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26. The Agreement of the People. 

27. The Instrument of Government.- 

28. Cromwell's First Speech to his Parliament. 

29. The Discovery of America, from the Life of Columbus 

BY his Son, Ferdinand Columbus. 

30. Strabo's Introduction to Geography. 

31. The Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the 


32. Marco Polo's Account of Japan and Java. 

2y Columbus's Letter to Gabriel Sanchez, describing the 
First Voyage and Discovery. 

34. Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his First Voyage. 

35. Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. 

36. The Death of De Soto, from the "Narrative of a 

Gentleman of Elvas." 

27- Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 

3S. Henry Lee's Funeral Oration on Washington. 

39. De Vaca's Account of his Journey to New Mexico. 

40. Manasseh Cutler's Description of Ohio. 

41. Washington's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 1770. 

42. Garfield's Address on the North-west Territory and 

the Western Reserve. 

43. George Rogers Clark's Account of the Capture of 


44. Jefferson's Life of Captain Meriwether Lewis. 

45. Fremont's Account of his Ascent of Fremont's Peak. 

46. Father Marquette at Chicago. 

47. Washington's Account of the Army at Cambridge. 

48. Bradford's Memoir of Elder Brewster. 

49. Bradford's First Dialogue. 

50. WiNTHROP's "Conclusions for the Plantation in New 


<©iti J^outli leaflets* 

General Series, No. 26. 

The Agreement 
of the People. 

[January 15, 1648-9.] 

An Agreement of the people of England^ and the places there- 
with incorporated, for a secure and present peace^ upon 
grounds of common right, freedoni and safety. 

Having, by our late labours and hazards, made it appear 
to the world at how high a rate we value our just freedom, 
and God having so far owned our cause as to deliver the 
enemies thereof into our hands, we do now hold ourselves 
bound, in mutual duty to each other, to take the best care 
we can for the future, to avoid both the danger of returning 
into a slavish condition and the chargeable remedy of another 
war : for as it cannot be imagined that so many of our coun- 
trymen would have opposed us in this quarrel if they had 
understood their own good, so may we hopefully promise to 
ourselves, that when our common rights and liberties shall 
be cleared, their endeavours will be disappointed that seek to 
make themselves our masters. Since therefore our former 
oppressions and not-yet-ended troubles, have been occasioned 
either by want of frequent national meetings in council, or by 
the undue or unequal constitution thereof, or by rendering 
those meetings ineffectual, we are fully agreed and resolved, 
God willing, to provide, that hereafter our Representatives be 
neither left to an uncertainty for times nor be unequally con- 
stituted, nor made useless to the ends for which they are 
intended. In order whereunto we declare and agree. 

First, that, to prevent the many inconveniences apparently 
arising from the long continuance of the same persons in 
supreme authority, this present Parliament end and dissolve 
upon, or before, the last day of April, 1649. 

Secondly, that the people of England (being at this day 
very unequally distributed by counties, cities, and boroughs, 
foi the election of their Representatives) be indifferently pro- 

portioned ; and, to this end, that the Representaliv^e of the 
whole nation shall consist of 400 persons, or not above ; 
and in each county, and the places thereto subjoined, there 
shall be chosen, to make up the said ReiDresentative at all 
times, the several numbers here mentioned, viz. : 

Kent, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are 
hereunder particularly named, 10 ; Canterbuiy,\i\\\\ the Suburbs adjoin- 
ing and Liberties thereof, 2 ; Rochester, with the Parishes of Chatham and 
Stroud, I ; The Cinque Forts in Kent and Sussex, viz. Dover, Romney, 
Hythe, Sandwich, Hastings, with the Towns of Rye and Winchelsea, 3. 

Sussex, with the J3oroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Chichester, 
8; Chichester, with the Suburbs and Liberties thereof, i. 

SouTHAMrTON CouNTV, witli the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 
except such as are liereunder named, 8 ; Winchester, with the Suburbs and 
Liberties thereof, i ; Southampton Town and the County thereof, 1. 

Dorsetshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Dor- 
chester, 7 ; Dorchester, I. 

Devonshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such 
as are hereunder particularly named, 12; Exeter, 2; Plymouth, 2; Barn- 
staple, I. 

Cornwall, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 8. 

Somersetshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except 
such as are hereunder named, 8; Bristol, 1; Tainton-Dean, i. 

Wiltshire, with the I^oroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, exce])t Salis- 
bury, 7 ; Salisbury, I. 

Berkshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Read- 
ing, 5; Beading, I. 

Surrey, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except South- 
wark, 5 ; Soiitlnvark, 2. 

Middlesex, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such 
as are hereunder named, 4; London, 8; Westminster and the Duchy, 2. 

Hertfordshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 6. 

Buckinghamshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 6. 

Oxfordshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such 
as are liereunder named, 4 ; Oxford Citv, 2 ; Oxford University, 2. 

Gloucestershire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except 
Gloucester, 7 ; Gloucester, 2. 

Herefordshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except 
Hereford, 4; Hereford, i. 

Worcestershire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, exce})t 
Worcester, 4; Worcester, 2. 

Warwickshire, with the ]]oroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, exce])t 
Coventry, 5; Coventry, 2. 

NoRTiiAMi'TONSHiRE, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 
except Northampton, 5; N'orthampton, i. 

Bedfordshire, with the l)oroughs, I'owns, and I'arishes therein, 4. 

Cami'.ridgeshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except 
such as are hereunder particularly named, 4 ; Cambridge University, 2 ; 
Cambridge Toivti, 2. 

Essex, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Colchester, 

II ; Colchester, 2. 
Suffolk, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as 
are hereafter named, lo; Ipstvich, 2; St. Edmund's Bury, i. 

Norfolk, with the Boroughs, Town^, and Parishes therein, except such as 
are hereunder named, 9; Narivich, 3; Lynn, i ; Yaymouth, i. 

Lincolnshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes tlierein, except the 
City of Lincohi and the Town of Boston, ir ; Lincoln, i ; Boston, i. 

Rutlandshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, i. 

Huntingdonshire, with the Boroughs, Towns and Parishes therein, 3. 

Leicestershire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and J^arishes therein, except 
Leicester, 5; I^cicester, i. 

Nottinohamshire, with the Boroughs, Tmvns, and Parishes therein, except 
Nottingham, 4 ; N'oftino/iatn, i. 

Derbyshire, witli the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Derby, 
5; Derby, i. 

Staffordshire, with the City of Lichfield, the Boroughs, Towns, and Par- 
ishes therein, 6. 

Shropshire, with the Boroughs. Towns, and Parishes therein, except Shrews- 
bury, 6; Shrewsbury, i. 

Cheshire, with tlie Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Chester, 
5 ; Chester, 2. 

Lancashire, wnth the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Man 
Chester, 6; Manchester and the Parish, I. 

"^^opkshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such 
B are hereafter named, 15 ; York City and the County thereof, 3; Kingston 
upon Hnll and the County thereof, i ; Leeds Tozvn and Parish, i . 

Durham County Palatine, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes 
therein, except Durham and Gateside, 3; Durham City, i. 

Northumberland, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except 
such as are hereunder named, 3 ; N'ewcastle iipon Tyne and the County 
thereof, with Gateside, 2 ; Berrvick, i . 

Cumberland, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes tlierein, 3. 

Westmoreland, with the Boroughs, Towns and Parishes therein, 2. 


Anglesea, with the Parishes therein 
Brecknock, with the Boroughs and Parishes therein 
Cardigan, with the Boroughs and Parishes therein 
Carmarthen, v\ith the Boroughs and Parishes therein 
Carnarvon, with the Boroughs and Parishes therein 
Denbigh, with the Boroughs and Parishes therein 
Flint, with the Boroughs. and Parishes therein 
Monmouth, with the Boroughs and Parishes therein 
Glamorgan, witli the Boroughs and Parishes therein 
Merioneth, wdth the Boroughs and Parishes therein 
Montgomery, with the Boroughs and Parishes therein 
Radnor, with the Boroughs and Parishes therein . 
Pembroke, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein 

Provided, that the first or second Representative may, if 
they see cause, assign the remainder of the 400 representers, 
not hereby assigned, or so many of them as they shall see 
cause for, unto such counties as shall appear in this present 
distribution to have less than their due proportion. Provided 
also, that where any city or borough, to which one representer 
or more is assigned, shall be found in a due proportion, not 

competent alone to elect a representer, or the number of rep- 
resenters assigned thereto, it is left to future Representatives 
to assign such a number of parishes or villages near adjoining 
to such city or borough, to be joined therewith in the elec- 
tions, or may make the same proportionable. 

Thirdly. That the people do, of course, choose themselves 
a Representative once in two years, and shall meet for that 
purpose upon the first Thursday in every second May, by 
eleven in the morning; and the Representatives so chosen 
to meet upon the second Thursday in the June following, 
at the usual place in Westminster, or such other place as, 
by the foregoing Representative, or the Council of State in 
the interval, shall be, from time to time, appointed and pub- 
lished to the people, at the least twenty days before the 
time of election : and to continue their sessions there, or 
elsewhere, until the second Thursday in December follow- 
ing, unless they shall adjourn or dissolve themselves sooner; 
but not to continue longer. The election of the first Rep- 
resentative to be on the first Thursday in May, 1649; and 
that, and all future elections, to be according to the rules 
prescribed for the same purpose in this Agreement, viz. 
I. That the electors in every division shall be natives or 
denizens of England; not persons receiving alms, but such 
as are assessed ordinarily towards the relief of the poor ; no 
servants to, and receiving wages from, any particular person ; 
and in all elections, except for the Universities, they shall 
be men of twenty-one years of age, or upwards, and house- 
keepers, dwelling within the division for which the election 
is : provided, that (until the end of seven years next ensuing 
the time herein limited for the end of this present Parlia- 
ment) no person shall be admitted to, or have any hand or 
voice in, such elections, who hath adhered unto or assisted 
the King against the Parliament in any of the late wars 
or insurrections ; or who shall make or join in, or abet, any 
forcible opposition against this Agreement. 2. That such 
persons, and such only, may be elected to be of the Rep- 
resentative, who, by the rule aforesaid, are to have voice 
in elections in one place or other. Provided, that of those 
none shall be eligible for the first or second Representa- 
tive, who have not voluntarily assisted the Parliament against 
the King, either in person before the 14th of June, 1645, 
or else in money, plate, horse, or arms, lent upon the Propo- 
sitions, before the end of May, 1643; ^^ ^^'^ joined 
in, or abbetted, the treasonable engagement in London, in 


1647 ; 0^ who declared or engaged themselves for a ces- 
sation of arms with the Scots that invaded this nation 
the last summer ; or for compliance with the actors in any 
insurrections of the same summer ; or with the Prince of 
Wales, or his accomplices, in the revolted fleet. Provided 
also, that such persons as, by the rules in the preceding 
Article, are not capable of electing until the end of seven 
years, shall not be capable to be elected until the end of 
fourteen years next ensuing. And we desire and recom- 
mend it to all men, that, in all times, the persons to be 
chosen for this great trust may be men of courage, fearing 
God and hating covetousness ; and that our Representatives 
would make the best provisions for that end. 3. That who- 
ever, by the rules in the two preceding Articles, are incapable 
of electing, or to be elected, shall presume to vote in, or 
be present at, such election for the first or second Repre- 
sentative ; or, being elected, shall presume to sit or vote 
in either of the said Representatives, shall incur the pain of 
confiscation of the moiety of his estate, to the use of the 
public, in case he have any visible estate to the value of 
;^5o, and if he has not such an estate, then shall incur the 
paui of imprisonment for three months. And if any person 
shall forcibly oppose, molest or hinder the people, capable 
of electing as aforesaid, in their quiet and free election of 
representers, for the first Representative, then each person 
so offending shall incur the penalty of confiscation of his 
whole estate, both real and personal; and, if he has not an 
estate to the value of ;!^5o, shall suffer imprisonment during 
one whole year without bail or mainprize. Provided, that 
the offender in each such case be convicted within three 
months next after the committing of his offence, and the first 
Representative is to make further provision for the avoid- 
ing of these evils in future elections. 4. That to the end all 
officers of state may be certainly accountable, and no fac- 
tion made to maintain corrupt interests, no member of a 
Council of State, nor any officer of any salary-forces in army 
or garrison, nor any treasurer or receiver of public money, 
shall, while such, be elected to be of a Representative : and 
in case any such election shall be, the same to be void. 
And in case any lawyer shall be chosen into any Represent- 
ative or Council of State, then he shall be incapable of 
practice as a lawyer during that trust. 5. For the more 
convenient election of Representatives, each county, wherein 
more than three representers are to be chosen, with the town 

corporate and cities, if there be any, lying within the com- 
pass thereof, to whicli no representers are herein assigned, 
shall be divided by a due proportion into so many, and 
such parts, as each part may elect two, and no part above 
three representers. For the setting forth of which divisions, 
and the ascertaining of other circumstances hereafter expressed, 
so as to make the elections less subject to confusion or 
mistake, in order to the next Representative, Thomas Lord 
Grey of Groby, Sir John Danvers, Sir Henry Holcroft, knights; 
Moses Wall, gentleman ; Samuel Moyer, John Langley, Wm. 
Hawkins, Abraham Babington, Daniel Taylor, Mark Hilsley, 
Rd. Price, and Col. John White, citizens of London, or any 
five or more of them, are intrusted to nominate and appoint, 
under their hands and seals, three or more fit persons 
in each county, and in each city and borough, to which 
one representer or more is assigned, to be as Commission- 
ers for the ends aforesaid, in the respective counties, cities 
and boroughs ; and, by like writing under their hands and 
seals, shall certify into the Parliament Records, before the 
nth of February next, the names of the Commissioners so 
appointed for the respective counties, cities and boroughs, 
which Commissioners, or any three or more of them, for 
the respective counties, cities and boroughs, shall before the 
end of February next, by writing under their hands and 
seals, appoint two fit and faithful persons, or more, in each 
hundred, lathe or wapentake, within the respective counties, 
and in each ward within the City of London, to take care for 
the orderly taking of all voluntary subscriptions to this Agree- 
ment, by fit persons to be employed for that purpose in every 
parish ; who are to return the subscription so taken to the 
persons that employed them, keeping a transcript thereof to 
themselves ; and those persons, keeping like transcripts, to 
return the original subscriptions to the respective Commis- 
sioners by whom they were appointed, at, or before, the 
14th day of April next, to be registered and kept in the 
chief court within the respective cities and boroughs. And 
the said Commissio.ners, or any three or more of them, for 
the several counties, cities and boroughs, respectively, shall, 
where more than three representers are to be chosen, divide 
such counties, as also the City of London, into so many, and 
such parts as are aforementioned, and shall set forth the 
bounds of such divisions ; and shall, in every county, city 
and borough, where any representers are to be chosen, and 
in every such division as aforesaid within the City of London, 

and within the several counties so divided, respectively, 
appoint one place certain wherein the people shall meet for 
the choice of the representers ; and some one fit person, 
or more, inhabiting within each borough, city, county or 
division, respectively, to be present at the time and place of 
election, in the nature of Sheriffs, to regulate the elections ; 
and by poll, or otherwise, clearly to distinguish and judge 
thereof, and to make return of the person or persons elected, 
as is hereafter expressed ; and shall likewise, in writing 
under their hands and seals, make certificates of the several 
divisions, with the bounds thereof, by them set forth, and 
of the certain places of meeting, and persons, in the nature 
of Sheriff, appointed in them respectively as aforesaid; and 
cause such certificates to be returned into the Parliament 
Records before the end of April next ; and before that time 
shall also cause the same to be published in every parish 
within the counties, cities and boroughs respectively ; and 
shall in every such parish likewise nominate and appoint, 
by warrant under their hands and seals, one trusty person, 
or more, inhabiting therein, to make a true list of all the 
persons within their respective parishes, who, according to 
the rules aforegoing, are to have voice in the elections; and 
expressing who amongst them are, by the same rules, capa- 
ble of being elected ; and such list, with the said warrant, 
to bring in and return, at the time and place of election, 
unto the person appointed in the nature of Sheriff, as afore- 
said, for that borough, city, county or division respectively; 
which person so appointed as Sheriff, being present at the 
time and place of election ; or, in case of his absence, by 
the space of one hour after the time limited for the peoples' 
meeting, then any person present that is eligible, as afore- 
said, whom the people then and there assembled shall choose 
for that end, shall receive and keep the said lists and admit 
the persons therein contained, or so many of them as are 
present, unto a free vote in the said election ; and, having 
first caused this Agreement to be publicly read in the audi- 
ence of the people, shall proceed unto, and regulate and keep 
peace and order in the elections ; and, by poll or otherwise, 
openly distinguish and judge of the same ; and thereof, by 
certificate or writing under the hands and seals of himself, and 
six or more of the electors, nominating the person or persons 
duly elected, shall make a true return into the Parliament 
Records within twenty-one days after the election, under pain 
for default thereof, or, for making any false return, to forfeit 


;^ioo to the public use ; and also cause indentures to be made, 
and unchangeably sealed and delivered, between himself and 
six or more of the said electors, on the one part, and the per- 
sons, or each person, elected severally, on the other part, ex- 
pressing their election of him as a representer of them accord- 
ing to this Agreement, and his acceptance of that trust, and 
his promise accordingly to perform the same with faithfuhiess, 
to the best of his understanding and ability, for the glory of 
God and good of the people. This course is to hold for the 
first Representative, which is to provide for the ascertaining of 
these circumstances in order to future Representatives. 

Fourthly. That 150 members at least be always presen,' 
in each sitting of the Representative, at the passing of any law 
or doing of any act whereby the people are to be bound ; sav- 
ing, that the number of sixty may make a House for debates 
or resolutions that are preparatory thereunto. 

Fifthly. That the Representative shall, within twenty days 
after their first meeting, appoint a Council of State for the 
managing of public affairs, until the tenth day after the meet- 
ing of the next Representative, unless that next Representative 
think fit to put an end to that trust sooner. And the same 
Council to act and 'proceed therein, according to such instruc- 
tions and limitations as the Representative shall give, and not 

Sixthly. That in each interval between biennial Repre- 
sentatives, the Council of State, in case of imminent danger or 
extreme necessity, may summon a Representative to be forth- 
with chosen, and to meet ; so as the Session thereof continue 
not above eighty days ; and so as it dissolve at least fifty days 
before the appointed time for the next biennial Representa- 
tive ; and upon the fiftieth day so preceding it shall dissolve 
of course, if not otherwise dissolved sooner. 

Seventhly. That no member of any Representative be 
made either receiver, treasurer, or other officer, during that 
employment, saving to be a member of the Council of State. 

Eighthly. That the Representatives have, and shall be 
understood to have, the supreme trust in order to the preserva- 
tion and government of the whole ; and that their power extend, 
without the consent or concurrence of any other person or 
persons, to the erecting and abolishing of Courts of Justice 
and public offices, and to the enacting, altering, repealing and 
declaring of laws, and the highest and final judgment, concern- 
ing all natural or civil things, but not concerning things spirit- 
ual or evangelical. Provided that, even in things natural and 

civil, these six particulars next following are, and shall be, 
understood to be excepted and reserved from our Representa- 
tives, viz. I. We do not empower them to impress or constrain 
any person to serve in foreign war, either by sea or land, nor 
for any military service within the kingdom ; save that they 
may take order for the forming, training, and exercising of the 
people in a military way, to be in readiness for resisting of 
foreign invasions, suppressing of sudden insurrections, or for 
assisting in execution of the laws ; and may take order for the 
employing and conducting of them for those ends; provided, 
that, even in such cases, none be compellable to go out of the 
county he lives in, if he procure another to serve in his room. 

2. That, after the time herein limited for the commencement 
of the first Representative, none of the people may be at any 
time questioned for anything said or done in relation to the 
late wars or public differences, otherwise than in execution 
or pursuance of the determinations of the present House of 
Commons, against such as have adhered to the King, or his 
interest, against the people ; and saving that accomptants for 
public moneys received, shall remain accountable for the same. 

3. That no securities given, or to be given, by the public faith 
of the nation, nor any engagements of the public faith for sat- 
isfaction of debts and damages, shall be made void or invalid 
by the next or any future Representatives ; except to such 
creditors as have, or shall have, justly forfeited the same : and 
saving, that the next Representative may confirm or make null, 
in part or in whole, all gifts of lands, moneys, offices, or other- 
wise, made by the present Parliament to any member or attend- 
ant of either House. 4. That, in any laws hereafter to be made, 
no person, by virtue of any tenure, grant, charter, patent, degree 
or birth, shall be privileged from subjection thereto, or from 
being bound thereby, as well as others. 5. That the Repre- 
sentative may not give judgment upon any man's person or 
estate, where no law hath before provided ; some only in call- 
ing to account and punishing public officers for abusing or 
failing in their trust. 6. That no Representative may in any 
wise render up, or give, or take away, any of the foundations of 
common right, liberty, and safety contained in this Agreement, 
nor level men's estates, destroy property, or make all things 
common ; and that, in all matters of such fundamental con- 
cernment, there shall be a liberty to particular members of 
the said Representatives to enter their dissents from the major 


Ninthly. Concerning religion, we agree as followeth : — 
I. It is intended that the Christian ReHgion be held forth and 
recommended as the public profession in this nation, which we 
desire may, by the grace of God, be reformed to the greatest 
purity in doctrine, worship and discipline, according to the 
Word of God; the instructing the people thereunto in a public 
way, so it be not compulsive ; as also the maintaining of able 
teachers for that end, and for the confutation or discovering of 
heresy, error, and whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine, 
is allowed to be provided for by our Representatives ; the 
maintenance of which teachers may be out of a public treas- 
ury, and, we desire, not by tithes : provided, that Popery or 
Prelacy be not held forth as the public way or profession in 
this nation. 2. That, to the public profession so held forth, 
none be compelled by penalties or otherwise ; but only may be 
endeavoured to be won by sound doctrine, and the example 
of a good conversation. 3. That such as profess faith in God 
by Jesus Christ, however differing in judgment from the doc- 
trine, worship or discipline publicly held forth, as aforesaid, 
shall not be restrained from, but shall be protected in, the 
profession of their faith and exercise of religion, according to 
their consciences, in any place except such as shall be set 
apart for the public worship ; where we provide not for them, 
unless they have leave, so as they abuse not this liberty to the 
civil injury of others, or to actual disturbance of the public 
peace on their parts. Nevertheless, it is not intended to be 
hereby provided, that this liberty shall necessarily extend to 
Popery or Prelacy. 4. That all laws, ordinances, statutes, and 
clauses in any law, statute, or ordinance to the contrary of the 
liberty herein provided for, in the two particulars next preced- 
ing concerning religion, be, and are hereby, repealed and made 

Tenthly. It is agreed, that whosoever shall, by force of 
arms, resist the orders of the next or any future Representative 
(except in case where such Representative shall evidently ren- 
der up, or give, or take away the foundations of common right, 
liberty, and safety, contained in this Agreement), he shall forth- 
with, after his or their such resistance, lose the benefit and pro- 
tection of the laws, and shall be punishable with death, as an 
enemy and traitor to the nation. Of the things expressed 
in this Agreement: the certain ending of this Parliament, as in 
the first Article ; the equal or proportionable distribution of the 
number of the representers to be elected, as in the second ; 
the certainty of the people's meeting to elect for Representa- 


tives biennial, and their freedom in elections ; with the cer- 
tainty of meeting, sitting and ending of Representatives so 
elected, which are provided for in the third Article ; as also 
the qualifications of persons to elect or be elected, as in the 
first and second particulars under the third Article ; also the 
certainty of a number for passing a law or preparatory debates, 
provided for in the fourth Article ; the matter of the fifth Arti- 
cle, concerning the Council of State, and of the sixth, concern- 
ing the calling, sitting and ending of Representatives extraor- 
dinary ; also the power of Representatives to be, as in the 
eighth Article, and limited, as in the six reserves next follow- 
ing the same: likewise the second and third Particulars under 
the ninth Article concerning religion, and the whole matter of 
the tenth Article ; all these we do account and declare to be 
fundamental to our common right, liberty, and safety : and 
therefore do both agree thereunto, and resolve to maintain the 
same, as God shall enable us. The rest of the matters in this 
Agreement we account to be useful and good for the public; 
and the particular circumstances of numbers, times, and places, 
expressed in die several Articles, we account not fundamental ; 
but we find them necessary to be here determined, for the 
making the Agreement certain and practicable, and do hold 
these most convenient that are here set dowai ; and therefore 
do positively agree thereunto. By the appointment of his Ex- 
cellency the Lord-General and his General Council of Officers. 

John Rushworth, Sec. 

The Agreement of the People was originally drawn up in October, 
1647. It is here printed with the subsequent modifications, as presented to 
the House of Commons on January 20. The petition which accompanied it 
(Old Pari. Hist, xviii. 516) was dated January 15, and that may therefore be 
taken as the date when the Agreement received the final approbation of the 
'■Council of the Officers. This document is of the highest importance in 
the study of the development of the idea of a written constitution in Eng- 
land. See, in connection, the Instrument of Government, Vane's " Healing 
Question," the Charter of Massachusetts Bay, and the Fundamental Orders 
of Connecticut — all published in this series of Old South Leaflets. See also 
article on "The Genesis of a Written Constitution," by William C. Morey, 
in the Annals of the American Academy of Political and'Social Science, April, 
1891. Gardiner's remarks upon the Agreement of the People are as 
follows : 

"On January 15, 1649, whilst the King's fate was still in suspense, the 
Council of the Army set forth a document known as the Agreement of 
the People. It was' a sketch of a written Constitution for a Republican 
Government based on the Heads of the Proposals [see this paper in Gar- 
diner's Constitutional Doctanents, page 232], omitting everything that had 
reference to the King. The Heads of the Proposals had contemplated the 
retention of the Royal authority in some shape or another, and had been. 


content to look for security to Acts of Parliament, because, though every 
Act was capable of bemg repealed, it could not be repealed without the con- 
sent both of the King and the Houses, and the Houses might be trusted to 
refuse their consent to the repeal of any Act which checked the despotism 
of the King; whilst the King could be trusted to refuse his consent to the 
repeal of any Act which checked the despotism of the Houses. With 
the disappearance of Royalty the situation was altered. The despotism of 
Parliament was the chief danger to be feared, and there was no possibility 
of averting this by Acts of the Parliament itself. Naturally, therefore, arose 
the idea of a written Constitution, which the Parliament itself would be 
incompetent to violate. According to the proposed scheme, the existing 
Parliament was to be dissolved on April 30, 1649. After this there was to 
be a biennial Parliament without a House of Lords, a redistribution of seats, 
and a rating franchise. For seven years all who had adhered to the King 
were to be deprived of their votes, and during the first and second Parlia- 
ments only those who had by contributions or by personal service assisted 
the Parliament, or who had refrained from abetting certain combinations 
against Parliament, were to be capable of being elected, whilst those who 
had actually supported the King in the war were to be excluded for fourteen 
years. Further, no official was to be elected. There was to be a Council 
for " managing public affairs." Further, six particulars were set down with 
which Parliament could not meddle, all laws made on those subjects having 
no binding force. 

As to religion, there was to be a public profession of the Christian reli- 
gion "reformed to the greatest purity of doctrine," and the clergy were to 
be maintained "out of a public treasury," but "not by tithes." This public 
religion was not to be " Popery or Prelacy." No one was to be compelled 
to conformity, but all religions which did not create disturbances were to 
be tolerated. It was not, however, to be understood " that this liberty shall 
necessarily extend to Popery or Prelacy," a clause, the meaning of which is 
not clear, but whxh was probably intended to leave the question open to 
Parliament to decide. The Article on Religion was, like the six reserved 
particulars, to be out of the power of Parliament to modify or repeal. 

The idea of reserving certain points from Parliamentary action was one 
which was subsequently adopted in the American Constitution, with this 
important difference, that the American Constitution left a way open by 
which any possible change could be effected by consulting the nation ; whilst 
the Agreement of the People provided no way in which any change in the 
reserved powers could be made at all. In short, the founders of the Amer- 
ican Constitution understood that it was useless to attempt to bind a nation 
in perpetuity, whilst the English Council of the Army either did not under- 
stand it, or distrusted the nation too far to make provision for what they 
knew must come in time. . . . 

That the execution of the King made the difficulties in the way of the 
establishment of a Republic greater than they had been, it is impossible to 
deny ; but the main difficulties would have existed even if the King had been 
deposed instead of executed. There are two foundations upon which gov- 
ernment must rest if it is to be secure, the traditional continuity which is 
derived from the force of habit, and the national support which is derived 
from the force of will. The Agreement of the People swept the first aside, 
9.nd only trusted the latter to a very limited extent." 

General Series, No. 27. 

The Instrument 
of Government. 

December 16, 1653. 

The government of the Commonwealth of England, Scot- 
land, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging. 

I. That the supreme legislative authority of the Common- 
wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the dominions 
thereunto belonging, shall be and reside in one person, and 
the people assembled in Parliament ; the style of which person 
shall be the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Engfland, 
Scotland, and Ireland. 

II. That the exercise of the chief magistracy and the 
administration of the government over the said countries and 
dominions, and the people thereof, shall be in the Lord Pro- 
tector, assisted with a council, the number whereof shall not 
exceed twentv-one, nor be less than thirteen. 

III. That all writs, processes, commissions, patents, grants, 
and other things, which now run in the name and style of the 
keepers of the liberty of England by authority of Parliament, 
shall run in the name and style of the Lord Protector, from 
whom, for the future, shall be derived all magistracy and hon- 
ours in these three nations ; and have the power of pardons 
(except in case of murders and treason) and benefit of all for- 
feitures for the public use ; and shall govern the said countries 
and dominions in all things by the advice of the council, and 
according to these presents and the laws. 

IV. That the Lord Protector, the Parliament sitting, shall 
dispose and order the militia and forces, both by sea and land, 
for the peace and good of the three nations, by consent of 
Parliament; and that the Lord Protector, with the advice and 
consent of the major part of the council, shall dispose and 
order the militia for the ends aforesaid in the intervals of 

V. That the Lord Protector, by the advice aforesaid, shall 
direct in all things concerning the keeping and holding of a 

good correspondency with foreign kings, princes, and states ; 
and also, with the consent of the major part of the council, 
have the power of war and peace. 

VI. That the laws shall not be altered, suspended, abro- 
gated, or repealed, nor any new law made, nor any tax, charge, 
or imposition laid upon the people, but by common consent in 
Parliament, save only as is expressed in the thirtieth article. 

VII. That there shall be a Parliament summoned to meet 
at Westminster upon the third day of September, 1654, and 
that successively a Parliament shall be summoned once in 
every third year, to be accounted from the dissolution of the 
present Parliament. 

VIII. That neither the Parliament to be next summoned, 
nor any successive Parliaments, shall, during the time of five 
months, to be accounted from the day of their first meeting, be 
adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved, without their own consent. 

IX. That as well the next as all other successive Parlia- 
ments, shall be summoned and elected in manner hereafter 
expressed ; that is to say, the persons to be chosen within 
England, Wales, the Isles of Jersey, Guernsey, and the town 
of Berwick-upon-Tweed, to sit and serve in Parliament, shall 
be, and not exceed, the number of four hundred. The persons 
to be chosen within Scotland, to sit and serve in Parliament, 
shall be, and not exceed, the number of thirty ; and the persons 
to be chosen to sit in Parliament for Ireland shall be, and not 
exceed, the number of thirty. 

X. That the persons to be elected to sit in Parliament 
from time to time, for the several counties of England, Wales, 
the Isles of Jersey and Guernsey, and the town of Berwick- 
upon-Tweed, and all places within the same respectively, 
shall be according to the proportions and numbers hereafter 
expressed : that is to say, 

Bedfordshire, 5; Bedford Town, i; Berkshire, 5; Abingdon, i; Read- 
ing, i ; Buckinghamshire, 5; Buckingham Town, i ; Aylesbury,:; Wy- 
comb, I ; Cambridgeshire, 4; Cambridge Town, i ; Cambridge University, i ; 
Isle of Ely, 2; Cheshire, 4; Chester,!; Cornwall, 8; Launceston, i ; Truro, 
i; Penryn, i; East Looe and West Looe, i; Cumberland, 2; Carlisle, i; 
Derbyshire, 4; Derby Town, i ; Devonshire, 11 ; Exeter, 2; Plymouth, 2 ; 
Clifton, Dartmouth, Hardness, i ; Totnes, i ; Barnstable, i ; Tiverton, i ; 
Honiton, i; Dorsetshire, 6; Dorchester, i; Weymouth and Melcomb- 
Regis, i; Lyme- Regis, i; Poole, i; Durham, 2; City of Durham, i; Es- 
sex, i3; Maiden, i; Colchester, 2; Gloucestershire, 5; Gloucester, 2; 
Tewkesbury, i; Cirencester, i; Herefordshire, 4; Hereford,!; Leomin- 
ster, i; HeVtfordshire, 5; St. Alban's, i; Hertford, !; Huntingdonshire, 3; 
Huntingdon, !; Kent, !!; Canterbury, 2; Rochester, i; Maidstone, i; 
Dover, i ; Sandwich, ! ; Queenborough, i ; Lancashire, 4 ; Preston, i ; 


Lancaster, l ; Liverpool, i ; Manchester, i ; Leicestershire, 4 ; Leicester, 2 ; 
Lincohishire, lo; Lincoln, 2; Boston, i; Grantham, i ; Stamford, i; Great 
Grirrksby, I ; Middlesex, 4 ; London, 6 ; Westminster, 2 ; Monmouthshire, 
3; Norfolk, 10; Norwich, 2; Lynn-Regis, 2; Great Yarmouth, 2 ; Northamp- 
tonshire, 6 ; Peterl^orough, I ; Northampton,:; Nottinghamshire, 4; Not- 
tingham, 2 ; Northumberland, 3 ; Newcastle-upon-Tyne, i ; Berwick, i ; 
Oxfordshire, 5; Oxford City, i; Oxford University, i; Woodstock, i; 
Rutlandshire, 2; Shropshire, 4; Shrewsbury, 2 ; Bridgnorth, i ; Ludlow, i ; 
Staffordshire, 3 ; Lichfield, i ; Stafford, i; Newcastle-under-Lyne, i; Som- 
ersetshire, II; Bristol, 2; Taunton, 2; Bath, i; Wells, i; Bridgwater, i; 
Southamptonshire, 8 ; Winchester, i ; Southampton, i ; Portsmouth, i ; 
Isle of Wight, 2; Andover, i; Suffolk, 10; Ipswich, 2; Bury St. Ed- 
munds, 2 ; Dunwich, I ; Sudbury, i ; Surrey, 6; Southwark, 2 ; Guildford, 
i; Reigate, i; Sussex, 9; Chichester, i; Lewes, i; East Grinstead, i 
Arundel, i ; Rye, i ; Westmoreland, 2 ; Warwickshire, 4 ; Coventry, 2 
Warwick, i; Wiltshire, 10; New Sarum, 2; Marlborough, i; Devizes, i 
Worcestershire, 5; Worcester, 2. 

Yorkshire. — West Riding, 6; East Riding, 4; North Riding, 4; City 
of York, 2; Kingston-upon-HuU, i ; Beverley, i ; Scarborough, i ; Richmond, 
I ; Leeds, i ; Halifax, i. 

Wales. — Anglesey, 2 ; Brecknockshire, 2 ; Cardiganshire, 2 ; Carmar- 
thenshire, 2 ; Carnarvonshire, 2 ; Denbighshire, 2; Plintshire, 2 ; Glamor- 
ganshire, 2 ; Cardiff,!; Merionethshire, i ; Montgomeryshire, 2 ; Pembroke- 
shire, 2 ; Haverfordwest,!; Radnorshire, 2. 

The distribution of the persons to be chosen for Scotland 
and Ireland, and the several counties, cities, and places therein, 
shall be according to such proportions and number as shall be 
agreed upon and declared by the Lord Protector and the major 
part of the council, before the sending forth writs of summons 
for the next Parliament. 

XL That the summons to Parliament shall be by writ 
under the Great Seal of England, directed to the sheriffs of the 
several and respective counties, with such alteration as may suit 
with the present government, to be made by the Lord Protector 
and his council, which the Chancellor, Keeper, or Commission- 
ers of the Great Seal shall seal, issue, and send abroad by war- 
rant from the Lord Protector. If the Lord Protector shall not 
give warrant for issuing of writs of summons for the next 
Parliament, before the first of June, 1654, or for the Triennial 
Parliaments, before the first day of August in every third year, 
to be accounted as aforesaid ; that then the Chancellor, Keeper, 
or Commissioners of the Great Seal for the time being, shall, 
without any warrant or direction, within seven days after the 
said first day of June, 1654, seal, issue, and send abroad writs 
of summons (changing therein what is to be changed as afore- 
said) to the several and respective sheriffs of England, Scot- 
land, and Ireland, for summoning the Parliament to meet at 
Westminster, the third day of September next ; and shall like- 

wise, within seven days after the said first day of August, in 
every third year, to be accounted from the dissolution of the 
precedent Parliament, seal, issue, and send forth abroad sev- 
eral writs of summons (changing therein what is to be changed) 
as aforesaid, for summoning the Parliament to meet at West- 
minster the sixth of November in that third year. That the 
said several and respective sheriffs, shall, within ten days 
after the receipt of such writ as aforesaid, cause the same to 
be proclaimed and published in every market-town within his 
county upon the market-days thereof, between twelve and 
three of the clock ; and shall then also publish and declare 
the certain day of the week and month, for choosing members 
to serve in Parliament for the body of the said county, accord- 
ing to the tenor of the said writ, which shall be upon Wednes- 
day five weeks after the date of the writ ; and shall likewise 
declare the place where the election shall be made : for 
which purpose he shall appoint the most convenient place 
for the whole county to meet in ; and shall send precepts for 
elections to be made in all and every city, town, borough, or 
place within his county, where elections are to be made by 
virtue of these presents, to the Mayor, Sheriff, or other head 
officer of such city, town, borough, or place, within three days 
after the receipt of such writ and writs ; which the said Mayors, 
Sheriffs, and officers respectively are to make publication of, 
and of the certain day for such elections to be made in the 
said city, town, or place aforesaid, and to cause elections to 
be made accordingly. 

XII. That at the day and place of elections, the Sheriff 
of each county, and the said Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, and other 
head officers within their cities, towns, boroughs, and places 
respectively, shall take view of the said elections, and shall 
make return into the chancery within twenty days after the 
said elections, of the persons elected by the greater number 
of electors, under their hands and seals, between him on the 
one part, and the electors on the other part; wherein shall 
be contained, that the persons elected shall not have power 
to alter the government as it is hereby settled in one single 
person and a Parliament. 

XIII. That the Sheriff, who shall wittingly and willingly 
make any false return, or neglect his duty, shall incur the pen- 
alty of 2000 marks of lawful English money; the one moiety 
to the Lord Protector, and the other moiety to such person as 
will sue for the same. 

XIV. That all and every person and persons, who have 


aided, advised, assisted, or abetted in any war against the Par- 
liament, since the first day of January 1641 (unless they have 
been since in the service of the Parliament, and given signal 
testimony of their good affection thereunto) shall be disabled 
and incapable to be elected, or to give any vote in the election 
of any members to serve in the next Parliament, or in the three 
succeeding Triennial Parliaments. 

XV. That all such, who have advised, assisted, or abetted 
the rebellion of Ireland, shall be disabled and incapable for 
ever to be elected, or give any vote in the election of any 
member to serve in Parliament ; as also all such who do or 
shall profess the Roman Catholic religion. 

XVI. That all votes and elections given or made con- 
trar}'', or not according to these qualifications, shall be null 
and void ; and if any person, who is hereby made incapable, 
shall give his vote for election of members to serve in Parlia- 
ment, such person shall lose and forfeit one full year's value 
of his real estate, and one full third part of his personal 
estate ; one moiety thereof to the Lord Protector, and the other 
moiety to him or them who shall sue for the same. 

XVII. That the persons who shall be elected to serve 
in Parliament, shall be such (and no other than such) as are 
persons of known integrity, fearing God, and of good conver- 
sation, and being of the age of twenty-one years. 

XVIII. That all and every person and persons seised 
or possessed to his own use, of any estate, real or personal, 
to the value of ^200, and not within the aforesaid exceptions, 
shall be capable to elect members to serve in Parliament for 

XIX. That the Chancellor, Keeper, or Commissioners of 
the Great Sea], shall be sworn before they enter into their 
offices, truly and faithfully to issue forth, and send abroad, 
writs of summons to Parliament, at the times and in the man- 
ner before expressed : and in case of neglect or failure to 
issue and send abroad writs accordingly, he or they shall for 
every such offence be guilty of high treason, and suffer the 
pains and penalties thereof. 

XX. That in case writs be not issued out, as is before 
expressed, but that there be a neglect therein, fifteen days 
after the time wherein the same ought to be issued out by 
the Chancellor, Keeper, or Commissioners of the Great Seal ; 
that then the Parliament shall, as often as such failure shall 
happen, assemble and be held at Westminster, in the usual 
place, at the times prefixed, in manner and by the means 


hereafter expressed ; that is to say, that the sheriffs of the 
several and respective counties, sheriffdoms, cities, boroughs, 
and places aforesaid, within England, Wales, Scotland, and 
Ireland, the Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the Univer- 
sities of Oxford and Cambridge, and the Mayor and Bailiffs 
of the borough of Berwick-upon-Tweed, and other places afore- 
said respectively, shall at the several courts and places to be 
appointed as aforesaid, within thirty days after the said fifteen 
days, cause such members to be chosen for their said several 
and respective counties, sheriffdoms, universities, cities, bor- 
oughs, and places aforesaid, by such persons, and in such man- 
ner, as if several and respective writs of summons to Parliament 
under the Great Seal had issued and been awarded according 
to the tenor aforesaid : that if the sheriff, or other persons 
authorized, shall neglect his or their duty herein, that all and 
every such sheriff and person authorized as aforesaid, so 
neglecting his or their duty, shall, for every such offence, 
be guilty of high treason, and shall suffer the pains and pen- 
alties thereof. 

XXI. That the clerk, called the clerk of the Common- 
wealth in Chancery for the time being, and all others, who 
shall afterwards execute that office, to whom the returns shall 
be made, shall for the next Parliament, and the two succeed- 
ing Triennial Parliaments, the next day after such return, cer- 
tify the names of the several persons so returned, and of the 
places for which he and they were chosen respectively, unto 
the Council ; who shall peruse the said returns, and examine 
whether the persons so elected and returned be such as is 
agreeable to the qualifications, and not disabled to be elected : 
and that every person and persons being so duly elected, and 
being approved of by the major part of the Council to be per- 
sons not disabled, but qualified as aforesaid, shall be esteemed 
a member of Parliament, and be admitted to sit in Parliament, 
and not otherwise. 

XXII. That the persons so chosen and assembled in 
manner aforesaid, or any sixty of them, shall be, and be deemed 
the Parliament of England, Scotland, and Ireland ; and the 
supreme legislative power to be and reside in the Lord Pro- 
tector and such Parliament, in manner herein expressed. 

XXIII. That the Lord Protector, with the advice of the 
major part of the Council, shall at any other time than is 
before expressed, when the necessities of the State shall 
require it, summon Parliaments in manner before expressed, 
which shall not be adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved without 

their own consent, during the first three months of their sit- 
ting. And in case of future war with any foreign State, a 
Parliament shall be forthwith summoned for their advice con- 
cerning the same. 

XXIV. That all Bills agreed unto by the Parliament, 
shall be presented to the Lord Protector for his consent; 
and in case he shall not give his consent thereto within 
twenty days after they shall be presented to him, or give sat- 
isfaction to the Parliament within the time limited, that then, 
upon declaration of the Parliament that the Lord Protector 
hath not consented nor given satisfaction, such Bills shall 
pass into and become laws, although he shall not give his 
consent thereunto ; provided such Bills contain nothing in 
them contrary to the matters contained in these presents. 

XXV. That Henry Lawrence, Esq., &c.,^ or any seven of 
them, shall be a Council for the purposes expressed in this 
writing; and upon the death or other removal of any of them, 
the Parliament shall nominate six persons of ability, integrity, 
and fearing God, for every one that is dead or removed ; out 
of which the major part of the Council shall elect two, and 
present them to the Lord Protector, of v/hich he shall elect 
one ; and in case the Parliament shall not nominate within 
twenty days after notice given unto them thereof, the major 
part of the Council shall nominate three as aforesaid to the 
Lord Protector, who out of them shall supply the vacancy; 
and until this choice be made, the remaining part of the 
Council shall execute as fully in all things, as if their number 
were full. And in case of corruption, or other miscarriage in 
any of the Council in their trust, the Parliament shall appoint 
seven of their number, and the Council six, who, together with 
the Lord Chancellor, Lord Keeper, or Commissioners of the 
Great Seal for the time being, shall have power to hear and 
determine such corruption and miscarriage, and to award and 
inflict punishment, as the nature of the offence shall deserve, 
which punishment shall not be pardoned or remitted by the 
Lord Protector ; and, in the interval of Parliaments, the major 
part of the Council, with the consent of the Lord Protector, 
may, for corruption or other miscarriage as aforesaid, suspend 
any of their number from the exercise of their trust, if they 
shall find it just, until the matter shall be heard and examined 
as aforesaid. 

XXVI. That the Lord Protector and the major part of the 

^ The names of fifteen members are given here. 

Council aforesaid may, at any time before the meeting of 
the next Parliament, add to the Council such persons as they 
shall think fit, provided the number of the Council be not 
made thereby to exceed twenty-one, and the quorum to be 
proportioned accordingly by the Lord Protector and the major 
part of the Council. 

XXVII. That a constant yearly revenue shall be raised, 
settled, and established for maintaining of 10,000 horse and 
dragoons, and 20,000 foot, in England, Scotland and Ireland, 
for the defence and security thereof, and also for a convenient 
number of ships for guarding of the seas; besides ;^2oo,ooo 
per annum for defraying the other necessary charges of admin- 
istration of justice, and other expenses of the Government, 
which revenue shall be raised by the customs, and such other 
ways and means as shall be agreed upon by the Lord Protector 
and the Council, and shall not be taken away or diminished, 
nor the way agreed upon for raising the same altered, but by 
the consent of the Lord Protector and the Parliament. 

XXVIII. That the said yearly revenue shall be paid 
into the public treasury, and shall be issued out for the uses 

XXIX. That in case there shall not be cause hereafter 
to keep up so great a defence both at land or sea, but 
that there be an abatement made thereof, the money which 
will be saved thereby shall remain in bank for the public 
service, and not be employed to any other use but by con- 
sent of Parliament, or, in the intervals of Parliament, by the 
Lord Protector and major part of the Council. 

XXX. That the raising of money for defraying the charge 
of the present extraordinary forces, both at sea and land, in 
respect of the present wars, shall be by consent of Parliament, 
and not otherwise : save only that the Lord Protector, with 
the consent of the major part of the Council, for preventing the 
disorders and dangers which might otherwise fall out both by 
sea and land, shall have power, until the meeting of the first 
Parliament, to raise money for the purposes aforesaid ; and 
also to make laws and ordinances for the peace and welfare 
of these nations where it shall be necessar}^, which shall be 
binding and in force, until order shall be taken in Parliament 
concerning the same. 

XXXI. That the lands, tenements, rents, royalties, juris- 
dictions and hereditaments which remain yet unsold or undis- 
posed of, by Act or Ordinance of Parliament, belonging to 
the Commonwealth (except the forests and chases, and the hon- 


ours and manors belonging to the same ; the lands of the 
rebels in Ireland, lying in the four counties of Dublin, Cork, 
Kildare, and Carlow ; the lands forfeited by the people of 
Scotland in the late wars, and also the lands of Papists and 
delinquents in England who have not yet compounded), shall 
be vested in the Lord Protector, to hold, to him and his suc- 
cessors, Lords Protectors of these nations, and shall not be 
alienated but by consent in Parliament. And all debts, fines, 
issues, amercements, penalties and profits, certain and casual, 
due to the Keepers of the liberties of England by authority 
of Parliament, shall be due to the Lord Protector, and be 
payable into his public receipt, and shall be recovered and 
prosecuted in his name. 

XXXII. That the office of Lord Protector over these 
nations shall be elective and not hereditary ; and upon the 
death of the Lord Protector, another fit person shall be forth- 
with elected to succeed him in the Government ; which election 
shall be by the Council, who, immediately upon the death of 
the Lord Protector, shall assemble in the Chamber where they 
usually sit in Council ; and, having given notice to all their 
members of the cause of their assembling, shall, being thirteen 
at least present, proceed to the election ; and, before they 
depart the said Chamber, shall elect a fit person to succeed 
in the Government, and forthwith cause proclamation thereof 
to be made in all the three nations as shall be requisite ; 
and the person that they, or the major part of them, shall 
elect as aforesaid, shall be, and shall be taken to be. Lord 
Protector over these nations of England, Scotland and Ireland, 
and the dominions thereto belonging. Provided that none of 
the children of the late King, nor any of his line or family, 
be- elected to be Lord Protector or other Chief Magistrate 
over these nations, or any the dominions thereto belonging. 
And until the aforesaid election be past, the Council shall 
take care of the Government, and administer in all things as 
fully as the Lord Protector, or the Lord Protector and Council 
are enabled to do. 

XXXIII. That Oliver Cromwell, Captain-General of the 
forces of England, Scotland and Ireland, shall be, and is hereby 
declared to be. Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Eng- 
land, Scotland and Ireland, and the dominions thereto belong- 
ing, for his life. 

XXXIV. That the Chancellor, Keeper or Commissioners 
of the Great Seal, the Treasurer, Admiral, Chief Governors of 
Ireland and Scotland, and the Chief Justices of both the 


Benches, shall be chosen by the approbation of Parliament; 
and, in the intervals of Parliament, by the approbation of the 
major part of the Council, to be afterwards approved by 
the Parliament. 

XXXV. That the Christian religion, as contained in the . 
Scriptures, be held forth and recommended as the public 
profession of these nations; and that, as soon as may be, a pro- 
vision, less subject to scruple and contention, and more certain 
than the present, be made for the encouragement and main- 
tenance of able and painful teachers, for the instructing the 
people, and for discovery and confutation of error, hereby, 
and whatever is contrary to sound doctrine ; and until such 
provision be made, the present maintenance shall not be taken 
away or impeached. 

XXXVI. That to the public profession held forth none 
shall be compelled by penalties or otherwise ; but that endea- 
vours be used to win them by sound doctrine and the example 
of a good conversation. 

XXXVII. That such as profess faith in God by Jesus 
Christ (though differing in judgment from the doctrine, wor- 
ship or discipline publicly held forth) shall not be restrained 
from, but shall be protected in, the profession of the faith and 
exercise of their religion; so as they abuse not this liberty 
to the civil injury of others and to the actual disturbance of 
the public peace on their parts : provided this liberty be not 
extended to Popery or Prelacy, nor to such as, under the pro- 
fession of Christ, hold forth and practice licentiousness. 

XXXVIII. That all laws, statutes and ordinances, and 
clauses in any law, statute or ordinance to the contrary of the 
aforesaid liberty, shall be esteemed as null and void. 

XXXIX. That the Acts and Ordinances of Parliament 
made for the sale or other disposition of the lands, rents and 
hereditaments of the late King, Queen, and Prince, of Arch- 
bishops and Bishops, &c.. Deans and Chapters, the lands of 
delinquents and forest-lands, or any of them, or of any other 
lands, tenements, rents and hereditaments belonging to the 
Commonwealth, shall nowise be impeached or made invalid, 
but shall remain good and firm; and that the securities given 
by Act and Ordinance of Parliament for any sum or sums of 
money, by any of the said lands, the excise, or any other pub- 
lic revenue ; and also the securities given by the public faith 
of the nation, and the engagement of the public faith for 
satisfaction of debts and damages, shall remain firm and good, 
and not be made void and invalid upon any pretence 


XL. That the Articles given to or made with the enemy, 
and afterwards confirmed by Parliament, shall be performed 
and made good to the persons concerned therein ; and that 
such appeals as were depending in the last Parliament for 
relief concerning bills of sale of delinquent's estates, may be 
heard and determined the next Parliament, any thing in this 
writing or otherwise to the contrary notwithstanding. 

XLI. That every successive Lord Protector over these 
nations shall take and subscribe a solemn oath, in the pres- 
ence of the Council, and such others as they shall call to them, 
that he will seek the peace, quiet and welfare of these nations, 
cause law and justice to be equally administered ; and that 
he will not violate or infringe the matters and things con- 
tained in this writing, and in all other things will, to his 
power and to the best of his understanding, govern these 
nations according to the laws, statutes and customs thereof. 

XLIL That each person of the Council shall, before 
they enter upon their trust, take and subscribe an oath, that 
they will be true and faithful in their trust, according to the 
best of their knowledge ; and that in the election of every 
successive Lord Protector they shall proceed therein impartially, 
and do nothing therein for any promise, fear, favour or reward. 

The Instrument of Government was a constitution adopted by Cromwell and his Coun- 
cil of Officers when, the Little Parliament dissolved itself in December, 1653, surrendering 
authority to Cromwell as Lord Protector. It is therefore to be regarded as the constitutional 
basis or definition of the Protectorate ; and under it the reformed Parliament met in Septem- 
ber, 1654. This assembly proceeded to settle the government on a Parliamentary basis, tak- 
ing the "Instrument" as the groundwork of the new constitution, and carrying it clause by 
clause. The Instrument of Government holds therefore not only an important place in Eng- 
lish political history, but in the general history of the development of the idea of a written 
constitution. The chief points in which the Parliamentary constitutional scheme differed from 
the Instrument of Government may be best seen as given in tabulated form by Gardiner. 
Co>istitutio7ial Docntnejtts of the Ptiritan Revolution, Introduction, Ix. Gardiner's comments 
upon the Instrument of Government itself are as follows : 

"The Instrument of Government was intended to suit a Constitutional Government 
carried on by a Protector and a single House. The Protector therefore stepped into the 
place of the King, and there were therefore clauses inserted to define and check the power of 
the Protector, which may fitly be compared with those of the Heads of the Proposals. The 
main difference lay in this, that the Heads of the Proposals were intended to check a King 
who, at least for some time to come, was to be regarded as hostile to the Parliament, whereas 
the Instrument of Government was drawn up with the sanction of the Protector, and there- 
fore took it for granted that the Protector was not to be guarded against as a possible enemy. 
His power however was to be limited first by his Council of State, and secondly by Parliament. 

Parliament was to be elected and to meet, not as according to the Agreement of the 
People [see Old South Leaflets, No. 26], once in two, but once in three years (§ 7), and to 
remain in session at least five months (§ 8). It was to be elected in accordance with a scheme 
for the redistribution of seats based on that set forth in the Agreement of the People (§ 10), 
the Protector and Council having leave to establish constituencies in Scotland and Ireland, 
which were now to send members to the Parliament of Westminster. It was the first attempt 
at a Parliamentary union between the three countries carried out at a time when such a union 
was only possible because two of the countries had been conquered by one. Instead of the 
old freehold franchise, or of the rating franchise of the Agreement of the People, there was 
the franchise in the counties to be given to the possessors of real or personal estate to the 
value of ;^2oo (§ 18). As nothing was said about the boroughs, the right of election would 
remain in those who had it under the Monarchy, that is to say, it would vary according to the 


custom of each borough. In those boroughs in which the corporations elected, the feeling by 
this time wculd be likely to be anti-Royalist. The disqualification clauses were less stringently 
drawn than in the Ageement of the People, but all wlio had abetted the King in the war were 
to be deprived of their votes at the first election and of the right of sitting in the first four 
Parliaments (§ 14). Those who liad abetted the Rebellion in Ireland, or were Roman Catho- 
lics, were permanently disqualified from sitting or voting. . . . 

The clauses relating to the power of Parliament in matters of finance seem to have been 
modelled on the old notion that 'the King was to live of his own ' in ordinary times. A con- 
stant yearly revenue was to be raised for supporting an army of 30,000 men — now regarded 
as a permanent cliarge — and for a fleet sufficient to guard the seas as well as ;^2oo,ooo for the 
domestic administration. The total amount, and the sources of the necessary taxation, were 
to be settled by tlie Protector and Council ; Parliament having no right to diminish it without 
the consent of the Protector (§ 27). With respect to war expenses, they were to be met by 
votes of Parliament, except that in the intervals of Parliament the Protector and Council 
might raise money to meet sudden emergencies from war till the Parliament could meet (§ 30), 
which the Protector and Council were bound to summon for an extraordinary session in such 
an emergency (§ 23). . . . 

The functions of the Council were of considerable importance. In all important mat- 
ters the Protector had to act by its advice, and when Parliament was not in session it was to 
join him in passing Ordinances which were to be obeyed until in the next session Parliament 
either confirmed them or disallowed them (§ 30). On the death of the Protector it was the 
Council which was to elect his successor (§ 32). . . . 

The Instrument of Government suffered not only under the vice of ignoring the prob- 
able necessity of its amendment in the future, but also under the vice of having no support 
either in traditional loyalty nor in national sanction. If, however, we pass over these all- 
important faults, and discuss it from the purely constitutional point of view, it is impossible 
not to be struck with the ability of its framers, even if we pronounce their work to be not 
entirely satisfactory. It bears the stamp of an intention to steer a middle course between the 
despotism of a 'single person' and the despotism of a 'single House.' Parliament had 
supreme rights of legislation, and the Protector was not only sworn to administer the law, but 
every illegal act would come before the courts of law for condemnation. Parliament, too, had 
the right of disapproving the nominations to the principal ministerial offices, and of voting 
money for conducting operations in time of war. Where it fell short of the powers of mod- 
ern Parliaments was in its inability to control administrative acts, and in its powerlessness to 
refuse supplies for the carrying on of the government in time of peace. A modern Parlia- 
ment can exercise these powers with safety, because if it uses them foolishly a government 
can dissolve it and appeal to the nation, whereas Cromwell, who was but the head of a party 
in the minority, and whose real strength rested on the army, did not venture to appeal to the 
nation at large, or even to appeal too frequently to the constituencies who were to elect his 

The real constitutional safeguard was intended to be in the Council of State. Ulti- 
mately, after the death of the Councillors named in the Instrument, the Council of State 
would indirectly represent the Parliament, as no one would have a place on it whose name 
had not been one of six presented by Parliament. In the Council of State, the Protector 
would be in much the same position as a modern Prime Minister in his Cabinet, except that 
each member of the Council held his position for life, wliereas a modern Prime Minister can 
obtain the resignation of any member of the Cabinet with whom he is in strong disagreement. 
On the other hand, the greater part of the members of a modern Cabinet are heads of execu- 
tive departments, and thus have a certain independent position of their own. In some 
respects indeed, the relations between the Protector and the Council were more like those 
between an American President and the Senate in executive session, than those between an 
English Prime Minister and the Cabinet. The members of the American Senate are entirely 
independent of the President, as the members of the Council of the Protectorate were en- 
tirely independent of the Protector when once they had been chosen. On the other hand, the 
two bodies differed in a most important particular. The tendency of tlie American Senate, 
which is never officially brought into personal contact with the President, is to be antagonistic 
to the President. The tendency of the Council of State, which was in daily contact with the 
Protector, was to work with him instead of against him. It was not, Iiowever, in consequence 
of its merits or demerits as a constitutional settlement tliat the Instrument of Government 
failed. It broke down because the first Parliament summoned under it refused to acknowl- 
edge its binding force, and claimed to be a constituent as well as a legislative body." 

General Series, No. 28. 

First Speech 


July 4, 1653. 

Gentlemen : 

I suppose the Summons that hath been instrumental to 
bring you hither gives you well to understand the occasion of 
your being here. Howbeit, I have something farther to impart 
to you, which is an Instrument drawn-up by the consent and 
advice of the principal Officers of the Army ; which is a little 
(as we conceive) more significant than the Letter of the Sum- 
mons. We have that here to tender you; and somewhat like- 
wise to say farther for our own exoneration :^ which we hope 
may be somewhat farther for your satisfaction. And withal 
seeing you sit here somewhat uneasily by reason of the scant- 
ness of the room and heat of the weather, I shall contract my- 
self with respect thereunto. 

We have not thought it amiss a little to remind you of that 
Series of Providences wherein the Lord hath appeared, dispen- 
sing wonderful things to these Nations from the beginning of 
our Troubles to this very day. 

If I should look much backward, we might remind you of 
the state of affairs as they were before the Short, that is the 
last, Parliament, — in what posture the things of this Nation 
then stood : but they do so well, I presume, occur to all your 
memories and knowledge, that I shall not need to look so far 
backward. Nor yet to those hostile occasions which arose 
between the King that was and the Parliament^ that then fol- 
lowed. And indeed, should I begin much later, the things that 
would fall very necessarily before you, would rather be for a 
History than for a verbal Discourse at this present. 

* "Exoneration " does not here mean " excuse," but mere laying-down 
of office with due form. 

"^ The Long Parliament. 

But thus far we may look back. You very well know, it 
pleased God, much about the midst of this War, to win now 
(if I may so say) the Forces of this Nation ;^ and to put them 
into the hands of other men of other principles than those that 
did engage at the first. By what ways and means that was 
brought about, would ask more time than is allotted me to mind 
you of it. Indeed, there are Stories that do recite those Trans- 
actions, and give you narratives of matters of fact : but those 
things wherein the life and power of them lay ; those strange 
windings and turnings of Providence ; those very great appear- 
ances of God, in crossing and thwarting the purposes of men, 
that He might raise up a poor and contemptible company of 
men,^ neither versed in military affairs, nor having much natu- 
ral propensity to them, " into wonderful success — !" Simply 
by their owning a Principle of Godliness and Religion ; which 
so soon as // came to be owned, and the state of affairs put 
upon the foot of that account,^ how God blessed them, further- 
ing all undertakings, yet using the most improbable and the 
most contemptible and despicable means (for that we shall 
ever own) : is very well known to you. 

What the several Successes and Issues have been, is not fit 
to mention at this time neither; — though I confess I thought to 
have enlarged myself upon that subject; forasmuch as Consid- 
ering the works of God, and the operations of His hands, is 
a principal part of our duty; and a great encouragement to the 
strengthening of our hands and of our faith, for that which is 
behind.'* And among other ends which those marvellous Dis- 
pensations have been given us for, that's a principal end, which 
ought to be minded by us. 

"Certainly" in this revolution of affairs, as the issue of 
those Successes which God was pleased to give to the Army, 
and "to " the Authority that then stood, there were very great 
things brought about ; — besides those dints that came upon 
the Nations^ and places where the War itself was, very great 
things in Civil matters too. "As first," the bringing of Offend- 
ers to justice, — and the Greatest of them. Bringing of the 
State of this Government to the name (at least) of a Common- 
wealth. Searching and sifting of all persons and places. The 
King removed, and brought to justice ; and many great ones 
with him. The House of Peers laid aside. The House of 
Commons itself, the representative of the People of England, 

^ Self-denying Ordinance; beginning of 1645. ^ Fairfax's Army. 

3 Upon that footing. ^ Still to come. ^ England, Ireland, Scotland. 

winnowed, sifted, and brought to a handful ; as you very well 

And truly God would not rest there : — for, by the way, 
although it's fit for us to ascribe^ our failings and miscarriages 
to ourselves, -yet the gloriousness of the work may well be 
attributed to God Himself, and may be called His strange 
work. You remember well that at the Change of the Govern- 
ment there was not an end of our Troubles, — although in that 
year were such high things transacted as indeed made it to be 
the most memorable year (I mean the Year 1648) that this 
Nation ever saw. So many Insurrections,^ Invasions, secret 
Designs, open and public Attempts, all quashed in so short 
a time, and this by the very signal appearance of God Himself; 
which, I hope, we shall never forget! — You know also, as I 
said before, that, as the first effect of that memorable year of 
1648 was to lay a foundation, by bringing Offenders to Punish- 
ment, so it brought us likewise to the Change of Government : 
— although it were worth the time "perhaps, if one had time," 
to speak of the carriage of some in places of trust, in most emi- 
nent places of trust, which was such as (had not God miracu- 
lously appeared) would have frustrated us of the hopes of all 
our undertakings. I mean by the closure of the Treaty that 
was endeavoured with the King ;^ whereby they would have 
put into his hands all that we had engaged for, and all our 
security should have been a little piece of Paper ! That thing 
going off, you very well know how it kept this Nation still in 
broils by sea and land. And yet what God wrought in Ireland 
and Scotland you likewise know ; until He had finished these 
Troubles upon the matter, "* by His marvellous salvation wrought 
at Worcester. 

I confess to you, that I am very much troubled in my own 
spirit that the necessity of affairs requires I should be so short 
in those things : because, as I told you, this is the leanest part 
of the Transactions, this mere historical Narrative of them ; 
there being in every particular; in the King's first going from 
the Parliament, in the pulling-down of the Bishops, the House 
of Peers, in every step towards that Change of the Govern- 
ment, — I say there is not any one of these things, thus re- 

* "Intitle" in orig. 

^ Kent, St. Neot's, Colchester, Welsh Poyer at Pembroke, Scotch Ham- 
ilton at Preston, &c. &c. 

^ Treaty of the Isle of Wight, again and again endeavoured. 

* Means " so to speak ; " a common phrase of those times ; a perpetual 
one with Clarendon, for instance. 

moved and reformed, but hath an evident print of Providence 
set upon it, so that he who runs may read it. I am sorry I 
have not an opportunity to be more particular on these points, 
which I principally designed, this day ; thereby to stir-up your 
hearts and mine to gratitude and confidence. 

I shall now begin a little to remind you of the passages 
that have been transacted since Worcester. Coming from 
whence, with the rest of my fellow Officers and Soldiers, we 
did expect, and had some reasonable confidence our expecta- 
tions would not be frustrated, That, having such an history to 
look back unto, such a God, so eminently visible, even our 
enemies confessing that " God Himself was certainly engaged 
against them, else they should never have been disappointed 
in every engagement,'* — and that may be used by the way, 
That if we had but miscarried in the least, '^ all our former mer- 
cies were in danger to be lost : — I say, coming up then, we had 
some confidence That the mercies God had shown, and the 
expectations which were upon our hearts, and upon the hearts 
of all good men, would have prompted those who were in 
Authority to do those good things which might, by honest men, 
have been judged fit for such a God, and worthy of such mer- 
cies ; and indeed been a discharge of duty from those to whom 
all these mercies had been shown, for the true interest of this 
Nation! — If I should now labour to be particular in enumer- 
ating how businesses have been transacted from that time to 
the Dissolution of the late Parliament, indeed I should be 
upon a theme which would be troublesome to myself. For I 
think I may say for myself and my fellow Officers, That we 
have rather desired and studied Healing and Looking-forward 
than to rake into sores and to look backward, — to give things 
forth in those colours that would not be very pleasing to any 
good eye to look upon. Only this we shall say for our own 
vindication, as pointing out the ground for that unavoidable 
necessity, nay even that duty that was incumbent upon us, to 
make this last great Change. — I think it will not be amiss to 
offer a word or two to that. As I said before, we are loath 
to rake into businesses, were there not a necessity so to do. 

Indeed, we may say that, ever since the coming-up of my- 
self and those Gentlemen who have been engaged in the mili- 
tary part, it hath been full in our hearts and thoughts. To desire 
and use all the fair and lawful means we could to have the 
Nation reap the fruit of all the blood and treasure that had 

' Lost one battle of these many. 


been spent in this Cause : and we have had many desires, and 
thirstings in our spirits, to find out ways and means wherein 
we might be anywise instrumental to help it forward. We were 
very tender, for a long time, so much as to petition. For some 
of the Officers being Members ; and others having very good 
acquaintance with, and some relations to, divers Members of 
Parliament, — we did, from time to time, solicit such ; thinking 
if there had been nobody to prompt them, nor call upon them, 
these things might have been attended to, from ingenuity^ and 
integrity in those that had it in their power to answer such 

Truly, when we saw nothing would be done, we did, as 
we thought according to our duty, a little, to remind them by 
a Petition ; which I suppose you have seen : it was delivered, 
as I remember, in August last. What effect that had, is like- 
wise very well known. The truth is, we had no return at all 
for our satisfaction, — a few words given us; the things pre- 
sented by us, or the most of them, we were told " were under 
consideration : " and those not presented by us had very little 
or no consideration at all. Finding the People dissatisfied in 
every corner of the Nation, and " all men " laying at our doors 
the non-performance of these things, which had been promised, 
and were of duty to be performed, — truly we did then think 
ourselves concerned, if we would (as becomes honest men) 
keep-up the reputation of honest men in the world. And 
therefore we, divers times, endeavoured to obtain meetings 
with divers Members of Parliament ; — and we did not begin 
those till about October last. And in these meetings we did, 
with all faithfulness and sincerity, beseech them that they 
would be mindful of their duty to God and men, in the dis- 
charge of the trust reposed in them. I believe (as there are 
many gentlemen here know), we had at least ten or twelve 
meetings ; most humbly begging and beseeching of them. That 
by their own means they would bring forth those good things 
which had been promised and expected; that so it might appear 
they did not do them by any suggestion from the Army, but 
from their own ingenuity : so tender were we to preserve them 
in the reputation of the People. Having had very many of 
those meetings ; and declaring plainly that the issue would be 
the displeasure and judgment of God, the dissatisfaction of the 
People, the putting of " all " things into a confusion : yet how 
little we prevailed, we very well know, and we believe it's not 
unknown to you. 

^ Ingenuousness, 

At last, when indeed we saw that things would not be laid 
to heart, we had a very serious consideration among ourselves 
what other ways to have recourse unto ; and when we grew to 
more closer considerations, then they " the Parliament men " 
began to take the Act for a Representative^ to heart, and seemed 
exceeding willing to put it on. And had it been done with in- 
tegrity, there could nothing have happened more welcome to 
our judgments than that. But plainly the intention was, Not 
to give the People a right of choice ; it would have been but 
a seeming right: that "semblance" of giving them a choice was 
only to recruit the House, the better to perpetuate themselves. 
And truly, having been, divers of us, spoken unto to give way 
hereunto, to which we made perpetual aversions, indeed abomi- 
nating the thoughts of it, — we declared our judgments against 
it, and our dissatisfaction with it. And yet they that would not 
hear of a Representative formerly, when it lay three years be- 
fore them, without proceeding one line, or making any consid- 
erable progress, — I say, those that would not hear of this Bill 
formerly, did now, when they saw us falling into more closer 
considerations, make, instead of protracting their Bill, as much 
preposterous haste with it on the other side, and run into that 
" opposite " extremity. 

Finding that this spirit was not according to God ; and 
that the whole weight of this Cause, — which must needs be 
very dear unto us who had so often adventured our lives for it, 
and we believe it was so to you, — did hang upon the business 
now in hand; and seeing plainly that there was not here any 
consideration to assert this Cause, or provide security for //, but 
only to cross the troublesome people of the Army, who by this 
time were high enough in their displeasures : Truly, I say, when 
we saw all this, having power in our hands, " we could not re- 
solve" to let such monstrous proceedings go on, and so to throw 
away all our liberties into the hands of those whom we had 
fought against ; we came, first, to this conclusion among our- 
selves, That if we had been fought out of our liberties and 
rights, Necessity would have taught us patience ; but that to 
deliver them "sluggishly" up would render us the basest persons 
in the world, and worthy to be accounted haters of God and of 
His People. When it pleased God to lay this close to our 
hearts ; and indeed to show us that the interest of His People 
was grown cheap, " that it was " not at all laid to heart, but that if 
things came to real competition. His Cause, even among them- 

^ For a New Parliament and Method of Election, 

selves, would also in every point go to the ground : indeed, this 
did add more considerations to us. That there was a duty incum- 
bent upon us, " even upon us." And, — I speak here in the 
presence of some that were at the closure of our consultations, 
and as before the Lord, — the thinking of an act of violence 
was to us worse than any battle that ever we were in, or that 
could be, to the utmost hazard of our lives : so willing were 
we, even very tender and desirous, if possible, that these men 
might quit their places with honour. 

I am the longer upon this ; because it hath been in our 
own hearts and consciences, justifying us, and hath never been 
yet thoroughly imparted to any ; and we had rather begin with 
you than have done it before ; — and do think indeed that this 
Transaction is more proper for a verbal communication than 
to have it put into writing. I doubt, he whose pen is most 
gentle in England would, in recording that, have been tempted, 
whether he would or no, to dip it deep in anger and wrath. 
But affairs being at this posture ; we seeing plainly, even in 
some critical cases, that the Cause of the People of God was 
a despised thing; — truly we did believe then that the hands of 
other men "than these" must be the hands to be used for the 
work. And we thought then, it was very high time to look 
about us, and to be sensible of our duty. 

If, I say, I should take-up your time to tell you what in- 
stances we have to satisfy our judgments and consciences. That 
these are not vain imaginations, nor things fictitious, but which 
fell within the compass of our own certain knowledge, it would 
bring me, I say, to what I would avoid, to rake-into these things 
too much. Only this. If anybody was in competition for any 
place of real and signal trust, " if any really public interest was 
at stake in that Parliament," how hard and difficult a matter 
was it to get anything carried without making parties, — with- 
out practices indeed unworthy of a Parliament ! When things 
must be carried so in a Supreme Authority, indeed I think it is 
not as it ought to be, to say no worse ! — Then, when we came 
to other trials, as in that case of Wales, " of establishing a 
Preaching Ministry in Wales," which, I must confess for my 
own part, I set myself upon, — if I should relate what discoun- 
tenance that business of the poor People of God there had 
(who had men^ watching over them like so many wolves, ready 
to catch the lambs so soon as they were brought forth into the 
world) ; how signally that Business was trodden under foot " in 
Parliament," to the discountenancing of the Honest People, 

^ Clergymen so-called. 


and the countenancing of the Malignant Party, of this Com- 
monwealth — ! I need but say it was so. For many of you 
know, and by sad experience have felt it to be so. And some- 
body I hope will, at leisure, better impart to you the state of 
that Business " of Wales ; " which really, to myself and Officers, 
was as plain a trial of their spirits, " the Parliament's spirits," 
as anything, — it being known to many of us that God had 
kindled a seed there,^ indeed hardly to be paralleled since the 
Primitive time. — 

I would these had been all the instances v/e had ! Find- 
ing, "however," which way the spirits of men went, finding that 
good was never intended to the People of God, — I mean, 
when I say the People of God, I mean the large comprehen- 
sion of them, under the several Forms of Godliness in this 
Nation; — finding, I say, that all tenderness was forgotten to 
the Good People (though it was by their hands and their means, 
under the blessing of God, that those sat where they did), — we 
thought this very bad requital ! I will not say, they were come 
to an utter inability of working Reformation, — though I might 
say so in regard to one thing : the Reformation of the Law, so 
much groaned under in the posture it now is in. That was 
a thing we had many good words spoken for ; but we know that 
many months together were not enough for the settling of one 
word, "Incumbrances," — I say, finding that this was the spirit 
and complexion of men, — although these were faults for which 
no man should lift-up his hand against the Superior Magistrate ; 
not simply for these faults and failings, — yet when we saw that 
this " New Representative of theirs " was meant to perpetuate 
men of such spirits ; nay when we had it from their own 
mouths, That they could not endure to hear of the Dissolution 
of this Parliament : we thought this an high breach of trust. 
If they had been a Parliament never violence was upon,^ sit- 
ting as free and clear as any in former ages, it was thought, 
this, to be a breach of trust, such as a greater could not be. 

And that we might not be in doubt about these matters ; 
having had that Conference among ourselves which I gave you 
an account of, we did desire one more, — and indeed it was the 
night before the Dissolution ; it had been desired two or three 
nights before : we did desire that we might speak with some of 
the principal persons of the House. That we might with inge- 

^ ** Kindle " = /^//«^<f/;z (German), meaning "give birth to," "create." 
Occurs in Shakspeare. 

^ Had no Pride's Purge, Apprentice-riot, or the like, ever come upon 

Tiuity open our hearts to them ; that we might either be con- 
vinced of the certainty of their intentions ; or else that they 
would be pleased to hear our expedients to prevent these incon- 
veniences. And indeed we could not attain our desire till the 
night before the Dissolution. There is a touch of this in our 
Declaration.^ As I said before, at that time we had often 
desired it, and at that time we obtained it : where about Twenty 
of them were, none of the least in consideration for their inter- 
est and ability ; with whom we desired some discourse upon 
these things ; and had it. And it pleased these Gentlemen, 
who are here, the Officers of the Army, to desire me to offer 
their sense for them, which I did, and it was shortly thus : We 
told them " the reason of our desire to wait upon them now 
was, that we might know from them. What security lay in their 
manner of proceeding, so hastened, for a New Representative; 
wherein they had made a few qualifications, such as they were : 
and How the whole business would, 'in actual practice,' be 
executed : Of which we had as yet no account ; and yet we 
had our interest, our lives, estates and families therein con- 
cerned; and, we thought likewise, the Honest People had 
interest in us : ' How all this was to be .'' ' That so, if it did 
seem they meant to appear in such honest and just ways as 
might be security to the Honest Interest, we might therein 
acquiesce : or else that they would hear what we had to offer." 
Indeed, when this desire was made, the answer was, "That 
oothing would do good for this Nation but the continuance 
lof this Parliament ! " We wondered we should have such a 
return. We said little to that : but, seeing they would not give 
ius satisfaction that their ways were honourable and just, we 
craved their leave to make our objections. We then told them, 
That the way they were going in would be impracticable. 
''That" we could not tell how to send out an Act with such 
qualifications as to be a rule for electing and for being elected, 
Until we first knew who the persons were that should be ad- 
mitted to elect. And above all, Whether any of the qualifica- 
tions reached " so far as to include " the Presbyterian Party.^ 
And we were bold to tell them, That none of that judgment 
who had deserted this Cause and Interest^ should have any 
power therein. We did think we should profess it, That we 
had as good deliver up our Cause into the hands of any as into 
the hands of those who had deserted us, or who were as neu- 

^ Of April 22d. 2 " Presbytery " in orig. 

? jRojalists, Hamilton-Invasion Presbyterians. 


ters ! For it's one thing to love a brother, to bear with and 
love a person of different judgment in matters of religion ; 
and another thing to have anybody so far set in the saddle on 
that account, as to have all the rest of his brethren at mercy. 

Truly, Gentlemen, having this discourse concerning the 
impracticableness of the thing, the bringing-in of neuters, and 
such as had deserted this Cause, whom we very well knew ; 
objecting likewise how dangerous it would be by drawing con- 
courses of people in the several Counties (every person that 
was within the qualification or without) ; and how did it fall 
obvious tp us that the power would come into the hands of men 
who had very little affection to this Cause : the answer again 
was made, and that by very eminent persons, "That nothing 
would save the Nation but the continuance of this Parliament." 
This being so, we humbly proposed, — since neither our coun- 
sels, our objections to their way of proceeding, nor their 
answers to justify that, did give us satisfaction ; nor did we 
think they ever intended to give us any, which indeed some 
of them have since declared "to be the fact," — we proposed to 
them, I say, our expedient ; which was indeed this : That the 
Government of the Nation being in such a condition as we saw, 
and things "being" under so much ill sense abroad, and likely 
to end in confusion " if we so proceeded," — we desired they 
would devolve the trust over to some Well-affected Men, such 
as had an interest in the Nation, and were known to be of good 
affection to the Commonwealth. Which, we told them, was no 
new thing when this Land was under the like hurlyburlies. 
And we had been labouring to get precedents "out of History" 
to convince them of it ; and it was confessed by them it had 
been no new thing. This expedient we offered out of the deep 
sense we had of the Cause of Christ ; and were answered so 
as I told you. That nothing would save this Nation but the con- 
tinuance of that Parliament. " The continuance : " they would 
not " be brought to " say the perpetuating of it, at this time ; yet 
we found their endeavours did directly tend that way; they gave 
us this answer, " That the thing we offered was of a very high 
nature and of tender consideration : How would money be 
raised.?" — and made some other objections. We told them 
"how ; " and that we here offered an expedient five times better 
than that " of theirs," for which no reason was given, nor we 
thought could be given; — and desired them that they would 
lay things seriously to heart ! They told us. They would take 
time for the consideration of these things till tomorrow; they 
would sleep upon them^ and consult some friends; "somQ 


friends," — though, as I said, there were about Twenty-three 
"of them here," and not above Fifty-three in the House. And 
at parting, two or three of the chief of them, one of the chief, 
and two or three more, did tell us. That they would endeavour 
to suspend farther proceedings about their Bill for a New Rep- 
resentative until they had another conference with us. And 
upon this we had great satisfaction ; and had hope, if our 
expedient could receive a loving debate, that the next day 
we should have some such issue thereof as would give satis- 
faction to all.' And herewith they went away, " it " being late 
at night. 

The next morning, we considering how to order what we 
had farther to offer to them in the evening, word was brought 
us that the House was proceeding with all speed upon the New 
Representative ! We could not believe it, that such persons 
would be so unworthy ; we remained there till a second and 
third messenger came, with tidings That the House was really 
upon that business, and had brought it near to the issue, — and 
with that height^ as was never before exercised ; leaving out all 
things relating to the due exercise of the qualifications (which 
had appeared all along " in it till now ") ; and " meaning," as 
we heard, to pass it only on paper, without engrossing, for 
the quicker despatch of it. — Thus, as we apprehend, would the 
Liberties of the Nation have been thrown away into the hands 
of those who had never fought for it. And upon this we 
thought it our duty not to suffer it. — And upon this the House 
was dissolved, even when the Speaker was going to put the 
last question. 

I have tpo much troubled you with this : but we have 
made this relation, that you might know that what hath been 
done in the Dissolution of the Parliament was as necessary to 
be done as the preservation of this Cause. And the necessity 
which led us to do that, hath brought us to this "present" issue. 
Of exercising an extraordinary way and course to draw You 
together "here; " upon this account, that you are men who know 
the Lord, and have made observations of His marvellous Dis- 
pensations ; and may be trusted, as far as men may be trusted, 
with this Cause. 

It remains now for me to acquaint you " a little " farther 
with what relates to your taking upon you this great Business. 

^ " Hoping by conference to have satisfaction to all ' ' in orig, 
^ Violence, height of temper, 


"But indeed" that is contained in the Paper^ here in my hand, 
which will be offered presently to you to read. But having 
done that, we have done upon such ground of necessity as we 
have " now " declared, which was not a feigned necessity but 
a real, — " it did behove us," to the end we might manifest to 
the world the singlenesss of our hearts and our integrity who 
did these things, Not to grasp at the power ourselves, or keep it 
in military hands, no not for a day ; but, as far as God enabled 
us with strength and ability, to put it into the hands of Proper 
Persons that might be called from the several parts of the 
Nation. This necessity ; and I hope we may say for ourselves, 
this integrity of concluding to divest the Sword of all power in 
the Civil Administration, — hath been that that hath moved us 
to put You to this trouble " of coming hither : " and having done 
that, truly we think we cannot, with the discharge of our own 
consciences, but offer somewhat to you on the devolving of the 
burden on your shoulders.^ It hath been the practice of others 
who have, voluntarily and out of a sense of duty, divested them- 
selves, and devolved the Government into new hands ; I say, it 
hath been the practice of those that have done so ; it hath been 
practised, and is very consonant to reason, To lay " down," 
together with their Authority, some Charge "how to employ 
it," (as we hope we have done), and to press the duty " of em- 
ploying it well : " concerning which we have a word or two to 
offer you. 

Truly God hath called you to this Work by, I think, as 
wonderful providences as ever passed upon the sons of men 
in so short a time. And truly I think, taking the argument of 
necessity, for the Government must not fall ; taking the appear- 
ance of the hand of God in this thing, — "I think " you would 
have been loath it should have been resigned into the hands of 
wicked men and enemies ! I am sure, God would not have it 
so. It's come, therefore, to you by the way of necessity; by 
the way of the wise Providence of God, — through weak hands. 
And therefore, I think, coming through our hands, though such 
as we are, it may not be ill taken if we do offer somewhat (as 
I said before) as to the discharge of the Trust which is now 
incumbent upon you. And although I seem to speak of that 
which may have the face and interpretation of a Charge, it's 
a very humble one : and if he that means to be a Servant to 
you, who hath now called you to the exercise of the Supreme 

^ An Indenture or Instrument of Government, some account of which 
may be found in Parliamentary History, xx, 175. 

^ *' J'or our own exoneration " in orig. 


Authority, discharge what he conceives to be a duty to you, we 
hope you will take it in good part. 

And truly I shall not hold you long in it ; because I hope 
it's written in your hearts to approve yourselves to God. Only 
this Scripture I shall remember to you, which hath been much 
upon my spirit : Hosea, xi. 12, " Judah yet ruleth with God and 
is faithful with the Saints." It's said before, that '' Ephraim 
compassed God about with lies, and the house of Israel with 
deceit." How God hath been compassed about by fastings and 
thanksgivings,^ and other exercises and transactions, I think we 
have all cause to lament. Truly you are called by God, " as 
Judah was," to "rule with Him," and for Him. And you are 
called to be faithful with the Saints who have been instrumental 
to your call. "Again," Second Samuel^ xxi. 3, "He that ruleth 
over men," the Scripture saith, "must be just, ruling in the 
fear of God." 

And truly it's better to pi-ay for you than to counsel you in 
that matter. That you may exercise the judgment of mercy and 
truth ! It's better, I say, to pray for you than counsel you ; to 
ask wisdom from Heaven for you ; which I am confident many 
thousands of Saints do this day, " and " have done, and will do, 
through the permission of God and His assistance. I say it's 
better to pray than advise : yet truly I think of another Scrip- 
ture, which is very useful, though it seems to be for a common 
application to every man as a Christian, — wherein he is coun- 
selled to ask wisdom ; and he is told what that is. That's 
"from Above," we are told; it's "pure, peaceable, gentle and 
easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits ; " it's 
"without partiality and without hypocrisy." Truly my thoughts 
run much upon this place, that to the execution of judgment 
(the judgment of truth, for that's the judgment) you must have 
wisdom "from Above;" and that's " pure." That will teach 
you to exercise the judgment of truth; it's "without partiality." 
Purity, impartiality, sincerity : these are the effects of " wis- 
dom," and these will help you to execute the judgment of 
truth. And then if God give you hearts to be "easy to be 
entreated," to be "peaceably spirited," to be "full of good 
fruits," bearing good fruits to the Nation, to men as men, to 
the People of God, to all in their several stations, — this will 
teach you to execute the judgment of mercy and truth. And I 

^ There was a Monthly Fast, the last Wednesday of every Month, held 
duly for about Seven Years till abolished after the King's Death. These 
and other occasions had been attended by much that was unseemly. 


have little more to say to this. I shall rather bend my prayers 
for you in that behalf, as I said ; and many others will. 

Truly the "judgment of truth," it will teach you to be as 
just towards an Unbeliever as towards a Believer ; and it's our 
duty to do so. I confess I have said sometimes, foolishly it may 
be: I had rather miscarry to a Believer than an Unbeliever. 
This may seem a paradox: — but let's take heed of doing that 
which is evil to either ! Oh, if God fill your hearts with such 
a spirit as Moses had, and as Paul had, — which was not a 
spirit for Believers only, but for the whole People ! Moses, he 
could die for them ; wish himself " blotted out of God's Book : " 
Paul could wish himself " accursed for his countrymen after the 
flesh : " so full of affection were their spirits unto all. And 
truly this would help you to execute the judgment of truth, 
and of mercy also. 

A second thing is, To desire you would be faithful with 
the Saints ; to be touched with them. And I hope, whatever 
others may think, it may be a matter to us all of rejoicing to 
have our hearts touched (with reverence be it spoken) as Christ, 
"being full of the spirit," was "touched with our infirmities," 
that He might be merciful. So should we be ; we should be 
pitiful. Truly, this calls us to be very much touched with the 
infirmities of the Saints ; that we may have a respect unto all, 
and be pitiful and tender towards all, though of different judg- 
ments. And if I did seem to speak something that reflected 
on those of the Presbyterial judgment, — truly I think if we 
have not an interest of love for them too, we shalP hardly 
answer this of being faithful to the Saints. 

In my pilgrimage, and some exercises I have had abroad, 
I did read that Scripture often, Ferty-first of Isaiah; where 
God gave me, and some of my fellows, encouragement " as to " 
what He would do there and elsewhere ; which He hath per- 
formed for us. He said, " He would plant in the wilderness 
the cedar, the shittah-tree, and the myrtle and the oil-tree ; and 
He would set in the desert the fir-tree, and the pine-tree, and 
the box-tree together." For what end will the Lord do all this? 
" That they may see, and know, and consider, and understand 
together. That the hand of the Lord hath done this; " — that it 
is He who hath wrought all the salvations and deliverances we 
have received. For what end ? To see, and know, and under- 
stand together, that He hath done and wrought all this for the 
good of the Whole Flock. Therefore, I beseech you, — but I 
think I need not, — have a care of the Whole Flock ! Love 

1 « Will " in orig. 


the sheep, love the lambs ; love all, tender all, cherish and 
countenance all, in all things that are good. And if the poor- 
est Christian, the most mistaken Christian, shall desire to live 
peaceably and quietly under you, — I say, if any shall desire but 
to lead a life of godliness and honesty, let him be protected. 

I think I need not advise, much less press you, to endeav- 
our the Promoting of the Gospel ; to encourage the Ministry ;^ 
such a Ministry and such Ministers as be faithful in the Land ; 
upon whom the true character is. Men that have received 
the Spirit, which Christians will be able to discover, and do 
" the will of ; " men that " have received Gifts from Him who 
is ascended up on high, who hath led captivity captive, to give 
gifts to men," even for this same work of the Ministry ! And 
truly the Apostle, speaking in another place, in the Twelfth of 
the Romans, when he has summed-up all the mercies of God, 
and the goodness of God ; and discoursed, in the former Chap- 
ters, of the foundations of the Gospel, and of those things that 
are the subject of those first Eleven Chapters, — he beseecheth 
them to "present their bodies a living sacrifice." He beseech- 
eth them that they would not esteem highly of themselves, but 
be humble and sober-minded, and not stretch themselves be- 
yond their line ; and also that they would have a care for those 
that "had received gifts" to the uses there mentioned. I speak 
not, — I thank God it is far from my heart, — for a Ministry 
deriving itself from the Papacy, and pretending to that which 
is so much insisted on, "Succession." The true Succession is 
through the Spirit — given in its measure. The Spirit is given 
for that use, " To make proper Speakers-forth of God's eternal 
Truth;" and that's right Succession. But I need not discourse 
of these things to you ; who, I am persuaded, are taught of 
God, much more and in a greater measure than myself, con- 
cerning these things. 

Indeed I have but one word more to say to you ; though 
in that perhaps I shall show my weakness : it's by way of 
encouragement to go on in this Work. And give me leave 
to begin thus. I confess I never looked to see such a Day as 
this, — it may be nor you neither, — when Jesus Christ should 
be so owned as He is, this day, in this Work. Jesus Christ is 
owned this day by the Call of You ; and you own Him by your 
willingness to appear for Him. And you manifest this, as far 
as poor creatures may do, to be a Day of the Power of Christ. 
I know you well remember that Scripture, " He makes His 
People willing in the day of His power." God manifests this 

^ Preaching Clergy, 


to be the Day of the Power of Christ ; having, through so much 
blood, and so much trial as hath been upon these Nations, 
made this to be one of the great issues thereof : To have His 
People called to the Supreme Authority. He makes this to be 
the greatest mercy, next to His own Son. God hath owned 
His Son ; and He hath owned you, and made you own Him. 
I confess I never looked to have seen such a day ; I did not. — 
Perhaps you are not known by face to one another; "indeed" I 
am confident you are strangers, coming from all parts of the 
Nation as you do : but we shall tell you that indeed we have 
not allowed ourselves the choice of one person in whom we 
had not this good hope, That there was in him faith in Jesus 
Christ, and love to all His People and Saints. 

Thus God hath owned you in the eyes of the world ; 
and thus, by coming hither, you own Him : and, as it is in 
Isaiah^ xliii. 21, — it's an high expression; and look to your 
own hearts whether, now or hereafter, God shall apply it to 
you : " This People," saith God, " I have formed for Myself, 
that they may show forth my praise." I say, it's a memorable 
passage ; and, 1 hope, not unfitly applied : the Lord apply it to 
each of your hearts ! I shall not descant upon the words ; they 
are plain : indeed you are as like the " forming of God " as 
ever people were. If a man should tender a Book to you " to 
swear you upon," I dare appeal to all your consciences, Neither 
directly nor indirectly did you seek for your coming hither. 
You have been passive in coming hither; being called^ — and 
indeed that's an active work, — " though not on your part ! " 
"This People have I formed :^^ consider the circumstances by 
which you are "called" hither; through what strivings, through 
what blood you are come hither, — where neither you nor I, 
nor no man living, three months ago, had any thought to have 
seen such a company taking upon them, or rather being called 
to take, the Supreme Authority of this Nation ! Therefore, 
own your call ! Indeed, I think it may be truly said that there 
never was a Supreme Authority consisting of such a Body, 
above One-hundred-and-forty, I believe ; "never such a Body" 
that came into the Supreme Authority " before," under such a 
notion " as this," in such a way of owning God, and being 
owned by Him. And therefore I may also say, never such 
a " People " so " formed," for such a purpose, " were " thus 
called before. 

If it were a time to compare your standing with "that of" 
those that have been " called " by the Suffrages of the People — 
Which who can tell how soon God may fit the People for such 


a thing ? None can desire it more than I ! Would all were 
the Lord's People ; as it was said, " Would all the Lord's Peo- 
ple were Prophets ! " I would all were fit to be called. It 
ought to be the longing of our hearts to see men brought to 
own the Interest of Jesus Christ. And give me leave to say : 
If I know anything in the world, what is there likelier to win 
the People to the interest of Jesus Christ, to the love of God- 
liness (and therefore what stronger duty lies on you, being thus 
called), than an humble and godly conversation ? So that they 
may see " that " you love them ; " that " you lay yourselves out, 
time and spirits, for them ! Is not this the likeliest way to 
bring them to their liberties ? And do not you, by this, put it 
upon God to find out times and seasons for you ; " fit seasons " 
by putting forth His Spirit ? At least you convince them that, 
as men fearing God have fought them out of their bondage 
under the Regal Power, so men fearing God do now rule them 
in the fear of God, and take care to administer Good unto 
them. — But this is some digression. I. say, own your call ; for 
it is of God ! Indeed, it is marvellous, and it hath been unpro- 
jected. It's not long since either you or we came to know of 
it. And indeed this hath been the way God dealt with us all 
along, To keep things from our eyes all along, so that we have 
seen nothing, in all His dispensations, long beforehand ; — 
which is also a witness, in some measure, to our integrity. 
I say, you are called with an high calling. And why should 
we be afraid to say or think. That this may be the door to 
usher-in the Things that God has promised ; which have been 
prophesied of; which He has set the hearts of His People to 
wait for and expect ? We know who they are that shall war 
with the Lamlf, "against His enemies : " they shall be " a peo- 
ple called, and chosen and faithful." And God hath, in a 
Military way, — we may speak it without flattering ourselves, 
and I believe you know it, — He hath appeared with them, 
" with that same ' people,' " and for them ; and now in these 
Civil Powers and Authorities " does not He appear ? " These 
are not ill prognostications of the God we wait for. Indeed I 
do think somewhat is at the door : we are at the threshold ; — 
and therefore it becomes us to lift-up our heads, and encourage 
ourselves in the Lord. And we have thought, some of us. That 
it is our duties to endeavour this way ; not merely to look at 
that Prophecy in Daniel, " And the Kingdom shall not be 
delivered to another people," " and passively wait." Truly 
God hath brought this to your hands ; by the owning of your 
call ; blessing the Military Power. The Lord hath directed 


their hearts to be instrumental to call you ; and set it upon 
our hearts to deliver over the Power "to another people." — 
But I may appear to be beyond my line here ; these things are 
dark. Only, I desire my thoughts^ to be exercised in these 
things, and so I hope are yours. 

Truly seeing things are thus, that you are at the edge 
of the Promises and Prophecies — At least, if there were nei- 
ther Promise nor Prophecy, yet you are carrying, on the best 
things, you are endeavouring after the best things ; and, as I 
have said elsewhere, if I were to choose any servant, the mean- 
est Officer for the Army or the Commonwealth, I would choose 
a godly man that hath principles. Especially where a trust is 
to be committed. Because I know where to have a man that 
hath principles. I believe if any one of you should choose 
a servant, you would do thus. And I would all our Magis- 
trates were so chosen : — this may be done ; there may be good 
effects of this ! Surely it's our duty to choose men that fear 
the Lord, and will praise the Lord : such hath the Lord 
" formed for Himself ; " and He expects no praises from other 
"than such." 

This being so, truly it puts me in mind of another Scrip- 
ture, that famous Psalm, Sixty eighth Psalm ; which indeed is a 
glorious Prophecy, I am persuaded, of the Gospel Churches, — 
it may be, of the Jews also. There it prophesies that " He will 
bring His People again from the depths of the Sea, as once He 
led Israel through the Red Sea." And it may be, as some 
think, God will bring the Jews home to their station "from 
the isles of the sea," and answer their expectations " as from the 
depths of the sea." But, " at all events," sure I am, when the 
Lord shall set-up the glory of the Gospel Church, it shall be 
a gathering of people as "out of deep waters," "out of the mul- 
titude of waters : " such are His People, drawn out of the multi- 
tudes, of the Nations and People of this world. — And truly that 
Psalm is very glorious in many other parts of it : When He 
gathers them, " great was the company " of them that publish 
His word. " Kings of Armies did flee apace, and she that tar- 
ried at home divided the spoil ; " and "Although ye have lain 
among the pots, yet shall ye be as the wings of a dove, covered 
with silver, and her feathers with yellow gold." And indeed 
the triumph of that Psalm is exceeding high and great; and 
God is accomplishing it. And the close of it, — that closeth 
with my heart, and I do not doubt with yours, "The Lord 
shakes the hills and mountains, and they reel." And God 

^ " Senses " in orig. 


hath a Hill too ; " an high Hill as the Hill of Bashan : and the 
chariots of God are twenty-thousand, even thousands of Angels, 
and God will dwell upon this Hill for ever! " 

I am sorry I have troubled you, in such a place of heat as 
this is, so long. All I have to say, in my own name, and that 
of my fellow Officers who have joined with me in this work, is : 
That we shall commend you to the grace of God, to the guid- 
ance of His Spirit : " That " having thus far served you, or 
rather our Lord Jesus Christ " in regard to you," we shall be 
ready in our stations, according as the Providence of God shall 
lead us, to be subservient to the "farther" work of God, and 
to that Authority which we shall reckon God hath set over us. 
And though we have no formal thing to present you with, to 
which the hands, or visible expressions, of the Officers and 
Soldiers of the three Nations of England, Scotland and Ireland 
" are set ; " yet we may say of them, and we may say also with 
confidence for our brethren at Sea, — with whom neither in 
Scotland, Ireland, nor at Sea, hath there been any artifice used 
to persuade their consents to this work, — that nevertheless their 
consents have flowed in to us from all parts, beyond our expec- 
tations : and we may with all confidence say, that as we have 
their approbation and full consent to the other work, so you 
have their hearts and affections unto this.^ And not only 
theirs : we have very many Papers from the Churches of Christ 
throughout the Nation ; wonderfully both approving what hath 
been done in removing of obstacles, and approving what we 
have done in this very thing. And having said this, we shall 
trouble you no more. But if you will be pleased that this 
Instrument be read to you, which I have signed by the advice 
of the Council of Officers, — we shall then leave you to your 
own thoughts and the guidance of God; to dispose of your- 
selves for a farther meeting, as you shall see cause. 

I have only this to add. The affairs of the Nation lying on 
our hands to be taken care of ; and we knowing that both the 
Affairs at Sea, the Armies in Ireland and Scotland, and the pro- 
viding of things for the preventing of inconveniences, and the 
answering of emergencies, did require that there should be no 
Interruption, but that care ought to be taken for these things; 
and foreseeing likewise that before you could digest yourselves 
into such a method, both for place, time and other circum- 
stances, as you shall please to proceed in, some time would be 
required, — which the Commonwealth could not bear in respect 

^ " Other work " means dissolving the old Parliament ; " this " Is assem- 
bling of you, "this very tiling." 


to the managing of things : I have, within a week " past," set- 
up a Council of State, to whom the managing of affairs is com- 
mitted. Who, I may say, very voluntarily and freely, before 
they see how the issue of things will be, have engaged them- 
selves in business ; eight or nine of them being Members of 
the House that late was. — I say I did exercise that power 
which, I thought, was devolved upon me at that time ; to the 
end affairs might not have any interval "or interruption." And 
now when you are met, it will ask some time for the settling of 
your affairs and your way. And, " on the other hand," a day 
cannot be lost, "or left vacant," but they must be in continual 
Council till you take farther order. So that the whole matter 
of their consideration also which regards them is at your dis- 
posal, as you shall see cause. And therefore I thought it my 
duty to acquaint you with thus much, to prevent distractions in 
your way: That things have been thus ordered; that your affairs 
will " not stop, but " go on, " in the meanwhile," — till you see 
cause to alter this Council ; they having no authority or contin- 
uance of sitting, except simply until you take farther order. 

What is usually called the Little Parliament, or derisively Barebones's Parliament, 
was the assembly convened by Cromwell after the expulsion of the Rump Parliament, to pro- 
vide for " the peace, safety and good government of this Commonwealth." " Its work was, 
in fact, to be that of a constituent assembly, paving the way for a Parliament on a really 
national basis." It met on the 4th of July, 1653, and Cromwell, "standing by the window 
opposite to the middle of the table, and as many of the officers of the army as the room could 
well contain, some on his right hand, and others on his left, and about liim," made the speech 
printed in the present leaflet. It is remarkable as the first full public expression of his views 
as to the proper settlement of the government. It is here printed as given by Carlyle, cor- 
rected from contemporaneous reports by different hands, in various editions. The passages 
included in quotation marks are those where the text is in some doubt. 

By the instrument which convoked this convention, provision had been made that its 
authority should be transferred in fifteen months to another assembly elected according to 
its directions. In December, 1653, however, the assembly, after various dissensions, dissolved 
itself, surrendering its authority to Cromwell as Lord Protector ; and Cromwell, on Decem- 
ber 16, announced his intention of ruling according to a constitutional document known as the 
Instrument of Government, which was adopted by the Council of Officers (see this document. 
Old South Leaflets, No. 27). The first Parliament on the new basis met at Westminster in 
September, 1654. See Carlyle's remarks upon the Little Parliament and Cromwell's First 
Speech, in his " Cromwell's Letters and Speeches." 


#lb J^outf) %tai\tt^. 

General Series, No. 29. 

The Discovery 
of America. 


All the conditions which the admiral demanded beins: 
conceded by their CathoHc majesties, he set out from Granada 
on the 2ist May 1492, for Palos, where he was to fit out the 
ships for his intended expedition. That town was bound to 
serve the crown for three months with two caravels, which were 
ordered to be given to Columbus ; and he fitted out these and 
a third vessel with all care and diligence. The ship in which 
he personally embarked was called the St. Mary ; the second 
vessel named the Pinta, was commanded by Martin Alonzo 
Pinzon ; and the third named the Nina, which had square sails, 
was under the command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon, the brother 
of Alonzo, both of whom were inhabitants of Palos. Being 
furnished with all necessaries, and having 90 men to navigate 
the three vessels, Columbus set sail from Palos on the 3d of 
August 1492, shaping his course directly for the Canaries. 

During this voyage, and indeed in all the /our voyages 
which he made from Spain to the West Indies, the admiral 
was very careful to keep an exact journal of every occurrence 
which took place ; always specifying what winds blew, how far 
he sailed with each particular wind, what currents were found, 
and every thing that was seen by the way, whether birds, fishes, 
or any other thing. Although to note all these particulars with 
a minute relation of every thing that happened, shewing what 
impressions and effects answered to the course and aspect of 
the stars, and the differences between the seas which he sailed 
and those of our countries, might all be useful; yet as I con- 
ceive that the relation of these particulars might now be tire- 
some to the reader, I shall only give an account of what 
appears to me necessary and convenient to be known. 

On Saturday the 4th of August, the next day after sailing 

from Palos, the rudder of the Pinta broke loose. The admiral 
strongly suspected that this was occasioned by the contrivance 
of the master on purpose to avoid proceeding on the voyage, 
which he had endeavoured to do before they left Spain, and he 
therefore ranged up along side of the disabled vessel to give 
every assistance in his power, but the wind blew so hard that 
he was unable to afford any aid. Pinzon, however, being an 
experienced seaman, soon made a temporary repair by means 
of ropes, and they proceeded on their voyage. But on the 
following Tuesday, the weather becoming rough and boisterous, 
the fastenings gave way, and the squadron was obliged to lay 
to for some time to renew the repairs. From this misfortune 
of twice breaking the rudder, a superstitious person might have 
foreboded the future disobedience of Pinzon to the admiral ; 
as through his malice the Pin'^a twice separated from the squad- 
ron, as shall be afterwards related. Having applied the best 
remedy they could to the disabled state of the rudder, the 
squadron continued its voyage, and came in sight of the Cana- 
ries at day-break of Thursday the 9th of August ; but owing 
to contrary winds, they were unable to come to anchor at 
Gran Canaria until the 12th. The admiral left Pinzon at Gran 
Canaria to endeavour to procure another vessel instead of that 
which was disabled, and went himself with the Nina on the 
same errand to Gomera. 

The admiral arrived at Gomera on Sunday the 12th of 
August, and sent a boat on shore to inquire if any vessel could 
be procured there for his purpose. The boat returned next 
morning, and brought intelligence that no vessel was then at 
that island, but that Dona Beatrix de Bobadilla, the propriatrix 
of the island, was then at Gran Canaria in a hired vessel of 40 
tons belonging to one Gradeuna of Seville, which would prob- 
ably suit his purpose and might perhaps be got. He therefore 
determined to await the arrival of that vessel at Gomera, be- 
lieving that Pinzon might have secured a vessel for himself at 
Gran Canaria, if he had not been able to repair his own. After 
waiting two days, he dispatched one of his people in a bark 
which was bound from Gomera to Gran Canaria, to acquaint 
Pinzon where he lay, and to assist him in repairing and fixing 
the rudder. Having waited a considerable time for an answer 
to his letter, he sailed with the two vessels from Gomera on the 
23d of August for Gran Canaria, and fell in with the bark on 
the following day, which had been detained all that time on its 
voyage by contrary winds. He now took his man from the 
bark, and sailing in the night past the island of Teneriffe, the 

people were much astonished at observing flames bursting out 
of the lofty mountain called El Pico, or the peak of Teneriffe. 
On this occasion the admiral was at great pains to explain 
the nature of this phenomenon to the people, by instancing the 
example of Etna and several other known volcanoes. 

Passing by Teneriffe, they arrived at Gran Canaria on 
Saturday the 25th August ; and found that Pinzon had only 
got in there the day before. From him the admiral was in- 
formed that Dona Beatrix had sailed for Gomera on the 20th 
with the vessel which he was so anxious to obtain. His offi- 
cers were much troubled at the disappointment ; but he, who 
always endeavoured to make the best of every occurrence, 
observed to them that since it had not pleased God that they 
should get this vessel it was perhaps better for them ; as they 
might have encountered much opposition in pressing it into 
the service, and might have lost a great deal of time in ship- 
ping and unshipping the goods. Wherefore, lest he might 
again miss it if he returned to Gomera, he resolved to make 
a new rudder for the Pinta at Gran Canaria, and ordered the 
square sails of the Nina to be changed to round ones, like 
those of the other two vessels, that she might be able to 
accompany them with less danger and agitation. 

The vessels being all refitted, the admiral weighed anchor 
from Gran Canaria on Saturday the first of September, and 
arrived next day at Gomera, where four days were employed 
in completing their stores of provisions and of wood and 
water. On the morning of Thursday the sixth of September, 
1492, the admiral took his departure from Gomera, and com- 
menced his great undertaking by standing directly westwards, 
but made very slow progress at first on account of calms. On 
Sunday the ninth of September, about day-break, they were 
nine leagues west of the island of Ferro. Now losing sight 
of land and stretching out into utterly unknown seas, many of 
the people expressed their anxiety and fear that it might be 
long before they should see land again; but the admiral used 
every endeavour to comfort them with the assurance of soon 
finding the land he was in search of, and raised their hopes 
of acquiring wealth and honour by the discovery. To lessen 
the fear which they entertained of the length of way they had 
to sail, he gave out that they had only proceeded fifteen leagues 
that day, wdien the actual distance sailed was eighteen ; and to 
induce the people to believe that they were not so far from 
Spain as they really were, he resolved to keep considerably 

short in his reckoning during the whole voyage, though he care- 
fully recorded the true reckoning every day in private. 

On 'Wednesday the twelfth September, having got to about 
150 leagues west of Ferro, they discovered a large trunk of a 
tree, sufficient to have been the mast of a vessel of 120 tons, 
and which seemed to have been a long time in the water. At 
this distance from Ferro, and for somewhat farther on, the cur- 
rent was found to set strongly to the north-east. Next day, 
when they had run fifty leagues farther westwards, the needle 
was observed to vary half a point to the eastward of north, and 
next morning the variation was a whole point east. This varia- 
tion of the compass had never been before observed, and there- 
fore the admiral was much surprised at the phenomenon, and 
concluded that the needle did not actually point towards the 
polar star, but to some other fixed point. Three days after- 
wards, when almost 100 leagues farther west, he was still more 
astonished at the irregularity of the variation ; for having ob- 
served the needle to vary a whole point to the eastwards at 
night, it pointed directly northwards in the morning. On the 
night of Saturday the fifteenth of September, being then almost 
300 leagues west of Ferro, they saw a prodigious flash of light, 
or fire ball, drop from the sky into the sea, at four or five leagues 
distance from the ships towards the south-west. The weather 
was then quite fair and serene like April, the sea perfectly calm, 
the wind favourable from the north-east, and the current setting 
to the north-east. The people in the Nina told the admiral 
that they had seen the day before a heron, and another bird 
which they called Raho-de-junco. These were the first birds 
which had been seen during the voyage, and w^ere considered as 
indications of approaching land. But they were more agreeably 
surprised next day, Sunday sixteenth September, by seeing great 
abundance of yellowish green sea weeds, which appeared as if 
newly washed away from some rock or island. Next day the sea 
weed was seen in much greater quantity, and a small live lobster 
was observed among the weeds : from this circumstance many 
affirmed that they were certainly near the land. The sea water 
was afterwards noticed to be only half so salt as before ; and 
great numbers of tunny fish were seen swimming about, some 
of which came so near the vessel, that one was killed by a 
bearded iron. Being now 360 leagues west from Ferro, an- 
other of the birds called rabo-de-junco was seen. On Tues- 
day the eighteenth September, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, who had 
gone a-head of the admiral in the Pinta, which was an excel- 
lent sailer, lay to for the admiral to come up, and told him 


that he had seen a great number of birds fly away westwards, 
for which reason he was in great hopes to see land that night; 
Pinzon even thought that he saw land that night about fifteen 
leagues distant to the northwards, which appeared very black 
and covered with clouds. All the people would have per- 
suaded the admiral to try for land in that direction ; but, 
being certainly assured that it was not land, and having not 
yet reached the distance at which he expected to find the land, 
he w^ould not consent to lose time in altering his course in that 
direction. But as the wind now freshened, he gave orders to 
take in the top-sails at night, having now sailed eleven days 
before the wind due westwards with all their sails up. 

All the people in the squadron being utterly unacquainted 
with the seas they now traversed, fearful of their danger at such 
unusual distance from any relief, and seeing nothing around 
but sky and water, began to mutter among themselves, and 
anxiously observed every appearance. On the nineteenth Sep- 
tember, a kind of sea-gull called A/cafraz flew over the admiral's 
ship, and several others were seen in the afternoon of that day, 
and as the admiral conceived that these birds would not fly far 
from land, he entertained hopes of soon seeing what he was in 
quest of. He therefore ordered a line of 200 fathoms to be 
tried, but without finding any bottom. The current was now 
found to set to the south-west. 

On Thursday the twentieth of September, two alcatrazes 
came near the ship about two hours before noon, and soon 
afterwards a third. On this day likewise they took a bird re- 
sembling a heron, of a black colour with a white tuft on its 
head, and having webbed feet like a duck. Abundance of 
weeds were seen floating in the sea, and one small fish was 
taken. About evening three land birds settled on the rigging 
of the ship and began to sing. These flew away at day-break, 
which was considered a strong indication of approaching the 
land, as these little birds could not have come from any far 
distant country ; whereas the other large fowls, being used to 
water, might much better go far from land. The same day an 
alcatraz was seen. 

Friday the twenty-first another alcatraz and a rabo-de- 
junco were seen, and vast quantities of weeds as far as the 
eye could carry towards the north. These appearances were 
sometimes a comfort to the people, giving them hopes of near- 
ing the wished-for land ; while at other times the weeds were 
so thick as in some measure to impede the progress of the 
vessels, and to occasion terror lest what is fabulously reported 

of St. Amaro in the frozen sea, might happen to them, that 
they might be so enveloped in the weeds as to be unable to 
move backwards or forwards ; wherefore they steered away 
from those shoals of weeds as much as they could. 

Next day, being Saturday the twenty-second September, 
they saw a whale and several small birds. The wind now veered 
to the south-west, sometimes more and sometimes less to the 
westwards ; and though this was adverse to the direction of 
their proposed voyage, the admiral to comfort the people 
alleged that this was a favourable circumstance ; because 
among other causes of fear, they had formerly said they should 
never have a wind to carry them back to Spain, as it had 
always blown from the east ever since they left Ferro. They 
still continued, however, to murmur, alleging that this south- 
west wind was by no means a settled one, and as it never blew 
strong enough to swell the sea, it would not serve to carry them 
back again through so great an extent of sea as they had now 
passed over. In sjDite of every argument used by the admiral, 
assuring them that the alterations in the wind were occasioned 
by the vicinity of the land, by which likewise the waves were 
prevented from rising to any height, they were still dissatisfied 
and terrified. 

On Sunday the twenty-third of September, a brisk gale 
sprung up W. N. W. with a rolling sea, such as the people 
had wished for. Three hours before noon a turtle-dove was' 
observed to fly over the ship ; towards evening an alcatraz, a 
river fowl, and several white birds were seen flying about, and 
some crabs were observed among the weeds. Next day an- 
other alcatraz was seen and several small birds which came 
from the west. Numbers of small fishes were seen swimming 
about, some of which were struck with harpoons, as they would 
not bite at the hook. 

The more that the tokens mentioned above were observed, 
and found not to be followed by the so anxiously looked-for 
land, the more the people became fearful of the event, and 
entered into cabals against the admiral, who they said was 
desirous to make himself a great lord at the expence of their 
danger. They represented that they had already sufficiently 
performed their duty in adventuring farther from land and all 
possibility of succour than had ever been done before, and 
that they ought not to proceed on the voyage to their mani- 
fest destruction. If they did they would soon have reason to 
repent their temerity, as provisions would soon fall short, the 
ships were already faulty and would soon fail, and it would be 

extremely difficult to get back so far as they had already gone. 
None could condemn them in their own opinion for now turn- 
ing back, but all must consider them as brave men for having 
gone upon such an enterprize and venturing so far. That the 
admiral was a foreigner who had no favour at court; and as so 
many wise and learned men had already condemned his opin- 
ions and enterprize as visionary and impossible, there would 
be none to favour or defend him, and they were sure to find 
more credit if they accused him of ignorance and mismanage- 
ment than he would do, whatsoever he might now say for him- 
self against them. Some even proceeded so far as to propose, 
in case the admiral should refuse to acquiesce in their pro- 
posals, that they might make a short end of all disputes by 
throwing him overboard ; after which they could give out that 
he had fallen over while making his observations, and no one 
would ever think of inquiring into the truth. They thus went 
on day after day, muttering, complaining, and consulting to- 
gether; and though the admiral was not fully aware of the 
extent of their cabals, he was not entirely without apprehen- 
sions of their inconstancy in the present trying situation, and 
of their evil intentions towards him. He therefore exerted 
himself to the utmost to quiet their apprehensions and to sup- 
press their evil design, sometimes using fair words, and at 
other times fully resolved to expose his life rather than aban- 
don the enterprize ; he put them in mind of the due punish- 
ment they would subject themselves to if they obstructed the 
voyage. To confirm their hopes, he recapitulated all the favour- 
able signs and indications which had been lately observed, 
assuring them that they might soon expect to see the land. 
But they, who were ever attentive to these tokens, thought 
every hour a year in their anxiety to see the wished-for land. 
On Tuesday the twenty-fifth of September near sun-set, as 
the admiral was discoursing with Pinzon, whose ship was then 
very near, Pinzon suddenly called out, " Land ! land. Sir ! let 
not my good news miscarry ; " and pointed out a large mass 
in the S. W. about twenty-five leagues distant, which seemed 
very like an island. This was so pleasing to the people, that 
they returned thanks to God for the pleasing discovery; and, 
although the admiral was by no means satisfied of the truth of 
Pinzon's observation, yet to please the men, and that they might 
not obstruct the voyage, he altered his course and stood in that 
direction a great part of the night. Next morning, the twenty- 
sixth, they had the mortification to find the supposed land was 
only composed of clouds, which often put on the appearance 


of distant land ; and, to their great dissatisfaction, the stems of 
the ships were again turned directly westwards, as they always 
were unless when hindered by the wind. Continuing their 
course, and still attentively watching for signs of land, they 
saw this day an alcatraz, a rabo-de-junco, and other birds as 
formerly mentioned. 

On Thursday the twenty-seventh of September they saw 
another alcatraz coming from the westwards and flying towards 
the east, and great numbers of fish were seen with gilt backs, 
one of which they struck with a harpoon. A rabo-de-junco 
likewise flew past ; the currents for some of the last days were 
not so regular as before, but changed with the tide, and the 
weeds were not nearly so abundant. 

On Friday the twenty-eighth all the vessels took some of 
the fishes with gilt backs; and on Saturday the twenty-ninth 
they saw a rabo-de-junco, which, although a sea-fowl, never 
rests on the waves, but always flies in the air, pursuing tJie 
alcatrazes. Many of these birds are said to frequent the Cape 
de Verd islands. They soon afterwards saw two other alca- 
trazes, and great numbers of flying-fishes. These last are 
about a span long, and have two little membranous wings 
like those of a bat, by means of which they fly about a pike- 
length high from the water and a musket-shot in length, and 
sometimes drop upon the ships. In the afternoon of this day 
they saw abundance of weeds lying in length north and south, 
and three alcatrazes pursued by a rabo-de-junco. 

On the morning of Sunday the thirtieth of September four 
rabo-de-j uncos came to the ship; and from so many of them 
coming together it was thought the land could not be far dis- 
tant, especially as four alcatrazes followed soon afterwards. 
Great quantities of weeds were seen in a line stretching from 
W. N. W. to E. N. E. and a great number of the fishes which 
are called Emperadores, which have a very hard skin and are 
not fit to eat. Though the admiral paid every attention to 
these indications, he never neglected those in the heavens, and 
carefully observed the course of the stars. He was now greatly 
surprised to notice at this time that the Charles 7vam or Ursa 
Major constellation appeared at night in the west, and was 
N. E. in the morning : He thence concluded that their whole 
night's course was only nine hours, or so many parts in twenty- 
four of a great circle ; and this he observed to be the case 
regularly every night. It was likewise noticed that the com- 
pass varied a whole point to the N. W. at nightfall, and came 

due north every morning at day-break. As this unheard-of 
circumstance confounded and perplexed the pilots, who appre- 
hended danger in these strange regions and at such unusual 
distance from home, the admiral endeavoured to calm their 
fears by assigning a cause for this wonderful phenomenon : He 
alleged that it was occasioned by the polar star making a cir- 
cuit round the pole, by which they were not a little satisfied. 

Soon after sunrise on Monday the first of October, an alca- 
traz came to the ship, and two more about ten in the morning, 
and long streams of weeds floated from east to west. That morn- 
ing the pilot of the admiral's ship said that they were now 578 
leagues west from the island of Ferro. In his public account 
the admiral said they were 584 leagues to the west ; but in his 
private journal he made the real distance 707 leagues, or 129 
more than was reckoned by the pilot. The other two ships 
differed much in their computation from each other and from 
the admiral's pilot. The pilot of Nina in the afternoon of the 
Wednesday following said they had only sailed 540 leagues, and 
the pilot of the Pinta reckoned 634. Thus they were all much 
short of the truth ; but the admiral winked at the gross mistake, 
that the men, not thinking themselves so far from home, might 
be the less dejected. 

The next day, being Tuesday the second of October, they 
saw abundance of fish, caught one small tunny, and saw a white 
bird with many other small birds, and the weeds appeared much 
withered and ahnost fallen to powder. Next day, seeing no 
birds, they suspected that they had passed between some islands 
on both hands, and had slipped through without seeing them, as 
they guessed that the many birds which they had seen might 
have been passing from one island to another. On this account 
they were very earnest to have the course altered one way or 
the other, in quest of these imaginary lands. But the admiral, 
unwilling to lose the advantage of the fair wind which carried 
him due west, which he accounted his surest course, and afraid 
to lessen his reputation by deviating from course to course in 
search of land, which he always affirmed that he well knew 
where to find, refused his consent to any change. On this the 
people were again ready to mutiny, and resumed their murmurs 
and cabals against him. But it pleased God to aid his author- 
ity by fresh indications of land. 

On Thursday the fourth of October, in the afternoon, above 
forty sparrows together and two alcatrazes flew so near the ship 
that a seaman killed one of them with a stone. Several other 
birds were seen at this time, and many flying-fish fell into the 


ships. Next day there came a rabo-de-junco and an alcatraz 
from the westwards, and many sparrows were seen. About sun- 
rise on Sunday the seventh of October, some signs of land 
appeared to the westwards, but being imperfect no person would 
mention the circumstance. This was owing to fear of losing the 
reward of thirty crowns yearly for life which had been promised 
by their Catholic majesties to whoever should first discover land ; 
and to prevent them from calling out land, land, at every turn 
without just cause, it was made a condition that whoever said he 
saw land should lose the reward if it were not made out in three 
days, even if he should afterwards actually prove the first dis- 
coverer. All on board the admiral's ship being thus forewarned, 
were exceedingly careful not to cry out land upon uncertain 
tokens ; but those in the Nina, which sailed better and always 
kept ahead', believing that they certainly saw land, fired a gun 
and hung out their colours in token of the discovery ; but the 
farther they sailed the more the joyful appearance lessened, till 
at last it vanished away. But they soon afterwards derived 
much comfort by observing great flights of large fowl and others 
of small birds going from the west towards the south-west. 

Being now at a vast distance from Spain, and well assured 
that such small birds would not go far from land, the admiral 
now altered his course from due west which had been hith- 
erto, and steered to the south-west. He assigned as a reason 
for now changing his course, although deviating little from his 
original design, that he followed the example of the Portuguese, 
who had discovered most of their islands by attending to the 
flight of birds, and because these they now saw flew almost 
uniformly in one direction. He said likewise that he had 
always expected to discover land about the situation in which 
they now were, having often told them that he must not look to 
find land until they should get 750 leagues to the westwards of 
the Canaries ; about which distance he expected to fall in with 
Hispaniola which he then called Cipango; and there is no doubt 
that he would have found this island by his direct course, if it 
had not been that it was reported to extend from north to south. 
Owing therefore to his not having inclined more to the south 
he had missed that and others of the Caribbee islands whither 
those birds were now bending their flight, and which had been 
for some time upon his larboard hand. It was from being so 
near the land that they continually saw such great numbers of 
birds ; and on Monday the eighth of October twelve singing 
birds of various colours came to the ship, and after flying round 
it for a short time held on their way. Many other birds were 


seen from the ship flying towards the south-west, and that same 
night great numbers of large fowl were seen, and flocks of small 
birds proceeding from the northwards, and all going to the 
south-west. In the morning a jay was seen, with an alcatraz, 
several ducks, and many small birds, all flying the same way 
with the others, and the air was perceived to be fresh and odor- 
iferous as it is at Seville in the month of April. But the people 
were now so eager to see land and had been so often dis- 
appointed, that they ceased to give faith to these continual 
indications ; insomuch that on Wednesday the tenth, although 
abundance of birds were continually passing both by day and 
night, they never ceased to complain. The admiral ujDbraided 
their want of resolution, and declared that they must persist in 
their endeavours to discover the Indies, for which he and they 
had been sent out by their Catholic majesties. 

It would have been impossible for the admiral to have 
much longer withstood the numbers which now opposed him ; 
but it pleased God that, in the afternoon of Thursday the elev- 
enth of October, such manifest tokens of being near the land 
appeared, that the men took courage and rejoiced at their good 
fortune as much as they had been before distressed. From the 
admiral's ship a green rush was seen to float past, and one of 
those green fish which never go far from the rocks. The people 
in the Pinta saw a cane and a staff in the water, and took up 
another staff very curiously carved, and a small board, and great 
plenty of weeds were seen which seemed to have been recently 
torn from the rocks. Those of the Nina, besides similar signs 
of land, saw a branch of a thorn full of red berries, which 
seemed to have been newly torn from the tree. From all these 
indications the admiral was convinced that he now drew near to 
the land, and after the evening prayers he made a speech to the 
men, in which he reminded them of the mercy of God in having 
brought them so long a voyage with such favourable weather, 
and in comforting them with so many tokens of a successful 
issue to their enterprize, which were now every day becoming 
plainer and less equivocal. He besought them to be exceed- 
ingly watchful during the night, as they well knew that in the 
first article of the instructions which he had given to all the 
three ships before leaving the Canaries, they were enjoined, 
when they should have sailed 700 leagues west without dis- 
covering land, to lay to every night, from midnight till day- 
break. And, as he had very confident hopes of discovering 
land that night, he required every one to keep watch at their 
quarters ; and, besides the gratuity of thirty crowns a-year for 


life, which had been graciously promised by their sovereigns to 
him that first saw the land, he engaged to give the fortunate 
discoverer a velvet doublet from himself. 

After this, as the admiral was in his cabin about ten o'clock 
at night, he saw a light on shore ; but it was so unsteady that 
he could not certainly affirm that it came from land. He called 
to one Peter Gutierres and desired him to try if he could per- 
ceive the same light, who said he did ; but one Roderick San- 
chez of Segovia, on being desired to look the same way could 
not see it, because he was not up time enough, as neither the 
admiral nor Gutierres could see it again above once or twice 
for a short space, which made them judge it to proceed from a 
candle or torch belonging to some fishermart^or traveller, who 
lifted it up occasionally and lowered it again, or perhaps from 
people going from one house to another, because it appeared 
and vanished again so suddenly. Being now very much on 
their guard, they still held on their course until about two in 
the morning of Friday the twelfth of October, when the Pinta 
which was always far a-head, owing to her superior sailing, made 
the signal of seeing land, which was first discovered by Rod- 
erick de Triana at about two leagues from the ship. But the 
thirty crowns a-year were afterwards granted to the admiral, 
who had seen the light in the midst of darkness, a type of the 
spiritual light which he was the hapjDy means of spreading in 
these dark regions of error. Being now so near land, all the 
ships lay to; every one thinking it long till daylight, that they 
might enjoy the sight they had so long and anxiously desired. 

When daylight appeared, the newly discovered land was 
perceived to consist of a flat island fifteen leagues in length, 
without any hills, all covered with trees, and having a great lake 
in the middle. The island was inhabited by great abundance 
of people, who ran down to the shore filled with wonder and 
admiration at the sight of the ships, which they conceived to be 
some unknown animals. The Christians were not less curious 
to know what kind of people they had fallen in with, and the 
curiosity on both sides was soon satisfied, as the ships soon 
came to anchor. The admiral went on shore with his boat well 
armed, and having the royal standard of Castile and Leon dis- 
played, accompanied by the commanders of the other two ves- 
sels, each in his own boat, carrying the particular colours which 
had been allotted for the enterprize, which were white with a 
green cross and the letter F. on one side and on the other the 
names of Ferdinand and Isabella crowned. 

The whole company kneeled on the shore and kissed the 


ground for joy, returning God thanks for the great mercy they 
had experienced during their long voyage through seas hitherto 
unpassed, and their now happy discovery of an unknown land. 
The admiral then stood up, and took formal possession in the 
usual words for their Catholic majesties of this island, to which 
he gave the name of St. Salvador. All the Christians present 
admitted Columbus to the authority and dignity of admiral and 
viceroy, pursuant to the commission which he had received to 
that effect, and all made oath to obey him as the legitimate 
representative of their Catholic majesties, with such expressions 
of joy and acknowledgment as became their mighty success ; 
and they all implored his forgiveness of the many affronts he 
had received from them through their fears and want of confi- 
dence. Numbers of the Indians or natives of the island were 
present at these ceremonies ; and perceiving them to be peace- 
able, quiet, and simple people, the admiral distributed several 
presents among them. To some he gave red caps, and to others 
strings of glass beads, which they hung about their necks, and 
various other things of small value, which they valued as if they 
had been jewels of high price. 

After the ceremonies, the admiral went off in his boat, and 
the Indians followed him even to the ships, some by swimming 
and others in their canoes, carrying parrots, clews of spun cot- 
ton yarn, javelins, and other such trifling articles, to barter for 
glass beads, bells, and other things of small value. Like people 
in the original simplicity of nature, they were all naked, and 
even a woman who was among them was entirely destitute of 
clothing. Most of them were young, seemingly not above thirty 
years of age ; of a good stature, with very thick black lank hair, 
mostly cut short above their ears, though some had it down to 
their shoulders, tied up with a string about their head like 
women's tresses. Their countenances were mild and agreeable 
and their features good ; but their foreheads were too high, 
which gave them rather a wild appearance. They were of a 
middle stature, jDlump, and well shaped, but of an olive com- 
plexion, like the inhabitants of the Canaries, or sunburnt peas- 
ants. Some were painted with black, others with white, and 
others again with red; in some the whole body was painted, 
in others only the face, and some only the nose and eyes. They 
had no weapons like those of Europe, neither had they any 
knowledge of such ; for when our people shewed them a naked 
sword, they ignorantly grasped it by the edge. Neither had they 
any knowledge of iron ; as their javelins were merely constructed 
of wood, having their points hardened in the fire, and armed 


with a piece of fish-bone. Some of them had scars of wounds 
on different parts, and being asked by signs how these had been 
got, they answered by signs that people from other islands came 
to take them away, and that they had been wounded in their 
own defence. They seemed ingenious and of a voluble tongue ; 
as they readily repeated such words as they once heard. There 
were no kind of animals among them excepting parrots, which 
they carried to barter with the Christians among the articles 
already mentioned, and in this trade they continued on board 
the ships till night, when they all returned to the shore. 

In the morning of the next day, being the 13th of October, 
many of the natives returned on board the ships in their boats 
or canoes, which were all of one piece hollowed like a tray from 
the trunk of a tree ; some of these were so large as to contain 
forty or forty-five men, while others were so small as only to 
hold one person, with many intermediate sizes between these 
extremes. These they worked along with paddles formed like 
a baker's peel or the implement which is used in dressing hemp. 
These oars or paddles were not fixed by pins to the sides of the 
canoes like ours ; but were dipped into the water and pulled 
backwards as if digging. Their canoes are so light and art- 
fully constructed, that if overset they soon turn them right 
again by swimming; and they empty out the water by throwing 
them from side to side like a weaver's shuttle, and when half 
emptied they lade out the rest with dried calabashes cut in two, 
which they carry for that purpose. 

This second day the natives, as said before, brought various 
articles to barter for such small things as they could procure in 
exchange. Jewels or metals of any kind were not seen among 
them, except some small plates of gold which hung from their 
nostrils ; and on being questioned from whence they procured 
the gold, they answered by signs that they had it from the 
south, where there was a king who possessed abundance of 
pieces and vessels of gold ; and they made our people to 
understand that there were many other islands and large coun- 
tries to the south and south-west. They were very covetous to 
get possession of any thing which belonged to the Christians, 
and being themselves very poor, with nothing of value to give 
in exchange, as soon as they got on board, if they could lay 
hold of any thing which struck their fancy, though it were only 
a piece of a broken glazed earthen dish or porringer, they 
leaped with it into the sea and swam on shore with their prize. 
If they brought any thing on board they would barter it for 
any thing whatever belonging to our people, even for a piece of 


broken glass ; insomuch that some gave sixteen large clews of 
well spun cotton yarn, weighing twenty-five pounds, for three 
small pieces of Portuguese brass coin not worth a farthing. 
Their liberality in dealing did not proceed from their putting 
any great value on the things themselves which they received 
from our people in return, but because they valued them as 
belonging to the Christians, whom they believed certainly to 
have come down from Heaven, and they therefore earnestly 
desired to have something from them as a memorial. In this 
manner all this day was spent, and the islanders as before went 
all on shore at night. 

Ferdinand Columbus was born three or four years before his father 
sailed on his first voyage. In 1502, when thirteen years old, he accom- 
panied his father on his fourth voyage ; and he is said to have made two 
other voyages to the New World. His later years were passed in attend- 
ance upon Charles V on his travels and in literary pursuits. He died at 
Seville in 1539. He bequeathed his library, consisting of about twenty 
thousand volumes in print and manuscript, to the cathedral, and about four 
thousand of the volumes still remain there. His life of his father appeared 
in Italian at Venice in 1571. The history of the original manuscript is 
involved in obscurity, and in this latest time the authenticity of the work 
has been called in question by the French critic, Henri Harrisse, but on 
grounds which do not seem to be adequate in the face of the long-accepted 
belief. A full account of the controversy, by Justin Winsor, may be found 
in connection with the chapter on Columbus in the second volume of the 
Narrative and Critical History of America. The student is referred to 
this chapter for a thorough discussion of the whole literature concerning 
Columbus and the discovery of America ; special attention is directed to 
those books which show how the knowledge of the New World affected 
Europe. See also Mr. Winsor's separate volume on Christopher Columbus: 
An Exarninaiion of the Historical and Geographical Conditions iinder which 
the Western Continent was disclosed to Europe, zuith an inquiry into the per- 
sonal history of Cristoval Colon. 

There is an account by Columbus himself of his first voyage, in a letter 
to Sanchez, the Spanish treasurer; and this with other valuable papers may 
be seen in the Select Letters of Columbics, edited by Major. More impor- 
tant is the account of the first voyage, by Las Casas, abridged from the 
Journal of Columbus, which is lost. This abridgment was discovered by 
Navarete and printed in 1825 ; and there is an English translation by Sam- 
uel Kettell. Las Casas says that for a while he follows the very words of 

The principal life of Columbus in English is the well-known work of 


Irving, which contains in its appendix many valuable original documents, 
as well as discussions of several such interesting subjects as the explorations 
of Marco Polo and their influence on Columbus, and the voyages of the 
Northmen. Many of the young people will prefer to read the new and 
briefer life of Columbus, by Edward Everett Hale; and they will be inter- 
ested in the chapters on Columbus in Iligginson's Young Folks' Book of 
American Explorers and Jules Verne's Exploration of the World. There is 
a life of Columbus by Arthur Helps; and the valuable biography by the 
Italian Tarducci has recently been translated. The new work by John 
Fiske, just ready, on The Discovery and Spanish Conquest of A?nerica, covers 
this whole period in a thorough and most attractive manner. 

The selection in the present leaflet is taken from the biography by 
Ferdinand Columbus, as given in Kerr's Voyages, vol. iii. Here also may 
be found Herrera's early account of Columbus, so highly praised by Irving, 
Prescott, and Ticknor. 


These Leaflets, issued by the Directors of the Old South Studies in 
History, are largely reproductions of important original papers, accom- 
panied by historical and bibliographical notes. They consist, on an average, 
of sixteen pages, and are sold at the low price of five cents a copy, or three 
dollars per hundred. The Old South work is a work for the education of 
the people, and especially the education of our young people, in American 
history and politics, and its promoters believe that few things can contribute 
better to this end than the wide circulation of such Leaflets as these. The 
aim is to bring important original documents within easy reach of everybody. 
It is hoped that professors in our colleges and teachers everywhere will wel- 
come them for use in their classes, and that they may meet the needs of the 
societies of young men and women now hapi^ily being organized in so many 
places for historical and political studies. There are at present 28 leaflets 
in this general series, and others will rapidly follow. The following are the 
titles of those now ready : 

No. I. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The Articles of 
Confederation. 3. The Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's 
Farewell Address. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's " Healing Question." 
7. Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Connecti- 
cut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's Inaugurals. 
II. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 12. The Federal- 
ist, Nos. I and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The Constitution of 
Ohio.* 15. Washington's Letter to the Governors of the States, 1783. 
16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 1784. 17. Verrazzano's 
Voyage, 1524. 18. The Swiss Constitution.* 19. The Bill of Rights, 1689. 
20. Coronado's Letter to Mendoza, 1540. 21. Eliot's Brief Narrative of 
Work among the Indians, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of the Founding 
of his Indian School, 1762. 23. The Petition of Rights, 1628. 24. The 
Grand Remonstrance. 25. The Scottish National Covenants. 26. The 
Agreement of the People. 27. The Instrument of Government. 28. Crom- 
well's First Speech to his Parliament. 

♦-Dou b l e ' ' im ' fl 'i bw s , " 



Introduction to 



1. If the scientific investigation of any subject be the proper 
avocation of the philosopher, Geography, the science of which 
we propose to treat, is certainly entitled to a high place ; and 
this is evident from many considerations. They who first vent- 
ured to handle the matter were distinguished men. Homer, 
Anaximander the Milesian, and Hecataeus (his fellow-citizen 
according to Eratosthenes), Democritus, Eudoxus, Dicsarchus, 
Ephorus, with many others, and after these Eratosthenes, Po- 
lybius, and Posidonius, all of them philosophers. 

Nor is the great learning, through which alone this subject 
can be approached, possessed by any but a person acquainted 
with both human and divine things, and these attainments con- 
stitute what is called philosophy. In addition to its vast im- 
portance in regard to social life, and the art of government, 
Geography unfolds to us the celestial phenomena, acquaints us 
with the occupants of the land and ocean, and the vegetation, 
fruits, and peculiarities of the various quarters of the earth, a 
knowledge of which marks him who cultivates it as a man 
earnest in the great problem of life and happiness. 

2. Admitting this, let us examine more in detail the points 
we have advanced. 

And, first [we maintain], that both we and our predecessors, 
amongst whom is Hipparchus, do justly regard Homer as the 
founder of geographical science, for he not only excelled all, 
ancient as well as modern, in the sublimity of his poetry, but 
also in his experience of social life. Thus it was that he not 
only exerted himself to become familiar with as many historic 
facts as possible, and transmit them to posterity, but also with 

the various regions of the inhabited land and sea, some inti- 
mately, others in a more general manner. For otherwise he 
would not have reached the utmost limits of the earth, travers- 
ing it in his imagination. 

3. First, he stated that the earth was entirely encompassed 
by the ocean, as in truth it is; afterwards he described the 
countries, specifying some by name, others more generally by 
various indications, explicitly defining Libya, Ethiopia, the 
Sidonians, and the Erembi (by which latter are probably in- 
tended the Troglodyte Arabians) ; and alluding to those farther 
east and west as the lands washed by the ocean, for in ocean 
he believed both the sun and constellations to rise and set. 

*' Now from the gently swelling flood profound 
The sun arising, with his earliest rays, 
In his ascent to heaven smote on the fields." 

" And now the radiant sun in ocean sank, 
Dragging night after him o'er all the earth." 

The stars also he describes as bathed in the ocean. 

4. He portrays the happiness of the people of the West, and 
the salubrity of their climate, having no doubt heard of the 
abundance of Iberia, which had attracted the arms of Her- 
cules, afterwards of the Phoenicians, who acquired there an 
extended rule, and finally of the Romans. There the airs of 
Zephyr breathe, there the poet feigned the fields of Elysium, 
when he tells us Menelaus was sent thither by the gods; 

"Thee the gods 
Have destined to the blest Elysian isles, 
Earth's utmost boundaries. Rhadamanthus there 
Forever reigns, and there the human kind 
Enjoy the easiest life ; no snow is there, 
No biting winter, and no drenching shower, 
But Zephyr always gently from the sea 
Breathes on them, to refresh the happy race." 

5. The Isles of the Blest are on the extreme west of Mauru- 
sia, near where its shore runs parallel to the opposite coast of 
Spain ; and it is clear he considered these regions also Blest, 
from their contiguity to the Islands. 

6. He tells us, also, that the Ethiopians are far removed, and 
bounded by the ocean : far removed, — 

" The Ethiopians, utmost of mankind, 
These eastward situate, those toward the west." 

Nor was he mistaken in calling them separated into two di- 
visions, as we shall presently show : and next to the ocean, — 

" For to the banks of the Oceanus, 
Where Ethiopia holds a feast to Jove, 
He journey'd yesterday." 

Speaking of the Bear, he implies that the most northern part of 
the earth is bounded by the ocean : — 

" Only star of these denied 
To slake his beams in Ocean's briny baths." 

Now, by the " Bear " and the " Wain " he means the Arctic 
Circle ; otherwise he would never have said, " It alo?ie is de- 
prived of the baths of the ocean," when such an infinity of 
stars is to be seen continually revolving in that part of the 
hemisphere. Let no one any longer blame his ignorance for 
being merely acquainted with one Bear, when there are two. 
It is probable that the second was not considered a constella- 
tion until, on the Phoenicians specially designating it, and em- 
ploying it in navigation, it became known as one to the Greeks. 
Such is the case with the Hair of Berenice, and Canopus, 
whose names are but of yesterday ; and, as Aratus remarks, 
there are numbers which have not yet received any designa- 
tion. Crates, therefore, is mistaken when, endeavoring to 
amend what is correct, he reads the verse thus : 

Oto5 8' aiJifJiop6<s ian Aoerpwv, 
replacing 0177 by oto?, with a view to make the adjective agree 
with the Arctic Circle, which is masculine ; instead of the 
Arctic Constellation, which is feminine. The expression of 
Heraclitus is far more preferable and Homeric, who thus figu- 
ratively describes the Arctic Circle as the Bear, — "The Bear 
is the limit of the dawn and of the evening, and from the re- 
gion of the Bear we have fine weather." Now it is not the 
constellation of the Bear, but the Arctic Circle, which is the 
limit of the rising and the setting stars. 

By the Bear, then, which he elsewhere calls the Wain, and 
describes as pursuing Orion, Homer means us to understand 
the Arctic Circle ; and by the ocean, that horizon into which, 
and out of which, the stars rise and set. When he says that 
the Bear turns round and is deprived of the ocean, he was aware 
that the Arctic Circle [alv/ays] extended to the sign opposite 
the most northern point of the horizon. Adapting the words 
of the poet to this view, by that part of the earth nearest to the 
ocean we must understand the horizon, and by the Arctic 
Circle that which extends to the signs which seem to our senses 
to touch in succession the most northern point of the horizon. 
Thus, according to him, this portion of the earth is washed by 

the ocean. With the nations of the North he was well ac- 
quainted, although he does not mention them by name, and in- 
deed at the present day there is no regular title by which they 
are all distinguished. He informs us of their mode of life, de- 
scribing them as "wanderers," "noble milkers of mares," "liv- 
ing on cheese/' and "without wealth." 

7. In the following speech of Juno, he states that the ocean 
surrounds the earth : — 

" For to the green earth's utmost bounds I go 
To visit there the parent of the gods, 

Does he not here assert that ocean bounds all its extremities, 
and does it not surround these extremities ? Again, in the 
HoplopcEia^ he places the ocean in a circle round the border 
of Achilles' shield. Another proof of the extent of his knowl- 
edge is his acquaintance with the ebb and flow of the sea, call- 
ing it " the ebbing ocean." Again, 

" Each day she thrice disgorges, and again 
Thrice drinks, insatiate, the deluge down." 

The assertion of thrice, instead of twice, is either an error of 
the author or a blunder of the scribe, but the phenomenon is 
the same, and the expression soft-flowing has reference to the 
flood-tide, which has a gentle swell, and does not flow with a 
full rush. Posidonius believes that where Homer describes the 
rocks as at one time covered with the waves, and at another 
left bare, and when he compares the ocean to a river, he alludes 
to the flow of the ocean. The first supposition is correct, but 
for the second there is no ground , inasmuch as there can be no 
comparison between the flov/, much less the ebb, of the sea and 
the current of a river. There is more probability in the expla- 
nation of Crates, that Homer describes the whole ocean as 
deep-flowing, ebbing, and also calls it a river, and that he also 
describes a part of the ocean as a river, and the flow of a river ; 
and that he is speaking of a part, and not the whole, when he 
thus writes : — 

" When down the smooth Oceanus impelled 
By prosperous gales, my galley, once again, 
Cleaving the billows of the spacious deep, 
Had reach'd the ^asan isle." 

He does not, however, mean the whole, but the flow of the 
river in the ocean, which forms but a part of the ocean. Crates 
says he speaks of an estuary or gulf, extending from the winter 
tropic toward the south pole. Now, any one quitting this might 


still be in the ocean ; but for a person to leave the whole, and 
still to be in the whole, is an impossibility. But Homer says 
that, leaving the flow of the river, the ship entered on the waves 
of the sea, which is the same as the ocean. If you take it other- 
wise, you make him say that, departing from the ocean, he came 
to the ocean. But this requires further discussion. 

8. Perception and experience alike inform us that the earth 
we inhabit is an island, since, wherever men have approached 
the termination of the land, the sea, which we designate ocean, 
has been met with ; and reason assures us of the similarity of 
those places which our senses have not been permitted to sur- 
vey. For in the east the land occupied by the Indians, and in 
the west by the Iberians and Maurusians, is wholly encom- 
passed [by water], and so is the greater part on the south and 
north. And as to v/hat remains as yet unexplored by us, be- 
cause navigators, sailing from opposite points, have not hitherto 
fallen in with each other, it is not much, as any one may see 
who will compare the distances between those places with 
which w^e are already acquainted. Nor is it likely that the 
Atlantic Ocean is divided into two seas by narrow isthmuses 
so placed as to prevent circumnavigation : how much more 
probable that it is confluent and uninterrupted ! Those w^ho 
have returned from an attempt to circumnavigate the earth do 
not say they have been prevented from continuing their voyage 
by any opposing continent, — for the sea remained perfectly 
open, — but through want of resolution and the scarcity of 
provision. This theory, too, accords better with the ebb and 
flow of the ocean; for the phenomenon, both in the increase 
and diminution, is everywhere identical, or at all events has 
but little difference, as if produced by the agitation of one sea 
and resulting from one cause. 

9. We must not credit Hipparchus, who combats this opinion, 
denying that the ocean is everywhere similarly affected ; or that, 
even if it were, it would not follow that the Atlantic flowed in a 
circle, and thus continually returned into itself. Seleucus, the 
Babylonian, is his authority for this assertion. For a further 
investigation of the ocean and its tides w^e refer to Posidonius 
and Athenodorus, who have fully discussed this subject : we 
will now only remark that this view agrees better with the uni- 
formity of the phenomenon ; and that the greater the amount 
of moisture surrounding the earth, the easier would the 
heavenly bodies be supplied Vv^ith vapors from thence. 

10. Homer, besides the boundaries of the earth, which he fully 
describes, was likewise well acquainted with the Mediterranean. 

Starting from the Pillars, this sea is encompassed by Libya, 
Egypt, and Phoenicia, then by the coasts opposite Cyprus, the 
Solymi, Lycia, and Caria, and then by the shore which stretches 
between Mycale and Troas, and the adjacent islands, every one 
of which he mentions, as well as those of the Propontis and the 
Euxine, as far as Colchis, and the locality of Jason's expedition. 
Furthermore, he was acquainted with the Cimmerian Bosphorus, 
having known the Cimmerians, and that not merely by name, 
but as being familiar with themselves. About this time, or a 
little before, they had ravaged the whole country, from the Bos- 
phorus to Ionia. Their climate he characterizes as dismal, in 
the following lines : — 

*' With clouds and darkness veiled, on whom the sun 
Deigns not to look with his beam-darting eye, 

But sad night canopies the woful race." 

He must also have been acquainted with the Ister, since he 
speaks of the Mysians, a Thracian race, dwelling on the banks 
of the Ister. He knew also the whole Thracian coast adjacent 
thereto, as far as the Peneus ; for he mentions individually 
the Pseonians, Athos, the Axius, and the neighboring islands. 
From hence to Thesprotis is the Grecian shore, with the whole 
of which he was acquainted. He was besides familiar with the 
whole of Italy, and speaks of Temese and the Sicilians, as well 
as the whole of Spain and its fertility, as we have said before. 
If he omits various intermediate places, this must be pardoned; 
for even the compiler of a Geography overlooks numerous de- 
tails. We must forgive him, too, for intermingling fabulous 
narrative with his historical and instructive work. This should 
not be complained of : nevertheless, what Eratosthenes says is 
false, that the poets aim at amusement, not instruction, since 
those who have treated upon the subject most profoundly re- 
gard poesy in the light of a primitive philosophy. But we shall 
refute Eratosthenes more at length, when we have occasion 
again to speak of Homer. 

II. What we have already advanced is sufficient to prove 
that poet the father of geography. Those who followed in his 
track are also well known as great men and true philosophers. 
The two immediately succeeding Homer, according to Eratos- 
thenes, were Anaximander, the disciple and fellow-citizen of 
Thales, and Hecatseus the Milesian. Anaximander was the 
first to publish a geographical chart. Hecalasus left a work [on 
the same subject], which we can identify as his by means of his 
other writings. 

12. Many have testified to the amount of knowledge which 
this subject requires ; and Hipparchus, in his Strictures on 
Eratosthenes, well observes " that no one can become really 
proficient in geography, either as a private individual or as 
a professor, without an acquaintance with astronomy, and 
a knowledge of eclipses. For instance, no one could tell 
whether Alexandria in Egypt were north or south of Babylon, 
nor yet the intervening distance, without observing the latitudes. 
Again, the only means we possess of becoming acquainted with 
the longitudes of different places is afforded by the eclipses of 
the sun and moon." Such are the very words of Hipparchus. 

13. Every one who undertakes to give an accurate descrip- 
tion of a place should be particular to add its astronomical 
and geometrical relations, explaining carefully its extent, dis- 
tance, degrees of latitude, and "climate." Even a builder 
before constructing a house, or an architect before laying out 
a city, would take these things into consideration : much more 
should he who examines the whole earth; for such things in 
a peculiar manner belong to him. In small distances a little 
deviation north or south does not signify, but when it is the 
whole circle of the earth, the north extends to the furthest con- 
fines of Scythia, or Keltica, and the south to the extremities of 
Ethiopia : there is a wide difference here. The case is the 
same, should we inhabit India or Spain, one in the east, the 
other far west, and, as we are aware, the antipodes to each 

14. The [motions] of the sun and stars and the centripetal 
force meet us on the very threshold of such subjects, and com- 
pel us to the study of astronomy, and the observation of such 
phenomena as each of us may notice ; in which, too, very con- 
siderable differences appear, according to the various points of 
observation. How could any one undertake to write accurately 
and with propriety on the differences of the various parts of the 
earth, who was ignorant of these matters ? and although, if the 
undertaking were of a popular character, it might not be advis- 
able to enter thoroughly into detail, still we should endeavor to 
include everything which could be comprehended by the gen- 
eral reader. 

15. He who has thus elevated his mind, will he be satisfied 
with anything less than the whole world } If, in his anxiety 
accurately to portray the inhabited earth, he has dared to 
survey heaven, and make use thereof for purposes of instruc- 
tion, would it not seem childish, were he to refrain from examin- 
ing the whole earth, of which the inhabited is but a part, — its 


size, its features, and its position in the universe : whether 
other portions are inhabited besides those on which we dwell, 
and, if so, their amount ? What is the extent of the regions 
not peopled? what their peculiarities, and the cause of their 
remaining as they are ? Thus it appears that the knowledge 
of geography is connected with meteorology and geometry, 
that it unites the things of earth to the things of heaven, as 
though they were nearly allied and not separated. 

" As far as heaven from earth." 

1 6. To the various subjects which it embraces let us add 
natural history, or the history of the animals, plants, and other 
dirfferent productions of the earth and sea, whether serviceable 
or useless, and my original statement will, I think, carry perfect 
conviction with it. 

That he who should undertake this work would be a bene- 
factor to mankind, reason and the voice of antiquity agree. 
The poets feign that they were the wisest heroes who travelled 
and wandered most in foreign climes , and to be familiar with 
many countries, and the disposition of the inhabitants, is, 
according to them, of vast importance. Nestor prides himself 
on having associated with the Lapithae, to whom he went, 
"having been invited thither from the Apian land afar." 

So does Menelaus : — 

"Cyprus, Phoenicia, Sidon, and the shores 
Of Egypt, roaming witnout hope I reach'd ; 
In distant Ethiopia thence arrived. 
And Libya, where the lambs their foreheads show 
With budding horns defended soon as yean'd." 

Adding as a peculiarity of the country, 

" There thrice within the year the flocks produce." 

And of Egypt : " Where the sustaining earth is most prolific." 
And Thebes, 

" The city with an hundred gates, 
"Whence twenty thousand chariots rush to war." 

Such information greatly enlarges our sphere of knowledge, 
by informing us of the nature of the country, its botanical and 
zoological peculiarities. To these should be added its marine 
history ; for we are in a certain sense amphibious, not exclu- 
sively connected with the land, but with the sea as well. Her- 
cules, on account of his vast experience and observation, was 
described as " skilled in mighty works." 

All that we have previously stated is confirmed both by the 

testimony of antiquity and by reason. One consideration, hov/- 
ever, appears to bear in a peculiar manner on the case in 
point : viz., the importance of geography in a political view. 
For the sea and the earth in which we dwell furnish theatres 
for action ; limited, for limited actions ; vast, for grander 
deeds ; but that which contains them all, and is the scene of 
the greatest undertakings, constitutes what we term the habit- 
able earth ; and they are the greatest generals who, subduing 
nations and kingdoms under one sceptre, and one political 
administration, have acquired dominion over land and sea. It 
is clear, then, that geography is essential to all the transactions 
of the statesman, informing us, as it does, of the position of the 
continents, seas, and oceans of the whole habitable earth. In- 
formation of especial interest to those who are concerned to 
know the exact truth of such particulars, and whether the places 
have been explored or not; for government will certainly be 
better administered where the size and position of the country, 
its own peculiarities, and those of the surrounding districts, are 
understood. Forasmuch as there are many sovereigns who 
rule in different regions, and some stretch their dominion over 
others' territories, and undertake the government of different 
nations and kingdoms, and thus enlarge the extent of their do- 
minion, it is not possible that either themselves, nor yet writers 
on geography, should be equally acquainted with the whole, 
but tO both there is a great deal more or less known. Indeed, 
were the whole earth under one government and one adminis- 
tration, it is hardly possible that we should be informed of 
every locality in an equal degree ; for even then we should be 
most acquainted with the places nearest us : and, after all, it 
is better that we should have a more perfect description of 
these, since, on account of their proximity, there is greater 
need for it. We see there is no reason to be surprised that 
there should be one chorographer for the Indians, another for 
the Ethiopians, and a third for the Greeks and Romans. What 
use would it be to the Indians if a geographer should thus 
describe Boeotia to them, in the words of Homer ? — 

" The dwellers on the rocks 
Of Aulis follow'd, with the hardy clans 
Of Hyria, Schcenus, Scolus." 

To us this is of value, while to be acquainted with the Indies 
and their various territorial divisions would be useless, as it 
could lead to no advantage, which is the only criterion of the 
worth of such knowledge. 

17. Even if we descend to the consideration of such trivial 


matters as hunting, the case is still the same ; for he will be 
most successful in the chase who is acquainted with the size 
and nature of the wood, and one familiar with the locality 
will be the most competent to superintend an encampment, 
an ambush, or a march. But it is in great undertakings that 
the truth shines out in all its brilliancy ; for here, while the 
success resulting from knowledge is grand, the consequences 
of ignorance are disastrous. The fleet of Agamemnon, for in- 
stance, ravaging Mysia, as if it had been the Trojan territory, 
was compelled to a shameful retreat. Likewise the Persians 
and Libyans, supposing certain straits to be impassable, were 
very near falling into great perils, and have left behind them 
memorials of their ignorance; the former a monument to Sal- 
ganeus on the Euripus, near Chalcis, whom the Persians slew, 
for, as they thought, falsely conducting their fleet from the 
Gulf of Malea to the Euripus ; and the latter to the memory of 
Pelorus, who was executed on a like occasion. At the time of 
the expedition of Xerxes the coasts of Greece were covered 
with wrecks, and the emigrations from ^Eolia and Ionia furnish 
numerous instances of the same calamity. On the other hand, 
matters have come to a prosperous termination, when judi- 
ciously directed by a knowledge of the locality. Thus it was 
at the pass of Thermopylae that Ephialtes is reported to have 
pointed out to the Persians a pathway over the mountains, and 
so placed the band of Leonidas at their mercy, and opened to 
the Barbarians a passage into Pylas. But, passing over ancient 
occurrences, we think that the late expeditions of the Romans 
against the Parthians furnish an excellent example, where, as in 
those against the Germans and Kelts, the Barbarians, taking 
advantage of their situation, [carried on the war] in marshes, 
woods, and pathless deserts, deceiving the ignorant enemy as to 
the position of different places, and concealing the roads and 
the means of obtaining food and necessaries. 

i8. As we have said, this science has an especial reference 
to the occupations and requirements of statesmen, with whom 
also political and ethical philosophy is mainly concerned ; and 
here is an evidence. We distinguish the different kinds of civil 
government by the office of their chief men, denominating one 
government a monarchy, or kingdom, another an aristocracy, a 
third a democracy ; for so many we consider are the forms of 
government, and we designate them by these names, because 
from them they derive their primary characteristic. For the 
laws which emanate from the sovereign, from the aristocracy, 
and from the people, all are different. The law is, in fact, a type 

1 1 

of the form of government. It is on this account that some 
define right to be the interest of the strongest. If, therefore, 
political philosophy is advantageous to the ruler, and geography 
in the actual government of the country, this latter seems to 
possess some little superiority. This superiority is most observ- 
able in real service. 

19. But even the theoretical portion of geography is by no 
means contemptible. On the one hand, it embraces the arts, 
mathematics, and natural science ; on the other, history and 
fable. Not that this latter can have any distinct advantage : 
for instance, if any one should relate to us the wanderings of 
Ulysses, Menelaus, and Jason, he would not seem to have 
added directly to our fund of practical knowledge thereby 
(which is the only thing men of the world are interested in) 
unless he should convey useful examples of what those wan- 
derers were compelled to suffer, and at the same time afford 
matter of rational amusement to those who interest themselves 
in the places which gave birth to such fables. Practical men 
interest themselves in these pursuits, since they are at once 
commendable, and afford them pleasure, but yet not to any 
great extent. In this class, too, will be found those whose 
main object in life is pleasure and respectability; but these 
by no means constitute the majority of mankind, who naturally 
prefer that which holds out some direct advantage. The geog- 
rapher should therefore chiefly devote himself to what is prac- 
tically important. He should follow the same rule in regard to 
history and the mathematics, selecting always that which is 
most useful, most intelligible, and most authentic. 

20. Geometry and astronomy, as we before remarked, seem 
absolutely indispensable in this science. This, in fact, is evi- 
dent, that without some such assistance it would be impossible 
to be accurately acquainted with the configuration of the earth, 
its climata, dimensions, and the like information. 

As the size of the earth has been demonstrated by other 
writers, we shall here take for granted and receive as accurate 
what they have advanced. We shall also assume that the earth 
is spheroidal, that its surface is likewise spheroidal, and, above 
all, that bodies have a tendency towards its centre, which latter 
point is clear to the perception of the most average understand- 
ing. However, we may show summarily that the earth is sphe- 
roidal from the consideration that all things however distant 
tend to its centre, and that every body is attracted towards its 
centre of gravity : this is more distinctly proved from 'observa- 
tions of the sea and sky, for here the evidence of the senses, 


and common observation, is alone requisite. The convexity of 
the sea is a further proof of this to those who have sailed ; for 
they cannot perceive lights at a distance when placed at the 
same level as their eyes, but, if raised on high, they at once be- 
come perceptible to vision, though at the same time further 
removed. So, when the eye is raised, it sees what before was 
utterly imperceptible. Homer speaks of this when he says, 

'* Lifted up on the vast wave, he quickly beheld afar." 

Sailors, as they approach their destination, behold the shore 
continually raising itself to their view ; and objects which had 
at first seemed low begin to elevate themselves. Our gnomons, 
also, are, among other things, evidence of the revolution of the 
heavenly bodies ; and common sense at once shows us that, if 
the depth of the earth were infinite, such a revolution could not 
take place. 

Every information respecting the climata is contained in the 
" Treatises on Positions." 

2 1. Now there are some facts which we take to be estab- 
lished ; namely, those with which every politician and general 
should be familiar. For on no account should they be so unin- 
formed as to the heavens and the position of the earth that 
when they are in strange countries, where some of the heavenly 
phenomena wear a different aspect to what they have been ac- 
customed, they should be in a consternation, and exclaim, 

" Neither west 
Know we, nor east, where rises or where sets 
The all-enlightening sun." 

Still, we do not expect that they should be such thorough mas- 
ters of the subject as to know what stars rise and set together 
for the different quarters of the earth ; those which have the 
same meridian line, the elevation of the poles, the signs which 
are in the zenith, with all the various phenomena which differ 
as well in appearance as reality with the variations of the 
horizon and arctic circle. With some of these matters, unless 
as philosophical pursuits, they should not burden themselves at 
all ; others they must take for granted without searching into 
their causes. This must be left to the care of the philosopher ; 
the statesman can have no leisure, or very little, for such pur- 
suits. Those who, through carelessness and ignorance, are not 
familiar with the globe and the circles traced upon it, some 
parallel to each other, some at right angles to the former, 
others, again, in an oblique direction ; nor yet with the position 
of the tropics, equator, and zodiac (that circle through which 


the sun travels in his course, and by which we reckon the 
changes of season and the winds), — such persons we caution 
against the perusal of our work. For if a man is neither prop- 
erly acquainted with these things, nor with the variations of the 
horizon and arctic circle, and such similar elements of mathe- 
matics, how can he comprehend the matters treated of here? 
So for one who does not know a right line from a curve, nor yet 
a circle, nor a plane or spherical surface, nor the seven stars in 
the firmament composing the Great Bear, and such like, our 
work is entirely useless, at least for the present. Unless he 
first acquires such information, he is utterly incompetent to the 
study of geography. So those who have written the works en- 
titled " On Ports," " Voyages round the World," have per- 
formed their task imperfectly, since they have omitted to sup- 
ply the requisite information from mathematics and astronomy. 

22. The present undertaking is composed in a lucid style, 
suitable alike to the statesman and the general reader, after 
the fashion of my History. By a statesman we do not intend 
an illiterate person, but one who has gone through the course 
of a liberal and philosophical education. For a man who has 
bestowed no attention on virtue or intelligence, nor what con- 
stitutes them, must be incompetent either to blame or praise, 
still less to decide what actions are worthy to be placed on 

23. Having already compiled our Historical Memoirs, which, 
as we conceive, are a valuable addition both to political and 
moral philosophy, we have now determined to follow it up with 
the present work, which has been prepared on the same system 
as the former, and for the same class of readers, but more 
particularly for those who are in high stations of life. And 
as our former production contains only the most striking events 
in the lives of distinguished m^en, omitting trifling and unim- 
portant incidents, so here it will be proper to dismiss small 
and doubtful particulars, and merely call attention to great and 
remarkable transactions, such in fact as are useful, memorable, 
and entertaining. In the colossal works of the sculptor we do 
not descend into a minute examination of particulars, but look 
principally for perfection in the general ensemble. This is the 
only method of criticism applicable to the present work. Its 
proportions, so to speak, are colossal ; it deals in the general- 
ities and main outlines of things, except now and then, when 
some minor detail can be selected, calculated to be serviceable 
to the seeker after knowledge or the man of business. 

We now think we have demonstrated that our presenr under- 


taking is one that requires great care, and is well worthy of a 

Strabo, the most famous geographer of ancient times, Jived just at the 
beginning of our era. He was born at Amasea in Pontus, about sixty years 
before the birth of Christ, and died, probably at Rome, about twenty-five 
years after the birth of Christ, — that is, just as Christ was beginning his 
public ministry. He lived, therefore, during the reign at Rome of Julius 
Ccesar, Augustus, and Tiberius. His earliest writings were two historical 
works now lost. Plutarch calls him "the philosopher," and quotes his 
Memoirs. But his great work is his Geography. There had been Greek 
geographers before Strabo, and Eratosthenes is considered by some scholars 
an even greater geographer than Strabo ; but Strabo's work is the most 
comprehensive that had been attempted up to his time, giving a survey of 
the whole world as then known. His work, as Humboldt remarked, " sur- 
passes all the geographical writings of antiquity, both in grandeur of plan 
and in the abundance and variety of its materials." Strabo was a great 
traveller, although he had of course seen but a comparatively small portion 
of the regions he describes, and necessarily relies on other travellers and 
writers. He had a passionate love for Homer, as appears from the passage 
given in the present leaflet, and accepted fully the Homeric geography. 
Towards Herodotus, on the other hand, he is very unjust, and his slight 
regard for the accounts of Herodotus betrays him into mistakes. He refers 
to Caesar's Commentaries once, and evidently made further use of them. 
He designed his work, he tells us, largely for the statesman ; and his obser- 
vations upon the people, productions, and political conditions of the dif- 
ferent countries are therefore especially full. 

Strabo's Geography consists of seventeen books. The first two form 
a general introduction, the next ten deal with Europe, the four following 
with Asia, and the last with Africa. His discussions, in his introduction, of 
the changes in the earth's surface effected by earthquakes and otherwise 
are praised by Sir Charles Lyell and others for the soundness of their geo- 
logical theories. He denies the existence of Thule, making Ireland (lerne), 
which he places north of Britain, the farthest land in that direction. He 
regards the Caspian Sea as opening into the Northern Ocean, here follow- 
ing Patrocles. Of Eastern Asia and Northern Africa of course he knows 
but little. He held the earth to be spherical, and placed in the centre of 
the universe. His illustrations of the spheroidal form of the earth are the 
same as in our own school geographies. The earth's circumference he makes 
25,200 geographical miles. He gives directions for making a plane map of 
the world, as a globe of sufiicient size is so cumbrous. The most famous 
passage in his book is that (Book I., chap, iv., § 6) in which he conjectures 
that, as the inhabited world was only one-third of the globe's circumference, 
there might be two or more continents besides that then known. " It is 
quite possible," are his words, " that in the temperate zone there may be 
two or even more habitable earths, especially near the circle of latitude 
which is drawn through Athens and the Atlantic Ocean." 

There is an English translation of Strabo's Geography, in three vol- 
umes, in Bohn's Library. The student should also read the article on 
Strabo in the Encyclopsedia Britannica. The more thorough student will 
consult Bunbury's great History of Ancient Geography : the account of 
Strabo and his work is in the second volume of this work. The work is 
full of most valuable maps of the world, according to Eratosthenes, 
Ptolemy, and others, including the map reproduced in the present leaflet. 


In the Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. i., there is a 
valuable chapter on " The Geographical Knowledge of the Ancients consid- 
ered in Relation to the Discovery of America," by William H. Tillinghast, 
which should have special attention. 

On the whole, it is remarkable how little geographical science was 
extended between the time of Strabo and the time of Columbus, although 
the travels of Marco Polo and the explorations of the Portuguese naviga- 
tors were, of course, most important. The name of Ptolemy, who lived 
about one hundred and fifty years after Christ, was still the dominant name 
in geographv in the fifteenth century. The student is referred to the allu- 
sions to Ptolemy and the other early geographers down to Toscanelli, who 
corresponded with Columbus and furnished him with the map of the world 
which he carried with him on his voyage, in the first volume of Fiske's 
Discove?y of America, pp. 263, etc. This work of Mr. Fiske's covers the 
whole period treated in the Old South lectures for 1892, in a most interest- 
ing and thorough manner; and it is especially commended for reading in 
connection with the subject. 


These Leaflets, issued by the Directors of the Old South Studies in 
History, are largely reproductions of important original papers, accompa- 
nied by historical and bibliographical notes. They consist, on an average, 
of sixteen pages, and are sold at the low price of five cents a copy, or three 
dollars per hundred. The Old South work is a work for the education of 
the people, and especially the education of our young people in American 
history and politics ; and its promoters believe that few things can contribute 
better to this end than the wide circulation of such Leaflets as these. The 
aim is to bring important original documents within easy reach of everybody. 
It is hoped that professors in our colleges and teachers everywhere will wel- 
come them for use in their class'es, and that they may meet the needs of the 
societies of young men and women now happily being organized in so many 
places for historical and political studies. There are at present 28 leaflets 
in this general series, and others will rapidly follow. The following are the 
titles of those now ready : 

No. I. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The Articles of 
Confederation. 3. The Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's 
Farewell Address. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's " Healing Question." 
7, Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Connect- 
icut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's Inaugu- 
rals. II. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 12. The 
Federalist, Nos. i and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The Constitu- 
tion of Ohio.* 15. Washington's Letter to the Governors of the States, 
1783. 16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Plarrison, 1784. 17. Verraz- 
zano's Voyage, 1524. 18. The Swiss Constitution.* 19. The Bill of Rights, 
1689. 20. Coronado's Letter to Mendoza, 1540. 21. Eliot's Brief Narra- 
tive of Work among the Indians, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of the 
Founding of his Indian School, 1762. 23. The Petition of Rights, 1628. 
24. The Grand Remonstrance. 2^. The Scottish National Covenants. 26. 


The Voyages to 

From the Saga of Eric the Red. 


After that sixteen winters had lapsed, from the time when 
Eric the Red- went to colonize Greenland, Leif, Eric's son, 
sailed out from Greenland to Norway. He arrived in Dron- 
theim in the autumn, when King Olaf Tryggvason was come 
down from the North, out of Halagoland. Leif put into 
Nidaros with his ship, and set out at once to visit the king. 
King Olaf expounded the faith to him, as he did to other 
heathen men who came to visit him. It proved easy for the 
king to persuade Leif, and he was accordingly baptized, to- 
gether with all of his shipmates. Leif remained throughout the 
winter with the king, by whom he w^as well entertained. 


Heriulf was a son of Bard Heriulfsson. He was a kinsman 
of Ingolf, the first colonist. Ingolf allotted land to Heriulf 
between Vag and Reykianess, and he dwelt at first at Drep- 
stokk. Heriulfs wife's name was Thorgerd, and their son, 
whose name was Biarni, was a most promising man. He 
formed an inclination for voyaging while he was still young, 
and he prospered both in property and public esteem. It was 
his custom to pass his winters alternately abroad and with his 
father. Biarni soon became the owner of a trading-ship ; and 
during the last winter that he spent in Norway [his father] 
Heriulf determined to accompany Eric on his voyage to Green- 
land, and made his preparations to give up his farm. Upon 
the ship with Heriulf was a Christian man from the Hebrides, 

he it was who composed the Sea-Roller's Song, which contains 

this stave : 

" Mine adventure to the Meek One, 

Monk-heart-searcher, I commit now ; 
He, who heaven's halls doth govern. 
Hold the hawk's-seat ever o'er me ! " 

Heriulf settled at Heriulfsness, and was a most distinguished 
man. Eric the Red dwelt at Brattahlid, where he was held in 
the highest esteem, and all men paid him homage. These 
were Eric's children : Leif, Thorvald, and Thorstein, and a 
daughter whose name was Freydis ; she was wedded to a man 
named Thorvard, and they dwelt at Gardar, where the episco- 
pal seat now is. She was a very haughty woman, while Thor- 
vard was a man of little force of character, and Freydis had 
been wedded to him chiefly because of his wealth. At that 
time the people of Greenland were heathen. 

Biarni arrived with his ship at Eyrar [in Iceland] in the sum- 
mer of the same year, in the spring of which his father had 
sailed away. Biarni was much surprised when he heard this 
news, and would not discharge his cargo. His shipmates in- 
quired of him what he intended to do, and he replied that it 
was his purpose to keep to his custom, and make his home for 
the winter with his father ; " and I will take the ship to Green- 
land, if you will bear me company." They all replied that they 
would abide by his decision. Then said Biarni, "Our voyage 
must be regarded as foolhardy, seeing that no one of us has 
ever been in the Greenland Sea." Nevertheless, they put out 
to sea when they were equipped for the voyage, and sailed for 
three days, until the land was hidden by the water, and then 
the fair wind died out, and north winds arose, and fogs, and 
they knew not whither they were drifting, and thus it lasted for 
many " doegr." Then they saw the sun again, and were able to 
determine the quarters of the heavens ; they hoisted sail, and 
sailed that "doegr" through before they saw land. They dis- 
cussed among themselves what land it could be, and Biarni 
said that he did not believe that it could be Greenland. They 
asked whether he wished to sail to this land or not. " It is my 
counsel " [said he] " to sail close to the land." They did so, 
and soon saw that the land was level, and covered with woods, 
and that there were small hillocks upon it. They left the land 
on their larboard, and let the sheet turn toward the land. They 
sailed for two "doegr" before they saw another land. They 
asked whether Biarni thought this was Greenland yet. He re- 
plied that he did not think this any more like Greenland than 

the former, "because in Greenland there are said to be many- 
great ice mountains." They soon approached this land, and 
saw that it was a flat and wooded country. The fair wind 
failed them then, and the crew took counsel together, and con- 
cluded that it would be wise to land there, but Biarni would not 
consent to this. They alleged that they were in need of both 
wood and water. "Ye have no lack of either of these," says 
Biarni, — a course, forsooth, which won him blame among his 
shipmates. He bade them hoist sail, which they did, and turn- 
ing the prow from the land they sailed out upon the high seas, 
with south-westerly gales, for three " doegr," when they saw the 
third land ; this land was high and mountainous, with ice moun- 
tains upon it. They asked Biarni then whether he v/ould land 
there, and he replied that he was not disposed to do so, " be- 
cause this land does not appear to me to offer any attractions." 
Nor did they lower their sail, but held their course off the land, 
and saw that it was an island. They left this land astern, and 
held out to sea with the same fair wind. The wind waxed 
amain, and Biarni directed them to reef, and not to sail at a 
speed unbefitting their ship and rigging. They sailed now for 
four "doegr," when they saw the fourth land. Again they asked 
Biarni whether he thought this could be Greenland or not. 
Biarni answers, " This is likest Greenland, according to that 
which has been reported to me concerning it, and here we will 
steer to the land." They directed their course thither, and 
landed in the evening, below a cape upon which there was a 
boat, and there, upon this cape, dwelt Heriulf, Biarni's father, 
whence the cape took its name, and was afterward called Heri- 
ulfsness. Biarni now went to his father, gave up his voyaging, 
and remained with his father while Heriulf lived, and continued 
to live there after his father. 


Next to this is now to be told how Biarni Heriulfsson came 
out from Greenland on a visit to Earl Eric, by whom he was 
well received. Biarni gave an account of his travels [upon the 
occasion] when he saw the lands, and the people thought that 
he had been lacking in enterprise, since he had no report to 
give concerning these countries ; and the fact brought him re- 
proach. Biarni v/as appointed one of the Earl's men, and went 
out to Greenland the following summer. There was now much 
talk about voyages of discovery. Leif, the son of Eric the Red, 
of Brattahlid, visited Biarni Heriulfsson and bought a ship of 

him, and collected a crew, until they formed altogether a com- 
pany of thirty-five men. Leif invited his father, Eric, to be- 
come the leader of the expedition, but Eric declined, saying 
that he was then stricken in years, and adding that he was less 
able to endure the exposure of sea life than he had been. Leif 
replied that he would nevertheless be the one who would be 
most apt to bring good luck, and Eric yielded to Leif's solicita- 
tion, and rode from home when they were ready to sail. When 
he was but a short distance from the ship, the horse which Eric 
was riding stumbled, and he was thrown from his back and 
wounded his foot, whereupon he exclaimed, " It is not designed 
for me to discover more lands than the one in which we are 
now living, nor can we now continue longer together." Eric 
returned home to Brattahlid, and Leif pursued his way to the 
ship with his companions, thirty-five men. One of the company 
was a German, named Tyrker. They put the ship in order; 
and, when they were ready, they sailed out to sea, and found 
first that land which Biarni and his shipmates found last. They 
sailed up to the land, and cast anchor, and launched a boat, and 
went ashore, and saw no grass there. Great ice mountains lay 
inland back from the sea, and it was as a [tableland of] flat rock 
all the way from the sea to the ice mountains ; and the country 
seemed to them to be entirely devoid of good qualities. Then 
said Leif, " It has not come to pass with us in regard to this 
land as with Biarni, that we have not gone upon it. To this 
country I will now give a name, and call it Helluland." They 
returned to the ship, put out to sea, and found a second land. 
They sailed again to the land, and came to anchor, and launched 
the boat, and went ashore. This was a level wooded land; 
and there were broad stretches of white sand where they 
went, and the land was level by the sea. Then said Leif, 
"This land shall have a name after its nature ; and we will call 
it Markland." They returned to the ship forthwith, and sailed 
away upon the main with north-east winds, and were out two 
*'doegr" before they sighted land. They sailed toward this 
land, and came to an island which lay to the northward off the 
land. There they went ashore and looked about them, the 
weather being fine, and they observed that there was dew upon 
the grass, and it so happened that they touched the dew with 
their hands, and touched their hands to their mouths, and it 
seemed to them that they had never before tasted anything so 
sweet as this. They went aboard their ship again and sailed 
into a certain sound, which lay between the island and a cape, 
which jutted out from the land on the north, and they stood in 


westering past the cape. At ebb-tide there were broad reaches 
of shallow water there, and they ran their ship aground there, 
and it was a long distance from the ship to the ocean ; yet were 
they so anxious to go ashore that they could not wait until the 
tide should rise under their ship, but hastened to the land, 
where a certain river flows out from a lake. As soon as the 
tide rose beneath their ship, however, they took the boat and 
rowed to the ship, which they conveyed up the river, and so into 
the lake, where they cast anchor and carried their hammocks 
ashore from the ship, and built themselves booths there. They 
afterward determined to establish themselves there for the 
winter, and they accordingly built a large house. There was 
no lack of salmon there either in the river or in the lake, and 
larger salmon than they had ever seen before. The country 
thereabouts seemed to be possessed of such good qualities that 
cattle would need no fodder there during the winters. There 
was no frost there in the winters, and the grass withered but 
little. The days and nights there were of more nearly equal 
length than in Greenland or Iceland. On the shortest day of 
winter, the sun was up between "eyktarstad" and "dagmal- 
astad." When they had completed their house, Leif said to his 
companions, " I propose now to divide our company into two 
groups, and to set about an exploration of the country. One-half 
of our party shall remain at home at the house, while the other 
half shall investigate the land ; and they must not go beyond 
a point from which they can return home the same evening, and 
are not to separate [from each other]. Thus they did for 
a time. Leif, himself, by turns joined the exploring party, or 
remained behind at the house. Leif was a large and powerful 
man, and of a most imposing bearing, — a man of sagacity, and 
a very just man in all things. 


It was discovered one evening that one of their company was 
missing ; and this proved to be Tyrker, the German. Leif was 
sorely troubled by this, for Tyrker had lived with Leif and his 
father for a long time, and had been very devoted to Leif when 
he was a child. Leif severely reprimanded his companions, 
and prepared to go in search of him, taking twelve men with 
him. They had proceeded but a short distance from the house, 
when they were met by Tyrker, whom they received most cor- 
dially. Leif observed at once that his foster-father was in lively 
spirits. Tyrker had a prominent forehead, restless eyes, small 

features, was diminutive in stature, and rather a sorry-looking 
individual withal, but was, nevertheless, a most capable handi- 
craftsman. Leif addressed him, and asked, "Wherefore art 
thou so belated, foster-father mine, and astray from the 
others ? '' In the beginning Tyrker spoke for some time in 
German, rolling his eyes and grinning, and they could not 
understand him; but after a time he addressed them in the 
Northern tongue : " I did not go much further \than you], 
and yet I have something of novelty to relate. I have found 
vines and grapes." "Is this indeed true, foster-father ? " said 
Leif. " Of a certainty it is true," quoth he, " for I was born 
where there is no lack of either grapes or vines." They 
slept the night through, and on the morrow Leif said to 
his shipmates, " We will now divide our labors, and each day 
will either gather grapes or cut vines and fell trees, so as to 
obtain a cargo of these for my ship." They acted upon this 
advice, and it is said that their after-boat was filled with grapes. 
A cargo sufficient for the ship was cut, and when the spring 
came they made their ship ready, and sailed away; and from 
its products Leif gave the land a name, and called it Wineland. 
They sailed out to sea, and had fair winds until they sighted 
Greenland and the fells below the glaciers. Then one of the 
men spoke up and said, " Why do you steer the ship so much 
into the wind ? " Leif answers : " I have my mind upon my 
steering, but on other matters as well. Do ye not see anything 
out of the common ? " They replied that they saw nothing 
strange. " I do not know," says Leif, " whether it is a ship or 
a skerry that I see." Now they saw it, and said that it must be 
a skerry ; but he was so much keener of sight than they that 
he was able to discern men upon the skerry. " I think it best 
to tack," says Leif, " so that we may draw near to them, that 
we may be able to rerider them assistance if they should stand 
in need of it ; and, if they should not be peaceably disposed, we 
shall still have better command of the situation than they." 
They approached the skerry, and, lowering their sail, cast 
anchor, and launched a second small boat, which they had 
brought with them. Tyrker inquired who was the leader of 
the party. He replied that his name was Thori, and that he 
was a Norseman; "but what is thy name.?" Leif gave his 
name. " Art thou a son of Eric the Red of Brattahlid .? " says 
he. Leif responded that he was. " It is now my wish," says 
Leif, "to take you all into my ship, and likewise so much of 
your possessions as the ship will hold." This offer was ac- 
cepted, and [with their ship] thus laden they held away to 

Ericsfirth, and sailed until they arrived at Brattahlid. Having 
discharged the cargo, Leif invited Thori, with his wife, Gudrid, 
and three others, to make their home with him, and procured 
quarters for the other members of the crew, both for his own 
and Thori's men. Leif rescued fifteen persons from the skerry. 
He was afterwards called Leif the Lucky. Leif had now 
goodly store both of property and honor. There was serious 
illness that winter in Thori's party, and Thori and a great num- 
ber of his people died. Eric the Red also died that winter. 
There was now much talk about Leif's Wineland journey; and 
his brother, Thorvald, held that the country had not been sufh- 
ciently explored. Thereupon Leif said to Thorvald, " If it be 
thy will, brother, thou mayest go to Wineland with my ship ; 
but I wish the ship first to fetch the wood which Thori had 
upon the skerry." And so it was done. 


Now Thorvald, with the advice of his brother, Leif, prepared 
to make this voyage with thirty men. They put their ship in 
order, and sailed out to sea ; and there is no account of their 
voyage before their arrival at Leifs-booths in Wineland. They 
laid up their ship there, and remained there quietly during the 
winter, supplying themselves with food by fishing. In the 
spring, however, Thorvald said that they should put their ship in 
order, and that a few men should take the after-boat, and pro- 
ceed along the western coast, and explore [the region] there- 
abouts during the summer. They found it a fair, well-wooded 
country. It was but a short distance from the woods to the sea, 
and [there were] white sands, as well as great numbers of 
islands and shallows. They found neither dwelling of man nor 
lair of beast ; but in one of the westerly islands they found a 
wooden building for the shelter of grain. Tiiey found no other 
trace of human handiwork; and they turned back, and arrived 
at Leifs-booths in the autumn. The following summer Thor- 
vald set out toward the east with the ship, and along the north- 
ern coast. They were met by a high wind off a certain prom- 
ontory, and were driven ashore there, and damaged the keel of 
their ship, and were compelled to remain there for a long time 
and repair the injury to their vessel. Then said Thorvald to 
his companions, "I propose that we raise the keel upon this 
cape, and call it Keelness " ; and so they did. Then they sailed 
away to the eastward off the land and into the mouth of the 
adjoining firth and to a headland, which projected into the sea 


there, and which was entirely covered with woods. They found 
an anchorage for their ship, and put out the gangway to the 
land ; and Thorvald and all of his companions went ashore. 
"It is a fair region here," said he; "and here I should like 
to make my home." They then returned to the ship, and dis- 
covered on the sands, in beyond the headland, three mounds : 
they went up to these, and saw that they were three skin 
canoes with three men under each. They thereupon di- 
vided their party, and succeeded in seizing all of the men but 
one, who escaped with his canoe. They killed the eight men, 
and then ascended the headland again, and looked about them, 
and discovered within the firth certain hillocks, which they con- 
cluded must be habitations. They were then so overpowered 
with sleep that they could not keep awake, and all fell into a 
[heavy] slumber from which they were awakened by the sound 
of a cry uttered above them ; and the words of the cry were 
these : " Awake, Thorvald, thou and all thy company, if thou 
wouldst save thy life ; and board thy ship with all thy men, and 
sail with all speed from the land ! " A countless number of 
skin canoes then advanced toward them from the inner part of 
the firth, whereupon Thorvald exclaimed, "We must put out 
the war-boards on both sides of the ship, and defend ourselves 
to the best of our ability, but offer little attack." This they 
did ; and the Skrellings, after they had shot at them for a time, 
fled precipitately, each as best he could. Thorvald then 
inquired of his men whether any of them had been wounded, 
and they informed him that no one of them had received a 
wound. " I have been wounded in my arm-pit," says he. " An 
arrow flew in between the gunwale and the shield, below my 
arm. Here is the shaft, and it will bring me to my end. I 
counsel you now to retrace your way with the utmost speed. 
But me ye shall convey to that headland which seemed to me 
to offer so pleasant a dwelling-place : thus it may be fulfilled 
that the truth sprang to my lips when I expressed the wish to 
abide there for a time. Ye shall bury me there, and place a 
cross at my head, and another at my feet, and call it Crossness 
forever after." At that time Christianity had obtained in 
Greenland : Eric the Red died, however, before [the introduc- 
tion of] Christianity. 

Thorvald died ; and, when they had carried out his injunc- 
tions, they took their departure, and rejoined their companions, 
and they told each other of the experiences which had befallen 
them. They remained there during the winter, and gathered 
grapes and wood with which to freight the ship. In the follow- 

ing spring they returned to Greenland, and arrived with their 
ship in Ericsfirth, where they were able to recount great tidings 
to Leif. 


In the mean time it had come to pass in Greenland that Thor- 
stein of Ericsfirth had married, and taken to wife Gudrid, Thor- 
brion's daughter, [she] who had been the spouse of Thori East- 
man, as has been already related. Now Thorstein Ericsson, 
being minded to make the voyage to Wineland after the body of 
his brother, Thorvald, equipped the same ship, and selected a 
crew of twenty-five men of good size and strength, and taking 
with him his wife, Gudrid, when all was in readiness, they sailed 
out into the open ocean, and out of sight of land. They were 
driven hither and thither over the sea all that summer, and lost 
all reckoning; and at the end of the first week of winter they 
made the land at Lysufirth in Greenland, in the Western settle- 
ment. Thorstein set out in search of quarters for his crew, and 
succeeded in procuring homes for all of his shipmates ; but he 
and his wife were unprovided for, and remained together upon 
the ship for two or more days. At this time Christianity was 
still in its infancy in Greenland. [Here follows the account of 
Thorstein's sickness and death in the winter.] . . . When he had 
thus spoken, Thorstein sank back again ; and his body was laid 
out for burial, and borne to the ship. Thorstein, the master, 
faithfully performed all his promises to Gudrid. He sold his 
lands and live stock in the spring, and accompanied Gudrid to 
the ship, with all his possessions. He put the ship in order, pro- 
cured a crew, and then sailed for Ericsfirth. The bodies of 
the dead were now buried at the church ; and Gudrid then went 
home to Leif at Brattahlid, while Thorstein the Swarthy made 
a home for himself on Ericsfirth, and remained there as long as 
he lived, and was looked upon as a very superior man. 


That same summer a ship came from Norway to Greenland. 
The skipper's name was Thorfinn Karlsefni. He was a son of 
Thord Horsehead, and a grandson of Snorri, the son of Thord 
of Hofdi. Thorfinn Karlsefni, who was a very wealthy man, 
passed the winter at Brattahlid with Leif Ericsson. He very 
soon set his heart upon Gudrid, and sought her hand in mar- 
riage. She referred him to Leif for her answer, and was subse- 
quently betrothed to him ; and their marriage was celebrated 
that same winter. A renewed discussion arose concerning a 


Wineland voyage ; and the folk urged Karlsefni to make the 
venture, Gudrid joining with the others. He determined to un- 
dertake the voyage, and assembled a company of sixty men and 
five women, and entered into an agreement with his shipmates 
that they should each share equally in all the spoils of the 
enterprise. They took with them all kinds of cattle, as it was 
their intention to settle the country, if they could. Karlsefni 
asked Leif for the house in Wineland; and he replied that he 
would lend it, but not give it. They sailed out to sea with the 
ship, and arrived safe and sound at Leifs-booths, and carried 
their hammocks ashore there. They were soon provided with 
an abundant and goodly supply of food ; for a whale of good 
size and quality was driven ashore there, and they secured it, 
and flensed it, and had then no lack of provisions. The cattle 
were turned out upon the land, and the males soon became very 
restless and vicious : they had brought a bull with them. Karl- 
sefni caused trees to be felled and to be hewed into timbers 
wherewith to load his ship, and the wood was placed upon a 
cliff to dry. They gathered somewhat of all of the valuable 
products of the land, — grapes, and all kinds of game and fish, 
and other good things. In the summer succeeding the first 
winter Skrellings were discovered. A great troop of men came 
forth from out the woods. The cattle were hard by, and the 
bull began to bellow and roar with a great noise, whereat the 
Skrellings were frightened, and ran away with their packs, 
w^herein were gray furs, sables, and all kinds of peltries. They 
fled towards Karlsefni's dwelling, and sought to effect an 
entrance into the house ; but Karlsefni caused the doors to be 
defended [against them]. Neither [people] could understand 
the other's language. The Skrellings put down their bundles 
then, and loosed them, and offered their wares [for barter], and 
were especially anxious to exchange these for weapons : but 
Karlsefni forbade his men to sell their weapons, and, taking 
counsel with himself, he bade the women carry out milk to the 
Skrellings, which they no sooner saw than they wanted to buy 
it, and nothing else. Now the outcome of the Skrellings' trad- 
ing was that they carried their wares away in their stomachs, 
while they left their packs and peltries behind with Karlsefni 
and his companions, and, having accomplished this [exchange], 
they went away. Now it is to be told that Karlsefni caused a 
strong wooden palisade to be constructed and set up around 
the house. It was at this time that Gudrid, Karlsefni's wife, 
gave birth to a male child, and the boy was called Snorri. In 
the early part of the second winter the Skrellings came to them 


again, and these were now much more numerous than before, 
and brought with them the same wares as at first. Then said 
Karlsefni to the women, " Do ye carry out now the same food 
which proved so profitable before, and nought else." When 
they saw this, they cast their packs in over the palisade. 
Gudrid was sitting within, in the doorway, beside the cradle of 
her infant son, Snorri, when a shadow fell upon the door, and a 
woman in a black namkirtle entered. She was short in stature, 
and wore a fillet about her head ; her hair was of a light chest- 
nut color, and she was pale of hue, and so big-eyed that 
never before had eyes so large been seen in a human skull. 
She went up to where Gudrid was seated, and said, " What is 
thy name.'"' "My name is Gudrid, but what is thy name?'' 
" My name is Gudrid," says she. The housewife Gudrid mo- 
tioned her with her hand to a seat beside her ; but it so hap- 
pened that at that very instant Gudrid heard a great crash, 
whereupon the woman vanished, and at that same moment one 
of the Skrellings, who had tried to seize their weapons, was 
killed by one of Karlsefni's followers. At this the Skrellings 
fled precipitately, leaving their garments and wares behind them ; 
and not a soul, save Gudrid alone, beheld this woman. "Now 
we must needs take counsel together," says Karlsefni ; "for that 
I believe they will visit us a third time in great numbers, and 
attack us. Let us now adopt this plan. Ten of our number 
shall go out upon the cape, and show themselves there ; while 
the remainder of our company shall go into the woods and hew 
a clearing for our cattle, when the troop approaches from the 
forest. We will also take our bull, and let him go in advance 
of us." The lie of the land was such that the proposed meet- 
ing-place had the lake upon the one side and the forest upon 
the other. Karlsefni's advice was now carried into execution. 
The Skrellings advanced to the spot which Karlsefni had 
selected for the encounter ; and a battle was fought there, in 
which great numbers of the band of the Skrellings were slain, 
There was one man among the Skrellings, of large size and fine 
bearing, whom Karlsefni concluded must be their chief. One 
of the Skrellings picked up an axe ; and, having looked at it for 
a time, he brandished it about one of his companions, and 
hewed at him, and on the instant the man fell dead. There- 
upon the big man seized the axe ; and, after examining it for 
a moment, he hurled it as far as he could out into the sea. 
Then they fled helter skelter into the woods, and thus their in- 
tercourse came to an end. Karlsefni and his party remained 
there throughout the winter ; but in the spring Karlsefni an- 


nounces that he is not minded to remain there longer, but will 
return to Greenland. They now made ready for the voyage, 
and carried away with them much booty in vines and grapes 
and peltries. They sailed out upon the high seas, and brought 
their ohip safely to Ericsfirth, where they remained during the 


There was now much talk anew about a Wineland voyage, 
for this was reckoned both a profitable and an honorable en- 
terprise. The same summer that Karlsefni arrived from Wine- 
land a ship from Norway arrived in Greenland. This ship was 
commanded by two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, who passed 
the winter in Greenland. They were descended from an Ice- 
landic family of the East-firths. It is now to be added that 
Freydis, Eric's daughter, set out from her home at Gardar, and 
waited upon the brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, and invited 
them to sail with their vessel to Wineland, and to share with 
her equally all of the good things which they might succeed in 
obtaining there. To this they agreed, and she departed thence 
to visit her brother, Leif, and ask him to give her the house 
which he had caused to be erected in Wineland ; but he made 
her the same answer [as that which he had given Karlsefni], 
saying that he would lend the house, but not give it. It was 
stipulated between Karlsefni and Freydis that each should 
have on ship-board thirty able-bodied men, besides the women ; 
but Freydis immediately violated this compact by concealing 
five men more [than this number], and this the brothers did 
not discover before they arrived in Wineland. They now put 
out to sea, having agreed beforehand that they would sail in 
company, if possible, and, although they were not far apart 
from each other, the brothers arrived somewhat in advance, and 
carried their belongings up to Leif's house. Now, when Frey- 
dis arrived, her ship was discharged and the baggage carried 
up to the house, whereupon Freydis exclaimed, " Why did you 
carry your baggage in here ? " " Since we believed," said they, 
"that all promises made to us would be kept." "It was to me 
that Leif loaned the house," says she, "and not to you." 
Whereupon Helgi exclaimed, "We brothers cannot hope to 
rival thee in wrong dealing." They thereupon carried their 
baggage forth, and built a hut, above the sea, on the bank of 
the lake, and put all in order about it; while Freydis caused 
wood to be felled, with which to load her ship. The winter 
now set in, and the brothers suggested that they should amuse 


themselves by playing games. This they did for a time, until 
the folk began to disagree, when dissensions arose between 
them, and the games came to an end, and the visits between 
the houses ceased ; and thus it continued far into the winter. 
One morning early Freydis arose from her bed and dressed 
herself, but did not put on her shoes and stockings. A heavy 
dew had fallen, and she took her husband's cloak, and wrapped 
it about her, and then walked to the brothers' house, and up to 
the door, which had been only partly closed by one of the men, 
who had gone out a short time before. She pushed the door 
open, and stood silently in the doorway for a time. Finnbogi, 
who was lying on the innermost side of the room, was awake, 
and said, " What dost thou wish here, Freydis .'' " She answers, 
*' I wish thee to rise and go out with me, for I would speak with 
thee." He did so ; and they walked to a tree, which lay close 
by the wall of the house, and seated themselves upon it. 
" How art thou pleased here ? " says she. He answers, " I am 
well pleased with the fruitfulness of the land ; but I am ill 
content with the breach which has come between us, for, me- 
thinks, there has been no cause for it." '' It is even as thou 
sayest," says she, "and so it seems to me; but my errand to 
thee is that I wish to exchange ships with you brothers, for 
that ye have a larger ship than I, and I wish to depart from 
here." " To this I must accede," says he, " if it is thy pleas- 
ure." Therewith they parted ; and she returned home and 
Finnbogi to his bed. She climbed up into bed, and awakened 
Thorvard with her cold feet ; and he asked her why she was so 
cold and wet. She answered with great passion : " I have been 
to the brothers," says she, " to try to buy their ship, for I wished 
to have a larger vessel ; but they received my overtures so ill 
that they struck me and handled me very roughly ; what time 
thou, poor wretch, wilt neither avenge my shame nor thy own ; 
and I find, perforce, that I am no longer in Greenland. More- 
over I shall part from thee unless thou wreakest vengeance for 
this." And now he could stand her taunts no longer, and or- 
dered the men to rise at once and take their weapons; and this 
they did. And they then proceeded directly to the house of the 
brothers, and entered it while the folk were asleep, and seized 
and bound them, and led each one out when he was bound ; 
and, as they came out, Freydis caused each one to be slain. In 
this wise all of the men were put to death, and only the women 
were left; and these no one would kill. At this Freydis ex- 
claimed, " Hand me an axe." This was done ; and she fell 
upon the five women, and left them dead. They returned 


home after this dreadful deed; and it was very evident that 
Freydis was well content with her work. She addressed her 
companions, saying, " If it be ordained for us to come again to 
Greenland, I shall contrive the death of any man who shall 
speak of these events. We must give it out that we left them 
living here when we came away." Early in the spring they 
equipped the ship which had belonged to the brothers, and 
freighted it with all of the products of the land which they 
could obtain, and which the ship would carry. Then they put 
out to sea, and after a prosperous voyage arrived with their 
ship in Ericsfirth early in the summer. Karlsefni was there, 
with his ship all ready to sail, and was awaiting a fair wind ; 
and people say that a ship richer laden than that which he 
commanded never left Greenland. 

Concerning Freydis. 

Freydis now went to her home, since it had remained un- 
harmed during her absence. She bestowed liberal gifts upon 
all of her companions, for she was anxious to screen her guilt. 
She now established herself at her home ; but her companions 
were not all so close-mouthed concerning their misdeeds and 
wickedness that rumors did not get abroad at last. These 
finally reached her brother, Leif, and he thought it a most 
shameful story. He thereupon took three of the men, who had 
been of Freydis' party, and forced them all at the same time to 
a confession of the affair, and their stories entirely agreed. " I 
have no heart," says Leif, ** to punish my sister, Freydis, as she 
deserves, but this I predict of them, that there is little prosper- 
ity in store for their offspring." Hence it came to pass that 
no one from that time forward thought them worthy of aught 
but evil. It now remains to take up the story from the time 
when Karlsefni made his ship ready, and sailed out to sea. He 
had a successful voyage, and arrived in Norway safe and sound. 
He remained there during the winter, and sold his wares ; and 
both he and his wife were received with great favor by the 
most distinguished men of Norway. The following spring he 
put his ship in order for the voyage to Iceland ; and when all 
his preparations had been made, and his ship was lying at the 
wharf, awaiting favorable winds, there came to him a South- 
erner, a native of Bremen in the Saxonland, who wished to 
buy his " house-neat." " I do not wish to sell it," says he. " I 
will give thee half a ' mork ' in gold for it," says the Southerner. 
This Karlsefni thought a good offer, and accordingly closed the 
bargain. The Southerner went his way with the "house-neat," 


and Karlsefni knew not what wood it was, but it was "mosur," 
come from Wineland. 

Karlsefni sailed away, and arrived with his ship in the north 
of Iceland, in Skagafirth. His vessel was beached there during 
the winter, and in the spring he bought Glaumboeiar-land, and 
made his home there, and dwelt there as long as he lived, and 
was a man of the greatest prominence. From him and his wife, 
Gudrid, a numerous and goodly lineage is descended. After 
Karlsefni's death Gudrid, together with her son Snorri, who 
was born in Wineland, took charge of the farmstead ; and, when 
Snorri was married, Gudrid went abroad, and made a pilgrim- 
age to the South, after which she returned again to the home 
of her son Snorri, who had caused a church to be built at 
Glaumboer. Gudrid then took the veil and became an anchorite, 
and lived there the rest of her days. Snorri had a son, named 
Thorgeir, who was the father of Ingveld, the mother of Bishop 
Brand. Hallfrid was the name of the daughter of Snorri, Karl- 
sefni's son : she was the mother of Runolf, Bishop Thorlak's 
father. Biorn was the name of [another] son of Karlsefni and 
Gudrid : he was the father of Thorunn, the mother of Bishop 
Biorn. Many men are descended from Karlsefni, and he has 
been blessed with a numerous and famous posterity ; and of all 
men Karlsefni has given the most exact accounts of all these 
voyages, of which something has now been recounted. 

The famous Saga cf Eric the Red, which gives the original accounts 
of the Northmen's voyages to Vinland, exists in two different versions, that 
known as the Hatcks-bok, written by Hauk Erlendsson between 1305 and 
1334, and that made about 13S7 by the priest Jon Thordharson, contained 
in the compilation known as the Flaicyar-tok, or " Flat Island Book." Jon 
used parts of the original saga, and added a considerable amount of material 
concerning the Vinland voyages derived from other sources, to us unknown. 
It is this second version which is reproduced, almost in its entirety, in the 
present leaflet. 

The Vinland voyages belong to about the year 1000. These Icelandic 
chronicles belong therefore to a date three centuries later. They were 
doubtless based upon earlier writings which had come down from the times 
of Leif and Thorfinn, subject to the various influences which affected simi- 
lar writings at that period, the world over. An interesting and valuable con- 
firmation of the simple fact of the visit of the Northmen to " Vinland " is given 
us by Adam of Bremen, who visited Denmark between 1047 and 1073, when 
the voyages would have been within the memory of living men and natural 
subjects of conversation. In speaking of the Scandinavian countries, in his 
book, Adam describes the colonies in Iceland and Greenland, and says that 
there is another country or island beyond, called Vinland, on account of the 
wild grapes that grow there. He says that corn also grows in Vinland with- 
out cultivation ; and, thinking this may seem strange to European readers, 


he adds that his statement is based upon "trustworthy reports of the 

The great work of Professor Charles Christian Rafn, of Copenhagen, 
Antiqititates Aviericancc, published in 1837, first brought these Icelandic 
sagas prominently before modern scholars. Professor Rafn's work was 
most elaborate and thorough, and very little in the way of new material has 
been given us since his time, although his theories and the general subject 
of the Northmen's voyages and the whereabouts of Vinland have been dis- 
cussed in numberless volumes during the fifty years since he wrote. Per- 
haps the most valuable work is that by Arthur Middleton Reeves, a young 
American scholar, whose untimely death in a recent railroad disaster is so 
deeply to be deplored. The title of Mr. Reeves's work is The Finding of 
Wineland the Good: The History of the Icelandic Discovery of America. 
(London, 1890). This work contains phototype plates of the original Ice- 
landic veilums, English translations of the two sagas, and very thorough 
historical accounts and critical discussions. The present leaflet makes use 
of Mr. Reeves's translation. De Costa's Pre-Columbian Discovery of Amer- 
ica by the Northmen and Slafter's Voyages of the Northmen to A7nerica are 
earlier works of high authority, going over the same ground and also con- 
taining translations of the sagas. Dr. Slafter's book has an added value 
from its critical accounts of ail the important works on the subject which 
had appeared up to that time (1877). A completer bibliography, now ac- 
cessible, is that by Justin Winsor, appended to his chapter on " Pre-Colum- 
bian Explorations " in the Narrative and Critical History of America^ vol. i. 

The best popular account of the Norsemen and their voyages is that by 
Mr. Fiske, in his Discovery of America, vol. i. chap ii. Mr. Fiske is refreshingly 
sound and sane in his treatment of the whole subject, which with so many 
writers has been a field for the wildest speculations. He shows the absurd- 
ity of the earlier writers who used to associate the Old Mill at Newport 
and the inscriptions on the Dighton rock with the Northmen, and the 
slight grounds on which, at the present time, enthusiasts like Professor 
Horsford have attempted to determine details so exactly as to claim that 
Leif Erikson settled on the banks of Charles River. "On the whole," 
concludes Mr. Fiske, "we may say with some confidence that the place 
described by our chroniclers as Vinland was situated somewhere between 
Point Judith and Cape Breton; possibly we may narrow our limits, and say 
that it was somewhere between Cape Cod and Cape Ann. But the latter 
conclusion is much less secure than the former. In such a case as this, the 
more we narrow our limits, the greater our liability to error." 

It should be said that many scholarly investigators hold that all the con- 
ditions of the descriptions of Vinland in the sagas are met by the shores of 
Labrador and Newfoundland, although the weight of opinion is in favor of 
the New England coast. The accounts themselves make any exacter deter- 
mination impossible; and no genuine Norse remains have ever been dis- 
covered in Nf w England. 

The claim that Columbus knew of these discoveries of the Northmen or 
that he was influenced by them has never been made out, and is quite im- 
probable. He simply set out to find a western route to Asia. The course 
of his voyage was not such as he would have taken, had he had in mind the 
Vinland of the Northmen; and he made no mention of Vinland while 
exhausting every possible argument in favor of his expedition at the Span- 
ish court. Had he known of it, he certainly would have mentioned it; for, 
as Colonel Higginson so well says (see his excellent chapter on the North- 
men in his Larger History of the United States), for the purpose of his argu- 
ment, "an ounce of Vinland would have been worth a pound of cosmog- 

#Iti M>tynt^ Heaflet^. 

No. 32. 

Marco Polo's 

Account of 

Japan and Java. 

Description of the Island of Chipangu, and the Great 
Kaan's Despatch of a Host against it. 

Chipangu is an island toward the east in the high seas, 1,500 
miles distant from the continent ; and a very great island it is. 

The people are white, civilized, and well-favored. They are 
idolaters, and are dependent on nobody. And I can tell you 
the quantity of gold they have is endless ; for they find it in 
their own islands [and the king does not allow it to be 
exported. Moreover], few merchants visit the country because 
it is so far from the main land, and thus it comes to pass that 
their gold is abundant beyond all measure. 

I will tell you a wonderful thing about the Palace of the Lord 
of that island. You must know that he hath a great palace 
which is entirely roofed with fine gold, just as our churches are 
roofed with lead, insomuch that it would scarcely be possible 
to estimate its value. Moreover, all the pavement of the 
palace, and the floors of its chambers, are entirely of gold, in 
plates like slabs of stone, a good two fingers thick; and the 
windows also are of gold, so that altogether the richness of this 
palace is past all bounds and all belief. 

They have also pearls in abundance, which are of a rose 
color, but fine, big, and round, and quite as valuable as the 
white ones. [In this island some of the dead are buried, and 
others are burned. When a body is burned, they put one of 
these pearls in the mouth, for such is their custom.] They 
have also quantities of other precious stones. 

Cublay, the Grand Kaan, who now reigneth, having heard 
much of the immense wealth that was in this island, formed a 
plan to get possession of it. For this purpose he sent two of 
his barons with a great navy, and a great force of horse and 
foot. These barons were able and valiant men, one of them 

called Abacan and the other Vonsainchin, and they weighed 
with all their company from the ports of Zayton and Kinsay, 
and put out to sea. They sailed until they reached the island 
aforesaid, and there they landed, and occupied the open coun- 
try and the villages, but did not succeed in getting possession 
of any city or castle. And so a disaster befell them, as I shall 
now relate. 

You must know that there was much ill-will between those 
two barons, so that one would do nothing to help the other. 
And it came to pass that there arose a north wind which blew 
with great fury, and caused great damage along the coasts of 
that island, for its harbors were few. It blew so hard that the 
Great Kaan's fleet could not stand against it. And, when the 
chiefs saw that, they came to the conclusion that, if the ships 
remained where they were, the whole navy would perish. So 
they all got on board and made sail to leave the country. But, 
when they had gone about four miles, they came to a small 
island, on which they were driven ashore in spite of all they 
could do ; and a great part of the fleet was wrecked, and a 
great multitude of the force perished, so that there escaped 
only some 30,000 men, who took refuge on this island. 

These held themselves for dead men, for they were without 
food, and knew not what to do, and they were in great despair 
when they saw that such of the ships as had escaped the storm 
were making full sail for their own country, without the slight- 
est sign of turning back to help them. And this was because 
of the bitter hatred between the two barons in command of 
the force ; for the baron who escaped never showed the slight- 
est desire to return to his colleague who was left upon the 
island in the way you have heard, though he might easily have 
done so after the storm ceased, and it endured not long. He 
did nothing of the kind, however, but made straight for home. 
And you must know that the island to which the soldiers had 
escaped was uninhabited : there was not a creature upon it 
but themselves. 

Now we will tell you what befell those who escaped on the 
fleet, and also those who were left upon the island. 

What further came of the Great Kaan's Expedition 


YoTi see those who were left upon the island, some 30,000 
souls, as I have said, did hold themselves for dead men, for 
they saw no possible means of escape. And when the king of 

the great island got news how the one part of the expedition 
had saved themselves upon that isle, and the other part was 
scattered and fled, he was right glad thereat ; and he gathered 
together all the ships of his territory and proceeded with them, 
the sea now being calm, to the little isle, and landed his troops 
all round it. And when the Tartars saw them thus arrive, and 
the whole force landed, without any guard having been left on 
board the ships (the act of men very little acquainted with such 
work), they had the sagacity to feign flight. [Now the island 
was very high in the middle, and, while the enemy were hasten- 
ing after them by one road, they fetched a compass by another, 
and] in this way managed to reach the enemy's ships and to 
get aboard of them. This they did easily enough, for they 
encountered no opposition. 

Once they were on board, they got under way immediately 
for the great island, and landed there, carrying with them the 
standards and banners of the king of the island ; and in this 
wise they advanced to the capital. The garrison of the city, 
suspecting nothing wrong, when they saw their own banners 
advancing, supposed that it was their own host returning, and 
so gave them admittance. The Tartars as soon as they had 
got in seized all the bulwarks, and drove out all who were in 
the place except the pretty women, and these they kept for 
themselves. In this way the Great Kaan's people got posses- 
sion of the city. 

When the king of the great island and his army perceived 
that both fleet and city were lost, they were greatly cast down : 
howbeit, they got away to the great island on board some of 
the ships which had not been carried off. And the king then 
gathered all his host to the siege of the city, and invested it so 
straitly that no one could go in or come out. Those who were 
within held the place for seven months, and strove by all means 
to send word to the Great Kaan ; but it was all in vain, they 
never could get the intelligence carried to him. So, when they 
saw they could hold out no longer, they gave themselves up 
on condition that their lives should be spared, but still that 
they should never quit the island. And this befell in the year 
of our Lord 1279. The Great Kaan ordered the baron who 
had fled so disgracefully to lose his head. And afterward he 
caused the other also, who had been left on the island, to be 
put to death, for he had never behaved as a good soldier ought 
to do. 

But I must tell you a wonderful thing that I had forgotten, 
which happened on this expedition. 

You see, at the beginning of the affair, when the Kaan's 
people had landed on the great island and occupied the open 
country, as I told you, they stormed a tower belonging to some 
of the islanders who refused to surrender, and they cut off the 
heads of all the garrison except eight : on these eight they 
found it impossible to inflict any wound. Now this was by 
virtue of certain stones which they had in their arms, inserted 
between the skin and the flesh, with such skill as not to show 
at all externally. And the charm and virtue of these stones 
was such that those who wore them could never perish by steel. 
So, when the barons learned this, they ordered the men to be 
beaten to death with clubs. And after their death the stones 
were extracted from the bodies of all, and were greatly prized. 
But now let us have done with that matter, and return to our 

Concerning the Fashion of the Idols. 

Now you must know that the idols of Cathay, and of Manzi, 
and of this island, are all of the same class. And in this 
island, as well as elsewhere, there be some of the idols that 
have the head of an ox, some that have the head of a pig, some 
of a dog, some of a sheep, and some of divers other kinds. 
And some of them have four heads, while some have three, one 
growing out of either shoulder. There are also some that have 
four hands, some ten, some a thousand. And they do put 
more faith in those idols that have a thousand hands than in 
any of the others. And when any Christian asks them why 
they make their idols in so many different guises, and not all 
alike, they reply that just so their forefathers were wont to 
have them made, and just so they will leave them to their chil- 
dren, and these to the after generations. And so they will be 
handed down for ever. And you must understand that the 
deeds ascribed to these idols are such a parcel of devilries as 
it is best not to tell. So let us have done with the idols, and 
speak of other things. 

But I must tell you one thing still concerning that island 
(and 'tis the same with the other Indian islands), that, if the 
natives take prisoner an enemy who cannot pay a ransom, he 
who hath the prisoner summons all his friends and relations, 
and they put the prisoner to death, and then they cook him 
and eat him, and they say there is no meat in the world so 
good. But now we will have done with that island and speak 
of something else. 


You must know the sea in which lie the islands of those 
parts is called the Sea of Chin, which is as much as to say 
"The Sea over against Manzi." For, in the language of those 
isles, when they say Chin, 'tis Manzi they mean. And I tell 
you with regard to that Eastern Sea of Chin, according to what 
is said by the experienced pilots and mariners of those parts 
there be 7,459 islands in the waters frequented by the said 
mariners ; and that is how they know the fact, for their whole 
life is spent in navigating that sea. And there is not one of 
those islands but produces valuable and odorous woods like 
the lignaloe, aye, and better, too ; and they produce also a great 
variety of spices. For example, in those islands grows pepper 
as white as snow, as well as the black in great quantities. In 
fact, the riches of those islands is something wonderful, 
whether in gold or precious stones, or in all manner of spicery ; 
but they lie so far off from the main land that it is hard to get 
to them. And, when the ships of Zayton and Kinsay do voyage 
thither, they make vast profits by their venture. 

It takes them a whole year for the voyage, going in winter 
and returning in summer. For in that sea there are but two 
winds that blow, the one that carries them outward and the 
other that brings them homeward ; and the one of these winds 
blows all the winter, and the other all the summer. And you 
must know these regions are so far from India that it takes a 
long time also for the voyage thence. 

Though that sea is called the Sea of Chin, as I have told 
you, yet it is part of the Ocean Sea all the same. But just as 
in these parts people talk of the Sea of England and the Sea of 
Rochelle, so in those countries they speak of the Sea of Chin 
and the Sea of India, and so on, though they all are but parts 
of the ocean. 

Now let us have done with that region, which is very inacces- 
sible and out of the way. Moreover, Messer Marco Polo 
never was there. And let me tell you the Great Kaan has 
nothing to do with them, nor do they render him any tribute 
or service. 

Concerning the Great Island of Java. 

When you sail from Chamba, 1,500 miles in a course between 
south and south-east, you come to a great island called Java. 
And the experienced mariners of those islands, who know the 
matter well, say that it is the greatest island in the world, and 
has a compass of more than 3,000 miles. It is subject to a 

great king, and tributary to no one else in the world. The 
people are idolaters. The island is of surpassing wealth, pro- 
ducing black pepper, nutmegs, spikenard, galingale, cubebs, 
cloves, and all other kinds of spices. 

This island is also frequented by a vast amount of shipping, 
and by merchants who buy and sell costly goods from which 
they reap great profit. Indeed, the treasure of this island is so 
great as to be past telling. And I can assure you the Great 
Kaan never could get possession of this island on account of 
its great distance and the great expense of an expedition 
thither. The merchants of Zayton and Manzi draw annually 
great returns from this country. 

Concerning the Island of Java the Less. The King- 
doms OF Ferlec and Basma. 

When you leave the island of Pentam and sail about loo 
miles, you reach the island of Java the Less. For all its name 
'tis none so small but that it has a compass of two thousand 
miles or more. Now I will tell you all about this Island. 

You see there are upon it eight kingdoms and eight crowned 
kings. The people are all idolaters, and every kingdom has a 
language of its own. The island hath great abundance of 
treasure, with costly spices, lignaloes and spikenard and many 
others that never come into our parts. 

Now I am going to tell you all about these eight kingdoms, 
or at least the greater part of them. But let me premise one 
marvellous thing, and that is the fact that this Island lies so 
far to the south that the North Star, little or much, is never to 
be seen ! 

Now let us resume our subject, and first I will tell you of 
the kingdom of Ferlec. 

This kingdom, you must know, is so much frequented by the 
Saracen merchants that they have converted the natives to the 
Law of Mahommet — I mean the townspeople only, for the 
hill-people live for all the world like beasts, and eat human 
flesh, as well as all other kinds of flesh, clean or unclean. 
And they worship this, that, and the other thing ; for in fact 
the first thing that they see on rising in the morning, that they 
do worship for the rest of the day. 

Having told you of the kingdom of Ferlec, I will now tell of 
another which is called Basma. 

When you quit the kingdom of Ferlec, you enter upon that of 
Basma. This also is an independent kingdom, and the people 

have a language of their own ; but they are just like beasts, 
without laws or religion. They call themselves subjects of the 
Great Kaan, but they pay him no tribute ; indeed they are so 
far away that his men could not go thither. Still all these 
islanders declare themselves to be his subjects, and sometimes 
they send him curiosities as presents. There are wild ele- 
phants in the country, and numerous unicorns, which are very 
nearly as big. They have hair like that of a buffalo, feet like 
those of an elephant, and a horn in the middle of the forehead, 
which is black and very thick. They do no mischief, however, 
with the horn, but with the tongue alone ; for this is covered all 
over with long and strong prickles [and when savage with any 
one they crush him under their knees and then rasp him with 
their tongue]. The head resembles that of a wild boar, and 
they carry it ever bent towards the ground. They delight 
much to abide in mire and mud. 'Tis a passing ugly beast to 
look upon, and is not in the least like that which our stories 
tell of ; in fact, 'tis altogether different from what we fancied. 
There are also monkeys here in great numbers and of sun- 
dry kinds ; and goshawks as black as crows. These are very 
large birds, and capital for fowling. 

I may tell you moreover that, when people bring home pyg- 
mies which they allege to come from India, 'tis all a lie and a 
cheat. For those little men, as they call them, are manu- 
factured on this island, and I will tell you how. You see there 
is on the island a kind of monkey which is very small, and has 
a face just like a man's. They take these, and pluck out all 
the hair except the hair of the beard and on the breast, and 
then they dry them and stuff them and daub them with saffron 
and other things until they look like men. But you see it is all 
a cheat ; for nowhere in India nor anywhere else in the world 
were there ever men seen so small as these pretended pygmies. 

Now I will say no more of the kingdom of Basma, but tell 
you of the others in succession. 

"Great princes, emperors and kings, dukes and marquises, counts, 
knights and burgesses, and people of all degrees who desire to get knowl- 
edge of the various races of mankind and of the diversities of the sundry 
regions of the world, take this book and cause it to be read to you. For ye 
shall find therein all kinds of wonderful things, and the divers histories of 
the Great Hermenia, and of Persia, and of the Land of the Tartars, and of 
India, and of many another country of which our book doth speak, particu- 
larly and in regular succession, according to the description of Messer 
Marco Polo, a wise and noble citizen of Venice, as he saw them with his 
own eyes. Some things there be indeed therein which he beheld not ; but 

these he heard from men of credit and veracity. And we shall set down 
things seen as seen, and things heard as heard only, so that no jot of false- 
hood may mar the truth of our book, and that all who shall read it, or hear 
it read, may put full faith in the truth of all its contents. For let me tell 
you that since our Lord God did mould with his hands our first father 
Adam, even until this day, never hath there been Christian, or Pagan, or 
Tartar, or Indian, or any man of any nation, who in his own person hath 
had so much knowledge and experience of the world and its wonders as 
hath had this Messer Marco. And for that reason he bethought himself that 
it would be a very great pity did he not cause to be put in writing all the great 
marvels that he had seen, or on sure information heard of, so that other 
people who had not these advantages might, by his book, get such knowl- 
edge. And I may tell you that in acquiring this knowledge he spent in 
those various parts of the world good six-and-twenty years. Now, being 
thereafter an inmate of the prison at Genoa, he caused Messer Rusticiano, 
of Pisa, who was in the said prison likewise, to reduce the whole to writing ; 
and this befell in the year 1298 from the birth of Jesus." 

Such is the prologue to The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian, con- 
cerning the Kingdoms and Marvels of the East, — the most famous book of 
travels ever written. Marco Polo lived just two centuries before Columbus. 
He was born at Venice in 1254, started upon his remarkable travels to 
China and the East, in company with his father and uncle, when he was 
twenty years old, remained for years in the service of the Emperor of China 
at Pekia and elsewhere, returned to Venice in 1295, was writing his book 
at Genoa just two hundred years before Columbus (in 1498) touched the 
American continent, and died at Venice probably in .the year 1324. His 
will, executed in that year, contains, among other provisions, the following: 
"I release Peter the Tartar, my servant, from all bondage, as completely as 
I pray God to release mine own soul from all sin and guilt." 

The student who wishes to learn everything that is to be learned about 
Marco Polo will read his book in the great two-volume edition translated 
and edited by Colonel Yule, with an invaluable mass of maps, notes and 
illustrations. There are other English editions of Marco Polo, by Marsden, 
Wright, and Murray, which may be found in the libraries; and there are 
two capital books about Marco Polo for young people, by Thomas W. Knox 
and George M. Towle. One of the subjects proposed for the Old South 
essays in 1891 was " Marco Polo's Explorations in Asia, and their Influence 
upon Columbus " ; and the first prize essay upon this subject, by Miss 
Helen P. Margesson, is printed in the New England Magazine for August, 
1892. This is especially commended to the young people of the Old South. 
They can learn still more of the influence of Marco Polo upon Columbus 
from the accounts in the first volume of Fiske's Discovery of America. The 
map of the world prepared for Columbus by Toscanelli, and carried by 
Columbus on his voyage, was based upon the accounts of the eastern coast 
of Asia and the adjacent islands given by Polo. Columbus in the West 
Indies always supposed that he was among the East Indies, or on the 
coast of Japan (Chipangu), described in Polo's book. The brief chapters 
about Japan and Java, and a portion of the account of Sumatra (which Polo 
calls Java the Less), are given in the present leaflet. 



Old South Meeting House, Boston. 



Letter to Gabriel 


A letter of Christopher Colom, to who??i our age is much indebted^ 
about the 7'ecently discovered islands of India beyond the Ga?iges ; 
i7i search of which he had been se?it eight months before under 
the auspices and at the expense of the most invincible Ferdiiiand^ 
King of the Spains ; sent to the illustrious Lord Raphael 
Sanxis, Treasurer of the same most serene Ki?ig, — which Ali- 
ander de Cosco, a noble and learned gejitleman, has translated 
from the Spanish language into the Latin, April 29, 1493, in 
the First year of the Poiitificate of Alexaiider the Sixth. 

As I know that it will afford you pleasure that I have 
brought my undertaking to a successful result, I have deter- 
mined to write you this letter to inform you of everything that 
has been done and discovered in this voyage of mine. 

On the thirty-third day after leaving Cadiz I came into the 
Indian Sea, where I discovered many islands inhabited by 
numerous people. I took possession of all of them for our 
most fortunate King by making public proclamation and unfurl- 
ing his standard, no one making any resistance. To the first 
of them I have given the name of our blessed Saviour, trusting 
in whose aid I had reached this and all the rest ; but the 
Indians call it Guanahani. To each of the others also I gave 
a new name, ordering one to be called Sancta Maria de Con- 
cepcion, another Fernandina, another Hysabella, another Jo- 
hana ; and so with all the rest. As soon as we reached the 
island which I have just said was called Johana, I sailed along 
its coast some considerable distance toward the west, and 
found it to be so large, without any apparent end, that I be- 
lieved it was not an island, but a continent, a province of 
Cathay. But I saw neither towns nor cities lying on the sea- 

board, only some villages and country farms, with whose 
inhabitants I could not get speech, because they fled as soon 
as they beheld us. I continued on, supposing I should come 
upon some city or country houses. At last, finding that no 
discoveries rewarded our further progress, and that this course 
was leading us toward the north, which I was desirous of 
avoiding, as it was now winter in these regions, and it had 
always been my intention to proceed southwards, and the 
winds also were favorable to such desires, I concluded not to 
attempt any other adventures ; so, turning back, I came again 
to a certain harbor, which I had remarked. From there I sent 
two of our men into the country to learn whether there was 
any king or cities in that land. They journeyed for three 
days, and found innumerable people and habitations, but 
small and having no fixed government, on which account they 
returned. Meanwhile I had learned from some Indians whom 
I had seized at this place, that this country was really an 
island. Consequently, I continued along toward the east, as 
much as 322 miles, always hugging the shore, where was the 
very extremity of the island. From there I saw another island 
to the eastwards, distant 54 miles from this Johana, which I 
named Hispana, and proceeded to it, and directed my course 
for 564 miles east by north as it were, just as I had done at 

The island called Johana, as well as the others in its neigh- 
borhood, is exceedingly fertile. It has numerous harbors on 
all sides, very safe and wide, above comparison with any I 
have ever seen. Through it flow many very broad and health- 
giving rivers ; and there are in it numerous very lofty moun- 
tains. All these islands are very beautiful, and of quite 
different shapes, easy to be traversed, and full of the greatest 
variety of trees reaching to the stars. I think these never lose 
their leaves, as I saw them looking as green and lovely as they 
are wont to be in the month of May in Spain. Some of them 
were in leaf, and some in fruit ; each flourishing in the condi- 
tion its nature required. The nightingale was singing and 
various other little birds, when I was rambling among them 
in the month of November. There are also in the island 
called Johana seven or eight kinds of palms, which as readily 
surpass ours in height and beauty as do all the other trees, 
herbs, and fruits. There are also wonderful pine-woods, fields, 
and extensive meadows, birds of various kinds, and honey, 
and all the different metals except iron. 

In the island, which I have said before was called Hispana, 
there are very lofty and beautiful mountains, great farms, 
groves and fields, most fertile both for cultivation and for 
pasturage, and well adapted for constructing buildings. The 
convenience of the harbors in this island, and the excellence of 
the rivers, in volume and salubrity, surpass human belief, un- 
less one should see them. In it the trees, pasture-lands, and 
fruits differ much from those of Johana. Besides, this Hispana 
abounds in various kinds of spices, gold, and metals. The 
inhabitants of both sexes of this and of all the other islands 
I have seen, or of which I have any knowledge, always go as 
naked as they came into the world, except that some of the 
women cover parts of their bodies with leaves or branches, or 
a veil of cotton, which they prepare themselves for this purpose. 
They are all, as I said before, unprovided with any sort of iron, 
and they are destitute of arms, which are entirely unknown to 
them, and for which they are not adapted ; not on account of 
any bodily deformity, for they are well made, but because they 
are timid and full of terror. They carry, however, canes dried 
in the sun in place of weapons, upon whose roots they fix a 
wooden shaft, dried and sharpened to a point. But they never 
dare to make use of these, for it has often happened, when I 
have sent two or three of my men to some of their villages to 
speak with the inhabitants, that a crowd of Indians has sallied 
forth ; but, when they saw our men approaching, they speedily 
took to flight, parents abandoning their children, and children 
their parents. This happened not because any loss or injury 
had been inflicted upon any of them. On the contrary, I gave 
whatever I had, cloth and many other things, to whomsoever I 
approached, or with whom I could get speech, without any 
return being made to me ; but they are by nature fearful and 
timid. But, when they see that they are safe, and all fear is 
banished, they are very guileless and b43nest, and very liberal 
of all they have. No one refuses the asker anything that he 
possesses ; on the contrary, they themselves invite us to ask 
for it. They manifest the greatest affection toward all of us, 
exchanging valuable things for trifles, content Avith the very 
least thing or nothing at all. But I forbade giving them a very 
trifling thing and of no value, such as bits of plates, dishes, or 
glass, also nails and straps ; although it seemed to them, if 
they could get such, that they had acquired the most beautiful 
jewels in the world. For it chanced that a sailor received for 
a single strap as much weight of gold as three gold solidi ; and 
so others for other things of less price, especially for new 

blancas, and for some gold coins, for which they gave whatever 
the seller asked ; for instance, an ounce and a half or two 
ounces of gold, or thirty or forty pounds of cotton, with which 
they were already familiar. So, too, for pieces of hoops, jugs, 
jars, and pots they bartered cotton and gold like beasts. This 
I forbade, because it was plainly unjust ; and I gave them 
many beautiful and pleasing things, which I had brought with 
me, for no return whatever, in order to win their affection, and 
that they might become Christians and inclined to love our 
King and Queen and Princes and all the people of Spain, and 
that they might be eager to search for and gather and give to 
us what they abound in and we greatly need. 

They do not practise idolatry ; on the contrary, they believe 
that all strength, all power, in short, all blessings, are from 
Heaven, and that I have come down from there with these 
ships and sailors ; and in this spirit was I received everywhere, 
after they had got over their fear. They are neither lazy nor 
awkward, but, on the contrary, are of an excellent and acute 
understanding. Those who have sailed these seas give excel- 
lent accounts of everything ; but they have never seen men 
wearing clothes, or ships like ours. 

As soon as I had come into this sea, I took by force some 
Indians from the first island, in order that they might learn 
from us, and at the same time tell us what they knew about 
affairs in these regions. This succeeded admirably; for in a 
short time we understood them and they us both by gesture 
and signs and words, and they were of great service to us. 
They are coming now with me, and have always believed that 
I have come from heaven, notwithstanding the long time they 
have been, and still remain, with us. They were the first who 
told this wherever we went, one calling to another, with a loud 
voice, " Come, come, you will see men from heaven." Where- 
upon both women and men, children and adults, young and 
old, laying aside the fear they had felt a little before, flocked 
eagerly to see us, a great crowd thronging about our steps, 
some bringing food, and others drink, with greatest love and 
incredible good will. 

In each island are many boats made of solid wood; though, 
narrow, yet in length and shape similar to our two-bankers, 
but swifter in motion, and managed by oars only. Some of 
them are large, some small, and some of medium size ; but 
most are larger than a two-banker rowed by eighteen oars. 
With these they sail to all the islands, which are innumerable ; 
engaging in traffic and commerce with each other. I saw some 


of these biremes, or boats, which carried seventy or eighty 
rowers.- In all these islands there is no difference in the ap- 
pearance of the inhabitants, and none in their customs and 
language, so that all understand one another. This is a cir- 
cumstance most favorable for what I believe our most serene 
King especially desires, that is, their conversion to the holy 
faith of Christ ; for which, indeed, so far as I could understand, 
they are very ready and prone. 

I have told already how I sailed in a straight course along 
the island of Johana from west to east 322 miles. From this 
voyage and the extent of my journeyings I can say that this 
Johana is larger than England and Scotland together. For 
beyond the aforesaid 322 miles, in that portion which looks 
toward the west, there are two more provinces, which I did 
not visit. One of them the Indians called Anan, and its in- 
habitants are born with tails. These provinces extend 180 
miles, as I learned from the Indians, whom I am bringing with 
me, and who are well acquainted with all these islands. 

The distance around Hispana is greater than all Spain from 
Colonia to Fontarabia ; as is readily proved, because its fourth 
side, which I myself traversed in a straight course from west 
to east, stretches 540 miles. This island is to be coveted, and 
not to be despised when acquired. As I have already taken 
possession of all the others, as I have said, for our most invin- 
cible King, and the rule over them is entirely committed to the 
said King, so in this one I have taken special possession of a 
certain large town, in a most convenient spot, well suited for 
all profit and commerce, to which I have given the name of the 
Nativity of our Lord; and there I ordered a fort to be built 
forthwith, which ought to be finished now. In it I left as 
many men as seemed necessary, with all kinds of arms, and 
provisions sufficient for more than a year ; also a caravel and 
men to build others, skilled not only in this trade, but in others. 
I secured for them good will and remarkable friendship of the 
king of the island ; for these people are very affectionate and 
kind, so much so that the aforesaid king took a pride in 
my being called his brother. Although they should change 
their minds, and wish to harm those who have remained in the 
fort, they cannot, because they are without arms, go naked, 
and are too timid ; so that, in truth, those who hold the afore- 
said fort can lay waste the whole of that island, without any 
danger to themselves, provided they do not violate the rules 
and instructions I have given them. 

In all these islands, as I understand, every man is satisfied 

with only one wife, except the princes or kings, who are per- 
mitted to have 20. The women appear to work more than the 
men, but I could not well understand whether they have 
private property or not ; for I saw that what every one had 
was shared with the others, especially meals, provisions, and 
such things. I found among them no monsters, as very many 
expected, but men of great deference and kind ; nor are they 
black like the Ethiopians, but they have long, straight hair. 
They do not dwell where the rays of the sun have most power, 
although the sun's heat is very great there, as this region is 
twenty-six degrees distant from the equinoctial line. From 
the summits of the mountains there comes great cold, but the 
Indians mitigate it by being inured to the weather, and by the 
help of very hot food, which they consume frequently and in 
immoderate quantities. 

I saw no monsters, neither did I hear accounts of any such 
except in an island called Charis, the second as one crosses 
over from Spain to India, which is inhabited by a certain race 
regarded by their neighbors as very ferocious. They eat human 
flesh, and make use of several kinds of boats by which they 
cross over to all the Indian islands, and plunder and carry off 
whatever they can. But they differ in no respect from the 
others except in wearing their hair long after the fashion of 
women. They make use of bows and arrows made of reeds, 
having pointed shafts fastened to the thicker portion, as we 
have before described. For this reason they are considered to 
be ferocious, and the other Indians consequently are terribly 
afraid of them ; but I consider them of no more account than 
the others. They have intercourse with certain women who 
dwell alone upon the island of Mateurin, the first as one 
crosses from Spain to India, These women follow none of the 
usual occupations of their sex ; but they use bows and arrows 
like those of their husbands, which I have described, and pro- 
tect themselves with plates of copper, which is found in the 
greatest abundance among them. 

I was informed that there is another island larger than the 
aforesaid Hispana, whose inhabitants have no hair ; and that 
there is a greater abundance of gold in it than in any of the 
others. Some of the inhabitants of these islands and of the others 
I have seen I am bringing over with me to bear testimony to 
what I have reported. Finally, to sum up in a few words the 
chief results and advantages of our departure and speedy re- 
turn, I make this promise to our most invincible Sovereigns, 
that, if I am supported by some little assistance from them, I 

will give them as much gold as they have need of, and in addi- 
tion spices, cotton, and mastic, which is found only in Chios, 
and as much aloes-wood, and as many heathen slaves as their 
Majesties may choose to demand ; besides these, rhubarb and 
other kinds of drugs, which I think the men I left in the fort 
before alluded to have already discovered, or will do so ; as I 
have myself delayed nowhere longer than the winds compelled 
me, except while I was providing for the construction of a fort 
in the city of Nativity, and for making all things safe. 

Although these matters are very wonderful and unheard of, 
they would have been much more so if ships to a reasonable 
amount had been furnished me. But what has been accom- 
plished is great and wonderful, and not at all proportionate to 
my deserts, but to the sacred Christian faith, and to the piety 
and religion of our Sovereigns. For what the mind of man 
could not compass, the spirit of God has granted to mortals. 
For God is wont to listen to his servants who love his precepts, 
even in impossibilities, as has happened to me in the present 
instance, who have accomplished what human strength has 
hitherto never attained. For, if any one has written or told 
anything about these islands, all have done so either obscurely 
or by guesswork, so that it has almost seemed to be fabulous. 

Therefore let King and Queen and Princes, and their most 
fortunate realms, and all other Christian provinces, let us all 
return thanks to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who has 
bestowed so great a victory and reward upon us ; let there be 
processions and solemn sacrifices prepared ; let the churches 
be decked with festal boughs ; let Christ rejoice upon earth as 
he rejoices in heaven, as he foresees that so many souls of so 
many people heretofore lost are to be saved ; and let us be 
glad not only for the exaltation of our faith, but also for the 
increase of temporal prosperity, in which not only Spain, but all 
Christendom is about to share. 

As these things have been accomplished, so have they been 
briefly narrated. Farewell. 


Admiral of the Ocean Fleet. 
Lisbon, March 14th. 


R. L. de Corbaria, Bishop of Montepeloso, to the most in- 
vincible King of Spain. 

Now no land need be added to the triumphs of Spain, 
For the world was too small for power so great ; 


Now a region far hidden beneath the eastern waves 

Will add to thy titles, O great lord of the Baetis, 
Wherefore to Columbus, its discoverer, must deservedly be paid 

Thanks ; but greater be rendered to God most high, 
Who is preparing new realms to be conquered by thee and by himself. 

It is best for thee to be at the same time brave and pious. 

Columbus was a very voluminous writer. Ninety-seven pieces of writing 
by him, memoirs, relations, or letters, exist, or are known to have existed. 
Sixty-four of these writings we possess in their entirety, including twenty- 
three in his own handwriting, all of which have been published. The com- 
pletest accounts of these various writings are those by Justin Winsor in the 
first chapter of his book on Columbus and in the Narrative and Critical His- 
tory of America, vol. ii., to which the student is referred. 

In February, 1493, while off the Azores, on his return voyage, Colum- 
bus wrote an account of his voyage and discoveries, in a letter, intended for 
the eyes of Ferdinand and Isabella, addressed to Luis de Santangel, the 
treasurer of Aragon, who had been his warm friend and helped fit out the 
expedition. This letter, which was printed at Barcelona immediately after 
Columbus's arrival in Spain, may be found in English in the volumes ed- 
ited by Major and Kettell, and also in the "Amei'ican History Leaflets," 
edited by Professor Hart and Professor Channing. At almost the same 
time with his letter to Santangel, Columbus wrote another account, substan- 
tially the same, to Gabriel Sanchez (in some copies, including the Boston 
Public Library copy, improperly called Raphael Sanxis), another officer of the 
royal treasury. Several editions of this letter, translated into Latin by a 
certain Leander de Cosco, were published at Rome, at Paris, and elsewhere, 
in the course of the year 1493. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ Rome editions was printed 
by Stephen Plannck. Only five copies of this edition are now known to 
exist, — two in the British Museum, one in the Royal Library at Munich, 
one in the collection of Mr. Brayton Ives in New York, and one in the 
Boston Public Library. The trustees of the Public Library have repro- 
duced this latter in fac-simile by the heliotype process (it can be pur- 
chased at the library for fifty cents), with a bibliographical note and 
translation by Henry W. Haynes ; and this translation is given, by the 
kind consent of the trustees, in the present leaflet. Another translation 
by R. H. Major, from a different Latin text, may be found in his volume of 
the Select Letters by Columbus. 

There is an English translation by Samuel Kettell of Las Casas's ac- 
count of the first voyage, abridged from the Journal of Columbus, which is 
lost. Las Casas says that for a while he follows the very words of Colum- 
bus. The account of the discovery, from the Life of Columbus by his son, 
Ferdinand Columbus, is given in the series of Old South Leaflets for 1891, 
No. 8. 

The popular lives of Columbus in English have been those by Irving 
and Arthur Helps. In the present year the learned biography by Justin 
Winsor, a mine of information concerning the original authorities, and 
the brilliant work by John Fiske have appeared, together with two 
briefer lives of Columbus, by Prof. Charles K. Adams and Frederic Saun- 
ders. The valuable biography by the Italian, Tarducci, has recently been 
translated. The thorough student will give special attention to the learned 
and critical volumes upon Columbus by Henry Harrisse. The young people 
will enjoy the bright Life of Columbus by Edward Everett Hale. 


Amerigo Ves- 
pucci's Account of 

his First Voyage. 

'Letter of Amerigo Vespucci to Pier Soderini, Gon- 
falonier OF THE Republic of Florence. 

Magnificent Lord. After humble reverence and due com- 
mendations, etc. It may be that your Magnificence will be 
surprised by (^Ais co7ijunction of) my rashness and your cus- 
tomary I wisdom, in that I should so absurdly bestir myself to 
write to your Magnificence the present so-prolix letter : knowing 
(as I do) that your Magnificence is continually employed in 
high councils and affairs concerning the good government of 
this sublime Republic. And will hold me not only presumptu- 
ous, but also idly-meddlesome in setting myself to write things, 
neither suitable to your station, nor entertaining, and written in 
barbarous style, and outside of every canon of polite literature : 2 
but my confidence which I have in your virtues and in the truth 
of my writing, which are things {that) are not found written 
neither by the ancients nor by modern writers, as your Magnifi- 
cence will in the sequel perceive, makes me bold.3 The chief 
cause which moved {me) to write to you, was at the request of 
the present bearer, who»is named Benvenuto Benvenuti our Flor- 
entine {fellow-citizefi)^ very much, as it is proven, your Magnifi- 
cence's servant, and my very good friend : who happening to 
be here in this city of Lisbon, begged that I should make com- 
munication to your Magnificence of the things seen by me in 
divers regions of the world, by virtue of four voyages which I 
have made in discovery of new lands : two by order of the 
king of Castile, 4 King Don Ferrando VI., across the great gulf 

1 Varnhagen suggests that tisada is a corruption of the Spanish osadia (daring), but this 
would leave vostra savidoria inexplicable. 
'^ Hzimanith. 

3 Here usato is certainly the Spai:iish osado, or the Portuguese onsado. 

4 This lack of precision with regard to Ferdinand's title maybe compared with similar 
carelessness on the early maps which refer to America. 

of the Ocean-sea, towards the west : and the other two by com- 
mand of the puissant Kmg Don Manuel King of Portugal, 
towards the south : Telling me that your Magnificence would 
take pleasure thereof, and that herein he hoped to do you 
service : wherefore I set me to do it : because I am assured that 
your Magnificence holds me in the number of your servants, 
remembering that in the time of our youth I was your friend, 
and now {am your) servant : and {remembering our) going to 
hear the rudiments of grammar under the fair example and 
instruction of the venerable monk friar of Saint Mark Fra 
Giorgio Antonio Vespucci : whose counsels and teaching would 
to God that I had followed : for as saith Petrarch, I should be 
another man than what I am. Howbeit soever,^ I grieve not: 
because I have ever taken delight in worthy matters : and al- 
though these trifles of mine may not be suitable to your virtues, 
I will say to you as said Pliny to Maecenas, you were sometime 
wont to take pleasure in my prattlings : even though your Mag- 
nificence be continuously busied in public affairs, you will take 
some hour of relaxation to consume a little time in frivolous or 
amusing things : and as fennel is customarily given atop of 
delicious viands to fit them for better digestion, so may you, for 
a relief from your so heavy occupations, order this letter of 
mine to be read: so that they 2 may withdraw you somewhat 
from the continual anxiety and assiduous reflection upon public 
affairs : and if I shall be prolix, I crave pardon, 3 my Magnificent 
Lord. Your Magnificence shall know that the motive of my 
coming into this realm of Spain was to traffic in merchandise : 
and that I pursued this intent about four years : during which I 
saw and knew the inconstant shiftings of Fortune : and how she 
kept changing those frail and transitory benefits : and how at one 
time she holds man on the summit of the wheel, and at another 
time drives him back from her, and despoils him of what may be 
called his borrowed riches : so that, knowing the continuous toil 
which man undergoes to win them, submitting himself to so 
many anxieties and risks, I resolved to abandon trade, and to 
fix my aim upon something more praiseworthy and stable : 
whence it was that I made preparation for going to see part 4 of 
the world and its wonders : and herefor the time and place 
presented themselves most opportunely to me : which was that 
the King Don Ferrando of Castile being about to despatch four 

1 Quomodo cunqtte sit. Vespucci affected a little Latin. 

2 " They " for " it." 3 Veniam peto. 

4 Parte is used by Vespucci as plural as well as singular, and consequently this means 
properly " parts " or " various parts," as it appears in the Latin version. 

ships to discover new lands towards the west, I was chosen by 
his Highness to go in that fleet to aid in making discovery : and 
we set out from the port of Cadiz on the lo ^ day of May 
1497, and took our route through the great gulph of the 
Ocean-sea : in which voyage we were eighteen months {engaged) : 
and discovered much continental land and innumerable islands, 
and great part of them inhabited : whereas there is no mention 
made by the ancient writers of them : I believe, because they 
had no knowledge thereof : for, if I remember well, I have 
read in some one (0/ those writers) that he considered that this 
Ocean-sea was an unpeopled sea : and of this opinion was 
Dante our poet in the xxvi. chapter of the Inferno, where he 
feigns the death of Ulysses : in which voyage I beheld things of 
great wondrousness, as your Magnificence shall understand. 
As I said above, we left the port of Cadiz four consort 
ships : 2 and began our voyage in direct course to the 
Fortunate Isles, which are called to-day la graft Canaria, which 
are situated in the Ocean-sea at the extremity of the inhabited 
west, {and) set in the third climate : over which the North Pole 
has an elevation of 27 and a half degrees 3 beyond their 
horizon : 4 and they are 280 leagues distant from this city of 
Lisbon, by the wind between mezzo di and libeccio : s where we 
remained eight days, taking in provision of water, and wood and 
other necessary things : and from here, having said our prayers, 
we weighed anchor, and gave the sails to the wind, beginning 
our course to westward, taking one quarter by south-west : ^ and 
so we sailed on till at the end of 37 7 days we reached a land 
which we deemed to be a continent : which is distant west- 
wardly from the isles of Canary about a thousand leagues 
beyond the inhabited region ^ within the torrid zone : for we 
found the North Pole at an elevation of 16 degrees above its 
horizon,9 and {it was) westward, according to the shewing of 
our instruments, 75 degrees from* the isles of Canary : whereat 
we anchored with our ships a league and a half from land : and 
we put out our boats freighted with men and arms : we made 
towards the land, and before we reached it, had sight of a great 


IThe Latin version at the end of the Cosinographi<z Introductio hz.% "20" instead 

2 Navi di conserva . 3 The Latin has ' ' 27%. " 

4 That is, which are situate at 27/^ degrees north latitude. 

5 South-south-west. It is to be remarked that Vespucci always uses the word wind to 
signify the course in which it blows, not the quarter from which it rises. 
G West and a quarter by south-west. 5" Latin has 27. 

8 This phrase is merely equivalent to a repetition of from the Canaries, these islands 
having been already designated the extreme western limit of inhabited land, 

9 That is, 16 degrees north latitude,. 

number of people who were going along the shore : by which 
we were much rejoiced : and we observed that they were a 
naked race : they shewed themselves to stand in fear of us : I 
believe (// was) because they saw us clothed and of other 
appearance {than their own) : they all withdrew to a hill, and for 
whatsoever signals we made to them of peace and of friendliness, 
they would not come to parley with us: so that, as the night 
was now coming on, and as the ships were anchored in a 
dangerous place, being on a rough and shelterless coast, we 
decided to remove from there the next day, and to go in search 
of some harbour or bay, where we might place our ships in 
safety: and we sailed with the maestrale wind,^ thus running 
along the coast with the land ever in sight, continually in our 
course observing people along the shore : till after having 
navigated for two days, we found a place sufficiently secure for 
the ships, and anchored half a league from land, on which we 
saw a very great number of people : and this same day we put 
to land with the boats, and sprang on shore full 40 men in good 
trim : and still the land's people appeared shy of converse with 
us, and we were unable to encourage them so much as to make 
them come to speak with us : and this day we laboured so 
greatly in giving them of our wares, such as rattles and mirrors, 
beads,2 spalline, and other trifles, that some of them took con- 
fidence and came to discourse with us : and after having made 
good friends with them, the night coming on, we took our leave 
of them and returned to the ships : and the next day when the 
dawn appeared we saw that there were infinite numbers of 
people upon the beach, and they had their women and children 
with them : we went ashore, and found that they were all laden 
with their worldly goods 3 which are suchlike as, in its {^proper) 
place, shall be related : and before we reached the land, many 
of them jumped into the sea and came swimming to receive us 
at a bowshot's length {from the shore), for they are very great 
swimmers, with as much confidence as if they had for a long 
time been acquainted with us : and we were pleased with this 
their confidence. For so much as we learned of their manner 
of life and customs, it was that they go entirely naked, as well 
the men as the women. . . . They are of medium stature, very 
well proportioned : their flesh is of a colour that verges into 

1 North-west. Latin has vento secundum collem. 

2 The word is cejite, supposed to be a misprint for conte, an Italianised form of the Span- 
ish ctientas. Spalline is a word not given in the dictionaries. The Latin translator seems to 
have read the original as certe cristalline. 

'i Mantenimenti. The word "all" {tucte) is feminine, and probably refers only to the 


red like a lion's mane : and I believe that if they went clothed, 
they would be as white as we : they have not any hair upon the 
body, except the hair of the head vv'hich is long and black, and 
especially in the women, whom it renders handsome . in aspect 
they are not very good-looking, because they have broad faces, 
so that they would seem Tartar-like : they let no hair grow on 
their eyebrows, nor on their eyelids, nor elsewhere, except the 
hair of the head : for they hold hairiness to be a filthy thing : 
they are very light footed in walking and in running, as 
well the men as the women : so that a woman recks nothing 
of running a league or two, as many times we saw them 
do : and herein they have a very great advantage over us 
Christians : they swim (with a7i experiness) beyond all belief, 
and the women better than the men : for we have many times 
found and seen them swimming two leagues out at sea with- 
out anything to rest upon. Their arms are bows and arrows 
very well made, save that {the arrows) are not {tipped) 
with iron nor any other kind of hard metal : and instead 
of iron they put animals' or fishes' teeth, or a spike of tough 
wood, with the point hardened by fire : they are sure marksmen, 
for they hit whatever they aim at : and in some places the 
women use these bows : they have other weapons, such as fire- 
hardened spears, and also clubs with knobs, beautifully carved. 
Warfare is used amongst them, which they carry on against 
people not of their own language, very cruelly, without granting 
life to any one, except {to 7-eserve him) for greater suffering. 
When they go to war, they take their women with them, not 
that these may fight, but because they carry behind them their 
worldly goods, for a woman carries on her back for thirty or 
forty leagues a load which no man could bear : as we have 
many times seen them do. They are not accustomed to have 
any Captain, nor do they go in any ordered array, for every one 
is lord of himself : and the cause of their*wars is not for lust of 
dominion, nor of extending their frontiers, nor for inordinate 
covetousness, but for some ancient enmity which in by-gone 
times arose ' amongst them : and when asked why they made 
war, they knew not any other reason to give than that they did 
so to avenge the death of their ancestors, or of their parents : 
these people have neither King, nor Lord, nor do they yield 
obedience to anyone, for they live in their own liberty: and 
how they be stirred up to go to war is {this) that when the 
enemies have slain or captured any of them, his oldest kinsman 
rises up and goes about the highways haranguing them to go 

1 The expression in the original is e stita, an error for e suta. 

with him and avenge the death of such his kinsman : and so 
are they stirred up by fellow-feeling : they have no judicial sys- 
tem, nor do they punish the ill-doer : nor does the father, 
nor the mother chastise the children : and marvellously 
{seldom) or never did we see any dispute among them: 
in their conversation they appear simple, and they are very 
cunning and acute in that which concerns them : ^ they speak 
little and in a low tone : they use the same articulations as we, 
since they form their utterances either with the palate, or with 
the teeth, or on the lips i^ except that they give different names 
to things. Many are the varieties of tongues : for in every loo 
leagues we found a change of language, so that they are not 
understandable each to the other. The manner of their living 
is very barbarous, for they do not eat at certain hours, and as 
oftentimes as they will : and it is not much of a boon to them that 
the will may come more at midnight than by day, for they eat at 
all hours : 3 and they eat upon the ground without a table-cloth 
or any other cover, for they have their meats either in earthen 
basins which they make themselves, or in the halves of pump- 
kins : they sleep in certain very large nettings made of cotton,4 
suspended in the air : and although this their {fashion of) sleep- 
ing may seem uncomfortable, I say that it is sweet to sleep 
in those (nettings) : and we slept better in them than in the 
counterpanes. They are a people smooth and clean of body, 
because of so continually washing themselves as they do. . . . 
Amongst those people we did not learn that they had any 
law, nor can they be called Moors nor Jews, and {they are) 
worse than pagans': because we did not observe that they 
offered any sacrifice : nor even 5 had they a house of prayer : 
their manner of living I judge to be Epicurean : their dwell- 
ings are in common : and their houses {are) made in the 
style of huts,6 but strongly made, and constructed with very 
large trees, and covered over with palm-leaves, secure against 
storms and winds : and in some places {they are) of so great 
breadth and length, that in one single house we found there were 
600 souls : and we saw a village of only thirteen 7 houses where 

1 Che loro cuple. The Spanish word complir, with the sense of being important or 

2 He means that they have no sounds in their language unknown to European organs of 
speech, all being either palatals or dentals or labials. 

3The words from "and it is not much" down to "at all hours" omitted in the Latin. 
I have translated " et nofi si da loro molto'''' zs, "it is not much of a boon to them," but 
may be " it matters not much to them." 

4 Bamhacia. ^ Nee etiam nan. 

6 Waldseemiiller has " bell-towers," having misread campane for capanne, huts or cabins. 

J" Latin has eight. 

there were four thousand ^ souls : every eight or ten years ^ 
they change their habitations : and when asked why they did 
so : {they said it was) because of the soil 3 which, from its filthi- 
ness, was already unhealthy and corrupted, and that it bred 
aches in their bodies, which seemed to us a good reason : their 
riches consist o£ birds' plumes of many colours, or of rosaries 4 
which they make from fishbones, or of white or green stones 
which they put in their cheeks and in their lips and ears, and 
of many other things which we in no wise value : they use no 
trade, they neither buy nor sell. In fine, they live and are con- 
tented with that which nature gives them. The wealth that we 
enjoy in this our Europe and elsewhere, such as gold, jewels, 
pearls, and other riches, they hold as nothing : and although 
they have them in their own lands, they do not labour to obtain 
them, nor do they value them. They are liberal in giving, for 
it is rarely they deny you anything : and on the other hand, 
liberal in asking, when they shew themselves your friends. . . . 
When they die, they use divers manners of obsequies, and some 
they bury with water and victuals at their heads : thinking that 
they shall have {whe?'eof) to eat : they have not nor do they 
use ceremonies of torches 5 nor of lamentation. In some 
other places, they use the most barbarous and inhuman 
burial, 6 which is that when a suffering or infirm {persori) is 
as it were at the last pass of death, his kinsmen carry him 
into a large forest, and attach one of those nets, of theirs, 
in which they sleep, to two trees, and then put him in it, 
and dance around him for a whole day : and when the night 
comes on they place at his bolster, water with other victuals, 
so that he may be able to subsist for four or six days: and 
then they leave him alone and return to the village: and 
if the sick man helps himself, and eats, and drinks, and sur- 
vives, he returns to the village, and his {friends) receive him 
with ceremony: but few are they who escape: without receiv- 
ing any further visit they die, and that is their sepulture : and 
they have many other customs which for prolixity are not 
related. They use in their sicknesses various forms of medi- 
cines,7 so different from ours that we marvelled how any one 
escaped : for many times I saw that with a man sick of fever, 
when it heightened upon him, they bathed him from head to 

i Latin, ten thotisand. 2 Latin has seven for ten. 

^Suolo, the ground or flooring, which Waldseemiiller absurdly misread sole, the sun. 
Varnhagen, no less strangely, translates it " the atmosphere." 

^ Pater tiostrini. ^ Lumi, lights, tapers, candles, as in Catholic ceremonies. 

^Interramento is the word, but he means only "funeral rite." 

7 That is, " medical treatment." 


foot with a large quantity of cold water : then they lit a great 
fire around him, making him turn and turn again every two 
hours, until they tired him and left him to sleep, and many 
were (thus) cured : with this they make use of dieting, for they 
remain three days without eating, and also of blood-letting, but 
not from the arm, only from the thighs and the loins and the 
calf of the leg : also they provoke vomiting with their herbs 
which are put into the mouth : and they use many other 
remedies which it would be long to relate : they are much 
vitiated in the phlegm and in the blood because of their food 
which consists chiefly of roots of herbs, and fruits and fish : 
they have no seed of wheat nor other grain : and for their ordi- 
nary use and feeding, they have a root of a tree, from which 
they make flour, tolerably good, and they call it luca, and 
another which they call Cazabi, and another Ignami : they eat 
little flesh except human flesh : for your Magnificence must 
know that herein they are so inhuman that they outdo every 
custom (even) of beasts ; for they eat all their enemies whom 
they kill or capture, as well females as males with so much 
savagery, that (merely) to relate it appears a horrible thing : 
how much more so to see it, as, infinite times and in many 
places, it was my hap to see it : and they wondered to hear 
us say that we did not eat our enemies : and this your Mag- 
nificence may take for certain, that their other barbarous 
customs are such that expression is too weak for the reality : 
and as in these four voyages I have seen so many things 
diverse from our customs, I prepared to write a common-place- 
book ^ which I name Le quattro Giornate: in which I 
have set down the greater part of the things which I saw, 
sufficiently in detail, so far as my feeble wit has allowed me : 
which I have not yet published, because I have so ill a taste for 
my own things that I do not relish those which I have written, 
notwithstanding that many encourage me to publish it : therein 
everything will be seen in detail : so that I shall not enlarge 
further in this chapter: as in the course of the letter we shall 
come to many other things which are particular : let this suffice 
for the general. At this beginning, we saw nothing in the 
land of much profit, except some show of gold : I believe the 
cause of it was that we did not know the language : but in so 
far as concerns the situation and condition of the land, it could 
not be better : we decided to leave that place, and to go further 
on, continuously coasting the shore : upon which we made fre- 

l Zibaldone, miscellany, ornnhtni-gatheruin. 

quent descents, and held converse with a great number of 
people : and at the end of some days we went into a harbour 
w^iere we underwent very great danger : and it pleased the 
Holy Ghost to save us : and it was in this wise. We landed 
in a harbour, where we found a village built like Venice 
upon the water : there were about 44 large dwellings in the 
form of huts erected upon very thick piles, ^ and they had 
their doors or entrances in the style of drawbridges : and 
from each house one could pass through all, by means of 
the drawbridges which stretched from house to house : and 
when the people thereof had seen us, they appeared to be 
afraid of us, and immediately drew up all the bridges : and 
while we were looking at this strange action, we saw coming 
across the sea about 22 canoes, which are a kind of boats of 
theirs, constructed from a single tree : which came towards our 
boats, as they had been surprised by our appearance and 
clothes, and kept wide of us: and thus remaining, we made 
signals to them that they should approach us, encouraging them 
with every token of friendliness : and seeing that they did not 
come, we went to them, and they did not stay for us, but made 
to the land, and, by signs, told us to wait, and that they should 
soon return : and they went to a hill in the background,^ and 
did not delay long: when they returned, they led with them 16 
of their girls, and entered with these into their canoes, and 
came to the boats : and in each boat they put 4 of the girls. 
That we marvelled at this behavior your Magnificence can 
imagine how much, and they placed themselves with their 
canoes among our boats, coming to speak with us : insomuch 
that we deemed it a mark of friendliness : and while thus en- 
gaged, we beheld a great number of people advance swimming 
towards us across the sea, who came from the houses : and as 
they were drawing near to us without any apprehension : just then 
there appeared at the doors of the houses certain old women, 
uttering very loud cries and tearing' their hair to exhibit grief : 
whereby they made us suspicious, and we each betook ourselves 
to arms : and instantly the girls whom we had in the boats, 
threw themselves into the sea, and the men of the canoes drew 
away from us, and began with their bows to shoot arrows at 
us : and those who were swimming each carried a lance held, 
as covertly. as they could, beneath the water: so that, recog- 
nizing the treachery, we engaged with them, not merely to 

1 Waldseemiiller has 20 instead of 44, and repeats his error of " bell-towers " for " huts." 

2 Varnhagen says "went straight to land," evidently mistaking drieto {dietro) for dricto, 
and isfnorine monte. 


defend ourselves, but to attack them vigorously, and we over- 
turned with our boats many of their almadie or canoes, for 
so they call them, we made a slaughter {of them), and they 
all flung themselves into the water to swim, leaving their 
canoes abandoned, with considerable loss on their side, they 
went swimming away to the shore : there died of them about 15 
or 20, and many were left wounded: and of ours 5 were 
wounded, and all, by the grace of God, escaped (death) : we 
captured two of the girls and two men : ^ and we proceeded to 
their houses, and entered therein, and in them all we found 
nothing else than two old women and a sick man : we took 
away from them many things, but of small value : and we 
would not burn their houses, because it seemed to us (as thotigh 
that would be) a burden upon our conscience : and we returned 
to our boats with five prisoners : and betook ourselves to the 
ships, and put a pair of irons on the feet of each of the cap- 
tives, except the little girls : and when the night came on, the 
two girls and one of the men fled away in the most subtle 
manner possible : and next day we decided to quit that har- 
bour and go further onwards : we proceeded continuously 
skirting the coast, {until) we had sight of another tribe distant 
perhaps some 80 leagues from the former tribe : and we found 
them very different in speech and customs : we resolved to 
cast anchor, and went ashore with the boats, and we saw on the 
beach a great number of people amounting probably to 4000 
souls : and when we had reached the shore, they did not stay 
for us, but betook themselves to flight through the forests, 
abandoning their things : we jumped on land, and took a path- 
way that led to the forest : and at the distance of a bow-shot 
we found their tents, where they had made very large fires, and 
two {of them) were cooking their victuals, and roasting several 
animals, and fish of many kinds : where we saw that they were 
roasting a certain animal which seemed to be a serpent, save 
that it had no wings,^ and was in its appearance so loathsome 
that we marvelled much at its savageness : Thus went we on 
through their houses, or rather tents, and found many of 
those serpents alive, and they were tied by the feet and had 
a cord around their snouts, so that they could not open 
their mouths, as is done {in Europe) with mastiff-dogs so 
that they may not bite : they were of such savage aspect 
that none of us dared to take one away, thinking that they 

1 Two men : the Latin has three, which agrees better with the mention of five prisoners, 
a little lower down. 

^Alia, wings or fins. Vespucci must have been thinking of the fabulous dragon. 


were poisonous : they are of the bigness of a kid, and in length 
an ell and a half : ^ their feet are long and thick, and armed 
with big claws : they have a hard skin, and are of various 
colours : they have the muzzle and face of a serpent : and from 
their snouts there rises a crest like a saw which extends along 
the middle of the back as far as the tip ^ of the tail : in fine we 
deemed them to be serpents and venomous, and {nevertheless^ 
those people^ ate them : we found that they made bread out of 
little fishes which they took from the sea, first boiling them, 
{theii) pounding them, and making thereof a paste, or bread, 
and they baked them on the embers : thus did they eat them : 
we tried it, and found that it was good : they had so many 
other kinds of eatables, and especially of fruits and roots, that 
it would be a large matter to describe them in detail : and see- 
ing that the people did not return, we decided not to touch 
nor take away anything of theirs, so as better to reassure them : 
and we left in the tents for them many of our things, placed 
where they should see them, and returned by night to our 
ships : and the next day, when it was light, we saw on the 
beach an infinite number of people : and we landed : and 
although they appeared timorous towards us, they took cour- 
age nevertheless to hold converse with us, giving us whatever 
we asked of them : and shewing themselves very friendly 
towards us, they told us that those were their dwellings, and 
that they had come hither for the purpose of fishing : and they 
begged that we would visit their dwellings and villages, 
because they desired to receive us as friends : and they en- 
gaged in such friendship because of the two captured men 
whom we had with us, as these were their enemies : insomuch 
that, in view of such importunity on their part, holding a 
council, we determined that 28 of us Christians in good 
array should go with them, and in the firm resolve to die 
if it should be necessary : and after we had been here some 
three days, we went with them inland : and at three leagues 
from the coast we came to a village of many people and few 
houses, for there were no more than nine {of these) : where we 
were received with such and so many barbarous ceremonies 
that the pen suffices not to write them down : for there were 
dances, and songs, and lamentations mingled with rejoicing, 
and great quantities of food ; and here we remained the night : 
. . . and after having been here that night and half the next 

1 Braccia e rnezo. This animal was the iguana. 

'^Sommith in original, which might mean the root of the tail ; but the translation given 
is the correct one. 


day, so great was the number of people who came wonder- 
ing to behold us that they were beyond counting : and the 
most aged begged us to go with them to other villages which 
were further inland, making display of doing us the greatest 
honour : wherefore we decided to go : and it would be impos- 
sible to tell you how much honour they did us : and we went to 
several villages, so that we were nine days journeying, so that 
our Christians who had remained with the ships were already 
apprehensive concerning us: and when we were about i8 
leagues in the interior of the land, we resolved to return to the 
ships : and on our way back, such was the number of people, as 
well men as women, that came with us as far as the sea, that 
it was a wondrous thing : and if any of us became weary of the 
march, they carried us in their nets very refreshingly : and in 
crossing the rivers, which are many and very large, they passed 
us over by skilful means so securely that we ran no danger 
whatever, and many of them came laden with the things which 
they had given us, which consisted in their sleeping-nets, and 
very rich feathers, many bows and arrows, innumerable popin- 
jays ^ of divers colours : and others brought with them loads of 
their household goods, and of animals : but a greater marvel 
will I tell you, that, when we had to cross a river, he deemed 
himself lucky who was able to carry us on his back : and when 
we reached the sea, our boats having arrived, we entered into 
them: and so great was the struggle which they made to get 
into our boats, and to come to see our ships, that we marvelled 
(thereat) : and in our boats we took as many of them as we 
could, and made our way to the ships, and so many (others) 
came swimming that we found ourselves embarrassed in seeing 
so many people in the ships, for there were over a thousand per- 
sons all naked and unarmed : they were amazed by our (7iauti- 
cal) gear and contrivances, and the size of the ships : and with 
them there occurred to us a very laughable affair, which was 
that we decided to fire off some of our great guns,^ and when 
the explosion took place, most of them through fear cast them- 
selves (into the sea) to swim, not otherwise than frogs on the 
margins of a pond, when they see something that frightens 
them, will jump into the water, just so did those people : and 
those who remained in the ships were so terrified that we 
regretted our action : however we reassured them by telling 
them that with those arms we slew our enemies : and when they 
had amused themselves in the ships the whole day, we told 
them to go away because we desired to depart that night, and 

"^ Paj>pagalU, Y>^xxo(\\xev!>. ^ Ariiglierie. 


so separating from us with much friendship and love, they went 
away to land. Amongst that people and in their land, I knew 
and beheld so many of their customs and ways of living, 
that I do not care to enlarge upon them : for Your Magnifi- 
cence must knov/ that in each of my voyages I have noted 
the most wonderful things, and I have indited it all in a 
volume after the manner of a geography : and I intitle it Le 
QUATTRO GiORNATE : in which work the things are comprised in 
detail, and as yet there is no copy of it given out, as it is neces- 
sary for me to revise it.^ This tand is very populous, and full 
of inhabitants, and of numberless rivers, {ancf) animals : few {of 
wJiicJi) resemble ours, excepting lions, panthers, stags, pigs, 
goats, and deer : 2 and even these have some dissimilarities of 
form : they have no horses nor mules, nor, saving your rever- 
ence, asses nor dogs, nor any kind of sheep or oxen : but so 
numerous are the other animals which they have, and all are 
savage, and of none do they make use for their service, that they 
could not be counted. What shall we say of others {such as) 
birds ? which are so numerous, and of so many kinds, and of 
such various-coloured plumages, that it is a marvel to behold 
them. The soil is very pleasant and fruitful, full of immense 
woods and forests : and it is always green, for the foliage never 
drops off. The fruits are so many that they are numberless 
and entirely different from ours. This land is within the torrid 
zone, close to or just under the parallel described by the Tropic 
of Cancer : where the pole of the horizon has an elevation of 23 
degrees, at the extremity of the second climate.3 Many tribes 
came to see us, and wondered at our faces and our whiteness : 
and they asked us whence we came : and we gave them to 
understand that we had come from heaven, and that we 
were going to see the world, and they believed it. In this 
land we placed baptismal fonts, and an infinite {immher of) 
people were baptised, and they called us in their language 
Carabi, which means men of great wisdom. We took our 
departure from that port : and the province is called Lariab : 
and we navigated along the coast, always in sight of land, until 
we had run 870 leagues of it, still going in the direction of the 
maestrale {north-west) making in our course many halts, and 
holding intercourse with many peoples : and in several places 

1 Conferirla. 

2 In the text the colon follows "few," which alters the sense considerably, and makes 
the statement run thus, " Numberless rivers and few animals: they resemble ours," etc. ; but 
the real intention is evidently better conveyed by adding the words in parentheses, and dis- 
placing the colon in question. 

3 That is, 23 degrees north latitude. 


we obtained gold by barter but not much in quantity, for we 
had done enough in discovering tlie land and learning that 
they had gold. We had now been thirteen months on the voy- 
age : and the vessels and the tackling were already much dam- 
aged, and the men worn out by fatigue : we decided by general 
council to haul our ships on land and examine them for the 
purpose of stanching leaks, ^ as they made much water, and of 
caulking and tarring them afresh, and {theii) returning towards 
Spain : and when we came to this determination, we were close 
to a harbour the best in the world : into which we entered with 
our vessels : where we found an immense number of people : 
who received us with much friendliness : and on the shore we 
made a bastion ^ with our boats and with barrels and casks, 
and our artillery, which commanded every point : 3 and our 
ships having been unloaded and lightened, 4 we drew them upon 
land, and repaired them in everything that was needful : and 
the land's people gave us very great assistance : and continually 
furnished us with their victuals : so that in this port we tasted 
little of our own, which suited our game well : s for the stock of 
provisions which we had for our return-passage was little and 
of sorry kind: where (/.^., there) we remained 37 days : and went 
many times to their villages ? where they paid us the greatest 
honour : and (jiow) desiring to depart upon our voyage, they 
made complaint to us how at certain times of the year there 
came from over the sea to this their land, a race of people very 
cruel, and enemies of theirs : and (who) by means of treach- 
ery or of violence slew many of them, and ate them : and 
some they made captives, and carried them away to their 
houses, or country : and how they could scarcely contrive to 
defend themselves from them, making signs to us that (those) 
were an island-people and lived out in the sea about a hundred 
leagues away : and so piteously did they tell us this that we 
believed them : and we promised to avenge them of so much 
wrong: and they remained overjoyed herewith: and many of 
them offered to come along with us, but we did not wish to 
take them for many reasons, save that we took seven of them, 
on condition that they should come (i.e., return home) afterwards 
in {their own) canoes because we did not desire to be obliged 

1 Stancharle (? stagitarle). 

2 Fort or barricade. The Latin misreads it " a new boat." 

3 Che giocavano per tucto. 

A Allogiate'\'s,%\\\x\&A. over by the Latin and Varnhagen. I take it to be intended for 
allegiate, and this to be an old form, corresponding to the French alleger, of allegerite or 
alleviate : lightened, eased. 

5 Che ci/eciono huon ghioco. 


to take them back to their country: and they were contented: 
and so we departed from those people, leaving them very 
friendly towards us : and having repaired our ships, and sailing 
for seven days out to sea between north-east and east : and at 
the end of the seven days we came upon the islands, which 
were many, some {of thejii) inhabited, and others deserted : 
and we anchored at one of them : where we saw a numerous 
people who called it Iti : and having manned our boats with 
strong crews, and {taken ammunitioii for) three cannon-shots in 
each, we made for land : where we found {assembled) about ^ 400 
men, and many women, and all naked like the former {peoples). 
They were of good bodily presence, and seemed right warlike 
men : for they were armed with their weapons, which are bows, 
arrows, and lances : and most of them had square wooden 
targets: and bore them in such wise that they did not impede 
the drawing of the bow : and when we had come with our 
boats to about a bowshot of the land, they all sprang into the 
water to shoot their arrows at us and to prevent us from leap- 
ing upon shore : and they all had their bodies painted of vari- 
ous colours, and {were) plumed with feathers : and the inter- 
preters ^ who were with us told us that when {those) displayed 
themselves so painted and plumed, it was to betoken that they 
wanted to fight : and so much did they persist in preventing us 
from landing, that we were compelled to play with our artillery : 
and when they heard the explosion, and saw one of them fall 
dead, they all drew back to the land : wherefore, forming our 
council, we resolved that 42 of our men should spring on shore, 
and, if they waited for us, fight them : thus having leaped to 
land Vv^ith our weapons, they advanced towards us, and we 
fought for about an hour, for we had but little advantage of them, 
except that our arbalasters and gunners killed some of them, 
and they wounded certain of our men : and this was because 
they did not stand to receive us within reach of lance-thrust or 
sword-blow : and so much vigour did we put forth at last, that 
we came to sword-play, and when they tasted our weapons, 
they betook themselves to flight through the mountains and the 
forests, and left us conquerors of the field with many of them 
dead and a good number wounded : and for that day we took 
no other pains to pursue them, because we were very weary, and 
we returned to our ships, with so much gladness on the part of 
the seven men who had come with us that they could not con- 
tain themselves {for Joy) : and when the next day arrived, we 
beheld coming across the land a great number of people, with 

^Alpie di 400. ~ Le Ibtgne, a Portuguese Idiom. 


signals of battle, continually sounding horns, and various other 
instruments which they use in their wars : and all {of them) 
painted and feathered, so that it was a very strange sight to 
behold them : wherefore all the ships held council, and it was 
resolved that since this people desired hostility with us, we 
should proceed to encounter them and try by every means to 
make them friends : in case they would not have our friendship, 
that we should treat them as foes, and so many of them as we 
might be able to capture should all be our slaves : and having 
armed ourselves as best we could, we advanced towards the 
shore, and they sought not to hinder us from landing, I believe 
from fear of the cannons: and we jumped on land, 57 men in 
four squadrons, each one {co7isisting of) a captain and his com- 
pany : and we came to blows with them : and after a long battle 
{i7i which) many of them {were) slain, we put them to flight, and 
pursued them to a village, having made about 250 of them cap- 
tives, arid we burnt the village, and returned to our ships with 
victory and 250 prisoners,^ leaving many of them dead and 
wounded, and of ours there were no more than one killed, 
and 22 wounded, who all escaped (i.e., recovered), God be 
thanked. We arranged our departure, and seven men, of 
whom five were wounded, took an island-canoe, and with 
seven prisoners that we gave them, four women and three men, 
returned to their (pw?i) country full of gladness, wondering 
at our strength : and we thereon made sail for Spain with 
222 captive slaves: and reached the port of Calls (Cadiz) on 
the day of October, 1498, where we were well received and 
sold our slaves. Such is what befell me, most noteworthy, in 
this my first voyage. 

IVarnhagen thought we ought to read "25" (not 250), like the Latin version, and to cor- 
rect the figures " 222 " lower down into "22 " in both the text and the Latin. But he was in 
error, having omitted to observe that the figures "250" occur twice. He evidently looked 
more on the Latin than the text. Besides, a capture of only 25 savages would be very little 
indeed for the European force lo make, whether we reckon it at 57 men or 228 men, as he 
and the Latin read it (four squadrons, each of 57 men, with its captain), especially when they 
had entered into hostilities with the express intention of making captives. (He afterwards 
corrected himself.; 


Geographical Summary of Vespucci's First Voyage by the 
English Translator of Vespucci's Letter. 

First Voyage or Expedition of King Ferdinand {fotir ships, probably 
under the command of Vincente Yahez Pinzon and Juan Diaz 
de Solis^ with Juafi de la Cos a as Pilot). 


May 10. Started from Cadiz. 
May 20-28. Reached the Canary Islands, where they stayed for 
eight days. 
July 4. Reached the coast of Honduras thirty-seven days 
later, at 16 degrees north latitude, as Vespucci 
says, but probably near Cape Gracias a Dios (or 
about 15 degrees north latitude), on a difficult 
coast, whicli he thought lay JS degrees west of the 
Canaries. It is really not much over 6y degrees. 
July 6. Advanced north-west, and harboured two days later 
in a safe anchorage (? near Cape Cameron, or some- 
where in the Bay of Honduras). From Vespucci's 
long and elaborate description of the people and 
their customs, the fleet must have remained some 
considerable time on this coast. 
? August 6. Advancing again north-west, as he thought (really 
north and by east), they coasted Yucatan, changing 
their course according to the configuration of the 
shore, and frequently landing, until they reached a 
harbour, in which there was a village seated, " like 
Venice," on the water. This must have been in 
?Sept. 10. Campeachy Bay, a little north of Tabasco (about 
18^ degrees north latitude). After some fighting 
with the Indians, they went onwards next day, 
coasting west and north-west for about 400 miles 
? Sept. 30. [he says about 80 leagues, or 320 miles], and reached 
the province of Lariab (? Tampico, in Mexico), 
23 degrees north latitude, where they found a 
friendly race of Indians, who were cooking and 
eating iguanas (which Vespucci describes as wing- 
less serpents, and which the sailors supposed to be 
poisonous). The Spaniards baptised many of these 
people, and were themselves designated Carabi 
(which he says means wise men). Vespucci and 
others travelled into the interior, and from his de- 
tails they must have been a month at this place. 
? Nov. I. Starting again north-west, they coasted the shore for 
870 leagues [naturally, although he does not say 
so, changing the course according as the land 
1498. trended], frequently touching on land, and at the 

April 30. end of April [after having passed along the coasts 
of Mexico and Louisiana, they reached Cape Sable, 



? June 30. 

? August 6. 
? August 13. 

? August 15. 

i.e.^ Cabo do ffiin de AbrW]. Turning the cape, they 
advanced northward, and anchored in a fine large 
bay, the utmost northern limit of their voyage. 
This was presumably the Cabo del Mar Usiano 
(probably Cape Hatteras, in North Carolina, 35 
degrees north latitude), where they stopped thirty- 
seven days, refitting their vessels for the home 
voyage. The natives were very friendly, and asked 
the Spaniards to protect them from a tribe which 
frequently came from islands across the sea to 
plunder and slay. The Christians took seven of 
the Indians with them as guides to the islands, and 
sailed east and by north-east [infra greco e levante. 
Qu(zre^ error for infra siroco e levante^ or east and 
by south-east?], for about 100 leagues across the 
ocean, reaching after seven days' sail, an archipelago 
partly inhabited, on the chief island of which, 
named Ity, they had severe fighting, which ended 
by their carrying away 250 prisoners. They then 
sent the seven Indians back, making them a present 
of seven prisoners, and sailed for Spain, reaching 
Cadiz on October 15, 1498. 

Ity.— The island of Ity is a problem which Varnhagen has solved, but not very satisfac- 
torily, by assuming that it referred to the Bermudas, and that the expedition sailed thither 
from Cape Canaveral. This would explain the direction, but not the distance (of loo leagues, 
equal to 400 miles), and we can hardly suppose that the Indian boatmen would have ventured 
much farther than 100 leagues across the ocean. The distance is reduced to about 200 leagues, 
but the direction is altered if we suppose that they started from Cape Hatteras ; while it be- 
comes too enormous, although the direction would then be right, if we assume that they went 
from Cape Canaveral. However, the difficulty is cleared if we suppose that the word greco 
is, as suggested by Varnhagen, a typographical error for siroco, in which case we might take 
it for granted that Vespucci sailed from Cape Hatteras to the Bermudas, — twenty-four years 
earlier than the supposed first discovery of those islands. In any case, Vespucci's measurements 
and compass were at fault ; but when we examine the map in the Strasburg Ptolemy of 15 13, 
derived, like that in the Rome Ptolemy of 1508, from the Charta marina P orUigallensium 
of 1504, it is impossible to resist the conviction that Cape Hatteras was the Cabo del Mar 
Usiano under which were inscribed the words " Hucusque naves Ferdinandi Regis Hispaniae 
pervenerunt." The map seems, in fact, to derive in almost every way from Vespucci himself, 
its northern limit on the American side being evidently identical with the northern limit of 
his first voyage, and its South American coast, on the other hand, being plainly traced from 
the record of his second, third, and fourth voyages, with the only exception that it does not 
show his discovery of the island of South Georgia. What makes this more striking is the 
mixture of languages in the 1513 map, the point of Florida being marked with a Portuguese 
name (C. do ffim de Abril), Cape St. Bonaventura with an Italian name, and the rest in 
Spanish chiefly, with a few in Latin. It appears very probable that the Charta marina was 
Vespucci's own map. 


" The only intelligent modern treatise on the life and voyages of Amer- 
icus Vespucius," says Mr. Fiske, in his Discovery of A7ne7'ica (vol. ii. jd. 26), 
"is Varnhagen's collection of monographs — Amerigo Vespucci: son car act ere, 
ses ecrits {nihne les tnoins authentiques), sa vie et ses navigations, Lima, 1865; 
Le premier voyage de Amerigo Vespucci d^fiyiitiveinent expliqtie dans ses details, 
Vienna, 1S69 ; Nouvelles recherches siir les dernier s voyages dii 7tavigateur jio- 
rentin, et le reste des documents et eclaircissements sur hn, Vienna, 1869 5 Postface 
atix trois livraisons sur Amerigo Vespucci, Vienna, 1870; Ainda Amerigo Ves- 
pzicci : novos estudos e achegas especialmente em, favor da interpretacao dada a sua 
la viage??z em 1497-9S, Vienna, 1874. These are usually bound together in one 
small folio volume. Sometimes the French monographs are found together 
without the Portuguese monograph. Varnhagen's book has made every- 
thing else antiquated, and no one who has not mastered it in all its details 
is entitled to speak about Vespucius. In the English language there is no 
good book on the subject. The defence by Lester and Foster {Life and 
Voyages of Atnericiis Vespucius, New York, 1S46) had some good points for 
its time, but is now utterly antiquated and worse than useless. The chapter 
by the late Sydney Howard Gay, in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, 
vol. ii. chap, ii., is quite unworthy of its place in that excellent work, but its 
defects are to some extent atoned for by the editor's critical notes." The 
student is referred to these notes by Mr. Winsor for an account of all the 
literature concerning Vespucius. 

It is true that there is no other person who played a part in the discovery 
and early exploration of the New World, concerning whose work we have 
been compelled to make so radical a change in our estimate by the results 
of modern investigation as in the case of Vespucius ; and the early books are 
therefore all to be used guardedly. The book by Lester and Foster, re- 
ferred to by Mr. Fiske, the value of which is now impaired by the new 
understanding of Vespucius's first voyage, is a conscientious and scholarly 
work, and still of great use for the sake of the translations it contains of 
Vespucius's letters both to Soderini and Lorenzo de' Medici (a cousin of 
Lorenzo the Magnificent) concerning his various voyages. 

But, if we have no good special modern work on Vespucius in English, 
— it is to be hoped that some scholar will be prompted to translate Varn- 
hagen at this time, — we can rejoice that Mr. Fiske himself has made his 
treatment of Vespucius, in his Discovery of America (vol. ii. pp. 23-164; 
see also remarks in preface), so full and thorough. This is perhaps the 
most original and most valuable portion of his whole work. It is the first 
popular and comprehensive presentation in English of the results of Varn- 
hagen's researches ; and, as Mr. Fiske himself rightly observes, the general 
argument of Varnhagen is in many points strongly re-enforced. It is impos- 
sible, after a careful reading of this argument, with Vespucius's account of 
his first voyage cleared from the absurd suspicions v/hich became attached 
to it, and with the Cantino map in hand, to resist the conclusion that Ves- 
pucius first (1497) touched the mainland of the New World, and that on 
that first voyage he skirted not the " Pearl Coast " of South America, but 
the coast of the present United States ; and it seems not improbable that 
"the finest harbor in the world " from which he set sail on his return voyage 
to Spain was what we know as Hampton Roads. 

We feel, as we read of the discoveries of Americus Vespucius in this 
new light, that there is far better reason than used to appear why this 
western continent should bear the name Atnerica: a persistent justice has 
been unconsciously but fatally at work in it these four centuries. It was 
Vespucius who first used the term New World [novtis mundus) with reference 
to this continent. This was in a letter to Lorenzo de' Medici, in 1503. He 


was speaking only of the new countries visited on his third voyage beyond 
the river La Plata. It was in 1507 that the first suggestion of the name 
America for this " new world " appeared in the little treatise by Waldsee- 
miiller, published at Saint-Die. "But now," says Waldseemliller, "these 
parts [that is, Europe, Asia, and Africa] have been more extensively ex- 
plored, and another fourth part has been discovered by Americus Vespucius 
(as will appear in what follows) : wherefore I do not see what is rightly to 
hinder us from calling it Amerige or America, i.e.^ the land of Americus, 
after its discoverer Americus, a man of sagacious mind, since both Europe 
and Asia have got their names from women. Its situation and the manners 
and customs of its people will be clearly understood from the twice two voy- 
ages of Americus which follow." The name America was at first applied 
only to that " new world " which lay in what we call South America. The 
process of its extension to the whole continent, by successive map-makers, 
as discovery went on, was a natural and easy one, — but one well worth the 
careful attention of the student, as it teaches many lessons necessary to re- 
member in connection with those times. 

Vespucius's letters to Soderini concerning his first four voyages were 
originally published in Italian at Florence in 1 505-6 ; and various Latin edi- 
tions followed. Mr. Quaritch, the London publisher, in 1885, published a 
fac-simile reproduction of the original Italian edition. Fifty copies of this 
reproduction were printed, and one of these is in the Boston Public 
Library. At the same time he published a careful English translation (by 
"M. K.") with valuable notes; and it is from this that the account of the 
first voyage given in the present leaflet is taken. 



Account of the 

City of Mexico. 

From his Second Letter to the Emperor Charles V. 

In order, most potent Sire, to convey to your Majesty a just 
conception of the great extent of this noble city of Temixtitan, 
and of the many rare and wonderful objects it contains ; of the 
government and dominions of Muteczuma,* the sovereign ; of 
the religious rites and customs that prevail, and the order that 
exists in this as well as other cities appertaining to his 
realm : it would require the labor of many accomplished 
writers, and much time for the completion of the task. I shall 
not be able to relate an hundredth part of what xould . be told 
respecting these matters; but I will endeavor to describe, in 
the best manner in my power, what I have myself seen ; and 
imperfectly as I may succeed in the attempt, I am fully aware 
that the account will appear so wonderful as to be deemed 
scarcely worthy of credit ; since even we who have seen these 
things with our own eyes, are yet so amazed as to be unable to 
comprehend their reality. But your Majesty may be assured 
that if there is any fault in my relation, either in regard to the 
present subject, or to any other matters of which I shall give 
your Majesty an account, it will arise from too great brevity 
rather than extravagance or prolixity in the details ; and it 
seems to me but just to my Prince and Sovereign to declare 
the truth in the clearest manner, without saying any thing that 
would detract from it, or add to it. 

Before I begin to describe this great city and the others 
already mentioned, it may be well for the better understanding 
of the subject to say something of the configuration of Mex- 

* This is the way in which Cortes always spells the emperor's name. 

ico,* in which they are situated, it being the principal seat of 
Muteczuma's power. This Province is in the form of a circle, 
surrounded on all sides by lofty and rugged mountains; its 
level surface comprises an area of about seventy leagues in cir- 
cumference, including two lakes, that overspread nearly the 
whole valley, being navigated by boats more than fifty leagues 
round. One of these lakes contains fresh, and the other, which 
is the larger of the two, salt water. On one side of the lakes, 
in the middle of the valley, a range of highlands divides them 
from one another, with the exception of a narrow strait which 
lies between the highlands and the lofty sierras. This strait is 
a bow-shot wide, and connects the two lakes ; and by this 
means a trade is carried on between the cities and other 
settlements on the lakes in canoes without the necessity of 
travelling by land. As the salt lake rises and falls with its 
tides like the sea, during the time of high water it pours into 
the other lake with the rapidity of a powerful stream ; and on 
the other hand, when the tide has ebbed, the water runs from 
the fresh into the salt lake. • 

This great city of Temixtitan [Mexico] is situated in this 
salt lake, and from the main land to the denser parts of it, by 
whichever route one chooses to enter, the distance is two 
leagues. There are four avenues or entrances to the city, all 
of which are formed by artificial causeways, two spears' length 
in width. The city is as large as Seville or Cordova; its 
streets, I speak of the principal ones, are very wide and 
straight ; some of these, and all the inferior ones, are half land 
and half water, and are navigated by canoes. All the streets 
at intervals have openings, through which the water flows, 
crossing from one street to another; and at these openings, 
some of which are very wide, there are also very wide bridges, 
composed of large pieces of timber, of great strength and well 
put together; on many of these bridges ten horses can go 
abreast. Foreseeing that if the inhabitants of this city should 
prove treacherous, they would possess great advantages from 
the manner in which the city is constructed, since by removing 
the bridges at the entrances, and abandoning the place, they 
could leave us to perish by famine without our being able to 
reach the main land — as soon as I had entered it, I made 
great haste to build four brigantines, which were soon finished, 
and were large enough to take ashore three hundred men and 
the horses, whenever it should become necessary. 

* Cortes applies this name to the Province in which the city, called by him Temixtitan, 
more properly Tenochtitlan, but now Mexico, was situated. 

This city has many public squares, in which are situated the 
markets and other places for buying and selling. There is one 
square twice as large as that of the city of Salamanca, sur- 
rounded by porticoes, where are daily assembled more 
than sixty thousand souls, engaged in buying and selling ; and 
where are found all kinds of merchandise that the world 
affords, embracing the necessaries of life, as for instance 
articles of food, as well as jewels of gold and silver, lead, brass, 
copper, tin, precious stones, bones, shells, snails, and feathers. 
There are also exposed for sale wrought and unwrought stone, 
bricks burnt and unburnt, timber hewn and unhewn, of differ- 
ent sorts. There is a street for game, where every variety of 
birds found in the country are sold, as fowls, partridges, quails, 
wild ducks, fly-catchers, widgeons, turtle-doves, pigeons, reed- 
birds, parrots, sparrows, eagles, hawks, owls, and kestrels ; 
they sell likewise the skins of some birds of prey, with their 
feathers, head, beak, and claws. There are also sold rabbits, 
hares, deer, and little dogs, which are raised for eating. There 
is also an herb street, where may be obtained all sorts of roots 
and medicinal herbs that the country affords. There are 
apothecaries' shops, where prepared medicines, liquids, oint- 
ments, and plasters are sold ; barbers' shops, where they wash 
and shave the head ; and restaurateurs, that furnish food and 
drink at a certain price. There is also a class of men like 
those called in Castile porters, for carrying burthens. Wood 
and coal are seen in abundance, and brasiers of earthenware 
for burning coals ; mats of various kinds for beds, others of a 
lighter sort for seats, and for halls and bedrooms. There are 
all kinds of green vegetables, especially onions, leeks, garlic, 
watercresses, nasturtium, borage, sorrel, artichokes, and golden 
thistle ; fruits also of numerous descriptions, amongst which 
are cherries and plums, similar to those in Spain ; honey and 
wax from bees, and from the stalks of maize, which are as 
sweet as the sugar-cane ; honey is also extracted from the 
plant called maguey,* which is superior to sweet or new wine ; 
from the same plant they extract sugar and wine, which they 
also sell. Different kinds of cotton thread of all colors in 
skeins are exposed for sale in one quarter of the market, which 
has the appearance of the silk-market at Granada, although the 
former is supplied more abundantly. Painters' colors, as 
numerous as can be found in Spain, and as fine shades ; deer- 
skins dressed and undressed, dyed different colors ; earthen- 

*This is the plant known in this country under the name of the Century Plant, which is 
still much cultivated in Mexico for the purposes mentioned by Cortes. It usually flowers 
when eight or ten years old. . _ ^ _ 

ware of a large size and excellent quality ; large and small jars, 
jugs, pots, bricks, and an endless variety of vessels, all made 
of fine clay, and all or most of them glazed and painted ; 
maize, or Indian corn, in the grain and in the form of bread, 
preferred in the grain for its flavor to that of the other islands 
and terra-firma ; pates of birds and fish ; great quantities of 
fish, fresh, salt, cooked and uncooked ; the eggs of hens, geese, 
and of all the other birds I have mentioned, in great abun- 
dance, and cakes made of eggs ; finally, every thing that can be 
found throughout the whole country is sold in the markets, 
comprising articles so numerous that to avoid prolixity, and be- 
cause their names are not retained in my memory, or are un- 
known to me, I shall not attempt to enumerate them. Every 
kind of merchandise is sold in a particular street or quarter 
assigned to it exclusively, and thus the best order is preserved. 
They sell every thing by number or measure ; at least so far 
we have not observed them to sell any thing by weight. There 
is a building in the great square that is used as an audience 
house, where ten or twelve persons, who are magistrates, sit 
and decide all controversies that arise in the market, and order 
delinquents to be punished. In the same square there are 
other persons who go constantly about among the people observ- 
ing what is sold, and the measures used in selling ; and they 
have been seen to break measures that were not true. 

This great city contains a large number of temples,* or 
houses for their idols, very handsome edifices, which are 
situated in the different districts and the suburbs; in the 
principal ones religious persons of each particular sect are con- 
stantly residing, for whose use beside the houses containing 
the idols there are other convenient habitations. All these 
persons dress in black, and never cut or comb their hair from 
the time they enter the priesthood until they leave it ; and all 
the sons of the principal inhabitants, both nobles and respect- 
able citizens, are placed in the temples and wear the same 
dress from the age of seven or eight years until they are taken 
out to be married ; which occurs more frequently with the first- 
born who inherit estates than with the others. The priests are 
debarred from female society, nor is any woman permitted to 
enter the religious houses. They also abstain from eating cer- 
tain kinds of food, more at some seasons of the year than 
others. Among these temples there is one which far surpasses 
all the rest, whose grandeur of architectural details no human 

*The original has the word mezguitas, mosques ; but, as that term is applied in English 
exclusively to Mahometan places of worship, one of more general application is used in the 


tongue is able to describe ; for within its precincts, surrounded 
by a lofty wall, there is room enough for a town of five hundred 
families. Around the interior of this enclosure there are 
handsome edifices, containing large halls and corridors, in 
which the religious persons attached to the temple reside. 
There are full forty towers, which are lofty and well built, the 
largest of which has fifty steps leading to its main body, and is 
higher than the tower of the principal church at Seville. The 
stone and wood of which they are constructed are so well 
wrought in every part, that nothing could be better done, for 
the interior of the chapels containing the idols consists of 
curious imagery, wrought in stone, with plaster ceilings, and 
wood-work carved in relief, and painted with figures of mon- 
sters and other objects. All these towers are the burial places 
of the nobles, and every chapel in them is dedicated to a par- 
ticular idol, to which they pay their devotions. 

There are three halls in this grand temple, which contain 
the principal idols ; these are of wonderful extent and height, 
and admirable workmanship, adorned with figures sculptured 
in stone and wood ; leading from the halls are chapels with 
very small doors, to which the light is not admitted, nor are 
any persons except the priests, and not all of them. In these 
chapels are the images of idols, although, as I have before said, 
many of them are also found on the outside ; the principal 
ones, in which the people have greatest faith and confidence, 
I precipitated from their pedestals, and cast them down 
the steps of the temple, purifying the chapels in which they 
had stood, as they were all polluted with human blood, shed in 
the sacrifices. In the place of these I put images of Our 
Lady and the Saints, which excited not a little feeling in 
Muteczuma and the inhabitants, who at first remonstrated, de- 
claring that if my proceedings were known throughout the 
country, the people would rise against me ; for they believed 
that their idols bestowed on them all temporal good, and if 
they permitted them to be ill-treated, they would be angry and 
withhold their gifts, and by this means the people would be de- 
prived of the fruits of the earth and perish with famine. I 
answered, through the interpreters, that they were deceived in 
expecting any favors from idols, the work of their own hands, 
formed of unclean things ; and that they must learn there was 
but one God, the universal Lord of all, who had created the 
heavens and earth, and all things else, and had made them and 
us ; that he was without beginning and immortal, and they 
were bound to adore and believe him, and no other creature or 

thing. I said every thing to them I could to divert them from 
tlieir idolatries, and draw them to a knowledge of God our 
Lord. Muteczuma replied, the others assenting to what he 
said, "That they had already informed me they were not the 
aborigines of the country, but that their ancestors had emi- 
grated to it many years ago ; and they fully believed that after 
so long an absence from their native land, they might have 
fallen into some errors ; that I having more recently arrived 
must know better than themselves what they ought to believe ; 
and that if I would instruct them in these matters, and make 
them understand the true faith, they would follow my direc- 
tions, as being for the best." Afterwards, Muteczuma and 
many of the principal citizens remained with me until I had re- 
moved the idols, purified the chapels, and placed the images 
in them, manifesting apparent pleasure ; and I forbade them 
sacrificing human beings to their idols, as they had been accus- 
tomed to do ; because, besides being abhorrent in the sight of 
God, your sacred Majesty had prohibited it by law, and com- 
manded to put to death whoever should take the life of an- 
other. Thus, from that time, they refrained from the practice, 
and during the whole period of my abode in that city, they 
were never seen to kill or sacrifice a human being. 

The figures of the idols in which these people believe surpass 
in stature a person of more than the ordinary size ; some of 
them are composed of a mass of seeds and leguminous plants, 
such as are used for food, ground and mixed together, and 
kneaded with the blood of human hearts taken from the breasts 
of living persons, from which a paste is formed in a sufiicient 
quantity to form large statues. When these are completed 
they make them offerings of the hearts of other victims, which 
they sacrifice to them, and besmear their faces with the blood. 
For every thing they have an idol, consecrated by the use of 
the nations that in ancient times honored the same gods. 
Thus they have an idol that they petition for victory in war ; 
another for success in their labors ; and so for everything in 
which they seek or desire prosperity, they have their idols, 
which they honor and serve. 

This noble city contains many fine and magnificent houses ; 
which may be accounted for from the fact, that all the nobility 
of the country, who are the vassals of Muteczuma, have houses 
in the city, in which they reside a certain part of the year ; 
and besides, there are numerous wealthy citizens who also 
possess fine houses. All these persons, in addition to the 
large and spacious apartments for ordinary purposes, have 

others, both upper and lower, that contain conservatories of 
flowers. Along one of these causeways that lead into the city 
are laid two pipes, constructed of masonry, each of which is 
two paces in width, and about five feet in height. An abun- 
dant supply of excellent water, forming a volume equal in bulk 
to the human body, is conveyed by one of these pipes, and dis- 
tributed about the city, where it is used by the inhabitants for 
drinking and other purposes. The other pipe, in the mean 
time, is kept empty until the former requires to be cleansed, 
when the water is let into it and continues to be used till the 
cleansing is finished. As the water is necessarily carried 
over bridges on account of the salt water crossing its route, 
reservoirs resembling canals are constructed on the bridges, 
through which the fresh v/ater is conveyed. These reservoirs 
are of the breadth of the body of an ox, and of the same 
length as the bridges. The whole city is thus served with 
water, which they carry in canoes through all the streets for 
sale, taking it from the aqueduct in the following manner : the 
canoes pass under the bridges on which the reservoirs are 
placed, when men stationed above fill them with water, for which 
service they are paid. At all the entrances of the city, and 
in those parts where the canoes are discharged, that is, where 
the greatest quantity of provisions is brought in, huts are 
erected, and persons stationed as guards, who receive a certum 
quid of every thing that enters. I know not whether the 
sovereign receives this duty or the city, as I have not yet been 
informed ; but I believe that it appertains to the sovereign, as 
in the markets of other provinces a tax is collected for the 
benefit of their cacique. In all the markets and public places 
of this city are seen daily many laborers and persons of various 
employments waiting for some one to hire them. The inhabi- 
tants of this city pay a greater regard to style in their mode of 
living, and are more attentive to elegance of dress and polite- 
ness of manners than those of the other provinces and cities ; 
since, as the Cacique "^ Muteczuma has his residence in the 
capital, and all the nobility, his vassals, are in the constant 
habit of meeting there, a general courtesy of demeanor neces- 
sarily prevails. But not to be prolix in describing what relates 
to the affairs of this great city, although it is with difficulty I re- 

*The title invariably given to Muteczuma (or Montezuma) in these Despatches is simply 
Senor, in its sense of Lord, or (to use an Indian word) Cacique; which is also given to the 
chiefs or governors of districts or provinces, whether independent or feudatories. The title of 
Emperador (Emperor), now generally applied to the Mexican ruler, is never conferred on him 
by Cortes, nor any other implying royalty, although in the beginning of this Despatch he as- 
sures Charles V. that the country is extensive enough to constitute an empire. 


frain from proceeding, I will say no more than that the manners 
of the people, as shown in their intercourse with one another, 
are marked by as great an attention to the proprieties of life as 
in Spain, and good order is equally well observed; and con- 
sidering that they are a barbarous people, without the knowl- 
edge of God, having no intercourse with civilized nations, these 
traits of character are worthy of admiration. 

In regard to the domestic appointments of Muteczuma, and 
the wonderful grandeur and state that he maintains, there is so 
much to be told, that I assure your Highness I know not 
where to begin my relation, so as to be able to finish any 
part of it. For, as I have already stated, what can be more 
wonderful than that a barbarous monarch, as he is, should 
have every object found in his dominions imitated in gold, 
silver, precious stones, and feathers ; the gold and silver being 
wrought so naturally as not to be surpassed by any smith -in the 
world ; the stone work executed with such perfection that it is 
difficult to conceive what instruments could have been used; 
and the feather work superior to the finest productions in wax 
or embroidery. The extent of Muteczuma's dominions has 
not been ascertained, since to whatever point he despatched his 
messengers, even two hundred leagues from his capital, his 
commands were obeyed, although some of his provinces were 
in the midst of countries with which he was at war. But as 
nearly as I have been able to learn, his territories are equal in 
extent to Spain itself, for he sent messengers to the inhabitants 
of a city called Cumatan (requiring them to become subjects 
of your Majesty), which is sixty leagues beyond that part of 
Putunchan watered b}^ the river Grijalva, and two hundred and 
thirty leagues distant from the great city ; and I sent some of 
our people a distance of one hundred and fifty leagues in the 
same direction. All the principal chiefs of these provinces, 
especially those in the vicinity of the capital, reside, as I have 
already stated, the greater part of the year in that great city, 
and all or mxost of them have their oldest sons in the service of 
Muteczuma. There are fortified places in all the provinces, 
garrisoned with his own men, where are also stationed his 
governors and collectors of the rents and tribute, rendered him 
by every province ; and an account is kept of what each is 
obliged to pay, as they have characters and figures made on 
paper that are used for this purpose. Each province renders a 
tribute of its own peculiar productions, so that the sovereign 
receives a great variety of articles from different quarters. No 
prince was ever more feared by his subjects, both in his pres- 

ence and absence. He possessed out of the city as well as 
within numerous villas, each of which had its peculiar sources 
of amusement, and all were constructed in the best possible 
manner for the use of a great prince and lord. Within the 
city his palaces were so wonderful that it is hardly possible to 
describe their beauty and extent : I can only say that in Spain 
there is nothing equal to them. 

There was one palace somewhat inferior to the rest, attached 
to which was a beautiful garden with balconies extending over 
it, supported by marble columns, and having a floor formed of 
jasper elegantly inlaid. There were apartments in this palace 
sufficient to lodge two princes of the highest rank with their 
retinues. There were likewise belonging to it ten pools of 
water, in which were kept the different species of water birds 
found in this country, of which there is a great variety, all of 
which are domesticated ; for the sea birds there were pools of 
salt water, and for the river birds, of fresh water. The water 
is let oft' at certain times to keep it pure, and is replenished by 
means of pipes. Each species of bird is supplied with the 
food natural to it, which it feeds upon when wild. Thus lish 
is siven to the birds that usuallv eat it ; worms, maize, and the 
finer seeds, to such as prefer them. And I assure your High- 
ness, that to the birds accustomed to eat fish there is given the 
enormous quantity of ten arrobas"* every day, taken in the salt 
lake. The emperor has three hundred men whose sole employ- 
ment is to take care of these birds ; and there are others whose 
only business is to attend to the birds that are in bad health. 

Over the pools for the birds there are corridors and galleries, 
to which Muteczuma resorts, and from which he can look out 
and amuse himself wdth the sight of them. There is an apart- 
ment in the same palace in which are men, women and chil- 
dren, v\'hose faces, bodies, hair, eyebrows, and eyelashes are 
white from their birth. The emperor has another very beauti- 
ful palace, with a large court-yard, paved with handsome flags, 
in the style of a chess-board. There are also cages, about 
nine feet in height and six paces square, each of which was 
half covered with a roof of tiles, and the other half had over it 
a wooden grate, skilfully made. Every cage contained a bird of 
prey, of all the species found in Spain, from the kestrel to the 
eagle, and many unknown there. There was a great number 
of each kind; and in the covered part of the cages there was a 
perch, and another on the outside of the grating, the former of 
which the birds used in the night time, and when it rained ; 

*Two hundred and fifty pounds weight. 


and the other enabled them to enjoy the sun and air. To all 
these birds fowls were daily given for food, and nothing else. 
There were in the same palace several large halls on the 
ground floor, filled with immense cages built of heavy pieces of 
timber, well put together, in all or most of which were kept 
lions, tigers, wolves, foxes, and a variety of animals of the cat 
kind, in great numbers, which were also fed on fowls. The 
care of these animals and birds was assigned to three hundred 
men. There was another palace that contained a number of 
men and women of monstrous size, and also dwarfs, and 
crooked and ill-formed persons, each of which had their 
separate apartments. These also had their respective keepers. 
As to the other remarkable things that the emperor had in his 
city for his amusement, I can only say that they were numerous 
and of various kinds. 

He was served in the following manner. Every day as soon 
as it was light, six hundred nobles and men of rank were in 
attendance at the palace, who either sat, or walked about the 
halls and galleries, and passed their time in conversation, but 
without entering the apartment where his person was. The 
servants and attendants of these nobles remained in thecourt- 
yards, of which there were two or three of great extent, and in 
the adjoining street, which was also very spacious. . They all 
remained in attendance from morning till night ; and when his 
meals were served, the nobles were likewise served with equal 
profusion, and their servants and secretaries also had their 
allowance. Daily his larder and wine-cellar were open to all 
who wished to eat and drink. The meals were served by three 
or four hundred youths, who brought on an infinite variety of 
dishes ; indeed, whenever he dined or supped, the table was 
loaded with every kind of flesh, fish, fruits, and vegetables that 
the country produced. As the climate is cold, they put a 
chafing-dish with live coals under every plate and dish, to keep 
them warm. The meals were served in a large hall, in which 
Muteczuma was accustomed to eat, and the dishes quite filled 
the room, which was covered with mats and kept very clean. 
He sat on a small cushion curiously wrought of leather. Dur- 
ing the meals there were present, at a little distance from him, 
five or six elderly caciques, to whom he presented some of the 
food. And there was constantly in attendance one of the ser- 
vants, who arranged and handed the dishes, and who received 
from others whatever was wanted for the supply of the table. 
Both at the beginning and end of every meal, they furnished 
water for the hands ; and the napkins used on these occasions 


were never used a second time ; this was the case also with the 
plates and dishes, which were not brought again, but new 
ones in place of them ; it was the same also with the chafing- 
dishes. He is also dressed every day in four different suits, 
entirely new, which he never wears a second time. None of 
the caciques who enter his palace have their feet covered, and 
when those for whom he sends enter his presence, they incline 
their heads and look down, bending their bodies ; and when 
they address him, they do not look him in the face ; this arises 
from excessive modesty and reverence. I am satisfied that it 
proceeds from respect, since certain caciques reproved the 
Spaniards for their boldness in addressing me, saying that it 
showed a want of becoming deference. Whenever Muteczuma 
appeared in public, which was seldom the case, all those who 
accompanied him, or whom he accidentally met in the streets, 
turned away without looking towards him, and others pros- 
trated themselves until he had passed. One of the nobles 
always preceded him on these occasions, carrying three 
slender rods erect, which I suppose was to give notice of the 
approach of his person. And when they descended from the 
litters, he took one of them in his hand, and held it until he 
reached the place where he was going. So many and various 
were the ceremonies and customs observed by those in the ser- 
vice of Muteczuma, that more space than I can spare would be 
required for the details, as well as a better memory than I 
have to recollect them ; since no sultan or other infidel lord, of 
whom any knowledge now exists, ever had so much ceremonial 
in their courts. 

Cortes's own Letters or Despatches to the Emperor Charles V. furnish 
us the most interesting and important material for the study of the con- 
quest of Mexico. These letters were written in the very midst of the events 
and scenes described, and were published (all at least after the First Letter, 
of which no trace has been found) as they were received in Spain. Of the 
First Letter Cortes speaks as follows in the opening of the Second : " By a 
ship that I despatched from this New Spain of your Sacred Majesty, on the 
i6th of July, in the year 15 19, I transmitted to your Highness a very full 
and particular report of what had occurred from the time of my arrival in 
this country to that date, which I sent by the hands of Alonso Hernandez 
Puertocarrero and Francisco de Montejo, deputies of La Rica Villa de la 
Vera Cruz, the town I had founded in your Majesty's name. Since that 
time, from want of opportunity and being constantly engaged in making 
conquests and establishing peace, having no ships, nor any intelligence from 
the one I had sent, or the deputies, I have not been able till now to give 
your Majesty a further account of our operations." The Second Letter was 


written Oct. 30, 1520, and printed at Seville in 1522. It describes the march 
from Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico, the meeting with Montezuma, the 
entrance into Mexico, and the expulsion after the battle in the city and the 
death of Montezuma. The account of the City of Mexico (or Temixtitan) 
given in the present leaflet occupies about one-tenth of this Second Letter. 
The Third Letter, dated May 15, 1522, is devoted chiefly to the siege and 
conquest of the city. The Fourth Letter describes the measures takeni by 
Cortes to bring the whole country into subjection. The Fifth Letter con- 
tains an account of his expedition to Honduras. The Second, Third, and 
Fourth Letters have been translated into English by George Folsom, and 
published in a single volume entitled The Despatches of Hernando Cortes: 
it is from this translation that the chapter given in the present leaflet is 
taken. There is a translation of the Fifth Letter among the publications 
of the Ilakluyt Society. 

Besides the Letters of Cortes, we have as an original authority of the 
highest value the history of the Conquest by Bernal Diaz, who was with 
Cortes throughout. These memoirs have been translated into English by 
J. I. Lockhart. A work only second in value to this is the history by 
Gomara, who was the chaplain of Cortes after his return to Spain, and in 
close relations with him and his companions for many years. Prescott's 
notes upon these two writers, in the appendix to the second volume of his 
History of the Conquest of Mexico, may be read. Prescott's work and Sir 
Arthur Helps's Life of Cortes are the popular modern books upon the sub- 
ject. Fiske devote ■5 a chapter to the subject in his Discovery of America 
(vol. ii, chap, viii.), and there is no better brief account. The more thor- 
ough student will read the chapter by Winsor in the Narrative and Critical 
History of America, vol. ii.: the bibliographical notes appended to this are 
exhaustive, and the reproductions of old portraits, plans, etc., which accom- 
pany it are of great interest and value. All the works referred to contain 
valuable accounts of the ancient Mexican civilization. 

lb ^nntl) %tafltt^. 


The Death 
of De Soto. 

From the "Narrative of the Gentleman of Elvas." 

•The next day being Wednesday, the 2gia of March [1542], 
the Governor came to Nilco ; he lodged with all his men in the 
cacique's town, which stood in a plain field, which was in- 
habited for the space of a quarter of a league : and within a 
league and half a league were other very great towns, wherein was 
great store of maize, of French beans, of walnuts, and prunes. 
This was the best inhabited country that was seen in Florida^ 
and had most store of maize, except Coga and Apalache. There 
came to the camp an Indian accompanied with others, and in 
the cacique's name gave the Governor a mantle of martens' 
skins, and a cordon of pearls. The Governor gave him a few 
small margarites, which are certain beads much esteemed in 
Peru^ and other things, wherewith he was very well contented. 
He promised to return within two days, but never came again : 
but on the contrary the Indians came by night in canoes, and 
carried away all the maize they could, and -made them cabins 
on the other side of the river in the thickest of the wood, because 
they might flee if we should go to seek them. The Governor, 
seeing he came not at the time appointed, commanded an am- 
bush to be laid about certain store-houses near the lake, whither 
the Indians came for maize : v/here they took two Indians, who 
told the Governor, that he which came to visit him was not the 
cacique, but was sent by him under pretence to spy whether the 
Christians were careless, and whether they determined to settle 
in that country or to go forward. Presently the Governor sent 
a captain with footmen and horsemen over the river ; and in 
their passage they were descried of the Indians, and therefore 
he could take but ten or twelve men and women, with whom he 
returned to the camp. This river, which passed by Nilco^ was 
that which passed by Cay as and Aufiamque, and fell into Jiio 

Grande, or the Great River, which passed by Pachaha and 
Aquixo near unto the province of Guachoya : and the lord 
thereof came up the river in canoes to make war with him of 
Nilco. On his behalf there came an Indian to the Governor, 
and said unto him that he was his servant, and prayed him so 
to hold him, and that within two days he would come to kiss his 
lordship's hands : and at the time appointed he came with some 
of his principal Indians, which accompanied him, and with 
words of great offers and courtesy he gave the Governor a 
present of many mantles and deers' skins. The Governor gave 
him some other things in recompense, and honored him much. 
He asked what towns there were down the river. He an- 
swered that he knew none other but his own : and on the other 
side of the river the province of a cacique called Quigalta. So 
he took his leave of the Governor and went to his own town. 
Within a few days the Governor determined to go to Guachoya^ 
to learn there whether the sea were near, or whether there were 
any habitation near, where he might relieve his company, while 
the brigantines were making, which he meant to send to the 
land of the Christians. As he passed the river Nilco, there came 
in canoes Indians of Guachoya up the stream, and when they 
saw him, supposing that he came to seek them to do them some 
hurt, they returned down the river, and informed the cacique 
thereof : who with all his people, spoiling the town of all that 
they could carry away, passed that night over to the other side 
of the Rio Grande, or the Great River. The Governor sent a 
captain with fifty men in six canoes down the river, and went 
himself by land with the rest. He came to Guachoya upon Sun- 
day, the 17th of April. He lodged in the town of the cacique, 
which was enclosed about, and seated a crossbow shot distant 
from the river. Here the river is called Tamaliseu, and in JVilco 
Tapatu, and in Coga Mico, and in the port or mouth Ri. 

As soon as the Governor came t® Guachoya, he sent Johji 
Danusco with as many men as could go in the canoes up the 
river. For when they came down from Nilco, they saw on the 
other side of the river new cabins made. John Danusco went and 
brought the canoes laden with maize, French beans, prunes, and 
many loaves made of the substance of prunes. That day came 
an Indian to the Governor from the Cacique of Guachoya, and 
said that his lord would come the next day. The next day 
they saw many canoes come up the river, and on the other side 
of the Great River they assembled together in the space of an 
hour. #They consulted whether they should come or not ; and 
at length concluded to come, and crossed the river. In them 

came the Cacique of Guachoya^ and brought with him many 
Indians, with great store of fish, dogs, deers' skins, and mantles ; 
and as soon as they landed, they went to the lodging of the 
Governor, and presented him their gifts, and the cacique 
uttered these words : — 

" Mighty and excellent lord, I beseech your lordship to 
pardon me the error which I committed in absenting myself, 
and not tarrying in this town to have received and served your 
lordship ; since, to obtain this opportunity of time was, and is 
as much as a great victory to me. But I feared that which I 
needed not to have feared, and so did that which was not rea- 
son to do. But as haste maketh waste, and I removed without 
deliberation; so, as soon as I thought on it, I determined not 
to follow the opinion of the foolish, which is to continue in 
their error; but to imitate the wise and discreet, in changing 
my counsel, and so I came to see what your lordship will com- 
mand me to do, that I may serve you in all things that are in 
my power." 

The Governor received him with much joy, and gave him 
thanks for his present and offer. He asked him, whether 
he had any notice of the sea. He answered no, nor of any 
towns down the river on that side ; save that two leagues from 
thence was one town of a principal Indian, a subject of his; 
and on the other side of the river, three days' journey from 
thence down the river, was the province of Quigalta, which was 
the greatest lord that was in that country ! The Governor 
thought that the cacique lied unto him, to rid him out of his 
own towns, and sent Johfi Danusco with eight horsemen down 
the river, to see what habitation there was, and to inform him- 
self, if there were any notice of the sea. He travelled eight 
days, and at his return he said, that in all that time he was not 
able to go above fourteen or fifteen leagues, because of the 
great creeks that came out of the river, and groves of canes, 
and thick woods that were along the banks of the river, and 
that he had found no habitation. The Governor fell into 
great dumps to see how hard it was to get to the sea ; and 
worse, because his men and horses every day diminished, being 
without succor to sustain themselves in the country: and with 
that thought he fell sick. But before he took his bed he sent 
an Indian to the Cacique of Quigalta to tell him that he was 
the child of the sun, and that all the way that he came all men 
obeyed and served him, that he requested him to accept of his 
friendship and come unto him, for he would be very glad to 
see him ; and in sign of love and obedience to bring something 

with him of that which in his country was most esteemed. The 
cacique answered by the same Indian : 

" That whereas he said he was the child of the sun, if he 
would dry up the river he would believe him ; and touching the 
rest, that he was wont to visit none ; but rather that all those of 
whom he had notice did visit him, served, obeyed, and paid him 
tributes willingly or perforce ; therefore, if he desired to see 
him, it were best he should come thither ; that if he came in 
peace, he would receive him with special good will ; and if in 
war, in like manner he would attend him in the town where he 
was, and that for him or any other he would not shrink one 
foot back," 

By that time the Indian returned with this answer, the 
Governor had betaken himself to bed, being evil handled with 
fevers, and was much aggrieved that he was not in case to pass 
presently the river and to seek him, to see if he could abate 
that pride of his, considering the river went now very strongly 
in those parts ; for it w^as near half a league broad, and sixteen 
fathoms deep, and very furious, and ran with a great current ; 
and on both sides there were many Indians, and his power was 
not now so great, but that he had need to help himself rather 
by slights than by force. The Indians of Guachoya came every 
day with fish in such numbers, that the town was full of them. 
The cacique said, that on a certain night he of Quigalta would 
come to give battle to the Governor. Which the Governor im- 
agined that he had devised, to drive him out of his country, and 
commanded him to be put in hold : and that night and all the rest, 
there was good watch kept He asked him wherefore Quigalta 
came not ? He said that he came, but that he saw him prepared, 
and therefore durst not give the attempt : and he was earnest 
with him to send his captains over the river, and that he would 
aid him with many men to set upon Qitigalta. The Governor 
told him that as soon as he was recovered, himself would seek 
him out. And seeing how many Indians came daily to the 
town, and what store of people was in that country, fearing they 
should all conspire together and plot some treason against him ; 
and because the town had some open gaps which were not 
made an end of inclosing, besides the gates which they went in 
and out by : because the Indians should not think he feared 
them, he let them all alone unrepaired ; and commanded the 
horsemen to be appointed to them, and to the gates : and all 
night the horsemen went the round ; and two and two of every 
squadron rode about, and visited the scouts that were without 
the town in their standings by the passages, and the crossbow- 

men that kept the canoes in the river. And because the 
Indians should stand in fear of them, he determined to send a 
captain to Nilco^ for those of Guachoya had told him that it was 
inhabited ; that by using them cruelly, neither the one nor the 
other should presume to assail him ; and he sent Nunez de Touar 
with fifteen horsemen, 2iX\dJohn de Guzman captain of the foot- 
men, with his company in canoes up the river. The Cacique of 
Guachoya sent for many canoes and many warlike Indians to go 
with the Christians : and the captain of the Christians, called 
Nunez de Touar, went by land with his horsemen, and two 
leagues before he came to Niko he stayed iox John de Guzman, 
and in that place they passed the river by night : the horsemen 
came first, and in the morning by break of day in sight of the 
town they lighted upon a spy ; which as soon as he perceived 
the Christians, crying out amain fled to the town to give warn- 
ing. Nunez de Touar and his company made such speed, that 
before the Indians of the town could fully come out, they were 
upon them : it was champaign ground that was inhabited, which 
was about a quarter of a league. There were about five or six 
thousand people in the town ; and, as many people came out of 
the houses, and fled from one house to another, and many Ind- 
ians came flocking together from all parts, there was never a 
horseman that was not alone among many. The captain had 
commanded that they should not spare the life of any male. 
Their disorder was so great, that there was no Indian that shot 
an arrow at any Christian. The shrieks of women and children 
were so great, that they made the ears deaf of those that 
followed them. There were slain a hundred Indians, little 
more or less : and many were wounded with great wounds, 
whom they suffered to escape to strike a terror in the rest that 
were not there. There were some so cruel and butcherlike, 
that they killed old and young, and all that they met, though 
they made no resistance ; and those which presumed of them- 
selves for their valor, and were taken for such, broke through 
the Indians, bearing down many with their stirrups and breasts 
of their horses ; and some they wounded with their lances, and 
so let them go : and when they saw any youth or woman they 
took them, and delivered them to the footmen. These men's 
sins by God's permission lighted on their own heads ; who, be- 
cause they would seem valiant, became cruel j showing them- 
selves extreme cowards in the sight of all men when as most 
need of valor was required, and afterwards they came to a 
shameful death. Of the Indians of Niko were taken prisoners 
fourscore women and children, and much spoil. The Indians 

of Guachoya kept back before they came at the town, and 
stayed without, beholding the success of the Christians with the 
men of Nilco. And when they saw them put to flight, and the 
horsemen busy in killing of them, they hastened to the houses 
to rob, and filled their canoes with the spoil of the goods ; and 
returned to Guachoya before the Christians ; and wondering 
much at the sharp dealing which they had seen them use toward 
the Indians of Nilco, they told their cacique all that had passed 
with great astonishment. 

The Governor felt in himself that the hour approached 
wherein he was to leave this present life, and called for the 
king's officers, captains, and principal persons, to whom he 
made a speech, saying : — 

" That now he was to go to give an account before the 
presence of God of all his life past : and since it pleased him 
to take him in such a time, and that the time was come that he 
knew his death, that he his most unworthy servant did yield 
him many thanks therefor; and desired all that were present 
and absent (whom he confessed himself to be much beholding 
unto for their singular virtues, love and loyalty, which himself 
had well tried in the travels which they had suffered, which al- 
ways in his mind he did hope to satisfy and reward, when it 
should please God to give him rest, with more prosperity of his 
estate), that they would pray to God for him, that for his mercy 
he would forgive him his sins, and receive his soul into eternal 
glory : and that they would quit and free him of the charge 
which he had over them, and ought unto them all, and that they 
would pardon him for some wrongs which they might have re- 
ceived of him. And to avoid some division, which upon his 
death might fall out upon the choice of his successor, he re- 
quested them to elect a principal person, and able to govern, of 
whom all should like well ; and when he was elected, they 
should swear before him to obey him : and that he would thank 
them very much in so doing; because the grief that he had 
would somewhat be assuaged, and the pain that he felt, because 
he left them in so great confusion, to wit, in leaving them in a 
strange country, where they knew not where they were." 

Baltasar de Gallegos answered in the name of all the rest. 
And first of all comforting him, he set before his eyes how short 
the life of this world was, and with how many troubles and 
miseries it is accompanied, and how God showed him a singular 
favor which soonest left it : telling him many other things fit 
for such a time. And for the last point, that since it pleased 
God to take him to himself, although his death did justly grieve 

them much, yet as well he, as all the rest, ought of necessity to 
conform themselves to the will of God. And touching the 
Governor which he commanded they should elect, he besought 
him, that it would please his lordship to name him which he 
thought fit, and him they would obey. And presently he 
named Luyis de Moscoso de Alvarado^ his captain-general. And 
presently he was sworn by all that were present, and elected foi 
governor. The next day being the 21st of May, 1542, de- 
parted out of this life, the valorous, virtuous, and valiant 
Captain, Don Fernando de Soto, Governor of Cuba, and Ade- 
lantado of Florida: whom fortune advanced, as it useth to 
do others, that he might have the higher fall. He departed in 
such a place, and at such a time, as in his sickness he had but 
little comfort : and the danger wherein all his people were of 
perishing in that country, which appeared before their eyes, was 
cause sufficient why every one of them had need of comfort, 
and why they did not visit nor accompany him as they ought to 
have done. Luys de Moscoso determined to conceal his death 
from the Indians, because Ferdi?iando de Soto had made them 
believe that the Christians were immortal ; and also because 
they took him to be hardy, wise, and valiant : and if they should 
know that he was dead, they would be bold to set upon the 
Christians, though they lived peaceably by them. In regard of 
their disposition, and because they were nothing constant, and 
believed all that was told them, the Adelantado made them be- 
lieve, that he knew some things that passed in secret among 
themselves, without their knowledge, how, or in what manner 
he came by them : and that the figure which appeared in a 
glass, which he showed them, did tell him whatsoever they prac- 
ticed and went about : and therefore neither in word nor deed 
durst they attempt anything that might be prejudicial unto him. 
As soon as he was dead, Luys de Moscoso commanded to put 
him secretly in the house, where he remained three days ; and 
moving him from thence, commanded him to be buried in the 
night at one of the gates of the town within the wall. And as the 
Indians had seen him sick, and missed him, so did they suspect 
what might be. And passing by the place Where he was buried, 
seeing the earth moved, they looked and spake one to another. 
Luys de Moscoso understanding of it, commanded him to be 
taken up by night, and to cast a great deal of sand into the 
mantles, wherein he was wound up, wherein he was carried in a 
canoe, and thrown into the midst of the river. The Cacique of 
Guachoya inquired for him, demanding what was become of 
his brother and lord, the Governor, Luys de Moscoso told him 


that he was gone to heaven, as many other times he did : and 
because he was to stay there certain days he had left him in his 
place. The cacique thought with himself that he was dead j 
and commanded two young and well-proportioned Indians to be 
brought thither; and said, that the use of that country was, 
when any lord died, to kill Indians to wait upon hinf, and serve 
him by the way, and for that purpose by his commandment 
were those come thither : and prayed Luys de Moscoso to com- 
mand them to be beheaded, that they might attend and serve 
his lord and brother. Luys de Moscoso told him, that the Gov- 
ernor was not dead, but gone to heaven, and that of his own 
Christian soldiers he had taken such as he needed to serve 
him, and prayed him to command those Indians to be loosed, 
and not to use any such bad custom from thenceforth : straight- 
way he commanded them to be loosed, and to get them home 
to their houses. And one of them would not go ; saying, that 
he would not serve him, that without desert had judged him 
to death, but that he would serve him as long as he lived, which 
had saved, his life. 

Luys de Moscoso caused all the goods of the Governor to be 
sold at an outcry : to wit, two men slaves and two women 
slaves, and three horses, and seven hundred hogs. For every 
slave or horse, they gave two or three thousand ducats : which 
were to be paid at the first melting of gold or silver, or at the 
division of their portion of inheritance. And they entered 
into bonds, though in the country there was not wherewith, to 
pay it within a year after, and put in sureties for the same. 
Such as in Spaifi had no goods to bind, gave two hundred 
ducats for a hog, giving assurance after the same manner. 
Those which had any goods in Spain bought with more fear, 
and bought the less. From that time forward, most of the 
company had swine, and brought them up, and fed upon them ; 
and observed Fridays and Saturdays, and the evenings of 
feasts, which before they did not. For some times in two or 
three months they did eat no flesh, and whensoever they could 
come by it, they did eat it. 

Some were glad of the death of Don Ferdinando de Soto, hold- 
ing for certain that Luys de Moscoso (which was given to his 
ease), would rather desire to be among the Christians at rest, 
than to continue the labors of the war in subduing and dis- 
covering of countries ; whereof they were already weary, seeing 
the small profit that ensued thereof. The Governor commanded 
the captains and principal persons to meet to consult and deter- 
mine what they should do. And being informed what peopled 

habitation was round about, he understood that to the west the 
country was most inhabited, and that down the river beyond 
Quigaita was uninhabited, and had little store of food. He de- 
sired them all, that every one would give his opinion in writing, 
and set his hand to it: that they might resolve by general con- 
sent, whether they should go down the river, or enter into the 
main land. All were of opinion, that it was best to go by land 
toward the west, because Niieva Espana was that way ; holding 
the voyage by sea more dangerous, and of greater hazard, be- 
cause they could make no ship of any strength to abide a 
storm, neither had they master, nor pilot, compass, nor chart, 
neither knew they how far the sea was off, nor had any notice 
of it ; nor whether the river did make any great turning into the 
land, or had any great fall from the rocks, where all of them 
might be cast away. And some which had seen the sea-chart 
did find, that from the place where they were by the sea-coast 
to Nueva Espana might be four hundred leagues, little more or 
less ; and said, that though they went somewhat about by land 
in seeking a peopled country, if some great wilderness which 
they could not pass did hinder them, by spending that summer 
in travel, finding provision to pass the winter in some peopled 
country, that the next summer after they might come to some 
Christian land, and that it might fortune in their travel by land 
to find some rich country, where they might do themselves 
good. The Governor, although he desired to get out of Elorida 
in shorter time, seeing the inconveniences they laid before him, 
in travelling by sea, determined to follow that which seemed 
good to them all. On Monday, the fifth day of June, he de- 
parted from Guachoya. The cacique gave him a guide to 
Chagiiate^ and stayed at home in his own town. They passed 
through a province called Catalte: and having passed a wilder- 
ness of six days' journey, the twentieth day of the month he 
came to Chaguate. The cacique of this province had visited 
the Governer Don Eerdifiando de Soto at Aidiamque^ whither he 
brought him presents of skins, and mantles, and salt. And a 
day before Luys de Moscoso came to his town, we lost a Chris- 
tian that was sick ; which he suspected that the Indians had 
slain. He sent the cacique word, that he should command his 
people to seek him up, and sent him unto him, and that he 
would hold him, as he did, for his friend: and if he did not, 
that neither he, nor his, should escape his hands, and that he 
would set his country on fire. Presently the cacique came unto 
him, and brought a great present of mantles and skins, and the 
Christian that was lost, and made this speech following : 


*' Right excellent lord, I would not deserve that conceit 
which you had of me, for all the treasure of the world. What 
enforced me to go to visit and serve the excellent Lord Gov- 
ernor your father in Atitiamque, which you should have remem- 
bered, where I offered myself with all loyalty, faith and love, 
during my life to serve and obey him ? What then could be the 
cause, I having received favors of him, and neither you nor he 
having done me any wrong, that should move me to do the 
thing which I ought not ? Believe this of me, that neither 
wrong, nor any worldly interest, was able to make me to 
have done it, nor shall be able to blind me. But as in this life 
it is a natural course, that after one pleasure many sorrows do 
follow : so by your indignation, fortune would moderate the 
joy, which my heart conceiveth with your presence ; and that I 
should err, where I thought surest to have hit the mark ; in 
harboring this Christian which was lost, and using him in such 
manner, as he may tell himself, thinking that herein I did you 
service, with purpose to deliver him unto you in Chaguate, and 
to serve you to the uttermost of my power. If I deserve punish- 
ment for this, I will receive it at your hands, as from my lord, 
as if it were a favor. For the love which I did bear to the ex- 
cellent Governor, and which I bear to you, hath no limit. And 
like as you give me chastisement, so will you also show me 
favor. And that which now I crave of you is this, to declare 
your will unto me, and those things wherein I may be able to 
do you the most and best service." 

The Governor answered him, that because he did not find him 
in that town, he was incensed against him, thinking he had 
absented himself, as others had done : but seeing he now knew 
his loyalty and love, he would always hold him as a brother, 
and favor him with all his affairs. The cacique went with him 
to the town where he resided, which was a day's journey from 

The passage given in the present leaflet is taken from what is usually re- 
ferred to in English as the Narrative of the Gentleman of Elvas. This is an 
account of the expedition of De Soto, written by one of the Spaniards who 
accompanied him, and first printed in 1557 at Evora. The Gentleman of 
Elvas is supposed by some to be Alvaro Fernandez; but this is a matter of 
doubt. The first English translation — which is that used for the present 
leaflet — was made by Hakluyt, who printed it in London in 1609, under the 
title Virginia richly valued by the Description of the Mainland of Florida, her 
next Neighbor, and again in 161 1 as The worthy e ajtd famous Historie of the 
Travailles, Discovery ajtd Co7iquest of Terra Florida. The 161 1 edition was 
reprinted by the Hakluyt Society in 1851, edited by William B. Rye, and is 


included in Force's Tracts (vol. iv.) and in French's Historical Collections of 
Louisiana (vol. ii.). In 1866 Mr. Buckingham Smith published translations 
of the narratives of the Gentleman of Elvas and of Biedma, in the fifth 
volume of the Bradford Club Series, under the title of Narratives of the 
Career of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest of Florida, as told by a Knight of 
Elvas and in a Relation [presented 1 544] by Luys Hernandez de Biedma. 

This briefer original Spanish account by Biedma long remained in manu- 
script in the archives at Seville, and was first published in a French version 
in 1841 ; and trom this William B. Rye translated it for the volume already 
referred to published by the Hakluyt Society in 1851, which included Hak- 
luyt's version of the Elvas narrative. An abridgment of this also appears 
in French's Historical Collections of Louisiana (vol. ii.). 

A third original account of De Soto's expedition is the Florida del Ynca of 
La Vega, written forty years after De Soto's death. It is based upon con- 
versations with a Spanish noble who had accompanied De Soto, and the 
written reports of two common soldiers ; but its spirit of exaggeration has 
brought it into discredit with many historical scholars. An English version 
of it is embodied in Bernard Shipp's History of Hernando de Soto and 

Still another account of the expedition is the official report which Rodrigo 
Ranjel, the secretary of De Soto, based upon his diary kept on the march; 
but this account is incomplete, and there is no English version of it. There 
is a letter of De Soto, dated July 9, 1539, describing his voyage and land- 
ing, which was translated and published by Buckingham Smith in 1854. 
A version of this letter may also be found in French's Historical Collections 
of Louisiana, vol. ii. 

Further information concerning the works upon De Soto and the other ex- 
plorers of Florida may be found in the notes appended by John Gilmary 
Shea to his valuable chapter on Ancient Florida, in the Narrative and 
Critical History of America, vol. ii. The question of De Soto's route is here 
fully discussed, with the aid of valuable old maps. 


These Leaflets, issued by the Directors of the Old South Studies in 
History, are largely reproductions of important original papers, accompa- 
nied by historical and bibliographical notes. They consist, on an average, 
of sixteen pages, and are sold at the low price of five cents a copy, or three 
dollars per hundred. The Old South work is a work for the education of 
the people, and especially the education of our young people in American 
history and politics ; and its promoters believe that few things can contribute 
better to this end than the wide circulation of such Leaflets as these. The 
aim is to bring important original documents Vv'ithin easy reach of everybody. 
It is hoped that professors in our colleges and teachers everywhere will wel- 
come them for use in their classes, and that they may meet the needs of the 
societies of young men and women now happily being organized in so many 
places for historical and poUtical studies. There are at present 28 leaflets 
in this general series, and others will rapidly follow. The following are the 
titles of those now ready : 

No. I. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The Articles of 
Confederation. 3. The Declaration of Independence. 4- Washington's 


Farewell Address, 5. Magna Charta, 6. Vane's *' Healing Question." 
7. Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Connect- 
icut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's Inaugu- 
rals. II. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 12. The 
Federalist, Nos. i and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The Constitu- 
tion of Ohio.* 15. Washington's Letter to the Governors of the States, 
1783. 16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 1784. 17. Verraz- 
zano's Voyage, 1524. 18. The Swiss Constitution.* 19. The Bill of Rights, 
1689. 20. Coronado's Letter to Mendoza, 1540. 21. Eliot's Brief Narra- 
tive of Work among the Indians, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of the 
Founding of his Indian School, 1762. 23. The Petition of Rights, 1628. 
24. The Grand Remonstrance. 25. The Scottish National Covenants. 26. 
The Agreement of the People. 27. The Instrument of Government. 28. 



The Voyages 
of the Cabots. 

From Hakluyt's "Principal Navigations, Voyages and 
Discoveries of the English Nation." 

The Letters patents of King Henry the seuenth granted 
vnto lohn Cabot and his three sonnes, Lewis, Sebastian, 
and Sancius for the discouerie of new and vnknowen 

HEnry, by the grace of God, king of England and France, 
and lord of Ireland, to all to whom these presents shall come, 

Be it knowen that we haue giuen and granted, and by these 
presents do giue and grant for vs and our heires, to our wel- 
beloued lohn Cabot citizen of Venice, to Lewis, Sebastian, and 
Santius, sonnes of the sayd lohn, and to the heires of them, and 
euery of them, and their deputies, full and free authority, leaue, 
and power to saile to all parts, countreys, and seas of the East, 
of the West, and of the North, vnder our banners and ensignes, 
with fiue ships of what burthen or quantity soeuer they be, 
and as many mariners or men as they will haue with them in 
the sayd ships, vpon their owne proper costs and charges, to 
seeke out, discouer, and finde whatsoeuer isles, countreys, 
regions or prouinces of the heathen and infidels whatsoeuer 
they be, and in what part of the world soeuer they be, which be- 
fore this time haue bene vnknowen to all Christians : we haue 
granted to them, and also to euery of them, the heires of them, 
and euery of them, and their deputies, and haue giuen them 
licence to set vp our banners and ensignes in euery village, 
towne, castle, isle, or maine land of them newly found. And 
that the aforesayd lohn and his sonnes, or their heires and may subdue, occupy and possesse all such townes, 

cities, castles and isles of them found, which they can subdue, 
occupy and possesse, as our vassals, and lieutenants, getting 
vnto vs the rule, title, and iurisdiction of the same villages, 
townes, castles, & firme land so found. Yet so that the afore- 
sayd lohn, and his sonnes and heires, and their deputies, be 
holden and bounden of all the fruits, profits, gaines, and com- 
modities growing of such nauigation, for euery their voyage, as 
often as they shall arriue at our port of BristoU (at the which 
port they shall be bound and holden onely to arriue) all maner 
of necessary costs and charges by them made, being deducted, 
to pay vnto vs in wares or money the fift part of the capitall 
gaine so gotten. We giuing and granting vnto them and to 
their heires and deputies, that they shall be free from all paying 
of customes of all and singular such merchandize as they shall 
bring with them from those places so newly found. And more- 
ouer, we haue giuen and granted to them, their heires and depu- 
ties, that all the firme lands, isles, villages, townes, castles and 
places whatsoeuer they be that they shall chance to finde, may 
not of any other of our subiects be frequented or visited without 
the licence of the aforesayd lohn and his sonnes, and their 
deputies, vnder paine of forfeiture aswell of their shippes as of 
all and singuler goods of all them that shall presume to saile to 
those places so found. Willing, and most straightly command- 
ing all and singuler our subiects aswell on land as on sea, to 
giue good assistance to the aforesayd lohn and his sonnes and 
deputies, and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships 
or vessels, as in prouision of food, and in buying of victuals for 
their money, and all other things by them to be prouided neces- 
sary for the sayd nauigation, they do giue them all their helpe 
and fauour. In witnesse whereof we haue caused to be made 
these our Letters patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster 
the fift day of March, in the eleuenth yeere of our reigne. 

Billa signata anno 13 Henrici septimi. 

THe king vpon the third day of February, in the 13 yeere of 
his reigne, gaue licence to lohn Cabot to take sixe English ships 
in any hauen or hauens of the realme of England, being of the 
burden of 200 tunnes, or vnder, with all necessary furniture, 
and to take also into the said ships all such masters, mariners, 
and subiects of the king as willingly will go with him, &c. 

An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by 
Clement Adams, concerning his discouery of the West 
Indies, which is to be seene in her Maiesties priuie gal- 

lerie at Westminster, and in many other ancient mer- 
chants houses. 

IN the yeere of our Lord 1497 lohn Cabot a Venetian, and 
his Sonne Sebastian (with an English fleet set out from Bristol!) 
discoured that land which no man before' that time had attempted, 
on the 24 of June, about fiue of the clocke early in the morning. 
This land he called Prima vista, that is to say, First seene, 
because as I suppose it was that part whereof they had the 
first sight from sea. That Island which lieth out before the 
land, he called the Island of S. lohn vpon this occasion, as I 
thinke, because it was discouered vpon the day of lohn the 
Baptist. The inhabitants of this Island vse to weare beasts 
skinnes, and haue them in as great estimation as we haue our 
finest garments. In their warres they vse bowes, arrowes, pikes, 
darts, woodden clubs, and slings. The soile is barren in some 
places, & yeeldeth little fruit, but it is full of white beares, and 
stagges farre greater than ours. It yeeldeth plenty of fish, and 
those very great, as scales, and those which commonly we call 
salmons: there are soles also aboue a yard in length: but 
especially there is great abundance of that kinde of fish which 
the Sauages call baccalaos. In the same Island also there 
breed hauks, but they are so blacke that they are very like to 
rauens, as also their partridges, and egles, which are in like sort 

A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discouery of 
part of the West India out of England in the time of 
king Henry the seuenth, vsed to Galeacius Butrigarius 
the Popes Legate in Spaine, and reported by the sayd 
Legate in this sort. 

DOe you not vnderstand sayd he (speaking to certaine 
Gentlemen of Venice) how to passe to India toward the North- 
west, as did of late a citizen of Venice, so valiant a man, and so 
well practised in all things pertaining to nauigations, and the 
science of Cosmographie, that at this present he hath not his 
like in Spaine, insomuch that for his vertues he is preferred 
aboue all other pilots that saile to the West Indies, who may 
not passe thither without his licence, and is therefore called 
Piloto mayor, that is, the grand Pilot. And when we sayd that 
we knew him not, he proceeded, saying, that being certaine 
yeres in the city of Siuil, and desirous to haue some knowledge 
of the nauigations of the Spanyards, it was tolde him that there 
was in the city a valiant man, a Venetian borne named Sebastian 
Cabot, who had the charge of those things, being an expert 

man in that science, and one that coulde make Gardes for the 
Sea with his owne hand, and by this report, seeking his acquaint- 
ance, hee found him a very gentle person, who intertained him 
friendly, and shewed him many things, and among other a large 
Mappe of the world, with certaine particuler Nauigations, as 
well of the Portugals, as of the Spaniards, and that he spake 
further vnto him to this effect. 

When my father departed from Venice many yeeres since to 
dwell in England, to follow the trade of marchandises, hee tooke 
mee with him to the citie of London, while I was very yong, yet 
hauing neuerthelesse some knowledge of letters of humanitie, 
and of the Sphere. And when my father died in that time when 
newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genuese 
had discouered the coasts of India, whereof was great talke in 
all the Gourt of king Henry the 7. who then raigned, insomuch 
that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more 
diuine than humane, to saile by the West into the East where 
spices growe, by a way that was neuer knowen before, by this 
fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame of 
desire to attempt some notable thing. And vnderstanding by 
reason of the Sphere, that if I should saile by way of the North- 
west, I should by a shorter tract come into India, I thereupon 
caused the King to be aduertised of my deuise, who imme- 
diately commanded two Garuels to bee furnished with all things 
appertayning to the voyage, which was as farre as I remember in 
the yeere 1496. in the beginning of Sommer. I began therefore 
to saile toward the Northwest, not thinking to finde any other 
land than that of Gathay, & from thence to turne toward India, 
but after certaine dayes I found that the land ranne towards the 
North, which was to mee a great displeasure. Neuerthelesse, 
sayling along by the coast to see if I could finde any gulfe that 
turned, I found the lande still continent to the 56. degree vnder 
our Pole. And seeing that there the coast turned toward the 
East, despairing to finde the passage, I turned backe againe, 
and sailed downe by the coast of that land toward the Equinoc- 
tiall (euer with intent to finde the saide passage to India) and 
came to that part of this firme lande which is nowe called Florida, 
where my victuals failing, I departed from thence and returned 
into England, where I found great tumults among the people, 
and preparation for warres in Scotland : by reason whereof 
there was no more consideration had to this voyage. 

Whereupon I went into Spaine to the Gatholique king, and 
Queene Elizabeth, which being aduertised what I had done, 
intertained me, and at their charges furnished certaine ships, 


wherewith they caused me to saile to discouer the coastes of 
Brazile, where I found an exceeding great and large riuer named 
at this present Rio de la plata, that is, the riuer of siluer, into 
the which I sailed and followed it into the firme land, more 
than sixe score leagues, finding it euery where very faire, and 
inhabited with infinite people, which with admiration came 
running dayly to our ships. Into this Riuer runne so many 
other riuers, that it is in maner incredible. 

After this I made many other voyages, which I nowe pretermit, 
and waxing olde, I giue myselfe to rest from such trauels, be- 
cause there are nowe many yong and lustie Pilots and Mariners 
of good experience, by whose forwardnesse I doe reioyce in the 
fruit of my labours, and rest with the charge of this office, as 
you see. 

The foresaide Baptista Ramusius in his preface to the 
thirde volume of the Nauigations, writeth thus of Sebas- 
tian Cabot. 

IN the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations of 
lohn de Vararzana, Florentine, and of a great captaine a 
Frenchman, and the two voyages of laques Cartier, a Briton, 
who sailed vnto the land situate in 50. degrees of latitude to the 
North, which is called New France, which landes hitherto are 
not thoroughly knowen, whether they doe ioyne with the firme 
lande of Florida and Nona Hispania, or whether they bee sepa- 
rated and diuided all by the Sea as Hands : and whether that 
by that w^ay one may goe by Sea vnto the country of Cathaia. 
As many yeeres past it was written vnto race by Sebastian 
Cabota our Countrey man a Venetian, a man of great expe- 
rience, and very rare in the art of Nauigation, and the knowledge 
of Cosmographie, who sailed along and beyond this lande of 
New France, at the charges of King Henry the seuenth king of 
England : and he aduertised mee, that hauing sailed a long time 
West and by North, beyond those Hands vnto the Latitude of 67. 
degrees and an halfe, vnder the North pole, and at the 11 day 
of lune finding still the open Sea without any maner of impedi- 
ment, he thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the 
way to Cathaia, which is in the East, and would haue done it, if 
the mutinie of the shipmaster and Mariners had not hindered 
him and made him to returne homev\/ards from that place. But 
it seemeth that God doeth yet still reserue this great enterprise 
for some great prince to discouer this voyage of Cathaia by this 
way, which for the bringing of the Spiceries from India into 
Europe, were the most easy and shortest of all other wayes 

hitherto found out. And surely this enterprise would be the 
most glorious, and of most importance of ail other that can be 
imagined to make his name great, and fame immortall, to all 
ages to come, farre more then can be done by any of all these 
great troubles and warres which dayly are used in Europe 
among the miserable Christian people. 

Another testimonie of the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the 
West and Northwest, taken out of the sixt Chapter of 
the third Decade of Peter Martyr of Angleria. 

THese North Seas haue bene searched by one Sebastian 
Cabot, a Venetian borne, whom being yet but in maner an 
infant, his parents carried with them into England, hauing 
occasion to resort thither for trade of marchandise, as is the 
maner of the Venetians to leaue no part of the world vnsearched 
to obtaine riches. Hee therefore furnished two ships in Eng- 
land at his owne charges, and first with 300 men directed his 
course so farre towards the North pole, that euen in the moneth 
of luly he found monstrous heapes of ice swimming on the sea, 
and in maner continuall day light, yet saw he the land in that 
tract free from ice, which had bene molten by the heat of the 
Sunne. Thus seeing such heapes of yce before him, hee was 
enforced to turne his sailes and follow the West, so coasting still 
by the shore, that hee was thereby brought so farre into the 
South, by reason of the land bending so much Southwards, that 
it was there almost equal in latitude, with the sea Fretum Her- 
culeum, hauing the Northpole eleuate in maner in the same 
degree. He sailed likewise in this tract so farre towards the 
West, that hee had the Island of Cuba on his left hand, in maner 
in the same degree of longitude. As hee traueiled by the 
coastes of this great land, (which he named Baccalaos) he saith 
that hee found the like course of the waters toward the West, but 
the same to runne more softly and gently than the swift waters 
which the Spaniards found in their Nauigations Southwards. 
Wherefore it is not onely more like to be true, but ought also of 
necessitie to be concluded that betweene both the lands hitherto 
vnknowen, there should be certaine great open places whereby 
the waters should thus continually passe from the East vnto the 
West : which waters I suppose to be driuen about the globe of 
the earth by the uncessant mouing and impulsion of the heauens, 
and not to bee swallowed vp and cast vp againe by the breath- 
ing of Demogorgon, as some haue imagined, because they see 
the seas by increase and decrease to ebbe and flowe. Sebastian 
Cabot himselfe named those lands Baccalaos, because that in 

the Seas thereabout hee found so great multitudes of certaine 
bigge fishes much Hke vnto Tunies, (which the inhabitants call 
Baccalaos) that they sometimes stayed his shippes. He found 
also the people of those regions couered with beastes skinnes, 
yet not without the vse of reason. He also saieth there is great 
plentie of Beares in those regions which vse to eate fish : for 
plunging themselves in y^ water, where they perceiue a multi- 
tude of these fishes to lie, they fasten their clawes in their 
scales, and so draw them to land and eate them, so (as he saith) 
the Beares being thus satisfied with fish, are not noisome to 
men. Hee declareth further, that in many places of these 
Regions he saw great plentie of Copper among the inhabitants. 
Cabot is my very friend, whom I vse familiarly, and delight to 
haue him sometimes keepe mee company in mine owne house. 
For being called out of England by the commandement of the 
Catholique King of Castile, after the death of King Henry the 
seuenth of that name King of England, he was made one of our 
council and Assistants, as touching the affaires of the new 
Indies, looking for ships dayly to be furnished for him to dis- 
couer this hid secret of Nature. 

The testimonie of Francis Lopez de Gomara a Spaniard, in 
the fourth Chapter of the second Booke of his generall 
history of the West Indies concerning the first discouerie 
of a great part of the West Indies, to wit, from 58. to 38. 
degrees of latitude, by Sebastian Cabota out of England. 

HE which brought most certaine newes of the countrey & 
people of Baccalaos, saith Gomara, was Sebastian Cabote a 
Venetian, which rigged vp two ships at the cost of K. Henry 
the 7. of England, hauing great desire to trafiique for the spices 
as the Portingals did. He carried with him 300. men, and 
tooke the way towards Island from beyond the Cape of La- 
brador, vntill he found himselfe in 58. degrees and better. He 
made relation that in the moneth of luly it was so cold, and the 
ice so great, that hee durst not passe any further : that the 
days were very long, in a maner without any night, and for that 
short night that they had, it was very cleare. Cabot feeling the 
cold, turned towards the West, refreshing himselfe at Baccalaos: 
and afterwards he sayled along the coast vnto ;^S. degrees, and 
from thence he shaped his course to returne into England. 

A note of Sebastian Cabots first discouerie of part of the 
Indies taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabians 


Chronicle not hitherto printed, which is in the custodie 
of M. lohn Stow a diligent preseruer of Antiquities. 

IN the 13. yeere of K. Henry the 7. (by meanes of one lohn 
Cabot a Venetian which made himselfe very expert and cunning 
in knowledge of the circuit of the world and Hands of the same, 
as by a Sea card and other demonstrations reasonable he 
shewed) the King caused to man and victuall a ship at Bristow, 
to search for an Island, which he said hee knew well was rich, 
and replenished with great commodities: Which shippe thus 
manned and victualled at the kings cos^, diuers Marchants of 
London ventured in her small stocks, being in her as chiefe 
patron the said Venetian. And in the company of the said 
ship, sailed also out of Bristow three or foure small ships fraught 
with sleight and grosse marchandizes, as course cloth, caps, 
laces, points & other trifles. And so departed from Bristow in 
the beginning of May, of whom in this Maiors time returned no 

Of three Sauages which Cabot brought home and presented 
vnto the King in the foureteenth yere of his reigne, men- 
tioned by the foresaid Robert Fabian. 

THis yeere also were brought vnto the king three men taken 
in the Newfound Island that before I spake of, in William Pur- 
chas time being Maior : These were clothed in beasts skins, & 
did eate raw flesh, and spake such speach that no man could 
vnderstand them, and in their demeanour like to bruite beastes, 
whom the King kept a time after. Of the which vpon two 
yeeres after, I saw two apparelled after the maner of English- 
men in Westminster pallace, which that time I could not dis- 
cerne from Englishmen, til I was learned what they were, but 
as for speach, I heard none of them vtter one word. 

A briefe extract concerning the discouerie of Newfound- 
land, taken out of the booke of M. Robert Thorne, to 
Doctor Leigh, &c. 

I Reason, that as some sicknesses are hereditarie, so this 
inclination or desire of this discouery I inherited from my 
father, which with another marchant of Bristol named Hugh 
Eliot, were the discouerers of the Newfound-lands ; of the which 
there is no doubt (as nowe plainely appeareth) if the mariners 
would then haue bene ruled, and followed their Pilots minde, 
but the lands of the West Indies, from whence all the golde 
Cometh, had bene ours ; for all is one coast as by the Card 
appeareth, and is aforesaid. 

The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebas- 
tian Cabota, constituting him grand Pilot of England. 

EDward the sixt by the grace of God, King of England, 
France and Ireland, defender of the faith, to all Christian 
people to whom these presents shall come, sendeth greeting. 
Know yee that we, in consideration of the good and acceptable 
seruice done, and to be done, vnto vs by our beloued seruant 
Sebastian Cabota, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, 
meere motion, and by the aduice and counsel of our most 
honourable vncle Edward duke of Somerset gouernour of our 
person, and Protector of our kingdomes, dominions, and sub- 
iects, and of the rest of our Counsaile, haue giuen & granted, 
and by these presents do giue and graunt to the said Sebastian 
Cabota, a certaine annuitie, or yerely reuenue of one hundreth, 
three-score & sixe pounds, thirteene shillings foure pence ster- 
ling, to haue, enioy, and yerely receiue the aforesaid annuitie, 
or yerely reuenue, to the foresaid Sebastian Cabota during his 
natural life, out of our Treasurie at the receit of our Exchequer 
at Westminster, at the hands of our Treasurers & paymasters, 
there remayning for the time being, at the feasts of the Annun- 
tiation of the blessed Virgin Mary, the Natiuitie of S. lohn 
Baptist, S. Michael y^ Archangel, & the Natiuitie of our Lord, 
to be paid by equal portions. 

And further, of our more speciall grace, and by the aduise 
and consent aforesaide wee doe giue, and by these presents doe 
graunt vnto the aforesaide Sebastian Cabota, so many, and so 
great summes of money as the saide annuitie or yeerely reuenue 
of an hundreth, three-score and sixe pounds, thirteene shillings 
4. pence, doeth amount and rise vnto from the feast of S. 
Michael the Archangel last past vnto this present time, to be 
had and receiued by the aforesaid Sebastian Cabota, and his 
assignees out of our aforesaid Treasurie, at the handes of our 
aforesaide Treasurers, and officers of our Exchequer of our free 
gift without accompt, or any thing else therefore to be yeelded, 
payed, or made, to vs, our heires or successours, forasmuch as 
herein expresse mention is made to the contrary. 

In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be 
made patents : Witnesse the King at Westminster the sixt day 
of lanuarie, in the second yeere of his raigne. The yeere of 
our Lord 1548. 


" Sometimes in Wagner's musical dramas the introduction of a few 
notes from some leading melody foretells the inevitable catastrophe 
toward which the action is moving, as when in Lohengrin's bridal 
chamber the well-known sound of the distant Grail motive steals 
suddenly upon the ear, and the heart of the rapt listener is smitten 
with a sense of impending doom. So in the drama of maritime dis- 
covery^ as glimpses of new worlds were beginning to reward the en- 
terprising crowns of Spain and Portugal, for a moment there came 
from the North a few brief notes fraught with ominous portent. The 
power for whom destiny had reserved the world empire of which 
these Southern nations — so noble in aim, so mistaken in policy — 
were dreaming stretched forth her hand in quiet disregard of papal 
bulls, and laid it upon the western shore of the ocean. It was only 
for a moment, and long years were to pass before the consequences 
were developed. But in truth the first fateful note that heralded the 
coming English supremacy was sounded when John Cabot's tiny 
craft sailed out from the Bristol channel on a bright May morning of 
1497." — John Fiske, The Discovery of America. 

The slight contemporary mention, which is all that we have of the 
voyages of the Cabots in 1497 and 1498, does not enable us to deter- 
mine with precision the parts of the North American coast that were 
visited. We know that a chart of the first voyage was made ; for both 
the Spanish envoys, Puebla and Ayala, writing between August 24, 
1497, and July 25, 1498, mentioned having seen such a chart, and 
from an inspection of it they concluded that the distance run did not 
exceed 400 leagues. The Venetian merchant, Pasqualigo, gave the 
distance more correctly as 700 leagues, and added that Cabot fol- 
lowed the coast of the " territory of the Grand Khan " for 300 
leagues, and in returning saw two islands to starboard. An early 
tradition fixed upon the coast of Labrador as the region first visited, 
and until lately this has been the prevailing opinion. 

The chart seen by the Spanish ministers in London is unfortu- 
nately lost. But a map engraved in Germany or Flanders in 1544 or 
later, and said to be after a drawing by Sebastian Cabot, has at the 
north of what we call the island of Cape Breton the legend '■'■ prima 
tierra vista,'''' i.e. '■'• first land see?i "y and in this connection there is a 
marginal inscription, Spanish and Latin, saying, "This country was 
discovered by John Cabot, a Venetian, and Sebastian Cabot, his 
son, in the year of our Saviour Jesus Christ m. cccc. xciiii * on the 
24th day of June in the morning, which country they called priina 
tierra vista, and a large island near by they named St. John because 
they discovered it on the same day." Starting from this information, 
it has been supposed that the navigators, passing this St. John, which 
we call Prince Edward Island, coasted around the Gulf of St. Law- 
rence and passed out through the Strait of Belle Isle. The two 
islands seen on the starboard would then be points on the northern 

*This date is wrong. The first two letters after xc should be joiii-ed together at the 
bottom, making a v. 


coast of Newfoundland, and a considerable part of Pasqualigo's 300 
leagues of coasting would thus be accounted for. But inasmuch as 
the " Matthew " had returned to Bristol by the first of August, it may 
be doubted whether so long a route could have been traversed within 
five weeks. 

If we could be sure that the map of 1544 in its present shape and 
with all its legends emanated from Sebastian Cabot, and was drawn 
with the aid of charts made at the time of discovery, its authority 
would be very high indeed. But there are some reasons for sup- 
posing it to have been amended or "touched up " by the engraver; 
and it is evidently compiled from charts made later than 1536, for it 
shows the results of Jacques Cartier's explorations in the Gulf of St. 
Lawrence. Its statement as to the first landfoll is, moreover, in con- 
flict with the testimony of the merchant Robert Thorne, of Bristol, in 
1527, and with that of two maps made at Seville in 1527 and 1529, 
according to which the ''prima tierra vista " was somewhere on the 
coast of Labrador. It must be remembered, too, that John Cabot 
was instructed to take northerly and westerly courses, not southerly; 
and an important despatch from Raimondo de Soncino, in London, to 
the Duke of Milan, dated December 18, 1497, describes his course in 
accordance with these instructions. It is perfectly definite and 
altogether probable. According to this account Cabot sailed from 
Bristol in a small ship, manned by eighteen persons, and, having 
cleared the western shores of Ireland, turned northward, after a few 
days headed for Asia, and'stood mainly west till he reached "Terra 
Firma," where he planted the royal standard, and forthwith returned 
to England. In other words, he followed the common custom in 
those days of first running to a chosen parallel, and then following 
that parallel to the point of destination. Such a course could hardly 
have landed him anywhere save on the coast of Labrador. Supposing 
his return voyage simply to have reversed this course, running south- 
easterly to the latitude of the English channel and then sailing due 
east, he may easily have coasted 300 leagues with land to starboard 
before finally bearing away from Cape Race. This view is in har- 
mony with the fact that on the desolate coasts passed he saw no 
Indians or other human beings. He noticed the abundance of cod- 
fish, however, in the waters about Newfoundland, and declared that 
the English would no longer need to go to Iceland for their fish. Our 
informant adds that Master John, being foreign-born and poor, would 
have been set down as a liar, had not his crew, who were mostly 
Bristol men, confirmed everything he said. — Fiske. 

John Cabot, like Columbus a native of Genoa, moved to England with 
his family from Venice, which had been his home for fifteen years, about 
1490, and settled at Bristol. He may have been among those who were 
influenced at that time by the arguments of Bartholomew Columbus. Ex- 
cited by the news of the first voyage of Columbus, he sailed from Bristol 
with a crew of eighteen men, probably accompanied by his son Sebastian, 


in a ship named the Matthew or Matthews^ early in May, 1497, and discov- 
ered what he supposed to be the Chinese coast, but what was tlie coast of 
Labrador or Newfoundland, on the 24th of June. This was the first dis- 
covery of America by any navigators sailing under English authority. It 
has been supposed that John Cabot died on a second expedition, which 
sailed from Bristol the next year, leaving the command to his son Sebastian, 
who may have conducted a third expedition in 1501 or 1503. 

There is much that is obscure concerning the Cabots and their voyages. 
The best modern work upon the subject is tid^rxisst's Jean et Sebasiien Cabot, 
published in Paris in 1882, but not yet translated into English. Biddle's 
Sebastia7t Cabot should be consulted by the student. Mr. Fiske's account, in 
his Discovery of America, is brief, but clear and critical. The most impor- 
tant discussion in English of the voyages of the Cabots is that by Charles 
Deane, in the Narrative and C^-itical History of America, vol. iii. The bib- 
liographical notes accompanying this are very thorough, forming a complete 
guide to everything that is to be learned concerning the Cabots. 

The volume by Richard Hakluyt on The Principal Navigations, Voy- 
ages, and Discoveries of the English Nation, containing the principal early 
notices of the Cabots, reprinted in the present leaflet, was published in 
London in 1589, several of the same notices having previously appeared in 
his Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America, published in 1582. In 
Richard Eden's Decades of the Newe World, published in 1555, there had, 
however, appeared accounts of the Cabot voyages, the first in English which 
have come down to us. Richard Eden knew Sebastian Cabot, who was 
living in England at the time he wrote. Most of the early accounts of the 
Cabots, with careful historical notes, may be found in Kerr's Voyages and 
Travels, vol. vi. All of these old accounts are to be read with great care, 
and the student should refer to the narratives of Mr. Deane and Mr. Fiske 
for corrections of many of their palpable mistakes. Thus the discourse to 
Butrigarius ascribed to Sebastian Cabot, given by Ramusio, places the 
death of John Cabot in 1496, and makes Sebastian himself conduct the first 
expedition in that year. It also makes the purpose of the voyage of 1498 
the discovery of a " north-west passage " to Asia, whereas the idea of a 
north-west passage through or around America to Asia did not enter men's 
minds for a quarter of a century after that. The passage which Hakluyt 
cites from Stow's Chronicles does not mention John Cabot, as Hakluyt 
makes it, but begins : " This year one Sebastian Gabato, a Genoa's son, born 
in Bristow," etc. Here, however, the change by Hakluyt is in the interest 
of truth. 

lb J^oiitl) Seaflet^e 

General Series, No. 38, 

Funeral Oration 

By major general HENRY LEE. 

Delivered before the Two Houses of Congress, December 26, 


In obedience to your will, I rife, your humble organ, with 
the hope of executing a part of the fyftem of public mourning 
which you have been pleafed to adopt, commemorative of the 
death of the moft illuffcrious and mofl beloved perfonage this 
country has ever produced; and which, while it tranfmits to 
pofterity your fenfe of the awful event, faintly reprefents your 
knowledge of the confummate excellence you fo cordially 

Defperate, indeed, is any attempt on earth to meet corre- 
fpondently this difpenfation of Heaven ; for, while with pious 
refignation we fubmit to the will of an all-gracious Providence, 
we can never ceafe lamenting, in our finite view of Omnipotent 
Wifdom, the heart-rending privation for which our nation weeps. 
When the civilized world Ihakes to its centre ; v/hen every mo- 
ment gives birth to ffcrange and momentous changes ; when our 
peaceful quarter of the globe, exempt as it happily has been 
from any fliare in the flaughter of the human race, may yet be 
compelled to abandon her pacific policy, and to rifle the doleful 
cafualties of war; what limit is there to the extent of our lofs? 
None within the reach of my words to exprefs ; none which 
your feelings will not difavow. 

The founder of our federate republic — our bulwark in v/ar, 
our guide in peace, is no more ! O that this were but queftion- 
able ! Hope, the comforter of the wretched, would pour into 
our agonizing hearts its balmy dew. But, alas ! there is no hope 

for us ; our Wafhington is removed forever ! Poffeffing the 
ffcouteft frame and pureft mind, he had paffed nearly to his fixty- 
eighth year in the enjoyment of high heaUh, when, habituated 
by his care of us to negle6t himfelf, a flight cold, difregarded, 
became inconvenient on Friday, oppreffive on Saturday, and, 
defying every medical interpofition, before the morning of Sun- 
day put an end to the befc of men. An end, did I fay ? His 
fame furvives ! bounded only by the limits of the earth, and by 
the extent of the human mind. He furvives in our hearts — in 
the growing knowledge of our children — in the affe6tion of the 
good throughout the world. And when our monuments fliall be 
done away ; when nations now exifting fhall be no more ; when 
even our young and far-fpreading empire fliall have perifhed ; 
ftill will our Wafliington's glory unfaded fliine, and die not, 
until love of virtue ceafe on earth, or earth itfelf fmks into 
chaos ! 

How, my fellow-citizens, fliall I fmgle to your grateful hearts 
his pre-eminent worth ? Where fliall I begin, in opening to 
your view a chara6ter throughout fublime ? Shall I fpeak of his 
warlike achievements, all fpringing from obedience to his coun- 
try's will, all dire6ted to his country's good.? 

Will you go with me to the banks of the Monongahela, to 
fee your youthful Wafhington fupporting, in the difmal hour of 
Indian vi6lory, the ill-fated Braddock, and faving, by his judg- 
ment and by his valour, the remains of a defeated army, preffed 
by the conquering favage foe ? or when, oppreffed America nobly 
refolving to rifk her all in defence of her violated rights, he was 
elevated by the unanimous voice of Congrefs to the command 
of her armies .? Will you follow him to the high grounds of 
Bofton, where, to an undifciplined, courageous and virtuous 
yeomanry, his prefence gave the ffcability of fyftem, and infufed 
the invincibility of love of country ? Or fliall I carry you to 
the painful fcenes of Long-Ifland, York-Ifiand and New-Jerfey, 
when, combating fuperior and gallant armies, aided by powerful 
fleets, and led by chiefs high in the roll of fame, he flood the 
bulwark of our fafety, undifmayed by difafter, unchanged by 
change of fortune.'' Or will you view him in the precarious 
fields of Trenton, where deep gloom, unnerving every arm, 
reigned triumphant through our thinned, worn down, unaided 
ranks — himfelf unmoved? Dreadful was the night. It was 
about this time of winter. The ftorm raged. The Delaware, 
rolling furioufly with floating ice, forbade the approach of man. 
Wafhington, felf-colle6ted, viewed the tremendous fcene. His 

country called. Unappalled by furrounding dangers, he paffed 
to the hoftile ihore ; he fought ; he conquered. The morning fun 
cheered the American world. Our country rofe on the event; 
and her dauntlefs Chief, purfuing his blow, completed in the 
lawns of Princeton what his vaft foul had conceived on the 
fliores of Delaware. 

Thence to the ftrong grounds of Morriftown he led his fmall 
but gallant band ; and through an eventful winter, by the high 
efforts of his genius, whofe matchlefs force was meafurable only 
by the growth of difhculties, he held in check formidable hoftile 
legions, condu6ted by a chief experienced in the art of war, and 
famed for his valour on the ever memorable heights of Abraham, 
where fell Wolfe, Montcalm, and lince, our much lamented 
Montgomery; all covered with glory. In this fortunate inter- 
val, produced by his mafterly condu6l, our fathers, ourfelves, 
animated by his refiftlefs example, rallied around our country's 
ftandard, and continued to follow her beloved Chief through the 
various and trying fcenes to which the deffcinies of our Union 

Who is there that has forgotten the vales of Brandywine, 
the fields of Germantown, or the plains of Monmouth.'' Every 
where prefent, wants of every kind obftru(5ting, numerous and 
valiant armies encountering, himfelf a hoft, he affuaged our fuf- 
ferings, limited our privations, and upheld our tottering republic. 
Shall I difplay to you the fpread of the fire of his foul, by re- 
hearfmg the praifes of the hero of Saratoga, and his much loved 
compeer of the Carolinas ? No ; our Wafhington wears not 
borrowed glory. To Gates, to Greene, he gave without referve 
the applaufe due to their eminent merit; and long may the 
chiefs of Saratoga and of Eutaws receive the grateful refpe(5t 
of a grateful people. 

Moving in his own orbit, he imparted heat and light to his 
moft diftant fatellites ; and combining the phyfical and moral 
force of all within his fphere, with irrefiftible weight he took his 
courfe, commiferating folly, difdaining vice, difmaying treafon, 
and invigorating def pendency; until the aufpicious hour arrived, 
when, united with the intrepid forces of a potent and magnani- 
mous ally, he brought to fubmiffion the fmce conqueror of 
India ; thus finifliing his long career of military glory with a 
luflre correfponding to his great name, and, in this his laft a6t 
of war, affixing the feal of fate to our nation's birth. 

To the horrid din of battle fweet peace fucceeded ; and our 
virtuous Chief, mindful only of the common good, in a moment 


tempting perfonal aggrandizement, huflied the difcontents of 
growing fedition, and, furrendering his power into the hands 
from which he had received it, converted his fword into a 
ploughfliare ; teaching an admiring world that to be truly great 
you muft be truly good. 

Were I to ftop here, the pi6lure would be incomplete, and 
the tafk impofed unfiniflied. Great as was our Wafhington in 
war, and as much as did that greatnefs contribute to produce 
the American republic, it is not in war alone his pre-eminence 
ftands confpicuous. His various talents, combining all the 
capacities of a ftatefman with thofe of a foldier, fitted him alike 
to guide the councils and the armies of our nation. Scarcely 
had he reited from his martial toils, while his invaluable parental 
advice was ftill founding in our ears, when he, who had been 
our fliield and our fword, was called forth to a6t a lefs fplendid, 
but more important part. 

Poffeffing a clear and penetrating mind, a ftrong and found 
judgment, calmnefs and temper for deliberation, with invincible 
firmnefs and perfeverance in refolutions maturely formed ; draw- 
ing information from all ; a6ting from himfejf, with incorruptible 
integrity and unvarying patriotifm ; his own fuperiority and the 
public confidence alike marked him as the man defigned by 
Heaven to lead in the great political as well as military events 
which have diftinguiflied the era of his life. 

The finger of an over-ruling Providence, pointing at Wafh- 
ington, was neither miftaken nor unobferved, when, to realize 
the vaft hopes to which our revolution had given birth, a change 
of political fyftem became indifpenfable. 

How novel, how grand the fpe6tacle ! Independent States 
ftretched over an immenfe territory, and known only by common 
difficulty, clinging to their union as the rock of their fafety; 
deciding, by frank comparifon of their relative condition, to rear 
on that rock, under the guidance of reafon, a common govern- 
ment, through whofe commanding prote6tion, liberty and order, 
with their long train of bleffings, fliould be fafe to themf elves, 
and the fure inheritance of their pofterity. 

This arduous tafk devolved on citizens fele6led by the 
people, from knowledge of their wifdom and confidence in 
their virtue. In this auguft affembly of fages and of patriots, 
Wafiiington of courfe was found ; and, as if acknowledged to 
be moft wife where all were wife, with one voice he was de- 
clared their Chief. How well he merited this rare diftinftion, 
how faithful were the labours of himfelf and his compatriots, the 


work of their hands, and our union, ftrength and profperity, the 
fruits of that work, beft atteffc. 

But to have effentially aided in prefenting to his country 
this confummation of her hopes, neither fatisfied the claims of 
his fellow-citizens on his talents, nor thofe duties which the 
poffeffion of thofe talents impofed. Heaven had not infufed 
into his mind fuch an uncommon fhare of its ethereal fpirit to 
remain unemployed, nor beflowed on him his genius unaccom- 
panied with the correfponding duty of devoting it to the com- - 
mon good. To have framed a Conftitution, was fliewing only, 
without realizing, the general happinefs. This great work re- 
mained to be done ; and America, fteadfaft in her preference, 
with one voice fummoned her beloved Wafhington, unpra6tifed 
as he was in the duties of civil adminiftration, to execute this 
lafl a6t in the completion of the national felicity. Obedient to 
her call, he affumed the high office with that felf-diftruffc pecul- 
iar to his innate modefty, the conftant attendant of pre-eminent 
virtue. What was the burft of joy through our anxious land on 
this exhilarating event is known to us all. The aged, the 
young, the brave, the fair, rivalled each other in demonftrations 
of their gratitude ; and this high-wrought, delightful fcene was 
heightened in its effe6l by the fingular conteft between the 
zeal of the beftovvers and the avoidance of the receiver of 
the honours bellowed. 

Commencing his adminiftration, what heart is not charmed 
with the recollection of the pure and wife principles announced 
by himfelf, as the bafis of his political life ? He beft under- 
ftood the indiffoluble union between virtue and happinefs, be- 
tween duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an 
honeft and magnanimous policy, and the folid rewards of pub- 
lic profperity and individual felicity. Watching with an equal 
and comprehenfive eye over this great affemblage of communi- 
ties and interefts, he laid the foundations of our national policy 
in the unerring, immutable principles of morality, bafed on 
religion, exemplifying the pre- eminence of a free government 
by all the attributes which win the affections of its citizens, or 
command the refpe6t of the world. 

" O fortunatos nimium, fua fi bona norint ! " 

Leading through the complicated difficulties produced by 
previous obligations and conflicting interefts, feconded by fuc- 
ceeding Houfes of Congrefs, enlightened and patriotic, he fur- 

mounted all original obftruction, and brightened the path of 
our national felicity. 

The prefidential term expiring, his folicitude to exchange 
exaltation for humility returned with a force increafed with 
increafe of age ; and he had prepared his Farewell Addrefs to 
his countrymen, proclaiming his intention, when the united 
interpofition of all around him, enforced by the eventful prof- 
pe6ls of the epoch, produced a further facrifice of inclination 
to duty. The ele6tion of Prefident followed ; and Washington, 
by the unanimous vote of the nation, was called to refume the 
Chief Magiftracy. What a wonderful fixture of confidence ! 
Which attra6ls moft our admiration, a people fo corredt, or a 
citizen combining an affemblage of talents forbidding rivalry, 
and ftifling even envy itfelf ? Such a nation ought to be happy; 
fuch a Chief muft be for ever revered. 

War, long menaced by the Indian tribes, now broke out; 
and the terrible confli(5l, deluging Europe with blood, began to 
Ihed its baneful influence over our happy land. To the firft, 
out-ftretching his invincible arm, under the orders of the gallant 
Wayne, the American eagle foared triumphant through diftant 
forefts. Peace followed vi6tory ; and the melioration of the con- 
dition of the enemy followed peace. Godlike virtue ! which 
uplifts even the fubdued favage. 

To the fecond he oppofed himfelf. New and delicate was 
the conjunfture, and great was the ftake. Soon did his pene- 
trating mind difcern and feize the only courfe, continuing to us 
all the felicity enjoyed. He iffued his proclamation of neutral- 
ity. This index to his whole fubfequent condu6t was fan6tioned 
by the approbation of both Houfes of Congrefs, and by the 
approving voice of the people. 

To this fublime policy he inviolably adhered, unmoved by 
foreign intruflon, unfliaken by domeflic turbulence. 

" Juflum et tenacem propoiiti virum, 
Non civium ardor prava jubentium, 
Non vultus inftantis tyranni, 
Mente quatit folida." 

Maintaining his pacific fyftem at the expenfe of no duty, 
America, faithful to herfelf, and unftained in her honour, con- 
tinued to enjoy the delights of peace, while affli6led Europe 
mourns in every quarter under the accumulated miferies of an 
unexampled war ; miferies in which our happy country muft 
have fhared, had not our pre-eminent Wafhington been as firm 
in council as he was brave in the field. 


Purfuing fteadfaftly his courfe, he held fafe the public happi- 
nefs, preventing foreign war, and quelling internal difcord, till 
the revolving period of a third election approached, when he 
executed his interrupted, but inextinguifliable defire of returning 
to the humble walks of private life. 

The promulgation of his fixed refolution flopped the anxious 
wiflies of an affe6fionate people from adding a third unanimous 
teftimonial of their unabated confidence in the man fo Ions: 
enthroned in their hearts. When before was affe6tion like this 
exhibited on earth ? Turn over the records of ancient Greece ; 
review the annals of mighty Rome ; examine the volumes of 
modern Europe — you fearch in vain. America and her Wafli- 
ington only afford the dignified exemplification. 

The illuftrious perfonage called by the national voice in 
fucceffion to the arduous office of guiding a free people had new 
difficulties to encounter. The amicable effort of fettling: our 
difficulties with France, begun by Waffiington, and purfued by 
his fucceffor in virtue as in ftation, proving abortive, America 
took meafures of felf-defence. No fooner was the public mind 
roufed by a profpe6t of danger, than every eye was turned to 
the friend of all, though fecluded from public view, and grey 
in public fervice. The virtuous veteran, following his plough, 
received the unexpe6led fummons with mingled emotions of 
indignation at the unmerited ill treatment of his country, and 
of a determination once more to rifk his all in her defence. 

The annunciation of thefe feelings in his affefting letter to 
the Prefident, accepting the command of the army, concludes 
his official condu6l. 

Firft in war, firft in peace, and firft in the hearts of his 
countrymen, he was fecond to none in the humble and endear- 
ing fcenes of private life. Pious, juft, humane, temperate and 
fmcere ; uniform, dignified and commanding, his example was 
as edifying to all around him, as were the effe6ls of that example 

To his equals he was condefcending, to his inferiors kind, 
and to the dear obje6l of his affections exemplarily tender. 
Corre6t throughout, vice fliuddered in his prefence, and virtue 
always felt his foftering hand. The purity of his private char- 
3.6ter gave effulgence to his public virtues. 

His laft fcene comported with the whole tenor of his life. 
Although in extreme pain, not a ligh, not a groan efcaped him ; 
and with undifturbed ferenity he clofed his well-fpent life. 
Such was the man America has loft ! Such was the man for 
whom our nation mourns ! 

Methinks I fee his auguft image, and hear, falling from his 
venerable lips, thefe deep finking words : 

" Cease, Sons of America, lamenting our feparation. Go on, 
and confirm by your wifdom the fruits of our joint councils, 
joint efforts, and common dangers. Reverence religion ; diffufe 
knowledge throughout your land ; patronize the arts and 
fciences ; let liberty and order be infeparable companions ; 
control party fpirit, the bane of free government ; obferve good 
faith to, and cultivate peace with all nations; fliut up every 
avenue to foreign influence ; contra6f rather than extend 
national connexion; rely on yourfelves only: be American in 
thought and deed. Thus will you give immortality to that 
union, which was the conftant obje6t of my terreftrial labours : 
thus will you preferve undiffcurbed to the lateft poflerity the 
felicity of a people to me moft dear; and thus will you fupply 
(if my happinefs is now aught to you) the only vacancy in the 
round of pure blifs high Heaven beftows." 

So short was Washington's illness that, at the seat of government, the 
intelligence of his death preceded that of his indisposition. It was first 
communicated by a passenger in the stage to an acquaintance whom he met 
in the street, and the report quickly reached the house of representatives 
which was then in session. The utmost dismay and affliction was displayed 
for a few minutes ; after which a member stated in his place the melancholy 
information which had been received. This information he said was not 
certain, but there was too much reason to believe it true. 

"After receiving intelligence," he added, "of a national calamity so 
heavy and afflicting the house of representatives can be but ill fitted for 
public business." He therefore moved an adjournment. Both houses 
adjourned until the next day. 

On the succeeding day, as soon as the orders were read, the same 
member addressed the chair in the following terms : 

"The melancholy event which was yesterday announced with doubt, 
has been rendered but too certain. Our Washington is no more ! the hero, 
the patriot, and the sage of America — the man on whom, in times of dan- 
ger, every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed — lives now only in his 
own great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted people. 

" If, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify respect for the 
memory of those whom heaven has selected as its instruments for dispensing 
good to man, yet, such has been the uncommon worth, and such the ex- 
traordinary incidents which have marked the life of him whose loss we all 
deplore, that the whole American nation, impelled by the same feelings, 

would call, with one voice, for a public manifestation of that sorrow which 
is so deep and so universal. 

" More than any other individual, and as much as to one individual 
was possible, has he contributed to found this our wide spreading empire, 
and to give to the western world independence and freedom. 

" Having effected the great object for which he was placed at the head 
of our armies, we have seen him convert the swoid into the ploughshare, 
and sink the soldier into the citizen. 

" When the debility of our federal system had become manifest, and 
the bonds which connected this vast continent were dissolving, we have seen 
him the chief of those patriots who formed for us a constitution, which, by 
preserving the union, will, I trust, substantiate and perpetuate those bless- 
ings which our revolution had promised to bestow. 

" In obedience to the general voice of his country calling him to pre- 
side over a great people, we have seen him once more quit the retirement 
he loved, and, in a season more stormy and tempestuous than war itself, 
with calm and wise determination, pursue the true interests of the nation, 
and contribute, more than any other could contribute, to the establishment 
of that system of policy, which will, I trust, yet preserve our peace, our 
honour, and our independence. 

" Having been twice unanimously chosen the chief magistrate of a free 
people, we have seen him, at a time when his re-election with universal 
suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world a rare instance of mod- 
eration, by withdrawing from his high station to the peaceful walks of 
private life. 

" However the public confidence may change, and the public affections 
fluctuate with respect to others, with respect to him, they have, in war and 
in peace, in public and in private life, been as steady as his own firm mind, 
and as constant as his own exalted virtues. 

"Let us then, Mr. Speaker, pay the last tribute of respect and affection 
to our departed friend. Let the grand council of the nation display those 
sentiments which the nation feels. For this purpose I hold in my hand 
some resolutions which I take the liberty of offering to the house." 

The resolutions,^ after a preamble stating the death of General Wash- 
ington, were in the following terms : 

" Resolved, that this house will wait on the President in condolence of 
this mournful event. 

" Resolved, that the speaker's chair be shrouded with black, and that 
the members and officers of the house wear black during the session. 

^ These resolutions were prepared by General Lee, who happening not to be in his place 
when the' melancholy intelligence was received and first mentioned in the house, placed them 
in the hands of the member who moved them. 


" Resolved, that a committee, in conjunction with one from the senate, 
be appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honour to 
the memory of the man first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of 
his fellow- citizens." ^ 

Immediately after the passage of these resolutions, a written message 
was received from the President, accompanying a letter from Mr. Lear, 
which he said, "will inform you that it had pleased Divine Providence to 
remove from this life our excellent fellow-citizen, George Washington, by 
the purity of his life, and a long series of services to his country, rendered 
illustrious through the world. It remains for an affectionate and grateful 
people, in whose hearts he can never die, to pay suitable honour to his 

To the speaker and members of the house of representatives who 
waited on him in pursuance of the resolution which had been mentioned, he 
expressed the same deep-felt and affectionate respect " for the most illus- 
trious and beloved personage America had ever produced." 

The senate, on this melancholy occasion, addressed to the President the 
following letter : 

" The senate of the United States respectfully take leave, sir, to express 
to you their deep regret for the loss their country sustains in the death of 
General George Washington. 

" This event, so distressing to all our fellow- citizens, must be peculiarly 
heavy to you who have long been associated with him in deeds of patriotism. 
Permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with yours. On this occasion it is manly 
to weep. To lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity to 
the world. Our country mourns a father. The Almighty disposer of hu- 
man events has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. It 
becomes us to submit with reverence to Him who ' maketh darkness his 

" With patriotic pride we review the life of our Washington, and com- 
pare him with those of other countries who have been preeminent in fame. 
Ancient and modern names are diminished before him. Greatness and guilt 
have too often been allied ; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The 
destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his virtues. It re- 
proved the intemperance of their ambition, and darkened the splendour of 
victory. The scene is closed — and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune 
should sully his glory; he has traveled on to the end of his journey, and 
carried with him an increasing weight of honour ; he has deposited it safely 
where misfortune cannot tarnish it ; where malice cannot blast it. Favoured 

'^ Coimtrymen is the word given, instead oi fellow-citizen, in Benton's Abridgment of 
Congressional Debates, and in Gales and Seaton's Aniials of Congress. It is also the word 
used by General Lee in his eulogy. This is the first use of this famous expression. — Editor. 


of heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness of humanity ; 
magnanimous in death, the darkness of tlie grave could not obscure his 

"Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to God, his glory is 
consummated. Washington yet lives on earth in his spotless example — 
his spirit is in heaven. 

" Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic general, the 
patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage; let them teach their children 
never to forget that the fruits of his labours and his example are their 

To this address the President returned the following answer: "I re- 
ceive, with the most respectful and affectionate sentiments, in this impres- 
sive address, the obliging expressions of your regret for the loss our country 
has sustained in the death of her most esteemed, beloved, and admired 

"In the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this melancholy 
event, you will permit me to say that I have seen him in the days of adversity, 
in some of the scenes of his deepest distress and most trying perplexities. 
I have also attended him in his highest elevation and most prosperous 
felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, moderation, and constancy. 

" Among all our original associates in that memorable league of this con- 
tinent in 1774, which first expressed the Sovereign will of a Free Nation 
in America, he was the only one remaining in the general government. 
Although with a constitution more enfeebled than his, at an age when he 
thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, I feel myself alone, bereaved 
of my last brother; yet I derive a strong consolation from the unan'mous 
disposition which appears in all ages and classes to mingle their sorrows with 
mine on this common calamity to the world. 

" The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a comparison with those 
of other countries who have been most celebrated and exalted by fame. 
The attributes and decorations of royalty could only have served to eclipse 
the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen^ a 
more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have 
sullied his glory only with those superficial minds who, believing that char- 
acters and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. 
Malice could never blast his honour, and Envy made hmi a singular excep- 
tion to her universal rule. For himself he had lived long enough to life and 
to glory — for his fellow- citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, 
he would have been immortal ; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate 
moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of Provi- 
dence over the passions of men, and the results of their councils and actions 
as well as over their lives nothing remains for me but humble resignation. 

" His example is now complete ; and it will teach wisdom and virtue 


to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, but in future 
generations, as long as our history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, 
a Marcus Aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians." 

The joint committee which had been appointed to devise the mode by 
which the nation should express its feelings on this melancholy occasion, re- 
ported the following resolutions : 

*' That a marble monument be erected by the United States at the city 
of Washington, and that the family of General Washington be requested to 
permit his body to be deposited under it; and that the monument be so 
designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political 

"That there be a funeral procession from congress hall to the German 
Lutheran church, in memory of General Washington, on Thursday, the 26th 
instant, and that an oration be prepared at the request of congress, to be 
delivered before both houses on that day; and that the president of the sen- 
ate, and speaker of the house of representatives, be desired to request one 
of the members of congress to prepare and deliver the same. 

'* That it be recommended to the people of the United States to wear 
crape on the left arm as a mourning for thirty days. 

"That the President of the United States be requested to direct a copy 
of these resolutions to be transmitted to Mrs. Washington, assuring her of the 
profound respect congress will ever bear to her person and character, of their 
condolence on the late affecting dispensation of Providence, and entreating 
her assent to the interment of the remains of General Washington in the 
manner expressed in the first resolution. 

"That the President be requested to issue his proclamation, notifying to 
the people throughout the United States the recommendation contained in 
the third resolution," 

These resolutions passed both houses unanimously, and those which 
would admit of immediate execution were carried into effect. The whole 
nation appeared in mourning. The funeral procession was grand and solemn, 
and the eloquent oration, which was delivered on the occasion by General 
Lee, was heard with profound attention and with deep interest. 

Throughout the United States similar marks of affliction were exhib- 
ited. In every part of the continent funeral orations were delivered, and 
the best talents of the nation were devoted to an expression of the nation's 
grief. — MarshaW s Life of Washington. 

General Series, No. 39. 

De Vaca's 

to New Mexico 


From Cabeza De Vaca's Relation. 

We told these people that we desired to go where the sun 
sets ; and they said inhabitants in that direction were remote. 
We commanded them to send and make known our coming ; 
but they strove to excuse themselves the best they could, the 
people being their enemies, and they did not wish to go to 
them. Not daring to disobey, however, they sent two women, 
one of their own, the other a captive from that people ; for the 
women can negotiate even though there be w^ar. We followed 
them, and stopped at a place where we agreed to wait. They 
tarried five days ; and the Indians said they could not have 
found anybody. 

We told them to conduct us towards the north ; and they 
answered, as before, that except afar off there were no people 
in that direction, and nothing to eat, nor could water be found. 
Notwithstanding all this, we persisted, and said we desired to 
go in that course. They still tried to excuse themselves in the 
best manner possible. At this we became offended, and one 
night 1 went out to sleep in the woods apart from them ; but 
directly they came to where I was, and remained all night 
without sleep, talking to me in great fear, telling me how ter- 
rified they were, beseeching us to be no longer angry, and said 
that they would lead us in the direction it was our wish to go, 
though they knew they should die on the way. 

Whilst we still feigned to be displeased lest their fright 
should leave them, a remarkable circumstance happened, which 
was that on the same day many of the Indians became ill, 
and the next day eight men died. Abroad in the country, 
wheresoever this became known, there was such dread that 

it seemed as if the inhabitants would die of fear at sight of us. 
They besought us not to remain angered, nor require that 
more of them should die. They believed we caused their 
death by only willing it, when in truth it gave us so much pain 
that it could not be greater ; for, beyond their loss, we feared 
they might all die, or abandon us of fright, and that other 
people thenceforward would do the same, seeing what had 
come to these. We prayed to God, our Lord, to relieve them ; 
and from that time the sick began to get better. 

We witnessed one thing with great admiration, that the 
parents, brothers, and wives of those who died had great sym- 
pathy for them in their suffering ; but, when dead, they showed 
no feeling, neither did they weep nor speak among themselves, 
make any signs, nor dare approach the bodies until we com- 
manded these to be taken to burial. 

While we were among these people, which was more than 
fifteen days, we saw no one speak to another, nor did we see 
an infant smile: the only one that cried they took off to a 
distance, and with the sharp teeth of a rat they scratched it 
from the shoulders down nearly to the end of the legs. Seeing 
this cruelty, and offended at it, I asked why they did so : they 
said for chastisement, because the child had wept in my pres- 
ence. These terrors they imparted to all those who had lately 
come to know us, that they might give us whatever they had ; 
for they knew we kept nothing, and would relinquish all to 
them. This people were the most obedient we had found in 
all the land, the best conditioned, and, in general, comely. 

The sick having recovered, and three days having passed 
since we came to the place, the women whom we sent away 
returned, and said they had found very few people ; nearly all 
had gone for cattle, being then in the season. We ordered 
the convalescent to remain and the well to go with us, and 
that at the end of two days' journey those women should go 
with two of our number to fetch up the people, and bring them 
on the road to receive us. Consequently, the next morning 
the most robust started with us. 

At the end of three days' travel we stopped, and the next 
day Alonzo del Castillo set out with Estevanico the negro, tak- 
ing the two women as guides. She that was the captive led 
them to the river which ran between some ridges, where was a 
town at which her father lived ; and these habitations were the 
first seen, having the appearance and structure of houses. 

Here Castillo and Estevanico arrived, and, after talking with 
the Indians, Castillo returned at the end of three days to the 

spot where he had left us, and brought five or six of the people. 
He told us he had found fixed dwellings of civilization, that the 
inhabitants lived on beans and pumpkins, and that he had seen 
maize. This news the most of anything delighted us, and for 
it we gave infinite thanks to our Lord. Castillo told us the 
negro was coming with all the population to wait for us in the 
road not far off. Accordingly w^e left, and, having travelled a 
league and a half, we met the negro and the people coming to 
receive us. They gave us beans, many pumpkins, calabashes, 
blankets of cowhide and other things. As this people and 
those who came wdth us were enemies, and spoke not each 
other's language, we discharged the latter, giving them what we 
received, and we departed with the others. Six leagues from 
there, as the night set in we arrived at the houses, where great 
festivities were made over us. We remained one day, and the 
next set out with these Indians. They took us to the settled 
habitations of others, who lived upon the same food. 

From that place onward was another usage. Those who 
knew of our approach did not come out to receive us on the 
road as the others had done, but we found them in their houses, 
and they had made others for our reception. They were all 
seated with their faces turned to the wall, their heads down, the 
hair brought before their eyes, and their property placed in a 
heap in the middle of the house. From this place they began 
to give us many blankets of skin ; and they had nothing they 
did not bestow. They have the finest persons of any people 
we saw, of the greatest activity and strength, who best under- 
stood us and intelligently answered our inquiries. We called 
them the Cow nation, because most of the cattle killed are 
slaughtered in their neighborhood, and along up that river for 
over fifty leagues they destroy great numbers. 

They go entirely naked after the manner of the first we saw. 
The women are dressed with deer skin, and some few men, 
mostly the aged, who are incapable of fighting. The country 
is very populous. We asked how it was they did not plant 
maize. They answ^ered it was that they might not lose what 
they should put in the ground ; that the rains had failed for two 
years in succession, and the seasons were so dry the seed had 
everywhere been taken by the moles, and they could not vent- 
ure to plant again until after water had fallen copiously. They 
begged us to tell the sky to rain, and to pray for it, and we said 
we would do so. We also desired to know whence they got the 
maize, and they told us from where the sun goes down ; there it 
grew throughout the region, and the nearest was by that path. 

Since they did not wish to go thither, we asked by what direc- 
tion we might best proceed, and bade them inform us concerning 
the way ; they said the path was along up by that river towards 
the nortli, for otherwise in a journey of seventeen days we 
should find nothing to eat, except a fruit they call chacan, that 
is ground between stones, and even then it could with difficulty 
be eaten for its dryness and pungency, — which was true. They 
showed it to us there, and we could not eat it. They informed 
us also that, whilst we travelled by the river upward, we should 
all the way pass through a people that were their enemies, who 
spoke their tongue, and, though they had nothing to give us to 
eat, they would receive us with the best good will, and present 
us with mantles of cotton, hides, and other articles of their 
wealth. Still it appeared to them we ought by no means to 
take that course. 

Doubting what it would be best to do, and which way we 
should choose for suitableness and support, we remained two 
days with these Indians, who gave us beans and pumpkins for 
our subsistence. Their method of cooking is so new that for 
its strangeness I desire to speak of it ; thus it may be seen and 
remarked how curious and diversified are the contrivances and 
ingenuity of the human family. Not having discovered the use 
of pipkins, to boil what they would eat, they fill the half of a 
large calabash with water, and throw on the fire many stones 
of such as are most convenient and readily take the heat. 
When hot, they are taken up with tongs of sticks and dropped 
into the calabash until the water in it boils from the fervor of 
the stones. Then whatever is to be cooked is put in, and until 
it is done they continue taking out cooled stones and throwing 
in hot ones. Thus they boil their food. 


Two days being spent while we tarried, we resolved to go in 
search of the maize. We did not wish to follow the path lead- 
ing to where the cattle are, because it is towards the north, and 
for us very circuitous, since we ever held it certain that going 
towards the sunset we must find what we desired. 

Thus we took our way, and traversed all the country until 
coming out at the South sea. Nor was the dread we had of 
the sharp hunger through which we should have to pass (as in 
verity we did, throughout the seventeen days' journey of which 
the natives spoke) sufficient to hinder us. During all that time, 
in ascending by the river, they gave us many coverings of cow- 


hide ; but we did not eat of the fruit. Our sustenance each 
day was about a handful of deer-suet, which we had a long 
time been used to saving for such trials. Thus we passed the 
entire journey of seventeen days, and at the close we crossed 
the river and travelled other seventeen days. 

As the sun went down, upon some plains that lie between 
chains of very great mountains, we found a people who for the 
third part of the year eat nothing but the powder of straw, and, 
that being the season when we passed, we also had to eat of it, 
until reaching permanent habitations, where was abundance of 
maize brought together. They gave us a large quantity in grain 
and flour, pumpkins, beans, and shawls of cotton. With all 
these we loaded our guides, who went back the happiest creat- 
ures on earth. We gave thanks to God, our Lord, for having 
brought us where we had found so much food. 

Some houses are of earth, the rest all of cane mats. From 
this point we marched through more than a hundred leagues of 
country, and continually found settled domicils, with plenty of 
maize and beans. The people gave us many deer and cotton 
shawls better than those of New Spain, many beads and certain 
corals found on the South sea, and fine turquoises that come 
from the North. Indeed they gave us every thing they had. 
To me they gave five emeralds made into arrow-heads, which 
they use at their singing and dancing. They appeared to be 
very precious. I asked whence they got these ; and they said 
the stones were brought from some lofty mountains that stand 
towards the north, where were populous towns and very large 
houses, and that they were purchased with plumes and the 
feathers of parrots. 

Among this people the women are treated with more decorum 
than in any part of the Indias we had visited. They wear a 
shirt of cotton that falls as low as the knee, and over it half 
sleeves with skirts reaching to the ground, made of dressed 
deer skin. It opens in front and is brought close with straps 
of leather. They soap this with a certain root that cleanses 
well, by which they are enabled to keep it becomingly. Shoes 
are worn. The people all came to us that we should touch and 
bless them, they being very urgent, which we could accomplish 
only with great labor, for sick and v/ell all wished to go with a 

These Indians ever accompanied us until they delivered us 
to others ; and all held full faith in our coming from heaven. 
While travelling, we went without food all day until night, and 
we ate so little as to astonish them. We never felt exhaustion, 

neither were we in fact at all weary, so inured were we to hard- 
ship. We possessed great influence and authorit}^ : to preserve 
both, we seldom talked with them. The negro was in constant 
conversation ; he informed himself about the ways we wished 
to take, of the towns there were, and the matters we desired to 

We passed through many and dissimilar tongues. Our Lord 
granted us favor with the people who spoke them, for they al- 
ways understood us, and we them. We questioned them, and 
received their answers by signs, just as if they spoke our lan- 
guage and we theirs ; for, although we knew six languages, we 
could not everywhere avail ourselves of them, there being a 
thousand differences. 

Throughout all these countries the people who were at war 
immediately made friends, that they might come to meet us, 
and bring what they possessed. In this way we left all the land 
at peace, and we taught all the inhabitants by signs, which they 
understood, that in heaven was a Man we called God, who had 
created the sky and the earth; him we worshipped and had for 
our master; that we did what he commanded and from his 
hand came all good ; and would they do as we did, all would be 
well with them. So ready of apprehension we found them 
that, could we have had the use of language by which to make 
ourselves perfectly understood, we should have left them all 
Christians. Thus much we gave them to understand the best 
we could. And afterward, when the sun rose, they opened their 
hands together with loud shouting towards the heavens, and 
then drew them down all over their bodies. They did the same 
again when the sun went down. They are a people of good 
condition and substance, capable in any pursuit. 


In the town where the emeralds were presented to us the 
people gave Dorantes over six hundred open hearts of deer. 
They ever keep a good supply of them for food, and we called 
the place Pueblo de los Corazones. It is the entrance into 
many provinces on the South sea. They who go to look for 
them, and do not enter there, will be lost. On the coast is no 
maize : the inhabitants eat the powder of rush and of straw, 
and fish that is caught in the sea from rafts, not having canoes. 
With grass and straw the women cover their nudity. They are 
a timid and dejected people. 

We think that near the coast by way of those towns through 


which we came are more than a thousand leagues of inhabited 
country, plentiful of subsistence. Three times the year it is 
planted with maize and beans. Deer are of three kinds ; one 
the size of the young steer of Spain. There are innumerable 
houses, such as are called bahios. They have poison from a 
certain tree the size of the apple. For effect no more is neces- 
sary than to pluck the fruit and moisten the arrow with it, or, if 
there be no fruit, to break a twig and with the milk do the like. 
The tree is abundant and so deadly that, if the leaves be bruised 
and steeped in some neighboring water, the deer and other ani- 
mals drinking it soon burst. 

We were in this town three days. A day's journey farther 
was another town, at which the rain fell heavily while we were 
there, and the river became so swollen we could not cross it, 
which detained us fifteen days. In this time Castillo saw the 
buckle of a sword-belt on the neck of an Indian and stitched 
to it the nail of a horseshoe. He took them, and we asked the 
native what they were : he answered that they came from 
heaven. We questioned him further, as to who had brought 
them thence : they all responded that certain men who wore 
beards like us had come from heaven and arrived at that river, 
bringing horses, lances, and swords, and that they had lanced 
two Indians. In a manner of the utmost indifference we could 
feign, we asked them what had become of those men. They 
answered us that they had gone to sea, putting their lances 
beneath the water, and going themselves also under the water ; 
afterwards that they were seen on the surface going towards the 
sunset. For this we gave many thanks to God our Lord. We 
had before despaired of ever hearing more of Christians. Even 
yet we were left in great doubt and anxiety, thinking those peo- 
ple were merely persons who had come by sea on discoveries. 
However, as we had now such exact information, we made 
greater speed, and, as we advanced on our way, the news of the 
Christians continually grew. We told the natives that we were 
going in search of that people, to order them not to kill nor 
make slaves of them, nor take them from their lands, nor do 
other injustice. Of this the Indians were very glad. 

We passed through many territories and found them all va- 
cant : their inhabitants wandered fleeing among the mountains, 
without daring to have houses or till the earth for fear of Chris- 
tians. The sight was one of infinite pain to us, a land very 
fertile and beautiful, abounding in springs and streams, the 
hamlets deserted and burned, the people thin and weak, all flee- 
ing or in concealment. As they did not plant, they appeased 


their keen hunger by eating roots and the bark of trees. We 
bore a share in the famine along the whole way ; for poorly 
could these unfortunates provide for us, themselves being so 
reduced they looked as though they would willingly die. They 
brought shawls of those they had concealed because of the 
Christians, presenting them to us ; and they related how the 
Christians at other times had come through the land, destroying 
and burning the towns, carrying away half the men, and all the 
women and the boys, while those who had been able to escape 
were wandering about fugitives. We found them so alarmed 
they dared not remain anywhere. They would not nor could 
they till the earth, but preferred to die rather than live in dread 
of such cruel^ usage as they received. Although these showed 
themselves greatly delighted with us, we feared that on our ar- 
rival among those who held the frontier, and fought against the 
Christians, they would treat us badly, and revenge upon us the 
conduct of their enemies ; but, when God our Lord was pleased 
to bring us there, they began to dread and respect us as the 
others had done, and even somewhat more, at which we no little 
wondered. Thence it may at once be seen that, to bring all 
these people to be Christians and to the obedience of the Im- 
perial Majesty, they must be won by kindness, which is a way 
certain, and no other is. 

They took us to a town on the edge of a range of mountains, 
to which the ascent is over difficult crags. We found many 
people there collected out of fear of the Christians. They re- 
ceived us well, and presented us all they had. They gave us 
more than two thousand back-loads of maize, which we gave to 
the distressed and hungered beings who guided us to that place. 
The next day we despatched four messengers through the coun- 
try, as we were accustomed to do, that they should call together 
all the rest of the Indians at a town distant three days' march. 
We set out the day after with all the people. The tracks of the 
Christians and marks where they slept were continually seen. 
At mid-day we met our messengers, who told us they had found 
no Indians, that they were roving and hiding in the forests, 
fleeing that the Christians might not kill nor make them slaves; 
the night before they had observed the Christians from behind 
trees, and discovered what they were about, carrying away many 
people in chains. 

Those who came with us were alarmed at this intelligence ; 
some returned to spread the news over the land that the Chris- 
tians were coming ; and many more would have followed, had 
we not forbidden it and told them to cast aside their fear, when 


they reassured themselves and were well content. At the time 
we had Indians with us belonging a hundred leagues behind, 
and we were in no condition to discharge them, that they might 
return to their homes. To encourage them, we stayed there that 
night ; the day after \ve marched and slept on the road. The 
following day those whom we had sent forward as messengers 
guided us to the place where they had seen Christians. We 
arrived in the afternoon, and saw at once that they told the 
truth. We perceived that the persons were mounted, by the 
stakes to which the horses had been tied. 

From this spot, called the river Petutan, to the river to which 
Diego de Guzman came, where we heard of Christians, may be 
as many as eighty leagues ; thence to the town where the rains 
overtook us, twelve leagues, and that is twelve leagues from the 
South sea. Throughout this region, wheresoever the mountains 
extend, we saw clear traces of gold and lead, iron, copper, and 
other metals. Where the settled habitations are, the climate 
is hot; even in January the weather is very warm. Thence 
toward the meridian, the country unoccupied to the North sea 
is unhappy and sterile. There we underwent great and incred- 
ible hunger. Those who inhabit and wander over it are a race 
of evil inclination and most cruel customs. The people of the 
fixed residences and those beyond regard silver and gold with 
indifference, nor can they conceive of any use for them. 


When we saw sure signs of Christians, and heard how near 
we were to them, we gave thanks to God our Lord for having 
chosen to bring us out of a captivity so melancholy and 
wretched. The delight w^e felt let each one conjecture, when 
he shall remember the length of time we were in that country, 
the suffering and perils we underwent. That night I entreated 
my companions that one of them should go back three days' 
journey after the Christians who were moving about over the 
country, where we had given assurance of protection. Neither 
of them received this proposal well, excusing themselves be- 
cause of weariness and exhaustion ; and although either might 
have done better than I, being more youthful and athletic, yet 
seeing their unwillingness, the next morning I took the negro 
with eleven Indians, and, following the Christians by their trail, 
I travelled ten leagues, passing three villages, at which they had 

The day after I overtook four of them on horseback, who 


were astonished at the signt of me, so strangely habited as I 
was, and in company with Indians. They stood staring at me 
a length of time, so confounded that they neither hailed me nor 
drew near to make an inquiry. I bade them take me to their 
chief : accordingly we went together half a league to the place 
where was Diego de Alcaraz, their captain. 

After we had conversed, he stated to me that he was com- 
pletely undone ; he had not been able in a long time to take 
any Indians ; he knew not which way to turn, and his men had 
well begun to experience hunger and fatigue. I told him of 
Castillo and Dorantes, who were behind, ten leagues off, with a 
multitude that conducted us. He thereupon sent three cavalry 
to them, with fifty of the Indians who accompanied him. The 
negro returned to guide them, while I remained. I asked the 
Christians to give me a certificate of the year, month, and day 
I arrived there, and of the manner of my coming, which they 
accordingly did. From this river to the town of the Christians, 
named San Miguel, within the government of the province 
called New Galicia, are thirty leagues. 


Five days having elapsed, Andres Dorantes and Alonzo del 
Castillo arrived with those who had been sent after them. 
They brought more than six hundred persons of that commu- 
nity, whom the Christians had driven into the forests, and who 
had wandered in concealment over the land. Those who ac- 
companied us so far had drawn them out, and given them to 
the Christians, who thereupon dismissed all the others they had 
brought with them. Upon their coming to where I was, Alcaraz 
begged that we would summon the people of the towns on the 
margin of the river, who straggled about under cover of the 
woods, and order them to fetch us something to eat. This last 
was unnecessary, the Indians being ever diligent to bring us all 
they could. Directly we sent our messengers to call them, when 
there came six hundred souls, bringing us all the maize in their 
possession. They fetched it in certain pots, closed with clay, 
which they had concealed in the earth. They brought us what- 
ever else they had ; but we, wishing only to have the provision, 
gave the rest to the Christians, that they might divide among 
themselves. After this we had many high words with them ; 
for they wished to make slaves of the Indians we brought. 

In consequence of the dispute, we left at our departure many 
bows of Turkish shape we had along with us and many pouches. 


The five arrows with the points of emerald were forgotten 
among others, and we lost them. We gave the Christians a 
store of robes of cowhide and other things we brought. We 
found it difficult to induce the Indians to return to their dwell- 
ings, to feel no apprehension and plant maize. They were will- 
ing to do nothing until they had gone with us and delivered us 
into the hands of other Indians, as had been the custom ; for, 
if they returned without doing so, they were afraid they should 
die, and, going with us, they feared neither Christians nor lances. 
Our countrymen became jealous at this, and caused their inter- 
preter to tell the Indians that we were of them, and for a long 
time we had been lost ; that they were the lords of the land 
who must be obeyed and served, while we were persons of mean 
condition and small force. The Indians cared little or nothing 
for what was told them ; and conversing among themselves said 
the Christians lied : that we had come whence the sun rises, 
and they whence it goes down ; we healed the sick, they killed 
the sound ; that we had come naked and barefooted, while they 
had arrived in clothing and on horses with lances ; that we were 
not covetous of anything, but all that was given to us we di- 
rectly turned to give, remaining with nothing ; that the others 
had the only purpose to rob whomsoever they found, bestowing 
nothing on any one. 

In this way they spoke of all matters respecting us, which 
they enhanced by contrast with matters concerning the others, 
delivering their response through the interpreter of the Span- 
iards. To other Indians they made this known by means of 
one among them through whom they understood us. Those 
who speak that tongue we discriminately call Primahaitu, which 
is like saying Vasconyados. We found it in use over more than 
four hundred leagues of our travel, without another over that 
whole extent. Even to the last, I could not convince the Ind- 
ians that we were of the Christians ; and only with great effort 
and solicitation we got them to go back to their residences. 
We ordered them to put away apprehension, establish their 
towns, plant and cultivate the soil. 

From abandonment the country had already grown up thickly 
in trees. It is, no doubt, the best in all these Indias, the most 
prolific and plenteous in provisions. Three times in the year it 
is planted. It produces great variety of fruit, has beautiful 
rivers, with many other good waters. There are ores with clear 
traces of gold and silver. The people are well disposed : they 
serve such Christians as are their friends, with great good will. 
They are comely, much more so than the Mexicans. Indeed, 
the land needs no circumstance to make it blessed. 


The Indians, at taking their leave, told us they would do what 
we commanded, and would build their towns, if the Christians 
would suffer them; and this I say and affirm most positively, 
that, if they have not done so, it is the fault of the Christians. 

After we had dismissed the Indians in peace, and thanked 
them for the toil they had supported with us, the Christians 
with subtlety sent us on our way under charge of Zeburos, an 
Alcalde, attended by two men. They took us through forests 
and solitudes, to hinder us from intercourse with the natives, 
that we mi^ht neither witness nor have knowledge of the act 
they would commit. It is but an instance of how frequently 
men are mistaken in their aims; we set about to preserve the 
liberty of the Indians and thought we had secured it, but the 
contrary appeared ; for the Christians had arranged to go and 
spring upon those we had sent away in peace and confidence. 
They executed their plan as they had designed, taking us through 
the woods, wherein for two days we were lost, without water 
and without way. Seven of our men died of thirst, and we all 
thought to have perished. Many friendly to the Christians in 
their company were unable to reach the place where we got 
water the second night, until the noon of next day. We trav- 
elled twenty-five leagues, little more or less, and reached a town 
of friendly Indians. The Alcalde left us there, and went on 
three leagues farther to a town called Culiagan where was Mel- 
chior Diaz, principal Alcalde and Captain of the Province. 



The Alcalde Mayor knew of the expedition, and, hearing of 
our return, he immediately left that night and came to where 
we were. He wept with us, giving praises to God our Lord for 
having extended over us so great care. He comforted and 
entertained us hospitably. In behalf of the Governor, Nuno 
de Guzman and himself, he tendered all that he had, and the 
service in his power. He showed much regret for the seizure, 
and the injustice we had received from Alcaraz and others. 
We were sure, had he been present, what was done to the Ind- 
ians and to us would never have occurred. 

The night being passed, we set out the next day for Anhacan 
The chief Alcalde besought us to tarry there, since by so doing 
we could be of eminent service to God and your Majesty; the 
deserted land was without tillage and everywhere badly wasted, 
the Indians were fleeing and concealing themselves in the 


thickets, unwilling to occupy their towns ; we were to send and 
call them, commanding them in behalf of God and the King, 
to return to live in the vales and cultivate the soil. 

To us this appeared difficult to effect. We had brought no 
native of our own, nor of those who accompanied us according 
to custom, intelligent in these affairs. At last we made the 
attempt with two captives, brought from that country, who were 
with the Christians we first overtook. They had seen the peo- 
ple who conducted us, and learned from them the great author- 
ity and command we carried and exercised throughout those 
parts, the wonders we had worked, the sick we had cured, and 
the many things besides we had done. We ordered that they, 
with others of the town, should go together to summon the 
hostile natives among the mountains and of the river Petachan, 
where we had found the Christians, and say to them they must 
come to us, that we wished to speak with them. For the pro- 
tection of the messengers, and as a token to the others of our 
will, we gave them a gourd of those we were accustomed to 
bear in our hands, which had been our principal insignia and 
evidence of rank, and with this they went away. 

The Indians were gone seven days, and returned with three 
chiefs of those revolted among the ridges, who brought with 
them fifteen men, and presented us beads, turquoises, and 
feathers. The messengers said they had not found the people 
of the river where we appeared, the Christians having again 
made them run away into the mountains. Melchior Diaz told 
the interpreter to speak to the natives for us ; to say to them 
we came in the name of God, w^ho is in heaven ; that we had 
travelled about the world many years, telling all the people we 
found that they should believe in God and serve him ; for he 
was the master of all things on the earth, benefiting and re- 
warding the virtuous, and to the bad giving perpetual punish- 
ment of fire ; that, when the good die, he takes them to heaven, 
where none ever die, nor feel cold, nor hunger, nor thirst, nor 
any inconvenience whatsoever, but the greatest enjoyment pos- 
sible to conceive ; that those who will not believe in him, nor 
obey his commands, he casts beneath the earth into the com- 
pany of demons, and into a great fire which is never to go out, 
but always torment ; that, over this, if they desired to be Chris- 
tians and serve God in the way we required, the Christians 
would cherish them as brothers and behave towards them very 
kindly ; that we would command they give no offence nor take 
them from their territories, but be their great friends. If the 
Indians did not do this, the Christians would treat them very 
hardly, carrying them away as slaves into other lands. 


They answered through the interpreter that they would be 
true Christians and serve God. Being asked to whom they 
sacrifice and offer worship, from whom they ask rain for their 
corn-fields and health for themselves, they answered of a man 
that is in heaven. We inquired of them his name, and they 
told us Aguar ; and they believed he created the whole world, 
and the things in it. We returned to question them as to how 
they knew this ; they answered their fathers and grandfathers 
had told them, that from distant time had come their knowledge, 
and they knew the rain and all good things were sent to them 
by him. We told them that the name of him of whom they 
spoke we called Dios ; and if they would call him so, and 
would worship him as we directed, they would find their wel- 
fare. They responded that they well understood, and would 
do as we said. We ordered them to come down from the 
mountains in confidence and peace, inhabit the whole country 
and construct their houses : among these they should build one 
for God, at its entrance place a cross like that which we had 
there present ; and, when Christians came among them, they 
should go out to receive them with crosses in their hands, 
without bows or any arms, and take them to their dwellings, 
giving of what they have to eat, and the Christians would do 
them no injury, but be their friends ; and the Indians told us 
they would do as we had commanded. 

The Captain having given them shawls and entertained them, 
they returned, taking the two captives who had been used as 
emissaries. This occurrence took place before the Notary, in 
the presence of many witnesses. 


As soon as these Indians went back, all those of that prov- 
ince who were friendly to the Christians, and had heard of us, 
came to visit us, bringing beads and feathers. We commanded 
them to build churches and put crosses in them : to that time 
none had been raised ; and we made them bring their principal 
men to be baptized. 

Then the Captain made a covenant with God, not to invade 
nor consent to invasion, nor to enslave any of that country and 
people, to whom we had guaranteed safety ; that this he would 
enforce and defend until your Majesty and the Governor Nuno 
de Guzman, or the Viceroy in your name, should direct what 
would be most for the service of God and your Highness. 

When the children had been baptized, we departed for the 


town of San Miguel. So soon as we arrived, April i, 1536, 
came Indians, who told us many people had come down from 
the mountains and were living in the vales ; that they had made 
churches and crosses, doing all we had required. Each day 
we heard how these things were advancing to a full improve- 

Fifteen days of our residence having passed, Alcaraz got 
back with the Christians from the incursion, and they related 
to the Captain the manner in which the Indians had come down 
and peopled the plain ; that the towns were inhabited which 
•had been tenantless and deserted, the residents, coming out to 
receive them with crosses in their hands, had taken them to 
their houses, giving of what they had, and the Christians had 
slept among them over night. They were surprised at a thing 
so novel ; but, as the natives said they had been assured of 
safety, it was ordered that they should not be harmed, and the 
Christians took friendly leave of them. 

Among all the thrilling adventures of the early Spanish explorers of 
America, none was more remarkable than the journey of Cabeza de Vaca, 
in 1535-36, from the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, through the present 
states of Texas and New Mexico, to the province of Culiacan in Mexico. 

The success of Cortes in Mexico fired the minds of many Spanish advent- 
urers; and among those affected by visions of empires farther north was 
Panfilo de Narvaez, who had been defeated by Cortes, whom he was sent 
to supersede. Charles V. gave him a patent covering the country on the 
Gulf of Mexico from Rio de Palmas to Florida. Sailing from Spain in 
1527, he reached the Florida coast, at the present Apalache Bay, after 
severe losses, with four vessels and four hundred men, in April, 1528. With 
three hundred men, Narvaez struck inland, ordering the vessels to follow 
the coast westward. After great sufferings during three months, Narvaez 
and his men returned to the coast, but found no signs of the vessels. Two 
months were spent in building five boats, in which the survivors embarked 
and coasted along westward, landing occasionally for food and water, but 
finding the natives fierce. On the 31st of October they came to "abroad 
river, pouring into the Gulf such a volume of water that it freshened the 
brine so that they were able to drink it." But the current was too much for 
their small boats. Narvaez and many others were lost. Three boats were 
thrown on the coast of western Louisiana or eastern Texas. Many of the 
men fell victims to the savages or to disease and starvation. Some were 
enslaved by the Indians. Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, the treasurer of 
the expedition, was held six years among the Mariames, finally escaping 
with two companions, Castillo arid Dorantes, and a negro slave, Estevan. 
After spending eight months with a tribe further inland, they pushed on, 
northward and westward, surmounting incredible hardships, finally coming 
upon some Spanish explorers on the river Petatlan, and on the ist of April, 
1536, reaching the town of San Miguel in Sinaloa, in the north-western part 
of Mexico. 


Returning to Spain, De Vaca published a Relacion of his travels and 
adventures, at Zamora, in 1 542 ; and this was several times reprinted in Spain. 
An Italian translation was included by Ramusio in his Collection in 1559. 
There was an early English paraphrase by Purchas; but the first critical 
and complete English rendering was that by Mr. Buckingham Smith in 
1851. A revised edition, with valuable notes, was published in 187 1 ; and 
from this the present leaflet is made up, taken from chapters xxx.-xxxvi. of 
the Relation. 

De Vaca and his companions were the first Europeans to tread the soil 
of New Mexico. Their accounts of having fallen in with civilized peoples 
and " populous towns with very large houses," confirming, as they seemed 
to, the information brought to Guzman six years before by the Indian from 
the north, were largely the incentives to the expeditions of Coronado and 
the other Spaniards, who scoured Arizona and New Mexico in search of the 
Seven Cities of Cibola. Estevan, the Barbary negro, who had come with 
De Vaca on his long wanderings, accompanied the first expedition set 
on foot by Mendoza in 1 539, under Fray Marcos. See Coronado's Letter 
to Mendoza and the accompanying notes, Old South Leaflet, No. 20. See 
the chapter on Ancient Florida, by John G. Shea, and the bibliographical 
notes to the same, in the Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii., 
and the chapter on the Early Explorations of New Mexico, by Henry W. 
Haynes, in the same volume. "Notwithstanding the vivid interest that 
will always attach to De Vaca's thrilling story of adventure and suffering," 
says Mr. Haynes, "the indications given in it of the routes by which he 
journeyed, and of the places and peoples he visited, are practically of far 
too vague a character to enable them to be satisfactorily identified, even 
if we feel warranted in placing implicit confidence in the author's veracity." 
H. H. Bancroft, in his volume on the North Mexican States, — vol. x. of 
his History of the Pacific States, — gives a map (p. 67) of De Vaca's route 
as he conceives it. There is much in this volume, as well as in vol. xii. of 
the same work, on Arizona and New Mexico, which should be referred to 
by the student of the Spanish occupation of the South-west. In Prince's 
valuable Historical Sketches of New Mexico there is a chapter on De Vaca, 
with (p. 89) a careful attempt to trace his route. Davis's Conqzcest of New 
Mexico tells the story of all the early explorers, including De Vaca, based 
on the original documents, of which he gives a useful list in his preface. 
Frank W. Blackmar's Spanish Institutions of the South-west is one of the 
valuable Johns Hopkins publications. Chapter x., on the Spanish Occupa- 
tion of Arizona, New Mexico and Texas, is especially worthy of attention 
in this connection. Bandelier, in this latest time, has given most critical 
attention to the Spanish writings upon the exploration of the South-west; 
and his various contributions to the Papers of the Archaeological Institute 
of America, as well as to the Journal of American Ethnology and Arch(z- 
ology, will be consulted by the careful student. There is a Story of New 
Mexico for young people, by H. O. Ladd, in the " Story of the States " 
series; and Henry Kingsley devotes a chapter to De Vaca in his Tales of 
Old Travel. 

(©ID ^outfj %tailtt^. 

General Series, No. 40. 

of Ohio. 

By Manasseh Cutler. 

An Explanation of the Map which Delineates that Part of the 
Federal Lands Comprehended between Pennsylvania West 
Line, THE Rivers Ohio and Scioto, and Lake Erie; Confirmed 
TO THE United States by Sundry Tribes of Indians, in the 
Treaties of 1784 and 1786, and Now Ready for Settlement. 
Salem : Printed by Dabney and Cushing, MDCCLXXXVII. 

New York, October 28, 1787. 

Having attentively perused the following pamphlet^ describing 
part of the western territory of the United States, I do certify, 
that the facts therein related, respecting the fertility of the soil, pro- 
ductions, and gejieral advantages of settle7ne?it, etc., are judicious, 
just, and true, and correspond with observations made by me dur- 
ing ?ny residence of upward of ten years in that cotcntry, 

Thomas Hutchins, 

Geographer of the United States. 

The great river Ohio is formed by the confluence of Monon- 
gahela and the Alleghany, in the State of Pennsylvania, about 
290 miles west of the city of Philadelphia, and about 20 miles 
east of the western line of that State. In the common travel- 
ing road, the former distance is computed at 320 miles; and, 
by the windings and oblique direction of the Ohio, the latter 
is reckoned about 42. These two sources of the Ohio are 
large, navigable streams ; the former, flowing from the south- 
east, leaves but 30 miles portage from the navigable waters of 
the Potomac, in Virginia ; the latter opens a passage from the 
north-east, and rises not far from the head-waters of the Sus- 

quehanna. The State of Pennsylvania has already adopted 
the plan of opening a navigation from the Alleghany River to 
the city of Philadelphia, through the Susquehanna and the 
Delaware. In this route there will be a portage of only 24 

On the junction of these rivers, or at the head of the Ohio, 
stands Fort Pitt, which gives name to the town of Pittsburgh, 
a flourishing settlement in the vicinity of the fortress. From 
this place, the Ohio takes a south-western course of 1,188 
miles, including its various windings, and discharges itself 
into the Mississippi, having passed a prodigious length of de- 
lightful and fertile country, and received the tribute of a large 
number of navigable streams. The Muskingum, the Hock- 
hocking, the Scioto, the Miami, and the Wabash from the 
north-west, the Kenhawa, the Kentucky, the Buffaloe, the 
Shawanee, and the Cherokee from the south-east, all navigable 
from 100 to 900 miles, discharge themselves into the Ohio; 
and yet the Ohio itself forms but an inconsiderable part of 
that vast variety of congregated streams which visit the ocean 
through the channel of the Mississippi. 

The Ohio, from Pennsylvania to the Mississippi, divides the 
State of Virginia from the Federal lands, or the lands which 
do not fall within the limits of any particular State. These 
extend westward to the Mississippi and northward to the 
boundary of the United States, excepting only the Connecticut 
reserve, which is a narrow strip of land, bordering on the 
south of Lake Erie, and stretching 120 miles west of the 
western limit of Pennsylvania. But a small proportion of 
these lands is as yet purchased of the natives, and to be dis- 
posed of by Congress. Beginning on the meridian line, which 
forms the western boundary of Pennsylvania, they have sur- 
veyed and laid off seven ranges of townships. As a north 
and south line strikes the Ohio in a very oblique direction, 
the termination of the seventh range falls upon that river 9 
miles above the Muskingum, which is the first large river 
that falls into the Ohio. It forms this junction at 172 miles 
below Fort Pitt, including the windings of the Ohio, though 
in a direct line it is but 90 miles. The lands in which the 
Indian title is extinguished, and which are now purchasing 
under the United States, are bounded as before described on 
the east, by the Great Miami on the west, by the Ohio on the 
south, and extend near to the head-waters of the Muskingum 
and Scioto on the north. The Muskingum is a gentle river, 
confined by banks so high as to prevent its overflowing. It is 

250 yards wide at its confluence with the Ohio, and navigable 
by large batteaux and barges to the Three Legs ; and, by 
small ones, to the lake at its head. From thence, by a port- 
age of about one mile, a communication is opened to Lake 
Erie, through the Cayahoga, which is a stream of great utility, 
navigable the whole length, without any obstruction from falls. 
From Lake Erie, the avenue is well known to the Hudson, in 
the State of New York. The most considerable portage in 
this route is at the fall of Niagara, which interrupts the com- 
munication between the Lakes Erie and Ontario. From the 
latter, you pass through the river Oswego, the Oneyda Lake, 
Wood's Creek, and find a short portage into the MohaAvk, and 
another, occasioned by a fall near the confluence of the Mo- 
hawk and the Hudson, at Albany.- 

The Hockhocking resembles the Muskingum, though some- 
what inferior in size. It is navigable for large boats about 70 
miles, and for small ones much farther. On the banks of this 
very useful stream are found inexhaustible quarries of free- 
stone, large beds of iron ore, and some rich mines of lead. 
Coal mines and salt springs are frequent in the neighborhood 
of this stream, as they are in every part of the western terri- 
tory. The salt that may be obtained from these springs will 
afford an inexhaustible store of that necessary article. Beds 
of white and blue clay, of an excellent quality, are likewise 
found here, suitable for the manufacture of glass, crockery, 
and other earthenwares. Red bole and many other useful 
fossils have been observed on the branches of this river. 

The Scioto is a larger river than either of the preceding, 
and opens a more extensive navigation. It is passable for 
large barges for 200 miles, with a portage of only 4 miles to 
the Sandusky, a good, navigable stream, that falls into the Lake 
Erie. Through the Sandusky and Scioto lies the most com- 
mon pass from Canada to the Ohio and Mississippi, one of the 
most extensive and useful communications that are to be 
found in any country. 

Prodigious extensions of territory are here connected ; and, 
from the rapidity with which the western parts of Canada, 
Lake Erie, and the Kentucky countries are settling, we may 
anticipate an immense intercourse between them. The lands 
on the borders of these middle streams, from this circumstance 
alone, aside from their natural fertility, must be rendered 
vastly valuable. There is no doubt but flour, corn, flax, hemp, 
etc., raised for exportation in that great country between the 
Lakes Huron and Ontario, will find an easier outlet through 

Lake Erie and these rivers than in any other direction. The 
Ohio merchant can give a higher price than those of Quebec 
for these commodities, as they may be transported from the 
former to Florida and tlie West India Islands with less ex- 
pense, risk, and insurance than the latter ; while the expense 
from the place of growth to the Ohio will not be one-fourth 
of what it would be to Quebec, and much less than even to 
the Oneyda Lake. The stream of Scioto is gentle, nowhere 
broken by falls. At some places, in the spring of the year, it 
overflows its banks, providing for large natural rice planta- 
tions. Salt springs, coal mines, white and blue clay and free- 
stone, abound in the country adjoining this river. The undis- 
tinguishing terms of admiration, that are commonly used in 
speaking of the natural fertility of the country on the western 
waters of the United States, would render it difficult, without 
accurate attention in the surveys, to ascribe a preference to 
any particular part, or to give a just description of the terri- 
tory under consideration, without the hazard of being sus- 
pected of exaggeration. But in this we have the united opin- 
ion of the Geographer, the Surveyors, and every traveler that 
has been intimately acquainted with the country, and marked 
every natural object with the most scrupulous exactness, — ^that 
no part of the federal territory unites so many advantages, in 
point of health, fertility, variety of production, and foreign 
intercourse, as that tract which stretches from the Muskingum 
to the Scioto and the Great Miami Rivers. 

Colonel Gordon, in his journal, speaking of a much larger 
range of country, in which this is included and makes unques- 
tionably the finest part, has the following observation : " The 
country on the Ohio is everywhere pleasant, with large level 
spots of rich land, and remarkably healthy. One general 
remark of this nature will serve for the whole tract of the 
globe comprehended between the western skirts of the Alle- 
ghany mountains ; thence running south-westerly to the dis- 
tance of 500 miles to the Ohio falls ; then crossing them north- 
erly to the heads of the rivers that empty themselves into the 
Ohio; then east along the ridge that separates the lakes and 
Ohio's streams to French creek. This country may, from a 
proper knowledge, be affirmed to be the most healthy, the most 
pleasant, the most commodious and most fertile spot on earth, 
known to the European people." 

The lands that feed the various streams above mentioned, 
which fall into the Ohio, are now more accurately known, and 
may be described with confidence and precision. They are 


interspersed with all the variety of soil which conduces to 
pleasantness of situation, and lays the foundation for the wealth 
of an agricultural and manufacturing people. Large level 
bottoms, or natural meadows, from 20 to 50 miles in circuit, 
are every- where found bordering the rivers and variegating the 
country in the interior parts. These afford as rich a soil as 
can be imagined, and may be reduced to proper cultivation 
with very little labor. It is said that in many of these bottoms 
a man may clear an acre a day, lit for planting with Indian 
corn ; there being no under-wood, and the trees growing high 
and large, but not thick together, need nothing but girdling. 
The prevailing growth of timber and the more useful trees are 
maple or sugar-tree, sycamore, black and white mulberry, black 
and white walnut, butternut, chestnut, white, black, Spanish, 
and chestnut oaks, hickory, cherry, buckwood, honey locust, 
elm, horse chestnut, cucumber tree, lynn tree, gum tree, iron 
wood, ash, aspin, sassafras, crab-apple tree, pawpaw or custard 
apple, a variety of plum trees, wine-bark spice, and leather- 
wood bushes. General Parsons measured a black-walnut tree, 
near the Muskingum, whose circumference, at 5 feet from the 
ground, was 22 feet. A sycamore, near the same place, meas- 
ured 44 feet in circumference, at some distance from the ground. 
White and black oak, and chestnut, with most of the above- 
mentioned timbers, grow large and plenty upon the high 
grounds. Both the high and low lands produce vast quantities 
of natural grapes of various kinds, of which the settlers uni- 
versally may make a sufficiency for their own consumption of 
rich red wine. It is asserted in the old settlement of St. 
Vincent's, where they have had opportunity to try it, that age 
will render this wine preferable to most of the European wines. 
Cotton is the natural production of this country, and grows in 
great perfection. 

The sugar maple is a most valuable tree for an inland coun- 
try. Any number of inhabitants may be forever supplied with 
a sufficiency of sugar by preserving a few trees for the use 
of each famxily. A tree will yield about ten pounds of sugar 
a year, and the labor is very trifling. The sap is extracted in 
the months of February and March, and granulated, by the 
simple operation of boiling, to a sugar equal in flavor and 
whiteness to the best Muscovado. 

Springs of excellent water abound in every part of this terri- 
tory ; and small and large streams, for mills and other purposes, 
are actually interspersed, as if by art, that there be no defi- 
ciency in any of the conveniences of life. 

Very little waste land is to be found in any part of the tract 
of country comprehended in the map which accompanies this. 
There are no swamps, and, though the hills are frequent, they 
are gentle and swelling, nowhere high nor incapable of tillage, 
They are of a deep, rich soil, covered with a heavy growth of 
timber, and well adapted to the production of wheat, rye, in- 
digo, tobacco, etc. 

The communications between this country and the sea will 
be principally in the four following directions : 

1. The route through the Scioto and Muskingum to Lake 
Erie, and so to the river Hudson, which has been already de- 

2. The passage up the Ohio and Monongahela to the port- 
age above mentioned, which leads to the navigable waters of 
the Potomac. This portage is 30 miles, and will probably be 
rendered much less by the execution of the plans now on foot 
for opening the navigation of those waters. 

3. The great Kenhawa, which falls into the Ohio from the 
Virginia shore between the Hockhocking and the Scioto, opens 
an extensive navigation from the south-east, and leaves but 18 
miles portage from the navigable waters of James River, in 
Virginia. This communication, for the country between Mus- 
kingum and Scioto, will probably be more used than any other 
for the exportation of manufactures and other light, valuable 
articles, and especially for the importation of foreign commodi- 
ties, which may be brought from the Chesapeake to the Ohio 
much cheaper than they are now carried from Philadelphia to 
Carlisle and the other thick-settled back counties of Pennsyl- 

4. But the current down the Ohio and the Mississippi, for 
heavy articles that suit the Florida and West India markets, 
such as corn, flour, beef, lumber, etc., will be more frequently 
loaded than any streams on earth. The distance from the 
Scioto to the Mississippi is 800 miles ; from thence to the sea 
it is 900. This whole course is easily run in 15 days, and the 
passage up those rivers is not so difficult as has usually been 
represented. It is found by late experiments that sails are 
used to great advantage against the current of the Ohio, and 
it is worthy of observation that, in all probability, steamboats 
will be found to do infinite service in all our extensive river 

Such is the state of facts relative to the natural advantages 
of the territory described in the annexed map. As far as ob- 
servations in passing the rivers and the transitory remarks of 


travelers will justify an opinion, the lands further down, and 
in other parts of the unappropriated country, are not equal, in 
point of soil and other local advantages, to the tract which is 
here described. This, however, can not be accurately deter- 
mined, as the present situation of these countries will not admit 
of that minute inspection which has been bestowed on the one 
under consideration. 

It is a happy circumstance that the Ohio Company are about 
to commence the settlement of this country in so regular and 
judicious a manner. It will serve as a wise model for the fut- 
ure settlement of all the federal lands; at the same time that,^ 
by beginning so near the western limit of Pennsylvania, it will 
be a continuation of the old settlements, leaving no vacant 
lands exposed to be seized by such lawless banditti as usually 
infest the frontiers of countries distant from the seat of govern- 

The design of Congress and of the settlers is that the settle- 
ments shall proceed regularly down the Ohio and northward 
to Lake Erie. And it is probable that not many years will 
elapse before the whole country above Miami will be brought 
to that degree of cultivation which will exhibit all its latent 
beauties, and justify those descriptions of travelers which have 
so often made it the garden of the world, the seat of wealth, 
and the center of a great empire. 

To the philosopher and the politician, on viewing this de- 
lightful part of the federal territory, under the prospect of an 
immediate and systematic settlement, the following observa- 
tions will naturally occur. 

First. The toils of agriculture will here be rewarded v/ith a 
greater variety of valuable productions than in any part of 
America. The advantages of almost every climate are here 
blended together ; every considerable commodity, that is cul- 
tivated in any part of the United States, is here produced in 
the greatest plenty and perfection. The high dry lands are 
of a deep, rich soil, producing in abundance wheat, rye, Ind- 
ian corn, buckwheat, oats, barley, flax, hemp, tobacco, indigo, 
silk, wine, and cotton. The tobacco is of a quality superior 
to that of Virginia ; and the crops of wheat are larger than in 
any other part of America. The common . growth of Indian 
corn is from 60 to 80 bushels to the acre. The low lands are 
well suited to the production of nearly all the above articles, 
except wheat. 

Where the large bottoms are interspersed with small streams, 
they are well adapted to the growth of rice, which may be pro- 

duced in any quantities. The borders of the large streams 
do not generally admit of this crop, as very few of them over- 
flow their banks. But the scarcity of natural rice swamps is 
amply compensated by the remarkable healthfulness of the 
whole country, it being entirely free from stagnant waters. It 
is found, in this country, that stagnant waters are by no means 
necessary to the growth of the rice ; the common rich bottoms 
produce this crop in as great perfection as the best rice swamps 
of the Southern States. Hops are the natural production of 
this country, as are peaches, plums, pears, apples, melons, and 
.almost every fruit of the temperate zone. 

No country is better stocked with wild game of every kind. 
Innumerable herds of deer, elk, buff aloe, and bear, are shel- 
tered in the groves, and fed in the extensive bottoms that 
every-where abound — an unquestionable proof of the great 
fertility of the soil. Turkeys, geese, ducks, swans, teal, pheas- 
ants, partridges, etc., are, from observation, believed to be in 
greater plenty here than the tame poultry are in any part of 
the old settlements of America. 

The rivers are well stored with fish of various kinds, and 
many of them of an excellent quality. They are generally 
large, though of different sizes. The cat-fish, which is the 
largest, and of a delicious flavor, weighs from 30 to 80 pounds. 
Provisions will, for many years, find a ready market on any 
of these rivers ; as settlers are constantly coming in from all 
parts of the world, and must be supplied by purchase, for one 
year at least, with many articles. 

Second. From its situation and productions, no country is so 
well calculated for the establishment of manufactures of various 
kinds. Provisions will be forever plenty and cheap. The raw 
materials for fabricating most of the articles of clothing and 
dress are and will be the luxuriant production of this country. 
Though silk, cotton, and flax are valuable in themselves, yet, 
by being wrought into the various articles of use and ornament, 
the expense of transportation is proportionably lessened. The 
United States, and perhaps other countries, will be supplied 
from these interior parts of America. 

Ship-building will be a capital branch of business on the 
Ohio and its confluent streams. The Ohio, when at the lowest, 
admits of four fathom of water, from the mouth of the Mus- 
kingum to its confluence with the Mississippi, except at the 
rapids, which, at such times, interrupt the navigation for about 
one mile. The descent in that distance is only 15 feet; and 
the channel, which is 250 yards wide, has at no time less than 

5 feet of water. In freshes the water rises 30 feet; and boats 
are not only rowed against the stream, but ascend the rapids 
by means of their sails only. It is the opinion of the Geog- 
rapher, and others who have viewed the spot, that, by cutting 
a canal a little more than half a mile on the south side of the 
river, which is low meadow ground, the rapids may be avoided, 
and the navigation made free at all seasons of the year. 
Hemp, timber, and iron will be plenty and good ; and the high 
freshes, from February to April, and frequently in October 
and November, will bear a vessel of any burden over the 
rapids, in their present state, and out to sea. 

The following observations, by an English engineer who had ex- 
plored the western country, were addressed to the Earl of Hills- 
borough in the year 1770, when Secretary of State for the North 
American department — at a time when we were British colonies, and 
our country considered only as the handmaid to Great Britain, in 
furnishing raw materials for their manufactures. 

"No part of North America will require less encouragement for 
the production of naval stores and raw materials for manufactories 
in Europe, and for supplying the West India islands with lumber, 
provisions, etc., than the country of the Ohio, and for the following 
reasons : 

*' I. The lands are excellent, the climate temperate ; the native 
grapes, silk-worms, and mulberry trees, abound everywhere; hemp, 
hops, and rye grow spontaneously in the valleys and low lands ; lead 
andiron ore are plenty in the hills; salt springs are innumerable;, 
and no soil is better adapted to the culture of tobacco, flax, and 
cotton than that of the Ohio. 

" 2. The country is well watered by several navigable rivers^ com- 
municating with each other, by which, and a short land carriage, the 
produce of the lands of the Ohio can, even now, be sent cheaper to 
the sea-port town of Alexandria, on the River Potow^mac — where 
General Braddock's transports landed his troops — than any kind of 
merchandise is sent from Northampton to London. 

"3. The river Ohio is, at all seasons of the year, navigable with 
large boats ; and from the month of February to April large ships 
may be built on the Ohio and sent to sea, laden with hemp, iron, flax, 
silk, tobacco, cotton, potash, etc. 

"4. Flour, corn, beef, ship-plank, and other useful articles can be 
sent down the stream of Ohio to West Florida, and from thence to 
the West India Islands, much cheaper, and in better order, than 
from New York or Philadelphia to those islands. 

" 5. Hemp, tobacco, iron, and such bulky articles may be sent 
down the stream of Ohio to the sea, at least 50 per cent, cheaper 
than these articles were ever carried by a land carriage of only 60 
miles in Pennsylvania, where wagonage is cheaper than in any other 
part of North America. 

"6. The expense of transporting European manufactures from the 
sea to the Ohio will not be so much as is now paid, and ever must 


be paid, to a great part of the counties of Pennsylvania, Virginia, 
and Maryland. Whenever the farmers or merchants of Ohio shall 
properly understand the business of transportation, they will build 
schooners, sloops, etc., on the Ohio, suitable for the West India or 
European markets ; or, by having black walnut, cherry tree, oak, 
etc., properly sawed for foreign markets, and formed into rafts, in the 
manner that is now done in Pennsylvania, and thereon stow their 
hemp, iron, tobacco, etc., and proceed with them to New Orleans. 

" It may not, perhaps, be amiss to observe, that large quantities of 
flour are made in the western counties of Pennsylvania, and sent, 
by an expensive land carriage, to the city of Philadelphia; and from 
thence shipped to South Carolina and East and West Florida, there 
being little or no wheat raised in these provinces. The River Ohio 
seems kindly designed, by nature, as the channel through which the 
two Floridas may be supplied with flour, not only for their own 
consumption, but also for carrying on an extensive commerce with 
Jamaica and the Spanish settlements in the Bay of Mexico. Mill- 
stones, in abundance, are to be obtained in the hills near the Ohio; 
and the country is every-where well watered with large and constant 
springs and streams for grist and other mills. The passage from 
Philadelphia to Pensacola is seldom made in less than a month; and 
60 shillings sterling per ton freight (consisting of 16 barrels) is usually 
paid for flour, etc., thither. Boats, carrying 500 or 1,000 barrels of 
flour, may go in about the same time from Pittsburgh as from Phila- 
delphia to Pensacola, and for half the above freight. The Ohio mer- 
chants could deliver flour, etc., there in much better order than from 
Philadelphia, and without incurring the damage and delay of the sea, 
and charges of insurance, etc., as from thence to Pensacola. This 
is not mere speculation; for it is a fact that about the year 1746 there 
was a scarcity of provisions at New Orleans, and the French settle- 
ments at the Illinois, small as they then were, sent thither, in one 
winter, upward of eight hundred thousand weight of flour." 

If, instead of furnishing other nations with raw materials, com- 
panies of manufacturers from Europe could be introduced and estab- 
lished in this inviting situation, under the superintendence of men of 
property, it would occasion an immense addition of men and wealth 
to these new settlements, and serve as a beneficial example of econ- 
omy to many parts of the United States. 

Third. In the late ordinance of Congress for disposing of the 
western lands, as far down as the River Scioto, the provision that 
is made for schools and the endowment of an university looks with 
a most favorable aspect upon the settlement, and furnishes the pre- 
sentiment that, by a proper attention to the subject of education, 
under these advantages, the field of science may be greatly enlarged, 
and the acquisition of useful knowledge placed upon a more respect- 
able footing here than in any other part of the world. Besides the 
opportunity of opening a new and unexplored region for the range 
of natural history, botany, and the medical science, there will be one 
advantage which no other part of the earth can boast, and which 
probably will never again occur — that, in order to begin rights there 


will be no wrong habits to combat, and no inveterate systems to 
overturn — ^ there is no rubbish to remove, before you can lay the 
foundation. The first settlement will embosom many men of the 
most liberal minds — well versed in the world, in business, and every 
useful science. Could the necessary apparatus be procured, and 
funds immediately established, for founding a university on a liberal 
plan, that professors might be active in their various researches and 
employments — even now, in the infancy of the settlement, a proper 
use might be made of an advantage which will never be repeated. 

Many political benefits would immediately result to the United 
States from such an early institution in that part of the country. 
The people in the Kentucky and Illinois countries are rapidly in- 
creasing. Their distance from the old States will prevent their send- 
ing their children thither for instruction; from the want of which 
they are in danger of losing all their habits of government, and 
allegiance to the United States. But, on seeing examples of govern- 
ment, science, and regular industry follow them into the neighbor- 
hood of their own country, they would favor their children with these 
advantages, and revive the ideas of order, citizenship, and the useful 
sciences. This attention, from these neighboring people, would 
increase the wealth and population of the new proposed settlement. 

Fourth. In the ordinance of Congress, for the government of the 
territory north-west of the Ohio, it is provided that, after the said 
territory acquires a certain degree of population, it shall be divided 
into States. The Eastern State that is thus provided to be made is 
bounded on the Great Miami on the west and by the Pennsylvania 
line on the east. .The centre of this State will fall between the 
Scioto and the Hockhocking. At the mouth of one of these rivers 
will probably be the seat of government for the State. And, if we 
may indulge the sublime contemplation of beholding the whole terri- 
tory of the United States settled by an enlightened people, and con- 
tinued under one extended government, on the river Ohio, and not 
far from this spot, will be the seat of empire for the whole dominion. 
This is central to the whole; it will best accommodate every part; it 
is the most pleasant, and probably the most healthful. Altho' it is 
an object of importance that Congress should soon fix on a seat of 
government, yet, in the present state of the country, it is presumed, 
it will not be thought best that such a seat be considered as immov- 
ably fixed. To take the range of the Alleghany Mountains from 
north to south, it is probable twenty years will not elapse before 
there will be more people on the western than on the eastern waters 
of the United States. The settlers ought even now to have it in 
view, that government will forever accommodate them as much as 
their brethren on the east. This may be necessary to prevent their 
forming schemes of independence, seeking other connections, and 
providing for their separate convenience. As it is the most exalted 
and benevolent object of legislation that ever was aimed at, to unite 
such an amazingly extensive people, and make them happy, under 
one jurisdiction, every act of Congress under the new Constitution, 
by looking forward to this object, will, we trust, inculcate and famil- 


iarize the idea. They will, no doubt, at an early period, make a 
reservation or purchase of a suitable tract of land for a federal town 
that will be central to the whole, and give some public intimation of 
such intention to transfer the seat of government, on the occurrence 
of certain events, such as comparative population, etc. This would 
render such transfer easily practicable, by preventing the occasion of 
uneasiness in the old states, while it would not appear to be the 
result of danger, or the prospect of revolt, in the new. 

"We are accustomed to praise the lawgivers of antiquity; we help to 
perpetuate the fame of Solon and Lycurgus ; but I doubt whether one 
single law of any lawgiver, ancient or modern, has produced effects of more 
distinct, marked, and lasting character than the Ordinance of 1787." So 
said Daniel Webster ; and Senator Hoar said in his centennial address at 
Marietta: "The Ordinance of 1787 belongs with the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and the Constitution. It is one of the three title-deeds of American 
constitutional liberty." The Ordinance of 1787 is printed in the Old South 
Leaflets, No. 13; and the notes which are there appended give a careful his- 
tory and analysis of this great law, which forever prohibited slavery from the 
North-west. Every student is advised to procure and carefully study that 
leaflet. The part taken by Massachusetts men — Ruf us King, Nathan Dane, 
Rufus Putnam, and others — in securing the passage of the Ordinance was 
very conspicuous. No man did more to secure its passage in proper form, 
or to secure the settlement of Ohio and the West by the best men, with 
the best institutions, than Rev. Manasseh Cutler, the famous minister of 
Ipswich, Mass. Mr. Cutler had been a chaplain in the army during the 
war. He was one of the ablest scientific men of his time, second only to 
Franklin in America. From 1801 till 1805 he was a meinber of Congress 
from Massachusetts. It was he who drafted the Ordinance of 1787 for 
Nathan Dane in its amended form, inserting the great clauses relating to 
religion, education, and slavery ; and it is right to say that his influence was 
greater than that of any other in effecting its adoption — making its adop- 
tion a condition of the purchase of federal lands by the Ohio Company in 
Massachusetts, which was proposing settlements in the West. Upon its 
adoption he published at Salem the description of the Western country 
reprinted in the present leaflet, commending that country to the people of 
New England. This tract is notable as one of the first important papers 
urging emigration from New England to the West, which, then beginning, 
has gone on so steadily for a century, affecting the character of the whole 
country. The closing portions of the tract, touching the social and political 
aspects of the new West, are especially commended to the attention of the 
student. Dr. Cutler himself visited Marietta in 1788. 

See the Life, Journal s^ and Correspondence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler , espe- 
cially Chap. VIII. of Vol. I., on the Influence of Dr. Cutler in the Formation 
of the Ordinance of 1787, and the history of the Ordinance, Vol. II., Appen- 
dix D. This life of Dr. Cutler altogether is an invaluable picture of the 
times, as Dr. Cutler was the friend and correspondent of the most important 
and interesting men in America and in close touch with all significant polit- 
ical and scientific movements. 

See, also, in addition to the books mentioned in the Leaflet on the Ordi- 
nance of 1787, the new histories of Ohio and Indiana in the " Ameriran 

#Iti J)0Utf) Ktafltt^. 

General Series, No. 41. 


to the Ohio. 

From his Journal of a Tour to the Ohio River in 1770. 

October I'jth. — Dr. Craik and myself, with Captain Crawford 
and others, arrived at Fort Pitt, distant from the Crossing forty- 
three and a half measured miles. In riding this distance we 
passed over a great deal of exceedingly fine land, (chiefly white- 
oak,) especially from Seveigley's Creek to Turtle Creek, but 
the whole broken ; resembling, (as I think all the lands in this 
country do,) the Loudoun lands for hills. We lodged in what 
is called the town, distant about three hundred yards from the 
fort, at one Mr. Semple's who keeps a very good house of 
public entertainment. These houses, which are built of logs, 
and ranged into streets, are on the Monongahela, and I sup- 
pose may be about twenty in number, and inhabited by Indian 
traders, &c. The fort is built on the point between the rivers 
Allegany and Monongahela, but not so near the pitch of it as 
Fort Duquesne stood. It is five-sided and regular, two of 
which next the land are of brick ; the others stockade. A 
moat encompasses it. The garrison consists of two companies 
of Royal Irish, commanded by Captain Edmonson. 

i^th. — Dined in the Fort with Colonel Croghan and the 
officers of the garrison ; supped there also, meeting with great 
civility from the gentlemen, and engaged to dine with Colonel 
Croghan the next day at his seat, about four miles up the Alle- 

i()th. — Received a message from Colonel Croghan, that the 
White Mingo and other chiefs of the Six Nations had something 
to say to me, and desiring that I should be at his house about 
eleven (where they were to meet), I went up and received a 

speech, with a string of wampum from the White Mingo, to the 
following effect. 

"That I was a person whom some of them remember to have 
seen, when I was sent on an embassy to the French, and most 
of them had heard of, they were come to bid me welcome to 
this country, and to desire that the people of Virginia would 
consider them as friends and brothers, linked together in one 
chain ; that I would inform the governor, that it was their wish 
to live in peace and harmony with the white people, and that 
though there had been some unhappy differences between them 
and the people upon our frontiers, they were all made up, and 
they hoped forgotten ; and concluded with saying, that their 
brothers of Virginia did not come among them and trade as the 
inhabitants of the other provinces did, from whence they were 
afraid that we did not look upon them with so friendly an eye 
as they could wish." 

To this I answered, (after thanking them for their friendly 
welcome,) that all the injuries and affronts, that had passed on 
either side, were now totally forgotten, and that I was sure 
nothing was more wished and desired by the people of Virginia, 
than to live in the strictest friendship with them ; that the Vir- 
ginians were a people not so much engaged in trade^ as the 
Pennsylvanians, &ca., which was the reason of their not being 
so frequently among them ; but that it was possible they might 
for the time to come have stricter connexions with them, and 
that I would acquaint the governor with their desires. 

After dinner at Colonel Croghan's we returned to Pittsburg, 
Colonel Croghan with us, who intended to accompany us part 
of the way down the river, having engaged an Indian called the 
Pheasant, and one Joseph Nicholson an interpreter, to attend 
us the whole voyage ; also a young Indian warrior. 

2oth. — We embarked in a large canoe, with sufficient store 
of provisions and necessaries, and the following persons, (be- 
sides Dr. Craik and myself,) to wit: — Captain Crawford, 
Joseph Nicholson, Robert Bell, William Harrison, Charles 
Morgan, and Daniel Rendon, a boy of Captain Crawford's, and 
the Indians, who were in a canoe by themselves. From Fort 
Pitt we sent our horses and boys back to Captain Crawford's, 
with orders to meet us there again the 14th day of November. 
Colonel Croghan, Lieutenant Hamilton, and Mr. Magee, set 
out with us. At two we dined at Mr. Magee's, and encamped 
ten miles below, and four above the Logstown. We passed 
several large islands, which appeared to [be] very good, as the 
bottoms also did on each side of the river alternately ; the hills 

on one side being opposite to the bottoms on the other, which 
seem generally to be about three or four hundred yards wide, 
and so vice versa. 

2\st. — Left our encampment about six o'clock, and break- 
fasted at the Logstown, where we parted with Colonel Croghan 
and company about nine o'clock. At eleven we came to the 
mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, opposite to which is a good 
situation for a house, and above it, on the same side, (that is 
the west,) there appears to be a body of fine land. About five 
miles lower down, on the east side, comes in Raccoon Creek, 
at the mouth of which and up it appears to be a body of good 
land also. All the land between this creek and the Mononga- 
hela, and for fifteen miles back, is claimed by Colonel Croghan 
under a purchase from the Indians, (and which sale he says is 
confirmed by his Majesty.) On this creek, where the branches 
thereof interlock with the waters of Shirtees Creek, there is, 
according to Colonel Croghan's account, a body of fine, rich, 
level land. This tract he wants to sell, and offers it at five 
pounds sterling per hundred acres, with an exemption of quit- 
rents for twenty years ; after which, to be subject to the pay- 
ment of four shillings and two pence sterling per hundred \ 
provided he can sell it in ten-thousand-acre lots. Note : the 
unsettled state of this country renders any purchase dangerous. 
From Raccoon Creek to Little Beaver Creek appears to me to 
be little short of ten miles, and about three miles below this we 
encamped ; after hiding a barrel of biscuit in an island (in 
sight) to lighten our canoe. 

I'zd. — As it began to snow about midnight, and continued 
pretty steadily at it, it was about half after seven before we 
left our encampment. At the distance of about eight miles we 
came to the mouth of Yellow Creek, (to the west) opposite to, 
or rather belov/ which, appears to be a long bottom of very 
good land, and the ascent to the hills apparently gradual. 
There is another pretty large bottom of very good land about 
two or three miles above this. About eleven or twelve miles 
from this, and just above what is called the Long Island (which 
though so distinguished is not very remarkable for length, 
breadth, or goodness), comes in on the east side the river a 
small creek, or run, the name of which I could not learn ; and 
a mile or two below the island, on the west side, comes in Big 
Stony Creek (not larger in appearance than the other), on 
neither of which does there seem to be any large bottoms or 
bodies of good land. About seven miles from the last men- 
tioned creek, twenty-eight from our last encampment, and about 

seventy-five from Pittsburg, we came to the Mingo Town, sit- 
uate on the west side the river, a little above the Cross Creeks. 
This place contains about twenty cabins, and seventy inhab- 
itants of the Six Nations. Had we set off early, and kept con- 
stantly at it, we might have reached lower than this place to-day ; 
as the water in many places run pretty swift, in general more so 
than yesterday. The river from Fort Pitt to the Logstown has 
some ugly rifts and shoals, which we found somewhat difficult 
to pass, whether from our inexperience of the channel, or not, 
I cannot undertake to say. From the Logstown to the mouth 
of Little Beaver Creek is much the same kind of water; that 
is, rapid in some places, gliding gently along in others, and 
quite still in many. The water from Little Beaver Creek to the 
Mingo Town, in general, is swifter than we found it the preced- 
ing day, and without any shallows ; there being some one part 
or another always deep, which is a natural consequence, as the 
river in all the distance from Fort Pitt to this town has not 
widened at all, nor doth the bottoms appear to be any larger. 
The hills which come close to the river opposite to each bottom 
are steep ; and on the side in view, in many places, rocky and 
cragged ; but said to abound in good land on the tops. These 
are not a range of hills, but broken and cut in two, as if there 
were frequent watercourses running through, (which however 
we did not perceive to be the case, consequently they must be 
small if any.) The river along down abounds in wild geese, 
and several kinds of ducks, but in no great quantity. We 
killed five wild turkeys to day. Upon our arrival at the Mingo 
Town, we received the disagreeable news of two traders being 
killed at a town called the Grape- Vine Town, thirty-eight miles 
below this ; which caused us to hesitate whether we should 
proceed, or wait for further intelligence. 

23^. — Several imperfect accounts coming in, agreeing that 
only one person was killed, and the Indians not supposing it to 
be done by their people, we resolved to pursue our passage, 
till we could get some more distinct account of this transaction. 
Accordingly about two o'clock we set out with the two Indians, 
who were to accompany us, in our canoe, and in about four 
miles came to the mouth of a creek called Sculp Creek on the 
east side, at the mouth of which is a bottom of very good land, 
as I am told there likewise is up it. The Cross Creeks, (as 
they are called,) are not large ; that on the west side is biggest. 
At the Mingo Town we found and left sixty & odd warriors of 
the Six Nations, going to the Cherokee country to proceed to 
war against the Catawbas. About ten miles below the town, 


we came to two other cross creeks ; that on the .west side 
largest, but not big, and called by Nicholson, French Creek. 
About three miles, or a little better below this, at the lower point 
of some islands, which stand contiguous to each other, we were 
told by the Indians with us that three men from Virginia (by 
Virginians they mean all the people settled upon Redstone, 
&c.) had marked the land from hence all the way to Red- 
stone; that there was a body of exceeding fine land lying about 
this place, and up opposite to the Mingo Town, as also down 
to the mouth of Fishing Creek. At this place we encamped. 

2\th. — We left our encampment before sunrise, and about 
six miles below it we came to the mouth of a pretty smart 
creek, coming in to the eastward, called by the Indians Split 
Island Creek, from its running in against an island. On this 
creek there is the appearance of good land a distance up it. 
Six miles below this again we came to another creek on the 
west side, called by Nicholson, Wheeling; and about a mile 
lower down appears to be another small water coming in on the 
east side, which I remark, because of the scarcity of them, and 
to show how badly furnished this country is with mill-seats. 
Two or three miles below this again is another run on the west 
side, up which is a near way by land t6 the Mingo Town ; and 
about four miles lower, comes in another on the east, at which 
place is a path leading to the settlement at Red-stone. About 
a mile and a half below this again, comes in the Pipe Creek, so 
called by the Indians from a stone, which is found here, out of 
which they make pipes. Opposite to this, that is, on the east 
side, is a bottom of exceeding rich land ; but as it seems to 
lie low, I am apprehensive that it is subject to be overflowed. 
This bottom ends where the effects of a hurricane appear, by 
the destruction and havoc among the trees. Two or three 
miles below the Pipe Creek is a pretty large creek on the west 
side, called by Nicholson Fox-Grape-Vine, by others Captema 
Creek, on which, eight miles up, is the town called the Grape- 
vine Town; and at the mouth of it is the place where it was 
said the traders lived, and the one was killed. To this place 
we came about three o'clock in the afternoon, and finding 
nobody there, we agreed to camp ; that Nicholson and one of 
the Indians might go up to the town, and inquire into the truth 
of the report concerning the murder. 

25//^. — About seven o'clock, Nicholson and the Indian re- 
turned; they found nobody at the town but two old Indian 
women (the men being a hunting) ; from these they learnt that 
the trader was not killed, but drowned in attempting to ford the 

Ohio ; and that only one boy, belonging to the traders, was in 
these parLs ; the trader, (father to him) being gone for horses 
to take home their skins. About half an hour after seven we 
set out from our encampment ; around which and up the creek 
is a body of fine land. In our passage down to this we see 
innumerable quantities of turkeys, and many deer watering and 
browsing on the shore-side, some of which we killed. Neither 
yesterday nor the day before did we pass any rifts, or very 
rapid water, the river gliding gently along; nor did we perceive 
any alteration in the general face of the country, except that 
the bottoms seemed to be getting a little longer and wider, as 
the bends of the river grew larger. 

About five miles from the Vine Creek comes in a very large 
creek to the eastward, called by the Indians Cut Creek, from a 
town or tribe of Indians,, which they say was cut off entirely 
in a very bloody battle between them and the Six Nations. 
This creek empties just at the lower end of an island, and is 
seventy or eighty yards wide ; and I fancy it is the creek com- 
monly called by the people of Red-stone &c Wheeling. It 
extends, according to the Indians' account, a great way, and 
interlocks with the branches of Split-Island Creek ; abounding 
in very fine bottoms, and exceeding good land. Just below 
this, on the west side, comes in a small run ; and about five 
miles below it, on the west side also, another middling large 
creek empties, called by the Indians Broken-Timber Creek; 
so named from the timber that is destroyed on it by a hurri- 
cane ; on the head of this was a town of the Delawares, which 
is now left. Two miles lower down, on the same side, is 
another creek smaller than the last, and bearing, (according to 
the Indians,) the same name. Opposite to these two creeks, 
(on the east side,) appears to be a large bottom of good land. 
About two miles below the last mentioned creek, on the east 
side, and at the end of the bottom aforementioned, comes in 
a small creek or large run. Seven miles from this comes .in 
Muddy Creek, on the east side of the river, a pretty large creek, 
and heads up against and with some of the waters of Mononga- 
hela, (according to the Indians' account,) and contains some 
bottoms of very good land ; but in general the hills are steep, 
and country broken about it. At the mouth of this creek is the 
largest flat I have seen upon the river; the bottom extending 
two or three miles up the river above it, and a mile below ; 
tho it does not seem to be of the richest kind and yet is ex- 
ceeding good upon the whole, if it be not too low and subject 
to freshets. About half way in the long reach we encamped, 


opposite to the beginning of a bottom on the east side of the 
river. At this place we threw out some lines at night and 
found a catfish, of the size of our largest river cats, hooked to 
it in the morning, though it was of the smallest kind here. We 
found no rifts in this day's passage, but pretty swift water in 
some places, and still in others. We found the bottoms in- 
creased in size, both as to length and breadth, and the river 
more choked up with fallen trees, and the bottom of the river 
next the shores rather more muddy, but in general stony, as it 
has been all the way down. 

2.^th. — Left our encampment at half an hour after six o'clock, 
and passed a small run on the west side about four miles lower. 
At the lower end of the long reach, and for some distance up it, 
on the east side, is a large bottom, but low, and covered with 
beech near the river-shore, which is no indication of good land. 
The long reach is a straight course of the river for about 
eighteen or twenty miles, which appears the more extraordinary 
as the Ohio in general is remarkably crooked. There are sev- 
eral islands in this reach, some containing an hundred or more 
acres of land ; but all I apprehend liable to be overflowed. 

At the end of this reach we found one Martin and Lindsay, 
two traders, and from them learnt, that the person drowned 
was one Philips, attempting, in company with Rogers, another 
Indian trader, to swim the river with their horses at an im- 
proper place ; Rogers himself narrowly escaping. Five miles 
lower down comes in a large creek from the east, right against 
an island of good land, at least a mile or two in length. At 
the mouth of this creek (the name of which I could not learn, 
except that it was called by some Bull's Creek, from one Bull 
that hunted on it) is a bottom of good land, though rather too 
much mixed with beech. Opposite to this island the Indians 
showed us a buffalo's path, the tracks of which we see. Five 
or six miles below the last mentioned creek we came to the 
Three Islands before which we observed a small run on each 
side coming in. Below these islands is a large body of flat 
land, with a watercourse running through it on the east side, 
and the hills back neither so high nor steep in appearance, as 
they are up the river. On the other hand, the bottoms do not 
appear so rich, though much longer and wider. The bottom 
last mentioned is upon a straight reach of the river, I suppose 
six or eight miles in length, at the lower end of which on the 
east side comes in a pretty large run from the size of the mouth. 
About this, above, below and back, there seems to be a very 
large body of flat land with some little risings in it. 


About twelve miles below the Three Islands we encamped, 
just above the mouth of a creek, which appears pretty large at 
the mouth, and just above an island. All the lands from a 
little below the creek, which I have distinguished by the name 
of Bull Creek, appear to be level, with some small hillocks 
intermixed, as far as we could see into the country. We met 
with no rifts to-day, but some pretty strong water; upon the 
whole tolerable gentle. The sides of the river were a good 
deal incommoded with old trees, which impeded our passage 
a little. This day proved clear and pleasant; the only day 
since the i8th that it did not rain or snow, or threaten the one 
or other. 

27M. — Left our encampment a quarter before seven; and 
after passing the creek near which we lay, and another much 
the same size and on the same side, (west) also an island about 
two miles in length, (but not wide,) we came to the mouth of 
Muskingum, distant from our encampment about four miles. 
This river is about one hundred and fifty yards wide at the 
mouth ; it runs out in a gentle current and clear stream, and 
is navigable a great way into the country for canoes. From 
Muskingum to the Little Kanhawa is about thirteen miles. 
This is about as wide at the mouth as the Muskingum, but the 
water much deeper. It runs up towards the inhabitants of 
Monongahela, and, according to the Indians' account, forks 
about forty or fifty miles up it, and the ridge between the two 
prongs leads directly to the settlement. To this fork, and 
above, the water is navigable for canoes. On the upper side 
of this river there appears to be a bottom of exceeding rich 
land, and the country from hence quite up to the Three Islands 
level and in appearance fine. The Ohio running round it in 
the nature of a horse-shoe forms a neck of flat land, which, 
added to that running up the second long reach (aforemen- 
tioned,) cannot contain less than fifty thousand acres in view. 

About six or seven miles below the mouth of the Little Ken- 
hawa, we came to a small creek on the west side, which the 
Indians called Little Hockhocking ; but before we did this, we 
passed another small creek on the same side near the mouth of 
that river, and a cluster of islands afterwards. The lands for 
two or three miles below the mouth of the Kenhawa on both 
sides of the Ohio appear broken and indifferent; but opposite 
to the Little Hockhocking there is a bottom of exceeding good 
land, through which there runs a small watercourse. I suppose 
there may be, of this bottom and flat land together, two or three 
thousand acres. The lower end of this bottom is opposite to 

a small island, which I dare say little of it is to be seen when 
the river is high. About eight miles below Little Hockhocking 
we encamped opposite to the mouth of the Great Hockhocking, 
which, though so called, is not a large water ; though the Ind- 
ians say canoes can go up it forty or fifty miles. Since we left 
the Little Kenhawa the lands appear neither so level nor so 
good. The bends of the river and bottoms are longer, indeed, 
but not so rich as in the upper part of the river. 

2%th. — Left our encampment about seven o'clock. Two 
miles below, a small run comes in, on the east side, through 
a piece of land that has a very good appearance, the bottom 
beginning above our encampment, and continuing in appear- 
ance wide for four miles down, to a place where there comes 
in a small run, and to the hills, where we found Kiashuta and 
his hunting party encamped. Here we were under a necessity 
of paying our compliments, as this person was one of the Six 
Nation chiefs, and the head of them upon this river. In the 
person of Kiashuta I found an old acquaintance, he being one 
of the Indians that went to the French in 1753. He expressed 
a satisfaction at seeing me, and treated us with great kindness, 
giving us a quarter of very fine buffalo. He insisted upon our 
spending that night with him, and, in order to retard us as little 
as possible, moves his camp down the river about 6 miles just 
below the mouth of the creek, the name of which I could not 
learn, it not being large. At this place we all encamped. 
After much counselling the over night, they all came to my 
fire the next morning with great formality ; when Kiashuta, 
rehearsing what had passed between me and the Sachems at 
Colonel Croghan's, thanked me for saying, that peace and 
friendship were the wish of the people of Virginia, (with them) 
and for recommending it to the traders to deal with them upon 
a fair and equitable footing ; and then again expressed their 
desire of having a trade opened with Virginia, and that the 
governor thereof might not only be made acquainted therewith, 
but of their friendly disposition towards the white people. 
This I promised to do. 

29M. — The tedious ceremony, which the Indians observe in 
their counsellings and speeches, detained us till nine o'clock. 
Opposite to the creek, just below which we encamped, is a 
pretty long bottom, and I believe tolerably wide j but about 
eight or nine miles below the aforementioned creek, and just 
below a pavement of rocks on the west side, comes in a creek, 
with fallen timber at the mouth, on which the Indians say there 
are wide bottoms and good land. The river bottoms above, 


for some" distance, are very good, and continue for near half 
a mile below the creek. The pavement of rocks is only to be 
seen at low water. About a mile or a little better below the 
mouth of the creek there is another pavement of rocks on the 
east side, in a kind of sedgy ground. On this creek many 
buffaloes are according to the Indians' account. Six miles 
below this comes in a small creek on the west side, at the end 
of a small, naked island, and just above another pavement of 
rocks. This creek comes thro a bottom of fine land, and oppo- 
site to it, (on the east side of the river,) appears to be a large 
bottom of very fine land also. At this place begins what they 
call the Great Bend. Five miles below, this, again on the east 
side, comes in (about 200 yards above a little stream or gut) 
another creek, which is just below an island, on the upper point 
of which are some dead standing trees, and a parcel of white- 
bodied sycamores ; in the mouth of this creek lies a sycamore 
blown down by the wind. From hence an east line may be run 
three or four miles; thence a north line. till it strikes the river, 
which I apprehend would include about three or four thousand 
acres of exceeding valuable land. At the mouth of this creek 
which is three or four miles above two islands (at the lower end 
of the last is a rapid, and the point of the bend) is the warrior's 
path to the Cherokee country. For two miles and a half below 
this the Ohio runs a north-east course, and finishes what they 
call the Great Bend. Two miles and a half below this we 
encamped. ... 

November 1st. — A little before eight o'clock we set off with 
our canoe up the river, to discover what kinds of lands lay 
upon the Kenhawa. The land on both sides this river just 
at the mouth is very fine ; but on the east side, when you get 
towards the hills, (which I judge to be about six or seven hun- 
dred yards from the river,) it appears to be wet, and better 
adapted for meadow than tillage. This bottom continues up 
the east side for about two miles ; and by going up the Ohio 
a good tract might be got of bottom land, including the old 
Shawnee Town, which is about three miles up the Ohio, just 
above the mouth of a creek, where the aforementioned bottom 
ends on the east side the Kenhawa, which extends up it at 
least fifty miles by the Indians' account and of great width (to 
be ascertained as we come down) ; in many places very rich, 
in others somewhat wet and pondy; fit for meadow, but upon 
the whole exceeding valuable, as the land after you get out of 
the rich bottom is very good for grain, tho' not rich. We 
judged we went up this river about ten miles to-day. Op the 


east side appear to be the same good bottoms, but small, 
neither long nor wide, and the hills back of them rather steep 
and poor. 

2d. — We proceeded up the river with the canoe about four 
miles farther, and then encamped, and went a hunting ; killed 
five buffaloes and wounded some others, three deer, &c. This 
country abounds in buffaloes and wild game of all kinds ; as 
also in all kinds of wild fowl, there being in the bottoms a great 
many small, grassy ponds, or lakes, which are full of swans, 
geese, and ducks of different kinds. Some of our people went 
up the river four or five miles higher, and found the same kind 
of bottom on the west side ; and we were told by the Indians, 
that it continued to the falls, which they judged to be fifty or 
sixty miles higher up. . . . 

i^th. — There is very little difference in the general width of 
the river from Fort Pitt to the Kenhawa; but in the depth 
I believe the odds are considerably in favor of the lower parts, 
as we found no shallows below the Mingo Town, except in one 
or two places where the river was broad, and there, I do not 
know but there might have been a deep channel in some part 
of it. Every here and there are islands, some larger and some 
smaller, which, operating in the nature of locks, or steps, occa- 
sion pretty still water above, but for the most part strong and 
rapid water alongside of them. However there is none of these 
so swift but that a vessel may be rowed or set up with poles. 
When the river is in its natural state, large canoes, that will 
carry five or six thousand weight or more, may be worked 
against stream by four hands, twenty or twenty-five miles a 
day ; and down, a good deal more. The Indians, who are very 
dexterous (even their women) in the management of canoes, 
have their hunting-camps and cabins all along the river, for 
the convenience of transporting their skins by water to market. 
In the fall, so soon as the hunting-season comes on, they set 
out with their families for this purpose ; and in hunting will 
move their camps from place to place, till by the spring they 
get two or three hundred or more miles from their towns; 
then beaver catch it in their way up, which frequently brings 
them into the month of May, when the women are employed in 
planting, the men at market, and in idleness, till the Fall again, 
when they pursue the same course. During the summer 
months they live a poor and perishing life. 

The Indians who reside upon the Ohio, (the upper parts of 
it at least,) are composed of Shawnees, Delawares, and some 
of the Mingoes, who, getting but little part of the consideration 


that was given for the lands eastward of the Ohio, view the 
settlement of the people upon this river with an uneasy and 
jealous eye, and do not scruple to say, that they must be com- 
pensated for their right if the people settle thereon, notwith- 
standing the cession of the Six Nations thereto. On the other 
hand, the people from Virginia and elsewhere are exploring and 
marking all the lands that are valuable, not only on Redstone 
and other waters of the Monongahela, but along down the Ohio 
as low as the Little Kenhawa; and by next summer I suppose 
will get to the Great Kenhawa at least. How difficult it may 
be to contend with these people afterwards is easy to be judged, 
from every day's experience of lands actually settled, supposing 
these to be made ; than which nothing is more probable, if the 
Indians permit them, from the disposition of the people at 

Washington's interest in the West began when he was hardly out of 
boyhood, and was employed to survey lands for Lord Fairfax among the 
Alieghanies. In 1749 his brothers, Lawrence and Augustine Washington, 
became members and Lawrence the chief manager of the Ohio Company, 
formed in Virginia that year for the colonization of the Ohio country, — the 
first scheme for the settlement of the West by Englishmen. His Journal of 
a Tour to the Ohio in 1753, published after his visit to the French posts on 
the Alleghany, and his letters at the time, show how deeply he realized the 
importance of the struggle between France and England for the possession 
of the great West. No other Virginian took so important a part in that 
struggle. At the close of the French war he received 5,000 acres on the 
Ohio, his claim as an officer for services in the war; and he possessed him- 
self of other claims to so large an extent that at one time he controlled over 
60,000 acres on the Ohio, at the outbreak of the Revolution being probably 
the largest owner of western lands in America. See the Washmgton- Crawford Letters Con- 
cerning JVestertt Lands, edited by C. W. Butterfield. Crawford was the surveyor employed 
by Washington on the Ohio. Washington's Journal of his own tour to the Ohio in 1770, to 
inspect these lands, — about half of which is published in the_ present leaflet, — is remarkable 
for its careful studies of the condition and prospects of this part of the western country. 
This journey down the Ohio took him past the mouth of the Muskingum and the place where 
Rufus Putnam and the men from New England, less than twenty years later, were to found 
Marietta. Earlier in this same year, 1770, Washington had corresponded with Jefferson 
about the opening up of the Potomac and a connection with the Ohio, as " the channel of 
conveyance of the extensive and valuable tradr- of. a rising empire"; and this was the first 
subject of his thought upon the close of the Revolution. He explored the Mohawk route to 
the West. He exolored the head waters of the Potomac and the Ohio, travelling nearly you 
miles on horseback, making careful maps. He wrote a remarkable letter to Benjamin Har- 
rison, the governor of Virginia, urging the opening of lines of communication with the West. 
See this letter and the historical notes in Old South Leaflet. No. 16 He became the pres- 
ident of the Potomac Company, organized in 1785 for establishing connections with the 
West. See Pickell's A New Chapter in the Early Life of Washington for a full account 
of this, and Washington's letters to Jefferson, Lee, and others on the importance of open- 
ing up the West and binding the sections of the country firmly together, which latter point 
he strongly emphasized in his Farewell Address. For his interest in the Ordinance of 1787 
and his services in behalf of Gen. Rufus Putnam and the Ohio Company in the settletnent 
of Marietta and the organization of the North-west territory, see the Life, Joiirnals, and 
Correspondence of Rev. Ma7iasseh Cutler and the St. Clair Papers. The whole history of 
Washington's interest in the opening of the West forms one of the most importaat chantp.-c 
of his life. 

(©t^ ^outl) Eeaftct^. 

General Series, No. 42 

The North-west 

Territory and 
Western Reserve 

By James A. Garfield. 

Address before the Historical Society of Geaiiga County, Ohio, 
September 16, 1873. 

From the historian's standpoint, our country is peculiarly 
and exceptionally fortunate. The origin of nearly all great 
nations, ancient and modern, is shrouded in fable or tradition- 
ary legend. The story of the founding of Rome by the wolf- 
nursed brothers, Romulus and Remus, has long been classed 
among the myths of history; and the more modern story of 
Hengist and Horsa leading the Saxons to England is almost 
equally legendary. The origin of Paris can never be known. 
Its foundation was laid long before Gaul had written records. 
But the settlement, civilization, and political institutions of our 
country can be traced from their first hour by the clear light 
of history. It is true that over this continent hangs an impene- 
trable veil of tradition, mystery, and silence. But it is the tradi- 
tion of races fast passing away; the mystery of a still earlier 
race, which flourished and perished long before its discovery 
by the Europeans. The story of the Mound-builders can never 
be told. The fate of the Indian tribes will soon be a half- 
forgotten tale. But the history of European civilization and 
institutions on this continent can be traced with precision and 
fullness, unless we become forgetful of the past, and neglect to 
save and perpetuate its precious memorials. 

In discussing the scope of historical study in reference to 
our country, I will call attention to a few general facts concern- 
ing its discovery and settlement. 

First. — The Romantic Period of Discovery on this Con- 

There can scarcely be found in the realms of romance anv- 
thing more fascinating than the records of discovery and ad- 

venture during the two centuries that followed the landing of 
Columbus on the soil of the New World. The greed for gold ; 
the passion for adventure ; the spirit of chivalry ; the enthusi- 
asm and fanaticism of religion, — all conspired to throw into 
America the hardiest and most daring spirits of Europe, and 
made the vast wilderness of the New World the theatre of the 
imost stirring achievements that history has recorded. 

Early in the sixteenth century, Spain, turning from the con- 
quest of Granada and her triumph over the Moors, followed 
her golden dreams of the New World with the same spirit that 
in an earlier day animated her Crusaders. In 1528 Ponce de 
Leon began his search for the fountain of perpetual youth, the 
tradition of which he had learned among the natives of the 
West Indies, He discovered the low-lying coasts of Florida, 
and explored its interior. Instead of the fountain of youth, he 
found his grave among its everglades. 

A few years later De Soto, who had accompanied Pizarro in 
the conquest of Peru, landed in Florida with a gallant array of 
knights and nobles, and commenced his explorations through 
the western wilderness. In 1541 he reached the banks of the 
Mississippi River, and, crossing it, pushed his discoveries west- 
ward over the great plains; but, finding neither the gold nor 
the South Sea of his dreams, he returned to be buried in the 
waters of the great river he had discovered. 

While England was more leisurely exploring the bays and 
rivers of the Atlantic coast, and searching for gold and peltry, 
the chevaliers and priests of France were chasing their dreams 
in the North, searching for a passage to China, and the realms of 
Far Cathay, and telling the mystery of the Cross to the Indian 
tribes of the far West. Coasting northward, her bold naviga- 
tors discovered the mouth of the St. Lawrence; and in 1525 
Cartier sailed up its broad current to the rocky heights of 
Quebec, and to the rapids above Montreal, which were after- 
wards named La Chine, in derision of the belief that the ad- 
venturers were about to find China. 

In 1609 Champlain pushed above the rapids, and discovered 
the beautiful lake that bears his name. In 1615 Priest La 
Caron pushed northward and westward through the wilderness, 
and discovered Lake Huron. 

In 1635 th^ Jesuit missionaries founded the Mission St. 
Mary. In 1654 another priest had entered the wilderness of 
Northern New York, and found the salt springs of Onondaga. 
In 1659-1660 French traders and priests passed the winter on 
Lake Superior, and established missions along its shores. 

Among the earlier discoverers, no name shines out with more 
brilliancy than that of the Chevalier La Salle. The story of 
his explorations can scarcely be equalled in romantic interest 
by any of the stirring tales of the Crusaders. Born of a proud 
and wealthy family in the north of France, he was destined for 
the service of the Church and of the Jesuit Order. But his rest- 
less spirit, fired with the love of adventure, broke away from 
the ecclesiastical restraints to confront the dangers of the New 
World, and to extend the empire of Louis XIV. From the best 
evidence accessible, it appears that he was the first white man 
that saw the Ohio River. At twenty-six years of age, we find 
him with a small party, near the western extremity of Lake 
Ontario, boldly entering the domain of the dreaded Iroquois, 
travelling southward and westward through the wintry wilder- 
ness until he reached a branch of the Ohio, probably the 
Alleghany. He followed it to the main stream, and descended 
that, until in the winter of 1669 and 1670 he reached the Falls 
of the Ohio, near the present site of Louisville. His com- 
panions refusing to go further, he returned to Quebec, and pre- 
pared for still greater undertakings. 

In the mean time the Jesuit missionaries had been pushing 
their discoveries on the Northern Lake. In 1673 Joliet and 
Marquette started from Green Bay, dragging their canoes up 
the rapids of Fox River ; crossed Lake Winnebago ; found 
Indian guides to conduct them to the waters of the Wisconsin ; 
descended that stream to the westward, and on the i6th 
of June reached the Mississippi near the spot where now 
stands the city of Prairie du Chien. To-morrow will be the 
two hundredth anniversary of that discovery. One hundred 
and thirty-two years before that time De Soto had seen the 
same river more than a thousand miles below ; but during that 
interval it is not known that any white man had looked upon its 

Turning southward, these brave priests descended the great 
river, amid the awful solitudes. The stories of demons and 
monsters of the wilderness which abounded among the Indian 
tribes did not deter them from pushing their discoveries. 
They continued their journey southward to the mouth of the 
Arkansas River, telling as best they could the story of the 
Cross to the wild tribes along the shores. Returning from 
the Kaskaskias and travelling thence to Lake Michigan, they 
reached Green Bay at the end of September, 1673, having on 
their journey paddled their canoes more than twenty-five hun- 
dred miles. Marquette remained to establish missions among 

the Indians, and to die, three years later, on the western shore 
of Lake Michigan, while Joliet returned to Quebec to report his 

In the mean time Count Frontenac, a noble of France, had 
been made Governor of Canada, and found in La Salle a fit 
counsellor and assistant in his vast schemes of discovery. La 
Salle was sent to France, to enlist the Court and the Ministers 
of Louis; and in 1677-1678 returned to Canada, with full 
power under Frontenac to carry forward his grand enterprises. 
He had developed three great purposes : first, to realize the 
old plan of Champlain, the finding of a pathway to China 
across the American Continent ; second, to occupy and de- 
velop the regions of the Northern Lakes ; and, third, to de- 
scend the Mississippi and establish a fortified post at its 
mouth, thus securing an outlet for the trade of the interior and 
checking the progress of Spain on the Gulf of Mexico. 

In pursuance of this plan, we find La Salle and his compan- 
ions, in January, 1679, dragging their cannon and materials for 
ship-building around the Falls of Niagara, and laying the keel 
of a vessel two leagues above the cataract, at the mouth of 
Cayuga Creek. She was a schooner of forty-five tons' burden, 
and was named "The Griffin." On the 7th of August, 1679, 
with an armament of five cannon, and a crew and company of 
thirty-four men, she started on her voyage up Lake Erie, the 
first sail ever spread over the waters of our lake. On the 
fourth day she entered Detroit River ; and, after encountering 
a terrible storm on Lake Huron, passed the straits and reached 
Green Bay early in September. A few weeks later she started 
back for Niagara, laden with furs, and was never heard from. 

While awaiting the supplies which " The Griffin " was ex- 
pected to bring, La Salle explored Lake Michigan to its south- 
ern extremity, ascended the St. Joseph, crossed the portage to 
the Kankakee, descended the Illinois, and, landing at an Ind- 
ian village on the site of the present village of Utica, 111., cele- 
brated mass on New Year's Day, 1680, Before the winter was 
ended he became certain that " The Griffin " was lost. But, 
undaunted by his disasters, on the 3d of March, with five com- 
panions, he began the incredible feat of making the journey to 
Quebec on foot, in the dead of winter. This he accomplished. 
He reorganized his expedition, conquered every difficulty, and 
on the 2ist of December, 1681, with a party of fifty-four French- 
men and friendly Indians, set out for the present site of Chi- 
cago, and by way of the Illinois River reached the Mississippi 
Feb. 6, 1682. He descended its stream, and on the 9th of 


April, 1682, standing on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, 
solemnly proclaimed to his companions and to the wilderness 
that, in the name of Louis the Great, he took possession of the 
Great Valley watered by the Mississippi River. He set up a 
column, and inscribed upon it the arms of France, and named 
the country Louisiana. Upon this act rested the claim of 
France to the vast region stretching from the Alleghany to the 
Rocky Mountains, from the Rio Grande and the Gulf to the 
farthest springs of the Missouri. 

I will not follow further the career of the great explorers. 
Enough has been said to exhibit the spirit and character of 
their work. I would I were able to inspire the young men of 
this country with a desire to read the history of these stirring 
days of discovery that opened up to Europe the mysteries of 
this New World. 

As Irving has well said of their work : " It was poetry put into 
action ; it was the knight-errantry of the Old World carried into 
the depths of the American wilderness. The personal advent- 
ures j the feats of individual prowess ; the picturesque descrip- 
tions of steel-clad cavaliers, with lance and helm and prancing 
steed, glittering through the wilderness of Florida, Georgia, 
Alabama, and the prairies of the Far West, — would seem to us 
mere fictions of romance, did they not come to us in the matter- 
of-fact narratives of those who were eye-witnesses, and who re- 
corded minute memoranda of every incident." 

Second. — -The Struggle for National Dominion. 

I next invite your attention to the less stirring but not less 
important struggle for the possession of the New World, which 
succeeded the period of discovery. 

At the beginning of the eighteenth century North America 
was claimed mainly by three great powers. Spain held posses- 
sion of Mexico, and a belt reaching eastward to the Atlantic, 
and northward to the southern line of Georgia, except a portion 
near the mouth of the Mississippi held by the French. Eng- 
land held from the Spanish line on the south to the North- 
ern Lakes and the St. Lawrence, and westward to the Alle- 
ghanies. France held all north of the lakes and west of the 
AUeghanies, and southward to the possessions of Spain. Some 
of the boundary lines were but vaguely defined, others were 
disputed; but the general outlines were as stated. 

Besides the struggle for national possession, the religious ele- 
ment entered largely into the contest. It was a struggle be- 
tween the Catholic and Protestant faiths. The Protestant col- 
onies of England were enveloped on three sides by the vigor- 

ous and perfectly organized Catholic powers of France and 

Indeed, at an early date, by the Bull of Pope Alexander VI. 
all America had been given to the Spaniards. But France, 
with a zeal equal to that of Spain, had entered the list to con- 
test for the prize. So far as the religious struggle was con- 
cerned, the efforts of France and Spain were resisted only by 
the Protestants of the Atlantic coast. 

The main chain of the Alleghanies was supposed to be im- 
passable until 1 7 14, when Governor Spottswood, of Virginia, 
led an expedition to discover a pass to the great valley beyond. 
He found one somewhere near the western boundary of Vir- 
ginia and by it descended to the Ohio. On his return he 
established the " Transmontane Order," or "Knights of the 
Golden Horse-shoe." On the sandy plains of Eastern Vir- 
ginia horse-shoes were rarely used, but, in climbing the moun- 
tains, he had found them necessary, and, on creating his com- 
panions knights of this new Order, he gave to each a golden 
horse-shoe, inscribed with the motto,-— 

" Sic jurat trans cendere montes,''^ 

He represented to the British Ministry the great importance 
of planting settlements in the western valley ; and, with the 
foresight of a statesman, pointed out the danger of allowing 
the French the undispute;d possession of that rich region. 

The progress of England had been slower, but more certain 
than that of her great rival. While the French were estab- 
lishing trading posts at points widely remote from each other, 
along the lakes and the Mississippi, and in the wilderness of 
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, the English were slowly but firmly 
planting their settlements on the Atlantic slope, and preparing 
to contest for the rich prize of the Great West. They pos- 
sessed one great advantage over their French rivals. They had 
cultivated the friendship of the Iroquois Confederacy, the most 
powerful combination of Indian tribes known to the New 
World. That Confederacy held possession of the southern 
shores of Lakes Ontario and Erie ; and their hostility to the 
French had confined the settlements of that people mainly to 
the northern shores. 

During the first half of the eighteenth century many treaties 
were made by the English with these confederated tribes, and 
some valuable grants of land were obtained on the eastern 
slope of the Mississippi Valley. 


About the middle of that century the British Government 
began to recognize the wisdom of Governor Spottswood, and 
perceived that an empire was soon to be saved or lost. 

In 1748 a company was organized by Thomas Lee and 
Lawrence and Augustine Washington, under the name of 
"The Ohio Company," and received a royal grant of one-half 
million acres of land in the valley of the Ohio. In 175 1 a 
British trading-post was established on the Big Miami; but 
in the following year it was destroyed by the French. Many 
similar efforts of the English colonists were resisted by the 
French; and during the years 175 1-2-3 i^ became manifest 
that a great struggle was imminent between the French and the 
English for the possession of the West. The British Ministers 
were too much absorbed in intrigues at home to appreciate the 
importance of this contest ; and they did but little more than 
to permit the colonies to protect their rights in the Valley of 
the Ohio. 

In 1753 the Ohio Company had opened a road, by "Will's 
Creek," into the western valley, and were preparing to locate 
their colony. At the same time the French had sent a force to 
occupy and hold the line of the Ohio. As the Ohio Company 
was under the especial protection of Virginia, the Governor 
of that colony determined to send a messenger to the com- 
mander of the French forces, and demand the reason for in- 
vading the British dominions. For this purpose he selected 
George Washington, then twenty-one years of age, who, with six 
assistants, set out from Williamsburg, Va., in the middle of 
November, for the waters of the Ohio and the lakes. After 
a journey of nine days through sleet and snow, he reached the 
Ohio at the junction of the Alleghany and the Monongahela; 
and his quick eye seemed to foresee the destiny of the place. 
"I spent some time," said he, "in viewing the rivers. The 
land in the fork has the absolute command of both." On this 
spot Fort Pitt was afterwards built, and still later the city of 

As Bancroft has said, " After creating in imagination a for- 
tress and city, his party swam across the Alleghany, wrapped 
their blankets around them for the night on the north-west 
bank." Proceeding down the Ohio to Logstown, he held a 
council with the Shawnees and the Delawares, who promised 
to secure the aid of the Six Nations in resisting the French. 
He then proceeded to the French posts at Venango and Fort 
Le Boeuf (the latter fifteen miles from Lake Erie), and warned 
the commanders that the rights of Virginia must not be in- 


vaded. He received for his answer that the French would 
seize every Englishman in the Ohio Valley. 

Returning to Virginia in January, 1754, he reported to the 
Governor, and immediate preparations were made by the col- 
onists to maintain their rights in the West, and resist the incur- 
sions of the French. In this movement originated the first 
military union among the English colonists. 

Although peace existed between France and England, for- 
midable preparations were made by the latter to repel encroach- 
ments on the frontier, from Ohio to the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 
Braddock was sent to America, and in 1755, at Alexandria, Va., 
he planned four expeditions against the French. 

It is not necessary to speak in detail of the war that followed. 
After Braddock's defeat near the forks of the Ohio, which 
occurred on the 9th of July, 1755, England herself took ac- 
tive measures for prosecuting the war. 

On the 25th of November, 1758, Forbes captured Fort 
DuQuesne, which thus passed into the possession of the Eng- 
lish, and was named Fort Pitt, in honor of the great Minister. 

In 1759 Quebec was captured by General Wolfe; and the 
same year Niagara fell into the hands of the English. 

In 1760 an English force, under Major Rogers, moved west- 
ward from Niagara, to occupy the French posts on the Upper 
Lakes. They coasted along the south shore of Erie, the first 
English-speaking people that sailed its waters. Near the mouih 
of the Grand River they met in council the chiefs of the great 
warrior Pontiac. A few weeks later they took possession of 
Detroit. " Thus," says Mr. Bancroft, " was Michigan won by 
Great Britain, though not for itself. There were those who 
foresaw that the acquisition of Canada was the prelude of 
American Independence." 

Late in December Rogers returned to the Maumee ; and, 
setting out from the point where Sandusky City now stands, 
crossed the Huron River to the northern branch of White 
Woman's River, and passing thence by the English village of 
Beaverstown, and up the Ohio, reached Fort Pitt on the 23d 
of January, 1761, just a month after he left Detroit. 

Under the leadership of Pitt, England was finally trium- 
phant in this great struggle ; and by the Treaty of Paris, of 
Feb. 10, 1763, she acquired Canada and all the territory east 
of the Mississippi River, and southward to the Spanish Ter- 
ritory, excepting New Orleans and the island on which it is 

During the twelve years which followed the Treaty of Paris 

the English colonists were pushing their settlements into the 
newly acquired territory ; but they encountered the opposition 
of the Six Nations and their allies, who made fruitless efforts 
to capture the British posts, — Detroit, Niagara, and Fort Pitt. 

At length, in 1768, Sir William Johnson concluded a treaty 
at Fort Stanwix with these tribes, by which all the lands south 
of the Ohio and the Alleghany were sold to the British, the Ind- 
ians to remain in undisturbed possession of the territory north 
and west of those rivers. New companies were organized to 
occupy the territory thus obtained. 

"Among the foremost speculators in Western lands at that 
time," says the author of " Annals of the West," " was George 
Washington." In 1769 he was one of the signers of a peti- 
tion to the king for a grant of two and a half millions acres in 
the West. In 1770 he crossed the mountains and descended 
the Ohio to the mouth of the Great Kanawha, to locate the ten 
thousand acres to which he was entitled for services in the 
French War. 

Virginians planted settlements in Kentucky ; and pioneers 
from all the colonies began to occupy the frontiers, from the 
Alleghany to the Tennessee. 

Third. — The War of the Revolution, and its Relations to the 

How came the Thirteen Colonies to possess the Valley of 
the Mississippi ? The object of their struggle was indepen- 
dence, and yet by the Treaty of Peace in 1783 not only was 
the independence of the Thirteen Colonies conceded, but 
there was granted to the new Republic a western territory, 
bounded by the Northern Lakes, the Mississippi, and the 
French and Spanish possessions. 

How did these hills and valleys become a part of the United 
States ? It is true that by virtue of royal charters several of 
the colonies set up claims extending to the " South Sea." The 
knowledge which the English possessed of the geography of this 
countFy, at that time, is illustrated by the fact that Captain 
John Smith was commissioned to sail up the Chickahominy, 
and find a passage to China ! But the claims of the colonies 
were too vague to be of any consequence in determining the 
boundaries of the two governments. Virginia had indeed ex- 
tended her settlements into the region south of the Ohio River, 
and during the Revolution had annexed that country to the Old 
Dominion, calling it the County of Kentucky. But previous to 
the Revolution the colonies had taken no such action in refer- 
ence to the territory north-west of the Ohio. 


The cession of that great Territory, under the treaty of 1783, 
was due mainly to the foresight, the courage, and the endurance 
of one man, who never received from his country any adequate 
recognition for his great service. That man was George 
Rogers Clark ; and it is worth your while to consider the work 
he accomplished. Born in Virginia, he was in early life a sur- 
veyor, and afterward served in Lord Dunmore's War. In 1776 
he settled in Kentucky, and was, in fact, the founder of that 
commonwealth. As the war of the Revolution progressed, he 
saw that the pioneers west of the Alleghanies were threatened 
by two formidable dangers : first, by the Indians, many of whom 
had joined the standard of Great Britain; and, second, by the 
success of the war itself. For, should the colonies obtain their 
independence while the British held possession of the Missis- 
sippi Valley, the Alleghanies would be the western boundary of 
the new Republic, and the pioneers of the West would remain 
subject to Great Britain. 

Inspired by these views, he made two journeys to Virginia to 
represent the case to the authorities of that colony. Failing 
to impress the House of Burgesses with the importance of 
warding off these dangers, he appealed to the Governor, Patrick 
Henry, and received from him authority to enlist seven compa- 
nies to go to Kentucky subject to his orders, and serve for 
three months after their arrival in the West. This was a public 

Another document, bearing date Williamsburg, Jan. 2, 1778, 
was a secret commission, \yhich authorized him, in the name 
of Virginia, to capture the military posts held by the British 
in the North-west. Armed with this authority, he proceeded 
to Pittsburg, where he obtained ammunition, and floated it 
down the river to Kentucky, succeeded in enlisting seven 
companies of pioneers, and in the month of June, 1778, com- 
menced his march through the untrodden wilderness to the 
region of the Illinois. With a daring that is scarcely equalled 
in the annals of war, he captured the garrisons of Kaskaskia, 
St. Vincent, and Cahokia, and sent his prisoners to the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia, and by his energy and skill won over the 
French inhabitants of that region to the American cause. 

In October, 1778, the House of Burgesses passed an act 
declaring that " all the citizens of the Commonwealth of Vir- 
ginia, who are already settled there, or shall hereafter be 
settled on the west side of the Ohio, shall be included in the 
District of Kentucky, which shall be called Illinois County." 
In other words, George Rogers Clark conquered the Territory 


of the North-west in the name of Virginia, and the flag of the 
Republic covered it at the close of the war. 

In negotiating the Treaty of Peace at Paris, in 1783, the 
British commissioners insisted on the Ohio River as the north- 
western boundary of the United States ; and it was found that 
the only tenable ground on which the American commissioners 
relied, to sustain our claim to the Lakes and the Mississippi as 
the boundary, was the fact that George Rogers Clark had con- 
quered the country, and Virginia was in undisputed possession 
of it at the cessation of hostilities. 

In his "Notes on the Early Settlement of the North-west 
Territory," Judge Burnet says, "That fact [the capture of the 
British posts] was confirmed and admitted, and was the chief 
ground on which the British commissioners reluctantly aban- 
doned their claim." 

It is a stain upon the honor of our country that such a man 
— the leader of pioneers who made the first lodgment on the 
site now occupied by Louisville, who was in fact the founder 
of the State of Kentucky, and who by his personal foresight 
and energy gave nine great States to the Republic — was 
allowed to sink under a load of debt incurred for the honor 
and glory of his country. 

In 1799 Judge Burnet rode some ten or twelve miles from 
Louisville into the country to visit this veteran hero. He says 
he was induced to make this visit by the veneration he enter- 
tained for Clark's military talents and services. 

" He had," says Burnet, " the appearance of a man born to 
command, and fitted by nature for his destiny. There was a 
gravity and solemnity in his demeanor resembling that which 
so eminently distinguished the venerated Father of his Country. 
A person familiar with the lives and character of the military 
veterans of Rome, in the days of her greatest power, might 
readily have selected this remarkable ma?i as a specimen of the 
model he had formed of them in his own mind ; but he was 
rapidly falling a victim to his extreme sensibility, and to the 
ingratitude of his native State, under whose banner he had 
fought bravely and with great success. 

"The time will certainly come when the enlightened and 
magnanimous citizens of Louisville will remember the debt of 
gratitude they owe the memory of that distinguished man. He 
was the leader of the pioneers who made the first lodgment on 
the site now covered by their rich and splendid city. He was 
its protector during the years of its infancy, and in the period 
of its greatest danger. Yet the traveller, who had read of his 


achievements, admired his character, and visited the theatre of 
his brilliant deeds, discovers nothing indicating the place where 
his remains are deposited, and where he can go and pay a trib- 
ute of respect to the memory of the departed and gallant hero." 

This eulogy of Judge Burnet is fully warranted by the facts 
of history. There is preserved in the War Department at 
Washington a portrait of Clark, which gives unmistakable evi- 
dence of a character of rare grasp and power. No one can 
look upon that remarkable face without knowing that the origi- 
nal was a man of unusual force. 

Fourth. — Organization and Settlement of the North-west 

Soon after the close of the Revolution our Western country 
was divided into three territories, — the Territory of the Mis- 
sissippi, the Territory south of the Ohio, and the Territory 
north-west of the Ohio. For the purposes of this address I 
shall consider only the organization and settlement of the 

It would be difficult to find any country so covered with con- 
flicting claims of title as the territory of the North-west. Sev- 
eral States, still asserting the validity of their royal charters, set 
up claims more or less definite to portions of this Territory. 
First, — by royal charter of 1662, confirming a council charter 
of 1630, Connecticut claimed a strip of land bounded on the 
east by the Narragansett River, north by Massachusetts, south 
by Long Island Sound, and extending westward between the 
parallels of 41 degrees and 42 degrees 2 minutes north latitude, 
to the mythical "South Sea." Second, — New York, by her 
charter of 16 14, claimed a territory marked by definite bound- 
aries, lying across the boundaries of the Connecticut charter. 
Third, — by the grant to William Penn, in 1664, Pennsylvania 
claimed a territory overlapping part of the territory of both 
these colonies. Fourth, — the charter of Massachusetts also con- 
flicted with some of the claims above mentioned. Fifth, — Vir- 
ginia claimed the whole of the North-west Territory by right of 
conquest, and in 1779, by an act of her Legislature, annexed 
it as a county. Sixth, — several grants had been made of spe- 
cial tracts to incorporated companies by the different States. 
And, finally, the whole Territory of the North-west was claimed 
by the Indians as their own. 

The claims of New York, Massachusetts, and part of the 
claim of Pennsylvania had been settled before the war by royal 
commissioners : the others were still unadjusted. It became 
evident that no satisfactory settlement could be made except 

by Congress. That body urged the several States to make 
a cession of the lands they claimed, and thus enable the Gen- 
eral Government to open the North-vi^est for settlement. 

On the I St of March, 1784, Thomas Jefferson, Samuel Hardy, 
Arthur Lee, and James Monroe, delegates in Congress, executed 
a deed of cession in the name of Virginia, by which they trans- 
ferred to the United States the title of Virginia to the North- 
west Territory, but reserving to that State one hundred and 
fifty thousand acres of land which Virginia had promised to 
George Rogers Clark, and to the officers and soldiers who with 
him captured the British posts in the West. Also, another 
tract of land between the Scioto and Little Miami, to enable 
Virginia to pay her promised bounties to her officers and 
soldiers of the Revolutionary army. 

On the 27th of October, 1784, a treaty was made at 
Fort Stanwix (now Rome, N.Y.) with the Six Nations, by 
which these tribes ceded to the United States their vague 
claims to the lands north and west of the Ohio. On the 31st of 
January, 1785, a treaty was made at Fort Mcintosh (now the 
town of Beaver, Pa.) with the four Western tribes, the Wyan- 
dottes, the Delawares, the Chippewas, and the Tawas, by which 
all their lands in the North-west Territory were ceded to the 
United States, except that portion bounded by a line from the 
mouth of the Cuyahoga up that river to the portage between 
the Cuyahoga and Tuscarawas, thence down that branch 
to the mouth of Sandy, thence westwardly to the portage of 
the Big Miami, which runs into the Ohio, thence along the 
portage to the Great Miami or Maumee, and down the south- 
east side of the river to its mouth, thence along the shore of 
Lake Erie to the mouth of the Cuyahoga. The territory thus 
described was to be forever the exclusive possession of these 

In 1788 a settlement was made at Marietta, and soon after 
other settlements were begun. But the Indians were dissatis- 
fied, and, by the intrigues of their late allies, the British, a sav- 
age and bloody war ensued, which delayed for several years the 
settlement of the State. The campaign of General Harmar in 
1790 was only a partial success. In the following year a more 
formidable force was placed under the command of General 
St. Clair, who suffered a disastrous and overwhelming defeat on 
the 4th of November of that year, near the head-waters of the 

It was evident that nothing but a war so decisive as to break 
the power of the Western tribes could make the settlement of 


Ohio possible. There are but few things in the career of 
George Washington that so strikingly illustrate his sagacity 
and prudence as the policy he pursued in reference to this sub- 
ject. He made preparations for organizing an army of five 
thousand men, appointed General Wayne to the command of 
a special force, and early in 1792 drafted detailed instructions 
for giving it special discipline to fit it for Indian warfare. 
During that and the following year he exhausted every means 
to secure the peace of the West by treaties with the tribes. 

But agents of England and Spain were busy in intrigues with 
the Indians in hopes of recovering a portion of the great empire 
they had lost by the treaty of 1783. So far were the efforts of 
England carried that a British force was sent to the rapids of 
the Maumee, where they built a fort, and inspired the Indians 
with the hope that the British would join them in fighting the 
forces of the United States. 

All efforts to make a peaceable settlement on any other 
basis than the abandonment on the part of the United States 
of all territory north of the Ohio having failed, General Wayne 
proceeded with that wonderful vigor which had made him 
famous on so many fields of the Revolution, and on the 20th 
of August, 1794, defeated the Indians and their allies on the 
banks of the Maumee, and completely broke the power of their 

On the 3d of August, 1795, General Wayne concluded at 
Greenville a treaty of lasting peace with these tribes and thus 
opened the State to settlement. In this treaty there was re- 
served to the Indians the same territory west of the Cuyahoga 
as described in the treaty of Fort Mcintosh of 1785. 

Fifth. — Settlement of the Western Reserve. 

I have now noticed briefly the adjustment of the several 
claims to the North-western Territory, excepting that of Con- 
necticut. It has already been seen that Connecticut claimed 
a strip westward from the Narragansett River to the Mis- 
sissippi, between the parallels of 41 degrees and 42 degrees 
2 minutes ; but that portion of her claim which crossed the 
territory of New York and Pennsylvania had been extinguished 
by adjustment. Her claim to the territory west of Pennsyl- 
vania was unsettled until Sept. 14, 1786, when she ceded it all 
to the United States, except that portion lying between the 
parallels above named and a line one hundred and twenty miles 
west of the western line of Pennsylvania and parallel with it. 
This tract of country was about the size of the present State, 
and was called '' New Connecticut." 


In May, 1792, the Legislature of Connecticut granted to 
those of her citizens whose property had been burned or other- 
wise spoliated by the British during the war of the Revolution 
half a million of acres from the west end of the reserve. These 
were called " The Fire Lands." 

On the 5th of September, 1795, Connecticut executed a deed 
to John Caldwell, Jonathan Brace, and John Morgan, trustees 
for the Connecticut Land Company, for three million acres of 
the reserve lying west of Pennsylvania for $1,200,000, or at the 
rate of 40 cents per acre. The State gave only a quit-claim 
deed, transferring only such title as she possessed, and leaving 
all the remaining Indian titles to the reserve, to be extinguished 
by the purchasers themselves. With the exception of a few 
hundred acres previously sold in the neighborhood of the Salt 
Spring tract on the Mahoning, all titles to lands on the reserve 
east of "The Fire Lands" rest on this quit-claim deed of Con- 
necticut to the three trustees, who were all living as late as 
1836, and joined in making deeds to the lands on the reserve. 

On the same day that the trust deed was made articles of 
association were signed by the proprietors, providing for the 
government of the company. The management of its affairs 
was intrusted to seven directors. They determined to extin- 
guish the Indian title, and survey their land into townships 
five miles square. Moses Cleaveland, one of the directors, was 
made General Agent; Augustus Porter, Principal Surveyor; 
and Seth Pease, Astronomer and Surveyor. To these were 
added four assistant surveyors, a commissary, a physician and 
thirty-seven other employees. This party assembled at Schen- 
ectady, N.Y., in the spring of 1796, and prepared for their 

It is interesting to follow them on their way to the Re- 
serve. They ascended the Mohawk River in bateaux, passing 
through Little Falls, and from the present city of Rome 
took their boats and stores across into Wood Creek. Passing 
down the stream, they crossed the Oneida Lake, thence down 
the Oswego to Lake Ontario, coasting along the lake to Niag- 
ara. After encountering innumerable hardships, the party 
reached Buffalo on the 17th of June, where they met "Red 
Jacket,' and the principal chiefs of the Six Nations, and on 
the 23d of that month completed a contract with those chiefs, 
by which they purchased all the rights of those Indians to the 
lands on the Reserve, for five hundred pounds, New York cur- 
rency, to be paid in goods to the Western Indians, and two 
beef cattle and one hundred gallons of whiskey to the Eastern 
Indians, besides gifts and provisions to all of them. 


Setting out from Buffalo on the 27th of June, they coasted 
along the shore of the lake, some of the party in boats and 
others marching along the banks. 

In the journal of Seth Pease, published in Whittlesey's 
History of Cleveland, I find the following : — 

"Monday, July 4, 1796. — We that came by land arrived at 
the confines of New Connecticut, and gave three cheers pre- 
cisely at 5 o'clock P.M. We then proceeded to Conneaut, at 
five hours thirty minutes, our boats got on an hour after ; we 
pitched our tents on the east side." 

In the journal of General Cleaveland is the following entry : 

"On this Creek (' Conneaugh '), in New Connecticut Land, 
July 4, 1796, under General Moses Cleaveland, the surveyors 
and men sent by the Connecticut Land Company to survey and 
settle the Connecticut Reserve, vi^ere the first English people 
who took possession of it. 

. . . "We gave three cheers and christened the place Fort 
Independence ; and, after many difficulties, perplexities and 
hardships were surmounted, and we were on the good and prom- 
ised land, felt that a just tribute of respect to the day ought to 
be paid. There were in all, including women and children, fifty 
in number. The men, under Captain Tinker, ranged them- 
selves on the beach and fired a Federal salute of fifteen rounds, 
and then the sixteenth in honor of New Connecticut. Drank 
several toasts. . . . Closed with three cheers. Drank several 
pails of grog. Supped and retired in good order." 

Three days afterward General Cleaveland held a council with 
Paqua, Chief of the Massasagas, whose village was at Conneaut 
Creek. The friendship of these Indians was purchased by a 
few trinkets and twenty-five dollars' worth of whiskey. 

A cabin was erected on the bank of Conneaut Creek ; and, 
in honor of the commissary of the expedition, was called " Stow 
Castle." At this time the white inhabitants west of the Genesee 
River and along the coasts of the lakes were as follows : the 
garrison at Niagara, two families at Lewistown, one at Buffalo, 
one at Cleveland, and one at Sandusky. There were no other 
families east of Detroit; and, with the exception of a few ad- 
venturers at the Salt Springs of the Mahoning, the interior of 
New Connecticut was an unbroken wilderness. 

The work of surveying was commenced at once. One party 
went southward on the Pennsylvania line to find the 41st par- 
allel, and began the survey; another, under General Cleave- 
land, coasted along the lake to the mouth of the Cuyahoga, 
which they reached on the 2 2d of July, and there laid the 

foundation of the chief city of the Reserve. A large portion of 
the survey was made during that season, and the work was 
completed in the following year. 

By the close of the year 1800 there were thirty-two settle-, 
ments on the Reserve, though as yet no organization of govern- 
ment had been established. But the pioneers were a people 
who had been trained in the principles and practices of civil 
order; and these were transplanted to their new home. In 
New Connecticut there was but little of that lawlessness which 
so often characterizes the people of a new country. In many 
instances, a township organization was completed and their 
minister chosen before the pioneers left home. Thus they 
planted the institutions and opinions of Old Connecticut in their 
new wilderness homes. 

There are townships on this Western Reserve which are more 
thoroughly New England in character and spirit than most of 
the towns of the New England of to-day. Cut off as they 
were from the metropolitan life that had gradually been mould- 
ing and changing the spirit of New England, they preserved 
here in the wilderness the characteristics of New England, as 
it was when they left it at the beginning of the century. This 
has given to the people of the Western Reserve those strongly 
marked qualities which have always distinguished them. 

For a long time it was difficult to ascertain the political and 
legal status of the settlers on the Reserve. The State of Con- 
necticut did not assume jurisdiction over its people, because 
that State had parted with her claim to the soil. 

By a proclamation of Governor St. Clair, in 1788, Washing- 
ton County had been organized, having its limits extended 
westward to the Scioto and northward to the mouth of the 
Cuyahoga, with Marietta as the county seat. These limits in- 
cluded a portion of the Western Reserve. But the Connecti- 
cut settlers did not consider this a practical government, and 
most of them doubted its legality. 

By the end of the century seven counties, Washington, 
Hamilton, Ross, Wayne, Adams, Jefferson, and Knox, had 
been created, but none of them were of any practical service 
to the settlers on the -Reserve. No magistrate had been ap- 
pointed for that portion of the country, no civil process was 
established, and no mode existed of making legal conveyances. 

But in the year 1800 the State of Connecticut, by act of 
her Legislature, transferred to the National Government all 
her claim to civil jurisdiction. Congress assumed the politi- 
cal control, and the President conveyed by patent the fee of 


the soil to the Government of the State for the use of the 
grantees and the parties claiming under them. Whereupon, 
in pursuance of this authority, on the 226. of September, 1800, 
Governor St. Clair issued a proclamation establishing the 
county of Trumbull, to include within its boundaries the " Fire 
Lands " and adjacent islands, and ordered an election to be 
held at Warren, its county seat, on the second Tuesday of 
October. At that election forty-two votes were cast, of which 
General Edward Paine received thirty-eight, and was thus 
elected a member of the Territorial Legislature. All the early 
deeds on the Reserve are preserved in the records of Trumbull 

A treaty was held at Fort Industry on the 4th of July, 1805, 
between the Commissioners of the Connecticut Land Company 
and the Indians, by which all the lands in the Reserve west of 
the Cuyahoga, belonging to the Indians, were ceded to the Con- 
necticut Company. 

Geauga was the second county of the Reserve. It was cre- 
ated by an act of the Legislature, Dec. 31, 1805 ; and by a 
subsequent act its boundaries were made to include the pres- 
ent territory of Cuyahoga County as far west as the Fourteenth 

Portage County was established on the loth of February, 
1807 ; and on the i6th of June, 1810, the act establishing Cuy- 
ahoga County went into operation. By that act all of Geauga 
west of the Ninth Range was made a part of Cuyahoga County. 

Ashtabula County was established on the 2 2d of January, 

A considerable number of Indians remained on the Western 
Reserve until the breaking out of the War of 18 12. Most of 
the Canadian tribes took up arms against the United States 
in that struggle, and a portion of the Indians of the Western 
Reserve joined their Canadian brethren. At the close of that 
war occasional bands of these Indians returned to their old 
haunts on the Cuyahoga and the Mahoning; but the inhabi- 
tants of the Reserve soon made them understand that they 
were unwelcome visitors after the part they had taken against 
us. Thus the War of 18 12 substantially cleared the Reserve of 
its Indian inhabitants. 

In this brief survey I have attempted to indicate the gen- 
eral character of the leading events connected with the dis- 
covery and settlement of our country. I cannot, on this 
occasion, further pursue the history of the settlement and build- 
ing up of the counties and townships of the Western Reserve. 


I have already noticed the peculiar character of the people who 
converted this wilderness into the land of happy homes which 
we now behold on every hand. But I desire to call the atten- 
tion of the young men and women who hear me to the duty 
they owe to themselves and their ancestors to study carefully 
and reverently the history of the great work which has been 
accomplished in this New Connecticut. 

The pioneers who first broke ground here accomplished a 
work unlike that which will fall to the lot of any succeeding 
generation. The hardships they endured, the obstacles they 
encountered, the life they led, the peculiar qualities they 
needed in their undertakings, and the traits of character devel- 
oped by their works stand alone in our history. The genera- 
tion that knew these first pioneers is fast passing away. But 
there are sitting in this audience to-day a few men and women 
whose memories date back to the early settlement. Here sits 
a gentleman near me who is older than the Western Reserve. 
He remembers a time when the axe of the Connecticut pioneer 
had never awakened the echoes of the wilderness here. How 
strange and wonderful a transformation has taken place since 
he was a child ! It is our sacred duty to rescue from oblivion 
the stirring recollections of such men, and preserve them as 
memorials of the past, as lessons for our own inspiration and 
the instruction of those who shall come after us. 

The materials for a history of this Reserve are rich and abun- 
dant. Its pioneers were not ignorant and thoughtless advent- 
urers, but men of established character, whose opinions on civil 
and religious liberty had grown with their growth and become 
the settled convictions of their maturer years. Both here and 
in Connecticut the family records, lournals, and letters, which 
are preserved in hundreds of families, if brought out and ar- 
ranged in order, would throw a flood of light on every page of 
our history. Even the brief notice which informed the citizens 
of this county that a meeting was to be held here today to 
organize a Pioneer Society has called this great audience to- 
gether, and they have brought with them many rich historical 
memorials. They have brought old colonial commissions 
given to early Connecticut soldiers of the Revolution, who be- 
came pioneers of the Reserve and whose children are here 
to-day. They have brought church and other records which 
date back to the beginning of these settlements. They have 
shown us implements of industry which the pioneers brought in 
with them, many of which have been superseded by the superior 
mechanical contrivances of our time. Some of these imple- 


ments are symbols of the spirit and character of the pioneers of 
the Reserve. Here is a broad-axe brought from Connecticut 
by John Ford, father of the late governor of Ohio ; and we are 
told that the first work done with this axe by that sturdy old 
pioneer, after he had finished a few cabins for the families that 
came with him, was to hew out the timbers for an academy, the 
Burton Academy, to which so many of our older men owe the 
foundation of their education, and from which sprang the West- 
ern Reserve College. 

These pioneers knew well that the three great forces which 
constitute the strength and glory of a free government are the 
family, the school, and the church. These three they planted 
here, and they nourished and cherished them with an energy 
and devotion scarcely equalled in any other quarter of the 
world. On this height were planted in the wilderness the sym- 
bols of this trinity of powers ; and here, let us hope, may be 
maintained forever the ancient faith of our fathers in the sanc- 
tity of the home, the intelligence of the school, and the faithful- 
ness of the church. Where these three combine in prosperous 
union, the safety and prosperity of the nation are assured. The 
glory of our country can never be dimmed while these three 
lights are kept shining with an undimmed lustre. 

The best single work on the North-west Territory is Hinsdale's The Old 
North-west. See the histories of Ohio and Indiana in the "American Com- 
monwealths " Series, and Hildreth's Pioneer History. The chapter on 
Territorial Acquisitions and Divisions, by Justin Winsor and Edward 
Channing, in the appendix to Vol. VII. of the Narrative and Critical His- 
tory of A7nerica, contains very much that is valuable upon this subject. 
There is a History of the Western Reserve, by W. S. Kennedy; and Harvey 
Rice's Sketches of Western Reserve Life should be read in connection. 
Whittlesey's Early History of Cleveland is a scholarly and thorough work, 
covering in great part the general early history of the Reserve. The West- 
ern Reserve Historical Society at Cleveland has published many valuable 
tracts relating to the history of the Reserve. General Garfield's address, 
given in the present leaflet, was originally published in this series. See the 
lives of Garfield, Benjamin F. Wade, and Joshua R. Giddings for the noble 
part taken by the Western Reserve in the anti-slavery conflict. 

O^Iti ^outli aeaflet^. 

General Series, No. 43. 

The Capture of 




From General Clark's Memoirs. 

" Everything being ready, on the 5th of February, after 
receiving a lecture and absolution from the priest, we crossed 
the Kaskaskia River with one hundred and seventy men, 
marched about three miles and encamped, where we lay until 
the [7th], and set out. The weather wet (but fortunately not 
cold for the season) and a great part of the plains under 
water several inches deep. It was difficult and very fatiguing 
marching. My object was now to keep the men in spirits. I 
suffered them to shoot game on all occasions, and feast on it 
like Indian war-dancers, each company by turns inviting the 
others to their feasts, which was the case every night, as the 
company that was to give the feast was always supplied with 
horses to lay up a sufficient store of wild meat in the course 
of the day, myself and principal officers putting on the woods- 
men, shouting now and then, and running as much through 
the mud and water as any of them. Thus, insensibly, without 
a murmur, were those men led on to the banks of the Little 
Wabash, which we reached on the 13th, through incredible 
difficulties, far surpassing anything that any of us had ever 
experienced. Frequently the diversions of the night wore off 
the thoughts of the preceding day. We formed a camp on a 
height which we found on the bank of the river, and suffered 
our troops to amuse themselves. I viewed this sheet of water 
for some time with distrust ; but, accusing myself of doubting, 
I immediately set to work, without holding any consultation 
about it, or suffering anybody else to do so in my presence ; 
ordered a pirogue to be built immediately, and acted as though 
crossing the water would be only a piece of diversion. As but 
few could work at the pirogue at a time, pains were taken to 
find diversion for the rest to keep them in high spirits. . . . 

In the evening of the 14th, our vessel was finished, manned, 
and sent to explore the drowned lands on the opposite side of 
the Little Wabash, with private instructions what report to 
make, and, if possible, to find some spot of dry land. They 
found about half an acre, and marked the trees from thence 
back to the camp, and made a very favorable report. 

"Fortunately, the 15th happened to be a warm, moist day 
for the season. The channel of the river where we lay was 
about thirty yards wide. A scaffold was built on the opposite 
shore (which was about three feet under water), and our bag- 
gage ferried across, and put on it. Our horses swam across, 
and received their loads at the scaffold, by which time the 
troops were also brought across, and we began our march 
through the water. . . . 

" By evening we found ourselves encamped on a pretty height, 
in high spirits, each party laughing at the other, in consequence 
of something that had happened in the course of this ferrying 
business, as they called it. A little antic drummer afforded 
them great diversion by floating on his drum, etc. All this 
was greatly encouraged ; and they really began to think them- 
selves superior to other men, and that neither the rivers nor 
the seasons could stop their progress. Their whole conversation 
now was concerning what they would do when they got about 
the enemy. They now began to view the main Wabash as a 
creek, and made no doubt but such men as they were could 
find a way to cross it. They wound themselves up to such a 
pitch that they soon took Post Vincennes, divided the spoil, 
and before bedtime were far advanced on their route to De- 
troit. All this was, no doubt, pleasing to those of us who had 
more serious thoughts. . . . We were now convinced that the 
whole of the low country on the Wabash was drowned, and 
that the enemy could easily get to us, if they discovered us, 
and wished to risk an action ; if they did not, we made no 
doubt of crossing the river by some means or- other. Even if 
Captain Rogers, with our galley, did not get to his station 
agreeable to his appointment, we flattered ourselves that all 
would be well, and marched on in high spirits. . . . 

" The last day's march through the water was far superior to 
anything the Frenchmen had an idea of. They were backward 
in speaking; said that the nearest land to us was a small 
league called the Sugar Camp, on the bank of the [river ?] A 
canoe was sent off, and returned without finding that we could 
pass. I went in her myself, and sounded the water ; found it 
deep as to my neck. I returned with a design to have the men 

transported on board the canoes to the Sugar Camp, which I 
knew would spend the whole day and ensuing night, as the 
vessels would pass slowly through the bushes. The loss of so 
much time, to men half-starved, was a matter of consequence. 
I would have given now a great deal for a day's provision or 
for one of our horses. I returned but slowly to the troops, 
giving myself time to think. On our arrival, all ran to hear 
what was the report. Every eye was fixed on me. I unfortu- 
nately spoke in a serious manner to one of the officers. The 
whole were alarmed without knowing what I said. I viewed 
their confusion for about one minute, whispered to those near 
me to do as I did : immediately put some water in my hand, 
poured on powder, blackened my face, gave the war-whoop, and 
marched into the water without saying a word. The party 
gazed, and fell in, one after another, without saying a word, 
like a flock of sheep. I ordered those near me to begin a 
favorite song of theirs. It soon passed through the line, and 
the whole went on cheerfully. I now intended to have them 
transported across the deepest part of the water ; but, when 
about waist deep, one of the men informed me that he thought 
he felt a path. We examined, and found it so, and concluded 
that it kept on the highest ground, which it did ; and, by 
taking pains to follow it, we got to the Sugar Camp without 
the least difficulty, where there was about half an acre of dry 
ground, at least not under water, where we took up our lodg- 
ing. The Frenchmen that we had taken on the river appeared 
to be uneasy at our situation. They begged that they might 
be permitted to go in the two canoes to town in the night. 
They said that they would bring from their own houses pro- 
visions, without a possibility of any persons knowing it ; that 
some of our men should go with them as a surety of their 
good conduct ; that it was impossible we could march from 
that place till the water fell, for the plain was too deep to 
march. Some of the [officers ?] believed that it might be done. 
I would not suffer it. I never could well account for this piece 
of obstinacy, and give satisfactory reasons to myself or any- 
body else why I denied a proposition apparently so easy to 
execute and of so much advantage ; but something seemed to 
tell me that it should not be done, and it was not done. 

"The most of the weather that we had on this march was 
moist and warm for the season. This was the coldest night 
we had. The ice, in the morning, was from one-half to three- 
quarters of an inch thick near the shores and in still water. 
The morning was the finest we had on our march. A little 

after sunrise I lectured the whole. What I said to them I 
forget, but it may be easily imagined by a person that could 
possess my affections for them at that time. I concluded by 
informing them that passing the plain that was then in full 
view and reaching the opposite woods would put an end to 
their fatigue, that in a few hours they would have a sight of 
their long-wished-for object, and immediately stepped into the 
water without waiting for any reply. A huzza took place. As 
we generally marched through the water in a line, before the 
third entered I halted, and called to Major Bowman, ordering 
him to fall in the rear with twenty-five men, and put to death 
any man who refused to march, as we wished to have no such 
person among us. The whole gave a cry of approbation, and 
on we went. This was the most trying of all the difficulties 
we had experienced. I generally kept fifteen or twenty of the 
strongest men next myself, and judged from my own feelings 
what must be that of others. Getting about the middle of the 
plain, the water about mid-deep, I found myself sensibly fail- 
ing ; and, as there were no trees nor bushes for the men to sup- 
port themselves by, I feared that many of the most weak would 
be drowned. I ordered the canoes to make the land, discharge 
their loading, and play backward and forward with all dili- 
gence, and pick up the men ; and, to encourage the party, sent 
some of the strongest men forward, with orders, when they got 
to a certain distance, to pass the word back that the water was 
getting shallow, and when getting near the woods to cry out, 
' Land ! ' This stratagem had its desired effect. The men, en- 
couraged by it, exerted themselves almost beyond their abili- 
ties ; the weak holding by the stronger. . . . The water never 
got shallower, but continued deepening. Getting to the woods, 
where the men expected land, the water was up to my shoul- 
ders ; but gaining the woods was of great consequence. All the 
low men and the weakly hung to the trees, and floated on the 
old logs until they were taken off by the canoes. The strong 
and tall got ashore and built fires. Many would reach the 
shore, and fall with their bodies half in the water, not being 
able to support themselves without it. 

"This was a delightful dry spot of ground of about ten 
acres. We soon found that the fires answered no purpose, 
but that two strong men taking a weaker one by the arms was 
the only way to recover him ; and, being a delightful day, it 
soon did. But, fortunately, as if designed by Providence, a 
canoe of Indian squaws and children was coming up to town, 
and took through part of this plain as a nigh way. It was 


discovered by our canoes as they were out after the men. 
They gave chase, and took the Indian canoe, on board of which 
was near half a quarter of a buffalo, some corn, tallow, kettles, 
etc. This was a grand prize, and was invaluable. Broth was 
immediately made, and served out to the most weakly with 
great care. Most of the whole got a little ; but a great many 
gave their part to the weakly, jocosely saying something cheer- 
ing to their comrades. This little refreshment and fine 
weather by the afternoon gave new life to the whole. Crossing 
a narrow deep lake in the canoes, and marching some distance, 
we came to a copse of timber called the Warrior's Island. 
We were now in full view of the fort and town, not a shrub 
between us, at about two miles' distance. Every man now 
feasted his eyes, and forgot that he had suffered anything, say- 
ing that all that had passed was owing to good policy and 
nothing but what a man could bear ; and that a soldier had no 
right to think, etc., — passing from one extreme to another, 
which is common in such cases. It was now we had to display 
our abilities. The plain between us and the town was not a 
perfect level. The sunken grounds were covered with water 
full of ducks. We observed several men out on horseback, 
shooting them, within a half mile of us, and sent out as many 
of our active young Frenchmen to decoy and take one of these 
men prisoner in such a manner as not to alarm the others, 
which they did. The information we got from this person was 
similar to that which we got from those we took on the river, 
except that of the British having that evening completed the 
wall of the fort, and that there were a good many Indians in 

"Our situation was now truly critical, — no possibility of 
retreating in case of defeat, and in full view of a town that 
had, at this time, upward of six hundred men in it, — troops, 
inhabitants, and Indians. The crew of the galley, though not 
fifty men, would have been now a re-enforcement of immense 
magnitude to our little army (if I may so call it), but we 
would not think of them. We were now in the situation that 
I had labored to get ourselves in. The idea of being made 
prisoner was foreign to almost every man, as they expected 
nothing but torture from the savages, if they fell into their 
hands. Our fate was now to be determined, probably in a few 
hours. We knew that nothing but the most daring conduct 
would insure success. I knew that a number of the inhabi- 
tants wished us well, that many were lukewarm to the interest 
of either, and I also learned that the grand chief, the Tobacco's 

son, had but a few days before openly declared, in council with 
the British, that he was a brother and friend to the Big Knives. 
These were favorable circumstances ; and, as there was but 
little probability of our remaining until dark undiscovered, I 
determined to begin the career immediately, and wrote the 
following placard to the inhabitants : — 

" ' To THE Inhabitants of Post Vincennes : 

" ' Ge7itlemen, — Being now within two miles of your village, 
with my army, determined to take your fort this night, and 
not being willing to surprise you, I take this method to request 
such of you as are true citizens and willing to enjoy the liberty 
I bring you to remain still in your houses ; and those, if any 
there be, that are friends to the king will instantly repair to 
the fort, and join the hair-buyer general, and fight like men. 
And, if any such as do not go to the fort shall be discovered 
afterward, they may depend on severe punishment. On the 
contrary, those who are true friends to liberty may depend on 
being well treated ; and I once more request them to keep out 
of the streets. For every one I find in arms on my arrival I 
shall treat him as an enemy. 

"'(Signed) G. R. CLARK.' 

" I had various ideas on the supposed results of this letter. 
I knew that it could do us no damage, but that it would cause 
the lukewarm to be decided, encourage our friends, and aston- 
ish our enemies. . . . We anxiously viewed this messenger 
until he entered the town, and in a few minutes could discover 
by our glasses some stir in every street that we could penetrate 
into, and great numbers running or riding out into the com- 
mons, we supposed, to view us, which was the case. But what 
surprised us was that nothing had yet happened that had the 
appearance of the garrison being alarmed, — no drum nor gun. 
We began to suppose that the information we got from our 
prisoners was false, and that the enemy already knew of us, 
and were prepared. ... A little before sunset we moved, and 
displayed ourselves in full view of the town, crowds gazing 
at us. We were plunging ourselves into certain destruction 
or success. There was no midway thought of. We had but 
little to say to our men, except inculcating an idea of the 
necessity of obedience, etc. We knew they did not want en- 
couraging, and that anything might be attempted with them 
that was possible for such a number, — perfectly cool, under 


proper subordination, pleased with the prospect before them, 
and much attached to their officers. They all declared that 
they were convinced that an implicit obedience to orders was 
the only thing that would insure success, and hoped that no 
mercy would be shown the person that should violate them. 
Such language as this from soldiers to persons in our station 
must have been exceedingly agreeable. We moved on slowly 
in full view of the town ; but, as it was a point of some con- 
sequence to us to make ourselves appear as formidable, we, 
in leaving the covert that we were in, marched and counter- 
marched in such a manner that we appeared numerous. In 
raising volunteers in the Illinois, every person that set about 
the business had a set of colors given him, which they brought 
with them to the amount of ten or twelve pairs. These were 
displayed to the best advantage; and, as the low plain we 
marched through was not a perfect level, but had frequent 
risings in it seven or eight feet higher than the common 
level (which was covered with water), and as these risings 
generally run in an oblique direction to the town, we took the 
advantage of one of them, marching through the water under 
it, which completely prevented our being numbered. But our 
colors showed considerably above the heights, as they were 
fixed on long poles procured for the purpose, and at a distance 
made no despicable appearance ; and, as our young Frenchmen 
had, while we lay on the Warrior's Island, decoyed and taken 
several fowlers with their horses, officers were mounted on 
these horses, and rode about, more completely to deceive the 
enemy. In this manner we moved, and directed our march in 
such a way as to suffer it to be dark before we had advanced 
more than half-way to the town. We then suddenly altered 
our direction, and crossed ponds where they could not have 
suspected us, and about eight o'clock gained the heights back 
of the town. As there was yet no hostile appearance, we were 
impatient to have the cause unriddled. Lieutenant Bayley was 
ordered, with fourteen men, to march and fire on the fort. 
The main body moved in a different direction, and took pos- 
session of the strongest part of the town. 

" The firing now commenced on the fort, but they did not 
believe it was an enemy until one of their men was shot down 
through a port, as drunken Indians frequently saluted the fort 
after night. The drums now sounded, and the business fairly 
commenced on both sides. Re-enforcements were sent to the 
attack of the garrison, while other arrangements were making 
in town. . . , We now found that the garrison had known 


nothing of us ; that, having finished the fort that evening, they 
had amused themselves at different games, and had just re- 
tired before my letter arrived, as it was near roll-call. The 
placard being made public, many of the inhabitants were afraid 
to show themselves out of the houses for fear of giving offence, 
and not one dare give information. Our friends flew to the 
commons and other convenient places to view the pleasing 
sight. This was observed from the garrison, and the reason 
asked, but a satisfactory excuse was given ; and, as a part of 
the town lay between our line of march and the garrison, we 
could not be seen by the sentinels on the walls. Captain W. 
Shannon and another being some time before taken prisoners 
by one of their [scouting parties], and that evening brought in, 
the party had discovered at the Sugar Camp some signs of us. 
They supposed it to be a party of observation that intended 
to land on the height some distance below the town. Captain 
Lamotte was sent to intercept them. It was at him the people 
said they were looking, when they were asked the reason of 
their unusual stir. Several suspected persons had been taken 
to the garrison; among them was Mr. Moses Henry. Mrs. 
Henry went, under the pretense of carrying him provisions, 
and whispered him the news and what she had seen. Mr. 
Henry conveyed it to the rest of his fellow-prisoners, which 
gave them much pleasure, particularly Captain Helm, who 
amused himself very much during the siege, and, I believe, did 
m.uch damage. 

" Ammunition was scarce with us, as the most of our stores 
had been put on board of the galley. Though her crew was 
but few, such a re-enforcement to us at this time would have 
been invaluable in many instances. But, fortunately, at the 
time of its being reported that the whole of the goods in the 
town were to be taken for the king's use (for which the owners 
were to receive bills). Colonel Legras, Major Bosseron, and 
others had buried the greatest part of their powder and ball. 
This was immediately produced, and we found ourselves well 
supplied by those gentlemen. 

" The Tobacco's son, being in town with a number of war- 
riors, immediately mustered them, and let us know that he 
wished to join us, saying that by the morning he would have 
a hundred men. He received for answer that we thanked him 
for his friendly disposition ; and, as we were sufficiently strong 
ourselves, we wished him to desist, and that we would counsel 
on the subject in the morning ; and, as we knew that there 
were a number of Indians in and near the town that were our 

enemies, some confusion might happen if our men should mix 
in the dark, but hoped that we might be favored with his 
counsel and company during the night, which was agreeable 
to him. 

" The garrison was soon completely surrounded, and the 
firing continued without intermission (except about fifteen 
minutes a little before day) until about nine o'clock the fol- 
lowing morning. It was kept up by the whole of the troops, 
joined by a few of the young men of the town, who got per- 
mission, except fifty men kept as a reserve. ... I had made 
myself fully acquainted with the situation of the fort and 
town and the parts relative to each. The cannon of the gar- 
rison was on the upper floors of strong blockhouses at each 
angle of the fort, eleven feet above the surface, and the ports 
so badly cut that many of our troops lay under the fire of 
them within twenty or thirty yards of the walls. They did no 
damage, except to the buildings of the town, some of which 
they much shattered ; and their musketry, in the dark, em- 
ployed against woodsmen covered by houses, palings, ditches, 
the banks of the river, etc., was but of little avail, and did no 
injury to us except wounding a man or two. As we could not 
afford to lose men, great care was taken to preserve them suf- 
ficiently covered, and to keep up a hot fire in order to intimi- 
date the enemy as well as to destroy them. The embrasures 
of their cannon were frequently shut, for our riflemen, finding 
the true direction of them, would pour in such volleys when 
they were opened that the men could not stand to the guns. 
Seven or eight of them in a short time got cut down. Our 
troops would frequently abuse the enemy, in order to aggra- 
vate them to open their ports and fire their cannon, that they 
might have the pleasure of cutting them down with their 
rifles, fifty of which, perhaps, would be levelled the moment 
the port flew open ; and I believe that, if they had stood at 
their artillery, the greater part of them would have been de- 
stroyed in the course of the night, as the greater part of our 
men lay within thirty yards of the walls, and in a few hours 
were covered equally to those within the walls, and much more 
experienced in that mode of fighting. . . . Sometimes an 
irregular fire, as hot as possible, was kept up from different 
directions for a few minutes, and then only a continual scatter- 
ing fire at the ports as usual ; and a great noise and laughter 
immediately commenced in different parts of the town, by the 
reserved parties, as if they had only fired on the fort a few 
minutes for amusement, and as if those continually firing at the 


fort were only regularly relieved. Conduct similar to this kept 
the garrison constantly alarmed. They did not know what 
moment they might be stormed or [blown up ?], as they could 
plainly discover that we had flung up some entrenchments 
across the streets, and appeared to be frequently very busy 
under the bank of the river, which was within thirty feet 
of the walls. The situation of the magazine we knew well. 
Captain Bowman began some works in order to blow it up, in 
case our artillery should arrive ; but, as we knew that we were 
daily liable to be overpowered by the numerous bands of Ind- 
ians on the river, in case they had again joined the enemy (the 
certainty of which we were unacquainted with), we resolved 
to lose no time, but to get the fort in our possession as soon 
as possible. If the vessel did not arrive before the ensuing 
night, we resolved to undermine the fort, and fixed on the 
spot and plan of executing this work, which we intended to 
commence the next day. 

" The Indians of different tribes that were inimical had left 
the town and neighborhood. Captain Lamotte continued to 
hover about it, in order, if possible, to make his way good into 
the fort. Parties attempted in vain to surprise him. A few 
of his party were taken, one of which was Maisonville, a 
famous Indian partisan. Two lads that captured him tied 
him to a post in the street, and fought from behind him as a 
breastwork, supposing that the enemy would not fire at them 
for fear of killing him, as he would alarm them by his voice. 
The lads were ordered, by an officer who discovered them at 
their amusement, to untie their prisoner, and take him off to 
the guard, which they did, but were so inhuman as to take part 
of his scalp on the way. There happened to him no other 
damage. As almost the whole of the persons who were most 
active in the department of Detroit were either in the fort or 
with Captain Lamotte, I got extremely uneasy for fear that 
he would not fall into our power, knowing that he would go 
off, if he could not get into the fort in the course of the night. 
Finding that, without some unforeseen accident, the fort must 
inevitably be ours, and that a re-enforcement of twenty men, 
although considerable to them, would not be of great moment 
to us in the present situation of affairs, and knowing that we 
had weakened them by killing or wounding many of their 
gunners, after some deliberation, we concluded to risk the re-en- 
forcement in preference of his going again among the Indians. 
The garrison had at least a month's provisions ; and, if they 
could hold out, in the course of that time he might do us 


much damage. A little before day the troops were withdrawn 
from their positions about the fort, except a few parties of 
observation, and the firing totally ceased. Orders were given, 
in case of Lamotte's approach, not to alarm or fire on him 
without a certainty of killing or taking the whole. In less 
than a quarter of an hour, he passed within ten feet of an 
officer and a party that lay concealed. Ladders were flung 
over to them ; and, as they mounted them, our party shouted. 
Many of them fell from the top of the walls, — some within, 
and others back ; but, as they were not fired on, they all got 
over, much to the joy of their friends. But, on considering 
the matter, they must have been convinced that it was a 
scheme of ours to let them in, and that we were so strong as 
to care but little about them or the manner of their getting 
into the garrison. . . . The firing immediately commenced 
on both sides with double vigor ; and I believe that more noise 
could not have been made by the same number of men. Their 
shouts could not be heard for the firearms ; but a continual 
blaze was kept around the garrison, without much being done, 
until about daybreak, when our troops were drawn off to posts 
prepared for them, about sixty or seventy yards from the fort. 
A loophole then could scarcely be darkened but a rifle-ball 
would pass through it. To have stood to their cannon would 
have destroyed their men, without a probability of doing much 
service. Our situation was nearly similar. It would have been 
imprudent in either party to have wasted their men, without 
some decisive stroke required it. 

" Thus the attack continued until about nine o'clock on the 
morning of the 24th. Learning that the two prisoners they 
had brought in the day before had a considerable number of 
letters with them, I supposed it an express that we expected 
about this time, which I knew to be of the greatest moment 
to us, as we had not received one since our arrival in the 
country; and, not being fully acquainted with the character 
of our enemy, we were doubtful that those papers might be 
destroyed, to prevent which I sent a flag [with a letter] de- 
manding the garrison." 

The following is a copy of the letter which was addressed 
by Colonel Clark to Lieutenant-governor Hamilton on this 
occasion: — 

" .S/r, — In order to save yourself from the impending storm 
that now threatens you, I order you immediately to surrender 


yourself, Avith all your garrison, stores, etc. For, if I am 
obliged to storm, you may depend on such treatment as is 
justly due to a murderer. Beware of destroying stores of any 
kind or any papers or letters that are in your possession, or 
hurting one house in town ; for, by heavens ! if you do, there 
shall be no mercy shown you. 

"(Signed) G. R. CLARK." 

The British commandant immediately returned the following 
answer : — 

"Lieutenant-governor Hamilton begs leave to acquaint 
Colonel Clark that he and his garrison are not disposed to 
be awed into any action unworthy British subjects." 

"The firing then," says Clark, "commenced warmly for a 
considerable time ; and we were obliged to be careful in pre- 
venting our men from exposing themselves too much, as they 
were now much animated, having been refreshed during the 
flag. They frequently mentioned their wishes to storm the 
place, and put an end to the business at once. . . . The firing 
was heavy through every crack that could be discovered in 
any part of the fort. Several of the garrison got wounded, 
and no possibility of standing near the embrasures. Toward 
the evening a flag appeared with the following proposals : — 

" ' Lieutenant-governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark 
a truce for three days, during which time he promises there 
shall be no defensive works carried on in the garrison, on con- 
dition that Colonel Clark shall observe, on his part, a like 
cessation of any defensive work, — that is, he wishes to confer 
with Colonel Clark as soon as can be, and promises that what- 
ever may pass between them two and another person mutually 
agreed upon to be present shall remain secret till matters be 
finished, as he wishes that, whatever the result of the confer- 
ence may be, it may tend to the honor and credit of each party. 
If Colonel Clark makes a difhculty of coming into the fort, 
Lieutenant-governor Hamilton will speak to him by the gate. 


"'24TH February, 1779.' 

" I was at a great loss to conceive what reason Lieutenant- 
governor Hamilton could have for wishing a truce of three 
days on such terms as he proposed. Numbers said it was a 

scheme to get me into their possession. I had a different 
opinion and no idea of his possessing such sentiments, as an 
act of that kind would infallibly ruin him. Although we had 
the greatest reason to expect a re-enforcement in less than three 
days, that would at once put an end to the siege, I yet did not 
think it prudent to agree to the proposals, and sent the follow- 
ing answer : — 

" ' Colonel Clark's compliments to Lieutenant-governor Ham- 
ilton, and begs leave to inform him that he will not agree to 
any terms other than Mr. Hamilton's surrendering himself and 
garrison prisoners at discretion. If Mr. Hamilton is desirous 
of a conference with Colonel Clark, he will meet him at the 
church with Captain Helm. 

"'(Signed) G. R. C. 

'•'February 24TH, 1779.' 

"We met at the church, about eighty yards from the fort. 
Lieutenant-governor Hamilton, Major Hay, superintendent 
of Indian affairs. Captain Helm, their prisoner, Major Bowman, 
and myself. The conference began. Hamilton produced terms 
of capitulation, signed, that contained various articles, one of 
which was that the garrison should be surrendered on their 
being permitted to go to Pensacola on parole. After deliber- 
ating on every article, I rejected the whole. He then wished 
that I would make some proposition. I told him that I had 
no other to make than what I had already made, — that of his 
surrendering as prisoners at discretion. I said that his troops 
had behaved with spirit ; that they could not suppose that they 
would be worse treated in consequence of it ; that, if he chose 
to comply with the demand, though hard, perhaps the sooner 
the better ; that it was in vain to make any proposition to me ; 
that he, by this time, must be sensible that the garrison 
would fall; that both of us must [view?] all blood spilt for 
the future by the garrison as murder; that my troops were 
already impatient, and called aloud for permission to tear down 
and storm the fort. If such a step was taken, many, of course, 
would be cut down; and the result of an enraged body of 
woodsmen breaking in must be obvious to him. It would be 
out of the power of an American officer to save a single man. 
Various altercation took place for a considerable time. Cap- 
tain Helm attempted to moderate our fixed determination. 
I told him he was a British prisoner ; and it was doubtful 


whether or not he could, with propriety, speak on the subject. 
Hamilton then said that Captain Helm was from that moment 
liberated, and might use his pleasure. I informed the Captain 
that I would not receive him on such terms ; that he must 
return to the garrison, and await his fate. I then told Lieu- 
tenant-governor Hamilton that hostilities should not commence 
until five minutes after the drums gave the alarm. We took 
our leave, and parted but a few steps, when Hamilton stopped, 
and politely asked me if I would be so kind as to give him my 
reasons for refusing the garrison any other terms than those 
I had offered. I told him I had no objections in giving him 
my real reasons, which were simply these : that I knew the 
greater part of the principal Indian partisans of Detroit were 
with him ; that I wanted an excuse to put them to death or 
otherwise treat them as I thought proper; that the cries of 
the widows and the fatherless on the frontiers, which they had 
occasioned, now required their blood from my hand ; and that 
I did not choose to be so timorous as to disobey the absolute 
commands of their authority, which I looked upon to be next 
to divine; that I would rather lose fifty men than not to em- 
power myself to execute this piece of business with propriety ; 
that, if he chose to risk the massacre of his garrison for their 
sakes, it was his own pleasure ; and that I might, perhaps, take 
it into my head to send for some of those widows to see it 
executed. Major Hay paying great attention, I had observed 
a kind of distrust in his countenance, which in a great measure 
influenced my conversation during this time. On my conclud- 
ing, ' Pray, sir,' said he, ' who is it that you call Indian parti- 
sans?' 'Sir,' I replied, 'I take Major Hay to be one of the 
principal.' I never saw a man in the moment of execution so 
struck as he appeared to be, — pale and trembling, scarcely able 
to stand. Hamilton blushed, and, I observed, w^as much 
affected at his behavior. Major Bowman's countenance suffi- 
ciently explained his disdain for the one and his sorrow for the 
other. . . . Some moments elapsed without a word pass- 
ing on either side. From that moment my resolutions changed 
respecting Hamilton's situation. I told him that we would 
return to our respective posts; that I would reconsider the 
matter, and let him know the result. No offensive measures 
should be taken in the meantime. Agreed to ; and we parted. 
What had passed being made known to our officers, it was 
agreed that we should moderate our resolutions." 

In the course of the afternoon of the 24th the following 
articles were signed, and the garrison capitulated : — 


" I. Lieutenant-governor Hamilton engages to deliver up 
to Colonel Clark Fort Sackville, as it is at present, with all 
the stores, etc. 

''II. The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners of 
war, and march out with their arms and accouterments, etc. 

"III. The garrison to be delivered up at ten o'clock 

" IV. Three days time to be allowed the garrison to settle 
their accounts with the inhabitants and traders of this place. 

" V. The officers of the garrison to be allowed their neces- 
sary baggage, etc. 

"Signed at Post St. Vincent [Vincennes] 24th of February, 

" Agreed for the following reasons : the remoteness from 
succor ; the state and quantity of provisions, etc. -, unanimity 
of officers and men in its expediency ; the honorable terms 
allowed ; and, lastly, the confidence in a generous enemy. 


" Lieut-gov. and Superintendent^ 

"The business being now nearly at an end, troops were 
posted in several strong houses around the garrison and 
patroled during the night to prevent any deception that might 
be attempted. The remainder on duty lay on their arms, and 
for the first time for many days past got some rest. . . . Dur- 
ing the siege, I got only one man wounded. Not being able 
to lose many, I made them secure themselves well. Seven 
were badly wounded in the fort through ports. . . . Almost 
every man had conceived a favorable opinion of Lieutenant- 
governor Hamilton, — I believe what affected myself made 
some impression on the whole ; and I was happy to find that 
he never deviated, while he stayed with us, from that dignity 
of conduct that became an officer in his situation. The morn- 
ing of the 25th approaching, arrangements were made for 
receiving the garrison [which consisted of seventy-nine men], 
and about ten o'clock it was delivered in form ; and every- 
thing was immediately arranged to the best advantage." 

The conquest of the country north of the Ohio River by George Rogers 
Clark in 1778-9 was one of the most heroic episodes of the period of the 
Revolution, and one of the most important in its consequences. It was 
because, owing to this conquest, the country between the Ohio and the 


Mississippi was actually held by us, under military and civil rule, at the 
close of the war, that it was possible for us to secure, in the Treaty of Paris, 
the concession of the Mississippi instead of the Ohio as our western 
boundary. It has been properly said that, " with respect to the magnitude 
of its design, the valor and perseverance with which it was carried out, and 
the momentous results which were produced by it, Clark's expedition stands 
without a parallel in the early annals of the valley of the Mississippi." 

Clark was a young Virginian who had settled in Kentucky in 1775, had 
secured the organization of Kentucky as a county of Virginia, and been the 
leader in the defence of the frontier. The Kentucky and Illinois country 
suffered greatly during the early years of the war from Indian depredations. 
Clark saw clearly that the sources of these depredations were the British 
posts of Detroit, Vincennes on the Wabash, and Kaskaskia on the Missis- 
sippi ; and he went to Virginia and laid before Patrick Henry, then Gover- 
nor of Virginia, a scheme for the conquest of the North-west, the boldness 
of which at once enlisted the interest and co-operation of Henry, Jefferson, 
and other influential men. With his little army of one hundred and fifty 
men, he surprised and captured Kaskaskia on the night of July 4, 1778, did 
much by wise diplomacy to attach the French and Indians to the American 
cause, and in February, 1779, marched upon Vincennes. The hardships of 
that march of one hundred and sixty-six miles were almost incredible. In 
that great era of brave deeds there was no braver deed than this. A por- 
tion of Clark's own account of the march and the capture of Vincennes, 
taken from his Memoirs, composed at the special request of Jefferson and 
Madison, is given in the present leaflet. The weakness of his force alone 
prevented Clark from moving on Detroit. The county of Illinois was 
established by the General Assembly of Virginia, covering all the territory ; 
and this remained under the actual control of Virginia at the close of the 
war and when the Treaty of Paris was under consideration. " The arms of 
Clark had settled the question of possession and civil as well as military 
rule of this great territory, which now holds so many millions of people. 
These prominent facts were before the British minister and before the 
world. He could not say that this part of the land was in the power of 
England any more than Virginia herself was after the battle of Yorktown, 
and he was too accurate a jurist to yield to any claim of Spain or to hear 
the objections of France." 

The last years of this great man's life were spent in solitude and poverty 
near Louisville. He felt keenly the ingratitude of the republic ; and, when 
late in his life the State of Virginia sent him a sword, he exclaimed to the 
committee : " When Virginia needed a sword, I gave her one. She sends 
me now a toy. I want bread!" — thrust the sword into the ground, and 
broke it with his crutch. 

John Reynolds called George Rogers Clark "the Washington of the 
West," and John Randolph styled him "the Hannibal of the West." See 
chapter entitled "The Hannibal of the West," in Dunn's Indiatia, in the 
"American Commonwealths" series, for the best brief account of Clark's 
exploits. W. F. Poole's chapter on "The West," in the sixth volume of the 
Na7'rative and Critical History of America, contains an invaluable mass 
of material concerning Clark and his work. A good biography of Clark 
is a desideratum. The memoirs, from which the present leaflet is taken, 
are printed in Dillon's History of Indiana. A letter from Clark to George 
Mason, covering his Vincennes campaign, has been published under the title 
of Clark's Campaign in the Illinois (Cincinnati, 1869). 

General Series, No. 44. 




By Thomas Jefferson. 

MoNTiCELLO, Aug. 18, 1813. 

Sir, — In compliance with the request conveyed in your letter 
of May 25, I have endeavoured to obtain, from the relations 
and friends of the late Governor X-ewis, information of such 
incidents of his life as might be not unacceptable to those 
who may read the narrative of his western discoveries. The 
ordinary occurrences of a private life, and those, also, while 
acting in a subordinate sphere in the army in a time of peace, 
are not deemed sufficiently interesting to occupy the public 
attention ; but a general account of his parentage, with such 
smaller incidents as marked his early character, are briefly 
noted, and to these are added, as being peculiarly within my 
own knowledge, whatever related to the public mission, of 
which an account is now to be published. The result of my 
inquiries and recollections shall now be offered, to be enlarged 
or abridged as you may think best, or other^vise to be used 
with the materials you may have collected from other sources. 

Meriwether Lewis, late governor of Louisiana, was born 
on the eighteenth of August, 1774, near the town of Char- 
lottesville, in the county of Albemarle, in Virginia, of one of 
the distinguished families of that state. John Lewis, one 
of his father's uncles, was a member of the king's council 
before the revolution. Another of them. Fielding Lewis, 
married a sister of General Washington. His father, William 
Lewis, was the youngest of five sons of Colonel Robert Lewis, 
of Albemarle, the fourth of whom, Charles, was one of the 
early patriots who stepped forward in the commencement of 

the revolution, and commanded one of the regiments first 
raised in Virginia, and placed on continental establishment. 
Happily situated at home, with a wife and young family, and 
a fortune placing him at ease, he left all to aid in the libera- 
tion of his country from foreign usurpations, then first unmask- 
ing their ultimate end and aim. His good sense, integrity, 
bravery, enterprise, and remarkable bodily powers marked 
him as an officer of great promise ; but he unfortunately died 
early in the revolution. Nicholas Lewis, the second of his 
father's brothers, commanded a regiment of militia in the suc- 
cessful expedition of 1776 against the Cherokee Indians, who, 
seduced by the agents of the British government to take up 
the hatchet against us, had committed great havoc on our 
southern frontier by murdering and scalping helpless women 
and children, according to their cruel and cowardly principles 
of warfare. The chastisement they then received closed the 
history of their wars, and prepared them for receiving the ele- 
ments of civilization, which, zealously inculcated by the pres- 
ent government of the United States, have rendered them an 
industrious, peaceable, and happy people. This member of 
the family of Lewises, whose bravery was so usefully proved 
on this occasion, was endeared to all who knew him by his 
inflexible probity, courteous disposition, benevolent heart, and 
engaging modesty and manners. He was the umpire of all 
the private differences of his county, — selected always by 
both parties. He was also the guardian of Meriwether Lewis, 
of whom we are now to speak, and who had lost his father at 
an early age. He continued some years under the fostering 
care of a tender mother of the respectable family of Meri- 
wethers of the same county, and was remarkable even in 
infancy for enterprise, boldness, and discretion. When only 
eight years of age, he habitually went out, in the dead of night, 
alone with his dogs, into the forest, to hunt the raccoon and 
opossum, which, seeking their food in the night, can then only 
be taken. In this exercise, no season or circumstance could 
obstruct his purpose, — plunging through the winter's snows 
and frozen streams in pursuit of his object. At thirteen he 
was put to the Latin school, and continued at that until eigh- 
teen, when he returned to his mother, and entered on the cares 
of his farm, having, as well as a younger brother, been left by 
his father with a competency for all the correct and comforta- 
ble purposes of temperate life. His talent for observation, 
which had led him to an accurate knowledge of the plants 
and animals of his own country, would have distinguished him 

as a farmer ; but, at the age of twenty, yielding to the ardour 
of youth and a passion for more dazzling pursuits, he engaged 
as a volunteer in the body of militia which were called out by 
General Washington on occasion of the discontents produced 
by the excise taxes in the western parts of the United States, 
and from that situation he was removed to the regular service 
as a lieutenant in the line. At twenty-three he was promoted 
to a captaincy ; and, always attracting the first attention where 
punctuality and fidelity were requisite, he was appointed pay- 
master to his regiment. About this time a circumstance 
occurred which, leading to the transaction which is the subject 
of this book, will justify a recurrence to its original idea. 
While I resided in Paris, John Ledyard, of Connecticut, ar- 
rived there, well known in the United States for energy of 
body and mind. He had accompanied Captain Cook on his 
voyage to the Pacific ocean, and distinguished himself on that 
voyage by his intrepidity. Being of a roaming disposition, 
he was now panting for some new enterprise. His immediate 
object at Paris was to engage a mercantile company in the 
fur-trade of the western coast of America, in which, however, 
he failed. I then proposed to him to go by land to Kam- 
schatka, cross in some of the Russian vessels to Nootka Sound, 
fall down into the latitude of the Missouri, and penetrate to, 
and through, that to the United States. He eagerly seized 
the idea, and only asked to be assured of the permission of the 
Russian government. I interested in obtaining that M. de 
Simoulin, minister plenipotentiary of the empress at Paris, but 
more especially the Baron de Grimm, minister plenipotentiary 
of Saxe-Gotha, her more special agent and correspondent 
there in matters not immediately diplomatic. Her permission 
was obtained, and an assurance of protection while the course 
of the voyage should be through her territories. Ledyard set 
out from Paris, and arrived at St. Petersburgh after the em- 
press had left that place to pass the winter, I think, at Moscow. 
His finances not permitting him to make unnecessary stay at 
St. Petersburgh, he left it with a passport from one of the 
ministers, and at two hundred miles from Kamschatka was 
obliged to take up his winter quarters. He was preparing, in 
the spring, to resume his journey, when he was arrested by an 
ofiicer of the empress, who by this time had changed her mind, 
and forbidden his proceeding. He was put into a close car- 
riage, and conveyed day and night, without ever stopping, till 
they reached Poland, where he was set down and left to him- 
self. The fatigue of this journey broke down his constitution ; 

and, when he returned to Paris, his bodily strength was much 
impaired. His mind, however, remained firm ; and he after 
this undertook the journey to Egypt. I received a letter from 
him, full of sanguine hopes, dated at Cairo, the fifteenth of 
November, 1788, the day before he was to set out for the 
head of the Nile, on which day, however, he ended his career 
and life ; and thus failed the first attempt to explore the west- 
ern part of our northern continent. 

In 1792 I proposed to the American Philosophical Society 
that we should set on foot a subscription to engage some com- 
petent person to explore that region in the opposite direction ; 
that is, by ascending the Missouri, crossing the Stony moun- 
tains, and descending the nearest river to the Pacific. Captain 
Lewis, being then stationed at Charlottesville, on the recruiting 
service, warmly solicited me to obtain for him the execution 
of that object. I told him it was proposed that the person 
engaged should be attended by a single companion only, to 
avoid exciting alarm among the Indians. This did not deter 
him; but Mr. Andre Michaux, a professed botanist, author of 
the Flora Boreali-Americana, and of the Histoire des Chesnes 
d'Amerique, offering his services, they were accepted. He 
received his instructions ; and, when he had reached Ken- 
tucky in the prosecution of his journey, he was overtaken by 
an order from the minister of France, then at Philadelphia, 
to relinquish the expedition, and to pursue elsewhere the 
botanical inquiries on which he was employed by that govern- 
ment ; and thus failed the second attempt for exploring that 

In 1803 the act for establishing trading houses with the 
Indian tribes being about to expire, some modifications of it 
were recommended to congress by a confidential message of 
January i8th, and an extension of its views to the Indians 
on the Missouri. In order to prepare the way, the message 
proposed the sending an exploring party to trace the Missouri 
to its source, to cross the Highlands, and follow the best 
water-communication which offered itself from thence to the 
Pacific ocean. Congress approved the proposition, and voted 
a sum of money for carrying it into execution. Captain Lewis, 
who had then been near two years with me as private secre- 
tary, immediately renewed his solicitations to have the direc- 
tion of the party. I had now had opportunities of knowing 
him intimately. Of courage undaunted ; possessing a firmness 
and perseverance of purpose which nothing but impossibilities 
could divert from its direction ; careful as a father of those 


committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of 
order and discipline ; intimate with the Indian character, cus- 
toms, and principles ; habituated to the hunting life ; guarded, 
by exact observation of the vegetables and animals of his own 
country, against losing time in the description of objects 
already possessed ; honest, disinterested, liberal, of sound un- 
derstanding, and a fidelity to truth so scrupulous that what- 
ever he should report would be as certain as if seen by our- 
selves, — with all these qualifications, as if selected and im- 
planted by nature in one body for this express purpose, I 
could have no hesitation in confiding the enterprise to him. 
To fill up the measure desired, he wanted nothing but a greater 
familiarity with the technical language of the natural sciences 
and readiness in the astronomical observations necessary for 
the geography of his route. To acquire these he repaired 
immediately to Philadelphia, and placed himself under the 
tutorage of the distinguished professors of that place, who, 
with a zeal and emulation enkindled by an ardent devotion to 
science, communicated to him freely the information requisite 
for the purposes of the journey. While attending, too, at 
Lancaster, the fabrication of the arms with which he chose 
that his men should be provided, he had the benefit of daily 
communication with Mr. Andrew EUicot, whose experience in 
astronomical observation, and practice of it in the woods, 
enabled him to apprise captain Lewis of the wants and diffi- 
culties he would encounter, and of the substitutes and re- 
sources offered by a woodland and uninhabited country. 

Deeming it necessary he should have some person with him 
of known competence to the direction of the enterprise, in the 
event of accident to himself, he proposed William Clarke, 
brother of general George Rogers Clarke, who was approved, 
and, with that view, received a commission of captain. 

In April, 1803, a draught of his instructions was sent to 
captain Lewis, and on the twentieth of June they were signed 
in the following form : 

" To Meriwether Lewis, esquire, captain of the first regiment 
of infantry of the United Stales of America : 

" Your situation as secretary of the president of the United 
States has made you acquainted with the objects of my con- 
fidential message of January 18, 1803, to the legislature ; you 
have seen the act they passed, which, though expressed in gen- 
eral terms, was meant to sanction those objects, and you are 
appointed to carry them into execution. 

" Instruments for ascertaining, by celestial observations, the 
geography of the country through which you will pass have 
been already provided. Light articles for barter and presents 
among the Indians, arms for your attendants, say for from ten 
to twelve men, boats, tents, and other travelling apparatus, 
with ammunition, medicine, surgical instruments, and provi- 
sions, you will have prepared, with such aids as the secretary 
at war can yield in his department; and from him also you 
will receive authority to engage among our troops, by volun- 
tary agreement, the number of attendants abovementioned, 
over whom you, as their commanding officer, are invested with 
all the powers the laws give in such a case. 

" As your movements while within the limits of the United 
States will be better directed by occasional communications, 
adapted to circumstances as they arise, they will not be noticed 
here. What follows will respect your proceedings after your 
departure from the United States. 

''Your mission has been communicated to the ministers 
here from France, Spain, and Great Britain, and through them 
to their governments, and such assurances given them as to 
its objects as we trust will satisfy them. The country of Lou- 
isiana having been ceded by Spain to P'rance, the passport you 
have from the minister of France, the representative of the 
present sovereign of the country, will be a protection with all 
its subjects ; and that from the minister of England will entitle 
you to the friendly aid of any traders of that allegiance with 
whom you may happen to meet. 

" The object of your mission is to explore the Missouri 
river, and such principal streams of it as, by its course and 
communication with the waters of the Pacific ocean, whether 
the Columbia, Oregan, Colorado, or any other river, may offer 
the most direct and practicable water-communication across 
the continent for the purposes of commerce. 

" Beginning at the mouth of the Missouri, you will take 
observations of latitude and longitude at all remarkable points 
on the river, and especially at the mouths of rivers, at rapids, 
at islands, and other places and objects distinguished by such 
natural marks and characters, of a durable kind, as that they 
may with certainty be recognized hereafter. The courses of 
the river between these points of observation may be supplied 
by the compass, the log-line, and by time, corrected by the 
observations themselves. The variations of the needle, too, in 
different places should be noticed. 

"The interesting points of the portage between the heads 


of the Missouri, and of the water offering the best communica- 
tion with the Pacific ocean, should also be fixed by observa- 
tion, and the course of that water to the ocean in the same 
manner as that of the Missouri. 

" Your observations are to be taken with great pains and 
accuracy ; to be entered distinctly and intelligibly for others 
as well as yourself ; to comprehend all the elements necessary, 
with the aid of the usual tables, to fix the latitude and longi- 
tude of the places at which they were taken ; and are to be 
rendered to the war-ofhce, for the purpose of having the cal- 
culations made concurrently by proper persons within the 
United States. Several copies of these, as well as of your 
other notes, should be made at leisure times, and put into the 
care of the most trustworthy of your attendants to guard, by 
multiplying them, against the accidental losses to which they 
will be exposed. A further guard would be that one of these 
copies be on the cuticular membranes of the paper-birch, as 
less liable to injury from damp than common paper. 

"The commerce which may be carried on with the people 
inhabiting the line you will pursue renders a knowledge of 
those people important. You will therefore endeavour to make 
yourself acquainted, as far as a diligent pursuit of your journey 
shall admit, with the names of the nations and their numbers ; 

"The extent and limits of their possessions; 

" Their relations with other tribes or nations ; 

"Their language, traditions, monuments ; 

" Their ordinary occupations in agriculture, fishing, hunting, 
war, arts, and the implements for these ; 

" Their food, clothing, and domestic accommodations ; 

" The diseases prevalent among them, and the remedies they 
use ; 

" Moral and physical circumstances which distinguish them 
from the tribes we know ; 

" Peculiarities in their laws, customs, and dispositions ; 

"And articles of commerce they may need or furnish, and 
to what extent. 

"And, considering the interest which every nation has in 
extending and strengthening the authority of reason and justice 
among the people around them, it will be useful to acquire 
what knowledge you can of the state of morality, religion, and 
information among them, as it may better enable those who 
may endeavour to civilize and instruct them to adapt their 
measures to the existing notions and practices of those on 
whom they are to operate. 


"Other objects worthy of notice will be — 

" The soil and face of the country, its growth and vegetable 
productions, especially those not of the United States ; 

" The animals of the country generally, and epecially those 
not known in the United States ; 

"The remains and accounts of any which may be deemed 
rare or extinct ; 

"The mineral productions of every kind, but more particu- 
larly metals, lime-stone, pit-coal, and saltpetre, salines and 
mineral waters, noting the temperature of the last, and such 
circumstances as may indicate their character ; 

" Volcanic appearances ; 

" Climate as characterized by the thermometer, by the pro- 
portion of rainy, cloudy, and clear days ; by lightning, hail, 
snow, ice ; by the access and recess of frost ; by the winds 
prevailing at different seasons ; the dates at which particular 
plants put forth or lose their flower or leaf; times of appear- 
ance of particular birds, reptiles, or insects. 

"Although your route will be along the channel of the Mis- 
souri, yet you will endeavour to inform yourself, by inquiry, 
of the character and extent of the country watered by its 
branches, and especially on its southern side. The North 
river, or Rio Bravo, which runs into the gulf of Mexico, and 
the North river, or Rio Colorado, which runs into the gulf of 
California, are understood to be the principal streams heading 
opposite to the waters of the Missouri, and running south- 
wardly. Whether the dividing grounds between the Missouri 
and them are mountains or flat lands, what are their distance 
from the Missouri, the character of the intermediate country, 
and the people inhabiting it, are worthy of particular inquiry. 
The northern waters of the Missouri are less to be inquired 
after, because they have been ascertained to a considerable 
degree, and are still in a course of ascertainment by English 
traders and travellers ; but, if you can learn any thing certain 
of the most northern source of the Mississippi, and of its 
position relatively to the Lake of the Woods, it will be inter- 
esting to us. Some account, too, of the path of the Canadian 
traders from the Mississippi, at the mouth of the Ouisconsing 
to where it strikes the Missouri, and of the soil and rivers in 
its course, is desirable. 

" In all your intercourse with the natives, treat them in the 
most friendly and conciliatory manner which their own conduct 
will admit ; allay all jealousies as to the object of your jour- 
ney ; satisfy them of its innocence ; make them acquainted 

with the position, extent, character, peaceable and commer- 
cial dispositions of the United States, of our wish to be 
neighborly, friendly, and useful to them, and of our disposi- 
tions to a commercial intercourse with them ; confer with them 
on the points most convenient as mutual emporiums and the 
articles of most desirable interchange for them and us. If a 
few of their influential chiefs, within practicable distance, wish 
to visit us, arrange such a visit with them, and furnish them 
with authority to call on our officers on their entering the 
United States, to have them conveyed to this place at the 
public expense. If any of them should wish to have some of 
their young people brought up with us, and taught such arts 
as may be useful to them, we will receive, instruct, and take 
care of them. Such a mission, whether of influential chiefs 
or of young people, would give some security to your own 
party. Carry with you some matter of the kine-pox, inform 
those of them with whom you may be of its efficacy as a pre- 
servative from the small-pox, and instruct and encourage them 
in the use of it. This may be especially done wherever you 

"As it is impossible for us to foresee in what manner you 
will be received by those people, whether with hospitality or 
hostility, so is it impossible to prescribe the exact degree of 
perseverance with which you are to pursue your journey. We 
value too much the lives of citizens to offer them to probable 
destruction. Your numbers will be sufficient to secure you 
against the unauthorized opposition of individuals or of small 
parties; but, if a superior force, authorized or not authorized 
by a nation, should be arrayed against your further passage, 
and inflexibly determined to arrest it, you must decline its 
further pursuit and return. In the loss of yourselves v/e 
should lose also the information you will have acquired. By 
returning safely with that, you may enable us to renew the essay 
with better calculated means. To your own discretion, there- 
fore, must be left the degree of danger you may risk and the 
point at which you should decline, only saying, we wish you to 
err on the side of your safety, and to bring back your party 
safe, even if it be with less information. 

"As far up the Missouri as the white settlements extend, 
an intercourse will probably be found to exist between them 
and the Spanish posts of St. Louis opposite Cahokia, or St. 
Genevieve opposite Kaskaskia. From still further up the 
river the traders may furnish a conveyance for letters. Beyond 
that you may perhaps be able to engage Indians to bring let- 


ters for the government to Cahokia or Kaskaskia, on promis- 
ing that they shall there receive such special compensation as 
you shall have stipulated with them. Avail yourself of these 
means to communicate to us, at seasonable intervals, a copy of 
your journal, notes, and observations of every kind, putting 
into cypher whatever might do injury if betrayed. 

" wShould you reach the Pacific ocean, inform yourself of the 
circumstances which may decide whether the furs of those 
parts may not be collected as advantageously at the head of the 
Missouri (convenient as is supposed to the waters of the Col- 
orado and Oregan or Columbia) as at Nootka Sound, or any 
other point of that coast ; and that trade be consequently con- 
ducted through the Missouri and United States more benefi- 
cially than by the circumnavigation now practised. 

" On your arrival on that coast, endeavour to learn if there 
be any port within your reach frequented by the sea vessels of 
any nation, and to send two of your trusty people back by sea, 
in such way as shall appear practicable, with a copy of your 
notes ; and should you be of opinion that the return of your 
party by the way they went will be imminently dangerous, then 
ship the whole, and return by sea, by the way either of Cape 
Horn or the Cape of Good Hope, as you shall be able. As 
you will be without money, clothes, or provisions, you must 
endeavour to use the credit of the United States to obtain 
them, for which purpose open letters of credit shall be fur- 
nished you, authorizing you to draw on the executive of the 
United States, or any of its officers, in any part of the world, 
on which draughts can be disposed of, and to apply with our 
recommendations to the consuls, agents, merchants, or citizens 
of any nation with which we have intercourse, assuring them, 
in our name, that any aids they may furnish you shall be hon- 
orably repaid, and on demand. Our consuls, Thomas Hewes, 
at Batavia, in Java, William Buchanan, in the Isles of France 
and Bourbon, and John Elmslie, at the Cape of Good Hope, 
will be able to supply your necessities by draughts on us. 

" Should you find it safe to return by the way you go, after 
sending two of your party round by sea, or with your whole 
party, if no conveyance by sea can be found, do so, making 
such observations on your return as may serve to supply, cor- 
rect, or confirm those made on your outward journey. 

*' On re-entering the United States and reaching a place of 
safety, discharge any of your attendants who may desire and 
deserve it, procuring for them immediate payment of all ar- 
rears of pay and clothing which may have incurred since their 


departure, and assure them that they shall be recommended 
to the Hberality of the legislature for the grant of a soldier's 
portion of land each, as proposed in my message to congress, 
and repair yourself, with your papers, to the seat of govern- 

" To provide, on the accident of your death, against anarchy, 
dispersion, and the consequent danger to your party, and total 
failure of the enterprise, you are hereby authorized, by any 
instrument signed and written in your own hand, to name the 
person among them who shall succeed to the command on 
your decease, and by like instruments to change the nomina- 
tion, from time to time, as further experience of the characters 
accompanying you shall point out superior fitness ; and all the 
powers and authorities given to yourself are, in the event of 
your death, transferred to, and vested in the successor so 
named, with further power to him and his successors, in like 
manner to name each his successor, who, on the death of his 
predecessor, shall be invested with all the powers and author- 
ities given to yourself. Given under my hand at the city of 
Washington, this twentieth day of June, 1803. 

"Thomas Jefferson, 

" President of the United States of AmericaP 

While these things were going on here, the country of Lou- 
isiana, lately ceded by Spain to France, had been the subject 
of negociation at Paris between us and this last power, and had 
actually been transferred to us by treaties executed at Paris on 
the thirtieth of April. This information, received about the 
first day of July,, increased infinitely the interest we felt in 
the expedition, and lessened the apprehensions of interruption 
from other powers. Every thing in this quarter being now pre- 
pared, Captain Lewis left Washington on the fifth of July, 1803, 
and proceeded to Pittsburg, where other articles had been 
ordered to be provided for him. The men, too, were to be 
selected from the military stations on the Ohio. Delays of 
preparation, difficulties of navigation down the Ohio, and 
other untoward obstructions, retarded his arrival at Cahokia 
until the season was so far advanced as to render it prudent 
to suspend his entering the Missouri before the ice should 
break up in the succeeding spring. 

From this time his journal, now published, will give the 
history of his journey to and from the Pacific ocean, until his 
return to St. Louis on the twenty-third of September, 1806. 


Never did a similar event excite more joy through the United 
States. The humblest of its citizens had taken a lively inter- 
est in the issue of this journey, and looked forward with im- 
patience for the information it would furnish. Their anxieties, 
too, for the safety of the corps had been kept in a state of 
excitement by lugubrious rumours, circulated from time to time 
on uncertain authorities, and uncontradicted by letters or other 
direct information, from the time they had left the Mandan 
towns, on their ascent up the river in April of the preceding 
year, 1805, until their actual return to St. Louis. 

It was the middle of February, 1807, before Captain Lewis, 
with his companion Captain Clarke, reached the city of Wash- 
ington, where congress was then in session. That body 
granted to the two chiefs and their followers the donation of 
lands which they had been encouraged to expect in reward 
of their toil and dangers. Captain Lewis was soon after 
appointed governor of Louisiana, and Captain Clarke a gen- 
eral of its militia, and agent of the United States for Indian 
affairs in that department. 

A considerable time intervened before the governor's arrival 
at St. Louis. He found the territory distracted by feuds and 
contentions among the officers of the government, and the 
people themselves divided by these into factions and parties. 
He determined at once to take no side with either, but to use 
every endeavour to conciliate and harmonize them. The even- 
handed justice he administered to all soon established a re- 
spect for his person and authority ; and perseverance and time 
wore down animosities, and reunited the citizens again into one 

Governor Lewis had, from early life, been subject to hypo- 
chondriac affections. It was a constitutional disposition in all 
the nearer branches of the family of his name, and was more 
immediately inherited by him from his father. They had not, 
however, been so strong as to give uneasiness to his family. 
While he lived with me in Washington, I observed at times 
sensible depressions of mind ; but, knowing their constitu- 
tional source, I estimated their course by what I had seen in 
the family. During his western expedition the constant exer- 
tion which that required of all the faculties of body and mind 
suspended these distressing affections ; but, after his establish- 
ment at St. Louis in sedentary occupations, they returned 
upon him with redoubled vigour, and began seriously to alarm 
his friends. He was in a paroxysm of one of these when his 
affairs rendered it necessary for him to go to Washington. 


He proceeded to the Chickasaw Bluffs, where he arrived on 
the sixteenth of September, 1809, with a view of continuing 
his journey thence by water. Mr. Neely, agent of the United 
States with the Chickasaw Indians, arriving there two days 
after, found him extremely indisposed, and betraying at times 
some symptoms of a derangement of mind. The rumours of a 
war with England, and apprehensions that he might lose the 
papers he was bringing on, among which were the vouchers of 
his public accounts, and the journals and papers of his western 
expedition, induced him here to change his mind, and to take 
his course by land through the Chickasaw country. Although 
he appeared somewhat relieved, Mr. Neely kindly determined 
to accompany and watch over him. Unfortunately, at their 
encampment, after having passed the Tennessee one day's 
journey, they lost two horses, which obliging Mr. Neely to 
halt for their recovery, the governor proceeded, under a prom- 
ise to wait for him at the house of the first white inhabitant 
on his road. He stopped at the house of a Mr. Grinder, who 
not being at home, his wife, alarmed at the symptoms of 
derangement she discovered, gave him up the house, and re- 
tired to rest herself in an out-house, the governor's and Neely's 
servants lodging in another. About three o'clock in the night 
he did the deed which plunged his friends into affliction, and 
deprived his country of one of her most valued citizens, whose 
valour and intelligence would have been now employed in 
avenging the wrongs of his countr}^, and in emulating by land 
the splendid deeds which have honoured her arms on the 
ocean. It lost, too, to the nation the benefit of receiving from 
his own hand the narrative now offered them of his sufferings 
and successes, in endeavouring to extend for them the boun- 
daries of science, and to present to their knowledge that vast 
and fertile country which their sons are destined to fill with 
arts, with science, with freedom and happiness. 

To this melancholy close of the life of one whom posterity 
will declare not to have lived in vain, I have only to add that 
all the facts I have stated are either known to myself or com- 
municated by his family or others, for whose truth I have no 
hesitation to make myself responsible ; and I conclude with 
tendering you the assurances of my respect and consideration. 

Mr. Paul Allen, Philadelphia. 




Extract from their Journal. 

Monday, August 12 [1805]. This morning as soon as it was 
light Captain Lewis sent Drewyer to reconnoitre, if possible, 
the route of the Indians. In about an hour and a half he re- 
turned, after following the tracks of the horse which we had 
lost yesterday to the mountains, where they ascended and were 
no longer visible. Captain Lewis now decided on making the 
circuit along the foot of the mountains which formed the cove, 
expecting by that means to find a road across them, and ac- 
cordingly sent Drewyer on one side and Shields on the other. 
In this way they crossed four small rivulets near each other, 
on which were some bowers or conical lodges of willow brush, 
which seemed to have been made recently. From the manner 
in which the ground in the neighbourhood was torn up the Ind- 
ians appeared to have been gathering roots ; but Captain Lewis 
could not discover what particular plant they were searching 
for, nor could he find any fresh track till at the distance of four 
miles from his camp he met a large plain Indian road which 
came into the cove from the north-east, and wound along the 
foot of the mountains to the south-west, approaching obliquely 
the main stream he had left yesterday. Down this road he 
now went towards the south-west. At the distance of five miles 
it crossed a large run or creek, which is a principal branch of 
the main stream into which it falls, just above the high cliffs 
or gates observed yesterday, and which they now saw below 
them. Here they halted, and breakfasted on the last of the 
deer, keeping a small piece of pork in reserve against accident. 
They then continued through the low bottom along the main 
stream near the foot of the mountains on their right. For the 
first five miles the valley continues towards the south-west from 
two to three miles in width. Then the main stream, which 
had received two small branches from the left in the valley, 
turns abruptly to the west through a narrow bottom between 
the mountains. The road was still plain, and, as it led them 
directly on towards the mountain, the stream gradually became 
smaller till, after going two miles, it had so greatly diminished 
in width that one of the men in a fit of enthusiasm, with one 
foot on each side of the river, thanked God that he had lived 
to bestride the Missouri. As they went along, their hopes of 
soon seeing the waters of the Columbia arose almost to pain- 


ful anxiety, when after four miles from the last abrupt turn of 
the river they reached a small gap formed by the high moun- 
tains which recede on each side, leaving room for the Indian 
road. From the foot of one of the lowest of these mountains, 
which rises with a gentle ascent of about half a mile, issues the 
remotest water of the Missouri. They had now reached the 
hidden sources of that river, which had never yet been seen by 
civilized man ; and, as they quenched their thirst at the chaste 
and icy fountain, as they sat down by the brink of that little 
rivulet, which yielded its distant and modest tribute to the 
parent ocean, they felt themselves rewarded for all their 
labours and all their difficulties. They left reluctantly this 
interesting spot, and, pursuing the Indian road through the in- 
terval of the hills, arrived at the top of a ridge, from which 
they saw high mountains partially covered with snow still to 
the west of them. The ridge on which they stood formed the 
dividing line between the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific 
Oceans. They followed a descent much steeper than that on 
the eastern side, and at the distance of three-quarters of a mile 
reached a handsome bold creek of cold, clear water running to 
the westward. They stopped to taste for the first time the 
waters of the Columbia ; and after a few minutes followed the 
road across steep hills and low hollows till they reached a 
spring on the side of a mountain. Here they found a sufficient 
quantity of dry willow brush for fuel, and therefore halted for 
the night ; and, having killed nothing in the course of the day, 
supped on their last piece of pork, and trusted to fortune for 
some other food to mix with a little flour and parched meal, 
which was all that now remained of their provisions. Before 
reaching the fountain of the Missouri, they saw several large 
hawks nearly black, and some of the heath cocks : these last 
have a long pointed tail, and are of a uniform dark brown 
colour, much larger than the common dunghill fowl, and simi- 
lar in habits and the mode of flying to the grouse or prairie 
hen. Drewyer also wounded at the distance of one hundred 
and thirty yards an animal which we had not yet seen, but 
which, after falling, recovered itself and escaped. It seemed 
to be of the fox kind, rather larger than the small wolf of the 
plains, and with a skin in which black, reddish brown, and 
yellow were curiously intermixed. On the creek of the Colum- 
bia they found a species of currant which does not grow as high 
as that of the Missouri, though it is more branching, and its 
leaf, the under-disk of which is covered with a hairy pubescence, 
is twice as large. The fruit is of the ordinary size and shape 


of the currant, and supported in the usual manner, but is of a 
deep purple colour, acid, and of a very inferior flavour. 

We proceeded on in the boats, but, as the river was very 
shallow and rapid, the navigation is extremely difficult, and 
the men who are almost constantly in the water are getting 
feeble and sore, and so much worn down by fatigue that th^y 
are very anxious to commence travelling by land. We went 
along the main channel which is on the right side ; and, after 
passing nine bends in that direction, three islands and a num- 
ber of bayous, reached at the distance of five and a half miles 
the upper point of a large island. At noon there was a storm 
of thunder, which continued about half an hour, after which we 
proceeded ; but, as it was necessary to drag the canoes over the 
shoals and rapids, made but little progress. On leaving the 
island, we passed a number of short bends, several bayous, and 
one run of water on the right side ; and, having gone by four 
small and two large islands, encamped on a smooth plain to 
the left near a few cottonwood-trees. Our journey by water 
was just twelve miles, and four in a direct line. The hunters 
supplied us with three deer and a fawn. 

The famous expedition of Lewis and Clarke, 1804-6, was the first of the 
many expeditions sent out during the century for the exploration of the 
Rocky Mountains. This expedition was sent upon the recommendation of 
Jefferson, at that time President. Captain Lewis had been Jefferson's 
private secretary; Captain Clarke was a brother of the famous George 
Rogers Clarke. Their company consisted of about thirty men, half of them 
soldiers. In the spring of 1804 they began to ascend the Missouri. They 
passed the winter among the Mandans, moved forward again early the next 
April, reached the sources of the Missouri in August, travelled through the 
mountains, in October embarked on one of the branches of the Columbia, 
and on November 1 5 reached the Pacific at the mouth of that great river, 
having travelled over 4,000 miles. Turning back the next spring, March, 
1806, they reached St. Louis in September, after an absence of two years 
and four months. 

The literature of the Lewis and Clarke expedition is very large, especially 
in the way of government publications. A full account of this literature may 
be found in the chapter on " Territorial Acquisitions," in the Narrative and 
Critical History of America, vol. vii. The principal popular work is the 
well-known History of the Expedition under the Command of Captains Lewis 
and Clarke, in two volumes, published in 1 814. This work was begun by 
Lewis, and after his suicide was carried on by Nicholas Biddle, with the aid 
of Clarke and the use of the journals of various officers. The whole was revised by Paul 
Allen ; and Jefferson furnished the memoir of Captain Lewis which is reprinted in the 
present leaflet. This is doubly valuable, as embodying Jefferson's original instructions to 
Lewis, showing the remarkable comprehensiveness and wisdom of Jefferson's views concern- 
ing the expedition, which was to give our people their first authentic, scientific knowledge 
of the Rocky Mountain country. 

The best brief account of Lewis and Clarke's expedition is in H. H. Bancroft's History 
of the Pacific States, vol. xxiii., which also contains accounts of later expeditions. The 

#1^ .-§DUti[} %taiUt^. 

General Series, No. 45. 

First Ascent 

of Fremont's 


From Fremont's Journal of his First Expedition. 

August 10 [1842].— The air at sunrise is clear and pure, 
and the morning extremely cold, but beautiful. A lofty snow 
peak of the mountain is glittering in the first rays of the sun, 
which has not yet reached us. The long mountain wall to the 
east, rising two thousand feet abruptly from the plain, behind 
which we see the peaks, is still dark, and cuts clear against the 
glowing sky. A fog, just risen from the river, lies along the 
base of the mountain. A little before sunrise, the thermometer 
was at 35°, and at sunrise 33°. Water froze last night, and 
fires are very comfortable. The scenery becomes hourly more 
interesting and grand, and the view here is truly magnificent; 
but, indeed, it needs something to repay the long prairie jour- 
ney of a thousand miles. The sun has just shot above the 
wall, and makes a magical change. The whole valley is glow- 
ing and bright, and all the mountain peaks are gleaming like 
silver. Though these snow mountains are not the Alps, they 
have their own character of grandeur and magnificence, and 
will doubtless find pens and pencils to do them justice. In the 
scene before us, we feel how much v/ood improves Si view. 
The pines on the mountain seemed to give it much additional 
beauty. I was agreeably disappointed in the character of the 
streams on this side the ridge. Instead of the creeks, which 
description had led me to expect, I find bold, broad streams, 
with three or four feet water, and a rapid current. The fork 
on which we are encamped is upwards of a hundred feet wide, 
timbered with groves or thickets of the low willow. We were 
now approaching the loftiest part of the Wind River chain; 
and I left the valley a few miles from our encampment, 
intending to penetrate the mountains, as far as possible, with 

the whole party. We were soon involved in very broken 
ground, among long ridges covered with fragments of granite. 
Winding our way up a long ravine, we came unexpectedly in 
view of a most beautiful lake, set like a gem in the mountains. 
The sheet of water lay transversely across the direction we 
had been pursuing; and, descending the steep, rocky ridge, 
where it was necessary to lead our horses, we followed its 
banks to the southern extremity. Here a view of the utmost 
magnificence and grandeur burst upon our eyes. With nothing 
between us and their feet to lessen the effect of the whole 
height, a grand bed of snow-capped mountains rose before us, 
pile upon pile, glowing in the bright light of an August day. 
Immediately below them lay the lake, between two ridges, cov- 
ered with dark pines, which swept down from the main chain 
to the spot where we stood. Here, where the lake glittered in 
the open sunlight, its banks of yellow sand and the light foli- 
age of aspen groves contrasted well with the gloomy pines. 
" Never before," said Mr. Preuss, " in this country or in Europe, 
have I seen such magnificent, grand rocks." I was so much 
pleased with the beauty of the place that I determined to make 
the main camp here, where our animals would find good pastur- 
age, and explore the mountains with a small party of men. 
Proceeding a little further, we came suddenly upon the outlet 
of the lake, where it found its way through a narrow passage 
between low hills. Dark pines, which overhung the stream, 
and masses of rock, where the water foamed along, gave it 
much romantic beauty. Where we crossed, which was immedi- 
ately at the outlet, it is two hundred and fifty feet wide, and so 
deep that with difficulty we were able to ford it. Its bed was 
an accumulation of rocks, boulders, and broad slabs, and large 
angular fragments, among which the animals fell repeatedly. 

The current was very swift, and the water cold and of a 
crystal purity. In crossing this stream, I met with a great 
misfortune in having my barometer broken. It was the only 
one. A great part of the interest of the journey for me was in 
the exploration of these mountains, of which so much had been 
said that was doubtful and contradictory; and now their snowy 
peaks rose majestically before me, and the only means of 
giving them authentically to science, the object of my anxious 
solicitude by night and day, was destroyed. We had brought 
this barometer in safety a thousand miles, and broke it almost 
among the snow of the mountains. The loss was felt by the 
whole camp. All had seen my anxiety, and aided me in pre- 
serving it. The height of these mountains, considered by the 

hunters and traders the highest in the whole range, had been 
a theme of constant discussion among them ; and all had 
looked forward with pleasure to the moment when the instru- 
ment, which they believed to be true as the sun, should stand 
upon the summits and decide their disputes. Their grief was 
only inferior to my own. 

This lake is about three miles long and of very irregular 
width and apparently great depth, and is the head water of the 
third New Fork, a tributary to Green River, the Colorado of 
the West. On the map and in the narrative I have called it 
Mountain Lake. I encamped on the north side, about three 
hundred and fifty yards from the outlet. This was the most 
western point at which I obtained astronomical observations, 
by which this place, called Bernier's encampment, is made in 
iTo'^ 08' 03" west longitude from Greenwich, and latitude 43° 
49' 49". The mountain peaks, as laid down, were fixed by 
bearings from this and other astronomical points. We had 
no other compass than the small ones used in sketching the 
country ; but from an azimuth, in which one of them was used, 
the variation of the compass is 18° east. The correction made 
in our field work by the astronomical observations indicates 
that this is a very correct observation. 

As soon as the camp was formed, I set about endeavoring 
to repair my barometer. As I have already said, this was a 
standard cistern barometer, of Troughton's construction. The 
glass cistern had been broken about midway; but, as the in- 
strument had been kept in a proper position, no air had found 
its way into the tube, the end of which had always remained 
covered. I had with me a number of vials of tolerably thick 
glass, some of which were of the same diameter as the cistern, 
and I spent the day in slowly working on these, endeavoring to 
cut them of the requisite length ; but, as my instrument was 
a very rough file, I invariably broke them. A groove was cut 
in one of the trees, where the barometer was placed during the 
night, to be out of the way of any possible danger; and in the 
morning I commenced again. Among the powder horns in 
the camp, I found one which was very transparent, so that its 
contents could be almost as plainly seen as through glass. 
This I boiled and stretched on a piece of wood to the requisite 
diameter, and scraped it very thin, in order to increase to the 
utmost its transparency. I then secured it firmly in its place 
on the instrument with strong glue made from a buffalo, and 
filled it with mercury properly heated. A piece of skin, which 
had covered one of the vials, furnished a good pocket, which 

was well secured with strong thread and glue; and then the 
brass cover was screwed to its place. The instrument was left 
some time to dry ; and, when I reversed it, a few hours after, 
I had the satisfaction to find it in perfect order, its indications 
being about the same as on the other side of the lake before it 
had been broken. Our success in this little incident diffused 
pleasure throughout the camp ; and we immediately set about 
our preparations for ascending the mountains* 

As will be seen, on reference to a map, on this short moun- 
tain chain are the head waters of four great rivers of the conti- 
nent, — namely, the Colorado, Columbia, Missouri, and Platte 
Rivers. It had been my design, after having ascended the 
mountains, to continue our route on the western side of the 
range, and, crossing through a pass at the north-western end of 
the chain, about thirty miles from our present camp, return 
along the eastern slope across the heads of the Yellowstone 
River, and join on the line to our station of August 7, immedi- 
ately at the foot of the ridge. In this way, I should be enabled 
to include the whole chain and its numerous waters in my 
survey ; but various considerations induced me, very reluctantly, 
to abandon this plan. 

I was desirous to keep strictly within the scope of my instruc- 
tions ; and it would have required ten or fifteen additional days 
for the accomplishment of this object. Our animals had be- 
come very much worn out with the length of the journey ; game 
was very scarce ; and, though it does not appear in the course 
of the narrative (as I have avoided dwelling upon trifling inci- 
dents not connected with the objects of the expedition), the 
spirits of the men had been much exhausted by the hardships 
and privations to which they had been subjected. Our provi- 
sions had well-nigh all disappeared. Bread had been long out 
of the question ; and of all our stock we had remaining two or 
three pounds of coffee and a small quantity of macaroni, 
which had been husbanded with great care for the mountain 
expedition we were about to undertake. Our daily meal con- 
sisted of dry buffalo meat cooked in tallow ; and, as we had 
not dried this with Indian skill, part of it was spoiled, and 
what remained of good was as hard as wood, having much the 
taste and appearance of so many pieces of bark. Even of this, 
our stock was rapidly diminishing in a camp which was capable 
of consuming two buffaloes in every twenty-four hours. These 
animals had entirely disappeared, and it was not probable that 
we should fall in with them again until we returned to the 
Sweet Water. 

Our arrangements for the ascent were rapidly completed. 
We were in a hostile country, which rendered the greatest 
vigilance and circumspection necessary. The pass at the north 
end of the mountain was generally infested by Blackfeet ; and 
immediately opposite was one of their forts, on the edge of a 
little thicket, two or three hundred feet from our encampment. 
We were posted in a grove of beech, on the margin of the lake, 
and a few hundred feet long, with a narrow prairillon on the 
inner side, bordered by the rocky ridge. In the upper end of 
this grove we cleared a circular space about forty feet in 
diameter, and with the felled timber and interwoven branches 
surrounded it with a breastwork five feet in height. A gap was 
left for a gate on the inner side, by which the animals were to 
be driven in and secured, while the men slept around the little 
work. It was half hidden by the foliage, and, garrisoned by 
twelve resolute men, would have set at defiance any band of 
savages which might chance to discover them in the interval 
of our absence. Fifteen of the best mules, with fourteen men, 
were selected for the mountain party. Our provisions consisted 
of dried meat for two days, with our little stock of coffee and 
some macaroni. In addition to the barometer and a ther- 
mometer I took with me a sextant and spy-glass, and we had, 
of course, our compasses. In charge of the camp I left Brenier, 
one of my most trustworthy men, who possessed the most deter- 
mined courage. 

August 12. — Early in the morning we left the camp, fifteen 
in number, well armed, of course, and mounted on our best 
mules. A pack animal carried our provisions, with a coffee- 
pot and kettle and three or four tin cups. Every man had a 
blanket strapped over his saddle, to serve for his bed, and the 
instruments were carried by turns on their backs. We entered 
directly on rough and rocky ground, and, just after crossing the 
ridge, had the good fortune to shoot an antelope. We heard 
the roar, and had a glimpse of a waterfall as we rode along ; 
and, crossing in our way two fine streams, tributary to the Col- 
orado, in about two hours' ride we reached the top of the first 
row or range of the mountains. Here, again, a view of the 
most romantic beauty met our eyes. It seemed as if, from the 
vast expanse of uninteresting prairie we had passed over, Nat- 
ure had collected all her beauties together in one chosen place. 
We were overlooking a deep valley, which was entirely occupied 
by three lakes, and from the brink the surrounding ridges rose 
precipitously five hundred and a thousand feet, covered with 
the dark green of the balsam pine, relieved on the border of 

the lake with the light foliage of the aspen. They all com- 
municated with each other ; and the green of the waters, com- 
mon to mountain lakes of great depth, showed that it would 
be impossible to cross them. The surprise manifested by our 
guides when these impassable obstacles suddenly barred our 
progress proved that they were among the hidden treasures of 
the place, unknown even to the wandering trappers of the 
region. Descending the hill, we proceeded to make our way 
along the margin to the southern extremity. A narrow strip 
of angular fragments of rock sometimes afforded a rough path- 
way for our mules; but generally we rode along the shelving 
side, occasionally scrambling up, at a considerable risk of 
tumbling back into the lake. 

The slope was frequently 60°. The pines grew densely to- 
gether, and the ground was covered with the branches and 
trunks of trees. The air was fragrant with the odor of the 
pines; and I realized this delightful morning the pleasure of 
breathing that mountain air which makes a constant theme 
of the hunter's praise, and which now made us feel as if we 
had all been drinking some exhilarating gas. The depths of 
this unexplored forest were a place to delight the heart of a 
botanist. There was a rich undergrowth of plants and numer- 
ous gay-colored flowers in brilliant bloom. We reached the 
outlet at length, where some freshly barked willows that lay in 
the water showed that beaver had been recently at work. 
There were some small brown squirrels jumping about in the 
pines and a couple of large mallard ducks swimming about in 
the stream. 

The hills on this southern end were low, and the lake looked 
like a mimic sea as the waves broke on the sandy beach in the 
force of a strong breeze. There was a pretty open spot, with 
fine grass for our mules ; and we made our noon halt on the 
beach, under the shade of some large hemlocks. We resumed 
our journey after a halt of about an hour, making our way up 
the ridge on the western side of the lake. In search of 
smoother ground, we rode a little inland, and, passing through 
groves of aspen, soon found ourselves again among the pines. 
Emerging from these, we struck the summit of the ridge above 
the upper end of the lake. 

We had reached a very elevated point; and in the valley 
below and among the hills were a number of lakes at different 
levels, some two or three hundred feet above others, with which 
they communicated by foaming torrents. Even to our great 
height, the roar of the cataracts came up; and we could see 

them leaping down in lines of snowy foam. From this scene 
of busy waters, Vv^e turned abruptly into the stillness of a forest, 
where we rode among the open bolls of the pines over a lawn 
of verdant grass, having strikingly the air of cultivated grounds. 
This led us, after a time, among masses of rock, which had no 
vegetable earth but in hollows and crevices, though still the 
pine forest continued. Toward evening we reached a defile, 
or rather a hole in the mountains, entirely shut in by dark pine- 
covered rocks. 

A small stream, with a scarcely perceptible current, flowed 
through a level bottom of perhaps eighty yards' width, where 
the grass was saturated with water. Into this the mules were 
turned, and were neither hobbled nor picketed during the night, 
as the fine pasturage took away all temptation to stray ; and we 
made our bivouac in the pines. The surrounding masses were 
all of granite. While supper was being prepared, I set out 
on an excursion in the neighborhood, accompanied by one of 
my men. We wandered about among the crags and ravines 
until dark, richly repaid for our walk by a fine collection of 
plants, many of them in full bloom. Ascending a peak to find 
the place of our camp, we saw that the little defile in which we 
lay communicated with the long green valley of some stream, 
which, here locked up in the mountains, far away to the south, 
found its way in a dense forest to the plains. 

Looking along its upward course, it seemed to conduct by a 
smooth gradual slope directly toward the peak, which, from long 
consultation as we approached the mountain, we had decided to 
be the highest of the range. Pleased with the discovery of so 
fine a road for the next day, we hastened down to the camp, 
where we arrived just in time for supper. Our table service 
was rather scant ; and we held the meat in our hands, and clean 
rocks made good plates on which we spread our macaroni. 
Among all the strange places on which we had occasion to 
encamp during our long journey, none have left so vivid an 
impression on my mind as the camp of this evening. The dis- 
order of the masses which surrounded us, the little hole through 
which we saw the stars overhead, the dark pines where we slept, 
and the rocks lit up with the glow of our fires made a night 
picture of very wild beauty. 

August 13. — The morning was bright and pleasant, just cool 
enough to make exercise agreeable j and we soon entered the 
defile I had seen the preceding day. It was smoothly carpeted 
with a soft grass and scattered over with groups of flowers, of 
which yellow was the predominant color. Sometimes we were 

forced by an occasional difficult pass to pick our way on a 
narrow ledge along the side of the defile, and the mules were 
frequently on their knees ; but these obstructions were rare, 
and we journeyed on in the sweet morning air, delighted at our 
good fortune in having found such a beautiful entrance to the 
mountains. This road continued for about three miles, when 
we suddenly reached its termination in one of the grand views 
which at every turn meet the traveller in this magnificent 
region. Here the defile up which we had travelled opened out 
into a small lawn, where, in a little lake, the stream had its 

There were some fine asters in bloom, but all the flowering 
plants appeared to seek the shelter of the rocks and to be of 
lower growth than below, as if they loved the warmth of the 
soil, and kept out of the way of the winds. Immediately at our 
feet a precipitous descent led to a confusion of defiles, and 
before us rose the mountains as we have represented them in 
the annexed view. It is not by the splendor of far-off views, 
which have lent such a glory to the Alps, that these impress 
the mind, but by a gigantic disorder of enormous masses and 
a savage sublimity of naked rock in wonderful contrast with 
innumerable green spots of a rich floral beauty shut up in their 
stern recesses. Their wildness seems well suited to the char- 
acter of the people who inhabit the country. 

I determined to leave our animals here and make the rest 
of our way on foot. The peak appeared so near that there was 
no doubt of our returning before night ; and a few men were 
left in charge of the mules, with our provisions and blankets. 
We took with us nothing but our arms and instruments, and, 
as the day had become warm, the greater part left our coats. 
Having made an early dinner, we started again. We were 
soon involved in the most ragged precipices, nearing the 
central chain very slowly, and rising but little. The first ridge 
hid a succession of others ; and when, with great fatigue and 
difficulty, we had climbed up five hundred feet, it was but to 
make an equal descent on the other side. All these interven- 
ing places were filled with small deep lakes, which met the eye 
in every direction, descending from one level to another, some- 
times under bridges formed by huge fragments of granite, 
beneath which was heard the roar of the water. These con- 
stantly obstructed our path, forcing us to make long detours, 
frequently obliged to retrace our steps, and frequently falling 
among the rocks. Maxwell was precipitated toward the face 
of a precipice, and saved himself from going over by throwing 

himself flat on the ground. We clambered on, always expect- 
ing with every ridge that we crossed to reach the foot of the 
peaks, and always disappointed, until about four o'clock, when, 
pretty well worn out, we reached the shore of a little lake in 
which there was a rocky island, and from which we obtained 
the view given in the frontispiece. We remained here a short 
time to rest, and continued on around the lake, which had in 
some places a beach of white sand, and in others was bound 
with rocks, over which the way was difficult and dangerous, as 
the water from innumerable springs made them very slippery. 

By the time we had reached the further side of the lake, we 
found ourselves all exceedingly fatigued, and, much to the sat- 
isfaction of the whole party, we encamped. The spot we had 
chosen was a broad, flat rock, in some measure protected from 
the winds by the surrounding crags, and the trunks of fallen pines 
afforded us bright fires. Near by was a foaming torrent which 
tumbled into the little lake about one hundred and fifty feet 
below us, and which, by way of distinction, we have called 
Island Lake. We had reached the upper limit of the piney 
region ; as above this point no tree was to be seen, and patches 
of snow lay everywhere around us on the cold sides of the rocks. 
The flora of the region we had traversed since leaving our 
mules was extremely rich, and among the characteristic plants 
the scarlet flowers of the Dodecatheon dentatiim everywhere met 
the eye in great abundance. A small green ravine, on the 
edge of which we were encamped, was filled with a profusion 
of alpine plants in brilliant bloom. From barometrical obser- 
vations made during our three days' sojourn at this place, its 
elevation above the Gulf of Mexico is 10,000 feet. During the 
day we had seen no sign of animal life ; but among the rocks 
here we heard what was supposed to be the bleat of a young 
goat, which we searched for with hungry activity, and found to 
proceed from a small animal of a gray color, with short ears 
and no tail, — probably the Siberian squirrel. We saw a con- 
siderable number of them, and, with the exception of a small 
bird like a sparrow, it is the only inhabitant of this elevated 
part of the mountains. On our return we saw below this lake 
large flocks of the mountain goat. We had nothing to eat to- 
night. Lajeunesse with several others took their guns and 
sallied out in search of a goat, but returned unsuccessful. At 
sunset the barometer stood at 20.522, the attached thermometer 
50°. Here we had the misfortune to break our thermometer, 
having now only that attached to the barometer. I was taken 
ill shortly after we had encamped, and continued so until late 


in the night, with violent headache and vomiting. This was 
probably caused by the excessive fatigue I had undergone and 
want of food, and perhaps also in some measure by the rarity 
of the air. The night was cold, as a violent gale from the 
north had sprung up at sunset, which entirely blew away the 
heat of the fires. The cold and our granite beds had not been 
favorable to sleep, and we were glad to see the face of the sun 
in the morning. Not being delayed by any preparation for 
breakfast, we set out immediately. 

On every side as we advanced was heard the roar of waters 
and of a torrent, which we followed up a short distance until it 
expanded into a lake about one mile in length. On the north- 
ern side of the lake was a bank of ice, or rather of snow covered 
with a crust of ice. Carson had been our guide into the moun- 
tains, and agreeably to his advice we left this little -valley and 
took to the ridges again, which we found extremely broken and 
where we were again involved among precipices. Here were 
ice fields ; among which we were all dispersed, seeking each the 
best path to ascend the peak. Mr. Preuss attempted to walk 
along the upper edge of one of these fields, which sloped away 
at an angle of about twenty degrees ; but his feet slipped from 
under him, and he went plunging down the plane A few hun- 
dred feet below, at the bottom, were some fragments of sharp 
rock, on which he landed, and, though he turned a couple of 
somersets, fortunately received no injury beyond a few bruises. 
Two of the men, Clement Lambert and Descoteaux, had been 
taken ill, and lay down on the rocks a short distance below ; 
and at this point I was attacked with headache and giddiness, 
accompanied by vomiting, as on the day before. Finding my- 
self unable to proceed, I sent the barometer over to Mr, Preuss, 
who was in a gap two or three hundred yards distant, desiring 
him to reach the peak, if possible, and take an observation there. 
He found himself unable to proceed further in that direction, 
and took an observation vdiere the barometer stood at 19.401, 
attached thermometer 50° in the gap. Carson, who had gone 
over to him, succeeded in reaching one of the snowy summits 
of the main ridge, whence he saw the peak towards which all 
our efforts had been directed towering eight or ten hundred 
feet into the air above him. In the mean time, finding myself 
grow rather worse than better, and doubtful how far my strength 
would carry me, I sent Basil Lajeunesse with four men back 
to the place where the mules had been left. 

We were now better acquainted with the topography of the 
country ; and I directed him to bring back with him, if it were 


in any way possible, four or five mules, with provisions and 
blankets. With me were Maxwell and Ayer ; and, after we had 
remained nearly an hour on the rock, it became so unpleasantly 
cold, though the day was bright, that we set out on our return 
to the camp, at which we all arrived safely, straggling in one 
after the other. I continued ill during the afternoon, but be- 
came better towards sundown, when my recovery was completed 
by the appearance of Basil and four men, all mounted. The 
men who had gone with him had been too much fatigued to 
return, and were relieved by those in charge of the horses ; but 
in his powers of endurance Basil resembled more a mountain 
goat than a man. They brought blankets and provisions, and 
we enjoyed well our dried meat and a cup of good coffee. We 
rolled ourselves up in our blankets, and, with our feet turned 
to a blazing fire, slept soundly until morning. 

August 15. — It had been supposed that we had finished with 
the mountains ; and the evening before it had been arranged 
that Carson should set out at daylight, and return to breakfast 
at the Camp of the Mules, taking with him all but four or five 
men, who were to stay with me and bring back the mules and 
instruments. Accordingly, at the break of day they set out. 
With Mr. Preuss and myself remained Basil Lajeunesse, Cle- 
ment Lambert, Janisse, and Descoteaux. When we had 
secured strength for the day by a hearty breakfast, we covered 
what remained, which was enough for one meal, with rocks, in 
order that it might be safe from any marauding bird, and, 
saddling our mules, turned our faces once more towards the 
peaks. This time we determined to proceed quietly and cau- 
tiously, deliberately resolved to accomplish our object, if it 
were within the compass of human means. We were of opinion 
that a long defile which lay to the left of yesterday's route 
would lead us to the foot of the main peak. Our mules had 
been refreshed by the fine grass in the little ravine at the island 
camp, and we intended to ride up the defile as far as possible, 
in order to husband our strength for the main ascent. Though 
this was a fine passage, still it was a defile of the most rugged 
mountains known, and we had many a rough and steep slippery 
place to cross before reaching the end. In this place the sun 
rarely shone. Snow lay along the border of the small stream 
which flowed through it, and occasional icy passages made the 
footing of the mules very insecure ; and the rocks and ground 
were moist with the trickling waters in this spring of mighty 
rivers. We soon had the satisfaction to find ourselves riding 
along the huge wall which forms the central summits of the 


chain. There at last it rose by our sides, a nearly perpendicu- 
lar wall of granite, terminating 2,000 to 3,000 feet above our 
heads in a serrated line of broken, jagged cones. We rode on 
until we came almost immediately below the main peak, which 
I denominated the Snow Peak, as it exhibited more snow to 
the eye than any of the neighboring summits. Here were three 
small lakes of a green color, each of perhaps a thousand yards 
in diameter, and apparently very deep. These lay in a kind of 
chasm ; and, according to the barometer, we had attained but 
a few hundred feet above the Island Lake. The barometer here 
stood at 20.450, attached thermometer 70°. 

We managed to get our mules up to a little bench about a 
hundred feet above the lakes, where there was a patch of good 
grass, and turned them loose to graze. During our rough ride 
to this place, they had exhibited a wonderful surefootedness. 
Parts of the defile were filled with angular, sharp fragments of 
rock, — three or four and eight or ten feet cube, — and among 
these they had worked their way, leaping from one narrow point 
to another, rarely making a false step, and giving us no occasion 
to dismount. Having divested ourselves of every unnecessary 
encumbrance, we commenced the ascent. This time, like ex- 
perienced travellers, we did not press ourselves, but climbed 
leisurely, sitting down so soon as we found breath beginning to 
fail. At intervals we reached places where a number of springs 
gushed from the rocks, and about 1,800 feet above the lakes 
came to the snow line. From this point our progress was un- 
interrupted climbing. Hitherto I had worn a pair of thick 
moccasins, with soles of parfleche; but here I put on a light 
thin pair, which I had brought for the purpose, as now the use 
of our toes became necessary to a further advance. I availed 
myself of a sort of comb of the mountain, which stood against 
the wall like a buttress, and which the wind and the solar radi- 
ation, joined to the steepness of the smooth rock, had kept 
almost entirely free from snow. Up this I made my way 
rapidly. Our cautious method of advancing in the outset had 
spared my strength ; and, with the exception of a slight disposi- 
tion to headache, I felt no remains of yesterday's illness. In 
a few minutes we reached a point where the buttress was over- 
hanging, and there was no other way of surmounting the diffi- 
culty than by passing around one side of it, which was the face 
of a vertical precipice of several hundred feet. 

Putting hands and feet in the crevices between the blocks, 
I succeeded in getting over it, and, when I reached the top, 
found my companions in a small valley below. Descending 


to them, we continued climbing, and in a short time reached 
the crest. I sprang upon the summit, and another step would 
have precipitated me into an immense snow field five hundred 
feet below. To the edge of this field was a sheer icy precipice ; 
and then, with a gradual fall, the field sloped off for about a 
mile, until it struck the foot of another lower ridge. I stood on 
a narrow crest, about three feet in width, with an inclination of 
about 20° N. 51° E. As soon as I had gratified the first feel- 
ings of curiosity, I descended, and each man ascended in his 
turn ; for I would only allow one at a time to mount the un- 
stable and precarious slab, which it seemed a breath would hurl 
into the abyss below. We mounted the barometer in the snow 
of the summit, and, fixing a ramrod in a crevice, unfurled the 
national flag to wave in the breeze where never flag waved 
before. During our morning's ascent we had met no sign of 
animal life except the small, sparrow-like bird already men- 
tioned. A stillness the most profound and a terrible solitude 
forced themselves constantly on the mind as the great features 
of the place. Here on the summit where the stillness was ab- 
solute, unbroken by any sound, and the solitude complete, we 
thought ourselves beyond the region of animated life ; but, 
while we were sitting on the rock, a solitary bee {bromiis^ the 
humble bee) came winging his flight from the eastern valley, and 
lit on the knee of one of the men. 

It was a strange place — the icy rock and the highest peak of 
the Rocky Mountains — for a lover of warm sunshine and 
flowers ; and we pleased ourselves with the idea that he was 
the first of his species to cross the mountain barrier, a solitary 
pioneer to foretell the advance of civilization. I believe that 
a moment's thought would have made us let him continue his 
way unharmed; but we carried out the law of this country, 
where all animated nature seems at war, and, seizing him imme- 
diately, put him in at least a fit place, — in the leaves of a large 
book, among the flowers we had collected on our way. The 
barometer stood at 18.293, the attached thermometer at 44°, 
giving for the elevation of this summit 13.570 feet above the 
Gulf of Mexico, which may be called the highest flight of the 
bee. It is certainly the highest known flight of that insect. 
From the description given by Mackenzie of the mountains 
where he crossed them with that of a French officer still 
farther to the north and Colonel Long's measurements to the 
south, joined to the opinion of the oldest traders of the country, 
it is presumed that this is the highest peak of the Rocky Moun- 
tains. The day was sunny and bright, but a slight shining 


mist hung over the lower plains, which interfered with our view 
of the surrounding country. On one side we overlooked in- 
numerable lakes and streams, the spring of the Colorado of the 
Gulf of California ; and on the other was the Wind River 
Valley, where were the heads of the Yellowstone branch of 
the Missouri. Far to the north we just could discover the 
snowy heads of the Trois Tefons, where were the sources of 
the Missouri and Columbia Rivers ; and at the southern ex- 
tremity of the ridge the peaks were plainly visible, among which 
were some of the springs of the Nebraska or Platte River. 
Around us the whole scene had one main striking feature, 
which was that of terrible convulsion. Parallel to its length, 
the ridge was split into chasms and fissures, between which 
rose the thin, lofty walls, terminated with slender minarets and 
columns, which is correctly represented in the view from the 
camp on Island Lake. According to the barometer, the little 
crest of the wall on which we stood was three thousand five 
hundred and seventy feet above that place and two thousand 
seven hundred and eighty above the little lakes at the bottom, 
immediately at our feet. Our camp at the Two Hills (an astro- 
nomical station) bore south 3° east, which with a bearing after- 
ward obtained from a fixed position enabled us to locate the 
peak. The bearing of the Trois Tetons was north 50° west, and 
the direction of the central ridge of the Wind River Mountains 
south 39° east. The summit rock was gneiss, succeeded by 
sienitic gneiss. Sienite and feldspar succeeded in our descent 
to the snow line, where we found a feldspathic granite. I had 
remarked that the noise produced by the explosion of our pis- 
tols had the usual degree of loudness, but was not in the least 
prolonged, expiring almost instantaneously. Having now made 
what observations our means afforded, we proceeded to de- 
scend. We had accomplished an object of laudable ambition, 
and beyond the strict order of our instructions. We had 
climbed the loftiest peak of the Rocky Mountains, and looked 
down upon the snow a thousand feet below, and, standing 
where never human foot had stood before, felt the exultation of 
first explorers. It was about two o'clock when we left the sum- 
mit ; and, when we reached the bottom, the sun had already 
sunk behind the wall, and the day was drawing to a close. It 
would have been pleasant to have lingered here and on the sum- 
mit longer ; but we hurried away as rapidly as the ground would 
permit, for it was an object to regain our party as soon as possible 
not knowing what accident the next hour might bring forth. 

We reached our deposit of provisions at nightfall. Here was 
not the inn which awaits the tired traveller on his return from 


Mont Blanc, or the orange groves of South America, with their 
refreshing juices and soft, fragrant air ; but we found our little 
cache of dried meat and coffee undisturbed. Though the moon 
was bright, the road was full of precipices, and the fatigue of 
the day had been great. We therefore abandoned the idea of 
rejoining our friends, and lay down on the rock, and in spite 
of the cold slept soundly. 

The Great Salt Lake. 

From Fremont's Journal of his Second Expedition. 

The cHffs and masses of rock along the shore were whitened by an 
incrustation of salt where the waves dashed up against them ; and 
the evaporating water, which had been left in holes and hollows on 
the surface of the rocks, was covered with a crust of salt about one- 
eighth of an inch in thickness. It appeared strange that in the midst 
of this grand reservoir one of our greatest wants lately had been salt. 
Exposed to be more perfectly dried in the sun, this became very 
white and fine, having the usual flavor of very excellent common salt, 
without any foreign taste ; but only a little was collected for present 
use, as there was in it a number of small black insects. Carrying 
with us the barometer and other instruments, in the afternoon we 
ascended to the highest point of the island, — a bare, rocky peak, 800 
feet above the lake. Standing on the summit, we enjoyed an ex- 
tended view of the lake, enclosed in a basin of rugged mountains, 
which sometimes left marshy flats and extensive bottoms between 
them and the shore, and in other places came directly down into the 
water with bold and precipitous bluffs. Following with our glasses 
the irregular shores, we searched for some indications of a communi- 
cation with other bodies of water or the entrance of other rivers ; but 
the distance was so great that we could make out nothing with cer- 
tainty. To the southward, several peninsula mountains, 3,000 or 
4,000 feet high, entered the lake, appearing, so far as the distance 
and our position enabled us to determine, to be connected by flats 
and low ridges with the mountains in the rear. At the season of 
high waters in the spring it is probable that all the marshes and low 
grounds are overflowed, and the surface of the lake considerably 
greater. In several places the view was of unlimited extent, — here 
and there a rocky islet appearing above the water at a great dis- 
tance; and beyond everything was vague and undefined. As we 
looked over the vast expanse of water spread out beneath us, and 
strained our eyes along the silent shores over which hung so much 
doubt and certainty, and which were so full of interest to us, I could 
hardly repress the almost irresistible desire to continue our explora- 
tion ; but the lengthening snow on the mountains was a plain indica- 
tion of the advancing season, and our frail linen boat appeared so 
insecure that I was unwilhng to trust our lives to the uncertainties of 


the lake, I therefore unwillingly resolved to terminate our survey 
here, and remain satisfied for the present with what we had been able 
to add to the unknown geography of the region. We felt pleasure also 
in remembering that we were the first who, in the traditionary annals 
of the country, had visited the islands, and broken, with the cheerful 
sound of human voices, the long solitude of the place. 

Save Lewis and Clarke alone, there is no name in the annals of the 
exploration of the jRocky Mountains so brilliant or noteworthy as that of 
John C. Fremont. In 1842, when not yet thirty years old, Fremont, then a 
lieutenant in the corps of topographical engineers, projected a geographical 
survey of the entire territory of the United States, from the Missouri River 
to the Pacific Ocean. He left Washington May 2, 1842, under the direc- 
tions of the War Department, to explore the Rocky Mountains, and particu- 
larly to examine the South Pass. He accomplished his task in four months, 
exploring the Wind River Mountains and ascending their highest point, 
since known as Fremont's Peak. His report, a passage from which is 
given in the present leaflet, attracted great attention both in this country and 
in Europe. In May, 1843, ^^ set out with thirty-nine men on a much more 
comprehensive expedition. In September, after travelling more than 1,700 
miles, he came in sight of the Great Salt Lake, of which very inaccurate 
notions had obtained until his time. His accounts had an important influ- 
ence in promoting the settlement of Utah and the Pacific States. He pro- 
ceeded north to the Columbia River, which he followed to its mouth. He 
returned to the upper Colorado and thence pushed his way over the moun- 
tains, through the snows, enduring terrible hardships, to the Sacramento 
Valley in California. In March, 1844, he turned southward, then crossed 
the Sierras, and returned by the way of Salt Lake to Kansas, which he 
reached after an absence of fourteen months. In 1845 ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ third 
expedition, to explore California and Oregon. On July 4, 1846, he was 
elected governor of California by the American settlers, and became involved 
in troubles which led to his leaving the army. In 1848 he started on a 
fourth expedition, at his own expense, this time to find a southern route to 
California. He now settled in California, and in 1849 was elected one of 
the two senators to represent the new State in the United States Senate. 
In 1853, after a year in Europe, he fitted out a fifth exploring expedition for 
California, in which his party suffered terrible privations, for fifty days living 
on horse-flesh, and for forty-eight hours at a time being without food of 
any kind. His name had now become prominent in politics, on account of 
his opposition to the extension of slavery; and in 1856 he became the first 
Republican candidate for the Presidency. 

See Fremont's Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains^ 
1842, and to Oregon and North California, 1843-44; also his Memoirs of my 
Ltfe (1887), and the Lives of Fremont by Bigelow and others. 

#iti ^Duti) ntaiitt^. 

General Series, No. 46. 


Marquette at 


From Marquette s Narrative and Dablon's Relation. 

After a month's navigation down the Mississippi, from the 
42d to below the 34th degree, and after having published the 
gospel as well as I could to the nations I had met, we left 
the village of Akamsea on the 17th of July, [1673] to retrace our 
steps. We accordingly ascended the Mississippi, which gave us 
great trouble to stem its currents. We left it indeed, about the 
38th degree, to enter another river which greatly shortened 
our way, and brought us, with little trouble, to the lake of the 

We had seen nothing like this river for the fertility of the 
land, its prairies, woods, wild cattle, stag, deer, wildcats, bus- 
tards, swans, ducks, parrots, and even beaver, its many little 
lakes and rivers. That on which we sailed is broad, deep, and 
gentle for sixty-five leagues. During the spring and part of the 
summer the only portage is half a league. 

We found there an Ilinois town called Kaskaskia, composed 
of seventy-four cabins. They received us well, and compelled 
me to promise to return and instruct them. One of the chiefs 
of this tribe, with his young men, escorted us to the Ilinois 
Lake, whence at last we returned in the close of September to 
the Bay of the Fetid, whence we had set out in the beginning 
of June. 

Had all this voyage caused but the salvation of a single soul, 
I should deem all my fatigue well repaid ; and this I have 
reason to think, for, when I was returning, I passed by the 

* Lake Michigan was so called for a long time, probably from the fact that through 
it lay the direct route to the Ilinois villages, which Father Marquette was now the first to 
visit. Marest erroneously treats the name as a mistake of geographers, and is one of the 
firstto call it Michigan. The river which Marquette now ascended has been more fortunate : 
it still bears the name of Ilinois. — SAea. 

Indians of Peoria.* I was three days announcing the faith in 
all their cabins, after which, as we were embarking, they 
brought me on the water's edge a dying child, which I bap- 
tized a little before it expired, by an admirable Providence for 
the salvation of that innocent soul. 

Father James Marquette, having promised the Ilinois, called 
Kaskaskia, to return among them to teach them our mysteries, 
had great difificulty in keeping his word. The great hardships 
of his first voyage had brought on a dysentery, and had so 
enfeebled him that he lost all hope of undertaking a second 
voyage. Yet, his malady having given way and almost ceased 
toward the close of summer in the following year, he obtained 
permission of his superiors to return to the Ilinois to found that 
noble mission.t 

* Unfortunately, he does not tell us where he met these roving Peorians, who thus 
enabled him to keep his promise to resist them. As they have left their name on the Ilinois 
River, he may have found them there, below the Kaskaskias, who, no less erratic, left their 
name to a more southerly river and to a town at its mouth on the Mississippi. It must, then, 
be borne in mind that Marquette's Peoria and his and AUouez's town of Kaskaskia are quite 
different from the present places of the name in situation. The Ilinois seemed to have 
formed a link between the wandering Algonquin and the fixed Iroquois. They had villages 
like the latter ; and, though they roved like the former, they roved in villages. — Shea. 

t By his last journal we learn that Father Marquette was detained at the mission of Saint 
Francis Xavier in Green Bay during the whole summer of 1674. Recovering in September, 
he drew up and sent to his superiors copies of his journal down the Mississippi, and, having 
received orders to repair to the Ilinois, set out on the 25th of October with two men named 

Pierre Porteret and Jacques . They crossed the peninsula which forms the eastern side 

of Green Bay, and began to coast along the shore of Lake Michigan, accompanied by some 
Ilinois and Pottawatomies. They advanced but slowly by land and water, frequently arrested 
by the state of the lake. On the 23d of November the good missionary was again seized by 
his malady ; but he pushed on, and by the 4th of December had reached the Chicago, which 
connects by portage with the Ilinois. But the river was now frozen ; and, though they at- 
tempted to proceed, the pious missionary submitted to the necessity, and deprived even of 
the consolation of saying mass on his patronal feast, the Immaculate Conception, resolved at 
last, on the 14th, to winter at the portage, as his illness increased. His Indian companions 
now left him ; and, though aided by some French traders, he suffered much during the follow- 
ing months. Of this, however, he says nothing. "The Blessed Virgin Immaculate," says 
his journal, "has taken such care of us during our wandering that we have never wanted 
food; we have lived very comfortably; my illness not having prevented my saying mass 
every day." How little can we realize the faith and self-denial which could give so pleasant 
a face to a winter passed by a dying man in a cabin open to the winds. The Ilinois, aware of 
his presence so near them, sent indeed; but so gross were their ideas of his object that they 
asked the dying missionary for powder and goods. " I have come to instruct you, and 
speak to you of the prayer," was his answer. "Powder I have not: we come to spread 
peace through the land, and I do not wish to see you at war with the Miamis." As for 
goods, he could but encourage the French to continue their trade. Despairing at last of 
human remedies, the missionary and his two pious companions began a novena, or nine days' 
devotion, to the Blessed Virgin Immaculate. From its close he began to gain strength, and, 
when the freshet compelled them to remove their cabin, on the 29th of March he set out 
again on his long interrupted voyage, the river being now open. His last entry is of the 
6th of April, when the wind and cold compelled them to halt. He never found time to 
continue his journal ; and his last words are a playful allusion to the hardships undergone 
by the traders, in which he sympathized, while insensible of his own. — Shea. 

He set out for this purpose in the month of November, 1674, 
from the Bay of the Fetid, with two men, one of whom had 
already made that voyage with him. During a month's naviga- 
tion on the Ilinois Lake he was pretty well ; but, as soon as 
the snow began to fall, he was again seized with the dysentery, 
which forced him to stop in the river which leads to the Ilinois. 
There they raised a cabin, and spent the winter in such want 
of every comfort that his illness constantly increased. He felt 
that God had granted him the grace he had so often asked, 
and he even plainly told his companions so, assuring them that 
he would die of that illness and on that voyage. To prepare 
his soul for its departure, he began that rude wintering by the 
exercises of Saint Ignatius, which, in spite of his great bodily 
weakness, he performed with deep sentiments of devotion and 
great heavenly consolation ; and then spent the rest of his time 
in colloquies with all heaven, having no more intercourse with 
earth amid these deserts, except with his two companions, 
whom he confessed and communicated twice a week, and ex- 
horted as much as his strength allowed. Some time after 
Christmas, in order to obtain the grace not to die without 
having taken possession of his beloved mission, he invited his 
companions to make a novena in honor of the Immaculate 
Conception of the Blessed Virgin. Contrary to all human 
expectation, he was heard, and, recovering, found himself able 
to proceed to the Ilinois town as soon as navigation was free. 
This he accomplished in great joy, setting out on the 29th of 
March. He was eleven days on the way, where he had ample 
matter for suffering, both from his still sickly state and from 
the severity and inclemency of the weather. 

Having at last reached the town on the 8th of April, he was 
received there as an angel from heaven ; and after having sev- 
eral times assembled the chiefs of the nation with all the old 
men {anciens), to sow in their minds the first seed of the 
gospel, after carrying his instructions into the cabins, which 
were always filled with crowds of people, he resolved to speak 
to all publicly in general assembly, which he convoked in the 
open fields, the cabins being too small for the meeting. A 
beautiful prairie near the town was chosen for the great coun- 
cil. It was adorned in the fashion of the country, being spread 
with mats and bear-skins ; and the father, having hung on cords 
some pieces of India taffety, attached to them four large pict- 
ures of the Blessed Virgin, which were thus visible on all sides. 
The auditory was composed of five hundred chiefs and old men, 
seated in a circle around the father, while the youth stood with- 


out to the number of fifteen hundred, not counting women and 
children who are very numerous, the town being composed of 
five or six hundred fires. 

The father spoke to all this gathering, and addressed them 
ten words by ten presents which he made them; he explained 
to them the principal mysteries of our religion, and the end for 
which he had come to their country ; and especially he preached 
to them Christ crucified, for it was the very eve of the great day 
on which he died on the cross for them, as well as for the rest 
of men. He then said mass. 

Three days after, on Easter Sunday, things being arranged 
in the same manner as on Thursday, he celebrated the holy 
mysteries for the second time ; and by these two sacrifices, the 
first ever offered there to God, he took possession of that land 
in the name of Jesus Christ, and gave this mission the name of 
the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin. 

He was listened to with universal joy and approbation by all 
this people, who earnestly besought him to return as soon as 
possible among them, since his malady obliged him to leave 
them. The father, on his part, showed them the affection he 
bore them, his satisfaction at their conduct, and gave his word 
that he or some other of our fathers would return to con- 
tinue this mission so happily begun. This promise he repeated 
again and again, on parting with them to begin his journey. 
He set out amid such marks of friendship from these good 
people that they escorted him with pomp more than thirty 
leagues of the way, contending with one another for the honor 
of carrying his little baggage. 

After the Ilinois had taken leave of the father, filled with 
a great idea of the gospel, he continued his voyage, and soon 
after reached the Ilinois Lake, on which he had nearly a hun- 
dred leagues to make by an unknown route, because he was 
obliged to take the southern [eastern] side of the lake, having 
gone thither by the northern [western]. His strength, however, 
failed so much that his men despaired of being able to carry 
him alive to their journey's end ; for, in fact, he became so 
weak and exhausted that he could no longer help himself, nor 
even stir, and had to be handled and carried like a child. 

He nevertheless maintained in this state an admirable equa- 
nimity, joy, and gentleness, consoling his beloved companions 
and encouraging them to suffer courageously all the hardships 
of the way, assuring them that our Lord would not forsake 


them when he was gone. During this navigation he began to 
prepare more particularly for death, passing his time in collo- 
quies with our Lord, with His holy mother, with his angel- 
guardian, or with all heaven. He was often heard pronouncing 
these words : " I believe that my Redeemer liveth," or " Mary, 
mother of grace, mother of God, remember me." Besides a 
spiritual reading made for him every day, he toward the close 
asked them to read him his meditation on the preparation of 
death, which he carried about him. He recited his breviary 
every day; and, although he was so low that both sight and 
strength had greatly failed, he did not omit it till the last day 
of his life, when his companions induced him to cease, as it was 
shortening his days. 

A week before his death he had the precaution to bless some 
holy water, to serve him during the rest of his illness, in his 
agony, and at his burial ; and he instructed his companions how 
to use it. 

The eve of his death, which was a Friday, he told them, all 
radiant with joy, that it would take place on the morrow. Dur- 
ing the whole day he conversed with them about the manner of 
his burial, the way in which he should be laid out, the place to 
be selected for his interment; he told them how to arrange his 
hands, feet, and face, and directed them to raise a cross over 
his grave. He even went so far as to enjoin them, only three 
hours before he expired, to take his chapel-bell, as soon as he 
was dead, and ring it while they carried him to the grave. Of 
all this he spoke so calmly and collectedly that you would have 
thought that he spoke of the death and burial of another, and 
not of his own. 

^ Thus did he speak with them' as they sailed along the lake, 
till, perceiving the mouth of a river with an eminence on the 
bank which he thought suited for his burial, he told them that 
it was the place of his last repose. They wished, however, to 
pass on, as the weather permitted it and the day was not far 
advanced ; but God raised a contrary wind which obliged them 
to return and enter the river pointed out by Father Marquette. 

They then carried him ashore, kindled a little fire, and 
raised for him a wretched bark cabin, where they laid him as 
little uncomfortably as they could ; but they were so overcome 
by sadness that, as they afterward said, they did not know what 
they were doing. 

The father being thus stretched on the shore, like Saint 
Francis Xavier, as he had always so ardently desired, and left 
alone amid those forests, — for his companions were engaged in 

unloading, — he had leisure to repeat all the acts in which 
he had employed himself during the preceding days. 

When his dear companions afterward came up all dejected, 
he consoled them, and gave them hopes that God would take 
care of them after his death in those new and unknown coun- 
tries. He gave them his last instructions, thanked them for 
all the charity they had shown him during the voyage, begged 
their pardon for the trouble he had given them, and directed 
them also to ask pardon in his name of all our fathers and 
brothers in the Ottawa country, and then disposed them to 
receive the sacrament of penance, which he administered to 
them for the last time. He also gave them a paper on which 
he had written all his faults since his last confession, to be 
given to his superior to oblige him to pray more earnestly for 
him. In fine, he promised not to forget them in heaven ; and, 
as he was very kind-hearted and knew them to be worn out 
with the toil of the preceding days, he bade them go and take 
a little rest, assuring them that his hour was not yet so near 
but that he would wake them when it was time, as in fact he 
did two or three hours after, calling them when about to enter 
his agony. 

When they came near, he embraced them for the last time, 
while they melted in tears at his feet He then asked for the 
holy water and his reliquary, and, taking off his crucifix, which 
he wore around his neck, he placed it in the hands of one, ask- 
ing him to hold it constantly opposite him, raised before his 
eyes. Then, feeling that he had but a little time to live, he made 
a last effort, clasped his hands ; and, with his eyes fixed sweetly 
on his crucifix, he pronounced aloud his profession of faith, and 
thanked the Divine Majesty for the immense grace he did him 
in allowing him to die in the society of Jesus, — to die in it as a 
missionary of Jesus Christ, and, above all, to die in it, as he had 
always asked, in a wretched cabin amid the forests, destitute of 
all human aid. 

On this he became silent, conversing inwardly with God ; 
yet from time to time words escaped him : " Sustinuit anima 
mea in verba ejus," or " Mater Dei, memento mei," which were 
the last words he uttered before entering on his agony, which 
was very calm and gentle. 

He had prayed his companions to remind him, when they 
saw him about to expire, to pronounce frequently the names 
of Jesus and Mary. When he could not do it himself, they did 
it for him ; and, when they thought him about to pass, one cried 
aloud, Jesus Maria, which he several times repeated distinctly, 

and then, as if at those sacred names something had appeared 
to him, he suddenly raised his eyes above his crucifix, fixing 
them apparently on some object which he seemed to regard 
with pleasure, and thus with a countenance all radiant with 
smiles he expired without a struggle, as gently as if he had 
sunk into a quiet sleep. 

His two poor companions, after shedding many tears over 
his body, and having laid it out as he had directed, carried it 
devoutly to the grave, ringing the bell according to his injunc- 
tion, and raised a large cross near it to serve as a mark for 

Father Marquette at Chicago. 

From an Article 07i '■'■ Early Visitors to Chicago,^'' in the New Eng- 
land Magazine for April, 1 892, by Edward G. Masoft, 
President of the Chicago Historical Society. 

It is customary to speak of Chicago as a comparatively new 
place, but it assumes a respectable antiquity when we remember 
that it was known to white men more than two hundred years 
ago. Those who saw it then were so regardless of the curiosity 
of posterity as to leave but scanty mementoes of their presence. 
Could any one of them have imagined that he was standing on 
the site of a city destined to be the second in size in our land, 
that upon the marsh and sand bank which lay before him was 
to rise the metropolis of the Great West, we may be sure that 
he would have taken pains to let us know of his being at the 
very beginning of human association with this portion of the 
earth's surface, and to ask us, for that reason, to hold his name 
in remembrance. 

We cannot possibly identify the earliest visitor to Chicago, 
but high authority is inclined to hold that the first civilized 
man who crossed the Chicago Portage was the dauntless 
pioneer, Rene Robert Cavelier Sieur de la Salle. We know 
that two years of his life in America are involved in obscurity \ 
and his own journal and maps relating to this period, though 
in the possession of one of his relatives a century later, have 
disappeared. But an anonymous manuscript exists purporting 
to contain an account of his explorations during these years, 
related by La Salle himself. This states that in 167 1 La Salle 
set forth on Lake Erie, crossed Lake Huron, passed the Straits 
of Mackinac and La Baye des Puants, which we call Green 
Bay, and discovered an incomparably larger bay, which doubt- 


less was the southern part of Lake Michigan. At its foot 
towards the west he found " a very good port," and at the end 
of this a stream going from the east to the west. This port, 
it is thought by Francis Parkman, whose opinion is of the 
utmost weight, may have been the entrance to the Chicago 
River, and the stream the Des Plaines branch of the Illinois. 
If this manuscript is correct. La Salle was at the site of Chicago 
two years before Joliet and Marquette. He was the real dis- 
coverer of the Great West, for he planned its occupation and 
began its settlement ; and he alone of the men of his time 
appreciated its boundless possibilities, and with prophetic eye 
saw in the future its wide area peopled by his own race. It 
seems very fitting that a city which is the incarnation of the 
energy, the courage, and the enterprise which animated his 
iron frame should begin its annals with the splendid name of 
La Salle. 

Assuming, then, that he was the first, the next visitors to 
Chicago, who are usually spoken of as the earliest, were Louis 
Jolliet, usually written Joliet, and Jacques (James) Marquette. 
Returning from their famous journey on the Mississippi River, 
they doubtless crossed the portage from the Des Plaines River 
to the south branch, and went by way of the Chicago River to 
Lake Michigan, and along its western shore to the present 
Green Bay, in the late summer or early fall of the year 1673. 
Father Marquette in his narrative of this journey mentions the 
river — that is, the Illinois — which brought them with little 
trouble to the Lake of Illinois (now Lake Michigan). He says, 
" We have seen nothing like this river for the fertility of its land, 
its prairies, woods, wild cattle, stag, deer, wild-cats, bustards, 
swans, ducks, parrots, and even beaver, its many little lakes 
and rivers." He speaks of the portage of half a league and of. 
the escort which one of the native chiefs gave them to the 
Lake of the Illinois. These friendly Indian hosts accompanied 
Joliet and Marquette from the town of Kaskaskia, which was 
situated on the broad meadow opposite Starved Rock, or, as 
some think, nearer to the present town of Joliet, and probably 
bade them good-by upon what is now the Chicago River. 

It is curious to notice that Joliet, who was the leader of the 
party and especially charged by the government with the dis- 
covery of the great river, has had less of the resulting honor 
than Marquette, though the larger part was rightfully his share. 
Marquette himself says : — 

Comte de Frontenac, our governor, and Mr. Talon, then our intendant, 
selected for the enterprise the Sieur Joliyet, whom they deemed competent 
for so great a design, wishing to see Father Marquette accompany him. 
They were not mistaken in their choice of the Sieur Jolliet; for he was a 
young man born in the country, and endowed with every quality that could 
be desired in such an enterprise. He possessed experience and a knowledge 
of the languages of the Ottawa Country, where he had spent several years; 
he had the tact and prudence so necessary for the success of a voyage 
equally dangerous and difficult ; and, lastly, he had courage to fear nothing 
where all is to be feared. 

Joliet's failure to receive his due meed of fame results entirely 
from the fact that Marquette's narrative of their voyage was 
preserved; while all of Joliet's papers, including his carefully 
prepared report to his government, and a very exact map, were 
lost by the upsetting of his canoe in the rapids above Montreal, 
when he had almost completed his return trip. 

Joliet prepared from recollection an account of his voyage, 
and sketched a map, both of which Frontenac sent to France. 
This map, and perhaps others from his hand, have recently 
come to light; and we have also a statement prepared by 
Father Claude Dablon, Superior General of the Jesuit Missions 
in America, from information furnished him by Joliet, who 
speaks in it as enthusiastically as did Father Marquette about 
the Illinois River, which, he says, "is large and deep, full of 
barbels and sturgeon ; game is found in abundance on its 
banks ; the wild cattle, cows, stags, turkeys, appear more there 
than elsewhere. . . . There are prairies there six, ten, and twenty 
leagues long, and three wide, surrounded by forests of equal 
extent, beyond which the prairies begin again." Certainly, no 
State in the Union has received more complimentary mention 
from its first visitors than Illinois. 

It further appears from this statement that either Joliet or 
Father Dablon himself, but probably the former, was the first 
to suggest a ship canal from Lake Michigan to the Illinois 
River. For the good father, in his remarks upon the utility of 
Joliet's discovery, says : — 

A very important advantage (of it), and which some will perhaps find it 
hard to credit, is that we can quite easily go to Florida in boats, and by a very 
good navigation. There would be but one canal to make by cutting only 
one-half a league of prairie to pass from the lake of the Illinois (Michigan) 
into St. Louis River (Des Plaines). The route to be taken is this: the bark 
should be built in Lake Erie which is near Lake Ontario ; it would pass 
easily from Lake Erie to Lake Huron, from which it would enter the Lake 
of the Illinois. At the extremity of this lake would be the cut or canal of 
which I have spoken to have a passage to St. Louis River, which empties 
into the Mississippi. The bark having thus entered this river would sail 
easily to the Gulf of Mexico. 


If ever the proposed ship canal from Lake Michigan to the 
Illinois River is constructed, it will not be amiss to associate 
with it the name of the first projector of such a work, Louis 

Count Frontenac wrote the French government in 1674 that 
Joliet left with the missionaries at Sault Ste. Marie copies of 
his journals. "These," he says, "we cannot get before next 
year"; and Father Dablon, speaking of the loss of Joliet's 
narrative and map, says, " Father Marquette kept a copy of 
that which has been lost." Thus far neither of these copies 
has come to light, but I do not despair of the finding of one 
or both. The joy of the discovery is, I trust, reserved for some 
ardent antiquarian, who will eagerly unroll the time-stained 
pages and find in them something more than we now know of 
the Chicago of 1673. Perhaps he will thus reveal the names of 
the five other French men who accompanied Joliet and Mar- 
quette through their entire voyage, and were with them here, 
and one of whom revisited Chicago with Marquette in the fol- 
lowing year. Of these five men we know nothing more, save 
that it is probable that one of them was a victim of the catas- 
trophe at the Sault Ste. Louis, just by La Salle's old seignory 
of La Chine, which put such a luckless ending to this otherwise 
successful exploration. We may be proud to inscribe the name 
of Louis Joliet upon the muster-roll of the early visitors to 
Chicago, for he would have been no mean citizen of any city. 

History accords to the brave young priest Marquette the 
right to be called the earliest resident of Chicago, because of 
his dreary encampment by the banks of the Chicago River in 
the winters of 1674-75 on his second journey to the Illinois. 
He was attended by two faithful French voyageurs, Pierre Por- 

teret and Jacques , whose last name is unknown. Father 

Dablon says that one of these men, but does not tell us which, 
was with Marquette on his former voyage. I am aware that 
South Chicago, Evanston, and possibly other places, are in- 
clined to dispute with Chicago the honor of this visit from 
Marquette ; but Chicago will not yield to any of them her first 
City Father, without a struggle. 

An attempt has been made to show, from Marquette's journal 
of his journey, that he wintered upon the Calumet River, and 
not upon the Chicago. We learn from this document that he set 
out from the Mission of St. Francis, which was on the site of 
the town of Green Bay, October 25, 1674, crossed the portage 
from Sturgeon Bay to Lake Michigan, and followed its western 
shore southward ; and after various detentions, on December 4, 


he says: "We startea well to reach Portage River, which was 
frozen half a foot thick. There was more snow there than any- 
where else." To identify Portage River with the Calumet, it is 
necessary to assume that Marquette spent nine days in going 
from the Chicago River to the Calumet, a distance of twelve 
miles, or an average of one and one-third miles per day ; while, up 
to his arrival at the Chicago River, he had travelled at the rate of 
seven miles a day, including all delays. It is also necessary to 
assume that he made a portage between the Grand Calumet, 
and the Little Calumet, where there is no portage now, and 
went up the Little Calumet to Stony Brook, near the present 
town of Blue Island, then up Stony Brook, and by way of 
the " Sag " to the Des Plaines, — a route which, so far as known, 
has never been followed by any other traveller, is not laid down 
on any map, and there is no evidence of its use at any time. 
I should except, perhaps, an account in the possession of the 
Chicago Historical Society of the ruins of an old fort, on the 
line of the " Sag " in the town of Palos, in Cook County, from 
which it has been argued that this must have been a French 
fort, that the French would not have had a fort except upon a 
stream, that a stream is of no use unless it is navigable, and 
that Father Marquette was the best man to navigate it, and 
therefore did so. I cannot accept the argument; but I am 
greatly interested in the fort, and should be glad some day to 
lead an exploring party in search of it. To my mind, the most 
convincing proof that the Chicago River is the Portage River 
of Marquette and Joliet is the account which the latter gives in 
Dablon's statement that the cutting of half a league of prairie, 
but a little over a mile, would enable a bark to pass from Lake 
Michigan to the Des Plaines River. This could not be true of 
the route by the Calumet, Stony Brook, and the " Sag," where 
a twelve-mile canal would be necessary for a small vessel to 
pass, and is applicable only to the short portage between the 
South Branch and the Des Plaines, which must therefore have 
been the route followed by Joliet and by Marquette on his 
second journey. 

It was the Chicago River, therefore, over whose frozen sur- 
face the valiant missionary toiled on that bleak December day. 
It was on its banks that he penned that journal, which doubt- 
less was the first literary production ever written in Chicago, 
and which gives us such a picture of the unselfishness, the hero- 
ism, and the sanctity of that lovely soul. We cannot give up 
Father Marquette; for his association with Chicago's site is 
amongst the most precious of its early memories. The feeling 


that he in some measure belongs to Chicago lends a new 
interest to that brief but beautiful life which began in 1637 in 
the little city of Laon, in Northern France, and ended in 1675 
on the eastern shore of Lake Michigan. 

Father Marquette's Narrative of his Voyages and Discoveries in the 
Valley of the Mississippi, from which the passage in the present leaflet is 
taken, is given entire in John G. Shea's Discovery and Exploration of the 
Mississippi Valley. This narrative was prepared for publication in 1678 by 
Father Claude Dablon, Superior of the missions of the Society of Jesus 
in Canada, who added the account of Marquette's second voyage, death, and 
burial. The unfinished letter of Father Marquette to Father Dablon, con- 
taining a journal of his last visit to the Illinois, is given (in the original 
French) in the appendix to Shea's work. Marquette's account of his dis- 
covery of the Mississippi, taken from the same work as the present leaflet, 
was given in one of the leaflets (No. 2) of the Old South series for 1889. 
There are very full notices of Marquette and the writings concerning him in 
the Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. iv. There is a biography 
in Sparks's series of American Biographies ; and a full and graphic account 
in Parkman's Discovery of the Great West. 


No. 1. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The Articles of Confederation. 
3. The Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's Farewell Address. 5. Magna 
Charta. 6. Vane's " Healing Question." 7. Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 
8. Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 
10. Washington's Inaugurals. 11. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 
12. The Federalist, Nos. i and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The Constitution of 
Ohio. 15. Washington's Circular Letter to the Governors of the States, 1783. 16. Wash- 
ington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 1784. 17. Verrazzano's Voyage. 18. The Swiss 
Constitution. 19. The Bill of Rights, 1689. 20. Coronado's Letter to Mendoza, 1540. 
21. Eliot's Narrative, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative, 1762. 23. The Petition of 
Rights, 1628. 24. The Grand Remonstrance, 164 1. 25. The Scottish National Covenant, 
1638. 26. The Agreement of the People, 1648-49. 27. The Instrument of Government, 
1653. 28. Cromwell's First Speech, 1653. 29. The Discovery of America, from the Life 
of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand Columbus. 30. Strabo's Introduction to Geography. 
31. The Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the Red. 32. Marco Polo's Account 
of Japan and Java. 33. Columbus's Letter to Gabriel Sanches, describing the First 
Voyage and Discovery. 34. Americus Vespucius's Account of his First Voyage. 36. 
Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. 36. The Death of De Soto, from the " Narrative 
of a Gentleman of Elvas." 37. Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 38. Henry 
Lee's Funeral Oration on Washington. 39. Cabeza de Vaca's Relation of his Journey to 
New Mexico, 1535. 40. Manasseh Cutler's Description of Ohio, 1787. 41. Washington's 
Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 1770. 42. Garfieid's Address on the North-west Territory 
and the Western Reserve. 43. George Rogers Clark's Account of the Capture of Vin- 
cennes, 1779. 44. Jefferson's Life of Captain Meriwether Lewis. 46. Fremont's Account 
of his Ascent of Fremont's Peak. 46. Marquette at Chicago, 1673. 

Price, 5 cents a copy, or $3.00 per hundred. Nos. 14 and 18, 6 cents a copy, or ^^4.00 per 

#Iti ^outf) %tafltt^ 

General Series, No. 47. 

Washington at 

Washington's Letter to the President of Congress, on his Arrival 
AT Cambridge to take Command of the Army. 

Camp at Cambridge July 10, 1775. 

I arrived safe at this Place on the 3d inst., after a Journey 
attended with a good deal of Fatigue, and retarded by neces- 
sary Attentions to the successive Civilities which accompanied 
me in my whole Rout. Upon my arrival, I immediately 
visited the several Posts occupied by our Troops, and as soon 
as the Weather permitted, reconnoitred those of the Enemy. 
I found the latter strongly entrench'd on Bunker's Hill about 
a Mile from Charlestown, and advanced about half a Mile 
from the Place of the last Action, with their Gentries extended 
about 150 Yards on this side of the narrowest Part of the Neck 
leading from this Place to Charlestown ; 3 floating Batteries 
lay in Mystick River, near their camp; and one 20 Gun Ship 
below the Ferry Place between Boston and Charlestown. 
They have also a Battery on Copse Hill, on the Boston side, 
which much annoyed our Troops in the late attack. Upon 
the Neck, they are also deeply entrenched and strongly forti- 
fied. Their advanced Guards 'till last Saturday morning, occu- 
pied Brown's Houses, about a mile from Roxbury Meeting 
House and 20 roods from their Lines : But at that Time a 
Party from General Thomas's Camp surprized the Guard, 
drove them in and burnt the houses. The Bulk of their Army 
commanded by Genl. Howe, lays on Bunker's Hill, and the 
Remainder on Roxbury Neck, except the Light Horse, and a 
few Men in the Town of Boston. On our side we have thrown 
up Intrenchments on Winter and Prospect Hills, the Enemies 
camp in full View at the Distance of little more than a Mile. 
Such intermediate Points, as would admit a Landing, I have 

since my arrival taken care to strengthen, down to Sewall's 
Farm, where a strong Entrenchment has been thrown up. At 
Roxbury General Thomas has thrown up a strong Work on 
the Hill, about 200 Yards above the Meeting House which 
with the Broken-ness of the Ground and great Number of 
Rocks has made that Pass very secure. The Troops raised 
in New Hampshire, with a Regiment from Rhode Island 
occupy Winter Hill. A Part of those from Connecticut under 
General Puttnam are on Prospect Hill. The Troops in this 
Town are intirely of the Massachusetts : The Remainder of the 
Rhode Island Men, are at Sewall's Farm : Two Regiments of 
Connecticut and 9 of the Massachusetts are at Roxbury. The 
Residue of the Army, to the Number of about 700, are posted 
in several small Towns along the Coast, to prevent the Depre- 
dations of the Enemy : Upon the whole, I think myself author- 
ized to say, that considering the great Extent of Line, and* the 
nature of the Ground we are as well secured as could be ex- 
pected in so short a Time and under the Disadvantages Ave 
labour. These consist in a Want of Engineers to construct 
proper Works and direct the men, a Want of Tools, and a suffi- 
cient Number of Men to man the Works in Case of an attack. 
You will observe by the Proceedings of the Council of War, 
which I have the Honor to enclose, that it is our unanimous 
Opinion to hold and defend these W^orks as long as possible. 
The Discouragement it would give the Men and its contrary 
Effects on the ministerial Troops, thus to abandon our Incamp- 
ment in their Face, form'd with so much Labor, added to the 
certain Destruction of a considerable and valuable Extent of 
Country, and our Uncertainty of finding a Place in all Respects 
so capable of making a stand, are leading Reasons for this 
Determination : at the same Time we are very sensible of the 
Difficulties which attend the Defence of Lines of so great 
extent, and the Dangers which may ensue from such a Division 
of the Army. 

My earnest Wishes to comply with the Instructions of the 
Congress in making an early and complete Return of the State 
of the Army, has led into an involuntary Delay in addressing 
you, which has given me much Concern. Having given orders 
for this Purpose immediately on my Arrival, and unapprized 
of the imperfect Obedience which had been paid to those of 
the like Nature from General Ward, I was led from Day to 
Day to expect they would come in, and therefore detained the 
Messenger. They are not now so complete as I could wish, 
but much Allowance is to be made for Inexperience in Forms, 

and a Liberty which has been taken (not given) on this sub- 
ject. These Reasons I flatter myself will no longer exist, and 
of Consequence more Regularity and exactness in future pre- 
vail. This, with a necessary attention to the Lines, the Move- 
ments of the Ministerial Troops, and our immediate Security, 
must be my Apology, which I beg you lay before the Congress 
with the utmost Duty and Respect. 

We labor under great Disadvantages for Want of Tents, for 
tho' they have been help'd out by a Collection of now useless 
sails from the Sea Port Towns, the Number is yet far short of 
our Necessities. The Colleges and Houses of this Town are 
necessarily occupied by the Troops which affords another 
Reason for keeping our present Situation : But I most sin- 
cerely wish the whole Army was properly provided to take the 
Field, as I am well assured, that besides greater Expedition 
and Activity in case of Alarm, it would highly conduce to 
Health and discipline. As Materials are not to be had here, 
I would beg leave to recommend the procuring a farther supply 
from Philadelphia as soon as possible. 

I should be extremely deficient in Gratitude, as well as Jus- 
tice, if I did not take the first opportunity to acknowledge the 
Readiness and Attention which the provincial Congress and 
different Committees have shewn to make every Thing as con- 
venient and agreeable as possible : but there is a vital and 
inherent Principle of Delay incompatible with military service 
in transacting Business thro' such numerous and different 
Channels. I esteem it therefore my Duty to represent the In- 
convenience that must unavoidably ensue from a dependence 
on a Number of Persons for supplies, and submit it to the 
Consideration of the Congress whether the publick Service 
will not be best promoted by appointing a Commissary Gen- 
eral for these purposes. We have a striking Instance of the 
Preference of such a mode in the Establishment of Connecti- 
cut, as their Troops are extremely well provided under the 
Direction of Mr. Trumbull, and he has at different Times 
assisted others with various Articles. Should my Sentiments 
happily coincide wnth those of your Honors, on this subject, 
I beg leave to recommend Mr. Trumbull as a very proper 
Person for this Department. In the Arrangement of Troops 
collected under such Circumstances, and upon the Spur of 
immediate Necessity several Appointments are omitted, which 
appear to be indispensably necessary for the good Government 
of the Army, particularly a Quartermaster General, a Com- 
missary of Musters and a Commissary of Artillery. These I 

must Earnestly recommend to the Notice and Provision of the 

I find myself already much embarrassed for Want of a Mili- 
tary Chest ; these embarrassments will increase every day : 
I must therefore request that Money may be forwarded as soon 
as Possible. The want of this most necessary Article, will I 
fear produce great Inconveniences if not prevented by an early 
Attention. I find the Army in general, and the Troops raised 
in Massachusetts in particular, very deficient in necessary 
Cloathing. Upon Inquiry there appears no Probability of 
obtaining any supplies in this Quarter. And the best Con- 
sideration of this Matter I am able to form, I am of Opinion 
that a Number of hunting Shirts not less than 10,000, would in 
a great Degree remove this Difficulty in the cheapest and 
quickest manner. I know nothing in a speculative View more 
trivial, yet if put in Practice would have a happier Tendency 
to unite the Men, and abolish those Provincial Distinctions 
which lead to Jealousy and Dissatisfaction. In a former part 
of this Letter I mentioned the want of Engineers ; I can hardly 
express the Disappointment I have experienced on this Sub- 
ject. The Skill of those we have, being very imperfect and 
confined to the mere manual Exercise of Cannon : Whereas — 
the War in which we are engaged requires a Knowledge com- 
prehending the Duties of the Field and Fortifications. If any 
Persons thus qualified are to be found in the Southern Col- 
onies, it would be of great publick Service to forward them 
with all expedition. Upon the Article of Ammunition I must 
re-echo the former Complaints on this Subject : We are so 
exceedingly destitute, that our Artillery will be of little Use 
without a supply both large and seasonable : What we have 
must be reserved for the small Arms, and that managed with 
the utmost Frugality. 

I am sorry to observe that the Appointments of the General 
Officers in the Province of Massachusetts Bay have by no 
Means corresponded with the Judgement and Wishes of either 
the civil or Military. The great Dissatisfaction expressed on 
this Subject and the apparent Danger of throwing the Army 
into the utmost Disorder, together with the strong Representa- 
tions of the Provincial Congress, have induced me to retain 
the Commissions in my Hands untill the Pleasure of the Con- 
gress should be farther known, (except General Puttnam's 
which was given the Day I came into Camp and before I was 
apprized of these Uneasinesses.) In such a Step I must beg 
the Congress will do me the Justice I believe, that I have been 


actuated solely by a Regard to the publick Good. I have not, 
nor could have any private Attachments ; every Gentleman in 
Appointment, was an intire Stranger to me but from Character. 
I must therefore rely upon the Candor of the Congress for 
their favorable Construction of my Conduct in this Particular. 
General Spencer was so much disgusted at the preference 
given to General Puttnam that he left the Army without visit- 
ing me, or making known his Intentions in any respect. Gen- 
eral Pomroy had also retired before my Arrival, occasioned (as 
is said) by some Disappointment from the Provincial Congress. 
General Thomas is much esteemed and earnestly desired to 
continue in the service : and as far as my Opportunities have 
enabled me to judge I must join in the general opinion that 
he is an able good Officer and his Resignation would be a 
publick Loss. The postponing him to Pomroy and Heath 
whom he has commanded would make his Continuance very 
difficult, and probably operate on his Mind, as the like Circum- 
stance has done on that of Spencer. 

The State of the Army you will find ascertained with toler- 
able Precision in the Returns which accompany this Letter. 
Upon finding the Number of men to fall so far short of the 
Establishment, and below all Expectation, I immediately called 
a Council of the general Officers, whose opinion as to the mode 
of filling up the Regiments, and providing for the present 
Exigency, I have. the Honor of inclosing together with the 
best Judgment we are able to form of the ministerial Troops. 
From the Number of Boys, Deserters, and Negroes which have 
been inlisted in the troops of this Province, I entertain some 
doubts whether the number required can be raised here ; and 
all the General Officers agree that no Dependance can be put 
on the militia for a Continuance in Camp, or Regularity and 
Discipline during the short Time they may stay. This un- 
happy and devoted Province has been so long in a State of 
Anarchy, and the Yoke of ministerial Oppression been laid 
so heavily on it that great Allowances are to be made for 
Troops raised under such Circumstances : The Deficiency of 
Numbers, Discipline and Stores can only lead to this Conclu- 
sion, that their Spirit has exceeded their Strength. But at the 
same Time I would humbly submit to the consideration of 
the Congress, the Propriety of making some farther Provision 
of Men from the other Colonies. If these Regiments should 
be completed to their Establishment, the Dismission of those 
unfit for Duty on account of their Age and Character would 
occasion a considerable Reduction, and at all events they have 

been inlisted upon such Terms, that they may be disbanded 
when other Troops arrive : But should my apprehensions be 
reaUzed, and the Regiments here not filled up, the publick 
Cause would suffer by an absolute Dependance upon so doubt- 
ful an Event, unless some Provision is made against such a 

It requires no military Skill to judge of the Difficulty of 
introducing proper Discipline and Subordination into an Army 
while we have the Enemy in View, and are in daily Expecta- 
tion of an Attack, but it is of so much Importance that every 
Effort will be made which Time and Circumstance will admit. 
In the mean Time I have a sincere Pleasure in observing that 
there are Materials for a good Army, a great number of able 
bodied Men, active zealous in the Cause and of unquestionable 

I am now Sir, to acknowledge the Receipt of your Favor of 
the 28th Inst, inclosing the Resolutions of the Congress of 
the 27th ult. and a Copy of a Letter from the Committee 
of Albany, to all which I shall pay due Attention. 

General Gates and Sullivan have both arrived in good 
Health. My best Abilities are at all Times devoted to the 
Service of my Country, but I feel the Weight Importance and 
variety of my present Duties too sensibly, not to wish a more 
immediate and frequent Communication with the Congress. 
I fear it may often happen in the Course of our present Oper- 
ations, that I shall need that Assistance and Direction from 
them which Time and Distance wall not allow me to receive. 

Since writing the above, I have also to acknowledge your 
Favour of the 4th Inst, by Fessenden, and the Receipt of the 
Commission and Articles of War. The Former are yet 800 
short of the number required, this deficiency you will please 
supply as soon as you conveniently can. Among the other 
Returns, I have also sent one of our killed, wounded and miss- 
ing in the late Action, but have been able to procure no certain 
Account of the Loss of the ministerial Troops, my best Intelli- 
gence fixes it at about 500 killed and 6 or 700 wounded; but 
it is no more than Conjecture, the utmost Pains being taken on 
their side to conceal it. 

P.S. Having ordered the commanding Officer to give me 
the earliest Intelligence of every Motion of the Enemy, by 
Land or Water, discoverable from the Heighths of his Camp, 
I this inst., as I was closing my Letter received the enclosed 
from the Brigade Major. The Design of this Manoeuvre I 
know not, perhaps it may be to make a Descent some where 

along the Coast ; it may be for New York, or it may be prac- 
tised as a Deception on Us. I thought it not improper how- 
ever to mention the matter to you. I have done the same 
to the commanding Officer at New York, and I shall let it 
be known to the Committee of Safety here, so that the Intelli- 
gence may be communicated as they shall think best along 
the Sea Coast of this Government. 

On the 15th of June, 1775, Washington was appointed commander-in- 
chief of the American army by the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, 
of which he was a member. He arrived in Cambridge on the 2d of July, 
after a journey of eleven days ; and on the next day, under the great elm 
which still stands by Cambridge Common, he took command of the army. 

On June 24 the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts appointed a com- 
mittee to consider the steps "proper to be taken for receiving General 
Washington with proper respect, and to provide a house for him accord- 
ingly." The report was made on the 25th, but was not perfected until the 
next day. ^^ Resolved, that Doct. Benjamin Church and Mr. Moses Gill, 
be a committee to repair to Springfield, there to receive Generals Washing- 
ton and Lee, with every mark of respect due to their exalted characters and 
stations; to provide proper escorts for them, from thence, to the army 
before Boston, and the house provided for their reception at Cambridge; 
and to make suitable provision for them, in manner following, viz. : by a 
number of gentlemen of this colony from Springfield to Brookfieldj and by 
another company raised in that neighborhood, from there to Worcester ; and 
by another company, there provided, from thence to Marlborough; and 
from thence, by the troop of horse to that place, to the army aforesaid; 
and [to make suitable provision for] their company at the several stages on 
the road, and to receive the bills of expenses at the several inns, where it 
may be convenient for them to stop for refreshment, to examine them, and 
make report of the several sums expended at each of them, for that purpose, 
that orders may be taken by the Congress for the payment of them ; and 
all inn-keepers are hereby directed to make provision agreeably to the 
requests made by the said committee : and that General Ward be notified 
of the appointment of General Washington, as commander in chief of the 
American forces, and of the expectation we have, of his speedy arrival with 
Major General Lee, that he, with the generals of the forces of the other 
colonies, may give such orders for their honorable reception, as may accord 
with the rules and circumstances of the army, and the respect due to their 
rank, without, however, any expense of powder, and without taking the 
troops off from the necessary attention to their duty, at this crisis of our 

The appointment of Washington was soon known in the camp at Cam- 
bridge, and preparations were made to receive him. On the 26th of June 
the Provincial Congress had ordered that the " President's [of the College] 
house in Cambridge, excepting one room reserved for the president for his 
own use, be taken, cleared, prepared and furnished, for the reception of 
General Washington and General Lee." On June 29, the word of parole 
in Cambridge Camp was Washington, and of countersign, Virginia. July 
I St the Congress directed the committee in whose charge the orders respect- 
ing the house had been placed to "purchase what things are necessary that 


they cannot hire," a matter of some delay and difficulty, as on the 5th the 
same committee was ordered to " complete the business." General Wash- 
ington arrived in Cambridge on Sunday, July 2, about two o'clock in the 
afternoon. The first of the general orders issued is dated July 3. On 
the 5th the Provincial Congress appointed some of its members to confer 
with Washington "on the subject of furnishing his table and know what 
he expects relative thereto." Some question may have been raised on the 
general acceptableness of the President's house for Washington's purposes, 
as on the 6th the Congress directed the Committee of Safety to "desire 
General Washington to let them know if there is any house at Cambridge 
that would be more agreeable to him and General Lee than that in which 
they now are ; and in that case the said Committee are directed to procure 
such house and put it in proper order for their reception." The general 
thought a change expedient, and on the 8th the Committee of Safety 
directed that the house of John Vassall, subsequently known as the 
" Craigie house," belonging to a refugee loyalist, should be immediately put 
in a proper condition for the reception of his excellency and his attendants. 
The student is referred to further notes in Ford's edition of Washing- 
ton's Writings, vol. iii. ; also to the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Histor- 
ical Society^ September, 1872. 


No. I. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The Articles of Con- 
federation. 3. The Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's Fare- 
well Address. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's " Healing Question." 7. 
Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Connect- 
icut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's In- 
augurals. II. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 12. 
The Federalist, Nos. i and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The Con- 
stitution of Ohio. 15. Washington's Circular Letter to the Governors of 
the States, 1783. 16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 1784. 17. 
Verrazzano's Voyage. 18. The Swiss Constitution. 19. The Bill of Rights, 
1689. 20. Coronado's Letter to Mendoza, 1540. 21. John Eliot's Brief 
Narrative of Work among the Indians, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of 
the Founding of his Indian School, 1762. 23. The Petition of Right, 1628. 
24. The Grand Remonstrance, 1641. 25. The Scottish National Covenants. 
26. The Agreement of the People, 1648-9. 27. The Instrument of Govern- 
ment, 1653. 28. Cromwell's First Speech to his Parliament, 1653. 29. The 
Discovery of America, from the Life of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand 
Columbus. 30. Strabo's Introduction to Geography. 31. The Voyages to Vinland, from 
the Saga of Eric the Red. 32. Marco Polo's Account of Japan and Java. 33. Columbus's 
Letter to Gabriel Sanches. describing the First Voyage and Discovery. 34. Americus Ves- 
pucius's Account of his First Voyage. 35. Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. 36. 
The Death of De Soto, from the "Narrative of a Gentleman of Elvas." 37. Early Notices 
of the Voyages of the Cabots. 38. General Henry Lee's Funeral Oration on Washington, 
I799' 39* Cabeza De Vaca's Relation of his Journey across Texas and New^ Mexico in 
ii^SS- 40 Manasseh Cutler's Description of Ohio, 1787. 41. Washington's Journal of his 
Tour to the Ohio River in 1770. 42. Gen, Garfield's Address on the Organization of the 
North-west Territory and the Settlement of the Western Reserve. 43. George Rogers 

#lti ^outl) Jleaflct^. 

No. 48. 


Memoir of 

Elder Brewster. 

From Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation. 

I am to begine this year [1643] whith that which was a mater 
of great saddnes and mouring unto them all. Aboute y^ 18. 
of Aprill dyed their Reve^ Elder, and my dear & loving friend, 
M''. William Brewster ; a man that had done and suffered much 
for ye Lord Jesus and y^ gospells sake, and had bore his parte 
in well and woe with this poore persecuted church above 36. 
years in England, Holand, and in this wilderness, and done 
y- Lord & them faithful! service in his place & calling. And 
notwithstanding y^ many troubls and sorrows he passed throw 
the Lord upheld him to a great age. He was nere fourskore 
years of age (if not all out) when he dyed. He had this 
blesing added by y^ Lord to all ye rest, to dye in his bed, in 
peace, amongst y^ mids of his freinds, who mourned & wepte 
over him, and ministered what help & comforte they could unto 
him, and he againe recomforted them whilst he could. His 
sicknes was not long, and till y^ last day thereof he did not 
v/holy keepe his bed. His speech continued till somewhat more 
then halfe a day, & then failed him ; and aboute 9. or 10. a 
clock that eving he dyed, without any pangs at all. A few 
howers before, he drew his breath shorte, and some few minuts 
before his last, he drew his breath long, as a man falen into a 
sound slepe, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly 
departed this life unto a better. 

I would now demand of any, what he was y^ worse for any 
former sufferings ? What doe I say, worse ? Nay, sure he was 
ye better, and they now added to his honour. It is a manifest 
token (saith ye Apostle, 2. Thes : i. 5, 6, 7.) of y'' righeous judg- 
7ne7ite of God y^ ye may he cotmted worthy of y^ kingdome of God, 
for which ye allso suffer ; seeing it is a righteous thing with God 

to reconipence tribulation to them y trouble you : a?id to you who 
are troubled^ rest with us, whe7i y^ Lord Jesus shall be j-evealed 
from heaven, with his mighty angels, i. Pet. 4. 14. If you be 
reproached for y^ name of Christ, hapy are ye^for y^ spirite of glory 
and of God resteth upon you. What though he wanted y<^ riches 
and pleasurs of y*^ world in this life, and pompous monuments 
at his funurall? yet y^ memoriall of y^ just shall be blessed, 
when ye name of y^ wicked shall rott ''with their marble monu- 
ments). Pro : 10. 7. 

I should say something of his life, if to say a litle were not 
worse then to be silent. But I cannot wholy forbear, though 
hapily more may be done hereafter. After he had attained 
some learning, viz. y^ knowledg of y^ Latine tongue, & some 
insight in y^ Greeke, and spent some small time at Cambridge, 
and then being first seasoned with y^ seeds of grace and vertue, 
he went to y^ Courte, and served that religious and godly gentl- 
man, M^ Davison, diverce years, when he was Secretary of 
State ; who found him so discreete and faithfull as he trusted 
him above all other that were aboute him, and only imployed 
him in all matters of greatest trust and secrecie. He esteemed 
him rather as a sonne then a servante, and for his wisdom & 
godlines (in private) he would converse with him more like a 
freind & familier then a maister. He attended his m^. when he 
was sente in ambassage by the Queene into y^ Low-Countries, 
in ye Earle of Leicesters time, as for other waighty affaires of 
state, so to receive possession of the cautionary townes, and in 
token & signe thereof the keyes of Flushing being delivered to 
him, in her ma^i^ name, he kepte them some time, and comitted 
them to this his servante, who kept them under his pilow, on 
which he slepte y^ first night. And, at his returne, y^ States 
honoured him with a gould chaine, and his maister comitted it 
to him, and comanded him to wear it when they arrived in Eng- 
land, as they ridd thorrow the country, till they came to y^ 
Courte. He afterwards remained with him till his troubles, 
that he was put from his place aboute y^ death of y^ Queene of 
Scots ; and some good time after, doeing him manie faithfull 
offices of servise in y^ time of his troubles. Afterwards he 
wente and lived in y^ country, in good esteeme amongst his 
freinds and y^ gentle-men of those parts, espetially the godly & 
religious. He did much good in y^ countrie wher he lived, in 
promoting and furthering religion, not only by his practiss & 
example, and provocking and incouraging of others, but by 
procuring of good preachers to ye places theraboute, and draw- 
ing on of others to assiste & help forward in such a worke ; he 

him selfe most comonly deepest in y^ charge, & some times 
above his abillitie. And in this state he continued many years, 
doeing y^ best good he could, and walking according to y^ light 
he saw, till y^ Lord revelled further unto him. And in y^ end, 
by ye drrany of y® bishops against godly preachers & people, in 
silenceing the one & persecuting y^ other, he and many more of 
those times begane to looke further into things, and to see into 
y^ unlawfuUnes of their callings, and y^ burthen of many anti- 
christian corruptions, which both he and they endeavored to 
cast of ; as y^y allso did, as in y^ begining of this treatis is to 
be scene. After they were joyned togither in comunion, he 
was a spetiall stay & help unto them. They ordinarily mett at 
his house on y^ Lords day, (which was a manor of y^ bishops,) 
and with great love he entertained them when they came, mak- 
ing provission for them to his great charge."^ He was y^ cheefe 
of those that were taken at Boston, and suffered y^ greatest 
loss; and of y^ seven that were kept longst in prison, and after 
bound over to y^ assises. Affter he came into Holland he 
suffered much hardship, after he had spente y^ most of his 
means, haveing a great charge, and many children ; and, in 
regard of his former breeding & course of life, not so fitt for 
many imployments as others were, espetially such as were 
toylesume & laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with 
much cherfullnes and contentation. Towards y^ later parte of 
those 12. years spente in Holland, his outward condition was 
mended, and he lived well & plentifully; for he fell into a way 
(by reason he had y^ Latine tongue) to teach many students, 
who had a disire to lerne y^ English tongue, to teach them 
English ; and by his method they quickly attained it with great 
facilitie ; for he drew rules to lerne it by, after y^ Latine maner j 
and many gentlemen, both Danes & Germans, resorted to him, 
as they had time from other studies, some of them being great 
mens sones. He also had means to set up printing, (by y^ help 
of some freinds), and so had imploymente inoughg, and by 
reason of many books which would not be alowed to be printed 
in England, they might have had more then they could doe. 
But now removeing into this countrie, all these things were laid 
aside againe, and a new course of living must be framed unto; 
in which he was no way unwilling to take his parte, and to bear 
his burthen with y^ rest, living many times without bread, or 
corne, many months together, having many times nothing but 

* In Morton's copy there is added after charge: "and continued so to do whilst they 
could stay in England. And when they were to remove out of the country, he was one of 
the first in all adventure?, and forwardest in any." Young, p. 465. 

fish, and often wanting that also ; and drunke nothing but water 
for many years togeather, yea, till within 5. or 6. years of his 
death. And yet he lived (by y^ blessing of God) in health till 
very old age. And besides yt, he would labour with his hands 
m ye feilds as long as he was able; yet when the church had no 
other minister, he taught twise every Saboth, and y* both 
powerfully and profitably, to y^ great contentment of y« hearers, 
and their comfortable edification; yea, many were brought to 
God by his ministrie. He did more in this behalfe in a year, 
then many that have their hundreds a year doe in all their lives. 
For his personal! abilities, he was qualified above many ; he 
was wise and discreete and well spoken, having a grave & 
deliberate utterance, of a very cherfuU spirite, very sociable & 
pleasante amongst his freinds, of an humble and modest mind, 
of a peaceable disposition, under vallewing him self & his owne 
abilities, and some time over valewing others ; inoffencive and 
inocente in his life & conversation, w^h gained him y^ love of 
those without, as well as those within ; yet he would tell them 
plainely of their faults & evills, both publickly & privatly, but 
in such a maner as usually was well taken from him. He was 
tender harted, and compassionate of such as were in miserie, 
but espetialy of such as had been of good estate and ranke, and 
were fallen unto want & poverty, either for goodnes & religions 
sake, or by y^ injury & oppression of others ; he would say, of 
all men these deserved to be pitied most. And none did more 
offend & displease him then such as would hautily and proudly 
carry & lift up themselves, being rise from nothing, and haveing 
litle els in them to comend them but a few fine cloaths, or a 
litle riches more then others. In teaching, he was very moving 
& stirring of affections, also very plaine & distincte in what he 
taught ; by which means he became y^ more profitable to y^ 
hearers. He had a singuler good gift in prayer, both publick 
& private, in ripping up y^ hart & conscience before God, in y^ 
humble confession of sinne, and begging y^ mercies of God in 
Christ for y^ pardon Of y^ same. He always thought it were 
better for ministers to pray oftener, and devide their prears, 
then be longe & tedious in y^ same (excepte upon sollemne & 
spetiall occations, as in days of humiliation & y^ like). His 
reason was, that y^ harte & spirits of all, espetialy y^ weake, 
could hardly continue & stand bente (as it were) so long 
towards God, as they ought to doe in yt duty, without flagging 
and falling of. For y^ govermente of y^ church, (which was 
most proper to his office,) he was carfull to preserve good 
order in y^ same, and to preserve puritie, both in y^ doctrine & 


comunion of y^ same ; and to supress any errour or contention 
that might begine to rise up amongst them ; and accordingly 
God gave good success to his indeavors herein all his days, and 
he saw y^ fruite of his labours in that behalfe. But I must 
breake of, having only thus touched a few, as it were, heads of 

I cannot but here take occasion, not only to mention, but 
greatly to admire y^ marvelous providence of God, that notwith- 
standing ye many changes and hardships that these people 
wente throwgh, and y^ many enemies they had and difficulties 
they mette with all, that so many of them should live to very 
olde age ! It was not only this reve*^ mans condition, (for one 
swallow maks no summer, as they say,) but many more of them 
did ye like, some dying aboute and before this time, and many 
still living, who attained to 60. years of age, and to 65. diverse 
to 70. and above, and some nere 80. as he did. It must needs 
be more then ordinarie, and above naturall reason, that so it 
should be ; for it is found in experience, that chaing of aeir, 
famine, or unholsome foode, much drinking of water, sorrows & 
troubls, cS^c, all of them are enimies to health, causes of many 
diseaces, consumers of naturall vigoure and y^ bodys of men, 
and shortners of life. And yet of all these things they had a 
large parte, and suffered deeply in y^ same. They wente from 
England to Holand, wher they found both worse air and dyet 
then that they came from ; from thence (induring a long im- 
prisonmente, as it were, in y^ ships at sea) into New-England ; 
and how it hath been with them hear hath allready beene 
showne ; and what crosses, troubls, fears, wants, and sorrowes 
they have been lyable unto, is easie to conjecture; so as in 
some sorte they may say with y^ Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27. 
they were in joufneings often, in perils of waters, in per ills of 
robers, in perills of their owne nation, in perils among y^ heathen, 
in perills t7i y^ willderties, in perills in y^ sea, in perills among false 
oreethern ; in weari?tes 6^ painfidlnes, in watching often, in hunger 
and thirst, infasti7ig often, in could and nakednes. What was it 
. then that upheld them ? It was Gods vissitation that preserved 
their spirits. Job 10. 12. Thou hast given me life and grace, 
and thy vissitation hath preserved my spirite. He that upheld y^ 
Apostle upheld them. They were persecuted, but not forsaken, 
cast downe, but perished not. 2. Cor: 4. g. As unknoweji, and 
yet knowen ; as dying, and behold we live; as chastened, and yett 
7iot kiled. 2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would have all men to 
behold and observe such mercies and works of his providence 
as these are towards his people, that they in like cases might be 


incouraged to depend upon God in their trials, & also blese his name when 
they see his goodnes towards others. Man lives not by bread only, Deut: 
8. 3. It is not by good & dainty fare, by peace, & rest, and harts ease, in 
injoying y^ contentments and good things of this world only, that preserves 
health and prolongs life. God in such examples would have y*^ world see 
& behold that he can doe it without them; and if y^ world will shut ther 
eyes, and take no notice thereof, yet he would have his people to see and 
consider it. Daniell could be better liking with pulse then others were with 
y^ kings dainties. Jaacob, though he v/ente from one nation to another 
people, and passed thorow famine, fears, & many afflictions, yet he lived 
till old age, and dyed sweetly, & rested in y'^ Lord, as infinite others of Gods 
servants have done, and still shall doe, (through Gods godnes,) notwith- 
standing all y^ malice of their enemies; w/zen y'^ branch of y'^ wicked shall 
be cut of before his day, Job. 15. 32. and y*^ bloody and deceitfull men shall 
not live oitt halfe their days. Psa : 55. 23. 


Taking advantage of the vagueness of Entry No. 318 (a ^'■bundle of 
small books and papers "), it may be said that there were no fewer than 
400 separate books in this library at the time of Elder Brewster's decease; 
as many as 393 being separately and distinctly catalogued, — four of which 
had second volumes, making 397 in all, besides the " bundle " aforesaid. 

Of these — throwing out thirty, the size of which remains undesignated, 
and sixteen, which I have thus far failed to identify — we have, in size, 
as follows: Folios, 48; Quartos, 177; Octavos et infra, 121. 

As to language they divide as follows: in Latin, 62; in English, 302. 

As to subject, without being specially exact in cases where a given 
volume would classify almost equally well under more than one head, 
I find: Expository, 98; Doctrinal, 63; Practical religious, 69; Historical, 
24; Ecclesiastical, 36; Philosophical, 6; Poetical, 14; Miscellaneous, 54. 
I seem to find thirteen duplicates, suggesting the question whether it may 
not have been possible that this library — certainly one of extraordinary 
size and quality in those days to be collected and owned by a single mem- 
ber of such a church, in such a primitive community and colony — had at 
least some small relation to the general wants, and may not have been 
intended, in part, for the general use. 

To me, however, the most sicnificant fact about the library is connected 
with the date of publication of a considerable portion of its constituent 
volumes. I am ready to concede all that may reasonably be claimed to 
the credit of uncertainties. I may, in a few instances, have mistaken one 
tjook for another of nearly the same title. Or volumes which I have only 
been able to trace in late dates may possibly, in rare cases, have existed in 
earlier editions, to some one of which the Elder's copy may have belonged. 
But, making all just allowance for every such source of error, I am still 
prepared to submit that the evidence of the dates of these works throws an 
extraordinary and very interesting light upon Elder Brewster's character 
as a man of books, and upon the Old Colony in its first generation as a 
place of books. 

Mr. Brewster could not, of course, have brought over with him in the 
"Mayflower" any vflume of a date later than August, 1620. Of the whole 
393, I throw out, as being of unknown date, or as being unrecognized alto- 
gether, 23, leaving 370. Of these 281 — or roughly 75 per cent. — bear 
date in or before 1620, and 89 — ur very nearly 25 per cent. — bear date 


after 1620. Or, to take the trouble to arrange them exactly, — it being 
remembered that a perfect assurance of accuracy is lacking in the case of 
six or seven, — we have them printed and issued as follows, namely; in 
1621, 8; in 1622, 10; in 1623, 5; in 1624, 6; in 1625, 13; in 1626, i; in 
1627, 6; in 1628, 2; in 1629, 4; in 1630, 2; in 1631, 4; in 1632, 4; in 1633, 
4; in 1634, 4; in 1635, 2; in 1636, 3; in 1637, 3; in 1638, 5; in 1640, i; in 
1641, i; in 1643, I- This gives us the remarkable fact that in only two 
of the years which the Elder spent in Plymouth before his last — namely, 
1639 and 1642 — did he fail to avail himself of some of the freshest literature 
of the fatherland. 

A few words ought to be devoted to the general character of this collec- 
tion. It contained four books by John Robinson ; and eleven, printed in 
Leyden, by Mr. Brewster himself. It needs not be said that it was a solid 
one, in more senses than one. Whoever undertook, whether by land or 
water, to transport its forty-eight folios and one hundred and seventy-seven 
quartos — to say nothing of the one hundred and twenty-one of smaller 
size — from Plymouth to the Elder's suburban residence in Duxbury, must 
have found it, for wain or wherry, a heavy job. 

As I have intimated, it was most largely an expository collection. Now, 
the great and regnant fact about the Plymouth Colonists was that they 
believed the Bible to be God's book for man's guidance, and that man's 
first duty is to understand, that he may be obedient to it. In their day it 
had not long been a common thing for common men to have a Bible, and 
to feel that they had any personal duty of studying, that they might practise 
its precepts. Hence the great function of the pulpit in those days was felt 
to be to explain to the people the Word of God. 

It might therefore be assumed that Elder Brewster — upon whom, in 
the failure of " Mr. Crabe " to accompany the expedition, devolved, in the- 
ory as well as oractice, at first, and in practice largely for many years, the 
care of the pulpit — would not fail to supply himself with the necessary- 
helps of an exegetical character. We accordingly find in this collection, as 
follows, namely: Commentaries upon the whole Bible, 2; upon the whole 
New Testament, 6 ; upon the Four Gospels, 3 ; upon the Pentateuch, i ; 
upon the Prophets, generally, i ; upon Genesis, 3 ; upon Joshua, i ; upon 
Judges, I ; upon i Samuel, i ; upon the Psalms, 8 ; upon Proverbs, i ; upon 
Ecclesiastes, 3 ; upon the Song of Solomon, i ; upon Isaiah, 4 ; upon Jere- 
miah, I ; upon Lamentations, 2 ; upon Ezekiel, i ; upon Daniel, 3 ; upon 
Hosea, i ; upon Matthew, i ; upon Luke, i ; upon the Gospel of John, i ; 
upon the Epistle to the Romans, 5 ; upon i Corinthians, 3 ; upon 2 Corin- 
thians, I ; upon Ephesians, 2 ; upon Colossians, i ; upon i Thessalonians, 
I ; upon 2 Thessalonians, i ; upon 2 Timothy, i ; upon Titus, i ; upon 
Hebrews, i ; upon James, i ; upon i Peter, i ; upon i John, i ; apon Jude, 
I ; upon the Apocalypse, 2 ; upon brief special passages, 26. There was 
also Cotton's Concordance, in two folio volumes. 

It is my strong impression that it is very doubtful whether, for its first 
quarter-century, New England anywhere else had so rich a collection of 
exegetical literature as this. Nor did the Elder depend, by any means, 
wholly upon the judgment of others as to what the Word of God meant. 
He had a Hebrew grammar, with Morelius's Latin, Greek, and English 
dictionary, and Buxtorf's Hebrew and Chaldee Lexicon, — tools which he 
had learned to handle at Peterhouse. 

That the Elder did not, however, confine himself wholly to the ruts of 
theology, is suggested in that he took pains to have at his hand in the 
Plymouth woods Lambert of Avenna's treatise " Of the Wyll of Man " ; 
" Les Six Livres de la Republique " of the great French jurist Jean Bodin, 
in Knolles's English as "The Six Bookes of a Commonweale "; Sir Thomas 


Smith's " Common welth of England & maner of Government thereof"; 
Lord Bacon's "Twoo Bookes, of the proficience and advancement of 
Learning, divine and humane"; his " Apologie, in certaine Imputations 
concerning the late Earle of Essex " ; and his " Declaration of the Practices 
and Treasons of the Earle of Essex"; "The Problemes of Aristotle"; 
" The Princeps of Macchiavelli " ; Geffray Mynshul's " Essayes and Char- 
acters of a Prison, and Prisoners"; vv^ith Sir Walter Raleigh's " Prerogative 
of Parliaments in England." And it is interesting to note how, for natural 
science and practical needs, he brought with him — for, by their dates, he 
could have brought them with him — Keckerman's " Systema Geographi- 
cum " ; Archb. Abbot's " Briefe Description of the whole world"; John 
Smith's "Description of New England"; the "NewHerball" of Rembert 
Dodoens ; Rathbone's " Surveyor " ; and John Norden's " Surveyor's Dia- 
logue . . . very profitable for all men to peruse, that have to do with the 
revenues of land, or occupation thereof"; Standish's "New Directions . . . 
for the increasing of Timber and Firewood, with the least waste and losse 
of ground"; De Serres's "Perfect use of Silkwormes and their benefit"; 
and Bedford's " Sulficiencie of English Medicines for the cure of all diseases 
cured with Medicine." 

In poetry this collection cannot be called strong. It had the fulsome 
and clumsy Latin strains in which the Rev. Dr. Francis Herring celebrated 
the gracious advent of King James ; and it had Ainsworth's amazing 
Psalmody, and Henoch Clapham's still more astounding verse, "A Briefe 
of the Biiale." In W. Hornby's "Scourge of Drunkennes" (in verse) I im- 
agine that this library had the seed of what is commonly now called Temper- 
ance literature. It looks a little as if it had one tragedy called " Messalina"; 
and, with two or three ballads and broadsides, it had Braithwait's "Descrip- 
tion [in verse] of a Good Wife," and a couple of volumes of George Wither, 
one of which had that motto, " nee habeo, nee careo, nee euro," to which 
John Winthrop referred in his letter to Sir William Springe (Life and 
Letters, i. 396), where he called Wither " our modern spirit of poetry." 

In the line of exceedingly miscellaneous, it had Thomas Lupton's 
"Thousand Notable Things of sundrie sorts. Whereof some are wonder- 
full, some strange, some pleasant, divers necessary, a great sort profitable, 
and many verie precious," etc. 

I have not discovered among these books a single volume identical with 
either of the nine-and-thirty which (Life, ii. 438) Governor Winthrop pre- 
sented to Harvard College on its first Commencement in 1642. — Rev. 
Henry M. Dexter, Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1889. 

Unlike John Robinson, with whom he might dispute or share the honor of being called 
the father of the Pilgrim Fathers, Elder Brewster left no writings behind him ; and there 
is no other man of equal prominence among the founders of New England of whom his 
contemporaries have told us so little. The brief memoir by Bradford, here reprinted, is all 
we have. There is no biography in Mather's Magnalia, where we should expect it. In 
1857 Rev. A^hbel Steele wrote a life of Brewster, under the titl« of "The Chief of the 
Pilgrims," which brings together all the existing material. A list of the books in Brewster's 
library is on the records of inventories at Plymouth. A copy of this by Justin Winsor, with 
observations upon Brewster's autographs and the books published by him at Leyden, 
appears in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 18S7. The same, 
with full descriptions and with the notes reprinted in this leaflet, by Rev. Henry M. Dexter, 
appears in the Proceedings, i88g. See copy of letter by Sir John Stanhope, postmaster- 
general of England, to Sir William Davison, Aug. 22, 1590, relating to Brewster's appoint- 
ment as postmaster of Scrooby, in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
1871. In Rev. S. E. Merrick's "Some Heretics of Yesterday" there is an essay on 



<9ltx J>outf) aieaflet^. 

No. 49. 

Governor Brad- 
ford's First 


Young men. — Gentlemen, you were pleased to appoint us this 
time to confer with you, and to propound such questions as 
might give us satisfaction in some things wherein we are igno- 
rant, or at least further light to some things that are more 
obscure unto us. Our first request therefore is, to know your 
minds concerning the true and simple meaning of those of T/ie 
Separation^ as they are termed, when they say the Church of 
England is no Church, or no true Church. 

Ancient men. — For answer hereunto, first, you must know that 
they speak of it as it then was under the hierarchical prelacy, 
which since have been put down by the State, and not as it is 
now unsettled. 

2. They nowhere say, that we remember, that they are no 
Church. At least, they are not so to be understood; for they 
often say the contrary. 

3. When they say it is no true Church of Christ, they do not 
at all mean as they are the elect of God, or a part of the 
Catholic Church, or of the mystical body of Christ, or visible 
Christians professing faith and holiness (as most men under- 
stand the church) ; for which purpose hear what Mr. Robinson 
in his Apology, page 53. "If by the Church," saith he, "be 
understood the Catholic Church, dispersed upon the face of the 
whole earth, we do willingly acknowledge that a singular part 
thereof, and the same visible and conspicuous, is to be found 
in the land, and with it do profess and practise, what in us lies, 

*That is, the Dialogue was held or written in 1648. 

communion in all things in themselves lawful, and done in right 

4. Therefore they mean it is not a true church as it is a 
National Church, combined together of all in the land promis- 
cuously under the hierarchical government of archbishops, their 
courts and canons, so far differing from the primitive pattern in 
the Gospel. 

Young men. — Wherein do they differ then from the judgment 
or practice of our churches here in New England ? 

Ancient men.— Truly, for matter of practice, nothing at all 
that is in any thing material ; these being rather more strict 
and rigid in some proceedings about admission of members, 
and things of such nature, than the other; and for matter of 
judgment, it is more, as we conceive, in words and terms, than 
matter of any great substance ; for the churches and chief of 
the ministers here hold that the National Church, so constituted 
and governed as before is said, is not allowable according to 
the primitive order of the Gospel; but that there are some 
parish assemblies that are true churches by virtue of an implicit 
covenant amongst themselves, in which regard the Church of 
England may be held and called a true church. 

Where any such are evident, we suppose the other will not 
disagree about an implicit covenant, if they mean by an implicit 
covenant that which hath the substance of a covenant in it 
some way discernible, though it be not so formal or orderly as 
it should be. But such an implicit [covenant] as is no way 
explicit is no better than a Popish implicit faith (as some of 
us conceive) and a mere fiction, or as that which should be a 
marriage covenant which is no way explicit. 

Young men. — Wherein standeth the difference between the 
rigid Brownists and Separatists and others, as we observe our 
ministers in their writings and sermons to distinguish them 1 

Ancient men. — The name of Brownists is but a nickname, as 
Puritan and Huguenot, &c., and therefore they do not amiss to 
decline the odium of it in what they may. But by the rigidness 
of Separation they do not so much mean the difference, for our 
churches here in New England do the same thing under the 
name of secession from the corruptions found amongst them, as 
the other did under the name or term of separation from them. 
Only this declines the odium the better. See Reverend Mr. 
Cotton's Answer to Mr. Baylie, page the 14th. 

That some which were termed Separatists, out of some mis- 
take and heat of zeal, forbore communion in lawful things with 
other godly persons, as prayer and hearing of the word, may be 

seen in what that worthy man, Mr. Robinson, hath published in 
dislike thereof. 

Young me7t. — We are well satisfied in what you have said. 
But they differ also about synods. 

Ancient meti. — It is true we do not know that ever they had 
any solemn Synodical Assembly. And the reason may be, that 
those in England living dispersed and ^ could not meet in their 
ordinary meetings without danger, much less in synods. 
Neither in Holland, where they might have more liberty, were 
they of any considerable number, being but those two churches, 
that of Amsterdam and that of Leyden. Yet some of us know 
that the church [of Leyden] sent messengers to those of Am- 
sterdam, at the request of some of the chief of them, both elders 
and brethren, when in their dissensions they had deposed Mr. 
Ainsworth and some other both of their elders and brethren, 
Mr. Robinson being the chief of the messengers sent; which 
had that good effect, as that they revoked the said deposition, 
and confessed their rashness and error, and lived together in 
peace some good time after. But when the churches want 
neither peace nor light to exercise the power which the Lord 
hath given them, Christ doth not direct them to gather into 
synods or classical meetings, for removing of known offences 
either in doctrine or manners ; but only sendeth to the pastors 
or presbyters of each church to reform within themselves what 
is amongst them. "A plain pattern," saith Mr. Cotton in his 
Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 95, "in case of public offences 
tolerated in neighbour churches, not forthwith to gather into a 
synod or classical meeting, for redress thereof, but by letters 
and messengers to admonish one another of what is behooveful ; 
unless upon such admonition they refuse to hearken to the 
wholesome counsel of their brethren." And of this matter Mr. 
Robinson thus writeth in his book,_y^i"^. page 200, "The officers 
of one or many churches may meet together to discuss and con- 
sider of matters for the good of the church or churches, and so 
be called a Church Synod, or the like, so they infringe no order 
of Christ or liberty of the brethren ; " not differing herein from 
Mr. Davenport and the principal of our ministers. 

Young men. — But they seem to differ about the exercise of 
prophecy, that is, that men out of office, having gifts, may upon 
occasion edify the church publicly and openly, and applying the 
Scriptures ; which seems to be a new practice. 

Aiicient men. — It doth but seem so; as many things else do 
that have by usurpation grown out of use. But that it hath 

* Here something seems to have been omitted. 

been an ancient practice of the people of God, besides the 
grounds of Scripture, we will give an instance or two. We find 
in the ancient Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, lib. vi. cap. 
19, how Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, being pricked with 
envy against Origen, complaineth in his letters that there was 
never such a practice heard of, nor no precedent to be found, 
that laymen in presence of bishops have taught in the church ; 
but is thus answered by the bishop of Jerusalem and the bishop 
of Cesarea : "We know not," say they, "why he reporteth a 
manifest untruth, whenas there may be found such as in open 
assemblies have taught the people ; yea, whenas there were 
present learned men that could profit the people, and moreover 
holy bishops, who at that time exhorted them to preach. For 
example, at Laranda Euelpis was requested of Neon, at Iconium 
Paulinus was requested by Celsus, at Synada Theodorus was 
requested by Atticus, who were godly brethren, &c." 

The second instance is out of Speed's Cloud of Witnesses, 
page 71. Saith he, " Rambam or Maymon records, that in the 
synagogues, first, only a Levite must offer sacrifice ; secondly, 
but any in Israel might expound the law ; thirdly, the ex- 
pounder must be an eminent man, and must have leave from 
the master of the synagogue ; and so contends that Christ. Luke 
iv. 16, taught as any of Israel might have done as well as the 
Levites ; and the like did Paul and Barnabas, Acts xiii. 15." 

If any out of weakness have abused at any time their liberty, 
it is their personal faulting, as sometimes weak ministers may 
their office, and yet the ordinance good and lawful. 

And the chief of our ministers in New England agree therein. 
See Mr. Cotton's Answer to Baylie, page the 27th, 2d part. 
"Though neither all," saith he, "nor most of the brethren of a 
church have ordinarily received a gift of public prophesying, or 
preaching, yet in defect of public ministry, it is not an unheard 
of novelty that God should enlarge private men with public 
gifts, and* to dispense them to edification; for we read that 
when the church at Jerusalem were all scattered abroad, except 
the Apostles, yet they that were scattered went every where 
preaching the word." 

Mr. Robinson also, in his Apology, page 45, chapter 8, to 
take off the aspersion charged on them, as if all the members 
of a church were to prophesy publicly, answers, " It comes 
within the compass but of a few of the multitude, haply two or 
three in a church, so to do ; and touching prophecy," saith he, 
"we think the very same that the Synod. held at Embden, 1571, 

* Some word is here omitted. 


hath decreed in these words : ' First, in all churches, whether 
but springing up, or grown to some ripeness, let the order of 
prophecy be observed, according to Paul's institution. Sec- 
ondly, into the fellowship of this work are to be admitted not 
only the ministers, but the teachers too, as also of the elders 
and deacons, yea, even of the multitude, which are willing to 
confer their gift received of God to the common utility of the 
church ; but so as they first be allowed by the judgment of the 
ministers and others.' So we believe and practise with the 
Belgic churches, &c." See more in the immediate following 

Young men. — We cannot but marvel that in so few years 
there should be so grea| a change, that they who were so hotly 
persecuted by the prelates, and also opposed by the better sort 
of ministers, not only Mr. Gifford, Mr. Bernard, and other such 
like, but many of the most eminent both for learning and godli- 
ness, and yet now not only these famous men and churches in 
New England so fully to close with them in practice, but all the 
godly party in the land to stand for the same way, under the 
new name of Independents, put upon them. 

Ancient men. — It is the Lord's doing, and it ought to be mar- 
vellous in our eyes ; and the rather, because Mr. Bernard, in 
his book, made their small increase in a few years one and the 
chief argument against the way itself. To which Mr. Robinson 
answered, that " Religion is not always sown and reaped in one 
age ; and that John Huss and Jerome of Prague finished their 
testimony a hundred years before Luther, and Wickliff well nigh 
as long before them, and yet neither the one nor the other with 
the like success as Luther. And yet," saith he, " many are 
already gathered into the kingdom of Christ; and the nearness 
of many more throughout the whole land (for the regions are 
white unto the harvest) doth promise within less than a hun- 
dred years, if our sins and theirs make not us and them un- 
worthy of this mercy, a very plenteous harvest " (^jfustif. folio 
62) ; as if he had prophesied of these times. Yea, some of us 
have often heard him say that "even those ministers and other 
godly persons that did then most sharply oppose them, if they 
might come to be from under the bishops, and live in a place of 
rest and peace, where they might comfortably subsist, they 
would practise the same things which they now did." And 
truly, many of us have seen this abundantly verified, not only 
in these latter times, but formerly. 

Doctor Ames was estranged from and opposed Mr. Robinson; 
and yet afterwards there was loving compliance and near agree- 

ment between them ; and, which is more strange, Mr. Johnson 
himself, who was afterwards pastor of the church of God at 
Amsterdam, was a preacher to the company of English of the 
Staple at Middleburg, in Zealand, and had great and certain 
maintenance allowed him by them, and was highly respected of 
them, and so zealous against this way as that [when] Mr, 
Barrow's and Mr. Greenwood's Refutation of Gilford was pri- 
vately in printing in this city, he not only was a means to dis- 
cover it, but was made the ambassador's instrument to intercept 
them at the press, and see them burnt ; the which charge he 
did so well perform, as he let them go on until they were 
wholly finished, and then surprised the whole impression, not 
suffering any to escape ; and then, by the magistrates' au- 
thority, caused them all to be openly burnt, himself standing by 
until they were all consumed to ashes. Only he took up two 
of them, one to keep in his own study, that he might see their 
errors, and the other to bestow on a special friend for the like 
use. But mark the sequel. When he had done this work, he 
went home, and being set down in his study, he began to turn 
over some pages of this book, and superficially to read some 
things here and there, as his fancy led him. At length he met 
with something that began to work upon his spirit, which so 
wrought with him as drew him to this resolution, seriously to 
read over the whole book : the which he did once and again. 
In the end he was so taken, and his conscience was troubled 
so, as he could have no rest in himself until he crossed the 
seas and came to London to confer with the authors, who were 
then in prison, and shortly after executed. After which con- 
ference he was so satisfied and confirmed in the truth, as he 
never returned to his place any more at Middleburg, but 
adjoined himself to their society at London, and was afterwards 
committed to prison, and then banished ; and in conclusion 
coming to live at Amsterdam, he caused the same books, which 
he had been an instrument to burn, to be new printed and set 
out at his own charge. And some of us here present testify 
this to be a true relation, which we heard from his own mouth 
before many witnesses. 

You7tg men. — We have seen a book of Mr. Robert Baylie's, a 
Scotchman, wherein he seemeth to take notice of the spreading 
of the truth under the notion of error, and casts all the dis- 
graces he can on it, and ranks it with others the foulest errors 
of the time, and endeavours to show how like a small spark it 
revived out of the ashes, and was brought from Leyden over 
the seas into New England, and there nourished with much 


silence until it spread to other places in the country, and by 
eminent hands from thence into Old England. 

Ancient men. — -As we dare say Mr. Baylie intends no honor 
to the persons by what he says, either to those here or from 
whence they came, so are they far from seeking any to them- 
selves, but rather are ashamed that their weak working hath 
brought no more glory to God ; and if in any thing God hath 
made any of them instruments for the good of his people in any 
measure, they desire he only may have the glory. And whereas 
Mr. Baylie affirmeth that, however it was, in a few years the 
most who settled in the land did agree to model themselves 
after Mr. Robinson's pattern, we agree with reverend Mr. 
Cotton, that "there was no agreement by any solemn or 
common consultation ; but that it is true they did, as if they 
had agreed, by the same spirit of truth and unity, set up, by 
the help of Christ, the same model of churches, one like to 
another ; and if they of Plymouth have helped any of th first 
comers in their theory, by hearing and discerning their prac- 
tices, therein the Scripture is fulfilled that the kingdom of 
heaven is like unto leaven which a woman took and hid in three 
measures of meal until all was leavened." Answer to Mn 
Baylie, page 17. 

Young men. — We desire to know how many have been put to 
death for this cause, and what manner of persons they were, 
and what occasions were taken against them by bringing them 
to their end. 

Ancient men. — We know certainly of six that were publicly- 
executed, besides such as died in prisons; Mr. Henry Barrow, 
Mr. Greenwood (these suffered at Tyburn) ; Mr. Penry at St, 
Thomas Waterings, by London ; Mr. William Dennis, at Thet- 
ford, in Norfolk; two others at St. Edmund's, in Suffolk, whose 
names were Copping and Elias [Thacker]. These two last 
mentioned were condemned by cruel Judge Popham, whose 
countenance and carriage was very rough and severe toward 
them, with many sharp menaces. But God gave them courage 
to bear it, and to make this answer : 

" My Lord, your face we fear not, 
And for your threats we care not, 
And to come to your read service, we dare not." 

These two last named were put to death for dispersing of 

For Mr. Dennis, he was a godly man, and faithful in his 


place ; but what occasion was taken against him, we know not, 
more than the common cause. 

For Mr. Penry, how unjustly he was charged, himself hath 
made manifest to the world in his books, and that Declaration 
which he made a little before his suffering; all which are extant 
in print, with some of his godly letters. 

As for Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood, it also appears by 
their own writings how those statutes formerly made against the 
Papists were wrested against them, arid they condemned there- 
upon ; as may be seen by their Examinations. 

Young men. — But these were rigid Brownists, and lie under 
much aspersion, and their names much blemished and be- 
clouded, not only by enemies, but even by godly and very 
reverend men. 

Ancient men. — They can no more justly be called Brownists, 
than the disciples might have been called Judasites ; for they 
did as much abhor Brown's apostasy, and profane course, and 
his defection, as the disciples and other Christians did Judas's 

And for their rigid and roughness of spirit, as some of them, 
especially Mr. Barrow, is taxed, it may be considered they were 
very rigidly and roughly dealt with, not only by the Lord's 
enemies and their enemies, but by some godly persons of those 
times, differing in opinions from them ; which makes some of 
us call to mind what one Doctor Taylor hath written in a late 
book in these stirring times. " Such an eminent man," saith 
he, "hath had the good hap to be reputed orthodox by pos- 
terity, and did condemn such a man of such an opinion, and yet 
himself erred in as considerable matters ; but meeting with 
better neighbours in his life-time, and a more charitable pos- 
terity after his death, hath his memory preserved in honor; 
and the other's name suffers without cause." Of which he 
gives instances in his book entitled The Liberty of Prophesying, 
page 33 and following. 

We refer you to Mr. Robinson's Answer to Mr. Bernard, 
where he charges him with blasphemy, railing, scoffing, &c. 
*' For Mr. Barrow," saith Mr. Robinson, " as I say with Mr. 
Ainsworth, that I will not justify all the words of another man, 
nor yet mine own, so say I also with Mr. Smith, that because I 
know not by what particular motion of the Spirit he was guided 
to write in those phrases, I dare not censure him as you do ; 
especially considering with what fiery zeal the Lord hath fur- 
nished such his servants at all times, as he hath stirred up 
for special reformation. Let the example of Luther alone 

suffice, whom into what terms his zeal carried, his writings 
testify; and yet both in him and in Mr. Barrow there might be 
with true spiritual zeal fleshly indignation mingled." Answer to 
Mr. Bernard, folio 84. 

And further in page 86 he saith, that "such harsh terms 
wherewith he entertains such persons and things in the church 
as carry with them most appearance of holiness, they are to be 
interpreted according to his meaning, with this distinction, that 
Mr. Barrow speaks not of these persons and things simply, but 
in a respect, and so and so considered ; and so no one term 
given by Mr. Barrow but may, at the least, be tolerated." 

You7ig men. — But divers reverend men have expressed con- 
cerning this matter that God is not wont to make choice of men 
infamous for gross sins and vices before their calling, to make 
them any instruments of reformation after their calling, and 
proceed to declare that Mr. Barrow was a great gamester and 
a dicer when he lived in court, and getting much by play, 
would boast of loose spending it with courtesans, &c. 

Ancient men. — Truly, with due respect to such reverend men 
be it spoken, those things might well have been spared from 
putting in print, especially so long after his death, when not 
only he, but all his friends are taken out of the world, that 
might vindicate his name. That he was tainted with vices at 
the court before his conversion and calling, it is not very 
strange ; and if he had lived and died in that condition, it is 
like he might have gone out of the world without any public 
brand on his name, and have passed for a tolerable Christian 
and member of the church. He had hurt enough done him, 
whilst he lived, by evil and cruel enemies; why should godly 
men be prejudicated to him after his death in his name .-* Was 
not the Apostle Paul a persecutor of God's saints unto death? 
And doth not the same Apostle, speaking of scandalous and 
lascivious per^sons, say, "And such were some of you; but ye 
are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified in the 
name of the Lord Jesus and by the spirit of our God." 

And if histories deceive us not, was not Cyprian a magician 
before his conversion, and Augustine a Manichaean .? And 
when it was said unto him in the voice he heard, Tolle et iege, 
he was directed to that place of Scripture, "Not in gluttony 
and drunkenness, nor in chambering and wantonness, nor in 
strife and envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and 
take no thought for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts of it." By 
which it may seem that if God do not make choice of such 
men as have been infamous for gross vices before their calling, 


yet sometimes he is wont to do it, and is free to choose whom 
he pleaseth for notable instruments for his own work. As for 
other things that have been spoken of him and Mr. Greenwood 
and Mr. Penry, we leave them as they are. But some of us 
have reason to think there are some mistakes in the relations 
of those things. Only we shall add other public testimonies 
concerning them from witnesses of very worthy credit, which 
are also in print. 

First, from Mr. Phillips. A famous and godly preacher, 
having heard and seen Mr. Barrow's holy speeches and prepa- 
rations for death, said, " Barrow, Barrow, my soul be with 
thine ! " The same author also reports, that Queen Elizabeth 
asked learned Doctor Reynolds what he thought of those two 
men, Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood ; and he answered her 
Majesty that it could not avail any thing to show his judgment 
concerning them, seeing they were put to death ; and being 
loath to speak his mind further, her Majesty charged him upon 
his allegiance to speak. Whereupon he answered, that he was 
persuaded, if they had lived, they would have been two as 
worthy instruments for the church of God, as have been raised 
up in this age. Her Majesty sighed, and said no more. But 
after that, riding to a park by the place where they were exe- 
cuted, and being willing to take further information concerning 
them, demanded of the right honorable the Earl of Cumber- 
land, that was present when they suffered, what end they made. 
He answered, " a vfery godly end, and prayed for your Majesty, 
and the State," &c. We may also add what some of us have 
heard by credible information, that the Queen demanded of the 
Archbishop what he thought of them in his conscience. He 
answered " he thought they were the servants of God, but dan- 
gerous to the State." "Alas!" said she, "shall we put the 
servants of God to death? " And this was the true cause why 
no more of them were put to death in her days. 

Young men. — Did any of you know Mr. Barrow? if we may 
be so bold to ask, for we would willingly know what [was] his 
life and conversation ; because some, we perceive, have him in 
precious esteem, and others can scarce name him without some 
note of obloquy and dislike. 

Ancient men. — We have not seen his person ; but some of us 
have been well acquainted with those that knew him familiarly 
both before and after his conversion ; and one of us hath had 
conference with one that was his domestic servant, and tended 
upon him both before and some while after the same. 

He was a gentleman of good worth, and a flourishing courtier 


in his time, and, as appears in his own answers to the Arch- 
bishop and Doctor Cousens, he was some time a student at 
Cambridge and the Inns of Court, and accomplished with 
strong parts. 

We have heard his conversion to be on this wise. Walking 
in London one Lord's day with one of his companions, he 
heard a preacher at his sermon very loud, as they passed by 
the church. Upon which Mr. Barrow said unto his consort, 
" Let us go in and hear what this man saith that is thus ear- 
nest." " Tush," said the other, " what ! shall we go to hear a 
man talk } " &c. But in he went and sat down. And the 
minister was vehement in reproving sin, and sharply applied 
the judgments of God against the same; and, it should seem, 
touched him to the quick in such things as he was guilty of, so 
as God set it home to his soul, and began to work his repent- 
ance and conversion thereby. For he was so stricken as he 
could not be quiet, until by conference with godly men and 
further hearing of the word, with diligent reading and medita- 
tion, God brought peace to his soul and conscience, after much 
humiliation of heart and reformation of life ; so as he left the 
court, and retired himself to a private life, some time in the 
country and some time in the city, giving himself to study and 
reading of the Scriptures and other good works very diligently. 
And being missed at court by his consorts and acquaintance, 
it was quickly bruited abroad that Barrow was turned Puritan. 
What his course was afterwards, his writings show, as also his 
sufferings and conference with men of all sorts do declare, 
until his life was taken from him. 

And thus much we can further affirm, from those that well 
knew him, that he was very comfortable to the poor and those 
in distress in their sufferings ; and when he saw he must die, he 
gave a stock for the relief of the poor of the church, which was 
a good help to them in their banished condition afterwards. 
Yea, and that which some will hardly believe, he did much per- 
suade them to peace, and composed many differences that were 
grown amongst them whilst he lived, and would have, it is like, 
prevented more that after fell out, if he had continued. 

Young men, — We thank you for your pains. We hope it will 
extend further than our satisfaction. We cannot but marvel 
that such a man should be by so many aspersed. 

Ancient men. — It is not much to be marvelled at ; for he was 
most plain in discovering the cruelty, fraud, and hypocrisy of 
the enemies of the truth, and searching into the corruptions of 
the time, which made him abhorred of them ; and peradventure 


something too harsh against the haltings of divers of the 
preachers and professors that he had to deal with in those 
times, who out of fear or weakness did not come so close up to 
the truth in their practice as their doctrines and grounds 
seemed to hold forth. Which makes us remember what was 
the answer of Erasmus to the Duke of Saxony, when h6 asked 
his opinion whether Luther had erred. He answered, "his 
opinions were good, but wished he would moderate his style, 
which stirred him up the more enemies, no doubt." 

Young men. — We find in the writings of some such who were 
very eminent in their times for piety and learning, that those 
of the Separation found more favor in our native country than 
those who were reproached by the name of Puritans; and after 
much discourse thereabouts, come to this conclusion, that no 
comparison will hold from the Separatists to them in their suf- 
ferings but a minori; and then they go on and say, what a 
compulsory banishment has been put upon those blessed and 
glorious lights, Mr. Cartwright, Mr. Parker, Doctor Ames, &c. 

Ancie7tt men. — Far be it from any of us to detract from or to 
extenuate the sufferings of any of the servants of God, much 
less from those worthies forenamed, or any others afterwards 
mentioned. Yet, under favor, we crave pardon if we cannot 
consent to the judgment of such eminent ones for piety and 
learning above hinted. We doubt not, but do easily grant, that 
the sufferings of those reproached by the name of Puritans 
were great, especially some of them, and were better known to 
those pious and learned [men] first above intimated, than the 
sufferings of those that are reproached by the name of Brown- 
ists and Separatists. But we shall give you some mstances, 
and leave it to you and some others to consider of. 

1. Though no more were publicly executed, yet sundry more 
were condemned, and brought to the gallows, and ascended the 
ladder, not knowing but they should die, and have been re- 
prieved, and after banished ; some of which we have known 
and often spoken with. 

2. Others have not only been forced into voluntary banish- 
ment, by great numbers, to avoid further cruelty, but divers, 
after long and sore imprisonment, have been forced to abjure 
the land by oath, never to return without leave. In anno 1604 
four persons at once were forced to do so at a public Sessions 
in London, or else upon refusal they were to be hanged. This 
their abjuration was done on the statute of the 35 of Queen 
Elizabeth. Some of these we have also known. 

3. We find mention in a printed book of seventeen or eigh- 


teen that have died in several prisons in London in six years' 
time before the year 1592, besides what have been in other 
pans of the land, and since that time, perishing by cold, hunger, 
or noisomeness of the prison. 

4. In the same year we find a lamentable petition, now in 
print, of sixty persons committed unbailable to several prisons 
in London, as Newgate, the Gatehouse, Clink, &c., being made 
close prisoners, allowing them neither meat, drink, nor lodging, 
nor suffering any whose hearts the Lord would stir up for their 
relief, to have any access unto them ; so as they complain that 
no felons, traitors, nor murderers in the land were thus dealt 
with ; and so after many other grievous complaints conclude 
with these words : " We crave for all of us but the liberty either 
to die openly, or to live openly in the land of our nativity. If 
we deserve death, it beseemeth the majesty of justice not to see 
us closely murdered, yea starved to death with hunger and 
cold, and stifled in loathsome dungeons. If we be guiltless, we 
crave but the benefit of our innocence, viz. that we may have 
peace to serve our God and our Prince in the place of the 
sepulchres of our fathers." 

And what numbers since those, who have been put unto 
compulsory banishment and other hard sufferings, as loss of 
goods, friends, and long and hard imprisonments, under which 
many have died, — it is so well known, that it would make up 
a volume to rehearse them, and would not only equalize but far 
exceed the number of those godly called Puritans that have 
suffered. Suppose they were but few of them ministers that 
suffered, as above expressed ; yet their sorrows might be as 
great, and their wants more, and their souls as much afflicted, 
because more contemned and neglected of men. 

But some have said they were excommunicated ; and that 
was no great matter as excommunications went in those days. 
So were these^ not only while they were living, but some of 
them many times after they were dead ; and as some of the 
other were imprisoned, so were more of these. But it is further 
said, all of them were deprived of their ministry ; and so were 
these of their livelihood and maintenance, although they had 
no offices to lose. But those remained still in the land, and 
were succoured and sheltered by good people in a competent 
wise, the most of them, and sundry of them lived as well, as 
may easily be proved, if not better, than if they had enjoyed 
their benefices ; whereas the other were, a great number of 
them, forced to fly into foreign lands for shelter, or else might 
have perished in prisons ; and these poor creatures endured. 


many of them, such hardships (as is well known to some of us) 
as makes our hearts still ache to remember. 

We some of us knew Mr. Parker, Dr. Ames, and Mr. Jacob 
in Holland, when they sojourned for a time in Leyden ; and 
all three boarded together and had their victuals dressed by 
some of our acquaintance, and then they lived comfortable, 
and then they were provided for as became their persons. And 
after Mr. Jacob returned, and Mr. Parker was at Amsterdam, 
where he printed some of his books, and Mr. Ames disposed 
of himself to other places, it was not worse with him ; and some 
of us well know how it fared then with many precious Chris- 
tians in divers times and places. To speak the truth, the pro- 
fessors in England, though many of them suffered much at the 
hands of the prelates, yet they had a great advantage of the 
Separatists ; for the Separatists had not only the prelates and 
their faction to encounter with (and what hard measure they 
met with at their hands, above the other, doth sufficiently ap- 
pear by what is before declared), but also they must endure the 
frowns, and many times the sharp invectives, of the forward 
ministers against them, both in public and private , and what 
influence they had upon the spirits of the people, is well enough 
known also ; by reason hereof the ministers in foreign countries 
did look awry at them when they would give help and counte- 
nance to the other. 

Young men. — Indeed, it seems they have sometimes suffered 
much hardness in the Low Countries, if that be true that is re- 
ported of such a man as Mr. Ainsworth, that he should live for 
some time with nine pence a week. To which is replied by 
another, that if people suffered him to live on nine pence a 
week, with roots boiled, either the people were grown extreme 
low in estate, or the growth of their godliness was come to a 
very low ebb. 

Ancient men. — The truth is, their condition for the most part 
was for some time very low and hard. It was with them as, if 
it should be related, would hardly be believed. And no mar- 
v^el. For many of them had lain long in prisons, and then were 
banished into Newfoundland, where they were abused, and at 
last came into the Low Countries, and wanting money, trades, 
friends or acquaintances, and languages to help themselves, 
how could it be otherwise ? The report of Mr. Ainsworth was 
near those times, when he was newly come out of Ireland with 
others poor, and being a single young man and very studious, 
was content with a little. And yet, to take off the aspersion 
from the people in that particular, the chief and true reason 


thereof is mistaken ; for he was a very modest and bashful 
man, and concealed his wants from others, until some suspected 
how it was with him, and pressed him to see how it was ; and 
after it was known, such as were able mended his condition ; 
and when he was married afterwards, he and his family were 
comfortably provided for. But we have said enough of these 
things. They had few friends to comfort them, nor any arm of 
flesh to support them ; and if in some things they were too 
rigid, they are rather to be pitied, considering their times and 
sufferings, than to be blasted with reproach to posterity. 

Young men. — Was that Brown that fell away and made apos- 
tasy, the first inventor and beginner of this v/ay ? 

Ancient men. — No, verily; lor, as one answers this question 
very well in a printed book, almost forty years ago, that the 
prophets, apostles, and evangelists have in their authentic writ- 
ings laid down the ground thereof; and upon that ground is 
their building reared up and surely settled. Moreover, many 
of the martyrs, both former and latter, have maintained it, as is 
to be seen in The Acts and Monuments of the Church. Also, 
in the days of Queen Elizabeth there was a separated church, 
whereof Mr. Fitts was pastor, and another before that in the 
time of Queen Mary, of which Mr. Rough was pastor or 
teacher, and Cudbert Simpson a deacon, who exercised 
amongst themselves, as other ordinances, so church censures, 
as excommunication, etc., and professed and practised that 
cause before Mr. Brown wrote for it. But he being one that 
afterwards wrote for it, they that first hatched the name of 
Puritans and bestowed it on the godly professors that desired 
reformation, they likewise out of the same storehouse would 
needs bestow this new livery upon others that never would own 
it, nor had reason so to do. Mr. Cotton, likewise, in his 
Answer to Mr. Baylie, page fourth, shows how in the year 1567 
there were a hundred persons who refused the common liturgy, 
and the congregations attending thereunto, and used prayers 
and preaching and the sacraments amongst themselves, whereof 
fourteen or fifteen were sent to prison, of whom the chiefest 
were Mr. Smith, Mr. Nixon, James Ireland, Robert Hawkins, 
Thomas Rowland, and Richard Morecroft ; and these pleaded 
their separation before the Lord Mayor, Bishop Sands, and 
other commissioners on June 20, 1567, about eighty years ago, 
being many years before Brown. Divers other instances might 
be given. 

Young men. — But if we mistake not, Mr. Brown is accounted 
by some of good note to be the inventor of that way which is 


called Brown ism, from whom the sect took its name. More- 
over, it is said by such of note as aforesaid, that it is not God's 
usual manner of dealing to leave any of the first publishers or 
restorers of any truth of his to such fearful apostasy. 

Ancient me7t. — Possibly this speech might arise from a 
common received opinion. But reverend Mr. Cotton, in his 
Answer to Mr. Baylie, saith "the backsliding of Brown from 
that way of Separation is a just reason why the Separatists may 
disclaim denomination from him, and refuse to be called 
Brownists, after his name ; and to speak with reason," saith 
he, "if any be justly to be called Brownists, it is only such as 
revolt from Separation to formality, and from thence to pro- 
faneness," Page 5. 

To which we may add, that it is very injurious to call those 
after his name, whose person they never knew, and whose writ- 
ings few if any of them ever saw, and whose errors and back- 
slidings they have constantly borne witness against; and what 
truths they have received have been from the light of God's 
sacred word, conveyed by other godly instruments unto them ; 
though Brown may sometimes have professed some of the same 
things, and now fallen from the same, as many others have 

Young men. — Seeing we have presumed thus far to inquire 
into these ancienter times of you, and of the sufferings of the 
aforesaid persons, we would likewise entreat you, though never 
so briefly, to tell us something of the persons and carriages of 
other eminent men about those times, or immediately after, as 
Mr. Francis Johnson, Mr. Henry Ainsworth, Mr. John Smith, 
Mr. John Robinson, Mr. Richard Clifton. 

Ancient men. — Here are some in the company that knew 
them all familiarly, whom we shall desire to satisfy your re- 

Those answered. We shall do it most willingly ; for we can- 
not but honor the memory of the men for the good that not 
only many others but we ourselves have received by them and 
their ministry; for we have heard them all, and lived under 
the ministry of divers of them for some years. We shall there- 
fore speak of them in order briefly. 

Mr. Johnson, of whom something was spoken before, was 
pastor of the church of God at Amsterdam. A very grave man 
he was, and an able teacher, and was the most solemn in all 
his administrations that we have seen any, and especially in 
dispensing the seals of the covenant, both baptism and the 
Lord's supper. And a good disputant he was. We heard Mr. 

Smith upon occasion say, that he was persuaded no men living 
were able to maintain a cause against those two men, meaning 
Mr. Johnson and Mr. Ainsworth, if they had not the truth on 
their side. He, by reason of many dissensions that fell out in 
the church, and the subtilty of one of the elders of the same, 
came after many years to alter his judgment about the govern- 
ment of the church, and his practice thereupon, which caused 
a division amongst them. But he lived not many years after, 
and died at Amsterdam after his return from Embden. 

Young men. — But he is much spoken against for excommuni- 
cating his brother and his own father, and maintaining his 
wife's cause, who was by his brother and others reproved for 
her pride in apparel. 

A7tcient men. — Himself hath often made his own defence, and 
others for him. The church did, after long patience towards 
them and much pains taken with them, excommunicate them 
for their unreasonable and endless opposition, and such things 
as did accompany the same ; and such was the justice thereof, 
as he could not but consent thereto. In our time his wife was 
a grave matron, and very modest both in her apparel and all 
her demeanour, ready to any good works in her place, and 
helpful to many, especially the poor, and an ornament to his 
calling. She was a young widow when he married her, and had 
been a merchant's wife, by whom he had a good estate, and 
was a godly woman ; and because she wore such apparel as 
she had been formerly used to, which were neither excessive 
nor immodest, for their chiefest exceptions were against her 
wearing of some whalebone m the bodice and sleeves of her 
gown, corked shoes, and other such like things as the citizens 
of her rank then used to wear. And although, for offence sake, 
she and he were willing to reform the fashions of them so far 
as might be without spoiling of their garments, yet it would not 
content them except they came full up to their size. Such was 
the strictness or rigidness (as now the term goes) of some in those 
times, as we can by experience and of our own knowledge show 
in other instances. We shall for brevity sake only show one. 

We were in the company of a godly man that had been a 
long time prisoner at Norwich for this cause, and was by Judge 
Cooke set at liberty. After going into the country he visited 
his friends, and returning that way again to go into the Low 
Countries by ship at Yarmouth, and so desired some of us to 
turn in with him to the house of an ancient woman in the city, 
who had been very kind and helpful to him in his sufferings. 
She knowing his voice made him very welcome, and those with 


him. But after some time of their entertamment, being ready 
to depart, she came up to him and felt of his band (for her eyes 
were dim with age), and perceiving it was something stiffened 
with starch, she was mucli displeased, and reproved him very 
sharply, fearing God would not prosper his journey. Yet the 
man was a plain countryman, clad in gray russet, without either 
welt or guard (as the proverb is), and the band he wore scarce 
worth threepence, made of their own homespinning ; and he 
was godly and humble as he was plain. What would such pro- 
fessors, if they were now living, say to the excess of our times ? 
Mr. Henry Ainsworth, a man of a thousand, was teacher 
of this church at Amsterdam at the same time when Mr. John- 
son was pastor. Two worthy men they were and of excellent 
parts. He continued constant in his judgment and practice 
unto his end in those things about the church government, from 
which Mr. Johnson swerved and fell. He ever maintained 
good correspondence with Mr. Robinson at Leyden, and would 
consult with him in all matters of weight, both in their differ- 
ences and afterwards. A very learned man he was, and a close 
student, which much impaired his health. We have heard 
some, eminent in the knowledge of the tongues, of the univer- 
sity of Leyden, say that they thought he had not his better for 
the Hebrew tongue in the university, nor scarce in Europe. 
He was a man very modest, amiable, and sociable in his ordi- 
nary course and carriage, of an innocent and unblamable life 
and conversation, of a meek spirit, and a calm temper, void of 
passion and not easily provoked. And yet he would be some- 
thing smart in his style to his opposers in his public writings ; 
at which we that have seen his constant carriage, both in public 
disputes and the managing of all church affairs, and such like 
occurrences, have sometimes marvelled. He had an excellent 
gift of teaching and opening the Scriptures ; and things did 
flow from him with that facility, plainness, and sweetness, as 
did much affect the hearers. He was powerful and profound 
in doctrine, although his voice was not strong ; and had this 
excellency above many, that he was most ready and pregnant 
in the Scriptures, as if the book of God had been written in his 
heart; being as ready in his quotations, without tossing and 
turning his book, as if they had lain open before his eyes, and 
seldom missing a word m the citing of any place, teaching not 
only the word and doctrine of God, but in the words of God, 
and for the most part in a continued phrase and words of 
Scripture. He used great dexterity, and was ready in compar- 
ing Scripture with Scripture, one with another. In a word, the 


times and place in which he lived were not worthy of such a 

Young men.' — But we find that he is taxed, in a book writ by 
George Johnson, with apostasy and to be a man-pleaser, etc. 

Ancient men. — Who can escape the scourge o£ tongues ? 
Christ himself could not do it when he was here upon earth, 
although there was no guile found in his mouth , nor Moses, 
although he was the meekest man in the earth. For man-pleas- 
ing, they that tax him [do it] because he concurred agamst 
their violent and endless dissensions about the former matters. 
And for his apostasy, this was all the matter. When he was a 
young man, before he came out of England, he at the persua- 
sion of some of his godly friends went once or twice to hear 
a godly minister preach ; and this was the great matter of 
apostasy, for which those violent men thought him worthy to be 
deposed from his place, and for which they thus charge him. 
And truly herein they may worthily bear the name of rigid, etc. 

Mr. John Smith was an eminent man m his time, and 
a good preacher, and of other good parts , but his incon 
stancy, and unstable judgment, and being so suddenly carried 
away with things, did soon overthrow him. Yet we have some 
of us heard him use this speech; "Truly," said he, ■ we being 
now come into a place of liberty, are in great danger^ if we 
look not well to our ways , for we are like men set upon the 
ice, and therefore may easily slide and fall. ' But in this ex- 
ample It appears it is an easier matter to give good counsel 
than to follow it, to foresee danger than to prevent it ; which 
made the prophet to say, ' O Lord, the way of man is not in 
himself, neither is it in man to walk and to direct his steps." 
He was some timiC pastor to a company of honest and godly 
men which came with him out of England, and pitched at 
Amsterdam. He first fell into some errors about the Script- 
ures, and so into some opposition with Mr. Johnson, who had 
been his tutor, and the church there. But he was convinced 
of them by the pains and faithfulness of Mr, Johnson and Mr. 
Ainsworth, and revoked them ; but afterwards was drawn away 
by some of the Dutch Anabaptists, who finding him to be a 
good scholar and unsettled, they easily misled the most of his 
people, and other of them scattered away. He lived not many 
years after, but died there of a consumption, to which he was 
inclined before he came out of England. His and his people's 
condition may be an object of pity for after times. 

Mr. John Robinson was pastor of that famous church of 
Leyden, in Holland ; a man not easily to be paralleled for all 


things, whose singular virtues we shall not take upon us here 
to describe. Neither need we, for they so well are known both 
by friends and enemies. As he was a man learned and of 
solid judgment, and of a quick and sharp wit, so was he also of 
a tender conscience, and very sincere in all his ways, a hater 
of hypocrisy and dissimulation, and would be very plain with 
his best friends. He was very courteous, affable, and sociable 
in his conversation, and towards his own people especially. 
He was an acute and expert disputant, very quick and ready, 
and had much bickering with the Arminians, who stood more 
in fear of him than any of the university. He was never satis- 
fied in himself until he had searched any cause or argument he 
had to deal in thoroughly and to the bottom ; and we have 
heard him sometimes say to his familiars that many times, both 
in writing and disputation, he knew he had sufficiently answered 
others, but many times not himself; and was ever desirous of 
any light, and the more able, learned, and holy the persons 
were, the more he desired to confer and reason with them. 
He was very profitable in his ministry and comfortable to his 
people. He was much beloved of them, and as loving was he 
unto them, and entirely sought their good for soul and body. 
In a word, he was much esteemed and reverenced of all that 
knew him, and his abilities [were acknowledged] both of friends 
and strangers. But we resolved to be brief in this matter, leav- 
ing you to better and more large information herein from 

Mr. Richard Clifton was a grave and fatherly old man 
when he came first into Holland, having a great white beard ; 
and pity it was that such a reverend old man should be forced 
to leave his country, and at those years to go into exile. But 
it was his lot; and he bore it patiently. Much good had he 
done in the country where he lived, and converted many to 
God by his faithful and painful ministry, both in preaching and 
catechizing. Sound and orthodox he always was, and so con- 
tinued to his end. He belonged to the church at Leyden ; 
but being settled at Amsterdam, and thus aged, he was loath to 
remove any more ; and so when they removed, he was dis- 
missed to them there, and there remained until he died. Thus 
have we briefly satisfied your desire. 

Young men. — We are very thankful to you for your pains. 
We perceive God raiseth up excellent instruments in all ages to 
carry on his own work ; and the best of men have their failings 
sometimes, as we see in these our times, and that there is no 
new thing under the sun. But before we end this matter, we 


desire you would say something of those two churches that 
were so long in exile, of whose guides we have already heard. 

Ancient men. — Truly there were in them many worthy men j 
and if you had seen them in their beauty and order, as we have 
done, you would have been much affected therewith, we dare 
say. At Amsterdam, before their division and breach, they 
were about three hundred communicants, and they had for their 
pastor and teacher those two eminent men before named, and 
in our time four grave men for ruling elders, and three able and 
godly men for deacons, one ancient widow for a deaconess, 
who did them service many years, though she was sixty years 
of age when she was chosen. She honored her place and was 
an ornament to the congregation. She usually sat in a conven- 
ient place in the congregation, with a little birchen rod in her 
hand, and kept little children in great awe from disturbing the 
congregation. She did frequently visit the sick and 'weak, es- 
pecially women, and, as there was need, called out maids and 
young women to watch and do them other helps as their neces- 
sity did require ; and if they were poor, she would gather relief 
for them of those that were able, or acquaint the deacons ; and 
she was obeyed as a mother in Israel and an officer of Christ. 

And for the church of Leyden, they were sometimes not 
much fewer in number, nor at all inferior in able men, though 
they had not so many officers as the other ; for they had but 
one ruling elder with their pastor, a man well approved and of 
great integrity ; also they had three able men for deacons. 
And that which was a crown unto them, they lived together in 
love and peace all their days, without any considerable differ- 
ences or any disturbance that grew thereby, but such as was 
easily healed in love ; and so they continued imtil with mutual 
consent they removed into New England. And what their con- 
dition hath been since, some of you that are of their children 
do see and can tell. Many worthy and able men there were in 
both places, who lived and died in obscurity in respect of the 
world, as private Christians, yet were they precious in the eyes 
of the Lord, and also in the eyes of such as knew them, whose 
virtues we with such of you as are their children do follow and 

Young men.— If we may not be tedious, we would request to 
know one thing more. It is commonly said that those of the 
Separation hold none to be true churches but their own, and 
condemn all the churches in the world besides ; which lieth as 
a foul blot upon them, yea even on some here in New England, 
except they can remove it. 


Ancient men. — It is a manifest slander laid upon them ; for 
they hold all the Reformed Churches to be true churches, and 
even the most rigid of them have ever done so, as appears by 
their Apologies and other writings ; and we ourselves some of 
us know of much intercommunion that divers have held with 
them reciprocally, not only with the Dutch and French, but 
even with the Scotch, who are not of the best mould, yea and 
with the Lutherans also ; and we believe they have gone as far 
herein, both in judgment and practice, as any of the churches 
in New England do or can do, to deal faithfully and bear wit- 
ness against their corruptions. 

Having thus far satisfied all your demands, we shall here 
break off this conference for this time, desiring the Lord to 
make you to grow up in grace and wisdom and the true fear of 
God, that in all faithfulness and humility you may serve him in 
your generations. 

Young men. — Gentlemen, we humbly thank you for your 
pains with us and respect unto us, and do further crave that 
upon any fit occasions we may have access unto you for any 
further information, and herewith do humbly take our leave. 

The Pilgrims' Arrival at Cape Cod. 
From Bradford' s History. 

Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, 
they fell upon their knees & blessed y^ God of heaven, who 
had brought them over y^ vast & furious ocean, and delivered 
them from all y^ periles & miseries thereof, againe to set their 
feete on y^ firme and stable earth, their proper elemente. And 
no marvell if they were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca was so 
affected with sailing a few miles on y^ coast of his owne Italy ; 
as he affirmed, that he had rather remaine twentie years on his 
way by land, then pass by sea to any place in a short time ; so 
tedious & dreadful! was y^ same unto him. 

But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half 
amased at this poore peoples presente condition ; and so I 
thinke will the reader too, when he well considers y^ same. 
Being thus passed y^ vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before 
in their preparation (as may be remembered by y* which wente 
before), they had now no freinds to wellcome them, nor inns 
to entertaine or refre^^h their weatherbeaten bodys, no houses 
or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for succoure. It is 


recorded in scripture as a mercie to y^ apostle & his ship- 
wraked company, yt the barbarians shewed them no smale 
kindnes in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when 
they mette with them (as after will appeare) were readier 
to fill their sids full of arrows then otherwise. And for ye sea- 
son it was winter, and they that know y^ winters of y* cuntrie 
know them to be sharp & violent, & subjecte to cruell & feirce 
stormes, deangerous to travill to known places, much more to 
serch an unknown coast. Besids, what could they see but a 
hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts & willd men ? 
and what multituds ther might be of them they knew not. 
Nether could they, as it were, goe up to y^ tope of Pisgah, to 
vew from this willdernes a more goodly cuntrie to feed their 
hops; for which way soever they turned their eys (save upward 
to ye heavens) they could have litle solace or content in re- 
specte of any outward objects. For sumer being done, all 
things stand upon them with a wetherbeaten face ; and y^ 
whole countrie, full of woods & thickets, represented a wild & 
savage heiw. If they looked behind them, ther was ye mighty 
ocean which they had passed, and was now as a maine barr & 
goulfe to seperate them from all ye civill parts of ye world. If 
it be said they had a ship to sucour them, it is trew ; but what 
heard they daly from ye m^. & company ? but y* with speede 
they should looke out a place with their shallop, wher they 
would be at some near distance ; for ye season was shuch as 
he would not stirr from thence till a safe harbor was dis- 
covered by them wher they would be, and he might goe with- 
out danger ; and that victells consumed apace, but he must 
& would keepe sufficient for them selves & their returne. 
Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they gott not a place in 
time, they would turne them & their goods ashore & leave 
them. Let it also be considred what weake hopes of supply & 
succoure they left behinde them, yt might bear up their minds 
in this sade condition and trialls they were under; and they 
could not but be very smale. It is true, indeed, ye affections 
& love of their brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire towards 
them, but they had litle power to help them, or them selves; 
and how ye case stode betweene them & ye marchants at their 
coming away, hath allready been declared. What could now 
sustaine them but ye spirite of God & his grace ? May not & 
ought not the children of these fathers rightly say : Our faithers 
were Englishmen which came over this great ocean, and were ready 
to perish in this willdernes ; but they cried tinto y^ Lord, and he 
heard their voyce, and looked on their adversitie, &'c. Let them 


therefore praise y^ Lord^ because he is good, &> his mercies endure 
for ever. Yea, let them which have been redeemed of y^ Lord, 
shew how he hath delivered them from y^ hand of y^ oppressour. 
When they wandered in y^ deserte willdernes out of y^ way^ and 
foicnd no citie to dwell in, both hungrie, (S>» thirstie, their sowle was 
overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before y^ Lord his loving 
kindnes, and his wonderfull works before y^ sons of men. 

William Bradford, the great governor of the Plymouth colony, was born at Austerfield. 
a little village in Yorkshire, in 1688, the same j'ear (the year of the Spanish Armada) that 
John Winthrop, the great governor of the Massachusetts colony, was born at Groton, in 
Suffolk. While yet a youth, he became a member of Brewster's little congregation at 
Scrooby, near by; and in 1608 he escaped with the others to Holland, and became a leading 
member of the church at Levden, t:\king an active part in the removal to New England in 
1620. Upon Carver's death, in 1621, he was elected to succeed him as governor; and he 
continued to hold this office, with two slight breaks, to the time of his death, in 1657. 

No other person understood so well the history of the Plymouth colony. It is therefore 
singularly fortunate that he became the colony's historian, — as, similarly, Gov. Winthrop 
became the historian of the Massachusetts colony. His " History of the Plymouth Planta- 
tion " may properly be called our New England Old Testament, — ihe Genesis, Exodus, 
Joshua, and Judges of the Plymouth settlement. The remarkable story of the loss of the 
MS. from the Old South Meeting-house, where it was preserved in the Prince Library, at 
the time of the British Evacuation of Boston, and its discovery in the Bishop of London's 
library at Fulham in 1855, has been told by Charles Deane in his introduction to the volume, 
published by the Massachusetts Historical Society, and in the Proceedings of the Society, 
1S55 and 1882; also, more fully, by Justin Winsor, in the Proceedings for 1882. It is an 
interesting fact that the third volume of Winthrop's History, long lost, was found, in 1816, 
in the tower of the Old South Meeting-house, where, like Bradford's History, it had been 
kept in Prince's New England Library. 

Bradford's Letter Book, containing copies of important letters addressed to him, was 
lost, like his History. Fragments were rescued in a grocer's shop in Halifax, and printed 
in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections, iii., and in Young's Chronicles. In vol. iii. of the 
Collections may be found his " Account of New England in Verse." His " Word to Bos- 
ton " and "Word to New England" appear in vol. xxvii. of the same: and two others of 
his poems in the Proceedings for 1870, — *' Some Observations of God's Merciful Dealings 
with us in this Wilderness," and "A Word to New Plymouth." A little piece called " Epi- 
taph um Meum"was printed by Morton in his Memorial. Bradford's letters to Winthrop 
are printed in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections, 4th series, vol. vi. 

In conjunction with Edward Winslow, Bradford wrote "A Diary of Occurrences," cov- 
ering the first year of the colony, which may be found in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections, 
viii. and xix. 

Bradford's First Dialogue, given in the present leaflet, was first printed in 1648. It was 
copied by Morton in the records of the Plymouth Church, and thence reprinted by Young 
in his "Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers," in 1841. It is of the highest historical value, 
giving fuller accounts than we have elsewhere of many of the first English Independents. 
Bradford's Second Dialogue is lost. Deane says, " I have never seen it, nor any reference 
to it." The Third Dialogue, "Concerning the Church and the Government thereof," was 
published in the Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc for 1870, with an important historical 
introduction by Charles Deane. 

Mather included a biography of Bradford in his Magnalia. This was reprinted in the 
first series of Old South Leaflets. 



<©Iti ^out{) %taflttg. 





The grounds of settling a plantation i?i new England. 

First, The ppagacon of the gospell to the Indians. Wherein 
first the importance of the worke tendinge to the inlargment of 
the Kingdome of Jesus Christ & winning them out of the 
snare of the Divell & converting others of them by their meanes. 

Secondly, The possibility of attaineing it, God haveinge by his 
word manifested his will for the spreadinge of the Gospell to all 
Nations, and intercourse of Trade havinge openned a passage, 
& made a waie for comerce w*?" the East & West Indies and 
divers platacons of the Dutch & English being settled in sev^'all 
parts of those countryes & the ill condicons of the tymes being 
likely to furnish those plantacons w*'^ better members then usu- 
ally have undertaken that worke in former tymes. 

The Consideracon of our owne Condi- 
con like unto theires in tymes past. 

The advantages and benefitts wee may 
receive from those pa""'^ challenginge 
the rendringe of spirituall things for 
their Temporal!. 

The Dilligence of the Papists in ppa- 
gatinge their Religion and supsticon 
& enlarginge the kingdome of Anti- 
christ thereby w^^ all the manifest 
hazards of their psons & depe en- 
gagem*f of their estates. 

2. Ground. Charitie to our neighbo" impoverished by decay 
of Trade and lefte destitute of hope of imployment in tyme to 

Thirdly for motives 

come, who may comforttably be sustayned by their labo^? & 
endeavo''.^ in this Country yeilding them sufficient matter of im- 
ployment & meanes of recompence, as, corne both of oT kindes 
w*:^ prosper well in those pa'"?' & of the country w*^.^ is farr better 
for use then o"".' & maye be sett yearly after our graines are 
sowne, & consequently w*^out hinderance of our ordinary course 
of husbandrie. 

Fishes, Sturgion, Salmon, MuUett, Bas, 

Codd, Lobsters, Eeles. 

Fowle, as, Turkic, Feasant, Partridg, Goose, 
fliy . -, . . . JDuck, Teal, and Deare, w^.^ if the were 

„ r < p^served from the spoyle of Wolves (w*'.'^ is 

not impossible would soone abound there 

more, then sheep in this Kingdome, the 

Does bringinge after the first 2 fawnes att 

a birth att least. 

3*^^^ The possibility of Breedinge of Kine w*".^ growe to a farr 
greater bulke of body in that country then w'^ us, in this King- 
dome, secondly, of Goates w''.'^ may easily be Transported w^^ 
small charge. 3*^!^ Swine w*^.^ breed in great numb"".^ by reason 
of the abundan^<2;2ce of Acornes growndnutts, 4-^ Wall-nutts, & 
clummes, 4}? Trade of Furres which may be Brought out of that 
Continent to the valew of 30000^^ p ann at least besides moose 
& Deare skinnes, feathers &c., 5'^ fishing a knowen & staple 
Commoditie. 6^^ possibilitie of makeinge Salt, the Country 
lieinge in equall height w^^ Biskie. y^? plantinge of vines. 

8^7 makeinge pitch, Tarr, Pottashes & sope ashes. 

g^7 Cuttinge of masts. 

lo^?" makeing of Iron, what other mines there are we know 

1 1^? some woods fitt for dying, others for Phisicall uses, as, 
SarzaDcrilla Sassafras &c. 

12. Silke grasse. 

13. Hemp & flax for w''.^ the soyle is very fitt. 

3 Ground. The Danger & extremities of the p'^sent estate of 
the Churches both in forraigne p""?^ &c. 

The meanes of effecting this wo?'ke. 

First The Raysinge of a sufficient stocke to the valew of 
loooo^ by the adventurers of such voluntary psons as God 
shalbe pleased for the former weightie ends to move to the 
forwardinge of y^ worke wherew*^ might be transported 200 
Carpenters, Masons, Smithes, Coopers, Turners, Brickbunrners, 

Potters, Husbandmen, Fowlers, /by whose labours in 3 yeares 
Vingnerons, Saltmakers fisher- \ space maybe pvided at least 
men and other laborers, 100 < for a thousand psons dwellings 
Kine & Bulls, 25 Horse &i& meane of lively hood be- 
Mares. \sides. 

2 or 3000*^ stocke will remaine of loooo^^ for Trade. 

Secondly The Free adventures of pticular psons of whom 
many wilbe readie to ingage their psons and estates for further- 
inge this designe. 

Some generall conclusions showing that a jpson imployed heer in 
publicke service may yett be transplanted for the ppagatzon of the 
Gospell in N. E. 

1. It is granted by all that this intended plantacon is a worke 
both lawfull & honorable. 

2. It must be advanced by psons guifted for such a worke. 

3. Every one that is fitt hath nott a minde to the worke & 
noe bond of conscience cann ordinarilie be imposed uppon him 
that hath noe desire to itt. 

4. The service of raysinge or upholdinge a pticular church is 
to be p^ferred before the Comfort of some pte of a Church 
alreadie established. 

5. The memb" of that Church male in tyme be of better use 
to their mother church heer, then those whome she shall kepe 
still in her owne bosome, When the woman in the Rev. 12 
was psecuted by the Dragon, & forced to flie into the wildernes 
her Sonne was taken upp into heaven (when it might seeme 
shee had greatest need of him) to be reserved there for future 

6. The exercise of an office of lesse consequence for God & 
for his Church (whereinto any is put by ordinary calling) male 
be lefte uppon the like call to some other office of greater con- 
sequence especially where there followes noe violacon of the 
rule of righteousnes & that the difference is such betweene the 
execution of an ordinary place of Magistry in this land & the 
supportacon of this plantation is easy to be determined. 

7. It may be instanced in divers psons both magistrates and 
Mininist^^ who (sometimes for private respects) have forsaken 
the place where the have been setled, to good use, & their 
changes aproved & blessed. 

8. The takeing off a Scandall from a whole Church & Relig- 
ion it self is to be p'ferred before the good of any pticular 
Church, it is a reproach to our Religion that when we professe 
an Intention of Convertinge those Indians we send nott psons 

meett for such a worke but such only as wee cann well spare & 
most Comonly those that are a burden to our selves, while the 
Papists out of a false zeale to draw them to their supsticon 
sticke not to imploy their most able and usefull instruments. 

9. Our approved practise in matters of like Nature must be a 
rule in this, in all Forraigne expedicons wee imploy of our best 
statesmen & wee grudge not to want their service heer (though 
never soe usefull) while the are in such imploym* for the good 
of the Churches. 

Perticular C outsider aeons in the case of y. W, 

First It is com to that issue as the successe of the plantation 
depends uppon his goeing for the chiefe supporters (uppon 
whom the rest depends) will not stirr w*^out him. 

2}^. His meanes heer are soe shortened (now 3. of his sonnes 
being com to age have drawen awaie the one half of his estate) 
as he shall not be able to continue in that place & imployment 
where he now is, his ordinary charg being still as great almost 
as when his meanes was double. 

3^Jy He acknowledgeth a satisfactory callinge outward from 
some of the cheife of the plantacon inward by the inclination 
of his owne hart to the worke & both approved by godly & 
juditious divines (whereof some have the most interest in him) 
& there is in this the like immediate call from the Kinge, as 
was to his former imployment. 

4^f If he lett pass this opportunitie, That talent w*^.^ God hath 
bestowed uppon him for publicke service is like to be buried. 

5. His wife & such of his Children as are at yeares and dis- 
cretion are voluntarily disposed to the same course. 

Reasons to be considered for fustifieinge the undertakers of the 
intended plantacon in New England &> for encouraging such 
whose harts God shall move to yoyne w^^ them in it. 

Firsts It wilbe a service to the Church of great consequence 
to carry the Gospell into those p*.^ of the world, to help on the 
cominge in of fulnesse of the Gentiles and to rayse a Bulworke 
against the kingdome of Antichrist, w*'.^ the Jesuites labour to 
rear up in those parts. 

2. All other Churches of Europe are brought to desolacon 
and o^ sinnes for w*^.^ the lord beginns already to frowne uppo 
us, doe threaten us fearfully, & who knowes but that god hath 
provided this place to be a refuge for many whom he meanes 
to save out of the generall callamitie, and seeinge the Church 


hath no place lefte to flie into but the wildernesse what better 
worke cann there be, then to goe before & provide Tabernacles, 
and food for her, against she cometh thither. 

3. This land growes weary of her Inhabitants, soe as man 
whoe is y® most pretious of all creatures is heer more vile & 
base then the Earth we Tread uppon, & of lesse price among 
us, then a horse or a sheep, masters are forced by authoritie to 
entertaine servants, parents to maintaine their owne children, 
All Townes complaine of the burthen of their poore though we 
have taken up many unnecessary, yea unlawfull trades to main- 
teaine them. And we use the authoritie of the law to hinder 
the increase of people as urging the execucon of the State 
against Cottages & Inmates & thus it is come to passe that 
children, servants & neighbo" (especially if the be poore) are 
counted the greatest burthen w*^.^ if things were right it would 
be the cheifest earthly blessinge. 

4. The whole earth is the lords Garden & he hath given it to 
the sonnes of men, w*.^ a generall Condicon, Gen : 1. 28. In- 
crease & multiply, replenish the earth & subdue it, w*^.'^ was 
againe renewed to Noah, the end is Double morall & naturall 
that man might injoy the fruites of the earth & god might have 
his due glory from the creature, why then should we stand hear 
striveing for places of habitation, (many men spending as much 
labo^ & cost to recover or keep somtymes a Acre or two of land 
as would pcure them many hundred as good or better ih an 
other country) and in ye mean tyme suffer a whole Continent, 
as fruitfull & convenient for the use of man to lie waste w**^out 
any improvement. 

5. We are growne to that height of intemperance in all 
excesse of riot, as noe mans estate almost will suffice to keep 
saile w*^ his equalls, & he who failes herein must live in scorne 
& contempt, hence it comes that all arts & trades are carried 
in that deceiptfuU & unrighteous course, as it is almost im- 
possible for a good & upright man to maintaine his charge and 
live comfortably in any of them. 

6. The fountaines of learning & religion are soe corrupted 
(as beside the unsupportable charge of the educacon) most 
Children (even the best witts & fairest hopes) are pverted cor- 
rupted and utterly overthrowen, by the multitude of evill 
examples and the licentious gov^m! of those Seminaries, where 
men straine at Gnats, & swallow Camells, use all severity for 
maintenance of cappes,- & other accomplements but suffer all 
Ruffian-like fashion & disorder in manners to passe uncon- 

7- What cann be a better worke & more hono^^^® & worthy 
a Christian then to help rayse & support a pticular church 
while it is in the infancy, & to Joyne his forces w*^ such a com- 
pany of faithful] people as by a tymely assistance may growe 
stronge and prosper, and for want of it may be put to great 
hazard, if not wholely ruined. 

8. If any such whoe are knowen to be godly & live in wealth 
and prosperity here shall forsake all this to joyne themselves to 
this church & to runn a hazard w*^ them of a hard & meane 
condicon it wilbe an example of great use both for removeing 
the scandall of wordly & sinister respects w*^^ is cast uppon the 
adventurers to give more life to the faith of Gods people in 
their prayers for the plantacon & to encourage other to joyne 
the more willingly in it. 

9. It appeares to be a worke of god, for the good of his 
church in that he hath disposed the harts of soe many of his 
wise & faithfull servants (both ministers & others) not only to 
approve of the enterprise but to interest themselves in it, som 
in their psons & estates, others by their serious advise & helpe 
otherwise : And all by their prayers for the welfare of it, Amos 
3. The lord revealeth his Secretfs to his servants the Prophets, 
it is likely he hath some great worke in hand w°^ he hath 
revealed to his prophets among us, whom he hath stirred upp 
to encourage his servants to this plantation for he doth not use 
to"^ seduce his people by his owne Prophets, but comitts that 
office to the ministery of false prophets and lyinge spirits. 

Divers objections w'^!^ have been made against this plantacon w*^ 
their answeares and resolucons. 

Ob: I : We have noe warrant to enter uppon that land w*;^ 
hath been soe long possessed by others. 

Answ: i : That w*^"^ lies comon & hath never been replen- 
ished or subdued is free to any that will possesse and improve 
it, for god hath given to the sonnes of men a double right to 
the earth, there is a naturall right & a Civill right the first 
right was naturall when men held the earth in common every 
man soweing, and feeding where he pleased : and then as men 
and the cattle increased they appropriated certaine pcells of 
ground by enclosing, and peculier manurance, and this in tyme 
gave them a Civill right, such was the right w'^.'^ Ephron the 
Hittite had in the feild of Mackpelah wherein Abraham could 
not bury a dead corps w%ut leave, though for the out parts of 
the Country w*".^ lay common he dwelt uppon them, & tooke the 
fruit of them att his pleasure, the like did Jacob w*^^ fedd his 

cattle as bold in Hamors land (for he is sayd to be the lord of 
the Country) and other places where he came as y® native in- 
habitants themselves & that in those times & places men 
accoumpted nothing their ovvne but that w*:^ they had appro- 
priated by their owne industry, appeares plainly by this that 
Abimelecks servants in their ovvne Countrey when they oft con- 
tended w*^ Isaacks servants about wells w°^ they hadd digged 
yett never strove for the land wherein they were, Soe likewise 
between Jacob & Laban he would not take a kidd of Labans 
w^'^out his speciall contract, but he makes noe bargaine w**' him 
for the land where they feed, and it is very pbable if the 
countrey had not been as free for Jacob as for Laban, that 
covetous wrecth would have made his advantage of it, & have 
upbrayded Jacob w*^ it, as he did w*^ his cattle, And for the 
Natives in New England they inclose noe land neither have 
any setled habitation nor any tame cattle to improve the land 
by, & soe have noe other but a naturall right to those countries 
Soe as if wee leave them sufficient for their use wee may law- 
fully take the rest, there being more then enough for them 
& us. 

2<ily We shall come in w*^ the good leave of the Natives, who 
finde benefitt already by our neighbourhood & learne of us to 
improve pt to more use, then before they could doe the whole^ 
& by this meanes wee come in by valuable purchase : for they 
hav of us that w*^^ will yeild them more benefitt then all the 
land w^.'^ wee have from them. 

3*^1^ God hath consumed the Natives w*^ a great plague in 
those pts soe as there be few in-habitants left. 

Objec. 2. It wilbe a great wrong to our church to take awaie 
the good people & we shall lay it the more open to the judg- 
ment feared. 

Answ : i. The departinge of good people from a country 
doth not cause a judgment but forshew it, w^^ maie occasion 
such as remaine to turne from their evill waies that they may 
prevent it, or to take some other course that they may es- 
cape it. 

2*^}^ Such as goe away are of noe observation in respects of 
those whoe remaine & they are likely to doe more good there 
then heer, & since Christ's tyme the church is to be considered 
as universall w*^out distinction of countries, soe as he who 
doeth good in any once place, serves the church in all places 
in regard of the unitie. 

3*^^^ It is the revealed will of god that the gospell should be 
preached to all nations, and though we know not whether those 

Barbarians will receive it at first or not, yett it is a good worke 
to serve gods pvidence in offering it to them, & this is fittest to 
be done by gods owne servants for god shall have glory by it, 
though they refuse it, & there is good hope that the posterity 
shall by this meanes be gathered into Christ's Sheepfold. 

Ob: 3. We have feared a judgment a great while, but yett 
wee are safe it were better therefor to stay till it come, & either 
wee may file then or if we be overtaken in it, we may well con- 
tent our selves to suffer w*.^ such a church as ours is. 

Answ : It is likely this consideracon made the churches be- 
yond the seas, as, the Palatinate, Rochell &c. to sitt still at 
home & not to looke out for shelter while they might have 
found it, but the woefull spectacle of their ruine, may teach us 
more wisedome, to avoyd the plage when it is foreseen, & not 
to tarry as they did till it overtake us, if they were now at 
their former liberty, we might be sure they would take other 
courses for their saftie & though half of them had miscarried in 
their escape, yett hadd it not be soe miserable to themselves 
nor scandalous to religion as this desperate bakeslidinge, & 
abjuringe the truth, w*''^ many of the Antient pfesso" among 
them, & the whole posteritie w*^*^ remaine, are now plaged into. 

Ob: 4. The ill successe of other plantacons may tell us 
what wilbecome of this. 

Aftsw: I. None of the former susteyned any great damage, 
but Virginia which happened through their owne sloth & 

2. The argum* is not good, for thus it stands, some planta- 
cons have miscarried therefore we should not make any, it 
consists in pticulars & soe concludes nothinge, we might as 
well reason thus, many houses have been burnt by Kilnes, 
therefore we should use none, many shipps have been cast 
away, therefore we should content our selves w*^ our home 
commodities, & not adventure mens lives at Sea for those 
things w*^^ wee might live w*^out, some men have been undone 
by being advanced to great places therefore we should refuse 
our p^'ferment, &c. 

3. The fruite of any publicke designe is not to be discerned 
by the imediate successe, it may appear in tyme that former 
plantacons were all to good use. 

4. There were great and fundamental! errors in the former 
are like to be avoyded in this, for first their maine end was 



Carnall & not Religious, secondly they used unfitt instruments 
a multitude of rude & misgov^ned psons, the very scumme of 
the people, thirdly they did not establish a right forme of 

Ob : 5. It is attended w*^ many & great difficulties. 

Answ : Soe is every good accon, the iieathen could say 
Ardua virtutis via. x\nd they way of gods kingdome (The 
best way in the world) is accompanied w*^ most difficulties, 
Straight is the gate & narrow is the way that leadeth to life^ 
againe the difficulties are noe other then such as many dayly 
meet w*^ and such as god hath brought others well through 

Ob : 6. It is a work above the power of the undertakers. 

Answ : i. The welfare of any body consists not soe much in 
quantity as in due pportion & disposicon of p*^^ & wee see 
other plantacons have subsisted divers years & prospered from 
weake meanes. 

2. It is noe wonder for great things may arise from weake 
contemptable beginnings, it hath been oft seen in kingedomes 
& states & may as well hold in towns & plantacons. The 
Waldenses were scattered into the Alpes & mountaines of 
Piedmont, by small companies, but they became famous 
churches whereof some remaine to this day & it is certaine that 
the Turkes, Venetians & other states were very weake in there 

Ob : 7. The country affords noe naturall fortifications. 

Answ : Noe more did Holland & many other places w°^ had 
greater enemies & nearer at hand & God doth use to place his 
people in the middest of perills that they may trust in him and 
not in outward means & saftie, soe when he would chuse a 
place to plant his beloved people in he seateth them not in an 
Ileland or other place fortified by nature, but in a plaine 
country besett w*^ potent and bitter enemies round about, yett 
soe long as they served him & trusted in his help they were 
safe. Soe the Apostle Paule saith of him self & his fellow 
labourers that they were compassed w*^ dangers one every side, 
& were daily under the sentence of death that they might learne 
to trust in the liveinge God. 

Ob : 8. The place affordeth noe comfortable meanes to the 
first planto^^ & our breedinge heer at home have made us unfitt 
for the hardshipp we are like to indure. 

Answ : i. Noe place of it self hath afforded sufiicient to the 
first inhabitants, such things as we stand in need of are usually 
supplied by gods blessing uppon the wisedome & Industrie of 
man & what soever wee stand in need of is treasured in the 
earth, by the Creato^ & is to be fetched thence by the sweat of 
o^ Browes. 

2. Wee must learne w*^ Paule to want, as well as to abound, 


if we have food & raiment (w*^^ are there to be had) we ought 
to be contented, the difference in the quallity may a Ktle dis- 
please us but it cannot hurt us. 

3. It may be by this meanes God will bringe us to repent of 
our former intemperance, & soe cure us of that disease, w^^ 
sends many amongst us untimelie to their graves and others to 
hell, soe he carried the Israelits into the wildernesse & made 
them forgett the flesh potts of Egypt, w'^.^ was sorie pinch to 
them att first but he disposed to their good in th'end. Deutron. 
30. 3. 16. 

Ob : 9. We must looke to be p^'served by miracle if we sub- 
sist & soe we shall tempt God. 

Answ : I. They who walke under ordinarie meanes of saftie 
& supplie doe not tempt God, but such will be our condicon in 
this plantacon therefore &c. : The pposicon cannot be denied, 
the assumption we prove thus, that place is as much secur'd 
from ordinary dangers, as many hundred places in the civill 
p*f of the world, & we shall have asmuch pvision before hand, 
as such townes doe use to pvide ag? a seige or dearth, & suffi- 
cient meanes for raysinge a succeeding store against that is 
spent, if it be denied that wee shalbe as secure as other places, 
we answeare that many of o"^ sea Townes, & such as are upon 
the confines of enemies countries in the continent, lye more 
upon & neerest to danger then we shall, & though such townes 
have somtymes been burnt or spoyled, yett men tempt not God 
to dwell still in them, & though many houses in the country 
amongst us lye open to theeves & robbers (as many have found 
by sadd experience) yett noe man will say that those w''^ 
dwell in such places must be p^'served by miracle. 

2. Though miracles be now ceased, yett men may expect 
more then ordinary blessinge from god uppon all lawfull 
meanes, where the worke is the lords, & he is sought in it 
accordinge to his will, for it is usuall w*^ him to increase or 
weaken the strength of the meanes as he is pleased or dis- 
pleased w*^ the instrum*.' & the action, else we must conclude 
that god hath left the gov^'m* of the world, & comitted all power 
to the creature, that the successe of all things should wholly 
depend upon the second causes. 

3. Wee appeale to the judment of the Souldiers if 500 men 
may not in on moneth rayse a fortificacon, w^^ w*^ sufficient 
munition & victuall they may make good against 3000 for 
many monethes, & yett w%ut miracle. 

4. We demand an instance if any Prince or state hath raised 
3000 souldiers & victualled for 6 or 8 monethes w*^ shipping & 

1 1 

munition answeareable to invade a place soe farr distant as 
this is from any forraigne enemy & where they must runn a 
hazard of repulse & noe bootie or just title of Sov^aignty to 
allure them. 

Ob: ID. If it succeed ill, it will raise a scandall uppon o' 

Answ : It is noe Rule in Philosophy (much lesse in Divinitie) 
to judg the accon by the successe, the enterprise of the Israelits 
against Benjamen succeeded ill twice, yett the accon was good 
& pspered in the end. The Earle of Begiers in France & the 
Earle of Tholouse miscarried in the defence of a just cause of 
Religion & their hereditary right, against the unjust violence of 
y^ Earle Montford & the Popes Legate, the Duke of Saxony & 
the Lantgrave had ill successe of the Gospell against Charles 
the 5. wherein the Duke & his children lost their whole in- 
heritance to this day. The King of Denmarke & other princes 
of the union had ill successe in the defence of the Pallattinate 
& the libtie of Germany yett the pfession suffered not w*^ their 
psons, except it were w'^ the adversaries of Religion, & soe it 
was noe Scandall given. 

"The dissolution of the Parliament of 1629 marked the darkest hour of 
Protestantism, whether in England or in the world at large. But it was in 
the hour of despair that the Puritans won their noblest triumph. They 
' turned,' to use Canning's words in a far truer and grander sense than that 
which he gave to them, — they 'turned to the New World to redress the 
balance of the Old.' It was during the years of tyranny which followed the 
close of the third Parliament of Charles that the great Puritan emigration 
founded the States of New England. . . . From the moment of the establish- 
ment of the little company of the ' Pilgrim Fathers ' at Plymouth, the eyes 
of the English Puritans were fixed on the little Puritan settlement in North 
America. The sanction of the crown was necessary to raise it into a colony. 
Eight days before announcing his resolve to govern henceforth without Par- 
liaments, Charles granted the charter which established the colony of Massa- 
chusetts, and by the Puritans at large the grant was at once regarded as a 
Providential call. Out of the failure of their great constitutional struggle, 
and the pressing danger to godliness in England, rose the dream of a land 
in the West where religion and liberty could find a safe and lasting home. 
The third Parliament of Charles was hardly dissolved when ' conclusions ' 
for the establishment of a great colony on the other side of the Atlantic 
were circulating among gentry and traders, and descriptions of the new 
country of Massachusetts were talked over in every Puritan household." — 
Greenes History of the E}iglish People. 

Five different copies of the famous " Conclusions "_ or "Considerations" for plant- 
ing New England, the authorship of which is ascribed to John Winthrop, are now known to 
historical scholars: i. The copy printed by Hutchinson among the Higginson Papers, and 
reprinted by Young in his "Chronicles of Massachusetts." 2. The copy in more extended 


form, from Governor Winthrop's manuscripts, printed in "The Life and Letters of John 
Winthrop." 3. The rough draft of the last, found among the Winthrop papers, and printed, 
with interesting notes by Robert C. Winthrop, in the Massachusetts Hisiorical Society Pro- 
ceedings, 1872. 4. The copy indorsed "White of Dorchester, his instructions for the planta- 
tion of New England," obtained thirty or more years ago from the State Paper Office in 
London by Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, presented by him to the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, and printed in the Society's Proceedings for 1865. 5. The copy sent to the 
Massachusetts Historical Society by the Earl of St. Germans, from the papers of Sir John 
Eliot, and printed in the same volume of the Society's Proceedings, with valuable historical 
notes by Hon. Robert C. Wmthrop. 

The last copy is that which is printed in the present leaflet, not only because it is less ac- 
cessible to the general reader than the first two, but also and chiefly because of its peculiar 
historical interest. The original manuscript of this document is in the handwriting of Sir 
John Eliot. Copies of the paper were sent to various friends of the proposed Massachusetts 
colony, for their consideration. A copy was clearly sent to Eliot in the Tower, and he, while 
a prisoner there, prepared a copy with his own hand for his friend John Hampden ; for this 
manuscript is indorsed by Eliot, "The project for New England, ffor Mr. Hampden," and 
there is among the Eliot papers a letter from John Hampden, dated December 8 [1629], 
copied entire in the Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, 1865, in which Hampdeii 
says, " ye paper of considerations concerning ye plantation might be very safely conveyed 
to mee by this hand & after transcribing should be as safely returned if you vouchsafe to 

Concerning these various copies of the "Conclusions," Mr. Winthrop says: "They all 
differ more or less from each other, not only in spelling, but in substance. But all had evi- 
dently a common original; and the rough drafts found among Governor Winthrop's papers 
leave little room for doubt that the original was prepared by him. That the copy which was 
transcribed by Sir John Eliot came directly or indirectly from Winthrop would seem to be put 
beyond a question by the fact that it includes the ' Particular Consideracons of J. W.,' being 
Winthrop's private memorandum of the views which were applicable to himself personally. 
This copy, however, contains a preamble which has not been found among Winthrop's 
papers, and which may, perhaps, have come from Eliot's own hand." To substantially the 
same effect writes John Forster; "I can hardly doubt that, whatever additions or amend- 
ments it may have received in transcription as it passed from hand to hand, the substance 
of this (as of the other papers which constitute the various Reasons, Considerations, and 
Conclusions) had been derived in the first instance from Winthrop himself. At the same 
time it would hardly present itself wholly in Sir John's handwriting, as it does, if he had not 
himself taken some part in its production as we now see it ; and the tone of the communica- 
tion between him and Hampden goes far to imply this." 

Governor Winthrop was not only a great governor and leader: he was also the great his- 
torian of the Massachusetts colony. His "History of New England" performs the same 
service for the Bay colony which Governor Bradford's history performs for the Plymouth 
colony. It begins "Anno Domini, 1630, March 29, Easter Monday," with the Governor 
" riding at the Cowes, near the Isle of Wight, in the Arbella," just weighin< anchor for New 
England, and comes down almost to the time of his death, in 1649. See account of the dis- 
covery of the manuscript of the third volume, long lost, in the tower of the Old South Meet- 
ing-house in 1816, in Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, 2d series, vol. _ iv. 
"The Life and Letters of John Winthrop," by Robert C. Winthrop, is a thorough biog- 
raphy. There is a brief popular life by Rev. Joseph H. Twichell. See also the various 
volumes of Winthrop Letters published by the Massachusetts Historical Society. 








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