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The Students Scripture Bistort.
THE
OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY.
FROM THE ( REATION TO THE KETURISr OF THE
JEWS FROM CAPTIVITY.
EDITE
By WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D.,
CLASSICAL EXAMINER IX TIIK UNIVERSITY OF LONDON.
WITH MAPS AND WOODCUTS.
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PREFACE
The great progress that has been made in Biblical stud-
ies of late years demands some better Text-book for the il-
lustration of Old Testament History than has hitherto ex-
isted. It is surprising that a subject of raich universal in-
terest and importance should have no manuiil which can
for a moment be compared, in fullness, accuracy, and schol-
ar-like treatment, with the Histories of Greece and Borne
in general use in our best schools. This attempt to sup-
ply such a want is partly due to the suggestions of many
school-masters and other persons who have expressed a de-
sire for a good Class-book for use on. Sundays and at other
times.
Besides giving the history recorded in the Old Testa-
ment with the necessary explanrtions, notes, references, and
citations, this Work contains information on a large num-
ber of other subjects. Among these may be mentioned an
account of each of the Books of the Bible, containing much
of the matter found in "Introductions to the Old Testa-
ment," the geography of the Holy Land and of other coun-
tries, together with the political and ecclesiastical Antiqui-
ties of the Jews, Historical and Genealogical Tables, etc.
The Appendices, Notes and Illustrations are taken for
the most part from the Dictionary of the Bible.
Wm. Smith.
London, November, 1865.
CONTENTS.
BOOK I.
FROM ADAM TO ABRAHAM. THE PROBATION OF THE HUMAI1
RACE. A.M. 1-2008. B.C. 4004-199G.
CuAP. Pace
B.C. 4004. I. The Creation IG
Notes and Illustrations :
The Hebrew Names of God. 23
n. Man's Probation and Fali^ 26
Notes and Illustrations :
The Sei-pent 29
B.C. 4004-2948. III. The Descendants of Ada>i, or Antediluvian
Patriarchs, down to Noah SI
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) Scripture Chronology CS
(B.) The Song of Lamech 40
(C.) The Cainite Race 40
(D.) The Book of Enoch 41
B.C. 2948-1998. IV. The Times of Noah and the Deluge 42
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) Noah's Ark 51
(B.) Traditions of the Deluge 52
(C.) Ararat 54
B,c. 2348-199G. Y. The Partition of the Nations. From the
Deluge to the Birth of Abraham 55
Notes and Illustrations :
The Tower of Babel 64
Vlll CONTENTS.
BOOK IT.
FROM THE BIRTH OF ABRAHAM TO THE DEATH OF JOSEPH, OR,
THE PROBATION OF THE CHOSEN FAMILY. A.M. 2008-2369.
B.C. 199G-1G35.
Chap. Page
B.C. 199G-1898. VI. History and Call of Abram to his 99Tn Year,
AND THE Change of his Name 6G
A''otes and Illustrations :
(A.) Haran 79
(B.) The Canaanites 79
(C.) Salem and Shaveh 80
B.C. 189"-1822. YII. Abraham and Isaac. From the Change of
Abraham's Najme to his Death 82
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) The Destruction of the Cities of the Plain 90
(B.) Moabites and Ammonites 91
(C.) Place of Isaac's Sacrifice 92
B.C. 1822-1716. YIII. Isaac and Jacob. From the Death of Abra-
• iLiM TO the Death of Isaac 94
Kofes and Illustrations:
Edom or Iduma^a 103
B.C. 1729-170G. IX. Jacob and his Sons. From the Sale of Joseph
to the Descent into Egypt 106
Azotes and Illustrations :
(A.) Famines in Egypt 116
(B.) The Land of Goshen 117
B.C. 170G-1689. X. The Last Years of Jacob 118
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) Review of the Patriarchal Period 127
(B.) The Book of Job 129
(C.) Names and Early History of Egypt 133
BOOK III.
FROM MOSES TO JOSHUA. THE EXODUS OF THE CHOSEN NA,
TION, AND THE GIVING OF THE LAW FROM SINAL A.M. 2404-
2553. B.C. 1600 {c\r.y-U')l.
B.C. 1600 (cir.)-) XI. The Egyptian Bondage and the Mission of
1491. J Moses 136
Notes and Illastrations :
Sinai 154
CONTENTS. iX
Paob
.c. 1491-1490. XII. The March from Egypt to Sinai 158
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) Stations in the Wilderness 176
(B.) Pi-hahirotb, Migdol, and Baalzephon 176
(C.) Manna 177
.c. 1490-1452. XIII. The Advance from Sinai, and the Wandering
IN THE Wilderness 178
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) The Arabah 193
(B.) Kadesh 194
.c. 1452-1451. XIV. Final. March from Kadesh to the Jordan.
Death of Moses 196
APPENDIX TO BOOK III.
THE LEGISLATION Ot MOSES.
Sect.
I. The Principles and Classification of the Mosaic Law 218
A. Laws Religious and Ceremonial 223
II. The Tabernacle 225
Notes and Illustrations :
History of the Tabernacle 233
HI. The Prie.sts and Levites 235
Notes and Illustrations :
History of the High-priests 242
IV. Sacrifices and Oblations 245
V. The Holiness of the People , 250
Notes and Illustrations :
Leprosy 253
VI. The Sacred Seasons 254
I. Festivals connected with the Sabbath 254
II. The Three Great Historical Festivals 259
in. The Day of Atonement 267
IV. Festivals after the Captivity 269
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) Meaning of the Passover 270
(B.) The Jewish Calendar 271
VII. Laws Constitutional, Civil, and Criminal 272
B. Laws Constitutional and Political 272
C. Laws Civil 276
D. L^ws Criminal 278
CONTENTS.
BOOK IV.
JOSHUA TO SAUL ; OR, TRANSITION FROM THE THEOCRACY TO
THE MONARCHY. A.M. 255a-2948. B.C. 1451-1095.
Chap. I*agb
XV. The GEOcnAPiiY ov the Holy Land 280
B.C. 1451-142G. XVL The Conquest and Division of the Holy Land 296
Xotes and Illustrations :
Later History of Jericho 317
B.C. 142G-1256. XVII. The Earlier Judges, to Deborah and Barak. 318
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) Chronolog}' of the Period of the Judges. . 336
(B.) Baal and Ashtoreth 341
(C.) Plain of Esdraelon 342
B.C. 125G-1112. XVIII. The Judges, from Gideon to Jephthah 344
B.C. 1161-1095. XIX. The Judges— Eli, Samson, and Samuel. The
Philistine Oppression , 360
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) Chronology of Eli, Samson, and Samuel.. 376
(B.) The Philistines 376
BOOK V.
THE SINGLE MONARCHY. B.C. 1095-975.
B.C. 1095-1050. XX. The Reign OF Saul and Early History OF David 879
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) Pedigree of Saul 423
(B.) Pedigree of David 424
(C.) The Schools of the Prophets 425
B.C. 1056-1015. XXI. The Reign of David 427
Notes and Illustrations :
Topography of Jerusalem 471
B.C. 1015-975. XXII. The Reign of Solomon 475
Notes and Illustrations :
(A) Ophir 499
(B.) The Writings of Solomon 500
CONTENTS. XI
BOOK VI.
THE DIVIDED MONARCHY. THE CAPTIVITY AND THE RETURN.
B.C. 975-100.
(;ii.M>. Page
B.C. 975-88-i. XXIII. The Kingdoms of Judaii and Israel. From
THE Division of the Monarchy to the De-
struction OF THE House of Ahab 503
B c. 884-721. XXIV. The Kingdoms of Judaii and Israel — continued.
From the Destruction of the House of Aiiau
to the Captivity of the Ten Tribes 54-i
B.C. 721-58G. XXV. From the End of the Kingdom of Israel to
THE End of the Kingdom of Judaii 571
B.C. 586-536. XXVI. From the Destruction of the Kingdom of Ju-
daii TO THE Close of the Captivity- at Baby-
lon 609
B.C. 536-400? XXVII. The Restored Jfavish Nation and Church.
From the Decree of Cyrus to the Close of
THE Old Testament Canon 626
Notes and Illustrations :
(A.) Temple of Zerubbabel 648
(B.) The Great Synagogue 649
APPENDIX I.
THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
T. The Pentateuch 653
II. The Historical Books 658
III. The Prophets 667
A. The Four Great Prophets 669
B. The Twelve Minor Prophets 675
IV. Th3 Poetical Books 681
APPENDIX II.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY.
Ta ijle
I. Ths UiKllvided Monarchy 683
II. The Divided Kingdoms .'. 684
III. Later Kingdom of Judah 686
IV. The Restored Commonwealth 688
X-li CONTENTS.
APPENDIX III.
TABLES OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.
Page
A. Hebrew Weights 690
Table I.— Silver Weights 691
" II.— Gold Weights 691-
B. Hebrew Monej' 691
Table III.— Old Hebrew Money , 695
" IV. — Money of the Asmontean Period 696
' ' v.— Currency in the Time of Christ 996
C. Hebrew Measures of Length 697
Table VI. — Hebrew Measures of Length 698
" VII. — Foreign Measures of Length and Distance 701
D. Measures of Capacity 701
Table VIII. — Hebrew Dry and Liquid INIeasures 704
GENEALOGICAL TABLES.
Of Adam 34
Of the Antediluvian Patriarchs 35
Of the Nations descended from the Sons of Noah 57
Of the Post-diluvian Patriarchs 65
Of the Family of Terah, Father of Abraham 68
Of Levi 137
Of Saul 423
Of David 424
Of Josiah 589
Index 705
LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
Hebron Frontispiece.
Map. — The Migrations of Abraham to face j). 71
" Wanderings of the Israelites , " 181
" The Holy Land divided among the Ten Tribes " 3-14
" Solomon's Dominions, the Kingdoms of Judah and Israel, and the
Lands of the Captivities to face j). rjl2
Pagk
Moses, after Michael Angelo 15
Mount Ararat 42
Coin of Apamea in Phrygia, representing the Deluge 53
Temple of Birs-Nimrud at Borsippa 55
Map of the Distribution of the Human Race, according to the 10th chapter
of Genesis 59
The Dead Sea C6
Mosque at Hebron 82
The Town and Valley of Ndblus, the ancient Shechem 94
Egyptian Officers of the King's Household 106
Egyptian Chief carried in a sort of palanquin, an attendant bearing a parasol
behind him 118
The Eg}^ptian Bastinado 136
Egyptian Chariot. The son of King Rameses with his charioteer 158
Map to illustrate the Exodus of the Israelites IGl
Bronze figure of Apis ,^ 178
Mount Hor 196
The Golden Candlestick 218
Plan of the Court of the Tabernacle 226
South-east View of the Tabernacle, as restored 228
Supposed form of the Altar of Incense 230
Lebanon , 280
Map of Palestine, exhibiting the ph^-sical features 285
Section of the country from Jaffa to the Mountains of jNIoab 287
Tericho , ". 296
XiV ILLUSTHATIO^^S.
Paob
Sacred Symbolic Tree of the Assyrians 319
Dagon, the fish-god SfiO
Assyrian King in his robes 379
Rabbah, the chief cih^ of the Ammonites 427
Plan of Jerusalem 473
Tomb of Darius near Persepolis 475
Cornice of Lily-work at Persepolis 484
Plan of Solomon's Temple, showing the disposition of the chambers in two
stories 485
Hypothetical restoration of the Brazen Altar 48G
Hypothetical restoration of the Molten Sea 48G
Plan of Solomon's Palace 489
Sebustiyeh, the ancient Samaria, from the E.X.E 503
Israelites bringing tribute to Shalmaneser 544
The City of Lachish repelling the attack of Sennacherib 571
The Kasr, or remains of the ancient Palace at Babylon G09
Tomb of Cyrus at Murg-Auh, the ancient Passargadfe G26
Egyptian weighing rings for Money 690
Denarius of Tiberius = the Tribute Pcnnv 704-
OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY.
Moses, after Jlicliael Ai^clo.
BOOK I.
FROM ADAM TO ABRAHAM. THE PROBATION OF THE
HUMAN RACE. A.M. 1-2008. B.C. 4004-199G.
CHAPTER I.
THE CKEATION.
§ 1. Purpose and scope of Scripture History. § 2. The Universe created by
God only. § 3. At a definite time. § 4. The objects created — They
are described i\s pJienomena. § 5. The order of Creation. § 6. Chaos:
its indefinite duration. § 7. Works of tlie several days: i. Light — ii.
The firmament and division of the waters — iii. Seas, dry land, and
plants — iv. Sun, moon, and stars — v. Reptiles, fishes, and birds — vi.
The higher animals and man. § 8. The rest of the Seventh Day: the
Sabbath. § 9. Primeval state of man — Marriage — Paradise — Naming
of the animals — Language — Spiritual perfection.
§ 1. The purpose of this work is to set forth the History-
contained in the Old Testament, with the necessary explana-
tions and illustrations. We begin where the Bible itself be-
gins. Its first Book, the first of the five-fold volume {Penta-
teuch) ascribed to Moses, opens with the words which form
its title in Hebrew: — "In the beginning." That beginning^
as explained by the Greek title of Genesis, is the commence-
ment of creation ; but this is but the first of the steps by
which God built up for Himself a people, a Churchy in the
world which he created to be its dwelling-place. The Bible
relates the history of that Church. It shows us the succes-
sive offers of grace which God made, first, to all mankind,
then to the family of Abraham, then to the nation of the Jews,
and lastly again to all mankind in Jesus Christ ; and it so ex-
hibits the result of these several offers, as to make us know
our own impotence and the omnipotence of His mercy.
§ 2. The Books of Moses were written for a people who
believed in God, who had been revealed to them as one only,
a personal, omniscient, omnipotent Being. Without preface,
therefore, or argument on the being of God, the sacred writer
speaks of Him as the Creator of the universe : — " In the be-
Chap. I.
The Order of Creation.
17
ginning God created the heaven and the earth."' The pur-
jjose of this declaration was practical. It is addressed to the
reader's religions faith, not to his scientitic cnriosity. It is
designed to guard believers against the first steps in unbelief.
There is in it a tacit reference to all the forms of error re-
specting the origin of the universe. The world was created
by God ; not by chance., not by self-generation., not by imper-
sonal 2)0ice?'s of nature, not by many rt^e?z/s, whether acting
in harmony, or in antagonism, like the good and evil prin-
ciples of the Persian religion. Above all, the sacred story
reveals the love which was the ruling principle of the whole
work, for at each stage God pronounces it good. And if we
take this first statement in connection with other passages
of the Bible, we learn that the agent in creation was the /S'o^,
the Word.\
§ 3. This work of creation, which is altogether distinct from
the maintenance of the things once created, was performed at
a definite time. '''In the heginniyig God created the heaA'en
and the earth." Tliey did not exist, therefore, from eternity ;
nor are we permitted to trace them backward from a^e to
age, till we lose all idea of their having had a beginning.
Scripture does not tell us how remote the beginning is from
any age of the world, known to science or to history, but it
insists on the reality of a beginning for the Universe.
§ 4. The objects created were all that we are cognizant of,
both by sense and reason : — " the heave?i and the earth .'" — the
earth on which Ave live, and all that is above it : the Cosmos
of the Greeks. And here, on the very threshold, Ave meet
with the manifest principle, that the scriptural history of ere
ation is a history oi 2^henoniena. The heaven AAhich God cre-
ated is that Avhich Ave see, whether at once, by unaided vision,
or gradually by the discoveries of the astronomer. The earth
is the whole structure Avhich forms our portion of the great
Cosmos, manifested to us in like manner. These phenomena
are so spoken of, in the plain language of common sense, as to
leaA'e the reader's judgment open for the reception of scien-
tific facts and laws ; but, aa hatever Avonders science may re-
* Gen. i. 1 . On the Names of God,
see Notes and Illustrations.
'^ ** In tlie beginning was the Word,
and the Word was with God, and the
Word was God. The same was in
the beginning with God. All things
were made by Him ; and without Him
was not anv thing made that was
made" (John i. 1-3). "God
hath in these last days spoken unto
us by His Son, whom He hath ap-
pointed heir of all things, bi/ ivhom
also He made the icorlds'"' (Heb. i. 2).
" All things were created by Him
and for Him " (Col. i. 1 G). Comp. 1
Cor. viii. G; Rom. xi. 36.
18 The Creation. Chat I.
veal in licavcii and earth, the simple truth remains, that God
created them all.
§ 5. This might have seemed enough for the basis of our
belief in God, as the Being in whose hands we are. But as
a whole can only be comprehended through its parts, we are
further taught the 07'der in which the various portions of the
created universe were produced ; and that this order was^^ro-
y/ressiiie, from the lowest to the most perfect forms of being.
From the first simple fact of creation by God at a definite time
we are led on to a second point of time, when the earth (for
the heaven is not now mentioned)^ existed indeed, but in a
state of confusion and emi^tiness. Its materials were not yet
arranged in order, and it was void of the forms of being that
were to cover its surface. Science clearly shows that our
globe has passed through such a stage. Its materials were
fused by heat.^ the great sustaining jiower of all life ; and from
that state the outer portions hardened into what is called the
earth's crust, on the surface of which the vapors began to
condense into Avater, while they still shut out the light of
lieaven. This vmtery chaos is the stage from which the more
detailed narrative begins :^ — " The earth was icithout form
and void^ and darkness was upon the face of the deep. And
the spirit (or wind) of God moved upon the face of the wa-
ters."
§ 6. The duration of this Chaos is not so much as hinted
at ; and this absence of chronological definition, Avhich sep-
arates the 1st verse from the 3d, was noticed by Hebrew
scholars long before the discoveries of geology had revealed
the earth's antiquity. It is quite clear that the Book of Gen-
esis assigns no date for the epoch of creation. The succes-
sive steps by which " the heaven and earth rose out of chaos "
are arranged in periods called days; and some who admit
the indefinite duration of chaos, yet hold that these are natu-
ral days of 24 hours. But there are insuperable objections
to this view ; and the use of the word day for an indefinite
period is extremely frequent in the Bible. ^ How these peri-
ods of creation were defined, and what analogy they bore to
natural days, is a question too wide to be discussed here."
2 Gen. i. 2. " Ibid.
'Dent. ix. 1; Psalm xxxvii. 13;
cxxxvii. 7; Rom. xiii. 12; Heb. iii.
15.
The works written, especially in
with the discoveries of astronomy
and geology, are too many to be even
enumerated. The ablest exposition
of that "phenomenal" view, which
seems the only key to such difficul-
ourown age, with a view to reconcile ties, is given in Hugh Miller's Testi-
the INfosaic account of the Creation i mony of the Ilocks. Furtlicr investi-
Chap. I. Work of the Seven Days. 19
The following are the works assigned to each " day :"
§ 7. i. On the First Day Avent forth the Word of God — ■
the creative fiat, as it has been Avell called, for " He spake
and it w^as done'''' — "Let there be Light, and Light ?/;as."'
Light broke over the foce of the choas, we are not told from
what source, but j^robably through the floating vapors being
now rare enough to be penetrated by the sun's light. It
shone upon each part of the earth's surface that was exposed
to it in turn, and so "God divided the light from the dark-
ness ; and God called the light Day^ and the darkness he
called NifjM. And the evening and the morning w^ere the
First Bay:'""
ii. As yet the w^atery vapors raised by intense heat
formed an envelop of mist around the earth. They were
now parted into two divisions, those wiiich lie upon and hang
about the surface of the earth, and those wiiich float high
above it. The blue heavens became visible, like a crystal
vault, called the Jirmament (literally expanse), because its ap-
pearance is that of an outspread covering, elsewhere likened
to a tent.^ But the word chosen no more implies that the
sky is really a solid vault than that it is a canvas tent. It
forms, to the eye, the partition between the upper and low-
er heavens, between " the w^aters under the firmament and
the w^aters above the firmament." Such Avas the w^ork of
the Second Day.'°
iii. Next began the tremendous upheavings and sinkings
of the earth's crust, by the forces at work within it, which
formed it into mountains and valleys, and provided channels
and basins for the w^aters on its surface. These w^ere now^
gation may perhaps throw more light
on these interesting questions. Mean-
while it may be safely said that mod-
ern discoveries are in no way opposed
to the great outlines of the Mosaic
cosmogony. That the world was cre-
ated in six periods, that creation was
by a law of gradual advance, begin-
ning with inorganic matter, and then
advancing from the lowest organisms
to the highest, that since the appear-
ance of man upon the earth no new
species have come into being ; these
are statements not only not disproved,
but the two last of them at least amply
confirmed by geological research.
' Gen. i. 3. Comp. 2 Cor. iv. 6.
" Gen. i. 4, 5. On the supposition
that the work of Creation was unfold-
ed to Moses, in vision, as a series of
pictorial scenes, divided by intervals
of darkness, since the whole vision
began from a state of darkness, those
successive intervals would naturally
be reckoned with the following day.
The division of the day from sunset
to sunset is still observed by the Jews.
" Isaiah xl. 22.
^^ Gen. i. G-8. To substitute the
word atmosphere for Jirmament and
heaven is a dangerous departure from
the phenomenal simplicity of the nar-
rative. The work was not so much
the creation of an atmosphere, as the
beginning of its clearance from dense
aqueous vapor.
20 Tlte Creation. Chap. I.
gathered into collections which were called Seas^ wliile the
name o^ Earth was applied, in an narrower sense than before,
to the portions exposed above the waters. On these portions
the germs of vegetation began at once to burst into life, form-
ing grass and fruit trees. These had their seed in themselves^
after their kind. Here is the great law oi reproduction accord-
ing to species^ on which depends the order of the vegetable
and animal kingdoms. This was the work of the Third
iv. On the Fourth Day, the Sun and Moon were seen in the
firmament of heaven. The iiict of their previous creation is
involved in the stability of the earth as a member of the so-
lar system, as well as in the api3earance of light on the first
day. It is not said that they were first created on the fourth
day ; and of the stars, many of which must have existed
myriads of years before their light reached the earth, it is
simply said, " He made the stars also," not lohen He made
them. In fact, the " fourth day " seems to mark the period
during which the air was cleared of its thick vapors, by the
action of the plants and other causes, so that the heavenly
bodies became visible. Stress is laid on their ruling as
well as lighting the day and night. God said : — " Let them
be for signs^ and for seasons.^ and for days and years.'''^ They
were designed, as they have ever since been used, to mark
out the periods of human life; to inculcate the great lesson
that " to every thing there is a season^ and a time to every
purjiose under the heaven.'""^
V. Vegetables could live and flourish in a thick moist at-
mosphere ; and the lower animal organisms could already
be associated with them, though they had not been men-
tioned as yet, because not outwardly visible. But now the
larger animals appeared. First the waters teemed with the
" creeping things " and the " great sea-monsters," with fishes
and reptiles. Birds were produced at the same time, and
might have been seen flying over the waters and in the open
firmament of heaven. This Avas the work of the Fifth
Day.'^
vi. The Sixth Day witnessed the creation of the higher
animals and Max. These were formed out of the earth,
the chemical constituents of which are, in the main, the same
as those of animal bodies. Tlie latter, in fact, derive their
materials from the vegetables, which have first derived
theirs from the earth and air and water ; and all render
" Gen. i. 9-13. '- Gen. i. U-19 : Ecclcs. iii. 1. " Gen. i. 20-23.
Chap. I. Primeval State of Man. 21
back their gaseous and fluid components to air and water,
and their solids to the earth.
Man, the last created, for whom all the previous work was
but a preparation, diiFered from all other creatures in being
made like God. The depth of meaning contained in this
statement, though partly revealed in the Son of God, the
true head of our race, remains to be developed hereafter.
But at least it includes intellectual and spiritual likeness, in-
telligence, moral power, and holiness. To man Avas given
dominion over all other animals ; and both to him and them
the plants were given for food. All were appointed to con-
tinue their species according to their own likeness, and all
were blessed w^ith fertility ; but on the human race w^as pro-
nounced the special blessing : — " Be fruitful, and multiply,
and replenish the earth, and subdue it :" — so that Man's lord-
ship of the creation is a part of his original constitution.'*
On each of the works of the last four days God pronounced
the blessing that it loas very good ; perfect in its kind, use-
ful in its purpose, and entirely subject to His holy laws.
§ 8. On the Seventh Day God ceased from his finished
work, rested, and blessed the day by the perpetual institu-
tion of the Sabbath.'^ His rest, however, was not an entire
cessation from activity. He had done creating., but he con-
tinued to sustain and bless his creatures. " My Father work
eth hitherto, and I work,'"^ said Christ ; and thus this sev-
enth period finds its perfect analogy in the day for which
he also gave the law, " to do good on the Sabbath-day.'"^
§ 9. The account of the Creation in Genesis i.-ii. 3, is fol-
io w^ed by a more particular account of the creation and prime-
val state of man (Gen. ii. 4-25).'^ His frame -was made from
the dust (or clay) of the ground ; his life w^as breathed into
his nostrils by God. The female, created to be " a help meet
'* Gen. i. 24-31 : Compare Psalm] ^^ Gen. ii. 1-3. These verses are
riii. The name Adam, which is improperly divided from chap, i., of
used in a threefold sense — (/eneric, \ which they form the conclusion,
for the human creature, both male verse 4 of chap. ii. beginning a new
and female (see Gen. v. 2), specific, for
the male, and hence as a proper naive
for the first man — is derived from
the ground (Adamah) out of which he
was formed. The root sense is the
same as that of Edom, red. The
name applied to man in the nobler
aspect of his nature is Tsh (a man of
wortli, Gen. ii. 23). The distinction
has a resemblance to that between
homo and vir in Latin.
account of man's primeval state.
The institution of the Sabbath will
be more particularly considered in
connection witli the Mosaic Law.
^« John V. 17.
" Matt, xii, 12.
^^ In Gen. i.-ii. 3, Eloldm occurs
alone as the name of God ; in Gen. ii.
4-25, .Tfhovdh-EloJiiin is used as the
name of t he Divine Being. Sec Notes
and Illustrations.
22 The Creation. Chap. i.
for him," was made out of the substance of his own body,
whence she was called tcoman (IshaJ^ the feminine of Ish^
man)/'"* This is given now, and long afterward used by-
Christ, as a reason for the laio of marriage^ which is a divine
institution, plainly involved in the fact that one icomcm was
created for one man. " Therefore sliall a man lea\e his father
and his mother, and shall cleave unto his wife, and they shall
be one flesh."^° From these words, coupled with the circum-
stances attendant on the formation of the first woman, we
may evolve the following principles : — (l). The unity of man
ancl wife, as implied in her being formed out of man, and as
expressed in the words " one flesh ;" (2), the indissolubleness
of the marriage bond, except on the strongest grounds;^' (3),
jnonogamy, as the original law of marriage, resulting from
there having been but one original couple, as is forcibly ex-
pressed in the subsequent references to this passage by our
Lord," and St. Paul ;" (4), the social equality of man and wife,
as implied in the terms ish and ishah^ the one being the exact
correlative of tlie other, as well as in the words " help meet
for him ;" (5), the subordination of the wife to the husband,
consequent upon her subsequent formation ;^^ and (6) the re-
spective duties of man and wife, as implied in the words
"help meet for him."
To tliis pair God gave an abode and an occupation. He
placed them in a Garden in Eden, an Eastern i-egion, the name
of which survived in historic times, and at least two of its
four rivers are identified Avith the Tigris and Euphrates."
Their easy and pleasant occupation was to keep and dress
the garden, or, as the Septuagint calls it. Paradise. This
word, of Persian origin, describes an extensive tract of pleas-
ure land, somewhat like an English ^^arA: y and the use of it
suggests a wdder view of man's first abode than a garden.
Perfect as he was in physical constitution, man might roam
" Gen. ii. 21-25. | guided by the ))Ositiou of the two
^°Gen. ii. 24; Matt. xix. 5. known rivers, identify the two iin-
-' Comp. Matt. xix. known ones with the Fhasis and Arax-
^"^ "They iivain,'' JNfatt. xix. .5. cs, which also have tlieir sources in
^^ " Two shall be one flesh," 1 Cor. tlie highlands of Armenia. Others,
vi. 16. •'^gf^in, have transferred the site to the
^* 1 Cor. xi. 8, 9 ; 1 Tim. ii. 13. sources of thcOxus and Jaxartes, and
^^ The Iliddckel is the Tigris ; but place it in Bactria ; otiiers, again, in
with regard to the Tison and Gihon, the valley of Cashmere. Such spcc-
n, great variety of opinion exists, ulations may be multiplied ad injim-
Manv ancient writers, as Josephus, tinn, and have .sometin)es assumed the
identified the Tison wiih the Gauges, wildest character. SceUict. of Bible,
and the Gihon with the Nile. Others, art. Eden.
Cii.vr. I. Notes and Illustrations. 23
over a very extensive region, such as that which lies between
the highlands of Armenia and the Persian Gulf. Here he
might find occupation for his mind in the study of the crea-
tures made subject to him, and so be qualified to name them,
as he did wdien God brought them before him. This sugges-
tion also removes a difficulty arising out of the narrow range
of climate in wdiich so many varieties of animals are supposed
to have lived. At all events, the researches of science point
to the highlands south of the Caucasus as the primeval seat
of the human race.
The fact of Adam's naming the animals proves that he was
endow^ed from his first creation Avith the power of language.
The narrative of his fall bears indirect but certain testimony
to his close intercourse w^ith God. All else is speculation;
but w^e may dwell Avith delight on Milton's pictures of unfall-
en man, and believe Avith South that "Aristotle Avas but the
rubbish of an Adam, and Athens the rudiments of Paradise."
More perfectly, howe\ er, does Christ, " the second Adam,"
reveal to us the perfection of the first.
The last stroke in the description indicates the perfection
of man's innocence by the absence of the sense of shame Avhich
sin alone has introduced into the original moral harmony of
man's constitution : — " They Avere both naked, the man and
his Avife, and Avere not ashamed. "^^
2« Gen. ii. 25. •
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
THE HEBREW NAMES OF \ ^vith the dependent genitive, and with
QQ]), ' an epithet, in which case it is often
I used in the short form, El (a word
Throughout the Hebrew Scrip- 1 signifying strength), as in El-Shad-
turcs two chief names are used for dm, God Ahnic/hty, the name by which
the one true divine Being — Elohim, God was specially known to the pa-
commonly translated God in our ver- j triarchs (Gen. xvii. 1, xxviii. 3; Ex.
sion, and Jehovah, transhited Lord, j vi. 3). The etymology is uncertain,
Elohim is the plural of Eloah (in [but it is generally agreed that the pri-
Avahic xiUah), a form which ocf^ms'mnry idea is that of strength, poiver to
only in poetry and a few passages of effect ; and that it properly describes
later Hebrew (Neh. ix. 17 ; 2 Chr. God in that character in which He is
xxxii. 15). It is also formed with the \ exhibited to all men in His works, as
pronominal suffixes, as Eloi, nuj Goi, the creator, sustainer, and suprema
24
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. I.
governor of the world. Hence it is
used to denote any being believed in
and worshiped as God. 13ut in the
sense of n heathen deity, or a divine
being spoken of indefinitely, the sin-
gular is most often used, and the plu-
ral is employed, with the strict idea
of number, for the collective objects
of polytheistic worship, the gods, the
f/ods of the heathen. It is also used
for any being that strikes an observer
as godlike (Sam. xxviii. 13), and for
kings, judges, and others endowed
with authority from God (Psalm
Ixxxii. 1, 6, viii. 6, xcvii. 7, etc. ; Ex.
xxi. 6, xxii. 7, 8). The short form
Ut is used for a hero, or mirihti/ man,
as Nebuchadnezzar (Ezek. xxxi. 11),
a sense derived at once from the mean-
ing of strength. The plural form of
Elohim has given rise to much dis-
cission. The fanciful idea, that it!
referred to the Trinity of Persons in
the Godhead, hardly finds now a sup-
porter among scholars. It is either
what grammarians call the plural of
majesty, or it denotes the fullness of
divine strength, the siwi of the powers
displayed by God.
Jehovah denotes specifically the
one true God, whose people the Jews
were, and who made them the guard-
ians of His truth. The name is never
applied to a false god, nor to any other ,
being, except One, the Angel- Jeho-|
vAH, who is thereby marked as one
with God, and who appears again in
the Kew Covenant as " God manifest- 1
cd in the flesh." Thus much is clear ; ;
but all else. is beset with difficulties, i
At a time too early to be traced, the
Jews abstained from pronouncing the
name, for fear of its irreverent use.
The custom is said to have been
founded on a strained interpretation
of Lev. xxiv. IG; and the phrase
there used " The Name " (Shema), is
substituted by the Rabbis for the un-
utterable word. Tiiey also call it
"the name of four letters" (n'^n"')?
"the great and terrible name," " the
peculiar name," "theseparate name."
In reading the Scriptures, they sub-
stituted for it the word Adonai (Lord),
from the translation of which by
Kvpiog in the LXX., followed by the
Vulgate, which uses JJomimis, we
have got the Lord of our Version.
Our translators, have, however, used
Jehovah in four passages (Ex. vi. 3 ;
Psalm Ixxxiii. 18; Is. xii. 2, xxvi.
4), and in the compounds ./e^o?'a^-.//-
reh, .Tehovah-Nissi, and Jchovah-Sha-
loni (Jehovah shall see, Jehovah is 7ny
Banner, Jehovah is Peace, Gen. xxii.
14; Ex. xvii, 15; Judges vi. 24);
while the similar phrases Jehovah-
Tsidkenu and Jehovah-Sliammah are
translated, " the Lord our righteous-
ness," and "the Lord is there " (Jer.
xxiii. 6, xxxiii. IG; Ezek. xlviii. 35).
In one passage the abbreviated form
Jah is retained (Psalm Ixviii. 4).
The substitution of the word Lord is
most unhappy ; for, while it in no
way represents the meaning of the
sacred name, the mind has constant-
ly to guard against a confusion with
its lower uses, and, above all, the di-
rect personal bearing of the name on
the revelation of God through the
whole course of Jewish history is kept
injuriously out of sight. For these
reasons, we have restored the name
in the following pages, in the common
form, its true pronunciation having
been completely lost.
The key to the meaninp of the name
is unquestionably given in God's rev-
elation of Himself to Moses by the
phrase "I am that I am," in cou-
I nection with the statement, that He
I was now first revealed by his name
Ltehovah (Ex. iii. 14, vi.'s). With-
! out entering here upon questions of
Hebrew philology, we must be con-
tent to take as established the ety-
mological connection of the name
\ .Jehovah w'llh the Hebrew substantive
I verb, with the inference that it ex-
Chap. I.
Notes and Illustrations.
25
jircsses the essential, eternal, un-
cliangeable Being of Jehovah. But
more, it is not the expression only,
or chiefly, of an absolute truth : it is a
practical revelation of God, in His es-
sential, unchangeable relation to His
chosen people, the basis of His Cove-
nant. This is both implied in the
occasion on which it is revealed to
Moses, and in the fifteenth Averse of
Kx. iii. And here we find the solu-
tion of a difficnlty raised by Ex. vi.
3, as if it meant that the name Jeho-
vah had not been known to the patri-
archs. There is abundant evidence
to the contrary. As early as the
time of Seth, "men began to call on
the name of Jehovah " (Gen. iv. 25).
The name is used by the patriarchs
themselves (Gen. xviii. 14 ; xxiv. 40;
xxvi. 28 ; xxviii. 21). It is the basis of
titles, like Jehovah- Jir eh ^ and of prop-
er names, like Moriah, and Jochebe(I.
Indeed, the same reasoning would
prove that the patriarchs did not
know God as Elohiin, but exclusive-
ly as El-Shaddai. But, in fact, the
word name is used here, as elsewhere,
for the attributes of God. He was
about, for the first time, fully to re-
veal that aspect of His character
which the name implied.
The removal of this error does
away with many of the inferences
drawn from the way in which the
B
two names are used in the Penta-
teuch, and especially in the Book of
Genesis. This is not the place for a
discussion of the hypothesis, that the
use of Elohiiii, or .Jehovah, or Jehovah-
Elohim, is a sufficient test by which
different original documents may bo
distinguished in the Book of Genesis.
According to this theory, the sacred
narrative is made up of two compo-
nent and originally independent parts,
the respective contributions of an
"Elohist" and a "Jehovist." But
the prevalence of one or the other
name is certainly not incapable of an
explanation consistent with the single
authorship of the book. At the same
time, it must be borne in mind that,
even if we admit that Moses made
use of earlier documents in drawing
up the Book of Genesis, such a theory
does not in the least militate against
either the unity or the divine author-
ity of the book. The history con-
tained in Genesis could not hare been
narrated by Moses from personal
knowledge ; but whether he was
taught it by immediate divine sug-
gestion, or was directed by the Holy
Spirit to the use of earlier documents,
is immaterial in reference to the in-
spiration of the work. For a further
discussion, see the articles Jehovah^
Genesis, and Pentateuch in the Die-
tionary of the Bible.
26 Mails Probation and Fall, Chap. II.
CHAPTER II.
§ 1. The Trees of Life and Knowledge. § 2. The Law and its penalty.
§ 3. The Temptation and Fiill. § 4. Etiects of the Fall. § 5. God's
judgment — i. On the Serpent — ii. On the Woman — iii. On the Man.
§ 6. Promise of a Redeemer — The name of Eve. § 7. Institution of
sacrifice — Dispensation of mercy. § 8. Traditions of heathen nations.
§ 1. The happiness of Paradise was granted to the first hu-
man pair on one simple condition. A restraint Avas to be
placed upon their appetite and self-will. Abundant scope
was given for gratifying every laAvful taste : " The Lord God
caused to grow every tree that is pleasant to the sight and
good for food."^ But two trees are distinguished from the
rest, as having special properties. The tree of life had, in
some mysterious Avay, the power of making man immortal.^
The tree of the knowledge of good and evil revealed to those
who ate its fruit secrets of which they had better have re-
mained ignorant ; for the purity of man's happiness consist-
ed in doing and loving good without even knowing evil.
§ 2. The use of these trees was not left to man's unaided
judgment. God gave him the plain command: "Of every
tree of the garden thou mayest freely eat : but of the fruit
of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, thou shalt not
eat of it : for in the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt
surely die."^ The vast freedom granted to him proved the
goodness of the Creator ; the one exception taught him that
he was to live under a lav^; and that laAV was enforced by a
practical penalty, of which he was mercifully warned. We
must not regard the prohibition merely as a test of obedience,
nor the penalty as arbitrary. The knowledge forbidden to
him was of a kind which would corrupt his nature — so cor-
rupt it, as to make him unfit, as well as unworthy, to live for-
ever.
§ 3. The trial of man's obedience Avas completed by a
temptation from without.'^ The tempter is simply called in
' Gen. ii. 9. ' Gen, iii. 22. 1 temptation is confused by the modern
^ Gen. ii. 16, 17. senses of the Avords Umpt^ try, prove.
* The whole Scripture doctrine of God tries his people's faith (as in the
CiiAp. II. The Fall and its Judgment 27
Genesis the Serpent ;" but that creature was a well-known
type of the chief of the fallen angels, the Evil Spirit, whose
constant effort is to drag down man to share his own ruin.
From this enmity to God and man, he is called Satan (the
adversary)^ and the Devu/ (the accuser or slanderer). He
slandered God to our lirst parents, teaching them to doubt
his truth, and to ascribe his law to jealousy. " Ye shall not
surely die : for God doth know that, in the day ye eat there-
of, then your eyes shall be opened, and ye shcdl be as gods,
knowing good and evil.'" He addressed the temptation first
to the woman, who fell into the threefold sin of sensuality,
pleasure, and ambition, " the lust of the flesh, the lust of the
eyes, and the pride of life."^ She " saw that the tree was
good for food, and that it was pleasa?it to the eyes, and a tree
to be desired to make one wise ;"^ and she ate the fruit, and
gave it to her husband. The threefold appeal of the tempter
to the infirmities of our nature may be traced also in the
temptation of Christ, the second Adam, who " was in all points
likewise tempted, but laithout sin."
§ 4. In one point the devil had truly described the effect
of eating the forbidden fruit. "Their eyes were opened.'""
They had " become as gods " in respect of that knowledge
of evil, as well as good, which God had reserved to himself
and mercifully denied to them. They became conscious of
the working of lawless pleasure in place of purity, in the
very constitution given them by God to perpetuate their race ;
and they Avere ashamed because they were naked. Toward
God they felt fear in place of love, and they fled to hide
themselves from His presence among the trees of the garden.^*
§ 5. Thus they were already self-condemned before God
called them forth to judgment. Then the man cast the
blame upon the woman, and the woman upon the serpent ;
and God jjroceeded to award a righteous sentence to each."
i. The judgment passed upon the serpent is symbolical of
the condemnation of the devil. The creature, as Satan's in-
strument and type, is doomed to an accursed and degraded
life ; and the enmity that has ever since existed between him
and man is the symbol of the conflict between the powers of
hell and all that is gooctin the human race.
ii. The woman is condemned to subjection to her husband,
case of Abraham), desiring that it may
stand the trial : Satan tempts them,
hopinp; for their fall.
^ Gen. iii. 1 ; comp. 2 Cor. xi. 3.
See Notes and Illustrations. \ '^ Gen. iii. 9-19.
® ou'cl3o\o'?.
' Gen. iii. 4, 5. » 1 John ii. 16
9 Gen. iii. 6. '" Gen. iii. 7.
" Gen. iii. 8.
28 MarJs Probation and Fall Chap. II.
and sorrow and suffering in giving birth to her children ; but
she had the consolation of hearing that her seed was to con-
quer in the battle with the serpent, crushing its head, after
the reptile had inflicted a deadly wound upon his heel/^
iii. The man is shut up to a life of toil, and the earth is
cursed for his sake, to bring forth, like himself, evil weeds,
that require all his exertions to keep them down. But,
as before, a promise is added ; his labors shall not be with-
out its rew^ard — " in the sweat of thy brow, thou shalt eat
breads
Reminded of the doom they had incurred, though its exe-
cution was postponed — " dust thou art, and unto dust shalt
thou return " — and clothed by God's goodness with the skins
of beasts, they were driven out of Paradise. An angelic
guard, with a flaming sword, debarred them from returning
to taste the tree of life ; for it would have perpetuated their
suftering.^"
§ 6. But yet they had received the revelation of eternal life.
The curse upon the serpent and the promise to the W'Oman
pointed clearly to a Redeemer, who should be born of a
woman, and, by his own suffering, should destroy the power
of t*he devil ; and here we have \X\q first prophecy of the 3fes-
siah. Henceforth the Avoman lived in the expectation of the
promised seed, which should make her the mother of a truly
living race ; and, to signify this hope, Adam gave her the
name of Eve (Chavah, that is, living). Thus already life
began to spring from death. ^^
§ 7. There can be no reasonable doubt that the sacrifice
of living cmimals was now instituted as a prophetic figure of
the great sacrifice which should fulfill this promise. Animals
must have been slain to provide the skins that clothed Adam
and Eve ; and wherefore slain, except in sacrifice ? This
might not seem conclusive in itself; but the whole reason for
sacrifice began to exist now : its use is taken for granted in
the next chapter (Gen. iv.) ; and it continues throughout the
patriarchal age without the record of any other beginning.
Thus early, then, man learned that, " Avithout shedding of
blood, there is no remission of sin ;" that his own forfeited
life was redeemed, and to be restored by the sacrifice of the
coming "seed of the woman;" and that he was placed by
God under a new dispensation of mercy. Nay, even his
punishment was a mercy ; for his suffering Avas a discipline
to train him in submission to God's will. The repentance of
^ Comp. Horn. xvi. 20. ^^ Gen. iii. 21-24. ^' Gen. iii 20.
Chap. II.
Notes and Illustrations.
29
our first parents is nowhere expressly stated : but it is implied
here and in the subsequent narrative.
§ 8. We must not omit to notice the traces of these truths,
which are found among many nations. The Greek legend
of Pandora traces the entrance of evil to a woman ; the
Buddhist and Chinese traditions refer the beginning of sin
to eating forbidden fruit and desiring forbidden knowledge ;
and most systems of mythology make the serpent a type of
the power of evil, and a divine personage his destroyer.
Delitzsch well says, " The story of the Fall, like that of the
Creation, has wandered over the world. Heathen nations
have transplanted and mixed it up with their geography,
their history, their mythology, although it has never so com-
pletely changed form, and color, and spirit, that you can not
recognize it. Here, however, in the Law, it preserves the
character of a universal, human, world-wide fact : and the
groans of Creation, the Redemption that is in Christ Jesus,
and the heart of every man, conspire in their testimony to
the most literal truth of the narrative." The recollection of
the tree of life is preserved in the sacred tree of the Assyrians
and Hindoos, and in other Eastern systems of mythology.'^
" See Laj-ard, "Nineveh and its Remains," vol. ii. p. 472.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
THE SERPENT.
It has been supposed by many com-
mentators that the serpent, prior to
the Fall, moved along in an erect at-
titude, as Milton {Par. L. ix. 496) —
'■'• Not with indented wave
Prone on the ground, as since, but on his rear,
Circular base of rising folds tliat tower'd
Fold above fold, a surging maze."
But it is quite clear that an erect
mode of progression is utterly incom-
patible with the structure of a ser-
pent, whose motion on the ground is
beautifully effected by the mechanism
of the vertebral column and the mul-
titudinous ribs, which, forming as it
•were so many pairs of levers, enable
the animal to move its body from
place to place ; consequently, had
the snakes before the Fall moved in
an erect attitude, they must have
been formed on a different plan al-
together. It is true that there are
Saurian reptiles, such as the Sauro-
phis tetradactylus and the CkauKKsau-
ra anfiuina of S. Africa, which in ex-
ternal form are very like serpents,
but with quasi-feet ; indeed, even in
the boa-constrictor, underneath the
skin near the extremity, there exist
rudimentary legs; some have been
disposed to believe that the snakes be-
fore the Fall were similar to the Sau-
rophis. Such an hypothesis, howev-
30.
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. II.
er, is untenable, for all llie fossil'
Ophidia that have hitherto been found j
differ in no essential respects from [
modern representatives of that order ; ,
it is, moreover, beside the mark, for
the words of the cui-se, "upon thy
belly shalt thou go," are as charac-
teristic of the progression of a Sauro-
Tjhoid serpent before the Fall as of a
true Ophidian after it. There is no
reason whatever to conclude from
the language of Scripture that the
serpent underwent any change of
form on account of the part it played
in the history of the Fall. The sun
and the moon were in the heavens
long before they were appointed for
"signs and for seasons, and for days
and for years." The typical form of
the serpent and its mode of progres-
sion were in all probability the same
before the Fall as after it ; but subse-
quent to the Fall its form and pro-
gression were to be regarded with ha-
tred and disgust by all mankind, and
thus the animal was cursed "above
all cattle," and a mark of condemna-
tion was forever stamped upon it.
There can be no necessity to show
how that part of the curse is literally
fulfilled which speaks of the "enmi-
ty " that was henceforth to exist be-
tween the serpent and mankind ; and
though, of course, this has more es-
pecial allusion to the devil, whose in-
strument the serpent was in his de-
ceit, yet it is perfectly true of the ser~
pent. Serpents are said in Scripture
to "eat dust" (see Gen. iii. 14; Is.
Ixv. 25; Mic. vii. 17); these ani-
mals, which for the most part take
their food on the ground, do conse-
quently swallow with it large por-
tions of sand and dust.
Chap. III.
The Antediluvian Races,
31
CHAPTER III
THE DESCENDANTS OF ADAM, OR ANTEDILUVIAN PATRIARCHS,
DOWN TO NOAH. A.M. 1-1056. B.C. 4004-2948.'
§ I. Birth of Cain and Abel. § 2. Their different occupations and charac-
ters— Two types of men. § 3. Tiieir respective offerings, f 4. The
murder of Abel. § 5. Tlie punishment of Cain. § 6. His descend-
ants. § 7. The race of Seth. § 8. Character of Enoch — His transla-
tion. § 9. Methuselah — Epoch of his death.
§ 1. After the expulsion of man from Paradise, Eve bore
her first-born son, and named him Cain (i. e.,^905session, or
acquisition)^ saying " I have gotten a man from the Lord."
The name itself, and the reason given for its choice, clearly
indicate her belief that this man-child was the promised
" seed of the woman. "^ Her mistake seems to have been
soon revealed to her, for, on the birth of her second son, she
gave him a name expressive of disappointment, Abel (Heb.
Hehel, i. e., breath, vapor, traiisitoriness : some, however, take
it to refer to the shortness of his life).
§ 2. In the occupation of these two sons of Adam, we trace
the two great branches of productive industry pursued by
men in an early stage of society. " Abel was a keeper (or
feeder) of sheep, but Cain was a tiller of the groimcV^^ Here
are the beginnings of the pastoral and agricultural modes of
life ; and in this respect, as in others, the two first sons of
Adam are representatives of his posterity. For we must
avoid the error of thinking of Cain and Abel as the only
progeny of Adam and Eve. The mention of Cain's wife,* as
w^ell as his fear that men would slay him (v. 14), are indica-
tions that the " replenishing of the earth " had made consid-
erable progress before the murder of Abel. They are rather
to be viewed as ty2Jes of the two classes of character, which
appeared from the first among men : — the good and the
wicked, the " children of God^' and the " children of the
^ These arc the commonly received Scripture Chronology at the ecd
dates ; but there is really no sound of the present chapter,
basis for scriptural chronolojxy before "^ Gen. iv. 1.
the time of David and Solomon. ^ Gen. iv. 4.
See Notes and Illustrations (A), on * Gen. iv. 17.
82
The Offtrinrjs of Cain and Abel
Chap. III.
devii." This is clearly recognized by St. Jude, who uses
*' the way of Cain " for a type of wickedness/ and by St.
Jolin, who says that " Cain was of that icicked one (the devil),
and slew liis brother. And wherefore slew he him? Be-
cause his own icorks v)ere evil, and his brother'' s righteous^^
We see here, not only the distinction itself, but the jealousy
and hatred with which wicked men regard the virtue that
condemns them, and which veilts itself in persecution. Ac-
cordingly Abel is named by our Saviour as the first of the
noble army of martyrs.^
§ 3. This difference of character was made evident when
they were called to observe the services of religion. Cain
and Abel brought their several offerings according to their
several possessions. " Cain brought of the fruit of the
ground : Abel the firstlings of his flock, and of the fat there-
of:" that is, the choicest of the first-born lambs or kids.*^
Abel presented his offering in a spirit of faith,^ and was there-
fore accepted, but Cain's was rejected on account of the
state of mind in which it was brought. This is implied in
God's rebuke to Cain, who " was very wroth, and whose
countenance fell," though it is obscured by the language of
the English version. The passage may be rendered thus : — ■
" Why art thou wroth, and why is thy countenance fallen ?"
If thou doest well (or, " if thou ofterest ought " LXX.),'" is
there not an elevation of the countenance (i. e., ''^cheerfulness,
ha2)2miess^'') ; but if thou doest not well, there is a sinking
of the countenance ; sin lurketh (as a wild beast) at the door,
" and to thee is its desire " — it seeks the mastery over you ;
" but thou art to rule over it " — to resist and subdue it.
§ 4. Cain scorned tlie remonstrance, and his anger ad-
vanced to its natural result in the murder of his brother. ''
It is uncertain whether the words " Cain talked with Abel "
imply a treacherous snare, or a quarrel which led on to the
fatal deed. In any case, Cain's rage at his brother's being
preferred to him was its true cause. For, fearful as is the
truth that the first overt act of sin after tlie fall was a broth-
er's murder, he who knew Avhat was in man has testified that
" whosoever is angry with his brother without a cause " has
already broken the spirit of the Sixth Commandment,''^ and
that whosoever hateth his brother is a murderer."" This
truth is confirmed by all history ; and Christ does not hesi-
* Jude 11. M John iii. 12. tua^^int or Greek translation of the OI'J
' Matt, xxi-il. 35. Testament made at Alexandria.
•^ Gen. iv. ?,-r>. ^ Heb. xi. 4. " Gen. iv. 8. " Matt. v. 22.
*** LXX. This indicates the Sep- " 1 John iii. 15.
Chap. III.
The Antediluvian Races.
33
tate to tell the Jews, who were enraged at him for the puri-
ty of His doctrine : — " Ye are of your father the devil, and
the lusts of your father ye will do ; he was a murderer from
the beginning.'"*
§ 5. This first crime was promj^tly punished. The sullen
indifference of Cain's reply to God's demand, " Where is Abel
thy brother ?" was probably affected, to conceal the remorse
which has ever haunted the murderer.'* The blood of the
victim seems always to have that power, which is ascribed to
the blood of Abel, of " crying to God from the ground.'"^
The cry implied is clearly that for vengeance; and the same
cry proceeds from the blood of all the martyrs.'" Cain was
doomed to a new infliction of the primal curse. To Adam
the earth yielded its fruit, though with toil and sweat ; but
to Cain, as if indignant at tlie outrage done her by his broth-
ers blood, the earth was cursed for him again, refusing to
yield her strength under his tillage, or even to grant him an
abode at the scene of his crime. '° But even in this aggrava-
tion of the curse, we still see the mercy which turns the
curse into a blessing ; for it was no doubt an incentive to
those mechanical arts which were first practiced by the fami-
ly of Cain.
Cain received his doom in the same hardened spirit of im-
iDenitence, filling up the measure of his unbelief by the cry,
"My iniquity is too great to be forgiven.'"^ While lament-
ing his expulsion from the abodes of men and from the face
of God, his great fear is for his life, lest men should slay him.
To quiet this fear, God gave him a special sign that he
should not be slain (for such seems to be the true meaning
of the "mark set on Cain"),^" and pronounced a sevenfold
punishment on any one who should kill him. With his per-
son thus protected, he was driven from his home, as " a fugi-
tive and a vagabond in the earth."^'
§ 6. Cain directed his steps to the east of Eden, and settled
in the land of JS'od^ that is, hanisliment.^^ He became the an-
cestor of a race, Avhose history is recorded in a very striking
2' Gen. iv. 14.
^^ Tliere liavc been various conjec-
tures as to the position of the land of
Nod; but all that we know is, that it
was cast of Eden, which throws us
back to the previous settlement of the
position of Eden itself. The main-
tenance of intercpurse between the
Cainites and gethites proves that tha
former di4 npl \yf\nder very far.
" John viii. 44. '^ Gen. iv. 9.
^' Gen. iv. 10.
" liev. vi. 10.
^«Gen. iv. 12.
^' Gen. iv. 13.
'^° Probably in the same way as
signs were afterward given to Noah
(Gen. ix. 13), Moses (Ex. iii. 2, 12),
Elijah (1 Kings xix. 11), and Heze-
kiah (Is. xxxviii. 7, 8.)
B 2
34 TJie Races of Cain and jSelh. Chap. hi.
contrast with that of the chosen race of Scth. The two
genealogies, Avhen phaced side by side, are as follows : —
Adam.
\
Cjiin. Seth.
Enoch (Chanocli). Enos.
I I
Irad. Cainan.
Mehujael. Mahalaleel.
Methusael. Jared. '
Adali^Laniecli^Zillah. Enoch (Chanoch).
L I I
Jabal. Jubal. Tubal Cain. Naamah. MetlmseLah.
i
Lamech.
Noah.
The resemblances in the names of the two families seem a
/latural consequence of the use of significant names at a time
when language had acquired no great variety ; and in both
cases several of the names have a sense natural at that age,
increase and j^ossession. The different number of generations
suggests that the period between the children of Lamech and
the flood was occupied with the development of the inventions
ascribed to them, by their unnamed descendants. The only
personal facts of their history are, the foundation by Cain of
the first city, which he named after his son Enoch; the polyg-
amy of Lamech ; and the occupations of his sons, of whom Ja-
bal was the first nomad herdsman, Jubal the inventor of mu-
sical instruments, both stringed and wind, and Tubal-Cain the
first smith. It deserves notice also, that Lamech's address
to his wives" is the earliest example of poetry ; it forms three
couplets of parallel clauses.^* The great contrast, however,
between the two races, is in their social and moral condi-
tion."
§ 7. Dismissing the family of Cain, the narrative traces the
line of the chosen race.
The following is their genealogy, arranged so as to sho^
how far they were contemporary (see p. 35).
" Gen. iv. 23-2i. " Sec Notes and Illustrations (B).
" See Notes and Illustrations (C).
Chap. III.
The Antediluvian Races.
85
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S6
Character of Enoch.
Chap. IIL
The new son, who was given to Eve " instead of Abel,
whom Cain slew," was hence named Seth (properly Sheth,"^*
i.e., ap2)ointecl)y The list of his race is headed with a re-
markable phrase. Adam was made in the likeness of God ;
and he begat a son in his oio7i likeness, after his image. '^^
Adam handed down to Seth and Ids descendants the promise
of mercy, faith in which became the distinction of God's chil-
dren. This seems to be the meaning of the statement that, in
the days and in the family of Seth, " men began to call upon
the name of Jehovah."" For the " name'''' of any great per-
sonage is the symbol of allegiance to him — " jurare in nomen "
— and so it is used repeatedly in the Old Testament of the
name of God, and in the New continually of the name of
Christ, " the name which is above every name," at which
" every knee shall boAV and every tongue confess." From
the very beginning, then, of the race whose history is traced
in Scripture, God was never without the public recognition
of His name and cause by true worshipers, and such we find
first in the family of Seth, in contrast to that of Cain.
§ 8. Of Ends {man or multitude), Caixan (possession),
Mahalaleel [p^raise of God),^° and Jared (or Jered, descent),
no particulars are recorded.^^ But " Exoch, the seventh
from Adam," stands conspicuous among the race of Seth.
After the statement, emphatically repeated, that he " walked
with God," we are told, " he was not, for God took him."^*
The former phrase is also applied to Noah, among the ante-
diluvian patriarchs,^^ and is often used to describe a life of
close communion with God, or, in one word, godliness. The
apostle explains it, that " he pleased God," and traces Enoch's
piety to his faith in God, as the only true God and the hear-
er of prayer, for " without faith it is impossible to please
Him : for he that cometh to God must believe that He is,
and that he is a re warder of them that diligently seek him."^*
But Enoch's life was not all spent in quiet meditation ; he
"walked with God" in the path of active duty and the
courageous maintenance of the cause of God amid an ungod-
ly race. This we learn from the Apostle Jude, who describes
^^ Gen. iv. 25.
^^ Ewald explains the name as
seed/imj or (/enii, with veference to tlic
woi'ds, "God hatli appointed me an-
other seed, instead of Abel, whom
Cain slew."
=^"Gen.v. 1-.3. 2^Gen. iv. 26.
'^ In the LXX. this name is tiie
same as that of Mehujaelin the Cain-
ite race (MaAeAe^/.).
^^ Gen. V. 9-20.
^- Gon, V. 22, 4-tr. The name, prop-
erly ChanorJi, is interpreted by Philo
" thy grace," by modern scholars, iru
I tinted.
" Gen. vi. 9. '* Heb. xi. 5, 6.
Chap. Ill, The Anted iluvia 71 Races. 87
the antediluvian world as already infected Avith those vices
which came to a head in the days of Noah, which are ever
the curse of advanced civilization, and which will again mark
the last age of the world. Against these sins Enoch prophe-
sied, and warned their perpetrators of the coming of the Lord
to execute judgment upon them. He stands conspicuous,
therefore, as the Fikst of the Pkophets.^^
Enoch's faith was rewarded by a special favor in the mode
of his departure from the world. "He walked with God"
till " he Avas not, for God had taken him." The men to whom
he projihesied missed him, perhaps at the very moment they
were planning his death : — " he was not found, because God
had translated him."^^ The apostle who uses this phrase
leaves no doubt as to its meaning : " by faith Enoch was trans-
lated that he should not see deathy^'' This distinction was
shared by Elijah alone of all the human race ; and Ave may
probably infer that, as in his case, so in Enoch's, the miracle
Avas a testimony to the divine mission of the prophet, as well
as a reward of the piety of the man.^^
§ 9. Methuselah {a man of arms), the son of Enoch, is
noted as having reached the greatest age of any man. He
Avas contemporary Avith Adam for 243 years, and Avith Noah
for 600. It is interesting to observe that he died in the very
year of the Deluge. ^^ Was he " a righteous man taken aAvay
from the coming evil," or, having lapsed into AA^ickedness, did
he perish Avith them that believed not ? We are allowed to
suppose the former, from the probability that he Avould have
been saved in the ark, Avith the rest of Noah's family, had he
^^ Jude 14, 15. Respecting the so-
called "Book of Enoch," see Notes
and Illustrations (D).
2« Heb. xi. 5.
" Enoch is not mentioned else-
where in the Old Testament : but in
body and of a true human existence
in glory ; and the voice of early ec-
clesiastical tradition is almost unani-
mous in regarding them as "the two
witnesses" (Rev. xi. 3ff.) who should
fall before "the beast," and after-
Ecclesiasticus he is brought forward j ward be raised to heaven before tlie
as one of the peculiar glories of the ! great judgment. In this way was
Jews. " Upon the earth there was i removed the difficulty which was sup-
no man created like Enoch : for he posed to attach to tlieir transla-
was taken from the earth " (Ecclus
xlix. 14). " Enoch pleased the Lord,
jind was translated [into Paradise,
Vulg.], being a pattern of repent-
ance" (Ecclus. xliv. IG).
^^ Both the Latin and Greek fa-
thers commonly coupled Enoch and
Elijah as historic witnesses of the
tion : for thus it was made clear that
they would at least discharge the
common debt of a sinful humanity
from which they are not exempted
by their glorious removal from the
earth.
^^ This is according to the common
chronology. The LXX. places his
possibility of a resurrection of the [death six years earlier.
38
Xotes and Illustraiions.
Chap. HI
been still alive. His son Lamech (properly Lemech)^^'^ the
father of Xoah, died five years before the deluge.
*° Derived fioni a word sip;nifying a strong younj inait. Both his name
and his father's seem to bear witness to the state of violence which preced-
ed the flood, and they form a contrast with the rest breathed after in the
name of Noah.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
(A.)
SCRIPTURE
OGY.
CHRONOL- !
I
IxDEPENDEKTLT of Scientific evi-
dence, the following are our data for
determining the chronological rela-
tions of primeval history to the Chris-
tian era.
1 . From the Creation to the Delude,
the generations of the patriarchs form
oar only guide. These, however, are
given differently in different copies
of the Scriptures ; the sum being, in
the LXX. 006 years longer, and in
the Samaritan Pentateuch 349 years
shorter, than in the received Hebrew
text. The ancient chronologers give
farther variations.
2. From the Deluge to the death of
Joseph, and thence to the Exodus, the
patriarchal years are again our chief
guide ; but other data are obtained
from various statements respecting
the inten-al from the call of Abraham j
to the giving of the law and the so- j
journing of the Israelites in Egypt
(Gen. XV. 13; Exod. xii. 41; Acts
vii. C; Gal, iii. 17). The main point
in dispute here is whether 430 years
was the whole period from the call of
Abraham to the Exodus, or only the
time of the sojourning of the Israel-
ites in Egypt.
3. From the Exodus to the building
of Solomon s Temple, the interval is
positively stated in the received He-
brew text, as 480 years (IK. vi. 1).
But the reading is disputed ; it is al-
leged to be inconsistent with the 45Q
years assigned by St. Paul to the
Judges (Acts xiii. 20); and the
longer period is made out by adding
together the numbers given in the
Book of Judges. Some chronologers,
on the other hand, compute from the
many genealogies v.hich we have for
this period.
4. From the huilding of the Temph
to its iJestruction and the Captivity of
Zedekiah, we have the annals of the
kings of Israel and Judah. Here the
difficulties are so slight, that the prin-
cipal chronologers only differ by 15
years in nearly 500.
5. The Epoch of the Destruc-
tion OF the Temple is fixed by a
concurrence of proofs, from sacred
and profane history, with only a varia-
tion of one, or at the most two years,
between B.C. 588 and 586. Clinton's
date is June, b.c. 587. From this
epoch we obtain for the building of
Solomon's Temple the date of about
B.C. 1012.*
From this point the reckoning
backward is of course affected by the
• The highest computation, tliat of Hake,
makea the data u-c. 1027.
Chap. III.
Xotes and Illustrations.
39
differences already noticed. Out of
these have arisen three leading sys-
tems of chronology.
1. The Rabfjinical, a system handed
down traditionally by the Jewish doc-
tors, places the Creation 214 years
later than oar received chronology,
in B.C. 3750, and the Exodus in B.C.
1314. This leaves from the Exodus
to the buildinfr of the Temple an in-
terval of only oOO years, a term cal-
culated chiefly from the genealogies,
and only reconciled with the numbers
given in the Book of Judges by the
most arbitrary alterations. Geneal-
ogies, however, are no safe basis for
chronology, especially when, as can
be proved in many cases, links are
omitted in their statement. When
we come to examine them closely.
we find that many are broken with-
out being in consequence tecJimcaUtf
defective as Hebrew genealogies. A
modem pedigree thus broken would
be defective, but the principle of
these genealogies must have been dif-
ferent. A notable instance is that of
the genealogy of our Saviour given
by St. Matthew. In this genealogy
Joram is immediately followed by
Ozias. as if his son — Ahaziah, Joash,
and Amaziah being omitted.* In
Ezra's genealogy ;^Ezra vii. 1-5 ; there
is a similar omission, which in so
famous a line can scarcely be attrib-
uted to the carelessness of a copyist.
There are also examples of a man
being called the son of a remote an-
cestor in a statement of a genealogi-
cal form.* We can not therefore
venture to use the Hebrew genealogi-
* Matt. i. ?. That this is not an accidental
nmissiou of a coprisi is evident frvni the speci-
fication of the number cf generations fr>,-in
Abnham to David, fr^m David to the Baby,
lonish Captiviiy. and ihence to Christ, in each
ease fourteen generation?. Probably these
missing names were pcrpctsely lei'^ oai to
make the number for the interval equal to
that of the other intervals, such an omission
bein? obvioos. and not liaUe to cause emM-.
t C^en. xxxix- 5, compared with xxviiL 2,
cal lists to compute intervals of time,
except where we can prove each de-
scent to be immediate. But even if
we can do this, we have stiil to be
sure that we can determine the aver-
age length of each generation.
2. The Short or Received Ckrcmol-
ogy is that which has been generally
followed in the West since the time erf
Jerome, and has been adopted in the
margin of the authorized English ver-
sion, according to the system of its
ablest advocate. Archbishop Ussher.
Its leading data are, first, the adop-
tion of the numbers of the Hebrew
text for the patriarchal genealc^es :
secondly, the reckoning of the 430
years from the call of Abraham to the
Exodus ; and, lastly, the adhering to
the 4S0 years for the period from the
Exodus to the building of the Temple.
As we are only giving a general ac-
count of these different systems, acd
not attempting their full discassioQ,
we can not now explain how the last
datum is reconciled with the 450 years
assigned by St. Paid to the Judges, or
with the numbers obtained from their
annals. The great chronologer Pe-
tavi us is in sulistanrial agreement with
Ussher : but. for reasons which can
not now be stated, he places the Ex-
odus and the call of Abraham each
forty years earlier, the Deluge and
the Creation each twenty years later,
than Ussher.
We have given Ussher's dates in tlic
text of this work, as those most com-
monly received : but for the reasons
already mentioned, we believe that
the Jewish genealogies are no safe ba-
sis for chronology, and that it is Lhere-
fore impossible to assign any real
dates to the Creation and the patri-
archal history.
3. The LoJtj Chrosolix:^ has been,
in recent times, the niost formidable
S: 1 CSir. xivi. 24: 1 Kings xii. Ifi.
pared aith 3 Kia^ ii. ?, l-L
40
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. IIL
competitor of the short system. Its
leading adrocates are Hales, Jackson,
and Des Vignolles. With some mi-
nor diflferences, they agree in adopt-
ing the Septuagint numbers for the
ages of tlie patriarchs, and the long
interval from the Exodus to tlie build-
ing of the Temple, Their arguments
for the former view are very ably an- 1
swered by Clinton, who adopts the
short period from the Creation to the
call of Abraham, and the 430 years
on to the Exodus, but reckons 612
years from thence to the foundation
of the Temple.
The following table exhibits the
principal dates as given by the leading
modern chronologers : —
Short System.
Lonj,' System.
Ussher.
u.c.
4004
2349
1921
1491
1013
5SS
Petavius.
B.C.
3983
2327
1901
1531
1012
5S9
Clinton,
B.O.
4138
24S!
2055
1625
1013
537
Hales.
B O
5411
3155
2078
164S
1027
5SG
Jackson,
i: c.
54 G
3170
202;{
1513
l'il4
5SG
Flood
Call of Abraham
Destruction of Temple
(B.) THE SONG OF LAMECH.
The remarkable poem which La-
mech uttered has not yet been ex-
plained quite satisfactorily. It is the
only extant specimen of antediluvian
poetry ; it came down, perhaps as a
popular song, to the generation for
whom Moses wrote, and he inserts it
in its proper place in his history. It
may be rendered : —
Adah and Zillah ! hear my voice,
Ye wives of Lamecli ! give ear unto my
speech ;
For a man had I slain for smiting me.
And a youth for wounding me.
Surely sevenfold shall Cain be avenged,
But Lamech seventy and seven.
Jerome relates as a tradition of his
predecessors and of the Jews, that
Cain was accidentally slain by La-
mech in the seventh generation from
Adam. Luther considers the occa-
sion of the poem to be the deliberate
murder of Cain by Lamech. Herder
regards it as Lamech's song of exulta-
tion on the invention of the sword by
his son Tubal-Cain, in the possession
of which he foresaw a great advantage
to himself and his family over any
enemies. Tiiis interpretation a])[ cars,
on the whole, to be the best that has
been suggested.
(C.) THE CAINITE EACE. .
The social condition of the Cainites
is prominently brought forward in the
history. Cain himself was an agricul-
turalist, Abel a shepherd : the success-
ors of the latter are represented by
the Sethites and the progenitors of the
Hebrew race in later times, among
whom a pastoral life was always held
in high honor, from the simplicity and
devotional habits which it engendered;
the successes of the former are de-
picted as the reverse in all these re-
spects. Cain founded the first city ;
Lamech instituted polygamy ; Jabal
introduced the nomadic life : Jubal
invented musical instruments ; Tubal-
Cain was the first smith ; Lamech's
language takes the stately tone of
poetry ; and even the names of the
women, Naamah (^jleasant), Zillah
(shadow), Adah (ornamental), seem to
bespeak an advanced state of civiliza-
tion. But along with this, there was
violence and godlessness; Cain and
Chap. IIL
Kotes and Illustrations.
41
Lamech furnish pi'oof of the former,
while the concluding words of Gen.
iv. 26 imply the latter.
The contrast established between
the Cainites and the Sethites appears
to have reference solely to the social
and religious condition of the two
races. On the one side there is pict-
ured a high state of civilization, un-
sanctified by religion, and productive
^f luxury and violence ; on the other
side, a state of simplicity which af-
forded no material for history beyond
the declaration " then began men to
call upon the name of the Lord." The
historian thus accounts for the pro-
gressive degeneration of the religious
condition of man, the evil gaining a
predominance over the good by its al-
liance with worldly power and knowl-
edge, and producing the state of
things which necessitated the flood.
(D.) BOOK OF ENOCH.
This book is one of the most im-
portant remains of early apocalyptic
literature. The history of the book
is remarkable. The first trace of its
existence is generally found in the
Epistle of St. Jude( 14, 15; cf. Enoch
i. 9) ; but the words of the Apostle
leave it uncertain whether he derived
his quotation from tradition or from
writing, though the wide spread of
the book in tlie second century seems
almost decisive in favor of the latter
•upposition. Considerable fragments
are preserved in the Chronofjraplda of
Georgius Syncellus (c. 792 a.d.), and
these, with the scanty notices of ear-
lier writers, constituted the sole re-
mains of the book known in Europe
till the close of the last century.
Meanwhile, however, a report was
current that the entire book was pre-
served in Abyssinia ; and at length, in
1773, Bruce brought with him on his
return from Egypt three MSS. con-
taining the complete Ethiopic transla-
tion.
The Ethiopic translation was made
from the Greek, and probably toward
the middle or close of the fourth cen-
tury. The general coincidence of the
translation with the patristic quota-
tions of corresponding passages shows
satisfactorily that the text from which
it was derived was the same as that
current in the early Church. But it is
still uncertain whether the Greek text
was the original, or itself a translation
from the Hebrew.
In its present shape the book con~
sists of a series of revelations supposed
to have been given to Enoch and
Noah, which extend to the most varied
aspects of nature and life, and are de-
signed to offer a comprehensive vindi-
cation of the action of Providence.
Notwithstanding the quotation in
St. Jude, and the wide circulation of
the book itself, the apocalypse of
Enoch was uniformly and distinctly
separated from tke canonical scrip
tures.
Mount Ararat.
CHAPTER IV.
THE TIMES OF XOAII AND THE DELUGE.
B.C. 2948-1998.
A.D. 1056-2006.
§ 1. Significance of Noah's name. §2. State of the Antediluvian World —
The Sethite and Cainite races intermixed — Their progeny and the
Nepliilim, § 3. Interval of divine forbearance : God's resolve to de-
stroy the world. § 4. But to preserve the race of man for a new dis*
pensation — Noah and his family — The Ark prepared. § 5. Noah en-
ters the Ark. § 6. The Flood : its duration and subsidence. § 7.
Question of a universal or partial Flood — In any case universal so
far as man was concerned. § 8. Noah leaves the Ark — His sacrifice
and God's blessing — The Noachic precepts. § 9. The Covenant with
Noah : Gods covenant of forbearance. § 10. Noah's blessing on Shem
and Japheth and curse on Ham. § 11. His death.
§ 1. The name of Noah is very significant. It means rest,
or comfort., and his father gave it by prophetic inspiration,
saying — " This shall comfort us concerning our work and
toil of our hands, because of the ground which the Lord hath
cursed."^ These words seem to express a deeper Aveariness
than that arising from the primal curse, from which indeed
the age of Xoah brought no deliverance. But it did bring
Gen. V. 29.
Chap. IV. Noah and the Deluge. 43
the comfort of rest from the wickedness which had now
reached its greatest height.
§ 2. The brief history of the world before the flood may
fairly be filled up, to some extent, from our knowledge of hu-
man nature. We have seen the race of Cain inventing the
implements of industry and art ; and we can have no doubt
that their inventions Avere adopted by the progeny of Seth.
During the 1656 years before the Flood (or, by the chronology
of the LXX., 2262), and when the experience of individuals
embraced nearly 1000 years, vast strides must have been
made in knowledge and civilization. Arts and sciences may
have reached a ripeness, of which the record, from its scant-
iness, conveys no adequate conception. The destruction
caused by the flood must have obliterated a thousand dis-
coveries, and left men to recover again by slow and patient
steps the ground they had lost. But the race of Seth also
became infected with the vices of the Cainites. This seems
to be the only reasonable sense of the intercourse between
"the sons of God" {sons of the Elohim) and "the daughters
of men '" {daughters of the Adam). We may put aside all
fancies borroAved from heathen mythology 'respecting the
union of superhuman beings with mortal woman, and assume
that both parties were of the human race. The family of
Seth, Avho preserved their fliith in God, and the family of
Cain, who lived only for this world, had hitherto kept dis-
fuct ; but now a mingling of the two races took place which
resulted in the thorough corruption of the former, Avho fall-
ing away, plunged into the deepest abyss of wickedness.
We are also told that this union produced a stock conspicu-
ous for physical strengtli and courage ; and this is a Avell-
knoAvn result of the intermixture of diflerent races. Here it
is a frequent mistake to confound these " miijhty men of old,
men of renoAvn," Avith the "giants" (Heb. ^'iVe^^A/Z^'m), from
Avhom they are expressly distinguished.^
On the Avhole, it seems that'the antediluvian world had
reached a desperate pitch of AA'ickedness, the climax of Avhich
was attained by the fusion of the tAvo races. The marked
features of this Avickedness Avere lust and brutal outrage.
'^ Gen. vi. 1, 2. But tlie word itself has no such
Gen. vi. 4. The word NephUim
is used in one other passage (Numb.
meaning. It signifies either fallen
ones, or those icho fall on others^ apos-
xiii. 33) as the name of a tribe of Ca- tates or men of violence ; and we can
naanites; and as these were men of Lnot be far wrong in believing the
vast stature, the LXX. made the Nephiliin to have been both,
Nephiliin of Noah's davs giants also. ;
44 OocVs Resolve to Destroy the World. Chap. IV.
The fearful picture of depravity drawn by Peter and Jude
evidently refers to the antediluvian age as a pattern of the
wickedness of the last days which shall again make the world
ripe for destruction."
§ 3. An interval of divine forbearance only brought this
Avickedness to its height. " Jehovah said, My spirit shall not
always strive with (or remain or rule hi) man (the Adam) ;
for that they are but flesh, and their days shall be an hun-
dred and twenty years. "^ In the somewhat obscure brevity
of this speech, it is diflicult to determine the force of each
word; but the general sense seems to be : "I will take away
from man the life I at first gave him, since he has corrupted
himself to mere flesh, and I Avill limit his time on earth to
one hundred and twenty years." That the period thus de-
fined was a space for repentance, seems clear from the con-
text. The opinion, that it marks out the future length of
human life, does not at all agree Avith the duration of the
iives of the post-diluvian patriarchs.
Meanwhile " God saw that the Avickedness of man was
great in the earth, and that every imagination (or purpose)
■of the thoughts of his heart Avas only evil continually. And
it repented Jehovah that he had made 7nan on the earthy and
it grieved Him at His heaTty^ This A^ery striking language
is an example of the figure called ayithropomorjyhism^ by
Avliich the thoughts and acts of God are described in lan-
guage Avhich Avould be appropriate to a man in like circum-
stances. Such a mode of expression is the only condition
on Avhicli human language can be applied to God. He re-
solved to destroy the existing race of living creatures, as if
putting an end to an experiment AA^hich had failed. "The
earth Avas corrupt before God, and the earth Avas filled Avith
violence. And God looked upon the earth, and behold it
AA'-as corrupt, for all flesh had corrupted his AA'ay upon the
earth. "^ Measures of amelioration Avould not meet the case.
It Avas necessary (to use an expressiA^e phrase) " to make a
clean sweep " of the existing race, if there Avere to be any
hope of better things among another. For the destruction
contemplated was neither total nor final; and in these re-
spects the Deluge is distinguished from the last conflagra-
tion.
§ 4. Tlie family chosen for this experiment Avas that of
Noah. "Noah found grace in the eyes of the Lord."^ He
is described as " a just man, and perfect (upright or sincere)
^ 2 Peter ii. iii ; Jiule U, IT,. I ' Gen. vi. 11, 12.
^Gen.vi. 3. "^ Gen. vi. 7. | » Gen. vi. 8.
B.C. 2918-1998. Nooli and the Deluge.
45
in his generations " (^. e., among his contemporaries) ; and,
like Enoch, he " walked with God.'" Like Enoch, too, he tes-
tified against the prevailing wickedness, for he is called " a
preacher of righteousness.'"" He had three sons — Shem,
Ham, and Japheth, as they are named in order of prece-
dence ;" but Japheth seems to have been the eldest, and Shem
the youngest. ^^ Their birth is placed at the 500th year of
Noah's life (Gen. v. 32). This seems to refer to the eldest
son; for Shem was born two years later. '^ About this time,
perhaps at the beginning of the 120 years of delay, God re-
vealed His design to Noah, bidding him to prepare an " ark"
to save his family from the coming flood, with the races of
animals needful for them, and promising to establish a new
covenant with his race.'*
Like Abel and Enoch, Noah believed God. and so acted.
" Bj faith Noah, being warned of God of things not seen as
yet, moved with fear (or being wary), prepared an ark to the
saving of his house ; whereby he condemned the world, and
became heir of the righteousness which is by faith.'"* Doubt-
less Noah continued his " preaching of righteousness," es-
pecially as occasions arose from the scoffing curiosity of
those who watched his work ; but that work preached loud-
er still. And so " the long suffering of God Avaited in the
days of Noah, while the ark was preparing."^^ But it wait-
ed in vain. The unheeded warning, as is usual, only plunged
men into greater carelessness. They went on, " eating and
drinking, marrying and giving in marriage, until the day
that Noah entered into the ark ; and knew not till the flood
came and took them all away.'"^
§ 5. At the beginning of the six hundredth year of Noah's
life the ark was completed ; and on the tenth day of the sec-
ond month of that year he entered into it, by God's com-
mand, with his wife, his three sons, and their wives — eight
persons in all — who were saved from the flood, and, in a fig-
ure, baptized by its waters to a separation from the polluted
life of the old world and the beginning of a new course.'^
They took with them the food they would require, which
was as yet of a vegetable nature. They also took two (a
pair) of every animal ; but of clean animals (for the use
of sacrifice had already established this distinction) they
took seven ; by which is generally understood three pairs
'^ Heb. xi. 7. '" I V^t^y i!i. ,20.
" Matt. xxiv. 38, 3P: Lvho yvii
Peter ii. 5.
^ Gen. vi. 9.
"Gen. V. 32; vi. 10.
'' Gen. ix. 24; x. 21.
"Gen. xi. 10. " Gen. vi. 13-21.
27.
'' 1 Pet. iii. 21.
46 The Flood. Chap. iv.
to continue the race, and one male for sacrifice. They took
seven days to enter the ark,'^ and then " Jehovah shut Noah
:n."^»
§ G. On the same day, namely, the seventeenth day of the
second month of the GOOth year of Noah's life, the Flood be-
gan. Its physical causes are described simply ^'^ phenomena^
in figurative language : " The fountains of the great deep
were broken up, and the windows of heaven were opened."^^
The narrative is vivid and forcible, though entirely Avanting
in that sort of description which in a modern historian or
poet would have occupied the largest space. We see noth-
ing of the death-struggle ; we hear not the cry of despair ;
we are not called upon to witness the frantic agony of hus-
band and wife, and parent and child, as they fled in terror
before the rising Avaters. Nor is a word said of tlie sadness
of the one righteous man who, safe himself, looked upon the
destruction Avhich he could not avert. But one impression
is left upon the mind with peculiar vividness, from the very
simplicity of the narrative, and it is that of utter desolation.
" All flesh died that moveth upon the earth, both of fowl,
and of cattle, and of beast, and of every creeping thing that
creepeth upon the earth, and every man They Avere
destroyed from the earth, and Noah only remained aliA^e, and
they that were Avith him in the ark."" The vast expanse of
Avater appeared unbroken, save by that floating home of all
that were left aliA'c, for 150 days, or five months.
MeauAvhile God had not forgotten Noah and those that
Avere Avith him in the ark.^^ On the seventeenth day of the
seventh month of the 600th year of Noah's life, the subsiding
Avaters left the ark aground upon the mountains of Ararat.'^*
More than tAA^o months Avere still required to uncover the
tops of the mountains, Avhich appeared on the 1st day of the
tenth month. Noah Avaited still forty days (to the eleventh
day of the eleventh month) before he opened the AvindoAV of
the ark. He sent out a raven, Avhich flcAV to and fro, prob-
ably on the mountain-tops, but did not return into the ark.
After seven days more (the eighteenth day) he sent forth a
doA'e, Avhich found no resting-place, and returned to the ark.
In another seven days (the tAventy-fifth) she Avas sent out
again, and returned Avith an olive-leaf in her bill, the sign that
even the Ioav trees Avere uncoAcred, and the type for after
ages of peace and rest. After seven days more (the second
^^ Gen. vii. 21-23. ^^ Gen. viii. 1.
^"^ See ]>sotes and Illiistralions (C\
Ararat.
" Respecting the ark, see Notes
and I /lustrations (A).
=^° Gen. vii. 16. 2^Gen. vii. 11, 12.
B.C. 2048-1998. Nocih and the Deluge. 47
of the twelfth month), the dove was sent out again, and
proved by not returning that the waters had finally subsided.
These j^eriods of seven days clearly point to the division of
time into weeks.
§ 7. Whether the Flood was universal or partial has given
rise to much controversy ; but there can be no doubt that it
was universal, so far as man was concerned : we mean that it
extended to all the then known icorld. The literal truth of
the narration obliges us to believe that the ichole human race,
except eight persons, perished by the waters of the Flood.
In the New Testament our Lord gives the sanction of His
own authority to the historical truth of the narrative," declar-
ing that the state of the world at His second coming shall be
such as it was in the days of Noah. St. Peter speaks of the
" long suffering of God," which " waited in the days of
Noah while the ark was a preparing, wherem few, that is,
eight souls, were saved by water," and sees in the waters of
the Flood by which the ark was borne up a type of baptism,
by which the Church is separated from the w^orld. And
again, in his Second Epistle,^^ he cites it as an instance
of the righteous judgment of God who spared not the old
world. But the language of the Book of Genesis does not
compel us to suppose that the whole surface of the globe was
actually covered Avith water, if the evidence of geology re-
quires us to adopt the hypothesis of a partial deluge. It is
natural to suppose that the writer, when he speaks of " all
flesh," " all in whose nostrils was the breath of life," refers
only to his own locality. This sort of language is common
enough in the Bible when only a small part of the globe is
intended. Thus, for instance, it is said that " all countries
came into Egypt to Joseph to buy corn ;" and that " a de-
cree went out from Csesar Augustus that all the icorld should
be taxed." In these and many similar passages the expres-
sions of the writer are obviously not to be taken in an exact-
ly literal sense. Even the apparently very distinct phrase
"«/^ the high hills that were under the ichole heaven were
covered," may be matched by another precisely similar, where
it is said that God would put the fear and the dread of Israel
upon every nation tinder heaven.
The truth of the biblical narrative is confirmed by the
numerous traditions of other nations, which have preserved
the memory of a great and destructive flood, from which but a
small part of mankind escaped. They seem to point back to
=^ Matt. xxiv. 37 : Luke xvii. 26. '' 2 Pet. ii. 5.
48
Koah and the Deluge.
Chap. IV.
a common centre, whence they were carried by the different
families of man, as they wandered east and west.^
§ 8. But to return to the biblical narrative. Noah at
length removed the covering of the ark, and beheld the new^-
ly-uncovered earth, on the first day of the 601st year of his
age.^" On the twenty-seventh day of the second month the
earth was dry, and Noah went out of the ark by the command
of God, with all the creatures.^' His first act was to build
an altar and offer a sacrifice of every clean beast and bird.
This act of piety called forth the promise from God that He
Avould not again curse the earth on account of man, nor de*
stroy it as He had done ; but that He would forbear with
man's innate tendency to evil, and continue the existing
course of nature until the apj^ointed end of the Avorld.^" He
repeated to Noah and his sons the blessing pronounced on
Adam and Eve, that they should " be fruitful and multiply
and replenish the earth," and that the inferior creatures should
be subject to them.'' To this He added the use of animals
for food.'^ But the eating their blood was forbidden, because
the blood is the life ; and, lest the needful shedding of their
blood should lead to deeds of blood, a new law Avas enacted
against murder. The horror of the crime was clearly stated
on the two grounds of the common brotherhood of man, which
makes every murder a fratricide, and of the creation of man
in God's image. The first murderer had been driven out as
a vagabond and fugitive ; but his life was sacred. Now,
however, the penalty was changed, and the laAv laid down—
" He that sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be
shed."^^ This law amounts to giving the civil magistrate
the " power of the sword ;"'* and hence we may consider
three new ijrecepts to have been given to Noah, in addition to
the laws of the Sabbath and of marriage, which were reveal-
ed to Adam — namely, the abstinence from bl^ood, the prohi-
bition of murder, and the recognition of the civil authority.
The Jews reckoned seven " Noachic precepts " as antecedent
to the Jew^ish Law, and therefore binding upon proselytes.
The remaining four are the laws against idolatry and blas-
phemy, incest and theft. These have all survived the Jewish
dispensation, except the law of abstinence from blood, and
even this was imposedby the Apostles upon Gentile converts
to Christianity.'" The Greek Church kept to the precept
against eating blood after the Latin Church had abandoned
"^"^ On the traditions of the Deluge,
see Notes and J/hist rat ions (B).
^' Gcn.viii. 13. '' Gen. viii. 14-10.
=" Gen. viii. 20-22. =" Gen. ix. 1, 2.
32 Gen. ix. 3, 4. ^^^ Gen. ix. 5, 6.
^* Kom. xiii. 4. ^" Acts xr. 28.
B.C. 2948-1998. The Covenant tvith Nocih. 49
it ; and the question of its temporary nature can hardly be
considered as settled.
§ 9. In addition to these promises and precepts, God made
witli Noah a Covenant^^ — that is, one of these agreements
by which He had condescended again and again to bind Him-
self toward man ; not more sacred with Him than a simple
promise, but more satisfying to the weakness of our faith."
Of these covenants, that made with Noah on behalf of his
descendants is the first ; and it may be called the Covenant
of GocVs forbearcmce^ under Avhich man lives to the end of
time. It repeated the promise that the world should not be
again destroyed by a flood ; and it was ratified by the beau-
tiful sign of the rainbow in the cloud, a natural phenomenon
suited to the natural laics of whose permanence it was the
token. ^^ It is important for us not to suffer our relations to
Adam as our first father, or to Abraham as the father of the
faithful, to overshadow our part in God's covenant with
Noah as the ancestor of the existing human race.
§ 10. Noah soon gave proof that his new race Avas still a
fallen one, by yielding to a degrading vice. Intoxication
was doubtless practiced by the profligate race who " ate
and drank " before the Flood ; but it would seem to have
been a new thing with Noah. He began his new life as a
husbandman; and living in a land (Armenia) which is still
most favorable for the vine, he planted a vineyard, made him-
self drunk in his tent, and suffered the degrading conse-
quences which always, in some shape or other, attend the
quenching of reason in wine, by a shameful exposure of him-
self in the presence of his sons.^^ And now they began to
show those differences of chai'acter, Avhich have severed
even the families chosen by God in every age. Ham told
his father's shame to Shem and Japheth, who hastened to
conceal it even from their own eyes."" On coming to him-
self, Noah vented his feelings in Avords which are unquestion-
ably prophetic of the destinies of the three races that de-
scended from his sons. For in the primitive state of society,
the government was strictly patriarchal. The patriarch—
that is, the head of the race for the time being — had over his
children and theirs the full power of the later M7ig ; he was
l\\Q\v priest ; and thus we have seen Noah offering sacrifices ;
and, among those who preserved the true religion, he was a
propihet also."' With such authority, then, did Noah pro-
'"Gen. ix. 8.11.
^' See Heb. vi. 13, 10-18.
'^Gen.ix. 12-17. ^' Gen. ix. 20,21.
c
o<?
^^ Gen. ix. 22, 2
^^ On the patriarrhal tjorern^mnt, nili
the conclusion of Book. JI.
50 Koalis Sons. ■ Chap. IV.
iiounce on his unclutiful son the curse that, in the person of
one of his own children, he should be a slave to his brother •
" Cursed be Canaan [the youngest son of Ham] :
A slave of slaves shall he be to his brethren ;"
while to Shem and Japheth he gave the resi^ective blessings
already symbolized by their names, Sheni (the name^ chosen
above all others) and Japheth {enlargement) — to the former
that Jehovah should be his God in some special sense ; to
the latter, that he should be " enlarged " with worldly pow-
er, and should ultimately share the blessings of the family of
Shem :
"Blessed be Jehovah, God of Shem,
And let Canaan be their slave I
May God enlarge Japheth,
And let him dwell in the tents of Shem,
And let Canaan be their slave I"
Thus early in the world's history was the lesson taught
practically, which the law afterward expressly enunciated,
that God visits the sins of the fathers upon the cJiildren.
The subsequent history of Canaan shows, in the clearest man-
ner possible, the fulfillment of the curse. When Israel took
possession of his land, he became the slave of Shem : when
Tyre fell before the arms of Alexander, and Carthage suc-
cumbed to her Roman conquerors, he became the slave of
Japheth : and we also hear the echo of Noah's curse in Han-
nibal's Agnosco fortunam Carthaginis^ when the head of
Hasdrubal his brother was thrown contemptuously into the
Punic lines.
The blessing on Shem was fulfilled in that history of the
chosen race which forms the especial subject of the Old Testa-
ment. The blessing on Japheth, the ancestor of the great
European nations, is illustrated by every age of their an-
nals, and especially by religious history. All this will be
more clearly seen Avhen the divisions of the three races are
understood.
§ 11. >[oah lived for 350 years after the Flood, and died
at the age of 950, just halfway, according to the common
chronology, between the Creation and the Christian era."
He survived the fifth and eighth of his descendants, 7^e/e<7 and
Meu; he was for 128 years contemporary w^ith Terah., the
father of Abraham ; and died only two years before the birth
of Abraham himself (a.m. 2006, b.c. 1998). Looking back<
*2 Gen. ix. 28, 29-
Chap. IV.
Notes and Illustrations.
51
ward, we find that he was born only 126 years after the
death of Adam, and fourteen years after that of Seth. He
Avas contemporary with Mios for 84 years, and with the re-
maining six antediluvian patriarchs (except Enoch) for cen-
turies. We give these computations not as a matter of curi-
osity, but to show by how few steps, and yet by how many
contemporary teachers, the traditions of primeval Iiistory
may have been handed down — from Adam to ISToah, and from
Noah to Abraham, and, we might add, from Abraham to
Moses. (See the Tables of the Patriarchs, pp. 57, G5.)
NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS.
(A.) NOAH'S ARK.
The precise meaning of the He-
brew word ((ebd/i), translated ark, is
uncertain. The word occurs only in
Gen. vi.-viii. and in Ex. ii. 3. In
all probability it is to the old Egyp-
tian that we are to look for its origi-
nal form. Bunsen, in his vocabulary,
gives tba, "a chest," tj)t, "a boat,"
and in the Copt. Vers, of Exod. ii, 3,
5, thebi is the rendering of tebdh.
This "chest," or " boat," was to be
made of gopiier (i.e., cypress) wood,
a kind of timber which, both for its
liphtness and its durability, was em-
ployed by the Phoenicians for build-
ing their vessels. The planks of the
ark, after being put together, were to
be protected by a coating of pitch,
or rather bitumen, which was to be
laid on both inside and outside, as
the most effectual means of making
it water-tight, and perhaps also as a
protection against the attacks of ma-
rine animals. The ark was to con-
sist of a number of '* nests " or small
compartments, with a view no doubt
to the convenient distribution of the
different animals and their food.
These were to be arranged in three
tiers, one above another ; " with
lower, second, and third (stories)
shalt thou make it." Means were
also to be provided for letting light
into the ark. In the A.V. we read,
"A window shalt thou make to the
ark, and in a cubit shalt thou finish
it above" — words, which it must be
confessed convey no very intelligible
idea. The original, however, is ob-
scure, and lias been differently inter-
pi-eted. What tlie "window" or
"light-hole" was, is very puzzling.
It was to be at the top of the ark ap-
parently. If the words " unto a cu-
bit shalt thou finish it above,'' refer
to the window and not to the ark it-
self, they seem to imply that this
aperture or skylight extended to the
breadth of a cubit the whole length
of the roof. But if so, it could not
have been merely an open slit, for that
would have admitted the rain. Are
we, then, to suppose that some trans-
parent, or at least translucent, sub-
stance was employed? It would al-
most seem so. A different word is
used in chap. viii. 6, where it is said
that Noah opened the window of thi
52
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. IV.
ark. There the word is challon, which
frequently occurs elsewhere in the
same sense. Supposing, then, the
tsoKar to be, as we have said, a sky- j
light, or series of skylights running
the whole length of the ark, the chal-
lun might very well be a single com-
partment of the larger window which
could be opened at will. But besides
the window there was to be a door.
This was to be placed in the side of
the ark. Of the shape of the ark
nothing is said ; but its dimensions
are given. It was to be 300 cubits
in length, 50 in breadth, and 30 in
height. Taking 21 inches for the
cubit, the ark would be 525 feet in
length, 87 feet 6 inches in breadth,
and 52 feet 6 inches in height. This
is very considerably larger than the
largest British njan-of-war. It should
be remembered that this huge struct-
ure was only intended to float on the
water, and was not in the proper
sense of the word a ship. It had
neither mast, sail, nor rudder ; it was
in fact nothing but an enormous float-
ing house, or oblong box rather.
Two objects only were aimed at in
its construction : the one that it
should have ample stowage, and the
other that it should be able to keep
steady upon the water.
(B.) TRADITIONS OF THE
DELUGE.
The traditions which come near-
est to the biblical account are those
of the nations of Western Asia.
Foremost among these is the Chal-
daean. It is preserved in a fragment
of Berosus, and is as follows: "In
the time of Xisuthrus happened a
great Deluge, the Iiistory of which is
thus described. The Deity Kronog
appeared to him in a vision, and
warned him there would be a flood
by which mankind would be destroy-
ed. He therefore enjoined him to
build a vessel, and to take with him
into it his friends and relations : and
to put on board food and drink, to-
gether w^ith different animals, birds,
and quadrupeds ; and as soon as he
had made all arrangements, to com-
mit himself to the deep. . . . Where-
upon, not being disobedient (to the
heavenly vision), he built a vessel
five stadia in length, and two in
breadth. Into this he put every
thing which he had prepared, and
embarked in it with his wife, his
children, and his personal friends.
After the flood had been upon the
earth and was in time abated, Xisu-
thrus sent out some birds from the
vessel, which not finding any food,
nor any place where they could rest,
returned thither. After an interval
of some days, Xisuthrus sent out the
birds a second time, and now they
returned to the ship with mud on their
feet. A third time he repeated the
experiment, and then they returned
no more: whence Xisuthrus judged
that the earth was visible above the
waters ; and accordingly he made an
opening in the vessel (?), and seeing
that it was stranded upon the site of
a certain mountain, he quitted it,
with his wife and daughter and the
pilot. Having then paid his adora-
tion to the^earth, and having built
an altar and offered sacrifices to the
gods, he, together with those who
had left the vessel with him, disap-
peared." Other notices of a flood
may be found (a) in the Phoenician
mythology, where the victory of Pon-
tus (the sea) over Demarous (tlic
earth) is mentioned: {b) in the Sib-
ylline Oracles, partly borrowed, no
doubt, from the biblical narrative,
and partly perhaps from some Baby-
1 Ionian story. To these must be add-
ed (e) the Phrygian story of King An-
nakos or Nannakos (Enoch), in Icc~
[ nium, who reached an age of more
! tlLan .300 years, foretold the Flood.
Chap. IV
Notes and Illudrations.
63
and wept and prayed for his people,
seeing the destruction that was coming
upon them. Very curious, as show-
ing what deep root this tradition must
have taken in the country, is the fact
that so late as the time of Septimius
Scverus, a medal was struck at Apa-
mea, on which the Flood is" com-
Coia of Apamea, in riuygia, representing
the Deluga.
raemorated. This medal represents
a kind of square vessel floating in the
water. Through an opening in it
are seen two persons, a man and a
woman. Upon the top of this chest
or ark is perclied a bird, while anoth-
er flies toward it carrying a branch
between its feet. Before the vessel
are represented the same pair as hav-
ing just quitted it, and got upon the
dry land. Singularly enough, too
on some specimens of this medal the
letters NS2, or N£2E, have been found
on the vessel, as in the annexed cut.
As belonging to this cycle of tradition
must be reckoned also (1) the Syrian,
related by Lucian, and connected
with a huge chasm in the earth near
Hierapolis, into which the waters of
the Flood are supposed to have drain-
ed : and (2), the Armenian, quoted
by Josephus, from Nicolaus Dainas-
cenus, who flourished about the age
of Augustus. He says: "There is
above Minyas in the land of Arme-
nia, a great mountain, which is call-
ed Bar is [i. e., a ship], to which it is
said that many persons fled at the
time of the Deluge, and so were
saved ; and that one in particular was
carried thither upon an ark, and was
landed upon its summit; and that
the remains of the vessel's planks and
timbers were long preserved upon the
mountain."
A second cycle of traditions is that
of Eastern Asia. To this belong the
Persian, Chinese, and Indian. The
Persian is mixed up with its cosmog-
ony, and hence loses any thing like
an historical aspect. The Chinese
story is, in many respects, singularly
like the biblical. Fah-he, the repu-
ted author of Chinese civilization,
is said to have escaped from the wa-
ters of the Deluge. He reappears as
the first man at the production of a
renovated world, attended by seven
companions — his wife, his three sons,
and three daughters, by whose inter-
marriage the whole circle of the uni-
verse is finally completed. The In-
dian tradition appears in various
forms. Of these, the one which most
remarkably agrees with the biblical
account is that contained in the Ma-
habharata. We are there told that
Brahma announces to Manu the ap-
proach of the Deluge, and bids him
build a ship and put in it all kinds of
seeds, together with the seven Rishis,
or holy beings. The Flood begins
and covers the whole earth. Brahma
himself appears in the form of a horn-
ed fish, and the vessel being made
fast to him, he draws it for many
years, and finally lands on the loftiest
summit of Mount Himarat {i.e., the
Himalaya). Then, by the command
of God, the ship is made fast, and in
memory of the event the mountain is
called Naubandhana (i. e., ship-bind-
ing). By the favor of Brahma,
Manu, after the Flood, creates the
new race of mankind, which are
hence termed Manudsha, i.e., born
of Manu.
64
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. IV
The account of the Flood in the
Koran is drawn, apparently, partly
from biblical and partly from Persian
sources. In the main, no doubt, it
follows the narrative in Genesis, but
dwells at length on the testimony of
Noah to the unbelieving. A nother pe-
culiarity of this version is, that Noah
calls in vain to one of his sons to en-
ter into the ark ; he refuses in the
hope of escaping to a mountain, and
is drowned before his father's eyes.
A third Cycle of traditions is to be
fuund among the American nations.
These, as might be expected, show
occasionally some marks of resem-
blance to the Asiatic legends. "The
Noah, Xisuthrus or Manu, of the
Mexican nations," says A. von Hum-
boldt, *'is termed Coxcox, Teo-Ci-
pactli, or Tezpi. He saved himself
with his wife Xochiquetzatl in a bark,
or, according to other traditions, on
a raft. The painting represents
Coxcox in tlie midst of the water
waiting for a bark. The mountain,
the summit of which rises above the
waters, is the peak of Colhuacan, the
Ararat of the Mexicans. At the foot
of the mountain are the heads of
Coxcox and his wife.*' A peculiar-
ity of many of these American In-
dian traditions must be noted, and
that is, that the Flood, according to
them, usually took place in the time
of the First Man, who, together with
his family, escape.
One more cycle of traditions must
be mentioned — that, namely, of the
Hellenic race. Hellas had two ver-
sions of a flood, one associated with
Ogyges, and the other, in a far more
elaborate form, with Deucalion,
which is fiimiliar to us from the well-
knovrn story of Ovid.
(C.) ARARAT.
We are told that the ark "rested
upon the mountains of Ararat"
(Gen. viii. 4), meaning the moun-
tains of Armenia, for Ararat in bib-
lical geography (2 K. xix. 37 ; Jer.
li. 27) is not the name of a moun-
tain, but of a district — the central
region, to which the name of Araratia
is assigned by the native geographer
Moses of Chorene. This being the
case, -we are not called upon to decide
a point which the sacred writer him-
self leaves undecided, namely, the
particular mountain on which the
ark rested. But nothing is more
natural than that the scene of the
event should in due course of time
be transferred to the loftiest of the
mountains of Armenia, and that the
name of Ararat should be specially
affixed to that one : accordingly all
the associations connected with the
ark now centre in the magnificent
mountain which the native Armeni-
ans name Macis, and the Turks
Aghn-Tdgh. This is the culminat-
ing point of the central range of Ar-
menia, the Abus of the ancients. It
rises majestically out of the valley of
the Araxes to an elevation of 17,260
feet above the level of the sea, and
about 14,350 above the valley, and
terminates in a double conical peak,
the lower or Lesser Ararat being
about 400 feet below the other. The
mountain is very steep, as implied
in the Turkish name, and the sum-
mit is covered with eternal snow.
Until recently it was believed to
be inaccessible, but the summit was
gained by Parrot in 1829, and the
ascenc has been effected since big
time.
Temple of Bii-s-Nimrad at Borsippa. (See p. 64.)
CHAPTER Y.
THE PAETITIOX OF THE NATIONS. PKOM THE DELUGE TO THE
BIRTH OF ABRAHAM. A.M. 1656-2008. B.C. 2348-1996.
§ 1. The pcoplinf; of the earth. § 2. Tripartite division of the nations from
a, centre in Armenia. § 3. Interpretation of the record in Genesis x,
§ 4. The three great families — i. Of Japheth — ii. Of Shcm — iii. Of
Ham. § 5. The city and tower of Babel. § G. The confusion of
tongues and dispersion from Babel. § 7. Nimrod's empire. § 8. The
Post-diluvian patriarchs.
§ 1. The history of Xoah's children divides itself into two
branches ; the general peopling of the earth by the descend-
ants of his three sons, and the particular line of the chosen
family. The former subject is briefly dismissed, but with
notices full of interest ;^ and the latter is pursued down to
Abraham, on whose migration to Canaan we again come in
' Gen. X.
56 The PariUion of the Xations. Ciiap. V.
contact with the other races of men. The mterval is a pe«
riod, in round numbers, of 400 years. ^
§ 2. Two facts are prominent in the outline of the popula-
tion of the world, which is given in Ge7iesis x.: — the tripartite
division of the nations into the descendants of Japheth, Shem,
and Ham ; and the original centre of all these races in the
mountains of Armenia, where Noah came forth from the ark.
That the record is meant to include all the peoples of the
known world, is clear from the concluding words : " These
are the families of the sons of Noah, after their generations,
in their nations^ and by these icere the nations divided in the
earth after the ilood."^ Now if we turn to the results of eth-
nological science, remembering that the science itself is quite
recent, we must be struck with the points of agreement.
First, as to tlie locality. The highlands of Armenia are
admirably adapted to be the central spot whence the streams
of population should pour forth on all sides of the world.
They are equidistant from the Caspian and Euxine seas in
the N., and from the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf in
the S. Around those seas the earliest settlements of civilized
man were made, and they became the high roads of commerce
and colonization. Armenia had communication with them
by means of the rivers which rise in its central district, the
Euphrates opening the path to Syria and the Mediterranean
in one direction, as well as to the Persian Gulf in the other ;
the Tigris leading down to Assyria and Susiana ; the Araxes
and Cyrus descending to the Caspian, the latter also furnish-
ing ready access to the Euxine by the commercial route
which connected its valley with that of the Phasis. The re-
searches of science point to that region as the primitive seat
of these races. Physiologists are now generally agreed on
the common origin of the human race, and they find its no-
blest type in the regions south of the Caucasus. Again, the
Fafest guide to the affinities of nations is found in the com-
parative study of their languages : and two great families
of these have been clearly established, with a general corre-
spondence to the races of Japheth andof Shem, while the lit-
tle that is known of the original languages of Palestine,
Egypt, Ethiopia, and Libya, is consistent with their forming
a third, family, corresponding to the race of Ham.*
§ 3. The identification of the names mentioned in Genesis x.
^ To Abraham's birth rather less, I * This whole subject, however, is
to his call rather more, than 400 still under discussion ; and perhaps
years. the original Noachic Language should
^ Gen. X. 32. I be sought for more carefully.
Chap. V.
The Partition of the Nations.
67
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•sc s «
•■SSSS a3;5-r2 g^S^-g
o S > ^ e ^ Ji g ^ £ .^
S'SJ'^
<(»j3 <w S
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li
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%
'H 3
58 Names Mentioned in Genesis. Chap. Vc
is attended witli considerable difficulties. First, there is a
question respecting the extent of the world over which these
nations must be looked for : but as the account is one of the
first peopling of the earth after the Flood," the space to which
it refers must be comparatively small ; and it belongs to
later history to trace the further diifusion of the nations.
Again, some names, Avhich would be well known in their na-
tive or classical forms, seem unfamiliar to us in the Hebrew.
The same names, too, appear among diiferent races, as W7.11 be
Been by comparing the Hamite and Shemite peoples of Ara-
bia (see the Table, columns 3 and 7) Avith each other and with
the descendants of Abraham by Keturah {the Ketura'lte
Arabs). ^ Such cases are satisfactorily explained by assuming
that, when a people of one race settled in a country previous-
ly occupied by another, either expelling or subduing or coa-
lescing with the former inhabitants, the new race are called
by the already established geographical name of the older,
just as the English received the name of Britons, and the
mixed races of the three European peninsulas are called
Spaniards, Italians, and Greeks.
The chief stumbling-block, however, is found in the mix-
ture of individual with national names. Kow this is really
of little consequence, since, with a few exceptions, as that of
Nimrod,^ the purpose is clearly to exhibit the affinities of na-
tions. The record is ethnographical rather than genealogical.
This is clear from the p>lural forms of some of the names (for
example, all the descendants oiMizraim)^ and from the ethnic
form of others, as those of the children of Canaan., nearly all
of which are simply geographical. The genealogical form is
preserved in the first generation after the sons of JSToah, and is
then virtually abandoned for a mere list of the nations descend-
ed from each of these progenitors. But in the line of the j^atri-
archs from Shem to Abraham the genealogical form is strictly
preserved, since the object is to trace ^personal descent.
On the other hand, the identification is greatly aided, first,
by the geographical explanations given in the record itself;"
next, by the well-knoAvn names occurring among the less
known ; while on these latter much light is thrown by sub-
sequent allusions in the prophetical as well as the historical
books of the Old Testament.
§ 4. The annexed map exhibits a probable view of the
leading peoples. The three great races extend over three
to 'learly parallel zones inclining from north-west to south-east;
years.
«Gcn. ^^x. 32. * Gen. XXV. ' Gen. x. 8, 9. ' Gen. x. 5, 10-12, 19, 3Q
B.C. 2318-1996. Ti'ie Three Great Families.
59
but they Avere also intermingled in a way which the map
could not conveniently represent.
Map of the Distribution of the Iliimau Race, according to tlie 10th chap, of Genesis.
i. The territories of Japheth lie chiefly on the coasts of'
the Mediterranean, in Europe and Asia Minor, " the isles of
the Gentiles ;"" but they also reach across Armenia and along
the north-eastern edge of the Tigris and Euphrates valley,
over Media and Persia. The race spread westward and
northward over Europe, and at the other end as far as Indi%.
Gen. X. 5.
60
Tlie Partition of the Nations.
Chap. V.
embracing the great Indo-European family of languages.
This Avide diffusion was prophetically indicated by the very
name, Japheth'" {enlarged)., and by the blessing of his father
Noah.'^ In Greek mythology the Titan Japetus is the pro-
genitor of the human race, and Milton has not scrupled to
call his son Prometheus " Japhet's wiser son." Among his
children Javaii is, in its old Hebrew form, the same word as
the Greek Ion; and of his progeny, Tarshish is probably
identified with the people of Southern Spain, Madai proba-
bly represents the Medes^ and Gomer the Cimmerians/^
ii. The race of Shem occupied the south-western corner of
Asia, including the peninsula of Arabia. Of his five sons,
Arphaxad is the progenitor both of the Hebrews and of the
Arabs and other kindred tribes, Avhose origin is recorded in
the Book of Genesis. North of them were the children of
Aram (which signifies high), in the highlands of Syria and
Mesopotamia. Asshur evidently represents Assyria ; and the
eastern and western extremities were occupied by the Avell-
known nations of the Elyma^ans (children of Mam) on the
south-eastern margin of the valley of the Tigris, and the
Lydians (children oi Liid) in Asia Minor.
iii. The race of Ham (the swarthy, according to the most
probable etymology) presents very difiicult but interesting
problems. Their chief seat was in Africa, but they are also
found mingled with the Semitic races on the shores of Ara-
bia, and on the Tigris and Euphrates, while on the north
they extended into Palestine (the land of the Philistines)^
Asia Minor, and the larger islands, as Crete and Cyprus. In
Africa, Mizraim is most certainly identified with Egypt ;
Cash with Ethiopia, above Egypt ; and Phut probably with
the inland peoples to the west. Among the sons of Mizraim,
the Luhim correspond to Libj^a ; and those of Cush repre-
sent tribes which crossed the Red Sea and spread along the
southern and eastern shores of Arabia, up the Persian Gulf
and the valley of the Tigris and Euphrates.
§ 5. The dispersion of these nations to their several abodes
only began a considerable time after the Deluge. It was in
the days of Peleg, the fifth from ^NToah, that the earth was di-
vided: ^^ Men never leave their abodes in masses excejjt un-
" Gesenius and others derive the
name from the i-oot to he fair, in al-
lusion to tlie light complexion of the
Japhetic races.
" Gen. ix. 27.
" For the further discussion of each
name, see the several articles in the
Jjictionaiv/ of the Bible.
" Gen. X. 25. This may refer only
to the division of the race of Eber into
Hebrews, sons of Peleg, and Arabs,
sons of Joktan.
B.C. 2348-1996. City and Tower of Bahet 6\
der the pressure of necessity or compulsion ; and that pressure
was supplied by the interposition of God to defeat a daring
scheme, by which men aimed to make themselves independ-
ent of Him. ^' The whole earth Avas as yet of one language
and of one speech," when " as they journeyed eastward they
found a plain in the land of Shinar, and they dwelt there.'"*
That Shinar means Babylonia, admits of no doubt ; but who
were the people that journeyed eastward to it ? Were they
one of the three races of Noah's sons, and if so, which ? Or
was it a migration of the great body of Noah's offspring from
the rugged highlands of Armenia, in search of a better soil
and climate? The latter seems the more probable, though
there is a difficulty about bringing the Japhetic race into this
region. They discovered the art of making brick from the
argillaceous soil, and cementing it with the mineral bitumen
or asphalt. Soon that idea sprung up in their minds, which
has been the dream of man in every age — an universal em-
pire, with a mighty city for its capital. In the blindness of
their pride, they fancied that, when thus banded together,
they might defy God himself and defeat His wise design of
dispersing them over the earth. "Come," said they, "let us
build us a city^ and a citadel with its top (reaching) to heav-
en ;^^ and let us make us a name, lest we be scattered abroad
upon the face of the whole earth."^^ God saw the danger of
their scheme, and willed that no such power should be ever
established. The attempt has since been made thrice on that
very spot by Nebuchadnezzar, Cyrus, and Alexander. It has
been repeated in the empire of the Romans, and in its at-
tempted revival by Charlemagne and Napoleon ; but in each
case God has come down to confound the scheme : —
' Heroes and kings, obey the charm,
Witlidraw the proud, higli-reaching arm ;
There is an oath on high,
That ne'er on brow of mortal birth
Shall blend again the crowns of earth,
Nor in according ciy.
' Her many voices mingled own
One tyrant lord, one idol throne :
But to His triumph soon
He shall descend, who rules abovet
And the pure language i^ of his love
All tongues of men shall tune."^!*
§ 6. The means by which the design was defeated was a
" Confusion of speech " among the builders,, caused by the
" Gen. xi. 1, 2.
'-^ It is almost incredible that this
hyperbolic description of the height
of the citadel should have suggested
the ludicrous idea of a tower of refuge
(ignoring the cz7_y), which would out-
top a flood deep enough to drown
Ararat, and stand firm amid such an
inundation on the alluvial soil of
Babylonia ! The Babel builders, fools
as they were in their estimate of God's
power, were not so childish as this
would imply.
^«Gen.xi.4. "Zeph.iii.9.
^** Keble, Christian Year, Monday in
Whitsun week.
62
Nim rocVs Evqdre.
ClIAP. V
direct power of God, " that they might not iinJerstand one
another's speech.'"' This confusion of speech has generally
been itself confounded Avith the origin of the different lan-
guages of men. The Scripture narrative simply says that
the confusion was such as to make them leave off working
together, and that then "Jehovah scattered them abroad
from thence upon the face of all the earth : and they left off
to build the city."^° We are not told in wiiat the confusion
consisted, nor what elements the different peoples carried
away w^ith them in their dispersion. Certainly it seems to
be implied that some of the most striking differences which
mark the various families of languages Avere then suddenly
caused by God's immediate act, and that the builders sepa-
rated because they could no longer understand each other ;
but it does not follow that languages were then formed as
they exist now, and the comparative grammarian may trace
up the beautiful laAvs wdiich sIioav the very opposite of con-
fusion^ without fearing to contradict the true sense of the
Scripture narrative.
From the confusion {Bahel) of tongues, the city received
the name of Isabel, and is renowned under the Greek form of
JBabylon. It is supposed that the tower was afterward com-
pleted. Similar edifices Avere used in other cities of the re-
gion as citadels, temples, and observatories, and the ruins at
Borsippa, called Birs-Nhnr'iXd, (Nimrod's mound), may be
taken as a type of such structures.^'
§ 7. The early importance of Babylonia and Assyria is tes-
tified by the notice of their capitals, and in the account of
the division of the nations, Mmrod, the son of Cush, founded
the first great military despotism on record. The " mighty
hunter "^^ made men his game ; for the phrase, in its connec-
tion, seems a great symbol of violence and rapine. His
capital Avas Babylon, but he founded also three other cities
in the plain of Shinar, namely, Erech, Accad, and Calneh."
Thence he extended his empire nortliAvard along the course
of the Tigris over Assyria,^* where he founded a second group
of capitals, Nineveh,' Rehoboth, Calah, and Resen." The
" Gen. xi. 7. '" Gen. xi. 7-9.
^^ See 'Notes and Illustrations.
^^ Gen. X. 9.
"^ Gen. X. 10; Erecli may be iden-
tified with Wnrka, situated near the
left bank of the Euphrates, about
eighty miles S.E. of Babylon ; Accad,
with the remains at Akker-kuJ] near
Barjhdad ; Calneh with the classical
Ctesiphon.
^^ Gen. X. 1 1. This passage should
probably be read as in the margin of
our version — " He (Nimrod) went
out into Assyria."
-^ The identification of these places
is not yet satisfactorily settled. The
B.C. 2318-1906.
Nimrod^s Empire.
63
Assyrians were Shemites; and accordingly we see here the
race of Ham subduing that of Shera, but only for a time, for
the history of these monarchies fulfilled the prophecy of
Noah, that Ham should be subject to both his brothers. Still
more strikingly was this true of the posterity of Canaan
(the youngest son of Ham), Avho settled in Palestine and be-
came the great enemies of the chosen race.
Our present information does not permit us to identify
Nimrod with any personage known to us either from inscrip-
tions or from classical writers. Ninus and Belus are rep-
resentative titles rather than personal names, and are but
equivalent terms for " the lord," who was regarded as the
founder of the empires of Kineveh and Babylon. We haVe
no reason on this account to doubt the personal existence of
Nimrod, for the events with which he is connected fall within
the shadows of a remote antiquity. His name still survives
in tradition, and to him the modern Arabs ascribe all the
^reat works of ancient times, such as the Birs-NimrHd near
Babylon, Tel Nimntd near Baghdad, the dam of ^uhr el
Nimrad across the Tigris below 3Iosul, and the well-known
mound of Nimrvid in the same neighborhood.
§ 8. From this general account of the origin of the nations,
the sacred narrative turns to the genealogy of the Post-dilu-
vian Patfiarchs, in ten generations from Shem to Abraham.
The synchronical table on page 65 shows the relative du-
ration of their lives ; and it is continued to the birth of Moses,
to show the synchronisms more clearly. The only remaining
point requiring notice is the decrease in the duration of life
after Eber, the common head of the Hebrew and Arab races.
mounds opposite Mosul, named Ko-
yunjik, and Nebhi Yunus, no doubt
represent Nineveh, or a portion of it.
If Calah be identified with Kalah-
Shergat, as the name suggests, then
Niinrud would naturally represent the
" great " city of Resen, which, accord-
ing to the Bible, was between Calah
and Nineveh. Kehoboth or Rehoboth
Ir can not be fixed at any place : tlic
name describes the "broad, open
streets " of an Oriental town.
64
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. V.
NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS.
THE TOWER OF BABEL.
When the Jews were carried cap-
tive into Babylonia, they were struck
with the vast magnitude and peculiar
character of certain of the Babylonian
temples, in one or other of which they
thought to recognize the very tower
itself. The predominant opinion was
in favor of the great temple of Nebo
at Borsippa, the modern Birs-Nimrud,
rdthough the distance of that place
from Babylon is an insuperable diffi-
culty in tte way of the identification.
There are in reality no real grounds
either for identifying the tower with
the Temple of'Belus, or for supposing
that any remains of it long survived
the check Avhich the builders received
(Gen. xi. 8). But the Birs-Nimrud,
tliough it can not be the tower of Ba-
bel itself, may well be taken to show
the probable shape and character of
the edifice. This building appears to
have been a sort of oblique pyramid,
built in seven receding stages. " Upon
a platform of crude brick, raised a
few feet above the level of the allu-
vial plain, was built of burnt brick the
first or basement stage — an exact
square, 272 feet each way, and 26
feet in perpendicular height. Upon
this stage was erected a second, 230
feet each way, and likewise 26 feet
high ; which, however, was not placed
exactly in the middle of the first, but
considerately nearer to the south-west-
ern end, which constituted the back
of the building. The other stages
were arranged similarly — the third
being 188 feet, and again 26 feet
high ; the fourth 146 feet square, and
15 feet high ; the fifth 104 feet square,
and the same height as the fourth ;
the sixth 62 feet square, and again
the same height ; and the seventh 20
feet square, and once more the same
height. On the seventh stage there
was probably placed the ark or taber-
nacle, w^hich seems to have been again
15 feet high, and must have nearly,
if not entirely, covered the top of the
seventh story. The en'tire original
height, allowing three feet for the
platform, would thus have been 156
feet, or, without the platform, 153
feet. The whole formed a sort of
oblique pyramid, the gentler slope
facing the N.E. and the steeper in-
clining to the S.W. On the N.E.
side was the grand entrance, and here
stood the vestibule, a separate build-
ing, the debris from which, having
joined those from the temple itself, fill
up the intermediate space, and very
remarkably prolong the mound in
this direction" (Rawlinson's Herodo-
tus, vol. i. pp. 582-3). The Birs tem-
ple, which was called the "Temple
of the Seven Spheres," was ornament-
ed with the planetary colors, but this
was most likely a peculiarity.
Chap. V.
Post-Diluvian Patriarchs.
Go
o ■*
s-s-
i^
i-l-
l-H (M
2 ,-1 t-
»b — 0-1
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Ihe Dead S^a. "\i3w fioiii I in Juhj, luokirij; fcoiiti
BOOK IL
FROM THE BIRTH OF ABRAHAIM TO THE DEATH OF JO-
SEPH, OR THE PROBATION OF THE CHOSEN FAMILY.
A.M. 2008-2369, B.C. 1990-1635.
CHAPTER VI.
HISTORY AXD CALL OF ABEAM TO HIS 99Tn YEAR, AND THE
CHANGE OF HIS NAME. A.M. 2008-2369. B.C. 1996-1635.
§ 1. God's choice of n fiitiiily. § 2. Genealogy of Terali — Birth of Abram.
§ 8. First call of Abram at Ur — Removal to Haran — Death of Te-
rah. § 4. Abram's second call — His journey to Canaan and abode at
Sichem. § 5. His removal to Bethel — Retreat to Ejrypt, and return to
Bethel. § 6. His separation from Lot, and abode at Mamrc, near He-
bron— Tiie third giving of the promise. § 7. The War of Sodom —
Abram's rescue of Lot — Melchizedek. § 8. The promise of a son —
The faith of Abraham — The Covenant made with him — Promise re-
B.C. 1996-1898. GocPs Choice of a Family.
67
specting his descendants and their land. § 9. Hagar the Egyptian—
Birtli of Ishmael. § 10. Completion of the promise — The names of
Abram and Sarai changed — Covenant of Circumcision — The birth of
Isaac foretold.
§ 1. Ix that course of God's dealing with man which is
traced in the sacred narrative, a new step was taken by the
choice of a family from which the promised seed of the wom-
an was to spring, and which should meanwhile preserve the
knowledge and worship of the true God. Jehovah, in the
revelation of himself to man, retires, so to speak, from the
Avhole compass of the race of Noah into the inner circle of
the family of Abraham. It was a step required by the state
of the world, which had relapsed into idolatry and profane-
ness before the death of N^oah. This is clear from the story
of the building of Babel, and it is implied in the subsequent
history. Joshua expressly says that the family of Terah
were idolaters.^ We can not, however, regard the rabbinical
stories of Abraham's early contests with idolatry as more
than curious and amusing.
§ 2. The patriarch whom God made the head of his cto-
sen family Avas born only two years after the death of Noah
(B.C. 1996) :—
*'Uno avulso non deficit alter."
His father was Terah, the ninth of the patriarchs from
Siiem and the nineteenth from Adam (inclusive). His gene-
alogy, which the subsequent history requires to be most clear'
ly understood, is exhibited in the annexed table (page 68).
It is the more important to include the whole family of Te-
rah in our view, as the call of God came to Abram Avhile he
Avas still living in the house of his father, to w^hose whole
family, therefore, the call may be considered as in some sense
addressed, and by all of Avhom it Avas in some degree obeyed.
In the list of the post-diluvian patriarchs it is stated that
Terah, at the age of 70 (b.c. 2056), begat three sons, Abram,
Nahor, and Haran.^ This is the order of dignity, as subse-
quently determined ; but there can be little doubt that Ha-
ran Avas the eldest of the three, since both Nahor and Abram
married his daughters ; and Abram seems to have been the
youngest, since he Avas born sixty years after the date just
given ; for he was seventy-five years old when his father died
in Haran at the age of 205.'' His name AB-RAM (father of
^ Josh. xxiv. 2.
' Gen. xi. 26.
^ That is, if we assume the numbers
of the Hebrew text to bo correct
(Gen. xi. 32, compared with Gen.
xii. 4).
68
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History and Call of Ahram.
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B.C. 1^.23. A!>ram in the Land of Promise.
■m
Jevationy i yther), was prophetic of his calling to
? the ance «t*'i ^^ =^ ^"'-6 chosen for an exalted destiny ; but
was aftei warci" changed into the more significant name of
i.i3-RAHA\M (father of a multitude, see § 10).
§ 3. '^emh had already lost his eldest son, Haran, whose
son ^OT became his heir, when God called Abram to depart
in'tto a land that he would show him.* This first call came
to him while the family still dwelt in the very ancient city
of " Ur of the Chaldees." This is expressly stated by St.
Stephen,^ whose speech before the Sanhedrim is of the high-
est authority, were it only for his profound scriptural learn-
ing. ° Their original abode at Ur has been identified by the
most ancient traditions with the city of Orfah, in the high-
lands of Mesopotamia (Aram), which unite the table-land of
Armenia to the valley of the Euphrates (Padan-Aram). In
later ages it was called Edessa, and was celebrated as the
capital of Abgarus or Acbarus, avIio was said to have received
the letter and portrait of our Saviour. '^ Quitting Ur, the
chosen family migrated southward, and took up their resi-
dence at Haran, more properly called in the New Testament
Charran, east of the Euphrates, " the flood " which divided
the old home of the family from the new land of promise.*
The name is still preserved in the village of Haran, Avhich
stands on the river Belilk, a small affluent of the Euphrates.'
* Gen. xii. 1. ^ Acts vii. 2.
" See Acts vi. 10. In Gen. xi. the
genealogy of the post-diluvian patri-
archs is brought down to the migra-
tion and death of Terah before enter-
ing on the history of God's call to
Abraham ; but this is explained by
the pluperfect in vcr. 1 of chap. xii.
^ "Two physical features must
have secured Or/ah, from the earliest
times, as a nucleus for the civiliza-
tion of those regions. One is a high-
crested crag, the natural fortifications
of the crested citadel. . . . The other
is an abundant spring, issuing in a
pool of transparent clearness, and
embosomed in a mass of luxuriant
Tcrdure, which, amid the dull brown
desert all around, makes, and must
always have made, this spot an oasis,
A paradise, in the Chaldtean wilder-
ness. Round this sacred pool, 'The
Beautiful Spring Callirrhoe,' as it
was called by the Greek writers,
gather the modern traditions of the
Patriarch." Stanley, ./ezt-i.sA CliurcJi,
part i. p. 7. But in ojiposition to
the most ancient traditions, many
modern writers have fixed the site of
Ur at a very different position, in the
extreme south of Chaldrea, at Mmj-
heir, not A'-ery far above — and proba-
bly in the time of Abraham actually
upon — the head of the Persian Gulf.
Among the ruins which are now seen
at the spot, are the remains of one of
the great temples, of a model similar
to that of Babel, dedicated to the
Moon, to whom the city was sacred.
Rawlinson's Fii^e Great Monarcluex
of the Ancient Eastern World, vol. i.
chap. i. and viii.
' Gen. xi. 31 ; Acts vii. 4. The
non-expression of the Hebrew gut-
tural in our Aversion causes a false re-
semblance between the Patriarch
Haran (A soft) and the place Haran
{h guttural).
^ The place is celebrated among
the Romans, under the name of
'70 History and Call of Abram, G^riAP. VI
Here Terah died after a residence of some years, '(as is clear
from Gen. xii. 5) ; and liere, charmed probably by the fertil-
ity of the country, and claiming the rio;ht of a'iirst choice,
Nahor settled. We shall find his family here I'm the next
two generations, bearing a character suited to tht^ motive
thus suggested.^"
§ 4. Meanwhile, and, as it seems, immediately on his ..fa-
ther's death (b.c. 1921), and probably in consequence of a
repetition of the Divine call, Abram proceeded on his journey
with his wife Sarai and his nephew Lot. The " separation
from his kindred'"^ may refer to Nahor, or even to other
branches of his father's house left behind in Ur ; for Terah
may have had other children besides the three who are
specially mentioned on account of the subsequent relations
of their descendants.
Abram's future abode was described by Jehovah simply
as " a land that I will show thee ;" and so " he went out, not
knowing whither he went." This was the first great proof
of that unwavering faith which added to his two other
names of Father the title of Father o/* the Faith fuV^ He
was now seventy-five years old; and this is the period usu-
ally assigned to the Call of Abraham ; though it was, in
fact, the second step of his career. In tracing these stages,
it is important to observe the special form of j^romise and
blessing of which each was the occasion. T\\q first of these
involves the germ of all the rest, though as yet but vaguely
stated: — "I will make of thee a great nation^ and I vnll
bless thee^ and make tliy name great, and thou shalt be a
blessing [to others] : m\(\. I will bless them that bless thee, and
curse him that curseth thee, and in thee shall cdl families
of the earth be blessed^'^^ The last words already involve
the crowning blessing of the Old Covenant, the Promise
of the Messiah, and that to the Geiitiles, " all families of the
earth.'"^
Abram had now to leave Mesopotamia, and to cross the
" Great River," the Euphrates. This separated him entirely
from his old home, and hence the Canaanites gave to him the
name of the " Hebrew " — the man who had crossed the river
Chanse, as beings near the scene ofl " Gen. xxiv. 10, xxvii. 43: theZTa-
the defent of Crassus. It retained to [ ran of the latter passage is the city of
a late time the worship of the Chal-
dfean deities, while the neighboring
Edessa was the chief seat of Chris-
tianity in these parts. A recent writ-
or places Haran near Damns^cus. See
Notes and Illustrations (A).
Nahor of the former,
"Gen. xii. 1.
^2 Heb. xi. 8; Rom. iv. 11, 12, 16;
Gal. iii. 7, 9. '^ Gen. xii. 2, 3.
"Psalm Ixxii. 17; Acts iii. 25;
Gal. iii. 8.
U>'^''
*^
fM^
\^1
F--
\h^^itiA-
w?i— .
4
4C.& JACOB -'"> \ *> ll
B.C. 1021. Abram in me Land of Promise. 71
— the emigrant from Mesopotamia/' He now passed through
tlie great Syrian desert ; and, though his route is not men-
tioned in the sacred narrative, we may credit the tradition
(see p. 74) that he tarried at Damascus, since Eliezer, " the
steward of his house," was a native of that place. Quittino"
Damascus, Abram crossed the Jordan, and entering the Holy
Land, passed into the valley of Shecheni or Slchem. His
resting-place was marked, like other memorable localities,
by an oak or a grove of oaks (" the oak or oaks of Moreh,"
rather than "the plain of Moreh," as in our version), near
" the place of Sichem," betAveen Mounts Ebal and Gerizim.'"
Here God appeared to him again, and gave him the seco?id
j^romise^ of the possession of the land by his seed; and
here Abram built the first of those altars to Jehovah, which
the patriarchs erected wherever they pitched their tents.
Thus Sichem became his first halting place in the Holy
Land.
§ 5. It is uncertain whether " the place of Sichem " was
yet marked by the city which afterward took its name from
the Amorite Shechem, the contemporary of Jacob. '"^ But it
is distinctly stated that "the Canaanite was then {i.e., al-
ready) in the land," having probably driven out an earlier
population.'^ They would view with no friendly eye the
tents of the patriarch, surrounded by his flocks and herds ;
and Abram seems neither to have had the power nor the in-
clination to resort, like Jacob, to "his sword and his bow."
He removed southward to a place which lay afterward on
the northern border of the kingdom of Judah, on the heights
which skirt the Jordan, betwe^en Bethel (then called Luz)
on the west, and Ai '' on the east, where he built another al-
j^ ^"^ Gen. xiy. 13, "Abram the Hc-iranean on the west and the Jordan
.orew," in LXX. 6 -Kzparrjq. on the east. Its present name Nd~
'"Gen. xii. G. The Hebrew Elonblus is a corruption of "Neapolis,"
seems to signify the oak, and not, as which succeeded the more ancient
some maintain, the terebinth (Pistacla Shechem.
terehinthus). See Dkt. of the Bible, '« Gen. xii. G. For an account of
ixxt.Oak. It is also a question wheth- the Canaanites then in the land, see
Notes and I/lustrations (B).
'^ This is the well-known city whose
fall is related in .Toshua. The form
Hai, in Gen. xii. 8 and xiii. 3, arises
tVom the retention of the definite ar-
ticle by our translators. Bethel is
the place so conspicuous in the histo-
er Moreh is strictly a proper name.
The LXX. has ?) dpvg y v'ij)r]h'/. It
])robably derived its name from some
ancient chieftain, like the oak of
Mamrc.
" The city of Shechem, signifying
"shoulder," "ridge," like (for.sjwi in
Latin, was situated on the saddle or'ry of Jacob, who gave it the name
shoulder of the heights, which divide (the House of Cod. Sea chap. viii.
the waters that flow to the Mediter- I § a).
72 History and Call of Ahram. Chap, vl
tar, and called on the name of Jehovah. This was his secotid
halting-jylace in the Holy Land.
Abram's abode in this mountain region secured him from
the Canaanites, who occupied the more fertile plains below,
but it afforded only scanty pasture for his cattle. He there-
fore went on continually southward, till the pressure of fam-
ine drove him out of the promised land into Egypt." The
great subject of the history of Egypt, in relation to the fam-
ily of Abraham, Avill be noticed afterward."^' It is enough
here to observe that the mighty kingdom of the Pharaohs
had already been long established in Lower Egypt. Li this
crisis the faith of Abram failed. To protect his wife from
the license of a despot, he stooped to that mean form of de-
ceit, wiiich is true in word but false in fact. He caused
Sarai to pass as his sister, a term used in Hebrew, as in many
other languages, for a niece, which she really was. The trick
defeated itself Sarai, as an unmarried woman, was taken to
the harem of the king, who heaped wealth and honors upon
Abram. Warned of his mistake by plagues sent upon him
and his household, the king restored Sarai to her husband,
with a rebuke for his deceit, and sent him out of Egypt with
all the wealth he had acquired, for he Avas now " very rich
in cattle, in silver, and in gold."" Abram travelled back
through the south of Palestine to his old encampment near
Bethel, where he again established the worship of Jehovah.
§ 6. He now began to feel the evils of prosperity. The
land could not support his own cattle and Lot's. Their
herdmen quarelled, and Lot probably put forward his rights
as head of the family. Abram's faith did not fail this time.
Remembering that he was " the heir of better promises," he
gave the choice of present good to Lot. Their encampment
looked westward on the rugged hills of Judsea and eastward
on the fertile plain of the Jordan about Sodom, " well water-
ed everyAvhere, as the garden of the Lord, like the land of
Egypt " he had only lately quitted. Even from that dis-
tance, through the clear air of Palestine, can be distinctly
discovered the long and thick masses of A'egetation Avhich
fringe the numerous streams that descend from the hills
on either side to meet the central stream in its tropical
depths. It Avas exactly the prospect to tempt a man Avho
had no fixed purpose of his OAvn, avIio had not like Abram
obeyed a stern iuAvard call of duty. So Lot left his uncle
on the barren hills of Bethel, and chose all the precinct of the
»• Gen. xii. 0, 10. " See note at the end of Book 11. " Gen. xii. 1 1-xiii. 4 "
B.C. 1921.
The Parting from Lot.
73
Jordan, and journeyed east. Abram received his reward in
a third hlessmg and promise from Jehovah, who bade him
lift up his eyes and scan the whole land on every side, for it
should be the possession of his seed, and they should be ua
numbered as the dust of the earth. Abram now removed
to the oahs of Mamre^^ near Hebkox, in the centre of the
hills of the south, and there built an altar. This was his
third resting-place in the Holy Land, and Mamre became his
usual abode. ^*
§ Y. Lot had^ meanwhile pitched his tent in a memorable
spot. The plain of the lower Jordan was then occupied by
the five " cities of the plain." Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah,
Zeboiim, and Bela (afterward called Zoar), formed a Pentap-
olis^ each with its own king, Sodom being the chief. Their
wickedness was such that Sodom has given its name to a
sin of which " it is a shame even to speak," but w^hich was
committed not " in secret."" Lot's worldliness had not quite
stifled his piety, and " his righteous soul was vexed with
their filthy conversation."
While thus tempted, he became involved in another dan-
ger. The confederacy of the five cities w^as tributary to
a great empire, which had already been established in West-
ern Asia under Chedorlaomer, king of Elam.'' Li the thir-
^^ Named after an Amoiite prince,
with whom, and his brothers Eschol
And Aner, Abram formed a league
(Gen. xiv. 13).
^* Gen. xiii. 5-18. Hebron was
originally called Kirjath-Arba (Gen.
xxiii. 2), that is, "the city of Arba,"
from Arba, the father of Anak, and
progenitor of the giant Anakim (Josh,
xxi. 11, XV. 13, 14.) It is situated
about twenty miles south of Jerusa-
lem, and the same distance north of
Beersheba. It became the burial-
place of Abraham and his family in
the cave of Machpelah (see below, p.
88) ; and from this circumstance it
is revered by the Mohammedans,
who call the city El-KhaUl, "the
Friend," i. e., of God, the name which
they give to Abraham,
^^ Gen. xiii. 13, xviii. 20, xix. 5 ;
Dent, xxiii. 17: Rom. i. 27 ; 2 Pet.
ii. 7, 8.
^^ Elam^ the EJymais of the Greeks,
was properly the mountainous region
on the eastern margin of the plain of
Chaldoea ; but in a wider sense it in-
cluded Susiana. This region, with
the plains below, was early occupied
by a Cushite race, from which Chal-
dsea seems to have received a dynasty
of conquerors. Chedorlaomer, if not
the first, was one of the earliest kings
of this Elamitic dynasty. His name
has not yet been discovered with any
certainty on the Chaldtean monu-
ments. Sir Henry Rawlinson inter-
prets it as Kudurlagamer (the Serv-
ant of Lagamer, a Susianian deity),
wiiich closely resembles the form in
the LXX. Chodollogomor. Chedor-
laomer and his three allies are sup-
posed to represent the four races which
lived together under the Chaldsean
Empire — "the nations," of which Ti-
dal was king, being the old Scythie
or Turanian population ; "Amraphel,
king of Shinar," the head of the So
mitic nation, settled of old at Babylon,
and now subject to Chaldisa; "Ari-
och, king of Ellasar," or Laisa, the
leader of an Arvan tribe ; while Che-
74: Hisiori/ and Call of Ahram. Chap. VL
teenth year of their subjection they revolted, and Chedorlao-
mer marched against them with three allied kings.^^ After
conquering the nations to the east and south, the four kings
invaded the territories of the five, and joined battle Avith
them in the vale of Siddim, which Avas full of pits of bitu-
men. Among these the forces of the cities were entangled
and defeated ; the kings of Sodom and Gomorrah fell ; and
the rest fled to the mountains, while Sodom and Gomorrah
were spoiled, and Lot and his goods were carried ofl?** The
news was brought to Abram, who, with his Amorite allies,
and 318 men of his own household, sallied forth fromMamre,
and overtook the victors at the sources of the Jordan, where
Laish (Dan) afterward stood. Dividing his band, he fell
upon them by night, disordered no doubt after their success,
pursued their routed forces to Hobah, north (the " left hand ")
of Damascus,^^ and rescued Lot, witli all the spoil, but re-
fused to accept any part of it from the ncAv king of Sodom,
who came out to meet him at Shaveh, or the King's Dale.
The return of this expedition was marked by one of the
most memorable prophetic incidents in Abram's career.
Melchizedek, king of Salem, the priest of the " Most High
God," also came to meet him, bringing bread and wine, and
blessed him in the name of the Most High God, and Abram
gave him tithes of all the spoil. ^^ There is something sur-
prising and mysterious in the first appearance of 3Ielchizedek,
and in the subsequent references to him. Bearing a title
which Jews in after ages would recognize as designating
their own sovereign, bearing gifts which recall to Christians
the Lord's Supper, this Canaanite crosses for a moment the
path of Abram, and is unhesitatingly recognized as a person
of higher spiritual rank than the friend of God. Disappear-
dorlaomer liimself belonged to the
dominant Cushite race (liawlinson,
Five Great Monarchies, vol. i. p. 203).
^^ Gen.xiv. 1-5. ^'^ Gen. xiv. 5-12.
the Mohammedan?, and called after
the name of tlie patriarch, Masjad
Ibraliim, "the prayer-place of Abra-
ham." The tradition attached to it
"^^ Gen. xiv. 13-16. Josephusmen-Js that here Abraham offered thanks
tions a tradition concerning Abraham j to God after the total discomfiture of
which he takes from Nicolaus of Da- [ the Eastern kings. Behind the icelij
mascus : — "Abraliam reigned at Da- ' is a cleft in the rock, in which another
mascus, being a foreigner And tradition rejjresents the patriarch as
his name is still famous in the coun- taking refuge on one occasion from the
try; and there is shown a village giant Nimrod. It is remarkable tliat
called from him The Habitation of
Abraham" {Ant. i. 7, §2). It is re-
markable that in the village of /:^h?x€/<,
the word Hobah signifies " a hiding-
place." The Jews of Damascus af-
firm that the^'illage of .lobar, not far
three miles north of Damascus, there ^ from Bnrzeh, is the Hobah of Scrip-
is a iveJy held in high veneration bviture ^"Gen.xiv. 18-20.
B.C. 1921. Abram yet Childless. 75
ing as suddenly as he came in, he is lost to the sacred writ-
ings for a thousand years ; and then a few emj^hatic words
for another moment bring him into sioht as a type of the
coming Lord of David. Once more, alter another thousand
years, the Hebrew Christians are taught to see in him a proof
that it was the consistent purpose of God to abolish the Levit-
ical priesthood. His person, his office, his relation to Christ,
and the seat of his sovereignty, have given rise to innumera-
ble discussions, which even now can scarcely be considered
as settled.
That Melchizedek was both a king and priest, is quite in
accordance Avith the patriarchal state of society; but his
priesthood seems to have a dignity above that of the ordinary
liead of a lamily. That he was " the priest of the Most High
God," implies a relic of the true w^orship outside of the chosen
famil}^, such as we find long after in the story of the prophet
Balaam.
The extraordinary reverence paid to him by Abram, and
apparently by the king of Sodom, completes all our positive
knowledge respecting his person and office. Tradition and
fancy have found in him Shem or some other patriarch ; an
angel; and even a personification of the Son of God, a view
which is a gross confusion of type and antitype.''
This event completes the first period of Abraham's life, in
which the temj)oral blessing of his race was clearly revealed.
§ 8. The second 2)eriodo])Q\\^ with 2i fourth visit of Jehovah's
word to Abram, to assure him of His blessingr and protection.
His laith had begun again to waver. With unbounded
promises of the number and blessedness of his offspring, he
Avas yet childless ; with vast Avealth, he had no heir but his
steward and slave, Eliezer of Damascus. And now God
vouchsafed to him a plainer and more solemn revelation,
^' The '- order of Melchizedek," in
Ps. ex. 4, is explained by some to
mean •■' manner " — likeness in official
dignity— a king and priest. The re-
lation between Melchizedek and Christ
as type and antitype is made in the
Epistle to tlie Hebrews to consist in
the following particulars. Each Avas
a priest (1), not of the Levitical tribe ;
(2), superior to Abraham ; (3), whose
beginning and end are unknown ; (4),
who is not only a priest, but also a
human ingenuity has added others,
which, however, stand in need of the
evidence of either an ins])ired writer
or an eye-witness, before they can be
received as facts and applied to es-
tablish any doctrine. Some Jewish
writers have held the opinion that
Melchizedek was the Avriter, and
Abram the subject of Ts. ex. On the
very difficult question of the locality
of Snlem, the city of Melchizedek,
and Shareh, where the king of Sodom,
king of righteousness {melchi-zedek) and apparently Melchizedek also, met
and peace (sakm). To these points Abram, see Notes and lUustralions
of agreement, noted by the Apostle, ' (C).
76 History and Call of Ahrard, Chap. VT.
which was made the more emphatic by the threefold form of
^promise, a sif/?i,and a covenant The 2^ro7nise w us that his
own son should be his heir. The sign was given by a view
of the clear sky of an Eastern night, studded with stars, which
Jehovah bade Abram to count, if he would tell the number
of his posterity. And then " Abram believed Jehovah ;
AND IT WAS counted TO HIM FOR RIGHTEOUSNESS."^^ This
was the crisis of his religious life, and of that of his spiritual
children. With the moral submission of the will, which is
the essence of faith, he trusted God for v:hat icc(s beyond the
scope of his reason.^^ The test of his faith was as simple as
that of Adam's obedience ; the belief of God's word that he
would have a son after the natural limit of age ; but the princi-
ple was the same as in faith's highest flights. *' He stagger-
ed not at the promise of God through unbelief, but Avas strong
in faith, giving glory to God, and being fully persuaded that
what He had promised He Avas able also to perform. And
therefore it was imputed to him for righteousness."^*
This promise was ratified by a new Covenant, in Avhich
Abram stood to God in the relation of the Father of the Faith-
ful, just as Noah, in the covenant made with him, stood
for all his race.'" The forms with which this new covenant
was made are minutely related ; and they seem to agree with
the customs then observed in covenants between man and
man.
Those forms are alluded to in the phrase, " Jehovah cut a
covenant with Abram."^^ A victim (or more) was slain in
sacrifice, and equally divided, and the parts being placed
over against each other, the contracting parties passed down
between them. The ceremony clearly signified the equality
of the contract, its religious character, and the penalty due
to its violation. Each part of the ceremony was observed in
this case ; where God's presence was indicated by the fire
that passed between the pieces of the victims sacrificed, and
Abram had already passed between them.^^
The promise was as specific as it was solemn. It included —
i. The bondage of the Hebrews in a strange land for 400
years.'"
32 Gen. XV. l-G.
33 These remarks apply both to this
promise and its repetition (see § 10).
^ Rom. iv. 20, 21 ; Heb. xi. 1 1, 12.
^ It may be observed that in both
cases a sUjn also was given, the rain-
bow to Noah, the stars to Abram.
=" Gen. XV. 18.
" Gen. XV. 17; comp. Heb. ix. 16,
17: "Where there is a covenant, the
death of the covenant victim must
needs be carried out ; for a covenant
is confirmed over dead [victims "J.
3® Gen. XV. 13. The chronological
question liere involved is discussed in
the History of the Exodus, ch. xi.
B.C. 1921. fExpress Promise of a Son. 77
ii. Their delivery, with great wealth, and amid judgments
on their oppressors.''^
iii. Their return to the promised land in the fourth gener-
ation, when the iniquity of its inhabitants should be full."
The boundaries of their possessions in that land were strict-
ly defined, " from the river of Egypt" unto the great river,
the river Euphrates," to which the kingdom of "David and
Solomon actually reached." The definition is still more
clearly made by the enumeration of the Canaanitish tribes
that occupied the land."
At a later period, when the covenant was renewed, the sign
o^ circumcision was added to it.**
§ 9. To wait patiently for the fulfillment of the promise, in
spite of natural obstacles, was too much, if not for the faith
of Abram, at least for that of Sarai. Being herself barren,
she gave Abram her handmaid Hagar, an Egyptian, for his
concubine ; and Hagar bore him a son." But, before the
child was born, the insolence of Hagar provoked the jealousy
of Sarai, whose ill-treatment of her handmaiden drove her to
flee into the wilderness of Kadesh, south-east of Abram's
abode. "^ Here the " angel of the Lord " appeared to hei*, and,
while bidding her to return and submit to her mistress, he
encouraged her by the promise of a numerous offspring. In
memory of God's hearing her cry of distress. He bade her
name the coming child Ishmael {that is, God shall hear), and
he foretold his character and destiny in words which to this
day describe the Bedouin Arabs who are descended from
him: — "He will be a wild man; his hand will be against
every man, and every man's hand against him : and he shall
dwell m the face of all his brethren,^^ that is, to the east of the
kindred tribes sprung from Abraham."^
On this occasion we have the first of those distinctive
names which were given to Jehovah in remembrance of spe-
cial divine interpositions. Hagar said, ''Thou God seestme,^^
''Gen.xv. U. "^ Gen. x v. 17.
""^ This is either the brook J'Jl-Arish,
which divides Egypt from Palestine,
or it may mean the eastern margin
of the Nile Valley. The Nile itself
can not be a boundary, fin* its valley
forms the unique land of Egypt.
'=Gen. XV. 18. "^ Gen. xV. 19-21.
** Gen. xvii, 1. See § 10.
^' Gen. xvi. 1-3.
*' Gen. xvi. 4-6. The question of
the locality of Kadesh will arise
again, in connection with the Wan-
derings in the Wilderness. See chap,
xiii.
*'' The Hebrews and Arabs named
the cardinal points from the position
of the body when the face was turned
to the east ; the back, therefore, de-
noted the 2cest, the i'i(j/d hand the
south, and the Ipft hand the north.
Thus the Mediterranean was called
the hinder sea, and to the present day
Syria is Esh-sham, the left hand ; and
North-western Arabia El- Yemen, th«
right hand.
78
Hlstorij and Call of AhraJiam.
Chap. VI.
and she named the well by which she liad ^vit Beer-lahai-roi^
that is, The Well of him that Uveth and seeth me.^^
§ 10. The birth of Ishmael took place when Abrani was
eighty-six years old (b.c. 1910) ;" but he had to wait fourteen
years still for the true fulfillment of the promise of an heir.
The event was preceded by new revelations. In Abram's
ninety-ninth year (b.c. 1898), Jehovah, appearing to him by
the name of El-Shaddai {God Alniir/hti/), reneM'ed the cove-
nant with him in the new character oi' Father of many JVa-
tions,'''' in sign thereof he changed his name from AB-RAM
{exalted father) to AB-UARA^l {father of a midtitude).'' The
promise Avas now repeated to Abraham, more clearly than
ever, on hehalf of his posterity : — " I will be a God unto thee,
and to thy seed after thee.""^ As a sign of this inclusion of
children in the covenant, God enjoined tlie rite oi circumcision^
which became lienceforth the condition of the covenant on
the part of those with whom God made it."^ The uncircum-
cised was cut oif from all its benefits, " he hath broken my
covenant," wliile the stranger who received circumcision was
admitted to them ;^^ and the head of the family was com-
manded to extend the rite to every male in his household,
servants as well as children. ^^ It was to be jjerformed on
children the eighth day after birth, and on slaves when they
were purchased ; and all the family of Abraham were at once
thus brought within the covenant.
The dignity of Sarai, as the mother of the promised seed,
was marked by the change of her name to Saeaii {iwincess) ^"^
and it was declared that she should " become nations ; and
kings of the people should be of her."'^ Her son was to be
named Isaac {laughter)^ from the utterance of liis father's
feelings on the announcement." With him and his seed the
covenant was to be continued in the new character of an
" everlasting covenant," tlius marking the distinction between
its eternal and temporal blessings. The latter blessings were
assured to Ishmael, in answer to Abraham's earnest prayer;
"^Gcn. xvi. 7-14.
"'Gcii. xvi. If), IG.
*" Gen. xvii. 1-5. '•" Gen.xvii.7, 8.
" Gen. xvii. 9-U.
^^ The precise position of circum-
cised proselytes will be explained aft-
erward.
'^ Gen. xvii. 12, 13.
** The meaninj:; of the name Sami
is uncertain. St. Jerome's explana-
tion is, that the change was from
Snra-i, vnj princess, as a plirase of
courtesy, to Sarah, princess, absolute-
ly. ' ^"^ Gen„-:vii. IG.
'•''' Gen. xvii. 17. Ilosenmiiller has
observed from the meaning of the
root, that this was not merely the
laugh of joy, but of hysterical emo-
tion. It is not to be confounded
with Sarah's laugh of incredulity
(xviii. 12), to which, however, the
name may also allude ; for the mean-
CUAP. VI.
Notes and Illustrations.
n
but the covenant was " established with Isaac." He is em-
phatically called the child of the j)romise and Ishmaei the
child of the flesh by the Apostle Paul, who carries out the con-
trast in a very remarkable passage.^"
Ishmael's share in the temproal promise was confirmed by
liis circumcision f^ and the rite is still observed by the Arabs
and other Semitic races. It was also practiced by the an-
cient EgyjDtians, who affirmed that " the Syrians in Palestine "
had learned it from them. They used it for physical reasons
only, and it is consistent with God's manner of symbolic
teaching that a rite already existing should have been adopt-
ed in a new religious sense ; but we must not hastily accept
the statement that it was thus borrowed.""
ing of divinely chosen words is very
pregnant.
^^Gen.xvii. 18,21; Gal. iv. 21, 31.
^^ Gen. xix. 25.
^" Herod, ii. 104. See the Diction^
ai'y of the Bible, s.v.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
(A.) HARAN.
The ingenious theory, maintained
by Dr. Beke in various communica-
tions to the Athencettn,* that Haran is
to be identified with a small village,
which still bears tlie name, about four
hours' journey E. of Damascus, seems
irreconcilable with its position in
Mesopotamia ; for tlie attempt to
make the Abana and Pharpar the
*' two rivers " of Aram- Naharaim, and
so to explain that country, for the oc-
casion, as the territory of Damascus,
can hardly be considered successful.
It is, however, a very interesting fact,
that Damascus was already a city in
the time of Abraham, who probably
visited it in his journey, as Eliezer,
the "steward of his house," was a
* Nov. 23, 1861; Feb. 1, ir>, March 1, 20,
May 24, 1802. For tlie letters of Sir 1 1. Raw-
linson and others, in favor of the Mesopota-
mian Haran, see the ••' Atlienaeum," Nov. .'0,
Dee. 7, 1861 ; March 22, April C, 19, May 2 !,
18o2. ' ' -
native of that place (Gen. xv. 2). It
has been adduced as an argument for
Dr. Beke's view th at Josephus does not
mention Haran, though he says much
of the residence of Abraliam at Da-
mascus. The strongest point, how-
ever, is the seven days' journey of
Laban from Haran to Gilead, a time
suitable to Damascus, but too short
for the 350 miles from the Euphrates.
This would naturally seem decisive to
a traveller, going over the ground him-
self; but biblical critics have learned
by this time with what caution argu-
ments from numbers should be re-
ceived, especially against a preponder-
ance of other evidence. The identity
of the name, and the features of the
localities, tell equally in favor of both
sites.
(B.) THE CANAANITES.
The Canaanites, who inhabited the
Holy Land when Abraham entered
it, were the descendants of Canaan,
80
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. VI.
the fourth son of Ham (Gen. x. 6, '
15-19). The word Canaanite, which
properly signifies low, was used in a ,
broader and a narrow sense, signi- ^
fying (1), the people who inhabited
the whole country ; (2), a tribe which !
inhabited a particular locality of it. :
In its broader meaning seven nations
are usually indicated. |
1. The Canaanites, tiie loidanders, \
inliabited the plain on the lower Jor-
dan and that on the sea-shore (Gen.
X. 18, 20 ; Num. xiii. 29 ; Josh. xi. 3).
These plains were the richest and
most imjiortant parts of the country, i
and ib is not unlikely that this was
one of the reasons for the name of ;
" Canaanite " being applied as a gen- 1
eral name to the inhabitants of the
land. i
2. Tiie Pkrizzites seem, next to'
the Canaanites, to have been the most '
important tribe, as "the Canaanite i
and the Perizzite " are frequently i
mentioned together, to the exclusion ^
of the other tribes, as the inhabitants
of the land (Gen. xiii. 7, xxxiv. 30 ;
Judg. i. 4, 5). In Judg. i. 4, 5, they
are placed in the southern part of the
Holy Land, and in Josh. xvi. 15-18,
they occupy, with the Kcphaim, or
giants, the "forest country" in the
western flanks of Mount Carmel.
3. The HiTTiTES, or children of
Heth, a small tribe at Hebron, of j
whom Abraham purchased the Cave
of Machpelah (Genesis xxiii. 7-18).
They arc represented as a peaceful
])eople, and thus Abraham, though hci
chose his allies in war from thei
Amorites, goes to the Hittites for his;
grave.
4. The Amorites, mountaineers, a
warlike tribe, occupied first the barrier
heights west of the Dead Sea, at the
place which afterward bore the name
of En-gcdi, stretching westward toward
Hebron (Gen. xiv. 13; comp. xiii. 18).
They afterward crossed the Jordan,
and inhabited the rich tract, bounded
by the Jabbok on the noith, the Ar^
non on the south, Jordan on the west,
and "the wilderness" on the east
(Judg. xi. 21, 22). This was, per-
haps in the most special sense, the
"land of the Amorites" (Num. xxi.
31 ; Josh. xii. 2, 3, xiii. 9 ; Judg. xi.
21, 22); but their possessions are dis-
tinctly stated to have extended to the
very feet of Hermon (Dent. iii. 8, iv.
48), embracing "all Gilead and all
Bashan " (iii. 10), with the Jordan val-
ley on the east of the river (iv. 49),
and forming together the land of the
"two kings of the Amorites," Sihon
and Og (Deut. xxxi. 4; Josh. ii. 10,
ix. 10, xxiv. 12).
5. The HiviTES are first mention-
ed at the time of Jacob's return to
the Holy Land, where they occupied
Shechem (Gen. xxxiv. 2). At the
time of the conquest by Joshua ihey
were living on the northern confines
of Western Palestine — "under Her-
mon, in the land of Mizpeh" (Josh,
xi. 3) — "in Mount Lebanon, from
Mount Baal-Hermon to the entering
in of Hamath" (Judg. iii. 3).
6. The Jebusites, a mountain
tribe, inhabiting Jebus (Jerusalem),
where they continued to dwell with
the children of Judah and Benjamin
to a late date (Num. xiii. 29; Josh,
xi. 3, XV. 8, G3; Judg. i. 21, xix. 11).
7. The GiRGA SUITES, whose position
is quite uncertain (Gen. x. 16, xv. 21 ;
Josh. iii. 10, xxiv. 1 1).
(C.) SALEM AND SHAVEH.
A fruitful source of discussion has
been found in the site of Salem and
Shaveh, which certainly lay in Abram's
road from Hobali to the plain of
Mamre, and which are assumed to
be near to each other. The various
theories may be briefly enumerated
as follows: — (1), Salem is supposed
to have occupied in Abraham's time
the ground on which afterward Je-
Chap. VI.
Notes and Illustrations.
81
bus and then Jerusalem stood ; and
Shaveh to ba the valley east of Jeru-
salem, through which the Kidron
flows. This opinion is supported by
the facts that Jerusalem is called Sa-
lem in Psalm Ixxvi. 2, and that
Josephus {Ant. i. 10, § 2) and the
Targums distinctly assert their identi-
ty : that the king's dale (2 Sam. xviii.
18), identified in Gen. xiv. 17 with
Shaveh, is placed by Josephus {Ant.
vii. 10, § 3), and by medieval and
modern tradition in the immediate
neighborhood of Jerusalem ; that the
name of a later king of Jerusalem,
Adonizedek (Josh. x. 1), sounds like
that of a legitimate successor of Mel-
chizedek : and that Jewish writers
claim Zedck = righteousness, as a
name of Jerusalem. (2) Jerome denies
that Salem is Jerusalem, and asserts
D2
that it is identical with a town near
Scythopolis or Bethshan, which in his
time retained the name of Salem,
and in which some extensive ruins
were shown as the remains of Mel-
chizedek's palace. He supports this
view by quoting Gen. xiv. 18, where,
however, the translation is question-
able ; compare the mention of Salem
in Judith iv. 4, and in John iii. 23.
(3), Stanley {S. ^- P. 237, 8) is of
opmion that there is every probability
that Mount Gerizim is the place where
Melchizedek, the priest of the Most
High, met Abram. (4), Ewald denies
positively that it is Jerusalem, and s.ays
that it must be north of Jerusalem
on the other side of Jordan. There,
too. Dean Stanley thinks that the
king's dale was situate, near the spot
where Absalom fell.
ilosqne at Hebron.
CHAPTER VII.
ABRAHAM AND ISAAC.
JfAME TO HIS DEATH.
FKOM THE CHAXGE OF ABRAHAM S
A.M. 2107-2182. B.C. 1897-1822.
§ I. New relation of Abraham to God — Divine vi^it to liim at JMamre.
§ 2. Destruction of tlie cities of the plain— Kesciic of Lot — Moab and
Ammon. § 3. Abraliam at Beersheba — His relations with Abinielcch.
§ 4. Birtli of Isaac— Expulsion of Hafxar and Ishmaol. § 5. Offerinj^
of Isaac on the mountain of Moriah. § 6. Death of Sarah — Tiie burv-
ing-place of Machpclah. § 7. Marriage of Isaac and Rehekah. § 8.
Birth of Esau and Jacob. § 0. Deatli and burial of Abraham— Death
of Ishmael. § 10. Traditions respecting Abraham.
§ 1. Abraham, from the time wlien by this new name he
received the full divine revehation and covenant, is presented
to us in a higher character than before. The more open and
familiar intercourse which he enjoys with Jcliovah marks
him as peculiarly " the friend of God." Of this we liave an
B.C. 1897.
Abrahcans Pleading for Sodom.
8B
example in Genesis xviii. As Abraham sat at his tent door,
under the oak of Mamre, he became aware of the presence of
"three mt?/?,"^ for such they seemed to him; and the same
language is continually employed for the appearances of ce-
lestial beings in human form.^
Afterward the chief speaker is denoted, first by the mere
pronoun, which is often used when God is meant,^ and then
by the name of Jehoa^ah. Doubtless he was the "Angel
Jehovah," the " Word of God," through whom God spake to
the fathers, and who, when dwelling upon earth in the act-
ual incarnation which such apj^earances prefigured, declared,
" Your father Abraham rejoiced to see my day : and he saw
it, and was glad."* It is simplest to regard the other two
as attendant angels ; and it appears, from the sequel, that
while the chief of the three (Jehovah himself) remained be-
hind in converse with Abraham, and then "went his way"
to execute judgment upon Sodom,^ the other two were sent
forward to rescue Lot.
Abraham oifered to the " three men " that hospitality which
is commemorated in the apostolic precept : — " Be not forget-
ful to entertain strangers, for thereby some have entertained
angels unawares."^ He soon learnt the dignity of his visit-
ors, w^hen they inquired after Sarah, and rebuked her in-
creduMty by repeating the promise that she should bear Abra-
ham a son, and fixing the time for its fulfillment. They then
departed, with their faces toward Sodom ; and as Abraham
brought them on the way, he was favored — in consideration
of his character as the head of the chosen family, to whom
he was to teach God's righteous ways — with a revelation of
the judgment coming upon Sodom and Gomorrah for their
sins. Thus was the truth revealed to the believing children
of Abraham in every age, that God does execute "judgment
upon sinners, even in this life. But the patriarch's faith
grasped at another truth, the privilege of intercession for
SLich sinners.
Then follows that wondrous pleading, in which he who
was " but dust and ashes," taking on himself to speak Avith
God, obtained the pardon of the guilty cities, if but fifty,
then if forty-five, and so on down to only ten, i-ighteous men
were found in them, and might have prevailed if he had con-
tinued to plead, for the sake of the one really there ; for such
- Gen. xviii. 2. ' See Gen. xviii. 17-23, compared
^ See, for example, Judges xiii. 10, with xix. 1, 24.
11 ; Acts i. 10 ; Rev. xxi. 17. * Heb. xiii. 2; compare Gen. xix.
^ Gen. xviii. 10. " John viji. r>G. 1-3.
84 Abraham and Isaac, Chap. VIL
seems the necessary complement of this great lesson that
"men ought always to j^ray, and not to faint.'"
§ 2. Meanwhile the two angels went on their mission to
Sodom, whose people gaA^e them a reception which filled up
the measure of their sins/ Even the sons-in-law of Lot de-
spised their warning; and Lot himself was reluctantly drag-
ged, with his wife and two daughters, from the devoted city.
Even then, he could not quite tear himself from the scene
where his Avorldly prosperity had been purchased by con-
stant vexation of spirit, and he pleaded that one of the five
cities might be preserved as his abode, because it was but a
little one, whence the city, before named Bela^ was called
Zoar^ that is, little.^ The sun was risen when Lot entered
Zoar, and the people of Sodom and Gomorrah, with the two
smaller cities of Admah and Zeboiim, Avhich shared their
fate,'" had begun another day of wanton revelry,^' when the
Iieavens were overcast, and " Jehovah rained down upon
them brimstone and fire from Jehovah out of heaven; and
he overthrew those cities, and all the plain, and all the inhabit-
ants of the cities, and that which grew upon the ground.'"^
The plain in which the cities stood, liitherto fruitful " as
the garden of Jehovah," became henceforth a scene of per-
fect desolation/^ Our Lord himself, and the apostles Peter
and Jude, have clearly taught the lasting lesson wdiich is
involved in the judgment ; that it is a type of the final de-
struction by fire of a world which will ha^e reached a wicked-
ness like that of Sodom and Gomorrah." A more special
warning to those who, Avhen once separated from an ungodly
world, desire to turn back, is enforced by the fate of Lot's
wife, who when she looked back from behind him, became a
pillar of salt. '^ Lot himself, though saved from Sodom, fell,
like Xoah after the Deluge, into vile intoxication, of which
his own daughter took advantage to indulge the incestuous
passion, from which sprang the races ofJIoab and Ammon.^'^
§ 3. After a long residence at Mamre, Abraham once more
set forth u])on his wanderings, turning toward " the south
country, and dwelled between Kadesh and Shur, and sojoui-n-
' Luke xviii. 1 ; James v. ]G. 1 IG, 1. 40 ; Ezek. xvi. 49, 50 ; Hos.
Gen. xix. 4-11
° Gen. xix. 17-22 ; comp. xiii. 10,
xiv. 2.
*" Gen. xix. 25 ; comp. Gen. xiii.
10, xiv. 2; Dent. xxix. 23.
" Luke xvii. 20.
"Gen. xix. 24, 25; comp. Deut.
xxix. 23; Isaiah xiii. 19; Jer. xx.
xi. 8 ; Amos iv. 11 ; Zeph. ji. 9.
^^ On the destruction of the cities
of the Plain, see Notes and Illustra-
tions (A).
"Luke xvii. 29; 2 Peter ii. G;
Jude 7.
1^ Gen. xix. 2G : Luke xvii. 32.
'^ Gen. xix. 30-38. On Moab and
B.C. 1897.
Birth of Isaac.
85
eel in Gerar." Here he and his descendants dwelt for a long-
time at Beeesheba, at the south-western extremity of the
maritime plain, upon the borders of the desert. This was
Abraham's fourth resting-place in the Holy Land. It con-
tinued till the latest times to be the southern boundary of
the Holy Land, so that from Dan to Beersheba became the
established formula to indicate the whole country. In this
district the Philistines had already begun to form settle-
ments, and a warlike king of this race, whose hereditary
name was Abimelech {Father-King)., reigned in the valley
of Gerar. Here the deceit which Abraham had put upon
Pharaoh, by calling Sarah his sister, was acted again, and
with the like result. The repeated occurrence of such an
event, which will meet us again in the history of Isaac, can
surprise no one acquainted with Oriental manners; but it
would have been indeed surprising if the author of any but
a genuine narrative had exposed himself to a charge so ob-
vious as that which has been founded on its repetition. The
independent truth of each story is confirmed by the natural
touches of variety ; such as, in the case before us, Abimelech's
keen but gentle satire in recommending Sarah to buy a veil
with the thousand pieces of silver which he gave to her hus-
band. We may also observe the traces of the knowledge of
t-he true God among Abimelech and his servants. ^^
A dispute subsequently arose between Abraham and
Abimelech respecting a well in the neighborhood, marking
" the importance which, in the migratory land of the East,
was and is ahvays attached to the possession of Avater."
This dispute led to a treaty between Abraham and Abimelech,
which gave to the well the name of " Beer-sheba," or the
well of the oath^ " because there they sware both of them."
Here also " Abraham planted a grove, and called on the name
of Jehovah, the everlasting God f^ in opposition doubtless to
the deified heroes of the surrounding heathen.'*
§ 4. It was during Abraham's abode at Beersheba that his
hopes were croAvned by the birth of his son Isaac, when he
Ammon, see Notes and Illustrations
(B).
" Gen. XX. : throughout this and
the following chapter, the name of
God is constantly Elohini, not Jeho-
vah.
^« Gen. xxi. 22-23. There are at
present on the spot two principal wells
and five smaller ones. They are
among the first objects encountered
on the entrance into Palestine from the
south, and being highly characteristic
of the life of the Bible, never fail to
call forth the enthusiasm of the trav-
eller. The two principal wells lie just
a hundred yards apart. The larger
of the two, which lies to the east, is
12^ feet diam., and at the time of Dr.
Robinson's visit was 44| feet to the
surface of the water. The other well
86 Abraham and Isaac. Chap. VII.
himself was m hundred years old.''' At the "great feast"
made in celebration of the weaning, " Sarah saw the son of
Hagar the Egyptian, which she had born unto Abraham,
mocking," and urged Abraham to cast out him and his moth-
er. The patriarch, comforted by God's renewed promise
that of Ishmael He would make a nation, sent them both
away, and they departed and wandered in the wilderness of
Beersheba. Here the water being spent in the bottle, Hagar
cast her son under one of the desert shrubs, and Avent away
a little distance, " for she said, Let me not see the death of
the child," and wept. " And God heard the voice of the lad,
and the angel of the Lord called to Hagar out of heaven,"
renewed the promise already thrice given, " I Av^ill make him
a great nation," and " opened her eyes, and she saw a well
of water." Thus miraculously saved from perishing by
thirst, " God was with the lad ; and he grew, and dwelt in
the wilderness ; and became an archer." It is doubtful
Avhether the wanderers halted by the well, or at once con-
tinued their way to " the wilderness of Paran," wdiere he
dwelt, and where " his mother took him a Avife out of the
land of Egypt.""
§ 5. Henceforward the story of Abraham is intertwined
Avith that of Isaac, of Avhom it Avas said, " In Isaac shall thy
seed be called."^' The plan of the sacred narrative passes
over every detail that does not bear upon the history of the
covenant itself, and carries us on to a period Avhen Isaac had
reached the age of intelligence. A tradition preserved by
Josephus makes Isaac tAventy-five years old at the time of
the croAvning trial of Abraham's faith ;^^ and Ave certainly
gather from the Scripture narratiA^e that he Avas an intelli-
gent and Avilling party to the sacrifice of his life at the com-
mand of God. It is impossible to repeat this story, the most
perfect specimen of simple and pathetic narrative, in any oth-
er words than those of the sacred Avriter. "And it came to
pass after these things, that God did tempt Abraham, and
said unto him, Abraham. And he said. Behold, here I am.
And he said. Take noAv thy son, thine only son Isaac, Avhom
thou lovest, and get thee into the land of Moriah ; and offer
is 5 feet diam,, cand was 42 feet to the
water. The curb-stones round the
mouth of both wells are worn into
deep grooves by the action of the
ropes of so many centuries. Round
tlie larger well there are nine, and
round the smaller five large stone
broken, others nearly entire, lying at
a distance of 10 or 12 feet from the
edge of the well.
'' Gen. xxi. 1-7.
'^o Gen. xxi. 9-21.
^'' Gen. xxi. 12 ; comp. Kom. ix. 7,
8; Heb. xi. 18.
troughs — some much worn and | ^' Joseph. Ant. i. 13, § 2
B.C. 1897. The Command to Abraham. 87
him there for a burnt-oiFering upon one of the mountains
which I will tell thee of And Abraham rose up early in
the morning, and saddled his ass, and took two of his young-
men with him, and Isaac his son, and clave the wood for the
burnt-offering, and rose up, and went unto the j^lace of which
God had told him. Then on the third day Abraham lifted
up his eyes, and saw the place afar off. And Abraham said
unto his young men. Abide ye here with the ass ; and I and
the lad will go yonder and worship, and come again to you.
And Abraham took the wood of the burnt-offering, and laid
it upon Isaac his son ; and he took the fire in his hand, and a
knife ; and they went both of them together. And Isaac
spake unto Abraham his father, and said. My father : and he
said. Here am I, my son. And he said. Behold the fire and
the Avood ; but where is the lamb for a burnt-ofiering ? And
Abraham said. My son, God will provide himself a lamb for a
burnt-oftering : so they went both of them together. And
they came to the place which God had told him of; and Abra-
ham built an altar there, and laid the wood in order ; and
bound Isaac his son, and laid him on the altar upon the
wood. And Abraham stretched forth his hand, and took the
knife to slay his son. And the angel of the Lord called unto
him out of heaven, and said, Abraham, Abraham. And he
said, Here am I. And he said. Lay not thine hand upon the lad,
neither do thou any thing unto him : for now I know that
thou fearest God, seeing thou hast not withheld thy son,
thine only son, from me. And Abraham lifted up his eyes,
and looked, and, behold, behind him a ram caught in a thick-
et by his horns : and Abraham went and took the ram, and
offered him up for a burnt-offering in the stead of his son.
And Abraham called the name of that place Jehovah-jireh :
as it is said to this day. In the mount of the Lord it shall be
seen."^'
The 2^rima)y doctrines taught are those of sacrifice and S2ib-
stitution, as the means appointed by God for taking away
sin ; and, as co-ordinate with these, the need of the obedience
of faith, on the part of man, to receive the benefit.'^* A con-
fusion is often made between Isaac and the victim actually
offered. Isaac himself is generally viewed as a type of the
Son of God, oftered for the sins of men ; but Isaac, himself
one of the sinful race for whom atonement was to be made
— Isaac, who did not actually suffer death — was no fit type
of Him who '■' vxts slain, the just for the unjust." But the
" Gen. xxii. 1-14. " ITeb. xi. 17.
88 Death and Burial of Sarah. Chap. VIL
animal, not of the human race, which God provided and
Abraham offered, was, in the whole history of sacrifice, the
recognized type of " the Lamb of God, that taketh away the
sins of the a\ orld." Isaac is the type of humanity/ itself] devo-
ted to death for sin, and submitting to the sentence. Once
more the covenant is renewed in its special blessing to the
descendants of Abraham, and in its full spiritual extension
to all families of the earth, as the reward of his obedience;
and now, for the first time, God confirmed it with an oath.^"
§ 6. The next event recorded in Abraham's life is the death
of Sarah, at the age of 127, at Hebron ; so that Abraham
must have returned from Beersheba to his old home." This
led to an interesting transaction between the patriarch and
the people of the land in which he was a sojourner. God
had " given him none inheritance in the land, no not so
much as to set his foot on."" He had used it to pitch his
tent and feed his flocks on, but not a foot of it was actually
his iwoperty. But now the sanctity of the sepulchre demand-
ed that his burying-place should be his own ; and he makes
a bargain with Ephron the Hittite, in the presence of all the
people of the city, in the course of which he behaves, and is
treated by them, like a generous and mighty prince. Cour-
teously refusing both the use of their sepulchres, and the of-
fer of a place for his own as a gift, he buys for its full value of
four hundred skekels' weight of silver, " current money with
themerchant,"^^ the Cave of 3Iaehpelah {ox \\\q Double Cave),
close to the oak of Mamre, with the field in which it stood.
Here he buried Sarah ; here he was buried by his sons
Isaac and Ishmael ; there they buried Isaac and Rebekah his
wife, Jacob and his wife Leah, and perhaps Joseph.^^ The
sepulchre still exists under the Mosque of Hebron, and was
first permitted to be seen by Europeans since the Crusades,
when it was visited by the Prince of Wales in 1862.^°
§ 7. After the burial of Sarah Abraham appears to have
returned to Beersheba. His last care was for the marriage
^^ Gen. xxii. 15-18 ; Psalm cv. 9 ; ' in the history of tlie world, but it was
Luke i. 73; and especially Heb. vi.
i:i, 14. TliG sacrifice is said to have
taken j)lace upon a mountain in "the
land of Moriah ;" but whether this
was the hill in Jerusalem on which see Stanley's Lectures on the Jewish
tlie Temple afterward stood, or Mount Churcli, part i., App. II. Hebron is
Gerizim, is discussed in iVoies a??ti?//-! Iield by tlie Mussulmans to be the
uncomed.
'^ Gen. XXV. 9, 10, xxxv. 29, xlix.
31, 1. 13.
^" For an account of this visit.
lustrations (C).
2^ Gen. xxiii. 1,2. " Acts vii. 5.
** This is the first mention of money
fourth of the Holy Places, Mecca,
Medina, and Jerusalem being the
other three.
B.C. 1822. Death of Abraham. 89
of his son Isaac to a wife of his own kindred, and not to one
of the daughters of the Canaanites. His oldest servant un-
dertook the journey to Haran, in Mesopotamia, where Nahor,
the brother of Abraham, had settled, and a sign from God
indicated the person he sought in Rebekah, the daughter of
Bethuel, son of Nahor.^' The whole narrative is a vivid
j)icture of pastoral life, and of the simple customs then used
in making a marriage contract, not without characteristic
touches of the tendency to avarice in the family of Bethuel,
and particularly in his son Laban.^^ The scene of Isaac's
meeting with Rebekah seems to exhibit his character as
that of quiet pious contemplation.^^ He was 40 years old
when he married, and his residence was by the well of La-
hai-7'oi, in the extreme south of Palestine.^*
§ 8. It was not till twenty years later that Rebekah, whose
barrenness was removed through the prayers of Isaac, bore
twin sons, Esau {hairy) or Edom (the Bed) and Jacob (the
Siqjplanter), whose future destiny M'as prophetically signi-
fied by the strange incidents which accompanied their birth.
Their struggle in the womb portended the deadly animosity
of the two nations that were to spring from them ; and the
grasp of the younger on the elder's heel betokened that craft
in taking advantage of his brother which answered to his
name. Their physical appearance was as different as their
characters afterward proved : the ruddy and hairy Esau be-
( ame a rough, wild hunter, the smooth Jacob a quiet denizen
of the tent. These differences of character were fostered by
the foolish partiality of their parents, the great curse of all
family life: — "Isaac loved Esau, because he did eat of his
venison : but Rebekah loved Jacob."^''
§ 9. It was after the marriage of Isaac that Abraham
formed a new union with Keturah, by whom he became the
father of the Ketura'lte Arabs. Keturah seems to have been
only a concubine, and her sons were sent away eastward, en-
riched with presents, as Ishmael had been during Abraham's
life, lest the inheritance of Isaac should be disputed. To
him Abraham gave all his great wealth, and died apparently
at Beersheba " in a good old age, an old man, and full of
years," his age being 1 75. His ^ons Isaac and Ishmael met
at his funeral, and buried him in the Cave of Machpelah.'*
Ishmael survived him just 50 years ; and died at the asre
of 137." J J .
^* Gen. xxiv. See the Genealoqy
on p. 68.
^^ Gen. xxiv. 30. ^^ Gen. xxiv. 63.
=•* Gen. XXV. 62, xxvi. 11,20.
^* Gen. XXV. 21-28.
^° Gen. XXV. I -10. '" Gen. xxv. 11
90 Notes and Illustrations. Chap. VII.
§ 1 0. The traditions respecting Abraham, which Josephus
adds to tlie scriptural narrative, are merely such as exalt his
knowledge and wisdom, making him the teacher of monothe-
ism to the Chaldaeans, and of astronomy and mathematics to
the Egyptians. He quotes however Kicolaus of Damascus,^*
as ascribing to him the conquest and government of Damas-
cus on his way to Canaan, and stating that the tradition of
his habitation was still preserved there."'*
The Arab traditions are partly ante-Mohammedan, relating
mainly to the Kaabah (or sacred house) of Mecca, which
Abraham and his son "Ismail" are said to have rebuilt for
the fourth time over the sacred black stone. But in great
measure they are taken from the Koran, which has itself bor-
rowed from the Old Testament, and from the Eabbinical tra-
ditions. Of the latter the most remarkable is the story of
his having destroyed the idols which Terah not only wor-
shiped, but also manufactured, and having been cast by
Nimrod into a fiery furnace, which turned into a pleasant
meadow. But the name of Abraham appears to be common-
ly remembered in tradition through a very large portion of
Asia, and the title " El-Khalil," "the Friend" (of God)," is
that by which he is usually spoken of by the Arabs.
^^ Nicolans was a contemporary and I ^'•' Jos. Ant. i. c. 7, § 2 ; Gen. xv. 2.
favorite of Herod the Great and Au- j ■*" Sec 2Clir. xx. 7; Is. xli. 8; Jam,
gustus. 'ii. 23.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
'A.) THE DESTRUCTION OF that the region in question bore both
THE CITIES OF THE PLAIN, names ; as in the similar expressions
(vs. 7 and 17) — 'En Mishpat, which
It was formerly supposed that the is Kadesh ;' ' Shaveh, which is the
overthrow of Sodom and the other king's dale.' It should, however, be
cities of the Plain was caused by the observed that the word ' emek,' trans-
convulsion which formed the Dead lated ' vale,' is usually employed for
Sea. But, as Dean Stanley ob- a long broad valley, such as in this
serves : — j connection would naturally mean the
" The only expression which seems whole length of the Dead Sea" (Stan-
to imply that the rise of the Dead ley, S. and P. 289, note).
Sea was in historical times, is that But in no other passage of the
contained in Gen. xiv. 3 — 'The vale narrative, nor in any of the later pas-
of Siddim, wliicli is the Salt Sen.' sages in which ihe destruction of tlie
But this pliraso may merely mean cities is referred to in Scripture, is
Chap. VII.
Notes and Illustrations.
91
there the slijijhtest hint tliat the cities itants (Deut. ii. 11). But they them,
were submerged by the h\ke. More- selves were afterward driven' south-
over, the changes which occurred ward by the warlike Amorites, who
when the limestone strata of Syria had crossed the Jordan, and were
were spilt by that vast fissure which ' confined to the country south of the
forms the Jordan valley and the ba-| river Arnon, which formed their
sin of the Salt Lake, must have taken northern boundary (Num. xxi. iij;
place at a time long anterior to the Judg. xi. 18).
period of Abraham. j The territory occupied by Moab at
Sodom and the cities of the Plain the period of its greatest extent, be-
are usually placed at the south end fore the invasion of tlie Amorites,
of the Dead Sea; but Mr. Grove has ^divided itself naturally into three
brought forward good reasons for be- distinct and independent portions,
lieving that they stood at its northern Each of these portions appears to have
end. See Dictionary of the Bible, hcid its name by which it is almost
article Sodom.
(B.) MOABITES AND AMMON-
ITES.
The Moabites were descended from
Moab, the son of Lot's eldest daugh-
ter, and the Ammonites from Ben-
invariably designated. (]), The en-
closed corner or canton south of the
Arnon was the "field of Moab"
(Ruth i. 1 , 2, G, etc.). (2), The more
open rolling country north of the
Arnon, opposite Jericho, and up to
the hills of Gilead, was the "land of
Moab " (Deut. i. 5, xxxiii. 49, etc.).
Ammi, the son of his youngest daugh-i (3), The sunk district in the tropical
ter (Gen. xix. 37, 38). The near re-
lation between the two peoples indica-
ted in the story of their origin contin-
ued througliout their existence (comp.
Judg. X. 6 ; 2 Chr. xx. 1 ; Zeph. ii.
depths of the Jordan valley, taking its
name from that of the groat valley it-
self— the Arabah — was the Arboth-
Moab, the dry regions — in the A. V.
very incorrectly rendered the " plains
8, etc.). Indeed, so close was tlieir of Moab" (Num. xxii. 1, etc.). The
union, and so near their identity, that I Israelites, in entering the promised
each would appear to be occasionally land, did not pass through the Mo-
spoken of under the name of the' abites (IJudg. xi. 18), but conquered
other. I the Amorites, who occupied the coun-
Zoar was the cradle of the race of j try from which the Moabites had
Lot. From this centre the brother- been so lately expelled.
tribes spread themselves. The Am-
monites, whose disposition seems
throughout to have been moi-e roving
and unsettled, went to the north-east.
The Moabites, whose habits were
more settled and peaceful, remained
nearer their original seat.
1. The MoAmxES.
This people originally dwelt on the
eastern side of the Dead Sea, extend-
ing as far north as the mountain of
Gilead, from which countrv thcv ex-
After the conquest of Canaan the
relations of Moab with Israel were of
a mixed character. With the tribe
of Benjamin, whose possessions at
their eastern end were separated from
those of Moab only by the Jordan,
they had at least one severe struggle,
in union with their kindred the Am-
monites (Judg. iii. 1 2-30). The feud
continued with true Oriental perti-
nacity to the time of Saul. Of his
slaughter of the Ammonites we have
full details in 1 Sam. xi., and among
pelled the Endms. tlie original inliab- his other conquests Moab is especial-
92
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. VIL
ly mentioned (I Sam. xi. 47). But
while such were their relations to the
tribe of Benjamin, the story of Ruth,
on the other hand, testifies to the ex-
istence of a friendly intercourse be-
tween Moab and Bethlehem, one of
the towns of Judah. By his descent
from Ruth, David may be said to have
had Moabitc blood in his veins. The
relationship was sufficient to warrant
his visiting the land, and committing
his parents to the protection of the
king of Moab, when hard pressed by
Saul (I Sam. xxii. 3, 4). But here
all friendly relations stop forever. The
next time the name is mentioned is
in the account of David's war, who
made them tributary (2 Sam. viii. 2 ;
1 Chr. xviii. 2). At the disruption
of the kingdom, Moab seems to have
fallen to the northern realm. At the
death of Ahab, eighty years later, the
Moabites threw oif the yoke (1 K. i.
1, iii. 4). They afterward fought
against the united forces of Israel,
Judah, and Edom, but were defeated
with great loss (2 K. iii. ; 2 Chr. xx.
i.). Isaiah (xv. xvi. xxv. 10-12) pre-
dicts the utter annihilation of Moab ;
but it is unnecessary to follow their
history farther.
II. The Ammonites.
Unlike Moab, the precise position
of the territory of the Ammonites is
not ascertainable. In the earliest
mention of them (Dent. ii. 20) they
are said to have destroyed the Reph-
aiin, whom they called the Zamzum-
mim, and to have dwelt in their place,
Jabbok being their border (Num. xxi.
24 ; Deut. ii. 37, iii. IG). '' Land "
or "country " is, however, but rarely
ascribed to them, nor is there any ref-
erence to those habits and circum-
stances of civilization, which so con-
stantly recur in the allusions to Moab
(Is. XV. xvi ; Jer. xlviii.). On the
contrary, we find everywhere traces
of the fierce habits of marauders in
their incursions (I Sam. xi. 2 ; Am.
i. 13), and a very high degree of crafty
cruelty to their foes (Jer. xli. G, 7 ;
Jud. vii. 11, 12). The hatred in which
the Ammonites were held by Israel
is stated to have arisen partly from
their opposition, or, rather, their de-
nial of assistance (Deut. xxiii. 4) to
the Israelites on their approach to
Canaan. But it evidently sprang
i mainly from their share in the afi'air
of Balaam (Deut. xxiii. 4 ; Neh. xiii.
: 1). But whatever its origin, it is cer-
I tain that the animosity continued in
force to the latest date. Subdued bv
I Jephthah (Judg. xi. 33), and scat-
I tered with great slaughter by Saul (I
Sam. xi. 11), they enjoyed under his
successor a short respite, probably the
result of the connection of Moab with
David (1 Sam. xxii. 3) and David's
town, Bethlehem. But this was soon
brought to a close by the shameful
treatment to which their king sub-
jected the friendly messengers of Da.,
vid (2 Sam. x. 1 ;" 1 Chr. xix. 1), and
for which he destroyed their city and
inflicted on them the severest blows
(2 Sam. xii; 1 Chr.xx.).
(C.) PLACE OF ISAAC'S SAC
RIFICE.
This sacrifice took place in " one
of the mountains " in the land of
Moriah (Gen. xxii. 2). What the
name of the mountain was we are not
told ; but it was a conspicuous one,
visible from " afar off" (ver. 4). Nor
does tlie narrative afford any data for
ascertaining its position. A tradition
which first appears in a definite shape
in Josephus, and is now almost nni-
versally accepted, asserts that the
"Mount Moriah" in 2 Chron. iii. 1,
the eminence in Jerusalem on which
Solomon built his temple, was the
very spot of the sacrifice of Isaac.
But the single occurrence of the name
Chap. VII.
Notes and Illustrations.
93
in this one passage of Chronicles is
surely not enough to establish a coin-
cidence, which, if we consider it, is
little short of miraculous. Except in
the case of Salem, and that is by no
means ascertained — the name of
Abraham does not appear once in
connection with Jerusalem or the later
royal or ecclesiastical glories of Isra-
el. Moreover, Jerusalem is incom-
patible with the circumstances of the
narrative of Genesis xxii. To name
only two instances— (]), The Temple
mount can not be spoken of as a con-
spicuous eminence. It is not visible
till the traveller is close upon it at
the southern edge of the valley of Hin-
nom, from whence he looks down upon
it as on a lower eminence. (2), If
Salem was Jerusalem, then the trial
of Abraham's faith, instead of taking
place in the lonely and desolate spot
implied by the narrative, where not
even fire was to be obtained, and
where no help but that of the Al-
mighty was nigh, actually took place
under the very walls of the city of
Melchizedek. But, while there is no
trace, except in the single passage
quoted, of Moriah being attached to
any part of Jerusalem — on the other
hand, in the slightly different form of
MoREH (Gen. xii. 6), it did exist at-
tached to the town and the neighbor-
hood of Shechem, the spot of Abram's
first residence in Palestine. The sac-
rifice probably took place upon the
lofty hill of Gerizim overlooking the
town of Shechem, as the Samaritans
have always asserted.
The town and valley of Xdbhis^ the ancient Shechem, from the south-western flank of
Mount Ebal. The mountain on the left is Gerizira.
CHAPTER YIII.
ISAAC AND JAC033. FROM THE DEATH OF ABRAHAM TO THE
DEATH OF ISAAC. A.M. 2182-2288. B.C. 1822-1716.
§ 1. Isaac at Laliai-roi. Esau sells liis Linliright. § 2. Isaac and Abim-
clcch at Gerar. § 3. The blessings of Jacob and Esan. § 4. Moral
aspect of the transaction, § 5. Jacob's danger from Esau, and fligiit
to Padan-aram. § G. His marriage to Leah and Eachel — His family.
§ 7. His service with Laban — His prosperity and departure — Malia-
iiaim. § 8. His prayer and wrestling atPeniel. § 9. His meeting with
Esau — Abode at Shechem, and rcmoA-al southward, § 10. Death of
Kachcl — Jacob at Mamre — Death and burial of Isaac,
§ 1. After the death of Abraham, Isaac continued to dwell
by the well of Lahai-roi, blessed by God. Here an event oc-
curred, which fixed tlie destinies of his sons. Esau, returning
from hunting in a famished state, saw Jacob preparing some
red pottage of lentils, and quickly asked for " some of that
red, red,"' His impatience was natural, for food is not readily
» Gen. XXV. 30.
B.C. 1805." Esau sells his BlrtkrigJit 95
procured in an Eastern tent, and takes time to prepare. Ja-
cob seized the occasion to obtain Esau's birthright as the
price of the meal ; and Esau consented with a levity which
is marked by the closing words of the narrative — " thus Esau
despised his birthright."^ For this the Apostle calls him " a
2yrofane person, who for one morsel of food sold his birth-
right," and marks him as the pattern of those who sacrifice
eternity for a moment's sensual enjoyment/ The justice
of this judgment appears from considering what the birth-
right was, which he sold at such a price. Esau was, by right
of birth, the head of the family, its prophet, priest, and king ;
and no man can renounce such privileges, except as a sacri-
fice required by God, Avithout " despising " God wdio gave
them. But more than this : he was the head of the chosen
family; on him devolved the blessing of Abraham, that "in
his seed all families of the earth should be blessed ;" and, in
despising his birthright, he put himself out of the sacred fam-
ily, and so became a ^^ profane person." His sin must not be
overlooked in our indignation at the fraud of Jacob, wdiich,
as we shall see presently, brought its ow^n retribution as well
as its ow^n gain.
§ 2, Driven from Lahai-roi by a famine, Isaac was forbid-
den by God to go down to Egypt, and was commanded to
remain in the land. At the same time the promise was re-
newed to him. He betook himself to his father's old resi-
dence at Beersheba; and here he practiced the same deceit
of w^hich his father had been guilty, by giving out that his
wife w^as his sister. The falsehood w^as discovered ; but the
remonstrance of Abimelech (apparently the son of Abraham's
contemporary) was followed by special protection and re-
spect both from king and people. Isaac now made an ad-
vance beyond the pastoral life — " He sowed in that land, and
received in the same year an hundred-fold : and Jehovah
blessed him." His prosperity roused the envy of the Philis-
tines, who had filled up the wells dug by Abraham, as a pre-
^ "Therefore was his name called
Eoo^r, " /. e., Red (Gen. xxv. 30). The
red lentil is still a favorite article of
food in the East ; it is a small kind,
quite a dainty {B\h. Res. i. 24G). Dr.
Kitto also says that he has often par-
taken of red pottage, prepared by
seething the lentils in water, and then
the seeds of which, after being decor- adding a little suet to give them a
ticatecl, are commonly sold in the ba- flavor; and that he found it better
zars of India. Dr. Robinson, who j food than a stranger would imagine;
partook of lentils, says he " found j " the mess," he adds, "hadthered-
them very palatable, and could well ness which gained for it the name of
conceive that to a weary hnnter, \ adom'' (Pkt. Bib., Gen. -kxy. 30, ?'4:),
faint with hunger, they would be! ^ llcb. xii. 16.
96 Isaac and Jacob. Chap. VIII.
caution (it shoukl seem) against his return. At length Abim-
clech desired Isaac to leave his country ; and he retired
along the A^alley of Gerar, digging his father's wells anew,
and restoring their former names. Two Avells so dug were
disputed with him by the herdmen of Abimelech, and at once
yielded by Isaac, who gave the wells the names oiEzek (con-
tention) and Slt7iah {hatred). His peaceful conduct not only
secured him the quiet possession of a third well, which he
named Rehoboth (room), but brought him a visit from Abim-
elech, who made a treaty with Isaac at a ncAvly-discovered
well, which was hence called Sheba/i {the oath)^ and which
gave its name a second time to Beersheba {the vaell of the
oath). There is no reason to consider this as different from
Abraham's Beersheba.
§ 3. This tranquil course of Isaac's life, which ]> resents a
marked contrast to the varied incidents of Abraham's career,
was vexed by the disobedience of Esau, who, at the age of
forty married two Hittite wives, thus introducing heathen
alliances into the chosen flimily.* But a greater family trial
was in store for Isaac. The approach of his hundredth year
and the infirmity of his sight^ warned him to perform the
solemn act by which, as j^rophet as well as father, he was to
hand down the blessing of Abraham to another generation.
Of course he designed for Esau the blessing which, once
given, was the authoritative and irrevocable act of the patri-
archal power; and he desired Esau to prepare a feast of ven-
ison for the occasion. Esau was not likely to confess the
sale of his birthright, nor could Jacob venture openly to
claim the benefit of his trick. Whether Rebekah knew of
that transaction, or whether moved by partiality only, she
came to the aid of her favorite son, and devised the stratagem
by which Jacob obtained his father's blessing. This chapter
gives another example of the matchless power and beauty
of the sacred narrative, in the quiet statement of the facts ;
the preparation of the scheme step by step ; the suspicious
scrutiny of Isaac; the persistent fraud with which Jacob
baffles the passionate appeal made even after the blessing
has been given — "Art thou my very son Esau ?" — the horror
of Isaac and the despair of Esau when his return discovers
the fraud ; the weeping of the strong man, and his passionate'
demand — " Hast thou not reserved a blessing for me ?" Like
Ishmael, he received a temporal blessing, the fatness of the
* Gen. xxvi. 34, 35; sec the pene- 1 ^ We mark here the sliortening of
alogical table and note thereon (page life : this is the first exami)]e of the
68). ' infirmities of old age.
B.C. 1796. Jacob'' s Danger from Esau. 97
earth and the dew of heaven, the warrior's sword, qualified
by subjection to his brother, whose yoke, however, he was
at some time to break. The prophecy was fulfilled in the
prosperity of the Idumgeans, their martial prowess, and their
constant conflicts with the Israelites, by whom they were
subdued under David, over whom they triumphed at the
Babylonian Captivity, and to Avhom they al last gave a kino-
in the person of Herod the Great.® But all this was no com-
pensation for the loss of the higher and spiritual blessinir
which fell to the lot of Jacob, and which involved, in addi-
tion to all tempoiiJ prosperity, a dominion so universal that
it could only be fuililled by the kingdom of Messiah.''
§ 4. The moral aspect of the transaction is plain to those
who are willing to see that the Bible represents the patri-
archs as " men compassed with infirmity," favored by the
grace of God, but not at all endowed with sinless perfection.
It is just this, in fact, that makes their lives a moral lesson
for us. Examples have occurred in the lives of Abraham and
Isaac ; but the whole career of Jacob is the history of a
growing moral discipline. God is not honored by glossing
over the patriarch's great faults of character, which were
corrected by the discipline of severe suftering. We need
not withhold indignant censure from Rebekah's cupidity on
behalf of her favorite son — so like her family — and the mean
deceit to w^hich she tempts him. Nor is Isaac free from the
blame of that foolish fondness, which, as is usual w4th moral
weakness, gives occasion to crime in others. What, then, is
the difference between them and Esau ? Simply this — that
they, in their hearts, honored the God whom he despised,
though their piety was corrupted by their selfish passions.
Jacob valued the blessing which he purchased wrongfully,
and sought more wrongfully to secure. But Esau, whose
conduct was equally unprincipled in desiring to receive the
blessing ^vhich Avas no longer his, w^as rightly "rejected,
when he would have inherited the blessing."^ His selfish
sorrow and resentment could not recall the choice he had
made, or stand in the place of genuine repentance. " He
found no place for repentance, though he sought for it
with tears,"' and he is held forth as a great example of
unavailing regret for spiritual blessings wantonly thrown
away.
§ 5. The true state of Esau's spirit is shown by his resolve
" For the history of Edom, see I "^ Gen. xxvii. 28, 29, 37.
Notes and Illustrations. \ ^Heb. xii. 17, ' Hebrews, /. c.
E
98 Isaac and Jacob. Chap. VIII.
to kill his brother as soon as his father should die. To avert
the danger, Rebekah sent away Jacob to her family at Haran.
Isaac approved the j^lan, as securing a proper marriage for
his son, to whom he rej^eated the blessing of Abraham, and sent
him away to Padan-aram.^° And so the heir of the promises
retraced, as a solitary Avanderer, with nothing but the staiF
he carried," the path by which Abraham had traversed Ca-
naan. Proceeding northward, he lighted on a place, the site
doubtless of Abraham's encampment near Bethel, where he
found some stones, which probably belonged to the altar
set up by Abraham, one of which he made his pillow. Thus
forlorn, amid the memorials of the covenant, he was visit-
ed by God in a dream, Avhich showed him a flight of stairs
leading up from earth to the gates of heaven, and trodden
by angels, some descending on their errands as " ministering
spirits " upon earth, and others ascending to carry their re-
ports to Him, whose " face they ever w^atch " in dutiful serv-
ice. This symbol of God's providence was crowned by a
vision of Jehovah, and his voice added to the renewal of the
covenant a special promise of protection. Jacob awoke, to
acknowledge the awful presence of Jehovah, of which he had
lain down unconscious, and to dedicate to Him himself and
all that God should give him. As a memorial of his a^ow, he
set up his pillow for a monument, consecrating it with oil,
and called the place Beth-el, the House of God. The date
of this, the turning-point in Jacob's religious life, is fixed by
subsequent computations to his T^th year.^^
§ 6. Jacob's arrival at Padan-aram presents us with a rep-
etition of the pastoral scene, which Abraham's servant had
^'' Gen. xxvii. 4:l-xxviii. 9. It is from Jerusalem on tlie right liand ot
here incidentally mentioned that Esau ' tlie road to Sichem ; and here its
tried to please his father hy marrying
the daughter of Ishmacl.
'^ Gen. xxxii. 10.
" Bethel was near the Canaanite
city of Luz, but distinct from \U In
Josh. xvi. 1, 2, tlie " city " of Luz and
tlie consecrated " place " in its neigh-
borhood are mentioned as still dis-
tinct ; and the appropriation of the
ruins still lie under the scarcely al-
tei'ed name ofBeitin. Many travellers
have remarked on the "stony" na-
ture of the soil at Bethel, as perfectly
in keeping with the narrative of Ja-
cob's slumber there. When on the
spot little doubt can be felt as to the
localities of this interesting place.
The round mount S.E. of Bethel must
name of Bethel to the eity appears not be the " mountain " on which Abram
to have been made till still later^ when built the altar, and on which he and
it was taken by the tribe of Ephraira ; ! Lot stood when they made their divis-
after which the name of Luz occurs lion of the land (Gen. xii. 7, xiii. 10).
no more (Judg. i. 22-2G). Bethel is j It is still thickly strewn to its top with
mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome | stones formed by nature for the build-
in the Onomust'con, as twelve mile? , ing of "A^ltar " or sanctuary.
B.C. 1753. Jacob's Service ivith Lahan. 99
witnessed at the same place.^' Rachel, the daughter of his
uncle Laban, comes Avith her sheep to the well, like her aunt
Kebekah just a century before, and brings him to the house.
He engages to serve Laban as a shepherd for wages ; for it
IS not the custom with Orientals for even a relative 'to eat
the bread of idleness. Laban had two daughters, Leah and
Rachel, the former with some dullness or weakness of the
eyes, but the latter of perfect beauty. Jacob loved Rachel,
and engaged to serve for her seven years, which " seemed
unto him but a few days, for the love he had to her." When
he claimed his reward, Laban, by a trick rendered easy by
the forms of an Eastern wedding, where the bride is closely
veiled, gave him Leah in place of Rachel, and excused the
deceit by the impropriety of marrying the younger sister be-
fore the elder; but he gave Jacob Rachel also, on the con-
dition of another seven years' service. During these seven
years, Jacob had eleven sons and a daughter, whose births
are recorded at length, Avith the reasons for their significant
names, in Gen. xxix. and xxx. Their names are given at the
end of this chapter.
§ 7. After the birth of Joseph, Jacob wished to become
his own master ; but Laban prevailed on him to serve him
still, for a part of the produce of his flocks, to be distinguish-
ed by certain marks. Jacob's artifice to make the most of
his bargain may be regarded as another example of the de-
fective morality of those times ; but, as fiir as Laban was
concerned, it was a fair retribution for his attempt to secure
a contrary result.'* Jacob was now commanded in a vision
by "the God of Bethel" to return to the land of his birth;
and he fled secretly from Laban, who had not concealed his
envy, to go back to his father Isaac, after twenty years spent
in Laban's service — fourteen for his wives, and six for his
cattle. Jacob, having passed the Euphrates, struck across
the desert by the great fountain at Palmyra ; then traversed
tlie eastern part of the plain of Damascus and the plateau of
Bashan, and entered Gilead, which is the range of mountains
east of the Jordan, forming the frontier betAveen Palestine
and the Assyrian desert.
Laban called his kindred to the pursuit, and overtook Ja-
cob on the third day in Mount Gilead, his an^er being in-
ci-eased by the loss of his household gods {teraphim), Avhich
Rachel had secretly stolen. The theft, Avhich might have
caused Jacob to be carried captive, was ingeniously^conceal-
" Gen. xxix. " Gen. xxx. 35-43.
100
Isaac and Jacob.
Chap. VIH.
ed by Rachel, and the interview ended peaceably. Laban,
forewarned by God not to injure Jacob, made a covenant
with his son-in-law ; and a heap of stones Avas erected as a
boundary between them, and called Galeed {the heap of vnt-
ness). " As in later times, the fortress on these heights of
Gilead became the frontier post of Israel against the Ara-
maic tribe that occupied Damascus, so now the same line of
heights became the frontier between the nation in its youth
and the older Aramaic tribe of Mesopotamia. As now, the
confines of two Arab tribes are marked by the rude cairn or
pile of stones erected at the boundary of their respective
territories, so the pile of stones and the tower or pillar, erect-
ed by the two tribes of Jacob and Laban, marked that the
natural limit of the range of Gilead should be their actual
limit also.'"* Jacob now received a Divine encouragement
to meet the new dangers of the land he was entering. His
eyes were opened to see a troop of angels, " the host of God,"
sent for his protection, and forming a second camp beside
his own ; and he called the name of the place Mahanaim {the
two camps or hosts) .^^
§ 8. His first danger was from the revenge of Esau, who
had now become poAverful in Mount Seir, the land of Edom.
In reply to his conciliatory message, Esau came to meet him
with four hundred armed men. Well might Jacob dread
his purpose ; for though such a retinue might be meant to
do him honor, it might also be designed to insure revenge.
"Jacob Avas greatly afraid and distressed."" He had now
reached the valley of the Jabbok. He divided his people
and herds into two bands, that if the first were smitten, the
second might escape. Then he turned to God in prayer.^*
" This prayer is first on record ; for the intercession of Abra-
ham for Sodom was more of a remonstrance or argument
than a prayer. Many prayers had been offered before the
time of Jacob ; but this is the first of which we have any
knowledge It does not seem that there could be a
finer model for a special prayer than this, the most ancient
of all."'" To prayer he adds prudence, and sends forward
present after 2:)resent that their reiteration might win his
'^ Stanley's Jewish Church, p. G3,
1st series.
"Gen. xxiii. 1, 2; comp. Psalm
xxxi. 7. A town of this name was
afterward built on the spot, and be-
came a place of importance in the
time of the monarchy (3 Sam. ii. 9,
xvii, 24). Its position is uncertain.
There is a village called Mahneh east
of the Jordan, but its exact site is
also not certain.
^^ Gen. xxxii. 7.
^« Gen. xxxii. 9-12.
^'•' Kitto, Daily Bible Illustrations.
B.C. 1732. Jacob meets Esau. 101
brother's heart. This done, he rested for the night ; but,
rising up before the day, he sent forward his wives and
children across the ford of the Jabbok, remaining for a while
in solitude to prepare his mind for the trial of the day.
It Avas then that " a man " appeared and wrestled with him
till the morning rose. This " man " was the " Angel Jeho-
vah," and the conflict was a repetition in act of the prayer
which we have already seen Jacob ofiering in iDords. This
is clearly stated by the prophet Hosea i^" " By his strength
he had power with God : yea, he had power over the angel,
and prevailed : he wept, and made supplication unto him."
Though taught his own weakness by the dislocation of his
thigh at the angel's touch, he gained the victory by his im-
portunity— " I will not let thee go except thou bless me " — •
and he received the new name of Israel (a^^rince of God),
as a sign that " he had prevailed with God, and should there-
fore prevail with man."^^ Well knowing with whom he had
to do, he called the place Peniel {the face of God), '^ for I
have seen God face to face, and my life is preserved." The
memory of his lameness, which he seems to have carried
with him to his grave,^^ was preserved by the custom of the
Israelites not to eat of the sinew in the hollow of the thigh.
Its moral significance is beautifully expressed by Wesley :
"Contented now, npon my thigh
I halt till life's short journey end ;
All helplessness, all weakness, I
On Thee alone for strength depend ;
Nor have I power from Thee to move,
Thy nature and thy name is Love."
§ 9. Jacob had descended into the valley of the Jabbok at
sunrise, when he saw Esau and his troop. He divided his
last and most precious band, placing first the handmaids and
their children, then Leah and her children, and Rachel and
Joseph last. Advancing before them all, he made his obei-
sance to Esau, who " ran to meet him, and fell on his neck
and kissed him : and they Avept." After a cordial interview,
Jacob prudently declined his brother's offer to march with
him as a guard ; and Esau returned to Mount Seir, and we
hear no more of him except the genealogy of his descendants,
the Edomites.^^
Jacob pursued his journey westward and halted at Suc-
coth, so called from his having there put up "booths" {Siic-
coth) for his cattle, as well as a house for himself He then
^ Hosea xii. 3, 4. " Gen. xxxii. 28. ^ Gen. xxxii. 31. " Gen. xxxvi.
102 Isaac and Jacob. Chap. VIII.
crossed the Jordan, and arrived at Shechem,^* which had
grown since the time of Abraham into a powerful city, and
was named after Shechem, the son of Hamor, prince of the
Amorites. From them he bought a piece of land, the first
2?ossessi07i of the family in Canaan^ on which he pitched his
tent, and built an altar to God, as the giver of his new name,
and the God of the race who were ever to bear it — "God,
the God of Israel" {El-elohe-Israet). The memory of his
abode there is still preserved by " Jacob's Well," on the mar-
gin of which his divine Son taught the woman of Sychar
(Shechem) a better worship than that of sacred places.
He was soon involved in a conflict Avith the Shechemites,
through their violence to Dinah, and the treacherous revenge
of Simeon and Levi, which afterward brought on them their
father's curse." The city of Shechem was taken; but Jacob
deemed it prudent to avoid the revenge of the Canaanites
by retiring from the neighborhood. It seems probable that
he returned afterward and rescued " from the Amorites with
his sword and his bow" the piece of land he had before pur-
chased, and which he left, as a special inheritance, to Joseph."
§ 10. Meanwhile Jacob returned, by the command of God,
to Bethel, and performed the vows which he had there made
when he fled from home, and received from God a renewal
of the covenant.^^ There Rachel's nurse, Deborah, died, and
was buried beneath "the oak of weeping" {Allon-hachutli).
As he journeyed southward, and was near Ephrath or Ej^h-
ratah, the ancient name of Bethlehem, Rachel died in giving
birth to Jacob's youngest son. The dying mother called him
JBen-oni {son of my sorrow) ; but the fond father changed his
name to Ben-Jamix {son of the right hand). The grave of
Rachel was long marked by the pillar which Jacob erected
over it ; and her memory was associated with the town of
Bethlehem.^^ Jacob's next resting-place, near the tower of
Edar, was marked by the incest of Reuben, which forfeited
his birthright." At length he reached the encampment of
his father Isaac, at the old station of Mamre, beside Hebron.
Here Isaac died at the age of 180, " old and full of days, and
his sons Esau and Jacob buried him.'"" This Avas thirteen
years after Joseph Avas carried to Egypt ; but the Avhole
"* In the English version it is said I -^ Gen. xxxiv. and xlix. 6.
" Jacob came to Shalem, a city of
Shechem" (Gen. xxxiii. 18^; but
the sentence ought probably to be
rendered "Jacob came safe to the
eitv of Shechem."
-" Gen. xlviii. 22 ; Josh. xvii. 14.
-'' Gen. XXXV.
^^ Jer. xxxi. ]5; Matt. ii. 18.
^^^ Gen. XXXV. 22; xlix. 4.
=^» Gen. XXXV. 27, 28.
Chap. VIII.
Notes and Illitstrations.
103
course of that narrative is reserved for the next chapter.
The following is the list of Jacob's twelve sons, in their or-
der of precedence, those of his wives ranking before those of
their handmaids, with the significonce of their names :^'
(i.) ThQ sons of Leah : Reuben {see! a so^z), Simeon {hear-
ing), Levi {joined), Judah {praise), Issachar {hire), Zebulun
{dwellhig).
(ii.) The sons of Rachel : Joseph {adding), Benjamin {son
of the right hand).
(iii.) The sons of Bilhah, RacheFs handmaid: Dan {judg-
ing), Naphtali {^my torestUng).
(iv.) The sons of Zilpah,luQ^\i'^ handmaid: Gad (« troop),
Asher {happy).
Besides Dinah {judgment), \\\q daughter of Leah.
^^ Gen. XXXV. 23-26.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
EDOM OR IDUM^A.
Edom was previously called Mount
Seir (rugged ; Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi.
8), from Seir the progenitor of the IIo-
rites(Gen. xiv. 6, xxxvi. 20-22). The
name Seir was perhaps adopted on
account of its being descriptive of the
" rugged " character of the territory.
The original inhabitants of the coun-
try were called Horites, from Hori,
the grandson of Sier (Gen. xxxvi. 20,
22), because that name was descrip-
tive of their habits as " Troglodytes,"
or " dwellers in caves." Immediate-
ly after the death of Isaac, Esau left
Canaan and took possession of Mount
Seir (Gen. xxxv. 28, xxxvi. 6, 7, 8).
When his descendants increased they
extirpated the Horites, and adopted
their habits as well as their country
(Deut. ii. 12; Jer. xlix. 16; Obad.
3,4).
On the south, Edom reached as far
as Elath, which stood at the northern
end of the gulf of Elath, and was the
Bea-port of the Edoraites. On the north
of Edom lay the territory of Moab,
from which it was divided by the
" brook Zered " (Deut. ii. 13, U, 18),
probably the modern Wady-el-Ahsy,
which still divides the provinces of
Kerak (Moab) and Jebdl (Gebalene).
But Edom was wholly a mountainous
country. " ]\Iount Seir " (Gen. xiv.
6, xxxvi. 8, 9 ; Deut. i. 2, ii. 1, 5, etc.)
and " the Mount of Esau " (Obad. 8,
9, 19, 21), are names often given to
it in the Bible, while Josephus and
later writers call it Gebalene ("the
mountainous ").
The ancient capital of Edom was
Bozrah, the site of which is most prob-
ably marked by the village of Busei-
reh, near the northern border, about
twenty-five miles south of Kerak (Gen.
xxxvi. 33 ; Is. xxxiv. 6, Ixiii, 1 ; Jer.
xlix. 13, 22). But Sela, better known
by its Greek name Pctra, appears to
have been the principal stronghold in
the days of Amaziah (b.c. 838 ; 2
K. xiv. 7). Elath, and its neighbor
Ezion-geber, were the sea-ports ; and
they were captured by king David,
104
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. VIII.
jind liere Solomon equipped his mer-
rhaiU-flect (2 Sam. viii. 14 ; IK. ix.
2G).
When the kingdom of Israel began
to decline, the Edomites not only re-
conquered their lost cities, but made
frequent inroads upon Southern Pal-
estine (2 K. xvi. G: where, Edomites^
and not Syrians {Arameans) is evident- j
ly the true reading ; 2 Chr. xxviii.
] 7). It was probably on account of ;
these attacks, and of their uniting
with the Chaldfeans against the Jews, j
that the Edomites were so fearfully
denounced by the later prophets (Ob.
1 sq.; Jer. xlix. 7 sq. ; Ezek. xxv. 12
sq., XXXV. 3 sq.). During the Captiv-
ity they advanced westward, occupied
the whole territory of their brethren
the Amalekites (Gen. xxxvi. 12; 1
Sam. XV. 1 sq. ; Joseph. Ant. ii. 1, §
2), and even took possession of many j
towns in Southern Palestine, includ-'
ing Hebron. The name Edom, or rath-
er its Greek form, Idumiea, was now
given to the country Iving between '
the valley of Arabah and the shores
of the Mediterranean. Roman au-
thors sometimes give the name Idu- 1
niiea to all Palestine, and even call i
the Jews Idumreans (Virg. Georg. iii, I
12 ; Juven. viii. 160 ; Martial ii. 2. I
While Iduma^a thus extended west-
ward, Edom Proper was taken pos- !
session of by the Nabatheans, an
Arabian tribe, descended from Nebai- \
oth, Ishmael's oldest son and Esau's
brother-in-law (Gen", xxv. 13; 1
Chr. i. 29; Gen. xxxvi. 3). They!
took Petra and established themselves
there at least three centnries before
Christ. This people, leaving off their
nomad habits, settled down amid the
mountains of Edom, engaged in com-'
merce, and founded the little kingdom
called by Roman writers Arabia Pe-
trcta, which embraced nearly the same
territory as the ancient Edom. Some
of its monarclis took the name Aretas.
One of them was father-in-law of
Herod Antipas (Matt. xl\'. 3, 4), and
it was the same who captured the city
of Damascus and held it at the time
of Paul's conversion (2 Cor. xi. 32 ;
Acts ix. 25).
AVhen the Jewish power revived
under the warlike Asmonean princes,
that section of Idumcea which lay
south of Palestine fell into theiv hands.
Judas Maccabieus captured Hebron,
Marissa, and Ashdod ; and John Hyr-
canus compelled the inhabitants of
the whole region to conform to Jewish
law (1 Mace. v. Gii, 08). The country
was henceforth governed by Jewish
prefects ; one of these, Antipater, an
Idumffian by birth, became, through
the friendship of the Roman emperor,
procurator of all Juda2a, and his son
was Herod the Great, "King of the
Jews."
Early in the Christian era Edom
Proper was included by geogiapliiTS
in Palestine, but in the fifth century a
new division was made of the wholo
country into Pakestina Pnma, Se-
cunda, and Tertia. The last embraced
Edom and some neighboring prov-
inces, and when it became an eccle-
siastical division its metropolis was
Petra. In the seventh century the
Mohammedan conquest gave a death-
blow to the commerce and prosperity
of Edom. Under the withering influ-
ence of Mohammedan rule the great
cities fell to ruin, and the country be-
came a desert. The followers of the
false prophet were here, as elsewhere,
the instruments in God's hands for the
execution of His judgments. " Thus
saith the Lord God, Behold, 0 Mount
Seir, I am against thee, and I will
make thee desolate. I will lay thy
cities waste, and when the whole earth
rcjoiceth I will make thee desolate . . .
I will make IMount Seir most desolate,
and cut off from it him that passeth
out and him that returneth .... I
will make thee perpetual desolations,
and thy cities shall not return, and yo
Chap. VIII.
Notes and Illustrations.
105
shall know that I am the Lord "
(Ezek. XXXV. 3, 4, 7, 9, 14).
The Crusaders made several expe-
ditions into Edom, penetrating as far
as Petra, to which they gave the name
it still bears, Wady Musa, "Valley
E2
of Moses " (Gesta Dei per Franc, pp.
405, 518, 555, 581). On a command-
ing height about twelve miles north
of Petra they built a strong fortress,
called Mons Regalis, now Shobek
{Gesta Dei, ^. an).
Egyptian Officers of the King's llouseholJ. (Wilkinson.)
CHAPTER IX.
JACOB AND HIS SONS. FEOM THE SALE OF JOSEPH TO THE
DESCENT INTO EGYPT. A.M. 2275-2298. B.C. 1729-1706.
§ 1. Joseph's early life — His two dreams — Hatred of his brethren. § 2.
They sell him into Egypt. § 3. Joseph in Potiphar's house. § 4. Im-
prisonment of Joseph — Pharaoh's cup-bearer and chief cook — Their
dreams interpreted by Joseph. § 5. Pharaoh's two dreams — Joseph
made ruler of Egypt — His name ZaplmatJi-paaneah — His marriage,
and his two sons. § 6. His government of Egypt — The seven years of
plenty and the seven years of famine. § 7. Joseph's brethren in Egypt.
§ 8. God's purpose in Israel's removal to Canaan. § 9. Jacob and his
family go down to Egypt — Their numbers. § 10. Their interviews
with Pharaoh and settlement in Goshen.
§ 1. We go back over a period of thirteen years from tlie
death of Isaac to the beginiiincr of that narrative of Joseph's
life, which may safely be called the most charming in all his-
tory. It will guard ns against much confusion to bear in mind
that the birth of Benjamin and the death of Rachel probably
occurred very shortly before Joseph was sold into Egypt.
Almost up to this time, therefore, he had been his father's
youngest son, and he was now doubly dear to him as the son
of his old nge and the child of his newly-lost Rachel.^ Pap
* Gen. xxxvii. 3.
B.C. 1729.
Early Life of Joseph.
107
ental partiality, however, was as injurious in Jacob's family
as in any other ; and though the character of Joseph is one
of the purest that we meet in Scripture, his father's prefer-
ence tempted him to assume toward his brethren the part of
a censor and informer — a course of which the modesiy Avas
questionable, and the prudence not at all so, in a youth of
seventeen.
It is worthy of notice that the sons of the handmaids, Bilhah
and Zilpah, were those whose misconduct Joseph reported to
his father. Their lower birth seems to have diminished their
self-respect and to have stimulated their envy. When Ja-
cob made for Joseph a special dress,^ " his brethren hated
him, and could not speak peaceably unto him." To increase
their hatred, Joseph dreamed two dreams, which even his fa-
ther, who seems to have discerned their prophetic character,^
censured his imprudence in repeating. In the first dream his
brothers' sheaves of corn bowed down to his, which stood up-
right in their midst ; a most fit type, not only of their sub-
mission to him, but of their suing to him for corn in Egypt.
The second dream was of wider and higher import. It in-
cluded his father and his mother, as well as his brethren (now
defined as eleven)^ in the reverence done to him ;* and the em-
blems chosen leave little doubt that the dream prefigured the
homage of all nature to Him, whose sign was the star of Beth-
lehem, and of whom Joseph was one of the clearest types. ^
Joseph's brethren resolved to avert the humiliation by his
death, re-enacting the part of Cain toward Abel."
§ 2. It seems that Jacob was now at Hebron, Avith his fa-
ther Isaac, while his sons fed his flocks Avliere they could find
I
- This appears to have been a long
tunic with sleeves, worn by youths
and maidens of the richer class. Its
name seems to signify a tunic reaching
to the extremities. It was worn by Da-
vid's daughter Tamar, being the dress
of the king's daughters that were vir-
gins (2 Sam.xiii.18, 19). There seems
no reason for the LXX. rendering
Xi-T(^v ■n-oLKi'kog^ " a coat of colors," ex-
cept that it is very likely that such a
tunic would be ornamented with col-
ored stripes or embroidered.
^ Gen. xxxvi. 11 ; comp. Luke ii.
19-51.
* * From Joseph's second dream, and
his father's rebuke, it might be in-
ferred that Rachel was living at the
time that he dreamt it. It is indeed
possible that it may have occurred
some time before the selling of Jo-
seph, and been interpreted by Jacob
of Rachel, who certainly was not alive
at its fulfillment, so that it could not
apply to her. Yet, if Leah only sur-
vived, Jacob might have spoken of
her as Joseph's mother. The dream,
moreover, indicates eleven brethren
besides the father and mother of Jo-
seph : if therefore Benjamin were al-
ready born, Rachel must have been
dead : the reference is therefore more
probably to Leah, who may have been
living when Jacob went into Egypt.
^ See chap. x. § 3, xi.
^ Gen. xxxvii. 18.
108 Jacob and his Sons. Cuap. IX
pasture, Joseph being sometimes with his brethren, and
sometimes acting as a messenger between them and his father/
Thus he was sent from Hebron to Shechem, where the piece
of land purchased by Jacob of the Amorites had probably-
been recovered ; but his brethren had gone farther north to
Dothan,^ a place apparently in the neighborhood of Shechem.
Thither he followed them on his father's errand of kindness ;
but the very sight of him at a distance prompted them to
conspire to kill him. His life was saved by Reuben, who
persuaded them to avoid the actual shedding of Joseph's
blood by casting him into an empty pit, whence Reuben in-
tended to take him and restore him to his father. When he
came to them, they stripped him of his tunic, cast him into
the pit, and coolly sat down to eat bread. Just then an Arab
caravan^ were seen on the high roadAvhich leads from Mount
Gilead through Dothan to Egypt, carrying to the latter coun-
try the spices and gums of the Syrian desert. Judah sug-
gested (Reuben having left them, v. 29) that they might now
get rid of their prisoner without the guilt of murder ; and so,
when the Midianites came near (v. 28), they took Joseph out
of the pit and sold him for twenty shekels of silver, the very
sum which was, under the Law, the value of a male from five
to twenty years old — a type of the sale of Him " whom the
children of Israel did value."'" They carried back his tunic
to Jacob dipped in a kid's blood ; and though he seems to
have had his suspicions, which afterward broke out into re-
proaches,'^ they imposed on their father the tale that a wild
beast had devoured Joseph ; and their guilty consciences had
to bear the trial of pretending to comfort him, while he re-
fused all comfort.
§ 3. Meanwhile the Midianite merchants carried Joseph to
Egypt, and sold him to Potiphae, " an officer of Pharaoh, and
captain of the guard," more literally captain of the execution-
ers:'
' Gen. xxxvii. 2, 1 3. i road from Eeisdn to Egypt passes near
^Dothan (probably signifying twosDolhan.
wells) was known to Eusebius (^Ono-\ ^ In vs. 25 and 28 they are called
viasticoii), who ])laces it twelve miles i Ishmaelites ; in vs. 28 and 3G Midian-
to the N. of Sebaste (Samaria) ; and I ites. The former seems to be a gener-
herc it has been discovered, still bear- ic name, equivalent to Arabs, the lut-
ing its ancient name unimpaired, and
situated at the south end of a plain
of the richest pasturage, four or five
miles S.W. of Jenin, and separated
only by a swell or two of hills from
the plain of Esdraelon. The great
ter denoting the tribe to which the
merchants actually belonged.
^° Levit. xxvii. 5 ; Matt, xxvii. 9.
'' See chap. xlii. 3G : — " Me have
ye bereaved of my children."
^■- The name oi" Potiphar is 'written
B.C. 1729.
Joseph in Potiphar'^s House.
109
We have now reached the point at which the history of the
chosen family interweaves itself with the annals of that
mighty kingdom whose monuments, covered with mysterious
writings, have in every age excited a curiosity the more in-
tense in proportion to the desire to read in them the records
of the sojourn of the Hebrews in the land from the time of
Joseph to that of Moses.
Unfortunately for the satisfaction of this curiosity, the
Scripture history conceals the names of the kings of Egypt
under the general title of Pharaoh, while the monuments give
us no direct information concerning Joseph and the Israel-
ites.^^ But though we do not read his name in the hieroglyph-
ics, yet the sculptures and paintings of the ancient Egyptian
tombs bring vividly before us the daily life and duties of Jo-
seph. The property of great men is shown to have been
managed by scribes, who exercised a most methodical and
minute supervision over all the operations of agriculture, gar-
dening, the keeping of live stock, and fishing. Every product
was carefully registered to check the dishonesty of the labor
ers, who in Egypt have always been famous in this respect.
Probably in no country was farming ever more systematic.
Joseph's previous knowledge of tending flocks, and perhaps
of husbandry, and his truthful character, exactly fitted him
for the post of overseer.
§ 4. Joseph was seventeen when he was sold into Egypt,
and thirty " when he stood before Pharaoh.'"* We are not
told what portion of these thirteen years he spent in Poti-
phar's house. Probably not long, as it was his youthful
beauty that tempted his master's wife,'^ whose conduct agrees
with the well-known profligacy of the Egyptian women ; as
her desire for revenge, when Joseph withstood the tempta-
tion, is in accordance with the worst parts of our nature —
" Hell has no fury like a woman scorned."
It may have been from a suspicion of her guilt that Poti-
phar, instead of bringing Joseph before a tribunal, put him
in the state prison, which was in his own house. There
Potiphar finally left him ; for it stands to reason that the
in hieroglyphics Pet-pa-ra or Pet-
p-RA, and signifies " belonging to
Ha" (the sun). It occurs again, with
a slightly difterent orthography, Poti-
pherah, as the name of Joseph's fath-
er-in-law, priest or prince of On. It
may be remarked that as Ra was the
chief divinity of On, or Heliopolis, it
is an interesting undesigned coinci-
dence that the latter should bear a
name indicating devotion to Ra.
" See Notes and Illustrations to
chap. X. On the History of Egvpt.
"Gen. xli. 4a. ^^ Gen. xxxix. 6,7
110 Jacob and his Sons. Chap. IX.
" chief of the executioners," who put such confidence in
Joseph as to commit other state prisoners to his custody,
was not Potiphar himself, but his successor — an indication
of the length of Joseph's imprisonment/" Probably his
treatment was at first severe ;'^ but the same blessing that
had raised him in the house of Potiphar followed him in the
prison, of which the keeper gave him the entire charge, " be-
cause Jehovah was with him, and that which he did Jehovah
made it to prosper.'"^
Some conspiracy at the court of Pharaoh led to the im-
prisonment of two of the king's great ofticers, the chief of the
cup-bearers and the chief of the cooks. (The terms chief butler
and chief baker in our version are misleading as to their dig-
nity.) They were committed to the charge of Joseph, whom
they too discovered to be specially favored by God, for they
asked him to interpret the dreams which forewarned them of
their fate, and, in three days, as Joseph predicted, the one
was hanged, and the other restored to his office on Pharaoh's
birthday^^'
§ 5. The restored cup-bearer's office about the king's per-
son gave him ample opportunities of fulfilling Joseph's pa-
thetic request to make mention of him to Pharaoh, and his
colleague's fixte might have warned him against ingratitude.
" Yet did not the chief cup-bearer remember Joseph, but for-
gat him," till after two years, when Pharaoh was disturbed
by dreams which none of the scribes or wise men of Egypt
could interpret." Then the chief cup-bearer remembered his
fiiult and told Pharaoh of Joseph, who was brought out of
prison and set before the king. After bearing witness to the
true God, as in the former case, by ascribing all the power
of interpretation to Him who had sent the dreams,^^ he ex-
plained to Pharaoh their significance, which, to an Egyptain,
was most striking. The dream had been twofold, to mark
its certain and speedy fulfillment (v. 32). Seven years of
an abundance extraordinary even for fruitful Egypt were to
be followed by seven years of still more extraordinary
dearth. In the first dream, the seven years of plenty were
denoted by seven heifers, the sacred symbols of Isis, the god-
dess of production, which came up out of the river, the great
fertilizer of Egypt, whose very soil is well called by Herodo-
tus " the gift of the Nile." These were beautiful and fat, as
'^ Gen. xl. 3, 4.
^^ Psalm cv. 17, 18: "whose feet
they hurt with fetters : he was laid in
iron."
^^ Gen.xxxix. 23.
" Gen. xl.
-' Gen. xli. 8.
•' Gen. xl. 8, xli. 16.
8.C. 1706.
Joseph's Brethren in Egypt.
Ill
they fed on the hixuriant marsh grass by the river's bank ;
but after them came up seven others, so ill-looking and lean
that Pharaoh had never seen the like for badness, which de-
Toured the seven fat kine, and remained as lean as they were
before.
The second dream was still plainer. There sprang up a
stalk of that branching Egyptian wheat, which now grows
in our own fields from seed found in mummy-cases. That
seen by Pharaoh had the unusual number of seven ears, full
and good, denoting the seven years of j^lenty. Then there
sprang up another stalk, also bearing seven ears, thin and
blasted with the east wind, and so mildewed that they in-
fected and consumed the seven good ears. The wise men of
Egypt must indeed have been fools not to understand these
symbols, which embraced both the animal and vegetable
wealth of the land!
Joseph went farther, and counselled Pharaoh to give some
discreet person authority over all the land, that "he might
store up the surplus corn of the seven years of plenty against
the seven years of famine. Pharaoh saw that none could be
so fit for this ofiice as Joseph himself, " in whom was the
Spirit of God." He made him his vicegerent over Egypt, and
gave him his own signet, the indisputable mark of royal
power.^^ Clothed with fine linen robes, wearing a collar of
gold, and riding in the second royal chariot, before which
the people were bidden to fall prostrate, Joseph was pro-
claimed with all the ceremonies which we still see represented
on the monuments. He received the Coptic name of Zaph-
nath-Paaneah {a revealer of secrets) ; and married Asenath,
the daughter of Potipherah, priest or prince of On (Heliopolis),
who bore him two sons during the seven years of plenty. As
a token of the oblivion of his former life, he named his elder
son Manasseh {forgetting) ; and he called the younger Ephra-
iM {double fruit fulness), in grateful commemoration of his
blessings. When Joseph afterward became his father's heir,
the double share of the inheritance which fell to him was in-
dicated by each of his sons ranking with the sons of Jacob as
the head of a distinct tribe.
§ 6. Joseph's administration of Egypt has been greatly
misunderstood. First, as to his conduct during the years of
plenty. The vague statement, made in the language of
Oriental hyperbole, that " he gathered up all the food of the
^2 The signet was of so much im- haps in the earliest period) were al-
portance with the ancient Egyptian ways enclosed in an oval which repre-
kings that their names (except per- sented an elongated signet.
112
Jacob and Ins Sons.
Chap. IX.
seven years " (v. 48), " as the sand of the sea, very much,
until he left numbering " (v. 49), comes after the exacter es-
timate given in his advice to Pharoah, which makes it clear
that "he took up \\\q fifth j^cwt of the land of Egypt in the
seven plenteous years " (v. 34). The ordinary royal impost
appears to have been a land-tax of one-tenth^ and this was
just a double tithe.
The corn Avas stored up in each of the cities from the lands
of which it was collected ; and it was thus secured for or-
derly distribution in the years of famine. When that season
arrived, its consumption was guarded by the same wise policy
that had preserved it from being wasted in the years of
plenty. The demand was not only from Egypt, but from
the neighboring countries, Canaan, and probably parts of
Syria, Arabia, and Africa, to which the famine extended, and
whose corn was soon exhausted. We may assume that the
Egyptians also soon used up their private stores. Joseph
then opened all the store-houses and sold unto the Egyptians ;
" and the famine Avaxed sore in the land of Egypt. And alP^
countries came into Egypt to buy corn, because the famine
was so sore in all lands."
At the end of two years (see Gen. xlv. 6) all the money of
the Egyptians and Canaanites had passed into Pharaoh's
treasury.'** At this crisis we do not see how Joseph can be
acquitted of raising the despotic authority of his master on
the broken fortunes of the people ; but yet he made a mod-
erate settlement of the power thus acquired. First the cat-
tle and then the land of the Egyptians became the property
of Pharoah, and the people were removed from the country
to the cities. They were still permitted, however, to culti-
vate their lands as tenants under the crown, paying a rent
of one-iifth of the produce, and this became the permanent
law of the tenure of land in Egypt : but the land of the priests
was left in their own possession."
§ 1. The seven years' famine^^ had the most important
bearing on the chosen family of Israel. When all the corn
in Canaan Avas exhausted, Jacob sent his sons to buy in
Egypt ; but he kept back Benjamin " lest mischief should
befall him."" Probably he Avoiild not trust Rachel's remain-
ing child with his brethren. We need not recount that well-
" That is, all with which the Isra-
elites had anv connection. Gen. xli.
56, 57.
2*Gen. xlvii. U.
'^^Gen. xlvii. 15-2G.
"^ The whole subject of the famines
which are known to have occurred
in Egypt is treated further in the
Notes and ] Ihistrations (A).
" Gen. xlii. 4.
B.C. 170G
JoseplCs Brethren in Egypt.
113
known narrative, the most beautiful and touching page of
all history, of their two visits to Joseph and his final discov-
ery of himself.^^ It seems hardly necessary to vindicate Jo-
seph from the charge of harshness toward his brethren. We
do not think that he went a step farther than was required,
in order to gain over them the power which he was ready
to use for their good. We rather see in his conduct a faith-
ful imitation of the divine discipline, by which man is re-
stored to favor through suffering just enough to bring him
to true repentance.
The short imprisonment of Simeon was but a taste of the
sorrow to Avhich he and his brothers had subjected their
brother for fourteen years. The getting Benjamin into his
power was needful, lest Jacob's fondness should frustrate
all his plans. The roughness of his manner was surely not a
thing to be complained of, where every step taken was one
of kindness,' while, in the final scene of recognition, hurried
on by Joseph's tenderness of heart, there is not a Avord of
upbraiding or reproach : — " Now therefore be not grieved
or angry with yourselves, that ye sold me hither. It Avas
not you that sent me hither, but God."" And at the very
moment Avhen Josej^h kindly saw in his brethren only the
unconscious instruments of God's providence, he 'Avas serv^
ing it almost as unconsciously by his plan for securing his
father and brethren a safe and happy settlement in Egypt.
§ 8. For the remoA^al of the chosen family to Egypt Avas an
essential part of the great plan AA^hich God had traced out to
their father Abraham. The joromise had noAV been given
tAvo hundred years,^" and they had neither possessions nor
family alliances in the promised land. But they Avould soon
have sought for both ; and the character already manifested
by Jacob's sons augured ill for their preserving either pu-
rity or piety amid the Canaanites.^^ The chosen race was no
longer to be severed from the rejected branches, as in the
case of Ishmael and Esau ; but the tAvelve sons of Jacob
Avere to found the twelve tribes of Israel, even the sons of
Zilpah and Bilhah being legitimated and reckoned as belong-
ing to Leah and Rachel respectively.^^ Their present rela-
tion to Canaan must be broken off, that it might be formed
ancAV in due time. They must be placed among a people
Avith Avhom they could not mix, but from Avhom they might
^* Gen. xlii.-xlv. which we have not thought it neces-
''^ Gen. xlv. 5, 8. *° Gen. xv. sary to place in the text. Gen.
^^ See, in addition to the examples xxxviii,
already related, the story of Judah, ^^ See § 9.
114
Jacob and his Family.
Chap. IX,
learn the arts of civilization and industry ; and there, under
the discipline of affliction, the family must be consolidated
into the nation.
§ 9. So Joseph sent for his father and the whole family
from Beersheba into Egypt, and God encouraged Jacob by a
vision, commanding him to go down, and promising to bring
him up again in the person of his descendants, w^ho are
henceforth called by the collective name of Israel,^^ and as-
suring him that Joseph should close his eyes.^' So he went
down, with his sons and their wives and children, and all
their cattle. The house of Israel now numbered 70 souls,
without reckoning Avives. The number is thus made up : —
i. The children of Leah, 32, viz. :— ''
(1.) Reuben and four sons 5
(2.) Simeon and six sons^*^ 7
(3.) Levi and three sons 4
(4.) Judah and five sons (of whom two were dead) and two
grandsons G
(5.) Issachar and four sons 5
(6.) Zebulun and three sons 4
Dinah 1
ii. The children of Zilpah, considered as Leah's, 16, viz.: —
(7.) Gad and seven sons 8
(8.) Asher: four sons, one daughter, and two grandsons 8
iii. The children of Rachel, 14, viz. : —
(9.) Joseph (see below),
(10.) Benjamin and ten sons^^ 11
iv. The children of Bilhah, considered as Rachel's, 7, viz. : — •
(11.) Dan and one son 2
(12.) Naphtali and four sons ,5
Total of those "that came with Jacob into Egypt " G6
To these must be added Jacob, Joseph, and two sons 4
Total of Israel's house 70
These are the numbers of the Hebrew text,^^ but the LXX.
complete the genealogy by adding the children of Manasseh
^^Gen. xlvii. 11.
2* Gen. xlvi.
^^ Jacob himself is included in tlie
33 of v. 15, but he is excluded from
the total of G6 in v. 26.
^° One of these is called the son of
a Canaanitish woman ; whence we
may infer that all the rest were born
from wives of the Hebrew i-ace, and
probably in nearly all cases of the
stock of Abraham.
^■^ These are evidently added to
complete the second generation, for
Benjamin was only 23 years old, and
the tone of the whole narrative is
scarcely consistent with his yet hav-
ing a familv.
2** Comp.'Deut. x. 22.
B.C. 1700. Jacob and his Sons. 115
and Ephraim, who of course ranked with those of the sons of
Jacob, namely, Machir, the son of Manasseh, and Galeed
(Gilead), the son of Machir (2) ; Sutalaam (Shutelah) and
Taam (Tathath), the sons of Ephraim, and Edom, the son of
Sutalaam (3), making 5 in a\V^ St. Stephen naturally quotes
the LXX., the version commonly used, especially by the Hel-
lenistic Jews, with whom his discussion began.''"
Thus, instead of any real difficulty, we have in this appar-
ent difference an exami^le of those undesigned coincidences
amid variety, which are among the strongest internal evi-
dences of the truth of Scripture. It is most interesting to
compare these numbers with those to which the family of
Israel had grown at the Exodus."^
§ 10. On their arrival in Egypt, Joseph, after a most affect-
ing meeting with his father, presented five of his brethren to
Pharaoh ; and the king being informed that they were shep-
herds, a class held in abomination by the Egyptians, gave
them for their separate abode the land of Goshen or Rameses,
which was the best pasture-ground in all Egypt,"^ and in-
trusted to them his own flocks, while Joseph supplied them
with bread during the remaining five years of famine. That
they were tillers of the land, as well as shepherds, is clear
from their being employed " in all manner of service in the
field" (Exod. i. 14,) and from the allusion of Moses to " Egypt,
where thou sowedst thy seed and wateredst it" (Deut. x. 11).
Joseph next brought his father before Pharaoh, and the
aged patriarch bestowed his blessing on the mighty king.
In reply to Pharaoh's inquiry about his age, he said : — " The
days of my pilgrimage are 130 years: few and evil have the
days of the years of my life been, and have not attained unto
the days of the years of the life of my fathers in the days
of their pilgrimage."*^ Besides their testimony to the grad-
ual decline of human life, and their affecting allusion to his
trials, these words are a memorable example of how the pa-
triarchs " confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims
on the earth," and how " they desired a better country, that
is, a heavenly," even the " city" which their God had " pre-
pared for them.""
3^ Gen. xlvi. 20, LXX. ; compare 1 I " Numb. i. See chap. xi. p. 118.
Chron. vii. U, 20. ^"^ ^qq Notes and Illustrations (W).
*^ Acts vii. 14. I " Gen. xlvii. 9. " Heb. xi. 13-16.
116
Kotes and Illustrations.
Chap. IX.
NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS.
(A.) FAMINES IN EGYPT.
Egypt owes all its fertility to its
mighty river, whose annual rise in-
undates nearly the whole land and
renders its cultivation an easy certain-
ty. But this very bounty of nature
has not unfrequently exposed the
country to the opposite extreme of
drought. With scarcely any rain, and
that only on the Mediterranean coast,
and with wells only supplied by fil-
tration from the river through a ni-
trous soil, a failure in the rise of the
Kile almost certainly entails a degree
of scarcity. The causes of dearth and
famine in Egypt are occasioned by
defective inundation, preceded and ac-
companied and followed by prevalent
easterly and southerly winds. Both
these winds dry up the earth, and the
latter, keeping back the rain-clouds
from the north, are perhaps the chief
cause of the defective inundation, as
they are also by their accelerating
the current of the river — the norther-
ly winds producing the contrary ef-
fects. Famines in Egypt and Pales-
tine seem to be effected by drought ex-
tending from Northern Syria, through
the meridian of Egypt, as far as the
highlands of Abyssinia,
The modern history of Egypt throws
some curious light on these ancient
records of famines ; and instances of
their recurrence may be cited to assist
us in understanding their course and
extent. They have not been of very
rare occurrence since the Mohamme-
dan conquest, according to the testi-
niot ,' cf Ai ab historians : one of
great severity, following a deficient
rise of the Nile, in the year of the
Flight 597 (a,d, 1200), *is recorded
by 'Abd-El-Lateef, who was an eye-
witness, and is regarded justly as a
trustworthy authority. He gives a
most interesting account of its hor-
rors, states that the people throughout
the country were driven to the last
extremities, eating offal, and even
their own dead, and mentions, as an
instance of the dire straits to which
they were driven, that persons who
were burnt alive for eating human
flesh were themselves, thus ready
roasted, eaten by others. jNIultitudcs
fled the country, only to perish in the
desert-road to Palestine.
But the most remarkable famina
j was that of the reign of the Fatimec
I Khaleefeh, El-Mustansir-billah, which
I is the only instance on record of one
! of seven years' duration in Egypt
I since the time of Joseph (a.ii. 457-
464, A,D, 10G4-1071). This famine
exceeded in severity all others of mod-
I ern times. Vehement drought and
! pestilence, says a contemporary writ-
1 er, continued for seven consecutive
■ years, so that the people ate corpses.
i and animals that died of themselves ;
I the cattle perished; a dog was sold
I for 5 deenars, a cat for 3 deenars, and
an ardebb (about 5 bushels) of wheat
I for 100 deenars. He adds that aU
' the horses of the Khaleefeh, save
i three, perished, and mentions organ-
■ ized bands of kidnappers who infested
\ Cairo and caught passengers in the
'streets by ropes furnished with hooks
and let down from houses.
Chap. IX.
Notes and Illustrations.
117
(B.) THE LAND OF GOSHEN.
The *Mand of Goshen," also called
Goslien simply, appears to have borne
another name, " the land of Rameses"
(Gen. xlvii. 11), unless this be the
name of a district of Goshen. It was
between Joseph's residence at the
time and the frontier of Palestine,
and apparently the extreme province
toward that frontier (Gen. xlvi. 29).
Gen. xlvi. 33, 34, shows that Goshen
was scarcely regarded as a part of
Egypt Proper, and was not peopled
by Egyptians — characteristics that
would positively indicate a frontier
province. The next mention of Go-
shen confirms the previous inference
that its position was between Canaan
and the Delta (Gen. xlvii. 1, 5, 6, 11).
Goshea was a pastoral country, where
some of Pharaoh's caltle were kept.
The clearest indications of the exact
position of Goshen are those afforded
by the narrative of the Exodus. The
Israelites set out from the town of
Kameses in the land of Goshen, made
two days' journey to " the edge of
the wilderness," and in one day more
reached the Red Sea. At the start-
ing-point two routes lay before them,
" the way of the land of the Philistines
. . . that [was] near," and " the way of
the wilderness of the Red Sea " (Ex.
xiii. 17, 18). From these indications
we infer that the land of Goshen must
have in part been near the eastern
side of the ancient Delta, Rameses
lying within the valley now called the
Wddi-t-Tumeyldt^ about thirty miles
in a direct course from the ancient
western shore of the Arabian Gulf.
Egyptiau Chief caiTieJ ia a sort of pilariqinn, aa attendant baaiing a parasol behind him.
CHAPTER X.
THE LAST YEAKS OF JACOB AND JOSEPH.
B.C. 1706-1635.
A.M. 2298-2860,
§ 1. Jacob's last years — His desire to be buried wi'th liis fathers. § 2. His
blessing on Joseph and his sons. § 3. His ]«rophetic address to his
twelve sons, and their Blessinj^s — i. Reuben — ii. iii. Simeon and Levi—
iv. Judah — Messianic sense — v. Zebulun — vi. Issachar — vii. Dan — viii.
Gad — ix. Asher — x. Naphtali — xi. Joseph — Messianic sense — xii. Ben-
jamin— The twelve tribes now constituted. § 4. Death, embalmment,
and burial of Jacob. § 5. Joseph's kindness to his brethren. § G. Jo-
seph's last prophecy and injunction — His death and burial. § 7.
Death and burial of the other patriarchs. § 8. Interval between Jo-
seph and Moses. § 9. Chronology of the pilgrimage in Canaan and
Egypt.
§ 1. The few remaining years of Jacob's life were spent
in tranquillity and abundance. He lived seventeen years in
Egypt, and beheld his descendants " multiply exceedingly.'"
The chief record of this period is his prophetic blessing on
' Gen. xlvii. 27.
I
B.C. 1706. The Blessing of Joseph. 119
his sons — one of the most important passasres in the whole
Bible. 1 1 o
First, as his end approached, he sent for Joseph, and made
him swear that he wonld not bury him in Egypt, but carry
him to the sepulchre of his fathers.^ There is one point in
this passage which must not be j)assed over. " Israel bowed
himself upon the bed's head." An act of worship is certain-
ly intended, doubtless a thanksgiving to God for the peace-
ful close of his troubled life, and for the assurance of being
soon "gathered to his fathers."
Whether in this act Jacob bent his head reverently as he
raised himself on his bed, or Avhether he supported himself on
the head of his bedstead, as in the next chapter (v. 2), or on
the top of that shepherd's staif, " which he had carried all his
life,"^ is in itself of little consequence. But the last, and
probably the most natural interpretation, which is that given
by the LXX., and followed by St. Paul,'' has been strange-
ly perverted. The Vulgate, which in Genesis has adoravit
Deuin cojiversus ad lectidi caputs translates the passage in the
Hebrews adoravit fastigium virgm ejus (for cTri to aKpov tFjq
pa(3dov avTov), ivorshiped the top of his staff- and the text is
cited as an authority for image worship !
§ 2. Soon after this, Joseph heard that his father was sick ;
and he went to visit him with his sons, Manasseh and Ephra-
im.^ The dying patriarch blessed Joseph and his sons, in the
name of the " God, before Avhom his fathers Abraham and
Isaac had walked, the God Avho had fed him all his life long,
the Angel who had redeemed him from all evil." He
claimed Ephraim and Manasseh for his own, placing them
even before Reuben and Simeon, whose lust and violence had
forfeited their birthright ; and henceforth they were number-
ed among the heads of the tribes of Israel. Throughout the
whole scene, he gave Ephraim the precedence over Manasseh ;
and, though unable to see, he crossed his hands, disregarding
Joseph's opposition ; so that in blessing them his right hand
was on Ephraim's head, and his left on Manasseh's. Thus
was added one more lesson of God's sovereign choice to the
examples of Abel, Shem, Abram, Isaac, and himself, who were
all younger sons. He foretold for them a prosperity which
would make them the envy of the other tribes of Israel ; iind
he ended by giving Joseph an extra portion above his breth-
ren, thus marking him as his heir, in respect oi property ; for
the royal power was given to Judah, and ^q p>riesthood was
^ Gen. xlvii. 29-31. "" Gen. xxxii. 10. * Heb. xi. 21. ' Gen. xlviii.
120
The Last Years of Jacob and Joseph, Chap. X.
afterward assigned to Levi. The division of these three great
functions of the patriarchal government is already a mark of
the transition from the familj/ to the nation.
§ 3. Having thus given Joseph his separate and special
blessing for himself and his two sons, Jacob called all his
sons to hear the last words of Israel their father." He plain-
ly declared that his words w^ere of prophetic import, and that
their fulfillment would reach even to the last dat/s (v. 1).
Could we expound them fully, ^ve should probably find that,
in most, if not all the several blessings, there is a reference —
first, to the personal character and fortunes of the twelve
patriarchs; secondly, to the history and circumstances of the
tribes descended from them ; and, lastly, a typical allusion to
the twelve tribes of the spiritual Israel.^ We can trace the
first two elements in all cases, and the last is conspicuous in
the blessings on Judah and Joseph, the two heads of the
wdiole family. But the details of the interpretation are con-
fessedly most difiicult. The Avhole prophecy should be com-
pared with " the blessing, wherewith Moses, the man of God,
blessed the children of Israel before his death."" Like the lat-
ter, Jacob's prophecy contains a blessing on each tribe, though
in some cases it is almost disguised under the censure which
his sons had incurred.
i. Reuben, the eldest son, is acknowledged as his father's
" strengtli and the beginning of his might," and as " excel-
ling in dignity and power ;" for sucli was his privilege by
rig-ht of birth. He is always named first in the genealogies,
and his numerous and powerful tribe took the lead in war.
But he had forfeited his special birthright by a shameful
act of Avantonness, which is compared to water bursting its
bounds.® And not only did Reuben yield the royal dignity
to Judah, but, the possessions of the tribe lying in the most
exposed position east of the Jordan, they were the first to
become subject to a foreign power.
ii. and iii. Simeon and Levi are named together,^" as akin
in character, and together they are cut off from succeeding
to the place forfeited by Reuben, for their cruelty to the
Shechemites. The penalty of being " scattered in Israel," in-
stead of having a share in the inheritance, reads like a curse;
but it was turned into a blessing. The tribe of Levi, having
" Gen. xlix. The passage presents
us with the earliest example of He-
brew poetry, except the brief speech
of the Caioitc Laincch in Gen. iv. 23,
24. ' Kev. vii.
** Dent, xxxiii.
^ Gen. xlix. 4: so rather than un-
Hahle : the figure is that of the Greek
I'Tcp-pia/.oc.
'" So in Gen. xxix. 38, 34.
C.C. 1669, Jacob's Address to his Sous. 121
redeemed its parent's fault by takintr the Lord's side in tb-^
matter of the golden calf, was consecrated to the priesthood '*
and, though tliey had no inheritance in Israel, they enjoyed
a part of tlie mheritance of all the rest. Simeon earlV lost
consequence among the tribes. Plis territory, Avhich lay on
the extreme south-west border, was never wrested from the
Philistines. Many members of the tribe gained subsistence
and honor as teachers, " scattered " among all the other
tribes. °
iv. JuDAH is announced, in a grand burst of prophetic
fervor, as adding In his other dignities tliat of being the an-
cestor of the Mess:;i!i. In fact, the promise, which Tias been
limited step by step, is now centred in this tribe. The key-
note of the whole blessing is in the meaning of Judah's name,
Pkaise ;'^ and it includes'the following points : —
(1.) Precedence among his brethren and victory over his
enemies.
(2.) He is denoted by a fit symbol, which is varied to give
It a complete force— the lion's whelp, exulting over the prey
in youtliful vigor, the lion crouching in his den, the lioness
Avhoni none may provoke but at their peril. It was doubt-
less from this prophecy that the tribe of Judah took a lion's
Avhclp for its standard, with the motto, " liise up, Jehovah
and let thine enemies be scattered." '
(3.) Then follows a plain declaration of the royalty of Ju-
dah. From him was descended David, the son of Jesse, and
in his house the sceptre of Judah remained, while the rebel-
lious kingdom of tlie other tribes had many different dynas-
ties, till the Babylonish Captivity. The civil rulers of the
restored state (now called Jews, Judmi, because belongino-
chiefly to this tribe) were at first of the house of David, as in
the case of Zerubbabel.'' Even though the peculiar relig-
ious character of the new commonwealth threw the chief
power into the hands of the priests, and though Judas Mac-
cabaeus and his line of princes Avere of the race of Levi, the
nation which they governed was composed essentially of the
tribe of Judah. And thus " the sceptre did not depart from
Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet," till the usur-
pation of the Idumaean Herod gave a sign of "the coming of
the Shiloh," which Avas verified by the birth of Jesus Christ,
the Son of David and of Judah.
" J5^" ^^^■"' 2G-29. Ithecircmiistnncesof tlie person's birth
-We have Iiere an example of (Gen. xxix. 85), and propheiically tc
the double .significance of Scripture the destiny of hi3 race.
names, with reference, primarily, toj " Ezra iii. 2.
122 The Last Years of Jacob and Joseph. Chap. X.
V. Zebulun's lot is predicted in terms which exactly de-
scribe the position of the tribe between the Lake of Tiberias
and the Mediterranean, bordering on the coasts of the Phoeni-
cians, and sharing in their commerce.
vi. IssACHAR is described by " the image of the ' strong-
boned he-ass' — the large animal used for burdens and field-
work, not the lighter and swifter she-ass for riding — ' couch-
ing down between the two hedgerows,' chewing the cud of
stolid ease and quiet — which is very applicable, not only to
the tendencies and habits, but to the very size and air of a
rural agrarian people, Avhile the sequel of the verse is no less
suggestive of the certain result of such tendencies when un-
relieved by any higher asj)irations — ' He saw that rest was
good, and the land pleasant, and he bowed his back to bear
and became a slave to tribute' — the tribute imposed on him
by the various marauding tribes Avho were attracted to his
territory by the richness of the crops." The vale of"Esdrae-
lon, which just corresponds to the territory of Issachar, was
the most fertile land in Palestine.
vii. Dax, like Judah, is described by the significance of
his own name. His territories were at the two opjjosite ex-
tremities of the land, and it is doubtful whether the delinea-
tion of Dan in Jacob's blessing relates to the original settle-
ment on the western outskirts of Judah, or to the northern
outpost. "Dan," the judge, "shall judge his people;" he,
the son of the concubine no less than the sons of Leah; he,
the frontier tribe no less than those in the places of honor,
shall be " as one of the tribes of Israel." " Dan shall be a
sez'pent by the way, an adder in the path " — that is, of the
invading enemy by the north or by the west, " that biteth
the heels of the horse," the indigenous serpent biting the
foreign horse unknown to Israelite warfare, " so that his rider
shall fall backAvard." And his war-cry as from the front-
ier fortresses shall be, " For Thy salvation, O Lord I have
Availed !"^^
A'iii. Gad's fortune, too, is contained in his name, Avhich is
repeated Avith a play on the Avord : " Kplunderlng troop shall
plunder him, but he will plunder at their heels." As one of
the tribes east of Jordan, Gad Avas among the first carried
captive ;'^ and perhaps Jacob refers to this, promising that
" Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, p.
396. Accordiu;; to Jewish tradition,
Jacob's blessing on Dan is a pro-
phetic allusioii to SamsoiJ, the great
^ Judge ^ of the tribe ; and the ejac-
nlation with which it closes was that
actually uttered by Samson when
brought into the temple at Gaza.
1 Cbron. v. .26.
B.C. 1689.
Jacob's Address to his &fns.
123
his enemies shall not triumph to the end — a promise which
belongs also to the spiritual Israel.
ix. AsHER (the happy or blessed) is promised the richest
fruits of the earth. His land, some of the most fertile in
the north of Palestine, yielded him " fat bread " and " royal
dainties," and enabled him to "dip his foot in oil."^® But
this wealth was purchased by inglorious ease and forbidden
alliances with the heathen, whom he failed to drive out.^^
No great action is recorded of this tribe, and it furnished no
judge or hero to the nation. " One name alone shines out of
the general obscurity — the aged widow, 'Anna, the daughter
of Phanuel of the tribe of Aser,' who, in the very close of the
history, departed not from the Temple, but 'served God with
fastings and prayers night and day.' '''"*
X. Naphtali's blessing, also highly figurative, is obscured
in our version by a mistranslation. It should be
"Naphtfili is a towcririf^ terebinth ;
lie huth a goodly crest."
The description, like Deborah's,'" of
"Nnplitali on the high pLiccs of the field,"
agrees with the position of the tribe among the highlands
between Lebanon and the Upper Jordan, from its sources to
theSeaofGalilee.'"
xi. The blessing on Joseph forms the climax of the father's
fondness and the prophet's fervor. Taking his name {cidding
or increase) as a sign both of his past abundance and his fu-
ture enlargement, he compares him to a fruitful vine, or rath-
er a branch of the vine of Israel, throwing its shoots over
the wall of the cistern by which it is planted ; and he prom-
ises his favorite son every form of blessing that man could
desire or enjoy. As in all his history, so in this prophecy es-
pecially, Joseph is one of the most eminent types of Christ.
The symbols of the vine, of which He is the root, and the
members of His church the branches, and of the living Avater
by which the living tree is nourished, are expounded by him-
xii. Benjamin is described as a Avolf, ravening for his prey,
and successful in obtaining it — an image taken perhaps from
the wild beasts, such as wolves, foxes, jackals, and hyenas,
which infest the defiles of the territory of Benjamin. Mark-
^^ Deut. xxxiii. 24.
" Judges i. 31,32.
'•* Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, p.
265. ^^ Judges v. 18.
=" Comp. Dent, xxxiii. 23; Josh.
XX. 7.
2' John XV. i. foil, iv. 1 i, vii. 38, vi.
41-58, etc.
124 JacoUs Death and Burial. Chap.X.
ed as is the contrast to the majestic strength of Judah the
lion, the warlike character is common to both tribes, and
they were as closely connected in their history as the lion
and the jackal are believed to be in fact.
The concluding words (v. 29) show that this was a formal
appointment of Jacob's twelve sons to be the twelve heads
of the chosen race, now becoming a nation, instead of its hav-
ing one head as hitherto ; and also that the blessings and
prophecies of the dying patriarch had respect rather to the
tribes than to their individual ancestors ; and henceforth the
tribes are continually spoken of as if they were persons.
§ 4. Having added one more injunction to all his sons, to
bury him in the Cave of Machpelah, Jacob " gathered up his
feet into the bed, and yielded up his spirit, and was gathered
unto his people" at the age 147." After a burst of natural
grief, Joseph gave orders for his embalmment, and kept a
mourning of forty days, according to the Egyptian custom. ^^
He then went, by Pharaoh's permission, Avith all his breth-
ren, and the elders both of Israel and Egypt, and a great
military retinue, to carry the body of Jacob into Canaan.
Avoiding the warlike Philistines, they made a circuit to Atad,
near the Jordan, where they kept so great a mourning for
seven days, that the astonished Canaanites called the place
Abel Mizraim {the mourninf/ of Egypt). Proceeding thence
to Hebron, Jacob's sons buried him in the Cave of Machpe-
lah."
§ 5. On their return to Egypt, Joseph's brethren, fearing the
effect of their father's removal, sought his forgiveness, and
made submission to him. With tears of love, and disclaim-
ing the right to judge them, M'hich was God's alone, he re-
turned the memoiable answer — " Ye thought evil against
me, but God meant it unto good." He promised still to nour-
ish them and theirs : " And he comforted them, and spake
kindly unto them.""
§ G. Joseph survived his father for iifty-four years, still en-
joying, as we may assume, his honors at the court under the
same dynasty, though possibly under a succession of kings.
He saw Ephraim's children of the third generation, and had
Manasseh's grandchildren on his knees. At length he died
at the age of 110. He was embalmed and placed in a sar-
cophagus, but not buried. For before his death he had pre-
dicted to his brethren^" their return from Egypt to the prom-
" Gen. xlix. 33, xlvii. 28. 1 "•' Gcii. 1. 15-21 .
. ^^ Gen. 1. 1-3. -" This word has no doubt the ex-
'^^ Gen. 1. 1-13; comjiare § 8. [tended sense of the heads of the
B.C. 1G35. Interval heitueen JosejM and Moses.
12;
isecl land ; and he had bound them by an oath to carry hU
remains with them. " ^j faith Joseph, when he died, made
mention of the departing of the children of Israel; and gave
commandment concerning his bones"" (b.c. 1635).
Through all their afflictions, the children of Israel kept the
sacred deposit of Joseph's bones, and doubtless they often
consoled themselves with his dying promise and the mem-
ory of his greatness. Amid the terrors of that " memorable
night," when God led the people out of Egypt, Moses did
not forget the trust.^® When the people were settled in
Canaan, they buried Joseph at Shechem, in the parcel of
ground which Jacob bought from the Amorites, and which
he gave as a special inheritance to Joseph.^^
§ 7. Of the other patriarchs we are only told that " Joseph
died, and all his brethren, and all that generation."^" But
Stephen adds this remarkable statement : " Jacob went
down into Egypt and died, he and our fathers^ and were car-
ried over into Sychem^ and laid in the sepulchre that Abra-
ham bought for a sum of money of the sons of Emmor, the
father of Sychem.""
Though all the Hellenistic Jews " Avere unable to resist the
wisdom and spirit by which he spake,"^^ modern Christian
critics have discovered that Stephen confounded Abraham's
purchase of Machpelah from the Hittites with Jacob's pur-
chase near Shechem from the Amorites ! But after we have
corrected the obvious blunder of a copyist, by reading Jacob
for Abraham^ the question remains — Were Jacob and all his
sons buried at Shechem, in the same sepulchre as Joseph ?
Not necessarily. The passage may simply mean that Joseph's
tomb at Shechem was regarded as the family sepulchre.
Whether the bones of his brethren were placed in or beside
the sarcophagus of Joseph, and whether the remains of Ja-
cob were removed from Hebron to Shechem, are questions
suggested, but we scarcely think determined, by the words
of Stephen.
§ 8. The interval between the death of Joseph and the be-
ginning of the bondage in Egypt is dismissed with the brief
but emphatic statement, that " the children of Israel were
fruitful, and increased abundantly, and multiplied, and wax-
ed exceeding mighty ; and the land was filled with them."^*
tribes, including any of Jacob's sons
who were still alive; but Joseph
would naturally be one of the last
survivors of the twelve.
" Gen. 1.22-26: Ileb. xi. 22.
^«Ex. xiii. 19.
2^ Josh. xxiv. 32 ; compare Gea
xxxiii. ]9, xlviii. 22.
SI Acts vii. IG.
10. "Ex. i. 7,
s^Ex. i. G.
3- Acts vi.
126 Sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt. Chap. X.
The last words may imply that, while their main settlement
was still at Goshen, members of the race were scattered over
the country ; and, in sjiite of the system of caste, they may
have found employment as artificers and soldiers, as well as
snepherds. If this were so, they were again restricted to the
land of Goshen by the king who began to oppress them,^* and
were thus collected for their departure. Besides the informa-
tion contained in the genealogies, only one event is recorded
during this period — the unsuccessful predatory expedition of
Zabad, the sixth in descent from Ephraim, against the Philis-
tines." This repulse happening only a short time before the
Exodus, will help to account for the people's fear of the
Philistines.^® As Stephen brings down the prosperity of the
people till near the time of the Exodus, the bondage must
have begun only a short time before the birth of Moses."
§ 9. The whole period of the sojourn of the Israelites in
Egypt is reckoned at 430 years in the account of their de-
parture.^* It is impossible to take this number literally, con-
sistently with other chronological data ; but there can be no
difficulty in understanding it of the v^hole pilgrimage of the
chosen family, from the time when Abram was called to leave
his home for " a Ij^nd that he should aftervmrd receive as an
inheritance," to the time when his heirs did actually receive
it. And accordingly St. Paul reckons 430 years from the
promise made to Abraham to the giving of the LaAv (b.c.
1921-B.c. 1491, according to the received chronology)." In
the covenant with Abraham, the period is stated at 400
years. ^"^ We can not be surprised at a difference of thirty
years above the round number being neglected in a prophecy ;
besides, some years had already ela})sed, and if we reckon
from the last complete promise,"*^ we have only seven years
above the 400. The 430 years may be divided into two equal
periods — 215 years for the pilgrimage in Canaan (b.c. 1921-
1706), and 215 for the residence in Egypt (1706-1491). The
bondage itself was probal)ly less than 100 years, as the whole
period from the death of Joseph to the Exodus was 144 years
(b.c. 1635-1491).
«* Ex. viii. 22, X. 23.
^ 1 Chron. vii. 20-22.
^* Ex. xiii. 17.
Acts vii. 17, 18; comp. Ps. cv. 21,
tions of V. 16 agree with this, for be-
sides that the word may mean a
round period, as a century, the aver-
age duration of a generation was at
25. Ex. xii. 41. ^'-"GaL iii. 17. that time about 100 years; compare
*° Gen. XV. 13: the four genera- \ Acts vii. G. *' Gen. xvii. 19.
Chap. X.
Notes and Illustrations.
127
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
(A.) REVIEW OF THE PATKI-
AKCHAL PERIOD.
I. Mean'mg of the Patriarchal Dis-
pensation.— TliC Greek word Patri-
arch* (Uarpidpxv^, tlie father-ruler)
^ives a fuller etymological exjiression
to the idea which was at first essential
to the simpler Hebrew word, at the
time when the father was, by the
right of nature, the rukr of the whole
community formed by his living de-
scendants. In sacred history the term
is commonly applied to the descend-
ants of Adam, through the line of
Abraham, down to the time of Moses.
The whole plan of God's moral gov-
ernment and revelation of himself be-
fore the giving of the Mosaic Law
constitutes the Patriarchal Jjispensa-
tion, which St. Paul expressly distin-
guishes by the phrase " until the law,"
and defines as "from Adam to Mo-
ses " (Rom. v. 13, 14). Its peculiar
characteristics were the direct and in-
timate communion of God with His
people, and their government by a
moral system, the great principles of
which were well understood, though
not yet reduced to a code of laws.f
Ic was an experiment of moral gov-
ernment in the simple and beautiful
farm of family harmony. Its ideal
is expressed in the words — "I know
• It is specifically applied in the N. T. to
Abraham (Heb. vii. 4), to the twelve sons of
Jacob (Acts vii. 8, 9), and 1o David (Acts ii.
2!). The LXX. use it as the equivalent for
thf. head or prince of a triba (1 Chron.
xxiv. 31, xxvii. 22 ; 2 (jhron. xxiii. 20, xxvi.
12).
t The few cases of definite laws, which
are embodied in the so-called •■' Noachic Pre-
cepts," have been already noticed.
! Abraham, that he will command his
children and his household after him,
and they shall keep the way of Jeho-
vah, to do justice and judgment."
II. Its Three Stages. — The patri-
archal dispensation may be divided
into three stages. (1.) When our
first parents had fallen from their
primitive state of innocence, they
were placed, by the promise of a deliv-
erer, in a condition still to trust in
the mercy of God, and to choose be-
tween a life of humble dependence
and obedience to Him, and self-will-
ed opposition against Him ; and the
observance of sacrifices of blood seems
to have been an outward sign dis-
tinguishing the followers of these two
courses. The distinction was seen
in the personal characters of Cain
and Abel, and in the family charac-
ters of the Cainites and the Sethites;
but before long the latter also were
corrupted by their union with the
former — tlie sons of God intermarry-
I ing with the daughters of men — and
the general result was an almost uni-
versal experiment on God's forbear-
ance. (2.) This state of things was
ended by the Deluge, after which tlie
experiment of godly obedience and
patriarchal order was renewed under
the fresh conditions laid down by the
covenant with Noah, insuring the
divine forbearance till the end of
time. But when the prospect of judg-
ment was thus removed far off, sin
: assumed new courage ; the Babel-
j builders made the daring attempt to
I render themselves independent of Je-
I hovah : nations were founded on those
godless principles which have ever
128
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. X.
since prevailed in the "kingdoms of
this world." This was the very con-
summation of rebellion against the
patriarchal dispensation ; while the
authority with which it invested the
father of the family was claimed, as it
has been to our own day,for the despot
and usurper. Idolatry was established
in all these kingdoms ; and the pure
worsliip of Jehovah was alone j)re-
served, or perhaps we should rather
say, retaught to man, in connection
with the true model of patriarchal
government, in the one family, which
was chosen to wander about as no-
mads, living imder tents, amid the
nations with whom as yet they shared
no earthly inheritance. (3.) It is in
this third stage that we see the gen-
eral form and spirit of the patriarchal
life ; for the notices of the earlier
periods are too scanty to afford us
more than a few detached lessons of
a moral and religious nnture. Of the
social life of the Antedihivian Patri-
archs, and even of the Post-diluvian
Patriarchs before Abraham, we know
next to nothing ; but when we turn
to the pictures of Abraham dwelling
in tents* with Isaac and Jacob, the
heirs with him of the same promises ;
of the other branch of the family
at Ilaran ; of the conflicts between
Sarah and Hagar on behalf of Ishmael
and Isaac, and between Esau and
Jacob themselves for the right of in-
lieritance ; of Isaac and Jacob bless-
ing their children before they died;
and of the varied relations between
the sons of Israel and tlieir families —
in these and many other scenes we
see tlie Morking of the patriarchal
system witli sufficient distinctness to
trace its leading principles.
III. Its leading j>rincij}les. — It is
based on the sacredness of family ties
and paternal authority. This author-
' '•'•The Bedouin tents are still tlie faith-
ful reproduction of the outward life of the pa-
triarchs." Stanley's Hinai and Palestine,
Preface, p. xxiv.
ity, as the only one which is natural
and original, is inevitably the founda-
tion of the enrliest form of society,
and is probably seen most perfectly
in wandering tribes, where it is not
affected by local attachments and by
the acquisition of wealth. It is one,
from the nature of the case, limited
in its scope, depending more on its
sacredness than its power, and giving
room for much exercise of freedom ;
and as it extends from the family to
the tribe, it must become less strin-
gent and less concentrated, in propor-
tion to its wider diffusion. In Scrip-
ture this authority is consecrated by
an ultimate reference to God, as the
God of the patriarch, the father (that
is) both of him and his children.
Not, of course, that the idea of God's
Fatherhood carried with it the knowl-
edge of man's jersonal communion
with His nature (which is revealeti l>y
the Incarnation) ; it rather implied
faith in His protection, and a free
and loving obedience to His author-
ity, with the hope (more or less as-
sured) of some greater blessing from
Him in tlie coming of the promised
seed. At the same time, this faith
was not allowed to degenerate, as it
was prone to do, into an appropri-
ation of God, as the mere tutelary
I God of the race. The Lord, it is true,
i suffers Himself to be called "the
^God of Sheni, of Abraham, of Isaac,
and of Jacob;" but He also reveals
Himself (and that em])hatically, as
' though it were His peculiar title) as
the "God Almighty" (Gen. xvii. ],
ixxviii. 3, XXXV. 11); Pie is addressed
j as the "Judge of all the earth " (Gen.
; xviii. 25), and as such is known to
1 have intercourse with Pharaoh and
! Abimelech (Gen. xii. 17, xx. 3-8), to
hallow the priesthood of Melchizedek
(Gen. xiv. 18-20), and to execute
{wrath on Sodom and Gomorrah. All
this would confirm what the general-
ity of the covenant with Noah and
Chaf. X.
Xoies and lllasiraiions.
129
of the promise of blessing to " all na-
tions" in Abraham's seed must have
distinctly taught that the chosen fam-
ily were not substitutes but represent-
atives of all mankind, and that God's
relation to them was a clearer and
more perfect type of that in which He
stood to all.
Still the distinction and preserva-
tion of the chosen family, and the
maintenance of the jjaternal author-
ity, are the special purposes which
give a key to the meaning of the his-
tory and of the institutions recorded.
For this the birthright (probably car-
rying with it the priesthood) was re-
served to the first-born, belonging to
liim by inheritance, yet not assured j history itself.
to him till he received his father's
blessing ; for this the sanctity of mar-
riage was jealously and even cruelly
guarded, as in Gen. xxxiv, 7, 13, 31
(Dinah), and in xxxviii. 24 (Tamar),
from the license of the world with-
out ; and all intermarriage with idola-
ters was considered as treason to the
family and the God of Abraham (Gen.
xxvi. 34, 35, xxvii. 46, xxviii. 1, 6-
1)). Natural obedience and affection
are the earthly virtues especially
brought out in the history, and the
sins dwelt upon (from the irreverence
of Ham to the selling of Joseph) are
all such as oifend against these.
The type of character formed under
it is one imperfect in intellectual and
spiritual growth, because not yet tried
by the subtler temptations, or forced
to contemplate the deeper questions
of life; but it is one remarkably
simple, affectionate, and free, such as
would grow uj) under a natural au-
thority, derived from God and cen-
tring in Him, yet allowing, under its
unquestioned sacredness, a familiarity
and freedom of intercourse with Him,
which is strongly contrasted with the
stern and awful character of the Mo-
saic dispensation. To contemplate it
from a Christian point of view is like
F 2
looking back on the unconscious
freedom and innocence of childhood,
with that deeper insight and strength
of character which arc gained by the
experience of manhood. We see in
it the germs of the future, of the fu-
ture revelation of God, and the future
trials and development of man. It
is on this fact that the typical inter-
pretation of its history depends, an
nterpretation sanctioned directly by
the example of St. Paul (Gal. iv. 21-
31 ; Heb. vii. 1-17), indirectly sup-
ported by other passages of Scripture
(Matt. xxiv. 37-39 ; Luke xvii. 28-
32 ; Kom. X. 10-13), and instinctively
adopted by all who have studied the
(B.) THE BOOK OF JOB.
In addition to the notices of patri-
archal life contained in the Book of
Genesis, we possess a contemporary
document which throws a flood of light
on the manners, the social condition,
and the moral and religious character
of the period. It would be out of
place here to attempt a full discussion
of the theories that have been main-
tained respecting the Book of Job ; but
whatever opinions may be held of the
reality of Job's personal existence,
and of the events on which the great
discussion that fills the book is based,
there is enough internal evidence for
our present purpose. The residence
of the patriarch in the land of Uz,
which took its name from a son of
Aram (Gen. x. 23), or Nahor (Gen.
xxii. 21), marks him as belonging to
a branch of the Aramaean race, which
had settled in the lower part of Meso-
potamia (probably to the south or
south-east of Palestine, in Iduma^an
Arabia), adjacent to the Sab£eans and
Chaldisans.* The opinions of Job
* As far as we can gather, tlie land of L'z
lay either east or south-east of Palestine, ad-
jacent to the Sabfeans and the Chaldsaas
(Job i. 15, 17), consequently northward of the
130
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. X.
and his friends are thus peculiarly in-|
teresting as exhibiting an aspect of
the patriarchal religion outside of the ^
family of Abraham, and as yet unin-
fluenced by the legislation of Moses.* \
The form of worship belongs essen- j
tially to the early patriarchal type ;
with little of ceremonial ritual, with-
out a separate priesthood, it is thor-
oughly domestic in form and spirit.
The state of society, while still essen-
tially patriarchal, and based on the
same foundations of parental author-
ity and family order that we see in !
the Book of Genesis^ forms a striking :
contrast with the latter in its devel- |
opment beyond the stage of simple
pastoral life.
All critics concur in extolling the
fresh antique simplicity of manners
described in this book, the genuine
air of the wild, free, vigorous life of
the desert, the stamp of hoar antiq-
uity, and the thorough consistency in
the development of characters, equally
remarkable for originality and force.
There is an absolute contrast between
the manners, thoughts, and feelings,
Bouthera Arabians, and westward of the Eu-
phrates ; and, lastly, adjacent to the Edom-
ites of Mount Seir, who at one period occu-
pied Uz, probably as conquerors (Lam. iv. 21),
and whose troglodyte habits are probably de-
scribed in Job XXX. 6, 7. Tiie position of the
country may further be deduced from the na-
tive lands of Job's friends, Eliphaz the Te-
manite being an Idumsean, Elihu the Buzite
being probably a neighbor of tlie Chaldasans,
for Buz and Chesed were brothers (Gen. xxii.
'21, 22), and Bildad the Sliuhite being one of
the Bene-Kedem. From the above data we
infer that the land of Uz corresponds to the
Arabia Deserta of classical geography — at all
events, to so much of it as lies north of the
oOth parallel of latitude. This district has
in all ages been occupied by nomad tribes,
who roam from the borders of Palestine to
the Euphrates, and northward to the confines
of Syria. Tliis view is confirmed by the
marked traces of the ancient Aramaic dialect
i!i the language of the book, and by its close
affinity to Arabia.
* The total absence of any allusion, not
only to the Mosaic Law, but to the events of
the Exodus, the fame of which must have
reached the country of Job, on any hypotlie-
His re-pecting its locality, is a strong argu-
ment for the early age both of the patriarch
and of the book.
and tliose whicli characterized the
Israelites during the monarchical pe-
riod ; while whatever difference ex-
ists between the customs of the older
patriarchs as described in Genesis
and those of Job's family and asso-
ciates, is accounted for by the progress
of events in the intervening period.
The chieftain lives in considerable
splendor and dignity ; menial offices,
such as commonly devolved upon
the elder patriarchs and their chil-
dren, are now performed by serv-
ants, between whom and the family
the distinction appears to be more
strongly marked. Job visits the city
frequently, and is there received with
high respect as a prince, judge, and
distinguished Avarrior (Job xxix. 7-
9). There are allusions to courts of
judicature, wiitten indictments, and
regular forms of procedure (Job xiii.
26, and xxxi, 28). JSten had begun
to observe and reason upon the phe-
nomena of nature, and astronomical
observations were connected with cu-
rious speculations upon primeval tra-
ditions. Wc read (Job xx. 15, xxiii.
10, xxvii. IG, 17, xxviii. 1-21) of min-
ing operations, great buildings, ruin-
ed sepulchres, and there are through-
out copious allusions to the natural
productions and the arts of Egypt.
The book consists of five parts : the
introduction, the discussion between
Job and his three friends, the speech
of Elihu, the manifestation and ad-
dress of Almighty God, and the con-
cluding chapter.
1. The introduction supplies all the
facts on which the argument is based.
Job, a chieftain in the land of Uz, of
immense wealth and high rank, " the
greatest of all the men of the East,"
is represented to us as a man of per-
fect integrity, blameless in all the re-
lations of life, declared indeed by the
Lord Himself to be " without his like
in all the earth," "a perfect and an
upright man, one that feareth God,
Chap. X.
Notes and Illustrations.
131
and eschcweth evil." One question
conld be raised by envy : may not the
Koodness which secures such direct
and tangible rewards be a refined
form of selfishness ? In the world of
spirits, where all the mysteries of ex-
istence are brought to light, Satan,
the accusing angel, suggests thedoubt,
"doth Job fear God for naught?"
and asserts boldly that if those ex-
ternal blessings were withdrawn Job
would cast off his allegiance — "he:
will curse thee to tliy face." Thej
problem is thus distinctlypropounded
which this book is intended to discuss
and solve. Can goodness exist irre-
spective of reward ? can. the fear of
God be retained by man when every
inducement to selfishness is taken
away ? The accuser receives permis-
sion to make the trial. He destroys
Job's property, then his children ;
and afterward, to leave no possible
opening for a cavil, is allowed to in-
flict upon him the most terrible dis-
ease known in the East. Job's wife
breaks down entirely under the trial.
Job remains steadfast. He repels his ]
wife's suggestion with the simple!
words, "What ! sliall we receive good i
at the hand of the Lord, and shall we
not I'eceive evil ?" " In all this did
not Job sin with his lips." The ques-
tion raised by Satan was thus answer-
ed.
2. Still it is clear that many points
of deep interest would have been left
in obscurity. Entire as was the sub-
mission of Job, he must have been in-
wardly perplexed by events to which
he had no clew, which were quite un-
accountable on any hypothesis hither-
to entertained, and seemed repugnant
to the ideas of justice engraven on
man's heart. An opportunity for the
discussion of the providential govern^
ment of the world is afforded in the
most natural manner by the introduc-
tion of three men, representing the
wisdom and experience of th?; ?\ge,
who came to condole with Job on
hearing of his misfortunes. The
meeting is described with singular
beauty. At a distance they greet
him with the wild demonstrations of
sympathizing grief usual in the East ;
coming near, they are over powered by
the sight of his wretchedness, and sit
seven days and seven nights without
uttering a word. This awful silence
drew out all his anguish. In all
agony of desperation he curses the
day of his birth. With the answer to
this outburst begins a series of discus-
sions, continued probably with some
intervals during several successive
days. The results of the first discus-
sion (from ch. iii.-xiv.) may be thus
summed up. We have on the part of
Job's friends a theory of the divine
government resting upon an exact and
uniform correlation betw^een sin and
punishment (iv. G, 11, and through-
out). Afflictions are always penal,
issuing in the destruction of those
who are radically opposed to God, or
who do not submit to His chastise-
ments. They lead of course to cor-
rection and amendment of life when
the sufferer repents, confesses his sins,
puts them away, and turns to God.
In that case restoration to peace, and
even increased prosperity may be ex-
pected (v. 17-27). Still the fact of
the suffering always proves the com-
mission of some special sin, while the
demeanor of the sufferer indicates the
true internal relation between him and
God, These principles are applied
by them to the case of Job. In this
part of the dialogue the character of
the three friends is clearly developed.
In order to do justice to the position
and arguments of Job, it must be
borne in mind, that the direct object
of the trial was to ascertain whether
he would deny or forsake God, and
that his real integrity is asserted by
God Himself. He denies the assertion
that punishment follows surely on
132
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. X.
guiU;, or proves its commission. In
the government of Providence he can
see but one point clearly, viz., that all
events and results are absolutely in
God's hand (xii. 9-2.")), but as for the
principles which underlie those events
lie knows nothing. In fact he is sure
that his friends are'equally uninform-
cd. Still he doubts not that God is
just. There remains then but one
course open to him, and that he takes.
lie turns to supplication, implores
God to give him a fair and open trial
(xiii. 18-28). Believing that with
death all hope connected with this
woi-ld ceases, he prays that he may be
hidden in the grave (xiv. 13), and
there reserved for the day when God
will try his cause and manifest Him-
self in love (ver. 15). In the second
discussion (xv.-xxi.) there is a more
resolute elaborate attempt on the part
of Job's friends to vindicate their the-
ory of retributive justice. This re-
quires an entire overthrow of the po-
sition taken by Job. Eliphaz (xv.),
who, as usual, lays down the basis of
the argument, does not now hesitate
to impute to Job the worst crimes of
which man could be guilty. Bildad
(xviii.) takes up this suggestion of un-
godliness, and concludes that the spe-
cial evils which had come upon Job
are peculiarly the penalties due to one
who is without God. Zoj)har not only
accounts for Job's present calamities,
but menaces him with still greater
evils (xx.). In answer, Job recog-
nizes the hand of God in his afflic-
tions (xvi. 7-1 G, and xix. 6-20), but
rejects the charge of ungodliness ; he
has never forsaken his Maker, and
never ceased to pray. He argues that
since in this life the righteous certain-
ly are not saved from evil, it follows
that their ways are watched and their
sufferings recnrdrd, with a view to a
future and ])eifect manifestation of
the divine justice. On the other
hand, stung bvthe harsh and narrow-
minded bigotry of his opponents, Job
draws out (xxi.) with terrible force
the undeniable fact, that from the be-
ginning to the end of their lives un-
godly men, avowed atheists (vs. 14,
15), persons in fact guilty of the very
crimes imputed, out of mere conjec-
ture, to himself, frequently enjoy great
and unbroken prosperity. In the third
dialogue (xxii.-xxxi.) no real prog-
ress is made by Job's opponents. Eli-
phaz (xxii.) makes a last effort. The
station in which Job was formerly
placed presented temptations to cer-
tain crimes : the punishments which
he undergoes are precisely such as
might be expected had those crimes
been committed ; hence, he infers,
they actually were committed. Bil-
dad has nothing to add but a few sol-
emn words on the incomprehensible
majesty of God and the nothingness
of man. Zophar is put to silence.
In his two last discourses Job does
not alter his position, nor, properly
speaking, adduce any new argu-
ment, but he states, with incompara-
ble force and eloquence, the chief
points which he regards as establish-
ed (xxvi.). He then (xxvii.) de-
scribes even more completely than
his opponents had done the destruction
which, as a rule, ultimately falls upon
the hypocrite. Then follows (xxviii.)
the grand description of Wisdom,
The remainder of this discourse
(xxix.-xxxi.) contains a singularly
beautiful description of his former
life, contrasted with his actual misery,
together with a full vindication of his
character from all the charges mady
or insinuated by his opponents.
3. Thus ends the discussion in
which it is evident both parties had
partially failed. The points which
had been omitted, or imperfectly de-
veloped, are now taken up by a new
interlocutor (xxxii.-xxxvii.). Elihu,
a young man, descended from a col-
lateral branch of the familv of Abra-
Chap. X.
Notes and Illustrations.
\Zi
ham, has listened in indignant silence
to the arguments of his elders
(xxxii. 7), and, impelled by an in-
Avard inspiration, he now addresses
himself to both parties in the discus-
sion, and especially to Job. He shows
that they had accused Job upon false
or insufficient grounds, and failed to
convict him, or to vindicate God's
justice. Job again had assumed his
entire innocence, and had arraigned
that justice (xxxiii. 9-11. These er-
rors he traces to their both overlook-
ing one main object of all suffering.
God speaks to men by chastisement.
This statement does not involve any
charge of special guilt, such as the
friends had alleged and Job had repu-
diated. Again, Elihu argues (xxxiv.
]0-17) that any charge of injustice,
direct or implicit, against God in-
volves a contradiction in terms. God
is the only source of justice ; the very
idea of justice is derived from His
governance of the universe. Job is
silent, and Elihu proceeds (xxxvi.) to
show that the Almightiness of God is
not, as Job seems to assert, associated
with any contempt or neglect of His
creatures. The rest of the discourse
brings out forcibly the lessons taught
by the manifestations of goodness, as
well as greatness, in creation. The
last words are evidently spoken while
a violent storm is coming on.
4. It is obvious that many weighty
truths have been developed in the
course of the discussion — nearly every
theory of the objects and uses of suf-
fering has been reviewed — while a
great advance has been made toward
the apprehension of doctrines here-
after to be revealed, such as were
known only to God. But the mystery
is not as yet really cleared up. Hence
the necessity for the Theophany —
from the midst of the storm Jehovah
speaks. In language of incompara-
ble grandeur He reproves and silences
the murmurs of Job. God does not
condescend, strictly speaking, to ai*-
gue with His creatures. The specula,
tive questions discussed in the collo-
quy are unnoticed, but the declara-
tion of God's absolute power is il-
lustrated by a marvellously beauti-
ful and comprehensive survey of the
glory of creation, and his all-embra-
cing Providence by reference to the
phenomena of the animal kingdom.
A second address completes the work.
It proves that a charge of injustice
against God involves the consequence
that the accuser is more competent
than He to rule the universe.
5. Job's unreserved submission ter-
minates the trial. In the rebuke then
addressed to Job's opponents the in-
tegrity of his character is distinctly
recognized, while they are condemn-
ed for untruth, which is pardoned on
the intercession of Job. The restora-
tion of his external prosperity, which
is an inevitable result of God's person-
al manifestation, symbolizes the ulti-
mate compensation of the righteous
for all sufferings undergone upon
earth. The great object of the book
must surely be that which is distinct-
ly intimated in the introduction, and
confirmed in the conclusion, to show
the effects of calamity in its worst
and most awful form upon a truly re-
ligious spirit.
(C.) NAMES AND EAllLY HIS-
TORY OF EGYPT.
I. Navies. — The scriptural name
" Ham " seems to be identical with the
indigenous name of Egypt, as it ap-
pears in hieroglyphics, "Khemmi,"
and refers to the black color of the
soil. The special name in scriptural
geography was " Mizraim," a noun in
the dual number, signifying the tico
{i. e., the Upper and Lower) Misi-, the
name by which Egypt is still desig-
nated by the Arabs: it means "red
mud." The Nile is occasionally
named " Shihor " (Is. xxiii. 3 ; Jer. ii.
134:
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. X
18); but more commonly "Yeor"
(Gen. xli. 1 ; Ex. i. 22), after the Cop-
tic iaro, " river ;" the Hebrews also
applied to it sometimes the term yom,
"sea" (Is. xix. 5 ; Ez. xxxii. 2 ; Nah.
iii. 8).
n. History. — Tlie ancient history
of Egypt may be divided into three
portions : — the old monarchy, extend-
ing from the foundation of the king-
dom to the invasion of the Hyksos ;
the middle, from the entrance to the
expulsion of the Hyksos ; and the
new, from the re-establishmeut of the
native monarchy by Amosis to the
Persian conquest.
(1.) The Old Monarchy. — Memphis
was the most ancient capital, the
foundation of which is ascribed to
Menes, the first mortal king of Egypt.
The names of the kings, divided into
thirty dynasties, are handed down in
the lists of Manetho,* and are also
known from the works which they
executed. The most memorable epoch
in the history of the Old Monarchy
is tliat of the pyramid kings, placed
in Manetho's fourth dynasty. Their
names are found upon these monu-
ments: the builder of the great pyra-
mid is called Suphis by Manetho,
Cheops by Herodotu>, and Khufu, or
Shii/u, in an inscription upon the
jiyramid. The erection of the second
])yramid is attributed by Herodotus
and Diodorus to Chephren ; and upon
the neighboring tombs has been read
the names o? Khafra, or Shafre. The
builder of the third pyramid is named
Mycerinus by Herodotus and Diod-
orus ; and in this very pyramid a
coffin has been found bearing the
name Menkura. The most powerful
kings of the Old Monarchy were those
* Manetho was an i:gyptian piiest who
lived under the Ptolemies in the third century
i{,c., and wrote in Greek a history of Egypt,
la which he divided the kings into tliirty
dynasties. The work itself is lost, hut the
lists of dynasties have been preserved by tlie
Christian writers.
of Manetho's twelfth dynasty : to this
period are assigned the construction
of the Lake of Moeris and the Laby-
rinth.
(2.) The Middle Monarchy. — Oi
this period we only know that a
nomadic horde called Hyksos* for
several centuries occupied and made
Egypt tributary ; that their capital
was Memphis; that in the Sethroite
name they constructed an immense
earth-camp, which they called Aba-
ris; that at a certain period of their
occupation two independent kingdoms
were formed in Egypt, one in the
Thebaid, which held intimate rela-
tions with Ethiopia ; another at Xois,
among the marshes of the Nile ; and
that, finally, the Egyptians regained
their independence, and expelled the
Hyksos, who thereupon retired into
Palestine. The Hyksos form i\\Qff~
teentli, sixteenth, and seventeenth dy-
nasties. Manetho says they were
Arabs, but he calls the six kings of
the fifteenth dynasty Phoenicians.
(3.) The New Monarchy extends
from the commencement of the eight-
eenth to the end of the thirtieth dy-
nasty. The kingdom was consolida-
ted by Amosis, who succeeded in ex-
pelling the Hyksos, and thus prepared
the way for the foreign expeditions
which his successors carried on in
Asia and Africa, extending from Mes-
opotamia in the former to Ethiopia
in the latter continent. The glorious
era of Egyptian history was under
the nineteenth dynasty, when Sethi I.,
B.C. 1322, and liis grandson, Rameses
the Great, u.c. 1311, both of whom
represent the Sesostris of the Greek
historians, carried their arms over the
whole of Western Asia and southward
into Soudan, and amassed vast treas-
ures, Avhich were expended on public
works. Under the later kings of the
• This, their Egyptian name, is derived
by Manetho from Hyk, a king, and Sos., a
rhepUerd.
Chap. X.
Notes and Illustrations.
135
nineteenth dynasty the power of Egypt
faded : the twentieth and tiventy-Jirst
dynasties achieved nothing worthy
of record ; but with the twenty -second
we enter upon a period that is inter-
esting from its associations with bib-
lical history, the first of this dynasty,
Sheshonk I. (Seconchis) b.c. 990, be-
ing the Shishak who invaded Judiea
in Rehoboam's reign and pillaged the
Temple (I Kings xiv. 25). Of this
event and of the subsequent history
of Egypt, we shall have further occa-
sion to speak.
It was necessary to give this sum-
mary of ancient Egyptian history be-
fore discussing the difficult question
of the period of the sojourn of the
Israelites in Egypt. The chronology
of Egypt is now so far settled that
the accession of the eighteenth dynasty
may be regarded as fixed to within a
few years of B.C. 1525. The era of
the Exodus, in the system of Ussher,
is B.C. 1491. The obvious conclu-
sion agrees with the statement of Ma-
netho, that Moses left Egypt under
Amosis, the first king of the eighteenth
dynasty. The same king, as we have
already seen, expelled tlie Shepherd
Kings ; and there is, in fact, no doubt
that the great power of the eighteenth
dynasty was connected with this ex-
pulsion. In this change of dynasty
many writers tee a ui.tural exj)lana-
I tion of the " new king who knew not
Joseph." If this view is correct, Jo-
seph would have come into Egypt
under one of the later kings of the
Shepherd dynasty. But, plausible as
this theory is, the uncertainty in which
scriptural chronology is involved pre-
vents us from coming to any definite
conclusion. Lepsius and other em-
inent Egyptologers place the arrival
of the Israelites under the eighteenth
dynasty, and the Exodus under the
nineteeiith, in the year 131-i B.C. Ho
identifies the chief oppressor, from
whom Moses Hod, with the great king
of the nineteenth dynasty, Rameses II.,
and the Pharoah of the Exodus with
his son and successor MenptaHj or
Phthaiimen.
Mr. Poole, however, takes an en-
tirely opposite view, and places not
only the arrival of the Israelites in
Egypt, but also the Exodus, within
the dynasties of tlie Shepherd kings
{Diet, of the Bible, art. Egypt). It
seems impossible to come to any def-
inite conclusion upon the subject. The
difficulty of a solution is still further
increased by the uncertainty as to the
length of the sojourn of the Israelites
in Egypt, whether it was 215 years,
according to the Septuagint, or 430
years, according to the Hebrew. This
point is discussed in § 9 of the pre-
ceding chftptcr.
The Egyptian Bastinado. See p. 139. (Wilkiuson.)
BOOK III.
FROM MOSES TO JOSHUA. THE EXODUS OF THE CHOSEN
NATION, AND THE GIVING OF THE LAW FROM SINAI.
A.M. 2404-2553. B.C. IGOO (cir.)-1451.
CHAPTER XI.
THE EGYPTIAN BONDAGE AND THE MISSION OF MOSES, TO THE
EXODUS. A.M. 2404-2513. B.C. 1600 (cir.)-1491.
§ 1. The people of Israel oppressed. § 2. The birth and education of JMoses.
§ 3. His choice to suffer with his people. § 4. His flight from E<xypt
and residence in Midian. § 5. God ai)pears to him in tlie burning
bush — The mission of Moses and Aaron to Israel and Pharaoh. § G.
Moses returns to Egypt and meets Aaron — Their reception by the peo-
ple. § 7. Their first appeal to Pharaoh — Increase of the oppression —
Tlie renewal of Jehovah's covenant. § 8. The conflict with" Piiaraoh
— The Ten Plagues of Egypt. § 9. Institution of the Passover. § 10.
The death of the first-born of Egypt, and the Exodus of the Israelites.
§1. "NoAV there arose up a new ling over Egypt^ioldch
kneu:) not Joseph.^^^ So begins the story of the affliction of
the Israelites in Egypt, and of that marvellous deliverance,
wliich has given to the second book of the Bible its Greek
title of Exodus. The date of this event may be placed about
or after the beginning of the sixteenth century b.c, according
to the common chronology ; and it probably signifies a change
of dynasty. But whether that change consisted in the ex-
pulsion of the Shepherds and the rise of the great Eight'
eenth Dynasty of native kings, is unfortunately most uncer*
- Ex. i. 8.
B.C. 1600.
The Bondage and the Exodus.
137
tain,'^ At all events, we see the new monarch dreading some
war, in which the enemy might be aided by the people of
Israel, who were " more nmnerous and mightier than his own
subjects," and dreading also their escape out of the land.^
He therefore adopted the policy* of reducing them to slav-
ery ; which was made more rigorous the more the people in-
creased. Their hxbor consisted in field-work, and especially
in makini^ bricks and building the " treasure-cities " (proba-
bly for storing up corn) Pithom and Raamses.' Still they
multiplied and grew; and Pharaoh adopted a more cruel and
atrocious course. He commanded the Hebrew midwives to
kill the male children at their birth, but to preserve the fe-
males. The midwives, however, " feared God " and disobey-
ed the king ; and they were rewarded by the distinction given
to their lamilies in Israel. Their names were Shiphrah and
Puah.° The king then commanded the Egyptians to drown
the new-born sons of the Israelites in the river, but to save
the daughters."'
§ 2. Pharaoh's edict of infanticide led, by the providence of
God, to tlie rearing up at his own court of the future deliver-
er of Israel. Amram, the son of Kohath, son of Levi, had es-
poused Jochebed, Avho was also of the tribe of Levi ; and
they had already two children, a daughter called Miriam
(the same name as the Mary of the New Testament), and a
son named Aaron. ^ Another son was born soon after the
king's edict. With maternal fondness, increased by the
boy's beauty, and in faith (as it seems) on a prophetic inti-
the land of Kameses " (Gen. xlvii.
1 1), wliich was a part of the land of
Goshen. (See p. 117.) Pithom is
apparently the town called Patumus
by Herodotus.
"Comp.Actsvii. 19. ^ Ex. i.15-21.
^ Their descent from Levi appears
by the penealogical table at the bot-
tom of this page.
2 See p. 135.
^ Ex. i. 8, 9 ; compare Ps. cv. 24.
^ " Come on, let us deal icisely with
them" (comp. Ps. cv. 25; Acts vii.
19 ; also Ps. Ixxxiii. 3, 4 ; Prov. xvi.
25, xxi. 30).
^ These two cities Averc in the land
of Goshen. We read that Joseph
settled his father and brethren "in
Levi.
Gershon.
itQr = MiRi
Nadab-
Abihu.
I
Kohath.
Amram = Jochebed.
I
Meraii
Aaeon = Elishebn.
I
I
Eleazar.
I
Phinehas
Ithamar.
Moses = Zipporah
Gershom. Eliazer,
Jonatlian.
138 The Choice of Moses. Chap. XI
mation of his destiny, liis mother hid him for three months.'
When concealment was no longer possible, Jochebed pre*
pared a covered basket of papyrus daubed Avith bitumen to
make it water-tight, and placed it among the rushes on the
banks of the Nile, or one of the canals, leaving Miriam to
watch the result at a distance. To that very spot the daugh-
ter of Pharaoh came down to bathe. She saw the ark, and
sent one of her maidens to fetch it. As she opened it, the
babe Avei)t, and, touched with pity, she said, " This is one of
the Hebrews' children." At this moment Miriam came for-
Avard, and having received the princess's permission to find
a nurse, she went and fetched the child's mother. While
she reared him as the son of Pharaoh's daughter, she doubt-
less taught him the knowledge of the true God and the his-
tory of the chosen race. In all other respects Moses^" was
brought up as an Egyptian prince, and "he was educated^*
in all the wisdom of the Egyptians."^^ St. Stephen adds
that " he was mighty in words and in deeds ;" and what-
ever we may think of tlie traditions about this period of his
life,^^ it was certainly a part of his training for his great
mission.
§ 3. The narrative in Exodus passes over this period, to
the crisis at which he decided to cast in his lot with his own
peoj^le, when " by faith he refused to be called (renounced
the rank of) the son of Pharaoh's daughter ; choosing rather
oppression with the people of God tlian the fleeting enjoy-
ment cf sin, deeming the reproach of Christ greater wealth
than the treasures of Egypt, for he regarded the recom-
pense ;'"* — a most striking passage, which not only implies a
deliberate choice^ but the hope of Messiah's coming and the
exjDectation of rewards and punishments. So St. Stephen
says that it came into his heart to visit his brethren the chil-
dren of Israel, and that he supposed his brethren would have
understood how that God by his hand would deliver them.'^
«Ex.ii. 1,2; comp. Heb. xi. 23.
'" The name applies to the foiind-
linpf of the water's side — whether ac-
cording to its Hebrew or Egyptian
form. Its Hebrew form is Mosheh,
from Mdshdh, "to draw out" — "be-
cause I bave drawn liim out of the
" In our version the word "learn,
ed " means this. It is tlie particle
of the old transitive verb, thoufih
modern readers take it in the mod-
ern sense.
'^ Acts vii. 22.
These traditions represent him as
water." But this (as in many other educated at Heliopolis as a priest,
instances, Bahel, etc.) is probably the and taught the whole range of Egyp-
Hebrew form given to a foreign word. I tian, Chaldee, Assyrian, and Greek
In Coptic, vio = water, and nshe — literature. " Heb. xi. 26.
saved. ' '' Acts vii. 23-25.
B.C. 1531. Tlie Bondage and the Exodus. 139
These passages bring out the full meaning of his own simpler
statement that " he went out unto his brethren, and looked
on their burdens.'""
The time of this event was " when Moses was grown," or
" wiien he was come to years,'"^ or, as St. Stephen states,
" when he W' as full forty years old.'"^ This date is confirmed
by the whole narrative in the Pentateuch, Avhicli divides the
life of Moses into three equal periods of 40 years each. We
may say that for his first forty years he w\hs an Egyptian ;
for the second forty an Arabian ; and for the third forty the
leader of Israel.
Moses then went forth to view the state of his brethren.
The first sight he saw was one so common that our eyes can
see it on the monuments of Egypt at this very day ; — an
Egyptian overseer beating one of the slaves who worked un-
der him. But the sight w\as new to Moses, and, stung with
indignation, after looking round to see that no one was near,
he killed the Egyptian on the spot, and buried his body in
the sand. His hope that this deed might prove a token of
the coming deliverance w^as soon checked. On his next visit
lie found that the oppressed could oppress each other, and
his interference was scornfully rejected by the wrong-doer,
with a dangerous allusion to his having killed the Egyptian.'^
The expression — " Who made thee a prince and a judge over
us ?" — seems to imply a w^illful rejection of his mission ; at all
events, it was a token of that spirit of which he had long aft-
er such terrible experience in the wilderness.""
§ 4. The story reached the ears of Pharaoh, and the life of
Moses was threatened ; not for the first time, if we may be-
lieve tradition. He fled into the desert which surrounds the
head of the Red Sea, and wdiich was inhabited by the people
of Midian, who were descended from Abraham and Keturah.^'
As he sat down beside a well (or rather, the well, for it was
one famous enough to be so distinguished), the seven daugh-
ters of Jethro (elsewhere called "Reuel and Hobab), the
chief sheykh" of the Midianites, came to Avater their flocks,
probably at the regular noontide gathering of the sheep.
^^ Ex. ii. 1 1 . i principally in the dcsei^t^north of the
^^ Heb. xi. 24 ; iieya^ may possibly
me.an a (jreat man.
'" Acts vii. 23.
" Ex.ii. 11-14; Acts vii. 24-28.
Peninsula of Arabia. The portion of
the land of Midian, where Moses took
up his abode, was probably the Pcnin-
__ _- sula of Sinai.
Comp. Acts vii. 35, foil. '' The offices of prince and p7-^eft
^^ See Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32. are both included in the title used in
Tiie Midianites were Arabs dwelling I the original.
140 Moses at Mount Sinai. Chap. XI.
They ^vere rudely repulsed by the shepherds, but Moses
helped them and watered theh* flock. Their father welcomed
the " Egyptian ;" and Moses dwelt with him for forty years,
like Jacob with Laban, feeding his flocks, and married his
daughter Zipporah." She bore him a son whom he named
Gershom {a stranger here)^ in memory of his sojourn in a
strange land; but whose circumcision was neglected till en-
forced by a divine threat on his way back to Egypt.^* We
read afterward of a second son, named Eliezer {my God is a
Ae//?), in memory of his father's deliverance from Pharaoh. ^^
§ 5. Moses had been forty years in Midian,^" musing amid
the seclusion of his shepherd life over the past history of his
joeople and his own destiny, when God's time arrived for the
crowning revelation of all, and for the deliverance of his
people. The return of Moses to Egypt during the lifetime of
tlie king from Avhom he had fled would have been certain
death. But that king died. The oppression of the Israelites
under his successor seems to have been even more severe,
" and they cried, and their cry came up to God by reason of
their bondage. And God heard their groaning, and God re-
nienibered his covenant with Abraham, with Isaac, and with
Jacob. And God looked upon the children of Israel, and God
knew them.""
The scene chosen for the revelation to Moses of his divine
mission was the same amid which the Israelites, led out by
him from Egypt, were to see God's presence again revealed,
and to receive the law from His own voice. Unchanged in
its awful solitary grandeur from that day to this, it is one of
the most remarkable spots on the surface of the earth. The
Peninsula of Sinai is the promontory enclosed between the
two arms of the Red Sea, and culminating at its southern
part in the terrific mass of granite rocks known by the gen-
eral name of Sinai. ^^ This desert region bordered on the
country of Jethro. It still furnishes a scanty pasturage, and
its valleys were probably at that time better Avatered than
now. As Moses led his flock to its inmost recesses (on its
west side) he came to a mountain, which was even then call-
ed the " mount of God," from its sanctity among the Arabs,
^^ Ex. ii. 15-21, iii. 1. [The different dates assigned by the
" Ex. ii, 22, iv. 25. | other chief autliorities are tlic fullow-
" Ex. xviii. 3, 4; cotnp. Acts vii. ing : — Hale?, B.C. 1G48; Jackson,
29. jB.c. 1593; Petavius, B.C. 1531 ; Bun-
^* Acts vii. 30. The year of the i sen, B.C. 1320; the Rabbinica/, follow-
call of Moses and of the Exodus, ac- ed by Lcpsius, etc.. B.C. 1314. Seo
cording to the received chronology p. 40. ^' Ex. ii. 23-25.
of Archbishop Usshcr, is B.C. 1491. | ^^ See Notes and lUustmtlons.
B.C. U91. The Bondage and the Exodus. 141
" even HorebP He saw one of the dwarf acacias {seneh),
the characteristic vegetation of the desert,'" wrapt in a flame
beneath which the dry branches would soon have crackled
and consumed, had it been a natural fire ; but " behold the
bush burned with fire, and the bush was not consumed." It
was the fit symbol of God's afilicted people in Egypt, and of
His suffering church in every age, one branch of which in-
deed has assumed the emblem, with the motto " Nee tamen
consumebatur."
As Moses turned aside to behold the marvel, the " angel
Jehovah " called to him out of the bush, and, after command-
ing him to remove his shoes, for the ground Avas holy, he an-
nounced himself as the God of his fathers, Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob ; declared that He had seen the afliiction of his
people in Egypt, and was come down to deliver them, and
to lead them into the promised land ; and called Moses to be
his messenger to Pharaoh, and the leader of his people. Mo-
ses pleaded his unAvorthiness, but was assured of God's pres-
ence till his mission should be fulfilled by bringing the peo-
ple to worship in that mountain. Then another difficulty
arose. So corru23ted were the people by the idolatry of
Egypt, that they would not know what deity was meant by
" the God of their fathers." They would ask, " What is his
name ?" Besides the common name expressive of their divin-
ity, the gods of the heathen had proper names, Amun, Baal,
and the like : and, that He might be distinguished from all
these, God revealed to Moses the name by which the God of
the Hebrews has ever since been known, Jehovah, the self-
existent and eternally the same : — He that is, and was, and
ever icill he what he is. "I am that I am ! — What that is,
I have written on the consciousness of man f I have reveal-
ed it by word and act to your fathers ; and I ever will be to
^^ This is a striking proof of the sa- \a7id Palestine, p. 79.) Keble has
crcd writer's personal knowledge of drawn the poetical asj)ect of the vision
the scene. A Jew, ignorant of the I of Moses
desert, would have chosen the palm.
Dean Stanley says of .Tehel-ed-Deir,
one of the summits of the Sinaitic
group: — "On the highest level was
a small natural basin, thickly covered
with shrubs of myrrh — of all the spots
of the kind that I saw the best suited
for the feeding of Jethro's flocks in
the seclusion of the mountain
This is the only spot that commands
the view both of the Wadij Sehahjeh
and of the Wady-er-Rahah.'' (Sinai
'Far seen across the sandy wild,
Wliile, like a solitary child,
He thoughtless ronmed and free,
One towering thorn was wrapt in flame:
Bright without blaze it went and came:
Wlio would not turn and see?
■'Along the mountain-ledges green
Tile scattered sheep at will may glean
Tlie desert's spicy stores:
The while, with undivided lieart,
The shepherd talks wiih God apart,
And, as he talks, adores."
Chnstian Year: Fifth Sunday in Lent
^^ Rom. i. 19.
142 Moses at Mount Sinai. Chap. XI
my people what I was to them ;" for He repeats this charac-
ter once more, and adds, " This is my name forever, and this
is my memorial nnto all generations."^^
God then unfolded his i>lan of deliverance. He bade Mo-
ses repeat to the elders of Israel the revelation he had now
received. He assured him that they would believe, and bade
him go with them and demand of Pharaoh, in the name of
God, leave to go three days' journey into the wilderness to
sacrifice to Jehovah.^^ He warned him of Pharaoh's refusal,
and announced the signs and wonders He Avould work to
make him yield, and ended by commanding the people to
spoil the Egyptians of their jewels.
To these assurances God added tico signs, to remoA^e the
doubts of Moses about his reception by the i:»eople. Each of
them had its significance. The hand, made leprous and
again cured, indicated the power by which he should deliver
the people whom the Egyptians regarded as lepers. The
shepherd's staif, first transformed into a serpent, the Egyp-
tian symbol for the evil spirit (Typhon), and then restored
to its former shape, became the " rod of Moses " and " of God,"
the sceptre of his rule as the shepherd of his people, and the
instrument of the miracles which Jielped and guided them,
and which confounded and destroyed their enemies. " The
humble yet wonder-working crook is, in the history of Mo-
ses, what the despised cross is in the first history of Christian-
ity."" To these signs, which were exhibited on the spot,
was added a third, the j^ower to turn the water of the Nile
to blood.
But the more his mission is made clear to him, the more is
Moses staggered by its greatness. He pleads his want of
eloquence, which seems to have amounted to an impediment
in his speech,^* a sorry qualification for an embassador to a
hostile king. Notwithstanding the promise that He who
made man's moiUh and has the command of all the senses
would be with him and teach him what he should say, he de-
sires to devolve the whole mission on some other. Then did
God in anger punish his reluctance, though in mercy he met
his objections, by giving a share of the honor, Avhich might
have been his alone, to liis brother Aaron, a man who could
speak well. But yet the word was not to be Aaron's own^
3^ Ex. iii. 11-15. See Notes and Il-
lustrations to Chap. I. Ox THE Names
OF God, p. 23.
^- This is also another proof of the
3^ Ex. ir. 10.
known sanctity of "the Mount of
God."
^^ Ewald, quoted by Dcnn Stanlej',
Diet, of the JBible, art. ]\foses.
B.C. 1491,
Moses returns to Egypt.
143
He was to be the mouth of Moses ; and Moses was to be to
him as God, the direct channel of the divine revelation. The
rod of power became " Aaron's rod," though the power itself
was put forth by the w^ord of Moses. The two great func-
tions conferred by the divine mission were divided : Moses
became the prophet., and Aaron the priest; and the whole ar-
rangement exhibits the great principle of mediation.^^
§ 6. Moses obtained his father-in-law's permission to return
to his brethren in Egypt ; and he received the signal of God
for his departure, in the assurance that " the men Avere dead
that sought his life."^^ His mission to Pharaoh was sum-
med up in the statement : — that God claimed the liberty of
Israel as his first-born son ; and if Pharaoh refused to let him
go. He would slay his first-born. To this last infliction all
the plagues of Egypt were but preludes. After the scene at
the inn, already referred to, in which his family, hitherto re-
garded as Arabian, received the seal of the covenant, Moses
was met by Aaron, as God had foretold to him, on the very
spot where he had received the revelation," which he re-
hearsed to his brother, with its attendant miracles, in the
mount of God. On reaching Egypt they assembled the
elders of Israel, " And Aaron sj^ake all the words which Je-
hovah had spoken to Moses, and did the signs in the sight
of all the people. And the people believed : and when they
heard that Jehovah had visited the children of Israel, and
that He had looked upon their affliction, then they bowed
their heads and worshiped."^* We shall soon see that they
were far from being finally weaned from the false religion of
Egypt.
§ V. Moses and Aaron next sought the presence of Pharaoh
to demand leave, in the name of Jehovah, the God of Israel,
for His people to hold a feast to Him in the wilderness. This
w^as the extent of the first demand ; as it had been the extent
of what God had enjoined on Moses : — " ye shall serve God
in this mountain." It was to be a solemn festival, shared in
by all the people, who, as a nomad race, w^ould of course
travel with their flocks andherds.^^ When they reached the
sacred mount, they would be at the disposal of their God
and father, to lead them back or forward as He pleased ; and
he claimed of Pharaoh tliat they should be placed at his dis-
='"Ex. iii. 16-iv. 17.
^'^ Comp. Matt. ii. 20.
^^ The route of Moses seems to liave
been from Midian, near the licacl of
the Gulf of Akfiha, through the Sinai
mountains, instead of directly across
the peninsula, with an express view
to this meeting.
^«Ex. iv. 18-31.
2« Comp. ch. X. 9.
144 The Bondarje and ike Exodus. Chap. XT.
posal," without telling him of their farther destination, which
had been long since revealed to Abraham, and lately made
known to Moses/'
Refusing alike to acknowledge Jehovah as a god, and to
let the people go, Pharaoh hounded back Moses and Aaron
to their burdens. We may suppose that, though Moses's
personal enemies at the court were dead, he Avas still suf-
ficiently well known there for pleasure to be taken in his hu-
miliation. Their i-epulse was followed by an increase of the
people's oppression. The Egyptian taskmasters, whose office
it w^as to regulate the amount of work, were bidden no lon-
ger to give them the chopped straw wdiich w^^s necessary to
bind the friable earth into bricks. The people lost their
time in searching the fields for stubble to supply its place.
But still the full tale of bricks was exacted from them ; and
when they could no longer supply it, the Hebrew overseers,
who were under the Egyptian taskmasters, were bastinadoed.
Their appeal to Pharaoh being rejected in the true spirit of
unreasoning tyranny, they turned ujion Moses and Aaron,
whom they accused of making them odious to Pharaoh."
In this strait Moses complained to God, that his mission
had increased the people's misery, and yet they w^ere not de-
livered: and God assured him that His time was at hand.
With a plainer revelation of his great name, Jehovah re-
newed his ancient covenant, to bring them into the promised
land." Though the people were too heart-broken to accept
the consolation, Jehovah gave Moses and Aaron (whose de-
scent from Levi is now formally set forth) their final charge
to Pharaoh ; once more warning them of the king's resistance,
which should only give occasion for more signal proofs of
God's power, that the Egyptians might know Jehovah.''^
g 8. Then began that memorable contest, the type of all
others between the power of God and the hardened heart of
man, which was only stilled in the waters of the Red Sea.*^
''° See Ex. iv. 22, 2.'>. | those details wliich nntiqnnrian curi-
*' Ex. V. 1-3. ■*- Ex. V. 4-21. i osity has never since succeeded in
^^ Ex. vi. 1-8. ! solving. The sovereign's own name
^^ Ex. vi. 9, vii. 5. Moses was now , is not given: it is simply Pharaoh
eighty years old, and Aaron eighty- ! (the self-styled cliildofP/»r/, the *S'«?«),
three (vii. 7). who resists the self-existent Jehovah.
" It would almost seem as if it were I We are not told wliether he was a
the design of the sacred narrative to '< Theban or a Memphiteking ; but thus
confine our attention to the moral and mucii is clear from the whole narra-
religious aspect of this great conflict tive — that the scene of the contest was
of tlie King of Egypt with the King in Lower Egypt. The hasty infer-
of kings, by its silence respecting encc, that it was near ^Memphis, the
B.C. 1491. The Conflict with Pharoah. 145
Moses and Aaron resorted to the miracles provided for them
by God. That of the leprous hand v» as omitted, having been
only for the Israelites ; but Aaron's rod was changed into a
serpent. The miracle was imitated by the magicians of
Egypt, headed by Jannes and Jambres^ whose names are pre-
served by the learned disciple of Gamaliel." We say imita-
ted^ to express at once the conviction, that their apparent
success was an imposture. There is no certain evidence,
either in the principles of philosophy or in the experience of
facts, for the exercise of supernatural power by the aid of evil
spirits. Scripture not only does not sanction such an opinion,
but forbids its beliex*. It regards magicians with abhorrence ;
brands their miracles as "/y^V^^ wonders;" and makes the
teaching of false doctrine a test of the false pretense of su-
pernatural power. And, when we pass from principles to
facts, there is not a well-authenticated case of an apparent
miracle, wrought by others than the Scripture witnesses for
God, we do not say which can not be exposed (for many
a known deception escapes detection as to its mode), but
there is not one which excludes the possibility of imposture
and leaves no room for doubt. The common error is to at-
tempt to explain every thing, instead of first testing the evi-
dence as a whole, and rejecting it as a whole when it breaks
down on critical points. In the case of the Egyptian magi-
cians, we may not be able to explain all their imitations (though
very probable explanations have been suggested), but we
have a perfectly satisfactory test of their imposture in the
limit at which their power ceased. Their own exclamation,
" this is the finger of God,"''^ involves the confession that they
had been aided by no divine power, not even by their own
supposed deities.
We do not read of any attempt on the part of Moses to
expose their imposture. In the first miracle, he was content
with the superior power shown by Aaron's serpent devouring
theirs ; and the rest he answered by still greater miracles,
till he came to one which they could not imitate, and then
ordinary residence of the kings of
Lower Egypt, is inconsistent with the
evident presence of the great mass of
the Israelites, who were certainly still
resident in Goshen (Ex. viii. 22, x.
23). If we may take the passage in
Psalm Ixxviii. 43, literally — "His
Delta (the 7a?2i.s of the Greek writers),
which was on the borders of Goshen.
Zoan or Tanis was not only a capital
of the Shepherd kings, who are iden-
tified by one school of Egyptologers
with the Pharaohs of Genesis and Ex-
odtis : but there are also works <f
wonders in the field of Zoan" — the Kamescs tiic Great among its build-
locality is expressly defined to the ings — at least, his name appears npon
neic^hborhood of that great city of the them. ^^ 2 Tim. iii. 8. *'' Ex. viii. li>.
G
146 The Bondage and tJie Exodus. Chap. XL
their confession left no need for refutation. The same argu-
ment may suffice for us ; but some minds will still ask for
explanation. The power shown by serpent-charmers makes it
easy to suppose that the magicians were provided with ser-
pents stiffened into the appearance of wands at the safe dis-
tance kept round the king's throne. To give water, or a
fluid looking like it, the appearance of blood, is one of the
easiest experiments of chemistry ; and, after the real miracle
had been performed on the river and all its branches, the
imitation must necessarily have been on a small scale. To
seem to produce frogs is a common conjurors trick, present-
ing little difficulty when the land already swarmed with them ;
and we do not read that the magicians showed the power of
removing them or any of the other plagues, which would
liave been a decisive triumph over the prophet who called
for and the God who sent them. In short, our wonder is
more excited by their imitations ceasing when they did, than
by their appearance of success in these three cases.
The first miracle, that of the rod, was a display of God's
power given to his prophet, for the conviction of Pharaoh
and the Egyptians ; but when their hearts were hardened
against conviction, it became needful to teach them by suf-
fering. The miracles that followed were judgments^ on the
king, the people, and their gods, forming the Tex Plagues
OF Egypt."®
i. The Plague of Blood. — After a warning to Pharaoh,
Aaron, at the word of Moses, waved his rod over the Xile,
and the river was turned into blood, with all its canals and
reservoirs, and every vessel of water drawn from them; the
fish died, and the river stank. The pride of the Egyptians
in their river for its wholesome water is well known, and it
was the source of all fertility. But besides this, it was honor-
ed as a god, and so were some species of its fish (as the
oxyrhynckus) ; and to smite " the sacred salubrious Nile,"
was to smite Egyj^t at its heart. There was, however, mer-
cy mingled with the judgment, for the ICgyptians obtained
water by digging wells. Tlie miracle lasted for seven days ;
but, as it was imitated by the magicians, it produced no im-
pression on Pharaoh.*^
ii. TJie Plague of Frogs. — These creatures are always so
numerous in Egypt as to be annoying ; but, at the appointed
signal, they came up from their natural haunts, and swarmed
in countless li umbers, " even in the chambers of their kings,"""
*** Ex. vii. foil.; comp. Ps. Ixxviii. cv. "^ Ex. vii. 16^25. »° Ps. cv. 30.
B.C. 1491. The Plagues of Egypt 147
and defiled the very ovens and kneading-troughs. Here too
it was an object of their reverence that was made their
scourge, for the frog was one of the sacred animals." From
this plague there was no escape ; and though the magicians
imitated it, Pharaoh was fain to seek relief through the prayer
of Moses, and by promising to let the people go. " Glory
over me," said Moses : he waived all personal honor that
the contest might bring him, and allowed Pharaoh to fix the
time for the removal of the plague. The king named the
morrow ; and then, by the prayer of Moses, the frogs died
where they were, a far more striking confirmation of the
miracle than if they had retired to their haunts. Pharaoh
abused the respite, and even while his land stank with the
carcasses of the frogs, he refused to keep his promise. ^^
iii. The Plague of Lice. — From the waters and marshes,
the power of God passed on to the dry land, Avhich was smit-
ten by the rod, and its very dust seemed turned into minute
noxious insects, so thickly did they swarm on man and
beast, or rather "^?^" them.^^ The scruj^ulous cleanliness of
the Egyptians^* would add intolerably to the bodily distress
of this plague, by which also they again incurred religious
defilement. As to the species of the vermin there seems no
reason to disturb the authorized translation of the word.
In this case Ave read that " the magicians did so with their
enchantments, to bring forth lice, but they coidd not.'''' They
struck the ground, as Aaron did, and repeated their own in-
cantations, but it was without eftect. They confessed the
hand of God ; but Pharaoh was still hardened.^"
iv. The Plague of Flies or Beetles. — After the river and
the land, the air was smitten, behig filled with winged insects,
which swarmed in the houses and dcA'oured the land, but
Goshen was exempted from the plague. The word transla-
ted " swarms of flies " most probably denotes the great Egyp-
tian beetle (Scarabwus sacer), which is constantly represented
in their sculptures."^ Besides the annoying and destructive^
habits of its tribe, it was an object of worship, and thus the
Egyptians were again scourged by their own superstitions.
Pharaoh now gave permission for the Israelites to sacri-
fice to their God in the land ; but Moses replied that the
^^ The only mention of this reptile
in the N. T. seems to be c«. nnected with
a symbolic meaning (Rev. xvi, 13).
^■^Ex.viii. 1-15. ^^Ex. viii. 17.
The pi-iests used to shave thei
fear of harboring lice when they en-
tered the temples (Herod, ii. 37;
comp. Gen. xli. 14).
" Ex. viii. 16-19.
*^ There is a colossal granite scara-
hends and bodies every third day, for bteus in the British Museum.
148 The Bondage and the Exodus. Chap. XI.
Egyptians would stone them if they sacrificed the creatures
they worshiped," a striking example, thus early, of the ten-
dency to religious riots which has inarked all the successive
populations of Egypt. He repeated the demand to go three
days' journey into the w^ilderness, there to place themselves
at God's disposal. Pharaoh now yielded ; but as soon as
the plague Avas removed at the prayer of Moses, he " harden-
ed his heart at this time also, neither would he let the peo-
ple go."^^
V. Plague of the Murrain of Beasts. — Still coming closer
and closer to tlie Egyptians, God sent a disease upon the
cattle, Avhich were not only their property, but their deities.
At the precise time of Avhich Moses forewarned Pharaoh, all
the cattle of the Egyptians Avere smitten Avith a murrain
and died, but not one of the cattle of the Israelites suffered.
Still the heart of Pharaoh Avas hardened, and he did not let
the people go.^^
vi. The Plague of Boils and Blains. — From the cattle, the
hand of God Avas extended to their oAvn persons. Moses
and Aaron Avere commanded to take ashes of the fumace,
and to " sprinkle it tOAvard the heaven in the sight of Pha-
raoh." It Avas to become "small dust" throughout Egypt,
and " be a boil breaking forth [Avith] blains upon man, and
upon beast." This accordingly came to pass. The plague
seems to have been the black leprosy, a fearful kind of ele-
phantiasis,. Avhich Avas long remembered as " the blotch of
Egypt. "^^ This also Avas a terrible infliction on their relig-
ious purity, and its severity prevented the magicians from
appearing in the presence of Moses. Still Pharaoh's heart
Avas hardened, as Jehovah had said to Moses. '^^
vii. The Plague of HaiV^ — The first six plagues had been
attended Avith much suffering and humiliation, and some loss ;
but they had not yet touched the lives of the Egyptians, or
their means of subsistence. But now a solemn message Avas
sent to Pharaoh and his people, that they should be smitten
Avith pestilence and cut off from the earth. First of all, they
Avere threatened Avith a storm of hail. " Behold to-morrow
about this time, I Avill cause it to rain a A'cry gricA'ous hail,
such as hath not been in Egypt since the foundation thereof
even until now." Pharaoh Avas then told to collect his cat-
^' This is a, common meaning of
the word which our translators, fol-
lowing the LXX., render by ahomi-
vntinn : all idols were abominations to ii. 7. '^^ Ex. ix. 8-12
the Gud of Israel and to His lr.w. | ^^ Ex. ix. 1
"^ Ex. viii. 20-S2.
^" Ex. ix. 1-7.
^ Deut. xxviii. 27, 35 ; comp. Job
B.C. 1491. The Plagues of Egypt. 149
tie and men into shelter, for that every thing should die
upon which the hail descended. Some of the king's ser\ants
heeded the warning now given, and brought in their cattle
from the field. On the rest there bui^t a terrific storm of
hail, thunder, and " fire running along upon the ground," such
as had never been seen in Egypt. Men and beast were kill-
ed, plants were destroyed, and vines, figs, and other trees
broken to pieces. ^^ Of the crops, the barley and flax which
were fully formed were destroyed, but the wheat and rye
(or spelt) were spared, for they were not yet grown up ;
mercy was still mingled with the judgment. This distinc-
tion, which could only have been made by one familiar with
Egypt, marks the season of the events. Barley, one of the
most important crops, alike in ancient and modern Egypt,
comes to maturity in March, and flax at the same time ;
while wheat and spelt are ripe in April. Both harvests are
a month or six weeks earlier than in Palestine.
Pharaoh, more moved than he had yet been, renewed his
prayers and promises ; and Moses, Avithout concealing his
knowledge of the result, consented to prove to him once
more that " the earth is Jehovah's." The storm ceased at his
prayer, and Pharaoh only hardened his heart the more."
viii. The Plague of Locusts.'" — The herbage which the
storm had spared was now given up to a terrible destroyer.
After a fresh warning,
"The potent rod
Of Amram's son, in Egypt's evil day,
Waved round her coasts, called up a pitchy cloud
Of locusts, warping on the eastern wind,
That o'er the realm of impious Pharaoh hung
Like night, and darkened all the land of Nile,"
Approaching thus, the swarm alights upon fields green
with the young blades of corn ; its surface is blackened with
their bodies, aiid in a few minutes it is left black, for the soil
is as bare as if burnt with fire. Whatever leaves and fruit
the hail had left on the trees were likewise devoured ; and
the houses swarmed with the hideous destroyers. No
plague could have been more impressive in the East, where
the'^ravages of locusts are so dreadful, that they are chosen
as the fit symbol of a destroying conqueror.'' The very
^^ Comp. Ps. cv. 33. I ening the air with their compact
"Ex. ix. 13-31. *'^Ex. X. 1-20. ranks, which are undisturbed by the
'^° Kev. ix. 3. In the present day , constant attack of kites, crows, and
locusts suddenly appear in the culti- vultures, and making a strange whiz-
vated land, coming from the desert zing sound like that of fire, or many
in a column of great length. Thev distant wlicels. Where they aliirht
fly rapidly across the countrv, dark- ' they devour every green thing, even
150 The Bondage and the Exodus. Chap. XI.
threat had urged Pharaoh's courtiers to remonstrance/^ and
he had offered to let the men only depart, but he had refused
to yield more, and had driven Moses and Aaron from his
presence."* Now he recalled them in haste, and asked them to
forgive his sin " only this once," and to entreat God to take
away " this death only." A strong Avest wind removed the
locusts as an east wind had brought them ; but their removal
left his heart harder than ever.
ix.-x. The Plague of Darkness and the Prediction of the
Death of the First-born.^^ — The last plague but one was a fear-
ful prelude to the last. For three days there was thick dark-
ness over the sunny land of Egypt, " even darkness which
might be felt ;" while " all the children of Israel had light in
their dwellings.""^" Unable to see each other, or to move
about, the Egyptians had still this one last opportunity of re-
pentance ; but Pharaoh would only let the people go if they
left their flocks and herds behind. With threats he forbade
Moses to see his face again ; and Moses sealed this rejection
of the day of grace with the words : — " Thou hast spoken
well, I will see thy face again no more."
The fulfillment of this threat is obscured, in our version, by
the division of chapters x. and xi., and by the want of the
pluperfect in xi. 1 : — " The Lord had said unto Moses." The
interview, which thus appears to end with the tenth chapter,
is continued at xi. 4. Moses ends by denouncing the final
judgment, which had been the one great penalty threatened
Ftripping the trees of their leaves.
The prophet Joel describes — "A fire
devouretli before them ; and behind
them a flame burneth : the land [is]
as the garden of Eden before them,
and behind, a desolate wilderness ;
yea, and nothing shall escape them.
The appearance of them [is] as the
appearance of horses ; and as horse-
men, so shall they run. Like the
noise of chariots on the tops of the
is a very violent, hot, and almost suf-
focating wind, is commonly preceded
by a fearful calm. As it approaches,
the atmosphere assumes a yellowish
hue, tinged with red ; the sun ap-
pears of a deep blood color, and grad-
ually becomes quite concealed before
the hot blast is felt in its full vio-
lence. The sand and dust raised by
the wind add to the gloom, and in-
crease the painful effects of the heat
mountains shall they leap, like the and rarity of the air. Kespiration
noise of a flame of fire that devoureth i becomes uneasy, perspiration seems
the stubble, as a strong people set in to be entirely stopped ; the tongue is
battle array" (Joel ii. 1-10\ dry, the skin parched, and a prickling
"' Ex. X. 7. sensation is experienced, as if caused
"" Ex. X. 7. ^^Ex. X. 21-29, xi. ' by electric sparks. It is sometimes
'° This plague has been illustrated j impossible for a person to remain
by reference to the Simoom, which for erect, on account of the force of the
the lime often causes the darkness of
twilight. It is til us described by an
eye-witness: — "The 'Simoon,' which
ind ; and the sand and dust oblige
all who are exposed to it to keep
their eyes closed.''
B.C. 14:31. Institution of the Passover. 151
from the beginning, for the midnight of this same day ; and
then "he went out from Pharaoh in a great anger.'"^ The
rest of chapter xi. is a recapitidation of the result of the
whole contest, nearly in the same words in wliich it had been
described by God to Moses, when He gave him his mission.'*
§ 9. The contest was now over. The doom of Pharaoh,
and of his people, who had oppressed the children of God, had
gone forth, that their own lii-st-born sons should be slain by
God. For the remainder of the third day of darkness, they
sat awaiting the terrible stroke which was to fall on them at
midnight. Meanwhile the Israelites, in the light of favored
Goshen, were preparing for the night in the way prescribed
by God. Now was instituted the great observance of the
Mosaical dispensation, the Feast of the Passovep..
The primary purpose of this festival was to commemorate
Jehovah's "passing over" the houses of the Israelites when
he " passed through" the land of Egypt to slay the first-born
in every house." But just as the history of Israel was typi-
cal of the whole pilgrimage of man, and as their rescue from
Egypt answers to that crisis in the life of God's redeemed
people, at Avhich they are ransomed by the blood of the atone-
ment from the penalty of sin, to which they also are subject,
so we trace this wider and higher meaning in eveiy feature
of the institution.
The day, reckoned from sunset to sunset, in the night of
which the tirst-born of Egypt were slain and the Israelites
departed, was the fourteenth of the Jewish month JSfisan or
Ahib (March to April), which began about the time of the
vernal equinox, and which was now made the first month of
the ecclesiastical year.'"^ This was the great day of the feast,
when the paschal supper was eaten. But the preparations
had already been made by the command of God." On the
tenth day of the month, each household had chosen a year-
'^ Exod. xi. 4-8 ; compare iv. 21-
23.
^2 Comp. Ex. xi. 1-3, 9, 10, with
iii, 19-22. Pharaoh's final permis-
sion for the people to depart (Ex. xii.
31) may have been given by a mes-
sage ; and it is quite inconsistent
The Hebrew /josac/i signifies ^passing
throiujh or passing over ; and is repre-
sented by the Greek izdaxfi, from
which we derive tlie adjective Pas-
chal, while we get the word Passover
itself from a literal translation of the
Hebrew word. Some interpret/>asacA
with Egyptian customs to suppose i as a sparing^ as in Is. xxxi. 5.
that he called Moses and Aaron into '* The civil year began, like that
his presence at such a season of of the Egyptians, about the autumnal
mourning. j equinox, with the month Tisi-i.
" Ex. xii. 11,12. There is a cu- 1 '''" Ex. xii. 1, foil. : here, as in xi. I,
rious resemblance between the form , we must read the pluperfect, " Jeho-
of the English and Hebrew words. I vah had spoken."
152 TJie Exodus oj Israel. Chai>. xi.
ling lamb (or kid, for either might be used)," without blem-
ish. This " Paschal Lamb " was set apart till the evening
which began the fourteenth day, and was killed as a sacri-
fice"^ at that moment in every family of Israel. But before
it was eaten, its blood was sprinkled with a bunch of hyssop"*
on the lintel and door-posts of the house : the divinely-ap-
pointed sign, that Jehovah might ^:>as5 over that house, when
He passed through the land to destroy the Egyptians. '°
Thus guarded, and forbidden to go out of doors till the morn-
ing, the families of Israel ate the lamb, roasted and not boil-
ed, Avitli unleavened bread and bitter herbs. The bones
were not suffered to be broken, but they must be consumed
by fire in the morning, with any of the flesh that Avas left
uneaten. The people were to eat in haste, and equipped for
their coming journey. For seven days after the feast, from
the fourteenth to the twenty-first, they were to eat only un-
leavened bread, and to have no leaven in their houses, under
penalty of death. The fourteenth and twenty-first were to
be kept with a holy convocation and sabbatic rest. The
Passover was to be kept to Jehovah throughout their gen-
erations, " a feast by an ordinance forever."^" No stranger
might share the feast, unless he were first circumcised ; but
strangers were bound to observe the days of unleavened
bread. ^^ To mark more solemnly the perpetual nature and
vast importance of the feast, fathers were specially enjoined
to instruct their children in its meaning through all future
time.''
§ 10. As the Passover was killed at sunset, we may supjwse
that the Israelites had finished the paschal supper, and were
awaiting, in awful suspense, the next great event, Avhen the
midnight cry of anguish arose through all the land of Egypt."''-
At that moment Jehovah slew the first-born in every house,
from the king to the captive ; and, by smiting also all the
first-born of cattle. He " executed jud^'ment on all the gods
of Egypt."'* Thus he
"Equalled with one "stroke
Both her first-born and all her bleating gods."
The hardened heart of Pharaoh Avas broken by the stroke ;
and all his people joined with him to hurry the Israelites
" Ex. xii. 5. " Ex. xii. 27. ^' Ex. xii. 14.
'^ There is groat doubt as to the ^' Ex. xii. 18-20, 43-49.
))lant indicated by this word. Dr. " Ex. xii. 25-27. For further in-
Kovlc identifies it with the caper- formation respecting the Passover,
plant, or Ca/)jn?(s spinosn of Linnteus. see ch. xv. **' Ex. xii. 29.
'» Ex. xii. 7, 12, 13, 22, 23. 1 **' Ex. xii. 12.
B.C. 1491.
Tlw Exodus of Israel.
153
away. The Egyptians willingly gave them the jewels of
silver and gold and the raiment, w^iich they asked for by the
command of Moses; and so "they spoiled \lie Egyptians.'"'
They had not even time to prepare food, and only took the
dough before it was leavened, in their kneading-t roughs
bound up in their clothes upon their shoulders, and baked
unleavened cakes at their first halt.'" But, amid all this
haste, some military order of march was preserved," and Mo-
ses forgot not to carry away the bones of Joseph. The host
numbered 600,000 men on foot, besides children,'' from which
the total of souls is estimated at not less then 2,500,000/'
But they wxre accompanied by " a mixed multitude," or
^reat rabble, composed probably of Egyptians of the lowest
caste, who proved a source of disorder.'" Their march was
guided by Jehovah himself, who, from its commencement to
their entrance into Canaan, displayed His banner, the She-
Mnah, in their van : — " Jehovah went before them by day in
a pillar of a cloud, to lead them the way ; and by night in a
pillar of fire, to give them light ; to go by day and night.""
This Exodus, or departure of the Israelites from Egypt,
^^ The vulgar objection to the mo-
rality of this proceeding is only found-
ed on the word " borrow " (v. 22),
which should be "ask," There was
no promise or intention of repayment.
The jewels were given for favor (v,
21), as well as fear ; and they were a
slight recompense for all of which j religious exodus, authorized by an
the Egyptians had robbed the Israel- 1 oracle venerated throughout many
ites dming a century of bondage. i nations of Asia — an exodus, there-
^^ Ex. xii. 34, 35. fore, in so far resembling the great
" Exod. xiii. 18, where the word scriptural Exodus of the Israelites,
translated "harnessed" signifies lit- 'under Moses and Joshua, as well as
in the very peculiar distinction of
carrying along with them their en-
tire families, women, children, slaves,
their herds of cattle and of sheep,
their horses and their camels."
''^ Num. xi, 4, It would seem,
from Deut, xxix. 10, that these peo-
ple settled down into the condition
_^.,^^ ^_„ of slaves to the Hebrews: — "Thy
ciplin'e, in opposition to a hasty and i stranger that is in thy camp, from the
hewer of thy wood to the drawer of
thy water." Dr. Kitto has some ad-
mirable remarks on this degraded
class, and their probable reasons for
casting in their lot with the Israelites
louid compare DeQuincey's graphic I (i>«% Bible Illustrations, vol. ii. p.
ceount (in the fourth volume of his 1 168). Ex. xui. 21, -^.
works) of the " Revolt of the Tartars ;
or, Flight of the Kalmuck Khan and
his People from the Kussian Terri-
tories to the Frontiers of China."
On one dav, the 5th of January,
1771, more' than 400,000 Tartars
commenced this exodus. "It was a
erally "by five in a rank." But it is
as needless to put upon it this exact
numerical sense as it would be absurd
to suppose that all the people, includ-
ing women, children, slaves, and the
" mixed multitude," formed a serried
phalanx of five abreast. It simply
conveys the idea of a voluntary move-
ment,'conducted with order and dis-
confuscd flight
^« Ex. xii. 37.
«^ Comp. Num. i. 46, with xi. 21.
These numbers have given rise to
great controversy ; but the student
s
account
G
154
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XI.
closed the 430 years of their pilgrimage, which began from
the call of Abram out of Ur of the Chaldees. Having learn-
ed the discipline of God's chosen family, and having been
welded by the hammer of affliction into a nation, they were
now called forth, under the prophet of Jehovah, alike from
the bondage and the sensual pleasures of Egypt, to receive
the laws of their new state amid the awful solitudes of Sinai.
Egypt had been their home for 215 years, during which " the
Israelites to all outward appearance became Egyptians. . . .
The shepherds who wandered over the pastures of Goshen
Avere as truly Egyptian Bedouins as those who of old fed
their flocks around the Pyramids, or who now, since the
period of the Mussulman conquest, have spread through the
Avhole country. . . . Egypt is the background of the whole
history of the Israelites, the prelude to Sinai and Palestine.
. . . Even in the New Testament the connection is not wholly
severed ; and the Evangelist emphatically plants in the first
page of the Gospel history the prophetical text, which might
well stand as the inscription over the entrance to the Old
Dispensation, Out of Egypt have I called My Sox.'"^
^^ Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, Introd. pp. xxx.-xxxii.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
SINAI.
The Peninsula of Sinai lies between
the Gulf of Suez (Sinns Ileroopolita-
niis) on the west, and the GulfofAka-
bah (Sinus -^laniticus) on the east.
Its southern mountains form the cul-
minating point of the desert tableland,
in which the valley of tlie Nile and
tlie two gulfs just named are depres-
sions. It may be divided into three
belts ; on the north, the sandy desert,
which stretches along the Mediterra-
nean from the Isthmus of Suei to the
confines of Palestine ; south of this
is a mass of limestone called the Des-
erC of et-Tih (?'. e., the Wandering, as
it was the cliicf scene of the forty
years' wandering of the Israelites),
which, swec])ing round to the north,
forms the central plateau of Pales-
tine, and finally rises into the ranges
of Lebanon. On the west, it is con-
tinued across the Gulf of Suez in the
two chains which run parallel toward
the west, and connect it with the hills
along the eastern margin of the Nile
valley. These chains enclose the
Wadi/ et-Tili, which will claim atten-
tion in the next chapter. This is
separated by a belt of sandstone from
the terrific group of granite rocks
! which fill np the southern triangle
of the peninsula, and which also skirt
ClIAP. XI.
Notes and Illustrations.
155
the opposite side of the Gulf of Akaba,
whence they run northward, in two
ranges, forming tlie mountains of
Edom, and enclosing tiie Wady el-
Arahah. To the west the granite
formation is found again in the south-
ern part of Egypt.
The width of the peninsula, in its
exacter limits, from Suez along the
30th parallel of north latitude to the
hills of Edom, is about 130 miles : its
length from its southern point {Ras
Mohammed) to the same parallel is
about 140 miles, and to the Mediter-
ranean upward of 20 more. The
width of the southern triangle of
primitive rocks along the 29th paral-
lel of north latitude is about 80 miles,
sind its length a little less : in fact, it
is nearly an equilateral triangle. The
Desert of et-Tih has all the characters
of limestone scenery. It is a table-
land rising to more than 2500 feet
high, broken by ravines, and bounded
by long horizontal ranges of mount-
ains, which culminate in the southern
range of {Jehel et-Tih, whose chief
summit (Jebel Edime) rises to 4G54
feet. The belt of sandstone {Dehhet er-
Bamleh), which divides this range
from the granite group, and which is
continued along the shore of the Gulf
of Suez, is almost the only sand in
the peninsula, which is therefore a
rocky, but not a sandi/ desert. Finally,
the great granite mass, called by the
general name of the Tur (i. e., the
Jiock), is broken into innumerable
peaks (like those called hoims and
needles in the Alps), and shivered into
ravines, which in a few cases open out
into wider plains. In a northern cli-
mate, these plains would be filled with
lakes, and mountain torrents would
rush down the ravines; but here the
want of water causes a silence which
adds immeasurably to the awful grand-
eur of the rocks themselves, and which
becomes still more impressive from
the clearness and reverberation of
every sound that reaches the travel-
ler's ears. Tiiis death-like stillness is
broken by mysterious noises among
the mountain tops, and by the winds
which roar down the ravines, realizing,
in one sense nt least, its description as
a " waste howling wilderness " (Deut.
xxxii. 10). These mountains may be
divided into two great masses— that
j of Jebel Serial {Q75d feet high) in the
north-Avest, and the central group,
j roughly denoted by the general name
I of Sinai This group rises abruptly
from the Wady es-Sheykh at its north
foot, first to the cliffs of the Ras Suf-
safth, behind which towers the pinna-
cle of Jebel Musa (the Mount of Moses)
and farther back to the right of it the
summit of Jebel Katerin {Mount St.
Catlierine, 8705 feet), all being backed
up and overto])pcd by Um Shaumei-
(the mother of fennel, 0300 feet), which
is the highest point of the whole pen-
insula.
Of the icadys^ as the Arabs call the
valleys and ravines, which look as if
they had once been water-courses, the
most important, after the Wady Mu-
katteb (valley of writing, from the cel-
ebrated Sinaitic inscriptions on its
sandstone rocks), by which the region
is entered, are the Wady Feiran, on
the north-east of Mount Serial, and
the great Wady es-Sheykh, on the
north of the central group, into which
it throws up the narrow ravines ofel-
Loja, watered by a rivulet, and Shuelb
or ed Deir, which gives access to the
convent of St. Catherine, and also to
the Wady Sebaiyeh, at the back of
Jebel Musa. This last valley has lately
been claimed as the encampment of
the Israelites, from the desire to per-
mit Jebel Musa to retain its tradi-
tional celebrity as the Mountain of
the Law.
But we think the question may ba
regarded as almost settled in favor of
the Wady er-Rdhah, tlie great branch
of the Wady es-Sheykh, which extends
156
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XI
north-west in the form of a sleeve
from the front of the precipices oi lias
Su/sdfeh. Here alone all the require-
ments of the history seem satisfied:
the space for the encampment, and its
accessibility for the host by way of the
Wady es-Sheykh ; the mountain ris-
ing abruptly in front, with the cliffs of
Ras Sufsdfeh visible from and com-
manding tlie whole plain, but yet sepa-
rated from it by low hills (the " bounds
set unto the people round about :" Ex.
xix. 12); tlie brook, on which Moses
scattered the powder of the golden
calf, running down the Wady el-Loja,
with other minor points of coinci-
dence.* In fact, the only objection to
this view is the mere feeling against
transferring the traditional dignity of
Jehel Musa to the much lower summit
of lias Sufsdfeh. f"
But we may still regard the whole
mass of Jehel Musa as Mount Sinai
in the wider sense, though Ras Suf-
sdfeh was that particular part of it
which, as visible from the whole en-
campment, was chosen as the spot
from which the law was given. SVe
have not seen the observation made,
how much more convenient this lower
rock would be than the distant sum-
mit oi Jehel Musa for the ascents and
descents of Moses and the elders (Ex.
xix. 3, 20, xxiv. 1, 9); while Moses
Jiimself may have been conducted into
the deeper recesses of the mountain
during his abode of forty days. Nearly
every traveller who has stood on Ras
Sufsdfeh has felt convinced that this
inust be the spot descrihed in Ex. xix.,
and the more the whole region is ex-
plored, the stronger is this impression.
With equal certainty those best quali-
fied to judge have rejected the claim
of the Wady Sehaiyeh, " I came to the
* Stanley.
t Somethinpr similar has happened in the
parallel case of the Motintain of the Gofipcl.
It was forgotten that a low rock or liill at tlie
foot of a mountain would be fitter for a pulpit
than its summit.
conclusion," says Dr. Stanley,* "that
it could only be taken for the place, if
none other existed. The only advan-
tage which it has is, that the peak [of
Jehel Musa'], from a few points of view,
rises in a more commanding form
than the Ras Sufsdfeh I am
sure that, if the monks of Justinian
had fixed the traditional scene on the
Ras Sufsdfeh, no one would for an in-
stant have doubted that this only could
be the spot." Still, as the same writer
adds, the degree of uncertainty which
must yet hang over the question, "is
a great safeguard for the real rever-
ence due to the place, as the scene of
the first great revelation of God to
man. As it is, you may rest on your
general conviction, and be thankful."
The summit of Urn Shaumer, to
which the argument urged for Jehel
Musa, from its superior elevation,
applies still more forcibly, satisfies
none of the required conditions, and
may be rejected with certainty. But
there has lately been a strong current
of opinion in favor of Jehel Serhal.
It is the first great mountain of the
range, before which the Israelites
would arrive in their march from
Egypt. Its scenery is as grand and
awful as that of Jehel Musa ; and the
earliest traditions were even more
connected with it than with Jehel
Musa. "It was impossible," says
Stanley (p. 73), " on ascending it, not
to feel that, for the giving of the Law
to Israel and tlie world, the scene
was most truly fitted. I say, ' for the
giving of the Law,' because the ob-
jections urged from the absence of
any plain immediately under the
mountain for receiving the Law are
unanswerable, or could only be an-
swered if no such plain existed else-
where in the peninsula." The Wadg
Feiran is not sufficiently commanded
by the mountain to satisfy the condi*
• Sihvai and Paloi^tvir, p. 76.
Chap. XL
Notes and Illustrations,
lb\
tion. Besides, the Wady Felran is
almost certainly the locality of RepJd-
dim, the first great encampment of the
Israelites in this region (Ex. xvii.),
where they fought with Amalck,
where Jethro visited Moses (Ex.
xviii.), and whence they advanced a
whole day's march to their encamp-
njcnt before Sinai (Ex. xix. 2 ; Num.
xxxiii. 15). This appears from a
consideration of the route by which
they entered the mountains, and it is
strongly confirmed by the details of
the topography. The valley is alike
fit for a great encampment and for a
battle-field. As the first inhabitable
wady in the Tm; its possession would
naturally be disputed by theAmalek-
ites, especially if it was a sacred spot ;
and it is marked (though we do not
lay great stress on this point) by a
hill, such as that called from its con-
spicuousness " the hi/l,'^ where Moses
stood in full view of the battle-field.
Wady Feiran can not be both Repld-
dim and the scene of the encampment
before Sinai.
But Serbal seems to have an im-
portance of its own, only second to
that of Sinai. From the inscriptions
in the Wady Feiran, and from other
evidence, it seems highly probable
that it was a sanctuary of the Arab
tribes before the Exodus ; and for
this reason it may have been already
called the Mount of God " (Ex. iii,
2);* and Moses, when a shepherd
among the Arabs, may have visited it
* It has been strangely overlooked here
that the word translated back signifies, as a
geographiail term, the vest. Without i^os-
in this character. This view seems to
be confirmed by the use of the distinc-
tive names — IJoreb for the mount of
the burning bush, and Sinai for the
mountain of the Law, when each is
first mentioned, though the distinction
was almost immediately lost sight of.
The difficulty of discriminating Horeb
and Sinai is increased by the un-
certainty as to the meaning of both
names. It is most important also to
observe that the earliest traditions re-
fer not so much to the giving of the
Law, as to " the place where Moses
saw God " (Stanley, p. 77).
The identity of the Horeb of Ex.
iii., and the Sinai of Ex. xix. may
seem to be settled by the words —
"When Thou hast brought forth the
people out of Egypt, ye shall serve
God in this mountain " (Ex. iii. 12).
But considering the proximity of the
two places, it is surely enough to sup-
pose that this mountain means the
whole group, within which God after-
ward led the people to the precise
spot that He had chosen — a spot pur-
posely diflxrent from the old sanc-
tuary, because a new worship was to
be revealed.
Be this as it may, the Wady Feiran
was long regarded as a sacred spot.
It seems to be the Paran of Deut. i.
1, and 1 K. xi. 18; and it was an
episcopal see in the early Christian
times. The Arabic Feiran is an
equivalent of Paran (Stanlev, pp. 41,
43).
itively insisting on this meaning here, we may
point out its suitability to the position of
Mount Serbal.
Egypti.m Chariot. The son of King Rameses with his cliariotoer. (Wilkinson.)
CHAPTER XII.
TEIE MARCH FROM EGYPT TO SINAI. A.M. 2513-4. B.C
1491-0.
§ 1. General view of the journey from Egypt to Canaan — Its three divisions :
i. From Egypt to Sinai — ii. From Sinai to the borders of Canaan — iii.
The wandering in the wilderness and the final march to Canaan. § 2.
From Egypt to the Red Sea — Point of departure — Ramescs — Succoth —
Etham — Pi-hahiroth. § 3. Passage of the Red Sea. § 4. Wilderness
of Shur — Thirst — Marah — Elim — Encampment by the Red Sea. § 5.
Wilderness of Sin — Hunger — The Manna — Revival of the Sabbath.
§ 6. Uophixali, Ahish, and Rephidim — The Water from the rock. § 7.
The battle with Amalek in Rephidim — Jehovah- Nissi — Doom of Ama-
lek. § 8. Visit of Jothro — Appointment of assistant judges. § 0.
Wilderness of Sinai — Encampment before the Mount — Preparation —
The people's place among the nations — Their covenant with Jehovah.
§ 10. God's descent on Sinai — The Ten Commandments — Other pre-
cepts given to Moses as Mediator — Promises — The angel Jehovah their
Guide and Captain — Sinai and the Mount of the Beatitudes — The Law
given by angels. § 11. The covenant recorded and ratified by blood —
The elders behold God's glory — Moses in the Mount. § 12* Idolatry
of the golden calf — Intercession of Moses — The tables of the Law
broken — Punishment — Fidelity of Levi — Self-sacrifice of jNIoses — Type
of the offering of Christ — God speaks with him before the people, and
shows him His glory — Moses's second abode in the Mount — The Tables
renewed — The veil over his face. § 13, The Tabernacle pi-epared, and
set up — Consecration of Aaron and his sons — The glory of God upon
and in the Tabernacle.
§ 1. The whole journey of the Israelites, from Egypt into
the land of promise, may be divided into three distinct por-
tions : —
B.C. U91.
Journey from Egypi to Canaan.
159
i. The March out of Egypt to Mount Smai, there to wor-
ship Jehovali, as he had said to Moses.' This occupied six
weeks, making, with the fourteen days before the Passover,
tAYO months ;" and they were encamped before Sinai, receiving
the divine laws, for the remaining ten months of the first ec-
clesiastical year,^ The tabernacle was set up on the first
day of the first month (Abib) of the second year (about
April 1, 1490 B.C.) ; and its dedication occupied that month.*
On the first day of the second month, Moses began to num-
ber the people,^ and their encampment was broken up on
the twentieth day of the second month of the second year,
about May 20, 1490 b.c'
ii. The March from Sinai to the borders of Canaan, whence
they were turned back for their refusal to enter the land.
This distance, commonly eleven days' journey,' was divided
by three chief halts.** The first stage occupied three days,*
followed by a halt of at least a month.'" The next halt was
for a week at least." After the third journey, there Avas a
period of forty days, during Avhich the spies were searching
the land ;''^ and they returned with ripe grapes and other
fruits.'^ All these indications bring us to the season of the
Feast of Tabernacles, just six months after the Passover
(Oct. 1490 B.C.).
iii. The Wanclering in the Wilderness, and enUxmce into
Canaan. This is often vaguely spoken of as a period of
forty years, but, in the proper sense, the u^anderings occupied
thirty-seven and a half years. The people came again to
Kadesh, whence they had been turned back, in the first month
of the fortieth year.'* Advancing thence, they overthrew
the kings Sihon and Og, and spoiled the Midianites ; and
reached the plains of Moab, on the east of Jordan, opposite
to Jericho, by the end of the tenth month, early in January,
1451 B.c.'^ The rest of that year was occupied by the final
exhortation and death of Moses.'® We are not told the ex-
act date of the passage of the Jordan ; but the harvest-time
identifies it with the season of the Passover ;'' and thus the
cycle of forty years is completed, from the beginning of Abib,
1491, to the same date of 1451 (see table on the following
page) :
'Ex. iii. 12. 2j^x. xix. 1.
^ Comp. Ex. xii. 2.
*Ex. xl. 17. ^Num. i. 1.
"Num.x. 11. ' Deut. i. 2.
"Num. xxxiii. 16-18.
• Num. X. 33.
"Num. X. 20. " Num. xii. 15.
'^ Num. xiii. 2.5.
^^ Num. xiii. 24.
"Num.xx. 1. '^Deut. i. 3.
'^ Deut. fthe whole book).
'^ Josh. iii. 15.
160 The March frovi E'jypt to Sinai. Chap. XU
Yiv. Mtli-s. r).M7i.
In E^fypt before the Passover 0 () It
From Egypt to Siiiui 0 1 1(5
Encampment at Sinai 0 11 i^O
Marcli to Kadesh (about) 0 4 10
Wanderings in Wilderness 37 G 0
March from Kadesh to the j>lains of Moab 0 10 0
Encampment there to tlie passage of the Jordan 0 2 0
TotaP^ ; 40 0 0
§ 2. Had the object been to lead them by the shortest
route out of Egypt into Canaan, it might have been accom-
plislied in a few days' journey along the shore of the Medi-
terranean. But they were not thus to evade the moral dis-
cipline of the wilderness. Besides that their first destination
was hxed for " the mount of God," they were quite unpre-
pared to meet the armies of the Philistines, and so " God led
the people about through the way of the wilderness of the
Red Sea."'^
At the very outset, we are met by a great difficulty about
their point of departure. It is a simple and attractive theory
which carries them straight along the valley, now^ called the
IVadj/ et-T'ih^ running eastward from the fork of the Delta
to the Red Sea, between two parallel offshoots of tlie hills
which skirt the Xile, and of which the northern range bears
the name of Jebel-Atakah (the mountain of deliverance).'^'^
But this route is too simj^le : it could hardly fill up three
days, even for such a host, and it was inconsistent with the
final movements by which they became " entangled in the
land," for they Avould have been so already, and they would
have had no "turning" to make to encamp by the sea.'**
Nor can this view be reconciled with their probable starting-
point. It is evident that they were gathered together in
Goshen before their departure ; and they are expressly said
to have started from Rameses." Now whether Rameses
be the city named in Exodus i. 11, or the district so called in
Genesis xlvii. 11, it must be sought along the east branch of
the Nile lower down than Heliopolis.^^
From this starting-point they made two days' journey be*
fore reaching the edge of the wilderness at Etham." Thence,
making a turn, Avhich can only have been southward, they
reached the Red Sea in one day's journey.*^ There seems to
^® For the list of the forty-two jour- 1 "^ Ex. xiv. 2. 3.
nevs in Num. xxxiii. see Noiea and\ •'^ Ex. xii. 37; Num. xxxiii, 3, 5.
Illustrations (A). '« Ex. xiii. 17, 18. " See p. 117.
""See the Map on p. 162. t '^^ Ex. xii. 37, xiii, 20.
-^ Ex. xiv. 2.
B.C. 1491. The Route hegins from Barneses.
Ul
.j:::^ M-i ^^ n
Map to illustrate the Exodus of the Israelite?.
be only one route that satisfies these conditions, that name-
ly by the Wacli/ et-Tumeijlat, throuoh which ran the ancient
canal ascribed to the Pharaohs. The mound called M-Ab-
haseyeh in that valley oflTers a probable site for Rameses ;
and the distance from it to the head of the Red Sea, about
thirty miles in a direct line, answers very well to the three-
days' journey of the vast, mixed, and encumbered troop, es-
pecially when an allowance is made for the deviation already
mentioned. As to the further details, the name of the first
resting-place, Succoth, afibrds no help, as it only means
booths. Etham, the second stage, being on the edge of the
wilderness, may very well correspond to Seba Biar (the Sev-
en Wells)., which occupies such a position, about three miles
162 The March from Egijpt to Sinai. Chap. XII.
from the western side of the ancient head of the GulfofSuez^
which extended much farther to the north than it does now.
Thence their natural route into the Peninsuhi of Sinai would
have been round the head of the gulf, but, by the express
command of God, " they turned and encamped before Pi-
iiAHiROTH, between Migdol and the sea, over against Baal-
zephon " — localities evidently on the west side of the Gulf
of Suez.''
This incomprehensible movement led Pharaoh to exclaim,
" They are entangled in the wilderness, the sea hath shut
them in." And well might he say so, if their position was
enclosed between the sea on their east, the Jehel Atakah^
which borders the north side of the ^Vady-t-Tih, on their
south and west, and the wilderness in their rear, with the
pursuing army pressing on to cut off their retreat. Add to
this that the sea, where they encamped by it, must have been
shallow enough for its bed to be laid bare by the " strong-
east wind,"^' narrow enough for the host to pass over in a
single night, and yet broad enough to receive the whole army
of Pharaoh ; and lastly, that the opposite bank must not be
rocky or precipitous. These conditions seem to exclude any
place in the mouth oi i\\QWady-t-Tlh^ south oi Jehel Atakah^
as well as the traditional line of passage opposite Ayun
Mousa (the Spring of Moses) ^ and to restrict the place of
passage to the neighborhood of Suez.
§ 3. The great miracle itself, by which a way was cloven
for the people through the sea, Avas a proof to them, to the
Egyptians, and to all the neighboring nations, that the hand
of Jehovah was with them, leading them by His own way,
and ready to deliver them in every strait through all their
iuture course. In this light it is celebrated in that sublime
hymn of triumph, which furnishes the earliest example of re-
sponsive choral music.** In this light it is looked back upon
by the sacred writers in every age, as the great miracle Avhich
inaugurated their history as a nation.
The King of Egypt and his servants, with hearts hardened
even against the lesson taught by the death of the first-born,
repented of letting their slaves depart."" With six hundred
chosen chariots, and all his military array, he pursued and
overtook them at Pi-hahiroth. The frightened people began
to raise the cry, with which they so often assailed Moses,
" Better for us to serve the Egyptians than that we should
" Respecting: ilic n.'imes tlicmselvep, I -' Ex. xiv, 21.
Bce IS^otes and Illustrations (B). | '-" Ex. xv. -'■' Ex. xiv. 4. 5.
B.C. 1491. Passage of the Red Sea. 163
die in the wilderness.'"" But the way was made clear by
faith and obedience. " Fear ye not, stand still, and see the
salvation of Jehovah He shall fight for you, and ye shall
hold your peace," was the answer of Moses to the people,
while God's word to him Avas that which generally opens a
way out of danger and distress: — "Speak unto the children
of Israel, that they go forvmrcV At the signal of the uplifted
rod of Moses, a strong east wind blew all that night, and di-
vided the waters as a wall on the right hand and on the left,
while the children of Israel went into the midst of the sea on
dry land.^^ The guiding pillar of fire (with the angel of Je-
liovah himself) moved from their van into their rear, casting
its beams along their column, but creating behind them a dark-
ness amid which tlie host of Pharaoh went after them into the
bed of the sea. But, at the morning watch, Jehovah looked
out of the pillar of fire and cloud, and troubled the Egyptians.
Panic-stricken, they sought to fly ; but their chariot-wheels
were broken : the host of Israel had now reached the bank :
the rod of Moses waved again over the gulf: " and the sea
i-eturned to his strength when the morning appeared ; and the
Egyptians fled against it ;" but not one of them was left
alive. ^^ " And the people feared Jehovah, and believed his
servant Moses." The waters of the Red Sea were thenceforth
a moral, as well as a physical gulf between them and Egypt.
Its passage initiated a new dispensation : " they were all bap-
tized to Moses in the cloud and in the sea."^^
§ 4. Their route now lay southward down the east side of
the Gidf of Suez, and at first along the shore. The station
of Agun Mousa {the Wells of 3Ioses) , v,iih its tamarisks and
seventeen wells, may have served for their gathering after
the passage. They marched for three days through the
wilderness of Shur or Etham, on the south-west margin of
the great desert of Paran (et-Tih), where they found no Ava-
ter.^* The tract is still proverbial for its storms of wind and
sand. It is a part of the belt of gravel which surrounds the
mountains of the peninsula, and is crossed by several wadgs,
whose sides are fringed with tamarisks, acacias, and a few
palm-trees. Near one of these, the Weidg ePAmarah, is a
=° Ex. xiv. 10-12. I the sea, which, besides, an east wind
^* While the Scripture nnrrntive would not have effected,
recognizes a physical apency, called! ^^ This seems to dispose of every
forth by the special power of God, as ; theory v/hich makes the Pharaoh of
the instrument of the miracle, it quite j the Exodus survive this catastrophe
excludes the idea of a mere retire- (comp. Ps. cxxxvi. 15).
ment of the water from the head of i ^^ 1 Cor. x. 2.
^ Ex. XV. 22 ; Hun. xxxili. 8.
16^ TJie March from Egypt to Sinai. Chap. XII.
sprinor called Ahi Atodrah, not only in the position of Marah,
but with the bitter taste which gave it the name. The people,
tormented w4th thirst, murmured against Moses, who, at the
command of God, cast a certain tree into the waters Avhich
made them sweet. This was the first great trial of their pa-
tience ; and God, who had healed the waters, promised to de-
liver them from all the diseases of Egypt if they Avould obey
Him, and confirmed the promise by the name of " Jehovali
the Healer.'"^
They must have been cheered at reaching the oasis of
Elim, whose twelve wells and threescore palm-trees mark it
as one of the icadys that break the desert ; either the Wady
Ghurundel or the Wady Useit. After passing the Wady
Taiyibeh^ the route descends through a defile on to a beauti-
ful pebbly beach, where Dean Stanley places the Enx'amp-
MEXT BY THE Red Sea, which is mentioned in Nurnbers^^ next
to Elim, but is omitted in Exodus. Here the Israelites had
their last view of the Red Sea and the shores of Egypt.
§ 5. Striking inland from this point, they entered the Wil-
derness OF Six" (probably the plain of Murkhah), which
leads up from the shore to the entrance to the mountains of
Sinai.^^ Here occurred their second great trial since leaving
Egypt. Their unleavened bread was exhausted ; and they
began to murmur that they had better have died by the flesh-
pots of Egypt than have been led out to be killed with
hunger in the Avilderness. But God was teaching them to
look to him for their " daily bread," which He now rained
doAvn from heaven in the form of ma)i?ia, and continued the
supply till they reached Canaan.^^ The truth was most em-
phatically enforced by the impossibility of gathering more or
less than the prescribed portion of the manna, or of keeping
it over the day." But the manna was designed to teach
them a deeper lesson. They had not only distrusted God's
providence as to their food, but were regarding that food it-
self as the chief thing they were to live for ; and so " God
humbled them and suffered them to hunger, and fed them
with a food unknown to them, that He might make them
know that tna/i doth not live by bread alo)ie, but by every word
^^ Ex. XV. 20. 3« Num. xxxiii. 10. 1 ^^ Ex. xvi. 4, 3.5. The detnils are
"This must be carefully distin- j discussed in the Notes and J/liistra-
guislied not only from the wilderness lions (Q'). Tiie quails, which were sent
of Sinai, but also from the ivilderness j at the same time (Ex. xvi. 8, 13), seem
of Zin, which lies north of the dd/ j only to have been a temporary supply
of Akaba. ! comp. Num. xi. 31).
3** Ex. xvi. I. i "" Ex. xvi. lG-21.
B.C. 1491. The March from Egypt to Sinai 165
that proceedeth out of the mouth of Jehovah doth man live."*'
And so the manna was a type of Christ, the Word of God,
who came down from heaven as the bread of life, to give life
to all who believe in Him."^
The rules laid down for the gathering of the manna gave
occasion for the revival of the ^Sabbath, which had no doubt
been neglected in Egypt," though the appeal of Moses to the
people^* seems to imply that the law of the Sabbath was not
entirely forgotten. At all events, the whole tone of the nar-
rative is inconsistent with the idea that the Sabbath was now
first instituted in this merely incidental way, an idea besides
utterly at variance with Genesis ii. 3.
§ 6. From this valley others lead up, by a series of steep
ascents, into the recesses of Sinai ; resembling the beds of
rivers, but Avithout water, and separated by defiles which
sometimes become staircases of rock. Such were no doubt
the stations of Dophkah and Alush,*^ and such are the Wadys
Shellal and Mukatteb. From the latter the route passes into
the long and winding Wady Feiran, with its groves of tama-
risks and palms, overhung by the granite rocks of Mount
Serhal, perhaps the Horeb of Scripture."^ This valley answers
in every respect to REPniDiM.(tlie resting-p>laces), the very
name of which implies a long halt."
Here the cry for water burst forth into an angry rebellion
against Moses ; and God vouchsafed a miracle for a perma-
nent supply during their abode in the wilderness of Sinai.
Moses was commanded to go before the people, with the
elders of Israel, and to smite the rock in Horeb, and water
flowed forth out of it. The place was called Massah {temp-
tation)^ and Meribaii {chiding or strife)^ in memory of the re-
bellion by which the people tempted Jehovah and doubted
His presence among them."® The spring thus opened seems
to have formed a brook, which the Israelites used during
their whole sojourn near Sinai." Hence the rock is said to
liave ^\folloiced them" by St. Paul, who makes it a type of
Christ, the source of the spiritual water of life. ^" There is no
sufficient reason to believe that the remarkable rock pointed
*^ Dent. viii. 3; comp. Job xxiii. j or Ilortb, see Notes and Illustrations
12; John iv. 32, 34; Matt. iv. 4; to clnv]). xi. "^ Ex. xvii. 1.
Luke iv. 4.
"^ Johp vi. 25-59 ; Matt. xxvi. 26 ;
1 Cor. X. 3, and parallel passages.
*3 Ex. xvi. 22-30. "' Ex. xvi. 23.
"^ Nnm. xxxiii. 12, 13.
*« Ex. xvii. 2-7.
*^ Dent. ix. 21 ; comp. Ps. Ixxviii.
15, IG, cv. 41.
^° 1 Cor, X. 4; romp. John iv. 14,
vii. 35 ; Isa. Iv. 1 : Ez. xlvii. 1 ; Zecli.
^"Respecting the claim of this xiv. 8; Rev. xxii. 1,17: the waters
mountain to bear the names of Sinai flowing out of the temple, which also
166 The Battle icith Amalek. Chap. XII.
out to travellers supplies the silence of Scripture as to the
exact locality of the spring, for the region is full of rocks
bearing the marks of water/' Lastly, it should be remember-
ed that the miracle was repeated at a much later period in
another part of the peninsuLa.""^
§ 7. It was in Rephidim that the new-formed nation fought
their first great battle. As yet they have seemed alone
in the desert ; but now an enemy comes against them, their
kinsman Amalek, a nomad tribe descended fi'om Eliphaz,
the son of Esau. Ti^e range of the Amalekites seems to
have been at this time over the south of Palestine and all
Arabia Petra\a ; so that they commanded the routes leading
out of Egypt into Asia. Whether they regarded the Israel-
ites as mtruders, or whether for the sakeof plunder, they
seem first to have assaulted the i-ear of the column and cut
off the infirm and stragglers^^ before the great encounter in
Rephidim. The battle lasted till sunset. The chosen Avar-
riors of Israel fought under Joshua, whose name is now first
mentioned,^* while Moses stood on a hilP" with the rod of God
Oiitstretched in his hand. He was attended by his brother
Aaron and by Hur, the husband of Miriam, who held up his
hands when he became weary, for only while the rod was
stretched out did Israel prevail. The early fiithers have
discovered a symbolical power in the attitude of Moses, his
arms forming the figure of the cross : more cautious com-
mentators regard it as a lesson of the power of prayer : but
its exact meaning seems to have been a sign of God's pres-
ence with His hosts, held forth as a standard over the bat-
tle-field ; and this was taught by the name given to the altar
of thanksgiving then set up, Jehoyah-Nissi, Jehovah is my
Banner.
For this treacherous attack the tribe of Amalek Avere hence-
forth doomed to execration and ultimate extinction." A very
interesting point in the narrative is the command of God
to Moses, to write the whole transaction in a book ; one of
stood on a bare rock, complete the j ^^ It is called in the narrative '■'■iJie
type, linking together Sinai, Sion, hill," as being conspicuous or well
and the spiritual sonso of both. known. There is a remarkable bill
^' Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, pp. in the Wadt/ Fciran, on which the
4fi-48. church of Paran is still seen, well
^- Num. XX. 1-13. suited to have been the station of
^^ Deut. XXV. 18. I Moses.
** His own name was Oshea ; that' ^® Exod. xvii. 14-16; Num. xxiv.
of Joshua (Saviour = J esu?, in Greek) 20; Deut. xxv. 19 ; 1 Sam. xv. 3, 7,
^vas perhaps given him on this occa- j xxx. 1, 17 ; 2 Sam. viii. 12 ; Ezra ix.
sion (see Num. xiii. 8. IGJ. i 14.
B.C. IWl.
The March from Egypt to Sinai.
161
the passages in Avhich we learn from the sacred writers them-
selves their authorship of the books that bear their names."
§ 8. The visit of Jethro, the father-hi-law of Moses, took
place probably during the encampment at Rephidim, for there
seems no sufficient reason for transposing the narrative in
chapter xviii. to a period after the giving of the law. The
Israelites being now near Midian, Jethro, brought to Moses
his wife and children, whom he had sent back into Midian,
probably after the scene related in Exod. iv. 24-26. Moses
received Jethro with high honor, and recounted to him all
that Jehovah had done for the people. The priest of Midian
joyfully acknowledged the God of Israel, and oftered sacrifices
to Jehovah ; and henceforth there was the closest friendship
between Israel and the Kenites, his descendants.'*^ Seeing
Moses overburdened with judging the people, he advised him
to organize an administration of justice by a gradation of ru-
lers over tens, fifties, hundreds, and thousands, and to reserve
himself for the harder causes, to lay them before God, as me-
diator for the people. ^^ It would seem that, on Jethro's re-
turn to his own land,^° he left behind him his son Hobab,
who became the guide of the people from Sinai to the border
of Canaan.'^
§ 9. The next stage brought the Israelites to the Wilder-
ness OP SixAi on the first day of the third month (Sivan,
June)., and here they encamped before the mount. "^ The site
of their camp has been identified, to a high degree of proba-
bility, with the Wady er-JRdhah (the enclosed plain) in front
of the magnificent cliffs oi Ras Siifsdfeh.^^ The people Avould
reach this point by winding around the Wady esh-Sheykh^ the
great thoroughfare of the desert, while Moses and the elders
might mount to it by the steep pass of the Niikb Hawy.
Never in the history of the world was such a scene beheld
as that plain now presented ! A whole nation was assembled
alone with God. His hand had been seen and his voice heard
at every step of their history for 430 years up to this great
crisis. He had called their progenitor Abraham from his fa-
ther's house, and made with him the covenant, which had
now reached its first great fulfillment. He had guided the
family by wondrous ways till He brought them down to
Egypt, where they grew into a nation under the discipline of
affliction. Thence He had brought them forth with a mighty
" Ex, xvii. 14; comp. Ex. xxxiv.
27.
^1 Sam. XV. 6.
'^ Ex. xviii. 13-26.
«° Ex. xviii. 27. "' Num. x. 29, 30.
^^Ex. xix. 1,2.
^^ ]<!otcs and Illustrations to chap,
xi. p. 15G.
168 The Season of Preparation. uhap. XII.
hand. and an outstretched arm, proving that He was the only
God, and they the people of His choice. He had severed
them from all the nations of the earth, and had divided the
very sea, to let them pass into this secret shrine of nature,
whose awful grandeur prepared their minds for the coming
revelation. Thus far they only knew the token which God
had given to Moses, " When thou hast brought forth the peo-
ple out of Egypt, ye shall serve God upon this mountain."®*
They had reached the place, and they waited in awful adora-
tion for what was to follow.
We propose to follow the events that took place during
their stay at Sinai till the setting up of the tabernacle, on
the first day of the second year, reserving for the close of
this book an account of the laws and institutions which now
were given.
There was a season of preparation before the great ap-
pearance of God on Sinai to give the law. First, Moses went
up to God, whose voice called to him out of the mountain,
telling him to remind the people of the wonders already
wrought for them, and promising that, if they Avould obey
God and keep His covenant, " then shall ye be a peculiar
treasure unto me above all people (for all the earth is mine),
and ye shall be unto me a kingdom of priests, and an holy
nation.'"'^ These words mark the special character assigned
to the Israelites, and still more to the spiritual Israel.®^ Not
that they were to be separated from all nations in proud ex-
clusiveness, for their own sake : this was the great mistake
of their history." But as " all the earth is Jehovah's," they
were His in a special sense, to bring all nations back to Him ;
kings and priests for others' good, and a holy nation for a
pattern to all the rest. True, they flailed in this great mis-
sion ; but only for a time : their history is not finished, for it
is only the first step in that of the spiritual Israel, who are
yet to reign as kings and priests to God, and to bring all
nations to the obedience of Christ. Meanwhile the elders
and people accepted the covenant, and said, " All that Jeho-
vah hath spoken, we will do," and Moses returned with their
words to Jehovah.
Moses was next warned of the coming appearance of God
in a thick cloud, to speak to him before all the people, that
they might believe him forever. He was commanded to
purify the people against the third day, and to set bounds
"* Ex. iii. 12. I *"'•■• 1 Pet. ii. 5, 9; T?cv. i. 6, v. 10,
»^ Ex. xix 5, 6. i XX. G. ^' Dcut. vii. 7.
B.C. 1491.
Israel at Sinai.
169
round the mount, forbidding man or beast to touch it, under
penalty of death f^ and these preparations occupied the next
day.
§10. The same reverence that was then enjoined forbids
the vain attempt to describe the scene, which is related in
the simple but sublime words of Moses,*" and recounted in
the noblest strains of poetry,^" and whose terrors, which
made even Moses himself to fear and quake,^^ are most beau-
tifully contrasted with the milder glories of the spiritual
Sion." From amid the darkness, and above the trumpet's
sound, God's voice was heard calling Moses up into the
mount, to bid him charge the people lest they should break
the bounds to gaze on God, and to prepare the elders to come
up with him and Aaron when God should call them. Mo-
ses returned to the people, and repeated these injunctions.
Then followed the greatest event of the Old Covenant.
The voice of God himself gave forth the law by which his
people were to live ; the Tej^ Commandments, on which all
other laws were to be founded, and which were themselves
summed up under the Old Covenant as well as the Xew, in
two great principles : — " Thou shalt love the Lord thy God
with all thy heart and soul and mind and strength, and thy
neighbor as thyself."^^
The Ten Commandments were the only part of the law
given by the voice of God to the assembled people : " He
added no more ;" and they alone were afterward written on
the two tables of stone.''* The form of the revelation was
more than they could bear ; and they prayed Moses that he
would speak to them in the place of God, lest they should
die. God approved their words, and Moses was invested
with the office of Mediator^ the type of " the Prophet raised
up like him," the " one Mediator between God and man, the
man Christ Jesus."" He drew near to the thick darkness
where God was, while the people stood aloof; and he received
<^^ This seems to be a decisive proof
that "the mount" was some steep
eminence close at hand, like Rns
Sufsdfeh, and not a distant summit
of the range, like Jehel Mousa.
*^ Ex. xix. 16-20 ; comp. Deut. v.
1-5.
'" See, among other passages, Ps.
Ixviii. 7-8; from which, compared
with Acts vii, 38 ; Ephes. iv. 8, and
other passages of the New Testament,
it is clearlv to be inferred that God
H
was manifested on Sinai in tlie per-
son of the Son, the angel Jehovah.
" Ex. xix. ]G. " Heb. xii. 18-29.
"Ex. XX. 1-17; Deut. v. 6-22,
vi. 4, 5, X. 12, XXX. 6 ; Lev. xix. 18 ;
Matt. xxii. 37 ; Mark xii. 30 ; Luke
X. 27. All points of interpretation
are reserved for the appendix to this
book. ■'■' Deut. v. 22.
'^ Ex. XX. 18-21 ; Deut. v. 23-31,
xviii. 15-18 ; Gal iii. 19, 20; 1 Tim.
ii. 5 ; Heb. xii. 19.
ilU Giving of the Laio. Chap, xil,
a series of precepts, which stand apart from the laws after-
ward delivered, as a practical interpretation of the Ten Com-
mandments.''^
These precepts were concluded by promises relating to the
people's future course. Their destination was clearly stated,"
their bounds assigned,'® the conquest assured to them by a
gradual exertion of the power of God," the blessings of life
promised if they served God, and a special warning given
against idolatry.^" Above all, the axgel Jehovah, who had
already guided them out of Egypt,®' was still to be their
guide to keep them in the way, and to bring them to the place
appointed for them, and their captain to iiglit against their
enemies.®' But, if provoked and disobeyed. He would be a
terror to themselves, " for my name is in Him?''^'^ Thus
the whole promise is crowned with Christ. For this angel
is identified with God's own presence.®^ He appeared to
Joshua®" as Jehovah, the captain of the Lord's host, that is,
the chief of the angels, the archangel, a title which belongs
only to the Son of God, the prince Michael.®" In this angel
God himself was present, as the Shejyherd of his floclx\ the
Holy One of Israel ; whom they tempted and provoked in
the wilderness, and in vexing Him, they vexed God's Holy
Spirit.®^ Lastly, St. Stephen expressly declares Christ to
have been the prophet Avhom God raised up, as he did Moses,
and the angel who, as well as Moses, was with the church in
the wilderness, and who spake to Moses in Mount Sinai.®®
So ended the great day on which God came down to the
earth to announce his law ; the type of the milder revelation
which was made Avhen the evangelical exposition of that
law was given by the same voice, though now clad in the
form of the man Jesus, on the Mount of the Beatitudes.®^
One circumstance remains to be noticed. St. Stejihen up-
braids the Jews for not keeping the law, though they had
received it by the disposition of angels.^^ This appears evi-
dently to be an allusion to those hosts of angels or " holy
" Ex. XX. 22, xxi. xxii. xxiii. { these are all the texts which contain
'''' Ex. xxiii. 23. ''* Ex. xxiii. 31. j the words arc/zmj^re/ and Michael. See
'^ Ex. xxiii. 28-30. the conclusive argument of Bishop
Ex. xxiii. 24-2G
«^Ex. xiii. 21,xiv. 19,24.
** Ex. xxiii. 20, 22.
^' Comp. Num. xx. 16.
*^ Ex. //. rr.. and xxxii. 34, xxxiiL
3,14. '-'^ Josh. V. 13, vi. 2.
^« 1 Thess. iv. IG; Jude 9 ; comp.
Dan. X. 13, 21, xii. 1 ; Rev. xii. 7;
Horsley, Sermon xxix.
*^ Ps. Ixviii. 40, 41 ; Is. Ixiii. 9-11.
*« Actsvii. 38. ^ ''^Matt. V. 1. ^
^^ Acts vii. 53 : eig Siaraydc ayyt-
liov, and St. Paul bases a similar ap-
peal on its having been spoken hy an^
(jels (Heb. ii. 2 ; compare Gal. iii.
"19)..
B.C. 1491.
Israel at Smai.
171
ones " whose presence at Sinai is more than once mentioned,"'*
and whom the Apostle contrasts with the innumerable com-
pany of angels on the spiritual Sion.°^ These angels seem to
have been present, not only to swell Jehovah's state, but to
intimate the consent of the whole intelligent universe to that
law, which is forever " holy, just, and good."
§ 11. The element of terror, which prevailed in the revela-
tion given on Sinai, was the true type of the aspect of the
law to the mind of sinful man. Pure and holy in itself, it
became " death," when projoosed as the condition of life ; and
its great purpose was to reveal to self-righteous man "the
exceeding sinfulness of sin," that he might be led to receive
the grace of God in Christ. ^^ Thus the clouds of Sinai did
not exhibit, but concealed, the true glory of Jehovah : and
He now vouchsafed a vision of that glory to Moses, with
Aaron and his sons Nadab and Abihu, and seventy of the
elders of Israel.^* But first Moses wrote the precepts already
given, and set up an altar and memorial pillars, one for each
tribe, and sacrificed burnt-offerings and peace-offerings of oxen,
and sprinkled with the blood the book of the covenant which he
then read to the people, who renewed their promise of obe-
dience, and were themselves also sprinkled with the blood, and
so the " covenant of works " was ratified.^^ The chosen party
now went up, and saw God enthroned in his glory, as he was aft-
erward seen by Ezekiel and John, and yet they lived."^ Mo-
ses was then called up alone into the mount, to receive the ta-
bles of stone and the law which God had written, while Aaron
and Hur were left to govern the people. Followed only by
his servant Joshua, Moses went up into the mount, Avhich a
cloud covered for six days, crowned with the glory of God
as a burning fire. On the seventh day Moses was called into
the cloud, and there he abode without food forty days and
forty nights. ^^
§ 12. While God was instructing Moses in the ordinances
of divine worship,^® the people had already relapsed into idol-
atry. We must remember that, as Egypt had been the scene
of the people's childhood, their sojourn in the wilderness was
their spiritual youth, the age of sensuous impressions and of
unstable resolutions. The great works done for them were
^^ Deut. xxxiii. 2 ; Ps. Ixviii. 17.
^2 Heb. xii. 22 ; comp. Jude U,
Rev. xiv. 1.
'' Gal. iii. 21-25 ; Rom. vii. 7-25,
and the general argument of the epis-
tle.
«" Ex. xxiv. 1,2.
«^ Ex. xxiv. 2-8 ; Heb. ix. 18-20.
»« Ex. xxiv. 9-1 1 ; Ez. i. 26, x. 1 ;
Rev. iv. 3.
'■>' Ex. xxiv. 12-18; Deut. ix. 9.
^^ Ex. xxiv.^xxxi. See chap. xv.
172 Tiie Tables of the Law Broken. Chap. XII.
soon forgotten, while each present difficulty seemed insupport-
able. As the weeks passed by without the return of Moses,
they began to think they had lost both their leader and their
ncAV-found god. They recalled the visible objects of wor-
ship, to which they had been used in Egyj)t, and they asked
Aaron to make them gods to go before them.^^ Weakly
yielding to their demand, ^°° and perhaps hoping that they
would not make the costly sacrifice, Aaron asked for their
golden ear-rings, from which he made a " molten calf," the
symbol of the Egyptian Apis. This he exhibited to the peo-
ple as the image of the God who had brought them out of
Egypt, and he built an altar before the idol. But yet it was
in the name of Jehovah that he proclaimed a festival for the
morrow, which the people celebrated with a banquet, follow-
ed by songs and lascivious dances.^" This was on the last of
the forty days, and God sent Moses down from the mount,
telling him of Israel's sin, and declaring his purpose to destroy
them, and to make of him a new nation. With self-denying
importunity, Moses pleaded for the people, by the honor of
God in the eyes of the Egyptians, and by His covenant Avith
Abraham^ Isaac, and Israel, " and Jehovah repented of the
evil which he thought to do unto his people."^"''
Moses now descended from the mount, carrying in his hands
the two tables of stone, on which God's own finger had writ-
ten the Ten Commandments.^"^ His path lay through a ra-
vine, which cut off his view of the camp, but he soon heard
their cry of revelry, which his warlike attendant Joshua
mistook for the noise of battle. As he reached the plahi,
the disgraceful scene burst upon him, and in righteous an-
ger he dashed the tables out of his hands, and broke them
in pieces at the foot of the mount ; giving at once a terrible
significance for all future time to the phrase, a broken law,
and a sign of man's inability to keep the law given on Sinai.
For both Moses and the people, though in different ways,
were showing, by their acts, that the first use to which man
puts God's law is to break it. Both tables were broken, for
idolatry had been folloAved by licentiousness. He next de-
stroyed the ^'alf by fire and pounding, strewed its dust upon
the stream from which the people drank, and reproached
Aaron, who could only offer feeble excuses. Then he exe-
cuted a terrible example on the people. Standing in the
gate of the camp, he cried," Who is Jehovah's? to me !" and
•" Ex. xxxii. 1. I '"^Ex.xxxii. 0, 18, 25;lCoi-. X. 7.
'"" Comp. Ex. xxxii. 22, 23. | '"' Ex. xxxii. 7-H.
103
Ex. xxxi. 1
B.C. 1491. Israel at Sinai. 17S
all his brethren of the tribe of Levi rallied round him, and
went through the camp at his command, slaying about three
thousand men, and not sparing their own kindred. This
was the consecration of Levi to the service and priesthood
of Jehovah. The blood shed by His righteous sentence ex-
piated the violence done to the Shechemites, and turned
into a blessing the curse that deed had brought on the fa-
ther of their tribe,^°* and their sacrifice of their own feelings
and aifections for the cause of God marked them as fit to
offer continual sacrifices for His people.""'
The self-sacrifice of Moses went far greater lengths. On
the morroAV, he reproved the people for their sin, but prom-
ised to intercede for them ; and then he addressed to Jeho-
vah these awful words : " Yet now, if thou Avilt forgive
their sin — ; and if not, hlot me, I pray thee, out of thy book
which thou hast written.'"'''^ The only parallel, hut one, is the
cry of Paul, " I could wish that myself were accursed from
Christ for my brethren.'"" It seems impious to suppose
them willing to renounce their hope of eternal life ; but all
present share in God's covenant w^ith His people they Avere
Avilling to renounce. The exact sense of the prayer must re-
main an unfathomable mystery : its spirit was the spirit of
Him of whom Moses as mediator Avas the type, Avho went
through Avith the like self-sacrifice, and drank its cup to the
dregsl " Christ hath redeemed us from the curse of the laAV,
heiny made a curse for ws.'""^
But no mere man could drink of that cup, and God re-
plied to Moses that the sinner himself should be blotted out
of His book,'"^ and He sent plagues upon the people.""
Once more he promised to send His Angel before them, to
be a mediator as aa^cII as leader."' At this the people mur-
mured, thinking that they Avere to lose God's OAvn presence,
and they put themselves into mourning. Moses removed
the sacrecl tent, called the " tabernacle of the congrega-
tion,""^ out of the camp Avhich had been profaned, and all
"•^ Gen. xxxiv. 30, xlix. 5-7.
^'^ Deut. xxxiii. 9, 10.
"■'^ Ex. xxxii. 32. ^" Rom. ix. 3.
^»« Gal. iii. 13. "' Ex. xxxii. 33.
"° Ex. xxxii. 35.
and returned again. It would seem,
therefore, that, before the tabernacle,
there was a sacred tent in the midst
of the camp, at which perhaps the
elders met and Moses judged the pco-
^" Ex. xxxii. 34, and chap, xxxiii. jple, and where they assembled in the
1-4. congregation. Afterward the taber-
"^ This was of course not the ^a&er- nacle of Jehovah became the "tent
nacle itself, which was not yet made, of the congregation," for the sanctu-
nor was it tlie tent of Moses, for Mo- ary belonged to the people, and not
8es himself went to it out of the camp, ; only to the priests-
174 Israel at Sinai. Chap. XIi.
who sought Jehovah went out to it. When Moses liimself
went out, and entered the tabernacle, the pillar of cloud de-
scended to its door, " and Jehovah spake unto Moses, face to
face, as a man speaketh unto his friend," while all the peo-
ple looked on from their tent doors and worshiped. When
Moses returned into the camp, Joshua remained in the taber-
nacle.
Having obtained pardon for the people, Moses prayed for
a special encouragement to himself: — " Shew me now thy
way, that I may know thee." Receiving the assurance that
God's presence should be with him, to give him rest, he re-
newed the prayer, " Shew me thy glory." The answer seems
to intimate that God's glory is in His goodness and in His
grace and mercy ; but that, in our present state, we can
only follow the track which His glory leaves in the w^orks
of grace He does : we can not bear to look face to face at
His perfections in their essence. He vouchsafed to Moses tlie
outward sign for which he asked, promising to place him in
a clift of the rock, and to hide him while the glory of Jelio-
vah passed by, so that he could only see the train behind
Him.
The narrative may be partly conceived by the help of the
like vision which was granted to Elijah in this wilderness
of Sinai. "^
Moses went up alone into the mount, which was secured
against intrusion, carrying with him two tables of stone to
replace those which he had broken, for God made repeated
trials of the people's faith. Then Jehovah descended in a
cloud, and proclaimed His name as the God of mercy, grace,
long-suiFering, goodness and truth, from generation to genera-
tion. At this proclamation of God's true glory, Moses came
forth to intercede once more for liis people ; and God re-
newed His covenant, to work wonders for them, and to bring
them into the promised land, adding a new warning against
their falling into the idolatry of Canaan."* This time also,
Moses remained in the mount for forty days and forty
nights,"^ and received anew the precepts of the law, as Avell
as the two tables he had carried up, inscribed with the Ten
Commandments by God himself"^
When Moses came down from the mount, the light of God's
"^ Ex. xxxiii. 12-23; 1 K. xix. 9- | Elijah in the same desert, and by
13.
'"Ex. xxxiii. 1-17.
"^ The same ])eriod of separation
from the world was accomplished by
Christ, probably in the wilderness of
Juda;a (I K. xix. 8 ; Matt. iv. 2).
"•^ Exod. xxxiii. 18-28 ; Deut. ix.
18-25, X. 1-5.
B.C. 1490. Tlie Tabernacle set up. 175
glory shone so brightly from his face, that the people were
unable to look at him, till he had covered it with a veil, while
he recited to them the commandments that God had g-iven
him. ''
§ 13. Moses now gathered a congregation of the people,
and, after repeating the law of the Sabbath,''' he asked their
free gifts for the tabernacle and its furniture. The spoil of the
Egyptians was brought as a free-will oflering to Jehovah,
jewels and precious metals, skins and woven fabrics, spices,
oils, and incense. Two men were filled by God with skill for
the Avork ; Bezaleel, the son of Uri, of the'^tribe of Judah, and
Aholiab, the son of Ahisamach, of the tribe of Dan ; and they
wrought with " every wise-hearted man, in whom Jehovah
put wisdom and understanding to AVork for the service of the
sanctuary." They soon found the offerings of the people far
above Avhat Avas required ; and they made the tabernacle
with its furniture and vessels, the cloths of service, and the
garments of the priests, after the pattern shoAvn to Moses in
the mount, and Moses blessed them.''^
All things being thus prepared, Moses Avas commanded to
set up the tabernacle and place in it the ark of the covenant,
and to anoint Aaron and his sons to the priesthood. The sol-
emn ceremony took place on the first day of the fii-st month
of the second year from the epoch of the Exodus, March to
April, B.C. 1490. JehoA'ah A^ouchsafed a visible token of His
presence and approval by covering the tabernacle with the
cloud and filling it Avith His glory, so that Moses could not
enter into the tabernacle, and by sending doAvn on the altar
the sacred fire, Avith Avhich alone the sacrifices Avere henceforth
to be oflfered.'^" The scene thus simply and briefly related
by Moses should be compared Avith the more elaborate de-
scription of the dedication of Solomon's temple, of AAdiich the
tabernacle Avas the model. '^' A whole monch was spent in
arranging the service of the sanctuary, as it is set forth in the
Book of Leviticus, before the people prepared for their on-
ward journey.
Ex. xxxiv. 29-35 ; com p. 1 Cor.
iii. 12-18.
"« Ex. XXXV. 1-3.
119
Exod. xxxv.-xxxix. xxv. 40.-
Heb. viii. 25.
''° Ex. xl. ; Num. ix. 15, 16.
1 K. viii. ; 2 Chron. vi. vii.
176
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XIL
NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS.
(A.) STATIONS IN THE WIL-
DERNESS.
l^uvibers XXXIII.
I. In Egypt. Verses
1. Kameses 3-5
2. Siiccoth 5,6
3. Etham 6,7
4. Pi-hahirotli, near Baal-ze-
phon and Miydol 7, S
II. BeFOUE KEACilING SiNAI.
Tliroiigh the sea to
5. Marah 8,9
6. Elim 9,10
7. Hy the Red Sea 10, 11
8. Wilderness of Sin 11, 12
9. Doplikah 12,13
10. Alush 13, 14
1 1. Itepliidim 14, 15
12. Wilderness of Sinai 15, 16
nr. Fkom Sinat to the Frontiek.
13. Kibroth-hattaavah 16, 17
14. Hazeroth 17, IS
IV. Stations during the Wandering,
till the return to K . Jesh.*
15. Rithmah 18, 19
1 6. Rimmon-parez 19,20
17. Libnah 20,21
IS. Rissah 21, 22
19. Kehelathah 22, 23
20. Mount Shapliei-. 23, 24
21. Haradah 24, 25
22. Makheloth 25, 26
23. Tahath 20, 27
24. Tarah 27, 2S
25. Mithcah 28,29
26. Hashmonah 2.», SO
27. Moseroth CO, 31
23. Bene-jaakan 31,32
29. Hor-hagidgad 82, 33
SO. Jotbathah 83, 34
31. Ebronah 34, 35
32. Ez.\on-gaber 35, 36
S3. Wilderness of Zin, which
is Kadesii S6, 37
\^ FiNAT. Journey after the Forty
Years' Wandering.
31. ''Mount IIoB, in the edge
of Edom " '. . 37-41
S5. Zalmouah 41, 42
36. Punou 42, 43
37. Oboth 4;], 44
3S. Ije-.\barim (i. e., heaps of
Abarim), in the border of
Moiib 44,45
89. Dibon-gad 45,46
* A3 the first stay at Kndesh is not mentioned in
the list, the place of this division is only conjectural.
Verses
40. Almon-Diblatliaim 40,-17
41. Mountains of Abarim, be-
fore Nebo 47, 4S
43. Plaim of Moab, on hordejs
of Jordan 4S, 40
Remarks.
13. The Taberah of Num. xi. 3 and Dent,
ix. 22 is omitted from the list. The "burn-
ing" from which it took its name may have
occurred at the same station as "the gravea
of lust."
15. Rithmah signifies the plant genista or
hroom.
26. Probably near Moseroth, perhaps Ain
Ha-<b, N.W. in the Arabah.
27. Deut. X. 6. " From Beeroth of the
children of Jaakan to Moserah : there Aaron
died and was buried." Perhaps Kusheiheh,
at the mouth of the Wady Ahu^ near the foot
of Mount IIoi'.
28. {i. c, wells called after their name).
Jaakan was the grandson of Seir the Hor.te
(1 Cliron. i. 42). Ain Ghurundel.
29. Gudgodah (Deut. x. 7), perhaps Wady
el-Ghudhagidh.
30. Jotbath, ''a land of rivers of waters"
(Deut. X. 7). Perhaps at the confluence of
H'ady el-Adbah with el-Jerajeh. ''At that
time Jehovah separated Levi," etc. (Deut. x.
8).
31. Perhaps a ford across the head of the
Gulf of Akabah.
34. Here Aaron died ; and here king Arad
the Canaauite heard of their coming.
(B.) PI-HAHIROTH, MIGDOL,
AND BAAL-ZEPHON.
After leaving Etham the direction
of the route cliangcd. The Israelites
were commanded "to turn and en-
camp before Pi-hahiroth, between
Migdol and the sea, over against Baal-
zephon" (Ex. xiv. 2). Therefore it is
most probable that they at once turn-
ed, although they may have done so
later in the march. The direction can
not bs doubted, if our description cf
the route thus far be correct, for they
would have been entangled (ver. 3)
only by turning southward, not north-
ward. They encamped for the night
Chap. XII.
Notes and Illustrations.
177
bj the sea, probably after a full day's [
journey. The place of their encamp-
ment and of the passage of the sea
■would therefore be not far from the j
Persepolitan monument, which is'
made in Linant's map the site of the
Serapeum. We do not venture to at-
tempt the identification of the places
mentioned in the narrative with mod-
ern sites. Something, however, may be
gathered from the names of the places.
Tiie position of the Israelite encamp-
ment was before Pi-hahiroth, behind
which was Migdol, and on the other
hand Baal-zephon and the sea. Pi-
hahiroth or Hahiroth is probably the
name of a natural locality. The sepa-
rable prefix is evidently the Egyptian
masculine article, and we therefore
hold the name to be Egyptian. Ja-
blonsky proposed the Coptic etymol-
ogy, "the place where sedge grows,"
which may be identified with the mod-
ern G huweyhet-el-boos, " the bed of
reeds." Migdol appears to have been
a common name for a frontier watch-
tower. Baal-zephon we take to have
had a similar meaning to that of Mig-
dol. We should expect, therefore,
that the encampment would have been
in a depression, partly marshy, having
on either hand an elevation marked
by a watch-tower.
(C.) MANNA.
The natural products of the Arabian
deserts and other Oriental regions
which bear the name of manna, have
not the qualities or use ascribed to
the manna of Scripture. The manna
of Scripture must be regarded as
wliolly miraculous, and not in any
respect a product of nature. The
Arabian physician Avicenna gives the
following description of the manna,
which in his time was used as a med-
icine : "Manna is a dew which fiills
on stones or bushes, becomes thick
like honey, and can be hardened so as
to be like grains of corn." The sub-
H 2
stance now called manna in the Ara-
bian desert, through which the Israel-
ites passed, is collected in the month
of June from the tar/a or tamarisk
shrub {Tamarix fjalUca). According
to Burckhardt, it di'ops from the
thorns on the sticks and leaves with
which the ground is covered, and must
be gathered early in the day, or it will
be melted by the sun. The Arabs
cleanse and boil it, strain it through a
cloth, and put it in leathern bottles ;
and in this way it can be kept unin-
jured for several years. They use it
like honey or butter with their un-
leavened bread, but never make it into
cakes or eat it by itself. Rauwolf and
some more recent travellers have ob-
served that the dried grains of the
Oriental manna were like the corian-
der-seed. Niebuhr observed that at
Mardin, in Mesopotamia, the manna
lies like meal on the leaves of a tree
called in the East ballot, and a/s or as,
which he regards as a species of oak.
The harvest is in July and August,
and much more plentiful in wet than
dry seasons. In the valley of the
Jordan Burckhardt found manna like
gum on the leaves and branches of
the tree gharroh, which is as large as
the olive-tree, having a leaf like the
poplar, though somewhat broader.
Two other shrubs, which have been
supposed to yield the manna of Scrip-
ture, are the Alhayi maiirorum, or
Persian manna, and the Alhagi deser-
torum — thorny plants common in Syr-
ia. The manna of European com-
merce comes mostly from Calabria
and Sicily. It is gathered during the
months of June and July from some
species of ash ( Ornus Europ(va and Or-
nus rotundijblia^ from which it drops
in consequence of a puncture by an
insect resembling the locust, but dis-
tinguished from it by having a sting
under its body. The substance is
fluid at night, and resembles the dew,
but in the morning it begins to harden.
Uroiize figure of Aps. (See p. 172.)
CHAPTER XIII.
TIIE ADVANCE FROM SINAI, AND THE WANDERING IN THE Wlli*
DERNESS. A.M. 2514-2552. B.C. 1490-1452.
§ I. Numberint? of the people — Order of the camp and march. § 2. Num-
bering of the first-born and of the Levites. § 3. Other events at Sinai
— Purification of the camp — Order of Nazarites — Second Passover —
Nadab and Abihu — The blasphemer stoned, § 4. Dejiarture from Si-
nai— Hobab their guide — Manner of the march. § 5. The route from
Sinai — Entrance designed by way of Hebron — The Wilderness of Pa-
ran — Taherah. § G. Kibroth-hattaavah — Quails — Pestilence — Ap-
pointment of the seventy elders — Their gift of prophesying. § 7. Haz-
eroth — Sedition of Miriam and Aaron — Testimony to the meekness and
fidelity of Moses. § 8. Kadesh-barnea — difficulties about its site. § 9.
The spies sent out — Tlieir return and report — Rebellion of the people —
Fidelity of Caleb and Joshua. § 10. Attempt to scale the pass defeat-
ed by die Amorites, Canaanites, and Amalekites. § 11. Beginning of
the thirty-eight years' wanderings — Their direction and object. § 12.
Some transactions of these years — i. The Sabbath-breaker stoned — ii.
Rebellion and fate of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, witli 250 princes —
iii. The plague stayed by Aaron — iv. The blossoming of Aaron's rod —
The charge of the sanctuary given to the Levites.
§ 1. On the first day of the second month of the second
year from the epoch of the Exodus (Jyar=May, 1490), Je-
hovah commanded Moses to number the people able to bear
arms, from twenty years old and upward. The census was
to be taken by Aaron, with a chosen assistant from each tribe,
except that of Levi. The Levites were exempted from mili-
tary service, and numbered separatel)^
The other tribes were made up to twelve by the division
of Joseph into Ephraim and Manasseh, The following is the
B.C. 1490. Numbering of the People. 179
result, in the order given in the book of Numhers^ which takes
its title from this census : —
Reuben 46,500 (Joseph) : Ephraim 40,500
Simeon 59,300
Gad 45,650
Judah 74,600
Issachar 54,400
Zebulun 57,400
(Joseph) : Manasseh 32, 200
Benjamin 35,400
Dan 62,700
Asher 41,500
Naphtali 53,400
Total of the military array 603,550
These may be taken as the exact figures corresponding to
the round number of 600,000, as given at the Exodus. From
the identity of the total, and the improbability of there be-
ing two numberings in one year, this seems to be the same
as the census mentioned before, in connection with the half-
shekel tax for the service of the sanctuary.'
The object of the census was military, in preparation for
the march to Canaan. A captain was appointed for every
tribe ; and the whole host was divided into four camps, which
surrounded the tabernacle during a halt, and went before
and after it on the march, in the following order : —
i. On the Ecist^ and in the van : the camp of Judah, with
Issachar and Zebulun, 186,400 men.
ii. On the South, and second: the camp of Reuben, Avith
Simeon and Gad, 151,450 men.
The Taberxacle and Levi.
iii. On the West, and last but one : the camp of Ephraim,
with Manasseh and Benjamin, 108,100 men.
iv. On the JVorth, and in the rear; the camp of Dan, with
Asher and Naphtali, 157,600 men.
Each tribe had its standard.
§ 2. Another object of the census was religious. The above
numbers, besides excluding the tribe of Levi, included some
Avho had no right there, as not being sui juris, namely, the
first-horn, who were consecrated to Jehovah.'^ Of both these
classes, the Levites and the first-born, the census included
the males from one month old and upward, and there were
found to be^ —
Of the first-born 22,273
Of the tribe of Levi 22,000
Difference.
^ Ex. xxxviii. 26.
'^Ex. xiii. 1, 2, 11-16.
• The separate numbers in NuTP,
iii. (Gershon, 7500; Kohath, 8600;
IMerari, 6200) pive a total of 23,300.
The received solution of the discrep-
180
The Advance from Sinai.
Chap. XIIL
The Levites were taken for the service of Jehovah, in place
of the first-born, man for man: the remaining 273 were re-
deemed for five shekels each ; and this sum of 1365 shekels
was given to Aaron and his sons. The cattle of the Levites
were taken instead of the first-born cattle.*
This substitution of the Levites for the first-born gave the
former a sacrificial as well as a sacerdotal holiness to Jeho-
vah, an idea extended to all the redeemed, as " the church of
the first-lo:-n."'
The Levites were again numbered, from thirty® to fifty
years, for the service of the sanctuary ; and to each of their
three families their resj^ective duties were assigned/ The
numbers Avere —
Of the Kohatliites 2750
Of the sons of Gerslion 2630
Of the sons of Merari 3200
Total of priests and Levites.
8580
§ 3. The description of this census, in the book of N^umbers,
immediately after the setting up of the tabernacle, antici-
pates some events which occurred in the interval before the
march Avas resumed — such as the purification of the camp by
excluding the unclean,^ the institution of the order oiJ^aza-
rites^^ and the offerings of the princes of Israel (the heads of
the twelve tribes), at the dedication of the temple and of the
altar.'" Here also we read the beautiful form prescribed for
the blessing of Aaron and his sons upon the people in God's
name :" —
"Jehovah bless thee: and keep thee.
Jehovah make His face to shine upon thee :
and be gracious unto thee.
Jehovah lift up His countenance upon thee :
and give thee peace."
A special mention is made of the second celebration of the
Passover in the wilderness of Sinai, with the addition of a
new law permitting those who were defiled, or travelling, to
ancy is that 300 were the first-born
of the Levites, who as such were al-
ready consecrated, and therefore could
not take the place of others. Tal-
mudic traditions add that the ques-
tion, which of the Israelites should be
redeemed by a Levite, or which should
pay the five shekels, was settled by lot,
* Num. i.-iii. viii.
» Heb. xii. 23.
^ The mention of twenty-five in
Num. viii. 24, as the age of entrance,
must be understood either of a pro-
bationary period during which tliey
were trained for their duties, or of the
lighter work of keeping the gates of
the tabernacle. "' See chop. xv.
" Num. V. 1-4. ^ Num. vi. 1-2L
" Num. vii.
" Num. vi. 22-27.
1^^^-^-
B.C. 1490. The Advance from HSinai. 181
keep it a month later/* The Book of Leviticus also mentions
incidentally the death of Nadab and Abihii, the sons of
Aaron, by fire from Jehovah, for offering " strange lire " on
the altar of incense, instead of the sacred fire sent down from
God. It appears from the sequel that the sacrilege was com-
mitted in drunken recklessness. Aaron and his surviving
sons were forbidden to defile the priesthood by the utterance
of their natural grief, and commanded to remain within the
tabernacle, leaving the congregation to " bewail the burning
which Jehovah had kindled." The law was laid down that
the priests should drink no wine or strong drink when they
went into the tabernacle, lest they should be incapacitated
from distinguishing between the holy and the unholy, between
the unclean and the clean. Even the survivors incurred the
severe displeasure of Moses for not eating the sin-offering in
the Holy Place. '^ Such were the terrors that beset the dig-
nity of the priesthood, conferred by the law on " men com-
passed with infirmity."^*
To this interval belongs also the death by stoning of a
man who had blasphemed " the Name." This blasphemer was
the son of a Hebrew woman named Shelomith, and of an Egyp-
tian father ; and here we have an example of the evils intro-
duced by the " mixed multitude " who came with the peo-
ple out of Egypt, as Avell as of the fact that such marriages
were made before the Exodus.^^
§ 4, At length the word of Jehovah came to them that
they had dwelt long enough in this mountain, and command-
ing them to turn and journey onward.'® The land of their
destination was described with reference to the promises to
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,'^ but in more minute detail.
They were directed to go, as the first aim of their journey,
" to the mount of the Amorites,''^ that is, the highlands of
Judah and Ephraim, which rise on the north of the desert of
et-Tihj and fill the central part of Southern Palestine. To
this is added the mention of " all the places nigh thereunto, in
the2^lcdn {Arabah,^'') w^hich seems here to mean the whole val-
ley of the Jordan, and its lakes ; " in the hills,'''' probably of
Judah, and perhaj^s including Mount Gilead, east of the Jor-
dan ; " in the vale {shephelah") that is, the lowlands situated
in the land of the Philistines ; " in the south,''^ the special
portion of Judah ; " by the sea-side,''^ the great littoral re-
gion north of Carmel, as far as Phoenicia ; to the land of the
"Num. ix. 1-14. '^Lev. X. I » Lev. xxiv. '« Dent. i. 6, 7.
" Heb. V. 2, vii, 28. »' Deut. i. 8.
182 Departure from, Sinai. Chap. XIII.
Canaanites^'' or Northern Palestine ; " and unto Lebanon f""
" to the great rwer^ the river Mq^/iratesy^^
On tlie twentieth day of the second montli of the second
year (about May 20,1490 B.C.), the cloud of Jehovah's pres-
ence Avas lifted up from the tabernacle, as the sign of de-
parture ; and the tabernacle itself Avas taken down.^^ At
the alarm blown by the two silver trumpets, which God had
commanded to be made,^° each of the four camps set forward
in its appointed order, and the host followed the cloud into
the wilderness of Paran.^^ This divine guidance relieved
Moses from all responsibility as to the direction of the jour-
ney.^^ Moses invited Hobab, either his father-in-law, or
brother-in-law,^^ to go with them, in those memorable Avords
so often quoted in a wider sense — " We are journeying unto
the place of which Jehovah said, I Avill give it you : come
Avith us, and w^e Avill do thee good : for Jehovah hath spoken
good concerning Israel ;" and Hobab consented to guide
them through the desert.^* He appears as the experienced
Bedouin sheikh, to AA'hom Moses looked for the material safe-
ty of his cumbrous caravan in the ncAV and difficult ground
before them. The tracks and passes of that " Avaste hoAvling
Avilderness " were all lamiliar to him, and his practiced sight
Avould be to them " instead of eyes " in discerning the dis-
tant clumps of verdure AA'hich betokened the wells or springs
for the daily encampment, and in giving timely Avarning of
the approach of Amalekites, or other spoilers of the desert.
" The ark of the covenant of Jehovah Avent before them, to
search out a resting-place for them. And the cloud of Je-
hovah Avas upon them by day, Avhen they Avent out of the
camp."^^ When the ark set forward, Moses cried, " Rise up,
O JehoA'ah, and let thine enemies be scattered ; and let them
that hate thee flee before thee." And Avhen it rested, he
said, " Return, O JehoA'ah, unto the ten thousand thousands
" Comp. Gen. xv. 18.
"Num.x. 11-17.
^° Num. X. 1-10. ^' Num. x. 12.
'^^Num. ix. 17-23.
^^ In f.ivoi' of his beinj]; the brotlier-
in-law of Moses there is the express
statement that Hobab was " the son
of Raguel " (Num. x. 29) ; Raguel or
Reuel — the Hebrew word in both
cases is the same — being identified
with Jethro, not only in Exod. ii. 18
(comp. iii. 1, etc.), but also by Jose- /doubtless a corruption of Hobab.
phus, who constantly gives him that I ^* Num. x. 29-32.
uame ; but the addition, the father-in- / "^ Num. x. 33, 34:.
law of Moses," though in most of the
ancient versions connected with Ho-
bab will in the original read either
way, so that no argument can be
founded on them. In favor of Ho-
bab's identity with Jethro are the
words of Judg. iv. 1 1, and the Moham-
medan traditions are in favor of this
identity, He is known in the Koran
and elsewhere, and in the East at tha
present day, by the name of Sho'eib^
B.C. U90.
The Advance from Sinai.
183
of Israel."" Thus they went three days' journey into the
wilderness of Paran."
§ 5. In following- the route of the Israelites, we must try
to determine two or three chief positions. The general di-
rection is northward from Sinai " to the mount of the Amo-
rites," the highlands of Southern Palestine."* The two ex-
tremes are the camp before Sinai on the south, and the " city "
of Kadesh, or Kadesh-barnea, on the north."" The distance
between these points was eleven days' journey (about 165
miles), "by the way of Mount aS'^m^'"" This is evidently
mentioned as the ordinary route, and it seems to be implied
(though this must not be assumed as certain) that it was fol-
lowed by the Israelites. If it were so, their course Avould lie
nearly along, or parallel to the Gulf of Akabah, and up the
wide plain "of the Arahah^ vfhich. runs northward from the
head of the gulf, between Mount Seir on the east and the
desert of et- fih on the west. Their present journey must be
carefully distinguished from their final march into Palestine,
at the end of the thirty-eight years' wandering in the wil-
derness. On that occasion they descended the Arahah^^ after
being refused permission to pass through Edom, rested at
Elath {Akcihah)^ at the head of the Gulf of Akabah f and
whence, turning the southern point of Mount Seir, they skirt-
ed its eastern ^ide to the country of Moab, east of the Jor-
dan. But, on their first march, there is no clear evidence that
they rested at the head of the Gulf of Akabah, or passed up
the Arahah; and the probabilities are very nicely balanced.
Much of the difticulty arises from confounding the directions
in Avhich they proposed to enter Palestine on the two occa-
sions. Their final entrance was made from the east, by way
of the plains of Moab ; but their first entrance was to have
been from the south, by way of Hebron. This is clear from
the command to march to the mountain of the Amorites :
from the description of the circuit made by the spies, and
especially from their visiting Hebron and Eshcol.^^ What-
ever, therefore, the route to Kadesh may have been, that sta-
tion was a final starting-point for Hebron ; and thus we have
some guide for the latter part of the journey.
Between "the mount of the Amorites " and the group of
Sinai, lies the great table-land now called the desert of et-
""^ Num. X. 35, 3G ; comp. Ps. Ixviil.
9 r.wi-1*? fi
1, 2, cxxxii. _.
07>T.-_- ^ 3 2,33
"'Num.x."l2, 33. ^'§4.
ii. 26, XX, G, xxxii. 8.
>
" Num. xii,
* Deut. i. 2
"* On the position of the Arabah,
see Notes and Illustrations (A), Tiia
Arabah.
32 Dent. ii. 8.
33 Nnm.xiii. 17-25; see § 9.
181 Wilderness of Paran. Chap. XIII,
Tih (the icandering). Tliere can be no doubt of its general
correspondence to the loilderness ofParan^ in which the cloud
rested, when it was first lifted up from the tabernacle. '"^^ This
arid tract of limestone answers well to the description of Mo-
ses : " When we departed from Horeb, we went through all
that great and terrible wilderness^ which ye saw by the Avay of
the mountain of the Amorites ; and we came to Kadesh-
barnea."^^ Its limits are clearly marked out by tlie mount-
ain ranges, which divide it on the south-west from the desert
of Shur, on the south from that of Sinai, and on tlie east from
the Arabak. The range which divides it on the south from
the desert of Sinai is also called et-Tih ; and this the Israel-
ites seem to have crossed, in passing out of the wilderness of
Sinai to that of Paran. But it is not clear that they made
this passage in their first journey of three days.^® It took
them some time to get clear of the wadys about Sinai ; and
although Paran is mentioned from the first as the region into
wdiich they passed, the three important stations ofTABERAH,
KiBROTH-HATTAAVAH, and Hazeroth^' cau hardly be reckon-
ed to Paran, as they are said to have encamped in the Avilder-
ness of Paran after leaving Hazeroth.^^ Unfortunately these
three names furnish little, if any, clew to the route they took
from Sinai. Taberah (a burning) records the awful judg-
ment that befell the people, who now began again to murmur
against Jehovah. " Fire burnt among them, and consumed
those that were in the uttermost parts of the camp;"^^ doubt-
less, from the order of the encampment, the mixed multitude
who came with the people out of Egypt.
§ 6. The name of the next station, Kibroth-hattaavaii
(the graves oflust)^ is of similar origin. On this occasion too
the rebellion began Avith "the mixed multitude."" Their
lust for better food spread to the Israelites, who, remember-
ing the fish and the vegetables of Egypt, loathed the manna,
and asked for flesh. God sent them quails, on which they sur-
feited themselves for a Avhole month;"' and while the flesh
was yet between their teeth, they Avere smitten Avith a great
plague, which gaA e the place its name. The mention of the
sea in two passages of this narrative lias been used as an ar-
gument that the route thus fir Avas along the Aalleys Avhich
run eastAvard from Sinai to the Gulf of Akabah; but the sea
is near to any part of the peninsula, and the flights of birds
^* Num. X. 12.
"Deut.i. 19.
3« Num. X. 33.
•^ Num. xi. 3, 34, 35, xxxiii. 1'
^^ Num. xii. IG.
^^ Num.xi. 2, 3.
^°Num.xi.4.
"'Num. xi.2(?.
B.C. U90. Enccnnjrnient at Hazeroth. 185
which have attracted the attention of travellers are charac-
teristic of the whole region."
A very important institution arose out of this rebellion.
Moses comi^lained to Jehovah that the burden of the people
Avas too great for him to bear alone. He was directed to
choose seventy^^ of the elders of Israel, and to present them
before the tabernacle ; where Jehovah came down in the
cloud, and gave them a share of the Spirit that was on Moses,
and they prophesied. Two of them who had not come out to
the tabernacle, Eldad and Medad, prophesied in the camp : an
intimation of the truth, so often tauglit by the prophets, that
even in the old dispensation the power of God's Spirit tran-
scended the forms and places of his OAvn aj^j^ointment. But
the devout zealot is slow to receive this truth ; and so Joshua
prayed Moses to forbid them, just as the disciples asked Christ
to forbid those who Avrought miracles, but did not follow in
his train ; and both received answers in the same spirit."
The appointment of the seventy elders has often been re*
garded as the germ of the Sanhedrijn. They seem rather to
have been a Senate, whose office was confined to assisting
Moses in the governmen-t, and ceased with the cessation of
his leadership. No trace of the Sanhedrim is found till the
return from the Babylonish captivity. It is more certain
that the manner of their consecration prefigured the order of
the Prophets. The irresistible force with which the divine
Spirit impelled them to prophesy has several parallels in the
Jewish history, and is yet to be fulfilled in the pouring out of
God's Spirit on all flesh."'
§ 1. For the next halting-place, Hazeroth (the enclosures)^
a site has been found at the Wady Huderah, on the main
route from Sinai to the shores of the Gulf of Akabah." It
lies on the margin between the granite of the Tur and the
sandstone of the Dehhet-er-Bamleh^ afld therefore properly
"Both Schubsit, between Sinai
and the Wady Murrah (Reisen, 360),
and Stanley {S. and P. 82), just be-
fore reaching Hud/ierd, encountered
flights of birds — the latter says of
"red-legged cranes." Kitter speaks
of such flights as a constant phenom-
enon, both in this peninsula and in
the Euphrates region. Burckhardt
calls it a species of partridge, or not
improbably the Seloua, or quail. Boys
not uncommonly kill three or four of
them at one throw with a stick.
*^ Doubtless six from each tribe,
Moses and Aaron making up the six
for the tribe of Levi.
" Num. xi. 24-29 ; comp. Mark
ix. 38: Luke ix. 49; John iii. 2(j;
Travels in Syria, 406, Aug. 8, quotes 1 Cor. xiv. 5.
llussell's Aleppo, ii. 194, and says the ! "' 1 Sam. x. 5, 6, 10, xix. 20-23;
bird Katta is found in great numbers | Joel ii. 29; Acts ii. 17, 18 ; 1 Cor.
ib the neighborhood of Tufikli. He xiv. "^ Num. xi. 35.
186
The Advance from Sinai.
Chap. XIII,
neither in the desert of Sinai, nor in that of Paran/' Close
to Under ah is a brook called El-Ain (the water), of itself a
strong argument for this route, and inviting an encampment
for a considerable time, such as the name seems to imply. '*^
At Hazeroth Moses was troubled by a seditious opposition
from Miriam and Aaron. They spake against him because
of the Cushite woman whom he had married, probably his
Midianite a\ ife, Zipporah ; and placed their authority on a
level with his." On this occasion we have that celebrated
description of the character of Moses: "Now the man Moses
was very meek, above all the men that were on the face of
the earth. "^° We have also that testimony to his feithfulness
as a servant set over the house of God, which the Apostle
uses as a type of Christ's government over His own house,
the Church.^' Jehovah called forth Aaron and Miriam, with
Moses, to the tabernacle, and declared His pleasure to con-
verse Avith Moses openly, mouth to mouth, and not, as to other
prophets, in visions, dreams, and dark speeches (parables) ;
and reproved them for speaking against him. Miriam was
smitten with leprosy ; and, tliough she was healed at the
prayer of Moses, Aaron, as the high-priest, was obliged to
shut her out from the- camp for seven days ; after which " the
people removed from Hazeroth, and pitched in the wilderness
of Paran."
§ 8. Here is the Gordian knot of the topography. We are
not told at what point they passed into the wilderness of
Paran, nor how many stages they made in it. We find them
next at Kadesh, whence the spies were sent out f^ but to deter-
mine the position of Kadesh itself is the great problem of the
whole route. We obtain no help from the list of stations,^^
in which Kadesh is not mentioned, and the name of Hazeroth
is followed by several unknoAvn places, of which it is even
uncertain whether they belong to this journey, or to the years
of wandering in the wilderness. The latter seems the more
probable alternative, since the mention of Mount Hor^" clear-
ly refers to the fortieth year, and at least the eight preceding
18.
Comp. Num. xii. IG, withxxxiii.
^^ It signifies the villages of a peo-
ple in Jin unsettled state of life, in-
termediate between tents and perma-
nent cities. It is quite possible, how-
ever, that the name may refer to those
complicated masses of rock which
often seem to shut in the traveller in
these regions.
^^ Num. xii. 1, 2. Some suppose
the reference to be to some Egyptian
wife whom Moses had married before
he tied from Egypt, and who had aft-
erward rejoined him. ^° Num. xii. 3.
^' Num. xii. 7; Heb. iii. 2, 5;
comp. 1 Tim. iii. 15.
" Num. xiii. 26; Dent. i. 19.
" Num. xxxiii.
^'' Num. xxxiii. 37-41.
B.C. U90. Return of the Spies. 187
stations" are closely connected with it ;^^ while tlie halt at
Kadesh^^ must he- understood of a return to that place after
the long wanderings.^* The only escape from these difficulties
is by the hypothesis that Kadesh served as a sort of head-
quarters during the thirty-eight years of Avandering.'^ The
Israelites arrived at Kadesh forty days before the vintage/"
or about the latter part of August ; and they made there a
longer halt tlian at any other place, except before Sinai.
§ 9. At Kadesh, Jehovah declared to the people that they
had reached the mountain of the Amorites, into which they
were to ascend, to possess the land He had given them."
But first the country was explored by twelve spies, who were
heads of their respective tribes. ^^ Their names are given at
length, but only two of them are memorable, Caleb, the son
of Jephunneh, of the tribe of Judah, and Oshea, the son of Nun,
of the tribe of Ephraim, whom Moses had called Joshua, i. e.,
Saviour. They searched the land for forty days, ascending
the Ghor and the valley of the Jordan, as far as Rehob, on
the way to Hamath (i.e., Anti-libanus), in the extreme north.
Thence they returned to Hebron, and explored the region
round that city, in which tlieir father Abraham had dwelt as
a stranger, near the Amorite jmnces Aner, and Mamre, and
Eshcol — the last of whom seems still to have derived his name
(l^shcol=a cluster of grapes) from the rich vine-clad valley
of which he was the prince."^ From that valley the spies
brought a cluster of gra2)es so large that it was borne between
two men upon a staft^, together with pomegranates and figs :
for it was the season of the first ripe grapes.'"' These proofs
confirmed their report that the land was all that Jehovah had
promised, " It is a good land that Jehovah our God doth
give us r"^ surely it floweth with milk and honey.""^ Indeed
we can but faintly judge of the impression made upon them
^^ Num. xxxiii. 31-37.
'^ Comp. Dent. x. 6, 7.
^^ Num. xxxiii. 36-37.
^® Comp. Num. xx. 1.
^° See Notes and Illustrat. (B), Ka-
desh. ^° § 9. " l5eut. i. 20, 21.
«2 Num. xiii. 1-lG ; Deut. i. 22, 23.
^3 The Jewish traveller Ha-Parchi
speaks of Eshcol as north of the
mountain on which Hebron stood
(Benjamin of Tudela, Asher, ii, 437) ;
and here the name has been lately
observed still attached to a spring of
remarkably fine water called ^Ain
vale of Hebron N.E. and S.W., and
about two miles north of the town
(Van de Velde, ii. 64).
^^ Num. xiii. 20-25 ; Deut. i. 24,
25. '' Deut. i. 25.
®® Num. xiii. 27 ; comp. Ex. iii. 8,
17, xiii. 5, xxxiii. 3. This too often
suggests only a vague idea of luxuri-
ant plenty to readers who forget that,
in the absence of the sugar-cane, hon-
ey is a necessary of life. " Milk and
honey " contain all the essential ele-
ments of food, besides corn and wine,
which are elsewhere mentioned fts
Eshkali, in a valley which crosses the I abounding in Palestine.
188 Wandering in the Wilderness. Chap. XIIL
— after a year and a half of confinement to the desert — by
the glowing description of travellers who have entered Pales-
tine from the same side." But, when they went on to tell
of the people they had seen there, inhabiting great walled
cities — the Amalekites in the south, the Hittites, Jebusites,
and Amorites in the mountains, and the Canaanites along the
sea-shore and in the valley of the Jordan, and especially the
giant sons of Anak, before wdiom they felt themselves as grass-
hoppers, their good report became an evil one. Caleb alone,
supported afterward by Joshua, tried to calm the people, as-
suring them that they w^ere able to conquer the land. The
other spies not only exaggerated the strength of the enemy,
but began to find fault with the land itself, as " a land that
eateth up the inhabitants thereof'"^** The people spent the
night in bewailing their lost hopes. '^^
In the morning they broke out into open rebellion, and
proposed to elect a captain and to return to Egypt. In vain
did Moses and Aaron fall down before the people ; in vain
did Caleb and Joshua reiterate their assurance of victory, in
the strength of Jehovah's promise and presence, and exhort
the people, above all things, not to rebel against Him. All
the congregation had already taken up stones to stone them,
wlien the glory of Jehovah shone forth from the tabernacle,
and He spake to Moses, declaring that He would disinherit
the people, and make of him a nation. Once more, as before
Sinai, the intercession of Moses prevailed ; but in pardoning
the nation, Jehovah swore by himself that " the whole earth
should be filled with His glory," in the example he Avould
make of the men who had rebelled against him, not one of
whom, save Caleb,''" should see the promised land. The exe-
cution of the sentence was to begin on the morrow, by their
turning into the Avildemess by the way of the Red Sea.
There they w^ere to wander for forty years — a year for each
day that the spies had searched the land — till all the men of
twenty years old and upward had left their carcasses in the
Stanley, S. and P., pp. 98-192. | d
Num. xiii. 32. This obscure k
estined leadership ■was already
nown to Moses, as his new name
phrase seems to mean that the enjoy- implies ; but he is expressly named
ment of the abundant produce of the ' with Caleb in the repetition of the
land was marred by the constant sentence to the people (Num. xiv.
danger from surrounding enemies, as 30). Still, as Caleb was the first to
attacks were invited by its fertility
(comp. xiv. 9).
"^ Num. xiv.
withstand the rebellion, he receivefl
the higher praise and reward (Num.
xiv. 24 ; Dent. i. 36). Hebron itself
""^ Joshua is not mentioned here : was made his inheritance (Josh. xiv.
fNum. xiv. 24). probably because his 0-15).
B.C. U90-52. Watidering in the Wilderness. 189
desert ; and then at length their children, having shared their
wanderings, should enter on their inheritance."" As an earn-
est of the judgment, the ten faithless spies were slain by a
plague.'^
§ 10, Kow that it was too late, the people changed their
mind ; and, having lost the opportunity given theni"by God.
they tried to seize it against His will. In the morning they
marched up the mountain-pass {es-Siifa), in spite of the warn-
ing of Moses — that it should not prosper ; and the Amalekites
and Canaanites, coming down upon them with the Amorites
of the mountain, defeated them with great slaughter, and
chased them as far as Hormah, and even to Mount Seir."
The entrance to the promised land on this side Avas now hope-
lessly barred ; and their forlorn state is thus described by
Moses — " And ye returned and wept before Jehovah ; but
Jehovah would not hearken to your voice nor ffive ear unto
you.'"^
§ 11. The thirty-eight years (or rather exactly thirty-seven
years and a half) occupied in the execution of God's judg-
ment on " the generation that grieved hini in the wilderness,
and to whom he sware in his wrath. They shall not enter
into my rest," form almost a blank in the sacred history.
Their close may be fixed at the period of the final march from
Kadesh to Mount Hor, and thence down through the Arctbah,
and up the eastern side of Mount Seir, to the plains of
Moab.'* But the intervening portions of the narrative are
most difficult to assign to their proper place — whether to the
first or final stay at Kadesh, or to the years between. The
mystery which hangs over this period seems like an awful
silence into which the rebels sink away.
After the rout in Hormah, the people " abode in Kadesh
many days.'"^ This phrase may possibly cover the whole
period of the wandering ; and Kadesh may very well be taken
for a general name of the wilderness.'^ The direction in
which the people started on their wanderings is defined, " by
■'^Num.xiv. " Num. xiv. 36, 37. Palestine, and rises above the less
" Num. xiv. 40-45 ; Deut. i. 41-44. ' elevated step— the level of the desert
The ancient name of Hormah was
Zephath (Judg. i. 17). Eobinson(ii.
181) identifies the pass es-Sufa with
Zephath, in respect both of the name,
which is sufficiently similar, and of
the situation, which is a probable one,
viz., the gap in the mountain barrier,
\Yhich, running about S.W. and N.E.,
completes the plateau of Southern
et-Tih — interposed between it and
the Ghor.
'* Deut. i. 45, 46.
"Num. XX. 1, xxxiii. 37; Deut.
ii. 23. In a wider sense they in-
clude the final march as fiir as the
brook Zered on the confines of Moab
(Deut. ii. 14). '« Deut. i. 46.
"^ See Ps. xxix. 8. .^
190
Object of the Wandering.
Chap. XIU
the v:ay of the Red Sea^^''^ which seems clearly to mean down
the Arabah to the head of the Elanitic Gulf. ]N'ow it seems
that the passage in Deut. ii. 1, must be referred to this same
" turning into the wilderness by the way of the Red Sea," and
not to the final march, the signal for which is recorded at v.
3 -^'"^ and this is confirmed by the computation of the thirty-
eight years of wandering from the time they left Kadesh-
barnea.^" If this be so, we have a clew to the direction of
the wandering in the words, " and we compassed Mount Seir
many days ;" words which point to the Arabah. With this
agrees the notice of their last march back to Kadesh, being
from Ezion-gaber at the head of the Gulf of Akabah.^^
There is another light, in which the question has hardly
been yet regarded. We have often felt staggered at the idea
of this vast multitude being led up and down the awful des-
olations of the 7V/?, amid terrific sufterings to men, women,
children, and cattle, with no assignable purpose, except to
spend out the allotted years ; and we would rather believe
that God mitigated their punishment, than that He added
any unnecessary sufl:ering to the sentence of the gradual death
of the grown-up generation. Xor do Ave read of any such
sufterings as they must have endured had they plunged into
the Tih: it is not till their return to Kadesh that Ave find
them Avanting Avater.®^ Is it not more consistent Avith the
spirit of the narrative, and Avith the Avays of God, to suppose
that their Avanderings had at least an apparent object, Avhich
determined their direction and extent? When they found
that they could not scale the mountain passes of the Amo-
rites, their soutliAvard journey might Avell haA^e for its object
to find some passage through Edom to the east by the route
they at last IblloAved ; and it may haA^e been AA'ith this hope
that "they compassed Mount Seir for many days." Then,
as in the end, they may have met Avith a refusal from the
Edomites ; and so have waited about their head-quarters at
Kadesh, trying sometimes one passage and sometimes anoth-
er, but shut out on both sides ;^^ and meauAvhile leading a
nomad life, chiefly among the pastures of the Arabah, till
'" Num. xiv. 25 ; Deut. i. 40.
"^^ The direction nortlnvard is that
which they would have taken if the
Edomites had not refused them a
passage (comp. Num. xiv. 4-7, with
Num. XX. 14-19) ; and the change of
route is indicated at Num. xiv. 8.
*~° Num. xiv. 14.
^' Num. xxxiii. 3G ; the few pre-
ceding stations to wliich we have any
guide seem also to be near tlie Edom-
ites. ^^ Num. XX.
^^ Their encounter with Arad the
Canaanite at Hormah seems to indi-
cate another attempt to force a pas.
sage to tlie north-west (Num. xxi. 1,
2 ; ver. 3 seems to be an anticipation
of Judg. xi. 30).
B.C. 1490-52.
Rebellion of Korah.
191
God's appointed time had come. This view is strongly con-
firmed by Judges xi. 16-18, where it is said that, on coming
up out of Ef/yjyt., Israel sent messengers both to the kings of
Edom and of Moab, asking for a passage ; and, after their re-
fusal, Israel abode in Kadesh. Then they went along through
the wilderness, and encompassed the land of Edom, etc. In
the poetry of the Hebrews, Mount Seir and Edom are con-
stantly connected w4th the wanderings.®*
Such a lot was hard enough, with all its necessary trials,
and with its hope constantly deferred ; but it is consistent
and intelligible. It may be left to imagination to fill up the
picture of the doomed generation dropping ofi'year by year,
and of the lesson impressed on their children by seeing their
carcasses left in the wilderness. Nor must it be forgotten
that this passage also of their history is emblematic of the
whole pilgrimage of man, who must toil on to his rest through
a path marked by the graves of his illusions and his sins.
§ 12. There are five chapters in the Book of JVumbers,^^ re-
ferring to this interval, but to what part of it we can not say.
Besides sundry religious laws,^" they record the following
events : —
i. The death by stoning of a man who w^as found gather-
ing sticks on the Sabbath day.®^ His offense was the doing
servile work; its spirit was presumptuous disobedience to
Jehovah, and the penalty had already been declared.®^ The
case was expressly referred by Moses to Jehovah, and it is
recorded as an example that the law of the Sabbath was not
to be a dead letter.
ii. The rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram w^as an
attempt to deprive the priesthood of its special sanctity, by
a perversion of the truth declared by God himself, that all
the people were " an holy nation and a royal j^riesthood."^'
It was led by Korah, a Levite, with 250 princes famous in
the congregation, who claimed equality with the j^riests ; and
lie was joined by Dathan and Abiram, and others of the tribe
of Reuben, whose claim probably rested on the primogeni-
ture of their ancestor. At God's command, Korah and his
company presented themselves with Moses and Aaron at the
door of the tabernacle, each with his censer, favored as it
would seem by the congregation.^" Then the voice of God
called to Moses and Aaron to separate themselves from the
^* Judges V. 4 ; Dent, xxxiii. 2 ;
Hab. iii. 5 ; Judith v. 14 ; Stanley, p.
96. ^^ Num. xv.-xix. "Appendix.
" Num. XV. 32-36.
^^ Dent. V. 15 ; Ex. xxxi. 15, xxxt.
2, 3. .
•=" Num. xvi. 1-3 ; comp. Ex. xix
6. «" Num. xvi. 19.
192 The Advance from Sinai. % Chap. XIIL
congregation, that He might destroy them. For the third
time the intercessor obtained the people's pardon : they were
bidden to remove from the tents of Korali, Dathan, and
Abiram ; and, at the word of Moses, the earth opened and
swallowed up the rebels, with their families and all that be-
longed to them, while fire bnrst out from the tabernacle and
consumed the 250 princes. Their brazen censers, as being sa-
cred, were gathered by Aaron out of the fire, to make plates
for a covering of the altar of burnt-oflering."^ The Apostle
Jude uses those who "perished in the gainsaying of Korah"
as a type of the " filthy dreamers," who, in the last days, shall
" despise dominion and speak evil of dignities."""^
iii. The people now mui-mured at the fiite of the men
whose rebellion they had favored, and, at the very moment
when they gathered against Moses and Aaron before the tab-
ernacle, Jehovah appeared in the cloud, and sent a pestilence
among them. Then followed one of the most striking exam-
ples of the intercession of Moses and the mediation of the
high-priest. Seeing that " wrath was gone out from Jehovah,"
Moses bade Aaron to fill his censer with coals from the altar
and with incense, as an atonement for the people, and to stand
between the living and the dead ; and so the plague was
stayed."' A most striking symbol of Christ's mediation to
save those who are doomed to the death of sin.
iv. After these things, a new sign was given of Jehovah's
special favor to the house of Aaron. Twelve rods, or sceptres,
were chosen for the several tribes, and laid up in the taber-
nacle before the ark, the name of Aarox being inscribed on
the rod of Levi. In the morning Moses went into the taber-
nacle and brought forth the rods, and returned them to the
princes of the tribes, when Aaron's rod was seen covered
with buds and blossoms and full-grown almonds. The rest
were still dry sticks ; but his was a living and fruitful sceptre.
It was a vivid emblem of" the rod of Jesse," the "Branch,"
springing up without the sustenance of nature, which in the
prophets represents the spiritual and life-giving power of
Messiah. By the command of God it was laid up in the ark,
for a perpetual memorial against the like rebellions." The
people, now terrified into submission, cried that they only
drew near the tabernacle to perish, and Jehovah repeated
the law, committino' the charo-e of the sanctuary to the Le-
•,85 ^ * ''
vites.
5'Num. xvi. 1-40. 1 "^ Num. xvii. ; Isn. xi. k Hii. 2;
''^Jiulcll. iZech. vi. 12; liev. V. -). •
•"^ Num. xvi. 41-50. i ^^ Num. xvii. 12, 13, xviii.
Chap. XIII.
Notes and Illustrations,
193
NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS.
(A.) THE ARAB AH.
Although this word appears in
the Authorized Versiuu in its origi-
nal shape only in Josh, xviii. 18, yet
in the Hebrew text it is of frequent
occurrence. It is used generally to
indicate a barren, uninhabitable dis-
trict, but "the Arabah" indicates
more particularly the deep-sunken
valley or trench which forms the most
striking among the many striking nat-
ural features of Palestine, and which
extends with great uniformity of for-
mation from the slopes of Hermon to
the Elanitic G\xU{Gulfof Akahah)oi
the Red Sea — the most remarkable
depression known to exist on the sur-
face of the globe. Through the north-
ern portion of this extraordinary fis-
sure the Jordan rushes through the
lakes of Huleh and Gennesareth down
its tortuous course to the deep chasm
of the Dead Sea. This portion, about
150 miles in length, is known among
the Arabs by the name o( El-GIior.
The southern boundary of the Ghor is
the wall of cliffs which crosses the val-
ley about ten miles south of the Dead
Sea. From their summits, southward
to the Gulf of Akabah, the valley
changes its name, or, it would be more
accurate to say, retains its old name
of Wadi/ el- Arabah.
At present our attention may be
confined to the southern division, to
that portion of this singular valley
which has from the most remote date
borne, as it still continues to bear, the
name of Arabah. A deep interest
7,'ill always attach to this remarkable
j district, from the fact that it must
have been the scene of a large portion
! of the wanderings of the children of
[Israel after their repulse from the
! south of the promised land. Wher-
1 ever Kadesh and Hormah may here
after be found to lie, we know with
I certainty, even in our present state of
i ignorance, that they must have been at
{the north of the Arabah; and there-
fore "the way of the Red Sea," by
which they journeyed " from Mount
Hor to compass the land of Edom,"
after the refusal of the King of Edom
to allow them a passage through his
country, must have been southward,
down the Arabali toward the head of
the gulf, till, as is nearly certain, they
turned up one of the wadys on the
left, and so made their way by the
back of the mountain of Seir to the
land of Moab on the cast of the Dead
Sea.
The whole length of the Arabah
proper, from the cliff's south of the
Dead Sea to the head of the Gulf of
Akabah, appears to be rather more
than 100 miles. In breadth it varies.
North of Petra, that is, about 70 miles
from the Gulf of Akabah, it is at its
widest, being perhaps from 1-i to IG
miles across ; but it contracts gradu-
ally to the south till at the gulf the
opening to the sea is but 4, or, accord-
ing to some travellers, 2 miles wide.
The mountains which form the walls
of this vast valley or trench are the
legitimate successors of those which
shut in the Ghor, only in every w.iy
grander and more desert-like. On the
west are the long horizontal lines of
194
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XIIL
the limestone ranges of the Tih, " al-
ways faithful to their tabular outline
and blanched desolation," mounting
up from the valley by huge steps with
level barren tracks on the top of each,
and crowned by the vast plateau of
the " Wilderness of the Wanderings."
This western wall ranges in height
from 1500 to 1800 feet above the floor
of the Arabah, and through it break
in the wadys and passes from the des-
ert above — unimportant toward the
south, but farther north larger and of
more permanent character. The chief
of these wadys is the Wady el-Jemfih,
which emerges about sixty miles from
Akabah, and lead its waters, when
any are flowing, into the Wadi) el-JeU),
and tln-ough it to the marshy ground
under the cliffs south of the Dead Sea.
Two principal passes occur in this
range. First, the very steep and diffi-
cult ascent close to the Akabah, by
which the road of the Mecca pilgrims
between the Akabah and Suez mounts
from the valley to the level of the pla-
teau of the Till. It bears apparently
no other name than en-Nukb, "the
Pass." The second — es-Svfah — has a
more direct connection with the Bible
history, being probably that at which
the Israelites were repulsed by the
Canaanites (Deut. i. 44; Num. xiv.
43-45). It is on the road from Petra
to Hebron, above Ain el- Weibeh, and
is not like the former, from the Ara-
bah to the plateau, but from the ])la-
teau itself to a higher level 1000 feet
above it.
(B.) KADESII.
The position ofKadeshhas to satis-
fy tlie following conditions: It was a
citi/, and one to which, from its name,
some ancient sanctity belonged, as to
Iloreb.* It was in the wilderness of
Paran, and nho in that of Zin (Num.
xiii. 21, XX. 1, xxxiii. 36; compare
* KadcS'i =h(l ■ it is the Fame ■n-oril as
the Arabic name f-i- Jerusalem, El-Klmds.
Ixxxiv. 3, 4; Josh. xv. 1): the latter
is most probably the Arabah, and ei-
j ther the two deserts overlapped here,
jOrKadesh lay on the borders of both.
It was close to "the mountain of the
Amorites," which is marked as the
end of the first journey to Palestine
(Deut. i. 19, 20) ; but it was also on
the extreme border of Edom (Num.
XX. 1 6). It formed an important land-
mark on the southern frontier of Pal-
estine, toward its eastern extremity
(Num. xxxiv. 4; Josh. x. 41, xv. 3 ;
comp. Ezek. xlvii, 19, xlviii. 28.) The
boundary ran from the *' ascent of
Akrabbim" (/. e., of sco/y;?o?2s, probably
the water-shed which crosses the Chor
about eleven miles south of the Dead
Sea, nearly in lat. 31° N., and divides
jit from the Arabah), thence along to
; Zin (that is, along the margin of the
Arabali), whence it ascended on the
south side to Kadesh-barnea, which
I seems therefore to have stood on the
i edge of the plateau which bounds the
I Arabah on the west. Lastly, we should
j expect the site to be marked by some
'Conspicuous rock, answering to that
! which Moses struck when the peo])le
murmured for water, whence the place
was called Meribah-kadesh (from
Meribah = strife, Num. xx. 13 ; Deut.
xxxii. 51 ; Ez. //. cc.y. At an earlier
period Kadesh is mentioned, with
Mount Seir and El-paran, as overrun
, by Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 7) ;* and
twice in connection with Abraham's
residence in the extreme south of Pal-
jestine, near Gerar (Gen. xvi. 14, xx.
1). A position so far to the west sug-
gests that this last may be a different
place, and may correspond to Ain-
kades in lat. 30° 43', and long. 34°
30', nearly due south of Gaza.f The
i * Its ancient name en-lMishpat (Spring of
Judgvient) agrees with tlie sanctity implied
in the name Kadesli.
t Kev. J. Rowlands, ap. Rev. G. Williams,
Holy Citii, App. No. 1. Tlie distinction ia
made by Jerome, who identifies this Kadesh
with a spot in the valley of Gerar, still called
m his day Becr-da7r^ the Well of (he Judge
Chap. XIII.
Notes and Illustrations.
195
doubt raised respecting the identity
of the Kadesh or Kadesh-barnea,
whence the spies set out, with the Ka-
desh or Kadesh-meribah, which was
the starting-point of the final journey
in the fortieth year of the wanderings,
must give way befwe a careful com-
parison of the passage cited (comp.
especially Deut. i. 46, and ii. 14).
The identification of Kadesh with
Petra, originally made in the Talmud,
and lately revived by Dr. Stanley,
is ingenious and captivating ; but the
position seems too far both from the
mountain of the Amorites and from
the frontier of Palestine — too decided-
ly within the territory of Edom, and
too near Mount Hor — to be consistent j
Avith their former separate stations |
(Num. XX. 22, xxxiii. 36, 37). We'
seem bound to look for a jiosition
further to the north-west, on the mar-
gin both of the Arabah and the et-
Tih, and at the foot of one of the
passes by which the final ascent is
made from the plateau of the Tih to
the higher level of the hills of South
Palestine, which are here, so to speak,
superimposed on the Tih. Robinson
places it at Ain el-Weibeh, on the
road from the Arabah to Hebron, by
the pass of es-Safeh ; and Stanley,
while objecting that we must look for
some more definite locality than any
one of the springs and pools scatter-
ed in the midst of the desert, admits
that this would be in other respects
not an inappropriate scene (p. 93) ;
but he afterward argues for its ex-
clusion because there is no cliff (sela)
such as that struck by Moses ; while,
on the other hand, Sela is used as a
name for Petra (p. 95). Others seek
it on the more northerly road which
runs up the Ghor and turns off near
the south-western margin of the Dead
Sea to Hebron. But there is anoth-
er spot which seems best to satis-
fy all the conditions. In the nortii-
east of the desert of et-Tih, and ad-
joining to the Arabah, is a remarka-
ble plateau superimposed upon the
table-land of the former, from which
it is clearly distinguished by the lofty
precipices that form its sides. T/tis
plateau seems to be meant iclien Kadesh
is spoken of as a district. From this
plateau the Wady Jerofeh descends
to the Arabah, and just at the junction
there is a fountain of living water
now called Ain esh-Shehdbeh,* at the
foot of the lofty cliff El-Mtikrah, which
exactly answers to the description of
the rock before which Moses gathered
the congregation, when he smote il
twice, and water came out abundant-
ly. Here, too, the Israelites would
be in the uttermost borders of Edom,
and within a short journev to Mount
Hor.
• In 30° 15' N. lat., and 34° 55' E. long.
Mount Ilor.
CHAPTER XIV.
PIXAL MARCH FROM KADESH TO THE JORDAN. DEATH OP
MOSES. A.M. 2552-2553. B.C. 1452-1451.
§ I. Last oncanipment at Kadesh — Death of Miriam. § 2. Water apain
given from the rock — Tlie sin and sentence of Moses and Aaron. § 3.
A passage refused through Edom. § 4, Marcli from Kadesh to Mount
Hor — Deatli of Aaron, § 5. March down the Arabah and round Mount
Seir — The fiery serpents and tlie brazen serpent. § 6. Arrival at
the brook Zered — March through the Desert of Moab — Territories of
Moab and Ammon — Conquests of vSihon and Og. § 7. Defeat and de-
struction of Sihon and Og. § 8. Last encampment on the plains of
Moab — Balak and Balaam — Xew Census — Consecration of Joshua —
Slaughter of the Midianites. § 9. Settlement of Eeuben, Gad, and half
Manasseh east of Jordan, § 10. Final address of Moses — The Book of
Deuteronomj' — i. His first discourse : Review and introduction — ii. His
second discourse : Repetition of the Law — iii. His third discourse : The
blessing and the curse — iv. The Law rewritten — The So})(/ of Moses^-
V. The BJessim; of 3foses. — vi. His view of the Promised Land — His
death and burial. § IL Character of Moses,
§ 1 . Ix the first month of the fortieth year' from the epoch
of the Exodus (April, 1452), we find the Israelites again in
' Only the month is expressly named : we learn the year from Num.
i-sxxiii. 38.
B.C. U52. Death of Miriam. 19?
the wilderness of Zin, at Kadesh, whither they seem to have
marched up the Arahah from Ezion-gaber, at the head of the
Gulf of Akaba/i.^ The doom mider which most of the old
generation had by this time perished, now reached the house
of Amram. Miriam, the elder sister of Moses and Aaron,
died and was buried here.^ We have seen her as a young
girl, watching the cradle of Moses, and aiding in his deliver-
ance/ She is spoken of as sharing in the sacred mission of
lier brothers/ When she leads off the song of triumph, on
the shore of the Red Sea, she is expressly called "Miriam,
the ijvophetess f^^ and the ground on which she and Aaron
rebelled against Moses implies their possession of the pro-
phetic gift : " Hath Jehovah spoken by Moses ? Hath He
not also spoken by us ?'" The delay of the march till she
was free from the defilement of her leprosy proves her high
consideration/ Lastly, she bore the name of the mother of
our Lord/ Tradition makes her the wife of Hur and grand-
mother of the artist Bezaleel ; and it is said that the mourn-
ing for her, as for her brothers, lasted thirty days/" Li the
time of Jerome, her tomb was shown near Petra/*
§ 2. Here, too, Moses and Aaron committed the sin which
brought them also under the sentence of death, without enter-
ing the promised land. The people murmured for Avater, as
at Rephidim ; and the repetition of the same scene by the new
generation, even after the discipline of the thirty-eight years'
Avandering, is true to human nature — not theirs only, but
ours, of which theirs was the type/^ Jehovah interposed in
the same manner as before : " He clave the rocks in the wil-
derness .... and caused Avaters to run doAAm like rivers,'"^
But, as the miracle had been Avrought once already. He de-
signed to shoAV His poAA^er by a greater Avonder : Moses and
Aaron Avere to stand before the rock (or cliff) in the sight of
the people ; and Moses, holding the rod in his hand, Avas only
to speah to the rock. But this time the trial was too strong,
both for his patience and his humanity. Upbraiding the
people as rebels, he asked, " Must we fetch you Avater out of
^ Num. XX. 1, xxxiii. 36.
^ Num. XX. 1. * Ex. ii. 4-7.
^ Micah vi. 4. ^ Ex. xv. 20.
'' Num. xii. 1,2; comp. 6-8.
" Num. xii. 15.
^ Heb. 3/tWa?«=Gr. 'MapuLfji orMa-
pia=Lat, Maria=Mary. The name
signifies their rebellion, by a prophetic
allusion either to Num. xii. or to tlie
rebellious spirit of the poof le, which
afflicted her as well as her brothers.
10 Joseph. Ant. iii. 2, § 4, 6, § 1, iv.
4, §6.
11 Hieron. de Loc. Ilch. s. v. Cadea
Baj^ea. This is one of the traditional
arguments for identifying that ciry
with Kadesh.
12 Num. XX. 2-6 ; comp. Ex. xvii.l.
Ps. Ixxviii. 1."), 16, 20, cv. 41 ; Neh. ix. 15.
198 The March to the. Jordan. Chap. XIV.
this rock ?" — and he smote the rock twice with the rod.'* The
^vater gushed out in an abundant stream, which probably fol-
lowed the march of the people down the Arabah.'^ But at
the same time the word of Jehovah came to Moses and Aaron
that, because they had not believed and honored Him before
the people, they should not bring them into the promised
land. The place was called Meeibah {strife)^ or, more fully,
Meribah-kadaii. ^®
§ 3. At length the word of Jehovah came to put a term to
their wandermgs, by the welcome command to " turn north-
w^ard,'"' that is, we think, up the Ghor^'^ in order to enter the
promised land by the way followed by the spies round the
edge of the Dead Sea. It would seem that this route was
barred by the opposition of King Arad, the Canaanite.''
There was another way eastward, through the passes of
Mount Seir, the land of the children of Esau, whom the people
were enjoined not to molest, but to buy of them both food
and water.'" While still at Kadesh, therefore, Moses sent
messengers to the King of Edom, recounting what God had
done for Israel, asking for a passage, and promising to keep
peaceably by the highway, and to pay for the water that the
people and the cattle might drink. The Edomites not only
refused the request, but barred the passage with an armed
force. ^'
§ 4. The only way now open w^as dowm the Ai^abah, and
accordingly " they passed by from the children of Esau, Avhich
dwelt in Seir, tlirough the icay of the Arabahy^ Their first
march was to Mount Hor (i. e., tlie mountain), " in the edge
of the land of Edom."" Here we once more reach certain
ground ; for the whole course of the narrative confirms the
tradition which identifies Hor with the majestic " mountain
of the prophet Aaron" {Jehel Xehi-IIarii)i),^\\\\Qh. stands on
the eastern edge of the Arabah^ above vrhich it rises 4000
feet, having Petraat its eastern foot. " In this great valley,"
says Dean Stanley, " there is no more question of the course
^^Num. xxi.1,2.
=° Dent. ii. 4-G.
"'Num. XX. U-21; Judg. xi. 17;
l)nt, as has already been intimated,
this may refer to their first attempt
" Num. XX. 7-11.
^^ The allusion of St. Paul no douht
embraces both miracles, and the
phrase, "the Rock that followed
them," seems appropriate to both (I
Cor. X. 4). i to pass thronfili Edom, on their fi
'® Num. xii. 13; Dcut. xxxii. 51 ; repulse from Kadesh.
Ez. xlvii. 10, xlviii. 28. i "Dent. ii. 8. Tiie word, which
'' Deut. ii. 3. [means desert, is rendered 7)/a2« in our
-** See Notes and Illustrations (A.) : version.
to chap. xiii. 1 '^ Num. xx. 22, 23, xxxiii. 37.
B.C. 1152. Death of Aaron. 199
of the Israelites. It is, indeed, doubtful whether they passed
up it on their way to Canaan ; but no one can doubt that
they passed down it, when the valleys of Edom were closed
against them.""
It is very probable that Hor, like Sinai, was already a sanc-
tuary of the desert tribes. To this dignity, and its natural
crrandeur, w^as now added the solemnity of Aaron's death,
which was appointed by Jehovah to take place here. Tliis
event was not only the decease of so great a personage as the
colleague and elder brother of Moses, but it involved the de-
mise of the first high-priest, and the investiture of his sue
cessor. In the sight of all the congregation, Moses led up
Aaron and his son Eleazar to Mount Hor, and stripped Aaron
of his garments, and put them upon Eleazar; and Aaron died
in the top of the mount. Travellers have found a position on
the summit well suited for the public ceremony ; but we need
not suppose that Aaron actually died in the sight of the peo-
ple. He was buried either on the mountain, or at its foot,
and the people mourned for him thirty days."
Aaron died on the first day of the fifth month from the epoch
of the Exodus (^^=July and August, 1452 b.c), at the age
of 123. He was therefore born in 1575 b.c, four years before
the birth of Moses. As the first-born of the house of Amram,
the priesthood of that house would be a part of his birthright.
His natural eloquence fitted him to be the organ of Moses in
his mission to Egypt ; and he not only spoke for him, but
wrought the miracles at his bidding. Throughout the scenes
in the desert, he is associated with Moses in leading the peo-
ple ; but Moses stands above him as mediator with God, and
as favored with His direct and open revelations. ^ Even when
Aaron is made high-priest, he receives his authority from Mo-
ses. When left alone to govern the people, he at once yield-
ed to their willfulness, believing probably that it was a wise
concession to give them a visible symbol of God's presence ;
and so he became the minister of idolatry and debauchery.
His feeble excuse on this occasion betrays that unstable char-
acter, which could not go alone without his brother ; but, as
is usual with such characters, he made a rash attempt to as-
sert his independence, under the influence of Miriam. On all
other occasions we find him sharing the cares of Moses, and
joining even in his errors, as in the sin which shut them both
out from the promised land. It has been well observed that
24 Sinai and Palestine, p. 84. j Deut. x. G, xxxii. 50; comp. xxxiv.
'^Num. XX. 23-29, xxxiii. 38;l8.
200 Hie March to the Jordan. Chap. XIV.
the very defects of Aaron's character, and especially his sin
and rej^entance in the matter of the golden calf, fitted him
the more for the office of a high-priest — " Who can have
compassion on the ignorant and the erring, for that he him-
self also is compassed with infirmity. "^^ And he could also
sympathize with deep suifering, such as he felt when his sons
Xadab and Abihu were slain for their sacrilege — " and Aaron
held his peace."" All these points are placed by the Apos-
tle in striking contrast to His priesthood, whose perfect and
sinless human nature makes Him have sympathy without in-
firmity.^^
Aaron's wife was named Elisheba.'^^ Of his four sons, two
survived him — Eleazar and Ithamar. The family of the
former held tlie high-priesthood till the time of Eli, who be-
longed to the house of Ithamar. The descendants of Eli re-
tained it down to the reign of Solomon, Avho deposed Abiathar,
and gave the office to Zadok, of the family of Eleazar.'" The
traditional tomb of Aaron, on one of the two summits of
Mount Hor, is marked by a Mohammedan chapel, the dome of
which forms a white spot on the dark red sandstone.'^
§ 5. The march of the Israelites was now down the Arahal\
out of which they turned by way of Ezion-gaber and Elath
into the wilderness of Moab.'^ The site oi Ezion-gaber (the
Gianfs hack-hone) is uncertain : we only know that it was
at the head of the Gulf of Akahah, and a great port for the
commerce with the Indian Ocean, which took that route in
the days of Solomon and Jehoshaphat. It was afterward
eclipsed by Elath {the 2yalm-trees), which still identify it with
the JSlana of later times, and the modern Akahah. The
gulf which bore its name of old, as now (Sinus JElaniticus,
Gulf of Akahah) ^yiQl^ed. its importance as a highway of
commerce to the Gulf of Suez, in consequence of the building
of Alexandria ; but the beauties of its red shores and clear
blue waters, filled with red coralline sea-weed, are still the
" Heb. V. 2 ; comp. vii. 28.
"Lev. X. 3. 2«IIcb.v.-viii.
'^^ Ex. vi. 23.
'" 1 Sam. ii. 30-3G ; 1 K. ii. 27;
Joseph. Ant. v. 11, § 5, viii. 1, § 3.
3^ Stanley, p. 86.
"" Num. xxi. 4 ; Dent. ii. 8. Tlie
the hills, with three low peaks visible
beyond. Tiiis is the Wady JtJnn,
wliich turns the eastern range of the
Arabah, and through which the Is-
raelites must have passed on their
way to Moab. It is still one of the
regular roads to Petra, and in ancient
pass by which they must have left the , times seems to have been the main
Arabah is thus described by Dean i approach from Elath or Akabah, as it
Stanley : " On the west are the lime- is the only road from the south which
stone ranges of the Tih, horizontal as | enters Petra through the SUc or cleft "
before. On the cast is a low gap ini(*SJ«ai and Pakstiiie, pp. 84, 85).
B.C. U52. Tlie Brazen SerjJent. 201
same." To this place " the Israelities came on their return
from Kadesh, and through a gap in the eastern hills they
finally turned oif to Moab. It was a new Red Sea for them ;
and they little knew the glory which it would acquire, when
it became the channel of all the wealth of Solomon.'"*
They now finally passed out of the neighborhood of the Red
Sea into the elevated region which lies to the east of the se-
ries of valleys that extend from the head of the Gulf of Aka-
bah to the sources of the Jordan. Here they found, not the
Canaanities whom they were to t^ubdue, but tribes kindred
to themselves, whom they Avere forbidden to molest ; the de-
scendants of Esau and of Lot. First they skirted the eastern
side of Mount Seir, the home of the Edomites, who Avould
seem to have yielded them, in this direction, the friendly pas-
sage which they could hardly have resisted on the open des-
ert.'^ The route lay along the margin of the great desert of
JVejd, " and the soul of the people was much discouraged be-
cause of the way."'° God punished their murmurs by send-
ing among them serpents, whose fiery bite was fatal. On
their prayer of repentance a remedy was found. Moses was
commanded to make a serpent of brass, wliose polished sur-
face shone like fire, and to set it up on the banner-pole in the
midst of the people ; and whoever was bitten by a serpent
had but to look up at it and live." In recounting the perils of
the wildeniess, Moses speaks of the " fiery serpents and scor-
pions ;'"' and these reptiles still abound in the region about
the Gulf of Akabah.''' But a far deeper interest belongs to
this incident of the pilgrimage of Israel. " As Moses lifted
up tlie serpent in the wriderness, even so must the Son of man
be lifted up ; that whosoever believeth in him should not per-
ish, but have eternal life.""
Preserved as a relic, whether on the spot of its first erec-
tion or elsewhere,'' the Brazen Serpent, called by the name
of Nehushtan, became an object of idolatrous veneration,
probably in connection Avith the Ophite worship that was
adopted in the reign of Ahaz, with all the other idolatries of
the neio-hborino' nations : and the zeal of Hezekiah destroy-
33 Stanley, p. 83. These are the i =*« Deut. viii. L"
features of the whole sea, which
caused it to be called the lied Sea,
and by the Hebrews the Sea of
Weeds.
3* Stanley, p. 84.
3* Dent. ii. 29. "" Num. xxi. 4.
*' Num. xxi. 4-9.
I 2
Buckliardt, Laborde, etc., quoted
by Kitto, jDai/i/ Bible Illustrations, jip.
219, 220.
4" John iii. 14, 15.
■»! Ewald conjectures that it ma}'
have remained at Zalmonah, as thfl
object of occasional pilgrimage.
202 The March to tlte Jordan. Chap. XIV.
ed it with the other idols of his flxther." But the passion
for relics is not extinguished by the destruction of its ob-
jects. In A.D. 971, a Milanese envoy to Constantinople, be-
ing asked to select a present from the imperial treasures,
chose a brazen serpent, which the Greeks assured him was
made of the same metal that Hezekiah had broken up ; and
this serpent, probably the idol of some Ophite sect, is stiil
shown in the Church of St. Ambrose at Milan as that which
was lifted up by Moses in the wilderness.
§ 6. We may assume thUt this happened either at Zal:mo-
NAH or Puxox," which are equally unknown Avith the next
station, Oboth." Then follows Ije-Abarim (the heaps of
Abarim)^ in the wilderness on the east border of Moab,*"^ a
name suggesting the foot-hills {j^wdmont) of the "mountains
of Abarim " (the heights or highlands)^ Avhich are mentioned
four stages farther on," and which are a limestone range,
running north and south through Moab, along the east side
of the Dead Sea and the lower Jordan, opposite the region
about Jericho. Their highest point was Nebo, the " head "
of the PiSGAii, or " height," from which Moses viewed the
promised land." They entered these highlands after crossing
the valley and brook of Zared ov Zered (perhaps the Wady el-
Ahsi/,at the south-east corner of the Dead Sea), which Moses
marks as the terminus of the thirty-eight years' wander-
ing.^^
From the Wady of Zered on the south to the broad ra-
vine of the RiA'cr Arnon^^ on the north, lay the territory of
Moab,^" also called Ar, along the southern half of the east-
ern shore of the Dead Sea ; and a southern branch of the
Anion bounded their country on the east. Shortly before
the Exodus, the warlike Amorites {highlanders) had passed
the Jordan under their Kimr Sihox, and had driven the Mo-
■'^ 2 K. xviii. 4. The common sup-
position that I-Iezekiali called it Ne-
hushlnn (a thing of brass), in contempt,
though supported by the LXX,, seems
not so exact a version as "one (i.e.,
men) had called it Nchushtan."
^^ Num. xxxiii. 41, 42.
** Num. xxi. 10, 1 1, xxxiii. 43, 44.
*'" Num. xxi. 1 1, xxxiii. 44.
*" Num. xxxiii. 47.
Amorites, on the nortli of Moab
CNum. xxi. 13, 14, 24, 2G; Judg. xi.
22), and afterward between Moab and
Israel (Reuben), Deut. ii. 24, 3G, iii.
8, 12, 16. iv. 48; Josh. xii. 1, 2, xiii.
9, 16; Judg. xi. 13, 2C>). It is now
called Wady el-Mojeb, and flows
through a deep ravine into the Dead
Sea. The chasm through which it
flows still answers to the "locum val-
Compare Num. xxvii. 12 ; Deut. lis in prrerupta demersal satis horribi
xxxii. 49
^«Deut. ii. 14.
■*^ The River Arnon formed tlie
boundary between Moab and the
lem et periculosum" whicli it was in
the days of Jerome.
^" See Notes and lilustrations to ch.
vii, (MoAiuTES AND Ammonites).
B.C. 1452.
Conquest of Sihon and Og.
203
abites out of the region between the Anion and the Jab*
bok ;" so that these rivers were now the soutliern and north-
ern boundaries of the kingdom of Silion, whose capital was
Heshbon." JS^orth of the Jabbok, the great upland territory
of Bashan, extending to Mount Hermon, formed the king-
dom of the giant Og, who is also called an Amorite. Such
was the state of the country east of Jordan, which formed
no part of the land marked out for the first settlement of the
Israelites, but events drew them on to its conquest.
Having been forbidden to molest Moab or Ammon, they
asked for a peaceable passage through the former, which
would seem from some statements to have been granted, and
from others to have been refused.'^ But the last of these
passages may refer, as we have seen,^^ to an earlier period ;
and the second only speaks of the withholding of actual as-
sistance in supplies. Probably, as in the case of Edom, a di-
rect passage was refused, but the people were left unmolested
in passing over the upper courses of the Zered and the Ar-
non, and round the eastern slope of the intervening hills by
the margin of the desert. Such a course would bring them
" to the mountains of Abarim, before Nebo," on " the top of
Pisgah," lacing the Jesiiimox, or wilderness ;" and their
march from the Anion to this position is expressly said to
have been from the wildemess,^^ and on the Jorc^er of Moab.^'
Another indication that the people passed through the des-
ert, and not through the fertile lands of Moab, is furnished
by the very interesting notice of the station of Beer, so call-
ed from the well which was opened before ail the people at
the command of Jehovah.^*
§ 7. From their encampment in the wilderness of Kedemoth
(the position of which is doubtful), the Israelites sent a mes-
sage to Sihon, asking for a passage through his territory to
the fords of Jordan opposite to Jericho, where they designed
to enter the promised land, and promising to abstain from
every disorder.^'* The Amorite king not only refused the
request, but marched out Avith all his forces against Israel
into the wilderness. A decisive battle at Jahaz*^" gave to
Israel his whole territory. Silion was slain, with his sons
"Seep. 91.
^2 Num. xxi. 2G-30.
" Deut. ii. 28, 29, xxiii. 4 • Judg.
xi. 17. ^* Chap. xiii. § 10.
" Num. xxxiii. 47, xxi. 20.
^ Num. xxi. 18. Perhaps, how-
ever, thig is an error of the text : the
LXX. give "from the well," namely
the Beer of v. IG.
^^ Num. xxi. 15.
^« Num. xxi. 16. See § 7.
^^ Num. xxi. 21, 22; Deut. ii. 20^
30.
^° This site is also doubtful. ^ :
204
The March to the Jordan.
Chap. XIV.
and all his people, even to the women and children, and Israel
dwelt in their cities from Aroer on the Arnon to the Jahbok
{3Ioiet Amman)^^ To the east of the southern branch of this
river lay the territory of Amnion, too strong to be attacked
even had it been permitted/^ They followed up their victory
by taking Jaazek, a stronghold of the Amorites in Mount
Gilead ; and then they crossed the Jabbok into the district
of Bashan. Here they encountered the giant King Og, wno
ruled over sixty fenced cities in the district of Arr/ob.^^ He
was defeated at Edrei, and slain with his sons and his people,
as had been done to Sihon. Among the spoil was the iron
bedstead of Og, 9 cubits long and 4 cubits broad (13|- feet
by 6),^^ which was preserved in Rabbath-ammon as a me-
morial of his vast stature ; for he was the last of the giant
j-ace of the Rephaim, Avho had dwelt of old in Ashteroth-
Ivarnaim, the capital of Og."
These first great victories of the new generation of Israel
gave them the whole region east of Jordan as far as the des-
ert, from the Arnon on the south to Mount Hermon or Sirion
on the north ; the region soon after allotted to the tribes of
"Num. xxi. 23-30; Dent. ii. 30-
36; Judg. xi. 19-22.
^2 Num. xxi. 24 ; Dent. ii. 37.
®^ The limits of Bashan are very
strictly defined. It extended from
the "border of Gilead " on the south
to Mount Hermon on the north (Dent,
iii. 3, 10, 14; Josh. xii. 5; 1 Chron.
V. 23), and from the Arabah or Jor-
dan valley on the west to Salchah
(Sulkhad) and the border of the Gesh-
urites, and the INIaacathites on the
east (Josh. xii. 3-5 ; Deut. iii. 10).
Argob, which means the stony, with its
sixty strongly-fortified cities, formed
a principal portion of Bashan (Deut.
iii. 4, 5). In later times Argob was
called Trachonitis, ap])arently a mere
translation of the older name. It is
now named the Lejah — a very re-
markable district south of Damascus,
and east of the Sea of Galilee. This
extraordinary region — about twenty-
two miles from north to south by four-
teen from west to east, and of a reg-
ular, almost oval, shape — has been
described as an ocean of basaltic
rocks and boulders, tossed about in
the wildest confusion, and intcrmin-
; gled with fissures and crevices in every
j direction. " Strange as it may seem,
; this ungainly and forbidding region
is thickly studded with deserted cities
^ and villages, in all of which the dwell-
j ings are solidly built and of remote
antiquity " (Porter, 238). The ruins
of Edrei, still bearing the name Edra,
stand on a rocky promontory which
projects from the south-west corner of
the Lejah. Tiie site is a strange one
— without water, without access, ex-
cept over rocks and through defiles
all but impracticable,
^^ Some have supposed that this
was one of the common flat beds used
sometimes on the housetops of east-
ern cities, but made of iron instead of
palm-branches, Avhich would not have
j supported the giant's weight. It is
{ more probable that the Hebrew words
j mean a "sarcophagus of black ba-
salt, " a rendering of which they un-
doubtedly admit. The Arabs still re-
gard black basalt as iron.
"'Num. xxi. 33-35; Deut. iii. 1-
11 ; comp. Gen. xiv. 5 ; Deut. ii. 20,
21 ; and Josh. xiii. 12.
B.C. Uo2.
The Prophet Balaam.
205
Reuben, Gad, and half the tribe of Manasseh. But still more,
they were an earnest of the conquest of the promised land ;
and they are ever after commemorated among the most sig-
nal mercies of Jehovah by the responsive anthems of the tem-
ple-service, giving thanks to Jehovah : —
" To Him which smote great kings : for His mercy endureth forever :
And slew famous kings : for His mercy endureth forever :
Sihon, king of the Amoiites : for His mercy enduretli forever :
And Og, the king of Bashan : for His mercy endureth forever :
And gave them tlieir h^nd for an lieritage : for His mercy endureth forever :
Even an heritage unto Israel His servant : for His mercy endui-eth forever ''^^
§ 8. At length the Israelites made their last encampment
on the east side of the Jordan in " the desert plains of Moab."
Their tents were pitched among the long groves of acacias
{shittim) which cover the topmost of the three terraces that
form the basin of the Jordan, from Abel-shittim*'' (the mead-
010 of acacias) on the north, to Beth-jeshimotN'^ (the house of
the icastes) on the south. As in the tropical climate of the
valley they enjoyed the shelter of the cool groves and the
abundant springs, they could see on the opposite terrace the
green meadows of Jericho, their first intended conquest. But
there still remained work for them on the left bank. The
hills of Abarim, which rose close behind them, were present-
ly occupied by a watchful and wily enemy.
The conquest of the Amorites had roused the Moabites
from their doubtful neutrality. Their king, Balak, the son of
Zippor (the king who had been defeated by Sihon), seeing
that Israel was too strong for him in the field, made a con-
federacy with the sheikhs of Midian, several of whom appear
to have* led their Bedouin life within the territories of Moab,
owning a certain allegiance to the king."" The united forces
encamped on the heights of Abarim ; while Balak sought
mightier help from another quarter.
There was living at Pethor, in Mesopotamia, a prophet
named Balaam, the son of Beor ; one of those who still retain-
ed the knowledge of the true God, by whom he was favored
with prophetic visions. He seems, however, to have prac-
ticed the more questionable arts of divination, and to have
made gain of his supernatural knowledge. His fame was
•"^ Ps. cxxxv. 10-12, cxxxvi. 17-22.
" The Ahilah of later times, placed
by Josephus at G g. miles from the
Jordan {Ant. iv. 8, § 1, v. 1, § 1 ;
compare Bell. Jud. i. 13, § 2, iv. 7, §
6).
^'^ Mentioned among the southmost
cities of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 20; Jo-
seph. Bell. Jud. iv. 7, § G).
^^ Num. xxi. 4, xxxi. 8 ; Josh. xiii.
21, where they are called "dukes of
Sihon living in the country."
206 The March to the Jordan. Chap. XIV.
spread far and wide among the tribes of the desert. " I wot
that he whom thou blessest is blessed, and he whom thou
cursest is cursed,"'" is the belief on Avhich Balak grounded his
invitation to Balaam to come and curse Israel, after which he
hoped he might prevail against them and drive them out of
the land. The message was carried by the elders, both of
Moab and of Midian, with the rewards for his divinations in
their hand. The temptation Was too great for the prophet's
integrity; and he "forsook the right way and went astray,"
into that which the Apostle Peter calls " the way of Balaam,
the son of Bosor, who loved the wages of unrighteousness."^^
Both as a prophet, and from the fame which had spread over
all the surrounding countries, he must have known that Israel
were the people of his God ; and that he had nothing to do
with the messengers of Balak. He hesitated, and was lost,
but not without repeated warnings. Instead of dismissing
the messengers, he invited them to remain for the night, Avhile
he consulted God. He received the plain answer: "Thou
shall not go with them ; thou shall not curse the people, for
they are blessed;" and in the morning he sent them away.^^
Balak again sent more numerous and more honorable en-
voys, with a more pressing message, and promises of great
honors and rewards. Balaam declared his inability, for all the
wealth of Balak — not to entertain the proposal for a moment,
but — to go beyond the word of the Lord his God, to whom
he again referred the case. And this time God A'isited him
with the severest punishment, Avhich He reserves for the Avill-
ful sinner: He "gave him his own desire;"'^ but while de-
livering him to the destruction he courted. He made him the
instrument of blessing Israel in strains among the sublimest
of sacred poetry. Balaam was commanded to go with the
men, but — as he himself had already said — to utter only the
words that God should put in his moiith ; and, in all that fol-
lows, we see how vainly he strove to break through the pre-
scribed limit and to earn the wages of his apostasy.''*
He received one last warning in a prodigy that befell him
on the road. The beast that bore him swerved twice from
the way, and saved him from the uplifted sword of the An-
gel-Jehovah, who had come out to withstand him ; and the
third time, where the pass was too narrow to escape, she fell
down beneath him, and, on his smiting her again, " the dumb
"° Num. xxii.n.
^'2 Pet. ii. 15; Jude 11, where he
is ranked with Cain and Kovah, as
types of the wickedness of the last
days.
''- Num. xxii. 1-14.
" Ps. Ixxviii. 29. '* Num. xxii. 15-2L
P.C. 1452.
Tlte Projjhet Balaam.
207
ass, speaking m itli man's voice, forbad the madness of the
prophet.'"* His eyes were now opened, and he beheld the
an^el, who refused the offer Avhich he now made to turn back,
and repeated the injunction to go with the men, but to speak
only what He'' should say to him.
Balak Avent to meet Balaam at a city on tlie Arnon (per-
haps Aroer),and brought him to the city o^ Kirjath-huzoth,'''
where the king held a great feast in the prophet's honor.
On the morrow^, Balak and Balaam began their unhallowed
ceremonies.'^ Thrice they ascended those eminences, Avhich
w^ere consecrated to the worship of the heathen deities,'' as
places whence the prophet might see and curse the people,
and thrice did " Jehovah their God turn the curse into a bless-
ing, because Jehovah loved them." Lest Balaam's courage
should fail him at the sight of the vast encampment surround-
ing the tabernacle, with its sign of Jehovah's presence in
the cloud, Balak took him first to a hill sacred to Baal, whence
he could see the utmost part of the people. Here Balaam
bade Balak prepare seven altars, on each of which he offered
a bullock and a ram,'° and then retired to another hill to con-
sult Jehovah. From His mouth the prophet received the
word ; and he returned to confound Balak and his princes
by asking, " How shall I curse whom God hath not cursed ?
or how shall I defy whom Jehovah hath not defied ?"— at
the same time prophesying Israel's separation from all nations
and their countless numbers ; and concluding by the oft-quo-
ted ejaculation, " Let me die the death of the righteous, and
let my last end be like his !"
The experiment was repeated from another eminence, " the
field of Zophim, on the top of Pisgah," a more elevated point
of observation, but still not commanding the great body of
the camp. Here the same ceremonies were repeated, with
the same result : and God's message by the prophet declared
His own eternal truth ; His forgiving love to His people ;
His perpetual presence among Ihem, making them proof
■^^ 2 Pet. ii. IG.
■'^ Num. xxii. 22-35. ITcrc is one
of the many identifications of the An-
gel-Jehovah Avith God himself.
'''' Commonly interpreted a cit}j of
streets; but by others of visions: it
may pi'obably have been a sacred
city, and therefore fit for the proph-
et's residence.
■"* Num. xxii. 41-xxiii. 2G.
" Comp. Deut.xii. 2.
*" From the allusion in Micah vi.
5, it was inferred by Jerome that
Balak was ready to offer his son ia
sacrifice according to the abomina-
tions of the heathen whom Jehovah
cast out from before the children of
Israel (2 Kings xvi. 3), and as was
actnnllv done by a later king of ^loab
(2 Kings ill. 27). It is not certain,
however, that the allusion to Balak
and Balaam extends beyond ver. 5.
208 The March to the Jordan. Chap. XIV.
against enchantment; and their future career of lion-like
prowess against their enemies, Balak vented his disappoint-
ment in the cry, " Xeither curse them at all, nor bless them
at all ;" but he would not give up without a last trial."
This third time he brought Balaam up to the very sanctu-
ary of the national deity Peor, the same topmost summit — ■
Kebo, the head of Pisgah — from which Moses soon after
viewed the promised land. The sevenfold sacrifice Avas re-
peated, but Balaam laid aside his arts of divination, for he
saw that it pleased Jehovah to bless Israel. His A'iew em-
braced the whole camp of Israel, spread out among the acacia
groves by the river at his feet ; it ranged over their promised
possessions in the hills of Judah, Ephraim, and Gilead ;^^ and,
as " he saw Israel abiding in their tents according to their
tribes, the Spirit of God came upon him, and he took up his
parable," the prophecy of the man whose eyes were at length
opened. In the goodly array of their tents he saw the omen
of the destruction of the nations around : and ended, "Blessed
is lie that blesseth thee ; and cursed is he that curseth thee."^'
Heedless of the rage of Balak, or of his cruel sarcasm, "Z
thought to promote thee to great honor; but \o, Jehovah hath
kept thee back from honor," Balaam declared that, before
returning to his home, he must complete his prophecy of
what the people should do to the heathen in the last days."
For the fourth time he opened his mouth, and proclaimed his
distant vision of the " Star of Jacob," the "Sceptre of Israel,"
who should smite Moab — a prophecy in part fulfilled by the
victories of David; but, as the titles plainly show, pointing
forward to the kingdom of Messiah over the outcast branches
of the chosen family. Then, as his eye ranged over the dis-
tant mountains of Seir, the home of Edom, and the table-land
of the desert, over which the children of Amalek Avandered,
and the home of the Kenites full in his sight, among the rocks
of Engedi on the farther shores of the Dead Sea, he predicted
their destruction ; till the vision carried him back to the banks
of his native Eu])hrates, and he saw the conquests of Asshur
overturned by ships coming from the coasts of Chittim, the
unknown lands beyond the Western Sea, and he exclaimed,
" Alas ! who shall live when God doeth this !" And he rose
up, and returned to the place assigned for his abode."'
Can we read the sublime prophecies of Balaam without
w^ishing that his desire for his latter end might have been
... ♦ . . ,
^"^ Num. xxiii. 14-2G. I scriptions of the prospect, Sinai and
•*- See Dean Stanley's eloquent de-l Palestine, pp. 299-301, 321.
"^ Num. xxiii. 27-xxiv. 9. " Num. xxiv. lO-lt. " Num. xxiv. 15-25.
B.C. 1452-1 451. Prophecy of Balaam.
209
fultilled? Doubtless it might have ^ee/i, had he renounced
the vain hope of gain and honor, and returned to repent of
his sin, and thank the God who had turned it into a blessing.
But he remained among the Moabites and Midianites, cling-
ing doubtless to the chance of rcAvard ; and provoked his fate
by a new and more eifectual plot against Israel. By his ad-
vice the people were tempted to share in the lascivious rites
of Peor, and to commit Avhoredom wdth the daughters of
Moab.®^ The wrath of Jehovah was shown in a plague which
broke out in the camp, and destroyed 24,000 men. Moses
doomed all the offenders to death, and Phinehas, the son of
Eleazar, the high-priest, set an example of zeal by transfix-
ing with a javelin a man of Israel in the arms of a woman of
Moab, whom he had brought into his tent in the face of the
congregation as they wept before Jehovah. The plague was
stayed, and the covenant of Jehovah w\as renewed with the
house of Eleazar, assuring him a perj^etual priesthood."
For these plots against Israel, as well as for their former
inhospitality, the Moabites w^ere excluded from the congrega-
tion to the tenth generation ;^* and the Midianites were doom-
ed to destruction."^^ The execution of this sentence was the
last act of the government of Moses. All the men of Midian
were slain, with the princes wdio had been allied w^ith Balak,
and Balaam died in the general slaughter. Their cities Avere
burnt and their spoil taken, and the women, who had been
Fav' ed alive, w^ere slain by the command of Moses, the female
children only being spared. At the same fime a law w-as
made for the equitable division of the spoil between those who
w^ent forth to battle and those wiio remained in the camp.®°
Before this w^ar another census had been taken, by whicli
the number w^as found to be about the same as before Sinai^^
38^ years before (the exact decrease was 820) ;" and Joshua
was consecrated by the high-priest Eleazar to be the succes-
sor of Moses. ^'
§ 9. After the slaughter of the Midianites, the tribes of
Reuben and Gad came to Moses and Eleazar and the elders,
wdth the request that they might have for their possession the
conquered land on the east of Jordan, the upland pastures
of which made it desirable for their numerous cattle. Moses
^^ Num. XXV. 1- 3, xxxi. IG.
" Num. XXV. 4-15.
*" Dent. xxxi. 3-6 : this is inter-
preted by Nehemiah (xiii. 1) to mean
forever. The inclusion of the Am-
orites in the sentence is another
proof of the close connection between
the two peoples. The Edomites might
enter the congregation in the third
generation. *'•' Num. xxv. 16-18.
^° Num. xxxi. ^' Num. XMvi.
«2 Num. xxvii. 15-23.
210 The March to the Jordan. Chap. XIV.
at first rebuked tlicm sharply, as if they were repeating the
sin of their fathers at Kadesh-barnea ; but on their promise
that they would only leave their families and their cattle in
their new abodes, Avhile they themselves would march armed
in the van of their brethren, till the whole land should be
subdued, he yielded to their request, and bound them solemn-
ly to their engagement."
The tribe of Reuben was settled in the south of the region
beyond Jordan, from the Anion to the southern slopes of
Mount Gilead. That mountain was given to Gad, whose
northern border just touched the sea of Chinnereth (lake of
Gennesareth). The north-east part of Gilead and the land of
Bashan, as far as Mount Hermon, were at the same time allot-
ted to half the tribe of Manasseh, who came under the same
engagement as their brethren. In the final account of the set-
tlement of the country we read hovf faithfully the two tribes
and a half fulfilled their promise." Still they can hardly be
acquitted of a certain selfish grasping at present advantage ;
and their fault brought its own punishment, for their position
exposed them to attack, and they were the first of the Israel-
ites who were carried into captivity. ""
§ 10. Tlie work of Moses was now finished : he had already
received the command of God to ascend Mount Abarim, and
view the land into which he must not enter ; and his succes-
sor had been solemnly ordained. But before his departure he
assembled all the people, rehearsed to them the dealings of
Jehovah and their OAvn conduct since they had departed
from Egypt ; repeated the law, with certain modifications
and additions, and enforced it with the most solemn exhorta-
tions, warnings, and prophecies of their future history. This
address (or rather series of addresses) is contained in the
Book of Deuteroxomy {the repetition of the law). It was de-
livered in the plains of Moab, in the eleventh month of the
fortieth year from the epoch of the Exodus (Adar=February,
1451, B.C.). It consists of three discourses, followed by the
iSo?7f/ of Jloses, the Blessing of Moses, and the storT/ of his
death.
i. In the J^irst Discourse,^^ Moses strives briefly, but very
earnestly, to warn the people against the sins for which their
fathers failed to enter the promised land, and to impress upon
them the one simple lesson of obedience ; that they might
in their turn, be ready to enter into the land. With this spe
""^ Num. xxxii. ; Dent. iii. 12-20. I °' 2 Kinps xv. 29.
">' Josh. iv. 12, 13, xxii. 4. °' Dcut. i.-iv. 40.
B.C. U51. Final Address of Moses. 211
cial object, lie recapitulates the chief events of the last forty
years in the wilderness, and especially those events which
had the most immediate bearing on the entry of the people
into the promised land.
ii. The Second Discourse^'' enters more fully into the act-
ual precepts of the law : in fact, it may be viewed as the body
of the whole address, the former being an introduction. It
contains a recapitulation, with some modifications and addi-
tions, of the law already given on Mount Sinai. Yet it is not
bare recapitulation, or naked enactment, but every word
shows the heart of the lawgiver full at once of zeal for God
and of the most fervent desire for the welfare of his nation.
It is the Father no less than the Legislator who speaks. And
while obedience and life are throughout bound up together,
it is the obedience of a loving heart, not a service of formal
constraint, which is the burden of his exhortations.'"^
iii. The Third Discourse'^ relates almost entirely to the sol-
emn sanctions of the law: the blessing and the curse. Moses
now speaks in conjunction with the elders of the people,'""
and with the priests and Levites,'"' whose office it would be
to carry out the ceremony, which was pi-escribed in anticipa-
tion of the people's settlement in Palestine.
The place selected Avas that sacred spot in the centre of
the land, where Abraham and Jacob had first pitched their
tents, under the oaks of Moreh, and where the first altar to
God liad been erected. Here the green valley of Shechem is
bounded by two long rocky hills on the north and south, the
former being the Mount Ebal, the latter the Mount Gerizim,
of the passage befoi*e us.
As soon as they should have crossed over Jordan, the peo-
ple were commanded to set up, on the summit of Ebed^ great
stones covered with plaster, and inscribed with the law of
God. They Avere also to build an altar ; and this seems to
have been distinct from the stones, though the point is some-
what doubtful. Then (to use the historical form of expres-
sion, as the scene is described more fully here than on its act-
ual performance under Joshua), the twelve tribes were di-
vided between the two hills. On Gerizim stood Simeon,
Levi, Judah,Issachar, Joseph, and Benjamin, to hless the peo-
ple : on Ebal, Reuben, Gad, Asher, Zebulun, Dan, and Naph-
tali, to utter the curses which are then fully recited."^
Moses then proceeds to amplify the blessing and the curse,
" Deut. v.-xxvi. 19; vs. 44-49 of i °^An account of t!ie Law is given
chap. iv. introduce the discourse. | at the close of the present hook.
•* Deut. xxvii.-xxx. ^^^ Deut. xxvii. 1. ^°' Deut. xxvii. 9. "^ Deut. xxvii.
212 The March to the Jordan. Chap. XIV.
but chiefly the latter, as the warning was more needed.
That sad prophetic anticipation of the course actually follow-
ed by the Israelites, which runs through the whole book, be-
comes now especially prominent ; and he denounces, with ter-
rible explicitness, the curses of disease and pestilence, death
and fomine, failure in every work, subjection to their own
servants, invasion by a mighty nation, with all the liorrors
of defeat and siege, ending in the forlorn lot of the captive in
a foreign land, oppressed by his tyrants and uncertain of his
very life. " In the morning thou shalt say, Would God it
were even ! and at even thou shalt say. Would God it were
morning !" and, to crown all, they would be led back at last
to their bondage in Egypt. ^"^
iv. Having flnished these discourses, Moses encouraged
the people and Joshua, their new leader, to go over Jordan
and take possession of the land.^°* He then wrote " this
law," and delivered it to the Levites, to be kept in the ark
of the covenant, as a perpetual witness against the people ;
and he commanded them to read it to all Israel, when as-
sembled at the Feast of Tabernacles, eveiy seventh year, in
the solemnity of the Sabbatic year.^"^
By the command of Jehovah, who appeared in the cloud to
Moses and Joshua when they presented themselves at the
door of the Tabernacle, Moses added to the book of the law a
sonr/^ which the children of Israel were enjoined to learn, as
a witness for Jehovah against them.^"'' This " Song of Moses "
recounts the blessings of God, the Rock : — His perfect Avork,
His righteous ways, and the corrupt requital of His foolish
j^eople, though He was their father, who bought and created
and established them. It contrasts His mercies with their
sins ; declares their punishment and the judgment of their
oppressors, as alike displajnng the glory and vengeance of
Him beside whom there is no god ; and it concludes by
prophesying the time when tlie Gentiles should rejoice with
His people, and all should join to celebrate His marvellous
works and judgments in " the song of Moses, the servant of
God, and the song of the Lamb.'""
V. Moses now received the final summons for his depar-
ture.^"** But first he uttered, not now as the legislator and
teacher of his jDcople, but as the prophet, wrapt in the vis-
in tliemselves tlie record of their com.
^^^^ Deut. xxviii.
"^ Deut. xxxi. 1-8.
'°^ Dent. xxxi. 9-13, 24-30. This
is the most strikinjx of tlic passages in '" Deut. xxxii. 1-47; Rev. xv. 3,
which the books of Scripture contain 4. "'^ Deut. xxxii. 48-52.
position.
'"■^ Deut. xxxi. 14-23.
B.C. 1451. Ascent of Moses to NeOo. 213
ions of the future, his blessing on llie twelve tribes. "" This
blessi7ig of Moses closely resembles, in its structure and con-
tents, the (lying blessing of Jacob on his sons, but with very
interesting differences. Besides the new and fervent de-
scription of Levi's priesthood,'"' it is remarkable for the al>
sence of those darker shades, which Mere cast over Jacob's
language by the faults of his sons. It speaks only of the
favors that God would shower on the tribes ;i^ian'd it de-
scribes most richly the happiness of the whole people, who
are mentioned, here and in the preceding song, by the sym-
bolical name of Jesiiukun, the beloved, which is only used
again by Isaiah."^
vi. " And Moses went up from the plains of Moab unto
the mountain of Nebo (the head), the summit of Pisgah (the
heights), that is over against Jericho. And Jehovah showed
liim all the land of Gilead unto Dan, and all Naphtali, and
the land of Ephraim, and Manasseh, and all the land of Ju-
dah, even unto the utmost sea, and the south, and the plain
of the valley of Jericho the city of palm-trees, unto Zoar."*'^
Thus minutely does the supplement to the Book of Deuter-
onomy describe the scene wdiich lay open before Moses,
when he was alone with God upon the sacred mountain of
the Moabites ; embracing the four great masses of the in-
lieritance on the east, the north, the centre, and the south,
with the plain that lay at his feet. Not that his eye, though
still undimmed by his thrice forty years,'"' could literally
behold all that is here named : " the foreground of the pic-
ture alone was clearly discernible ; its dim distances w^ere to
be supplied by w^hat was beyond, though suggested by what
was within, the range of the actual prospect of the seer.""*
After receiving the last assurance that this was the land
promised to Abraham and his seed, " Moses the servant of
Jehovah died there in the land of Moab, according to the
word of Jehovah.""^ God himself buried him "in a ravine
before Bethpeor," in front of the very sanctuary of '' the
abomination of the Moabites." The allusion of St. Jude
seems to imply that the fallen angel, Avho was really wor-
shiped there, disputed this invasion of his sanctuary with the
" divine prince, the chief of the angels " (Michael, the arcli-
'°' Deut. xxxiii.
"° Deut. xxxiii. 8-11.
'" It is curious that Simeon is not
named.
"'Deut. xxxii. 15, xxxiii. 5, 26;
"^ Deut. xxxiv. 5.
Is. xliv. 2 : the form Jesurun is a mis-
take of our translators.
"' Deut. xxxiv. 1-3.
'" Deut. xxxiv. 7.
Stanley, Sinai and Pal, p. 301.
214 Tlie March to the Jordan. Chap. XIV.
angel), who rebuked him with the same cahn authority which
He used on the mount of the temptation/'^ Another and a
different profanation, by the idolatrous zeal oi later ages for
the so-called " Holy Places," was guarded against by the con-
cealment of tlie spot ; and Ave almost shrink from mention-
ing the absurd attempt to contradict the mystery by the
rude mosque, on the opposite side of the Dead Sea, which
pretends to mark " the tomb of the prophet Moses." That
of him Avliich it was really left for posterity to seek, besides
the record of his deeds,''^ was his living likeness, in the
prophet Avhom God promised to raise up of his brethren, as
He had raised up him, even Christ.
The children of Israel mourned for Moses in the plains of
Moab thirty days ; and they rendered obedience to Joshua,
the son of Nun, on whom Moses had laid his hands, and who
was full of the spirit of wisdom.^^^
§ 11. In portraying the character of Moses, we avail our-
selves of the graphic description of Dean Stanley:'^"
It has sometimes been attempted to reduce this great
character into a mere passive instrument of the Divine Will,
as though he lip.d himself borne no conscious part in the ac-
tions in which he figures, or the messages which lie delivei's.
This, however, is as incompatible with the general tenor of
the scriptural account, as it is with the common language
in Avhicli he has been described by the Church in all ages.
The frequent addresses of the Divinity to him no more con-
travene his personal activity and intelligence, than in the case
of Elijah, Isaiah, or St. Paul. In the New Testament tlie
Mosaic legislation is especially ascribed to him: — "J/oses
gave you circumcision."'*' '^ Moses ^ because of the hardness
of your hearts, suffered you."'" " Did not Jfoses oive you
the* law?'"'' ''Moses accuseth you."''' St. Paul speaks
of him as the founder of the Jewish religion: "They were
all baptized loito Jloses.^^'^" He is constantly called " a
Prophet." In the poetical language of the Old Testament,""
and in the i)opular language both of Jews and Christians,
he IS known as " the Lawgiver." He must be considered^
like all the saints and heroes of the Bible, as a man of mar-
vellous gifts, raised up by Divine Providence for a special
purpose ; but as led into a closer communion with the invisi-
""' Jude 9; compare Zech. iii. 2
Matt. iv. 10 ; Luke iv. 8.
»'M)eiit. xxxiii. 10-12.
'''•• Dent, xxxiii. 8, 9.
12" Diet, of Bible, art. ^kloses.
12' John vii. 22. '"^ ^ir^^^^ ^ix. 8.
i^Mohn vii. 19. '24 jo},„ y 45
'-' 1 Cor. X. 2.
'2" Numbers xxi. 18; Deut. xxxiii.
21.
B.C. Uol, Character of Moses. 215
ble world than was vouchsafed to any other in the Old Testa-
ment.
There are two main characters in Avhich he appears, as a
leader and as a prophet.
i. Of his natural gifts as a Leader^ we have but few means
of judging. The two main difficulties which he encountered
were the reluctance of the people to submit to his guidance,
and the impracticable nature of the country which they had
to traverse. The patience Avith which he bore their mur-
murs had been described — at the Red Sea, at the apostasy of
the golden calf, at the rebellion of Korah, at the complaints
of Aaron and Miriam. On approaching Palestine, the office
of the leader becomes blended with that of the general or the
conqueror. By Moses the spies Avere sent to explore the
country. Against his advice took j^lace the first disastrous
battle at Hormah. To his guidance is ascribed the circuitous
route by which the nation approached Palestine from the
east, and to his generalship the two successful campaigns in
which SiHOX and Oo were defeated. The narrative is told
so shortly, that we are in danger of forgetting that at this
last stage of his life Moses must have been as much a con-
queror and victorious soldier as Joshua.
ii. His character as a Prophet is, from the nature of the.
case, more distinctly brought out. He is the first as he is the
greatest example of a prophet in the Old Testament. The
name is indeed applied to Abraham before,^" but so casually
as not to enforce our attention. But, in the case of Moses, it
is given with peculiar emphasis. In a certain sense, he ap-
pears as the centre of a prophetic circle, now for the first time
named. His brother and sister were both endowed with
prophetic gifts. Aaron's fluent speech enabled him to act
the part of prophet for Moses in the first instance, and Mir-
iam is expressly called " the Prophetess." The seventy eld-
ers, and Eldad and Medad also, all " prophesied.'"^^ But Mo-
ses (at least after the Exodus) rose high above all these.
The others are spoken of as more or less inferior. Their com-
munications Avere made to them in dreams and figures.*^*
But " Moses Avas not so." With him the divine revelations
Avere made, " mouth to mouth, even apparently, and not in dark
speeches, and the similitude of Jehovah shall he behold."'^"
The prophetic office of Moses, hoAvever, can only be fully
considered in connection Avith his Avhole character and appear-
ance. " By a prophet Jehovah brought Israel out of Egypt,
'" Gen. XX. 7. ! ^"^ Dent. xiii. 1-4 ; Num. xii. 6.
'" Num. xi. 25-27. i ''^ Num. xii. 8.
216
The March to the Jordan.
Chap. XIV.
and by a prophet was he preserved.'"" He was m a sense
peculiar to himself the founder and representative of his peo-
ple. And, in accordance with this complete identification of
himself with his nation, is the only strong j^ersonal trait which
we are able to gather from his history. " The man Mose&
was very meek, above all the men that were npon the face
of the earth.'"^^ The word "meek" is hardly an adequate
reading of the Hebrew term, which should be rather " much
enduring ;" and, in flxct, his onslaught on the Egyptian, and
his sudden dashing the tables on the ground, indicate rather
the reverse of what we should call " meekness." It represents
what we should now designate by the word " disinterested."
All that is told of him indicates a withdrawal of himself, a
preference of the cause of his nation to his own interests, which
makes him the most complete example of Jewish patriotism.
He joins his countrymen in their degrading servitude. ^^'
He forgets himself to avenge their wrongs. ^^* He desires that
his brother may take the lead instead of himself^^^ He Avish-
es that not he only, but all the nation, Avere gifted alike : —
" Enviest thou for my sake ?"^^'' When the offer is made
that the people should be destroyed, and that he should be
made " a great nation,"'" he prays that they may be forgiven
— " if not, blot me, I pray Thee, out of Thy book Avhich Thou
hast Avritten."'^® His sons were not raised to honor. The
leadership of the people passed, after his death, to another
tribe. In the books Avhich bear his name, Abraham, and not
himself, appears as the real father of the nation. In spite of
his great pre-eminence, they are never " the children of Mo-
ses."
In the New Testament Moses is sjDoken of as a likeness of
Christ ; and, as this is a point of view Avhich has been almost
lost in the Church, compared with the more familiar compari-
sons of Christ to Adam, David, Joshua, and yet has as firm a
basis in fact as any of them, it may be Avell to draw it out in
detail.
1. Moses is, as it would seem, the only character of the Old
Testament to Avhom Christ expressly likens Himself — " Mo-
ses wrote of me."'^^ It is uncertain to what passage our Lord
alludes, but the general opinion seems to be the true one—
that it is the remarkable prediction'"" — " The Lord thy God
will raise up unto thee a prophet from the midst of thee, from
thy brethren, like unto me ; unto him ye shall hearken. . . I
"' Hos. xii. 13.
"- Nam. xii. 3. ''' Ex. ii.
'=^ Ex. ii. 14. '=°Ex.
1*1. V. 4.
V. 13.
Nnm. xi. 29. "' Ex. xxxii. 10.
Ex. xxxii. 32. ^^^ John v. 46-
Deut. xviii. 15, 18, 19.
B.C. 1451. Moses as a Type of Christ. 217
will raise them up a prophet from among their brethren, like
unto thee, and will put my words in his mouth ; and he shall
speak unto them all that I shall command him. And it shall
come to pass, that whosoever will not hearken unto my words
which he shall speak in my name, I will require it of him."
This passage is also expressly quoted by Stephen,^" and it is
probably in allusion to it, that at the transfiguration, in the
presence of Moses and Elijah, the words were uttered, '^ Hear
ye Him." It suggests three main points of likeness : — («.)
Christ Avas, like Moses, the great prophet of the people — the
last, as Moses was the first. In greatness of position, none
came between them. (^.) Christ, like Moses, is a lawgiver :
" Him shall ye hear." (c.) Christ, like Moses, was a prophet
out of the midst of the nation — " from their brethren." As
Moses was the entire representative of his people, feeling for
them more than for himself, absorbed in their interests, hopes,
and fears, so, with reverence be it said, was Christ.
2. In Hebrews"^ and Acts^" Christ is described, though
more obscurely, as the Moses of the new dispensation — as the
apostle, or messenger, or mediator, of God to the people — as
the controller and leader of the flock or household of God.
3. The details of their lives are sometimes, though not oft •
en, compared. Stephen'" dwells, evidently with this view,
on the likeness of Moses in striving to act as a peacemaker,
and misunderstood and rejected on that very account. The
deatli of Moses suggests the ascension of Christ ; and the re-
tardation of the rise of the Christian Church, till after its
founder was withdrawn, gives a moral as well as a material
resemblance. But this, tliough dwelt upon in the services of
the Church, has not been expressly laid down in the Bible.
'" Acts vii. 37. 1 '^^ Acts vii. 37.
^^' Ilcb. iii. 1-10, xii. 2-l:-21). ! ^'^ Actsvii. 24-28, 37.
K
The Golden Candlestick.
APPENDIX TO BOOK III.
THE LEGISLATION OF MOSES.
SECTION I.
THE PRINCIPLES AND CLASSIFICATION OF THE MOSAIC LAW.
§ 1. Divine origin of tlie Law of Moses — Its distinction from all other codes. § 2. Exam-
ination of the Law — Its leading piinciples— Its foundation in the Tueooract, accept-
ed by the people, and ratified by God's Covenant ■with them — Whence follows the Re-
ligious, Moral, Civil, and Constitutional Law. § 3. Classification of the Law, based
on tlie Two Tables of the Ten Commandments. § 4. Arrancement of the Ten Com-
mandments. § 5. Classification of the Law into — A. Laws religious and ceremonial —
B. Laws constitutional and political — C. Laws civil : human duties and rights — D.
Laws criminal. § G. — I. Laws Religious and Ceremoniai The First Command-
ment. § 7. The Second Commandment. § 8. The Third Commandment. § 9. The
Fourth Commandment.
§ 1. A LARGE portion of the second and fotirth books of the Pentateuch
(Exodus and Numbers), and nearly the whole of its th{7-d and ^fifth books
(Leviticus and Deuteronomy), ai'e occupied with the Laws, which Moses
was the instrument of giving to the Jewish people. lie keeps ever before
our eyes the fc\ct that the Law was the Law of Jehovah. Its outline was
given from Sinai by the voice of God himself.' One whole section of it, con-
taining the ordinances of divine worship, was communicated to Moses by a
special revelation, in the secrecy of the mount." And even in the case of
1 Ex. xx.-xxi'.i. a Ex. xxv, xxii.
Sect. I. Divine Origin of Hie Law. 219
those precepts, which were enacted as the occasion for each arose, we find
Moses invariably referring tlie question to the express decision of Jehovah.
It is this character that distinguishes the legislation of Moses from that
of all other great lawgivers, actual or mythical : Zoroaster, Menu, or Con-
fucius ; Zaleucus, Solon, or Lycurgns ; besides that this is the only authentic
case, in the history of thcAvorld, of a newly-formed nation receiving at once
and from one legislator a complete code of laws for the direction of their
whole future course of life.
§ 2. Before attempting to classify the enactments of this code, it is nec-
essary to discover first its leading principles.
The basis of the whole commonwealth of Israel, as well as of its law, is
the Theocratic CoNsriTUXiON. Jehovah w-as present with the people,
abiding in his tabernaclo in their midst, visible by the symbol of His pres-
ence, and speaking to them through Moses and the High-priest. The
whole law was the direct utterance of His will ; and the government was
carried on with constant reference to His oracular decisions. Thus He was
to Israel what the king was to other nations ; and hence their desire to have
another king is denounced as treason to Jehovah. But more than this :
He was, so to speak, the proprietor of the people. They were His possession^
for He had redeemed them from their slavery in Egypt, and had brought
them out thence to settle them in a new land of His own choice ; and they,
on their part, had accepted this relation to Jehovah by a solemn covenant.
His right over their /?erso?25 was asserted in the redemption of the first-born,
and in the emancipation of the Jewish slave in tlie year of release. His
right over their land was the fundamental law of property among the Jew^s.
The tithes were a constant acknowledgment of this right ; and the return
of alienated land, in the year of jubilee, to the families who had at first re-
ceived it by allotment from Jehovah, was the rcassertion of His sole propri-
ety.
On their part, the people were required to believe in this supreme and
intimate relation of Jehovah to them. They accepted it at first by the
" covenant in Horeb," and into it every Israelite was initiated by circum-
cision, the common seal of tins covenant and of that with Abraham, of
Avhich this was the sequel. They were to observe it in practice by the wor-
ship of Jehovah as the only God, by abstaining from idolatr}', and by obedi-
ence to the law as the expression of His will.
Of this relation of Jehovah to the people the whole law was the practical
development ; and from it each separate portion may be deduced.
(i.) The Religious Law, which prescribed first the eternal principle of
God's worship, and next the special ceremonies of His service under this
particular dispensation.
(li.) The Moral Law, which declared those duties of personal holiness
and uprightness which arise out of man's relation to God and to his fellow-
man, apart from any peculiai'ity of race, or place, or time. To these pre-
cepts the Mosaic law appends certain special ordinances for regulating the
details of life, which may be called the Laio of Manners. Many of these
minute observances are, no doubt, temporary. Some were typical of prin-
ciples which, under a freer dispensation, belong to the province of the indi-
vidual conscience, rather than of positive law, a distinction for which the
Israelites were not yet prepared. Others were designed to impress upon
220 Classification of the Law. Appendix.
them, by the teaching of common acts, the great lesson of ^^ Holiness to Je-
hovah ;" and they were to be practiced as a means to the knowledge and
love of God, and as a preparation for " the law of liberty," " the law of the
spirit of life in Christ Jesus." We forget this truth when we speak of such
ordinances as narrow and slavish just as the Jews did when they tried to ob-
serve them only in the letter,and so felt them as "a yoke which they were
unable to bear."^
(iii.) The Civil, Political, and Judicial Law. — It is here that the Theo-
cratic principle is most conspicuous, as distinguishing the legislation of Mo-
ses from all human constitutions. We have seen how it affected the tenure
of property and the rights of persons : its influence on civil society is no
less remarkable. All that is valuable in the theories on this subject is
summed up, and many of their errors are corrected, in the axiom of Aris-
totle : " Civil society (the Polls } exists not for men to live, but for them to
live well ;" but, as applied to the Jews, it needs a supplement " for them to
live well, as the people of God."
In His presence, as the actual head of the State, "the right divine of
kings to govern wrong" becomes blasphemy and treason, as we see practi-
cally in the case of Saul. His supreme authority over judges, priests, and
kings, was actually asserted by the prophets, in their unsparing denunciation
of wickedness in high places. Witness the behavior of Samuel toward Saul,
and of Nathan to David, and the conflicts of Elijah, Elisha, and Jeremiah,
with the kings of Israel and Judah. On the otlier hand, there is no room
for the self-willed assertion of the " rights of man ;" but those of them
which deserve the name are secured by just and merciful laws, founded on
right itself, as expressed by the will of God. There is no distinction be-
tween the provinces of action and thought, of free conscience and coercive
law, nor between temporal and spiritual authority. It was not till, by the
people's own sin, a worldly empire had usurped the theocratic throne, that
they were bidden to "Render to Ccesar the things that were Ctesar's, and
to God the things that were God's." All was God's at first, and the scope
of the whole law was in the precept : " Thou shalt love Jehovah thy God
with all thy heart, and Avith all thy soul, and with all thy might ;'' with its
corollary, " Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself."
(iv.) The Laics respectimj Reirards and Punishments. — These also differ-
ed from those of other states, both in their nature and in the object that they
aimed at. Every breach of the law was an act of disobedience to God, and
not merely an offense against society. The rewards of obedience and the
punishment of sin had reference to the covenant under which the people
lived. They are fully expressed in the "blessing and the curse," as set
forth by Moses. The reward is summed up in the frequently-repeated
l)hrase, "that it may go well with thee, and with thy children after thee,
and that thou mayest prolong thy days in the land which Jehovah thy God
giveth thee."* The highest punishment of the offender was that "his soul
should be cut off* from Israel," his life severed from the congregation, and
from all the present benefits of the covenant, as he had broken it on his side.
This explains the infliction of death for so many offenses, some of them be-
yond the cognizance of ordinary codes, but crimes against Jehovah. The
« Act3 XV. 10. •» Deut. iv, 40, v. 10, vi. S, 18, xii. 25, 2S, xxii. T, etc.
Skct. I. The Ten Commandments. 221
offender was put to death, not only as a warning to the living, but as the
means of removing him from the congregation of the faithful.
The divine authority of the law was publicly exhibited by the interven-
tion of God in carrying out its sanctions. The promised blessing and it.*
opposite curse must, in their very nature, come from the general provi-
dence of God ; and both are seen conspicuously in the history of the Jews,
from the time of Moses to this day. But there are not wanting instances
of a more special providence, as in the treble produce of each sixth year,
to compensate for the rest of the land during the sabbatic year, and in the
exemption of the country from attack during the three great festivals. So,
too, in the infliction of punishments : besides the ordinary cases, which
were left to the magistrate, sometimes however with a direct reference to
God's judgment, there were other instances in which He " came out of his
place" to cut off the rebels by fire or pestilence, venomous creatures, and
wild beasts.
The object of this system of rewards and punishments was disclpUnary ;
and to this its retributive element was subordinate. Legislation has re-
gard generally to the safety of society and the protection of individual
rights ; but that of Moses aims at purity and righteousness, as fruits of
piety, and seeks the perfection of society in brotherly love. Hence it deals
as severely with sins against God and a man's own purity, as with those
against society.
§ 3. Wc now proceed to give an abstract of the law under its several
heads, following as nearly as possible the order of the Pentateuch itself,
wliich has more system than is commonly supposed. The basis of the
whole law is laid in the Ten Commandments, as we call them, though they
are nowhere so entitled in the Mosaic books ; but the " Ten Words,""' the
" Covenant,"'' or, very often, as the solemn attestation of the divine will,
the Testimony.'' The term " Commandments " had come into use in the
time of Christ.^ Their division into two tables is not only expressly men-
tioned, but the stress laid upon the tivo, leaves no doubt that the distinc-
tion was important, and that it answered to that summary of the law, which
was made both by Moses and by Christ into two precepts ; so that, the
First Table contained Duties to God, and the Second, Duties to our Neighbor.
§ 4. But here arises a difficulty, not only as to the arrangement of the
commandments between the "Two Tables," but as to the division of the
" Ten Words " themselves. The division is not clearly made in the Scrip-
ture itself; and that arrangement, with which we are familiar from child-
hood, is only one of three modes, handed down from the ancient Jewish
and Christian Churches, to say nothing of modern theories ; and others are
used at this day by Jews and Roman Catholics.
(I.) The modern Jews following theTalmuds, take the words which are
often called the Preface as the First Commandment ;^ and the prohibi-
tions both against having other gods, and against idolatry, as the second;'*
the rest being arranged as with us.
(2.) The Roman Catholic and Lutheran Churches, following St. Augus-
6 Ex. xxxiv. 2S ; Deut. iv. 13, x. 4.
6 Ex. Deut. II cc. ; 1 K. viii. 21; 2 Chron.
\ri.ll,etc.
' Ex. XXV. 16, 21, xxxi. IS, etc.
10 Ex. XX. S-C ; Deut. v. 7-10.
8 At evToXa/, Luke xviii. 20.
9 Ex. XX. 2 ; Deut. v. G : "• I am Jehovab
thy God, which brought thee out of the land
of Egj'pt, from the house of bondage."
222 Division of the Two Tables. Appendix.
tine, regard the First Commandment as embracing all the above words, in
one comprehensive law against false worship and idolatry. Thus our
Third Commandment is their Second, and so on to our Ninth, which is
their Eighth. They then make our Tenth against coveting their Ninth and
Tenth. In the arrangement of the Two Tables, the First contains three
commandments, closing with the Sabbath law, and the Second the remain-
ing seven.
(3.) The arrangement adopted by the Greek and English Churches fol-
lowing Philo, Josephus, and Origen, and all the Latin fathers, mukes the
law against having other gods besides Jehovah the First Commandment, and
that against idolatry the Second, though a slight difference of opinion re-
mains, whether the first words" belong to the First Commandment, or
form a Preface to the whole.
There are then three principal divisions of the Two Tables : (i.) That
of the Eoman Catholic Church mentioned above, making the First Table
contain three commandments, and the second the other seven, (ii.) The
familiar division, referring the first four to our duty toward God, and the
six remaining to our duty toward man. (iii.) The division recognized by
the old Jewish writers, Josephus and Piiilo, and supported by Ewald,
which places five commandments in each Table; and thus preserves the
pentade and decade grouping which pervades the whole code. It has been
maintained that the law of filial duty, being a close consequence of God's
fatherly relation to us, may be referred to the First Table. But this is to
place human parents on a level with God, and, by parity of reasoning, the
Sixth Commandment might be added to the First Table, as murder is the
destruction of God's image in man. Far more reasonable is the view
which regards the authority of parents as heading the Second Table, as
the earthly reflex of that authority of the Father of His people and of all
men which heads the first, and as the first principle of the whole law of
love to our neighbors, because we are all brethren ; and the family is, for
good and ill, the model of the State. '^
§ 5. From the Two Tables, then, we deduce the great division into —
i. Duties toward God, or Laws concerning Religion and Worship, ii. Du-
ties toward man, or Laivs of Civil Eight.
'1 Ex. XX. 2. Jordan, by the way where the sun goeth
12 To these Ten Commandments we find 1 down, in tlie land of the Canaanlte that
in the Samaritan Pentateuch an eleventh i dwelleth in the plain country over against
added : "• But when the Lord thy God shall ', Gilgal, by the oak of :Moreh, toward Sichem."
have brought thee into the land of Canaan, ' In the absence of any direct evidence we can
whither thou goest to possess it, thou shalt ; only guess as to the history of this remarka-
set thee up two great stones, and shalt plais- 1 ble addition. (1.) It will b3 seen that the
ter them with plaister, and shalt write upon ; whole passage is made up of two which are
these stones all the words of this Law. More- 1 found in the Hebrew text of Deut. xxvii. 2-7,
over, after thou shalt have passed over Jor- ! and xi. 30, with the substitution, in the for-
dan, thou shalt set up those stones which I mer, of Gerizim for Ebal. (2.) In the ab-
command thee this day, on Mount Gerizim, l sence erf confirmation from any other ver-
and thou shalt build there an altar to the sion, Ebal must, as far as textual criticism is
Lord thy God, an altar of stones : thou shalt concerned, be looked upon as the true read-
not lift up any iron thereon. Of unhewn ing, Gerizim as a falsification, casual or de-
stones shalt thou build that altar to the liberate, of the text. (3.) Probably the
Lord thy God, and thou shalt offer on it choice of Gerizim as the site of the Samaritan
burnt-offerings to the Lord thy God, and ' temple was determined by the fact that it
thou shalt sacrifice peace-offerings, and shalt had been the Mount of Blessings, Ebal thai
eat them there, and thou shalt rejoice before I of Curses,
the Loi'd thy God in that mountain beyond !
Sect. I. The First Commandment. 223
They do not explicitly lay down the principles of the judicial and poUticai
law, which are to be deduced from the fundamental idea of Jehovah's
sovereignty as laid down in the First Commandment. Nor do they speak
of the sanctions of the law by rewards and punishments, except in the pen-
oral statement of the principle of retribution appended to the Second Com-
mandment, and the special promise annexed to the Fifth. The first of
these two p-eat branches of the law may be regarded as a deduction from
the First Table ; the latter as the enforcement of both by necessary co-
ercion.
Hence we may classify the whole law as follows: —
A. Laws Religious and Ceremonial.
B. Laivs Constitutional and Political.
C. Laws Civil: human duties and rights.
D. Laws Criminal: the statement of which must be, to some extent, in-
cluded under the former heads.
A. LAWS RELIGIOUS AND CEREMONIAL.
§ G. Laws Religious and Ceremoxial, or those concerning God and
His worship, and the relation of the people to Him as their God. The First
Commandment begins with the declaration, " I am Jehovah thy God, whicli
brought thee out of the land of Egypt, from the house of bondage.'"'
This clause, often called the Preface, determines all God's relations to the
people, and theirs to Him, involving as its consequences : —
(1.) The belief in Jehovah as God, the acceptance of His covenant, and
the obserA'ance of His ordinances.
(2.) The Holiness of the People, as Jehovah's peculiar possession, with
their families, servants, lands, and flocks, and all that belonged to them.
The remainder of the commandment forbids them to " have any other
Gods before'^ Jehovah,^* that is, not in preference to — such a height of im-
piety is not alluded to — but in presence of Jehovah, or as it is afterward
expressed, with Him.^^ For false worship began, not with the positive re-
jection of the true God, but by associating with his worship tliat of other
gods and their images ; nay, even images which professed to represent
Jehovah himself. This was the sin of Aaron in the matter of the golden
calf; we meet it again and again in the history of Israel, and it reached
its climax in the idolatries of Solomon, when the heathen gods
"Durst fix
Their seats long after next the seat of God,
Their altars b]i His altar; gods adored
Among the nations round ; yea, often placed
Within His sanctuanj ituclf their shrines;
And witli their darkness durst aflfront liis light."
In this passage Milton gives the exact idea of the ^'■with me," and **/« my
presence,^' of the commandment. Under this ])rohibition was included, not
only the worship of false gods, but every pretense to supernatural power or
commerce with supernatural beings, except with God himself in his own
ordinances. Hence the severe laws against witchcraft and divination, of
which we shall speak under the head of the Criminal Law.
13 Ex. XX. 2 ; Deut. v. fi ; comp. Lev. xxvi. 1, 13 ; P.-. Ixxxi. 10 ; llos. xiii. 4, eta
i< Ex. XX. 3 : Deut. v. 7. i^ £x. xx. 23.
224
The Three fAlowlng Commandments. Appendix.
§ 7. The Second Commandment, wliich is the necessary consequence of
the first, prohibits both the makinf]^ and the worshiping of any lilceness of
any object in the heaven, the earth, and the water; and adds the reason,
often afterward repeated, that Jehovah is a Qo^X jealous of His own honor;
and the sanction of accumulated punisliments on generation after generation
of those that hate him, and mercies innumerable to " those tliat love him
and keep his commandments."^® The peculiar form of the commandment
is designed, not to forbid sculpture, which God enjoined in the case of the
cherubim, but to guard against the sophistical distinction by which image-
worship has ever since been defended, between bowing down hefore an
image and bowing down to it, between worshiping God while adoring the
image and worshiping the image itself.
§ 8. The Third Commandment^'' proceeds not only from outward acts to
the reverence of the lips toward JehoA-ah and his holy Name, in the act of
v>'orship ; but ii implies the sanctitij of oaths and vous,^^ and it also embraces
common speech. Tlius it is interpreted by Christ and the Apostles, in the
passages of the New Testament which refer to perjury and profane swear-
ing. ^'^ It implies also the guilt of falsehood, in its aspect toward God, whose
own truth is blasphemed, when man nses the speech with which He has en-
dowed him to deceive ; as the Ninth Commandment condemns falsehood be-
tween man and man. In all these points of view the emphatic warning
of responsibility, annexed to the commandment, is a most needful guard
against the commonest form of self-deception."^
§ 9. The Fourth Commandment, proceeding to the regulation of the life
in reference to God, is based on the principle for which God had made pro-
vision from the creation, that our nature needs seasons for "remembering"
our God and Maker. Of this more when we speak of the law of the Sab-
bath. Under it may be grouped all the ordinances for the observance of
times and festivals.
The special laws based upon these commandments of the first table, be-
eidus their penalties in the criminal law, may be arranged as follows: —
I. God's presence among the people : the Tabernacle and its Furniture,
and its Ministers.
IF. The bond of the Covenant between Him and (he Peoj>le Inj Sao-ijices and
Offerings.
III. 77(6 Holiness of the People, in person, act, and properti/.
IV. The Sacred Seasons, a])pointed for special acts of service.
These four divisions will form the subjects 6f the following sections.
i« Ex. ::x, 4-6; Deut. v. S-10; with many
parallel pasaages.
»' Kx. XX. T; Dent. v. 11.
18 Comp. Lev. xix. 12 ; Num. xxx. 2 ; Vs.
XV. ^
19 Matt.v. 33-37; xxiii. 16-22; Col. iv. 16 ;
James v. 10.
20 See especially the Epistle of James iii., a
wonderful development of the Christian Iftws
of speech.
Sect.il The Place 0/ GocVs Abode,
SECTION IT.
THE TABERNACLE.
§ .1. God's presence with the people— The Shechinah. § 2. Establishment of the Tabeewa.
' OLE. § 3. Description of the Tabernacle— The court of the Tabernacle. § 4. The Tab.,
ernacle itself— Divided into the Holv Place and the Holy of Holies. § 5. The sacred
furniture and instruments of the Tabernacle— (i.) In the outer court : (a.) The altar of
burnt-offeriug : Qi.) The brazen serpent. § 6.— (ii.) In the Holy Place : (a.) The altar
of incense: (7.) The table of shew-bread : (7.) The golden candlestick. § 7.— (m.) In
the Holy of Holies.
§ 1. Appealing to the senses of a people whose spiritual discernment was
undeveloped, " Jehovah, who brought them out of Egypt," represented him-
self as ever with them, to guide and guard them on their journeys, and to
dwell with them wlien they rested, and when they should find a fixed abode.
On the very night m which they began their march, the visible symbol of
His presence went before them in the Shechinah, or pillar of fire by night
and of a cloud by day, the advance or halt of which was the signal for
their march or rest. There is reason to suppose that there was also from
the first some kind of sacred tent, over which would be the place of the
Shechinah when at rest. Saa-ifice was contemplated as the very object of
their journey,' and we read of its being offered by Jethro and Aaron before
Sinai : but "of its place we have no other notice than the command given
in the first series of precepts, to make an elevated altar of earth or unhewn
stone, which was to be approached with careful decency, in all places where
Jehovah would record His name, and come and bless them.^
§ 2. It was soon intimated that He would fix one such place for His
abode, where alone sacrifices might be offered. Meanwhile, the first ordi-
nances given to Moses, after the proclamation of the outline of the law
from Sinai, related to the ordering of the Tabernacle, its furniture and its
service, as the type which was to be followed when the people came to their
own home and "^" found a place " for the abode of God. During the forty
days of Moses's first retirement with God in Sinai, an exact pattern of the
whole was shown him, and all was made according to it.^
The description of this plan is preceded by an account of the free-will of-
ferings which the children of Israel were to be asked to make for its execu-
tion. The materials were : —
(a) Metals : r/o/J, sllcer, and brass.
(b) Textile fabrics : hlue, purple, scarht, and fine (white) linen, for the
production of which Egypt was celebrated ; also a fabric of goats' hair, the
produce of their own flocks.
(c) Skins : of the ram, dyed red, and of the badger.
1 Ex. viii. C5, 26. ^ e.x. xviii. 12, xxxii. 6.
3 Ex. XX. 24-26.
* Ex. XXV. 9, 4 >, xxvi. 80, xxxix. 3?, 42,
43; Num. viii. 4; Acts vii. 44; Heb. viii. 5.
From 1 Chron. xxviii. 11, we learn that Sol-
K2
omon's temple was built according to a plan
drawn for him by David. Its general re-
semblance to the Tabernacle is evident; but
its permanent character involved large addi-
tiona.
226
Offerings for the Tahernacle.
Appendix.
{d) Wocd : the shittm-v.ood, the timber of the AvilJ acacia of the desert
Itself, the tree of the " burning bush."
(e) Oil, spices, and inceitse, for anointing the priests, and burning in th«
tabernacle.
CO
m
m
W
iiii
LAVEh
0
ly
(/)Gems: onyx stones,
and the precious stones for
tlie breastplate of the
high-priest.
The people gave jew-
els, and plates of gold and
silvei", and brass ; wood,
gkins, hair, and linen ;
the women wove ; the
rulers offered precious
stones, oil, spices, and in-
cense ; and the artists
soon had more than they
needed.^ The superin-
tendence of the work Avas
intrusted to Bazaleel, of
the tribe of Judah, and
to Aholiab, of the tribe
of Dan, who Avere skilled
in " all manner of work-
manship."®
§ 3. The Tabernacle
was the tent of Jehovah,
called by the same name
as the tents of the people,
in the midst of which it
stood. It was also call-
ed the sanctuary, and the
tahernacle of the congrega-
tion.'' It was a portable
building, designed to con-
tain the sacred ark, the
special symbol of God's
presence, and was sur-
rounded by an outer
court.
(i.) The Co7irt cf the
Tahernacle, in which the
Tabernacle itself stood,
was an oblong space, 100
cubits by 50 (i. e., 150 feet
by 75)," having its longer axis east and west, with its front to the east.
6o Cubits*
20 30 4.0 6o 60 fo 75 Fett,
Plan of the Court of the Tabernacle.
was surrounded bv canvas screens— in the East called Kannauts-
It
cubits
s Ex. XXV. 1-S. XXXV. 4-29, xxxvi. 5-T.
« Ex. xxxi. 2, 6, XXXV. 30, 34.
' See chap. xii. § 12, p. 173, note.
8 The cubit here spoken of was the full
cubit (?ee p. 697), equal to ISJ English inches.
A smaller cubit of 15 inches was used for ve8
sels and metal-work. The plan shows th«
full extent of the roo/ of the 'iaberuiiie, pro
Sect. II.
CoceriiKjs of the Tabernacle.
227
in height, and supported by pillars of brass 5 cubits apart, to which the
curtains were attached by hooks and fillets of silver.^ This enclosure was
only broken on tlie eastern side by the entrance, which was 20 cubits wide,
and closed by curtains of fine twined linen, wrought with needle-work, and
of the most gorgeous colors.
In the outer or eastern half of the court was placed the altar of burnt-of-
fering, and between it and the Tabernacle itself, the laver at which the
priests washed their liands and feet on entering the Temple.
§ 4. (ii.) The Tabernacle itsel/'was placed toward the western end of this
enclosure. It was an oblong rectangular structure, 30 cubits in length by
10 in width (45 feet by 15), and 10 in height ; the interior being divided
into two chambers, the first or outer of 20 cubits in length, the inner of 10
cubits, and consequently an exact cube. The former was the Holi/ Place,
or Fi7-st Taie?-nac/e," containing the golden candlestick on one side, the ta-
ble of shew-bread opposite, and between them in the centre the altar of in-
cense. The latter was the Most Holy Place, or the Holi/ of Holies, contain-
ing the ark, surmounted by the cherubim, with the two tables inside.
The two sides, and the further or western end, were enclosed by boards
of shittim-wood overlaid with gold, t\venty on the north and south side, six
on the western side, and the corner-boards doubled. They stood upright,
edge to edge, their lower ends being made with tenons, which dropped into
sockets of silver, and the corner-boards being coupled at the top with rings.
They were furnished with golden rings, through which passed bars of shit-
tim-wood, overlaid with gold, five to each side, and the middle bar passing
from end to end, so as to brace the whole together. Four successive cov-
erings of curtains looped together were placed over the open top, and fell
down over the sides. The first, or inmost, was a splendid fabric of linen,
embroidered with figures of cherubim, in blue, purple, and scarlet, and loop-
ed together by golden fastenings. It seems probable that the ends of this
set of curtains hung down within the Tabernacle, forming a sumptuous tap-
estry. The next was a woolen covering of goats' hair ; the third, of rams'
skins dyed red; and the outermost, of badgers' skins." It has been usu-
ally supposed that these coverings were thrown over the Avails, like a pall is
thrown over a coffin ; but this would have allowed every drop of rain that
fell on the Tabernacle to fall through ; for, however tightly the curtains
might be stretched, the water could never run over the edge, and the sheep-
skins would only make the matter worse, as, when wetted, their weight would
depress the centre, and pi'obably tear any curtain that could be made.
There can be no reasonable doubt that the tent had a ridge, as all tents have
had from the days of Moses down to the present day.
The front of the Sanctuary was closed by a hanging of fine linen, em-
broidered in blue, purple, and scarlet, and supported by golden hooks, on
Jive pillars of shittim-wood oveidaid with gold, and standing in brass sock-
ets ; and the covering of goats' hair was so made as to fall down over this
when required, A more sumptuous curtain of the same kind, embroidered
with cherubim, hung onfour^"^ such pillars, with silver sockets, divided tha
jecting beyond the walls 5 cubits on eveiy
side, as explained in the Diet, of Bible, vol.
iii. p. 1452. » I^x. xxvii. i>, etc.
10 Heb. ix. 2.
'1 So called in our version; but the Ho
brew word probably signifi-r's seal-skins.
12 It should be noticed that, while the Holy
of Holies was divided from the Holy Place by
228
The Veil of the Tahernade.
Appendix;
Holy from the Most Holy Place. It was called the Veil," as it hid from
the eyes of all but the high-priest the inmost sanctuary, where Jehovah
dwelt on his mercy-seat, between the cherubim above the ark. Hence, " to
enter within the A'eil" is to
have the closest access to
God. It was only passed
by the high-priest once
a year, on the Day of
Atonement, in token of
the mediation of Christ,
who, with his own blood,
hath entered for us with-
in the veil which sepa-
rates God's own abode
from earth." In the
temple, the solemn bar-
rier was at length pro-
faned by a Komnn con-
queror, to warn the Jews
that the privileges they
had forfeited were "ready
to vanish away ;" and the
veil was at last rent by
the hand of God himself,
at the same moment that
the body of Christ was
rent upon the cross, to
indicate that the entrance
Into the holiest of all is
now laid open to all be-
lievers " by the blood of
Jesus, by a new and living
way which He hath con-
secrated for us, through
the veil, tiiat is to sav,
His flesh. "^^ The Holy
Place was only entered
by the priests daily, to of-
fer incens(* at the time
of morning and evening
prayer, and to renew the
lights on the golden can-
dlestick ; and on the Sab-
bath, to remove the old shew-bread, and to place the new upon the table.
§ 5. (iii.) The Sacred Furnittire and Instruments of the Tabernacle.
a pcreeu of four pillars supporting curtains, | i3 Sometimes the second veil, either in i-ef.
there were in the entrance five pillars in a erence to the first at the entrance of the
similar space. Now, no one would put a pil- Holy Place, or as being the veil of the second
lar in the centre of an entrance without a sanctuary (Heb. ix. 3).
motive; but the moment a ridge is assumed i* Heb. vi. 19.
4t becomes indispensable. j is Heb. x 10 20
Sect. IT. The Altar of Imense, 229
3. In the Outer Court —
(a) The Altar of Burnt-offering stood in the midst of the court, and
formed the central point of the outer services, in which the people had a
part. On it all sacrifices and oblations were presented, except the sin-of-
ferings, which were burnt without the camp. It was a large hollow case or
coffer, 5 cubits square by 3 in height, made of shittim-wood, overlaid with
plates of brass, and with a grating of brass in the middle to place the wood
upon, and rings to lift the grating. At the four corners were projections
called " horns," the " laying hold " of wliich was the sign of throwing one's
self upon the mercy of God, and a means of fleeing to take sanctuary from
man's vengeance. Like the ark, the altar of incense, and the table of shew-
bread, it was furnished with rings, through which were passed bars to carry
it when the people were on the march. Its utensils of brass are enumer-
ated in Exod. xxxviii. 3. The priests went up to it, not by steps, but by a
sloping mound of earth.
(^) The Brazen Laver, a vessel, on a foot, to hold water for the ablutions
of the priests, stood between the altar of burnt-oft'ering ajid the entrance to
the holy place. It was made of the brass mirrors which were offered by
the women. Its size and form are not mentioned : it is commonly repre-
sented as round ; it need not have been very large, as tlie priests washed
themselves at, not in it.
- § 6. (ii.) In the Holy Place. — The furniture of tlie court was connected
with sacrijice, that of the sanctuary itself with the deeper mysteries of me-
diation and access to God. The First Sancluari/ contained three objects :
the altar of incense in the centre, so as to be directly in front of the ark of
the covenant,^" the table of shew-hread on its right or north side, and the
(jolden candlestick on the left or south side. These objects were all consid-
ered as being placed before the presence of Jehovah, who dwelt in the ho-
liest of all, though with the veil between.
(a) The Altar of Incense, a double cube of I cubit square by 2 high, with
horns, was of sliittim-wood, overlaid with gold, whence it is often called the
Golden Altar,^'' to distinguish it from the altar of burnt-offering, which was
called the Brazen Altar. ^" It had a cornice of gold, and four golden rings
to receive the staves of shittim-wood overlaid with gold, for carrying it.^**
Neither burnt-offering, nor meat-offering, nor drink-oflering, was to be laid
upon it ; but the blood of the sin-offering of atonement was sprinkled ujion
its horns once a year.'^" The incense burnt upon it was a sacred composi-
tion of spices of divine prescription.^* It was offered every morning and
evening, at first by Aaron and his sons, and afterward by the priests officia-
ting in weekly course, and by the high-priest on great occasions. The
priest took some of the sacred fire off the altar of burnt-offering in his cen-
ser, and threw the incense upon it : then, entering tlie holy place, he emp-
tied the censer upon the altar, prayed, and performed the other duties of his
office. Meanwhile the people prayed outside ;"^ and thus was typified the
intercession of Christ in heaven, making his people's prayers on earth ac-
i« 1 K. vi. 22.
1^ Ex. xxxix. rS ; Num. iv. 11.
18 Ex. xxxviii. 30.
^^ Its appear:ince m.iy be illustrated by
the figure on p. 23l>.
20 Fx. XXX. 1-10, xxxvii. 25-2S.
21 Exod. XXV. G, XXX. 34: the ingredients
were stactc, oiiyrha, palbanum, and 2»'ra
frnnkhicense, with sdU^ as tlie symbol ofin«
corrnp:ne.s.^. ^^ Luke i. 10.
230
Tlie Table of Sheiv-bread.
Appendix
ccptable." It was highly criminal to offer " strange " incense or " strange "
fire upon the altar, or for any one to usurp the function of the priests, or to
make, or apply to any other use, the sacred incense. Nadab and Abihu
were slain for the second of these offenses ;^* King Uzziah was smitten
with leprosy for the third ;*^ and the punishment of death was appointed
for the fourth.^
Supposed form of the Altar of Incense.
(/3) The Table of Shew-hread was an oblong table, with legs, 2 cubits
long, 1 broad, and H high. It was of shittim-wood, covered with gold, and
finished, like the altar, with a golden rim, and four rings and staves. It was
furnished with dishes, spoons, covers, and bowls, of pure gold. It stood on
the north, or right side of the altar of incense.'^ Upon this table were
placed twelve cakes of fine flour, in two rows of six each, with frankincense
upon each row. This " *S/^e?f.'.bread," as it was called from being exposed
before Jehovah, was placed fresh upon the table every Sabbath by the
priests, who ate the old loaves in the holy place.'''* The letter of this law
was transgressed on one occasion, which is rendered most memorable by
Christ's appeal to it in one of his arguments with the Pharisees. When
David fled from Saul, Abimelech the priest gave to liim and his companions,
in their necessity, the shew-bread which had just been removed from the
table. David pleaded for it as being in a manner common, since fresh
bread had been sanctified in the sacred vessels, and the priest laid more
stress on the purity of the young men than on the sacredness of the bread.*'
It would be difficult to say whether the whole proceeding, including David's
pretense of a mission from Saul, was morally justifiable. The point to
which our Saviour's argument is directed is somewhat different. He appeals
to the case in which the sanctity both of the holy place and of holy things
23 Ps. cxli. 2; Rev. v. S, viii. 1-5: every
clause of the last passage contains some allu-
sion to the mode of offering the incense in
tbe later temple sei-vice.
•8 Lev. xxiv. 5-9.
24 Lev. X. 1-7. See chap. xiii. § 3.
25 2 (Jhron. xxvi. 16-21.
2« Ex. XXX. .^T, 38.
27 Ex, XXV. 31-40, xxxvii. 17-24.
2» 1 Sam. xxi, 1-6.
Sect. II.
The Golden Candlestick.
231
had been profiined by David's entrance into the sanctuary and use of tlia
shew-bread, as an example of those necessities which override the letter of
the law, and he seems to leave the justification of the act to the reverence
of the Jews for David. In the same spirit he appeals to the case of the
priests, who profaned the strict letter of the Sabbatic law by performing the
necessary work of the sacrifices. Both are used as illustrations of the great
principle : " I will have mercy, and not sacrifice."^"
Besides the shew-bread, there was a drink-offering of wine placed in the
covered bowls upon the table. Some of it was used for libations, and what
remained at the end of the week was poured out before Jehovah.
These types are too expressive for their general meaning to be misun-
derstood. They represented under the old covenant the same truths which
are set forth by the sacrament of the Lord's Supper under the new. In
both cases we have a table, not an altar ; for in the Tabernacle the altar
w*s distinct, and in the Christian Church it is superseded, as the one sacri-
fice of Christ has been offered once for all. In the Tabernacle, moreover,
as in the Church, it was the Lord's Table ; for the whole sanctuary was
the house of Jehovah, and in its ante-chamber was the table of Jehovah,
ever furnished with food for the use of those to whom He granted entrance
into it ; and so is the table of the Lord Jesus spread in his Church on earth.
Both tables are supplied with the same simple elements of necessary food,
bread and wine, with the same reference to the body and blood of Christ,
though this was still a mystery under the old covenant. Nor does the par-
allel fail in the point that the shew-bread might only be eaten by the priests ;
for now the people of Christ are all priests to Him.
(7) The Golden Candlestick, or rather Candelabrum (lamp-stand), ^^ was
placed on the left or south side of the altar of incense. It was made of
pure beaten gold, and weighed, with its instruments, a talent: its value has
been estimated at £5076, besides workmanship. Its form, as described in
the Book of Exodus, agrees with the figure of the candlestick of the second
temple, as represented, together with the table of shew-bread and other
Jewish trophies, on the arch of Titus. ^^ It had an upright stem, from
which branched out three pairs of arms, each pair forming a semicircle,
and their tops coming to the same level as the top of the stem, so as to
form with it supports for seven lamps. It was relieved by ornamental
knobs and flowers along the branches and at their junction with the stem.^'
There were oil-vessels and lamp-tongs, or snuffers, for trimming tlie seven
lamps, and dishes for carrying away the snuff; an office performed by the
priest when he went into the sanctuary every morning to offer incense.
All these utensils were of pure gold. The lamps were lighted at the time
of the evening oblation. They are directed to be kept burning perpetu-
ally ; but from their being lighted in the evening, this seems to mean only
during the night. The Rabbis say that the central lamp only was alight
in the day-time.^
3« Matt. xii. 1-S; Mark ii. 23-28 ; Luke vi.
1-5; comp. Hos. vi. 6; Mic. vi. C, 7.
'1 Throughout our version the words can-
dle and candlestick are used for the lamp and
lamp-stand of the original.
'2 See the drawing on p. 218.
■» The statement of the Rabbis, that there
were seventy of these ornaments, seems to
have originated in the reverence for that
number, and can hardly be reconciled with
the description.
3< Ex. XXV. 31-40, xxvii. 20, 21, xxxvii. 17-
24, XXX. 8 ; Lev. xxiv. 1-4 ; Num. iv. 9-10,'
comp. 1 Sam. iii 2 ; 2 Chron. liiL 11.
232 The Ark of the Covenant. Appendix.
As in a liouse light is as necessary as food, and the lamp-stand, with its
lighted lainj), was a piece of furniture as needful as the bread-vessel,^^ so in
the house of Jehovah, the candlestick symbolized the spiritual light of life,
which he gives to His servants with the icords by which they live. In the
vision of the heavenly temple in the Apocalypse, the seven lights of the
sanctuary before the Holiest of all are identified with " the seven spirits that
are before the throne of God," the one perfect Spirit, whence come light,
life, truth, and holiness ; and the seven branches of the candlestick are
made to symbolize the seven churches, the representatives of the whole
Church on earth. ^*' The figure is the full development of the words of
Christ, "Ye are the light of the world;'' "So let your light shine before
men;"^^ and of St. Paul's exhortation, "Shine ye, as lights in the world,
holding forth the word of life."^"
§ 7. (iii.) In the Holy of Holies, within the veil and shrouded in dark-
ness, there was but one object, the most sacred of the whole. The Aric of
the Covenant, or the Testimony, was a sacred chest, containing the two tables
of stone, inscribed with the Ten Commandments. It was two cubits and
a half in length, by a cubit and a half both inwidth and height. ^^ It was
of shittim-wood, overlaid with pnre gold, and had a golden mitre round the
top. Through two pairs of golden rings on its sides jjassed two staves of
shittim-wo3d, overlaid with gold, which were drawn forward so as to press
against the veil, and thus to remind the priests in the holy place of the jires-
ence of the unseen ark. The cover of the ark was a plate of pure gold,
overshadowed by two cherubim, with their faces bent down and their wings
meeting. This was the very throne of Jehovah, who was therefore said to
"dwell between the cherubim." It was also called the mercy-seat or jn-o^-
pitiatory, because Jehovah there revealed himself, especially on the great
Day of Atonement, as "God pardoning iniquity, transgression, and sin."
Nor was it without the profoundest allusion to the coming dispensation of
the Gospel, that God's throne of mei-cy covered and hid the tables of the
laic. The attitude of the cherubim was significant of the desire of angels
to learn the Gospel mysteries that were hidden in the law.'**'
35 Matt. V. 15, and the parallel passages,] *° 1 Pet. i. 12, ek u eirtOvnoZcrtv u'^jeKoi
where the meaning is obsmred bv the oniis- TrapaKi'-vl^at, where the last word evidently re-
gion of the article '•'■the bushel," '■'the lamp-|fers to the bending down of the cherubim
stand." The sense is "when a man lights over the ark.
his lamp in his house, he doesn't put it un
dfr tlie flour-vessel, but on the lamp-stand."
3« Rev. i. 4, 12, 20; comp. xi. 4, and Zech.
iv. 37 jviatt. v. 14-16. 3« Philip, ii. 15, 16.
39 It was also probably a reliquary for tlie
pot of manna and the rod of Aaron. We
read in 1 K. viii. 9, that '^' there was nothing
in the ark save tlie two tables of stone which
Moses put there at lloreb." Yet St. Paul as-
Ferts that, beside the two tables of stone, the
pot of manna" and "Aaron's rod that
Tliough the exact form of the cherubim is
uncertain, they probably bore a general re-
semblance to the composite religious figures
found upon the monuments of t^gypt, Assyria.
Babylonia, and J'ersia. Compai^e the de-
scription in I'z. i. 5, seq., who speaks of
them as living creatures with animal forms :
that thev are cherubim is clear from I'z^k.
X. 20. The symbolism of the visions of Kze-
kiel is more complex than that of the earlier
Scriptures, and he certainly means that pacli
budded" (Ileb. ix. 4', were inside the ark; [composite creature-form had four faces so as
and probably since there is no mention of any j to look four ways at once, was four-sided and
other receptacle for thom, and some would | four-winged, so as to move witii instant ra-
have been necessary, the statement of 1 K. j pidity in every direction without turning,
viii. 9, implies that by Solomou's time these whereas the Mosaic idea was probably sin-
relics had disappeared. I gle-faced, and with but one pair of wings.
Sect. II.
Notes and Illustrations,
233
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
HISTORY OF THE
CLE.
TABERNA-
As long as Canaan remained un-
conquered, and the people were still
therefore an army, the Tabernacle
Avas probably moved from place to
place, wherever the host of Israel was
for the time encamped. It rested
finally in "the place which the Lord
had chosen," at Shiloh (Josh. ix.
27, xviii. 1). The reasons of the
choice are not given. Partly, per-
haps, its central position, partly its
belonging to the powerful tribe of
Ephraim, the tribe of the great cap-
tain of the host, may have determined
the preference. There it continued
during the whole period of the Judges
(Josh. xix. 51, xxii. 12 ; Judg. xxi.
12). It was far, however, from be-
ing what it was intended to be, the
one national sanctuary, the witness
against a localized and divided wor-
ship. The old religion of the high
places kept its ground. Altars were
erected, at first with reserve, as being
not for sacrifice (Josh. xxii. 26), aft-
erward freely, and without scruple
(Judg. vi. 24, xiii. 19). Of the names
by which the one special sanctuary
was known at this period, those of the
*' House," or the "Temple," of Je-
hovah (I Sam. i. 9, 24, iii. 3, 15) are
most prominent.
A state of things Avhich was rapid-
ly assimilating the worship of Jeho-
vah to that of Aslitaroth, or Mylitta,
needed to be broken up. The Ark
' of God was taken, and the sanctuary
i lost its glory ; and the Tabernacle,
I though it did not perish, never again
■ recovered it (1 Sam. iv. 22). Samuel
[ treats it as an abandoned shrine, and
sacrifices elsewhere, at Mizpeh (1
' Sam. vii. 9), at Ramah (ix. 12, x. 3),
I at Gilgal (x. 8, xi. 15). It probably
became once again a movable sanc-
i tuary. For a time it seems, under
I Saul, to have been settled at Nob
I (1 Sam. xxi. 1-G). The massacre of
the priests and tlie flight of Abiathar
must, however, have robbed it yet
further of its glory. It had before
lost the Ark ; it now lost the presence
of the high-priest (1 Sam. xxii. 20,
xxiii. 6). What change of fortune
then followed we do not know. In
some way or other, it found its Avay
to Gibeon (1 Chron. xvi. 39). The
anomalous separation of the two
things which, in the original order,
had been joined, brought about yet
greater anomalies ; and while the Ark
I remained at Kirjath-jearim, the Tab-
I ernacle at Gibeon connected itself
j with the worship of the high places
!(l K. iii. 4). The capture of Jeru-
! salcm and the erection there of a new
I Tabernacle, with the Ark, of which
the old had been deprived (2 Sam.
vi. 17; 1 Chron. xv, 1), left it little
more than a traditional, historical
sanctity. It retained only the old
altar of burnt-offerings (1 Chron. xxi.
9). Such as it was, however, neither
king nor people could' bring them-
selves to sweep it away. The double
234:
Notes and Illustrations.
Appendix.
service went on ; Zadok, as high-
priest, officiated at Gibeon (1 Chron.
xvi. 39) ; the more recent, more pro-
phetic service of psalms and hymns
and music, under Asaph, gathered
round the Tabernacle at Jerusalem
(1 Chron. xvi. 4, 37). The divided
worship continued all the days of
David. The sanctity of both places
was recognized by Solomon on his
accession (1 K. iii. 15; 2 Chron. i.
3). But it was time that the anomaly
' should cease. The purpose of David,
■ fulfilled by Solomon, was that the
'claims of both should merge in the
I higher glory of the Temple. The
' Tabernacle at Gibeon might have
been reverenced by adherents to old
forms, even above the new Temple,
and have caused a fatal schism. So
Solomon removed it, with all its holy
vessels, to Jerusalem (1 K. viii. 4),
where it was doubtless laid up in the
Temple, and finally perished with it.
SfiCT. III. The Ministers of the Sanctuary. 235
SECTION III.
THE PRIESTS AND LEVITES.
§ 1. Institution of the priesthood. § 2.— T. T«e IIigu-peiest— His consecration. § 3. His
peculiar dress. § 4. His peculiar functions. § 5, Appointment, age, and qualifications.
§ 6. The sagan, or deputy high-priest. § 7, Mystic meaning of the priesthood. § 8 H.
The Pkiests — Their consecration and dress. § 9. Regulations respecting them. § 10.
Their functions. § 11. Maintenance. § 12. Classification. §13 III."'I^j: Levitf.8 —
Their duties in general. § 14. Division into the three families of the Gershoiiites, tiie
Kohathites, and the Merarites. § 15. Their support and settlement in the promised
laud. § 16. Their subsequent duties and history.
§ 1. " Now when these things were thus ordered, the priests went always
into the first Tabernacle, accomplishing the service of God. But into the
second went the high-priest alone once every year, not witliout blood,
which he offered for himself and the errors of the people : the Holy Ghost
this signifying, that the way into the holiest of all was not yet laid open,
while the first Tabernacle was yet standing."^ Such is the apostolic sum-
mary of the offices of the priesthood. The whole of the people were holy,
and, in a spiritual sense, they were a nation of priests ; but from among
them the tribe of Levi were chosen, as the reward of their devotion in the
matter of the golden calf, to be the immediate attendants on Jehovah, that
thny might ^^ minister in His courts.'' Out of that tribe again, the house
( f Amram was chosen (we know not whether according to primogeniture),
to perform the functions of the priesthood, which devolved on Aaron, as the
head of tliat house. He was appointed to the office of High-priest, at
first simply The Priest,^ as representing the whole order, the intercessor
between Jehovah and the people ; his sons became the Priests, who alone
could offer sacrifices ; and the rest of the tribe formed the class of Levites,
who assisted in the services of the Tabernacle. For this purpose the Le-
vites are said to be "given" to Aaron and his sons, and hence they were
c&\\e.(i Nethinivi (/. e., given) ;^ but afterward they were relieved of some of
their enormous labor by a separate class of servants, such as the Gibconites,
who were made "hewers of wood and drawers of water;" and in the later
history of the Jews such servants formed a distinct body, under the same
name of Nethinim^
§ 2.— I. The Higii-priest.— We find from the very first the following
characteristic attributes of Aaron and the high-priests his successors, as
distinguished from the other priests : —
(i.) In the consecration to the office Aaron alone was anointed,^ whence
one of the distinctive epithets of the high-priest was "the anointed
1 Heb. ix. 6-S.
- See Ex. xxix. 30, 44 ; Lev. xvi. 32. Still
more frequently "Aaron," or "Aaron the
priest " (Num. iii. 6, iv. 33 ; Lev. i. 7, etc.)
?o too "Elenzar the priest" (Xnm. xxvn.
22, xxxi. 26, 29, 31, etc.).
3 Num. iii. 9, viii. i;>.
4 1 Chn^n. ix. 2 ; Ezra ii. 43 ; Neh. xi. 21.
s Lev. viii. 12.
236
Dress of the High-priest.
Appendix.
jniest."® Tliis appears also from Exod. xxix. 29, 30. The an inting of
the sons of Aaron, i. c, the common priests, seems to have been confined to
sprinkling their garments with the anointing oil.^
§ 3. (ii.) The high-priest had a i)eculiar dress, wliich passed to his sue
cessor at his death. This dress consisted of eight parts, the breastplate,
the ephod with its curious girdle, tlie robe of the e])hod, the mitre, the broid-
ered coat or diapered tunic, and the rjirdle, the materials being gold, blue,
red, crimson, and fine (white) linen.** To the above are added'* the breeches
or drawers^^ of linen ; and to make up the number eight, some reckon the
high-priest's mitre, or the plate separately from the bonnet ; while others
reckon the curious girdle of the ephod separately from the ephod. Of
these eight articles of attire, four — viz., the coat or tunic, the girdle, the
breeches, and the bonnet or turban instead of the mitre, belonged to the
common pri§sts. Taking the articles of the high-priest's dress in the or-
der in whicii they are enumerated above, w^e have — (a.) The Breastjdate,
or, as it is further named," the breastplate of judgment. It was, like the
inner curtains of the Tabernacle, the veil, and the ephod, of "cunning
work." The breastplate was originally two spans long, and one span broad,
but when doubled it was square, the shape in which it was worn. It was
fastened at the top by rings and chains of wreathen gold to the two onyx
stones on the shoulders, and beneath with two other rings and a lace of
blue to two corresponding rings in the ephod, to keep it fixed in its place
above the curious girdle. But the most remarkable and most important parts
of this breastplate were the twelve precious stones, set in four rows, three
in a row, thus corresponding to the twelve tribes, and divided in the same
manner as their camps were ; each stone having the name of one of the chil-
dren of Israel engraved upon it. It was these stones which probably consti-
tuted the Urim and Thummim.^^ The addition of precious stones and cost-
« Lev. iv. 3, 5, IJ, xxL 10 ; see Niira xxxv.
^ Ex. xxix. 21, xxviii. 41, etc. The an-
ointing of the liigh-piiesti-s alluded to in Ps.
cxxxiii. 2. The composition of the anointing
oil i3 prescribed Ex. xxx. 22-25. Tlie mauu-
factine of it was intrusted to certain piiests,
culled apotliecaiies (Neh. iii. S).
** Ex. xxviii. ^ Ex. xxviii. 42.
10 Lev. xvi. 4. " Ex. xxviii. 15, 29, 30.
12 Urim means ''light," and Thummim
" perfection." We are told that " the Urim
and the Thummim" were to be on Aaron's
heart, when he goes in before the Lord (Ex.
xxviii. 15-30). When Joshua is solemnly
appointed to succeed the great hero-law-
fiiver, he is bidden to stand before lUeazar,
the priest, "who sliall ask counsel for him
after the judgment of Uinm," and this coun-
sel is to determine the movements of the
host of Israel (Num. xxvii. 21). In tlie bless-
ings of Moses they .ippear as the crowning
t^lory of the tribe of Levi : '^ Thy Thummim
and thy Urim are with thy Holy One"
(Deut. xxxiii. 8, 9). In what way the Urim
and Thummim were consulted is quite un-
certain. Josephus and the Rabbins supposed
that the atones gave out the oracular answer,
by preternatural illumination. But it seems
to be far simplest and most in agreement
with the different accounts of inquiries made
by Urim and Thummim (1 Sam. xiv. 3, IS,
lil, xxiii. 2, 4, 9, 11, 12, xxviii. G ; Judge, xx.
28 ; 2 Sam. v. 23, etc.) to suppose that tlie an-
swer was given simply by the word of the
Lord to the high-priest (comp. John xi. 51),
when he had inquired of the Lord, clothed
with the ephod and breastplate. Such a
view agrees with the true notion of the
breastplate, of wiiich it was not the leading
characteristic to be oracular, but only an in-
cidental privilege connected with its funda-
mental meaning. What that meaning was
we learn from Ex. xxviii. 30, where we read,
"Aaron shall bear the judgment of the chil-
dren of Israel upon his heart before the Lord
continually." Now the judicial sentence is
one by which any one is either justified or
condemneJ. In prophetic vision, as iu act-
ual Oriental life, the sentence of justification
was often expressed by the nature of the robe
worn. '•'•He h:ith clothed me with the gar-
ments of salvation, He hath covered me with
the robe of righteousness, as a bridegroom
deeketh himself with ornaments, and as a
bride adorneth herself with her jewels " (Is.
Ixi. 10), is a good illustration of this ; cf. Ixii.
3. In like manner, in Rev. iii. 5, vii. 9, xix.
14, etc., the white linen robe expresses the
righteousness or justification of saints.
Sect. III.
Functions of the Hirjh-'pTiesi.
23?
ly ornaments expresses glory beyond simple justification.^^ — {h.^ The Ephod.
This consisted of two parts, of which one covered the back, and the other
the front, i. e., the breast and upper part of the body. These Avere clasped
together on the shoulder Avith two large onyx stones, each having engraved
on it six of the names of the tribes of Israel. It was further united by a
*' curious girdle " of gold, blue, purple, scarlet, and fine twined linen round
the waist. — (c.) The Robe of tlie Ephod. This was of inferior material to
the ephod itself, being all of blue," which implied its being only of "woven
work."^^ It was worn immediately under the ephod, and was longer tlian
it. The blue robe had no sleeves, but only slits in the sides for the arms
to come through. It had a hole for the head to pass through, with a bor-
der round it of woven work, to prevent its being rent. The skirt of this
robe had a remarkable trimming of pomegranates in blue, red, and crimson,
with a bell of gold between each pomegranate alternately. The bells
were to give a sound when the high-priest went in and came out of the
holy place. — (d.) The mitre or upper turban,^" with its gold plate, engraved
with Holiness to the Lord, fastened to it by a ribbon of blue. — (e.) The
broidered coat was a tunic or long skirt of linen with a tessellated or di-
aper pattern, like the setting of a stone. The yirdle., also of linen, Avas
Avound round the body several times from the breast doAVUAvard, and the
ends hung down to the ankles. Thei?eec/<es or draAvers, of linen, covered
the loins and thighs ; and the bonnet Avas a turban of linen, partially cov-
ering the head, but not in the form of a cone like that of the high-priest,
when the mitre was added to it. These four last Avere common to all
priests.
§ 4. (iii.) Aaron had peculiar functions. To him alone it appertained,
and he alone was 'permitted to enter the Holy of Holies, Avhich he did once
a year, on the great Day of Atonement, Avhen he sprinkled the blood of the
sin-offering on the mercy-seat, and burnt incense Avithin the veil.^^ He is
said by the Talmudists not to haA-e Avorn his full pontifical robes on this oc-
casion, but to have been clad entirely in Avhite linen.'**
The high-priest had a peculiar place in the law of the manslayer, and
his taking sanctuary in the cities of refuge. The manslayer might no«:
leave the city of refuge during the lifetime of the existing high-priest,
Avho was anointed with the holy oil.''-* It Avas also forbidden to the high-
priest to folloAv a funeral, or rend his clothes for the dead, according to the
precedent in Lev. x, 6. The other respects in Avhich the high-priest ex-
ercised superior functions to the other priests arose rather from his position
and opportunities, than Avere distinctly attached to his office, and they con-
sequently varied Avith the personal character and abilities of the high-
priest,
§ 5. It does not appear by Avhose authority the high -priests AA'cre ap-
pointed to their office before there Avere kings of Israel. But as Ave find it
i» Comp. Is. Ixii, 3 ; Rev. xxi, 11, 12-21.
'* Ex, xxviii. 31, is Ex, xxxix, 22.
1® Josephus applies this term to the tur-
bans of the common priests as well, but saA's
that, in addition to this, and sewn on the top
of it, the high-priest had another turban of
blue ; that be^^ides this he had outside the
turban a triple crown of yold, consisting,
that is, of three riius one above the other,
and terminating at top in a kind of conical
calyx, like the inverted calyx of the herb
hyoscyamus. Josephus doubtloss gives a
true account of the high-priest's turban as
Avorn in his day. He also describes the
lamina or gold plate, which he says covered
the forehead of thf high-priest. ' '' Lev. Kvi.
i« r>ev. xvi. 4, 32.
i« Num. xxxv. 25, 28.
238
Dress of the Priests.
Appendix.
invariably done by the civil power in later times, it is probable that, in tlie
times preceding the monarchy, it was by the elders, or Sanhedrim.
The usual age for entering upon the functions of the priesthood'^" is con-
sidered to have been twenty years, though a priest or high-priest was not
actually incapacitated if he had attained to puberty. Again, "^ no one that
had a blemish could officiate at the altar, and illegitimate birth was also
a bar to the high-priesthood. The liigh-priest held his office for life ; and
it was the universal opinion of the Jews that the deposition of a high-
priest, which in later times became so common, was unlawful.
§ 6. The Rabbins speak very frequently of one second in dignity to the
high-priest, whom they call the sagan, and who often acted in the high-
priest's room. He is the same who in the Old Testament is called "the
second priest. "^^ Thus it is explained of Annas and Caiaphas," that An-
nas was sagan. Ananias is also thought by some to have been sagan — act-
ing for the high-priest.'*
§ 7. The Epistle to the Hebrews sets forth the mystic meaning of his
office, as a type of Christ, our great High-priest, who has passed into the
heaven of heavens with his own blood, to appear in the presence of God
for us ; and this is typified in the minutest particulars of his dress, his
functions, and his privileges."" In the Book of Revelation, the clothing
of tlie son of man " with a garment down to the foot," and " with a golden
girdle about the paps," are distinctly the robe and the curious girdle of the
ephod, characteristic of the high-priest.
§ 8. — II. The Priests. — All the sons of Aaron formed the order of the
Priests. They stood between the high-priest on the one hand and the
Levites on the other. The ceremony of their consecration is described in
Ex. xxix.,Lev. viii. The dress which they wore during their ministra-
tions consisted of linen drawers, with a close-fitting cassock, also of linen,
white, but with a diamond or chessboard pattern on it. This came nearly
to the feet, and was to be worn in its garment shape (comp. John xix. 23).
The white cassock was gathered round the body with a girdle of needle-
work, into which, as in the more gorgeous belt of the high-jiriest, blue,
purple, and scarlet, were intermingled with white, and worked in the
form of flower
Upon their heads they were to wear caps or bonnets in
the form of a cup-shaped flower, also of fine linen. In all their acts of
ministration they were to be barefooted.
§ 9. Before they entered the Tabernacle they were to wash their hands
and their feet."^ During the time of their ministration they were to drink
no wine or strong drink. ^** Except in the case of the nearest relation-
ships,^''* they were to make no mourning for the dead. They were not to
shave their heads. They were to go through their ministrations with the
serenity of a reverential awe, not with the orgiastic wildness which led the
priests of Baal in their despair to make cuttings in their flesh. ^° They
were forbidden to marry an unchaste Avomcn, or one who had been divorced,
or the widow of any but a priest.'^'
§ 10. Their chief duties were to watch over the fire on the altar of
20 2 Chron. xxxi. 17. ^i Lev. xxi.
22 2 K. xxiii. 4, xxv. IS. 23 Luke iii. 2.
2* Acts xxiii. 2. 25 ]jeij. j, 13.
'8 Kx. xxviii. 39, 40, xxxix. 2 ; Kz?k. x'.iv.
17-10. 27 Ex. XXI. 17-21, xl. CO-32.
28 Lev. X. 9 ; Ez. xliv. 21.
29 Six degrees are specified, Lev. xxi. l-5i
Lz. xliv. 25.
30 lev, xix. 28 : 1 K. xriii. 2S.
3' L?v xxi. 7, 14; Ezek. xliv. 22.
Sect. III.
Functions of the Priests.
239
burnt-ofFerings, and to keep it burning evermore both by day and night,'*
to feed the golden lamp outside the veil with oil/^ to offer the morning and
evening sacrifices, each accompanied with a meat-offering and a drink-
offering, at the door of the Tabernacle.^'* They were also to teach the
children of Israel the statutes of the Lord.'^ During the journeys in the
wilderness it belonged to them to cover the ark and all the vessels of the
sanctuary with a purple or scarlet cloth before the Levites might approach
them.'® As the people started on each day's march they were to blow
"an alarm" with long silver trumpets." Other instruments of music
might be used by the more highly-trained Levites and the schools of the
prophets, but the trumpets belonged only to the priests.
§ 11. Functions such as these were clearly incompatible with the com-
mon activities of men. On these grounds therefore a distinct provision
was made for them. This consisted — (1.) of one-tenth of the tithes which
the people paid to the Levites, i. e., one per cent., on the whole produce of
the country.'* (2.) Of a special tithe every third year.'^ (3.) Of the re-
demption-money, paid at the fixed rate of five shekels a head, for the first-
born of man or beast." (4.) Of the redemption-money paid in like man-
ner for men or things specially dedicated to the Lord.'*^ (5.) Of spoil,
captives, cattle, and the like taken in war." (6.) Of the shew-bread, the
flesh of the burnt-offerings, peace-offerings, trespass-offerings,^' and, in par-
ticular, the heave-shoulder and the wave-breast.'^ (7.) Of an undefined
amount of the first-fruits of corn, wine, and oil.^^ Of some of these, as
"most holy," none but the priests were to partake.^® It was lawful for
their sons and daughters,*' and even in some cases for their home-born
slaves, to eat of others.'*** The stranger and the hired serv^ant were in all
cases excluded.''^ (8.) On their settlement in Canaan the priestly families
had thirteen cities assigned them, with "suburbs" or pasture-grounds for
their flocks.^" These provisions were obviously intended to secure the re-
ligion of Israel against the dangers of a caste of pauper-priests, needy and
dependent, and unable to bear their witness to the true faith. They were,
on the other hand, as far as possible removed from the condition of a
wealthy order. The standard of a priest's income, even in the earliest
days after the settlement in Canaan, was miserably low."
§ 12. The earliest historical trace of any division of the priesthood, and
corresponding cycle of services, belongs to the time of David. The priest-
hood was then divided into the four-and-twenty " courses'' or orders," each
of w^hich was to serve in rotation for one week, while the further assign-
ment of special services during the week was determined by lot.^' Each
course appears to have commenced its work on the Sabbath, the outgoing
priests taking the morning sacrifice, and leaving that of the evening to
their successors.^* In this division, however, the two great priestly houses
did not stand on an equality. The descendants of Ithamar were found to
32 LeT Ti- 12; 2 Chr. xiii. 11.
33 Ex.'xxvii. % 21 ; Lev. xxiv. 2.
3* Ex. xxix. .S8-4t
35 Lev. X. 11 ; Deut. xxxui. 10 ; 2 Chr.
XV. 3 ; Ezek. xliv. 23, 24. 36 jj^ni. iv. 6-15.
37 Num. X. 1-8. 38 Num. xviiL 2C-28.
39 Deut. xiv. 23, xxvi. 12.
40 Num. xviii. 14-19. *^ Lev. xxvii.
" Num. xxxi. 25-47. I
43 Num. xviiL 8-14 ; Lev. vi. 26, 29, vii.
6-10. 44 Lev. X. 12-15.
45 Ex. xxiiL 19 ; Lev. ii. 14 ; Deut. xxvi.
1-10. 46 Lev. vi. 29. 47 Lev. x. 14
48 Lev. xxii. 11. 49 Lev. xxii. 10.
50 Josh. xxi. 13-19. si ji,dg. xvii. 10.
52 1 Clir. xxiv, 1-19; 2 Clir. xxiii. S;
Luke i. 5. *» Luke i. 9,
54 2 Chr. xxiii. 8.
24:0 Cities of the Levites. Appendix
have fewer representatives than those of Eleazar, and sixteen courses ac-
cordingly -were assigned to the latter, eight only to the former.'^ The di-
vision thus instituted was confirmed by Solomon, and continued to be rec-
ognized as the typical number of the priesthood. On the return from the
Captivity there Avere found but fonr courses out of the twenty-four, each
containing, in round numbers, about a thousand/*' Out of these, hoAvever,
to revive at least the idea of the old organization, the four-and-twenty
courses were reconstituted, bearing the same names as before, and so con-
tinued till the destruction of Jerusalem.
§ 13. — III. The Levites were the assistants of the priests, and included
all the males of the tribe of Levi who were not of the family of Aaron,
and who were of the prescribed age, namely, from thirty to fifty. ^^ Their
duties required a man's full strength ; after the age of fifty they were re-
lieved from all service, except that of superintendence.^** They had to as-
sist the priests, to carry the Tabernacle and its vessels, to keep Avatch about
the sanctuary, to prepare the supplies of corn, wine, oil, and so forth, and
to take charge of the sacred treasures and revenues.
§ 1-i. The Levites were divided into three families, which bore the names
of the three sons of Levi, the Gershonites, the Kohathites, and the
Merarites ; and each had their appointed functions in the service of the
'J'abernacle.
(i.) The Kohathites had the precedence, as the house of Amran be-
longed to this family. They were to bear all the vessels of the sanctuary,
the Ark itself included, ^^ after the priests had covered them with the dark-
blue cloth which was to hide them from all profime gaze.
(ii.) The Gershonites had to carry the tent-hangings and curtains.*"'
(iii.) The Merarites had the heavier burden of the boards, bars, and
pillars of the Tabernacle. But the Gershonites and Merarites were allow-
ed to use tlie oxen and the wagons which were offered by the congrega-
tion,*'^ The more sacred vessels of the Kohathites were to be borne by them
on their own shoulders.''"
The whole tribe of Levi encamped close round the Tabernacle, the
priests in front, on the east ; the Kohatliites on the south ; the Gershon-
ites on the west; and the INIerarites on the north.
§ 15. The Levites had no territorial possessions. In place of them, they
received from the other tribes the tithes of the produce of the land, from
which they, in their turn, offered a tithe to the priests.®^ On their settle-
ment in the promised land, the most laborious parts of their duty were
over, and they were relieved from others by the submission of the Gibeon-
ites and the conquest of the Hivites, who became "hewers of wood and
drawers of water."*'* Hence their concentration about the Tabernacle was
no longer necessary, and it Avas the more important for them to live among'
their brethren as teachers and religious guides. Forty-eight cities AA-ere as-
signed to the Avhole tribe, that is, on an average, four in the terri.tGy.y (jt
each tribe ; thirteen being giA'en to the priests, and the rest ^^ the Levites. '
The following Avas their distribution throughout thetii'bes":
5» 1 Chr. xxiv. 4. sg Fzj.aij, 3C_ca. '^^ Num. iii. r.l, iv. 15; Dent. xxii. 25.
•7 Num. iv. 23, .30, ?,r>. j «o Num. iv. 22-26. 6i Num. vii. 1-9.
68 Num. viii. 25, 2G. I «« Num. vii. P.
«3 Num. xviii. 21, 24, 20 ; Ncli. x. 37. 64 josh, ix, 27.
Sect. III.
Cities of the Levites.
241
I. KOUATIIITES.
A PriP=;t=! / Judah and Simeon 9
^- ^ "^^^^ t Benjamin 4
( Kpliraira 4
B. Not Priests....^ Dan 4
(Half-Manasseh (West) 2
II. Gkbsiionites.
Half-Manasseh (East) 2
Issacliar 4
Asher 4
Naphtali 3
ill. MERAKITE8.
Zebulun 4
Reuben 4
Gad 4
48
Six of these cities, three on each side of Joi-dan, were cities of refuge for the
inanslayer ; an institution which invested the Levites with the sacred char-
acter of protectors from danger. The suburbs of these cities gave pasture
to their flocks.
§ IG. After their settlement in their cities they took the place of the house-
hold priests (subject, of course, to the special rights of the Aaronic priest-
hood), sharing in all festivals and rejoicings. *^^ They preserved, transcribed,
and interpreted the law,''^ which they solemnly read every seventh year at
the Feast of Tabernacles. °^ They pronounced the curses from Mount
Ebal.«'*
At a still later time they became the learned class in the community, the
chroniclers of the time in which they lived. One of the first to bear the ti-
tle of " Scribe " is a Levitc,'''' and this is mentioned as one of their special
offices under Josiah.'^" They are described as "officers and judges" under
David,''' and as such are employed "in all the business of Jehovah, and in
the service of the king." They are the agents of Jehoshaphat and Hezeki-
ah in their work of reformation, and are sent forth to proclaim and enforce
the law.''' Under Josiah the function has passed into a title, and they are
"the Levites that taught all Israel."" The two books of Chronicles bear
unmistakable marks of having been written by men whose interests were all
gathered round the services of the Temple, and who were familiar with its
records.
The former subdivisions of the tribe were recognized in the assignment of
the new duties connected with the Temple, and the Kohathites retained their
old pre-eminence. They have four " princes,"'* while Merari and Gershon
have but one each. They supplied, from the families of the Izharites and
Hebronites, the "officers and judges.'"^ To them belonged the sons of
Korah, with Heman at their headj^ playing upon psalteries and harps.
They were " over the work of the service, keepers of the gates of the Taber-
nacle."'"' It was their work to prepare the shew-bread every Sabbath.''^
The Gershonites were represented in like manner in the temple-choir by
the sons of Asaph C^ Merari by the sons of Ethan or Jeduthun.*'^ Now
«» Dent. xii. 19, xiv. 26, 27, xxvi. 11.
«9 Deut. xvii. 9-12, ixxi. 2G.
*'' Deut. xxxi. 9-13. ^» Dent, xxvii. 14.
«" 1 €hr. xxiv. 6. " 2 Chr. xxxlv. 13.
^1 1 Chr, xxvi. 29.
• ' ? Chr. xvii. 8, xxx. 22.
L
73 2 Chr. XXXV. .S.
"!* 1 Chr. XV. ,5-10. ''^ 1 Chr. xxvi. SO.
T6 1 Chr. ix. 10. 77 1 (Jill., ix. 19.
78 1 Chr. ix. 32.
79 1 Chr. vi. 39, XV. IT.
80 1 Chr. vi. 44, xvi. 42, xxr. 1-7.
242
Notes and I llust rations.
Appendix.
that the heavier work of conveying the Tabernacle and its equipments from
place to place was no longer required of them, and that psalmody had be-
come the most prominent of their duties, they were to enter on their work
at the earlier age of twenty."
81 1 Chr. xxiii. 24-27.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
HISTORY OF THE HIGH-
PRIESTS.
The history of the high-priests em-
braces a period of about 1370 years,
and a succession of about eighty high-
priests, beginning with Aaron, and
ending with Phannias. They natu-
rally arrange themselves into three
groups — (a.) those before David ; (6.)
those from David to the Captivity ;
(c.) those from the return of the Bab-
ylonish Captivity till the cessation of
the office at the destruction of Jeru-
salem.
(a.) The high -priests of the first
group who are distinctly made known
to us as such are — 1. Aaron; 2.
Eleazar ; 3. Phinehas; 4. Eli; 5.
Ahitub (I Chron. ix. 11; Neh. xi.
11; 1 Sam. xiv. 3); G. Ahiah; 7.
Ahimeiech, Phinehas, the son of Eli
and father of Ahitub, died before his
father, and so was not high-priest.
Of the above, the three first succeed-
ed in regular order, Nadab and Abi-
hu, Aaron's eldest sons, having died
in the wilderness (Lev. x). But Eli,
the fourth, was of the line of Ithamar.
What was the exact interval between
the death of Phinehas and the ac-
cession of Eli, what led to the trans-
ference of the chief priesthood from
the line of Eleazar to that of Ithamar,
we have no means of determining
from Scripture. Josephus asserts that
the father of lUikki — whom he calls
Joseph, and Abiczer, i. «., Abishua —
was the last high-priest of Phinehas's
line before Zadok. If Abishua died,
leaving a son or grandson under age,
Eli, as head of the line of Ithamar,
might have become high-priest as a
matter of course, or he might have
been appointed by the elders. If
Ahiah and Ahimeiech are not varia-
! tions of the name of the same person,
I they must have been brothers, since
I both were sons of Ahitub. Thehigh-
I priests, then, before David's reign,
may be set down as eight in number,
i of whom ?even are said in Scripture to
have been high-priests, and one by
Josephus alone.
(b.) Passing to the second group,
we begin with the unexplained cir-
cumstance of there being two priests
in the reign of David, apparently of
nearly equal authority, viz., Zadok
and Abiathar (1 Chr. xv. 11 ; 2 Sam.
vii. 17). It is not unlikely that after
the death of Ahimeiech and the seces-
sion of Abiathar to David, Saul may
have made Zadok priest, and that
David may have avoided the difficul-
ty of deciding between the claims of
his faithful friend Abiathar and his
new and important ally Zadok by
appointing them to a joint priesthood:
the first place, with the Ephod, and
Urim and Thumraim, remaining with
Abiathar, who was in actual posses-
sion of them. The first considerable
difficulty that meets us in the histor-
ical survey of the high-priests of the
second group is to ascertain who was
high-priest at the dedication of Solo-
mon's Temple. Josephus says that
Sect. III.
Notes and Illustrations.
243
Zadok was, and the Seder 01am
makes him the high -priest in the
reign of Solomon ; but 1 K. iv. 2 dis-
tinctly asserts that Azariah, the sonof
Zadok, was priest under Solomon,
and 1 Chron. vi. 10 tells us of Azari-
ah, "He it is that executed the priest's
office in the temple that Solomon
built in Jerusalem," obviously mean-
ing at its first completion. We can
hardly therefore be wrong in saying
that Azariah the son of Ahimaaz was
the first high - priest of Solomon's
Temple. In the list of the succession
of priests of this group there are sev-
eral gaps ; the insertions are men-
tioned below. The series ended with
Seraiah, who was taken prisoner by
Nebuzar- adan, and slain at Iliblah
by Nebuchadnezzar, together with
Zcphaniali, the second priest or sa-
gan, after the burning of the Temple
and the plunder of all the sacred ves-
sels (2 K. XX. 18). Ilis son Jeho-
zadak or Josedecli was at the same
time carried away captive (1 Chron.
vi. 15). The time occupied by these
high - priests was about 454 years,
which gives an average of something
more than twenty-five years to each
high-priest. It is remarkable that not
a single instance is recoi'ded after the
time of David of an inquiry by Urim
and Thummim, The ministry of the
prophets seems to have superseded
that of the high-priests (see e. g. 2
Chron. xv., xviii., xx. 14, 15; 2 K.
xix. 1, 2, xxii. 12-14; Jer. xxi. 1,
2).
(c.) An interval of about fifty-two
years elapsed between the high-
priests of the second and third group,
during which there was neither tem-
ple, nor altar, nor ark, nor priest.
Jehozadak, or Josedech, as it is writ-
ten in Haggai (i. 1, 14, etc.,) who
should, have succeeded Seraiah, lived
and died a captive at Babylon. The
pontifical office revived in his son
Jeshua, of whom such frequent men-
tion is made in Ezra and Nehemiah,
Haggai and Zechariah, 1 Esd. and
Ecclus.; and he therefore stands at
the head of this third and last series,
houorably distinguished for his zeal-
ous co-operation with Zerubbabel in
i-ebuilding the Temple, and restoring
the dilapidated commonwealth of Is-
rael. His successors, as far as the
Old Testament guides us, were Joia-
kim, Eliashib, Joiada, Johanan (or
Jonathan), and Jaddua. Jaddua
was high-priest in the time of Alexan-
der the Great. Jaddua was succeeded
by Onias I., his son, and he again by
Simon the Just, the last of the men of
the great synagogue. Upon Simon's
death, his son Onias being under age,
Eleazar, Simon's brother, succeeded
him. The priesthood was brought to
the lowest degradation by the apos-
tasy and crimes of the last Onias or
Menelaus, the son of Eleazar; but
after a vacancy of seven years had
followed the brief pontificate of Al-
cimus, his no less infamous successor,
a new and glorious succession of
high-priests arose in the Asmonean
family, who united the dignity of civ-
il rulers, and for a time of independ-
ent sovereigns, to that of the high-
priesthood. The Asmonqan family
were priests of the course of Joiarib,
tlie first of the twenty-four courses (1
Chron. xxiv. 7), whose return from
captivity is recorded 1 Chron. ix, 10;
Nehem. xi. 10. They were probably
of the house of Eleazar, though this
can not be affirmed with certainty.
This Asmonean dynasty lasted from
B.C. 153 till the family was damaged
by intestine divisions, and then de-
stroyed by Herod the Great. Aristo-
bulus, the last high-priest tof his line,
brother of Mariamne, was murdered
by order of Herod, his brother-in-law,
B.C. 35. There were no fewer than
twenty-eight high - priests from the
reign of Herod to the destruction of
the Temple by Titus, a period of 107
244
Kotes and Illiisirations.
Appendix.
years. The New Testament intro-
duces us to some of these later, and
oft-changing high-priests, viz., Annas,
Caiaphas, and Ananias. Theophiius,
the son of Ananus, was the high-priest
from whom Saul received letters to
the synagogue at Damascus (Acts ix,
1, 14). rhannias, the last high-priest,
was appointed by lot by the Zealots
from the course of ])riests called by Jo-
sephus Eniachim (probably a corrupt
reading for Jachim). The subjoin-
ed table shows the succession of high-
priests,as far as it can be ascertained,
and of the contemporary civil rulers.
First Group.
CIVIL RULER. HIGII-PRIEST.
Moses Anron.
Jo.shiia Eleazar.
Otliiiiel Phinehas.
Abitihua Abishiia.
Eli Eli.
Samuel Aliitub.
Saul Ahijah.
Second Group.
David Zadok and Abiathar.
Solomon Az;iri:ili.
Abijah Jolianan.
Asa Azariah.
Jelioshaphat Amariah.
Jehorara Jehoiada.
Ahaziah "
Jehoash Do. and Zecliaiiali.
Amaziali ?
Uzziah Azariah.
Jotham ?
Ahaz Urijah.
Hezekiah Azariah.
Manasseh Shallum.
Amon "•
Josiah Ililkiah.
.Teholakim Azariah?
Zedekialu Seraiah.
Evil-Merodach Jehozadak.
Third Group.
Zerubbabel (Cyrus Jeshua.
and Darius).
Mordecai? (Xei-xes)... Joiakim,
Ezra and Nehemiah Eliashib.
(Artaxerxes).
Darius Nothus Joiada.
Artaxerxes Mnemon. . Johanan.
Alexander the Great.. Jaddua.
Oniaa I. (Ptolemy So- Onias I.
ter, Antigonus).
Ptolemy Soter Simon the Just.
Ptolemy Philadelphus. Eleazar.
'•'■ Manasseh.
Ptolemy Euergetes Onias II.
Ptolemy Philopator. . . Simon II.
Ptolemy Epiphanes & Onias III.
Ar.tlochus : . ..
CIVIL EULER. niOn-PRIEST.
Antiochus Epiphanes.. (Joshua, or) Jason.
"■ Onias, or Menelaus.
Demetrius Jacimus, or Aicimus.
Alexander Balas Jonathan, brother of
Judas Maccabeus
(Asmonean).
Simon (Asmonean) Simon (Asmonean).
JohnHyrcanus (Asm.). John Ilyrcanus (Do.)
King Aristobulus Aristobulus (Do.)
(Asm.)
King Alexander Jan- Alexander Jannseus
naeus (Asmonean). . . (Do.)
Queen Alexandra Hyfcanus II. (Do.)
(Asm.)
King Aristobulus II. Aristobulus II. (Do.)
(Asmonean).
Pompey the Great and Ilyrcanus II. (Do.)
Ilyrcanus, or rath-
er, toward the end of
his pontificate. Anti-
pater.
Pacorus the Parthian.. Antigonus (Do.)
Herod, king of Judaea. Ananclii.=.
'' Aristobulus (last of As-
moneans), mui'dered
by Herod.
Ananelus restored.
Ilerod the Great Jesus, son of Faneus.
" Simon, son of Ijoethus,
father-in-law to Her-
od.
" Matthias, son of The
ophihis.
" Jozarus, son of Simon.
Archelaus, king of J u- Eleazai'.
daja.
" Jesus, son of Sie.
" Jozarus (second time).
Cyrenius, governor of Ananus.
Syria, second time.
Valerius Gratus, pro- Ishmael, son of Phabi. "
curator of Judaea.
'*• Eleazar, son of Ana-
nus.
'•'• Simon, son of Kamith.
Vitellius, governor of Caiaphas, called also
Syri.n. Joseph.
'' Jonathan, son of Ana-
nus.
" Tlieophilus, brother of
Jonathan.
Ilerod Agrippa Simon Cuntlieras.
" Matthias, brother of
Jonathan, son of An-
anus.
'^ Elioneiis, son of Can-
theras.
Ilerod, king of Chalcis. Joseph, son of Camei.
'''- Ananias, son of Kebe
deus.
" Jonathan.
" Ismael, son of Fabl.
" Joseph, son of Simon.
Ananus, son of Ana
nu.?, or Ananias.
Appointed by the peo- Jesus, son of Gamaliel.
pie. Matthias, son of The-
ophiius.
Chosen by lot Phannias, son of Sam-
Sect. IV. Sacrifices and Oblations . 2^5
SECTION IV.
SACRinCKS AND OBLATIONS.
5 1. Distinction between sacrifices and oblation". § 2. Between bloody and unbloody sac
rifices. § 3. A portion of the saci-ifices used for food. 5 4. — I. The burnt-offering. § 5 — •
II. The raeat-olfering and drink-offering, wliich always accompanied the bnrnt-offenng.
§ 6 III. The peace-offeriDg. § 7 IV. The sin-ofifeVing. § S.— V. Trespass-offeiiugs.
5 9 ^VI. Oblations,
§ 1. The Law of Sacrifices and Oblations included a perpetual memorial
of Jehovah's covenant with the people, an acknowledgment of His mercies
and an expiation for sin.
Sacrifices had been offered ever since the fall. We read of the whole
bnrnt-ofFerings, such as those of Abel and Noah, the thank-offering, as that
of Jethro, and the sacrifices by which covenants were ratified. To these the
law of Moses added the special sacrijices for sins and trespasses, and for par-
ticular classes of persons (as the priests) the meat-offerings and the drink-
offerings. It established the distinction between sacrijices and oblations :
in the former, the thing offered was wholly or partially destroyed, as being
Jehovah's only ; in the latter it was acknowledged to be His gift, and then
enjoyed by t^ie offerer.
§ 2. There is also the distinction between bloody and unbloody sacrifices ;
between slain victims, and offerings of meal, corn, cakes, or wafers, and li-
bations of wine. Tlie latter were sometimes mere oblations, but sometimes
proper sacrifices, being offered either with the burnt-offerings, or, in the case
of the poor, in substitution for them. The sacrifices of blood again are di-
vided into those which were offered in expiation of sin, and those in which
the offerer acknowledged God's mercies to him by the voluntary surrender of
a costly thing, an act of piety, which is especially contemplated in the ordi-
nary use of the word sacrifice. This idea involves the duty of bringing our
best to God in proportion to our means, and stamps the offering of the
maimed or what costs us nothing, as an impious insult to Jehovah.
§ 3. In those of the sacrifices, in which the victim was not entirely burnt,
a portion of it was used as food, both by the priests, who were " to live of the
altar," and also by the offerers themselves. This is a nsage of the greatest
antiquity among all nations ; as we see, for example, in Homer. It seems
natural that worshipers should rejoice and feast in the presence of the God
with whom they were reconciled, or whose goodness they came to confess by
sacrifice. But in the Mosaic dispensation, there seems to be a deeper signifi-
cance in the partaking of the sacred things offered to God, a type of the
spiritual sustenance which is received from Christ, who connects his death
with our life, by saying, "Take, caY; this is my body, which is broken for
1J0U." " Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, ye
have no lite in you."
This custom liad also, like many of the laws of Moses, an indirect but
246 Bloody and Unhloody Sacrifices. Appendix.
n!os: important influence on the common life of the people. Natives of warm
climates use but little animal food ; nor are a pastoral people, like the Israel-
ites, an exception to the rule. They live on the milk of their flocks and
herds, but use their flesh verv sparingly; they do not eat up their capital.
Sacrifices, tlierefore, were their feasts when tliey partook of meat; but under
restrictions, which, being established first on the ground of ceremonial clean-
ness, in relation to God, ministered to their personal purity and health. This
will be pi-esently seen, both with reference to the animals that might and
might not be sacrificed, and to those parts of them which were burnt and
those which were used for food.
§ 4. The sacrifices are divided into hnrnt-offerings, with the accompanying
jiieat^-ojferings, peace-offerings, sin-offerings^ for sins of ignorance, and tres-
j>ass-off'e?ings for sins committed knowingly. The three former were of the
nature of gifts, the two latter oi propitiatory sacrifices ; but even in the gift,
as coming from a sinful man, there was present the idea of propitiation by
the blood of the victim ; and it was always preceded by a sin-offering.
1. The Burnt-offering, or whole burnt-oftering, or perfect sacrifice, was
so called because the victim was wholly consumed by fire upon the altar of
■burnt-ofl:ering, and so, as it were, sent up to God on the wings of fire. This
idea, which is expressed in the account of Noah's sacrifice,- and ■'\hich con-
stantly recurs, Voth in the Scriptures and in profane authors, is implied in
the Hebrew word which signifies to ascend. The sacrifice was a memorial
of God's covenant, and signified that the offerer belonged wholly to God, and
that he dedicated himself soul and body to Ilim, and placed his life at His
disposal. And every such sacrifice was a type of the perfect offering made
by Christ, on behalf of the race of man, of his human nature and will to the
will of the Father.^*
Burnt-ofterings were either made on behalf of the whole people, or by one
or more individuals, who must bring them of their own free-will.* Only
three kinds of animals might be offered, and they must be free from disease
or blemish. To oflfer the unclean, maimed, or diseased in sacrifice was an
abomination to Jehovah. (1.) Of the herd, a young bullock, of not less than
one nor more than three years, generally of the third year. (2.) Of i\\Q flock,
a lamb or kid, a male of the like age, but generally of the first year. (3.) Of
birds, turtle-doves or young pigeons, without distinction of sex. The victim
was brought to the north side of the altar in the court of the Tabernacle,
where the offerer laid his hand upon its head, in token of its being a substi-
tute for his own life, and slew it himself by cutting its throat, or, if a bird,
wringing off its head and pressing out the blood. In public sacrifices, these
acts were done by the priest. The Levites assisted, and in later times they
slew all the victims.^ The blood, "which is the ^//i?," was received in a
basin, and sprinkled by the priest round the altar. The victim was then
flayed, the skin being the perquisite of the priest. It was cut in pieces, sig-
nifying the laying open to the eye of God of the inmost being of the offerer ;"
and the pieces were laid upon the wood on the altar and consumed, but the
birds were not divided. Each day's sacrifices burnt on through the night,
1 Meat is the word used in our version for ; 3 Psalm xl. 10, li. 17, 19 ; Ileb. v. 1, 3, 7.
food in general, more especially for corn and j ^ i_,pv. i., vi. 8-13.
flour. 5 2 Chr. xxix. 24, 34 ; Ezek. xlvi. 24.
a Gen. viii. 21. I 6 ueb. iv. 12, 13.
Sect. IV. Meat and Drink-offerings. 247
the sacred fire never being suffered to go out ; and in the morning the ashes
were carried by the priest into a clean place without the camp.''
Burnt-offerings were made on the following occasions: — (1.) The Dailif
Sacrifice., of a yearling lamb or kid, was offered at the times of morning and
evening prayer, the third and ninth hours from sunrise, before the priest
went into the Tabernacle to burn incense. This sacrifice especially typified
the offering of Christ, who was pointed out by John the Baptist (about the
third hour, it is supposed) as "the Lamb of God, that taketh away the sin
of the world," and who died upon the cross at the very time of the evening
sacrifice.
(2.) The Sabbath burnt-offering was the daily sacrifice doubled.'*
(3.) The burnt-offerings at the Festivals of the New Moon, the three great
feasts, the Day of Atonement, and the Feast of Ti-uvipets, generally two bul-
locks, a ram, and seven lambs.^
(\.) Private burnt-offerings prescribed by the laiv, at the consecration of
priests," the purification of women, "the removal of leprosy or other ceremo-
nial uncleanness,^^ the iDcrformance or the accidental breach of the vow of a
Nazarite. ^^
(5.) Free-will burnt-offerings were made either in general acknowledgment
of God's mercies (a thank-offering^ or in performance of a vow." They were
chiefly brought on occasions of great solemnity, as at the dedication of the
Tabernacle and of the Temple.'^
§ 5. — II. The Meat-offering and the Drink-offering always accompa-
nied the burnt-offering, for which indeed the meat-offering miglit be substi-
tuted by the poor. As the burnt-offering signified the consecration of life to
God, both that of the offerer himself and of his living property, so in the
meat-offering the produce of the land was presented before Jehovah, as be-
ing His gift ; in both cases with the devout acknowledgment : "Of thine own
have we given thee."^^ The name of the meat-offering, Minchah, signified
in old Hebrew a gift in general, and especially one from an inferior to a su-
perior." It is applied alike to the offerings of Cain and Abel, as a general
name for a sacrifice.^**
In the law of Moses, it signifies an offering of corn, usually in the form of
flour, with oil and frankincense, the quantities varying for a lamb, a ram, or
a bullock. It was sometimes made with the oil into cakes or wafers, which
must be free from leaven and honey. A special form of meat-offering was
that of the first-fruits of corn in the ear, parched and bruised. All meat-offer-
ings were to be seasoned with " the salt of 'the covenant," as a sign of incor-
ruptness, and of the savor of earnest piety. ^^ A portion of the meat-offering
and of the oil was burnt by the priest upon the altar cf burnt-offering, with
all the frankincense ; and the rest belonged to the priests, who must eat it
without leaven beside the altar, as " a thing most holy of the offerings of
Jehovah made by fire."^" The meat-offerings of the priests themselves
were to be wholly burnt. The drink-offerings of the daily and special sac-
•7 Ex. xxix. 3S-42; Lev. i., vi. 8-13, ix.
12-14 ; Numb. xv. s Numb, xxviii. &-10.
» xxviii. 11-xxix. 39. See § vi.
'0 Ex. xxix. 15; Lev. viii. IS, ix. 12.
11 Lev. xii. 6, 8.
12 Lev. xiv. 19, xv. 15, 30.
* Numb. vi. ; Acts xxi. 20.
i"* Numb. XV. 1-3; comp. Ps. IL 19.
15 Numb. vii. ; 1 K. viii. G4.
16 1 Chr. xxix. 10-14.
17 Gen. xxxii. 13, xliii. 11 ; 2 Sam. viii. 2,
G. 18 Gen. iv. 3-5.
19 Lev. ii. 13; Ez-k. xliii. 24; Mark ix.
43 ; Col. iv. G. 20 Lev. ii. 3, x. 12, 13.
248 The Peace-offering. Appendix.
rifices were poured out before Jehovah in the holy place ;'^^ and it does not
appear that the priests were ever permitted to partake of them. Indeed, to
liave done so would have been a breach of the prohibition of wine during
their service."'^
§ 6. — III. The Peace-offering was not an atoning sacrifice to make peace
Avith God, but a joyful celebration o^ peace made through the covenant. In
this part of the ritual, more than in any other, we sec Jehovah present in
Ills house, inviting the worshiper to feast iclth Him. Peace-offerings were
l)resented either as a thajihsqiviiuj, or in fulfillment of a vow, or as a free-will
offering of love and joy. They were of the flock or the herd, like the burnt-
otferings, but they might be male or female. They were slain with the
same ceremonies as the burnt-offering ; but only a part was burnt upon the
altar, namely, all the fat, the kidneys, the caul or midriff, and, in the case
of a lamb, the rump. These parts formed, according to Oriental tastes, the
delicacies of the feast, and therefore they were offered to Jehovali ; and they
are emphatically called His bread.'^^ The breast and the shoulder were the
portion of the priests, who might eat them in any clean place with their
sons and daughters. They were called the wave-breast and the lieave-shmil-
der, from the motions made in offering them before Jehovah, The priest
also took one of the unleavened cakes or leavened loaves, which were of-
fered as a meat-offering with the peace-offering, having first heaved it be-
fore God. These motions seem to indicate the joy of a feast ; and Avith joy
the worshiper was to eat the rest of the flesh of the sacrifice and the bread
of the meat-offering, under certain restrictions, to insure ceremonial pu-
rity.^^
Peace-offerings might be brought at any time ; but they were prescribed
on the following occasions : at the consecration of priests ; the dedication of
the Tabernacle ; the purification of a leper; and the expiration of a Naza-
rite's vow.-^
§ 7. — IV. The Sin-offering was an expiatory sacrifice for sins of igno-
rance, committed either by a priest, unconsciously contracting sins from the
people in his office; or by the congregation, incurring the displeasure of Je-
hovah for a reason not discoA'ered ; or by a ruler, ignorantly transgressing
any of God's laws ; or by one of {he people, finding that he had unintention-
ally been guilty of any sin ; and also as a purification from possible sin and
uucleanness in general. For each of these cases special victims were to be
offered with special ceremonies.^'' The most important of these were, in the
two former cases, the sprinkling of the blood seven times before the veil, and
placing it on the horns of the altar and burning the flesh of the victim with-
out the camp— a type of Christ's' suffering without the gate for the people's
sin. The flesh of the other sin-offerings belonged to the priests : in all cases
the fat was burnt on the altar. Sin-offerings formed a part of all great so-
lemnities, especially on the day of atonement. They were also offered at
the purification of a leper, or of a woman after child-birth. In the latJer
21 Num. ixviii. 7, etc. passages may refer to tlie shew-bread, but
22 Deut. xxxii. 38 ; where to drink drink- tliey seem rather to allude to tlie peace-offer-
offerings is a mark of idohitrons worsliip
coupled -nitl: eating tlie fat of sacrifices^
which was forbidden to the Jews.
23 Ezek. xliv. 7; corap. Lev. xxi. 6, 8, 17,
22, xxii. 25 ; Mai. i. 7, 12. Somo of these
ing-.
2'i The eating of blood or fut was most
strictly forbidden.
25 Lev. iii., vii. 11-34, ix. 18-21, x. 12-15.
29 Lev. iv., vL 24-30.
Sect. IV. Oblations. 249
case, the oifering was a lamb, or for the poor, a pair of turtle-doves or pig-
eons, one for the burnt-offering and one for the sin-offering."^
§ 8. — V. Trespass-offerings, for sins committed knowingly, as well as
for acts of ceremonial uncleanness, are not very clearly distinguished from
sin-offerings. The chief difference of form,^** besides some points in the cer-
emonial, was that they were offered only for individuals. As to spirit and
motive, the distinction seems to be that sins committed in rashness, as by an
oath, or in ignorance of a law that ought to have been known, came under
the head o( trespass: " Though he wish it not, yet he is guilty, and shall bear
his iniquity. "^'* The chief offenses which required trespass-offerings were,
keeping back evidence, touching unclean things, swearing rash oaths, sins in
holy things, violation of trust, and some others. In every case of injury to
property, the offering must be accompanied with restitution to the whole
value, and one-fifth in addition.^
§ 9. — VI. Oblations are not clearly distinguished from those sacrifices
which were in the nature of (/Ifts ,- but some of them require to be mention-
ed separately : —
(1.) The Shew-hread and Incense, which were perpetually offered in the
Holy Place. (See above.)
(2.) Free Oblations^ the fruits of vows and promises.
(3.) Prescribed Oblations, namely — (a.) The First-fruits of corn, which
were offered on the Day of Pentecost, and of wine, oil, and wool. These were
the perquisites of the priests. (/3.) The First-born of man and beast, which
were redeemed, at first by exchange against the Levites, and afterward by a
payment of five shekels per head ; but the firstlings of clean animals, the
cow, sheep, or goat, were unredeemable, and were offered in sacrifice in the
same manner as a peace-offering, (y.) Tithes of the produce of the land:
ihQ first annually, the secont/ every three years for the Levites, and the third
for the poor.
27 This was the sacrifice brought by Jo-
seph and Mary after the bu-th of Jesus.
Luke il. 24.
"* The poor might substitute flour, without
a» Lev. V. 17.
L2
oil or frankincense, for tlie two turtle-doves
or pigeons of the sin-offenng, so as to leave
no excuse for neglecting the sacrifice. Lev.
V. 11-13.
30 Lev. v., Tu 1-7, vii, 1-10.
250
Laws of Personal Consecration.
Appendix.
SECTION V.
THE HOLINESS OF THE PEOPLE.
5 1. The principle of the holiness of the people. 5 2. Circumcision. § 3. Dedication of
the first-born. §4. rersonal purity. §5. Provisions for purification. §6. Clean and
unclean animals. § 7. Law against personal disfigurement. § S. Provisions for the
poor. § 9. To enforce humanity.
§ 1. The holiness of the people, as the children of God, His " saints who
had made a covenant with Him by sacrifice," was a principle as sacred as
the consecration of the priests.^ They, like the children of the New Cove-
nant, were "a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy nation, a pecnl-
iar people," the purchased possession of Jehovah;- and for both there was
the same simple law: "Be ye Holy, for I am Holy."^ This principle,
^Vora which Paul so often deduces the spiritual law of the complete devotion
of the whole nature to God's service, was enforced upon the Jews by cere-
monies and restrictions reaching to every detail of their daily lives. It is
the central subject of the Book of Leviticus,* which gradually rises from the
huvs of sacrifice to the assertion and development of the holiness and purity
of the people, in person, act, speech, and property.
The following institutions were founded on this principle : —
§ 2. Circumcision is only enjoined in one passage of the law of Moses.'
It had already been fully established, and Moses alludes to its spiritual sense,
the circumcision of the heart, in language similar to that of Paul.^ The
words of Christ, "Moses gave you circumcision, not because it is of Moses,
but of the fathers,"" refer to the full account of the institution in the Book
of Genesis, which rendered its repetition in the later books unnecessary.
§ 3. The Dedication of the First-horn^ of men and beasts, and the offering
of the First-fimits of all produce.^
§ 4. The Preservation of Personal Purity, especially by the strict laws
against all unnatural marriages and lusts, and against fornication and pros-
titution.^" The law of Moses, like that of Christ, takes cognizance of sins
against a man's oion self and that not so much in the light of self-interest,
or even of self-respect, but from that principle of holiness to God which is so
emphatically laid down by the Apostle Paul."
§ 5. Provisions for Purification: — (1.) As a religious ceremonial, observed
both by priests and people in divine worship. ^^ (2.) From personal unclean-
ness." (3.) From leprosy, in persons, clothes, or liouses. " The means of
purification were washing, the sprinkling of blood, anointing with oil, and
1 P?. 1. 5 ; comp. Ex. xxiv. 2-S.
2 I Pet. ii. 9 ; comp. Ex. xix. 5, G ; Deut.
iv. 2ft, vii. 6, X. 15, xiv. 2, xxvi. 18, 19.
3 Lev. xi. 44, xix. 2, xx. 7 ; 1 Pet. i. 14-
16.
4 Lev. xi.-xviii. ^ Lev. xii. 3.
e Deut. X. IG, xxx. C ; Kom. ii. 25-29 ; 1
Cor. Tii. 19. ' John vii. 22.
f Ex. xiii. 2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, 30.
9 Deut. xxvi. 1-11.
10 IjCV. xviii. xix. 29, xx. ; Deut. xxiii. 7.
11 Rom. vi. 14-20.
12 Num. xix. ; Lev. viii.
13 Lev. xi. xiL xv. ; Num. xix.
14 Lev. xiii. On Leprosy, see Notes and
Illustratioms.
Sect. IV. Provisions for the Poor. 251
the lustration by the ashes of the red heifer. ^^ In some cases, as in leprosy,
unclean persons were shut out from the camp.^^
§ 6, The distinction between Cletm and Unclean Animals for food as well
as sacrifice. Unclean animals were those strangled, or which had died a nat-
ural death, or had been killed by beasts or birds of prey ; whatever beast
did not both part the hoof and chew the cud ; and certain other smaller an-
imals rated as " creeping things ;" certain classes of birds mentioned in
Lev. xi. and Deut. xiv., twenty or twenty-one in all ; whatever in the waters
had not both fins and scales ; whatever winged insect had not, besides four
legs, the two hind-legs for leaping ; besides things offered in sacrifice to idols ;
and all blood, or whatever contained it ; as also all fat, at any rate that dis-
posed in masses among the intestines, and probably wherever discernible and
separable among the flesh." The eating of blood was prohibited even to
*' the stranger that sojourneth among you."^" The fat was claimed as a,
burnt-offering, and the blood enjoyed the highest sacrificial esteem. In the
two combined the entire victim was by representation offered, and to transfer
either to human use was to deal presumptuously with the most holy things.
But besides this, the blood was esteemed as " the life" of the creature, and
a mysterious sanctity beyond the sacrificial relation thereby attached to it.
Hence we read, "Whatsoever soul it be that eateth any manner of blood,
even that soul shall be cut off from his people."^'' Whereas the offender in
other dietary respects was merely "uncleain until even.''^*" Sanitary rea-
sons have been sought for these laws f^ and there may be something in this
view, though their first signification was religious. Under the New Cove-
nant, the first lesson that was taught Peter, as a preparation of preaching
the Gospel to Gentile proselytes, was " not to call any thing common or un-
clean."^^ On the other hand, the apostles and the primitive Church extend-
ed to Gentile converts the restriction from eating blood and things strangled,^*
apparently as a precaution against their taking part in heathen festivals, just
as they were recommended by Paul to abstain from things offered to idols. ^
To make these restrictions a part of the permanent law of Christianity is op-
posed to the whole spirit of the Gospel.
§ 7. The Laius against Personal Disfigurement^ by shaving the head and
cutting the flesh, especially as an act of mourning, have also reference to
the customs of the heathen."* The humane restriction on the number of
stripes that might be inflicted was designed to prevent a man's degradation
in the eyes of his brethren.^"
§ 8. The Provisions for the Poor^ regarded as brethren in the common
bond of the covenant of God. Gleanings in the field and vineyard were their
legal right :^^ slight trespass was allowed, such as plucking corn^** while pass-
ing thi-ough a field, pi'ovided that it was eaten on the spot; the second tithe
was to be bestowed partly in charity ;^ ivages were to be paid day by day ;^
15 Numb. xix. le Num. xii. 15.
17 Lev. iii. 14-17, vii. 23.
18 Lev. xvii. 10, 12, 13, 14,
I'* Lev. vii. 27, comp. xvii. 10, 14.
20 Lev. xi. 40, xvii. 15.
*i We have not tlious^ht it necessary to
discuss the now exploded view, which based
a large part of tiie Mosaic law on similar
grounds of expediency.
22 Acta X. I'-IG, 28 ; comp. 1. Tim. iv. 4.
23 Acts XV. 20, 29. The phrase "pollu-
tions of idols," may be best takeu as includ-
ing the specific prohibitions that follow.
24 1 Cor. viii.
25 Lev. xix. 27, 28, xxi. 5; Deut. xiv. 1, 2.
28 Deut. XXV. 3.
27 Lev. xix. 9, 10; Deut. xxiv. 19-22.
28 Deut. xxiii. 24, 25.
29 ])eut. xiv. 22-28.
so Deut. xxiv. 15.
252
General Laics of Humanity.
Appendix.
loans might not be refused, nor usury taken from an IsraeWtef^ pledges must
not be insolently or ruinously exacted f^ no favor must be shown between
rich and poor in dispensing j'ws^ice;^^ and besides all this, there are the most
urgent injunctions to kindness to the poor, the widow and the orphan, and the
strongest denunciations of all oppression. ^^
§ 9. The care taken to enforce hvmanity in general may be regarded as
an extension of the same principle ; for the truest motive to humanity is the
constant sense of man's relation to his Heavenly Maker, Father, and Master.
For example, the state of slavery was mitigated by the law that death under
chastisement was punishable, and that maiming at once gave liberty. ^^ Fu-
gitive slaves from foreign nations were not to be given up ;^^ and stealing and
selling a man was punished with death. ^^ The law even "cared for oxen,"
declaring, "Thou shalt not muzzle the ox when he treadeth out the corn."^^
It went further, and provided against that abominable law of our corrupt
nature, which finds pleasure in wanton cruelty, adding such precepts as those
which forbade the parent bird to be captured with its young, ^^ or the kid to be
boiled in its mother's milk.^°
The institutions of the Sabbatic Year and the Year of Jubilee were a great
public homage to the principle, that both the people and their property were
sacred to Jehovah ; but they may be most fitly described under the next
head of Sacred Seasons. Indeed, if we were to carry out the principle to
all its consequences, it might include the whole civil and criminal law.
But what strictly belongs to this head must not be dismissed without no-
ticing the constant perversion of the idea of personal and national sanctity
by the Jews in all their after history. They forgot the duty of purity to-
ward God in the pride of superiority over other men, and became exclusive
instead of truly holy. And just as their holiness was the type of Christian
dedication to God, so is there the danger of our following their great mistake,
especially by looking at the Old Testament otherwise than in the light of the
New.
31 Ex. xxii. 25-27; Dent, xxiii. 19, 20.
32 Deut. xxiv, 6, 10-13, IT, 18.
33 Ex. XX. 2, 3 ; Lev. xix. 15.
*4 Deut. XV. I-ll, etc.
35 Ex. XXI. 20, 26, 27. 36 Deut. xxui. 15.
37 Ex. xxi. 16.
3s Dent. XXV. 4 ; comp. 1 Cor. ix. 9 ; 1 Tim.
T. 18. 39 Deut. xxii, 6, 7. «<> Ex. xxiii. 41.
Sect. IV.
Notes and Illustrations.
253
NOTES AND ILLUSTKATIONS.
LEPROSY.
The predominant and characteristic
form of leprosy in Scripture is a white
variety, covering either the entire
body or a large tract of its surface ;
which has obtained the name of lepra
Mosaica. Such were the cases of
Moses, Miriam, Naaman, and Gehazi
(Ex. iv. 6 ; Num. xii. 10 ; 2 Kings v.
1, 27; comp. Levit. xiii. 13). The
Egyptian bondage, with its studied
degradations and privations, and es-
pecially the work of the kiln under an
Egyptian sun, must have had a fright-
ful tendency to generate this class of
disorders ; hence Manetho asserts that
the Egyptians drove out the Israelites
as infected with leprosy — a strange
reflex, perhaps, of the Mosaic narra-
tive of the "plagues" of Egypt, yet
probably also containing a germ of
truth. The principal morbid features
mentioned in Leviticus are a rising
or swelling, a scab or baldness, and a
bright or white spot (xiii. 2). But
especially a white swelling in the skin,
with a change of the hair of the part
from the natural black to white or yel-
low (3, 10, 4, 20, 25, 30), or an ap-
pearance of a taint going "deeper
than the skin," or again, "raw flesh"
appearing in the swelling (10, 14, 15);.
were critical signs of pollution.
25i Sahhatlc Festivals. Appendix
SECTION VI.
THE SACRED SEASONS.
» 1. Classification of the festivals. § 2._L Festivals conmected -with the Sabbath— The
Sabbath. § 3. J'east of the New Moon. § 4. The Sabbatical Month and Feast ol
Trumpets. § 5. The Sabbatical Year. § ff. The Year of Jubilee. §7. — II. The Tubeb
Gkeat Historical Festivals— Their general characteristics. § 8. U'lie Passover —
Difference between the Egvptian and tlie Perpetual Passover. § 9. Order of tlie observ-
ance of the Passover. § 10. Further details. § 11. The Feast of Pentecost. 5 12. Tiie
Feast of Tabernacles. § 13.— III. The Day of Atonement. § 14. Festivals afteb
THE Captivity- The Feast of Purim. § 15. The Feast of Dedication.
§ I. The religious times ordained in the law fall under three heads : —
I. Those connected with the institution of the Sabbath — namely,
1. The weekly Sabbath itself.
2. The Feast of the New Moon.
3. The Sabbatical JNIonth and the Feast of Trumpets.
4. The Sabbatical Year.
5. The Year of Jubilee.
II. The Three Great Historical Festivals — namely,
1. The Passover.
2. The Feast of Pentecost.
3. The Feast of Tabernacles.
III. The Day of Atonement.
To these must be added IV., the festivals established after the Captivity
— namely,
1 . The Feast of Purim of Lots.
2. The Feast of Dedication.
I. — Festivals connected with the Sabbath.
§ 2. (1.) The Sabbath is so named from a word signifying rest. The con-
secration of the Sabbath was coeA-al with the Creation ; for on no principle
of sound criticism can the narrative of the Creation be severed from its con-
cluding words: "And God blessed the seventh day, and sanctified it; be-
cause that in it he had rested from all His work, which God created and
made,"^ The opinion, that these words arc an anticipatory reference to the
Fourth Commandment, can only have arisen from the error of regarding the
law of Sinai as altogether new. The only argument in support of that
opinion is the absence of any record of the observance of the Sabbath be-
tween the Creation and the Exodus. It might just as well be said that the
Fourth Commandment was not of immediate application, since the Sabbath
is not mentioned from Moses to David. But this is just in accordance with
the plan of the Scripture narrative, in which regular and ordinary events
are unnoticed. The same is true of circumcision, which is not mentioned
after its first institution, not even in the case of Isaac, till the time of Moses ;
but its observance by the patriarchs is implied by their imposing it on the
Shechemites.^ So likewise the celebration of sacrifice is only mentioned on
» Gap. ii. 3. 2 Gen. xxxiv. 13.
Sect. VI. The Sahhath. 255
a few special occasions. And so with the Sabbath : there are not wanting
indirect evidences of its observance, as the intervals between Noah's sending
forth the birds out of the ark, an act naturally associated with the weekly
service,^ and in the iceek of a wedding celebration ;* but, when a special oc-
casion arises, in connection with the prohibition against gathering manna
on the Sabbath, the institution is mentioned as one already known.^ And
that this was especially one of the institutions adopted by Moses from the
ancient patriarchal usage, is implied in the very words of the law, " Remember
the Sabbath day, to keep it holy." But even if such evidence were wanting,
the reason of the institution would be a sufficient proof. It was to be a joyful
celebration of God's completion of His creation: and, "when the morning
stars sang together, and the sons of God shouted for joy" at only witnessing
the work, is it to be supposed that the new-made man himself postponed his
joy and worship for twenty-five centuries? It has indeed been said that
Moses gives quite a different reason for the institution of the Sabbath, as a
memorial of the deliverance from Egyptian bondage.*' As if Moses, in his
repetition of the law, had forgotten the reason given by God himself from
Sinai.'' The words added in Deuteronomy are a special motive for the joy
with which the Sabbath should be celebrated, and for the kindness which
extended its blessings to the slave and beast of burden as well as the master :
" that thy man-servant and thy maid-servant may rest as well as tJiou."^ These
attempts to limit the ordinance proceed from an entire misconception of its
spirit, as if it were a season of stern privation rather than of special privi-
lege. But, in truth, the prohibition of work is only subsidiary to the positive
idea of joyful rest and recreation, in communion with Jehovah, who himself
"rested and was refreshed.'"^ It was to be a sacred ])ause in the ordinary
labor by which man earns his bread ; the curse of the fall was to be suspended
for one day ; and, having spent that day in joyful remembrance of God's
mercies, man had afresh start in his course of labor. AVhen God sanctified
the day He blessed it ; made it happy when He made it holy ,- and the practi-
cal difficulty in realizing this union arises, on the one hand, from seeking
happiness in gain, and on the other from confounding recreation with sinful
pleasure. A great snare, too, has always been hidden in the word icork, as
if the commandment forbade occupation and imposed idleness. A considera-
tion of the spirit of the law and of Christ's comments on it will show that it
is work for ivorldly gain that was to be suspended ; and hence the restrictive
clause is prefaced with the positive command: "Six davs shalt thou labor,
and do all thy work ;" for so only could the Sabbatic rest be fairly earned.
Hence, too, the stress constantly laid on permitting the servant and beast
of burden to share the rest, which selfishness would grudge to them. Thus
the spirit of the Sabbath was^oy, refreshment, and mercy, arising from re-
membrance of God's goodness as the Creator, and as the deliverer from
bondage.
These views are practically illustrated by the manner in which the Israel-
ites were to spend, and in which the prophets afterward reprove them for
3 Gen. viii. 7-12. * Gen. xxix. 21, 2S. 1 'Tiro ''On the Names of the Days of the
6 Ex. xvi. 22-30. All tliis is confirmed by Wpek," in the "Philological Museum," vol. i.
the great antiquity of the division of timf^ ^ Deut. v. 15. '' Ex. xx. 11.
into weeks, and tlie naming the days after ^ Deut. v. 14.
the sun, moon, and planets. See Archdeacon " Ex. xxxi. 17 ; comp. xxiii. 12.
256
The Sahbath.
Appendix.
not spending, the Sabbaih and the other festivals. The Sabbath was a per-
petual si^7i and covenant, and the holiness of the day is connected with the
lioliness of the people : *' That ye may know that I am Jehovah that doth
sanctify you."^" Joij was the key-note of their service. Moses declared that
a place of sacrifice should be given them; "And there shall ye eat before
Jehovah your God, and ye shall rejoice, ye and your households."" The
Psalmists echo back the same spirit : "This is the day which Jehovah hath
made ; we will rejoice, and be glad in it."^^ Isaiah reproves the fasts which
were kept with mere outward observance, in place of acts of charity, by
j)romising that those who called the Sabbath a delight, and honored God bv
doing His works in it, should delight themselves in Jehovah. ^^ Nehemiah
commanded the people, on a day lioly to Jehovah, " INIourn not, nor weep:
eat the fat, and drink the sweet, and send portions to them for wiiom noth-
ing is prepared.'"'*
The Sabbatli is named as a day of special worship in the sanctuary. ^^ It
was proclaimed as a holtj convocation.^^ The public religious services con-
sisted in the doubling of the morning and evening sacrifice, and the renew-
al of the shew-bread in the holy place. In later times the worship of the
sanctuary was enlivened by sacred music. ^^ On this day the people were
accustomed to consult their prophets," and to give to their children that in-
struction in the truths recalled to memory by the day, which is so repeat-
edly enjoined as the duty of parents ; it was " the Sabbath of Jehovah," not
only in the sanctuary, but "in all their dwellings."^^ It is quite true that
we have but little information on this part of the subject in the Scriptures
themselves, but the inferences drawn from what is told us, and from the
character of the day, are confiirmed by the testimony of later writers, and by
the system of public worship in the synagogues, which we find in full opera-
tion at the time of Christ.
The prohibitory part of the law is general ; and the only special cases
mentioned relate to the preparation of food. The manna was not given on
the Sabbath, but a double supply was to be gathered on the day before,^"
just as the rest of the Sabbatic year was compensated by the extraordinary
fertility of the year before. No fire was to be kindled on the Sabbath, un-
der the penalty of death, ^* which was inflicted on a man who went out to
gather sticks on the Sabbath."^ Its observance is enjoined in the time of
earing and harvest, when there vsras a special temptation to find an excuse
for work." The habitual transgression of these laws, by priests as well as
people, was denounced by the prophets, =* and excited the reforming zeal of
Nehemiah after the Babylonish Captivity.^^ The later Ilabbis treated the
law as a matter of subtle casuistry ; proceeding from the general rule of ab-
staining from manual acts to the minute enumeration of the prohibited ac-
10 Ex. xxxi. 12-17; F.z. xx. 12.
11 Deut. xii. 7, xiv. 20, xvi. 14, 15, xxvi.
I.
12 Pp. cxviii. 24. 13 jg, ivii:. 3-14.
1* Neh. viii. 0-13.
i» Lev. xix. 30, xxvi. 2.
1* Lev. xxiii. 3.
" Ps. Ixv-iii. 25-27, cl., etc.
i» 2 K. iv. 23. 1'' Lev. xxiii. 3.
20 Ex. xvi. 22-30: "See for that Jehovah
hath given you the Sabbath, therefore He
giveth you on the sixth day the bread of tuo
days" —a. striking example of divine encour-
ariement to keep the day sacred.
21 Ex. XXXV. 2. 3 ; comp. xxxi. 14.
22 Num. XV. 35; see chap. xiii. § 12.
23 Ex, xxxiv. 21.
2^ Is. Ivi. 2, Iviii. 13 ; Ez. xxii. CC; comp.
xliv. 22.
25 Neh. xiii. 15-19.
Sect. VI. Feast of the Keiv Jloon. 257
tions ; and it was in reply to objections based on such rules, that Christ
maintained the true spirit of the law.^^
§ 3. (2.) The completion of the month was observed by the Feast of the
New Moon. In every nation which uses a strictly lunar calendar, it is nec-
essary to have a distinct public announcement of the beginning of each
month, whether it be determined by an exact astronomical computation of the
time of the moon's change, or by the first sight of her new crescent. This
announcement was made to Israel by the sounding of the two sacred silver
trumpets.-^ The day was not kept as a Sabbath, but, besides the daily sac-
rifice, a burnt-offering was made of two bullocks, a ram, and seven lambs,
with a meat and drink offering, and a goat for a sin-ofiering.^" In later
times, the kings offered sacrifices and feasted on the new moon,^^ and pious
disciples chose this as a stated period for visiting the prophets. =" The feast
seems to have been gradually corrupted by the heathen worship of the moon
^rself.^' It is one of the feasts left by the Apostle to Christian liberty. ^^
§ 4. (3.) The Sabbatical Month and the Feast of Trumpets. — The
month of Tisri, being the seventh of the ecclesiastical, and the first of the civil
year, had a kind of Sabbatic character ^^ The calendar was so arranged that
its first day fell on a Sabbath (that, no doubt, next after the new moon), and
this, the civil Neiv Yem-'s Day, was ushered in by the blowing of trumpets,
and was called the Feast of Trumpets. It was a holy convocation ; and it
had its special sacrifices, in addition to those of other new moons, namely,
for tlie burnt-offering, a young bullock, a ram, and seven lambs, with a meat
and drink offering, and a young goat for a sin-offering.^ This month was
also marked by the great Day of Atonement on the tenth, and the Feast of
Tabernacles, the greatest of the whole year, which lasted from the fifteenth
to the twenty-second of the month. Thus it completed the Sabbatic cycle of
seven months, in which all the great festivals were kept.
§ 5. (4.) The Sabbatic Ai, Year. — As each seventh day and each seventh
month were holy, so was each seventh year. It was based on the principle
of Jehovah's property in the land, which was therefore to keep its Sabbath
to Him ; and it was to be a season of rest for all, and of especial kindness to
the poor. The land was not to be sown, nor the vineyards and olive-yards
dressed ; and neither the spontaneous fruits of the soil, nor the produce of
the vine and olive, were to be gathered ; but all was to be left for the poor,
the slave, the stranger, and the cattle.^^ The law was accompanied by a
promise of treble fertility in the sixth year, the fruit of which was to be eat-
en till the harvest sown in the eighth year was reaped in the ninth. ^^ But
the people were not debarred from other sources of subsistence, nor was the
rear to be spent in idleness. They could fish and hunt, take care of their
bees and flocks, repair their buildings and furniture, and manufacture their
28 Matt. xii. 1-15; Mark iii. 2; Luke vi.
1-5, xiii. 10-17; John v. 2-18, viL 23, ix. 1-
2T Num. X. 10; P?. Ixxxi. .S.
28 Num. xxviii. 11-14; 1 Chron. xxiii. 31;
2 Chr. ii. 4, xxxi. 3 ; Ezra iii. 5; Neh. x. 33 ;
Ez. xlvi. 1, 3, 6. 29 1 Sam. ix. 5, 24-27.
30 2 K. iv. 23.
" Is. i. 13, 14; Ezek. xlv. 17; IIos. ii. 11.
33 Lev. xxiii. 24. ** Num. xxix. 1-6.
36 Ex. xxiii. 10, 11 ; Lev. xxv. 1-7 ; Deut.
XV.
38 JjPv. XXV. 20-22. From this it would
PBPm tlmt the year was an ecclesiastical
yfar, which began at the harvest; for the
civil year, beginning on the 1st of Tisri (Oc-
tober), would include both seed-time and har-
vest, the cycle of which would be complett
«2 Col. ii. 16. i withia the eighth year.
258 The JTear of Jubilee. Appendix.
clothing. Still, as an agricultural people, they would hare mutli leisure ;
thev would observe the Sabbatic spirit of the year by using its 1-jisure for ths
instruction of their families in the law, and for acts of devotion.; and in ac-
cordance with this there was a solemn reading of the law to the people as-
sembled at the Feast of Tabernacles." The Sabbatic year is also called the
"year of release," because in it creditors were bound to release poor debt-
ors from their obligations; with a special injunction not to withhold a loan
because the year of release was near.^* The release of a Hebrew slave took
place likewise, not only in the Sabbatic yeai-, but in the seventh year of hi^
captivity. ^^
The constant neglect of this law from the very first was one of the na-
tional sins that were punished by the Babylonian Captivity. Moses warned
Israel of the retribution, that their land should be desolate till it had en-
joyed its Sabbaths ;''" and the warning was fulfilled in the seventy years'
duration of the Captivity .^^
§ 6. (5.) The Year of Jubilee^- was every fiftieth year, coming there-
fore after a Sabbatic series of Sabbatic years. The notion that it was in the
forty-ninth and not the fiftieth year, is an assumption from the improbabil-
ity of the land being left untilled for two successive years ; but it is op-
posed to the plain statement of the law, which directs seven Sabbaths of
years to be counted, even forty-nine years, and then that the jubilee should
be proclaimed by the sounding of the trumpet." Thus the Year of Jubilee
completed each half-century ; and formed a Pentecost of years.**
Its beginning is fixed for the tenth of the seventh month (Tisri), the
great Day of Atonement. It was doubtless after the sacrifices of that sol-
emn day were ended, that the trumpet of jubilee pealed forth its joyful
notes, proclaiming "liberty to the captive, and the opening of the prison
door to them that were bound." The land was left uncultivated, as in the
Sabbatic year. The possessions which poverty had compelled their owners
to alienate returned to the fiimilies to whom they had been allotted in the
first division of the Holy Land. This applied to fields and houses in the
country, and to the houses of Levites in the walled cities ; but other houses
in such cities, if not redeemed within a year from their sale, remained the
perpetual property of the buyer. In all transfers of property, the value
was to be computed by the number of " years of fruits " (that is, apparently,
exclusive of Sabbatic years) till the next Jubilee : so that what was sold was
the possession of the land for that term. A property might be redeemed at
any intervening period, either by its owner, or by his nearest kinsman (the
Goel), at a price fixed on the same principle. Land sanctified to Jehovah
by the owner might be redeemed, at any time before the next Jubilee, by
payment of one-fifth in addition to the estimated value of the crops ; but,
if not redeemed before the Jubilee, it then became devoted forever. Land
sanctified by its owner after he had sold it could not be redeemed ; and
land devoted by the purchaser returned at the Jubilee to the owner. ''^ The
S7 Deut. xxxi. 10-13. 88 Dent. xv. 1-11.
39 Dent. XV. 12-1S. 40 j^gv. xxvi. 32-35.
41 2 (Jhron. xxxvi. 21. Of the observance
of the Sahljatic jear after tlie Captivity we
have a proof in 1 Mace. vL 53
*2 The vord is of uncertain origin. Tlie
most probable explanation refers it to the
rin«:inf^ sound of the trumpet of jubilee.
43 Lev. XXV. 8.
44 (:omi). Lev. xxiii. 15, 16, and xxv. S-10.
45 Lev. xxvii. 19-24.
Sect. VL
TJie Three Historical Festivals.
259
whole institution was based on the principle that the land was God's, who
granted to each family its own portion.*^ It was a practical solution of the
most perplexing questions concerning the right of property in the land, and
a safeguard against its accumulation in the hands of great proprietors.
All Hebrew slaves, whether to their brethren or to resident foreigners,
were set free in the Year of Jubilee. This applied alike to those who had
fallen into servitude since the last Sabbatic year, and to those who had
chosen to remain in servitude by the ceremony of boring the ear.'*^ Pro-
vision was made for the redemption of the slave meanwhile in a manner
similar to that of the redemption of the land. Thus, as in the restitution
of the land, the principle was asserted, that the people were Jehovah's only,
his servants redeemed from Egypt, and incapable therefore of becoming
bondmen to any one but him.^'*
It has been asserted that debts were remitted in the Year of Jubilee, ^^ and
some go so far as to maintain that the remission in the Sabbatic year was
merely a suspension of their exaction.^" But the Mosaic law plainly states
that debts were remitted in the Sabbatic year, and says nothing of their re-
mission at the Jubilee.
The Jubilee completed the great Sabbatic cycle, at the close of which, in
a certain sense, "all things were made new." The trumpet which an-
nounced it, immediately after the reconciliation of the people to Jehovah
by the atonement, was His voice proclaiming the restoration of the social
order which He had at first established in the state, on the basis of liberty
and the means of livelihood held from Himself But it had a higher spiritual
meaning, often alluded to by the prophets, and at length fulfilled by Christ,
when he recited the words ot Isaiah, proclaiming "the accejdahle year of the
Lord, good tidings to the poor, healing to the broken-hearted, deliverance
to the captive, sight to the blind, and liberty to the oppressed ; and added,
"This day is this scripture fulfilled in your ears.""^ But its full comple-
tion is reserved for the end of time, when, at the appearance of the new
heavens and earth, and of the Tabernacle of God with men, He shall for-
ever do away with pain and sorrow, and shall declare, " Behold, I make all
things new."^^
II.— The Three Great Historical Festivals.'^
§ 7. In these the whole people were united to seek the face of God, and
♦o celebrate His mercies. Thrice in the year, at these feasts, all males were
required to appear before Jehovah, that is, at the Tabernacle or the Tem-
ple, not empty-handed, but to make an offering with a joyful heart. ^^ No
age is prescribed : we find Jesus going up with his parents to the Passover
at the age of twelve, and Samuel still younger.^^ From the examples of
Hannah and Mary, it appears that devout women went up to one of the
annual festivals. There is no such requirement with reference to the Day
of Atonement ; but, viewing it as a public reconciliation of the people with
<« Lev. XXV. 23, 3S ; Josli. xiv, 2.
*^ Lev. XXV. 39 ; Kx. xxi. 2-C ; Lev. xxv.
40,41. 48 r,ev. xxv. 42, 55.
■IS Joseph. Ant. iii. 12, § 3.
50 Jahn, Arch. Bib. § ."49.
fii Luke iv. 18-21. ^a Rqv. xxi. 1-5.
53 The Hebrew name for ''festival" is de-
rived from a word signifying to dance.
54 Ex. xxiii. 14-17, xxxiv. 23; Deut. xvi.
IG ; Deut. xxvii. 7 ; Nehera- viii. 9-12. They
are called in the Talmud Pilgrimage Feasts,
55 Luke ii. 41 ; 1 Sam. i. 24.
260 The Passover. Appekd.3:.
Jehovah, preparatory to their most joyful feast, it seems natural to suppose
that most of those who went up to the Feast of Tabernacles would go early
enough to be present on the Day of Atonement. These periodical assem-
blages of the people, including in later times even those who lived in foreign
countries,^" were a powerful means of preserving the unity of tiie nation.
These festivals not only commemorated great events in the history of
Israel, but they had each its significance in reference to God's gifts at the
seasons of the year. The Passover marked the beginning of the harvest,
ihc Pentecost its completion, and the Feast of Tabernacles the vintage and
tlie ingathering of all the fruits of the year. We have here a striking ex-
ample of the foresight of the Mosaic law in providing for a pastoral people
festivals suited to their settled condition as agriculturists ; and they were
wisely arranged, so as not to interfere with the labors of the field. They
are connected with one anotiier, so as to form one great cycle. The Pass-
over is in the first month of the sacred year, followed by Pentecost at an in-
terval of seven complete weeks ; and the Feast of Tabernacles in the seventh
month. The days of holy convocation, including the Feast of Trumpets
and the Day of Atonement, were seven : two at the Passover, one at the
Pentecost, and two at the Feast of Tabernacles. There is also a cycle in
their significance. At the Passover the Israelites commemorated the begin-
ning of their history as a nation, and at the Feast of Tabernacles they
marked the joyful contrast between their settlement in a fruitful land and
their wanderings in the wilderness. So, in their spiritual sense, the Pass-
over was signalized by the sacrifice of the Lamb of God, the beginning of
the Christian's life, and by Christ's resurrection, as the first-fruits of the
spiritual harvest of eternal life ; Pentecost by the outpouring of the Spirit
and the conversion of multitudes, the earnest of tlie full spiritual harvest
of the world ; while the Feast of Tabernacles is left as an unfulfilled symbol
of the fnll fruition of eternal life in " the rest that remaineth for the peo-
ple of God."
§ 8. (1.) The Passover, which was the most solemn of the three festivals,
as the memorial of the nation's birth and the type of Christ's death, was kept
for seven days, from the evening which closed the fourteenth to the end of the
twenty-first of the first month of the sacred year, Abib or Nisan {April). The
Paschal Lamb was eaten on the first evening, and unleavened bread tlirough-
out the week, and the first and last days (the fifteenth and twenty-first) were
holy convocations. We have already noticed its first institution in Egypt,^^
and its second celebration before Sinai. ^^ It was slain in each house, and its
blood was sprinkled on the door-posts ; the supper was eaten by all members
of the family, clean and unclean, standing and in haste, and without sing-
ing; and there were no days of holy convocation, from the nature of the
case, though their future observance was named in the original law.^^ But
in the "Perpetual Passover," as arranged by the law and by later usage,
the Paschal Lamb was selected any time up to the day of the supper ;"" it
was sacrificed at the altar of burnt-offering ; its fat was burnt, and its blood
was sprinkled on the altar ;" the supper was eaten only by men, ^^ and they
«8 Acts ii. 5-11. 57 See p. 151.
*** See p. 13 I. Tlie sitrnificance of the
rassovtr in connection with the dedication
of the first-Lorn has boen ah-eady noticed.
59 Ex. xii.
60 Mark xiv. 12-16 ; Luke xxii. 7-9.
0^ Deut. xvi. 1-6; comp. 2 Chron. xxx. 17.
62 Ex. xxiii. 17 ; Deut. xvi. IG.
Sect. VI. Tlte Passover. 261
must be ceremonially clean;" they sat or reclined at the feast, which they
ate without haste, ^* with various interesting ceremonies, and with the ac-
companiment of the Hallel, or singing of Fsalms cxiii.-cxviii.*'^
In the twelfth and thirteenth chapters of Exodus there are not only dis-
tinct references to the observance of tlie festival in future ages/^but there
are several injunctions which were evidently not intended for the first Pass-
over, and which indeed could not possibly have been observed. In tlie later
notices of the festival in the books of the law, there are particulars added
which appear as modifications of the original institution.^^ Hence it is not
without reason that the Jewish writers have laid great stress on the distinc-
tion between "the Egyptian Passover" and "the Perpetual Passover."
The peculiarities of the Egyptian Passover, which are pointed out by the
Jewish writers, are, the selection of the lamb on the tenth day of the month,
the sprinkling of the blood on the lintels and door-posts, the use of hyssop
in sprinkling, the haste in which the meal was to be eaten, and the restric-
tion of the abstinence from unleavened bread to a single day. There was
no command to burn the fat on the altar, the pure and impure all partook
of the paschal meal contrary to the law afterward given ;''^ both men and
women were then required to partake, but subsequently the command was
given only to men.*^^ Neither the Hallel nor any other hymn was sung, as
was required in later times in accordance with Is. xxx. 29 ; there were no
days of holy convocation, and the lambs were not slain in the consecrated
§ 9. The following was the general order of the observances of the Pass-
over in later times:— On the fourteenth of Nisan every trace of leaven was
put away from the houses, and on the same day every male Israelite, not
laboring under any bodily infirmity or ceremonial impurity, was command-
ed to appear before the Lord at the nntional sanctuary with an offering of
money in proportion to his means. ^« Devout women sometimes attended,
as is proved bv the instances of Hannah and Mary.^' As the sun was set-
ting, the lambs were slain, and the fat and blood given to the priests.^
The'lamb was then roasted whole, and eaten with unleavened bread and bit-
ter herbs ; no portion of it was to bo left until the morning. The same
nifrht after the fifteenth of Nisan had commenced, the fat was burned by
the priest, and the blood sprinkled on the altar." On the fifteenth, the
night being passed, there was a holy convocation, and during that day no
work might be done, except the pa-eparation of necessary food.^" On this
and the six following davs, an offering in addition to the daily sacrifice was
made of two voung bullocks, a ram, and seven lambs of the first year, with
meat-offerings, for a burnt-offering, and a goat for a sin-offering.'^ On the
sixteenth of the month, "the morrow after the Sabbath" (i.e., after the
day of holy convocation), the first sheaf of harvest was offered and waved
5T Lev. xxiii. 10-14 ; Num. xxviiu lft-25t
«3 Num. ix. 6-14. Those who were unclean
or on a journey were permitted to keep the
'•Little Passover" a month later. Such was
the Passover of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxx.).
64 Matt. xxvi. 20 ; Mark xiv. IT ; Luke
xxii. 14.
65 Is. xxx. 23 ; Matt. xxvi. 30; Mark xiv.
26 ; and the Jewish authorities.
06 See Ex. xii. 2, 14, 17. 24-27, 42, xiii. 2,
6, S-10.
Dcut. xvi. 1-6.
6s Num. xviii. 11.
69 Ex. xxiii. 17 ; Dent. xvi. 16.
TO Ex. xxiii. 15 ; Deut. xvi. 16, 17.
' 1 1 Sam. i. 7 ; Luke ii. 41, 42.
'-2 Cliron. xxxv. 5,6.
•3 2 (Jlivon. xxx. 16, xxxv. 11.
■4 I'lx. xii. 16.
'5 Num. xxviii. 19-23.
262
The Passover.
Appendix.
by the priest before the Lord, and a mule lamb was offered as a burnt sacri-
fice with a meat and drink offering. Nothing necessarily distinguished the
four following days of the festival, except the additional burnt and sin offer-
ings, and the restraint from some kinds of labor. On the seventh day, the
twenty-first of Nisan, there was a holy convocation, and the day appears to
have been one of peculiar solemnity. As at all the festivals, cheerfulness
was to prevail during the whole week, and all care was to be laid aside. ''^
§ 10. Such was the general order of this observance; but further details
require notice, (a.) 2Vie Paschal Lamb. — After the first Passover in Egypt
there is no trace of the lamb having been selected before it was wanted. In
later times, we are certain that it was sometimes not provided before the
fourteenth of the month. ''^ The law formally allowed the alternative of a
kid,"** but a lamb was preferred, and was probably nearly always chosen. It
was to be faultless and a male, in accordance with the established estimate
of animal perfection.''^ Either the head of the family, or any other person
who was not ceremonally unclean,^ took it into the court of the Temple on
his shoulders. As the paschal lamb could be legally slain, and the blood
and fat offered only in the national sanctuary, ^'Mt of course ceased to be
offered by the Jews after the destruction of Jerusalem. The spring festival
of the modern Jews strictly consists only of the feast of unleavened bread.
{b.) The Unleavened Bread. — There is no reason to doubt that the un-
leavened bread eaten in the Passover and that used on other religious oc-
casions were of the same nature. It might be made of wheat, spelt, barley,
oats or rye, but not of rice or millet. It appears to have been usually made
of the finest wheat ilonr. It was probably formed into dry, thin biscuits,
not unlike those used by the modern Jews.
(c.) The Bitter Herbs and the ASa2<ce.— According to the Mishna, the bitter
herbs^^ might be endive, chicory, wild lettuce, or nettles. These plants
were important articles of food to the ancient Egyptians, The sauce, into
which the herbs, tlie bread, and the meat were dipped as they were eaten, *'^
is not mentioned in the Pentateuch.
(f/.) The Four Cups of Wine. — There is no mention of wine in connection
with the Passover in the Pentateuch ; but the Mishna strictly enjoins that
there should never be less than four cups of it provided at the paschal meal
even of the poorest Israelite. Two of them appear to be distinctly mention-
ed in Luke xxii. 17, 20. "The cup of blessing"®* was probably the latter
one of these, and is generally considered to have been the third of the series,
after which a grace was said ;*^ though from the designation, '■'cup of the
Hallel,^^ it may have been the fourth and last cup.
(e.) The Ilallel. — The service of praise sung at the Passover is not men-
tioned in the law. The name is contracted from Hallelujah. It consisted
of the series of Psalms from cxiii. to cxviii. The first portion, comprising
Ps. cxiii. and cxiv., was sung in the early part of the meal, and the second
part after the fourth cup of wine. This is supposed to have been the
" hymn " sung by our Lord and His Apostles.*"
'« Deut. xxvii. 7.
''"' Luke xxii. 7-9; Mnrkxiv. 12-16.
"8 Ex. xii. 5. "9 See Mai. i. 14.
fo 2 Chron. xxx. 17. ^i Deut. xvi. 2.
82 Ex. xii. 8.
88 John xiii. 20 ; Matt. xxvi. 23.
f 4 1 Cor. X. 16.
f5 Comp. Luke xxii. 20, where it U called
the cup after supper."
86 Matt. xxvi. 30; Mark xiv. 26.
Sect. VI.
The Passover.
263
(/.) Mode and Order of the Paschal Meal. — Adopting as much from Jew-
ish tradition as is not inconsistent or improbable, the following appears to
have been the usual custom : — All work, except that belonging to a few trades
connected with daily life, was suspended for some hours before the evening
of the fourteenth Nisan. It was not lawful to eat any ordinary food after
midday. No male was admitted to the table unless he was circumcised,
even if he was the seed of Israel." Neither, according to the letter of the
law, was any one of either sex admitted who was ceremonially unclean :^*
but this rule was on special occasions liberally applied. The Rabbinists ex-
pressly state that women were permitted, though not commanded, to par-
take ; but the Karaites, in more recent times, excluded all but full-grown
men. It was customary for the number of a party to be not less than ten.
When the meal was prepared, the family was placed round the table, the
paterfamilias taking a place of honor, probably somewhat raised above the
rest. There is no reason to doubt that the ancient Hebrews sat as they were
accustomed to do at their ordinary meals. Our Lord and His Apostles con-
formed to the usual custom of their time, and reclined. ^^ When the party
was arranged, the first cup of wine was filled, and a blessing was asked by
tlie head of the family on the feast, as well as a special one on the cup. The
bitter herbs were then placed on the table, and a portion of them eaten, cither
with or without the sauce. The unleavened bread was handed round next,
and afterward the lamb was placed on the table in front of the head of tho
family. Before the lamb was eaten the second cup of wine was filled, and
the son, in accordance with Ex. xii. 26, asked his father the meaning of the
feast. In reply, an account was given of the sufferings of the Israelites in
Egypt, and of their deliverance, with a particular explanation of Deut. xxvi.
5, and the first part of the HalleP° was sung. This being gone through, the
lamb v/as carved and eaten. The third cup of wine was poured out .«ind
drunk, and soon afterward the fourth. The second part of the HalleP^ was
then sung. A fifth wine-cup appears to have been occasionally produced,
but perhaps only in later times. What was termed the greater HalleP^ was
sung on such occasions. The Israelites who lived in the country appear to
have been accommodated at the feast by the inhabitants of Jci-usalem in
their houses, so far as there was room for them.^^ Those who could not bo
received into the city encamped without the walls in tents, as the pilgrims
now do at Mecca.
{g.) The first Sheaf of Harvest. — Tlie oflfering of the Omer, or sheaf, is
mentioned nowhere in the law except Lev. xxiii. 10-14. It is there com-
manded that when the Israelites reached the land of promise, they should
bring, on the sixteenth of the month, " the morrow after the Sabbath " {i. e.,
the day of holy convocation),^* the first sheaf of the harvest to the priest, to
be waved by him before the Lord. The sheaf was of barley, as being the
grain which was first ripe.***
Qi.) The Chagigah. — The daily sacrifices are enumerated in the Pentateuch
87 Ex. xii. 48. 88 Num. ix. 6.
89 Luke xxiL 14, etc. »" Pa. cxiii. cxiv.
91 Pi. cxv.-cxviii.
5" Ps. cxx.-cxxxviii.
83 Lnke xxii. 10-12 ; Mutt. xxvi. IS.
9* This sense of Sabbath is -vrell establish-
ed ; but the opinion, tliat the calendar was
so arranged as to make the first of Nisan,
and therefore tlie fifteentli, fall on the weekly
Sabbath, deserves consideration.
85 2 K. iv, 42.
264: 2'he Pentecost. Appendix.
only in Num. xxviii. 19-23, but reference is made to tliem Lev. xxiii. 8. Be-
sides these public ofFvirings, there was another sort of sacrifice connected wiili
the Passover, as well as with tlic other great festivals, called in the Talmud
Chagigak, i.e., "festivity," It was a voluntary peace-oftering made by pri-
vate individuals. The victim might be taken either from the flock or the
herd. It miglit be either male or female, but it must be without blemish.
The offerer laid his hand upon its head, and slew it at the door of the sanc-
tuary. The blood was sprinkled on the altar, and the fat of the inside, with
the kidneys, was burned by the priest. The breast was given to the priest
as a wave -offering, and the right shoulder as a heave-oftering.^'^ What re-
mained of the victim might be eaten by the offerer and his guests on the day
Qn which it was slain, and on the day following; but if any portion was left
till the third day it was burned. ^^ The eating of the Chagigali was an oc-
casion of social festivity connected with the festivals, and especially with the
P.issover.
{i.) Release of Prisoners. — It is a question whether the release of a pris-
oner at the Passover'^*' was a custom of Roman origin resembling what took
place at the lectisternium,®^and, in later times, on the birthday of an emper-
or ; or whether it was an old Hebrew usage belonging to the festival, which
Pilate allowed the Jews to retain.
(Jc.) The Second, or Little Passover. — When the Passover was celebrated
the second year in the wilderness, certain men w^ere prevented from keeping
it, owing to their being defiled by contact with a dead body. Being thus
prevented from obeying the Divine command, they came anxiously to Mo-
ses to inquire what they should do. He was accordingly instructed to in-
stitute a second Passover, to be observed on the fourteenth of the folloAving
month, for the benefit of any who had been hindered from keeping the regu-
lar one in Nisan.^^" The Talmudists called this the Little Passover.^*"
§ 11. (2.) The Pkntecost,^"^ or Harvest Feast, or Feast of Weeks,
may be regarded as a supplement to the Passover; and accordingly its com-
mon Jewish name is Asartha, the concluding assembly. It lasted' only for
one day ; but the modern Jews extend it over two. The people, having at
the Passover presented before God the first sheaf of the harvest, departed to
their homes to gather it in, and then returned to keep the harvest feast be-
fore Jehovah. From the sixteenth of Nisan seven weeks were reckoned in-
clusively, and the next or fiftieth day was the Day of Pentecost, which fell
on the sixth of Sivan (about the end of il/aj/). ^°* The intervening period
included the whole of the grain harvest, of which the wheat was the latest
crop. Its commencement is also marked as from the time when "thou be-
ginnest to put the sickle to the corn."
The Pentecost was the Jewish harvest home, and the people were espe^
»« I^v. iii. 1-5, vii. 29-34. i coT.^ing to the Law, is discussed in the \\\3r-
»7 Lev. vii. IC-IS. toiy of our Lord's life.
»8 Mjitt. xxvii. 15; Mark xv. 6 ; Luke I 102 This Greek name is not the translation
xxli'. 17; Jolin xviii. ij;). [ of any corresponding word in the Pentateuch ;
°° Li\% v. 13. but the later name of the feast, which nat-
"0 Num. ix. 11
101 On the meaning of the Passover, see
JS'o'es and Illustrations at the end of this
urally grew out of the calculation of its in-
terval from tlie Passover.
''3 Ex. xxiii. IG, xxxiv. 22; Lev. xxiii.
pection. The question whether the meat | 15-22 ; Num. xxviii. 2G-31; Dent. xvi. 9-
at whicli our Lord instituted the Sacrament ! 12; 2 Mace xii. 32; Acts ii. 1, xx. 16; 1 Cor.
of tlie Eucharist was tlie paschal supper ac- ; xvi. 8.
Skct. VI. The Feast of Tabernacles. 265
cially exhorted to rejoice before Jehovah with their families, their servants,
the Levite within their gates, the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow, in
the place chosen by God for His name, as they brought a freewill-offering
of their hand to Jehovah their God.'"* That offering of course included
the Chagigah ; but the great feature of the celebration was the presentation
of the two loaves^ made from the first-fruits of the wheat-harvest, and leaven-
ed, that is, in the state fit for ordinary food. In this point, as contrasted
with the unleavened bread of the Passover, we see the more homely and
social nature of the feast ; while its bounty to the poor is connected with the
law which secured them plenty of gleanings.'"^ With the loaves two lambs
were offered as a peace-offering ; and all were waved before Jehovah, and
given to the priests: th ■ loaves, being leavened, could not be offered on the
altar. The other sacrilices were, a burnt-offering of a young bullock, two
rams, and .seven lambs, with a meat and drink offering, and a kid for a sin-
offering.'"® Till the Pentecostal loaves were offered, the produce of the har-
vest might not be eaten, nor could any other first-fruits be offered. The
whole ceremony was the completion of that dedication of the harvest to God,
as its giver, and to whom both the land and the people were holy, which was
begun by the offering of the wave-sheaf at the Passover. The interval is
still regarded as a religious season.
The Pentecost is the only one of the three great feasts which is not men-
tioned as the memorial of events in the history of tb.e Jews. But such a
significance has been found in the fact, that the Law was given from Sinai
on the fiftieth day after the deliverance from Egypt. '°^ In the Exodus, the
people were offered to God, as living first-fruits ; at Sinai their consecration
to Him as a nation was completed. The point is noticed by several of the
Christian fathers, and the modern Jews connect with the Pentecost special
thanks for the giving of the Law.
The typical significance of the Pentecost is made clear from the events of
the day recorded in the Acts of the Apostles."** The preceding Passover
had been marked by the sacrifice upon the cross of the true Paschal Lamb,
and by his offering to his Father as " the first-fruits of them that slept." The
Day of Pentecost found his disciples assembled at Jerusalem, like the Israel-
ites before Sinai, waiting for " the promise of the Father." Again did God
descend from heaven in fire, to pour forth that Holy Spirit, which gives the
spiritual discernment of His law ; and the converts to Peter's preaching
were the first-fruits of the spiritual harvest, of which Christ had long before
assured his disciples. Just as the appearance of God on Sinai was the birth-
day of the Jewish nation, so was that Pentecost the birthday of the Christian
Church. "As the possession of the Law had completed the deliverance of
the Hebrew race, wrought by the hand of Moses, so the gift of the Spirit per-
fected the work of Christ in the establishment of His kingdom upon earth. "'°*
It has been observed that the Pentecost was the last Jewish feast that Paul
was anxious to keep, "° and that Whitsuntide, its succes.sor, was the first an-
nual festival adopted in the Christian Church.
§ 12. (3.) The Feast of Tabernacles, or Feast of Ingathering, com-
pleted the cycle of the festivals of the year, and was celebrated with great
if* Deut. xvi. 1ft, 11. I de Jure Nat. ct Gent. iii. 11. '"* Acts iL
"5 Lev. xxiii. 2'>. los Lev. xxiii. IS, 19. lo^ Bih. Diet. nrt. Pentecost.
10^ Comp. Ex. xii. anrt xix. ; and Selden, I ^i' 1 Cor. xvi. 8.
M
266
The Feast of Tahernades.
Appendix.
rejoicings. It was at once a thanksgiving for the harvest, and a commemo-
ration of the time when the Israelites dwelt in tents during their passage
through the wilderness. "^ It fell in the autumn, when the whole of the chief
fruits of the ground, the corn, the wine, and the oil, were gathered in."'*
Its duration was strictly only seven days."^ But it was followed by a day
of holy convocation, distinguished by sacrifices of its own, which was some-
times spoken of as an eighth day."'' It lasted from the fifteenth till the
twenty-second of the month of Tisri.
During the seven days the Israelites were commanded to dwell in booths
or huts (tabernacles) formed of the boughs of trees, etc. The boughs were
of the olive, pine, myrtle, and other ti-ees with thick foliage."^ The com-
mand in Lev. xxiii. 40 is said to have been so understood, that the Israelites,
from the first day of the feast to the seventh, carried in their hands "the
fruit " (as in the margin of the A.V., not branches, as in the text) " of good-
ly trees, with branches of palm-trees, boughs of thick trees, and willows of
the brook."
The burnt -offerings of the Feast of Tabernacles were by far more numerous
than those of any other festival. There were offered on each day two rams,
fourteen lambs, and a kid for a sin-offering. But what was most peculiar
was the arrangement of the sacrifices of bullocks, in all amounting to seven-
ty. Thirteen were offered on the first day, twelve on the second, eleven on
the third, and so on, reducing the number by one each day till the seventh,
when seven bullocks only were offered. "° When the Feast of Tabernacles
fell on a Sabbatical year, portions of the law were read each day in public
to men, women, children, and strangers."''
There are two particulars in the observance of the Feast of Tabernacles
which appear to be referred to in the New Testament, but are not noticed in
the Old. These were, the ceremony of pouring out some water of the Pool
of Siloam, and the display of some great lights in the court of the women.
We are told that each Israelite, in holiday attire, repaired to the Temple
with a palm branch in one hand and the citron in the other, at the time of the
ordinary morning sacrifice. One of the priests fetched some water in a
golden ewer from the Pool of Siloam. At the top of the brazen altar were
fixed two silver basins with small openings at the bottom. Wine was pour-
ed into that on the eastern side, and the water into that on the western side,
whence it was conducted by i)ipes into the Cedron. The Hallel"^ was
then sung. In the evening, both men and women assembled in the court
of the women, expressly to hold a rejoicing for the drawing of the water of
Siloam. In this court were set up two lofty stands, eacli supporting four
great lamps. These were lighted on each night of the festival. JNIany in
the assembly carried flambeaux. A body of Levites, stationed on the fifteen
steps leading up to the women's court, played instruments of music, and
chanted the fifteen psalms, called in the Authorized Version Songs of De-
grees."^ Singing and dancing were afterward continued for some time.
The same ceremonies in the day, and the same joyous meeting in the even-
ing, were renewed on each of the seven davs.
m Ex. xxiii. 1(5. and Lev. xxiii, 43.
"2 Ex. xxiii. IC; Lev. xxiii. 39; Dent,
xvi. 13-15. 113 Pent. xvi. 13; Ez. xlv. 25.
1" Lev. xxiii. 30 ; Neh. viii. 18,
115 Nell. viii. 15, 1G,
lis Num. xxix. 12-38.
iiT Deut. xxxi. 10-13. "8 See p. 202.
118 Ps. cxx.^xxxiv.
Sect. VI. The Day of Atonement. 267
It appears to be generally admitted that the words of our Saviour""—
" If any man thirst, let him come unto me and drink. He that believeth
on me, as the Scripture hath said, out of his belly shall flow rivers of living
water" — were suggested by the pouring out of the water of Siloam, The
Jews seem to have regarded the rite as symbolical of the water miraculous-
ly supplied to their fathers from the rock at Meribah. But they also gave
to it a more strictly spiritual signification, in accordance with the use to
which our Lord appears to turn it. Maimonides applies to it the verv' pas-
sage which appears to be referred to it by our Lord"^ — "Therefore with joy
shall ye draw water out of the well of salvation." The two meanings are of
course perfectly harmonious, as is shown by the use which St. Paul makes of
the historical fact"^ — " they drank of the spiritual rock that followed them :
and that rock was Christ." It is also probable that our Lord's words'"^ —
" I am the light of the world " — refer to the great lamps of the festival.
HI. — The Day or Atonement.
§ J3. The Day of Atonement^'* is the one single fast, or day of humili-
ation prescribed by the Mosaic law; whence it is called the Fast, ^'^^ and
by the Talmudists the Day. It was observed on the tenth of Tisri, the sev-
enth sacred and first civil month, five days before the Feast of Tabernacles.
Thus it was interposed between the Feast of Trumpets, which ushered in the
Sabbatic month, and the most joyous festival of the year.
It was kept as a most solemn Sabbath, when all must abstain from work,
and " alflict their souls" on pain of being " cut off from among the people."
Its ceremonies signified the public humiliation of the people for all the sins of
the past year, and the remission of those sins by the atonement which the
high-priest made within the A'eil, whither he entered on this day only. All
the sacrifices of the day wei-e performed by the high-priest himself. He first
washed his body in the Holy Place, and put on his white linen garments, not
the robes of state. "'^ Coming out of the Tabernacle, he first brought for-
Avard the sacrifices for himself and his family, which wer3 provided at his
own cost ; a young bullock for a sin-offering, and a ram for a burnt-offer-
ing. This part of the ceremony set forth the imperfection of the Levitical
priesthood, even in its highest representative. Sanctified by God himself,
washed witli pure water, and clad in spotless garments, the nigh-priest was
the type of the true Intercessor and eternal Priest ; but still, as himself a
sinner, he was infinitely below the "high-priest needed by us, who is holy,
harmless, undcfiled, separate from sinners, who needeth not, as those high-
jyriests, to offer up s^cxi^ca, Jirst for his own sins, and then for the peo-
ple's."^-^
The high-priest then led forward the victims for the people's sins, which
were provided at the public cost. There were a ram for a burnt-offering,
and two young goats for a sin-offering. Presenting the two goats before
Jehovah, at the door of the Tabernacle, he cast lots upon them, the one
lot being inscribed For Jehovah, the other For Azazel. The latter was
called the Scape-goat.
120 John vii. 37, 33. 121 j,,. xii. 3.
122 1 Cor. X. 4. 123 John viii. 12.
12* Lev. xvi., xxiii. 2G-32 ; Num. xxix.
7-11. 125 Acts xxvii. '.>,
^2* The Mislma says, in its account of the
ceremonies of tlie second Temple, that ha
first performed the daily Fervice, namely,
the ?acrifi?ei?, lighting the lamps, and offer-
ing incense, in his colored robes.
127 Heb. vii. 2G-28
268 The Memission of Sins. Appendix.
The victims being thus prepared, the high-priest proceeded to offer the
young bullock as the sin-oftering for himself and his family. Having slain
it at the altar, he took some of its blood, with a censer filled with live coals
from the altar, and a handful of incense : and entering into the Most Hohj
Place, he threw the incense on the coals, thus enveloping the ark in a fragrant
cloud, and partially shrouding it from his own eyes lest he should die for a
profanely-curious gaze, and then sprinkled the blood seven times before the
mercy-seat, on the east side of the ark.'^^
The goat "of Jehovah" was then slain as a sin-offering for the people,
and the high-priest again went into the Most Holy Place and performed
the same ceremonies with its blood. As he returned through the Holy
Place, in which no one else was present, he purified it by sprinkling some of
the blood of both victims on the altar of incense. This completed tlie puri-
fication of the sanctuary, the second stage of the atonement. ^-^
Then followed the remission of the people's sins by the striking ceremony
of devoting the Scape-goat, i\iQ, one on which the lot had fallen ^^for AzazeL"
The high-priest having laid his hands upon its head, and confessed over it
the sins of the people, the victim, loaded as it were with those sins, was led
out, by a man chosen for the purpose, to the wilderness, into " a land not
inhabited," and there let loose. Unwise curiosity has attempted to follow
its fate. Scandalized apparently by the idea of its being free to mix with
other creatures, the llabbis say that the man who had charge of the goat
threw him backward from the top of a precipice, and so dashed him to
pieces, in palpable contradiction of the law. Nor is there any ground for
the beautiful conception of the great painter, who shows us the scape-goat
on the shore of the Dead Sea, expressing the load of its devotion in every
lineament. The simple meaning of the rite is the/«^/ remission of sins ; and
the animal who bore them away was thenceforth as free as the pardoned
sinner. To trace it, or to endeavor to identify it, would be a profanation ;.
just as the idea of remission is expressed by not inquiring for sins, not Jind-
in(] them, casting them behind the back. " As far as the east is from the
west, so far hath He removed our transgressions from us." The " escaped
goat" must be viewed in connection with the one which gave up its life " for
Jehovah;" the death of the one being the price of the liberty of the other;
and both together formed a type of Christ, who, by his death and resurrec-
tion, "took away the sin of the world." This idea of remission seems to be
involved in the name to which the scape-goat was devoted; "for Azazel"
signifying "for complete removal."""
The great ceremony of the remission of sins being thus completed, the
high-priest, after again washing his body in the Holy Place, and resuming
his robes of state, completed the offering of the slain victims. The two rams
were burnt upon the altar, with the fat o^ the two sin-offerings ; but the flesh
12' The Mishna says eight times, once to- I 129 Xothing is said of the purification of
ward the ceiling, and seven times on the I the brazen altar ; but, according to Josephus
floor. It makes /oit>- entrance:", one with the I and the Mishna, what was left of the blood
incense, and a second with the blood of the 1 of the two sin-offerings was poured out at its
bullock, a third with the blood of the goat, foot.
And a fourth to fetch away the censer. Only j i^o 'phe commoner view, which takes Aza-
(wo are implied in Lev. xvi. 1'2, 14, 15. The , zrl for the proper name of an evil spirit, lies
phrase ''once each year" (lleb. vii. 7) evi- 1 nt the root of tlie raisconceptiona above no-
dently refers to the one day and ceremony, j ticed.
not to the number of entraxicea. 1
Sect. VI.
Festivals after the Captivity.
269
of the latter was carried away and burnt without the camp. Those who
performed this office, and the man who had led away the scape-goat, washed
their bodies and their clothes before returning to the camp.
The significance of these types of the true atonement, not by the blood of
hulls and goats, but by the precious blood of Christ himself, our high-priest,
is set forth in the Epistle to the Hebrews. ^^^
IV. — Festivals after the Captivity.
§ 14. (I.) The Feast of Purim, or of Lots, was an annual festival insti-
tuted to commemorate the preservation of the Jews in Persia from the massa-
cre with which they were threatened through the machinations ofllaman.^*^
The festival lasted two days, and was regularly observed on the fourteenth
and fifteenth of Adar. It is not easy to conjecture what may have been
the ancient mode of observance, so as to have given the occasion something
of the dignity of a national religious festival. According to modern custom,
as soon as the stars begin to appear, when the fourteentli of the month has
commenced, candles are liglited up in token of rejoicing, and the people as-
semble in the synagogue. After a short prayer and thanksgiving, the read-
ing of the Book of Esther commences. AVhen tlie reader comes to the
name of Haman the whole congregation cry out, " May his name be blotted
out," or "Let the name of the ungodly perish." When the names of the
sons of Haman are read, ^^^ the reader utters them with a continuous enunci-
ation, so as to make them into one word, to signify that they were hanged all
at once. When the Megillah is read through, the whole congregation ex-
claim, "Cursed be Haman; blessed bo Mordecai ; cursed be Zoresh (the
wife of Haman); blessed be Esther : cursed be all idolaters; blessed be all
Israelites, and blessed be Harbonah, who hanged ILiman." In the morning
service in the synagogue, on the fourteenth, after the prayers, the passage is
read from the law^^* which relates the destruction of the Amalekites, the
people of Agag,^^^ the supposed ancestors of Haman. "° The Book of Esther
is then I'ead again in the same manner, and with the same responses from
tlie congregation as on the preceding evening.
The fourteenth of Adar, as the very day of the deliverance of the Jews,
is more solemnly kept than the thirteenth. But when the service in the
synagogue is over, all give themselves up to merry-making.
§ 15. (2.) The Feast of Dedication was the festival instituted to com-
memorate the purging of the Temple and the rebuilding of the altar after
Judas Maccabaeus had driven out the Syrians, B.C. 1C4. It is named only
once in the Canonical Scriptures, John x. 22. Its institution is recorded in
1 Mace. iv. 52-59. It commenced on the twenty-fifth of Chisleu, the anni-
versary of the pollution of the Temple by Antiochus Epiphanes, B.C. 167.
Like the great Mosaic feasts, it lasted eight days, but it did not require at-
fendance at Jerusalem. It was an occasion of much festivity. The writer
of 2 Mace, tells us that it was celebrated in ncarlv the same manner as the
131 Chap, ix.-x.
122 It was probably called Purim by the
Jews in irony. Their great enemy Haman
appears to have been very superstitious and
much given to casting lots (Esth. iii. T).
They gave the name Purim, or Lots, to the
Commemorative festival, because he had
tlirown lots to ascertain what day would be
auspicious for him to cany into efi'ect the
bloody decree which tlie king had issued at
his instance (Esth. ix. 24).
133 Esth. ix. T, 8, 9. is* Ex. xviL o-\Q,
135 1 Sam. XV. 8.
136 Esth. iii. 1.
270
Notes and Illustrations.
Appendix.
Feast of Tabernacles, with the carrying of branches of trees, and with much
singing (x. 6, 7). Josephus states that the festival was called "Lights.*-
In the Temple at Jerusalem the " Hallel " was sung every day of the feast.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
(A.) MEANING OF THE FASS-
OVEK.
In the interpretation of this most
significant of all the types of the
Mosaic dispensation, we must trace
the double reference to its immediate
occasion and to its wider spiritual
meaning ; its twofold aspect, to the
devout Israelite then, and to the
Christian now. The following are
the chief and obvious points : many
more have been suggested by the
sometimes too refined ingenuity of
commentators.
I. In its jmmary meaniruj, — (1.)
The Faschal Lamb was a sacrifice.
The chief characteristics of a sacrifice
are all distinctly ascribed to it. It
was offered in the Holy Flace (Deut.
xvi. 5, 6) ; the blood was sprinkled
on the altar, and the fat was burned
(2 Chron. xxx. 10, xxxv. 11). The
language of Ex, xii. 27, xxiii. 18;
Num. ix. 7; Deut. xvi. 2, 5, together
with 1 Cor, V. 7, would seem to decide
the C[uestion beyond the reach of
doubt. The lamb, the gentlest of all
creatures, must be without hlevrisb, to
teach, not only the general principle
of offering our best to God, but also the
special doctrine, that an expiatory
sacrifice must be that of the innocent
for the guilty.
(2,) The Faschal Lamb was also a
feast. Even amid the confusion of
that awful night, they ate it with joy
for their deliverance. But it was also
their last feast in Egypt, from whose
"flesh-pots" they were now forever
parting. The bread which they had
not had time to leaven, the bitter
herbs, their haste, and their travelling
equipment, all taught them that it was
no season of sensual pleasure, and
that henceforth they were dependent
on God alone for food,
II, In its perpetual spiritual sense :
Christ OUR Fassover is sacrificed
FOR US (I Cor, v, 7). The blood of
the first paschal lambs sprinkled on
the doorways of the houses has ever
been regarded as the best defined fore-
shadowing of that blood which has
redeemed, saved, and sanctified us
(Heb. xi. 28). The lamb itself, sac-
rificed by the worshiper without the
intervention of a priest, and its flesh
being eaten without reserve as a meal,
exhibits the most perfect of peace-of-
ferings, the closest type of the aton-
ing Sacrifice who died for us and has
made our peace with God (Is. liii, 7 ;
John i, 29 ; cf. the expression " my
sacrifice," Ex. xxxiv. 25; also Ex.
xii. 27 ; Acts viii, 32 ; 1 Cor. v, 7 ;
I Fet. i. 18, 19). The unleavened
bread is recognized as the figure of
' the state of sanctification which is the
[ true element of the believer in Christ
I (1 Cor. v, 8). The haste with which
I the meal was eaten, and the girt-up
loins, the staves and the sandals, are
fit emblems of the life of the Christian
pilgrim, ever hastening away from the
I world toward his heavenly destination
'(Luke xii. 35; 1 Fet. i. 13, ii. 1 1 :
|Eph. V. 15; Heb. xi. 13).
The offering of the Omer (see p.
263) found full expression only in
that First-born of all creation, who,
Sect. VI.
Notes and Illustrations.
271
having died and risen again, became
" the first-fi'uits of them that slept"
(I Cor. XV. 20). As the first of the
first-fruits, no other ottering of this
sort seems so likely as the Omer to
have immediately suggested the ex-
pressions used (Rom. viii. 23, xi. 16;
James i. 18 ; Rev. xiv. 4).
The crowning application of the
paschal rites to the truths of which
they were the shadowy promises ap-
pears to be that which is afforded by
the fact that our Lord's death occurred
during the festival. According to
the Divine purpose, the true Lamb of
God was slain at nearly the same
time as "the Lord's Passover," in
obedience to the letter of tlie Law.
(B.) THE JEWISH CALENDAR.
The Jewish year being strictly lu-
nar, and the day of the new moon
common to the preceding and suc-
ceeding month, the correspondences
with our month vary in different
years according to the intercalation.
Generally speaking, the months ap-
pended below to the Jewish are to be
taken with ten days (or less) of the
jtreceding month ; but sometimes the
overrunning is the other way. For
example, according to the present cal-
endar of the Jews, the 1st of Nisan
fell on March 21st., April 7th, and
March 28Mi, in 1863, 18G4, and 1865,
respectively.
(B.) THE JEWISH CALENDAll.
COEBEBPONDTNG DaTES FOR ThEEE YeAES.
Jewibfi Cat.emd\e.
A.M. 5323.
A.i>. 1S63.
A.M. 5624.
A.D. 18J4.
A.M. 5325.
A.n. 1SG5.
(In the Sacred Order of tlie Months.?
Mar. 21
Apr. 4, 5, 10, U
Apr 19
Apr. 7
Apr. 21, 22, 27, 28
Mar.
Apr.
28
11,12,17,18
I. ABIB or NISAN. April.
1. New Moon.
15, 10, 21, 22. Bassover Days, 1, 2, 7,
last.
39. New Moon.
Apr. 20
Apr 29
May 7
May "4
Apr.
May
27 :.
14
II. JYAR (Yiali). May.
1. New Moon.
10. Death of Elijah (Lag B' Omer).
Fast.
12.
May 1
May 17
'.8. Death of Samuel. Fast.
May 19 1
30. New Moon.
May 19
May 24,25...
June 17
May
May
26
31, June 1.
III. SI VAN. June.
June 10,11
G, 7. Pentecost or Sebuoth.
30. New Moon.
June IS
July 5
July 17
July 20
July 31
July 5
July 21
Aug. 3
Aug. 11
June
July
July
Aug.
25
11
24
1
IV. THAMMUZ. July.
1. New Moon.
17. Taking of Jerusalem by Titus,
Fast.
V. AB. August.
1. New Moon.
9. Destruction of Temple. Fast.
15. Tubeah. Little Festival.
Aug. 15
30. New Moon.
Aug. 16
Au"'. 22
Sept. 2
Aug.
VI. ELUL. September.
1. New Moon.
7. Dedication of Walla by Nehemiah.
Sept. 1
Fcafit.
17. Expulsion of the Greeks.
■ITl
Laios of the Jews.
(B.) THE JEWISH CALENDAR— CoJifmJtfcf.
Appendix,
COKREBPONDING DaTES FOK TcREE YEARS.
A.M. 5024.
A.I), 1S63-4.
A.M. 56-25.
A I). 1S64-5.
Sept. 14,15.
•Sept. 16
Sept. 23
Sept. 28,29..
Oct. 1
Oct. 4
Oct. 5
Oct. 6
Oct. 14.
Nov. 12...
Dec. 6. . .
Dec. 11.
Dec. 20..
1SG4.
Jan. 9..
A.M. 562J.
A.n. 1SC5-6.
1,2 Sept. 21,22.
3 ISept. 24.
10....
15,16.
Feb. 8. . . .
Feb. 21 1
Oct,
Oct.
Oct,
Oct.
Xov.
Dec,
Dec.
Jan,
Jan.
Feb,
Sept, 30....
Oct. 5, 6. .
Oct. 11
12
30..,
24..
30...
18_5.
Mjir, 9 '
Mar. 21 'Mar.
Mar. 22, 23...! Mar.
9....
12,13,
Apr.
Oct.
13
Oct.
21
Nov.
Dec.
19
13
Dec.
19
Dec.
Jan.
28
isac.
17
Jewish Calendar.
(B-iginniug of Civil Year.)
VII. TISRI. October.
1, 2. New Year and New Moon.
3. Death of Gedaliah. Fad.
10. Kipiir. Day of Atonement. Fasu
15,10. Feast OF Tabernacles.
18. Hosanna Rabba.
21. Feast of Branches or of Palms.
22. End of Feast of Tabernacles,
23. Feast of tlie LaAv.
VIII. CHESVAN (?>Iarchesvan). No.
veniber.
1. New Moon.
IX. CHISLEU. December.
1. New Moon.
25. Ilaniica. Dedication of Temple.
X. TIIEBET. January.
1. Now ]SIoon.
10. Siepre of Jerusalem. Fast.
XI. SEBAT. February.
1. New Moon.
Xil. ADAR. March.
1. New Moon.
14. Little Purim.
XII.* VEADAR (Intercalary.) letter
part of March and beginning of
April.
1. New Moon.
13. Feast of Esther.
14, 15. Feast of Purim and Shusham
Purhn.
Last Day of the Y''ear.
Mem.— The Jewish year contains 354 days, or 12 lunations of the moon ; but in a cycle of 19 years an in-
tercalary month ( Vtadar) is seven times introduced to render the average length of the year nearly correct.
SECTION VII.
Laws Constitutional, Civil, and Criminal.
§ 1. — B. Laws Constitutional ani> Political : First Stage— The government theocratic-
5 2. Second Stage^Continuance of tlie theocracy — The Judges. § 3. Third Stage — Ap
polntinjent of a king. § 4. Tlie princes of the congregation. § 5. Judges. § 6. The
neventy elders. 5 7. — C. Laws Citil: I. /^nras of persons — Father and Son. § 8. Hus-
band and wife. § 9. Master and slave. § 10. Strangers. § 11. — II. Laivs of thi7igs-~
Lavts of land and property. § 12. Laws of debt. § 13. Ta.xation. § 14. — D. Laws
Criminat — Offenses against God — The first four Commandments. § 15. Offensea
against man — The last six Commandments.
B. LAWS CONSTITUTIONAL AND POLITICAL.^
§ ]. The Political Constitution of the Jewish Commonwealth, as we have
seen, is founded entirely upon a religious basis. In its form it is Theocrat-
1 The Laws Religious and CJeremonial have formed the subject of the preceding six sec*
tions. For the division of the law, see p. 223.
Sect. VII. Government of tlie Judges and Kings. 27b
ic — a vionarclty , with Jehovah for the only king, all magistrates and judges
being His ministers : in its substance and spirit^ it is a cominomvealth, in the
strict sense, its object being the liighest welfare of the whole people, who en-
joy equal rights as being all the childi-en of God, and united by the bond of
lioliness. The formal constitution grew out of the wants of the people.
When the people left Egypt, they could not be called a nation, in the politi-
cal sense; but a body of tribes, nnited by the bonds of grace and religion,
and especially by " the promise given to the fathers."
Each of these tribes had its own patriarchal government by the "princes"
of the tribe, and the " heads " of the respective families, and we find their
authority subsisting through the whole history of the nation. But no cen-
tral government was as yet provided. God preserved it in his own hands,
and committed its administration to Moses as His servant. The people
were all collected in one encampment around the tabernacle of Jehovah,
their ever present king. They were commanded by His voice, whether di-
rectly or through Moses, and their movements were guided by His visible
signs. If acy doubtful case arose of law or policy, there was His oracle to
be consulted. If any opposition was made to the authority of His minister,
Jehovah summoned the rebels to His presence at the door of the tabernacle,
smote them with leprosy, consumed them with pestilence, devoured them
with fire, or sent them down alive into the pit. Such was the simple con-
stitution of tins period ; God governing by His will, while embodying that
will in the Law.
§ 2. In the second stage of their history, their first settlement in Canaan,
the constitution was essentially the same. Jehovah was still their king,
present in His tabernacle to exercise the supreme government, and to give
oracles for all doubtful cases, and committing the executive power to Joshua,
who is distinctly recognized as the successor of Moses, only he was a
military leader instead of a lawgiver. He ends his course, like Moses, by
gathering the people together at Gilgal, around the sanctuary of Jeho-
vah, and binding them once more to the covenant of their God and
King.
All this time, no distinct provision had been made in the Law for any
successor to tlie authority of Moses and Joshua, except the prospective law
of the kingdom, which does not yet come into force. Nor is it easy to de-
termine the form which the Theocracy would have assumed, had the people
remained faithful to its principles ; whether a hierarchy, or a senate of the
princes, or the government of a chief magistrate, not as a king in his own
right, but as the vicegerent of Jehovah. By omitting to refer the case to
the oracle of Jehovah, the nation settled down into a disorderly compound
of the first and second forms, so far as they had any central government at
all. But, in truth, the several tribes were so occupied in securing their new
possessions, that it required a common danger to bring them together at all.
Meanwhile they neglected the sanctuary, and began to worship the gods of
the country ; and so their oppressions by the neighboring nations were at
once the fruit of their disunion, and a judicial punishment for their disloy-
alty to Jehovah.
'£\ie. judges were temporary and special deliverers, sent by God to meet
these several emergencies, not supreme magistrates, succeeding to the author-
ity of Moses and Joshua. Their power only extended over portions of the
M 2
271 Administration of Justice. Appendix.
country, and some of them were contemporaneous.^ Still they supi)licd. to
some extent, the want of a chief magistrate ; and the house of Gideon found-
ed a brief dynasty in the centre of the country. But the only recognized cen-
tral authority was still the oracle at Shiloh, which sunk into a system of priest-
ly weakness and disorder under Eli and his sons. Even while the administra-
tion of Samuel gave something like a settled government to the south, there
was scope for the irregular exploits of Samson on the borders of the Philis-
tines ; and Samuel at last established his authority as judge and prophet,
but still as the servant of Jehovah, only to see it so abused by his sons as to
exhaust the patience of the people, who now at length demanded a King,
after the pattern of the surrounding nations.
§ 3. This demand was treated as an act of treason to Jehovah, who pun-
ished it by granting such a king as they desired. The government of Saul
was an experiment, in which the self-will of the king was ever attempting
to set him free from his true position as the minister of the theocracy ;
and Jehovah's supreme authority was as constantly asserted by the inter-
vention of His prophet Samuel, and finally by Saul's disastrous end and the
extinction of his family.
The monarchy of the people's own choice being thus cast down, "God
found David, the son of Jesse, a man after God's own heart" (that is, of
His own choice) ; and his elevation marks the establishment of the true He-
brew vionarchy, in which the king, though externally on an equal footing
with other monarchs, acknowledged himself the servant of Jehovah, and the
guardian of His law, and submitted to guidance and rebuke by the prophets.
This constitution was designed to reconcile, in condescension to the wants
of the people, the government of man with the authority of God, and so to
be a type of Clirist's kingdom. How hard it was for human nature to con-
form to this model was proved by Solomon, wliose character exhibits both
the good and bad sides of royal power; and the same conflict was worked
out in the separate kingdoms of Israel and Judah ; the former developing
the consequences of open rebellion against Jehovah, though checked by the
prophets, especially Elijah and Elisha, the latter preserving the profession
of godliness, and having its true spirit from time to time revived by su(;h
kings as Hezekiah and Josiah, and privileged to continue the line of Mes-
siah's kingdom, but surely though slowly tending to the retribution of the
people's original disloyalty, in the captivity at Babylon. The lesson was so
far elfective, that the principle of the theocracy was never again violated till
Herod's usurpation, which only formed a contrast to the kingdom of Christ
now "at hand."
The state of things thus exem])lified was provided for in the law of
Moses ; and there can be no better example of the prospective adaptation
of the law to the people's wants. Even while forbidding them to desire a
king, because Jehovah was their king already, Moses traced out the con-
stitution of the future kingdom.^ The king was to be chosen by God him-
self. The manner in which he was elected and anointed is seen in the
cases of Saul and David, Solomon, and several of the later kings. The
principle of a covenant or viutual contract between the king and the people
is distinctly recognized.'*
The positive law of the kingdom was summed up in the one great dut^
a See chap. xvii. 3 Dent, xvi, 14-20, ' 2 Sam. v. 3 ; 2 K. xi. 17.
Sect. VIL
Administration of Justice.
275
of governing according to the law of God, of which the king was to write
out a co])y in a bool<, and read therein all the days of his life, that by his
obedience his kingdom and life might be prolonged. He was warned
against assuming despotic authority over his brethren ; and we find the
princes and the congregation not only using remonstrance/ but exercising
control over him.® He was forbidden to maintain a cavalry force — a check
on aggressive warfare, designed especially to guard against any attempt to
return to Egypt.'' Neither was he to have many wives or great treasures;
and the case of Solomon is an example of the fatal effect of transgressing
this prohibition. To these laws of Moses the first king added the preroga-
tive of compulsory service, of making war, and of exacting a tithe. ^ From
the first, the king assumed judicial power, and exercised summary juris-
diction, even to the extent of deposing the high-priest.^ In religious mat-
ters, he might guide the nation, as in building and dedicating the Temple,
but the attempt to enter the sanctuary was punished as impiety, as in Uz-
ziah's case.
§ 4. The Princes of the Congregation, or heads of tribes, seem to have al-
ways retained a certain power in the State, in the desert they appear as
representatives of their several tribes. They unite with Joshua in making
the treaty with the Gibeonites.^" Under David they are named next to
the captains of the host.^^ In later times, as already stated, they are found
controlling the king.
§ 5. The Judges. — There can be no doubt that, in the old patriarchal con-
stitution, justice was administered, as among the Arabs to the present day,
by the heads of houses or "patriarchal seniors.'*'^ In Egypt these must
have been the only judges among the people ;^^ and from the important
place afterward assigned to them, it may be inferred that they never quite
forfeited this privilege." Their authority was superseded by the mission of
Moses, for justice was regarded as proceeding from God himself. But
when, finding the burden of justice too great for him, he appointed judges
over tens, fifties, hundreds, and thousands, with an appeal to himself, these
official judges seem to have been chosen out of the former class. ^^ Under
Joshua we find a similar order of judges, forming a supreme court of judi-
cature.^° These seem to be the judges to whom, in conjunction with the
priests, there was an appeal from the inferior magistrates ;" but in what
manner they were chosen we are not informed, except in the case of the ref-
ormation of government by Jehoshaphat.^" They were required to be able,
godly, truthful, and incorrupt ;^^ their persons and characters were sacred
from attack or slander, and they are dignified with the title of "gods."^*
The Levites were associated with them, as local judges, from the settle-
ment in Canaan. The supreme judicial authority was vested in the higli-
]>riest, as the organ for "inquiring of Jehovah," and under the monarchy
in the king. There seems to have been no material distinction between
6 1 K. xii. 1-6.
^ Jerem. xxvi. 10-14, xxxviii. 4, 5, etc.
■^ Deut. xvL 16; comp. Josh. xi. 6; 3 Sam.
viii. 4 ; 1 K. X. 26-29. 8 i g^ni. viii. foil.
» 1 Sam. xxii. 11-19; 2 Sam. xii. 1-5, xiv.
4-11; 1 K. ii. 26-27, iii. 16-2S.
" Josli. ix. 15. m Chr. xxvii. 16-22.
" Job xxix. 7, S, 9, \^ Seg K.v. ii. 14.
H Num. vii. 2, 10, 11, xvii. 6, xxxiv. 13;
Josh. xxii. 14.
15 p:x. xriii. ; Deut. i. 15, 16.
i« Josh. iv. 2, 4, xxii. 14, xxiv. 1.
17 Deut. xvii. S-13. i<* 2 Chr. xix. 8.
19 Ex. xviii. 21; Deut. xvi. lS-20.
20 Ex. xxi. 6, xxii. 8, 9, 28; Ps. Ixxxii. 6;
John X. 34; Acts xxili. 5,
276 Laws Civil. Appendij:.
civil and criminal procedure, as both fell under the same principle of obe^
dience to God's law.
§ G. The Seventy Elders associated with Moses were a special council, not
only for the administration of justice, but to assist in the government.^
They must not be confounded Avitli the Sanhedrim, or great ecclesiastical
council of Seventy (so often mentioned in the New Testament), which was
only founded after the Captivity.
C. LAWS CIVIL.
§ 7. It has already been observed that the principles of the civil law or
Moses are based on the religious position of the people, as the holy children
of God and brethren to one anotlier. Its details doubtless embodied much
of the old patriarchal law, and in some instances the circumstances are re-
corded out of which new laws arose. Our limits will permit us to give only
a brief analysis of these laws, as well as of the criminal laws. Their chief
provisions may be classified as follows : —
I. The Law of Persons.
§ 8. (a) Of Father and Son, — The power of a Father to be held sacred ;
cursing, or smiting (Ex. xxi. 15, 17; Lev. xx. 9), or stubborn and willful
disobedience, to be considered capital crimes. But uncontrolled power of
life and death was apparently refused to the father, and vested only in the
congregation (Dent. xxi. 18-21).
Right of the First-horn to a double portion of the inheritance not to be set
aside by partiality (Deut. xxi. 15-17).-'^
Inheritance by Davghters to be allowed in default of sons, provided that
heiresses married in their own tribe (Num. xxvii. 6-8 ; comp. xxxvi.).
Daughters unmarried to be entirelv dependent on their father (Num. xxx.
3-5).
§ 9. (I)) Husband and Wife. — The power of a Husband to be so great that
a wife could never be sui juris, or enter independently into any engagement
even before God (Num. xxx. 6-15). A widow or divorced wife became in-
dependent, and did not again fall under her father's power (ver. 9),
Divorce (for uncleanness) allowed, but to be formal and irrevocable (Deut.
xxiv. 1-4).
Man-iage ivithin certain degrees forbidden (Lev. xviii. etc.).
A Slave Wife, whether bought or captive, not to be actual property, nor
to be sold ; if ill-treated, to be, ipso facto, free (Ex. xxi. 7-9 ; Deut. xxi.
10-U).
Slander against a wife's virginity to be punished by fine, and by deprival
of power of divorce ; on the other hand, ante-connubial uncleanness in her
to be punished by death (Deut. xxii. 13-21).
The raising up of seed (Levirate law) a formal right to be claimed by the
widow, under pain of infamy, with a view to preservation of families (Deut-
XXV. 5-10).
§ 10. (c) Master and Slave. — Power of master so far limited, that death
-1 Num. xi. lG-25. i first-boin, see 1 Sara. xx. £9 ("^my brother,
■<i2 For an example of the authority of the ' he hath commanded roe to be there").
Sect. VI L Laws Civil. 277
nnder actual chastisement was punishable (Ex. xxi. 20) ; and maiming waa
to give liberty ipsofacio (ver. 26, 27).
The Hebrew Slave to he freed nt the Sabbatical yeai-j^^nnd provided with
necessaries (his wife and children to go with him only if they came to his
master with him), unless by his own formal act he consented to be a perpet-
ual slave (Ex. xxi. 1-6 ; Deut. xv. 12-18). In any case (it would seem), to
be freed at the Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 10), with his children. If sold to a resi-
dent alien, to be always redeemable, at a price proportional to the distance
if the Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 47-54).
Foreign Slaves to be held and inherited as property forever (Lev. xxv. 45,
46) ; and fugitive slaves from foreign nations not to be given up (Deut.
xxiii. 15).
§ 11. {d) Strangers. — They seem never to have been sid juris, or able to.
protect themselves, and accordingly protection and kindness toward them are
enjoined as a sacred duty (Ex. xxii. 21 ; Lev. xix. 33, 34). These strangers
correspond to the class afterward called Prosehjtes.
II. Law of Things.
§ 12. (a) Laws of Land (and Property). — (1.) All Land to he the prop^
erly of God alone, and its holders to be deemed His tenants (Lev. xxv. 23).
(2. ) All sold Land therefore to return to its original owners at the Jubilee,
and the price of sale to be calculated accordingly ; and redemption on
equitable terms to be allowed at all times (xxv. 25-27).
A House sold, to be redeemable within a year ; and, if not redeemed, to pass
away altogether (xxv. 29, 30).
But the Houses of the Levites, or those in unwalled villages, to be redeem-
able at all times, in the same way as land ; and the Levitical suburbs to be
inalienable (xxv. 31-34).
(3.) Land or Houses sanctified, or tithes or unclean firstlings, to be capable
of being redeemed, at the addition of one-fifth their value (calculated accord-
ing to the distance from the Jubilee-year by the priest) ; if devoted by the
owner and unredeemed, to be liallowed at the Jubilee forever, and given to
the priests ; if only by a possessor, to return to the owner at the Jubilee
(xxvii. 14-34).
(4.) Inheritance.
1 ,
I I !
(1) Sons. I
(2) Daughters.'^* \
(3) Brothers.
(4) Uncles on the father'' s side.
(4) yext kinsmen, generally.
§ 13. (h) Laws of Debt. — (1.) All Debts (to an Israelite) to be released at
the 7th (Sabbatical) year ; a blessing promised to obedience, and a curse on
refusal to lend (Deut. xv. 1-11).
(2.) Usury (from Israelites) not to be taken (Ex. xxii. 25-27 ; Deut.
xxiii. 19, 20).
(3.) Pledges not to be insolently or ruinously exacted (Deut. xxiv. 6, 10-13,
17, 18).
-3 The difficulty of enforcing this law is seen I 24 Heiresses to marry in their own triba
in Jer. xxxiv. 8-16. I (Num. xxvii 6-8,xxxvL).
278 Laws Civil. Appendix.
§ 14. (c) Taxation, — (1.) Census-money, a poll-tax (of a half-shekel) to be
paid for the service of the tabernacle (Ex. xxx. 12-16).
All spoil in war to be halved ; of the combatant's half, 5^0^^^' °^ ^^^®
people's, 3\ith, to be paid for a " heave-oftering " to Jehovah.
(2.) lithes/
(a) Tithes of all produce to be given for maintenance of the Levites
(Num. xviii. 20-2-1).
(Of this, Jjjth to be paid as a heave-oftering for maintenance of
the ])riests, Exod. xxx. 24-32.)
(/3) Second Tithe to be bestowed in religious feasting and charity,
either at tlie Holy Place, or every 3d year at home (?) (Deut. xiv.
22-28).
(>') First- fruits of corn, wine, and oil (at least Jj^tli, generally J^th, for
the priests) to be offered at Jerusalem, with a solemn declaration
of dependence on God the King of Israel (Deut. xxvi. 1-15 ; Num.
xviii. 12, 13).
Firstlings of clean beasts; the redemption-money (5 shekels) of man,
and (half-shekel, or one shekel) of unclean beasts, to be given to the
priests after sacrifice (Num. xviii. 15-18).
(3.) Poor Laics.
(a) Gleanings (in field or vineyard) to be a legal right of the poor
(Lev. xix. 1), 10; Dent. xxiv. 19-22).
(3) Slight Trespass (eating on the spot) to be allowed as legal (Deut.
xxiii. 24, 25).
(>') Second Tithe (see 2 j3) to be given in charity.
(c5) Wages to be paid day by day (Deut. xxiv. 15).
(4.) Maintenance of Priests (Num. xviii. 8-32).
(a) Tenth of Levites' Tithe. (See 2 a.)
(f-i) 'The heave and ivave offerings (breast and right shoulder of all
peace-ofterings).
(7) The meat and sin offerings to be eaten solemnly, and only in the
Holy Place.
(0) First-fruits and redemption-money. (See 2 7.)
(f) Price of all devoted things, unless specially given for a sacred ser-
vice. A man's service, or that of his household, to be redeemed
at 50 shekels for man, 30 for woman, 20 for boy, and 10 for girl.
D. LAWS CRIMINAL.
§ 15. (u) Offekses against God (of the nature of treason). — First Com-
viandment. — Acknowledgment of false gods (Ex. xxii. 20), as, e. (7., Moloch
(Lev. XX. 1-5), and generally all idolatry (Deut. xiii., xvii. 2-5).
Second Commandment. — Witchcra/tanii/alse prophecy (Ex. xxn. 18; Deut.
xviii. 9-22; Lev. xix. 31).
Third Commandment. — Bla.'i}>hemy (Lev. xxW. 15, 16).
Fourth Commandment. — Sabbath-breaking (Nmn. xv. 32-36). — Punishment,
in all cases, death by stoning. Idolatrous cities to be utterly destroyed.
§ 16. (6) Offenses against Man. — Fifth Commandment. — Disobedience to,
or cursing or smiting of parents (Ex. xxi. 15, 17 ; Lev. xx. 9 ; Deut. xxi.
18-21), to be punished by deatli by stoning, publicly adjudged and inflicted;
Sect. VII. Lciios Civil. 279
so also of disobedience to the priests (as judges) or Supreme Judge. — Comp.
1 K. xxi. 10-14: (Naboth) ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 21 (Zechariah).
Sixth Commandment. — (1.) Murder, to be punished by death without sanc-
tuary or reprieve, or satisfaction (Ex. xxi, 12, 14 ; Deut. xix. 11-13). Death
of a slave actually under. the rod to be punished (Ex. xxi. 20, 21). (2.)
Death by Negligence to be punished by death (Ex. xxi. 28-30). (3.) Acd-
dental Homicide, the avenger of blood to be escaped by flight to the cities
of refuge till the death of the high-priest (Num. xxxn''. 9-28 ; Deut. iv. 41-
43, xix. 4-10). (4.) Uncertain Murder, to be expiated by formal disavowal
and sacrifice by the elders of the nearest city (Deut. xxi. 1-9). (5.) Assault
to be punished by lex talionis, or damages (Ex. xxi. 18, 19, 22-25 ; Lev.
xxiv. 19, 20).
Seventh Commandment. — (1.) Adultery to be punished by death of both
offenders ; the rape of a married or betrothed woman, by death of the offend-
er (Deut. xxii. 13-27). (2.) Rape or Seduction of an unbetrothed virgin, to
be compensated by marriage, with dowry (50 shekels), and without power
of divorce ; or, if she be refused, by payment of full dowry (Ex. xxii. 16, 17 ;
Deut. xxii. 28, 29). (3.) Unlaiv/ul Mar?-iages (incestuons, etc.) to be punish-
ed, some by death, some by childlessness (Lev. xx.).
Eighth Commandmc7it. — (1.) The/t to be punished by fourfold or double res-
titution ; a nocturnal robber might be slain as an outlaw (Ex. xxii. 1-4).
(2.) Trespass and injury of things lent to be compensated (Ex. xxii. 5-15).
(3.) Perversion of Justice (by bribes, threats, etc.), and especially oppression
of strangers, strictly forbidden (Ex. xxiii. 9, etc.). (4.) Kidnapping to be
punished by death (Deut. xxiv. 7).
Ninth Commandment. — False Witness to be punished by lex talionis (Ex.
xxiii. 1-3 ; Deut. xix. lG-21). Slander of a wife's chastity by fine, and loss
of power of divorce (Deut. xxii. 18, 19).
Tenth Commandment. — The sin of coveting could not be brought under the
scope of a definite criminal law. But the numerous acts of meanness, injus-
tice, oppression, and unkindness, which are its consequences, are repeated-
ly forbidden, and their punishment is referred to the curse which God would
bring on the disobedient. Indeed the final and highest system of rewards
and punishments is to be found in the " Blessing and the Curse" which Mo-
ses set before the people.
BOOK IV.
JOSHUA TO SAUL; OK, TRANSITION FROM THE THEOCRACY
TO THE MONARCHY. A.M. 2r)r)3-29^8. B.C. 1451-101)5.
CHAPTER XV.
THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOLY LAXD.
§ 1. Names of the land. § 2. Its size. § H, Its position on the map of the
Avorld. § 4. Its mountainous character. § 5. Divided by jNIount Car-
mel— Plain of Esdraelon. § G. Exact limits of the Holy Land— Galilee,
Samaria, Judaea. § 7. The water-shed of the country and the valleys
on each side. § 8. Aspect of the south country (Judia). § 9. Aspect
of JudcTea in ancient times. § 10. Aspect of the central country
(Samaria), § 11. Aspect of the northern countrv (Galilee). § 12.
Habitations of the Israelites on the hills. § 13. The maritime plains—
The Philistine Plain and the Plain of Sharon. § U. The Philistine
Plain continued independent of the Israelites. § 15. The port of the
Israelites — Jojipa. § IG. The Jordan. § 17. Appearance of the coun-
try to the Israelites.
§ 1. Before accompanyiiii^ tlie Israelites into the Z>a?id of
I^romise,' it will be well to take a brief survey of its pliysi-
' Heb. xi. 9.
Chap. XV.
A'ames of tlie Holy Land.
281
cal features, since they exercised an important influence upon
the history of the chosen peoj^le. But first as to its name.
The name of the " Holy Land," which has been most fre-
quently used to designate the country from the Middle Ages
down to our own time, occurs but once in Scripture.^ The
name of "Palestina" or "Palestine," which was applied to
the country soon after the Christian era, is used in Scripture
as equivalent to " Philistia," or the land of the Philistines.^
The ordinary names by which the land is designated in the
Bible are the following : —
(1.) During the Patriarchal Period, the Conquest, and the
Age of the Judges, and also where those early periods are re-
ferred to in the later literature,^ it is spoken of as " Canaan,"
or more frequently " the land of Canaan," meaning thereby
" the country west of the Jordan, as opposed to " the land
of Gilead" on the east.^
(2.) During the Monarchy the name usually, though not
frequently, employed, is " the land of Israel."" It is Eze-
kiel's fovorite expression. The pious and loyal aspirations
of Hosea find vent in the expression " land of Jehovah."^ In
Zechariah it is, as we have already seen, "the Holy Land ;""
and in Daniel " the glorious land."' Occasionally it appears
to be mentioned simply as " the land ;" as in Ruth i. 1 ;
^Zech. ii. 12.
^ rnlestina and Palestine occur in
tlic Authorized Version but four times
iti all, always in poetical passages:
the first in Ex. xv. 14, and Is. xiv.
21), 31 ; the second, Joel iii. 4. In
each case the Hebrew is Pelesheth, a
word found, besides the above, only
in Ps. Ix. 8, Ixxxiii. 7, Ixxxvii. 4, and
cviii, 9, in all which our translators
have rendered it by "Philistia" or
"Philistines." The apparent ambi-
pnity in the different renderings of the
A. V. is in reality no ambiguity at
all, for at the date of that translation
"Palestine" was synonymous with
"Philistia." Thus Milton, with his
usnal accuracy in such points, men-
tions Dagon as
"Dreaded throujjh the coast
Of Palestine, in Gath and Ascalon,
And Accaron and Gaza's frontier hounds" —
{Par. Lost, i. 464),
and again as
" That twice-battered god of Palestine"—
{IJi/mn on Nat. V. 9).
* Ps. cv. 11.
'•' Thus : " Our little ones and our
wives shall be here in the cities of
Gilead .... but we will pass over
armed into the land of Canaan "
(Num. xxxii. 26-32), and see xxxiii.
51 : " Phineas .... returned from
the children of Reuben and the chil-
dren of Gad out of the land of Gilead
into the land of Canaan to the chil-
dren of Israel " (Josh. xxii. 32. See
also Gen. xii. 5, xxiii. 2, 19, xxxi.
18, xxxiii. 18, xxxv. 6, xxxvii. 1,
xlviii. 4, 7, xlix. 30 ; Num. xiii. 2, 1 7,
xxxiii. 40, 51 ; Josh. xvi. 2; Judg.
xxi. 12).
" 1 Sam. xiii. 19; 2 K. v. 2, 4, vi.
23; 1 Chrnn. xxii; 2 Chron. ii. 17.
Of course this must not be confound-
ed with the same appellation as ap-
plied to the northern kingdom only
(2 Chron. xxx. 25 ; Ex. xxvii. 17).
'' Hos. ix. 3 ; comp. Is. Ixii. 4, etc.,
and indeed Lev. xxv. 23, etc.
«Zech. ii. 12.
»Dan. xi. 41.
282 Position of the Holy Land. Chap. XV.
Jer. xxii. 27; 1 Mace. xiv. 4 ; Luke iv. 25, and perlir.ps even
xxiii. 44.
(3.) Between the Ca23tivity and the tmie of our Lord the
name " Judaea " had extended itself from the southern por-
tion to the whole of the country, even that beyond Jordan.'"
In the Book of Judith it is applied to the portion between
the plain of Esdraelon and kSamaria,'' as it is in Luke ;'^
though it is also used in the stricter sense of Judaea proper,'*
that is, the most southern of the three main divisions west
of Jordan. In this narrower sense it is employed through-
out the 1st Book of Maccabees.'*
(4.) The Roman division of the country hardly coincided
with the biblical one, and it does not appear that the Romans
had any distinct name for that which we understand by Pal-
estine. •
§ 2. The Holy Land is not in size or physical characteris-
tics proportioned to its moral and historical position, as the
theatre of the most momentous events in the world's history.
It is but a strip of country about the size of Wales, less than
140 miles in length, and barely 40 in average breadth, on the
very frontier of the East, hemmed in between the Mediterra-
nean Sea on the one hand, and the enormous trench of the
Jordan Valley on the other, by which it is eftectually cut
oft' from the main-land of Asia behind it. On the north it is
shut in by the high ranges of Lebanon and Ante-Lebanon, and
by the chasm of the Litany. On the south it is no less en-
closed by the arid and inhospitable deserts of the ujDper part
of the Peninsula of Sinai.
§ 3. Its position on the map of the world— as the world
was when the Holy Land first made its appearance in histo-
ry—is a remarkable one. (1.) It is on the very outpost—
on the extremest western edo-e of the East. On the shore
of the Mediterranean it stands, as if it had advanced as far
as possible toward the West, separated therefrom by that
Avhich, when the time arrived, proved to be no barrier, but
the readiest medium of communication— the wide waters of
the " Great Sea." Thus it was open to all the gradual m-
fluences of the rising communities of the West, Avhile it was
saA'ed from the retrogression and decrepitude which have ul-
timately been the doom of all purely Eastern States whose
connections were limited to the East only. (2.) There was,
however, one channel, and but one, by which it could reach
and be reached by the great Oriental empires. The only
'« Matt. xix. 1 ; Mark x. 1. I '' John iv. 3, vii. 1. " See espe-
'' Judith xi. 11). "- Luke xxiii. 5. ! cially ix. 50, x. 30, 38, xi. 84.
Cn.vi'. XV'. Description of the Holy Land. 283
road by which the two great rivals of the ancient world
could approach one another — by which alone Egypt could
get to Assyria, and Assyria to Egypt — lay along the broad
riat strip of coast which formed the maritime portion of the
Holy Land, and thence by the plain of the Lebanon to the
Euphrates. (3.) After this, the Holy Land became (like the
Netherlands in Europe) the convenient arena on which, in
successive ages, the hostile powers Avho contended for the
empire of the East fought their battles.
§ 4. It is essentially a mountainous country. Not that it
contains independent mountain chains, as in Greece, for ex-
ample, but that every part of the highland is in greater or
less undulation. But it is not only a mountainous country.
The mass of hills which occupies the centre of the country is
bordered or framed on both sides, east and west, by a broad
belt of lowland, sunk deep below its own level. The slopes
or cliffs which form, as it were, the retaining walls of this
depression, are furrowed and cleft by the torrent beds which
discharge the waters of the hills, and form the means of
communication between the upper and lower level. On the
west this lowland interposes between the mountains and the
sea, and is the Plain of Philistia and of Sharon. On the
east it is the broad bottom of the Jordan Valley, deep
down in Avhich rushes the one river of Palestine to its grave
in the Dead Sea.'^ Such is the first general impression of
the physiognomy of the Holy Land. It is a physiognomy
compounded of the three main features already named — the
plains, the highland hills, and the torrent beds : features
which are marked in the Avords of its earliest describers,^^ and
which must be comprehended by every one who wishes to
understand the country, and the intimate connection existing
between its structure and its history. In the accompanying
sketch-map (p. 285) an attempt has been made to exhibit
these features with greater distinctness than is Usual, or per-
liaps possible, in maps containing more detail.
§ 5. About half-way up the coast the maritime plan is sud
denly interrupted by a long ridge thrown out from the cen-
tral mass, rising considerably above the general level, and
terminating in a bold promontory on the very edge of the
Mediterranean. This ridge is Mount Carmel. On its upper
side, the plain, as if to compensate for its temporary displace-
ment, invades the centre of the country and forms an undula-
ting hollow right across it from the Mediterranean to the Jor-
*^ See §§ 15, 18. ^^ Num. xiii. 29 ; Josh. xi. 16, xii. 8.
284: Description of the Holy Land. Chap, XV.
dan Valley. This central lowland, which divides with its
broad depression the mountains of Ephraim from the moun-
tains of Galilee, is the PlxUN of Esdraelon or Jezreel, the
great battle-field of Palestine. North of Carmel the lowland
resumes its position by the sea-side till it is again interrupted,
and finally put an end to, by the northern mountains wdiich
push their way out of the sea, ending in the white promon-
tory of the Mas N^akhiira. Above this is the ancient Phoeni-
cia. Behind Phoenicia — north of Esdraelon, and enclosed be-
tween it, the Litany^ and the upper valley of the Jordan — is
a continuation of the mountain district, rising gradually in
occasional elevation until it reaches the main ranges of Leba-
non and Ante-Lebanon (or Hermon), as from their lofty heights
they overlook the whole land below them.
§ 6. The country thus roughly portrayed, and which, as
before stated, is less than 140 miles in length, and not more
than 40 in average breadth, is, to all intents and purposes, the
Avhole land of Israel. The northern portion is Galilee ; the
centre, Samaria; the south, Judaea. This is the land of
Canaan which was bestowed on Abraham ; the covenanted
home of his descendants. The two tribes and a half remained
on the uplands beyond Jordan ;'^ and the result was, that
these tribes soon ceased to have any close connection with
the others, or to foi-m any virtual part of the nation. But
even this definition might without impropriety be further cir-
cumscribed ; for during the greater part of the Old Testa-
ment times the chief events of the history were confined to
the district south of Esdraelon, which contained the cities of
Hebron, Jerusalem, Bethel, Shiloh, Shechem, and Samaria, the
Mount of Olives, and Mount Carmel. The battles of the Con-
quest and the early struggles of the era of the Judges once
passed, Galilee subsided into obscurity and unimportance till
the time of Christ.
§ 7. The highland district, surrounded and intersected by
its broad lowland plains, preserves from north to south a re-
markably even and horizontal profile. Its average height
may be taken as 1500 to 1800 feet above the Mediterranean.
It can hardly be denominated a plateau, yet so evenly is the
general level preserved, and so thickly do the hills stand be-
hind and between one another, that, when seen from the coast
or the western part of the maritime plain, it has quite the ap
pearance of a wall. This general monotony of profile is, how-
ever, accentuated at intervals by certain centres of eleva-
'' See pp. 200, 210.
;ip of l\cle;liu.
Chap. XV. Descrii:)tion of the Hohj Land. 287
tion.^* Between these elevated points runs the water-shed of
the country, sendmg oft' on either hand — to the Jordan Valley
on the east, and the Mediterranean on the west — the long
tortuous arms of its many torrent beds. The valleys on the
two sides of the water-shed differ considerably in character.
Those on the east are extremely steep and rugged. This is
the case during the whole length of the southern and middle
portions of the country. It is only when the junction between
the plain of Esdraelon and the Jordan Valley is reached, that
the slopes become gradual, and the ground ht for the ma-
noeuvres of any thing but detached bodies of foot-soldiers.
But, rugged and difficult as they are, they form the only ac-
cess to tlie upper country froin this side ; and every man, or
body of men, who reached the territory of Judah, Benjamin,
or Ephraim, from the Jordan Valley, must have climbed one
or other of them. The western valleys are more gradual in
Section of the Country from Jaffa to tlie Mountains of Moab.
their slope. The level of the external plain on this side is
higher, and therefore the fall less, while at the same time the
distance to be traversed is much greater. Here, again, the
valleys are the only means of communication between the
lowland and tlie highland. From Jaffa aiid the central part
of the plain there are two of these roads " going up to Jeru-
salem ;" the one to the right by Ramleh and the Wady Aly ;
the other to the left by Lydda, and thence by the Beth-'horons,
or the Wady Sideimcui, and Gibeon. The former of these is
modern, but the latter is the scene of many a famous incident
in the ancient history.
§ 8. When the highlands of the country are more closely
examined, a considerable difference Avill be found to exist in
the natural condition and appearance of their different por-
'® Beginnin{T from the south, these
elevations are, Hebron, 3029 feet
above the Mediterranean ; Jerusalem
Bethel, 2400 ; SinjH 2685 ; Ebal and
Gerizim, 2700; "'Little Hermon "
and Tabor (on the north side of the
2610; and Mount of Olives, 2724, plain of Esdraelon), 1900 ^ Sajtd,
with Nehy Samwilon the north, 2650 ; 2775 ; Jebel Jurmuk, 4000.
258 Description of the Holy Land. Chap. XV.
tions. Tlie south, as being nearer the arid desert, and farther
removed from the drainage of the mountains, is drier and less
productive than the north. The tract below Hebron, which
forms the link between the hills of Judah and the desert, was
known to the ancient Hebrews by a term originally derived
from its dryness {Negeb). This was the south country.
As the traveller advances north of this tract there is an im-
provement ; but perhaps no country equally cultivated is
more monotonous, bare, or uninviting in its aspect, than a
great part of the highlands of Judah and Benjamin during
the largest portion of the year. The spring covers even
those bald, gray rocks with verdure and color, and fills the
ravines Avith torrents of rushing water ; but in summer and
autumn the look of the country from Hebron up to Bethel is
very dreary and desolate. At Jerusalem this reaches its cli-
max. To the west and north-west of the highlands, where
the sea-breezes are felt, there is considerably more vegetation.
Hitherto we have spo.ken of the central and northern por-
tions of Judaea. Its eastern portion — a tract some nine or
ten miles in width, by about thirty-five in length — which in-
tervenes between the centre and the abrupt descent to the
Dead Sea, is far more wild and desolate, and that not for a
portion of the year only, but throughout it. This must have
been always what it is now — an uninhabited desert, because
uninhabitable.
Xo descriptive sketch of this part of the country can be
complete Avhich does not allude to the caverns, characteristic
of all limestone districts, but here existing in astonishing
numbers. Every hill and ravine is pierced with them, some
very large, and of curious formation — perhaps partly natural,
partly artificial — others mere grottoes. Many of them are
connected with most important and interesting events of
the ancient history of the country. Especially is this true of
the district now nnder consideration. Machpelah, Makkedah,
Adullam, Engedi, names inseparably connected with the lives,
adventures, and deaths of Abraham, Joshua, David, and other
Old Testament worthies, are all within the small circle of the
territory of Judtea. Moreover, there is perhaps hardly one
of these caverns, however small, which has not at some time
or other furnished a hiding-place to some ancient Hebrew
from the sweeping incursions of Philistine or Amalekite.
The bareness and dryness which prevail more or less in
Judsea are oWing partly to the absence of the wood, partly
to its proximity to the desert, and partly to a scarcity of wa-
ter, arisinor from its distance from the Lebanon. But to this
CiiAP. XV. Description of the Holy Land. 289
discouraging aspect there are some imjDortant exceptions.
The valley of tl'tds, south of Bethlehem, contains springs
which in abundance and excellence rival even those of JVa-
bMs ; the huge " Pools of Solomon " are enough to supply a
district for many miles round them ; and the cultivation now
o-oino; on in that nei2:hborhood shows what mio:ht be done
with a soil which requires only irrigation and a moderate
amount of labor to evoke a boundless produce.
§ 9. It is obvious that in the ancient days of the nation,
when Judah and Benjamin possessed the teeming population
indicated in the Bible, the condition and aspect of the coun-
try must have been very different. Of this there are not
wanting sure evidences. There is no country in Avhich the
ruined towns bear so large a proportion to those still exist-
ing. Hardly a hill-top of the many within sight that is not
covered with vestiges of some fortress or city. But, besides
this, forests appear to have stood in many parts of Judtea un-
til the repeated invasions and sieges caused their fall ; and
all this vegetation must have reacted on the moisture of the
climate, and, by preserving the water in many a ravine and
natural reservoir Avhere now it is rapidly dried by the fierce
sun of the early summer, must have influenced materially the
look and the resources of the country.
§ 10. Advancing northward from Judrea, the country (Sama-
ria) becomes gradually more open and pleasant. Plains of
good soil occur between the hills, at first small, but afterward
comparatively large. The hills assume here a more varied
aspect than in the southern districts, springs are more abun-
dant and more permanent, until at last, when the district of
Jebel JVciblus is reached — the ancient Mount Ephraim — the
traveller encounters an atmosphere and an amount of vege-
tation and water which is greatly superior to any thing he
has met with in Judrea, and even sufficient to recall much of
the scenery of the West. Perhaps the springs are the only
objects which in themselves, and aj^art from their associations,
really strike an English traveller with astonishment and ad-
miration. Such glorious fountains as those of Ain-jaMd or
the Has el-Mukdtta^ where a great body of the clearest water
wells silently but swiftly out from deep blue recesses worn
in the foot of a low cliff of limestone rock, and at once forms
a considerable stream, are very rarely to be met with out
of irregular, rocky, mountainous countries ; and being such un-
usual sights, can hardly be looked on by the traveller without
surprise and emotion. The valleys whicli lead down fi-om the
upper level in this district to the valley of the Jordan are
290 Description of the Holy Land. Chap. XV.
less precipitous than in Judaea. The eastern district of the Je-
belNctblus contains some of the most fertile and vahiable spots
in the Holy Land. Hardly less ricli is the extensive region
which lies north-west of the city of Shechem (N(iblils),he-
tween it and Carmel, in which the mountains gradually break
down into the plain of Sharon. But with all its richness,
and all its advance on the southern part of the country, there
is a strange dearth of natural wood about this central dis-
trict. It is this which makes the wooded sides of Carmel
and the park-like scenery of the adjacent slopes and plains so
remarkable.
§ 11. No sooner, however, is the plain of Esdraelon passed,
than a considerable improvement is perceptible. The low
hills which spread down from the mountains of Galilee, and
form the barrier between the plains of Akka and Esdraelon,
are covered with timber, of moderate size, it is true, but of
thick vigorous growth, and pleasant to the eye. Eastward of
these hills rises the round mass of Tabor, dark with its copses
of oak, and set off by contrast with the bare slopes of Jebelel-
Dahy (the so-called " Little Hermon") and the white hills of
Nazareth. North of Tabor and Nazareth is the plain of M-
Buttaiif an upland tract hitherto very imperfectly described,
but api)arently of a similar nature to Esdraelon, though much
more elevated. The notices of this romantic district in the
Bible are but scanty ; in fact, till the date of the New Testa-
ment, when it had acquired the name Galilee, it may be said,
for all purposes of history, to be hardly mentioned. And
even in the New Testament times the interest is confined to
a very small portion — the south and south-west corner, con-
taining Nazareth, Cana, and Nain, on the confines of Esdrae-
lon, Capernaum, Tiberias, and Gennesareth, on the margin of
the lake.
§ 12. Few things are a more constant source of surprise to
the stranger in the Holy Land than the manner in which the
hill-tops are, throughout, selected for habitation. A town in
a valley is a rare exception. On the other hand scarce a sin-
gle eminence of the multitude always in sight but is crowned
with its city or village, inhabited or in ruins, often so placed
as if not accessibility but inaccessibility had been the object
of its builders. And indeed such was their object. These
groups of naked forlorn structures, piled irregularly one over
the other on the curve of the hill-top, are the lineal descend-
ants, if indeed they do not sometimes contain the actual re-
mains, of the " fenced cities, great and walled up to heaven,"
which are so frequently mentioned in the records of the Is-
Chap. XV.
Description of the Holy Lomd.
291
raelite conquest. These hill-towns were not what gave the
Israelites their main difficulty in the occupation of the coun-
try. Wherever strength of arm and lleetness of foot avail-
ed, there those hardy warriors, fierce as lions, sudden and
swift as eagles, sure-footed and fleet as the wild deer on the
hills,'' easily conquered. It was in the plains, where the
horses and chariots of the Canaanites and Philistines had
space to manoeuvre, that they failed in dislodging the aborig-
ines. " Judah drove out the inhabitants of the mountain, but
could not drive out the inhabitants of the valley, because
they had chariots <>f iron . . . neither could Manasseh drive
out the inhabitants of Bethshean . . . nor Megiddo," in the
plain of Esdraelon ..." nor could Ephraim drive out the
Canaanites that dwelt in Gezer," on the maritime plain near
Ramleh ..." nor could Asher drive out the inhabitants of
Accho " . . . " and the Amorites forced the children of Dan
into the mountain, for they would not sufler them to come
down into the valley.'"" Thus in this case the ordinary con-
ditions of conquest were reversed — the conquerors took the
hills, the conquered kept the plains. To a people so exclu-
sive as the Jews there must have been a constant satisfac-
tion in the elevation and inaccessibility of their highland re-
gions. This is evident in every page of their literature,which
is tino;ed throus^hout with a highland coloring. The "moun-
tains " were to'" bring peace,"" the " little hills, justice to the
people :" when plenty came, the corn was to flourish on the
" top of the mountains."" In like manner the mountains w^ere
to be joyful before Jehovah when He came to judge His peo-
ple." What gave its keenest sting to the Babylonian con-
quest, was the consideration that the " mountains of Israel,"
the " ancient high places," were become a " prey and a de-
rision ;" wdiile on the other hand, one of the most joyful cir-
cumstances of the restoration is, that the mountains " shall
yield their fruit as before, and be settled after their old es-
tates."" We have the testimony of the heathens that in
their estimation Jehovah was the " God of the mountains,"'"
and they showed their appreciation of the fact by fighting,
when possible, in the lowlands. The contrast is strongly
brought out in the repeated expression of the psalmists.
" Some," like the Canaanites and Philistines of the lowlands,
" put their trust in chariots, and some in horses ; but we "-^
we mountaineers, from our " sanctuary " on the heights of
" I Chron. xii. 8 ; 2 Sam. i. 23, ii.
18. ^° Judg. i. 19-35.
^' Ps. Ixxii. 3. 16.
2-Ps. xcviii.8.
"Ezek. xxxvi. 1,8, 11.
^ I K. XX. 28.
292 Description of the Holy Land. Chap. XV.
^' Zion " — " will remember the name of Jehovah our God,"
" the God of Jacob our Father," the shepherd-Avarrior, whose
only weapons w^ere sword and bow — the God who is noAV a
high fortress for us — " at Avhose command both chariot and
horse are fallen," " w^ho burnetii the chariots in the JSre.""
§ 13. A few words must be said in general description of
the maritime lowland, which intervenes betw^een the sea and
the highlands. This region, only slightly elevated above the
level of the Mediterranean, extends without interruption from
El-Avish.^ south of Gaza, to Mount Carmel. It naturally di-
vides itself into two portions, each of about half its length :
— the lower one the wdder ; the upper one the narrower. The
lower half is the plain of the Philistines — Philistia, or, as the
Hebrew^s called it, the Shefelah^ or low^land. The upper half
is the Sharon or Saron of the Old and New Testaments. The
Philistixe Plain is on an average fifteen or sixteen miles in
w^idth from the coast to the first beginning of the belt of hills,
which forms the gradual approach to the high land of the
mountains of Judah. The larger towns, as Gaza and Ashdod,
which stand near the shore, are surrounded with huge groves
of olive, sycamore, and palm, as in the days of King David.^"
The whole plain appears to consist of brown loamy soil, light,
but rich, and almost without a stone. It is now, as it was
when the Philistines possessed it, one enormous cornfield ; an
ocean of wheat covers the wide expanse between the hills
and the sand dunes of the sea-shore, without interruption of
any kind — no break or hedge, hardly even a single olive-tree.
Its fertility is marvellous; for the prodigious crops which
it raises are produced, and probably have been produced al-
most year by year for the last forty centuries, without any
of the appliances which we find necessary for success. The
Plain of Shakon is much narroAver than Philistia. It is
about ten miles wdde from the sea to the foot of the mount-
ains, Avhich are here of a more abrupt character than those of
Philistia, and Avithout the intermediate hilly region there oc-
curring.
§ 14. It is probable that the Israelites never permanently
occupied more than a small jjortion of this rich and favored
region. Its principal towns Avere, it is true, allotted to the
different tribes -^^ but this AA^as in anticipation of the intended
conquest.^^ The five cities of the Philistines remained in their
possession ;"" and the district Avas regarded as one independ-
-* Ps. XX. 1, 7, xlvi. 7-11, Ixxvi. 2, 1 " Josh. xv. 45-47, xvi. 3, Gczer ;
G. -" 1 Chron. xxvii. 28. |xvii. 11, Dor, etc.
=^ Josh. xiii. 3-G. '^ 1 Sam. v. xxi. 10, xxvii.
Chap. XV.
Description of the Holy Land.
293
ent of and apart from Israel.'" In like manner Dor remained
in the hands of the Canaanites,^^ and Gezer in the hands of
tlie Philistines till taken from them in Solomon's time by his
father-in-law.^" We find that toward the end of the mon-
archy the tribe of Benjamin was in possession of Lydd, Jimzu,
Ono, and other places in the plain ;^^ but it was only by a
gradual process of extension from their native hills, in the
rough ground of which they were safe from the attack of
cavalry and chariots. But, though the Jews never had any
hold on the region, it had its own population, and towns
probably not inferior to any in Syria. Both Gaza and Aske-
lon had regular ports. Ashdod, though on the oj^en plain, re-
sisted for twenty-nine years the attack of the whole Egyp-
tian force : a similar attack to tliat which reduced Jerusalem
without a blow,^* and was sufficient on another occasion to
destroy it after a siege of a year and a half, even when forti-
fied by the works of a score of successive monarchs,^^
§ 15. Tlie one ancient port of the Jews, the "beautiful"
city of Joppa, occupied a position central between the Shef-
elah and Sharon. Iloads led from these various cities to each
other, to Jerusalem, Neapolis, and Sebaste in the interior, and
to Ptolemais and Gaza, on the north and south. The com-
merce of Damascus, and, beyond Damascus, of Persia and In-
dia, passed this way to Egypt, Rome, and the infant colonies
of the West ; and that traffic, and the constant movement of
troops backward and forward, must have made this plain one
of the busiest and most populous regions of Syria at the time
of Christ.
§ 16. The cliaracteristics already described are hardly pe-
culiar to Palestine. Her hilly surface and general height,
her rocky ground and thin soil, her torrent beds wide and
dry for the greater part of the year, even her belt of mari-
time lowland — these she shares Avith other lands, though it
would perhaps be difficult to find them united elsewhere.
But there is one feature, as yet only alluded to, in which she
stands alone. This feature is the Jordax — the one river of
tlie country. The valley through which the Jordan rushes
down its extraordinary descent begins with the river at its
remotest springs of Hasheiya, on the N. W. side of Hermon,
and accompanies it to the lower end of the Dead Sea, a length
of about 150 miles. During the whole of this distance its
course is straight, and its direction nearly due north and
^ 1 Snm. xxvii. 2; IK. ii. 39; 2
K. viii. 2, 3. " Judg. i. 27.
^2 1 K. ix. 16.
Neh. xi. 3-i ; 2 Cliron. xxviii.
^' 2 Chron x
2 K. XXV. 1-3.
29i Descrqjtion of the Holy Land, Chap. XV.
south. The springs of Hasbeiya are 1700 feet above the level
of the Mediterranean, and the northern end of the Dead Sea is
1317 feet below it, so that between these two jioints the val-
ley foils with more or less regularity through a height of more
than 3000 feet. But though the river disapj^ears at this
point, the valley still continues its descent below the waters
of the Dead Sea till it reaches a further depth of 1308 feet.
So that the bottom of this extraordinary crevasse is actually
more than 2600 feet below the surface of the ocean. In
width the valley varies. In its upper and shallower portion,
as between Banias and the Lake of Merom {HCileh)^ it is about
five miles across. Between the Lake of Merom and the Sea
of Galilee it contracts, and becomes more of an ordinary ra-
vine or glen. It is in its third and lower portion that the
valley assumes its more definite and regular character. Dur-
ing the greater part of this portion, it is about seven miles
wfde from the one wall to the other. The eastern mountains
preserve their straight line of direction, and their massive
horizontal wall-like aspect, during almost the whole distance.
The western mountains are more irregular in height, their
slopes less vertical. Xorth of Jericho they recede in a kind
of wide amphitheatre, and the valley becomes twelve miles
broad, a breadth Avhich it thenceforward retains to the south-
ern extremity of tlie Dead Sea. Buried as it is between such
lofty ranges, and shielded from every breeze, the climate of
the Jordan Valley is extremely hot and relaxing. Its enerva-
ting influence is shown by the inhabitants of Jericho. All
the irrigation necessary for the towns, or for the cultivation
which formerly existed, is obtained from the torrents and
springs of the western mountains. For all purposes to which
a river is ordinarily applied, the Jordan is useless. So rapid
that its course is one continued cataract ; so crooked that, in
the whole of its lower and main course, it has hardly half a
mile straight ; so broken with rapids and other impediments,
that no boat can swim for more than the same distance con-
tinuously ; so deep below the surfixce of the adjacent country
that it is invisible, and can only with difticulty be approach*
ed; resolutely refusing all communication with the ocean,
and ending in a lake, the peculiar conditions of which render
navigation impossible — with all these characteristics, the Jor-
dan, in any sense which we attach to the word " river," is no
river at all : — alike unless for irrigation and navigation, it is
in fact, what its Arabic name signifies, nothing but a " great
watering-place."
The Dead Sea, which is the final receptacle of the Jordan,
Chap. XV. Description of the Holy Land. 295
is about 46 miles in length, and 10^ miles in its greatest
width. The depression of its surface, and tlie dejith which
it attains below that surface, combined with the absence of
any outlet, render it one of the most remarkable spots on the
globe. The surface of the lake is 1316 feet below the level
of the Mediterranean at Jaffa, and its greatest depth 1308
feet.
§ 17. Monotonous and unviting as much of the Holy Land
will appear from the above description to English readers,
accustomed to the constant verdure, the succession of flow-
ers, lasting almost throughout the year, the ample streams
and the varied surface of our own country, we must remem-
ber that its aspect to the Israelites after that weary march
of forty years through the desert, and even by the side of
the brightest recollections of Egypt that they could conjure
lip, must have been very different. After the " great and
terrible wilderness," with its " fiery serpents," its " scorpi-
ons," " drought," and " rocks of flint " — the slow and sultry
march all day in the dust of that enormous procession— the
eager looking forward to the Avell at which the encampment
was to be pitched — the crowding, the fighting, the clamor,
the bitter disappointment round the modicum of water when
at last the desired spot Avas reached— the " light bread " so
long " loathed " — the rare treat of animal food when the
quails descended, or an approach to the sea permitted the
" fish " to be caught ; after this daily struggle for a painful
existence, how grateful must have been the rest aflbrded by
the land of yjromise ! — how delicious the shade, scanty
though it were, of the hills and ravines, the gushing springs
and green plains, even the mere wells and cisterns, the vine-
yards and olive-yards and " fruit-trees in abundance," the
cattle, sheep, and goats, covering the country with their long
black lines, the bees swarming round their pendant combs in
rock or wood ! Moreover, they entered the country at the
time of the Passover, when it was arrayed in the full glory
and freshness of its brief spring-tide, before the scorching sun
of summer had had time to wither its flowers and embrown
its verdure. Taking all these circumstances into account,
and allowing for the bold metaphors of Oriental speech, it is
impossible not to feel that those way-worn travellers could
have chosen no fitter Avords to express what their new coun-
try was to them than those which they so often employ in
the accounts of the conquest — " a land flowing with milk and
honey, the glory of all lands," v
Jericho.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE CONQUEST AND DIVISION OF THE HOLY LxVND. B.C. 1451-
1426.
§ I. Joslina, the leader of Israel. § 2. Two s])ics sent to Jericho, and saved
by llahab. § 3. Passage of tlie Jordan. § 4. Circumcision and Pass-
over at GiLGAL — Cessation of rhe iManna— State of the country. § 5.
Jehovah appears to Joshua — Jericho taken, and devoted to Jehovah —
The curse on the city, and the l^lessing on Raliab. § 6. Sin of Achan
and capture of Ai — Ivesults of the first campaign — The blessing and
the curse at Shecliem. § 7. The Gibeonites obtain a treaty by a strat-
agem. § 8. Confederacy of five kings against Gibeon — Battle of Beth-
boron — Conquest of the south. § 9. Confederacy of the north under
Jabin — Conquest of the whole laud — Considerable exceptions. § 10.
Division of the land east of Jordan — Keuben, Gad, Manasseh. §11.
West of Jordan — Judah, Ephraim, Manasseli. § 12. The Tabernacle
setup at Shiloh — Possessions of Benjamin, Simeon, Zebulun, Issachar,
Asher, Naphtali, and Dan — Lot of Joshua. § 13. Cities of Refuge
and of the Levites. § 14. Altar of the two-and-a-half tribes — The
schism healed. § 15. Last exhortations of Joshua. § IG. The cove-
nant renewed at Shechem — Deaths of Joshua and Elcazar — Burial of
Josej)h's bones — Bright period of national fidelity.
B.C. 1451. Joshua Leader of Israel. 297
§ 1. Moses, the lawgiver, vv^as succeeded by Joshua, tne
military chief, on whom devolved the work of leading the
people into their inheritance, and giving them " rest."^ He
was the son of ]S"un, of the tribe of Ephraim." His name at
first was Oshea {helj) or Saviour) , ^Yh.\c\\ Moses changed, by
prefixing the name of Jehovah, to Joshua,^ that is, God is the
Saviour ; and this name, so descriptive of his work, was a
type of the higher work, of Jesus, in " saving his people from
their sins."* He was probably above eighty years of age,
having been above forty at the beginning of the wandering
in the wilderness.^ He had grown up to mature age in the
state of Egyptian bondage ; he had shared the experience and
trials of the wilderness, as the chosen servant of Moses; he
had proved his military capacity at Rephidim and in the con-
quest of the land east of Jordan ; and his steadfast obedience
at Kadesh, when he stood alone with Caleb, " faithful among
the faithless ;" and he lived for about twenty-five years more
to finish his allotted work. These three periods of his life
thus embrace the whole history of the moulding of the na-
tion from its state of hopeless bondage, when Moses fled to
Midian, till Gt)d " brought them in and planted them in the
mountain of his inheritance."^ His character was in accord-
ance with his career : a devout warrior, blameless and fear-
less, Avho has been taught by serving as a youth how to com-
mand as a man ; who earns by manly vigor a quiet, honored
old age ; who combines strength with gentleness, ever look-
ing up for and obeying the Divine impulse with the simplici-
ty of a child, while he wields great power, and directs it calm-
ly, and without swerving, to the accomplishment of a high
unselfish purpose. He is one of the very few worthies of the
Old Testament on whose character there is no stain, though
his history is recorded with unusual fullness. We have al-
ready noticed his ap23ointment and consecration as the suc-
cessor of Moses.
§ 2. As soon as the mourning for Moses was ended, God
appeared to Joshua, and commanded him to lead the people
over Jordan, with a renewed description of their land, an as-
surance of victory, an exhortation to courage and to obe-
dience maintained by meditation on the book of the law, and
a promise of God's presence.'' Joshua prepared the host
^ Heb. iv. 8. = ^ ^hron. vii. 27.
^ The fuller form is Je.hosh.ua ; an-
other form is Jeshua,- and in Greek
tlie name is Jesus, as in Acts vii. 45 ;
Heb. iv. 8. * Matt. i. 21.
X 2
* The Jewish tradition made him
eighty -five : Joseph. Ant. v. 1, § 29,
which agrees with his age at hil
death, Josli, xxiv. 29.
"Ex. XV. 17. ^ Josh. i. 1-10.
298 Conquest of the Holy Land. Chap. XVI.
a<^ainst the third day, and summoned the two tribes and a
half to perform their promise of marching in the van. He
had ah-eady sent two spies to Jericho, which was to be the
first object of attack. This great city® stood in a spacious
plain, about six miles west of Jordan, and opposite to the
camp of Israel, in the midst of a grove of noble palm-trees,
whence it was called "Jericho, the city of palms."^ It had a
"king," like all the great cities of Canaan. The description
of its spoil proves the wealth it derived from its position on
the high road of the commerce that passed from the East over
the Jordan to Philistia and Egypt ; and the "goodly Baby-
lonish garment" in particular attests its use of the products
of the Chaldoean capital. It appeared to possess advantages
for a capital far exceeding those of Jerusalem, to which it
might have become a formidable rival, but for the curse laid
upon it by Joshua. It was strongly fortified and well guard-
ed, the gates being shut at night. ^^ The houses on the walls
indicate the solidity of the walls themselves.
The two spies were received into one of these houses by a
harlot named Rahab, in whose mind the terror that had fall-
en on the Canaanites, when they heard all that God had
done for Israel, had produced belief in Jehovah, as the God of
heaven and of earth, and in his i:>urpose to give them the land.
In this faith she hid the spies; misdirected the ofiicers of the
king, who came in search of them, and sent them out of the
city in fruitless pursuit ; and then let down the spies from
a window of her house over the city wall, after they had
sworn to save her family in the destruction of the city.^^ A
scarlet thread, in the Avindow from which she had let them
down, was the sign by which the house was to be known.
The spies fled to the mountain for three days, to avoid the
pursuers v\'ho had gone out in search of them, and then re-
turned to Joshua, with the report that Jehovah had delivered
the land into their hands ; for all the inhabitants were faint-
ing with fear because of them.^^
§ 3. The next morning Joshua broke up the camp at Shit-
tim, and moved down to the edge of the Jordan, which at this
season, the harvest {Aprit)^'^ overflowed its banks, in conse-
quence of the melting of the snow about its sources in the
Antilibanus. On the third day, the officers instructed the
* The name is derived either from
a root signifyinfr fragrance^ or from
one meaning to be broad.
^ Deut. xxxiv. 3.
*° Josh, ii.-vii.
" It was in the same way that St.
Paul escaped from Damascus (2 Oor.
xi. 32, 33).
^' Josh. ii. ; comp. Ex. xv. 14, 15.
^^ Josh. iii. 15.
B.C. 1451.
Passage of the Jordan.
299
people in the order of their march, and Joshua bade them
sanctify themselves in preparation for the wonder that God
should do on the morrow. In the morning, tlie priests that
bore the ark advanced in front of the host to the water's
edo-e ; and their feet Avere no sooner dipped in the water, than
the river was divided, the waters that came down from above
beino- heaped up as a wall, and the lower portion flowing
down toward the Dead Sea, and leaving the channel bare.'*
The priests advanced into the midst of the river's bed with
the ark, and there stood firm till all the people had passed
over/^ Meanwhile twelve chosen men, one from each tribe,
took twelve stones from the spot where the priests stood firm,
and brought them out of the river, leaving in their place
twelve other stones from the dry land. When all this was
done, Joshua commanded the priests to come up out of Jor-
dan ; and the moment that their feet were lifted over the
margin of the water into the dry land, the waters of the river
returned, and overflowed the banks as before.
The host encamped that night at Gilgal, in the plains of
Jericho,'" and there Joshua set up the twelve stones that
had been brought out of the river's bed, for a perpetual
memorial of tlie division of the waters before the ark of Je-
hovah, to let his people pass into their land, just as the Red
Sea had been divided to let them pass out of Egypt.'^
§ 4. The passage of the Jordan was completed on the tenth
day of the first month (Nisan=April, b.c. 1451).^^ This was
the day appointed for the selection of the Paschal Lamb,
and on the evening of the fourteenth the people kept the
Passover for the first time on the sacred soil of their inher-
itance, exactly forty years after their fathers had first kept
it before leaving Egypt.'^ But first, God commanded Josh-
ua to circumcise the people ; for the circumcised generation,
who had left Egypt, had died in the wilderness, and none
of the present generation had been circumcised.'^" It seems
strange that this essential seal of the covenant should have
been neglected under the leadership of Moses himself; but
his attention may have been too closely occupied with the
'* Joshua iii. 16. Comparing tliis
passac^e with Ex. xiv. 22, we see how
exactly the two descriptions suit the
two cases of the river and the sea.
^^ The passage of the Israelites
was probably near the present south-
ern fords, crossed at the time of the
Christian era by a bridge (Stanley,
Jewish Church, p. 229, First Se-
ries).
" Gilgal was at the eastern side,
Jericho at the western side of the
plain. Gilgal was about five miles
from the Jordan
^' Josh. iii. iv. "* Josh. iv. 10.
''' Josh. V. 10. '" Josii. V. 2-9.
300 vonquest of the Holij Land. Chap. XVI
public affairs of the people to inquire into a matter which
]-ested with the heads of families. Be this as it may^ the
omission led to a great national observance, Avhich may be
reo-arded as a renewal of the covenant with Abraham in the
very land the promise of which had been sealed with the
same sign. Perhaps this is implied in the terms of the com-
mand to Joshua to " circumcise the people aga.iny In mem-
ory of the " rolling away of their reproach," the place was
called Gilgal, i. e., roll lit (j.
Here, on the morrow after the Passo\'er, the new genera-
tion tasted bread for the first time. They ate unleavened
bread and parched corn of the old crop of the land ; and at
the same time tlie manna ceased. From that day forward
they began to eat the fruits of tlie year.^'
We must not fail to notice the picture of their security
and their command of the open country, implied in these
proceedings. They Avere not only unmolested during their
circumcision and the Passover, but they were supplied with
old and new corn, Avhether by the agency or by the flight
of the country people, while the cities were " closely shut up
for fear of them ;" and the news of their passage of the Jor-
dan had so terrified the kings of tlie Amorites and the Ca-
naanites, from the Jordan to the sea, " that their heart melt-
ed, neither was there any spirit in them any more, because
of the children of Israel."
§ 5. As Joshua was meditating how to attack Jericho, a
vision was vouchsafed to him, to teach him that the work
Avas God's. Looking up toward the city, he saw a Avarrior
opposite to him Avith a drawn SAvord in his hand, Avho, in re-
ply to Joshua's challenge, announced that he had come forth
as the " Captain (or prince) of the host of Jehovah." This
title, so often afterward applied to the Son of God, rcA'ealed
him to Joshua, Avho fell down before him to Avorship, and to
receive the commands of his supreme general. After bid-
ding him to put off his shoe, for the place Avas holy,^* Jeho-
vah promised him the conquest of Jericho, and prescribed
the manner of its capture. The host were to compass the
city for seven days : the first six days once, the chosen Avar-
riors marching in front of the ark, before Avhich scA'en priests
^' Josh, V. 12. " Josh. vi. 1. land the mere parenthesis in vi. 1
^^Josh. V. 1. j tnado to begin a chapter, but the
"^^ Josl). V. 13, 15. Of all the many break obscures the identity of the
faults in tlie division of our chapters, personage who appears to Joshua in
this is perha])s the most unhappy, chap. v. with Jehovah, wlio speaks
Not onlv is the narrative cut in two, | to him in chap. vi.
B.C. U91. Destruction of Jericlio. 801
bore seven trumpets of ram's horns ; the rest of the people
followmg, and all preserving silence, while the trumpets
alone sounded a continued defiance. On the seventh day
the circuit was repeated seven times ; and at the seventh,
the trumpets pealed forth one long loud blast ; the people
raised a mighty shout ; the wall of the city fell down flat ;
and each man rushed in straight from the place where he
had stood, as Joshua had commanded." Before its capture,
the city, with all its inhabitants, was " accursed," or "de-
voted," as the first-fruits of the spoil of Canaan — a thing
" most holy to Jehovah ;" and the law prescribed that all
living beings so devoted should be put to death without re-
demption, and all the property destroyed, or dedicated to
God/" Only the household of Rahab weie excepted from
the curse ; and the two spies were sent to bring her and her
kindred safe out beyond the camp. Then the men and wom-
en, young and old, and the oxen, sheep, and asses were put
to the edge of the sword : the city was burnt with fire, and
its buildings razed to the ground ; the silver and gold, and
vessels of brass and iron, were placed in the sacred treasury;
and Joshua imprecated a solemn curse on the man who
should rebuild Jericho." The curse was literally fulfilled in
the fate of Hiel, the Bethelite, who rebuilt Jericho in the
reign of Ahab (about b.c. 925) : his first-born son, Abiram,
died as he was laying the foundation, and his youngest son,
Segub, while he was setting up the gatcs.^'*
No less striking; was the blessing which followed Rahab
for her conduct, which is recorded as the greatest example
o^ faith, and of the ivories which spring from faith, in the old
heathen world."^ Besides being a heathen, she was a liarlot,
for there is no ground for the niterpretation of the word as
meaning an inn-keeper ; though there is much to prove that
she Avas not utterly depraved. But her mind and heart re-
ceived in simple faith the proofs of Jehovah's power and pur-
])Oses ; she served his people with courage, ingenuity, and de-
votion ; and so she "entered into the kingdom of God.'""
She was rewarded by a most distinguished place among the
families of Israel."' She married Salmon (perhaps one of the
s])ies), and became the mother of Boaz, the great-grandfather
of David. -''^ Hers is thus one of the four female names, all of
rv of Jericho, see Notes and lUus-
^"^ Josli. vi.
'^" Lev. xxvii. 28. 29 ; Josh. vi. 17.
"Josh. vi. 21-27.
^* 1 K. xvi. 84 : for the after his-
''' Josh. vi. 25.
toi
trofions.
2'' Heh. xi. 31 : James ii. 25.
'' Matt. xxi. 31.
^^M.itt. i. 5.
302 Conquest of the Holy Land. Chap. XVI.
them foreigners, recorded in tlie genealogy of Christ ;^^ and
it is one of the profoundest moral, as well as spiritual, lessons
of His Gospel, that He did not disdain such an ancestry.
The fall of Jericho itself is placed by the Apostle among the
great triumphs offait/i.^* It was an example of the power
of simple obedience to plans of action prescribed by God ;
and an earnest of the conquests to be achieved by the same
principle. And this is true also of the destruction of the city.
Not only as the first which the Israelites took, but as perhaps
the most conspicuous city of Canaan for the advantages of its
position, its commerce, wealtli, and luxury, and unquestion-
ably also for the abominable vices that had now " filled up the
iniquity of the Canaanites," its doom was the pattern of that
denounced on the cities of the land.
§ 6. There was, however, one man among the Israelites,
wliose lust of spoil made him unfiiithful.^^ His act brought
a curse upon all Israel, so that they failed in their next enter-
prise, the attack on Ai. This was the place east of Bethel,
between which and Bethel Abraliam had pitched his tent :^°
it lay among the hills, probably at the head of one of the pass-
es leading up from the valley of the Jordan. The spies whom
Joshua had sent reported it an easy conquest; and only
about 3000 men were detached to take it. They were rejjulsed
and chased to Shebarim, with the loss of thirty-six men.
The hearts of the people melted, and Joshua, Avith all the eld
ers, fell down before the ark as mourners, and uttered earnest
expostulations to Jehovah. The oracle re^^lied that Israel
had sinned in taking of the accursed thing and concealing it
among their goods. Joshua Avas commanded to sanctify the
people against the morrow, and then to cast lots for the of-
fender, who was to be slain and burned, with all belonging to
him. This decision by lot involved no chance, but in the
whole history of the Jews it was one of the most regular meth-
ods of revealing the will of God, especially in reference to
some individual. " The lot is cast into the lap, but the wdiole
disposal thereof is Jehovah's."" Accordingly, the lot fell
first on the tribe of Judah, then on the fiimily of Zerah, then
on the house of Zabdi, whose members were brought individ-
ually before Jehovah, and Achan the son of Carmi was taken.
Exhorted by Joshua to give glory to God, Achan confessed
that he had taken from the spoil of Jericho a goodly Baby-
lonish garment, and 200 shekels of silver, and a Avedge of gold
" The four are Thamar, a Canaan- I Ruth, tlic Moabitess ; and Bathsheba,
ite, the concubine of Judali ; liahab ; 1 the Hittite. ^ Heb. xi. 30.
•' Josh. vii. '' Gen. xii. 8. " Prov. xvi. 33.
B.C. ur>i.
Destruction of Ai.
303
of fifty shekels' weight, and had hid them in the earth in his
tent, where they were found by men sent by Joshua. The
offender was stoned, and afterward burned, with his children,
his cattle, and his tent, and a great heap of stones was raised
over them to mark the place, which received the name of
Achor {trouble).^^ His case is a striking example of the effect
of sin, as involving the destruction of the guiltless : " That
man perished not alone in his iniquity. "^^
Encouraged anew by God, Joshua formed a plan for taking
Ai by stratagem, which met with complete success. The
city was destroyed, with all its inhabitants, the cattle only
being reserved as the spoil of Jehovah. The King of Ai was
hanged on a tree, and buried under a great heap of stones,
the only memorial of the city." It seems to be implied that
Bethel was taken at the same time."
The victory at Ai secured the passes from the valley of
the Jordan, and gave the Israelites access to the open country
in the centre of Palestine. Joshua now marched to Shechem,
where he held the solemn ceremony of the Blessing and the
Curse on Mounts Gerizim and Ebal, as prescribed by Moses. ''^
On his return, a force was doubtless left at Ai to secure the
passes, but the main body of the army remained encamj^ed at
Gilgal, in the valley of the Jordan."
The above events form the first stage in the conquest of
Canaan.
§ 7. A great league was now formed by all the kings west
of Jordan, in the hills, the valleys, and the sea-coasts, as far
north as Lebanon, against the Israelites."* The people of Gib-
eon alone sought for peace by a curious stratagem. Gibeon
(now El- Jib) ^ " a royal city, greater than Ai,'"'^was the chief
of the four cities of the Hivites,"® lyi^^g; immediately oppo-
site the pass of Ai, and at the head of the pass of Beth-horon.
It would therefore have been the next object of the attack
of the Israelites. Assuming the appearance of wayAvorn
travellers, with old shoes and sacks, rent and patched wine-
skins, and dry and mouldy bread, an embassy of the Gibeon-
ites v^^ent to Joshua, and declared that they had come from a
very far country, where they had heard the name of Jehovah
and the fame of His mighty deeds, to seek for a league with
"^ Tlie meaning common to the
words Achan and Achor is alluded to
by Joshua : "Why hast thou troubled
us ? The Lord shall trouble thee this
day " (Josh. vii. 25).
'" Josh. xxii. 20.
^^ Josh. viii. 1-29. *' Josh. v. 17-
*2 Josh. viii. 30-35. See p. 211.
"Josh. ix. 6. " Josh. ix. 1,2.
^^ Josh. X. 2.
^^ The others were Chephirah, Bee-
roth, andKirjath-jearim (Josh. x. 17).
80J: Battle of Beth-horon. Cuap. XVI.
His people. Their bread had been hot, they said, and their
garments and wine and skins new when they started.
The trick imposed upon Joshua and the princes of the con-
gregation, Avho omitted to consult the oracle."^ They made
peace with the Gibeonites, and swore to them by Jehovah
to save their lives. Three days afterward they learned the
truth, and reached their cities by a three days' march. The
oath was held sacred, in spite of the murmurs of the congre-
gation ; but, to punish their deceit, Joshua put the Gibeonites
under a curse, by which they became devoted to Jehovah in
irredeemable bondage, and they were employed as " hewers
of wood and drawers of water for the house of God " forever.''^
The treaty evidently included all the four cities, of which
Gibeon was the chief. The transaction affords a memoi-able
example of a principle more than once insisted on in the law,
and expressed by the Psalmist in his blessing on the man
" who sweareth to his own hurt, and changeth not."**
§ 8. Alarmed by the defection of Gibeon, Adoni-zedek,^"
king of Jerusalem, made a league with the kings of Hebron,
Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon, and laid siege to the city. The
Gibeonites sent for help to Joshua, who marched by night
from the camp at Gilgal, took the confederated Amorites by
surprise, and utterly routed them near Beth-horon.^' "The
battle of Beth-horon or Gibeon," remarks Dean Stanley, " is
one of the most important in the history of the world ; and
yet the very name of this great battle is far less known to
most of us than that of Marathon or Cannae.""'^ Beth-horon
(the house of Caverns) was the name of tAvo villages, an " up-
per " and a " nether," or loAver,^^ on the steep road from Gibeon
to Azekah and the Philistine plain,^* which is still the great
road of communication from the interior of the country to the
sea-coast."
From Gibeon to the Upper Beth-horon is a distance of
^^ Josh. X. 14, ](Dlct. of Blhk, art. Beth - iiokon ;
*" They formed the class called { JStanlev, ]). 208).
Nethinim. 1 '"''Jewish Church, p. 238, First
"^ Ps. XV. 4. I Series.
=*" That is, " Lord of Righteous- "^ Josh. xvi. 3, .5 ; 1 Chron. vii. 24.
Tiess." The significance of the name j ^* Josh. x. H), 1 1 ; 1 Mace. iii. 24.
seems an argument, thougli not a \ " The two Bcth-horons still sur-
decisive one, for the identification of vive in the modern villages of Beit'-
liis kingdom with that of Melchise- j wr, et-Tahta, and El-Foka. On the
dek. mountain which lies to the south-
'^ The exact place is the steep road ward of the nether village is still pre-
between the two villages of the name, served the name {Yalu) and the site
the Upper and Lower Beth-horon of Ajalon.
B.C. H51.
Battle of Beth-horoii. 30^
about four miles of broken ascent and descent. The ascent,
however, predominates, and this therefoi-e appears to be the
" o-oino* up " to Beth-lioron, which formed the first stage of
Joshua's pursuit. With the upper village the descent com-
mences ; the road is rough and difficult, even for the mountain-
paths of Palestine, now over sheets of smooth rock flat as the
flag-stones of a London pavement, now over the upturned
edc^es of the limestone strata, and now among the loose rec-
tangular stones so characteristic of the whole of this district.
After about three miles of this descent, a slight rise leads to
the lower village standing on the last outpost of the Benjani-
ite hills.
This rough descent from the Upper to the Lower Betli-ho-
ron is the '' going down to Beth-horon," which formed the
second stage of Joshua's pursuit. As they fled down this
steep pas8,"the Canaanites were overtaken by a miraculous
hail-storm, which slew more than had fallen in the battle. It
was then tliat Joshua, after a prayer to Jehovah, who had
promised him this great victory, " said in the sight of Isra-
el—
" 'Sun, stand thou still upon Gibeon ;
And thou, Moon, in the valley of Ajalon.'
And the sun stood still, and the moon stayed, until the people
liad avenged themselves of their enemies. Is not this writ-
ten in the Book of Jasher .^"^® The miraculous suspense of
the " greater and the lesser light " in their full course" enabled
Joshua to continue his pursuit to Makkedah, a place in the
Shefelali^ or maritime plain, ^** Avhere the five kings hid them-
selves in a cave. Joshua stayed not even then, but, bidding
the people roll great stones to the mouth of the caA^e, and set
a guard over it, he pressed the rear of the fugitives, and
" made an end of slaying them with a very great slaughter
till they were consumed, that the rest which remained of them
entered into fenced cities. And all the people returned to
the camp to Joshua at Makkedah in peace ; none moved his
tongue against any of the children of Israel. "^'^
^^ Josh. X. 12, 13. On the samej " The miracle must bo understood
spot Judas Maecabasus won a great as phenomenal^ namely, that the sun
victory over the forces of Syria under and moon appeared to the Israelites
Seron (1 Mace. iii. 13-24) and, later to stand still.
still, the Roman army under Cestius I ^** The interruption in ver. 15 is
Gallus was totallv cut up (.Joseph. I probably a transposition, or a part
B.J. ii. 19, §§ 8, '9). The Book of | of the quotation from the Book of
Jasher is mentioned in only one I Jasher.
other passage (2 Sam. i. 18). It ^'^ Josh. x. 20, 21; comp. Ex. xl
seems to have been written in verse. 7.
806 Conquest of Ihe Holy Land. Chap. XVI.
The five kings were now brought forth from the cave, and
Joshua bade all the captains place their feet upon their necks,
in token of what Jehovah would do to all their enemies.
Then he slew them, and hanged them on live trees till the
evening.^" Their bodies were cast into the cave, and its
mouth was closed with great stones, just as that most memo-
rable sun at length went down, and closed the day, " like
which there was none before it or after it, tluit Jehovah
hearkened unto the voice of a man ; for Jehovah fought for
Israel."^^
This great battle was followed by the conquest of the seven
kings of Makkedah, Libnah, Lachish, Gezer, Eglon, Hebron,
and Debir, whose cities, chief and dependent, were utterly de-
stroyed, with all their inhabitants, and all creatures that
breathed, as Jehovah had commanded. '^^ In this one cam-
paign*'^ Joshua subdued the southern half of Palestine, both
highlands and lowlands, from Kadesh-barnea to Gaza, the
eastern and western limits of the southern frontier; and lie
led back the people to the camp at Gilgal.
§ 9. Our attention is now called to the north, the country
about the "Sea of Chinneroth" (the Lake of Galilee), the
Upper Jordan, and the bases of Mount Lebanon." Jabin,^*
king of Hazor, the chief city of N'orthern Palestine, formed a
league against Israel with all the kings of the north as far as
Mount Ilei-mon, and with all the nations that were still un-
subdued. Their army was "as the sand on the sea-shore for
multitude," and they had many chariots and horses. ^^ Joshua
routed tliem by the waters of Merom, and chased them as far
as " Great Zidon " and the valley of Mizpeh (probably the
great valley of Coele-Syria). In obedience to God's prohibi-
tion of cavalry, Joshua^ cut the hoof-sinews of the horses and
burnt the chariots, which he might have been tempted to keep
as the choicest prizes of victory." Joshua next " turned
back," perhaps on some new provocation, and took Hazor,
putting its king and all the inhabitants to the sword, and
likewise with the other cities of the confederates ; but the
cities themselves were left standing except Hazor, which he
rcditary title (Judges iv.). Hazor
stood on an eminence. These north-
ern Canaanites seem to have been
for the most part of the same race as
the Phoenicians, who were called Ca-
naanites in their own tongue.
'"'Josephus gives them 300,000
foot, 10,000 horse, and 20,000 chari-
ots. ^^ Josh. xi. 9.
^° Josh. X. 22-27. ^' Josh. x. U.
•^2 Josh. X. 28-39. It may he in-
ferred from Josliua xi. 13, 14, that
this destruction extended only as far
as the entire desolation of the cities,
and that they were not burnt.
"^ Josh. X. 42 : "at one time."
^ Josh. xi.
" This seems to have been a he-
B.C. 1445. Conquest of the North. 307
burnt, as being "the head of all those kingdoms.'"' As the
result of this third campaign^ Israel was master of the whole
land from Mount Halak (the smooth mountain)^ at the ascent
to Mount Seir, on the south, to Baal-gad,®'* under Mount Her-
mon, on the north. But a much longer time was required for
the subjugation of the numerous kings, who held each his
own fortified city, and " Joshua made war a long time with
all those kings.'"" It was five years at least, and probably
six, before the land rested from war (b.c. 1445).''' Even then
the okl inhabitants held out in many separate parts, for the
further trial of Israel's faith and courage, as Moses had fore-
told.
The results of the whole conquest, besides the previous vic-
tories over Sihon and Og, are summed up in the subjugation
of thirty-one kings of cities on the west of the Jordan, be-
longing to the seven nations, which had been mentioned in
the first promise to Abraham, the Amorites, Canaanites, Gir-
gashites, Hittites, Hivites, Jebusites, and Perizzites.'^ Special
notice is taken of the extermination of the giant Anakim,
who had struck such terror into the spies, and who were only
left in the Philistine cities of Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod, though
they had before occupied the whole of the central highlands,
with Hebron and other cities."
The defeat of these thirty-one kings did not involve, in
every case, the capture of their cities. Jerusalem, for exam-
ple, was not taken till after the death of Joshua,'" and its citadel
1 emained in the hands of the Jebusites till the time of David.
Many other cities held out for a long time.
But, besides such isolated posts, there were whole tracts of
country — " very much land" — yet to be subdued, within the
limits which God had originally named, and which He now
once more promised." These were, speaking generally, the
plains along the Mediterranean, the coast of Phoenicia, and
the ranges of Lebanon. On the south-west, there was the
''^ Joshua xi. 10-14. It was aft- | ward Paneas, at the source of tlie
erward rebuilt (Judges iv.), and be-
came a frontier fortress under Solo-
mon (1 K. ix. 15). It is mentioned
as Asor or Nasor in 1 Mace. xi. 67,
and Joseph. Ant. xiii. 5, § 7. Its
nitc may be that of Tell Kfmraibeh,
"the ruins" (Robinson, \o\. iii. pp.
3G4, 365),
^^ The name indicates a sanctuary
of Baal as Gad, "fortune." Its site
is uncertain, perhaps Banias, after
'^ Josh. xiii. 1.
Jordan. Baal bee is too remote.
^° Josh. xi. 18.
■'^ Josh. xi. 23, comj)arcd with xiv.
6-15. Caleb was forty years old in
1490, and eighty-five when the war
ceased. " Josh. xii.
"Josh. xi. 21, 22. Of this race
were Goliath and his three brother?,
who were killed by David and luM
mighty men (I Sam. xvii. 4; 2 Sara,
xxi. 15-22). '■• Judg. i. 8.
308
Division of the Holy Land. Chap. XVI.
wliole country and five cities of the Philistines, who Vv-ore des-
tined to be such formidable enemies to Israel, from h^ihor, on
the frontier of Egypt, to Ekron.'" Next were the Canaanites
of the west coast, as far as Aphek, which seems to have been
near Sidon, the Sidonians, " and all Lebanon," which is how-
ever so described as to include only the southern slopes, or
foot-hills." These conquests were not reserved for Joshua,
who was now ''old and stricken in years ;"'^ but he was com-
manded to include them in the division of the land.
§ 10. Joshua was now commanded to divide the land by lot
among the nine tribes and a half;'' the two and a half hav-
ing: already received their allotment from Moses on the east
oftordan ;'" and the Levites receiving no inheritance among
their brethren, " for Jehovah, God oflsrael, Avas their inheri-
tance.'"' Tlieir withdrawal from the number of the tribes was
compensated by the division of Josepli into the two tribes of
Ephraim and Manasseh.^^ In describing the allotment gen-
erally, we follow the order of the Book of Joshua, in which,
says Dean Stanley, " we have what may without oifense be
termed the Domesday Book of the conquest of Canaan.''
First, the territories of the two and a half tribes on tlie
east of Jordan :^^
i. Reubex lay first on the south from the Arnon, over the
kingdom of Sihon, the northern boundary being a little above
the latitude of Jericho.®*
ii. Gad came next to the north, possessing Mount Gilead
and half of Amnion. On the side of Jordan, their northern
border just touched the Sea of Chinneroth, and was drawn
thence toward the south-east. ^^ The Jabbok divided their
territory into two nearly equal parts.
iii. — 1. The half-tribe of Manasseh had all the kingdom
of Og, king of Bashan, including half of Mount Gilead, which
was the special inheritance of Machir, the son of Manasseh,
and reacliing to the base of Mount Hermon on the north.^"
In all tliree cases, the eastern frontier toward the desert and
'" Josh. xiii. 2-4. Willi them are
named the Gcshuri, a tribe of the
desert between Arabia and Philistia.
"■^ Josh, xiii. 5, 6.
" An interesting proof of the
shortening duration of hnman life.
So Caleb speaks of his being "kept
alive by Jehovah " to the age of
ciejhty-five, but still in the full vigor
of his strength fJosh. xiv. 10, 11).
'"Joshua xiii. 7, xiv. I, 2; com-
pare Num. xxvi. 55, xxiii. 5t, xxxiv.
13.
^^ Josh. xiii. 8-13, xviii. 7.
^' Josh. xiii. 14, 33, xviii. 7.
^'^ Josh. xiv. 3-5.
^^ The following account of the set-
tlement of the tribes should be read
in connection with Jacob's prophecy.
See p. 1 2 1 seq. *** Josh. xiii. 1 5-23.
" Josh. xiii. 24-28.
"^ Josh. xiii. 29-33.
B.C. \U5.
Division of the Holy Land.
309
the Hauran was necessarily indefinite. These allotments are
expressly mentioned as having been made by Moses.
§ 11. The division of the land among the nine and a half
tribes west of Jordan was made by Eleazar the high-priest
and Joshua, with " the heads of the fiithers of the tribes," by
a solemn lot cast before Jehovah." It took place on two dit-
ferent occasions. First, while the people were still encamped
at Gilgal, and perhaps before the conquest of the north was
finished, the tribes of Judah and Joseph received, as their i-e-
spective allotments, the greater part of the south and the
centre of the land.
iv. Judah seems to have had the first share in consequence
of Caleb's laying claim to Hebron, the special inheritance
promised by Moses as a reward of his fidelity. His claim
Avas admitted, and Joshua added his blessing. Caleb, who at
the age of eighty-five was still as strong for war as when he
was forty, drove out the Anakim from Hebron, and then at-
tacked Debir, which was taken by his nephew Othniel, whose
valor Avas rewarded with the hand of Caleb's daughter, Ach-
sah. Her demand of a special inheritance from her father,
who gave her the upper and the nether springs, is an inter-
esting picture of patriarchal life."" The general inheritance
of Judah began at the wilderness of Zin, on the border of
Edom, while their southern border stretched across the wil-
derness to " the river of Egypt." The Dead Sea formed their
east coast, and the northern border was drawn from the
mouth of Jordan westward, past the south side of the hill of
Jerusalem (which lay therefore outside the boundary^") to
Kirjath-jearim, in Mount Ephraim, whence the western bor-
der skirted the land of the Philistines, and touched the Med-
iterranean.''"
V. The tribe of Joseph had the centre of the land across
from Jordan to the Mediterranean. Ephraiai lay north of
Judah ; but between them were the districts afterward allot-
ted to Benjamin and Dan. The southern border was drawn
from the Jordan along the north side of the plain of Jerichc
to Bethel, whence it took a bend southward to Beth-horon,
and thence up again to the sea near Joppa. The northern
border passed west from the Jordan opposite the mouth of
"Josh. xiv. 1, 2, xviii. G, 10.
'''' Josh. xiv. G-15, XV. 13-19.
''^ This was not because it bolong-
ed to another lot, but because it was
not yet conquered. See Josh. xv.
63. In the second division it was
allotted to Benjamin, but it was
secured to Judah by David's con-
quest.
^" Josh. XV. 1-12. The many cit-
ies included in the lot of Judah nro
enumerated in vs. 21-63-
810 Division of the Holy Land. Chap. XVI.
the Jabbok past Michmethali to the mouth of the river Kanah
(the " reedy," probably the Nahr Falaik or Wady al-JChassab,
which has the same signification). Besides the sacred valley
of Shechem, it included some of the finest parts of Palestine,
the mountains of Ephraim, and the great and fertile maritime
plain of Sharon, proverbial for its roses.®^
iii. — 2. Manasseh," in addition to the land of Bashan and
Gilead, east of the Jordan, which had been allotted to Machir
and his son Gilead, had a lot on the west of Jordan, north of
Ephraim." The extent of the territories of this tribe is ac-
counted for, first, by the reward due to the valor of Machir,
and next by the right established by the daughters of Zelo-
phedad to a share of the inheritance.''* The northern frontier
is very diificult to determine, some very important towns of
Manasseh being expressly named as within the lots of Asher
and Issachar.'^ Further we find the children of Joseph com-
plaining to Joshua that they had only one lot, namely, Mount
Ephraim, instead of the two given them by Jacob, and that they
could not drive out the Canaanites from Beth-shean and the
valley of Jezreel, because of their chariots of iron, and Joshua
assigns to them " the wooded mountain," which can hardly
be any other than Carmel.^^
§ 12. During the long time that the encampment at Gilgal
remained the "head-quarters of the Israelites, they seem to
have preserved the military system organized in the desert,
with the Tabernacle in the centre of the camp. But at length
they removed to Shiloh," south of Shechem, in the territory
of Ephraim, and there they set up the Tabernacle, where it
remained till the time of Samuel.'' There Avere still seven
tribes that had not received their inheritance; and Joshua
reproved them for their slackness in taking possession of the
land. We are not told on what princij^les the portions al-
ready allotted had been divided, except that on the east of
®^ Josh. xvi.
°^ Comp. § 10 (iii. 1).
'*''' Josh. xvii.
°* Comp. Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1,
xxxvi. 2. '-"^ Josh. xvii. 11.
"•^ Josh. xvii. 14-18.
" Judges xxi. 19. Shiloh is said
to be "on the north side of Bethel,
Jerusalem, lodges the first night at
Bntin, the ancient Betliel ; the next
day, at the distance of a few hours,
turns aside to the right, in order to
visit Seilun, the Arabic for Shiloh ;
and then passing through the narrow
wady, which brings him to the main
road, leaves El-Lehbdn^ the Lebonah
on the east side of the highway that of Scripture, on tlie left, as he pur-
goeth up from Bethel to Shechem, j sues "the highway" to xYoWms, the an-
and on the south of Lebonah." In | cient Shechem.
agreement with this, the traveller at| ^^ Josh, xviii. 1 ; Judg. xviii. 31 ; 1
the present day, going north from i Sam. iv. 3.
B.C. 1415. Division of the Holy Land. 811
Jordan the boundaries were assigned to Moses. Now, how-
ever, three men were appointed from each tribe to make a
survey of the rest of the land, and to divide it into seven
portions, which, Avith their several cities, they described in
a book. The survey being finished, Joshua cast lots for the
seven portions before the Tabernacle in Shiloh.^^ The result
was as follows, the tribes being named in the order in which
their lots came out :
vi. Benjamin had the eastern part of the territory that
lay between Judah and Ephraim, embracing the plain of
Jericho and the northern higiilands of the later Judaea, a re-
gion admirably suited to the wdld and martial character of
the tribe. ''"'
vii. SiMEOX had an inheritance taken out of the portion
already allotted to Judah, for whom it was found to be too
large, namely, the south-Avestern part of the maritime plain,
Avith the land bordering on the desert, as far eastward as
Beer-shbba. Their Avestern coast lay along the Mediterra-
nean to the north of Ascalon.'"'
viii. Zebulun received the mountain range Avhich forms
the northern border of the great plain of Jezreel or Es-
draelon, between the eastern slopes of Carmel on the
Avest, and the south-Avest shore of the Sea of Chinneroth and
the course of the Jordan, to about opposite the mouth of the
Hieromax on the .east."^ The rich mountain passes Avhich
led doAvn to the valley of Jezreel seem to be referred to in
the blessing of Moses, " Rejoice, O Zebulun, in thy goings
out."
ix. Issachar's inheritance corresponded almost exactly to
the great valley of Jezreel, otherAvise called the plain of
Esdraelon, Avhich opened to the Jordan on the east,"' and
was enclosed on the south by the hills of Gilboa, and on the
north by the highlands of Issachar, among Avhich Mount Ta-
bor Avas conspicuous on the frontier.'"* The territory seems
to have been taken out of that of Manasseh, as Simeon's AA\as
out of Judah. The effect of its richness and seclusion on
the character and history of the tribe has been noticed in
connection Avith Jacob's blessing."^
X. AsHER had the rich maritime plain extending from
Mount Carmel to " great Sidon " and " the strong city
Tyre :" the territory of the former Avas included in their in-
heritance, though they failed to possess it. In their case
^^ Josh, xviii. 1-10. I "' Josh. xix. 1-9.
^0° Josh, xviii. 11-28. I '"' Josh. xix. 10-lG.
^"^ Josh. xix. 22. ^""^ Josh. xix. 17-23. '"' Sec p. 121.
812 Division of the Holy Land. Chap. XVI.
too, both Jacob and Moses had given a prophetic intimation
of the influence of the tribe's position."®
xi. Napiitali, the most powerful of the nortliern tribes,
obtained tlie highlands which form the southern prolonga-
tion of tlie range of Lebanon, bounded on the east by the
Upper Jordan, the " w\aters of Merom," and the Sea of Chin-
neroth ; and looking down on the west upon the maritime
plain of Asher, just as Zebulun looked down from the south-
ern part of the same highlands into the valley of Esdrae-
lon/"
xii. Dan had at first a very small territory north-west of
Judah, from Japho (Joppa) to the border of Simeon, almost
entirely occupied by the JPhilistines. For this reason, and
because they found their lot too small for them, they made
an expedition against Leshem, or Laish, in the extreme north
of the land, at the sources of the Jordan. They took the
city and destroyed the inhabitants, and gave it the name of
Dan. It became one of the two landmarks in the phrase
wliich was used to describe the whole extent of the land
Irom north to south, " from Dan even to Beersheba." In the
Book of Judges^ we have a fuller account of the expedition
at the time wdieii it took place (about b.c. 1406).'°^
Lastly, Joshua himself received, as his personal inlierit-
ance, the place he asked for, namely, Timnath-serah, in Mount
Ephraim, and he built tlie city of that name.
It must be remembered that the allotments were made
not only to the tribes as a whole, but to the families of each
tribe, as is expressly stated in each case: "This is the inher-
itance of the tribes by their families.''^ Thus we shall expect
to find the possessions of each tribe proportional to the num-
ber of its families, as determined by the census taken in the
plains of Moab."^ This is generally the case ; but there
still remain inequalities which can only be accounted for by
the relative importance assigned to the tribes, on principles
already indicated in the dying prophecy of Jacob. The
great preponderance of Judah and Joseph relates to their
respective pre-eminence as the prince and heir of the whole
family.""
§13. Each of the twelve tribes having received the lot of
its inheritance, provision was next made for the habitation
of the Levites and the cities of refuge. Six cities of refuge
were appointed by the people themselves:"^ three on the
^"^ Josh. xix. 24-31. "^ Numb. xxvi. See cliap. xiv.
1" Josh. xix. 32-39. § 8. "^ See chap. x. § 3.
^"^ Judg. xviii. [ "^ Josh. xx.
B.C. \Ui. Cities of Refuge. 313
west of Jordan, namely, Kedesh., in Galilee,"^ in the highlands
of Naphtali ; Shechem., in Mount Ephraini, and Hebron, in the
mountains of Judah ; and three on the east of Jordan, name-
ly, for Reuben, Bezer, in the wilderness ; for Gad, Eamoth, in
Gilead; for the half-tribe of Manasseh, <9o/«;i, in Bashan.''^
The Levites having claimed the right given to them by
Moses, received forty-eight cities and their suburbs, which
were given up by the several tribes in proportion to the
cities they possessed/'* Their allotment among the three
families of the Levites has already been describexl.'^^
Thus did Jeho\ah give Israel the land which He had
sworn to their father, and they dwelt in it. They had ob-
tained their promised rest in this vv^orld, though a better
rest remained, and still remains/'*' Their enemies were de-
livered into their hand; and all open resistance ceased.
" There failed not aught of any good thing which Jehovah
had spoken to the house of Israel : all came to pass."^ The
failures afterward brought to light were in the people them-
selves.
§ 14. Their peace was, however, soon threatened by the
danger of a religious schism. The two tribes and a half,
having kept their promise to their brethren, w^ere dismissed
by Joshua with a blessing, and with an earnest exhortation
to cleave to Jehovah their God, and keep his command-
ments.''^ Abundantly enriched with their share of the spoil
of Canaan, they crossed the Jordan into the land of Gilead.
Close to the ford, " the passage of the children of Israel," they
built a great altar (doubtless a huge erection of earth and
stones), of the same form as the altar of burnt-ofiering. Hasti-
ly inferring their intention to establish a separate place of sac-
rifice, in violation of God's command, the other tribes prepared
for war. But first they sent Phinehas, the son of the high-
priest Eleazar, with ten princes of the respective tribes, to
remonstrate with their brethren, and to remind them of the
consequences of former public sins. The two tribes and a
half replied that they had not acted in the spirit of rebellion
against Jehovah. They had feared lest a time should come
when their more favored brethren might forget their com-
mon interest in Jehovah, the God of Israel ; and therefore
they had erected the altar, not to burn sacrifices upon it, but
as a perpetual memorial of their part in the altar of which it
was the likeness. Thus interpreted, their act was accepted
"^This name occurs here for the I "* Josh, xxi.; coinp. Num. xxxv
first time. "' Comp. Num. xxxv. 1 1-8. "' See pp. 240, 241.
'-'« Heb. iv. 8, 9. "^ Josh. xxi. 43-45. "' Josh. xxii. 1-6.
O
314 Division of the Tlohj Land. Chap. XVL
by the envoys, and afterward by all the people, as a new
proof that Jehovah was among Israel ; and the children of
Reuben and Gad called the altar Ed (a untness) : " for," said
they, " it shall be a witness between us that Jehovah is
God.'"'" We hear nothing further of this erection : its
meaning may have been forgotten in later times.
§ 15. The closing records of the history of Joshua show
us a solemn pause and crisis in the career of Israel. They
had now attained that first success which is always a trial
of human power and endurance, and which, in their case,
was the test of their faithfulness to Jehovah. In Joshua
they had a leader equal to the crisis. Pie lived long after
God had given them rest from theii- enemies ; and he was
now "going the way of all the earth.'""" Plis last care was
to set clearly before the people their true position, and to
bind them to Jehovah by another solemn covenant. The
last two chapters of Joshua seem to refer to two distinct
transactions.
First, he sent for all the heads of the tribes, the judges and
the officers, and gave them an exliortation, which may be
summed up in the words, " Be ye therefore very courageous
to keep and to do all that is Avritten in the book of the law
of Moses." He knew the danger of their resting satisfied
with Avhat was done, or of their thinking it hopeless to do
more ; and he knew that, if once they ceased before the
heathen remnant was destroyed out of the land, they would
be corrupted by their idolatries and vices. He well remem-
bered all the experience of the desert, and all the warnings
of Moses. He reminds them of all that God had done to tho
Canaanites for their sakes; and promises that the land di-
vided to them should be wholly theirs, and the heathen be
driven out before them. On their part they had thus far
been fiiithful ; let them still thus cleave to Jehovah their
God ! L'Ct them not mix with the people that remained ;
nor name their gods, nor swear by them, nor worship them 1
If once they began this course, and if they intermarried witli
them, God would cease to drive out those nations, which
would become to them as snares and scourges and thorns,
till they themselves should perish from the land. In the pros-
pect of his own death, he testifies that not one good thing
had failed of all that God had spoken ; and that God would
be as faithful to His word, in bringing upon them all the
™ Josh, xxii. : conip. Keil's commentary on the passage.
"Mosh. xxiii. 1, U.
B.C. U:>l. All Israel gathered at Shechem. 815
evils that He had spoken. The distinctly-prophetic charac-
ter of this last warning deserves special notice ; for he does
not say if\ but " wheii ye have transgressed the covenant of
Jehovah your God, and served other gods, ye shall perish
from off the good land which he hath given you."
§ 16. This exhortation was followed up by a great public
transaction between Joshua and all Israel. He gathered
them together at Shechem, the sacred home of Abraham and
Jacob. From out the mass he called forth the elders, the
heads of families, the judges and the officers, who " presented
themselves before God;" that is, not before the Tabernacle,
which was then at Shiloh, but at the place which Abraham
and Jacob had sanctified by their altars to God.'^^ Joshua
addressed them in the same strain as before ; but, going back
to the call of Abraham, he reminded them of the^ime when
their fathers " on the other side of the flood" of Euphrates
had served other gods. Briefly mentioning the history of
Abraham, Isaac, Esau, and Jacob, till the descent into Egypt,
he recounts the mission of Moses and Aaron, the passage of
the Red Sea, and the sojourn in the wilderness, the conquest
of the Amorite kings,^" and the turning of Balaam's intend-
ed curse into a blessing ; the passage of the Jordan, the
capture of Jericho, and the deliverance of the nations of
Canaan into their hands, "but not with thy sword, nor with
thy bow ;"'" and he reminds them that all they possessed
w^as the gift of God, and the fruit of others' labors : " I have
given you a land for which ye did not labor, and cities which
ye built not, and ye dwell in them ; of the vineyards and
olive-yards which ye planted not, do ye eat.""'^* From all
this he deduces the exhortation to fear Jehovah, and serve
him in sincerity and in truth, and to put away the gods
which their fathers had served beyond the flood, and in
Egypt. This is not a demand to purge themselves from
actual idolatry, into which they had not yet fallen, but to
renounce forever the examples which might seduce them to
it. He ends ^\\t\\ an appeal, unequaled in simple force ex-
cept by that of Elijah to Israel; if they found fault with
the service of Jehovah, let them at once choose whom they
would serve, whether the idols of their fathers, or the gods
^-' Josh. xxiv. 1 ; conip. Gen. xii. these kinps, as predicted by Moses
6, 7, xxxiii. 20 ; the same phrase is (Ex. xxiii. 28 ; Deut. vii. 20).
used in 1 Sam. x. 19 of the sacred ^-^ Josh, xxiv, 12 ; cf. Ps. xliv, 3, 6.
place of Mizpeh. '^* Josh. xxiv. 13. This passage
'^ In Josh. xxiv. 12 the ^^ hornet'' is exquisitely treated by Keble (CArz's-
is said to have been sent to drive out tian Year : Third Sunday in Lent).
316 Deatli of Joshua. Chap. XVI,
of the Amorites ; but his own choice was made, " As for me
and my house, we will serve Jehovah."
The appeal was irresistible : the people swore by God, not
to forsake Him who had done all these w^onders for them.
Thus did Joshua make a covenant with the people, and set
them a statute and an ordinance in Shechem. It was, for that
generation and their posterity, the counterpart of the cove-
nant which Moses had made, on the part of God, with their
fathers in Mount Horeb. Joshua added the record of this
great transaction to the book of the law of God, and set up a
monument of it in the form of a great stone under an oak by
the sanctuary of Jehovah ; perhaps the very oak beneath
whose shadow Abraham and Jacob had pitched their tents.
The people w^ere dismissed to their homes, and Joshua soon
after died at the age of 110 (about b.c. 1426-5), and was bur-
ied in the border of his own inheritance at Timnath-serah.'"
His decease was soon followed by that of Eleazar, the high-
priest, the son of Aaron : he was also buried in Mount Ephra-
im, in a hill belonging (as a burying-place) to his son and
successor, Phinehas.^^^ The bones of Joseph, which the Israel-
ites had brought up out of Egypt, were duly interred at
Shechem, in the ])lot of ground which Jacob had bought of
Hamor.'^' This bright period of Jewish history is crowned
by the record that ''Israel served Jehovah all the days of
Joshua, and all the days of the elders that overlived Joshua,
and which had known all the works of Jehovah that He had
done for Israel.'"" The lessons of the wilderness had not
been lost upon them. Not in vain had they seen their fa-
thers drop and die till they were all consumed for their rebel-
lion. We search the sacred history in vain, from the Exodus
to the Captivity, for another generation that was so wholly
faithful to Jehovah.
^ Josh. xxiv. 29, 30. | '" Josh. xxiv. 32.
, "« Josh. xxir. 38. "' Josh. xxiv. 81.
Chap. XVI.
Notes and Illustrations,
317
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
LATER HISTORY OF JERICHO.
The city, rebuilt by Hlel (see p.
301), rose a^axw slowly into conse-
quence. In its immediate vicinity the
sons of the prophets sought retirement
from the world: Eiisha "healed the
spring of the waters ;"* and over and
against it, beyond Jordan, Elijah
"went up by a whirlwind into heav-
en " (2 K. ii. 1-22). In its plains Zed-
eliiah fell into the hands of the Chal-
dceans (2 K. xxv. 5 ; Jer. xxxix. 5).
Under Herod the Great it became an
important place. He built a fort
there, wiiich he called " Cyprus," in
honor of his mother; a tower, which
he called, in honor of his brother, Pha-
sealis ; and a number of new palaces,
which he named after his friends.
He even founded a new town, higher
up the ])lain, which he called, like the
tower, Phasealis. If he did not make
Jericho his habitual residence, ho at
least retired thither to die, and it was
in the amphitheatre of Jericho that
the news of his death was announced
to the assembled soldiers and ])eople
by Salome. Soon afterward the pal-
ace was burnt, and the town plunder-
* No doubt theexiiberant fmintain bursting
forth close to Ihe site of the old city.
ed by one Simon, slave to Herod ;
but Archelaus rebuilt the former
sumptuously, and foumled a new town
in the ])laiu that bore his own name ;
and most important of all, diverted
water from a village called Netera, to
irrigate the plain which be had jilant-
ed with palms. Thus Jericho was
once more "a city of jialms" when
our Lord visited it. It is supposed
to have been on the rocky heights
overhanging it (hence called by tra-
dition the Qiiarentana) that He was
assailed by the Tempter ; and over
against it, according to tradition like-
wise, He had been previously ba])tizcd
in the Jordan. Here He restored
sight to the blind ; here He did not
disdain the hospitality of Zaccli?ens
the publican. Finally, between Je-
rusalem and Jericho was laid the
scene of His story of the good Samar-
itan.
The site of ancient (the first) Jeri-
i cho is with reason ])laced by Dr.
Robinson (Bihl. Res. i. 552-5G8) in
the immediate neighborhood of the
fountain of Eiisha ; and that of the
second (the city of the New Testa-
ment and of Josephus) at the opening
of the Wadij Kelt (Chcrith), half an
hour from the fountain.
tujie.l .-yuiLulic Tive of the AsHyiiai;s. S e p. U42.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE EARLIER JUDGES TO DEBORAH AND EARAK B.C. 1426-1256.
§ 1. Ditficuliics in ilie liistorv of the jiid^e? — The Books of Jiidj^es nnJ
Kiith, § 2. General character of this period. § 'S. Efforts to diive nut
the heathen tuitions. § 4. Scenes of iilohitrv ajid wickedness — i. Tlie
story of Micah and the Danites — ii. Extermination of tiie Benjaniites.
§ rt. The reverse of the jiictnrc — Story of Ruth and Boa/.. § (5. Tiie
Fifteen .Tn(iges — Servitude to Cushan-Risiiathaini — Otinii.l, the first
Jnd^e. § 7. Oppression by Fglnn. king of Moab — Ehud, tlie second
judge. § 8. Shamgar. the third judge. § 0. Tyraimy of Jahiu and
Sisera — l)el)orah and Barak jointly :is fourth judge — The Song of Deb-
orah. 5 10. Concluding remarks— Moral difticulties of the narrative.
§ 1. The period of Jewish history fi'om the death of Joshua
to the choice of Saul as kiiio^ was one of fri*e<^t disoriranization,
and the records of it involve consider.ahle difficnlties. Our
8ole aiitliority, besides a few incidental alhisions, i-< the Jjook
of Judges^ to which Jluth forms a supplement, liaving been
originally a part of it. Some passages in the book bear inter-
nal evidence of a contemj^orary authorshi]), but it was not
composed as a whole till the time of the Kings. The more
serious difficulties of chronology we reserve for subsequent
discussion,' giving meanwhile the received chronolo2:y of the
English Bible.
§ 2. The history of the whole period is summed np in a
passage which connects the Book o^ Judges with that of Josh-
ua.^ After the death of Joshua, the people remained fxithful
to Jehovah so long as the generation lasted which had seen
all His mighty works.^ " And there arose another generation
' See Azotes and Illustrations (A.), Ox THE Chroxoi.ogy of tiir Jcdges.
'^Judg. ii. 6-19. Mudg. ii. 7.
B.C. n.o ? The Earlier Judges. 319
after them which knew not Jehovah, nor yet the works which
he had done for Israel.'" They fell into the worship of " Baal-
im," the idols of the country, and especially of Baal and Ash-
taroth f and they were given over into the hands of the en-
emies whose gods they served. Their career of conquest was
checked, and heathen conquerors oppressed them ; but, though
punished, they were not forsaken by God. As often as they
were oppressed. He raised up " Judges,'"^ who delivered them
from their oppressors. But, as often as they were delivered,
tiiey disobeyed their judges, and declined into idolatry ; and,
" when the judge was dead they returned, and corrupted
themselves more than their fathers.'" For this unfaithfulness
on their part to the covenant, God kept back the full accom-
plishment of His promise to drive out the nations before them,
who were left at Joshua's death ; indeed, it was in foresight
of their sin that He had not entirely delivered those nations
into the hand of Joshua.®
Such is the summary which is filled up in the first sixteen
chapters of Judges : the rest of the book (ch. xvii.-xxi.) is oc-
cupied with two or three striking examples of the idolatry
and anarchy thus generally described.
§ o. The history of the Judges is prefaced by some account
of the efforts of the several tribes to drive out the heathen na-
tions after the death of Joshua. In these efforts Judah took
the lead, by the direction of God's oracle, and in association
with SiMEOx. These two tribes gained a great victory over
the Canaanites and Perizzites in Bezek,^ and took prisoner
Adoni-bezek (the jLord of I^ezek), one of those tyrants who
have become famous for some special ci-uelty to their captives.
He had cut ofi" the thumbs and great toes of seventy kings,
and amused himself with their attempts to pick up the food
that fell from his table ; and now, himself thus mutilated, he
confessed that God had requited him justly. He died at Je-
rusalem, the lower city of which the men of Judah succeeded
^ Judg. ii. 10. I Hebrew word is the same as that
^ See Noles and Jlluslrations (B.), j of the Carthaginian "SufFeles," the
O.v Baal and Ashtaroth. i name of the magistrates whom we
^ Jiidg. ii. 16. The Hebrew word find in the time of tlie Funic wars.
Shophet (pi. Shophetim) is the same ^ Jndg. ii. 19.
as that for an ordinary judge, nor is ^ Judg. ii. 20-23. The nations left
it here used in a diflierent sense. For, unsubdued are enumerated in Judg.
though their first work was that of iii. 1-4.
deliverers and leaders in war, they ^ Judg. i. 4. This place, in the lot
then administered justice to the peo- of Judah, seems to have been dis-
ple, and their authority supplied the ; tinct from the Bezek named in I
want of a regular government. The Sam. xi. 8, which was more central.
820 Effo^^i^ io Drive out the Heathen. Chap. XVH.
in taking/" This example of the wanton cruelty of the chiefs
of Canaan throws a light on the state of the country before
its conquest.
Next we have the account of the exploits of Caleb and
Othniel, already anticipated in Joshua ,*'' and of the settle-
ment of the Kenites, the children of Jethro, the father-in-law
of Moses, in the Avilderness of Judah, to the south of Arad.
Here they dwelt as a free Arab tribe, among the people of
the desert, but in close alliance with Israel.'^ Judah then
aided Simeon in recovering his lot. Thfey took Zephath
(which they called Hormah), and fulfilled by its utter destruc-
tion the vow long since made by Israel. ^^ They also took
Gaza, Askelon, and Ekron, from the Philistines ; but the
strength of those people in war-chariots j^revented their ex-
pulsion, and enabled them soon to regain these cities. The
tribe of Benjamin failed to drive out the Jebusites from Je-
bus, the citadel of Jerusalem, which belonged to their lot.'*
The men of Ephraim took Bethel by the treachery of an in-
habitant, whom they caught outside the gate of the city. It
was now finally called by the name of Bethel, which was first
given to it by Jacob, and had been commonly applied to it
by the Jews. Its old name of Ziuz Avas given to a city which
its betrayer went and built among the Hittites.^^ Ephraim
failed, however, to drive out the Canaanites from Gezer ; and
Manasseh only reduced those of the valley of Esdraelon to
tribute after some time."^ Several cities of the northern liigh-
lands proved too strong for Zebulun and Naphtali, but
some of them were made tributaries, as Beth-shemesh and
Beth-anath. Asher did not even attempt to take Accho,
Zidon, and the other cities of the Phoenician sea-board and
the Lebanon, but they dwelt among the people of the land.
Lastly, the men of Dax were forced back by the Amorites
from the valleys of their lot into the mountains ; and even
there the Amorites retained some strongholds, which were
ultimately reduced to tribute by the power of Ephraim.
This was no doubt the chief motive of the northern expedition
^* Judg. i. 5-8. That it was only
flie lower city which was taken is ex-
pressly stated by Josephus (Ant. v
" Judg. i. 9-15 ; comp. chap. xvi.
^^ Judg. i. IG; comp. iv. 11; I
2, § 23); and we also learn from the Sam. xv. 6, xxvii. 10, xxx. 19 ; 1
biblical narrative that the upper city Chron. ii. 55,
remained in the hands of the Jebu- ^^ Judg. i. 17; comp. Num. xxi
sites till the time of David, Comp. 3; 1 Chron, iv. 30.
Josh. XV, C3; Judg, i, 21; and chap. " Judg. i. 21. See note ^\
xvi. § 11. I 1^ Judg. i. 22-26.
'^ Here again we find Manasseli in the lot of Issacliuv
B.C. 1-125? TJie Earlier Judges. 321
of the Danites, which has been already mentioned, and to
which we shall have to recur. The Amorites also kept pos-
session of the " Pass of Scorpions'''' (Akrabbim), from " Selah "
(the cliff, Petra ?) upward, south of the Dead Sea."
These fitful efforts were reproved by a prophet,'® who went
forth from Gilgal to some solemn assembly of the people in
its neighborhood ; and told them that, as they had failed to
keep God's covenant, He v\'ould not drive out the people be-
fore them. They kept a great act of public humiliation, with
sacrifices to Jehovah ; and from their cries of repentance the
place received the name oi BocJdrn (the iceepers).'''
§ 4. After this introduction we have the general summary
of the vicissitudes of idolatry and repentance, servitude and
deliverance, which we have already noticed.^" It ends with
the enumeration of the heathen nations Avho were still left,
" to prove Israel by them :" a trial in which they failed, in-
termarrying with them, worshiping their gods, doing evil in
the sight of Jehovah, forgetting their own God, and serving
" Baalim and the groves."'"^' These statements are illustrated
by the dark records of idolatry, vice, and cruelty, which oc-
cupy the closing chapters of the book, and which may be
most fitly noticed here, especially as they seem to belong to
the earlier part of the period of the judges.^* They are ex-
pressly mentioned as examples of the disorder of those days
when "there was no king in Israel, but every man did that
which w^as right in his own eyes.""
i. The Story of Micah and the Danite^.^^ A man of Mount
Ephraim, named Micah, had stolen from his mother 1100
shekels of silver. She cursed the unknown thief, and devoted
the silver to Jehovah, to make a graven and a molten image;
a sign of that first step in idolatry, when forbidden symbols
w^ere intruded into the worship) of the true God. Micah con-
fessed the theft, and restored the silver to his mother, who
dedicated 200 shekels of it to the fulfillment of her vow. The
two images were set up in the house of Micah, w^ho made also
^■^ J uflg. i. 27-3(5. ] tliey luid taken possession of Canaan,
'® Such seems to be the meaning it must liave ;>rece<ie(/ the offenses for
of the phrase " an angel (messenger) which they were enslaved to the sur-
of Jehovah " (Jiidg. ii. 1). rounding nations. See further, on
Judg. ii. 1-6. Its site
known.
=*" Judg. ii. 6-iii. 7.
'^ Judg. iii. 6, 7.
^ Since the deed at Gibeah is
mentioned by Hosea (x. 9) as the
first open wickedness of Israel after
O 2
the Chronology, Notes and Illustra-
tions (A.).
^^ Judg. xvii. 6, xviii. 1, xix. 1,
xxi. 25. These passages show that
the authorship of this part of the
book belongs to the regal period.
'^* Judg. xvii. -xviii.
822 Micah and the Daiiiks. Chap. xvii.
an epliod (the garment of a priest)" and teraphim (minor
household gods), and consecrated one of his sons as priest ;
thus making a complete patriarchal establishment for the
worship of Jehovah, but with the addition of idolatrous sym-
bols/'' He soon obtained for his priest a young Levite who
had removed from Bethlehem-judah, and wlio was no less a
person than the grandson of Moses (see below). Micah
hired him for ten shekels a year, besides garments and food ;
and, though the law forbade a Levite to intrude into the
priests' otHce, Micah felt sure that Jehovah would bless him,
now he had a Levite for his priest."
About this time the Danites sent out five spies, to prepare
for their great expedition against Laish. In passing the
house of Micah, the spies recognized the A^oice of the Le-
vite, who received them, inquired of Jehovah respecting the
issue of their journey, and gave them a favorable response."
Tlie spies having accomplished their mission, 600 men of war
started from the Danite cities of Zorah and Eshtaol, and, after
a halt at Kirjath-jearim in Judah, they entered Mount Eph-
raim ; and as they passed by the house of Micah, they stole
his carved image,"' ephod, and teraphim, and enticed his priest
to go with them. Having taken the city of Laish by sur-
prise, and called it by the new name of Dax,^" they set up
there the graven image, and established a sanctuary for
themselves, and probably for others of the northern tribes, all
the time that the tabernacle remained at Shiloh. The fam-
ily of the Levite, whose name was Jonathan, the son of Ger-
shom, the son of Moses, continued to be priests to the tribe
of Dan down to the Captivity. ^^ The circumstance of the
priest's being the grandson of Moses helps to fix the time of
"^^ This was, no donbf, an imitation I vention of tlic liireliiig. The Levite
)f the sacred epliod of the liifili-priest, I is snp])oscd to have hccn recognized
-with tlie " breastplate of judgment"
and the Urim and Thummim, the
use of which for divination is referred
To in Judg. xviii. 5, 6. Gideon made
a similar e])hod (Jiulg. viii. 27).
from being — as tiie grandson of
Moses — a well-known person.
^^ The molten image seems to have
baen left behind.
^" The citv of Dan is identified
The phrase " Micah had a honse with Tell rl-Kadi, a mound from
of idols" (xvii. .')) may refer eitlier to which gushed out one of the main
his own house, or to a separate chapel I sources of the Jordan,
for the idol figures. ^Mudg. xviii. 30, 81. TheMas-
^' Micah's devout belief in Jeho- oretic text, followed hy our version,
vah forms a striking contrast to the I has changed the name of Moses to
])anites' mere acknowledgment of a Manasseh ; inventing an absurd gene-
God (Elohim). j alogy to cover the disgrace of a
^" It can not be supposed that this grandson of Mose« ! See Dictionarjf
response was any thing but the in- of the Bible, vol. ii. p. 225.
B.C. 1406? The Earlier Judges. 323
the transaction to the earlier part of the period of the judg-
es.^^ The whole narrative affords a lively picture of the
frightful state of anarchy into which the nation had fallen ;
while it presents us, in the case of Micah, with a specimen of
the family life of the Israelites in the country districts.
ii. The Extermination of the Benjamites.^^ A certain Le
vite of Mount Ephraim had taken a concubine from Bethle-
hem-judah. Having proved unfaithful to him, she returned
to her father's house at Bethlehem, and remained there four
months. At length the Levite went to propose a recon-
ciliation and to fetch her home. He was gladly welcomed
by his father-in-law ; and we are presented with another in-
teresting jiicture of Hebrew interior life. After three days'
feasting together, and another two days' prolongation of the
visit at the pressing instance of the host, the Levite at length
resisted his entreaties to remain another night, and departed
toward the evening of the fifth day. He travelled with his
concubine, his servant, and two saddled asses; and as night
came on, they found themselves over against Jebus.^* Ke-
fusing the proposal of his servant to ask hospitality from
the natives, the man entered Gibeah^^ at sunset, to meet with
worse treatment than he could have feared from the most
licentious heathen. It would seem that the tribes had al-
ready begun to regard each other with the mutual jealousy
of foreigners. Proverbial as is the hospitality of those coun-
tries and races, the little party sat down in the street or open
square of the city, without being offered a lodging (which
was all they needed, for they had food and provender with
them) by any of the Benjamites. At length an old fellow-
countryman from Mount Ephraim, who lived in the city, as
h'e was returning from his work in the field, found the way-
farers in the street, and learning who they were, took them
home and showed them all the duties of hosi^itality. Now
^' The mention of Mahaneh-dan and the Levite are culled father-in-
(Jndg. xviii. 12) ])roves that it was ' /(i?y and so«-?«-/aw,
at least earlier than the birth of Sam- ! ^^ The citadel of Jerusalem, still
son, when the place already had that held by the Jebusites.
name (Judg. xiii. 25); but it seems! ^^ This celebrated town, called
to have been much earlier still. See more fully Giheah of Benjamin, stood,
Notes and Illustralions (A.). \ as its name implies, on a height near
^^ Judg. xix.-xxi. In this whole the road from Jerusalem to Shechem.
narrative it is important to remember It seems to correspond with the
how different the status of a concu- height called Tuleil el-Ful, four miles
bine was among the Jews from what north of Jerusalem, and to the riglit
seems to resemble it among our- of the high-road. Near the base of
selves. In this case, too, the concu- the hill is a cave, in which the am^
bine was not a slave ; and her father biiscado may have been concealed.
82-i Extermination of tlie Benjamites. Chap. XVII.
the men of the city were " men of Belial," and had fallen into
the worst vices which had brought down fire from heaven on
the ancient cities of the land. When night came on, they
beset the old man's house, and what followed may be best
alluded to in the words in which Milton describes the power
of Belial over his votaries : —
" In courts and palaces he also reigns,
And in luxurious cities, where the noise
Of riot ascends above their loftiest towers,
And injury, and outrage : and when night
Darkens the streets, then wander forth the sons
Of Belial, flown with insolence and wine.
Witness the streets of Sodom, and tJiat ni<jht
In Gibeali, when the hospitable door
Exposed a matron, to avoid worse rapc."^^
In the morning the Levite carried home his half-dead concu-
bine ; and having cut her body into twelve pieces, he sent
them to the twelve tribes of Israel, who cried with one voice
that no such deed had been done or seen since the children
of Israel came up out of Egypt. With a unanimity which
recalls the spirit shown in resenting the supposed defection
of the two and a half tribes, the whole congregation of Isra-
el, from Dan to Beersheba, gathered together at Mizpeh,
where all the men of war, to the number of 400,000, present-
ed themselves before Jehovah. Having called upon the Le-
Adte to recount his wrong, they bound themselves by a sol-
emn vow of vengeance ; resolved not to separate till it Avas
fulfilled ; and chose by lot one man in every ten to find pro-
visions for the host. First, however, they sent messages
through all the tribe of Benjamin, to demand the surrender
of the culprits ; but the Benjamites espoused the cause of
the men of Gibeah with that fierceness and obstinacy which
appear so often in their history, justifying the prophecy of
Jacob, " Benjamin shall ravin as a Avolf " They drew to a
head at Gibeah, to the number of 26,000 fighting-men, be-
sides those of the city, who numbered VOO. It is particularly
recorded that there were 700 left-handed men, who could
sling stones to a hair-breadth."
The other tribes assembled at the sanctuary of Shiloh,
where the ark then Avas, Phinehas, Aaron's grandson, being
high-priest f^ and in reply to their inquiry of the oracle of
^^ Paradise Lost, hook i. vs. 497- 1 1')), and of the brethren of Saul-
SOS. I himself, bv the wav, a man of Gibeah
^■'Thc skill of the Benjamites in (1 Chron.'xii. 2). "
the use of the left-hand is again men- 1 '" Judg. xx. 18, 23, 26-28. It is
tioned in the case of Ehud (Judg. iii. i not clear whether Shiloh or BetheJ
B.C. UOG? Extermination of the Benjamites. 325
God, Judah was directed to lead the attack on Benjamin.
Then followed a struggle almost unexampled in the history of
civil wars. The army of Israel having been arrayed against
Gibeah, the Benjamites sallied out and defeated them, slay-
ing 22,000 men. They rallied their forces in the same place,
and spent the next day in weeping before God ; while the
tone of their inquiry, " Shall I go up again to battle against
the children of Benjamin mj brother f^^ seems to show some
misgiving. But the oracle bade them renew the attack, and
for the second time they were defeated, with the loss of 18,000
men. Again the whole congregation assembled at Shiloh to
keep a solemn fost, with burnt-oiferings and peace-offerings,
and again they consulted the oracle "through Phinehas the
high-priest. They were bidden to fight again, and assured
of victory on the morrow. They arranged a stratagem, like
that by which Joshua took Ai. An ambush Avas set near
Gibeah, while the main army were drawn up as before. This
time their flight was feigned*^ The Benjamites pursued them,
slaying about thirty men, till they were drawn from the city,
over which was now seen to rise the column of smoke, whicli
first apprised them of the stratagem, and was the signal of
its success. The Israelites turned upon their pursuers, who
were stricken with a panic, and fled toward the Avilderness.
They were met by the other body, who had sacked Gibeah,
and 18,000 of them were left dead upon the field. 5000 fell
on the highways; and 2000 more were slain, apparently in a
last rally at Gidom.^^ The 600 men, who were all now left
of the 25,700 warriors of the tribe, fled to the rock ofRim-
mon, in the wilderness, and remained there four months;
while the Israelites burnt their cities, and put the inhabitants
and the cattle to the sword.
At length their anger began to turn to pity ; and they as-
sembled again at the sanctuary to mourn before God, because
a tribe was cut off from Israel. Its total extinction seemed
inevitable ; for, when they made the league at Mizpeh, they
had bound themselves by a curse not to give their daughters
in marriage to the Benjamites. But a remedy was found in
another curse which they had imprecated on any of the tribes
who neglected to come up to the battle. On numbering the
people, it was found that the men of Jabesh-gilead" were ab-
is meant. Phineas is mentioned in
two passages as being already priest
in the time of Joshua (Josh, xxii, 13,
xxiv. 33). It is to be observed that
in the whole of this, as of the pro-
ceding narrative, there is no hint of
a judge.
"^^ Tliese arc round numbers : in v.
35 the total of the slain is 25, 100.
^'^ This is the city in Mount Gilead,
326 Tlie Earlier Judges, Chap. XVII.
sent. That city was devoted to destruction: 12,000 men
were sent against it, witli orders to destroy all the men and
women, except virgins ; and these, amounting to 400, were
o;iven for wives to the remnant of the Benjamites. The re-
mainino- 200 were provided for by the Benjamites seizing the
maidens of Shiloh, who came out of the city to dance at one
of the great annual feasts ; the elders of Israel suggested the
scheme, and made peace with the fathers of the maidens. The
children of Israel then departed to their homes. The Benjam-
ites returned to their inheritance, and repaired their cities.
They regained something of their old martial fame, and gave
Israel its second judge, Ehud, and its first king, Saul, the son
of Kish ; but they never recovered from this terrific blow.
After liesitating between the two powerful tribes whose ter-
ritories they parted, and ranging themselves at first on the side
of Ephraim, they at last subsided, like the Simeonites, into
a position entirely subordinate to Judah, and their territory
was absorbed in Judi^a. Down to the latest period of Jewish
history their crime was remembered as marking the time from
which Israel began to sin, and the righteous indignation of
the other tribes was commemorated as " the battle in Gibeah
((gainst the children of iniquity. '^^'^^
§ 5. We must guard, however, against the impression that
such scenes as these describe the whole, or even the chief part,
of the history of Israel under the Judges. In the book itself^
the intervals during which "the land had rest" make up a
large aggregate of years, though we are apt to overlook them
from the brevity of each notice. These hints are in some de-
gree filled up to a finished picture, in the exquisite scenes of
rural tranquillity set before us in the Book oi Ruth. The
events there related are merely said to have happened "in
the time of the Judges ;" but from the genealogies we gath-
er that they fell in the i^-eneration after the troubles above
related.*-
A man named Elimelech, an Ephrathite of Bethlehem-judah,
liad been driven by a famine" into the country of Moab, with
his wife Naomi, and their two sons, Mahlon and Chilion. The
sons married women of Moab, named Orpah and Ruth ; and
the family resided in that country for about ten years. The
east of Jordan, afterward so celcbra- : of Judges is that caused by the inroad
ted in the wars of Saul (I Sarn. xi. of the Midianitcs in the time of Gid-
xxxi.). " Hos. X. 9. con (Judg.vi.). But in the state of
*' i^cQ, Notes and Illustrations (iK.). iv^Aivs whiclx prevailed during the
^^ Bishop Patrick observes thnt tlie whole period such famines can not
only famine mentioned in th;; Bouk have been unfrequent.
B.C. 1312? Ruth. 327
father died, and both his sons ; and Naomi rose up to return
to her own bind. She gave leave to her daughters-in-law to
go back to their families ; but both declared they would re-
turn with her. On her urging the point, for their own sakes,
Orpah bade her an affectionate farewell, and went back " to
her people and her gods ;" but Ruth cast in her lot wholly
with Naomi." They reached Bethlehem at the beginning of
barley harvest, and Ruth sought subsistence as a gleaner.
What followed turns entirely upon the provisions of the Mo-
saic laAv for the "Levirate" marriage of a widow and the re-
demption of her husband's inheritance by the " Goel," or
nearest kinsman. A wealthy and powerful man of Bethle-
hem, named Boaz, whose grandfather, Nahslion, was prince
of the tribe of Judah,*^ was a very near kinsman (though not
the nearest) to Naomi's deceased husband Elimelech, and con-
sequently to Ruth, as the widovr of his son. It chanced that
Ruth Avent to glean in this man's field ; and the mind, dis-
tressed with the fatal story of other inhabitants of the same
city," finds exquisite relief in the picture of Boaz visiting the
gleaners, not like a grudging farmer, but in the spirit of
kindness prescribed by Moses ; blessing them, and blessed
by them in the name of Jehovah. Ruth attracted his atten-
tion ; and when he learned Avho she was, he bade her glean
only in his field, and enjoined the reapers to shoAv her kind-
ness. In reply to her thanks, he praised her devotion to hei
mother-in-law, and her coming to place her trust under the
wings of Jehovah, God of Israel. Thus passed the Avhole
iiarvest, Ruth folloAving the reapers, who Avere instructed by
Boaz to throAV handfuls of corn in her Avay, and sharing their
daily meal.^^ MeauAvhile Naomi, full of gratitude to God,
Avho had thus guided her to her husband's nearest kinsman,
instructed Ruth to claim her rights under the Levirate laAA^"
Boaz blessed her in the name of Jehovah ; praised her virtue
and her fidelity to him AA-hom the laAv had made her rightful
husband; guarded the most scrupulous delicacy toward her;
and promised to do the part of a kinsman by her.
In the morning he kept his Avord.^^ We have a truly pa-
triarchal picture of this Avealthy and poAverful man of Bethle-
** Her words are among the most
pathetic in all the records of litera-
ture (Rnth i. 15-18).
" 1 Chron. ii. 10.
"It is a most interesting link be-
tween these three concluding stories
other Levite of the second, and the
chief persons of the third, belong to
Bethlehem. *'' Ruth ii.
^^ Rutli iii. We may safely assume
that Naomi knew enough of the one
still nearer kinsman to be aware that
of the Books of Judges and Ruth that j the appeal to him -vould be fruitless.,
the Levite Jonathan of the first, the j *'^ Ruth iv.
828 The Earlier Judges. Chap. XVn.
hem sitting, like Job, in the gate of the city ; and, as all the
inhabitants came forth, calling iirst the " Goel," or nearest kins-
man of Elimelech, to sit beside him, and then asking ten of the
elders to take their seats, to witness and ratify the transaction.
In their presence, he informed the "Goel" that Naomi had
a field to sell, which must be redeemed either by him or by
Boaz himself; and the Goel consented to redeem it, thus ad-
mitting the claim of kindred. But when Boaz went on to say
that, if the Goel took the field, he must take also Rutli, the
Moabitess, the wife of the dead, " to raise up the name of the
diad upon his inheritance," the kinsman found an excuse, and
transferred the right of redemption to Boaz. The ceremony
prescribed by the law was then performed.^" The sandal of
the kinsman was taken oft* in the presence of the elders and
the people ; and Boaz called them to witness that he had
bought of Naomi all that had belonged to Elimelech, and to
his sons Chilion and Mahlon, and that he had purchased Ruth,
the Moabitess, the wife of Mahlon, to be his wife, to raise up
the name of the dead upon his inheritance. The elders rati-
fied the deed, invoking upon Ruth the blessing of Rachel and
Leah, who had built the house of Israel, and that the house of
Boaz might be made like that of his ancestor Pharez, the son
of Judah. The blessing was fulfilled more highly than they
thought. Ruth bore to Boaz a son, named Obed, the father
of Jesse, the fiithcr of David ; and so Christ, " the son of Da-
vid," derived his lineage from a Moabitish woman, who had
shown a faith rarely found in Israel, and whose husband was
the son of the harlot Rahab.^'
§ 6. From these scenes of Jewish life during this period w^e
turn to the history of the Judges themselves. They were
fifteen in number, 'Deborah, the prophetess, being reckoned
with her male associate, Barak : — (1.) Othniel ; (2.) Ehud ; (3.)
Shamgar; (4.) Deborah and Barak; (5.) Gideon; (6.) Abim-
elech; (7.) Tola; (8.) Jair ; (9.) Jephthah ; (lO.)Ibzan; (11.)
Elon; (12.) Abdon; (13.) Samson; (U.) Eli; (15.) Samuel.
Tlie mission of each judge was preceded by a period of op-
pression under a foreign conqueror,^'
The first of these conquerors was Chushan-rishathaim, king
^" Comp. Dcut. XXV. 7, 9. radites got their chief idols (Baal and
^' Ruth iv. 17-22 ; I Chron. ii. 10- Ashtavoth) from one quarter — the
12; Matt. i. T) ; Luke iii. 32. On north (Phoenicia), and their chief
the close connection implied in the j punishments from another — the east
narrative between Bethlehem and the ; and south. Tiie remark is not uni-
countrv of Mnab, see Dictionary of versa], for they also worshiped the
the Bible, art. Bethlehem. I gods of Moab, Chemosh, etc.
" It has been observed that the Is- 1
B.C. 1394, foil. Othnid — Ehud. 329
of Aram-naharaim {Aram of the two rivers^ ^.e., Mesopotamia),
the original home of the family of Abraham." Looking at
the fact that Balaam was brought from Aram to curse the
people, we may perhaps infer that this king was allied with
those constant enemies of Israel, the Miclianites andMoabites.
After the people had served him eight years, b.c. 1402-1394),
God raised up Othjviel,^* Caleb's nephew, whose valor has
already been mentioned, to be their deliverer, and the^rs^
judge. Of him it is recorded, what is not said of all the
judges, that " the spirit of Jehovah Avas upon him." The
land had rest under his government for forty years (b.c. 1394-
1354);" or rather, if our suggestion respecting the chronolo-
gy be adopted, the whole period of the contest Avith Chu-
shan-rishathaim and the judgeship of Othniel extended over
a total of forty years.
§ 7. The next enemy AA'ho prevailed against Israel Avas Eg-
lon^ king of Moab, Avho formed a great league Avith the Am-
monites and Amalekites. He crossed the Jordvan, defeated
the Israelites, and took possession of " the city of palm-trees,"
that is, probably the site on Avhich Jericho had formerly
stood. ^*' His poAA^er endured for eighteen years" till a de-
liverer Avas raised up in Ehud, the son of Gera, Avho is reck-
oned the second judge!"^ He Avas one of those left-handed,
or ambidextrous Benjamites, already alluded to, and his skill
Avith the left hand Avas fatal to the King of Moab. As a Ben-
jamite, he Avas naturally deputed to carry a present toEglon
at Jericho, Avhich lay Avithin the territory of that tribe. He
prepared a double-edged dagger, a cubit long, and girded it
on his right thigh under his garment. Having offered the
present, he Avent aAvay as far as " the graven images "^^ at
Gilgal, Avhere he dismissed his attendants, and returned to the
king, whom he found in the retirement of his summer parlor.
^^ Judg. iii. 8; comp. Hah. iii. 7, would agree with the pvobabiliiies of
where the context makes it jiiubablc ! the case.
the Cushan of the prophet is the same
as Chushau-rishathaim.
^' His name signifies " Lion of
God :" on the question, whether he
Comp. Dent, xxxiv. 3 ; Judges
i. 16.
^Judges iii. 12-14. B.C. 1354-
1336.
^'^ The name was hereditary among
brother, see Biblical Dictionary, art. I the Benjamites. See Gen. xlvi. 21 ;
Othniel. i2 Sam.xvi. 5; 1 Chron. vii. 10, viii.
" We give the dates of tlie received i 3, 6.
chronology : but see the Notes and II- ' ^^ This is the meaning of the word
lustrations. The scheme there sug- j rendered "quarries'' (Jiulg. iii. 10,
gested would place Othniel's death 26) ; it may refer to tlie twelve stones
about B.C. 1371, or eighty years after taken out of the bed of the Jordan
the passage of the Jordan, which ; and set up there (Josh. iv. 20).
830 TJte Earlier Judges. Chap. XVII.
On Ehud's telling him that he had a secret message to him
from God, Eglon dismissed his attendants and rose to receive
it with reverence, when Ehud plunged his dagger into the
body of the king, whose obesity was such that the weapon
vv^as buried to the handle, and Ehud could not draw it out
again. Ehud locked the doors of the summer parlor, and
went out through the porch. It Avas long before the attend-
ants ventured to break in upon the king's privacy ; and mean-
while Ehud escaped beyond the graven images at Gilgal to
Seiratli, in Mount Ephraim. The children of Israel rallied at
the sound of liis trumpet in those highland fastnesses; and
he led them down into tlie plain. Eirst seizing the fords of
tlie Jordan, he fell upon the Moabites, who were completely
defeated, with the loss of 10,000 of their best warriors. And
so the land had rest for eighty years. '^'^ It is to be observed
that Ehud is not called a judge throughout the narrative, but
only a deliverer; still the way in which his death is mention-
ed at the beginning of tlie next chapter seems to imply that
lie held the regular power of a judge to the end of his life.*'
§ 8. The place of third judge is commonly assigned to
SiiAMGAR, the sonof Anath, who delivered Israel from the tyr-
anny of the PhlUstines, and displayed his strength by killing
GOO of them with an ox-goad.''^ But there seems no reason
for reckoning this as a deliverance of the whole land from a
positive subjection. The Philistines were a constant "thorn
in the side " to Israel on the south-west frontier, in addition
to all the other enemies they had to encounter ; and it was
not till the time of Eli and Samson and Samuel that they be-
came the chief oppressors of the people. Shamgar is not call-
ed a judge ; and his exploits seem to have been of the same
nature as those of Samson, irregular acts of personal prowess,
having but little lasting effect on the condition of the people
at large. His time and acts may, therefore, be safely includ-
ed in the jireceding period of eighty years. Accordingly the
next captivity is said to have begun " after the death of
Ehud."^'^
J< 9. After the death of Ehud, the people were again sold,
for their sins, into the hand of the Canaanite Jahin^hing of
Ilazor ; who, like his ancestor of the same name, was the head
*"'^ B.C. 13oG-12r>G, Vulg., or, no- | to fall within tliis period of tranquii-
cnrdiiifjj to tlie view sugirested in the lity.
Note^ and IKuslrationR, the whole pe- ^^ On the chronological relation of
rioil from tlic death of Othniel to that Ehud's judgeship to the massacre of
of Eglon was eifrlity years, B.C. 1371- the B'Mijamites, ?,qc. Notes and Jllustr.
1291. The history of Ruth appears I *'- Judg. iii. 31. "^^ Judg. iv. 1
B.C. 1316. Sliamjar — Dtborah — Barak. 331
of a great confederacy in Northern Palestine." He had 900
war-chariots of iron, and his host was commanded by a mighty
captain, named Sisera, who dwelt in Harosheth of the Gentiles,
a city in the north, deriving its epithet probably from its
mixed popnlation (like Galilee in later times), over whom
Sisera ruled as a chieftain. Its site is supposed to have been
on the western shore of the " waters of Merom," in the ter-
ritory of Naphtali, in which also Hazor was situated. Here
then we have not, as in the two former cases, an invasion from
without, but the rebellion of a state already once subdued, a
sad sign of the decay of Israel. For twenty years Jabin
" mio;htily oppressed" the land ; but both his ])0\ver and the
life of his captain Sisera were given as a spoil to the hands
of women.
At this time Israel was judged by a prophetess named Deb-
ORAH,"" the wife of Lapidoth, Vvho is reckoned witli Barak as
t\\^ fourth judge .^^ Her abode was under a palm-tree which
bore her name, a well-known solitary landmark," between
Ramah and Bethel ; and thither the people cam.e to her for
judgment. She sent an inspired message to Barak, ^^ the son
of Abinoam, of Kedesh, in Naphtali, bidding him assemble
10,000 men of Naphtali and Zebulun at Mount Tabor; for
Jehovah would draw Sisera and his host to meet him at the
river Kishon, and would deliver them into his hand. Barak
consented, only on the condition that Deborah would go Avith
irnn to the battle, though she warned him that he would reap
no honor, for Jehovah would sell Sisera into the hands of a
woman. The forces of Zebulun, Naphtali, and Issachar were
gathei'ed together at Kadesh, with some help fj-om the cen-
tral tribes, Ephraim, Manasseh, and Benjamin, as well as from
the half-tribe of Manasseh beyond Jordan. Those of the east
and south took no part in the contest ; Sisera advanced from
Harosheth to the great plain of Esdraelon or Jezreel, which
is drained by the river Kishon.'' He took up his position in
the south-west corner of the plain near " Taanach by the wa-
ters of Megiddo,'"" which w^ere numerous rivulets flowing
into the Kishon. Barak marched down from his camp on
Mount Tabor with his 10,000 men» "It was at this critical
" Jiulg. iv. ; comi). Josh. xi. i "M'erliaps tlie Rnal-tamar (a^wc-
"^ Her name means hec — a very an- tvary of the Palm) of Jiidir. xx. 33.
ci'nt symbol both of royal power and i ^^ His name sij;niii;'s lajhtnin;/, and
of inspired poetry. j is cotjnate wiih ihat of B</rca, the fa-
"^ Ir. seems more proper to consider ^ thor of Hannibal,
lior as tlie prophetess, inspiring and i ^^ For an account of this plain, see
directing Barak the judge. ^iic\ Notes and Illustrations {C.).
Ilc'b. xi. 32. . I '" Judg. V. 19.
332 TJie Earlier Judges. Chap. XVII.
moment that (as we learn directly from Josephus and indi-
rectly from the song of Deborah) a tremendous storm of sleet
and hail gathered from the east, and burst over the plain,
driving full in the face of the advancing Canaanites. 'The
stars in their courses fought against Sisera.' The rain de-
scended, the four rivulets of Megiddo were swelled into pow-
erful streams, the torrent of the Kishon rose into a flood, the
plain became a morass. The chariots and the horses, wliicli
should have gained the day for the Canaanites, turned against
them. They became entangled in the swamp ; the torrent
of Kishon — the torrent famous through former ages — swept
them away in its furious eddies; and in that wild confusion
' the strength' of the Canaanites ' was trodden down,' and the
' horse-hoofs stamped and struggled by the means of the plung-
ings and plungings of the mighty chiefs ' in the quaking mo-
rass and the rising streams. Far and wide the vast army fled
far through the eastern branch of the plain by Endor. There,
between Tabor and the Little Ilermon, a carnage took place
long remembered, in which the corpses" lay fattening the
ground. "^'^
Sisera escaped by dismounting from liis chariot, and fled
on foot to the tent of Heber the Kenite. This Arab sheikh
had sepai'ated from the encampment of his brethren, the
children of Hobab, the father-in-law of Moses, and removed
northward to "the oaks of the wanderei's" {Zaanaim), near
Kedesh, preserving, it should seem, friendly relations both
with the Jews and tlie Canaanites. At all events, it is dis-
tinctly stated that there was peace between Jabin and Heber;
and Sisera fled to the tent of Jael the wife of Heber. Jael
met him at the tent door, and pressed him to come in. He
accepted the invitation, and she flung a mantle " over him as
lie lay wearily on the floor. When thii'st prevented sleep,
and he asked for water, she brought him buttermilk in her
choicest vessel, thus ratifying the sacred bond of Eastern hos-
pitality. But anxiety still prevented Sisera from composing
himself to rest until he had exacted a promise from his pro-
tectress that she would faitlifully preserve the secret of liis
concealment ; till at last, with a feeling of perfect security,
the w'eary and unfortunate general resigned himself to the
'' "Wlncli perished at Endor, and became as dung for tlie eanli " (Ps.
Ixxxiii. 10).
" Stanley, Jewish Church, p. 322, First Series. His whole account of
this battle is a living picture.
''^ "Mantle" is here inaccurate. The Hebrew word probably signifies
some part of the regular furniture of the tent.
B.C. 1296.
Song of Deborah and Barak.
833
deep sleep of misery and fatigue. Then it was that Jael took
in her left hand one of the great wooden pins (in the Author-
ised Version " nail ") which fastened down the cords of the
tent, and in her right hand the mallet (in the Authorized Ver-
sion " a hammer ") used to drive it into the ground, and creep-
ing up to her sleeping and confiding guest, with one terrible
blow dashed it through Sisera's temples deep into the earth.
With one s
pae
of fruitless agony, with one contortion of
sudden pain, " at her feet he bowed, he fell ; where he bowed,
there he fell down dead.'"* She then waited to meet the
pursuing Barak, and led him into her tent that she might iu
his i^resence claim the glory of the deed.
Tlie narrative closes with the Song of Deborah and Ba-
rak^^ one of the most picturesque remains of Hebrew poetry,
and deserves to rank Avith the song of Moses and Miriam.
After praising God for the avenging of Israel, and for the
willingness Avith which tlie people offered themselves, it goes
back to the glories displayed by Jehovah amid the hills of
Seir and the mountains of Sinai. It describes the desolation
of the land in the time just past, when the highways were
empty, and travellers passed through by-ways ; when the vil-
lages Avere deserted, and not a spear or shield was to be found
among 40,000 in Israel till Deborah arose, a mother in Israel.
The princes, who had willingly offered themselves, are called
on to bless Jehovah, Avith the judges riding on their white
asses," and the people avIio could now draAV Avater at the Avells
unmolested by the archers of the enemy, and could go up in
security to the gates of JehoA^ah. The high notes of victory
are then pealed forth : —
" Awake ! awake, Deborali !
Awake ! awake, utter a song !
Arise, Barak !
And lead tliy captivity captive,
Thou son of Abinoam !"
The tribes are celebrated that joined in the battle, Ephraim,
Benjamin, Machir the son of Manasseh, Zebulun, and the
princes of Issachar ; and reiDroaches are cast upon the seces-
sion of Reuben, who staid among the sheepfolds, to hear the
bleating of his sheep ; on the men of Gilead, Avho abode be-
yond Jordan ; on Dan, Avho kept to his ships ; and on Asher,
who continued on the sea-shore, by the banks of his creeks."
The chief praise is given to Zebulun and Naphtali : —
'* Judg. V. 27. " Judg V, " It is remarkable that not a word
■"' The liorse was never used by tl e is said of Jndah and Simeon through-
Hebrews for peaceful purposes. out the narrative. Perhaps they
su
^Jong of Deborah and Barak. Chap. XVII.
" A people that jeoparded their lives
Unto the death in the high ])laccs of the field."'
Then the battle is described, in which
'• Tlicy fought from heaven —
The stars in their courses fought against Sisera,"
till the ancient river Kishon swept away the slain, and their
horse-hoofs were broken by their prancings. Meroz"* is de-
voted with a double curse,
"Because they came not to the help of Jeliovah —
To the help of Jehovah against the mighty ;"
and Jael is pronounced " blessed above women " for the slaugh-
ter of Sisera, which is described in the most ])oetic language.
But the gem of the whole piece is the concluding description
of Sisera's mother opening her lattice to look for his return,
and wondering why the wheels of his chariots tarry ; Avhile
her ladies remove her fears and contirm her hopes of victory
and spoil.
" So let all thy enemies perish, O Jehovah !
But let tlieni that love Him be
As the sun when he goeth forth in his might."'
The land had rest forty years. The conclusion of this pe-
riod, in the received chronology (b.c. 1256), coincides nearly
with the date as.signed by our proposed scheme (b.c. 1251).
To reconcile this with the reckoning of the twenty years of
captivity to Jabin and Sisera, as a distinct period, its com-
mencement is thrown back twenty years into the time of Ehud,
and it is assumed that the oppression of Jabin only aifected
the northern tribes. But, besides what we deem the obvious
inconsistency of this assumption with the whole tenor of the
narrative, the matter seems to be decided by the express
statement, that the beginning of Jabin's oppression was after
the death of Ehud."'
§ 10. At this point, half-way, according to our view, be-
tween the Exodus and the beginning of the kingdom, we may
divide the history of the Judges. Besides the chronological
difficulties, reserved for separate discussion, one or two ques-
tions demand our notice. Many persons have pointed to the
were fully occupied with their con-
stant enemies, the Philisrincs.
''^ Meroz was evidently near the
Kishon, perhaps at M&'asas, four
miles north-west of Be'isnn, on the
southern slope of the hills called the
Little Hermon, and commanding the
chief pass from the valley of Jezrcel
to that of Jordan. The offense of
the people may have consisted in
their neglecting to stop this pass.
The fact that the city is not mention
ed again makes it probable that it
was destroyed in consequence of its
devotion by Deborah.
*° Judges iv. 1,
B.C. 1296. Tlie Earlier Judges. 335
treachery of Ehud and Jael, as impossible to be mentioned
without indignant reprobation. It is not quite clear whether
the same \ iew would be taken of similar actions, when per-
petrated by the patriot deliverers of other countries, whose
names are not free from the blots of treachery and assassina-
tion. Nor is it easy to draw the line of moral demarcation
between the deeds which are permitted against an enemy in
open war, however slight may be the cause involved, and
those which are forbidden even Avhen the salvation of our
country is at stake. For example, Jael herself is requested
by Sisera to tell a lie to save his life.
But even if the conduct objected to be morally indefensi-
ble, it does not follow that the discredit of it belongs to the
God of Israel or to the Bible, as claiming to be His word.
Here, again, comes in the principle on which we have had to
insist in the history of the patriarchs, that the Bible does not
adopt the morality of all the acts that it records, not even of
those done by the servants of God. We must look through
the record to the influences under which the actors lived, and
not expect chivalrous honor from a fierce Benjamite, or scru-
pulous fidelity from a Bedouin woman. Had such qualities
been ascribed to them, the record would have been assailed
on the ground of its untruthfulness to nature.
But, it is said, these acts are more than simply recorded.
Ehud is immortalized as a deliverer and ruler in Israel ; Jael
receives the magnificent eulogy of the inspired prophetess.
But the employment of the former for the work for which he
was fitted does not imply approval of all his acts ; and the
latter is honored for her services to Israel, without any judg-
ment being passed on the means by which they were ren-
dered.
336
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XVtL
NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS.
(A.) CHRONOLOGY OF THE
FEKIOD OF THE JUDGES.
This is one of the most difficult
problems of Scripture clironology. In
the earlier books we have had a con-
secutive series of numbers, which give
by their addition results possessing a
jtrimd facie authority, though needing
further discussion. Sucli data are of-
fered also in the Book of Judges; but
there seem to be important gaps at
the beginning and the end, no num-
ber of years being fixed for the time
of Joshua and the elders who outlived
him, nor for the judgeship of Samuel.
The doubt has also been raised wheth-
er the numbers given in Judges are
properly consecutive ; and it has been
supposed that some of the servitudes
and of the judgeships were contem-
poraneous in different parts of the
land. Under these difficulties, we
have to seek for additional data • and
we find such partly in the distinct
computation of the whole period, and
partly in the Scripture genealogies.
1. The commencement of the build-
ing of tlie Temple, in the fourth year
of Solomon's reign, is expressly stated
to have been in the 480th year after
the children of Israel left Egypt (1 K.
vi. 1). A computation like this pos-
sesses the Highest authority. It must
have been made with scrupulous care
from the ancient records ; and critics
have sought in vain for any trace of
error in the text. The epoch of Solo-
mon's accession is fixed by the inde-
pendent evidence of the subsequent
annals of the kingdom at B.C. lOlG,
and consequently the commencement
of the building of the Temple falls iu
B.C. 1012, current; and, reckoning
back the 480 years, we obtain the be-
ginning (spring) of B.C. 1491 for the
epoch of tlie Exodus, the date adopt-
ed in the received chronology of Ussh-
er.
2. There is, however, another total
Avhich seems, jn-hnd facie, irreconcil-
able with the former. In St. Paul's
discourse at Antioch, in Pisidia, ho
says : "After that " — the division of
the land by lot — "he gave them
judges about the space of 450 years,
until Samuel the prophet : and after-
ward they desired a king."* This
clearly makes the interval from the
division of the land to the election of
Saul as king about 450 years. Add-
ing to this forty years for the time
! spent in the wilderness, with seven
'years for the conquest of Canaan,
j and, at the other end, eighty years
I for the reigns of Saul and David, with
j the first three years of Solomon, or
130 years in all, we obtain 580 years
from tlie Exodus to the building of
the Temple. t The difi'erenco of jv
round 100 years fairly suggests the
hypothesis of a textual error ; but the
other elements must first be carefully
examined.
3. Supposing, for the moment, that
the numbers given in the Book of
» Acts xiii. 20, 21. Tlie word '■'■ abaiiV
should not be overlooked in reasonings based
on tills passage.
t Josephiis makes tlie fame period 5"3
years, which seems to show that some such
computation was the received one among the
learned Jews about the Christian era.
Chap, XVII.
Xotes and Illustrations.
337
Judges arc consecutive, we have the
following results : — i
From the division of tlie land to tlie y«
death of the elderd who outlived
Joshua
rii"st Servitude, to Mesopotamia
First Judge : Otuniel
Second Servitude, to Moab
Second Judge: Fiicd
Tliird Judge : Suamgau
Third Servitude, to Jabin and Sisera
Fourth Judge : Deborah and Barak. .
Fourth Servitude, to Midian
Fifth Judge : Gideon
Sixth Judge : AuiMELEcn
Seventh Judge : Tola
Eighth Judge : Jair ,
Fifth Servitude, to Ammon
iS'iuth Judge : Jepiitiiaii
Tenth Judge : Ibzan
Eleventh Judge: Elon
Twelfth Judge : Abdon
Sixth Sei-vitude, to the Philistines
Thirteentli Judge : Samson
Fourteenth Judge: Eli
Fifteenth Judge : Samuel
Total period of the Judges 450
Tiic exact agreement of this total with
the computation of Acts xiii. 20, 21,
suggests that the "latter was obtained,
by the same process of simple addi-
tion, from the numbers as they stand
in the Hebrew text ; but whether the
computation was made by the Apostle
himself, or whether it is a gloss, is a
question fairly open to further exami-
nation. There is an obvious incon-
sistency between these numbers and
the whole period of 480 rears given
in(l).
4. Before subjecting these results
to criticism, let us sec what we obtain
from the genealogies. In four dis-
tinct passages we have the following
four generations between the passage
of the Jordan and the birth of David
(Ruth iv. 17, 21, 22 ; 1 Chron. ii. 11,
12 ; Matt. i. 5 : Luke iii. 32).
Salmon =rvahab.
Eoaz— Paith.
I
Obet>.
Jesse.
I
David.
P
In the face of this agreement, it seems
impossible to treat the genealogies
as of little consequence in determin-
ing the chronology of the period. Con-
clusions should, of course, be drawn
from them only with great caution.
Meanwhile, their inconsistency with
the longer period is self-evident.*
Such are tlie chief materials of the
argument. We do not encumber it
with the statements of the ancient
chronologers, Eusebius, Africanus,
Syncellus, and the rest, because they
are only opinions resting on these data.
These writers all agree in a long pe-
riod ; and it may be observed that
they all follow, with a professional
narrowness, the tendency of chronolo-
gers to make their science a matter of
arithmetic, without sufficient regard
to the broader historical criticism, in
the light of which alone the numbers
cf chronology become intelligible and
consistent.
5. In applying such criticism to the
scheme of numbers derived from tlie
Book of Judges in (3), we discover the
following defects of principle, besides
others of detail. The threefold process
of declension, punishment, and deliv-
erance, has been already described.
For each of these three steps time
must be allowed ; and the scheme in
question, while affecting to compute
the second and third Avith numerical
exactness, makes no allowance for the
first. It seems as if the people fell
into sin and captivity simultaneously
immediately on the death of each
judge ; that this state lasted for a def-
inite number of years, at the end of
which a new judge is raised up, for
whose work of deliverance no distinct
period is allowed ; and then, that de-
liverance being effected, the land has
* We speak here without reference to the
proposed interpolation of generations sup-
posed to be wanting — a device only jiistifi:i-
ble by necessity, except, of course, in the
well-known cases where they are certainly
passed over.
338
Notes and Illustraiions.
Chap. XVII.
rest for a certain number of years.
For this is, in several cases, the state-
ment of the text ; and, if we are to
insist on taking each phrase literally,
we must allow four divisions of each
period — first, the declension ; then,
the punishment ; thirdly, the deliver-
ance; and, last, the period of rest,^
which would give us & total far ex-
ceeding the longest of the above.*
But, in truth, if we look at the ques-
tion in the light of ordinary history,
we shall see that this whole system of
definite divisions rests on a false prin-
ciple. The real process must rather
have been such as this : when the peo
pie forsook Jehovah and began to
abandon their attitude of opposition
to the heathen around and among
them, the power of the latter against
them would begin to increase, by a
natural process as well as by a judi-
cial retribution, till they obtained a
decided superiority. From the first
moment that the tide turned, many of
the Israelites would grieve over their
fate, and some few — men of the spirit
of Othniel and Gideon — would begin
to plan their enterprises of patriotism
till a struggle of greater or less lengtii
was crowned by a signal victory. But
even after this victory, much work
would remain to complete the deliv-
erance and to secure the "rest," with
which each narrative concludes. All
this is true, more or less, from the very
nature of the case, and from our ex-
perience of similar conflicts ; but in-
dications of it are not wanting in the
narrative itself. We are expressly
told that the deliverer Avas raised up
as soon as the people cried to Jeho-
vah ; and we know that the Israelites
were never slow to cry out under suf-
fering. Othniel's whole history is one
of conflict Avith the Amorites, Ca-
* As a proof that common ponse demands
some latitude of interi'retation, we may cite
tlie curirm:^ phi-a?e: "And that year they
vexed and oppresnod the children of Israel
aghtccn y ar-i^ (Judg. ::. S).
naanites, and their allies. How could
Ehud's enterprise have been supported
at once by the forces that rallied at
the sound of his trumpet in Mount
Ephraim, unless there had been bands
already in resistance to the tyrant?
We can not suppose that Hazor was
raised again from its ruins, and the
tyranny of the second Jabin estab-
lished, without a hard resistance from
the warriors of Zebulun and Naphtali,
who seem to have been already in
arms among their mountains under
Barak, when he was summoned by
Deborah ; and she is expressly stated
to have judged Israel in Mount Eph-
raim during the oppression of Jabin
(Judg. iv. 14). In the cases of Gideon
and Samson, we have the whole his-
tory, from the birth to the death of
the deliverer ; and the period during
which the latter judged Israel is ex-
pressly included in the forty years'
tyranny of the Philistines. That tyr-
anny, too, Avas triumphant during the
time of Eli, and lasted over the ad-
ministration of Samuel into the reign
of Saul.
From all these considerations we
draw the conclusion that the number
of years given at the end of the histo-
ry of each judge is the total of the pe-
riod from the death of the preceding
judge, including the declension, op-
pression, deliverance, and rest — in
one word, that these periods are inclu-
sive ; and it appears plain on the face
of the book that they are consecutive*
We may even reconcile this view with
the most literal construction of tlie
text, by reading — " And the land had
rest: [it was] /ort>/ i/ears" (Judg. iii.
11, etc.) — that is, regarding the date
as appended to the Avhole narrative.
* The exception in the case of Shamgar con-
firms the argument, for no number of years is
assigned to him, and, as we have seen, tlie op-
pression of Jabin is dated from the death of
Ehud. This care to mark Shamgar' s period
as not consecutive with the one named before
it confirms the general principle of the con.
secutiveness of the rest.
CuAP. XVII.
Notes and Illustrations.
839
We have seen a case precisely sim-
ilar in the prophecy to Abraham of
the fortunes of his posterity (Gen. xv.
13), where the words " four hundred
years " most clearly describe the whole
period from the call of Abraham to
the Exodus, and must not be read ex-
clusively with the preceding phrase,
" they shall afflict them."
6. Looking at the narrative from
this point of view, we are struck by
two curious facts : first, the prevalence
of the number forty, which we have
already had in the three forties of the
life of Moses, and which we meet with
again in the forty years of Saul and
the forty years of David ; and, second-
ly, that the total of 480 years in the
Book of Kings is equal to twelve times
forty years. On turning to the Book
of Judges to see how far it is possible
to make out twelve periods of forty
years each, we have found the follow-
ing results : all the numbers, except
those in brackets, are taken directly
from the Book of Judges itself; only
the periods of servitude are passed
over as being included in the others.
Periods.
Years.*
i. From tlie Exodus to the pas-
sage of Jordan 40
ii. To the death of Joshua and
the surviving elders [40]
iii. Judgeship of Othniel 4(J
iv. V. Judgeship of Ehud (Sham-
gar included) 80
vi. Judgeship of Deborah and
Barak 40
vii. Judgeship of Gideon 40
Viii. ix. Abimelech to Abdon, to-
tal [SO]
X. Oppression of the Philistines,
contemporary with the judge-
ships of Eli, Samson (aud
Samuel) ?...... 40
xi. Reign of Saul (including per-
haps Samuel) 40
xii. Reign of David 40
Ending
about
B.C.
1451
1411
1371
1291
1251
1211
1131
1091
1051
1011
Total.
iii.-x. belong properly to the
Judges 320
With regard to the numbers in
• It is an essential part of our argument to
regard these as only i-ound numbei-s.
! brackets. The length assigned to pe-
I riod ii. seems probable in reference to
the course of the history, and consist-
I ent with the analogy of the preceding
i period ; for, as forty years were al-
lowed for the extinction of the older
j generation in the wilderness, it seems
natural that the same period should
be allowed for the decease of the eld-
ers of the next generation. An ob-
jection may be raised, however, from
the length given to the life of Othniel,
who must have been upward of twen-
ty years old at the time of the division
of the land, and therefore upward of
one hundred at his death ; but this is
not inconsistent with the duration of
life among the most vigorous men of
that age, as we see in the case of
Joshua and Caleb. The double pe-
riod of eighty years (viii. and ix.),
from Abimelech to Abdon, agrees
nearly enough with the sum of the
separate numbers assigned to the
judges of that period, which make up
seventy-nine years. About period xi.
there is some difficulty. We do not
find forty years distinctly assigned to
the reign of Saul in the Old Testament,
but it is expres.sly mentioned by St.
Paul (Acts xiii. 21); and all the
chronologers agree in accepting the
number, either for the reign of Saul
himself, or for the whole ])eriod from
the death of Eli to that of Saul. An
interesting confirmation of the scheme
is furnished by one of those coinci-
dences of independent passages, which
are of the utmost value. In the re-
monstrance of Jephthah against the
hostilities of the King of Amnion, it
is stated that the Israelites had pos-
sessed the land east of the Jordan 500
years. This period, reckoned from
B.C. 1452, brings us to B.C. 1152, which
agrees with the date assigned to Jeph-
thah by our scheme.
The scheme makes no allowance
for the first three years of Solomon,
which preceded the building of the
b-iO
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XVII,
Temple. Nor is this of .any conse-
quence ; for if tlie number of 480
years be made up in the way supposed,
\vc must take it for granted that the
numbers given are tlie nearest round
numbers to the true ones, purposely
arranged in multiples of 10 and 4, and
submultiples of 12 X 10, for ease and
simplicity of computation and remem-
brance, but preserving, in tlieir aver-
ages and their total, an agreement
with the actual numbers. We can
not, however, pretend to answer all
possible objections. We only offer it
as a highly probable solution of a prob-
lem which has hitherto baffled chro-
nologers ; a solution recommended
not only by its simplicity, but especial-
ly by its preserving the grand total
which rests on the high authority of
the passage in Kings, without de-
manding arbitrary assumptions or im-
probable transpositions in the story of
the Judges.
7. It remains to compare this
scheme with the genealogies. As
they stand, they arc quite inconsistent
with the longer period ; but are they
long enough even for the shorter?
Assuming the birth of David to be
about contemporary with tlie election
of Saul (and it may have been later),
we have, as above (4), four complete
generations from the conquest of Ca-
naan to the birth of David, or from
80 to 90 years for a generation. This
is certainly a long period, but not too
long for the duration of life in that
age, nor for what we know of the in-
dividuals. Except Obed, there is
nothing to show that they were first-
born sons ; and, in the case of David,
we know the contrary, and that Jesse
was an old man when he was very
young. It is most probable that Sal-
mon and Rahah were both young at
thctime of tlic taking of Jericho. As
to Boaz, we see him using the author-
ity of an elder nt the time of his mar-
riage with Ruth; and there is one
distinct intimation of his advanced
age (Ruth iii. 10). Of Obed's age
when Jesse was born we know simply
nothing. On the whole, then, the in-
tervals of 80 years may be accepted,
though with the caution which is al-
ways needed in using the genealogies
as chronological evidence.
8. Finally, there is the question,
What becomes of the authority of St.
Paul in favor of the longer period ?
The difficulty is certainly a grave one
for those who liold that the Avholc
weight of inspired authority attaches
to every report of every statement
made by the Apostles, even in re-
gard to matters of which their knowl-
edge was obtained from the ordinary
sources of information. For such
persons the suggestion may be of
some weight that the numbers, which
certainly form no essential part of the
Apostle's argument, may have been
added as a gloss uix)n the text, though
there is no critical authority in sup-
port of this possibility. Others may
be content with the consideration that
the disciples of Gamaliel would adopt,
in an incidental allusion to a point
of chronology made in a Jewish syn-
agogue, the opinion held by the learn-
ed Jews of his day, without raising the
question of its accuracy.
Chronology of Judges xvii.-xxio
0. It is generally admitted, as plain
on the face of the book itself, that
these chapters form one complete nar-
rative, and refer to the same period.
Besides various indications of a time
not long after the death of Joshua,
especially the cordial agreement of
the tribes in i)unishing the sin of Ben-
jamin, we have the certain guide that
the first story belongs to the time of
Jonathan, the grandson of Moses, then
a young man, and the second to the
high-priesthood of Phinehas, grand-
son of Aaron, whose father, Eleazar,
died soon after the death of Joshua.
Chap. XVII.
Notes cmd Illustrations.
3-il
All these indications concur in point-
ing to the latter part of the period of
the elders who outlived Joshua, that
is, according to our scheme, about for-
ty years after the conquest of the land ;
and it would seem to follow that the
oppression of Chushan-rishathaim was
the punishment of these very disorders.
It agrees with this view, that in the
story of the expedition against Benja-
min there is no mention of a judge, but
the leaders are the high-priest Phinc-
has and the princes of the tribes. An-
other interesting consequence would
be that the judgeship of Ehud was sub-
sequent to the punishment of Benja-
min, and this elevation may be regard-
ed as a mark of divine favor to the re-
stored tribe. The time of Ruth, com-
puted by the genealogies, would fall in
the judgeship of Deborah and Barak.
(B.) BAAL AND ASHTORETH.
Baal was the supreme male divin-
ity of the Phoenician and Canaan-
itish nations — as Ashtoretii was
their supreme female divinity. Both
names have the peculiarity of being
used in the plural; and it seems
certain that these plurals designate
not statues of the divinities, but dif-
ferent modifications of the divini-
ties themselves. The plural Baal-
im is found frequently alone (e. g.,
Judg. ii. 11, X. 10; I K. xviii. 18;
Jer. ix. 14; Hos. ii. 17), as well as
in connection with Ashtoreth (Judg.
X. G ; 1 Sam. vii. 4). In the earlier
books of the O. T., only the plural,
Ashtaroth, occurs ; and it is not till
the time of Solomon, who introduced
the worship of the Sidonian Astarte,
and only in reference to that partic-
ular goddess, Ashtoreth of the Sido-
nians, that the singular is found in
the O. T. (I K. xi. 5, 33 ; 2 K. xxiii.
13). Baal signifies Lord, not so
much, however, in the sense of Ruler,
as of Master, Owner, Possessor. Bel
is the Babylonian name of the god.
The worship of these deities was
of great antiquity. We find the
worship of Baal established among
the Moabites and their allies, the
Midianites, in the time of Moses
(Num. xxii. 41); and through these
nations the Israelites were seduced
to the worship of this god under the
particular form of Baal-peor (Num.
XXV. 3, sqq. ; Deut. iv. 3). Not-
withstanding the fearful punishment
which their idolatry brought upon
them in this instance, the succeed-
ing generation returned to the wor-
ship of Baal (Judg. ii. 10-13; and,
with the exception of the period dur-
ing which Gideon was judge (Judg.
vi. 26, sqq. viii. 33), this form of idol-
atry seems to have prevailed among
them up to the time of Samuel (Judg.
X. 10; 1 Sam. vii. 4), at whose re-
buke the people renounced the wor-
ship of Baalim. Solomon, as wc
have already said, introduced the wor-
ship of the Sidonian Astarte. The
worship of Baal, together with that
of Asherah, became the religion of
the court and people of the ten tribes
under Ahab, king of Israel, in conse-
quence of his marriage with Jezebel
(L K. xvi. 31-33, xviii. 19, 22; and
though this idolatry was occasionally
put down (2 K. iii. 2, x. 26), it ap-
pears never to have been permanent-
ly or effectually abolished in that
kingdom (2 K. xvii. 16). In the
kingdom of Judah, also, Baal-wor-
ship extensively prevailed. During
the short reign of Ahaziah and the
subsequent usurpation of his mother
Athaliah, the sister of Ahab, it ap-
pears to have been the religion of the
court (2 K. viii. 27; comp. xi. 18),
as it was subsequently under Ahaz
(2 K. xvi. 3 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 2), and
Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 3).
The worship of Baal among the
Jews appeai-s to have been appoint-
ed with mucii pomp and ceremonial.
Temples were erected to him (IK.
842
Notes and lUasirations.
Chap. XVII.
xvi, 32; 2 K. xi. 18); his images
were set up (2 Iv. x. 26) ; his altars
were very mimerous (Jer. xi. 13),
were erected particularly on lofty
eminences (I K. xviii. 20), and on
the roofs of houses (Jer. xxxii. 29) ;
there were priests in great numbers
(1 K. xviii. 19), and of various class-
es (2 K. X. 19) ; the worshipers ap-
pear to have been arrayed in appro-
priate robes (2 K. x. 22) ; the wor-
ship was performed by burning in-
cense (Jer. vii. 9) and offering burnt-
sacrifices, which occasionally consist-
ed of human victims (Jer. xix. .5).
The officiating priests danced with
frantic shouts around the altar, and
cut themselves with knives to excite
the attention and compassion of the
god (1 K. xviii. 26-28).
Throughout all the Phoenician col-
onies we continually find traces of the
worship of Baal and Astarte. The
name of Baal occurs in the names of
men such as Adher-b:il, Asdru-bal,
Hanni-bal.
Baal and Ashtoreth symbolized the
generative and productive powers :
the former was also regarded as the
sun-god, and the latter as the moon-
goddess.
There is a Hebrew word, Asherah,
which is always translated "grove"
in our version ; but it is certain that
an idol or image of some kind must
be intended, as seems sufficiently
proved from such passages as 2 K.
xxi. 7, xxiii. 6, in the latter of which
we find that Josiah "brought out
tlie Asherah" (or, as our version
reads, " the grove ") " from the house
of the Lord." There can, moreover,
be no doubt that Asherah is very
closely connected with Ashtoreth
and her worship ; indeed, the two
are so placed in connection witli each
otlier, and each of them with Baal
(e. g., Judg. iii. 7 ; comp. ii. 3 ; Judg.
vi. 25; 1 K. xviii. 19), that many
critics have regarded tliem as iden-
I tical. There are other passages,
however, in which these terms seem
to be distinguished from each other,
as 2 K. xxiii. 13, H, 15. Ashtoreth
is perhaps the proper name of the
goddess, while Asherah is the name
j of the image or symbol of tlie god-
dess. There was perhaps a connec-
tion between the symbols or image
and the sacred symbolic tree, the rep-
resentation of which occurs so fre-
quently on Assyrian sculptures, and
is shown in the wood-cut on page
318.
(C.) PLAIN OF ESDKAELON.
Esdraelon is the Greek form of
the Hebrew word Jezreel (Judith
iii. 9, iv. 6). In the Old Testament
the plain is colled the valley op
! Jezreel ; and the name is derived
from the old royal city of Jezreel^
which occupied a commanding site
near the eastern extremity of the
plain, on a spur of Mount Gilboa.
"The great plain of Esdraelon"
extends across Central Palestine from
the Mediterranean to the Jordan,
separating the mountain ranges of
Carmel and Samaria from those of
Galilee. The western section of it
is properly called the plain of Accho,
or 'Akka. The main body of the
plain is a triangle. Its base on the
east extends from Jenin (the ancient
Engannim) to the foot of the hills be-
low Nazareth, and is about fifteen
miles long ; the north side, formed
by the hills of Galilee, is about 12
miles long ; and tlie south side, form-
ed by the Samaria range, is about 18
miles. The apex on the west is a
narrow pass, opening into the plain
of 'Akka. This vast expanse has a
gently undulating surface — in spring,
\ all green with corn where cultivated,
and rank weeds and grass where neg-
lected— dotted with several low, gray
tells, and near the sides with a few
olive-groves. This is that valley of
Chap. XVII.
Notes and Illustrations.
343
Megiddo, so called from the city of
Megiddo, whicli stood on its south-
ern border, where Barak triumphed,
and where King Josiah was defeated,
and received his death-wound (Judg.
V. ; 2 Chr. xxxv.) Probably, too, it
was before the mind of the Apostle
John when he figuratively described
the final coiifiict between the hosts
of good and evil who were gathered
to a place called Ar-mageddon^ that
is, the city of Megiddo (Rev. xvi. 16).
Tiie river Kishon — "that ancient
river," so fatal to the army of Sisera
(Judg. v. 21) drains the plain, and
flows oflF through the pass westward
to the Mediterranean.
From the base of this triangular
plain three branches stretch out east-
ward, like fingers from a hand, di-
vided by two bleak, gray ridges, one
bearing the familiar name of Mount
Gilboa, the other called by Franks
Little Hermon, but by natives Jebel
ed-Lkdnj. The nortliern branch has
Tabor on the one side, and Little
Hermon on the other ; into it the
troops of Barak defiled from the
heights of Tabor (Judg. iv. 6), and
on its opposite side are the sites of
Nain and Endor. The southern branch
lies between Jenin and Gilboa, ter-
minating in a point among the hills
to the eastward ; it was across it
Ahaziah fled from Jehu (2 K. ix. 27).
The central branch is the richest, as
well as the most celebrated ; it de-
scends in green fertile slopes to the
banks of the Jordan, having Jezreel
and Shunem on opposite sides at
the western end, and Bethshean in
its midst toward the east. This is
the "valley of Jezreel" proper — the
battle-field on which Gideon triumph-
ed, and Saul and Jonathan were
overthrown (Judg, vii. 1 sq ; 1 Sam.
xxix. and xxxi.).
The whole borders of the plain of
Esdraelon are dotted with places of
high historic and sacred interest. On
the east we have Exdok, Nain, and
Shunem, ranged round the base of
the "hill of MoREii ;" then Beth-
shean in the centre of the "valley
of Jezreel;" then Gilboa, with the
"well of Harod," and the ruins of
Jezreel, at its western base. On
the south are Engannim, Taanach,
and Megiddo. At the western apex,
on the overhanging brow of Carmel,
is the scene of Elijah's sacrifice ; and
close by the foot of the mountain be-
low runs the Kishon, on whose banks
the false prophets of Baal were slain.
On the north, among places of less
note, arc Nazareth and Tabor.
S-A Oj^pression of the Midianites. Chap. XVIII.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE JUDGES, FROM GIDEON TO JEPHTHAH. B.C. 1256-1112.
§ I. Oppression of the Midianites. § 2. Call of Gideon, the fifth judge —
The Angel Jehovah — Gideon overthrows the Altar of Baal — Surnamed
Jeuubbaal. § 3. Gideon musters Israel — The signs of the fleece.
§ 4. Choice of 300 men — The trumpets, lamps, and pitchers — Slaugh-
ter of Midian in Jezreel — Pursuit beyond the Jordan — Fate of Succoth
and Penuel. § 5. Gideon refuses the crown — Makes an Ephod. § G.
Abimelech murders Gideon's sons, and becomes king at Shechem —
The parable or fable of Jotham. § 7. Revolt against Abimelech — De-
struction of Shechem — His death — Erroneously ranked as the sixth
judge. § 8. Tola and Jair the seventh and eighth judges, § 9. Op-
pression of the Philistines and Amorites*— llise of Jepiithah, the ninth
judge — Embassy to Ammon — Jephthah's vow — The Ammonites sub-
dued— The fate of Jephthah's daughter — Massacre of Ephraim — Shib-
boleth and Sibboleth — Death of Jephthah. § 10. Ibzan, Elon, and Ab-
DON, the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth judges.
§ 1. The peace purchased by the victory of Deborah and
Barak was again misused by Israel, and the next scene of
their history opens upon a more sliameless idolatry, and a
more complete subjection to their enemies. The worship of
Baal was publicly practiced, and the people were ready to
display zeal for the false god.^ They Avere now delivered
over to their old enemies of the desert, the Midianites and
the Amalekites, who came up every year in entire hordes,
" as locusts for multitude," with their cattle and their tents,
covering the whole breadth of the land as far as Gaza and
devouring its produce, so that the Israelites had no food
left, nor sheep, nor ox, nor ass. The only refuge of the peo-
ple was in dens, and caves, and fortresses in the mountains.
This oppression lasted for seven years. Once more the peo-
ple cried to Jehovah, who sent a prophet to reprove them
for the evil return they had made for their deliverance from
Egypt.* But the reproof was the prelude to effectual aid.
§ 2. As in the former oppressions, there were still stout
hearts in Israel ready to come forth at the call of Jehovah.
Such a man was Gideox, the son of Joash, of the distin-
guished family of the Abi-ezrites, at Ophrah, in the tribe of
Manasseh.^ He was grown up, and had sons, and had ob-
" .Judg.vi. 25-32. ^ Judg. vi. 1-10. | the name Gideon is a "hewer, "that
'The most jirobable meaning of | is "a brave warrior." Ophrah was
B.C. 1256. Gideon. 345
tained the character of " a mighty man of valor."^ Gideon
was threshing corn in his fatlier's wine-press to hide it from
the Midianites, when he saw an " angel of Jehovah" sitting
under an oak which formed a landmark, wlio saluted him
with the words " Jehovah is Avith thee, thou mighty man of
valor." " If Jehovah be with us," pleaded Gideon, " why is
all this befiiUen us, and where are all His wonders that our
fathers told us?" The reply was a command to go in liis
might and save Israel from the Midianites, for he was sent
by God. Gideon pleaded the poor estate of his family, and
his OAvn lowly position in his father's house ; but the reply
Avas a renewed promise of God's presence, and an assurance
that lie should smite the Midianites. These words, spoken
by the angel in his own name, could have left little doubt in
Gideon's mind concerning the quality of his visitant. He
-prayed him to give a sign of his favor by accepting, not any
ordinary refreshment, but a " meat-offering " of unleavened
cakes, with a kid, and the broth in which it was boiled for
a drink-offering. These things the angel commanded him to
lay upon a rock in the very form of a sacrifice prescribed by
the law, and at the touch of the angel's staff they were con-
sumed by fire Avhich burst out of the rock, and the angel
vanished from his sight. When Gideon knew that he had
spoken with the Axgel Jehovah he feared that he should
die, because he had seen Jehovah face to face ; and on re-
ceiving the divine assurance of peace, he built an altar on
the spot where the sacrifice had been offered, and called it
Jehovah Shalom, Jehovah [is our] peace. It was still to be
seen at Ophrah when the Book of Judges was written.^
The altar thus directly sanctified by God himself became,
of course, a lawful place of sacrifice, and Gideon Avas invest-
ed for the time Avith a sort of priesthood, apparently in
contrast Avith his father's position as priest of Baal, for the
altar of Baal in Ophrah belonged to Joash. By a dream or
vision in the foUoAving night, Gideon Av^as commanded to
take his father's " second bullock of seven years old " (prob-
ably one devoted to Baal), and, having overthrown the altar
of Baal, and cut up the Asherah^ or Avooden image of the
goddess Ashtoreth, to use its fragments for burning the bul-
lock as a sacrifice upon the altar of Jehovah. Aided by ten
in Manasseh west of Jordan, nortli of
Shechem, among the liills south of
the plain of Jezreel. The city be-
longed to the descendants of Abi-ezer,
the eldest son of Gilead.
P 2
" Judg. vi. 12, viii. 2'>
' Judg. vi. 11-24.
• This is the word wrongly render-
ed qrove in ouv A'ei'sion, see page
342;
346
Tlie Jiiclfjes — Gideon to Jeplitliah. Chap. XVIII
of his servants, he performed this deed by night, for fear of
his father's household and the men of the city. In the
morning all was discovered, and the men of the city came
to Joash, demanding the life of Gideon. But Joash replied
by the argument, so conclusive against idols, and so often
since repeated both in Avord and deed, " Let Baal plead his
own cause." The citizens seem to have shared the convic-
tion which led Joash to take his son's part ; and Gideon's
new name of Jerubbaal, that is, Let JKaal plead., at once
commemorated th.e triumph of the day, and became a watch-
word to deride the impotence of the false god.'
§ 3. Whether in consequence of this deed, or in the ordi-
nary course of their annual invasion, the Midianites and
Amalekites, with all the nomad nations east of Palestine,
mustered their forces and pitched in the valley of Jezreel."
Then "the spirit of Jehovah clothed Gideon," and his trum-
pet called round him the house of the Abi-ezrites. By
means of messengers, he gathered Manasseh and the north-
ern tribes who had followed Barak ; but now even Asher
came with Zebulun and Naphtali ; and he encamped on
Mount Gilboa, overlooking the myriad tents that whitened
the plains of Esdraelon. Before the conflict, Gideon prayed
for a sign that God would save Israel by his hand. He
spread a fleece of wool on his threshing-floor, and asked that
it might be wet with dew while the earth around was dry,
and in the morning he wrung a bowlful of water from the
fleece.
At Gideon's renewed prayer, put up in the same spirit in
which Abraham pleaded for Sodom,'' the sign was repeated
in a form which puts the miracle beyond all cavil. Heavy
dews are common enough in the highlands of Palestine, and
water has been wrung out of clothes that have been exposed
throughout the night ; but when the fleece remained dry,
while the earth around was wet with dew, there could be
no doubt that the required sign had been vouchsafed by God.
So remarkable a test must surely have been more than
merely arbitrary ; but its significance is not very evident.
" His own character," says Dean Stanley, " is well indicated
in the sign of the fleece — cool in the heat of all around, dry
' Judg. vi. 25-32. The irony was
the more keen if, as Winer supposes,
the name was ah-eady used as an ep-
ithet of Baal by the Phoenicians (Wi-
ner, B'lhl. Realworterbuch^ s. v. ; Mo-
vers, PlKcnic. vol. i. p. 434).
^ Judg. vi. 35. Their force amount-
ed to 120,000 warriors, for this num-
ber seems to be inclusive of the rem-
nant of 15,000 (Judg. viii. 10).
^ Comp. Gen. xviii. 32, and Judg.
vi. 39.
B.C. 1256.
Gideon.
847
Avhen all around were clamped with fear. Throughout we
see three great qualities, decision, caution, and magnanim-
ity."'"
§ 4, On the morning of the decisive day Gideon was en-
camped by the " well of trembling " {Ilarod, probably Ain
Julud),Vi^ the spring was called from what ensued, at the
head of 32,000 men.'^ But these forces were not destined to
gain another such victory as that over Sisera in the same
plain. The repetition of Deborah's eulogy on the men of
the north woidd have made them vaunt themselves against
Jehovah, saying, "Mine own hand hath saved me," when in
truth they were wanting in the first requisite of courage.
Accordingly, when Gideon proclaimed at God's command,
" Whosoever is fearful and afraid, let himself return and de-
part early from Mount Gilead,"'' 22,000 slunk away. We
feel sure that Asher went, to a man ; and, by a curious coin-
cidence, those who remained were the same number as the
10,000 chosen warriors of Zebulun and Naphtali that had
fol'lowed Barak. Still Jehovah said that the people were too
many, and they were brought to another test by tlieir man-
ner of drinking at the "well of trembling." All those who
knelt down to drink were rejected, and those who lifted the
water in their hands and lapped it like a dog were set apart
for the service. They proved to be only 300, and thus Gid-
eon was left with the same number that remained with Le-
onidas at Thermopylae." They took their provisions and
trumpets, and waited for the night.
At nightfall God commanded Gideon to go down with his
servant Phurah to the host of Midian, where he overheard a
man relate a dream to his comrade, from which he learned
that God had already stricken the Midianites with terror at
" the sword of Gideon, the son of Joash," and he returned to
tell the Israelites that Jehovah had delivered Midian into
their hand. He formed a plan admirably adapted to cause
in the demoralized host one of those panics to which the un-
disciplined armies of the East have always been liable. Di-
viding his 300 men into three bands, he furnished each man
with a trumpet and a torch shrouded by a pitcher, thus form-
-° Lectitres on the Jeicish Church, p.
3+1, first series. " Judg. vii.
^"^ Some have proposed to read "/o
Gilead ;" others would change " Gile-
ad " to " Gilboa ;" but the phrase seems
to have been a proverbial war-cry of
Manasseh.
"The foncy of the Rabbins that
tliese 300 were the most cowardly in
the army, is inconsistent with the first
test, as well as a merely willful exag-
geration of a miracle which needs
no such help (Josephus, Antiq. v. 6^
§3.
3-i8 Tlie Jadjes — Gidton to Jephthali. Chap. XVIIL
iiig a dark lantern/* and bade them all, at the signal of his
trum2>et, to sound their trumpets too, and to shout his bat-
tle-cry, '' The sword of Jehovah and of Gideon," at the same
time breaking the pitchers that covered their lights. Just
as the middle Avatcli was set, they took their posts on three
sides of the host of Midian. The sudden shouts and flashing
lights bewildered the Midianites ; and as Gideon's handful
of men stood firm with the torches in their left hands and
the trumpets in their right, they " ran and cried and fled."
No attack was needed. Their own SAVords were turned
against each other as they fled down the pass leading to the
Jordan to the " house of the acacia " {Beth-shittah) and the
" meadow of the dance " {Abel-meholaJi).
While Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh gathered them-
selves in pursuit of the Midianites, Gideon sent word to the
men of Ephraim to seize the "waters" as liir as Beth-barah
and Jordan. ^^ There a second battle ended in the capture
of the chieftains Oreb and Zeeb (the Haven and the Wolf\
names doubtless answering to their standards). They were
slain at spots which thenceforth bore their names, and their
heads Avere sent to Gideon.^®
That leader had already passed the Jordan in pursuit of
Midian, after pacifying, by one of those proverbial phrases
which in the East serve for conclusive arguments, the com-
plaints of the men of Ephraim because he had not called
them to the battle.'' The two great sheikhs of Midian,
Zebah and Zalmunna, had escaped to the eastern side of Jor-
dan with 15,000 men, all that were left of their hosts.
Faint, but still pressing the pursuit, Gideon and his chosen
300 arrived at Succoth (Sakut), whose princes refused them
supplies for fear of the Midianites. The like scene was re-
peated at Penuel, the city whose name commemorated Ja-
cob's wrestling with Jehovah ; and Gideon left both places
" It is curious to find "lamps and not required to give light" (Lane's
pitcliers " in use for a similar purpose ' Mod. Eg. i. eli. iv.).
sit this very day in the streets of Cai- j ^^ Beth-barah {House of the Ford;
ro. The Zahit or Agha of the police | Bethbera) seems to have been tho
carries with him at night " a torch j chief i)assage of tlie Jordan between
which burns soon after it is lighted
without a flame, excepting when it is
waved through the air, when it sud-
denly blazes forth : it therefore an-
swers the same purpose as our dark
lantern. The burning end is some-
times concealed in a smoll ])ot or jar,
or covered with sometliing else, when
Central Palestine and the East ; prob-
ably the same by which Abraham and
Jacob entered the land, and at which
Jephthah slow the Ephraimitcs. (See
p. 357.) The "waters" seized were
perhaps the wadys leading down
from the highlands of Ephraim ta
this ford..
'' Judg. vii. 25. '' Jut!g. viii. 1-3.
B.C. 1249. Victory of Oideon. 349
with threats of signal vengeance. He found the Midianites
encamped in careless security at Karkor, somewhere in the
southern part of the desert highlands east of the Jordan,
frequented by the pastoral tribes " that dwelt in tents."^*
Passing up out of the Jordan Valley by one of the lateral
wadys east of Nobah and Jogbehah, he fell upon them un-
awares and gained a third great victory. Zebah and Zal-
munna were taken prisoners, and led back in triumph before
sunrise to be shown to the men of vSuccoth and Penuel, who
now suffered the penalty of their cowardice in the form
which Gideon had promised. At Succoth he " taught " the
l^rinces who had refused him succor " with thorns and briers
of the wilderness," and at Penuel he broke down the great
tower which was its strength and pride, and slew the men
of the city.^^ " It is not clear that he did not subject the
men of Succoth to the same doom, after having dealt with
them according to his threat. He might have done it in-
deed in the execution of his threat, for there was an ancient
punishment in which death was inflicted by laying the naked
bodies of the offenders under a heap of thorns, briers, and
prickly bushes, and then drawing over them threshing-sledges
and other heavy implements of husbandry."^" Dr. Kitto adds
that the idea of a j^unishment which must appear so strange
to us is not unnaturally suggested in the East, where men
are continually lacerating their half- clothed bodies with
thorns in passing through thickets.
Gideon dealt next Avith Zebah and Zalmunna. Bringing
them to a sort of trial, he asked what kind of men they were
whom they had slain at Mount Tabor. " Such as thou art ;
each one like the children of a king," was the reply by which
they sealed their fate while seeking to flatter their conqueror.
"They were my brethren, the sons of my mother," exclaim-
ed Gideon ; and he called on Jethel, his flrst-born son, to rise
up and slay them. The youth hesitated, and the kings prayed
Gideon to slay them with his own manly hand. Having kill-
ed them, he took off the ornaments shaped liked the moon,
which hung upon their camels' necks,^^ for a use which will
presently appear.
. This deliverance was the greatest, and the three victories
the most signal that Israel had known since the time of Josh-
^ Jiulg. viii. 10, 11. Foraminntcl 'Mvitto, Dailj Bible Illustrations,
discussion of the localities, see Diet. vol. ii. p. 421.
of Bible, arts. Karkor, Jogbehah, | -^ Jndg. viii, 18-21. They were
NoBAH. I probably pold crescents worn in hon'
'''JiKlf]^. viii. 13-17. ! orof Ashtoreth.
350
Offer of the Crown to Gideon. Chap. XVIII
ua, and they are often referred to in the after records of the
nation, and celebrated in their hymns of praise."
§ 5. The j^eople's gratitude to their deliverer displayed it-
self in a form Avhich shows how fast they were approaching
the revolution Avhich Moses had foreseen and provided for,
even while he warned them against it. Tliey olfered Gideon
tlie rank of a hereditary king : — " Rule thou over us ; both
thou, and thy son, and thy son's son also."" The answer
shows that Gideon himself remembered with reverence the
great principle of the theocracy : — " I will not rule over you,
neither shall my son rule over you : Jehovah shall rule over
you.'''' He was content with the position of a judge, and, in
the succession of the judges, he is reckoned as t\\Q Jifth and
greatest, being excelled by Samuel in holiness of character,
but by none in dignity and prowess. His princely appear-
ance has been already mentioned,^* and he dwelt in his own
house in all the dignity of a numerous harem. He had a
family of seventy sons, besides Abimelech, the son of his con-
cubine at Shechem. This departure from domestic simplicity
brought its retribution in the next generation. The only
other blot on the character of Gideon was his mistaken,
though doubtless well-intentioned, innovation on divine wor-
ship. Presuming, probably, on his having been permitted to
build an altar and to offer sacrifice, he made a jeweled eph-
od," adorned with IVOO shekels of gold, which the people
gave him from their share of the spoils of Midian, besides
the ornaments he had taken from off the kings and their cam-
els. The Israelites came from all quarters to consult the
ephod, and Gideon and his house w^ere thus enticed into a
system of idolatrous Avorship.^''
The rule of Gideon or Jerubbaal lasted forty years," dur-
ing which time the Midianites never lifted their heads again.
The complete tranquillity of the period from the defeat of
the Midianites to the death of Gideon is expressed in the
statement that Jehovah had delivered the people " out of
the hands of «// their enemies on every skle,''^ which seems quite
to exclude the notion of wars going on at the same time in oth-
er parts of Israel. He died in a good old age, and w^as buried
^- 1 Sam. xii. 11 ; Ps. Ixxxiii. 11 ;
Is. ix. 4, X. 2G ; Heb. xi. 32.
-^ Judg. viii.22.
-^ Judp;. viii. 18.
^^ Conip. chap. xvii. § 4.
■" Jiidg. xviii, 24-27. Some com-
mentators suppose the ephod to have
been an image, on account of the
vast amount of gold used in makinjj
it ; but that amount might have been
lavislied on the bi-cast-plate.
2" B.C. 1249-1209, according to the
common chronology, or, as a total in-
cluding the previous oppression, B.C.
1251-1211, on the scheme proposed in
the notes to chap. xvii.
B.C. 1240.
Usurpation of Ahimelech.
851
at his native city of Ophrah. After his death the children
of Israel returned to the worship of Baalim, and installed
Baalberith as their national god. They forgot alike Jehovah,
who had delivered them, and Gideon, whose sword had been
God's instrument. Their ingratitude to the house of their
late ruler was shown by the events that happened soon after
his death.^^
§ 6. The royal power which Gideon had refused w^as cov-
eted after his death by Abimelech, the son of his concubine
at Shechem, who really succeeded in establishing a kingdom
at that place, though only for three years.^^ But, from the
limited extent of his rule, and from the absence of a general
consent of the people, it is incorrect to reckon Abimelech,
and not Saul, as the first King of Israel. It seems indeed
not improbable that the usurpation of Abimelech was eifect-
ed by the support of the old Amorite population of Shechem.
The point can not be decided clearly, as we have no further
information about the " house of Millo," who were his chief
adherents. Having formed a conspiracy with his mother's
family, who seem to have been of great weight in Shechem,
he harangued the men of that city on the absurdity of com-
mitting the supreme power to the seventy sons of Gideon,
and the advantage of intrusting it to a single hand, and he
reminded them that he was one of themselves. Meanwhile
his mother's brethren intrigued privately among the Shech-
emites, who were at last gained over. They gave Abime-
lech money out of the sacred treasury of Baalberith, with
which he hired " vain and light persons," the refuse of socie-
ty, to form a band of attendants.^" Abimelech led them to
his father's house at Ophrah, and there he slew Gideon's sev-
enty sons on one stone, except Jotham, the youngest, Avho
had hidden himself ^^ All was now prepared for the crown-
ing measure of universal suffrage. The men of Shechem,
headed by the house of Millo, assembled and made Abime-
lech king at the very oak where Joshua had set up the pil-
lar that commemorated Israel's solemn engagement to Je-
hovah.^** The election, however, did not pass unchallenged.
Jotham, the surviving son of Gideon, had the courage to show
himself upon Mount Gerizim and call the men of Shechem to
listen to that parable, or rather /«5/e,^^ the most ancient upon
^' Judg. viii. 28-35.
" Judg. ix. The name Ahimelech
signifies My father is a king.
^^ Judg. ix. 1-4. The arts of usur-
pation are alike in all ages.
^' Judg. ix. 5. ^ Judg. ix. G.
^^ The fable differs from the parable
by its use of physical impossibilities,
as the conversations of trees, beasts,
etc.
852 The Judges — Gideon to JejMhah. Chap. XVIII.
record, Avliich has become celebrated under his name. It is a
most interesting example of parabolic wisdom, but there is
not a hint of its having the authority of inspiration.
The trees once went forth to anoint a king over them, and
their choice fell first upon the best and the most useful.
They asked the olive-tree to reign over tliem. But the olive-
tree said, "Should I leave my fatness, wherewith by me they
honor God and man, and go up and down for other trees ?"
They next applied to the fig - tree ; but the fig - tree said,
" Should I forsake my sweetness, and my good fruit, and go up
and down for other trees ?" Then they asked the vine ; but the
vine said, " Should I leave my wine, which cheereth God and
man, and go up and down for other trees ?" Thus rebufted,
they turned to the worthless and thorny bramble (or thorn),
and said to it, " Come thou, and reign over us." Instead of re-
fusing, like the rest, the bramble gave them fair warning of
the consequences of his election hi words both of irony and
terror : — " If in trutli ye anoint me king over you, come and
put your trust in my shadow ; and if not, let fire come out
of the bramble, and devour the cedars of Lebanon."
The general meaning of the table is obvious. Tlie trees that
have any virtue in them prefer its cultivation and enjoyment
to the thankless ofiice of " going up and down," bearing all
the cares of government for the rest ; but the thorn, which has
nothing to give, and is itself fit for nothing but the fire, ac-
cepts the dignity, in return for which it ironically ofiers the
protection of its shadow, and more seriously threatens that
the fire to wliich it is destined will consume the nobler trees.
So the men who are endoAved with beneficent qualities will
hesitate to bestow them on an ungrateful populace, while he
Avho accepts the tyrant's throne will first deceive, and then
destroy those who put their trust in liim.
Such, added Jot ham, should be the reward of the Shechem-
ites. If they had dealt well with the house of Jerubbaal,
w^ho had saved them, in killing his sons and choosing the son
of his maid-servant to rule over them, then let them rejoice
in their king ! But if not, let fire come out from Abimelech
and devour the men of Shechem and the house of Millo, and
let them, in their turn, devour him ! Having said these things,
Jotham fled to Beer, and we hear of liim no more.
§ 7. His curse was not long in being fulfilled. After three
years God sent an evil spirit between Abimelech and the
men of Shechem, to avenge upon both the murder of the sons
of Jerubbaal. The Shechemites revolted from Abimelech,
and plotted against his life. Bands of men lay in wait for
B.C. 1209.
Usurpation of Ahimelech.
353
him ill the passes on the neighboring hills, and robbed all
travellers while Abimelech was absent from the city. The
insurgents found a leader in Gaal, the son of Ebed, Avho, in
the excitement of a vintage feast in the temple of Baal, while
the people mingled curses on Abimelech with their songs and
merriment, openly declared that it would be better to serve
the old princes of the city, the family of Hamor, the father
of Shechem, and declared that he w^ould dethrone Abimelech.
But Abimelech had still a strong party in the city ; and Ze-
bul, the governor, sent privately to inform him of the words
of Gaal, and of the preparations to defend the city. Abime-
lech surrounded Shechem by night, and defeated Gaal and the
Shechemites with great loss when they came out to meet him.
What follows is obscure. While Abimelech remains at Aru-
mah, Zebul expels Gaal and his party, but the city is still hos-
tile to Abimelech. It w^ould seem as if the old Amorite popu-
lation had now got the upper hand, and had resolved to hold
it to the last. But Abimelech took the city by a stratagem,
and utterly destroyed it, slaying all the inhabitants, except
about a thousand men and women, w^ho had taken refuge in
a tower sacred to Baalberith. Abimelech led his army to
Mount Zalmon, and, ordering his men to follow his example,
he cut down a bough, and each of the men having done the
same, they piled up the wood against the tow^er and burnt it,
with all who were within.
The cruel deed was soon avenged. Abimelech had besieged
Thebez,^" where also there was a tower to which the peo-
ple fled when the city was taken. Abimelech had approach-
ed the wall to apply lire as at Shechem, when a woman threw
down a piece of a millstone upon his head and broke his skull. ^^
In the agony of death, he had just time to call upon his ar-
mor-bearer to dispatch him with his sword, that it might not
be said of him " a w^oman slew him." Thus God rendered
both to Abimelech and the Shechemites their wickedness in
slaying the sons of Jerubbaal. " The bramble Abimelech,
the only one in the line of the judges who attained to great-
ness without any public services," ^^ had devoured the men
who elevated him, and had been devoured by them.
^^ Thebez was situated 13 Roman
miles from Sheciiem, on the road to
Scythopolis. There it still is ; its
name — Tubas — hardly changed ; the
village on a rising ground to the left
of the road a thriving, compact, and
strong-looking place, surrounded by
immense woods of olives.
^^ Judg. ix. 53. The reader should
remember that "all" is an adverb,
signifying entirely, and " to-brake "
is the preterit, with the old English
intensive prefix " to :" " all to break"
is altogether wrong, and broken En-
glish.
3« Kitto, p. 482.
854 The Judges — -Gideon to Jepliiliali. Chap. XVIIL
He is commonly reckoned as the sixth judge ^ but it may be
questioned whether his lawless usurpation, extending but lit-
tle beyond Shechem, justifies the title: and not a Avord is
said of his being raised up by Jehovah, or of the spirit of God
coming upon him. Of his relations to Israel in general we
are tofd nothing, for no conclusion can be fairly drawn from
the isolated mention of his reigning " over Israel."" But the
conclusion of his story seems to imply a combined action
against the tyrant : " And when the men of Israel saw that
Abimelech was dead, they departed every man unto his
place.'"*^
§ 8. Among the six judges who succeeded Abimelech, Jeph-
thah's is the only conspicuous name. Of the two who prece-
ded him, the first was Tola, the son of Puah, the son of Dodo,
of the tribe of Issachar, who dwelt at Shamir, in Mount Ej^hra-
im, and judged Israel twenty-three years.^^ He was the seii-
enth judge ; and, though he is said to have arisen to defend
(or deliver) Israel, there is no mention of any enemy who op-
pressed them in his time. Ilis judgeship may therefore be
regarded as a continuance of the period of quiet obtained by
the victories of Gideon. ■*"
This is true also of the eighth judge^ Jair, a man of Gilead,
on the east of Jordan, who is not even called a deliverer.
The peaceful character of his twenty-two years' rule*^ is fur-
ther indicated by the dignified state in which he maintained
his family of thirty sons, who rode on Avhite asses, and had
dominion over thirty cities of Mount Gilead, which retained
the name of the " villages of Jair" {Havoth-jair).^'^
§ 9. The whole analogy of this period of the history of
Israel leaves no doubt that so long an interval of rest would
involve a more serious declension than any of those before it.
Accordingly we find them serving all the gods of all the na-
tions around them, " Baalim and Ashtaroth, and the gods of
Syria, of Sidon, of Moab, of the Beni-ammi, and of the Philis-
tines," except Jehovah ; Him they forsook, and served not."
This time the punishment was as signal as the crime. Two
nations at once attacked Israel on the west and on the east —
the Philistines and the children of Amnion. Of the former
we shall soon hear again. The oppression of the latter lasted
for eighteen years," especially in the land of Gilead, on the
east of Jordan. But they also passed the Jordan, and fought
'^'^ Judg. X. 3, 5. comp. V. 10 ; xii.
4 ; Num. xxxii. 41 ; Deut. iii. 14.
'^ Judg. X. 6.
Judg. ix. 22. ^ Judg. ix. 55.
B.C. 120G-1183. "" Judg. X. 1, 2.
B.C. 1183-1161.
B.C. llGl-1143, in the common chronology.
B.C. 1U3. Jephthah. 355
against the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim, so that
Israel was sore distressed."
Nor was their cry of penitence at once successful. They
were told (probably by the mouth of a prophet) to cry to the
gods whom they had chosen. Once more they humbled
themselves before Jehovah, confessing their sin, and praying
Hiiii to deliver them only this once ; and they proved their
repentance by putting away the false gods froni among them
and serving Jehovah ; " And His soul was grieved for the
misery of Israel," is the powerful figure of the sacred record.
The two nations gathered their forces for a decisive contest ;
the sons of Amnion in Gilead, and the Israelites in Mizpeh.
A captain alone was wanting, and the people and princes of
Gilead offered to make the man who would lead them against
the Ammonites the head over all the inhabitants of Gilead."
Now there was in Gilead a man who had given proofs of
the highest valor in a predatory war against the neighboring
tribes. This was Jephthah, the. son of Gilead*' by a concu-
bine of the lowest class. On his father's death, he had been
thrust out by his legitimate brethren, and fleeing to the land
of Tob, apparently on the border of the Beni-ammi, he became
the leader of a band of " vain persons," such as afterward
resorted to David at Adullam, and who obtained their living
as freebooters, preying on the Ammonites — a mode of life
not disgraceful in the East then, any more than noAV. When
Avar broke out with the Beni-ammi, the elders of Gilead sent
to Jephthah, and prevailed on him, with some difficulty, to
become their leader. He exacted from them an oath, in con-
firmation of the promise that their deliverer should be head
over all Gilead ; and when he joined the army at Mizpeh, the
oath was ratified before Jehovah at that sacred place.''
Jephthah first sent messengers to the King of Amnion to
demand by what right he made war on Israel, and the dis-
cussion that followed is an important passage for the history
of the war under Moses on the east of Jordan. The Ammon-
ite averred that Israel had at that time taken away his land
along the Jordan between the Arnon and the Jabbok, and
demanded its restoration. Jephthah replied that Israel had
*^ Jndg. X. 7-9. I fairly suppose that Jephthah's f^ither
*^Judg. X. 10-18. It should be | was his descendant, and the prince of
pavticularlv noticed, that nothinfj is, the half-tiibe.
here said of authority over Israel as ^'* Judg. xi. 1-11. These present
a whole. i important evidences of Jephthnh s
"^ As this was the name of Machir's! adherence to the worship of Jeho*
son, Manasseh's grandson, we may vah.
Sd6 The Judges— Gideon to JejMicdi. Chap. XVlIi:
taken nothing either from Moab or from Amnion. Tliey had
driven out Sihon, king of the Amorites, and possessed his
land from the Arnon to the Jabbok, and from Jordan to the
wilderness. Since Jehovah had dispossessed the Amorites
before Israel, was Amnion to take the land ? No ! let them
take wdiat Chemosh, their god, would give them, and we will
hold all that Jehovah our God shall give us. Israel liad
dwelt for 300 years^^ in the territories of Heshbon, Aroer,
and all the cities north of the Arnon : why had not Ammon
recovered them within that time ? In fine, said Jephthah, we
have not wronged you, but you wrong us in making war :
let "Jehovah the Judge" be judge between us !
The appeal was in vain. Then the spirit of Jehovah came
on Jephthah, and he went through Gilead and Manasseh, and
mustered their forces at Mizpeli, whence he marched against
Amnion. As he set forth, he made that rash vow which has
ever since been associated with his name, devoting to Jeho-
vah, as a burnt-oftering, whosoever should come forth out of
his door to meet him, if he returned in peace a victor over
the Beni-ammi. His expedition was crowned with complete
success : Jehovah delivered Amnion into his hands : he de-
feated them with great slaughter; and he took from them
twenty cities, from Aroer on the Arnon to Minnith and the
" plain of the vineyards " (Abel-keramim), and entirely sub-
jected them to Israel from that time to the reign of Saul. ^"
Jephthah returned a victor to his house at Mizpeh, to re-
ceive the promised supremacy over Gilead, and, alas ! to pay
his rash vow to Jehovah. For, as he approached his house,
his own daughter came out to meet him with timbrels and
with dances, like another Miriam ; and, to make the blow
more terrible, she was his only child. Our natural horror at
the consequences of such a meeting is mitigated by the sub-
lime scene of resignation that j^assed between the rash father
and the submissive daughter. "Alas! my daughter! thou
hast brought me very low," cried Jephthah, as he rent his
clothes; "and thou art one of them that trouble me: for I
have opened my mouth unto Jehovah, and I can not go back."
" My father I" she replied, " if thou hast opened thy mouth
unto Jehovah, do to me according to the word which hath
proceeded out of thy mouth." To crown such a victory as
God had given to Israel, she grudged not her own sacrifice.
She only prayed for a respite of two months, that she might
wander over the mountains of Gilead with the companions
"" A most inipoitant and decisive] ^" Jndg. xi. 32, 33; comp. 1 Sani.
4ate for the nliule chronology. \x'i.
B.C. 1143. JephthaJu 857
■whom she had fondly led out to swell the chorus of her fa-
ther's victory, bewailing that w hich, to a Hebrew woman,
was the w^orst part of her doom, the loss of the hope of off-
spring, and so of the possible honor of being the mother of the
Messiah. At the end of the two months she returned to her
father, " who did vyith her according to his vow ichich he had
vov^ed^'' w^ords wdiich can leave no possible doubt of her fate. ^^
The custom w^as established in Israel that the daughters of
Israel went out every year for four days to lament the daugh-
ter of Jephthah the Gileadite.^"
Some persons, mindful of the enrollment of Jephthah among
the heroes of faith in the Epistle to the Hebrews," as w^ell as
of the expression "the Spirit of the Lord came upon him,"^*
have therefore scrupled to believe that he could be guilty of
such a sin as the murder of his child. But the deed is re-
corded without approval, and it becomes only a moral diffi-
culty to those who persist in the false principle, already more
than once referred to, of identifying the record of actions in
Scripture with their adoption. It should be recollected that
Jephthah was a rude Gileadite, whose spirit had become hard-
ened by his previous life as a freebooter.
The victory over the Beni-ammi was followed, like Gideon's
over the Midiauites, by fierce jealousy on the part of the men
of Ephraim because they had not been called to share the
enterprise, and the j'ough w^arrior had not the same skill to
turn aside their wrath. They threatened to burn Jephthah's
house over bis head, and taunted the men of Gilead with be-
ing outcasts of the tribe of Joseph, appaisently in allusion to
their predatory habits. The Ephraimites w^ere utterly defeat-
ed in Gilead, and the men of Gilead, seizing the fords of Jor-
dan, put the fugitives to that curious test which shows that
differences of dialect already existed among the tribes, and
which has passed into a proverb for minor differences in the
Church. Every one wdio demanded a passage westward was
asked, "Are you an Ephraimite ?" If he said, " No," he was
required to pronounce the Shibboleth {^ stream ox flood) ^ and,
on his betraying himself by saying Sibboleth^ he w^as put to
death, " for he could not frame to j^ronounce it right.""^^ The
^^ It has been said that the sue- j rashness of Jeplithah and the hero-
ceeding clause, "and she knew no
man," suggests an escape from such
a, conclusion in a sentence of perpetu-
<il virginity : but it seems almost cer-
tain that U>is circumstance is added
to set forth in a stronger light the
ism of his daughter.
^2 Judg. xi. 84-40.
^3 Heb. xi. 32. ** Judg. xi. 29.
^^ Judg. xii. 1-6. The confusion
of the sounds of the letters Shin, and
Sin exists among ourselves when s/
858
The Judges — Gideon to Jepldhah. Chap. XVIIL
whole loss of Ephraim in this campaign was 42,000 men. it
seems to have been characteristic of that tribe to hold back
from great enterj^rises, and yet arrogating to themselves a
sort of snpremacy as the representatives of Joseph, to be
bitterly jealous of their brethren's success.^"
Jephthah lived only six years to judge Israel," and was
buried in Mount Gilead.
§ 10. A bare mention Avill suffice of the tenth., eleventh^ and
ticelfth judges., who came between Jephthah and Samson.
X. Ibzan, of Bethlehem, in Zebulun, judged Israel for seven
years, and was buried in Bethlehem. ^^ Like Jair, he used his
position for the aggrandizement ofhis family, which consisted
of thirty sons and thirty daughters. He married his daugh-
ters abroad, and took Avives for his sons from abroad, that is,
among the surrounding nations.
XI. He -was succeeded by another Zebulonite, Elox, who
judged Israel ten years, and was buried at Aijalon, in Zebu-
lun,^" which seems to have been named after him. The two
words only differ in the A^owel points, and the Vulgate iden-
tifies tliem.
XH. Abdox, the sonof Hillel, the Pirathonite, judged Isra-
el for eight years (b.c. 1120-1112). He also had a family of
forty sons and thirty nephews, who rode on seventy white
asses' colts. He is perhaps identical with Bedan, who is
enumerated by Samuel among the judges.®"
comes before a liquid : f^ruh is a com-
mon provincialism for shrub.
^° Ps. Ixxviii. 9 ; Is. xi. 13 ; IIos.
vii. 8.
" B.C. 1143-1137, Judges xii. 7.
^^ Judg. xii. 8-10. The locality of
Bethlehem is determined by the ab-
sence of either of the titles Judah or
Ephratah, B.C. 1 1 37-1130. The idea
of Ibzan's identity with Boaz is ab-
surd.
^Vudges xii. 11, 12, b.c. 1130-
1120.
^^ Judg. xii. 13, It ; 1 Sam. xii. 11.
Pirathon, which is nowhere else men-
tioned, was " in the land of Ephraim,
in tiie mount of the Amalekites," prob-
ably an ancient stronghold of that
tribe. It has been identified with Fer-
ata, on an eminence six miles west of
JShechem (Robinson, vol. iii.p. 131).
The common chronology makes
these three judges follow Jephtliah.
In our proposed scheme, they close
the ninth of the twelve periods of
forty years between the Exodus and
the building of the Temple. The
seventh of these periods ends witli
Gideon ; the eighth and ninth include
the seven judges, from Abimelech to
Abdon, of whom the times of Abim-
elech, Tola, and Jair make up forty-
eight years ; and Jephthah, Ibzan,
Elon, and Abdon, thirty-one years ;
or seventy-nine together. The eight-
een years' oppression of the Ammon-
ites is included in the latter period
of thirty-one years ; and therefore, if
the three last judges followed Jeph-
thah, twelve years of the eighteen
would fall after his death, which ap-
pears quite inconsistent with the com-
pleteness of their defeat. But, con-
sidering that Jephthah's power only
extended over Mount Gilead, while
Ibzan and Elon ruled in the north.
B.C. 1U3.
Jephthah.
Zb^
There is one feature in the history of this period which
should not be overlooked : the remarkable silence of the
Scripture narrative respecting the tribe of* Judah, and those
whose lot fell within its territory in the wider sense, namely,
Simeon and Dan. While the scene changes between the
highlands of Zebulun and Naphtali, the valley of Jezreel, the
mountains of Ephraim, and those of Gilead, and while we
have a succession of judges belonging to the northern, central,
and eastern tribes, Judah is only once mentioned as suft'ering
from the incursions of the Ammonites in the time of Jeph-
thah. Only two explanations of this silence appear possible ;
that Judah, retaining its distinction as the princely tribe,
loyal to Jehovah, enjoyed a comparative exemption both
from the sins and the sufferings of the other tribes, or, that it
was occupied by its own conflicts with the Philistines. Nor
do these alternatives necessarily exclude each other. We
may well believe that there was a state of war, more or less
constant, with the Philistines, sustained chiefly by Simeon
and Dan, within whose lots they lay, while Judah formed a
compact government under its own princes, in loyal union
with the high-priest at Shiloh. The truth of this view will
be seen in the subsequent history.
and Abdon in. Ephraim, which was
in open hostility to Jephthah, we
may safely conjecture that Jephthah
was at least in part contemporary
with these three judges, and that his
six years belong to the latter part of
the whole period of thirty-one years.
This is confirmed by the fact, evident
from the narrative, that there was an
unusually long interval before a de-
liverer was raised up. The end of
the whole period, which is placed by
the common chronology at B.C. 1112,
falls in our scheme at b.c. 1131.
Dagon, the Fish-god. From Khorsabad. (T^yard.)
CHAPTER XIX.
THE JUDGES ELI, SAMPSON, AXD SAMUEL. THE PHILISTIN3
OPPRESSION. B.C. 1161-1095.
§ 1. Chronology of the period, and relation of Eli, Samson, and Samuel to
each other. § 2. State of Southern Palestine — Eli, ]iip:h-priest and
judge — Kise of Samson and Samuel. § 3. Birth of Sa3ison, the
Nazarite. § 4. His first exploits and establishment as judge, § 5.
The gates of Gaza — Delilah — Captivity and death of Samson. § G.
Parentage and birth of Samuel — His dedication to God. § 7. Wick-
edness of Eli's sons, Hophni and Phinehas — A prophet sent to Eli —
The call of Samuel — His establishment as a prophet. § 8. The first
two battles of Eben-ezer — Death of Eli and his sons — Capture of the
ark — "Ichabod." § 9. The ark among the Philistines — Its return to
Beth-shemesh and Kirjath-jearim. § 10. Third battle and victory of
Eben-ezer — End of the Philistine oppression — Judgeship of Samuel
and his sons.
§ 1. We have now reached a point at which the history
becomes most interesting and tlic chronology most difficult.
We read that the children of Israel did evil again in the
sight of Jehovah; and he delivered them into the hand of
the Philistines /or^^ years.^ Then we have the story of the
birth and exploits of Samson, the thirteenth judge, who is
expressly said to have judged Israel twenty years, in the
days of the Philistines.'^ The fair inference from these words
is, that the forty years' oppression of the Philistines is to be
reckoned from the beginning of Samson's exploits against
them, and that the story of his birth is retrospective. The
narrative of the Book of Judges ends Avith the death of Sam-
son ;^ but the interposition of the supplemental chapters and
of the Book of Ruth breaks the connection of the story with
^ Judg. xiii. 1. This follows \\\e death, as in some other cases, e. ^.,
death of Abdon ; but it is not ex- Judg. iv. 1.
pressly said to have been after his \ ' Judg. xv. 1. ^ Judg. xvi. 31.
B.C. 1161. Chronology of the Period. 361
its continuation in the Book of Samuel. There we find Isra-
el under the government of Eli, wlio resided at Shiloh, by
the tabernacle of Jehovah, and who Avas at once the high-
priest, and the fourteenth judge, an office which he is said
to have held for forty years, dying at the age of ninety-eight,
at the time of the capture of tlie ark by the Philistines/
Meanwhile Samuel liad been born and dedicated to Jehovah,
who made to him, while yet a youth, that signal revelation
which established his character as a prophet of Jehovah.^
This revelation may be regarded also as Samuel's designa-
tion to his future c-ffice as the fifteenth judge of Israel, and
hence we may explain the statement that " Samuel judged
Israel all the days of his life.'''"^
The time of his actual entrance on his office is not express-
ly named. If, as is commonly supposed, the first revelation
of God was made to him shortly before the death of Eli, he
would be too young to be Eli's immediate successor. But
there is no necessity to make the interval so short. At all
events, it was long enough to give time for Samuel to grow
up and to establish his character as a prophet throughout
all Israel ;^ and if he was able to fulfill the part of a prophet,
surely he could discliarge the duties of a judge. We see no
difficulty, therefore, in supposing that he at once succeeded
Eli, and that he was then in his full manhood, about thirty
years old, the period for entrance on public duties. The
great victory which his prayers obtained at Eben-ezer, wdien
" the Philistines were subdued, and came no more into the
coast of Israel ... all the days of Samuel,"® seems clearly
to mark the end of the forty years' servitude to them ; and
it seems equally clear that this victory was gained twenty
years after the capture of the ark.^ This victory may be re-
garded as the culminating point of Samuel's administration ;
and there seems no difficulty in supposing him to have been
at least fifty years old at this time.
twenty years ; at all events, they do
not affect the computation in round
numbers. Some writers have most
strangely confused this twenty years,
during which the Israelites mourned
for the ark before making an effort
to shake off the yoke of the Philis-
tines, with the whole space of its
abode at Kirjath-jearim, whence it
was only removed by David after he
had reigned ten years, thus making
its abode there about seventy years
(2 Sam. vi. 1 ; 1 Chron. xiii. 5, 6).
* 1 Sam. iv. 15, 18. The LXX.
give twenty years instead of forty.
^ 1 Sam. iii. Josephus says that
Samuel was twelve years old at the
time.
« 1 Sam. vii. 15.
' 1 Sam. iii. 19-21, iv. 1.
^ 1 Sam. vii. 13, comp. v. 3 : " Je-
hovah will deliver' jjou out of the hand
of the Philistines."
"" 1 Sam. vii. 1, 2. The seven
months of its abode among the Phil-
istines may be included in the
Q
862 EU^ Samson^ and Samuel. Chap. XIX.
From these views it would follow that the forty years'
domination of the Philistines (the tenth of the twelve peri-
ods of forty years from the Exodus to the building of the
Temple) was about equally divided at the death of Eli,
whose last twenty years (or, according to the LXX., his
whole administration) would thus be contemporary with the
twenty years of Samson's judgeship.
There is nothing surprising in this result. The exploits of
Samson were so entirely of a personal character, as episodes
in the constant war between the Philistines and the tribe of
Dan, that his position is not at all inconsistent with the
judgeship of Eli over Israel in general. Nor need we hesi-
tate, if necessary,*" to carry back the first twenty years of
Eli into the period of Jephthah and the three northern
judges; for it is a natural supposition that the southern
tribes enjoyed a settled government, except as they were
disturbed by the Philistines, under their own princes, sub-
ject to the authority of Jehovali as interpreted by the high-
priest. It is also quite natural that the Philistines should
have seized the occasion of Samson's death to make that
great attack on Israel which led to the capture of the ark,
and the death of Eli and his sons ; for the loss of 3000 men
by the fall of the Temple of Dagon, though a terrible bloAV
for the moment, would soon stimulate them to seek revenge.
But a difficulty arises at the other end. The Scripture nar-
rative assigns no exact period to the judgeship of Samuel,
from the battle of Eben-ezer to the election of Saul. We
have a general description of his circuits as a judge;" and
then follows the misgovernment of liis sons in liis old age,
Avhich led the people to desire a king. We may fairly sup-
pose that the complete establishment of his power Avould
soon lead to that association of his sons' in the administra-
tion which caused such disastrous results ; and he was already
getting old, if the above computations be correct. Still the
interval could hardly be contained within our proposed
scheme, if we must accept literally the forty years which St.
Paul assigns to the reign of Saul. But the peculiar relations
between Samuel and Saul make it reasonable to suppose that
the whole time in which they led Israel, with more or less
success, against the Philistines was reckoned as one period,
and that the forty years assigned to Saul include also the
government of Samuel from the victory over the Philistines
at Eben-ezer,'^
^^ The forty vears piven to Eli in the Hebrew text would involve this
necessitv. '^ 1 Sara. vii. ]5-17> ^- ^ae Notes and Illustrations (^A.).
B.C. IIGI.
State of Southern Palestine.
§ 2. We return to the narrative, which could scarcely have
been made intelligible without this discussion of the connection
of its several threads. We have seen that the fierce conflicts
in which the northern tribes and those east of Jordan were
engaged with the heathen, under Barak, Gideon, and Jeph-
thah, only partly involved the tribe of Ephraim, and scarcely
touched the southern tribes of Judah, Dan, and Simeon.
The part of the country which may be roughly marked off
by a line drawn south of the valley of Shechem has a history
of its own, upon which we have little light till the period
we have now reached. In this region, though unquestiona-
bly not free from idolatry, the authority of the high-priest at
Shiloh seems to have been generally respected. That oflice
was now held by Eli, a man of venerable age,^^ of the house
of Ithamar, Aaron's younger son.^* We are not told when
the high-priesthood was transferred from the house of Eleazar
to that of Ithamar ; but we And that the arrangement had
the divine sanction, and Avas only reversed as a judgment on
the house of Eli.' ^ Himself a man of the most sincere piety,
he was guilty of sinful weakness in the indulgence he show-
ed to the vices of liis sons, whose profligacy disgraced the
priesthood and ruined the people. ^^ To the office of high-
priest, Eli added that of judge; and, if the above comimta-
tions are correct, he should be reckoned the thirteenth, rath-
er than the fourteenth judge, having entered on his oflSce
about or soon after the birth of Samson. The postponement
of Eli's history to that of Samson is the natural result of his
intimate connection with Samuel, whose life begins the book
that bears his name.
While Eli was high-priest, it pleased God to raise up two
champions for Israel whose characters form a contrast far
more remarkable than any of Plutarch's parallels. Alike in
the divine announcement of their birth, in being devoted as
Nazarites'^ from the womb, and in being early clothed with
the spirit of Jehovah, Samson and Samuel exhibit the two ex-
tremes of physical energy and moral power, with all the in-
herent weaknesses of the former, and the majestic strength of
the latter. In Samson we see the utmost that human mifrht
" According to the above compu-
tation, he was seventy-eight, and had
ruled already for twenty years, if we
follow the numbers of the Hebrew
text,
" 1 K. ii. 27 : conip. with 1 Chron.
xxiv. 3.
^^ 1 Sam. ii. 30. These words agree
very well with the notion that Eli was
the first of the new line.
^° 1 Sam. ii. 12-17.
" On the laws respecting the Naza^
rites, see Num. vi. 1-21.
364
Elij Samson^ and Samuel.
Chap. XIX.
can do, even as the instrument of the divine will ; in Samuel
we behold the omnipotence of prayer. The great faults of
the former seem almost inseparable from his physical temper-
ament : the faultlessness of the latter is the fruit of a nature
early disciplined into willing subjection to the laws of God.
§ 3. Samson/^ who is commonly considered the thirteenth
judge^ though more properly the fourteenth, belonged to that
part of the tribe of Dan which had not migrated from its origi-
nal allotment on the borders of the Philistines between Ju-
dah and Ephraim. His father was Manoah, a man of Zorah,
on the confines of Judah. Manoah's wife had long been bar-
ren, when she was favored with the visit of the Angel-Jeho-
vah, announcing the birth of a son, who was to be devoted
by the vow of " a Nazarite from the womb," and who should
begin to deliver Israel from the Philistines. She herself was
to abstain from wine and strong drink, and from all unclean
food ; and the child was to practice the same abstinence, and
no razor was to come upon his head. The woman having
called her husband, the angel revealed his divine character
by a sign similar to that A'ouchsafed to Gideon ;'" and while
Manoah dreaded death, because they had seen God, his wife
drew that juster inference of God's favor wdiich has often
since consoled His people : " If Jehovah Avere pleased to kill
us, he would not have received a burnt-offering and a meat-
offering at our hands, neither would He have showed us all
these things." The child thus promised was born, and named
Samson, and he grew up blessed by Jehovah.^°
The promise that Samson should begin to deliver Israel
from the Philistines implies that their power was already
severely felt by the tribe of Dan." From the very first the
Philistines had kept them out of their possessions on the
maritime plain and driven them into the hills ; and we may
be sure that there was a constant state of war, in which the
Israelites had certainly not the better. We have seen that
the power of the Philistines was severely felt at the same
time that the Ammonites oppressed those east of the Jordan. ^^
By the time that Samson reached manhood their power was
^^ Properly Sham-sun, i.e., ^'^ Uitle-
sun,^' or "sun-like," from s/iemcsh,
the sun. Some derive his name from
the ultimate meaning of the root
"awe" or "astonishment," in allu-
sion to the awe of his parents at the
angel who announced his birth. The
appearance of the angel to Manoah
was the last "open vision" till the
voice which called Samuel.
^^ See page 345.
^" Judg. xiii.
"^^ On the origin of the Philistines
and the growth of their power, see
Notes and Jllnatrations (B,),
22 Chap, xviii. § 9.
B.C. 1141. Birth and Call of Samson. 865
established, and their forty years' opj^ression had begun;
" At that time the Philistines had dominion over Israel.""
The princely tribe of Judah had sunk into submission, as we
see from their readiness to deliver up Samson, and from their
plain avowal on that occasion, " Knowest thou not that the
Philistines are rulers over us?"'" The hardy warriors of
Dan lived as soldiers in the field, in the permanent camp
which they had formed at Mahaneh-Dan {the camp of Dan) ^
near Kirjath-jearira, in the central highlands, between Zorah
and Eshtaol. Here " the spirit of Jehovah began to move
Samson at times.""
§ 4. This divine inspiration, which is often mentioned in
his history, and which he shared with Othniel, Gideon, and
Jephthah, assumed in him the unique form of vast personal
strength, animated by undaunted bravery. It was inse23ara-
bly connected with the observance of his vow as a Nazarite ;
"his strength was in his hair." Conscious of this power, he
began to seek a quarrel with the Philistines ; and wath this
view he asked the hand of a Philistine woman whom he had
seen at Timnath. One day, as he passed by the vineyards of
the city on a visit to his intended bride, a young lion rushed
out upon him : the spirit of Jehovah came on Samson, and,
without a weapon, he tore the lion as he would have torn a
kid, but he told no one of the exploit. As he passed that
way again, he saw a swarm of bees in the carcass of the lion ;
and he ate of the "honey, but still he told no one." He avail-
ed himself of this circumstance, and of the custom of propos-
ing riddles at marriage-feasts, to lay a snare for the Philistines.
Thirty young men had been assigned to him as companions
or groomsmen, and to them he proposed a riddle, to be solved
within the seven days of the marriage-feast, for a stake of
thirty tunics and thirty changes of raiment. This was the
riddle : —
"Out of the eater came forth food,
And out of the strong came forth sweetness."
On the seventh day they asked Samson's wife to entice her
husband to tell her the riddle, threatening to burn her and
^^ Judg. xiv. 4. ^* Judg. XV. 11.1 "^^ We have here a curious instance
^^ Judg. xiii. 25, comp, Judg. xviii. ' of the habit on which Virgil founds
12. The assumption involved in our his recipe for obtaining a new swarm
chronological system, that Samson of bees. The eating of honey was a
began his active career at the age of breach of the Nazarite's vow, which
thirty, seems more probable than that shows Samson for the first time tri-
of Ussher, which makes him but twen- 1 fling with temptation. Josephus, by
ty, the former age being supported by making him give the honey to his
the analogy of the priestly office. ' wife, evades this point.
EU^ Sam soil and Samuel. Chap. XIX.
her father's house if she refused. With that fatal subjection
to a woman's wiles and tears Avhich at last destroyed him,
Samson told the riddle to his wife, and she told it to the men
of the city, so that before sunset on the seventh day they
came to Samson and said,'
"Wliat is sweeter than honey?
And what is stronger than a lion ?"
" If ye had not ploughed Avith my heifer," rejoined Samson,
" ye had not found out my riddle." The spirit of Jehovah
came again upon him ; and, going down to Askelon, he slew
thirty men of the city, and gave their spoil to their fel-
loAv^-countrymen of Timnath. He then returned to his OAvn
house."
His wife was given to one of the groomsmen, and, on Sam-
son's visiting her soon after, her father refused to let him see
her. Samson revenged himself by taking 300 foxes (or rather
jackals) and tying them together two by two by the tails,
with a firebrand between every pair of tails, and so he let
them loose into the standing corn of the Philistines, which was
ready for harvest. The Philistines took vengeance by burn-
ing Samson's wife and her father ; but he fell upon them in
return, and smote them " hip and thigh with a great slaugh-
ter," after which he took refuge on the top of the rock^of
Etam, in the territory of Judali.
The Philistines gathered an army and marched against the
men of Judah, who hastened to make their peace by giving
up Samson. Three thousand of them went up to the rock of
Etam to bind him, and he submitted on their promise not to
fall upon him themselves. Bound with two new cords, he
Avas brought down to the camp of the Philistines, who re-
ceived him with a shout of triumph ; but the spirit of Jeho-
vah came upon him, he broke the cords like burnt flax, and
finding a jawbone of an ass at hand, he slew with it a thou-
sand of the Philistines. The place Avas henceforth called Ra-
math-lehi (the height of the jawbone). The supernatural
character of the 'exploit Avas confirmed by the miraculous
bursting out of a spring of Avater to revive the champion as
he AA^as ready to die of thirst. He called the spring En-
hakkore, that is, the v^ell of him that cried. This achievement
raised Samson to the position of a judge, Avhich he held for
twenty years."
§ 5. After a time he began to fall into the temptations
vvhich addressed themselves to liis strong animal nature, but
" Jiidg. xiv. 2B j^jg^ XV.
B.C. 1141. Birtli and Call of Samson. 367
he broke through every snare in which he was caught so long
as he kept his Nazarite's vow. While he Avas visiting a har-
lot in Gaza, the Philistines shut the gates of the city, intend-
ing to kill him in the morning ; but at midnight he went out
and tore away the gates, with the posts and bar, and carried
them to the top of a hill looking toward Hebron.
Next he formed his fatal connection with Delilah, a wom-
an who lived in the valley of Sorek. She was bribed by the
lords of the Philistines to entice Samson to tell her the secret
of his strength ; and though not at once betraying it, he play-
ed with the temptation. Thrice he suffered himself to be
bound with green withes, with new ropes, and by weaving
the seven locks of his hair to the beam of a loom ; and each
time, when Delilah gave the signal, " The Philistines are
upon thee, Samson," he burst the withes and ropes, and tore
away the beam, with its j^in. Instead of resenting Delilah's
evident treachery, he seems to have enjoyed the certainty of
triumph over each new snare, till he was betrayed into the
presumption that perhaps his strength might survive the loss
of his Nazarite's locks. Wearied out with her importunity,
he at last " told her all his heart," and, while he was asleej),
she had him shaven of his seven locks of hair. For the last
time he was awakened by her cry, " The Philistines are upon
thee, Samson," and thought he liad only to go out and shake
himself, as at the other times, for " he wist not that Jehovah
was departed from him." They put out his eyes, and led him
down to Gaza, bound in brazen fetters, and made him grind
in the prison. The silence of the Scripture on this period of
his life is supplied, as far as is possible by sanctified human
genius, in Milton's Samson Agonistes. God had not deserted
liis champion, though he had so severely rebuked his confi-
dence in his own strength, and punished the violation of his
vows. It is very instructive that the last triumph, the price
of which was his own life, was not granted to his cries of
penitence until he was again restored to the state of a ISTaza-
rite. As his hair grew, his strength returned ; but his infatu-
ated foes only saw in this the means of their diversion. The
lords and chief people of the Philistines held a great festi-
val in the Temple of Dagon to celebrate their victory over
Samson. They brought forth the blind champion to make
sport for them ; and, after he had shown his feats of strength,
they placed him between the two chief pillars which support-
ed the roof that surrounded the court, which, as well as the
court itself, was crowded with spectators to the number of
3000. Samson asked the lad who oruided him to let him feel
368 Eli^ Samson^ and Samuel. Chap. XIX
the pillars, to lean upon them. Then, with a fervent prayer
that God would strengthen him only this once to be avenged
on the Philistines, he bore with all his might upon the two
pillars : they yielded, and the house fell upon the lords and
all the people. " So the dead which he slew at his death
were more than they which he slew in his life." His kins-
men took up his body, and buried him in his father's burying-
place between Zorah and Eshtaol.'^^ His name is enrolled
among the worthies of the Jewish Church who '■''through
faith obtained a good report, stopped the mouths of lions,
out of weakness were made strong, turned to flight the armies
of the aliens.'""
§ 6. The loss of Samson was more than supplied by the
other leader of whom we have spoken, as nearly of the same
age, Samuel,^' the ^i'ee^z^A and last oi t\\Q judges ; the Jlrst
in that regular succession of 2^^'ophets,^^ which never ceased
till after the return from the Babylonian Captivity, and the
founder of the monarchy. His name is expressive of the
leading feature of his whole history, the 2^owe7' of prayer.
Himself the child of prayer, he gained all his triumphs by
prayer ; he is placed at the head of those " who called upon
Jehovah, and He answered them;" and he is placed on a
level with Moses as an intercessor.^^ Nor should we over-
look in him one striking character of sincere prayer — the pa-
tient waiting to hear, and the readiness to obey the voice of
God : " Speak, Lord, for thy servant heareth." The attitude
and expression of Sir Joshua Reynolds's well-known picture
is that of Samuel's whole life.
His descent is uncertain. His father is called an Ephrath'
ite, or, according to another reading, an Ephraimite ;^* but
it seems certain, from the evidence of the genealogies, that
he was a descendant of Korali the Levite, of the family of the
Kohathites.^' The two statements are easily reconciled by
assuming that his family were settled in Mount Ephraim.
2« Judg. xvi.
^ Heb. xi. 2, 32, 33, 34.
^^ Properly Shemuel, ^■.e., asked of
God (1 Sam."!. 20) ; though other ety
after." There had been great proph-
ets before, as Moses, Miriam, and
Deborah, and others who are men-
tioned without tlieir names : but the
mologies liave been given, as ^c«r<i continuous series began with Sam-
of God and nmne of God. Ussher uel.
makes Samuel ten years older than! ^^ 1 Sam. vii. 8, 9, xii. 18, 19, 23,
Samson. On our view, he would be xv. 11 ; Ps. xcix. G ; Jer. xv. 1.
somewhat more than ten years young-
er than Samson.
^^ Acts iii. 24 : *' All the prophets,
from Samuel and them that follow
1 Sam. i. 1. If it could be proved
that Ramah was near Bethlehem, the
reading " Ephrathite " would stand.
2* 1 Chron. vi. 22-28.
B.C. lUi. Parentage and Birth of Samuel. 369
The place of their abode was Ramathaim-zophirri^^ (the
double heights of the heaco7i or vxitch)^ elsewhere called Ma-
mah^ and identified by tradition with the lofty hill of JSFehy
Samwil (the Prophet Samuel), 4 miles N.W. of Jerusalem.
It is now crowned by a mosque (itself the successor of a
Christian church), where Samuel's sepulchre is still reverenced
alike by Jews, Moslems, and Christians. If this be its true
site, it lay within the tribe of Benjamin, and sufficiently near
to Beth-horon to as^ree with the statement that Beth-horon
and its suburbs were allotted to the Kohathites." But the
site is very uncertain. It was Samuel's usual residence to the
end of his life.
His father, Elkanah, had two wives, an instance of polyg-
amy rare in a private family, and entailing the usual conse-
quences of bitterness and jealousy.^** The one wife, Peninnah.
had borne several children, but the other, Hannah, was bar-
tice With a pious regularity which deserves especial nO'
ren. in those times of disorder, the whole family went up
yearly to worship and sacrifice to Jehovah at Sliiloh, where
Eli ministered as high-priest, assisted by his sons, Hophni
and Phinehas, as priests. As they feasted on their freewill-
ofiering, according to the law,^* Elkanah gave Peninnah and
her children their due portions, but to Hannah he gave a
double portion. This proof of his aflection brought on her
the jealous provocations of her rival ; so that she wept, and
could not eat, and her husband tried in vain to console her,
asking, " Am not I better to thee than ten sons ?" In her
bitterness of soul, she went and stood before the entrance of
the tabernacle, where Eli sat in his usual place by one of the
pillars," and with many tears she prayed for a son, whom
she devoted to Jehovah as a Nazarite. She prayed silently,
in her heart, but her lips moved, and Eli, thinking that she
w^as drunk after the feast, reproved her severely ; but on her
assurance that she was a woman of sorrowful spirit, and
poured forth her soul before Jehovah, he gave her his bless-
ing, praying that God would grant her petition. She de-
parted with joy, and returned to Ramah ; and in due time
she bore a son, and called him Samuel. She waited to go
up again to Shiloh till the child was w^eaned, when she pre-
sented him before Jehovah, to abide there forever. Her bus-
'" 1 Sam. i. 1 . The full name is
found only in this place, but the
LXX. always give 'Ap/iadatju. The
question of the site is fullv discussed
*"'l Sam. i. 10 ; comp. iv. 18
Q 2
in the Diet, of the Bible, arts. Ramah
and Ramathaim-Zophim.
2^ Josh. xxi. 22. 3" 1 Sam. i. 6.
Deut. xii. 17, 18, xvi. 11.
370 Eli^ Samson, and Samuel. Chap. XIX.
band, who cordially entered into her pious designs,*^ pro-
vided a freewill-offering of three bullocks, an ephah of flour,
and a skin of wine ;" and Hannah presented her son to Eli
for the service of Jehovah, telling him of the fulfillment of
the prayer he had witnessed. She uttered a hymn of praise,
■\vhich served long after as a model for the " Song of the
Blessed Virgin."" Elkanah returned with his family to
Ramah, leaving behind Samuel, who abode in the tabernacle
and ministered before Jehovah, clad in a linen ephod, like
those Avorn by the priests. At their annual visit, Hannah
brought Samuel a little coat, or mantle, a miniature of the
ofiicial priestly robe.''* Eli blessed Elkanah and Hannah,
who bore three sons and two daughters. ^^
§ 7. Samuel's growth in favor with God and man formed a
striking contrast to the shameful profanation of the taber-
nacle by the sons of Eli, who were " sons of Belial." Listead
of contenting themselves with the parts of the sacrifices al-
lotted to them by the law, they invented strange and disor-
derly methods for obtaining Avhat they pleased ; and they
practiced licentiousness at the very doors of the tabernacle."
Tlieir aged father rej^roved them in vain,*^ and he was too
indulgent to use his authority as high-priest : " His sons
made themselves vile, and he restrained them not."*^ There-
fore a prophet was sent to denounce the destruction of the
house of Eli, as a sign of which both his sons should be slain
in one day ; a faithful priest sliould be raised up in his place ;
and those who remained of Eli's house should come crouch-
ing to him with the prayer to be put into one of the priest's
offices to earn a morsel of bread.'*" The judgment was ful-
filled when Solomon deposed Abiathar, the last high-priest
of the house of Ithamar, and restored the priesthood to the
house of Eleazar in the person of Zadok.^°
Another warning was sent to Eli by the mouth of the
youthful Samuel. " The word of God was precious in those
days ; there Avas no open vision ;"^^ and this made tlie rev-
elation to Samuel a more decided proof of his call to the of-
fice of a i^rophet. Eli's sight was now failing, through old
*' 1 Sam. i. 23. i fied by Saul when raised by the
" 1 Sam. i. 24. This offering is a witch of Endor (I Sam. xxviii.'U).
proof of his wealth. *'■' 1 Sam. ii. 18-21 ; comp. 1 Chr.
" 1 Sam. ii. 1-10 ; Luke i. 4G-55. | vi. 2G
^■^ This robe was the same that
Samuel wore in mature years (1 Sam,
XV. 27), and bv which he was identi-
'"'' 1 Sam. ii„ 12-10, 22.
"' 1 Sam. ii. 22-25.
'" 1 Sam. iii. 13.
Sam. ii. 27-3G. ^" 1 K. ii. 27. '•" 1 Sam. iii. 1.
B.C. 1141. The Israelites go to Battle. 371
age, and he had laid himself down to sleep in a chamber at*
tached to the tabernacle. Samuel had also lain down in the
Holy Place itself, and the sacred lamp lighted at the time of
the evening sacrifice was near expiring, when Jehovah call-
ed Samuel by name, and he answered " Here am I." He
knew not as yet that " still, small voice," and he ran to Eli,
thinking that he had called him. This was repeated thrice ;.
but the third time Eli knew that Jehovah had spoken to the
child, and he bade him reply to the next call by saying,
"Speak, Lord, for thy servant heareth." Then the word
of God came to Samuel, confirming, in more terrible terms
the sentence already uttered on the house of Eli, and de-
claring that the iniquity of his house should not be purged
with sacrifice forever. In the morning Samuel opened the
doors of the tabernacle as usual ; and, being solemnly adjured
by Eli, he told him all that Jehovah had said ; and the old
man exclaimed, like Job, " It is Jehovah ! let Him do what
seemeth him good !"^* From that day Samuel was a proph-
et of Jehovah. His fame grew with his growth, and none
of his w^ords failed. Whatever difficulty we have felt before
as to the extent of the influence of the judges disappears en-
tirely now: '"'' All Israel, from Dan even to Beersheba, knew
that Samuel w^as established to be a prophet of Jehovah,"
and the words uttered by him at Shiloh came to pass through-
out all Israel."
§ 8. Encouraged, it wo-uld seem, by this reappearance of
the prophetic gift, and, at the same time, by the blow inflict-
ed on the Philistines in Samson's dying effort, the Israelites
went out to battle against their oppressors. The Israelites
encamped at the place which afterward became so memorable
by the name of Eben-ezer,^* and the Philistines at Aphek
(the /*«5^ne55), places in the highlands of Benjamin not far to
the north of Jerusalem. In the first of the three great bat-
tles which signalized this neighborhood the Israelites were
defeated, with the loss of 4000 men. The elders of IsraeP^
then formed the rash project of fetching the ark of the cove-
nant into the camp, that it might save them from their ene-
mies. Thus all their memory of God's mighty deeds of old
^2 I Sam. iii. 1-19. I ^^ 1 Sam. iv. 3. This is an inter-
" 1 Sam. iii. 19-iv. 1. esting proof that the patriarchal form
'* 1 Sam. iv. 1, v. 1, vii. 12. It ' of government was still in existence,
was between Mizpeh (the loatch-toicer) Eli, though judge, seems to have been
— one of the eminences a few miles now a mere cipher, and Samuel kept
north of Jerusalem — and Shen (the I nloof from the whole proceeding.
tooth or crag), the site of which is un- | Eli's disapproval of the profanation
known. I pf the ark is clear from 1 Sam. iv. 13.
372
jbJli^ )Sa7nson, and Samuel.
Chap. XIX.
was summed up in a superstitious hope from the mere symbol
of His presence, which they profaned even while they trust-
ed to its help. The ark was brought from Shiloh by Hophni
and Phinehas, the sons of Eli, fit ministers of such a sacrile-
gious act. The shout with which the ark was welcomed ap-
palled the Philistines, who thought the gods of the Hebrews
liad come into the camp, those mighty gods "that smote the
Egyptians with all the plagues in the wilderness."^'* But,
instead of panic fear, they assumed the courage of despair,
while the God they so much feared w^as only present in the
Hebrew camp to punish the presumption of the rulers and
the wickedness of the priests. Israel was smitten with a
panic rout ; 30,000 men were slain, and among them Hophni
and Phinehas, and the ark of God was taken. The news
was carried to Shiloh by a Benjamite, who escaped from the
battle, and arrived with his clothes torn and earth iipon his
head, in sign of the deepest mourning. As Eli sat by the
side of the road, at the gates of the tabernacle, waiting for
tidings and trembling for the ark of God, he heard the cry
of grief and terror raised by the whole city. The messen-
ger w^as brought to Eli, who listened to the fate of the army
and his own sons ; but when he heard that the ark of God
was taken, he fell back from his seat and broke his neck and
died, for he was an old man and heavy. He was ninety-
eight years old, and had judged Israel forty years." But the
troubles of the day were not yet ended. The wife of Phine-
has, on hearing the news, was seized Avith premature labor,
and died in giving birth to a son, whom she named with her
last breath I-cha-bod {lohere is the glory) ^ for she said, " The
glory is departed from Israel," because the ark of God was
taken. That one phrase is the best description of the fear-
ful issue of the second battle of Eben-ezer.^*
§9. The captured ark was carried by the Philistines to
Ashdod (the later Azotus),to be laid up as a trophy in the
temple of their national deity : —
" Dagon his name, sea-monster, upward man
And downward fish : 3'et had his temple high
Keared in Azotus, dreaded through the coast
Of Palestine, in Gath, and Askelon,
And Accaron, and Gaza's frontier bounds."^*
'° 1 Sam. iv. 8. Such was the
vivid but vague vecollection handed
down by tradition.
'*' B.C. 1141, in the common chro-
nology.
"^ 1 Sam. iv.
" Milton, Paradise Lost, Book I.
vs. 462-466. The five cities hero
named formed tlie Pentapolis of the
Philistines. Accaron is Ekron.
B.C. 1141.
The Ark with the Philistines.
873
But Jehovah, in punishing His people, was still jealous of His
own glory. The comfort of His presence was withdrawn from
Israel, but its terror, so often felt by them, was transferred to
their foes. First, their god was laid j^rostrate —
" When the captive ark
Maimed his brute image, liead and hands lopped off,
In his own temple, on the grunsel edge,
Where he fell flat, and shamed his worshipers."^"
The memory of his humiliation was perpetuated at Ashdod
by the custom of the priests not to tread on the threshold of
his temple. Next the men of Ashdod were smitten, many
with death, and others by a complaint shameful as well as
painful,®^ and, as we afterward find, their land was ravaged by
swarms of mice. They refused to keep the ark any longer,
and, by the decision of the lords of the Philistines," it was
carried first to Gath and then to Ekron, only to inflict the
like plagues and slaughter on those cities."^
For seven months the ark was thus carried about through
the cities of the Philistines ; and at length they resolved to
send it back. Under the advice of their priests and diviners,
whom it is most interesting to find remonstrating with them
for hardening their hearts as the Egyptians and Pharaoh had
done, they sent with it five golden images of mice, and five
such of the emerods, as a trespass-offering. They made a
new cart, on which they placed the ark, with a cofler contain-
ing the jewels of gold ; and to prove the hand of God in its
return, they harnessed to the cart two milch-cows that had
never borne the yoke, and took home theu- calves. The cows
went straight up the road leading from Ekron to Beth-shemesh
{House of the Sun, now Ain-Shems),^'^ lowing after their calves,
but never turning aside ; the five lords of the Philistines fol-
lowing after, to see the result. As the cart reached the
field of Joshua, the Bethshemite, the men of Beth-shemesh
paused from their harvest-work, rejoicing at the sight ; the
Levites took down the ark and coffer,^^ cut up the cart, and
•° Milton, I. c.
^' Emerods, i. e., haemorrhoids.
®^ These were a supreme council of
the five princes of the five cities (1
Sam. vi, 4).
®^ Judg, V. Gaza and Askelon are
not named, probably for brevity : it
is evident that they suffered in like
manner (vi. 4).
** This "suburb city " of the priests
stood on the north-west slopes of the
mountains of Jndah, on a low pla-
teau at the junction of two fine
plains, about two miles from the edge
of the great Philistine plain, and sev-
en from Ekron (Josh. xxi. 16; I
Chron. vi. 59 ; Robinson, ii. 224-6,
iii. 158 ; Diet, of Bible, s. v.).
®^ The " Abel " in our version,
"great stone," on which they set it
down, has not been satisfactorily ex-
plained.
874 Eli^ Samson, and Samuel Chai-. XIX.
used the wood in sacrificing the cows as a burnt-offering.
Overcome, however, by curiosity, the men of Beth-shemesh
looked into the ark, and Jehovah smote 50,070 of them with
death/^ In their terror they sent to the men of Kirjath-
jearini to fetch away the ark, and in that city it remained till
David removed it to Jerusalem. Its abode was in the house
of Abinadab, a Levite, on the summit of the hill ; and his son
Eleazar was consecrated as the keeper of the ark."
§ 10. For twenty years the people mourned for the absence
of the ark from Shiloh, and beneath the oppression of the
Philistines, till Samuel summoned them to repentance and ex-
ertion. He bade them to put away Baalim and Ashtaroth,
and all false gods, and prepare their hearts to serve Jehovah,
and he would deliver them from the hand of the Philistines.
He gathered all Israel at Mizpeh, that he might pray for
them to Jehovah. There they held a solemn fast-day, con-
fessing their sins, and pouring out libations of water, which
seem to represent a " baptism of repentance," as well as a re
newal of the covenant;"® after which Samuel judged the peo-
ple, their repentance being thus connected with the redress
of wrongs."^ This assembly was the signal for a new mus-
ter of the Philistines, and the frightened Israelites entreated
Samuel not to cease to cry to God on their behalf He was in
the very act of offering a burnt-ofl:ering and uttering his cries
of prayer, when the Philistines drew near in battle array.
Then God answered the prayers of Samuel by a violent storm
of thunder, which discomfited the Philistines, and Israel pur-
sued them with great slaughter to Bethcar (the house of
lambs). This spot, at which the pursuit ceased, seems to have
been the place where Samuel set up a stone, as a memorial
of the victory, between Mizpeh and Shen, and called it Eben-
EZER (the stone of help), sayino^, " Hitherto hath Jehovah help-
ed us !'"°
This third battle of Eben-ezer put an end to the forty years'
oppression of the Philistines, who " were subdued, and came
no more into the coast of Israel, and the hand of Jehovah
was against the Philistines all the clays of Samuel." The
prophet was now, if not before, constituted the judge of Israel,
the last who held that office before the monarchy ; for though
^^ The odd seventy may have been r ^® A treaty \ras always accompa-
elders ; but we can not hope to solve nied with libations of watery and in
all the difficulties presented by the i Greek the name of the former was
numbers in our present text. derived from the latter.
''" 1 Sam. vi., vii. 1 ; 2 Sam. vi. ; 1 «M Sam. vii. S-O ; comp. Matt. iii.
Chron. xiii. 8 ; Luke iii. 8. " 1 Sam. vii. 7-12.
B.C. 1120. ■ Eli^ Samson, and Samuel. 875
he is said to have made his sons Joel (or Vashni) and Abiah
judges, they must be regarded simply as his deputies, like
the sons of Jair and of Abdon." Their seat of judgment
was at Beersheba ; while Samuel himself dwelt at Ramah,
and made a circuit of the neighboring cities, judging the
people of Bethel, Gilgal, and Mizpeh, all four places being in
the highlands of Benjamin. We have incidental pictures of
this part of Samuel's life in the early history of Saul and Da-
vid. We see the prophet receiving those who desired to in-
quire of Jehovah, and who came to him with a customary
present, presiding at the sacrifices of his own city, and enter-
taining a select number of the most distinguished elders at the
ensuing banquet, or going to hold a special sacrifice, as at
Bethlehem, where the awe inspired by his pi-esence bears wit-
ness to the authority of the judge. At this time, too, we first
hear of those " Companies (or as our version gives. Schools) of
the I^rophetSj''^ where the young men on whom the Spirit of
God had descended were trained, under Samuel's eye, in the
art of sacred song, and doubtless in the knowledge of the
Scriptures ; in which David improved his powers as the great
psalmist, and of which we learn more under Elijah and Eli-
sha.'^ How long this state of things lasted we are not in-
formed : it was brought to an end by the misconduct of Sam-
uel's sons in his old age.
■'^ Judg. X. 4, xii. 14 ; 1 Sam. viii. j Illustrations to cli. xx. (p. 425), "The
1, 2 ; comp. 1 Chron. vi. 28. i Schools of the Prophets."
" 1 Sam. ix., xvi. See Notes and\
376
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XIX.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
(A.) CHRONOLOGY OF ELI,
SAMSON, AND SAMUEL.
The arguments which have been
offered in the text as a probable sohi-
tion of a case where certainty can not
be hoped for, lead to the following re-
sults : —
J5.C.
Birth of Samson (about) 1 161 *
Judgeship of Eli beginsf 1151
Birth of Samuel between this and the
next date.
Death of Abdon "^
Tenth period of forty years ! , ^q-j^
Philistine oppression begins f
Judgeship of Samson begins J
Death of Samson '^
Capture of tlie ark |
Death ofEli )■ 1111
Samuel, already established as |
prophet, succeeds him as judge. J
Second half of the Philistine domina-
tion, ending with the victory of Eb-
en-ezer 1091
Eleventh period of forty yearx, in-
cluding the later administration of
Samuel, the mi^^government of his
sons, and the whole of tlie reign of
Saul, ending 1C51
Or, correcting the result by computa-
tions derived from the succeeding
period t 1055
Since, however, these conclusions,
however probable, remain to be sub-
jected to criticism, we have followed,
for the convenience of the student,
the general principle of giving in the
text the received dates of Ussher's sys-
tem.
Townsend proposes the following
* Supposing that he did not begin his pub-
lic work till thirty ; but he may very proba-
bly have done so nearer twenty, M'hich
would place liis birth near Samuel's.
t According to the Hebrew text : according
to the LXX., it would be twenty ye.ars later,
simultaneous with the beginning of the
Philistine oppression, and contemporaneous
throughout with the judgeship of Samson.
t We have kept in view throughout the ne-
cessity of introducing this correction at some
point (see ch. xvii. Notes atid Illustrations).
arrangement, which is based upon
Calmet and others : —
B.C.
1155.
1143.
1126-
1117.
1116.
1096.
Death of Abbon. Servitude to the
Philistines.
The forty years' administration of
Eli begins.
Births of Samuel and Samson.
Call of Sanmel ; at the age of twelve
years, according to Josephus.
1117. The career of Samson — twenty
years.
The prophet sent to warn Eli.
Capture of the ark and death of Eli.
The sole administration of Samuel be-
gins, and continues twenty-one
years till
The ark is recovered, and brought
from Kirjath-jearim to the house
of Abinadab.
The people demand a king.
Saul's reign begins, and lasts forty
years.
1055. Death of Saul.
The administration of Samuel lasted,
either solely or in conjunction with
Eli and Saul, eighty years
(B.) THE PHILISTINES.
The word Philistines means "stran-
gers" or emigrants, and is translated
by 'A?26(f)vXoi in the Septuagint.
According to Gen. x. 14, they were
connected with the Casluhim, and ac-
cording to Jer. xlvii. 4. and Am. ix. 7
(comp. Deut. ii. 23), with the Caph-
torim. As these two tribes were
closely allied, it is possible that tlie
Caphtorim immigrated into the coun-
try of the Casluhim at a later period.
Caphtor is identified by most mod-
ern scholars with Crete,* and it is
* Others identify Caphtor with Coptos ia
Egypt, which siems to be confirmed by the
fact that the Caphtorim are mentioned among
the descendants of Mizraim (Gen. x. 14).
But, on the other hand, there are strong rea-
sons for believing the Philistines to hav«
i been a Semitic people.
Chap. XIX:.
Notes and Illustrations.
377
therefore supposed that the Philistines
emigrated from that island, either di-
rectly or through Egypt, into Pales-
tine. This is rendered more probable
by the mention of the Cherethites in
the Philistine plain (1 Sam. xxx. 14),
which name in its Hebi-ew form bears
a close resemblance to Crete, and is
rendered Cretans in the Septuagint.
But whatever was their origin, we
find these "strangers" settled in the
time of Abraham ; for they are no-
ticed in his day as a pastoral tribe in
the neighborhood of Gerar(Gen. xxi.
32, 34, xxvi. 1,8); and this position
accords with the statement in Deut.
ii. 23, that the Avim dwelt in Haze-
rim, i.e., in nomad encampments ; for
Gerar lay in the south country, which
was just adapted to such a life. At
the time of the Exodus they were still
in the same neighborhood, but grown
sufficiently powerful to inspire the Is-
raelites with fear (Ex. xiii. 1 7, xv. 14).
When the Israelites arrived, they were
in full possession of the Shephelah, or
maritime plain, from the "river of
Escypt " in the south to Ekron in the
north (Josh. xv. 4, 47), and had form-
ed a confederacy of five powerful cit-
ies— Gaza, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Gath,
and Ekron (Josh. xiii. 3). The in-
terval that elapsed between Abraham
and the Exodus seems sufficient to al-
low for the alteration that took place
in the position of the Philistines, and
their transformation from a pastoral
tribe to a settled and powerful nation.
The richness of the soil of the Shephe-
lah has been in all ages remarkable,
and the crops which it yielded were
alone sufficient to insure national
wealth. It was also adapted to the
growth of military power ; for while
the plain itself permitted the use of
war-chariots, which were the chief
arm of offense, the occasional eleva-
tions which rise out of it ofi'ered se-
cure sites for towns and sti'ongholds.
The Philistines had at an early period
attained proficiency in the arts of
peace ; they were skillful as smiths
{\ Sam. xiii. 20), as armorers (1 Sam.
xvii. 5, 6), and as builders, if we may
judge from the prolonged sieges which
several of their towns sustained. Their
images and the golden mice and eme-
rods (1 Sam. vi. 1 1) imply an acquaints
ance with the founder's and gold-
smith's art. Their wealth was abun-
dant (Judg. xvi. 5, 18), and they ap-
pear in all respects to have been a
prosperous people. Possessed of such
elements of power, the Pliilistines had
attained in the time of the judges an
important position among Eastern
nations ; we can not, therefore, be
surprised tiiat they were able to ex-
tend their authority over the Israel-
ites, devoid as these were of internal
union, and harassed by external foes.
The history of the struggles of the
Israelites against these formidable
foes has been narrated in the preced-
ing chapter, and it was in order to re-
sist them more effectually that the
Israelites mainly desired a king. It
was not till the latter end of David's
reign that the Philistines were finally
subdued, as will be told in its proper
place. The whole of Philistia was
included in Solomon's empire, the ex-
tent of which is described as being
" from the river unto the land of the
Philistines, unto the border of Egypt"
(I K. iv. 21; 2 Chron. ix. 26), and
again " from Tipsah even unto Gaza "
(I K. iv. 24 ; A.V. " Azzah"). The
several towns probably remained lui-
der their former governors, as in the
case of Gath (1 K. ii. 39), and the sov-
ereignty of Solomon was acknowl-
edged by the payment of tribute (I
K. iv. 21). There are indications,
however, that his hold on the Philis-
tine country was by no means estab-
lished ; for Ave find him securing the
passes that led up from the plain to
the central district by the fortification
of Gezer and Beth-horon (1 K. ix.
378
Notes and IRustrations.
Chap. XIX.
17), while no mantion is made either
of Gaza or Ashdod, which fully com-
manded the coast-road. The division
of the empire at Solomon's death was
favorable to the cause of the Philis-
tines, and they again appear as formi-
dable enemies to the kings of Judah
and Israel.
With regard to the institutions of
tlie Philistines our information is
scanty. The five chief cities had, as
we have already seen, constituted
themselves into a confederacy as early
as the days of Joshua, restricted, how-
ever, in all probability, to matters of
offense and defense. Each was un-
der the government of a prince. Gaza
may be regarded as having exercised a
hegemony over the others ; for in the
lists of the towns it is mentioned the
first (Josh. xiii. 3 ; Am. i. 7, 8), except
where there is an especial ground for
giving prominence to another, as in
the case of Ashdod (I Sam. vi. 17).
Ekron ahvavs stands last, while Ash-
dod, Ashkelon, and Gath interchange
places. Each town possessed its own
territory, and each possessed its de-
pendent towns or " daughters " (Josh.
XV. 45-47 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 1 ; 2 Sam.
i, 20 ; Ez. xvi. 27, 57) and its villages
(Josh. I.e.). The gods whom they
chiefly worshiped were Dagon, who
possessed temples both at Gaza (Judg.
xvi. 23) and at Ashdod (1 Sam. v. 3-
5 ; 1 Chr. x. 10 ; 1 Mace. x. 83) ;
Ashtaroth, whose temple at Ashkelon
was far-famed (1 Sam. xxxi. 10);
Baal-zebub, whose fame at Ekron was
consulted by Ahaziah (2 K. i. 2-C).
Priests and diviners (I Sam. vi. 2)
were attached to the various seats of
worship.
It is a curious fact that the Philis-
tines, the great enemy of the chosen
people, have given their name to the
whole of the Holy Land, for Pales-
tine is merely another form of Phil
istia. See p. 281.
A5syii:m Kiug ia his Robes.
BOOK V.
THE SINGLE MONARCHY. B.C. 1095-975.
CHAPTER XX.
THE KEIGN OF SAUL AND EAKLY HISTORY OF DAVID.
1056.
B.C. 1095-
§ 1 , End of the Theocracy : the people desire a king. § 2. Saul : his char-
acter and family. § 3. His visit to Samuel, designation, aiointing, and
the signs of God's favor. § 4. His election as king by lot, acceptance
by the people, and inauguration in tlie kingdom by Samuel. § 5. His
relief of Jabesh-gilead from Nahash the Ammonite — Second inaugura-
tion of the kingdom, and retirement of Samuel, at Gilgal. § 6. Saul's
second year — The " War of Michmash " with tiie Philistines— The first
case of' Saul's disobedience, and the first sentence of rejection — Jona-
than surprises the camp of the Philistines— Their rout, and Saul's foolish
vow — Jonathan saved by the people — Other enemies subdued — Saul's
kingdom fully established— His family, guards, officers, and regal state.
380 The Reign of Saul. Chap. XX
§ 7. Second period of Saul's reif;;n — His mission arrainst Amalek, disc
bedience, and final rejection — Samuel's last parting witli Saul, and
mourning for him. § 8. Samuel sent to Bethlehem to anoint David
the son of Jesse as the first true King of Israel — His lineage, character,
and early life — Sources of inform.ation. § 9. The war of Ephes-dammim
with the Philistines — David's visits to the camp: liis character for cour-
age and prudence — He soothes Saul's madness with his harp — Slays
Goliath, and becomes Saul's armor-bearer — Beginning of his friendship
with Jonathan, and of Saul's jealousy — David marries Michal, and be-
comes captain of the body-guard. § 10. Saul's open plots against Da-
vid's life — David's flight to Ramah, to Achish, to the Cave of Adullam,
and to the wilderness — His visit to Nob, and Saul's slaughter of the
priests — Saul's pursuit of David : their two interviews — Death of Sam-
uel— The story of Nabal, and David's double marriage to Abigail and
Ahinoam — His final flight to the Philistines, and settlement at Ziklag.
§ 11. Gathering of the Philistines at Jezreel — Saul and the witch of
Endor — David returns from the Philistine camp and avenges the sack
of Ziklag. § 12. Battle of Mount Gilboa — Death of Saul and his sons —
David's lamentation for Saul and Jonathan — The Psalms of this second
period of David's history.
§ 1. The Philistine yoke was broken, and the attacks of
enemies on the other frontiers had ceased. Peace was re-
stored to Israel nnder the wisest and holiest ruler they had
had since Joshua, and it might have seemed that the theocra-
cy was safely re-established.' And yet it is not surprising
that the people should have thought less of their present se-
curity than of their past dangers, and that the season of tran-
quillity was used as an opportunity for obtaining what they
deemed a stronger and more permanent government. The
offer of the crown to Gideon proves that this desire had long
been growing, from envy of the splendor and power of the
surrounding monarchies, and from a bitter sense of the dis-
orders of those times when "there was no king in Israel, and
every man did what was right in his own eyes." And, just
as we often see the effect of some inveterate evil reach its
climax at the very moment when the cause itself seems to
have been subdued, so the settlement of the government by
Samuel failed to avert the revolution for which the miscon-
duct of his sons gave the immediate occasion. The elders of
Israel came to him at his house at Ramah, and pleading his
own great age, and the evils growing up again, their sense of
which would be the keener from the remembrance of Ho phni
and Phinehas, they plainly made the request, "3Iake us a
KING, to judge us, like all the nations.''''^
Their idea of a king* may be summed up in the tliree points
^The passage in 1 Sam. ix. 16, threatening to recover the ascend-
however, indicates a state of things ency. ^ 1 Sam. viii, 5.
in which the Philistines were always ^ See especially v. 20.
B.C. 1095. Demand for a King. 881
of a leader always ready at their head in war, a judge pro-
vided without interruption by the law of hereditary descent,*
and a court invested with dignity and magnificence. Their
reference to the prophet proves that they wished to have the
divine sanction to their desire.
It w^as a trying moment for Samuel, as a man, a father, and
a prophet of Jehovah : " The thing was evil in the eyes of
Samuel." At his age, and with his spirit, we can not suppose
him to have been much concerned at the loss of his own pow-
er. The slight to his government w^as excused by the mis-
conduct of his sons ; and keenly as w^e see that he felt the im-
plied rebellion against Jehovah, the case was beyond the reach
of mere reproof, and the people would not have been content-
ed wdth the simple reply of Gideon, " Jehovah shall rule ovei
you." Samuel applied himself to the resource that never
failed him, he prayed unto Jehovah. * His indignation was at
once justified and chastened by the assurance, " They have
not rejected thee^ but they have rejected me from reigning
over them."
These w^ords are the key to the w'hole history of the He-
brew monarchy ; but they must not be viewed as entirely
words of anger. God pitied the infirmities of His people,
even while He punished their self-will by granting their de-
sire. So Samuel is instructed to grant them their request,
but not till he had first solemnly warned them of its immedi-
ate results, in the oppression w^hich their king w^ould exercise
till they should cry out to Jehovah against the master of their
own choice.^ The prophet's description of a self-willed king
should be compared with the law laid down by Moses, in
anticipation of the kingdom.' The expostulation had no ef-
fect ; and, after once more laying before Jehovah their reply,
" We loill have a king over us," and again receiving the com-
mand to make them a king, Samuel sent them back to their
cities, to await the man selected for them in the providence
of God.^ We must not suppose that that man w^ould be a
ferocious tyrant, at once beginning to inflict the retribution
of their folly. Like their own idea of a monarchy, he cover-
ed, under a fair exterior, great possibilities of good, and the
seeds of still greater evil.
§ 2. Saul, a name rendered memorable in the annals of the
tribe of Benjamin and of the world, by the king and the apos-
* In ancient times and Eastern | stood by the Jews, is clear from the
countries this notion was inseparable offer of the crown to Gideon (Judg.
from royalty. That it was so under- 1 viii. 22). ^ 1 Sam. viii. 6.
* 1 Sara. viii. 7-18. ■" Deut. xvii. 16-20. * 1 Sam. viii.
S82 The Reign of Saul Cnxv. XX.
tie, its first and last owners named in Scripture, Vvas the son
of Kish, a wealthy and powerful Benjamite, though of a fam-
ily not conspicuous in the tribe, whose descendants can be
traced to the time of Ezra." Saul is described as " a choice
young man, and a goodly : there was not among the chil-
dren of Israel a goodlier person than he ;'" from his shoulders
and upward, he was taller than any of the 2>eople."^^ To
this physical excellence, characteristic of his tribe, he added
no small share of its ungovernable temper, which opposition
and disappointment aggraA^ated to madness, the common fate
of despots, as Ave see in Cambyses, Caligula, and Paul of Rus-
sia. He Avas the creature of impulse ; often kindly, as in his
loA'e for David and Jonathan, often noble, as in his patriotic
zeal for God, but always Avanting the control of steady prin-
ciple.
His birthplace is uncertain. Zelah was the place of his fa-
ther's sepulchre, ^^ buthis royal residence Avas at Gibeah, thence
called " Gibeah of Saul ;" and this to^Yn seems to have been
the abode of at least a part of the family.'^ His age at the
time of his election is not stated ; but Ave can hardly suj^pose
so great a dignity, inA^olving the chief command in Avar and
the judgeship, to have been conferred on a man under forty;
and this agrees Avith Avhat Ave knoAV of the ages of his sons.
Jonathan, his eldest son, appears as a Avarrior the year after
Saul's accession,'* and Ish-bosheth, his younger son, Avas for-
ty years old at his father's death. '^ The chronology of his
accession is obscured by the absence of any clear indication
of the period of Samuel's judgeship after the deliA^erance from
the Philistines, from Avhich epoch Ave have already shoAvn that
the forty years which St. Paul assigns to Saul should prob-
ably be dated.**' We can scarcely suppose him to have been
so old as scA'enty at his death, in b.c. 1050, according to the
common chronology.
§ 3. Saul was led to Samuel to be anointed to his future
office by AAdiat,to the eyes of men, might have seemed an ac-
cident.'^ His father Kish, having lost his asses, sent Saul
Avith a serA^ant in search of them. They passed through
Mount Ephraim, and by Shalisha and Shalim, till they came
on the third day to the neighborhood of Samuel's abode, here
^ 1 Sam. ix. 1, 21. See the pedi- I where lie andJonathan are described
gree in the Notes and J /lustrations as "swifter than eagles and stronger
(A.). than lions."
'" Conip. 2 Sam. i. 19 ; where he is ^- 2 Sam. xxi. 14. ^M Sam.x. 13,
called "the gazelle of Israel." " 1 Sam. xiii. 1, 2. ^^ 2 Sam. ii. 8..
" 1 Sam. ix. 2 ; comp. 2 Sam. i. 23, '^ Acts xiii. 21. "1 Sam. ix.
B.C. 1095. Saul Anointed by Samuel. 383
called the land of Zuph/® Saul now proposed to return, lest
his father's care for the asses should pass into anxiety for him
and the servant — a mark of his aifectionate disposition. The
servant, however, told him that in the city which they were
approaching there dwelt a man of God who was held in the
highest honor, and all whose words came to pass ; perhaps he
might direct them where to find the asses. Saul's difficulty
about the present which it Avas usual to offer when consult-
ing a seer (for such was the name of a x>rophet in those days)
was removed by the servant, who had with him the fourth part
of a skekel of silver. As they ascended the hill on which the
city stood, they learned from the maidens who had come out to
draw water that the seer had just returned from one of his judi-
cial circuits, and was expected to bless the sacrifice and festival
which the people were holding on that day in the high place
above the city; and, just as they entered the city, they met
Samuel coming forth for that purpose. Samuel was prepared
for the interview. God had forwarned him the day before
that he would send to him on the morrow a Benjamite, whom
he should anoint to be captain over Israel, to deliver them
out of the hand of the Philistines ; and now, as Saul approach-
ed, the word of Jehovah came to Samuel : " Behold the man
whom I spake to thee of! this same shall reign over my peo-
ple." Samuel made himself known to Saul, and having told
him that his father's asses were found, he astonished him by
the salutation, " On whom is all the desire of Israel? Is it not
on thee, and on all thy father's house ?" Waiting as the peo-
ple were for their destined king, Saul could not but suppose
what Samuel meant ; and he pleaded that his family was the
least in Benjamin, itself the smallest tribe in Israel. Post-
poning further explanation, Samuel led Saul and his servant
into the banqueting-chamber on the high place, and seated
them above all the thirty guests who were assembled, per-
sons whose limited number proves their consequence in tho
city. Samuel then ordered the cook to place before Saul the
portion w^hich he had told him to reserve for an expected
guest, namely, a boiled shoulder^ at once the choicest part of
the sacrifice, and the emblem of the w^eight of government
which he was to sustain. ^^ After the banquet they went
down from the high place to the city, and Samuel lodged Saul
on the top of his house, a favorite sleeping-place in the East.
'® Some connect this name with the nppellation of Samuel's city, ^^^'
m^ihiixm-Zophhii . It perhaps indicates that tlie whole region was a rango
of heacon-heights.
" Comp. Lev. vii. 32 ; Ezek. xxiv, 4 ; Is. ix. 6,
884: The Reign of Saul. Chap. XX
At daybreak the prophet aroused his guest and led hira
out of the city ; and then, the servant having been sent on
before them, Samuel bade Saul stand still to hear the word
of Jehovah. Thereupon, producing a vial of oil, he poured
it on his head, adding the kiss of homage, and telling him
that Jehovah had anointed him to be captain over His in-
heritance. The prophet named three incidents which would
happen to Saul on his return, as signs that Jehovah was with
him ; the first, an assurance of the safety of his father's cat-
tle, as the prophet had said; the second, a present which
was to be an earnest of the future ofi:erings of the people ;
the third, the descent of the spirit of Jehovah upon liim,
causing him to prophesy, and turning him into another man.
The promised change began at the moment that Saul turned
to leave Samuel: he felt that God had given him another
heart, and the appointed signs were fulfilled in their order.
The only remaining care of his past life was relieved by two
men who met him by Rachel's sepulchre at Zelzah, and told
him that the asses were found, and that his father Avas anx-
ious about him. At the oak of Tabor he met three men,
who presented to him two loaves of bread out of the offer-
ings which they were carrying up to God at Bethel. And,
in fine, when he reached "the hill of God" (probably Gib-
eah), which was occupied by a garrison of the Philistines,
a company of propliets came down from the high place with
the instruments of music which they were taught to use in
the service of God ; and, as they began to prophesy, the
spirit of God fell upon Saul, and he prophesied among them.
This sign of his inspiration was the more decisive, as he
seems to have been a man unlikely to exhibit religious fer-
vor. Those who had known him before expressed their
amazement by the question, which passed into a proverb,
" Is Saul also among the prophets ?" and there were some
who went so far as to question the source of such inspira-
tion by suggesting, " But who is their father ?"^'' Saul then
went up to the high place, apparently the hill of Gibeah, to
the residence of his uncle (or his grandfather), IS^er, in reply
to whose curious inquiries he told what Samuel had said
about the asses, but said nothing about the matter of the
kingdom. After this private designation to his office, he re-
turned to his home.''^
§ 4. The time soon came for his public manifestation to
Israel. Samuel convened the people at Mizpeh ; and, after
^ Comp. Matt. xii. 24-27. '^^ 1 Sam. ix., x. 1-16.
B.C. 1095. Saul Accei^ted by t/ie People. ' 385
once more reproving them for rejecting God and resohdng
to have a king, he called on them to present themselves be-
fore God by their tribes and their thousands. Then, wheth-
er by lot, or by the Urim and Thummim, or by any other
mode of expressing the choice of God, the tribe of Benjamin
was taken." The tribe was brought by its families, and the
family of Matri was taken ; and lastly, out of that family,
the choice fell on Saul, the son of Kish, but he was no-
where to be found. Again they consulted the oracle, whicli
revealed his hiding-place ; and he was found concealed among
the baggage of the camp — so little eager was he to thrust
himself into the oiidce to which he knew his call. He was
brought into the midst of the congregation, and there he
towered above all the people from his shoulders upward.
His goodly presents won universal favor ; and when Samuel
presented him as the king whom Jehovah had chosen, the
like of whom was not to be found among all the people, they
shouted w4th one voice "God save the king.""^ From this
whole scene it is clear that what is said of the choice ot God
is not to be understood as an absolute preference for Saul as
being the man best fitted for the king of Israel, but as the
selection of one possessing the endowments which would rec-
ommend him to the people as the king that they desired.
He is commended to the people for the goodliness of his out-
ward form ; and in this very same matter of the choice of a
king, the same prophet was afterward instructed by God to
" look not on his countenance or the height of his stature :
. . . for man looketh on the outward appearance, but Jeho-
vah looketh on the heart. '"^^ Throughout the whole transac-
tion, God was giving the people their own desire, and the
history of Saul is the working out of the experiment.
In another sense, however, he was the king of Jehovah's
choice. The whole circumstances of his selection, and his
anointing by the prophet, invested him with authority which
bound the people to be subject to him as an ordinance of
God. But he was also himself subject to a law. That law
had been given through Moses, in anticipation of this day,"
and now Samuel wrote it in a book and laid it up before Je-
hovah in the sanctuary, after he had rehearsed it to the peo-
ple, whom he then dismissed to their homes. Saul retired
^^ It is most, important to clistin-
pnish this choice from an election by
the people.
" Literallv, "Let the kinj; live!"
^^ Deut. xvii. 14, foll-
R
but the case is one of those in which
the popular phrase has passed beyonJ
the power of alteration.
1 Sam. xvi. 7.
386
The Reign of Saul.
Chap. XX.
at the same time to his home at Gibeah, with no other ret-
inue than a band of vohmteers, whose hearts God had touch-
ed. Some murmurs of contempt Avere heard against him at
Gibeah, Avhere his prophetic gifts had already been derided,
and some few " men of Belial " neglected to bring him pres-
ents ; but he held his peace, waiting for an opportunity to
prove himself w^orthy of the crown by his services to his
people."
§ 5. That opportunity soon arrived. During the later
years of Samuel the enemies of Israel had gained strength,
and this w^as one chief reason of the desire for a king." We
have seen the Philistines in possession of the citadel of Gib-
eah, and now we meet again with the enemy whom Jeph-
thali had subdued. Nahash^** the Ammonite marched against
Jabesh-gilead, and would only listen to the oifer of a capitu-
lation on the cruel and shameful terms of j^utting out the
right eyes of all the people and laying it as a disgrace on
Israel. The men of Jabesh obtained a delay of seven days,
and sent for help to Saul at Gibeah. Saul w^as returning
with his cattle from the field when he heard the cry of the
people at the tidings. Then, as we read of the other cham-
pions of Israel, the spirit of Jehovah came upon him, and he
sunynoned Israel to the field by a token as pow- erful as the
" fiery cross " of the G^lic chiefs. Cutting a yoke of oxen
into small pieces, he sent them througliout all Israel, declar-
ing that so it should be done to the oxen of him w^ho came .
not out after Saul and Samuek^^ When the forces w^ere
numbered in Bezek, there were 300,000 warriors of Israel,
and 30,000 of Judah. On the sixth day of the truce, the
men of Jabesh received Saul's promise of help before to-mor-
roAv's noon, and they sent Avord to Nahash that they would
place themselves in his hands. In the morning Avatch, Saul,
Avith his army in three divisions, fell upon the unsuspecting
Ammonites, and slaughtered them till the heat of the day
put an end to the pursuit. His triumph Avas adorned by an
act of regal clemency. The people called on Samuel to put
to death the men Avho had despised the new^-made king ; but
Saul declared that not a man should be put to death on that
day, in Avhich Jehovah had saved Israel.^"
^^ 1 Sam. X. 17-27.
^^ Comp. 1 Sam. xii. 12.
'^^ The name signifies serpent, and
furnishes an indication of Ophite
worship among the Ammonites.
" This association of Samuel with
himself should be particularly ob-
served ; as should also the separate
enumeration of Judah, which agrees
with what we have before noticed. It
may also indicate the time wben the
narrative was v.ritten ^' 1 Sam, xi.
B.C. 1095. Second Inauguration of the Kutrjdom. 387
Having thus given proof of his merit, Saul was again soi*
enmly inaugurated into his kingdom. For this purpose Sam-
uel called the assembled hosts to follow him to Gilgal, and
there they held a high festival, with sacrifices to Jehovah.
But their joy was not unmingled. The time was come for
Samuel to lay down his judicial office ; and the hoary proph-
et, protesting his own integrity in the sight of those before
whom he had Avalked from his childhood to that day, and
whose voice now bore Avitness to his words, reasons with
them of all that God had done for them from the time that
Jacob went down to Egypt till that hour. He recalls their
deliverance from Egypt, from Sisera, from the. Philistines,
and from the King of Moab ; their idolatries and -their re-
pentances, and the missions of Jerubbaal and Bedan,^' and
Jephthah and Samuel ; and yet, he adds, when Nahash came
against them, they must needs have a king, though Jehovah
their God was their king. Now then they had their king,
set over them by Jehovah, and it rested with them Avhether
his kingdom should be established. If they would fear Je-
hovah and serve Him, and keep His law, both king and peo-
ple should continue to be His ; but if they were rebellious,
His hand would be against them, as it had been against their
fathers. Then pointing to the sky, which had been brilliant
with the unchanging clearness of an eastern June (for it was
the season of the wheat-harvest), he prayed to God, who
sent the portent of a thunder-storm to confirm his words.
The terrified people confessed their latest sin, and besought
Saxiiuel to pray for them that they might not die. He com-
forted them with the promise of the future, warning them
not to let the sense of past guilt lead them into further sin,
and protested that he would never cease to pray for them,
and to teach them the good and right way.
With these words of comfort, Samuel closed his public life
as the sole judge of Israel. But his office did not entirely
cease ; for, as we have seen, " he judged Israel all the days of
his life." In his subsequent relations to Saul, there is clear-
ly more than the sort of r.uthority whicli the later prophets
never ceased to exercise as special messengers of Jehovah to
^^ Jerubbaal is a surname of Gide-
on. As the name of Bedan occurs
in the Book of Judges, various con-
jectures have been formed as to the
other name for Samson. But as it
is clear that the Book of Judges is
not a complete record of the period
of which it treats, it is possible that
person meant. Some maintain him Bedan was one of the judges whose
to be the Jair mentioned in Judg. x. names are not preserved in it.
3 ; others suppose Bedan to be an- 1
388 The Reign of Saul Chap. XX.
reprove the sins of the king and direct him on great occa-
sions. Samuel's is a power constantly present to check the
waywardness of Sanl, and at last reversing his election and
designating his successor.
§ 6. The preceding events occupied the first year of
Saul's reign.^^ In the second, he set to Avork systematical-
ly to deliver Israel from their enemies. He gathered a
chosen band of 3000 men, two-thirds being with him in the
camp at Michmash and the hills of Bethel,^^ and the other
1000 at Gibeah, with his son Jonathan, whose name now
first appears in the history. Jonathan's successful attack on
the Philistine garrison in the hill of Geba opposite Michmash
was the signal for Saul's summoning the Israelites to the war.
His trumpet sounded through all the land, and his camp was
fixed at Gilgal, the scene of his inauguration, and the old
camp of Joshua. The Philistines answered the challenge
Avith an immense army, comprising 30,000 chariots and 6000
horsemen, besides infantry without number, and encamped at
Michmash, on the highlands Avhich Saul had abandoned. The
Israelites lied to w^oods and caves and the fastnesses of the
rocks, while even the warriors trembled as they followed
Saul. The king Avaited impatiently at Gilgal for the seven
days within which Samuel had promised to come and ofi:er
sacrifice, while his forces were rapidly disj^ersing.^* On the
seventh day he ventured to begin the sacrifices himself;
and he had just ended the burnt-oflfering, when Samuel ar-
rived, and asked him what he had done. Saul pleaded the
danger of the Philistines coming down the pass to attack him
at Gilgal ; but Samuel declared that he had acted with sinful
folly, and uttered the first intimation thus early in his reign
of wdiat lie had already threatened in case of disobedience,^^
that his kingdom should not be lasting, for Jehovah had al-
ready sought out "a man after his own heart, to be captain
over his people." After this threat, which seems to have
been uttered privately to Saul, Samuel went away to Gibeah,
'^ 1 Sam. xiii. 1. I Bethel" of the text. On the other
^^ Miclimash is probably the mod- side of the ravine was Geba, with its
ern Mukhmas, a village about seven Philistine garrison, the furthest post
miles north of Jerusalem, on the which they held toward the east,
northern edge of a ravine which Geba and Gibeah were very near
forms the chief pass between the] each other, and it is difficult to dis-
bighlands of Benjamin and the val- 1 tinguish them clearly. The names
ley of the Jordan about Jericho and are evidently confounded in two of
Gilgal. Bethel is about four miles three passages of the Hebrew text.
north of Michmash, and the intervcn- 1 ^' Comp. I Sam. x. 8.
ing hills seem to form the "Mount! ^'^ Comp. 1 Sam. xii. 25.
B.C. 1093. Jonathan Surprises the Philistines.
889
and Saul followed with his little band of only 600 men and
encamped on the south side of the ravine, on the north of
which lay the Philistines. He w^as joined at Gibeah by the
high-priest Abiah, the son of Abitub, son of Phinehas, son of
Eli, and it would seem that the ark was brought up for the
time from its house at Kirjath-jearim.^° Meanwhile the Phil-
istines overran the country from their head-quarters at Mich-
mash, w^hence three bands of spoilers issued forth. No smith
was suffered to work in Israel, but the people went to the
camps of the Philistines to sharpen their tools; Saul and
Jonathan alone had swords and spears."
An unhoped-for deliverance w^as effected by God's blessing
on the courage of Jonathan. Familiar as he must have be-
come during the encampment at Michmash with the ravine
at its foot, he planned a surprise of the Philistine camp with-
out the knowledge of his father or the high-priest, but trust-
ing in Jehovah, with whom, said he, " there is no restraint to
save by many or by few.'"^ With one faithful comrade, his
armor-bearer, who fully shared his spirit, ^^ he climbed up the
opposite side of the ravine between two sharp crags, named
Bozez and Seneh. They had resolved to show themselves to
the Philistines, and to draw an omen from the words witli
which they might be received ; and accordingly when the
Philistines, who took them for two Hebrews wandering out
of their hiding-places, said to them, " Come up, and we will
show you something," Jonathan concluded that Jehovah
had delivered them into the hands of Israel. Climbing with
hands and feet up the face of the precipice, which was sup-
posed to make the camp impregnable, Jonathan fell upon the
enemy, his armor-bearer slaying after him.*" They killed at
this first onset about twenty men, and the rest were seized by
a panic, which was increased by an earthquake, so that they
went on striking down each other. The Hebrews who fre-
quented the camp of the Philistines now turned against them ;
and others came out of the caves with w^hich those rocks
abound to join in the slaughter. The scene was witnessed
with amazement by the watchmen in Saul's camp at Gibeah ;
and on counting the people, it was discovered that Jonathan
and his armor-bearer had left the camp. Saul bade the high-
priest to bring the ark, that he might consult Jehovah ; but,
3" 1 Sam. xiii. 1-16, xiv. 2, 3, 18.
^' 1 Sam. xiii. 17-23.
3« I Sam. xiv. 6. '' 1 Sam. xiv. 7.
^^ 1 Sam. xiv. 13, ]4. The ob-
scure words of V. 14 mav mean that
they bore down the enemy like a
yoke of oxen ploughing, or, as tlie
LXX. translate it, that they slew
them with the arrows and stones from
their bows and slings.
^90 The Reign of Saul. Chap. XX.
as the noise in the Philistine camp increased, he rushed to
the pursuit, driving the foe down the pass of Bethaven as far
as Aijalon, the very ground over which Joshua had pursued
the Oanaanites in his most memorable victory. The pursuit
was, how^ever, hindered by the exhaustion of the people, con-
sequent on Saul's rash vow devoting to a curse the man who
should taste food till sunset, They were passing through
one of those woods where the wild bees build their combs in
the branches in such numbers that the honey drops from the
trees, and no man dared even to carry his hand to his mouth
for fear of Saul's oath, when Jonathan, who had now rejohi-
ed the army, dipped the end of his staff in a honey-comb and
put it to his mouth. His sense of new life caused him to in-
veigh bitterly against his father's vow, of which he was now
informed for the first time. When evening came, the famish-
ed people flew upon the spoil, and began to eat the cattle
w^ith the blood. Saul reproved their sin, and, building an
altar, the first that he built to Jehovah, he bade the people
bring each his ox or sheep and slay it there. He then pre-
pared to continue the pursuit by night ; but the high-priest
reminded him that all this time they had not asked counsel
of God. Saul now inquired if he should pursue the Philis-
tines, but the oracle was silent. He set himself to find the
hidden sin, swearing by the life of Jehovah that the man
should die, were it Jonathan his own son. As no one answer-
ed, he cast lots, with prayer to God, between the i)eople on
one side, and himself and Jonathan on the other, and Saul
and Jonathan were taken. A second lot fell on Jonathan, and
Saul would have kept his oath, but the people interposed to
save their champion's life. So Saul returned from the 2)ur-
suit of the Philistines."
The " War of Michmash," as the above campaign is called,
was followed by a series of victories over all the other ene-
mies of Israel, Moab, Amnion, Edom, the kings of Zobah,
the Philistines again, and the Amalekites, of Avhom more
will presently be said. This is the brightest period of the
life of Saul, who now assumed his full royal state : he " took
the kingdom."*^ His own fiimily made a goodly show.
Besides Jonathan, his court was graced by two sons, Ishui
and Melchi-shua, and two daughters, Merab and Michal, the
children of his wife Ahinoam, daughter of his father's sister
Ahimaaz.*^ His standing army of 3000 men was command-
" 1 Gam. xiv. 1-4G. There are | ''- 1 Sam. xiv. 48, 40.
many points of likeness between ^^ He liad other children by his
Jephthah's vow and Saul's. | second wife Kizpali, who was also his
B.C. lO'JO. SaiiVs Court and Royal State. 391
eel by his uncle, Abner, the son of Ner, one of the noblest
men and greatest warriors in the history of Israel ;" and he
had a body-guard of Benjamites, chosen for their beauty and
stature, as runners and messengers, of Avhom David after-
ward became the chief" These two commanders sat at the
king's table^^ with Jonathan, whose seat was opposite his
father's. In recruiting these guards, the king acted in the
arbitrary manner which Samuel had predicted ; " when he
saw any strong man, or any valiant man, he took him to
him.self"" The herds of cattle, which formed the chief part
of the royal Avealth, and the servants who had the charge
of them, were under a chief officer, corresponding to the con-
stable {comes stabuli) of the mediaeval monarchies, who had
constant access to the king's presence. Saul gave this office
to an Edomite, named Doeg, who became infamous as the
slayer of the priests.*® Even the high-priest, as we have
seen, attended the commands of the king, both in the camp
and court, with the sacred ej^hod, as a means of consulting
the divine will ; and Saul assumed the power of giving him
orders at all times througli his messengers ;*" so far had the
theocracy sunk from tliat state in which the people used to
stand before the tabernacle, to receive the sole behests of
Jehovah their king through the prophet and the priest !
Whether sitting at table w^ith these officers, whose attend-
ance was especially required on the new moon and other
festive days, or whether he appeared in public, surrounded
by his body-guard, the king was distinguished by a tall
spear, suited to his stature, which was placed beside his
chair when he rested, and by his pillow when he slept, and
which he wielded with terrible effiect in battle, where the
mightiest weapons of Israel were the spear of Saul and the
bow of Jonathan. "" He wore over his arms a royal diadem
and a golden armlet.^' He loved to hear the acclamations
of the people, and the songs with which the women greeted
him as they came out of the cities of Israel, to welcome his
return from battle and to receive robes of scarlet and orna-
ments of gold from the spoil."
cousin (see the pedigree in Notes and
Jllustrations).
^* 1 Sam. xiii. 2, xiv. 50, xxiv. 2,
xxvi. 2 ; comp. 1 Chr. xii. 29.
" 1 Sam. xvi. 15, 17, xxii. 7, U,
17, xxvi. 22 ; Joseph. Ant. vi. G, § 6,
vii. U.
^^ 1 Sam. XX. 25.
•^^ A Syrian, accordins to the LXX
(I Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 9-19).
*^ 1 Sam. xxi. 2. The practice
may be infen-ed from David's pre-
tense of such a commission.
^« 1 Sam. xviii. 10, xix. 9, xx. 33,
xxvi. 11 ; 2 Sam. i. 6.
^'2 Sam. i. 10.
*^ 1 Sam. xiv. 52 ; comp. viii. 11. \ '^M Sam. xviii. G ; 2 Sam. i. 24.
892 The Reign of Saul. Chap. XX.
§ 7. Such was Saul's outward state during the first of the
three periods into which we may divide his reign. But be-
neath it all was the remembrance of the doom pronounced
by Samuel at Gilgal, and rendered irrevocable by SauPs con^
duct during the second stage of his career. He seems like
one impelled by the intoxication of power to brave the very
fear that haunted him, and an act of open disobedience to
God determined his fate.
Amid his career of victory over the surrounding heathen,
which tended to the twofold object of giving Israel the
promised bounds of their possession and of punishing those
nations for their past sins, Saul received a special commis^
sion to execute the vengeance long since denounced on
Amalek for their treacherous attack on Israel in the wilder-
ness of Sinai. ^^ The command was given by the mouth of
Samuel, and enforced by an appeal to Saul's allegiance to
Jehovah's word by the prophet who had anointed him. He
was commanded to destroy Amalek utterly, man and woman,
infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel and ass. He mus-
tered the forces of Israel, 200,000 infantry, besides 10,000
of Judah, at -Telaim, on tlie edge of the southern desert.
Having first warned the old allies of Moses, the Kenites, to
depart from among the Amalekites,^* he fell upon the tents
of the tribe, and pursued them with great slaughter from
Havilah to Shur, on the frontier of Egypt." Agag, their
king or sheikh, was taken prisoner ; but all the rest of the
people Avere put to death, clearly showing that Saul Avas not
moved to disobedience by any feelings of humanity. There
can be no doubt that Agag was spared to add splendor to
Saul's triumphant return, as a king making war for himself
rather than as the servant of Jehovah. The spoil was dealt
with in like manner ; and here the people shared the sin,
sparing all the best of the cattle and all that was valuable,
and destroying all that Avas vile and refuse. It Avas doubt-
less true in part, as Saul afterAvard declared, that he Avould
have offered some of the cattle in sacrifice to God ; but the
chief motive in sparing them Avas clearly to enrich his fol-
lowers Avith the spoil. Instead of pursuing the campaign
and finishing the destruction of the fugitives, he returned by
Avay of CarmeP" to the old camp of Gilgal.
MeauAvhile Samuel had been commanded to meet him at
^^ I Sam. XV. 1--3; comp. Ex. xvii. | **' A place in the extreme sonth of
8; Num. xxiv. 20; Dent. xxv. 17-19. Judali, which of course must not be
"Comp. Num. xxiv. 21 ; Judg. i. confounded with Mount Carmel in
IG, iv. 11. ^M Sam. xv. 4-7. the north.
B.C. 1079. Samuel reproves Saul's Sin. 393
that place for the second time. The word of Jehovah had
declared to the prophet that mysterious change in the divine
purpose which is so often expressed by one striking word :
" It repenteth me, that I have set up Saul to be king." The
old man's affection for Saul overflowed in tears and cries of
prayer all the night, but in the morning he rose up to fulfill
his hard commission. No interview recorded in history has
a deeper moral significance. Elated with his victory, and re-
solved to brave out the voice of conscience, Saul meets Sam-
uel with aft'ected pleasure, and anticipates inquiry by claim-
ing the praise of a duty well discharged : " Blessed be thou
of Jehovah ! I have performed the commandment of Jeho-
vah !" " What meaneth, then," rejoined Samuel, " this bleat-
ing of sheep, and this lowing of oxen ?" Descending one
more step in prevarication, and trying to evade the responsi-
bility of the act, Saul replied that the people had reserved
these for sacrifice, while they had destroyed the rest ; but
Samuel cuts short his excuses by bidding him hear the word
of Jehovah. Before pronouncing the fatal sentence, he re-
minds liim of his low estate before God exalted him, and
asks why he had disobeyed the command of God. Saul re-
peats the same excuse, with another attempt to throw the
responsibility on the people, and a word thrown in to propi-
tiate the prophet, " to sacrifice unto Jehovah, thy God^ in Gil-
gal." Then Samuel proclaims that eternal principle of mor-
al duty in condemnation of every attempt to propitiate God,
and yet to retain our sin and have our own way : " Hath Je-
hovah as great delight in burnt-offerings and sacrifices, as in
obeying the voice of Jehovah ! Behold, to obey is better
THAN SACEiFiCE, and to hearken than the fat of rams. For
rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft," and stubbornness is as
iniquity and idolatry. JBecause thou hast rejected the loord of
Jehovah., He hath also rejected thee from being hingP Over-
w^helmed with remorse, Saul confessed his fault, though still
pleading that he had done it for fear of the people, and pray-
ed Samuel to pardon his sin, and to turn back and join hira
in worshiping Jehovah. Samuel refused, and reiterated the
sentence. As he turned to depart, Saul caught at his proph-
et's mantle, but only to receive a new sign of his fate. The
mantle was rent, and Samuel said that even so had Jehovah
rent the kingdom of Israel from Saul, and given it to a neigh-
bor of his, who was better than himself. He confirmed the
sentence by a solemn asseveration : " The Strength of Is*
" A sin against which Saul was most zealous.
R2
S94 Tlie Reign of Saul. Chap. XX
RAEL will not lie nor repent, for He is not a man that he
should repent !" It is beyond the power of human judgment
to decide what might have been the result, even at this last
moment, if Saul had betaken himself to public humiliation
and imj^ortunate prayer ; but his only prayer was to be saved
from public humiliation. He entreated Samuel to honor him
before the people by turning again to join in the sacrifices.
Samuel consented, but he used the opportunity to inflict the
sentence of death on Agag. He sent for the King of Amalek,
wiio approached with every mark of outward deference, be-
lieving that " the bitterness of death was past." The pity w^e
are tempted to feel for him is silenced by Samuel's declara-
tion of the justice of his doom : " As thy sword hath made
women childless, so shall thy mother be childless among
women." And Samuel hewed Agag in pieces before the Lord
in Gilgal.
This was Samuel's last interview with Saul, for w^hom he
still retained that aflTection which is a strong tribute to the
better features of Saul's character. While Saul went to his
royal residence at Gibeah Samuel returned to his house at
Ramah, where he mourned for Saul with a prolonged bitter-
ness which at last incurred the reproof of God, who had new
work for him to perform in Ihe designation of Saul's succes-
sor. Meanwhile Jehovah's repentance at having made Saul
king is emphatically repeated. ^^
§ 8. Samuel was recalled from the indulgence of his grief
by a command to fill a horn with the consecrated oil laid up
in the tabernacle, and to go to Bethlehem, where God had
chosen a king among the sons of Jesse, the grandson of Boaz
and Ruth,^^ and the heir of their wealth and distinction in the
city. To remove his fear of Saul's anger, the prophet is di-
rected to take with him a heifer, and to invite Jesse to a
sacrifice. His arrival caused much alarm, but he assured the
elders that he came in peace, and bade them and the house
of Jesse to sanctify themselves for the sacrifice. There the
family of Jesse made a goodly show. To his distinction as
the chief man of the city, he added that of an age remarkable
in those degenerate days,**" and he was surrounded by all his
eight sons, except the youngest, who seems to have been of
small consideration in the family, and accordingly was sent
abroad to tend the sheep. Struck with the noble figure of
the eldest son, Eliab, the very counterpart of Saul, Samuel
"^ 1 Sam. xv.,xvi. 1.
'" 1 Sam. xvi. See the pedigree in the No(es and Illustrations (B).
«''2 Sam. xvii. 12.
B.C. 1063. David Anointed hij Samuel. 395
said to himself, " Surely the anointed of Jehovah is before
me :" but he was warned not to judge a second time by so
false a standard. Jehovah said to him, "Look not on his
countenance, or on the height of his stature^ because I have
refused him ; for it is not as man seeth ; for man looketh on
the outward appearance, but Jehovah looketh on the heart.'''*
In like manner the prophet rejected Abinadab, the second,
Shammah, the third, and all the rest of the seven. Samuel
asked Jesse, "Are all thy children here?" No; there still
remained the youngest, who was with the sheep. " Send and
fetch him," said the j^rophet, " for we will not sit down till
he come." Soon there entered a fair youth, with reddish or
auburn hair, and keen bright eyes,"^ his beautiful countenance
flushed with his healthy occupation, and his whole aspect
pleasant to behold. Then Jehovah said to Samuel, " Up and
anoint him : for this is he !" In the presence of his brethren
Samuel poured the horn of sacred oil upon his head, and then
returned to his house at Ramah, having performed his last
public act. From that day forth the Spirit of Jehovah came
on David {^^ the beloved''''), for such was the name of Jesse's
youngest son, the new " root " of the princely tribe of Judah,
the first true King of Israel, and the greatest, since Abraham,
of the progenitors of the Chkist, who, as David's son, was
" anointed " in his anointing.
This is all that we are distinctly told of David's early life
in Scripture, the simple records of which must not be con-
taminated with the Oriental legends, nor even illustrated,
without the greatest caution, from the Jewish traditions
which are recorded by Josephus. It may be well here to no-
tice the true authorities for the life of David.
1. Each of the three prophets, with whom David lived in
the closest intimacy, Samuel, Gad, and Nathan, wrote a me-
moir of that part of his life which came respectively under
their notice. ^^ We may be quite sure that Samuel, Irom the
time of his mission to Bethlehem, would watch David's ca-
reer wdth the deepest interest, and that he w^ould recoi'd all
that he could learn of him and his ancestry in the history of
his own times, which we can not doubt to have heen the oc-
cupation of his last years at Ramah, " the Book of the Proph-
et Sa^nueV The close relation maintained between David
and the prophet is shown by the former taking refuge with
the latter when he fled from the court of Saul. Gad joined
him in his wanderings, and lived at his court, and Nathan
'■'* 1 Sam. xvi. 12, in the Hebrew^ ''^ .1 ChroD. xxix. 29.
396
The Reign of Saul.
Chap. XX.
was the faithful mentor of his later years. Though these
books have not come down to us in their original form, we
can not doubt that we have their substance, and generally
their actual contents, in the First and Second Books of Sam-
uel^ with 1 Kings i. ii. Indeed it is strictly in accordance with
the HebrcAV idiom to \'ead the passage in Chronicles^ " the
book (or history) of Samuel the seer, and Nathan the prophet,
and Gad the seer," that is, theii' joint composition, which could
tlien hardly be other than that which we still have under the
double title of the Books of Samuel and of the Kings.
2. Another contemporary authority was the '''' Chroyiicles
{or State Papers) of King David^^^^ a record which David
undertook with his characteristic love of truth and order.
That the substance of this work is preserved in the ^^First
Booh of Chronicles'''' is clear from its very form. Beginning
from Adam, with the genealogies, which the Jews justly re-
garded as the basis of all history, and in them giving the
most minute account of the tribe of Judah and the line of
David,^* it dismisses Saul with the genealogy of his family,
and only breaks out into the form of a consecutive narrative
Avith the battle in which he died, and from which the reign
of David began.''' The rest of the book is occupied entirely
with the history of David.
3. Of still deeper interest for the true knowledge of Da-
vid as a man and as the servant of Jehovah are his Psalms,
which serve as a mirror for his very nature, Avhich we would
venture to compare in this respect to Cicero's letters, were
there not a sort of profanation in naming the most earnest
strains in which the heart of man has ever been poured out
as in the sight of God, beside such revelations as a man of
many infirmities chose to make to his familiar friends. There
are many critical difficulties in deciding which of the Psalms
are David's and on what occasions they were written ; what
weight should be given to the titles (many certainly errone-
ous), and what to internal evidence ; but there remains an
ample store of his own undoubted utterances, of the deepest
interest not only for his own life, but in which his is the very
pattern of the experience of humanity, and himself the type
of the " Son of Man," the true head of the human race. The
) •' threefold cord " of personal experience, sympathetic utter-
V^nce on behalf of humanity in general, and Messianic prophe-
q!ji^ must not be loosed in the vain attempt to discriminate
63 \ ^Dhron. xxvii. 24.
6* Of t?ourse the continuation of
this f^'^^ "^ nthpv crpr>f>nlociPa be-
longs to the uhimate form of tho
book.
^^ 1 Chron. x.
B.C. 10G3.
.David's Person and Character.
397
each strand. In some sense all that David says of himself
belongs to every servant of Jehovah, and to the chief servant
and son, who was the antitype of all the rest.
From these sources of information we can gather that Da-
vid was of a beautiful, though not a commanding person,
strong and agile, and endowed with the exquisite organiza-
tion of the poet and the musician. As the youngest in a large
family, he was subject to the scorn of his elder brothers, and
his occupation as a shepherd, was that which is usually allot-
ted in the East to servants, women, and dependents, as we see
in the cases of Rachel and Zipporah, Jacob and Moses. But
these apparent disadvantages became the very life-springs
of his manly and devout character. It is of course impossi-
ble to draw the Ime of distinction between his life before and
after his designation by Samuel ; but w^e may well believe
that those elements of character were already forming which
began to shine forth when the Spirit of Jehovah came upon
him. The lonely watches which he kept by night, amid the
pastures for which Bethlehem was famed, opened his mind to
revelations only surpassed by those made to later shepherds
in the same fields at the advent of his Son and Lord. If he
did not, like them, actually hear the heavenly host praising
God and saying, " Glory to God in the highest ! Peace on
earth, good-will to man !" he was taught by the inward voice
of God's Spirit to utter the same strains to the music of his
harp ; and his Psalms show how he used the imagery spread
out before his eyes by day and night. ^^ At this time he must
have first acquired the art which gave him one of his chief
claims to mention in after times, " the sweet singer of Israel.""
But the character thus formed was not that of a religious re-
cluse, unfitted for the active work of life. The personal prow-
ess which he proved by his celebrated combat with a lion and
a bear in defense of his father's ilocks,^^ appears to have been
also exercised in conflicts with Bedouin robbers or Philistine
marauders ; for, on his first introduction to Saul, he is already
known as " a mighty valiant man, and a man of war,"^* At
the same time he had already a reputation for the prudence
which distinguished him in after life, and which was doubtless
the fruit of the self-reliance demanded by his position in his fa-
ther's house. It seems probable that he found congenial com-
'® See Psalms vii., viii., xix., xxii.,
xxiii., xxix., xlii., Ixiii., cxlvii., and
many others.
"' 2 Sam. xxiii. 1.
^^ 1 Sara. xvii. 34, 35
^^ 1 Sam, xvi. ]8. Even if we
adopt another explanation of these
words (see § 9), we must suppose him
to have had a natural aptitude and
early training for war.
398 TJie Reign of Saul Chap. XX,
panions in his nephews, Abishai, Joab, and Asahel, the sons of
Zeruiah, and Amasa the son of Abigail, who were probably
about his own age, and who afterward became his most fa-
mous champions in war, though the cause of many a trouble,
from their want of sympathy with the gentler side of his
character.
§ 9. To complete his qualifications for his future dignity,
David was introduced to the court of Saul ; and, after being
displayed to the nation as a rival of the king even in warlike
fame, his character Avas braced by a long persecution. The
difficulties Avhich appear on the comparison of the sixteenth
and seventeenth chapters of Samuel, as they stand in our
text,'° may arise from the interweaving of difterent narratives
in an order not strictly chronological. There is an evident
reason for placing the departure of Jehovah's spirit from Saul
in immediate contrast with its descent on David ;^^ but the
natural order of the events after David's anointing will be
found, we think, in the i^assage which occurs as a retrospect-
ive episode in the story of Goliath." The narrative is com-
monly misunderstood by its not being seen that this victory
w^as the crowning incident of a long campaign.
We are told that " there was sore war against the Philistines
all the days of Saul;"" and the whole system of God's deal-
ings with Israel justifies our supposing that Saul's crowning
act of disobedience was followed by a fresh assault of these
enemies. The Philistines gathered their armies at Ephes-
dammim (the Bowids o/*^/oor/), between Shochoh and Aze-
kah, on the border between their own great plain and the
highlands of Judah.'* Saul and the men of Israel Avere gath-
ered to oppose them f ^ and among those who followed him
Avere the three eldest sons of Jesse — Eliab, Abinadab, and
Shammah.''^ Not on one occasion only, but habitually, as
we judge from the nature of the case, Jesse sent David to in-
quire of his brothers' welfare and to supply their Avants.'^
With his natural courage animated by the knoAvledge of his
'"The Vatican MS. of the LXX.
omits xvii. 12-31, and tilso xvii. 54-
xviii. 5. See note ''\
'' I Sam. xvi. 13, 14.
"'• 1 Sam. xvii. 12.
" 1 Sam. xiv. 52.
■'^ 1 Sam. xvii. 1. Ephes-dammim
lay on the mountain forming the Pas-dammim (I Chron. xi. 13).
south side of tlie valley of EU\h ( Fa/- 1 ''^ 1 Sam. xvii. 2.
IcT) of the Terebinth), which is proba- | " 1 Sam. xvii. 13.
bly that now called Wady e^-Smut '^ 1 Sam. xvii. 17.
(Valley of the Acacia). It lies about
fourteen miles south-west of Jerusa-
lem, on the road to Gaza, and is in-
tersected by a torrent whose bed is
full of round pebbles, like those which
David picked out of the brook.
Ephes-dammim is elsewhere called
B.C. 1063. The Reign of Saul. 399
high destiny, we may be assured that David would not neg-
lect the opportunity afforded, by his visits to the camp to
begin irregular essays in the art of Avar. The taunt of his
brother Eliab that he had come down, in " the pride and naugh-
tiness of his heart, to see the battle,'"^ seems to breathe jeal-
ousy rather than contempt. The supposition that he had en-
gaged in successful skirmishes with the Philistines as a vis-
itor to the camp, and that, like King Alfred, he had relieved
the tedium of the watches by his minstrelsy, will account for
his being known to Saul's servants as " a mighty valiant man,
and a man of war, and prudent in affairs," as well as " cun-
ning in playing on the harp.'"®
Meanwhile the mind of Saul was oppressed by this new
war, and by the foresight of the fate denounced by Samuel.
" The spirit of Jehovah," which had descended upon him
when he was anointed, now " departed from him, and an evil
sj)irit from Jehovah terrified him."^" His servants, who be-
gan to experience the terrible caprices of a despot's incipient
madness, advised him to try the charms of music, always
powerful, against melancholy, and believed in the East to
possess a magical influence over wild and venomous beasts as
well as savage men. Saul consented, and sent to Bethlehem
for David, who was recommended to him on the grounds just
now stated. Jesse sent his son with a present to the king ;
and that harj^, which has since cheered many a perturbed
spirit, refreshed the soul of Saul and dispelled his evil fancies.^^
The narrator of this incident very naturally connects the fa-
vor gained by David's success with his ultimate advancement
at the court of Saul, wiio obtained Jesse's consent to David's
remaining with him, and made him his armor-bearer.^^ But
it does not follow that this took place at once ; and such a
view is quite inconsistent with the plain statement that Da-
vid returned from Saul to feed his father's sheep at Bethle-
hem.^^ His departure from the court explains Saul's forget-
fulness, and Abner's ignorance of his person and family.®*
The commander of the forces was not likely to trouble him-
self about the young shepherd-minstrel ; and, to say nothing
of the proverbially short memory of kings for their benefac-
tors, Saul had chiefly seen him in his hours of madness. Such
is what we may safely infer to have been the course of events
before the encounter with Goliath, without professing to dc-
78
1 Sam. xvii. 28.
'" 1 Sam. xvi. 18.
"^ I Sam. xvi. U.
S4
1 s«
" I Sam. xvi. 15-20, 23.
" 1 Sam. xvi. 21, 22.
^^ 1 Sam. xvii. 15.
m. XVII. oo.
400
The CJtampion of the Philistines.
Chap. XX
cicle whether they all occurred during the encampment oppo-
site to Ephes-dammim, or in part at an earlier period of the
campaign/^
Let us return to the hostile armies at Ephes-dammim. The
camps of Philistia and Israel were pitched upon two heights,
separated by the valley of Elah, across which the hosts con-
fronted one another in battle array morning after morning.
A strange cause delayed their conflict. Every morning a
champion of Gath, named Goliath/^ came forth out of the
camp of the Philistines, and stalked down into the valley to
offer single combat. His height w^as six cubits and a span ;
he was armed in full panoply of brass (a rare thing in those
days, and especially among the Israelites)," and a coat of
mail weighing 5000 shekels. His spear-head of iron, a metal
" The above view of the course of I
events assumes the correctness of the
received text. That of the Vatican '
MS. of the LXX. would lead us to \
suppose that David was retained at
the court of Saul from his first intro-
duction, growing in his favor and be-
coming his armor-bearer (1 Sam. ;
xvi. 14-23). In that capacity he
was about the king's person when
Goliath defied the armies of Israel (1
Sam, xvii. 1-11), and he stepped
forth in the midst of the veteran war-
riors to accept the challenge (1 Sam.
xvii. 32). Saul's remonstrance is
certainly capable of being vmderstood
as addressed to a youth known and
loved, and for whose safety he feared ;
though, if David had been Saul's
armor- bearer, we can scai'cely un-
derstand his not having proved the
weight of his armor, or his preference
for tlie simple weapons of a shepherd
(I Sam. xvii. 38-40). The difficul-
ties seem to be very plausibly re-
moved by the omission of xvii. 12-31,
and xvii. 55-xviii. 5; but whence
did the Hebrew and the other MSS.
Mf the LXX. obtain those passages?
If not integral parts of the text in
the place where tliey stand, they must
at least be portions of some of the
ancient records of David's life ; and
we still have to encounter the diffi-
culty of finding their proper place in
the narrative, for we can not treat
them as apocryphal.
^^ It has been conjectured that he
was one of the giant race oftheKeph-
aim, some of whom took refuge from
the Ammonites with the Philistines
(Deuteron. ii. 20, 21 ; 2 Samuel xxi.
22). His height is variously stated ;
in the Hebrew text six cubits and a
; span (or 1 1 feet 4^ inches, taking the
'cubit at 21 inches); by the LXX.
and Josephus, four cubits and a span
I (7 feet lOj inches). There is also some
confusion about his name ; as Elha-
nan is said to have slain a Goliath of
Gath whose description is like that
! of the text (2 Sam. xxi. 19) ; but the
i parallel passage in 1 Chron. xx. 5
: gives "Lahmi, the brother of Go-
j liath the Gittite." From these two
■passages we may infer that a certain
I giant of Gath, whose name, Rapha,
[seems to connect liim with the Reph-
i aim, had five sons, Goliath, Ishbibe-
j nob, Saph, Lahmi, and a fifth who
I is not named, but distinguished as
having six fingers and toes on each
hand and foot. We may here men-
I tion the ancient poem on David's
I victory over Goliath, which is ap-
ipended to the Psalms in the LXX.,
but which scarcely reads like David's
own composition.
^^ Comp. 1 Sam. xiii. 19-22. Even
when Saul gives David his own ar-
mor, we read of a brazen helmet and
a coat of mail, but not of the greaves
and target of brass (comp. 1 Sam.
xvii. 5, C, with 1 Sam. xvii. 38).
B.C. 1063. The Reign of Saul. 401
then much rarer than brass, weighing 600 shekels, and its
shaft was like a weaver's beam. Before him marched an ar-
mor-bearer, carrying his shield ; and the whole description
resembles, what it perhaps suggested, the poet's moon-like
orb of Satan's shield, and his spear like " the mast of some
great ammiral." With a voice answering to his form, he de-
manded of " the servants of Saul " to find a warrior to meet
him, a free-born Philistine, and proposed that the nation
whose champion was defeated should serve the other. His
appearance struck dismay into Saul and all his people ; they
stood motionless throughout the day ; and at length, the de-
fiance having been repeated in the evening, both armies re-
tired to their camps.
This scene had been repeated for forty days, when David
returned to the camp, on a visit to his brethren. He reached
the circle of baggage outside the camp at the moment when
both armies were drawn up, and the battle-cry was already
raised. The temptation was irresistible. He left the bread
and parched corn and cheeses, which he had brought as pres-
ents for his brothers and their captain, with the guard of the
baggage, and ran into the ranks where his brethren stood.
As he spoke to them, the champion of Gath approached and
uttered his defiance, and all who stood near fled before him.
The Spirit which rested upon David moved him with indig-
nation at such a reproach on Israel. " Who," he asked, " is
this Philistine, that he should defy the armies of the living
God?" The by-standers told him that Saul would give his
daughter to the man who should kill the Philistine, and en-
riclihim greatly, and make his house free in Israel. Heed-
less of the taunts of Eliab, Avho rebuked his presumption with
the authority of an elder brother, David repeated his inquir-
ies till his words came to the ears of Saul. When brought
before the king he bade Israel dismiss their fear, for he
would go and "fight with the Philistine. Not with proud
contempt, but with generous anxiety, Saul reminded him
that he was but a youth, and the Philistine a warrior from
his youth. But David had a shepherd's exploits against
wild beasts, not to boast of, but to plead in support of his
faith, that "Jehovah, who had delivered him out of the paw
of the lion, and out of the paw of the bear, would deliver him
out of the hand of the Philistine." " Go ! and Jehovah be
with thee !" said Saul, his own early trust in God revived by
the contagion of example. He armed David for the combat
«* 1 Sam. xvii. 4-1 U
402
David slays Goliath.
Chap. XX.
ill his own armor, and girded him with his own swoid ; but
David, after the first few stej^s, cast them oif as an untried
encumbrance and betook himself to those shej^herds' weapons,
for their skill in which we have already seen that his country-
men were famous. The only arms of David were his shep-
herd's staiF and sling, with hve pebbles which he took from
the w^ater-course r.nd placed m his pouch. The Philistine's
scorn for the ruddy youth swelled into rage at the mode of
his attack: "Am I a dog," he asked, "that thou comest to
me Avith staves ?" He seems to have overlooked the sling,
"and he cursed him by his gods." David answered his
threats with the calm certainty of victory which befitted a
champion who avowed that the battle Avas Jehovah's. Both
advanced, David with the swiftness of foot for which he was
famous ; but before his foe came close, he took a stone from
his bag and slung it into the forehead of the Philistine, Avho
fell to the ground upon his fiice. David rushed in and stood
upon him, and, drawing the Philistine's own sword from its
sheath, cut off his head. At this sight the Philistine army
fled, pursued by Israel with great slaughter as far as Gatli,
and even to the gates of Ekron, whence the victors returned
to spoil their camp. David's own trophies were the head,
the armor, and the sword of the fallen champion. The first
he exposed at Jerusalem ; the second he put in his own tent ;
and the last he laid up in the tabernacle at Nob, till he took
it for his own weapon in his time of need. ^^
As David had gone forth to the encounter, Saul had asked
Abner whose son the young man was, but Abner could not
tell him. Saul repeated the inquiry of David himself Avhen
Abner ushered the youth into his presence, with the head of
the Philistine in his hand ; and on learning his father's name,
Saul sent to ask Jesse to let David remain in his presence,
and he made him his armor-bearer. But Saul gave him more
than the sunshine of royal favor, the warm love of his im-
pulsive nature ; while his son Jonathan conceived for David
an affection which at once ripened into one of those friend-
ships that liave become proverbial in history — the perfect
union of the " friend that sticketh closer than a brother."
They made a covenant, which was faithfully observed even
when Saul became David's enemy, and, according to the cus-
tom in such cases, Jonathan clothed David with his own gar-
ments, to his sw^ord and bow, and girdle.""
^^ 1 Sam. xvii. 20-54. xviii. 2 seems a decisive proof of the
^^ 1 Sam. xvi. 21, 22, xvii. 25-xviii. true order of the story.
4. The comparison of xvi. 22 with
B.C. 1063. Songs of the Wome?i of Israel. 403 •
In this new position, David confirmed tlie character for
prudence which had at first been given him. Employed by
the king in various important matters, he is repeatedly said
to have " behaved himself wisely in all his Avays," " more
wisely than all the servants of Saul," and the reason is giv-
en, " Jehovah was with him."" He needed all his prudence,
for Saul's love began soon to turn to jealousy. It is a very
interesting question, whether any tidings of Samuel's visit to
Bethlehem had reached the court. It is alike difficult to un-
derstand the keeping of such a secret, and the conduct of Saul
and Jonathan to David if it had transpired. But something
may be ascribed, on the one hand, to the jealousy between
Judah and Benjamin,""^ which would lead the elders of Beth-
lehem to keep a secret so vital to their tribe ; or something,
on the other supposition, to the fatalism of Saul and the ro-
mantic generosity of Jonathan, combined with his faith in
the providence of Jehovah. On the Avhole, we can hardly
think that David was yet viewed as Saul's anointed succes-
sor, though Jonathan afterward recognizes him in that char-
acter, and Saul openly denounces him as a rival. "^ The first
occasion for this jealousy was given by the songs of the He-
brew women, who came out of every city to greet the vic-
tors on their return from the war with the Philistines ; and,
as they trooped forth "singing and dancing, with tabrets,
with joy, and instruments of music," they added to their
wonted acclamation,
'^ Saul hath slain his thousands,^^
the resjDonse of the whole chorus,
"And David his ten thousands."
From that hour Saul viewed David with the evil eye, and
his fits of melancholy became charged with impulses of mur-
der. On the very next day he twice cast his spear at David
as he sat at the royal table, and David only escaped by flee-
ing from Saul's presence. The king's saner hours were
haunted by a jealous fear, which increased with David's
prosperity."* He removed him from his ofiice about his per-
son, and made him captain over a thousand ; but the only re-
sult Avas that David became better known and more beloved
«' 1 Sam. xviii. 5, 14, 15, 30. The
margin of our version gives "he
prospered ;'' and we may well undei-
stand it of that perfect union of pru-
dence and success which marks the
rery prosperous man,
" 1 Sam. xviii. 12, li
°^ Besides other proofs of this, Ju-
dah had been the leader in the mas-
sacre of Benjamin (Judg. xx. 18).
«^ 1 Sam. XX. 15, 31 . Still later he
acknowledges David as his destined
successor (1 Sam. xxiv. 20, xxvi. 25).
40-i The Reifjn of Saul Chap. XX
by all the })eople.°^ Saul then began to plot more system-
atically against his life. He oflered to perform the promise
held out to the conqueror of Goliath by giving him his
daughter Merab ; urging him to win the prize by new enter-
prises, in which he hoped he might fall by the hand of the Phil-
istines. After all, when the time for the marriage arrived,
Merab was given to another. Meanwhile Saul's second
daughter, Michal, had become enamored of David ; and Saul,
with the low cunning of a diseased mind, saw another op-
portunity for his destruction. He employed his servants to
demand of David a dowry which could only be procured by
the slaughter of a hundred Philistines ; but David went
down with his own trooj^ and slew two hundred, and laid
their bloody spoils at Saul's feet, thus at once disappointing
the hope of his destruction, and leaving him no excuse for
breaking his word.^^ He became the king's son-in-law ; and,
as Saul would naturally keep up appearances, this was prob-
ably the occasion of his elevation to the command of the
bocly-guard, a post only second to that of Abner." David's
wife proved, like Jonathan, his faithful friend ; for which
Saul only hated him the more, and " became his enemy con-
tinually." He no longer concealed his thoughts, but order-
ed Jonathan and his courtiers to kill David. Jonathan, how-
ever, tried the eifect of an earnest remonstrance Avith his
father, contriving that David should overhear the conversa-
tion, so as to be assured of Saul's real feelings, and the result
Avas the restoration of David to Saul's favor. °^
§ 10. This reconciliation lasted only for a short time. Da-
vid's exploits in a ncAv war Avith the Philistines again pro-
A'oked the fury of Saul, Avho nearly pinned him to the Avail
Avith his spear for the second time. David Hed to his house,
round Avhich Saul set a watch during the night, intending to
kill him in the morning.^^ Michal saved her husband's life
by letting him doAvn out of a AvindoAA\ She placed an im-
age^"" in ills bed, and told Saul's messengers that he Avas sick.
Saul's persistent demand to have him brought to him exposed
the deception, AAduch Michal boldly justified. MeauAvhile
David Avent to Samuel at Ramah, and dAvelt Avith him at
^5 1 Sam. xviii. 13, U, IG. [ °^ Psalm lix. is referred to this oc^
'"*"' 1 Sam. xviii. 17-27. jCasion, on the authority of the title.
^' 1 Sam. xviii. 5. Here, as be- 1 ^"° In Hebrew teraphim, a proof
fore, the connection of thought in that Michal had brought into tlic
the writer's mind may have been house of David that domestic idolatry
jn-efcrrcd to the exact chronological which has often come under our no-
order. -'* 1 Sam. xviii. 28-xix. 7. [tice.
B.C. 1062. David's FlUjht to Ramah. 405
Naiotb (the pastures), near the city, among the " schools of
the prophets," where David doubtless cultivated his native
gifts of psalmody by more systematic instruction than he
had yet received. When the messenger sent by Saul to take
him saw the company of the prophets prophesying, with
Samuel at their head, the Spirit of God fell upon them also,
and they prophesied. This was repeated thrice ; and at last
Saul went himself. No sooner had he reached the well of
Sechu, at the foot of the hill of Ramah, than the Spirit of
God came upon him, and he prophesied all the way as he
went to Naioth. There he stripped oft' his outer clothes, and
fell down before Samuel, prophesying all that day and night.
Well might this melancholy exhibition of reluctant homage,
so difterent from his first Avilling reception of the divine spirit,
cause the repetition of the surprise then uttered in scornful
incredulity, but now grounded in sad experience, which gave
new force* to the proverb, " Is Saul also among the proph-
ets ?""^
Saul seems to have returned from Ramah, professing to
be reconciled to David, whom he expected to resume his j^lace
at court ;"^ but David only left his refuge at Ramah to ap-
peal to Jonathan against his father's persecution."^ He ob-
tained his friend's consent to a decisive experiment on Saul's
intentions, and they arranged a meeting, at which David was
to learn his fate. At the same time they renewed their cov-
enant, with the remarkable addition of the oath which Jon-
athan required of David, evidently in anticipation of his suc-
ceeding to the crown : " Thou shalt not cut off thy kindness
from my house forever ; no ! not when Jehovah hath cut off
the enemies of David every one from the face of the earth ;"
and David solemnly ratifxcd this coA^enant for his descend-
ants as well as himself, and afterward observed it faithful-
ly.^"* The next day was the feast of the new moon ; and in-
stead of appearing at the king's table, David hid himself in
the place agreed upon with Jonathan, a great heap of stones,
called Ezel, in a field near the residence of Saul. Saul sat
down to the banquet with Abner and Jonathan, and said
nothing of David's absence, but found an excuse for him in
his own mind on the ground of ceremonial uncleanness. On
the second day, however, his suspicions w^ere thoroughly
roused, and he demanded of Jonathan the cause of David's
absence. Jonathan's reply that he had given David leave
to attend a family feast at Bethlehem (where, in fact, David
^" 1 Sam. xix. I ^°' I Sam. xx, 1-24.
^"^ 1 Sam. XX. 25-29, lo* 2 Sam. ix. xxi. 7.
406 2' he Reign of SauL Chap. XX.
may have spent these two clays), brought down his father's
rage upon his own liead. With the deej^est insult upon his
birth, Saul taunted him w4th his friendship for David, told
him that his kingdom would never be established during Da-
vid's life, and ordered him to fetch him, that he might be
slain. When Jonathan remonstrated, Saul hurled his spear
at him, as he had done twice before at David, and Jonathan
left the room in fierce anger. The next morning he Avent
out to the field where David was hiding ; and his manner of
directing his attendant to gather up the arrows he shot gave
David the signal to fly for his life. But first he came out from
his hiding-place ; and the friends renewed their covenant be-
fore parting, and with embraces and tears, in which David
was the more vehement, they parted only to meet again for
one brief interview.'"^ It was reserved for David to give the
last proof of his afiection for Jonathan by his lamentation
over his untimely fate, and the protection which he gave to
his son Mephibosheth. Meanwhile he found himself a soli-
tary exile, soon to be hunted " like a partridge on the mount-
liins."
The conqueror of Goliath now sought shelter from the Phil-
istines ; but first he betook himself to Nob, where the taber-
nacle then stood. The high-priest, Ahimelech,"*^ was alarm-
ed at his coming alone ; but David pretended an urgent com-
mission from Saul ; and saying that he had appointed his serv-
ants to meet him at a certain place, he asked five loaves of
bread for himself and these imaginary attendants. The high-
priest had none but the old show-bread, which had just been
removed and replaced by the hot loaves, for it was the begin-
ning of the Sabbath ; and he gave this to David, on his assur-
ance that he and his attendants were undefiled. This act was
in direct violation of the law ; but our Lord refers to it as
justified by necessity, in illustration of the great principle,
" I will have mercy, and not sacrifice," which overrides the
mere letter of the positive law."' David's next care was
to arm himself With the ambiguous explanation that he
had had no time to take his weapons because the king's husi-
ness required haste, he asked for a sword or spear ; and the
^^ 1 Sam. XX. ; compare xxiii. 16- were with David " are spoken of as
18. if his pretended appointment with his
"^ Called Ahiah in 1 Sam. xiv. 3, followers to meet him had been real,
and Abiathar in Mark ii. 20. In the "^ Matt. xii. 3 ; INIark ii. 25 ; Luke
latter passatje avc have an interesting vi. 3, 4. Often as David is men-
exam])le of that truth to the spirit, | tioned in the N.T. as the ancestor of
rather than tlie letter, which marks | Christ, this is the only allusion to the
the sacred writings. "Those who I incidents of his life.
B.C. 10G2. David in the Cave of AdaUam. 407
high-priest gave him the sword of Goliath, which had been
laid up behind the ephod. We can not think that David's
excuses imposed upon the high-priest, but rather that Ahim-
elech's readiness to aid him was a sign of his attachment to
David's cause, founded, perhaps, on some knowledge of his
divine designation. If any such feeling influenced him, how-
ever, he kept it to himself, and did not consult the oracle on
David's behalf, as Saul afterward charged him with doing,
on the report of Doeg, his chief herdsman, who happened
to witness the transaction."''
From Nob David fled to Achish, king of Gath ; but the
Philistine chieftains showed so quick a memory of his slaugh-
ter of Goliath'"^ that he only saved his life by feigning the
madness of a slavering idiot, and Achish dismissed him with
contempt. He found a refuge for himself in the largest of
the caA^es in the limestone rocks which border the ShefelaJi,
or great maritime plain near Adullam, a city of Judah, not
far from Bethlehem.^" Here he became established as an in-
dependent outlaw. Besides his brethren, who fled to him
from their neighboring native city, he was joined by all those
classes who are ever ready for revolt — debtors, malcontents,
and persons in distress, such as those who had gathered round
Jephthah in his outlawry. ^^^ His father and mother he placed
in safety with the King of Moab, a people with whom the fam-
ily were connected through Ruth. We must not think of
David in the Cave of Adullam as a rebel against Saul, but
rather as an independent chieftain, making war from his own
stronghold against the Philistines. Among his band of 400
men, some performed deeds of valor which gave them, a per-
manent precedence among his warriors. Two such trios
were especially distinguished ; and among the second three
was Abishai, the son of David's sister Zeruiah, whose two
other sons, Joab and Asahel, probably joined David at this
'"•^ 1 Sam. xxi. 1-7, xxii. 14, 15. I Promise, p. 244 ; Stanley, Sinai and
The sword of Goliath may have Palestine, p. 259). We see no reason
been the means of his discovery. The
title of Psalm Ivi. states that he was
made prisoner by the Philistines of
Gath.
"° I Sam. xxii. 1, 2 ; 2 Sam. xxiii.
13; 1 Chr. xi. 15; Gen. xxxviii. 1,
12, 20; Josh. xii. 15, xv. 35; 2
Chron. xi. 7 ; Neh. xi. 30 ; 2 Mace,
xii. 38. It was probably the cave
now called Khureitun, the onh'- very
large cavern in Palestine (Robinson,
vol. ii. pp. 23, 51-53; Bonar, Land of
for regarding the " hold " (^Matzed,
literally lair) mentioned in 1 Sam.
xxii. 4, 5, as a fastness distinct from
the cave, as Joseph us makes it {Bell.
Jud. vii. 8, § 3). Dean Stanley
adopts this view, identifying the for-
tress with that afterward called Hero-
diiim, or with Masnda, in whicli Her-
od placed his mother and bride.
"^That some of these were Ca-
naanites appears from the mention of
Ahimelech the Hittite, 1 Sam. xxvi. 6-
408 The Reign of Saul Chap. XX
time, thoagh not yet mentioned by name. To this period
belongs the romantic story ofthe water of the well of Beth*
lehem. David expressed a longing for the water of which he
used to drink as a boy ; and the three chief heroes cut their
way through the army of the Philistines, which lay encamp-
ed in the valley of Rephaim, to the gate of Bethlehem, and
brought the water to David. But with self-denial like that
of Alexander in the desert of Oedrosia, and Philip Sidney in
his thirst of death at Zutphen, David poured the water on
the ground, exclaiming, " Shall I drink the blood of these men,
that have put their lives in jeopardy?'"''^ Another band
joined him here of men of Judah and Benjamin, under Ama-
sai, the sou of his other sister Abigail, and eleven men of Gad
crossed the Jordan to his camp.^'^ With them perhaps came
the prophet Gad, who is now lirst mentioned. He had prob-
ably been David's companion in the prophetic school at Ra-
mah, and may now have been sent by Samuel to counsel Da-
vid by the word of Jehovah.
By his direction, David left his concealment at Adullam
for the forest of Hareth, among the hills of Judah ;"* and Saul
no sooner heard of his appearance, than he set out in person
to hunt him down. The king had begun to distrust his own
immediate followers. As he stood with them under a grove
at Ramah he taunted the men of his own tribe as having no
feeling for him, and as conspiring with his own son on be-
half of David, from whom theu could not expect the bene-
iits which would doubtless be reserved for Judah. ^^^ None
responded to the appeal but his Edomite officer, Doeg. He
recounted what he had witnessed at Nob, artfully suppress-
ing the tale by Avhich David had deceived Ahimelech, and add-
ing that the high-priest had asked counsel of the oracle for
David. Ahimelech, summoned to Saul's presence, denied the
latter charge, and protested his ignorance of any treason on
the part of David, whom he had treated as the king's son-in-
law, honored in his court and intrusted with his confidence.
Saul's fury regarded this plea as little as Ahimelech's sacred
character, and he called on his guards to slay him, with all
the priests of Nob. When none obeyed, he repeated the or-
der to Doeg, and this son Esau put to death eighty-five priests
on that one day. Nor was this all. The city of Nob was
given up to massacre, and men, women, children, and suck-
lings, oxen, asses, and sheep, were all put to the sword. One
"- 2 Sam. xxiii. 13-10 ; 1 Chr. xi. j "' I Sam. xxii. (5-8 : the appeal to
15-21. "^ 1 Chr. xii. 8, lG-18. | tlie jealousy of the two tribes is clear-
'" 1 Sam. xxii. 5. | ly implied.
B.C. )0G0. David and Saul at EngedL 409
only of the sons of Ahimelech, named Abiathar, escaped and
fled to David, who now saw with remorse the effect of the
deceit he had practiced on the high-priest in Doeg's presence,
and promised Abiathar his protection. We can not fail to
see in this massacre the working of the curse on the house of
Eli."'
David had now in his camp not only a j^rophet, but the
successor to the high-priesthood ; and he placed his move-
ments under the guidance of the oracle of Jehovah. With
this divine sanction, he overbore the fears of his followers
and fell upon the 1 hilistines, who had plundered the thresh-
ing-floors of Keilah, and were besieging the city. Having
utterly defeated the Philistines, and gained great booty from
them in cattle, David established himself in Keilah. Here
Saul imagined he had caught him, as in a trap ; and David,
learning from God, by means of the sacred ephod, that the
men of Keilah would give him up, left the city, with his little
band, now amounting to 600 men, wdio were obliged to dis-
perse themselves for safety.''^ David moved from one lurk-
ing-place to another in the wilderness of Ziph, while Saul was
in constant search of him. It was at this juncture that the
last interview took place between David and Jonathan, who
found his friend in a certain wood, " and strengthened his
hand in God," assuring him that he should be king over Is-
rael, and expressing the vain hope that he himself would be
next to him. When they had again renewed their covenant,
Jonathan retired to his house instead of rejoining his father.
The Ziphites betrayed David's movements to Saul, w^ho left
Gibeah in quest of him, preceded by the Ziphites, tracking
his very footsteps like beaters after game. Thus hunted like
a partridge over the hills of Judah, David fled to the wilder-
ness of Maon, beyond Jeshimon, in the extreme south. Here
Saul followed him so close that David fled from his rock of
refuge to one side of a mountain, while the king was hunting
for him on its other side; whence the place obtained the
name of Sela-hammahlekoth {the rock of divisions). At
length Saul was called away by the news of an invasion of
the Philistines, and David betook himself to the dreary fast-
nesses of the wilderness of Engedi, on the margin of the Dead
Sea.^'® Saul, having repelled the invaders, returned with
'•• I Sam. xxii. 9-23.
"^ 1 Sam. xxiii, 1-15.
"•* Engedi, "the fountain of the
kid," was originally named Hazazon-
tamar, "the pruning of the palm,"
S
on acconnt of the palm-groves which
surronnded it (2 Chr. xx. 2 ; Eeclus.
xxiv. 14). It is about the middle of
the western shore of the lake, and at
an elevation of some 400 feet abcve
410 TJie Reign of ^SauL Chap. XX.
3000 men, chosen out of all Israel, to the jDursuit of David
and his little band, who were now hunted from rock to rock
like the wild goats of that desert. It happened that Saul
went alone into a cave where David and his men were hid-
den in the lateral caverns. Urged to use so favorable an op*
portunity, David contented himself with creeping behind the
king and cutting off the skirt of his robe. But his heart
smote him even for this insult to the anointed of Jehovah.
Following Saul out of the cave, he cried after him, "My lord
the king," and bowing down before him, he showed him his
skirt, as a proof that he had spared his life, and made a most
pathetic appeal to the king's forbearance, and protestation
of his own innocence. The old impulsive affection of Saul
burst the barriers of jealous hatred. David had called him
" Father," and with tears he responds, " Is this thy voice,
my son David ?" He confesses his injustice and David's
magnanimity, acknowledges the divine decree Avhich had
given the kingdom of Israel into the hand of David, and
takes an oath of him not to cut off his name and house in
Israel. Saul returned home, but David remained in his fast-
nesses.^^^
About this time Samuel died ; and all Israel joined to
mourn for him, with a bitterness doubtless enhanced by the
fulfillment of his warnings concerning their chosen king.
They buried him at his house at Ramah ; and David, prob-
ably feeling that the last restraint on Saul was now removed,
retired southward to the fastnesses of the wilderness of Paran.
Here occurred a very interesting episode in his adventures.
There lived at Maon a descendant of Caleb, named Nabal, pos-
sessed of great wealth. His flocks of 3000 sheep and 1000 goats
fed on the pastures of Carmel. His wife Abigail was intelli-
gent and beautiful, but the man himself was a mean, miserable
churl. As his own wife said, he was Nabal (nfool^ implying
wickedness) by nature and by name. Amid the festivities of
liis sheep-shearing David sent ten young men, with a friendly
greeting, to ask Nabal for a present. The request was found-
ed on the security of his flocks, while David's band had been
near them ; and it seems probable that Xabal had .not only
enjoyed immunity from any injury by the outlaAVS, but had
even been protected by them from the Bedouin marauders.
Such appears to have been David's mode of occupying his
followers, and obtaining subsistence in return for their serv-
thc plain is ilie tountain of .4«« ./iVij/, I plain and lower declivity of the
from which the place gets its name, mountain, on the south bank of the
IVnces of the o!'l citv exist upon <-he ' brook. ^^® 1 Sam. xxiv.
B.C. 1058. Death of Nahal. 411
ices. But Nabal spurned the request and denied the claim
with contempt. " Wlio is David ?" he asked, " and who is the
son of Jesse ? There be many servants nowadays that break
away every man from his master !" David received the
message, and prepared to avenge the insult, vowing the death
of every man of Nabal's house. He took 400 men with him,
and left 200 to guard the baggage — the first example of a pro-
portion which afterward became a rule.^^" Meanwhile the
prudent Abigail, being informed by a servant of her hus-
band's behavior, hastened to provide, without his knoAvledge,
an abundant present of bread, parched corn, sheep ready
dressed, skins of wine, clusters of raisins, and cakes of figs.
Sending forward her servants with the asses thus loaded, she
went to meet David just as he emerged from the passes of
the hills. Not content with entreating his forbearance, she
acknowledged him as the champion who fought the battles of
Jehovah, and as the future leader of Israel. Deploring the
persecution he suffered from Saul, she used those powerful
and oft-quoted figures : " The soul of my lord shall be bound in
the bundle of life with Jehovah thy God : and the souls of thine
enemies, them shall He sling out^ as out ofthemiddle ofasUncjP
Her beauty and sense made a deep impression upon David.
For the present, he sent her home in safety, accepting her
gift, and thanking her for keeping him from shedding blood.
Nabal had meanwhile feasted like a king till he Avas drunk ;
so his wife kept her news till the morning. The shock was
too great for his cowardice and avarice : " his heart died with-
in him, and he became as a stone ;" and in ten days he died.
Abigail found a new husband in David, whose wife Michal
had been given by Saul to another; and about the same time
David also married Ahinoam of Jezreel.^^^
Meanwhile Saul had forgotten the promises made under
his transient impulse of kindness and repentance. David's
old enemies, the Ziphites, came to tell the king that he was
again in the stronghold of Hachilah, east of Jeshimon, and
Saul again led his chosen army of 3000 men, under Abner,
in pursuit of him. Once more Saul fell into the power of
David, and was magnanimously spared. Informed by his
spies of the position of Saul's camp, David went down with
his nephew Abishai by night, and found Saul asleep by the
side of Abner in the midst of his body-guard, with his well-
known spear stuck into the ground beside his bolster. Abi-
shai proposed to smite Saul to the earth with that spear which
^2° Comp. 1 Sam. xxx. 24.
^^^ 1 Sam. XXV. See the pedigree in Notes and Illustrations.
412 The Reign of Saul. Chap. XX.
had twice been hurled at David; but David left his fate in
the hands of God, and refused to stretch forth his hand
against Jehovah's anointed. They took the spear and the
cruse of water that was by his side and left the camp, where
all were still sunk in a sleep sent by God. Retiring a safe
distance to the top of a hill, David shouted to the people and
to Abner, w^hom he taunted for the little care with which so
valiant a man had watched over the king's life ! Saul knew
the voice, and the scene of remonstrance, confession, and for-
giveness was again repeated, but with some striking varia-
tions. Saul begged David to return to him, promising not to
harm him, and confessing that "he had played the fool;"'^*
and when David would only trust his life to God and not to
him, he parted from him Avitli the Avords of prophetic blessing :
"Blessed be thou, my son David, thou shalt both do great
things, and also shalt still prevail."^'^
This was their last interview ; for David, despairing of
safety while within reach of Saul, resolved finally to seek
shelter among the Philistines. Their power was now such
that Saul could scarcely make head against them, much less
pursue David into their country ; and, in fact, he abandoned
the attempt. ^^^ David Avent, as before, to Achish king of
Gath, no longer as a solitary fugitive, but with his whole
household, and his band of 600 men. This force, and still
more, perhaps, the knowledge that he had finally broken with
Saul, secured him respect, though the Philistine chieftains
withheld from him their confidence. Achish assigned, for his
residence and maintenance, the frontier city of Ziklag, which
consequently belonged ever after to the kings of Judah.^^"
We have here the only note of time in the history of David's
w^anderings. The whole time he spent in the country of the
Philistines, that is, to his departure for Hebron after the
death of Saul,'^" was a year and four months, or, according
to the LXX. and Josephus, four months, or a little more.
Whichever be the true reading, it suggests a reflection on
the evils that sprang from his want of faith and patience for
so short a period. His presence in Judah would have given
an opportunity which Saul could hardly have refused for
calling him forth as the champion of Israel. At all events,
'-^ Here, as in otlier passages, lliel '"' 1 Sam. xxvii. 1, 4,
present sense of the English word i ^-^ 1 Sam. xxvii. 4, 5. Here is an
quite fails to express the degraded indication that the book, in itij pres-
wickedness implied bv the Hebrew, j cnt form, belongs to a period after the
'"^ 1 Sam. xxvi. ! division of the kingdom.
'-•' 2 Sam. ii. I.
B.C. 105G. SauVs Decline. 413
he would have been at hand to retrieve the disaster, and
would doubtless have been hailed as king by the united voice
of Israel. As it was, however, his nation suffered a terrible
defeat, which, instead of doing his best to avert, he narrowly
escaped taking a share in inflicting ; his recognition as king
of Israel was postponed for seven years and a half, at the
cost of a civil war and the permanent alienation of Judah
from the rest of Israel, and meanwhile he was involved in a
course of pitiable deceit. He could not enjoy the protection
of Achish without rendering him service against his country.
So he sallied forth from Ziklag, but instead of attacking Israel,
he fell upon the tribes of the southern desert of Shur, toward
the confines of Egypt, the Geshurites, the Gezrites, and the
Amalekites, and exhibited their spoil to Achish as havmg
been won in the south of Judah, and from the allied tribes of
the Jerahmeelites and the Kenites. To guard against de-
tection, he put to the sword every man and woman of each
settlement that he attacked. Achish himself was thorough-
ly imposed upon, and put such unlimited confidence m David
that he summoned him to join in a grand attack which the
Philistines were preparing against Israel, and David sank so
low as to boast of the courage he would display.'" The dis-
trust of the other lords of the Philistines saved him from
this dilemma.
8 11. We must now look back to Saul.''' Since the death
of Samuel and the flight of David, darkness had gathered
about his declining path like clouds around the setting sun
The prophetic inspiration which had once marked him as the
servant of Jehovah found vent, as we have seen at Ramah, in
ravino-s scarcely to be distinguished from those of his mad-
ness. ° His religious zeal, always rash, as in the vow which so
nearly cost the life of Jonathan, was now shown m deeds ol
sancruinary violence. If the slaughter of the witches and
necromancers be defended by the strict letter of the Mosaic
law, which however Saul himself had long permitted to
slumber,'"' the massacre of the Gibeonites was the violation
of a covenant which formed one of the sacred traditions of
the nation, and was afterward visited as such on " the bloods
stained house of Saul.'"'" This deed may have been a sequel
to Saul's inexpiable crime, the massacre of the priests at Nob,
The day of retribution now came.
'" 1 Sam. xxvii., xxviii. 1, 2.
'-** I Sam. xxviii. 3.
^^^ 1 Sam. xxviii. 4, 9 ; comp. Ex
xxii. 18 ; Lev. xix. 31, xx. 27; Deut.
xviii. 10, 11. It seems clear that thii
was a late act of Saul's reign.
2 Sam. xxi. 1-9.
4U
The Reign of Saat
Chap. XX
The hosts of the Philistmes had assembled at the great
battle-field of Palestine, the valley of Jezreel/^^ They occu-
pied the southern slopes of the " Little Hermon," by Shu-
nera, while Saul and the Israelites were encamped on the op-
posite hills of Gilboa. A panic fear seized Saul at the sight
of the army of the Philistines. Fain would he have inquired
of Jehovah ; but the high-j^riest was a fugitive from his
murderous wrath ; he had alienated the prophets, and their
chief was in the camp of David ; and God gave him no an-
swer, " neither by dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophets."
In his extremity, he resorted to the very impostors who had
been tlie victims of his zeal. Among those who had escaped
him was a woman who lived at Endor, on the other side of
the Little Hermon. '^^ Her supernatural pretensions are de-
scribed by the epithet " a woman of Ob " (the skin or blad-
der), which the LXX. explain as a ventriloquist. ^^^ Saul
went to her abode by night and in disguise, with only two
attendants, and desired her to bring up from the dead the
person whom he should name. Fearing a snare, and having
perhaps already some suspicions as to the quality of her visit-
ors, the woman only consented on Saul's taking an oath that
she should not be punished. She then inquired whom she
should bring up, and Saul asked for Samuel. Then (to fol-
low the narrative and reserve criticism for the end) the wom-
an saw (or professed to see) the form of Samuel rising from
the earth ; and, uttering a loud cry, she charged Saul with
having deceived her, for she now knew him to be the king.
He calmed her fears, and demanded what she had seen. " I
saw," she answered, " a god-like form^^^ rising up out of the
earth." In reply to Saul's inquiries, she further described the
apparition as that of " an old man covered with a mantle,"
doubtless the prophetic robe always worn by Samuel. ^^^ By
these tokens Saul recognized Samuel, and bowed his face to
the ground, while Samuel asked, " Why hast thou disquieted
"' On the topography, see p. 471.
"- The name still lingers attached
to a considerable but now deserted
village to the north of the Little Her-
mon {Jehel Duhy). The rock of the
mountain, on the slope of which En-
dur stands, is hollowed into caves, one
of which may well have been the
scene of the incantation of the witch.
The distance from the slopes of Gilboa
to Endor is seven or eight miles, over
difficult ground.
"^ 1 Sam. xxviii. 7. A tradition
preserved by Jerome makes her the
mother of Abner — an invention, prob-
ably, to account for her life having
been spared. Another tradition names
Abner and Amasa as Saul's two com-
panions.
^^^ Elohim, the plural of majesty.
The word may denote, as we have
seen, any person of dignity, and es«
pecially a judge.
^^^ See note on p. 370.
B.C. 105G. The Witch of Endor. 415
me, to bring me up ?" Saul poured forth his sore distress,
attacked as he was by the Philistines and abandoned by Je-
hovah. Samuel replied that it was in vain to resort to him,
for this was but the fulfillment of liis prophetic word ; that
Jehovah had torn the kingdom out of his hand, and given it
to David, because he had disobeyed him in sparing the Ama-
lekites. He foretold his defeat by the Philistines, and added
that on the morrow Saul and his sons should be with him
among the dead. At this sentence, Saul fell prostrate his
whole length upon the earth, and fainted away with fear and
exhaustion, for he had fasted all the day and night. Having,
at the urgent pressure of the woman and his attendants, par-
taken of a meal, the best that she could prepare for him, Saul
returned to the camp the same night. ^^®
Such is the plain narrative of Scripture, which certainly
conveys the impression that there was a real apparition in
the form of Samuel, and that the words heard by Saul were
uttered by the spectre. But, when we remember that the
Scripture relates things as they appear to the witnesses, with-
out necessarily implying their reality, tlie question still re-
mains, whether the apparition was real or an imposture. On
this point, opinions have been divided in every age. All the
analogy of experience, all the deductions of reasoning, and
all the general lessons of Scripture, unite in branding every
form of magic and necromancy as an imposture; and the
safest conclusion is to reject every claim to supernatural
power or knowledge, in any other form than as a revelation
from God himself, from the arts of the Egyptian priests and
the oracles of the Greeks down to the pitiful absurdities
which find credence in our own day. Least of all can we
admit the hypothesis of diabolical agency in such matters,
except as tempting the impostors to deceive, and the dupes
to believe. Satan is permitted to tempt men through their
own desires, and even, as in the case of Job, to direct the
powers of nature for mischief, under the special control of
God, and, as in the frenzy of the demoniacs and of Saul him-
self, to work up an ungovemed mind to madness, till it dis-
torts the body with epileptic fury ; but his power over the
other world, and his communication to men of superhuman
knowledge, are inventions unsanctioned by the word of God,
while sober criticism pronounces the evidence in their support
to be inadequate. If these principles be established by gen-
eral reasoning on the whole question, we are no longer bound
'^" 1 Sam. xxviii.
416 The Reign of Saul. Chap. XX.
to clear up the difficulties of each particular case ; and it is
by committing themselves to this, in which the practiced im-
postor foils them, that many are made confirmed dupes. It
must be admitted, however, that the case before us has some
j^eculiar features which suggest, not that the w^oman was
other than an impostor, but that her juggleries were over-
ruled by God in a way as surprising to herself as to the
other witnesses of the scene. Her shriek of terror at Samuel's
appearance, if it proves the reality of the apparition, equally
disproves her claims to have raised him, for she evidently ex-
pected no such result. On the other hand, the circumstance
that Saul did not himself see Samuel, but only recognized
him from the woman's description — a description of a very
safe generality — agrees Avith the usual arts of these impos-
tors, who invariably (except w^hen optical delusions are em-
ployed) profess to see, or to cause a third party to see, what
the inquirer himself is not permitted to behold.^" But is it
possible to explain the vrords of Samuel as a delusion ? Only
on the supposition that the belief that Samuel had come to
revisit him from the dead so worked upon Saul's mind as to
suggest through his conscience what seemed to be spoken in
liis ear. Such cases of oral deception are common in the his-
tory of apparitions, and there is nothing in the matter of the
denunciation which might not be thus accounted for. Saul
had long been aware of his rejection, and known that David
was to succeed him : the allusion to his disobedience in spar-
ing Amalek is but an echo of Samuel's reproof at the time :
and the prediction of his defeat and death on the morrow
may have been equally an echo of his fear. We should have
liacl the materials for a more decisive judgment, had we been
told, as in the narrative of St. Paul's conversion, whether the
king's companions heard the voice that spoke to him : it is
clear that they did not see the apparition. And this ques-
tion involves another, as to the testimony from which the
Avhole narrative Avas derived. The only witnesses of the
scene were the witch, who had every motive to keep it, as
well as herself, in close concealment, and Saul's two compan-
ions, who would speak freely of it after Saul's death. Their
relation would be founded partly on what they themselves
witnessed, such as the whole circumstances of the scene and
the conversation between Saul and the witch, and partly on
what the king chose to communicate to them, as his only re-
maining confidants, on their way back to the camp. Difter-
"^ As in the case of the mod- 1 known, and afterward finally ex-
ern Egyptian magicians, first made [ posed by Mr. Lane.
B.C. 1056. David defeats the Amaleldtes. 417
ent readers will of course form diiferent opinions, whethei
the words introduced by the simple phrase, "And Samuel
said to Saul," were heard by the witnesses of the scene, or
were repeated to them by Saul as the confidence of an over-
burdened heart ; but we incline to the opinion that, had
they been audible to all present, we should have had some
notice of the fact, as w^e have in the case of the words spoken
to St. Paul.*''
Such a night w^as a dismal preparation for the ensuing
day, which sealed the fate of Saul. But while the two ar-
mies still hang, like thunder-clouds, on the opposing heights,
let us see what is passing in the rear of the Philistines.
There is David and his band, with the forces of Gath under
Achish, no doubt hoping that his position would secure him
from taking any decisive part in the battle. But he was
soon relieved from his false position. The princes of the
Philistines no sooner saw him than they asked, " What do
these Hebrews here ?" In vain did Achish plead his perfect
confidence in David : the other lords called to mind again
the old songs of the ten thousand slain by David ; and, de-
claring that he would side against them in the battle to rec-
oncile himself with Saul, they insisted on his dismissal. Aft-
er a show of great reluctance, and renewed expressions of
confidence from Achish, David and his men departed with the
morning light.
Having thus escaped the great danger of having to fight
against Israel, he found that another disaster had been occa-
sioned by his march with the Philistines. The Amalekites
had seized the opportunity to take vengeance for David's
forays ; and when he and his men arrived at Ziklag the third
day after leaving the Philistine camp they found the city
burnt, and their wives and children carried away as captives,
including the two wives of Pavid himself. They wept over
the ruin, and began to threaten David's life ; " but David
encouraged himself in Jehovah his God." He summoned
Abiathar with the oracular epliod, and received the direction
of Jehovah to pursue, with the promise of success. By means
of a straggler, an Egyptian slave of one of the Amalekites,
whom they found half dead with fatigue and hunger, thev
fell upon the enemy, who were feasting in all the disorder of
security, and slaughtered them for a whole night and day,
only 400 of the whole tribe escaping. Besides recovering
their wives and children and all their property without any
"« Acts ix. 7.
S2
418 The Reign of fSaut. Chap. XX.
loss, they obtained a great booty in cattle from the enemy.
A question noAV arose about the division of the spoil. It
had happened that one-third of David's 600 men were too
weary, after their long march, to keep up with the rest, and
they had been left behind at the brook Besor with the bag>
gage. As they exchanged congratulations with David on his
return, the worser part of David's followers, " all the men of
Belial," proposed that they should have no share in the spoil.
David sternly forbade this injustice, and laid down what
thenceforth became a law in Israel, that those who staid with
the baggage should have an equal share, man for man, with
those who went to the fight. From his own share of the
spoil he sent presents to the elders of Judah, to Bethel, He-
bron, and other cities that he had frequented with his bands,
and to the friendly Arabs of the desert, the Jerahmeelites
and the Kenites.^^"
§ 12. On the third day after this victory, David received
news of the terrible overthiow of Saul and his army in Mount
Gilboa on the day of his departure. The Philistines had
occupied the valley of Jezreel,'*" and the Israelites were
driven before them up the sloj^es and over the crest of Mount
Gilboa with immense loss.^^' The hottest pursuit was made
after Saul and the band who kept round him. His three
sons, Jonathan, Abinadab, and Melchishua, were slain, and
he himself Avas mortally wounded by the Philistine archers.
Disabled from flight, he begged his armor-bearer to draw his
sword and slay him, that his last moment might not be in-
salted by the uncircumcised foes of God. On his refusal,
Saul fell upon his own sword and died, and his faithful
attendant, who had feared to raise his hand against God's
anointed, did not hesitate to share his fate. On the next
day the Philistines found the bodies of Saul and his three
sons among the dead, and messengers were instantly dis-
patched through all the cities of Philistia to command re-
joicings in the idol temples. They carried Saul's remains
from city to city, and at last deposited the trophy in the
temple of Ashtaroth. His head was struck from his body,
and placed in the temple of Dagon, probably at Aslidod,
while the headless trunk Avas exposed, with those of his son?,
on the wall of the Canaanitish city of Bethshan. In this ex*
tremity of shame and ruin, there was one city whose heroic
people remembered that Saul had saved them from a fate as
shameful. While the Israelites west of Jordan were aban-
"^ 1 Sam. xxix. "° 1 Sam. xxix. 11. "M Sam. xxxi. 1.
B.C. 1056.
History of Davia.
419
doning their cities to be possessed by the Philistines, the men
of Jabesh-gilead made a night march across the river and
took down the bodies of Saul and his sons, which they car-
ried to Jabesh and burnt/" They buried the bones under a
tamarisk-tree, and observed a fast for seven days/" The
ashes were removed long afterward by David to the sepul-
chre of Kish at Zelah.'"
The sad tidings were brought to David at Ziklag by an
Amalekite, who arrived w^ith his clothes rent and earth upon
his head, and said that he had escaped out of the camp of
Israel, and had been an eye-witness of Saul's death/*^ He
told the tale of the hot pursuit ; and then added (whether as
an invention to please David, or whether he had really come
up to the place where Saul had fallen upon his sword, w^hile
he was still alive) that the king, despairing of escape, had
begged to be dispatched by his hand, and that he had dealt
the last fatal blow. He produced the crown and armlet
which Saul used to wear in battle and gave them to David.
The news was received with an unfeigned grief and conster-
nation worthy of the reverence and affection which David
had never lost for Saul, and of his deep love for Jonathan.
He rent his clothes, and, with all his band, mourned and
wept and fasted till the evening. Then he sent for the Am-
alekite, and asking how he had dared to put forth his hand
to slay the anointed of Jehovah, he caused him to be put
to death as guilty by his own confession. Finally, he took
his harp, and poured forth a lamentation over Saul and Jon-
athan, which is the finest as well as the most ancient of all
dirges. Under the title of " The Bow," the favorite weap-
on of Jonathan, it was recorded in " The Book of Jasher,"^46
and taught as a standing lesson to the children of Judah.
Its spirit is alike worthy of the poet and of the objects of
'^"^ Bethshan, elsewhere called Beth-
sbean (Josh. xvii. 11; 1 Chron. vii.
9;, one of the towns from which the
Canaanites were not driven out ( Judg.
i. 27), still hears the name o( Beisdn.
It lies in the Ghor, or Jordan Valley,
about twelve miles south of the Sea
of Galilee, and four miles west of the
Jordan, on the brow of the descent,
by which the great plain of Esdraelon
(Jezreel) drops down to the level of
the Ghor. A few miles to the south-
west are the mountains of Gilboa, and
close beside the town runs the wa-
ter of the Ain-Jalud, the fountain of
•which is by Jezreel, and is in all prob-
ability the spring by which the Is-
raelites encamped before the battle
in which Saul was killed (1 Sam.
xxix, 1).
If Jabesh-gilead was where Dr.
Robinson conjectures — at ed-Deir, in
the Wady Ydbis — the distance from
thence to Beisan, which it took the
men of Jabesh " all night" to trav-
erse, can not be less than twenty miles,
"=^ 1 Sam. xxxi. ; 1 Chron. x.
'•'* 2 Sam. xxi. 14.
»^ 2 Sam. i.
"® See note on p. 305.
420
Second Period of David^s History. Chap. XX
his eulogy. A less generous heart, and one less devoted ta
duty, might have been content with the tribute of affection
to his friend Jonathan, and have left the memory of his un-
just master to perish in silence. But David was not so in-
sensible to Saul's better qualities, to his old affection, and to
the claim of the King of Israel to be celebrated in death by
the same harp that had soothed his tortured mind while he
lived. And so the poem has verified to every succeeding
age its own most beautiful and touching words : —
*' Saul and Jonathan were lovely and pleasant in their lives,
And in their death they were not divided.'^
Together they are celebrated as " swifter than eagles, and
stronger than lions ;" and equal prowess is ascribed to the
bow of Jonathan and to the sword of Saul. The mourner
depicts the joy of the Philistines over "the mighty who were
■'alien " in strains which have ever since been proverbial : —
" Tell it not in Gath,
Publish it not in the streets of Askelon ;
Lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoice,
Lest the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph."
Nature is called to sympathize with the sorrow of Israel by
devoting the scene of the disaster to a curse :
" Ye mountains of Gilboa, let there be no dew.
Neither rain upon you, nor fields of offerings :
For there the shield of the mighty is vilely cast away,
The shield of Saul,"^ as though he had not been anointed with oil."
Each of the fallen receives his special tribute. Saul is liken-
ed to
" The gazelle of Israel, slain upon the high places ;'*
and the daughters of Israel, who once celebrated the slayer
of his thousands, are called to weep for him
" Who clothed them in scarlet, with other delights ;
Who put ornaments of gold on their apparel."
But the grand outburst of love and grief is reserved for
Jonathan :
*'0 Jonatlian, thou wast slain in thy high places.
I am distressed for thee, my brother Jonathan :
"^ This is a figure for the utter de-
struction of Saul's power, as in Psalm
Ixxvi. 3 ; not a mere literal statement
that Saul left his shield on the field
of battle, like a (jreeian piipac-ig. It
is superfluous to multiply examples
of the shield as the emblem of mar-
tial power, under which the people
dwell in safety — a figure used in the
highest sense in Ps. Ixxxiv. 11, "Je-
hovah God is a sun and shield ;" and
in Ps. cxv. 9, " He is their help and
their shield." Thei'e is an interest-
ing various reading: — "The sliield
of Saul, the weapons of the anointed
with oil."
B.C. 105G. History of David. 42^1
Very pleasant hast thou been unto me :
Thy love to me was wonderful,
Passing the love of women."
This noble utterance of grief, in wriich David is the mouth-
piece of Israel, forms a fit conclusion to the second period of
his own life, as well as to the fatal experiment undertaken by
the Israelites and Saul, of establishing a kingdom on the prin-
ciples of self-will, and after the model of the nations around,
in place of the royalty of Jehovah.
To this period we owe several of those Psalms which, while
attesting the constancy of David's piety, have been ever since
the manual for the afflicted and the oppressed. The simpK
songs of the shepherd " had prepared the w^ay for his future
strains, w^hen the anointing oil of Samuel came upon him, and
he began to drink in special measure, from that day forward,
of the Spirit of Jehovah. It was then that, victorious at
home over the mysterious melancholy of Saul, and in the
field over the vaunting champion of the Philistine hosts, he
sang how from even babes and sucklings God had ordained
strength because of His enemies.^*® His next Psalms are of
a different character : his persecutions at the hands of Saul
had commenced. Psalm Iviii. was probably written after
Jonathan's disclosure of the murderous designs of the court :
Psalm lix. when his house was being w^atched by Saul's em-
issaries.*" The inhospitality of the court of Achish at Gath
gave rise to Psalm Ivi. ; Psalm xxxiv. w^as David's thanks-
giving for deliverance from that court, not unmingled with
shame for the unworthy stratagem to which he had there
temporarily had recourse. The associations connected with
the Cave of Adullam are embodied in Psalm Ivii. : the feel-
ings excited by the tidings of Doeg's servility in Psalm lii.
The escape from Keilah, in consequence of a divine warning,
suggested Psalm xxxi. Psalm liv. Avas written Avhen the
Ziphites officiously informed Saul of David's movements.
Psalms xxxiv. and xxxvi. recall the colloquy at Engedi.
Kabal of Carmel was probably the original of the ' fool ' of
Psalm liii. ; though in this case the closing verse of thai
psalm must have been added when it was further altered
by David himself into Psalm xiv. The most thoroughly
idealized picture suggested by a retrospect of all the dan*
gers of his outlaw-life is that presented to us by David in
Psalm xxii. But in Psalm xxiii., w^hich forms a side-piece-
to it, and the imagery of which is drawn from his ear-
"^ Psalm viii. I by Ewald to refer to the plots which
"^ Psalms vi. and vii. are supposed I he fled to escape.
422 The Psalms of David's Historij. Chap. XX,
lier shepherd days, David acknowledges that his past caree?
had had its brighter as well as its darker side ; nor had the
goodness and mercy Avhich Avere to follow him all the days
of his life been ever really absent from him. Two more
psalms, at least, must be referred to the period before David
ascended the throne. Psalms xxxviii. and xxxix., which natu-
rally associate themselves with the distressing scene at Zik-
lao- after the inroad of the Amalekites.'"'"
^^o Dictionary of the Bible, vol. i. p.
956. Other Psalms referred by their
traditional titles to this period are, Ps.
liiii: "When he was in the wilder-
ness of Jiidah (or Idumaga, LXX.),"
and Psalm cxlii., "A prayer when
he was in the cave."
Chai>. XX.
Notes and lllasiraiions.
423
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Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XX.
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Chap. XX.
Notes and Illustrations.
425
(C.) THE SCHOOLS OF THE
PKOPHETS.
The sacerdotal order was originally
the instrument by which the members j
of the Jewish theocracy were taught
and governed in things spiritual. But I
during the lime of the judges the
priesthood sank into a state of degen-
eracy, and the people were no longer
affected by the acted lessons of the
ceremonial service. They required
less enigmatic warnings and exhorta-
tions. Under these circumstances a
new moral power was evoked — the
Prophetic Order. Samuel was the in-
strument used at once for effecting a
reform in the sacerdotal order (1 Chr.
ix. 22), and for giving to the prophets
a position of importance which they
had never before held. So important
was the work wrought by him that he
is classed in Holy Scripture with Mo-
ses (Jer. XV. 1 ; Ps. xcix. G ; Acts iii.
24), Samuel being the great religious
reformer and organizer of the pro-
phetical order, as Moses was the great
legislator and founder of the priestly
r,.le.
Samuel took measures to make his
work of restoration permanent as well
as effective for the moment. For this
purpose he instituted companies, or
colleges of prophets. One we find in
his lifetime at Ramah (1 Sam. xix. 19,
20) ; others afterward at Bethel (2
K. ii. 3), Jericho (2 K. ii. 5), Gilgal (2
K. iv. 38), and elsewhere (2 K. vi. 1).
Their constitution and object were
similar to those of theological colleges.
Into them were gathered promising
students, and here they were trained
for the office which they were after-
ward destined to fulfill. So success-
ful were these institutions, that from
the time of Samuel to the closing of
the Canon of the Old Testament, there
seems never to have been wanting a
due supply of men to keep up the line
of official prophets. The apocryphal
books of the Maccabees (i. iv. 46, ix.
27, xiv. 41) and of Ecclesiasticus
(xxxvi. 15) represent them as extinct.
The colleges appear to have consist-
ed of students differing in number.
Sometimes they were very numerou*
(1 K. xviii. 4, xxii. G; 2 K. ii. IG).
One elderly, or leading prophet, pre-
sided over them (I Sam. xix. 20), call-
ed their father (1 Sam. x. 12), or mas-
ter (2 K. ii. 3), who was apparently
admitted to his office by the ceremony
of anointing (1 K. xix. IG ; Is. Ixi. 1 ;
Ps. cv. 15). They were called his
sons. Their chief subject of study
was, no doubt, the law and its inter-
pretation ; oral, as distinct from sym-
bolical, teaching being henceforward
tacitly transferred from the priestly to
the prophetical order. Subsidiary sub-
jects of instruction were music and
sacred poetry, both of which had been
connected with prophecy from the time
of Moses (Ex. xv. 20) and the judges
(Judg. iv. 4, V. 1). The prophets that
meet Saul " came down from the high
place with a psaltery, and a tabref,
and a pipe, and a harp before them "
(I Sam. X. 5). Elijah calls a min-
strel to evoke the prophetic gift in him-
self (2 K.iii. 15). David "separates to
the service of the sons of Asaph and of
Heman and of Jeduthun, who should
prophesy with harps and with psalter-
ies and with cymbals. . . . All these
were under the hands of their father
for song in the house of the Lord with
cymbals, psalteries, and harps for the
service of the house of God " (1 Chr.
XXV. 1-6). Hymns, or sacred songs,
are found in the Books of Jonah (ii.
2), Isaiah (xii. 1, xxvi. 1), Habakkuk
(iii. 2). And it was probably the d uty
of the prophetical students to compose
verses to be sung in the Temple (see
Lowth, Sacred Poetry of the Hehreivs,
Lect. xviii.). Having been themselves
trained and taught, the pro])hets, whe-
ther still residing within their college,
or having left its precincts, had the
426
Notes cuid Illustrations.
Chap. XX.
task of tcnchiiig others. From the
question Addressed to the Shunaramite
i)y lier husband, "Wherefore wilt
tliou go to him to-day ? It is neither
new moon nor Sabbath " (2 K. iv. 23),
it appears that weekly and monthly
religious meetings were held as an or-
dinary practice by the prophets. Thus
we find that " Elisha sat in his house,"
engaged in his oflBcial occupation (cf.
Ezek. viii. 1, xiv. 1, xx. 1), " and the
elders sat with him " (2 K. vi. 32),
when the King of Israel sent to slay
him. It was at these meetings prob-
ably that many of the wnniings and
exhortations on morality aud spir-
itual religion were addressed by the
prophets to their countrymen. The
general appearance and life of the
prophet were very similar to those of
the Eastern dervish at the present day.
His dress was a hairy garment, girt
with a leathern girdle (Is. xx.2 ; Zech.
xiii. 4 ; Matt. iii. 4). He was married
or unmarried, as he chose, but his
manner of life and diet were stern and
austere (2 K. iv. 10; 38 ; 1 K. xix. 6;
Matt. iii. 4).
llabbali, the chief City of the Ammouite^. (Slc uote on p. 449.)
CHAPTER XXI.
THE REIGN OF DAVID. B.C. 1056-1015.
§ 1. David king of Judah at Hebron — Ish-bosheth proclaimed king of Isra-
el by Abner — Civil War — Deaths of Asahel, Abner, and Ish-bosheth.
§ 2. David king of all Israel — His army at Hebron — He takes Jerusalem
— Alliance with Hiram king of Tyre — Forms a harem — Victories over
tlie Philistines. § 3. Removal of the ark from Kirjath-jearim — Death
of Uzzah — Second removal from the house of Obed-edom to Zion —
Psalms on this occasion — Divine service arranged — The building of
God's house postponed by Divine command — Messianic Psalms. § 4.
David's victories over the Philistines, Moabites, Syrians, and Edomites
— Israel reaches its fullest limits. § 5. Character and Constitution of
the kingdom — i. The Royal Family — ii. Military Organization — ii.
Civil Administration — iv. The Religious Institutions — David's Pro-
phetic character — Psalmody — Levites — Double High-priesthood —
Courses of the Priests — Order of Prophets. § 6. David's kindness to
Mephibosheth — Touching story of Rizpah. § 7. War with the Am-
monites and Syrians — VictoriesofJoab and David — Siege of Rabbah —
David and Bathsheba — Murder of Uriah— Mission of Nathan— David's
repentance — Death of David's child — Birth of Solomon— Final con-
quest of Ammon. § 8. Second Period of David's Reign— Family
troubles— Amnon, Tamar, and Absalom— Rebellion of Absalom — He is
428
The Reign of David.
Chap. XXI.
crowned at Hebron. § 9. David's flight from Jerusalem — The priests
and ark sent back — Ahithophel and Hushai — Ziba and Shiraei — Absa-
lom at Jerusalem — David at Mahanaim — Disappointment and death of
Ahithophel — Absalom pursues David. § 10. Battle in the wood of
Ephraim — Death and burial of Absalom — David's lamentation — His re-
turn to Jerusalem — The farewell of Barzillai. § 11. Discord of Judah
and Israel — Rebellion of Sheba — Joab kills Amasa — Death of Sheba
— War with the Philistines — David's Psalm of Victory. § 12. Thiud
Period of David's Keign — The numbering of the people, and the
three davs' pestilence — The place of the sanctuary determined — Prej)-
arations for its building, and designation of Solomon. § 13. Rebellion
of Adonijah — Proclamation of Solomon — David's last congregation.
§ H. His final charge to Solomon— Fate of Adonijah, Abiathar, Joab,
and Shimei — David's last words, deatii, and burial. § 15. His char-
acter.
§ 1. The battle of Gilboa left Israel in a state as forlorn as
that which ensued upon the defeat of Aphek, except that
the ark was not lost, and David was ready to be her deliver-
er. The country west of Jordan was overrun by the Philis-
tines, who occupied the cities from which their inhabitants
had fled.' The surviving members of the house of Saul took
refuge on the east of Jordan, while David, at the command
of God, removed with his band and all his family from Zik-
lag to Hebron, the ancient sacred city of the tribe of Judah.
Here the men of Judah came to him, and anointed him
king over their tribe. '^ Thence he sent a message to the
men of Jabesh-gilead to thank them for the honor paid to
Saul's remains and to announce his accession to the throne.
He was now thirty years old, and he reigned in Hebron 7^
years (b.c. 1056-1048). The next event recorded is Abner's
proclamation of Ish-bosheth,^ the eldest surviving son of
Saul, as king over Gilead, the Ashurites, the valley of Jez-
reel, Ephraim, and Benjamin, and nominally over all Israel :
his residence was at Mahanaim, east of Jordan. It is added
that Ish-bosheth was forty years old when he began to reign
over Israel, and that he reigned two years. Now, as we can
not suppose an interval of five years from his death to Da-
vid's full recognition, and as the Philistines were in full pos-
session of all Israel west of Jordan except where David's
power extended, it would seem that Abner was occupied for
five years or more (n.c. 1056-1050) in recovering the territory
of the other tribes from them, after which the two years of
Ish-bosheth begin to be reckoned, so as to end just before
David's full recognition as king of all Israel (b.c. 1048).
baal in 1 Chron. viii. 33, ix. 30. See
the pedigree in Notes and Illustrations
to chap. XX.
' 1 Sam. xxxi. 7.
''2 Sam.i. 1-7, 11.
» 2 Sam. i. 8-10 : he is called Esh-
B.C. 105G. David King of Jadah at Hebron. 429
When Abner had established Ish-bosheth's power west of
the Jordan, he endeavored to conquer Judah, and a civil
war ensued, which was only ended by his own death and
that of Ish-bosheth. The war'was commenced by Abner's ad-
vancing to Gibeon, where he was met by the forces of Judah
under Joab, the son of David's sister Zeruiah, who now takes
a foremost place in the history. The Pool of Gibeon, on the
opposite sides of which the armies encamped, was made mem-
orable by the deadly combat of twelve Benjamites against
twelve men of Judah, in which each man seized his adversary
by the head with one hand, and with the other thrust his
sword through his side, so that all of them fell down dead
together. The scene of this mutual slaughter received the
name of Helkath-hazzurim {the field of the strong 7ne?i),* In
the battle which ensued, the men of Israel were routed. Ab-
ner himself was closely pursued by Asahel, one of the three
sons of Zeruiah, who were as swift-footed as the wild roe.
Unable to escape, and unwilling to kill Asahel, Abner twice
entreated him to go after some one else, that he might have
spoils to carry back with him ; but, as Asahel persisted, Ab-
ner thrust him through with a back stroke of his spear, and
he fell dead, to the dismay and grief of all who came up to
the spot. His brothers, Joab and Abishai, pressed on the
pursuit as far as the hill of Ammah, east of Giah, in the wil-
derness of Gibeon. There, at sunset, the Benjamites rallied
round Abner, and, after a parley between him and Joab, the
latter sounded the trumpet ot recall, and both parties retired
during the night — Abner to Mahanaim, and Joab to Hebron.
The former had lost 360 men, the latter only sixteen, besides
Asahel, whom they buried in his father's sepulchre at Beth-
lehem.'
The war went on long without any decisive action, but
with a constantly increasing advantage to the side of David ;
" David waxed stronger and stronger, and the house of Saul
waxed weaker and weaker."" At length Abner, on an insult
i-eceived from Ish-bosheth, who was a mere puppet in his
hands, made overtures to David, Avho required, as a prelim-
inary, the restoration of his wife Michal. David made the
demand of Ish-bosheth, who took Michal from her second
husband, Phaltiel, and sent her to Hebron. Abner now
treated Avith the elders of Israel, and especially with the tribe
of Benjamin, reminding them of David's designation by Je-
* 2 Sam. ii. 12-lG. The left-handedness of the Benjamites may have con-
tributed to tlie resulr.
* 2 Sam. ii, 17-32. ^ 2 Sam. iii. 1.
430 The Reign of David. Chap. XXjl
hovah, and of his services against the Philistines. So favor-
able was the response that he resolved to go in person to He-
bron, with a gnard of only twenty men, to represent to Da-
vid the feelings of Israel and Benjamin. Having been wel-
comed and feasted by David, he promised to gather all Israel
to his standard, and went away in peace. But both his jour-
ney and his scheme were doomed to a sad miscarriage.^
Joab, who stood to Abner in the relation of the avenger
of blood on account of the death of Asahel, only returned to
Hebron from an expedition against the Bedouins of the desert
after Abner had departed. He accused the king of dismiss-
ing an enemy who had come only as a spy ; and without Da-
vid's knowledge, he sent messengers after Abner, who brought
him back to Hebron under the pretense of further conference.
Drawing Abner aside under the gateway ot the city for
private converse, Joab smote him under the fifth rib, so that
he died. In this treacherous revenge for blood shed most
unwillingly, and in fair fight, Joab was aided and abetted
by his brother Abishai.^
Calling Jehovah to witness that he and his kingdom were
guiltless for all future time of Abner's blood, David impre-
cated a terrible curse on Joab and his house. He then call-
ed his followers to bury Abner at Hebron Avith the honors
due to a prince and chieftain. Joab was obliged to join in
the universal mourning, " and King David himself followed
the bier." David's conduct formed the climax of his favor
with the people, who well knew his innocence : " as whatso-
ever the king did pleased all the people." But he bitterly
felt his impotence to restrain his too powerful relations, and
vented his indignation in the words which have become
proverbial : " These men, the sons of Zeruiah, be too hard for
me." He added threats that the doer of evil should be re-
warded according to his wickedness ; but it was not till Joab
had again mortally provoked him by killing Absalom, that
he deposed him from his ofKce of captain of the guard, and
gave it to Amasa, whose treacherous murder filled up the
measure of Joab's crimes. Even then David left his punish-
ment as a legacy to Solomon, by whom he was put to death."
Ish-bosheth, left helpless by the loss of Abner, fell a victim
to the conspiracy of two of his captains, who slew him on his
bed, intending to proclaim Jonathan's son, Mephibosheth (or
Merib-baal), who Avas not only an infant, but lame. Being a
child of five years old when the tidings were brought of the
' 2 Sam. iii. G-21. ^2 Sam. iii. 22-27, 30.
^ 2 Sam. iii. 31-39. xix. ; I K. ii. 5, G, 33, 3i.
B.C. 1018. David King of all Israel. 431
death of Saul and Jonathan, he was carried oft' by his nurse,
who let him fall in the hurry of the flight, and so lamed him
for life. His royalty was as impotent as his person ; but yet
he was the least unfortunate of Saul's house, from the favor
which David showed him for his father's sake, and in fulfill-
ment of their covenant. We shall hear much of him after-
ward; but meanwhile it is not clear from the narrative
whether he was even proclaimed or brought out from his
place of refuge, which, according to Josephus, Avas in the
house of Machir ben-Ammiel, a prince of Gad or Manasseh,
at Lo-debar, near Mahanaim.'"
The murderers of Ish-bosheth carried his head to David at
Hebron, only to meet the fete of the messenger of Saul's death.
They were put to death ; their hands and feet cut off*, and their
bodies hanged over the Pool of Hebron, while the head of Ish-
bosheth was buried in the sepulchre of Abner."
§ 2. The minds of all the people were not united in favor
of David. The elders came to him at Hebron, recognizing
him as their brother, recalling his leadership of Israel in the
time of Saul, and acknowledging that God had appointed
him " to feed His people Israel." So they anointed him as
king of Israel at Hebron, and lie made with them a cove-
nant, based doubtless on the law given by Moses for the con-
stitution of the kingdom, and the event was celebrated by a
three days' feast.^^ David was now at the head of a power-
ful army, composed of the best warriors of all the tribes,
who came ready armed to him at Hebron. Judah sent 6800,
Simeon 7100, Levi 4600, besides 3700 priests, under Jehoiada,
w4th whom came the young Zadok, already famous for his
valor, and destined to bring back the high-priesthood into the
house of Eleazar. Even Benjamin, which had hitherto stood
fast by the family of Saul, contributed 3000 men ; Ephraim,
20,800, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, 1 8,000. Two hundred
captains led the whole tribe of Issachar, whose decision gain-
ed for them the praise that " they had understanding of the
times, to know what Israel ought to do." The 50,000 of
Zebulan were all " expert in war, well armed, firm in their
ranks, and of no double heart ;" Naphtali furnished 37,000
such warriors, under 1000 captains; Dan, 28,600; and Ash-
er, 40,000. The tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half-Manassel'.
^° I Sam. iv. 4 ; 1 Chron. viii. 34,
ix. 40 ; Joseph. A)it.. vii. 5, § 5.
" 1 Sarn. iv. It deserves notice
that all tliesc transactions between
the death of Saul and David's eleva-
tion to the kingdom of all Israel nni
omitted in the First Book of the Clnon
ickft.
12 2 Sam. v. 1-3 ; 1 Chron. xi. 1-3,
xii. 39.
X
432
The Reign of David.
Chap. XXI.
sent 120,000 -well-armed warriors across the Jordan. The
sum is 337,000 men, besides the whole tribe of Issachar."
Having this j^owerful army, David resolved to remove the
seat of government from the remote Hebron nearer to the
centre ot the country, and his choice at once fell upon Jeru-
salem, the strong city of the Jebusites, situated on a rocky
height 2600 feet above the level of the sea. But another rea-
son also probably recommended Jerusalem to David as the
capital of his kingdom. It was impossible for him to desert
the great tribe to which he belonged, and over which he had
been reigning for some years. Now Jerusalem was the nat-
ural escape out of this difficulty, since the boundary between
Judah and Benjamin ran at the foot of the hill on which the
city stands. "* Jerusalem consisted of an upper and a lower
city ; and though the latter was taken by the men of Judah
in the time of Joshua, the upper city defied their attacks, and
the whole remained a Jebusite city till the period at which
we have arrived.
David now advanced against the place at the head of the
formidable army already described. No doubt he approach-
ed the city from the south. As before, the lower city was
immediately taken, and, as before, the citadel held out.^° The
undaunted Jebusites, believing in the impregnability of their
fortress, manned the battlements " with lame and blind."
But they little understood the temper of the king or of those
he commanded. David's anger was thoroughly roused by
the insult, and he at once proclaimed to his host that the
first man who would scale the rocky side of the fortress and
kill a Jebusite should be made chief captain of the host. A
crowd of warriors rushed forward to the attempt, but Joab's
superior agility gained him the day, and the citadel, the fast-
ness of ZioN, Avas taken (1046 B.C.). It is the first time that
that memorable name appears in the history. The fortress,
Avhich now became the capital of the kingdom, received the
name of " the city of David ;" and David fortified its whole
circuit round about from Millo, while Joab repaired the rest
of the city.'" In this capital, the power of the king was now
thoroughly established : " David went on, and grew great ;
for the Lord of liosts was with liim."^^ His power was ac-
knowledged by Hiram king of Tyre, who sought for the al-
" I Chvon. xii. 23-40.
'' The city itself Avas .ictually in
Benjamin, but by crossinj^ the narrow
ravine of Ilinnom you set foot on the
territory of Judah. On tlic topogra-
phy of Jerusalem, see Notes and Il-
lustrations.
'^ Joseph. Ant. vii. 3, § 1 .
^° 2 Sam. V. G-9 ; 1 Cliron. xi. 4-8.
'■ 2 Sam. V. 10 ; 1 Chron. xi. 9.
B.ai048. David at Jerusalem. 433
liance which he henceforth steadily maintained with David
and Solomon, and who now sent cedar-timber from Lebanon,
with masons and carpenters, to build David a palace. But
there was already " a worm in the bud," which afterward
blighted all David's happiness. Disregarding the express
command of Moses,^* he formed a numerous harem. Already,
while at Hebron, he had added to his first wife (l), Michal,
restored to him by Ish-bosheth, and to (2), Ahinoam, and (3),
Abigail, the two wives of his wanderings, four others, name-
ly (4),Maacah,the daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur (5),
Haggith (6), Abital, and (7),Eglah; and each of them, ex-
cept Michal who was childless, had borne him one son at He-
bron, namely (1), Amnon ^2), Chiliab (3), Absalom (4), Ado-
nijah (5), Shephatiah, and (6), Ithream,and one daughter, Ta-
mar, who was full sister to Absalom by Maacah." At Jeru-
salem he took more wives, whose names and number are not
stated, and who bore him ten more sons. Besides these, he
had ten concubines, whose children are not named. This list
does not include Bathsheba, whose story will be related pres-
ently. She bore David five sons, of whom the youngest, Solo-
mon, was his successor.''" In all this David stopped short of
that fixtal step contemplated in the warning of Moses, and
taken by Solomon, of multiplying to himself wives from hea-
then nations, so as to turn away his heart from God ;^' but
the miseries he suffered in his family give the best answer to
the folly which quotes Scripture in sanction of polygamy.
He reigned at Jerusalem for thirty-three years, besides the
seven years and a half in Hebron, making his whole reign,
in round numbers, forty years (b.c. 1056-1015). He was
thirty years old at his first accession, and seventy at his
death." It is emphatically stated that " David perceived
that Jehovah had established him king over Israel, and that
he had exalted his kingdom /br his people IsraeV s saX;e.""
A twofold work had been given him to perform : to estab-
lish the worship of Jehovah in the place which he had chosen
above all others for his abode, and to extend the kingdom of
Israel to the bounds promised to their fathers. With the
former object first in his thoughts, he had proposed to the
tribes who gathered at Hebron that the ark should be brought
up from Kirjath-jearim, but the project was delayed by war.
The Philistines resolved not to give up without an effort their
" Deut. xvii. 17. [5-9. S;^o the pedip;ree in Notes and
^^ 2 Sam. iii, 2-5 ; 1 Chron. iii. 1-4. \ Illustrations to chap. xx.
'° 2 Sam. V. 13-lG; 1 Chron. iii. \ ^i Dent. xvii. 17.
" 1 Sara. V. 4, 5 ; 1 Chron. iii. 4, xx^ri. 31, xxix. 27. " 2 Sam. v. 12.
T
43 i The Rtign of David. Chap. XXI.
long doinvnation over Israel, gathered their hosts in the val-
ley of Rephaim, or the valley of the Giants.^^ At the com-
mand of God, David fell upon them with a fury as resistless
as the outburst of water through a broken dike, whence the
scene of slaughter was called Baal-perazim {the " height " of
the outbursts). The Philistines were not only routed, but dis-
graced by the burning of their idols, which were left on the
held of battle. A second victory was gained in the same
valley by a stratagem prescribed by God, whose presence
was indicated to the army of Israel by a rustling in the tops
of the mulberry-trees, and the Philistines were smitten from
Gibeon to Gazer. " And the fame of David went out into
all lands ; and Jehovah brought the fear of him upon all na-
tions."'" Henceforth David is found acting on the offensive
against the Philistines ; and meanwhile their defeat and the
friendship of King Hiram secured peace along the whole
maritime coast.
§ 3. David had now the long desired opportunity for the rC'
moval of the ark. He had '' sworn to Jehovah, and vowed
to the mighty God of Jacob. Surely I will not come into
the tabernacle of my house, nor go up into my bed ; I will not
give sleep to mine eyes, nor slumber to mine eyelids, until I find
out a place for Jehovah, an habitation for the mighty God of
Jacob."^" Since its restoration by the Philistines, the sym-
bol of Jehovah's presence had had its stated abode at Kir-
jath-jearim, here called Baalah, under the care of Abinadab
and his family." Thither David went with 30,000 men,
chosen from all the tribes, and transported the ark, Avith mu-
sic and singing, from Abinadab's house in Gibeah (the cita-
del of Kirjath-jearim) on a new cart, driven by Uzzah and
Ahio, the two sons of Abinadab. But its progress to Jeru-
salem suffered a melancholy interruption. As the procession
reached the threshing-floor of Nachon (or Chidon), the oxen
shook the cart, and Uzzah laid his hand upon the ark to steady
it, forgetting that Jehovah needed not his aid. The profana-
tion was punished by his instant death, to the great grief of
David, who named the place Perez-uzzah (the breaking -forth
on Uzzah). But Uzzah's fate was not merely the penalty of
his own rashness. The imjiroper mode of transporting the
ark, which ought to have been borne on the shoulders of the
Levites, was the primary cause of his unholy deed ; and Da-
"^ Tlie sire of the valley is uncev-j "^2 Sam. v. 18-2;'!i; 1 Chron. xiv.
fain, but it probably extended toward : 8, 17; comp. Isa. xxviii. 21.
Bethlehem. I ^^ Ps. cxxxii. 1-5.
" ] Sam. vL 21, vii. }.
B.C. 1042.
Removal of the Ark.
435
vid distinctly recognized it as a punishment on the people
in c^eneral, " because we sought Him not after the due or-
der>'^«
The terror of this proof of Jehovah's jealousy stayed fur-
ther progress for the time, and the ark was carried aside to
the house of Obed-edom, the Gittite. There it remained
three months, and brought to the family of this Philistine a
blessing like that which had long crowned the house of
Abinadab.^"
Meanwhile David prepared for its final transport to Jeru-
salem with a care suitable to the awful lesson he had re-
ceived. Instead of removing the old tabernacle, which was
doubtless much impaired by age, he set up a new tent for it
in the city of David. In the first j^rocession, the king and
his warriors had perhaps held too prominent a place, to the
injury of the religious solemnity, which was now duly pre-
served. David intrusted the duty of carrying it to those
whom Jehovah had appointed. He assembled the three fami-
lies of the house of Levi, with the sons of Aaron, and the high-
priests of both the branches, Zadok, of the house of Eleazar,
and Abiathar, of the house of Ithamar,^" and bade them sanc-
tify themselves to bring up the ark of God; and so they car-
ried it on their shoulders after the manner prescribed by Mo-
ses. They were escorted by David and his chosen Avarriors,
with the elders of Israel, and the procession started with
every sign of joy. The first movement was watched with
deep anxiety, lest there should still be some fault to provoke
God's anger : but when the Levites had taken six stejis in
safety, it was seen that God helped them ; and the procession
halted, while David sacrificed seven bullocks and seven rams.
He then took his place before the ark, clothed only Avith the
Hnen ephod of the priestly order, without his royal robes, and
danced with all his might, playing upon the harp as he led
the way up to the hill of Zion, amid the songs of the Levites,
the joyful shouts of all the people, and the noise of cornets,
and trumpets, and cymbals, and psalteries, and harps. Hav-
ing placed it in the tabernacle he had prepared, and having
offered burnt-offerings and peace-offerings, he blessed the peo-
ple in the name of Jehovah, and dealt to each of the multi-
tude, women as well as men, a loaf of bread, a large piece of
I Chron. XV. 13.
1 Samuel vi. 1-11:
1 Chron.
^"^ Comp. 3 Sam. viii. 16. The pre-
cedence given to Zadok in 1 Chron.
XV. 11, may be due to the state of
things when the book was composed.
Perhaps Zadok liad been recognized
as high-priest by Saul after Abia-
thar's flight to David.
436
'The lieign of David.
Chai-. XXI.
meal, and a flagon of wine, doubtless from the offerings. He
then returned to bless his household ; but his reception cast
a shade even over this most joyful day of all his reign. His
enthusiastic dance before the ark had been observed with
scorn by his wife Michal from a window of the new palace ;
she met him on his return with insulting reproaches, to which
he made an indignant answer ; and she remained barren to
the day of her death. ^^
In both these ceremonials a prominent feature was the
ringing the praises of Jehovah to the music of various instru-
ments. On the first removal of the ark, we are told that
" David and all Israel played before God with all their
might, and with singing, and with harps, psalteries, timbrels,
cymbals, and trumpets." On the second occasion David
made a complete arrangement of the musical service, placing
it under the direction of the priests, Zadok and Abiathar, and
appointing the Levites for its performance, with AsArii^^ at
their head. The First Book of Chronicles describes the order
of this " service of song," and preserves tlie Psalm of thanks-
giving wiiich David first delivered into the hand of Asaph
and his brethren. ^^ The comparison of this with several in
the Book of Psalms shows that it is either, an outline which
was afterward expanded into separate poems, or an epitome
of the Psalms used on the occasion. For there are many
Psalms to be referred to the removal of the ark to Jerusalem,
both on the ground of tradition and of their own internal evi-
dence. At the head of these is the 132d, in which David in
his own name describes the removal of the ark from the first
desire of his heart to its final accomplishment, records God's
eternal covenant with him and his house, and celebrates Je-
hovah's choice of Zion for his abode. The 68th is equally
suitable for the first removal of the ark, for the solemn pause
in which David offered sacrifice when the Levites had lifted
it at its second removal, or for its entrance into the city of
David ; it begins with the words appointed by Moses to be
sung when the ark was lifted, " Let God arise, let his enemies
be scattered," and it advances from the record of victory
have remained hereditary in his f:un-
ily, unless he was the founder of a
school of poets and musical composers,
who were called after him " the sons
of Asaph " (comp. tlie Homerida;) ( I
Chr. XXV. 1 ; 2 Cln*. xx. 14; Ezra ii.
41).
^' 1 Chron. xvi. ; comp. Ps. cv. 1-
15, xcvi., cvi., cvii., cxviii., cxxxvi.
^^ 2 Sam. vi. ; 1 Chron. xv., xvi.
'^ Psalms 1. and Ixxiii. to Ixxxiii.
are attributed to Asaph, but probably
all except the 1., Ixxiii., and Ixxvii.
are of later origin. He was in after-
times celebrated as a seer as well as
a musical composer, and was put on
ft par with David (2 Chr. xxix. 30;
Neh. xii. 46). The office appears to
B.C. 1042. Psalms on the Occasion. 437
after victory to the final e-stablishment of God's honse at Je-
rusalem, and the prediction of the worship He should receive
from all nations of the earth. The 24th marks the entrance
of the ark into the citadel of Zion by its grand refrain,
"Lift up your heads, O ye gates ;
And be ye lift up, ye everlasting doors;
And the King of glory shall come in": —
words wliich clearly set fortli the idea which runs through all
these psalms, of victory as well as praise. They celebrate
not only the inauguration of the place of religious worship,
but the installation of Jehovah, the glorious King, who has at
length completed the victory over the heathen enemies of his
people, in the citadel from which he shall still go forth to
conquer all the world. He is marked as the God of battles
by the new name which heralds his entrance : —
*' Who is this King of glory?
Jehovah strong and mighty,
Jehovah mighty in battle."
" Who is this King of glory ?
The Lord of Hosts, ^
He is the King of glory."
The 96th, 105th, lOGth, as we have seen, are pro'bably the
full form, adapted to the Temple service, of the Psalm which
David delivered to Asaph and his brethren at the close of
this great ceremony. Of others less certainly belonging to
this occasion, the 15th describes the character of a true citi-
zen of Zion, and forms a sort of proclamation against impi-
ety in the new city ; the 101st is in a similar vein, with more
especial reference to David's conduct of his own house ; the
29th (in the LXX.) and the 30th have titles referring them
to this time.
All other arrangements were m.ade by David with equal
care for the whole order of divine worship, according to the
law of Moses. Asaph and his brethren were appointed to
minister in the daily service before the ark. The office of
chief doorkeeper was committed to Obed-edom,in whose house
the ark had rested. Zadok and the priests were charged with
the daily and other sacrifices at the Tabernacle, which remain-
ed at Gibeon.^**^
David's zeal for the house of God was still only fulfilled
in part. His new city was blessed with the symbol of Je-
hovah's presence, but that sacred object had itself no worthy
^ Properly Jehovah of Armies ; but we preserve the phrase so famil-
iar to our ears. ^^'^ 1 Chron. xvi. 37-43.
438 The Reign oj David. Chap. XXI.
abode. Tlie palace built for the king by Hiram's workmen
was now finished, and no war summoned him from its halls ;
but, as he sat in it, he was troubled by the thought, which
has so often since lighted up the " Lamp of Sacrifice ;" — " See
now, I dwell in a house of cedars, but the ark of the cove-
nant of Jehovah dwelleth within curtains." He uttered his
feelings to the proj^het Nathan, who now first appears as
David's chief counselor ; and, as if there could be but one
response to so pious a desire, without waiting to consult
God, Nathan replied, " Do all that is in thy heart, for God
is with thee."^^ But that same night the word of God came
to Nathan, bidding him tell David that he was not to build
jv house for God to dwell in. He is reminded that Jehovah
had been content to dwell in a tent ever since the Exodus,
and that He had not spoken a Avord to any of the tribes or
the judges about building him a house of cedar. In these
words, which sound like a gentle rebuke for a tendency to
materialism in God's worship, we see the same princij^le
which Solomon recognizes in the very act of dedicating his
temple : " Behold ! the heaven and heaven of heavens can
not contain Thee ; how much less this house that I have
built !"^^ But the design was only postponed, not forbidden.
Just as God condescended to the wish of the people for a
king, and then made the stability of David's throne the new
basis of the commonwealth, so he chose a habitation for him-
self in tlie city of David, as a sign that the period of pilgrim-
age was ended, and that his home was Avith the king and
people of His choice. So Nathan was commissioned to tell
David that Jehovah, who had been with, him hitherto, would
first establish his house, and would raise up one of his sons,
whose kingdom should be established forever, and who should
build the house of God in the place chosen by Himself"
This prediction, referring first to Solomon, is expressed in
terms tliat could only be fulfilled in the Messiah ; and it is
clear that David understood it so, from the wonderful prayer
which he poured out before God in thanksgiving for the hon-
or put upon him.^* Similar feelings are uttered in several
of the " Messianic Psalms," which have therefore been regard-
ed as written on tlie occasion of Nathan's prophecy, such as
the 2d, 45th, 22d, 16th, 118th, and 110th, in all of which the
promises of God to David and his house are celebrated in
^= 2 Sam. vii. 1-3 ; 1 Chron. xvii. 1 ^' 2 Sam. vii. 4-17 ; 1 Chron. xvii.
1, 2.
3« 1 K. viii. 27; 2Chr. ii. G: comp.
Is. Ixvi. 1 : Acts vii. 49, xvii. 24,
3-15.
''"^ 2 Sam. vii. 18-29 ; 1 Chron. xviL
lG-27.
B.C. 1040- Victories ovet the Heathen. 439
that wonderfully expressive language which reveals Him who
Avas at once David's Son and Lord.'"
§ 4. His own throne, and the service of God's sanctuary,
being thus established, David advanced to the final subjuga-
tion of the enemies of Israel.
i. We have already mentioned the two last invasions of
the Philistines : they Avere now, in their turn, invaded and
subdued by David, who took the proud frontier city of Gath,
" The bridle of the mother-city," with its " daughter towns.""
Except one or two minor combats, we hear of no further
trouble from the Philistines during David's reign. This con-
quest secured to Israel its promised boundary on the south-
west, the " river of Egypt."
ii. Turning to the eastern frontier, David exacted Irom
MoAB a sio'iTal vengeance for all her enmity against Israel
down from the time of Balak. Two-thirds of the people
were put to death, and the other third reduced to tribute."'
David's personal relations to this nation, Avhose blood he
shared, had been so friendly that we have seen him commit-
ting his father and mother to the care of the King of Moab.
A Jewish tradition says that tlicv were foully murdered.
There is not a word of this in the Scripture narrative ; but
we may be quite sure that David's vengeance Avas provoked
by some treacherous insult, as in the later case of Amnion
Thus was Balaam's prophecy fulfilled :— " Out of Jacob shall
come he that shall have dominion, and shall destroy him that
remaineth of Ar" (the metropolis ot Moab).
iii. The eastern frontier being now secured, for Nahash the
Ammonite Avas his friend. David advanced to the conquest
of tlie promised boundary on the north-east, " the great river
Euphrates.'"' Two Syria^t kingdoms lay between him and
his purpose. Ttiat of Zobah, which has been mentioned more
than once before, was then o-overned by Hadadezer, the son
of Rehob, whom David defeated, taking from him his force
of 1000 chariots, 700 horse, and 20,000 infantry. The char-
iot-horses Avere hamstrung, according to the command ot
Moses, but David could not resist the temptation of reserv-
ing 100 chariots as an ornament for his royal state.* ^he
33 Comp. Matt. xxii. 44 ; Mark xii
?6 ; Luke xx. 42.
"2 Sam. viii. 1 ; 1 Chron. xviii.
1 : the above is Gesenius's explana-
tion of the obscure phrase "Metheg-
ammah," wliich Ewnld renders, " the
bridle of the fore-arm."
"^ 2 Sam. viii. 2 ; 1 Chron. xviii. 2.
To this war belong the exploits of Bc-
naiah, the son of Jehoiada (2 Sam-
xxiii. 20; 1 Chron. xi. 22).
^2 2 Sam. viii. 3; 1 Chron. xviii. 3;
comp. Gen. xv. 18.
" 2 Sam viii. 3, 4 ; 1 Chron. xvni.
3.4.
440
The Reign of David,
Chap. XXI.
Syrians of Damascus, coming to the help of Hadadezer, weie
defeated with the loss of 22,000 men ; and that fairest ana
oldest of the cities of the Avorld was made tributary to Da-
vid, and garrisoned by his troops. "Thus did Jehovah pre-
serve David whithersoever he went.""
These victories led to an alliance with Toi, king of Ha-
MATii (the Coele-Syria of the Greeks)," who sent his son
Jorani to congratulate David on the defeat of Hadadezer,
Ills own enemy. This, together with the old friendship of
Iliram king of Tyre, secured the northern frontier ; and
David returned to Jerusalem, laden with the golden shields
of Iladadezer's body-guard, the brass taken from his cities,
and the vessels of gold and silver and brass which Joram
had brought as presents. All these, together with the sj^oils
of Moab and the Philistines, the plunder formerly tak,en from
Amalek, and that gained afterward from Edom and the sons
of Ammon, he dedicated for the service of the future Tem-
ple.^^
iv. Tlie long conflict of Edom with his brother Israel was
now brought to its first decision by a great victory gained
by Abishai, the son of Zeruiah, in " the valley of Salt " (on
the south of the Dead Sea), in which the Edomites lost 18,000
men."' David was probably in Syria at the time of this
battle, which was followed up by a great army under Joab,
who in six months almost exterminated the male population.
David tlien visited the conquered land, and placed garrisons
in all the cities. The young king, Hadad, however, escaped
to Egypt, and became afterward a formidable enemy to Solo-
mon/"
These victories, which David celebrates in the 60th and
llOtli Psalms,''^ carried the southern frontier of Israel to the
eastern head of the Red Sea ; and from that point to the
frontier of Egypt, the Arab tribes had felt enough of his
power as an exile not to molest him in the hour of his tri-
umph. Tlie bounds of the promised land Avere now fully
occupied, tliough not even now so completely as if Israel
had been faithful from the first. For, besides the scattered
remnants of the old inhabitants, several of Avhom (as Ittai
xviii. 12, 13: the word "Syrians'*
in the former passage is due to an
obvious error of the text, Aram for
Edom. ■•« 1 K. xi. 14-22.
*" The title of the former, and the
contents of both, fix their composi-
tion to the time of the oonquest of
Edom.
5-7.
2 Sam. viii. 5, G ; 1 Chron. xviii.
*^ In its fullest sense it extended
still further north, to the valley of the
Orontes.
^« 2 Sam. Tiii. 7-12; 1 Chron.
xviii. 7-11.
*^ 2 Sam. viii. 13, 14; 1 Chron.
B.C. 1040. Constitution of the Kingdom. 441
the Gittite, Uriah the Hittite, and others) were conspicuous
among the king's great men ; besides that the Philistines and
others, who had been devoted to extermination, were only-
reduced to tribute ; there was one fair province unsubdued,
the whole coast of Phoenicia, the great cities of which still
flourished under their native kings, the chief of whom was
David's firm ally.
These extended limits were only preserved during the
reigns of David and of Solomon, a period of about sixty
years. For that time, however, the state formed no longer
a petty monarchy, barely holding its own among the sur-
rounding nations, as under Saul ; but it was truly one of the
great Oriental monarchies ; too truly, indeed, for the mag-
nificence of Solomon sapped its strength, and ])repared its
speedy dissolution. Meanwhile David's position is thus de-
scribed by the prophet Nathan : — " Thus saith Jehovah of
hosts, I took thee from the sheepcote, from following the
sheep, to be ruler over my people, over Israel : and I was
with thee whithersoever thou wentest, and have cut off" all
thine enemies out of thy sight, and have made thee a great
name, like unto the name of the great men that are in the
earth."^" Thus " David reigned over all Israel, and executed
judgment and justice among all his people."^*
§ 5. The constitution which David established for his
kingdom was preserved, in its main forms, to the end of the
monarchy.
i. The Hoyal Family. — We have already spoken of Da-
vid's goodly progeny, which well entitled him to the epithet of
"patriarch."'^ The princes were under the charge of Jehiel,
probably the Levite of that name :"'^ but, when Solomon
was born, he was committed to the care of the prophet Na-
than.^* The warm love of David for his sons" was shown in
an indulgence that was the proximate cause of the family
calamities which were visited on him as a judgment for his
one great sin. But those dark clouds had not yet gather-
ed ; and he had nothing to mar his pleasure in his children,
two of whom, at least, Absalom and Adonijah, inherited his
beauty.
ii. The Military Organization was based on that of Saul.
(1.) " The IIosV was composed, from the first formation
^^ 2 Sam. vii. 9. 1 ^n Chron. xxvii. 32, xv. 21; 2
^^2 Sam. viii. 15; 1 Chron. xviii. Chron. xx. 14.
14. ^* 2 Sam. xii. 25, according to oao
" Acts ii. 29. I interpretation.
'" 2 Sam. xiii. 31, 33, 36, xiv. 33, xviii. 5, 33, xix. 4 ; 1 K. i. 6.
T 2
U2
The Reign of David.
Chap. XXI,
of the nation in the desert, of all males capable of bearing
arms, who were summoned to war by the judges or princes
of tribes when the necessity arose. Saul formed a chosen
band of 3000 as a standing army, the nucleus of the whole
force, under Abner, as commander-in-chief The same post
was held under David by Joab, who won it by the capture
of the citadel of Jerusalem. He letl out the host to war
when the king did not take the field in person.^" The stand-
ing organization was improved under David by the division
of^the whole host into twelve bodies of 24,000 each (288,000
in all), whose turn of service came every month, and each
of which had a commander chosen from David's band of
mighty men of valor." In accordance with the institution
prescribed by Moses, the force was entirely of infantry : the
100 chariots reserved by David from the Syrians seem to
have been only for purposes of state. The weapons con-
stantly alluded to in the history and the Psalms are spears
and shields, swords and bows. The use of body armor is
mentioned in the story of Goliath.
(2.) The Body-guard was recruited to so great an extent
from foreigners (and chielly Philistines, a practice dating
probably from David's exile) that the force bore a foreign
name, like the Scottish archers and the Smss guards of the
French kings and the Pope. At least it seems most proba-
ble that "Cherethites and Pelethites" are proper names,
the former of a Philistine tribe, ^^ and the latter a form of
the word Philistines. They are mentioned in close connec-
tion with the " Gittites," a body of 600 men who came to
David from Gath, under Ittai ; but these seem only to have
joined him on the special occasion of his flight from Absa-
lom/" The commander of the Cherethites and Pelethites
was Benaiah, the son of Jehoiada, the priest of the line of
Eleazar.'^'*
(3.) The Heroes^ or Mighty Meyi {Gihhorim)^ were a pecu-
liar and favored body (like the Cent Gardes of Napoleon),
composed originally of the 600 warriors who joined David
in his exile, and afterward maintained at the same number.
They were formed into three great divisions of 200 each, and
thirty bands of twenty each, with their respective leaders.
The captains of twenties formed "the thirty," and the com*
»" 2 Sam. xii. 26; I K. xi. 15.
"^ 1 Chron. xxvii. 1-15.
'""^ 1 Sam. XXX. 14. The words are
otlierwise interpreted "execution-
ers " and " couriers," functions cer-
tainly performed bv the bodv-guard.
See 2 K. xi. 4 ; 1 K. xiv. 27."^
'^2 Sam. XV. 18-22.
''" 2 Sam. viii. 18, xx. 23 ; IK. I
38, 44; 1 Ciiron. xviii. 17.
B.C. 1040.
Constitution of the Kingdom.
443
mandcrs of tAv^o hundreds " the three," above whom was
"the captain of the mighty men." This post was held by
Abishai, the son of Zeruiah ; but, though first in rank, he
was inferior in prowess to " the three," who were Jasho-
beam (or Adino) the Hachmonite, Eleazar, son of Dodo the
Ahohite, who was with David at Ephes-dammim, and Sham-
mah, son of Agee the Hararite. We have also a list of " the
thirty," some of whose names occur also in other passages :
it opens with the name of Asahel, the brother of Joab, who
was slain by Abner, and closes with that of Uriah the Hit-
tite, who fell by the treachery of David himself ^^
iii. The Civil Administration was conducted under the
eyes of the king himself, assisted by a council, of which the
chief members were Jonathan, the king's nephew, son of his
brother Shimeah, Avho seems to have been his chief secre-
tary ;" Ahithophel of Gilo, afterward so famous as Absalom's
adviser; his rival Hushai the Archite, the king's "friend"
or " companion ;" Jehoiada, the son of Benaiah ; and Zadok
and Abiathar, the high-priests ; together with Joab, and
probably Benaiah, whose military rank gave them, like Ab-
ner and David under Saul, a high place at the court. Then
there were the great officers of state, Sheva or Seraiah, the
"scribe" or public secretary; Jehoshaphat, the "recorder"
or historian; Adoram; and Ira, the Jairite, who was "a
chief ruler about David,'"'^ with functions probably judicial,
and the same rank was held by David's sons.^* The royal
possessions in the fields, cities, villages, and castles, compris-
ing farms, vineyards, olive and other trees, stores of wine and
oil, herds of oxen and camels, and flocks of sheep, besides
treasure, were intrusted to officers for each branch, all undei
a chief treasurer, Azmaveth, the son of Adiel." But a place
was still found for the patriarchal government of the tribes,
whose princes are enumerated -^^ the prince of Judah being,
not David himself, but his brother Elihu (doubtless the same
as Eliab)®^ by the right of primogeniture.
iv. The Religious Institutions were in part mixed ujn with
•" 2 Sum. xxiii. 8-39 ; 1 Chron, xi.
11-4:7. The comparison of the two
lists affords an interesting example
of the minor variations of the sacred
text. The excess above the number
of thirty is naturally accounted for by
the new appointments required to fill
up vacancies.
^'^ 1 Chron. xxvii. 32 . ir, seems that
"nephew" is tlie tnu-r meaning of
the word translated uncle, and that
this is the same Jonathan as in 2
Sam. xxi. 21 ; 1 Chron. xx. 7.
^^ The LXX. translate the word
"ruler" as " priest."
«^ 2 Sam. viii. 16-18, xx. 23-26 ; 1
Chron. xviii. 14-17, xxvii. 32-34
^^ 1 Chron. xxvii. 25-31.
^^ 1 Chron. xxvii. 16-2?
" 1 Sam. xvi. 16-
444
The Reign of David.
Chap. XXI.
the constitution of the monarchy itself. Like Saul and some
of the judges, we see David offering sacrifices — an apparent
usurpation of the priestly office, to be explained perliaps by
the patriarchal priesthood, which was vested in the chief of
a family, and therefore by a natural analogy in the chief of
the state ;''^ and he even gives the priestly benediction/*
But his peculiar character, as the religious head of the state,
is seen in his inspiration as a prophet and psalmist. ''''JSeing
a propliet^'' as St. Peter explicitly declared,'" he foretold, iu
plainer and more glowing language than any that had yet
been used, thos© great events, of which the whole ceremonial
of the Jewish Church, and even his own kingdom, were but
types, " the sufferings of Christ, and the glory that should
follow." As a prophet too, he taught the peoj^le those prin-
ciples of religious and moral truth of which the Psalms are
full, and which, in the Proverbs, were to a great extent learnt
by Solomon from him. As " the sweet Psalmist of Israel,"
who said of himself " The Spirit of Jehovah spoke by me, and
His word was in my tongue," it was his peculiar honor, not
only for the Jewish Church, but for the Church Universal to
the end of time, to direct that part of God's worship which
is the best utterance of the heart, the tuneful notes of jDraise,
inseparably blended Avith prayer and with the utterance of
divine truth. His pre-eminence in this respect is unaffected
by the doubts about the authorship of many of the Psalms.
A great truth is expressed by the common title which names
the whole book " The Psalms of David ;" for he founded
psalmody as an institution, taught it to Asaph and his other
immediate successors, and gave the model which all later
psalmists followed.''^
While he thus furnished the matter of psalmody, he regu-
lated its manner, by arranging for the first time a full choral
service. To this office David, in conjunction with the chiefs
of the Levites, set apart three families, one from each of the
three houses of the tribe, the Gershonites, Kohathites, and
Merarites. They were 2jro])}iets as well as singers, " to proph-
esy with harps, with psalteries, and with cymbals ;"" and
they handed down their art from generation to generation
°® Even Samuel, though a Levite,
was not a priest.
"^ 2 Sam. vi. 6.
" Acts ii. 30.
'^ It is not meant to be implied that
David did not himself work upon
more ancient models such as the
"Hymn of Miriam" (Ex. xv.), the
"Prayer of Moses the Man of God"
(Ps. xc), the "Song of Deborah"
(Judg. v.), and the " Thanksgiving^
of Hannah" (1 Sam. ii.).
" 1 Chron. xv. 10-22, xxv. 1, 2,
comp. xxiiL 6.
B.C. 1040.
The Religious Institutions.
445
by a systematic course of instruction, " the teacher as well
as the scholar."" These families were those of Asaph, the
son of Berechiah the Gershonite, the chief singer, and also dis-
tinguished as a seer ;^* of Heman the Kohathite, son of Joel,
and grandson of the prophet Samuel, and himself " the king's
seer in the words of God ;'"* and of Jeduthun (or Ethan), a
Merarite, who is also called " the king's seer."" The names
of each of these leaders are found in the titles of particular
Psalms ; and the tripartite division was observed till the Cap-
tivity," and probably restored after the return."'^ At first
they were divided between the ark at Jerusalem and the tab-
ernacle at Gibeon, the family of Asaph being assigned to the
former, and those of Heman and Jeduthun to the latter/"
The three families numbered 288 principal singers, divided
by lot into twenty-four courses of twelve in each ; but the to-
tal of the Levites engaged in praising Jehovah " with the in-
struments which David made " Avas 4000/° The rest of the
Levites, amounting to 34,000, were arranged into the three
families of Gershon, Kohath, and Merari. Six thousand bore
the dignity of officers and judges, 4000 were set apart to tlie
humbler office of doorkeepers,"^^ and the general service of the
sanctuary, " the work of the house of Jehovah," was commit-
ted to the remaining 24,000/^ They were relieved of the
hardest part of that work, the carrying the tabernacle and its
vessels, now that God had given rest to his people, to dwell
at Jerusalem forever;®^ and as the offices which remained,
though numerous, were comparatively light, David assigned
them to the Levites above twenty years, though the census
was still taken according to the ancient standard of thirty
and upward.^* Their offices were to wait on the priests for
the service of the house of Jehovah, purifying the holy place
and the holy things, preparing the show-bread and the meat-
offerings, praising God at the morning and evening service,
" 1 Chron. xxv. 3-8 ; 2 Chron.
xxiii. 13. The profession of art was
commonly hereditary among all the
nations of antiquity ; as we see in the
case of music and poetry in the Ho-
meridae.
^* 2 Chron. xxix. 30: "the words
of Asaph " in this passage may mean
his tunes. The question of his au-
thorship of any of the Psalms is
doubtful. See note on p. 436.
'^ 1 Chron. xxv. 5; comp. 1 Chron.
vi. 33-38, with the commentaries of
Lord Arthur Hervey, Genealogies of
our Lord, p. 214.
^^ 2 Chron. xxx. 15.
■'^ 2 Chron. xxix. xxx.
"Neh. xi. 17; 1, Chron. ix. 16.
" 1 Chron. xvi. 37-42 ; 1 Chron.
xxv. 8-31.
«° 1 Chron. xxiii. 5.
^* 1 Chron. xxiii. 4, 5 ; comp. Vs.
Ixxxiv. 10.
^"^ 1 Chron. xxiii. 4.
""^ 1 Chron. xxiii. 25, 26.
^ 1 Chron. xxiii. 3. 23. 27.
446 * Tlie Reign of David. Cuap. XXI.
and assisting in offering the burnt sacrifices on the Sabbaths
and the stated feasts.""
For the higher duties allotted by the law of Moses to the
priesthood, the sons of Aaron were arranged according to the
two houses of Eleazar and Ithamar ; his two elder sons, Na-
dab and Abihu, having died childless for their profanity.®"
We have seen that Eleazar succeeded his father as high-priest ;
but it is clear that the head of the house of Ithamar was in
some sense co-heir to the office. In the person and family of
Eli this state of things was reversed : the high-priesthood was
vested in the house of Ithamar ; while that of Eleazar did not
abdicate its claims. So, under David, we find both Zadok
and Abiathar recognized as priests, the former being named
first, by the right of primogeniture, while the latter actually
held the office of higli-priest. This double priesthood was in
fact connected with a twofold service ; Zadok ministering at
the old tabernacle in Gibeon, and Abiathar before the ark at
Jerusalem. By the census taken toward the close of David's
reign, it appeared that the families of the house of Eleazar
were twice as many as those of the house of Ithamar, there
being sixteen of the former and eight of the latter.®^ The
twenty-four chiefs of these families were made the heads of
twenty-four " courses," who were arranged in order by lot for
the performance of the services of the sanctuary, and named
ever afterward from their present chiefs.^® The courses were
as follow: —
I.
Jehoiarib.
7.
Ilakkoz.
13.
Huppoli.
19.
Pethnhiah.
2.
Jedaiah.
8.
Abijah.
U.
Jeshebeah.
20.
Jehczekel.
3.
Harini.
9.
Jeslmah.
15.
Bilgah.
21.
Jachin.
4.
Seorim.
10.
Shecaniah.
16.
Imnier.
22.
Gam III.
f).
Malchijali.
11.
Kliashib.
17.
Hezir.
23.
Delaiah.
G.
Mijamiii.
12.
Jakim.
IS.
Aphses.
24.
Mahaziah.^
To the eighth course (that of Abijah, or Abia) belonged Zach-
arias, the father of John the Baptist/" The tci'm for which
each course was on duty is not expressly stated ; but from
the analogy of the service of the porters,"' and from the tes-
timony of the Jewish writers, it seems to have been Aveekly,
beginning on the Sabbath, the services of the week being
•"^ 1 Chron. xxiii. 24-32. | ^'^ Even when, after the Captivity,
^"^ Lev, X. ; Numb. xxvi. GO, 61. the courses were found to be reduced
''^ The disparity niay have been ' to 4, tliese were apjain divided into
caused in part by the slaughter of the 24, whicli were called by the ancient
priests with Ilophni and Phinehas, 'names. *" 1 Chron. xxiv.
and in part by Saul's massacre at "'^ Luke i. 5-10, 23.
Nob. I *M Chron. '-<. 25 ; 2 K. xi. 5.
B.C. low.
Courses of the Priests.
447
arranged among the members of the course by lot.^^ The
twent}^-four courses of singers were associated respectively
with those of the priests.^^
These arrangements formed the model of the Temple serv-
ice under Solomon, except that the separate worship of Gib-
eon was discontinued ; and the house of Ithamar was finally
excluded from the high-priesthood by the deposition of Abi-
athar/"
Lastly, a special intercourse was maintained by David with
Jehovah through the prophets; first, Samuel, who anointed
him, and afterward protected him at Ramah ; next Gad, who
joined him in his exile ; and lastly, Nathan, the counselor
of his throne, and faithful reprover of his grievous sins.
§ 6. Thus established in his kingdom, David had no further
fear of rivalry from the house of Saul, and he was anxious to
find an opportunity of performing his covenant with Jona-
than. He learnt from Ziba, who had been one of Saul's court-
iers, that Mephibosheth, the lame son of Jonathan, was liv-
ing in the house of Machir at Lo-debar ; and, having sent for
him, he restored to him all the land of Saul and his family.
Committing the charge of this property to Ziba, David re-
tained Mephibosheth "at Jerusalem, and gave him a place at
the royal table, like his own sons.'' We do not know how
long afterward, but probably earlier than it stands in the or-
der of the narrative, the king protected Mephibosheth from
a great danger. The land was visited with a famine for three
years ; the cause of which was declared by the oracle of Je-
hovah to be " for Saul and for his bloody house, because he
slew the Gibeonites.""" This massacre, in shameful violation
of the oath of Joshua and the elders of Israel, was one of
those acts of passionate zeal in which Saul tried to drown
the remorse of his later years. In reply to David's ofter of
satisfaction, the Gibeonites demanded the lives of seven of
Saul's sons ; and the king gave up to them the two sons of
Saul by his concubine Rizpah, and the five sons that Michal
had borne to Adiiel, to whom she was married Avhen Saul
took her from David. These seven were hanged by the Gib-
eonites on the hill of Gibeah, Saul's own city. They hung
there from the beginning of barley harvest till the rains set
in, though the law provided that, in such cases, the bodies
^^ Still the numbers raise the sus-
picion that the first arrangement
may have been monilihj : two courses
being engaged each month, one at
Gibcon and one at Jerusalem.
''^ 1 Chron. XXV.
^^ 1 K. ii. 2G, 27. ^^2 Sam. ix.
^^ 2 Sam. xxi. That this was ear-
lier than it stands, ai)pears from the
allusion in xix. 28.
448
The Reirjn nj David.
Chap. XXt
should be buried by sunset.®^ But Rizpah took her station
upon tlie rock, with only a covering of sackcloth, to keep the
bodies from the birds of prey by day and from the wild beasts
by night, till the rain began to fall. Touched with her de-
votion, David caused their remains to be taken down and in-
terred in the sepulchre of Kish at Zelah, together with the
bones of Saul and Jonathan, which he transported from Ja-
besh-gilead.^^ Mephibosheth, the son of Jonathan, whom Da-
vid had refused to give up to the Gibeonites," was now the
f>ole survivor of the house of Saul, with his infant son Micali,
through whom the family was continued to the latest period
of the nation's history.'"" We hear of him again before the
end of David's reign.
it has been observed that this famine was the first of those
three great adversities of David's reign which are described
in the alternative proposed by the prophet l^athan : a three
years' famine, a three months' lliglit, or a three days' pesti-
lence ; when David, having had bitter experience of the first
vwo, chose the third, as a dispensation direct from God.'"
§ 7. This first period of David's reign is marked by another
great success in war, and, in connection therewith, by the fall
which embittered the rest of his life, and which, as the proph-
et declared at the time, has ever since " given great occasion
to the enemies of Jehovah to blaspheme.'""^ Nahasii, king
of the children of Amnion, avIio had been David's ally, and
some suppose his relation, died, leaving the throne to his
son Hanun."*^ David sent an embassy of condolence and
friendship to the new king ; but Hanun, persuaded by his
counselors that the ambassadors only came as spies, sent
them back with shameful personal insults. In anticipation
of David's vengeance, the Ammonite obtained help from the
Syrians of Beth-rehob, Zobah, Maacah, and Ish-tob, who join-
ed him with 33,000 men.'"' On the other side, Joab took the
field, with all the host of Israel. A decisive battle was fought
" Deut. xxi. 22, 23. Perhaps the
Gibeonites had made a vow that they
should hang till the return of rain
promised the end of the famine.
'"' Comp. 1 Sam. xxxi. 10-13. The
charge made against David of con-
senting to this deed in order to hasten
the extinction of the rival house, is
refuted by his treatment of Mephi-
bosheth. "^ 2 Sam. xxi. 7.
*"" See the pedigree, in 2iotes and
Illustrations to cha)). xx.
^'^^ 2 Sam. xxiv. 13 ; reading "three
years of famine," as in the LXX. and
in 1 Chron. xxi. 12.
^°2 2 Sam. xii. U.
^°' 2 Sam. X. ; 1 Chron. xix.
^"^ According to Chronicles, there
were nearly as many chariots, 32,000,
besides those of Maacah. It seems
probable that the numbers in Samuel
ought also to be referred to the char-
iots.
B.C. 1036.
Ammonite and Syrian War.
449
before Rabbah, the capital of Ammon. While the Israelites
had followed the Beni-ammi up to the gates, the Syrian allies
had enclosed them in the rear. Joab took front against the
Syrians, with all the chosen warriors of Israel, leaving the
rest under Abishai to make head against the Beni-ammi.
The Syrians were routed, and the Ammonites then fled, and
shut themselves up in their city, while Joab returned to Je-
rusalem. The defeated Syrians formed a grand confederacy
under Hadarezer, with their brethren beyond the Euphra-
tes ; but David crossed the Jordan with the whole force of
Israel, and defeated them in a pitched battle, in which they
lost 7000 charioteers, 40,000 infantry, and their captain,
Shophach. The Syrians became tributary to David, and
abandoned the cause of Ammon.
The next year, at the return of the campaigning season,
Joab again took the field, and ravaged the lands of the Beni-
ammi, and shut them up in Rabbah, their chief city, and a
strongly fortified place. '°^ David remained at Jerusalem;
and if this inaction arose from a growing inclination to a lux-
urious enjoyment of his royal state, his self-indulgence led
him into a terrible temptation and wrought his fall. In the
restlessness which follows a day of such indolence, he rose one
evening from his bed to enjoy a walk upon the roof of his
lofty palace of cedar, which overlooked the woman's court
of a neighboring house ; and there he saw a fair woman in
liar bath, and became at once enamored. On inquiry, he
found that she was Bathsheba (or Bathshua), the daughter
of Eliam (or Ammiel),^"^ son of his counselor, Ahithophel, and
the w^fe.of one of his "thirty mighty men," Uriah the Hit-
tite, who was then fighting the king's battles under Joab.
Such a discovery might have checked the passion even of a
heathen despot, but David fell ; and, when the consequence
of his crime exposed himself to discovery and Bathsheba to
a shameful death, the king, after a vain attempt to conceal
his guilt, which only showed more of the noble nature of the
'°^ 2 Sam. xi. 1 ; 1 Chron. xx. 1.
Rabbah, now called Amndm, lies on a
river about 22 miles from the Jordan,
and on the road from Hesbon to Bos-
ra. It consisted of an upper and a
lower city, the latter being called by
Joab "the city of waters" (2 Sam.
xii. 27). The upper city rose abrupt-
ly on the north side of the lower
town, and was a place of very great
strength. Rabbah afterward received
from Ptolemy Philadelphus (b.c. 285-
247) the name of Philadelphia, and
in the Christian times became the
seat of a bishopric. Its site is marked
by several magnificent ruins of build-
ings, probably erected during the 2d
and 3d centuries of the Christian era.
The drawing at the head of this
chapter shows the stream and part of
the hill on which the upper city
stood. ''^ I Chron. iii. 5,
450 The Reign of David. Chap. XXI.
man he had outraged/" added treacherous murder to his
adultery. He made Uriah the bearer of his own death-war-
rant to Joab, who exposed the brave man to a sally from the
best warriors of the Ammonites, and he fell in happy igno-
rance of his sovereign's guilt and his own wrongs. The arti-
iice was kept up by a message from Joab to the king, excus-
ing the apparent rashness of his attack by the significant
conclusion, " Thy servant, Uriah the Hittite, is dead also,"
and the messenger was sent back to comfort Joab with a
cold-blooded allusion to the fortune of war. After the cus-
tomary mourning for her husband, Bathsheba, who seems
throughout to have consented to the sin, was taken to the
house of David, and became his wife, and soon afterward
bore him a son.'"**
Thus tar man's share in this drama of lust and blood. But
now another voice is heard : " The thin(> that David had
DoxE DISPLEASED Jeiiovah."'"^ He Sent the prophet Nathan
to the king with that well-known parable of tlie rich man,
who spared his own abundant flocks and herds, and seized
for his guest the one ewe-lamb of the poor man, his darling
and his children's pef " Our surprise that David's con-
science was not at once awakened may yield to the consid-
eration that his heart was not yet hardened in guilt, so that
his natural sense of justice broke forth in the indignant sen-
tence, " As Jehovah liveth, the man that hath done this thing
is a son of death ;" and he Avas going on to describe the res-
titution he would exact, when the lips of Nathan uttered
those words, which have from that day been echoed by every
sinner's awakened conscience, " Thou art the man !" Then
the prophet pronounced the sentence of the King of kings on
him wlio had just been sentencing the nnknoAvn culprit. Re-
proaching David with his ingratitude for all that Jehovah
had done and would yet have done for him, he denounced
the appropriate punishment ; that, as his sword had broken
up the house of Uriah, the sword should never depart from
his own house ; and that, as he had outraged the sanctities
of domestic life, his own should be likewise outraged, but
with the difference which God always makes between the se-
cret sin and the public punishment : " For thou didst it se-
^"^ 2 Sam. xi. 6-13. l that tlie public may have only viewed
''"* 2 Sam. xi. The whole story is
omitted in the Book of Chronicles (see
1 Chron. xx. 1), except tlie bare men-
tion of Bathsheba's family (1 Chron.
iii. 5). It was probably so managed
it as a somewhat hasty marriage of
the kinir to Uriah's widow.
"'' 2 ^Sam. xii. 27. The original
word implies the very height of burn-
ing indignation. ^'" 2 Sam. xii. 1-4,
B.C. 1034. 2Vie Repentance of David. 451
cretly, but I will do this thing before all Israel, and before
the sun." Then follow the few simple words of repentance
and forgiveness : " And David said unto Nathan, I have sin-
ned against Jehovah. And Nathan said unto David, Jeho-
vah also hath put away thy sin ; thou shalt not die." But
the path of repentance, however plain, is a " straight and
narrow way," and how David "agonized" to enter into it,
we may read in the lifty-first Psalm. In the bitterness of
his anguish, as well as in the fullness of his pardon, David
once more appears as the type of the sinning, suffering, re-
penting, and forgiven man, who has ever since found in that
one psalm the perfect utterance of his deepest feelings: —
" The rock is smitten, and to ftitnre years
Springs ever fresh the tide of holy tears,
And holy music, whispering peace
Till time and sin together cease, "^"
But even the " godly sorrow, which worketh repentance
unto life," does not avert the temporal consequences of sin,
whether in the form of its natural fruits or of special judg-
ments. And so Nathan not only does not i-ecall the woes de-
nounced on David's house, which were in part the natural
consequence of his polygamy, and of that Aveak parental in-
dulgence Avhich has been the besetting sin of many a great
man,^^^ but he goes on to declare a special punishment for
that consequence of David's sin which Ave still see in action :
" Because by this deed thou hast given great occasion to the
enemies of Jehovah to blaspheme, the child also that is born
unto thee shall surely die." And noAv David was called to
prove the sincerity of his repentance by his submission to
the punishment which began to Avork. No sooner had Nathan
gone home, than God struck the ncAV-born child Avith a mor-
tal sickness ; and David prayed and fasted, and lay all night
on the ground, refusing all comfort from his attendants. On
the seventh day David learnt the child's death from the Avhis-
perings of the courtiers, Avho feared to crush him Avith the
ncAvs. To their great surprise, he put off all signs of mourn-
ing, AA''ent to Avorship in the house of God, and then sat doAvm
to eat ; explaining to his attendants that, Avhile there remain-
ed any hope of the child's life, he fasted and Avept in the for-
lorn hope that God might yet grant him its life ; but now
mourninoj could not brins: it back from the dead ; and he
added those memorable Avords, which Ave can not but under-
Btand as expressing the higher hopes, with AA'hich they have
"^ Chnsfinn Year, Sixth Sunday after Trinity.
"^ Eli and Samuel, for instance.
452 The Reign of David. Chap. XXi.
so often been echoed by bereaved Christian parents: "jT
shall go to 1dm ; but he shall not return to me."^'* And
" God, who comforteth them that are cast down," ordained
that his relation to Bathsheba should be the source not only
of comfort to David himself, but of glory to his kingdom, and
of blessing to all generations of mankind, by the birth of a
son, whom he named Solomon, in memory (di\\\Q peace which
was established at the same time, and whom, at the command
of Nathan, he also named Jedidiah (beloved of Jehovah), in
token of the special flivor which God showed him from his
birth."* He became the successor of David, and the progen-
itor of the Messiah, of Avhose kingdom, as " the Prince of
Peace," his peaceful reign was a conspicuous type.
The peace, which the name of Solomon commemorates, had
been established by the final conquest of the Ammonites.
Joab, having reduced Rabbah to the last extremities by tak-
ing the lower city, with its waters,"^ reserved the honor of
the victory for David, who marched out at the head of all
Israel and took the city. He placed on his own head the sa-
cred crown, called the "crown of Milcolm (or Moloch),"
weighing a talent of gold, and set with precious stones, and
added the spoil of the city to the treasures prepared for the
house of God.'^® The long resistance of the city, and the in-
sult which had provoked the war, were punished by a cruel
massacre, in which all the cities of the Beni-ammi were in-
volved. "David brought out the people, and put them un-
der (or, cut them with) saws, and harrows of iron, and axes,
and made them pass through the brick-kiln,""^ the fire, per-
haps, through which their children passed " to their grim idol."
The triumphant return of David and his army to Jeru-
salem concludes the first period of his reign, the glory of
which is overshadowed by that great sin, the punishment of
which was to render its second part so disastrous.
"3 The 32d Psalm expresses David's
return to hoi)e and peace.
"* 2 Sam. xii. 24, 25. In 1 Chron.
iii. 5, three other sons are mention-
ed, Shimea, Shobab, and Nathan, and
Solomon is the fourth. The infer-
ence that Solomon was the youngest
seems hardly reconcilable with the
plain order of the narrative in Sam-
uel, or with the probable duration of
the Ammonite war.
"^ See note on p. 449.
"» 2 Sam. xii. 2G, 80 ; 1 Chron. xx.
1, 2. The crown is said to have
been worn by David ever afterward ;
but this could only have been on rare
ceremonies, and then for a few mo-
ments, from its enormous weight,
114 pounds.
"' 2 Sam. xii. 31 ; 1 Chron. xx. 2.
There is no good ground for any
milder interpretation of the passage.
Dr. Kitto has pointed out the proba-
bility that it was, as in the case of
Adoni-bezek, one of those retaliatory
acts by which alone such enemies
could be taught to respect the laws of
war.
B.C. 1030. Murder of Amnon 6 y Absalom. 453
§ 8. Before his marriage with Bathsheba, David had six-
teen sons, who lived as princes among the people, each in his
own house. Only three of them are of any note in history ;
the eldest, Amxon^, son of Ahinoam of Jezreel ; the third, Ab-
salom, son of Maacah of Geshur ; and the fourth, Adonijah,
son of Haggith. For the precedence due to Amnon as the
tirst-born he was likely to have a formidable rival in Absalom,
whose mother was a king's daughter, and who was himself
unequaled for beauty among the people. But we do not
hear of any jealousy or dissension among the king's sons till
the following occasion led to fatal results. Absalom had a
sister named Tamar, who shared his beauty, and of whom
Amnon became so violently enamored that he fell sick."*
Marriage with a half-sister w^as forbidden by the Mosaic
law,'"* though Tamar, in pleading with Amnon, suggested
that David might have consented to that alternative to avoid
the crime which Amnon eifected by a base stratagem.'"
Amnon incurred the anger of David, who probably spared
his life because he was his iirst-born, and the hatred of Ab-
salom, who waited in silence an opportunity for revenge.
When two years had thus passed, Absalom invited the king
Avith all his sons, and Amnon in particular, to a sheep-shear-
ing feast at Baalhazor, on the border of Ephraim. David
seems to have had suspicions, even after such an interval of
time ; but in the end he consented to his son's going, though
he himself remained at home. Amid the mirth of the feast,
Absalom's servants, having received their orders beforehand,
slew Amnon when he was merry with wine. The king's sons
fled, preceded by the rumor that they were all slain ; but they
soon arrived, weeping for Amnon, when the king and all his
servants joined them in their mourning. Absalom fled to
his grandfather, Talmai, king of Geshur, and remained there
three years ; while David, comforted for the irrecoverable fate
of Amnon, grieved for the loss of his living son.
To end this state of things, Joab employed a " wise woman"
of Tekoah (afterward the birthplace of the prophet Anios),
who appeared before the king in mourning, with a fictitious
tale similar to the case of his own family.''^' One of her two
sons, she said, had slain the other in a quarrel, and all the
family demanded the death of the homicide, which would
leave her childless, and cut ofl" her husband's name. When
the king promised her protection, she applied the parable to
"'2 Sam. xiii. 1. We must not! "'•' Lev. xviii. 9, 11.
infer that Tamar was David's only '-° 2 Sam. xiii. 1-14.
daughter. ' 1 '^' 2 Sam. xiv.
4:54: The Reign of David. Chap. XXI.
him, and reproved liim because lie did not " fetch home again
his banished." She enforced her request by the oft-quoted
proverb, " We must needs die, and are as water spilt on the
ground, which can not be gathered up again," and pleaded
that God, in sparing the young man's life, had given the means
for his recall. '^^ Learning from the Avoman by whom she had
been prompted, David sent for Joab, and bade him bring back
Absalom, whom however the king refused to see. Absalom
dwelt for two years in his house at Jerusalem with his three
sons,'^^ and his beautiful daughter Tamar, gaining favor with
the people by his handsome person. There can be no doubt
that he was already meditating, perhaps not the dethronement
of his father, but his own association in the kingdom as his
heir. At length, impatient of his exclusion from the court,
he sent for Joab, who was too cautious to go to him ; upon
which Absalom compelled him to come by setting tire to one
of his fields of standing corn. Joab interceded with the king,
Avho received his son and gave him the kiss of peace. We
may suppose that the interview put an end to Absalom's
hopes of sharing his father's throne, for he now began to pre-
pare for rebellion. ^^* He surrounded himself with a body of
fifty foot-runners, besides chariots and horsemen ; and, taking
his station beside the city gate, he met the suitors who came to
the king with expressions of his regret that their causes were
neglected, and with the wish that he were judge over the
land, to give them redress, while every reverence made to
him was returned with an embrace. " So Absalom stole the
hearts of the men of Israel." This may partly be accounted
for by the common love of change, and impatience at long-
continued prosperity ; but, besides this, Absalom's unchecked
proceedings prove that David was not living as of old in
sight of the people — a certain cause of loss of popularity :
the affair of Bathsheba, though only known in part, and his
treatment of Absalom, may have bred discontent ; and it has
been conjectured, from the choice of Hebron as the head-
quarters of the rebellion, that the men of Judahwere offend-
ed at finding themselves merged with the other tribes. Ab-
salom's chief captain and chief counselor, Amasa and Ahitho-
phel, were of that tribe, and there are symptoms of discord
^" This seems to be the meaning of j ^-^ They seem all to have died be ■
2 Sam. xiv. 14, a passage from which,
besides the proverb above quoted, we
derive a ])hrase of a favorite hymn :
'^ O let the dead now hear thy voice :
Now bid thij banished cms rejoice."
fore Absalom (2 Sam. xviii, 18).
^-'' 2 Sam. XV. We mny piobably
infer from the silence of 8ci-ij)tnro
that David's second son Chilcab waa
dead.
B.C. 1023.
jRebeUion of Absalom.
455
between Judah and the other tribes at the time of the king's
return/"^
When the plot was ripe,^" Absalom obtained leave from
the king to go to Hebron, the ancient sanctuary of his tribe,
to pay a vow Avhich he had made at Geshur in case he should
return to Jerusalem. He took with him 200 men, not yet
privy to his design, and sent round secret messengers to all
the tribes, warning the adherents whom we have seen him
gaining at Jerusalem that the trumpet would give the sig-
nal of his having been proclaimed king at Hebron. But per-
haps his most prudent step was his sending for Ahithophel,
David's most able counselor, from his own city of Giloh. It
is natural to suppose that Ahithophel had resented David's
conduct to his grand-daughter Bathsheba ; and his absence
from Jerusalem, to sacrifice at his own city, may have been
but a preparation for joining Absalom.
§ 9. The first news of the conspiracy reached David as ti-
dings of its success. He at once I'esolved to fly from Jeru-
salem, lest the city should be stormed, and his servants con-
sented. His departure from Jerusalem is related with a
minuteness to which we have no parallel in the Scripture his-
tory of any single day, except that of which this was the
type, when the son of David, betrayed by " his own familiar
friend," and rejected by his own people, went out by the
same path " bearing his reproach." It was early in the
morning when the king, leaving his palace in the care of his
ten concubines, went forth by the eastern gate with all his
household and a crowd of people ; for there Avere still many
who showed him the deepest attachment. Among his faith-
ful guard of Cherethites and Pelethites, and his chosen he-
roes, the 600 who had followed him ever since his residence
at Gath,'^' was Ittai the Gittite. David released him and
his countrymen from their allegiance ; but Ittai vowed that
he would follow the king in life or death, and David bade
him lead the way. They passed over the brook Kidron (the
Cedron of the New Testament), by the way that led over
the Mount of Olives to Jericho and the wilderness, while " all
the country wept with a loud voice." As David halted in
the valley to. let the people pass on, he was joined by Zadok
"=* 2 Sam.xix. 41.
^"^ 2 Sam. XV. 7. " After fortij
3'ears" is probably an error of the
text. Josephus says ^^/our yenrs;"
and the only possible epoch fi-om
which to date the forty years, namely,
David's accession, brings the rebellion
into the last year of his reign, which
is clearly untenable.
^-^ 2 Sam. XV. 18, reading Gihhorim
for (jiuim (Ewald, Geschichte, iil
177>
456 The Reign of David. Chap. XXL
and Abiathar, with all the Levites, bringing with them the
ark of God. With self-renouncing reverence, David refused
to have the ark removed, for his sake, from the sanctuary
where he had fixed its abode, and exjjosed to share his per-
ils. If Jehovah willed to show him favor, he would bring
him back to see both the ark and His habitation ; if not —
" Behold here am I ! let Him do to me as seemeth good to
Him !" He reminded the priests that they could do him ef-
fectual service in the city by employing their two sons, who
were both swift runners, to bring him tidings, and so he sent
them back with the ark. The weeping troop then ascended
the Mount of Olives in the garb of the deepest mourning, the
king himself walking barefoot ; and just as the grief reached
its height, at the last view of the towers of Jerusalem, word
was brought to David that Ahithophel was among the con-
spirators. He had scarcely uttered the prayer that God
would turn the wise counsel of Ahithophel into foolishness,
when the means of its fulfilment was presented. At the sum-
mit of the mount, he was met by his other counselor and
chosen " friend," Hushai the Archite, in the garb of mourn-
ing. David bade him to return into the city and ofier his
services to Absalom, in order to defeat the counsel of Ahith-
ophel, and to place himself in communication with Zadok and
Abiathar, whose sons would bring his messages to the king.
Hushai returned to Jerusalem just as Absalom was entering
the city, and was received by him Avith taunts for his de-
sertion of his " friend," which must have confirmed him in
his purpose, though he answered them with professions of
fidelity to his new master as the chosen of Jehovah and of
Israel.'^''
Meanwhile, just at the height of noon, David passed over
the brow of the hill into the territory of Benjamin, where he
found himself among the friends of Saul. One of these,
Ziba, the servant of Slephibosheth, met David, with two ass-
es laden with refreshments, and by an artful story of his mas-
ter's treason, obtained a gift of all his property. The other
member of the house of Saul, Shimei, the son of Gera, a na-
tive of Bahurim, came out from that village as David passed
by, and pelted him and his retinue with stones, cursing liim
as the bloody murderer of SauFs house. Abishai would have
avenged the insult ; but the king, Avith an outburst of impa-
tience at the overbearing sons of Zeruiah, let him curse on,
as the messenger of the curse of God — a submission which
"' 2 Sam. XV. 37, xvi. 16-19=
B.C. 1023. Absalom at Jerusalem. 457
seems to express the voice of David's conscience for the mur-
der of Uriah. And what was there, he asked, so strani^e in
the curses of a Benjamite when his own son soui^ht his^life ?
Uttering a hope that Jehovah would requite hmi good for
this cui-sing, he sufi'ered the man to continue his insults down
the hill-side. At the close of the day he reached the Jordan
and rested at its fords, the place he had appointed with the
l^riests.'" Here they were roused at midnight by Ahimaaz,
the son of Zadok, and Jonathan, the son of Abiathar, who had
narrowly escaped with their lives, bringing a warnino- to cross
the river the same nighf " "^
For the day had been a busy one at Jerusalem. Absalom
had no sooner entered the city than, by the advice of Ahitho-
phel— who acted on the favorite maxim of conspirators, to
commit their party by some unpardonable crime— he per-
petrated the outrage which had been foretold by the proph-
et Xathan.^" Ahithophel's next advice proved the sao-acity
tor which he was unrivaled. '^^ He proposed to pursife Da-
vid with 12,000 chosen men, and to fall upon him when weary
and dispirited : his followers would be sure to flv, the kino-'s
hie only should be sacrificed, and the rest would return aTid
dwell m peace.''' Absalom and the elders of Israel did not
shrink from the atrocity of the scheme, but it was thought
better first to consult Hushai. With consummate art, he^in-
spired Absalom with the fear that David had chosen some hid-
ing-place, where he and his men of war Avould be found chaf-
ing like a bear robbed of her whelps; and the first pursuers
would certainly be smitten with an overthrow which would
cause a panic through all the land. Let Absalom rather
gather the whole multitude of Israel from Dan to Beersheba,
and take the field in person, with the certainty of fallino; upon
David as the dew covers all the ground ; or, if he had*taken
refuge in a city, the force of Israel would drag it bodily with
ropes into the river. The result was that which is usual
with councils of war. The more daring plan, and the first
thoughts, which are generally best, were abandoned for the
' safer " course : •' For Jehovah had appointed to defeat the
good counsel of Ahithophel, to the intent that Jehovah mio-ht
bring evil upon Absalom.'"'' *
^ Before, however, this decision was fully taken, Hushai ad-
vised the priests to send David warning of the plan of Ahith-
^"^ 2 Sam. xvi. U ; comp. xv. 28,
xvii. 22, xix. 18 ; Joseph. Ant. vii. 9,
§4. "° 2 Sam. xvii. 15-22.
''' 2 Sam. xvi. 20-22. In the East
u
the harem of a king passes to his sne-
cessor. ^^2 g gam. xvi. 23
"' 2 Sam. xvii. 1-3.
''* 2 Sam. xvii. I-H.
458
The Reign of David.
Chap. XXI
ophel. On receiving it, as we have seen, David crossed the
Jordan,^^" with all his people, before the morning, and took
up his abode at Mahanaim, the very place which had been
the capital of his rival, Ish-bosheth, while he himself reigned
at Hebron. Here he was visited by Shobi, the son of Na-
hash, whom David had no doubt set up as a vassal king of
Ammon, in place of his brother Hanem, and by Machir, the
former protector of Mephibosheth, and by Barzillai the Gile-
adite, of Rogelim, whose touching farewell is recorded later.
These faithful friends brought him all the supplies needful for
the rest and refreshment of his exhausted followers/^®
Meanwhile Hushai was without a rival at the court of Ab-
salom. Ahithophel was so mortified at the rejection of his
advice, and so convinced of the consequent ruin of Absalom's
party, that he took his departure to his native city ; and, hav-
ing set his house in order, he hanged himself, and was buried
in the sepulchre of his fathers.^^' His name has passed into a
byword for the truth that " God taketh the wise in his own
craftiness ;" and his unscrupulous treason forbids all sympa-
thy with his fate. We may apply to him what was said of
one of our own party leaders : — " His great crimes were en-
hanced by his immense talents, of which God gave him the
use, and the devil the application." Absalom assumed the
royal state, and Avas solemnly anointed as king.^"° Joab's
office of captain of the host Avas conferred by him uponAma-
sa, the son of Ithra by Abigail, the daughter of Nahash, step-
daughter to Jesse, and sister to Zeruiah : he was half-cousin
to David, and own cousin to Joab and Abishai.'^^ Absalom
then crossed the Jordan in pursuit of David, and pitched his
camp in Mount Gilead.^"
§ 10. David prepared to receive the attack with his usual
skill. ^^^ He divided his forces into three bodies, under Joab,
Abishai, and Ittai ; and yielding to the people's entreaties,
he himself remained to hold out the city in case of a defeat.
Confident, however, in his tried veterans, and still more in
"^The 3d Psalm was probably
composed in the'morninsj after cross-
ing the Jordan. ]'s. cxliii. by its ti-
tle in the LXX., " When his son was
pursuing him," belongs to this time.
Also, by long popular belief, Fs. xlii.
lias been supposed to have been com-
posed in the trans-Jordanic exile of
David, and the complaints of Ps. Iv.,
Ixix., and cix., to be leveled against
Ahithophel. '^^ 2 Sam. xvii. 15-29.
'" 2 Sam. xvii. 23. It is impossi-
ble to dismiss the name of Aliithophel
without some allusion to Dryden's cel-
ebrated poem "Absalom and Ahith-
ophel," in Avhicli the former stands for
Monmouth, and the latter for Shaftes-
bur'
2 Sam. xix. 10.
"^^ 2 Sam. xvii. 25. See the pedi-
gree of David in Notes and Illustra-
tions to chap. XX. "<^ 2 Sam. xvii. 26.
"' 2 Sam. xviii.
B.C. 1023.
Death of Absalom.
459
the help of God, he was chiefly solicitous for the safety of
his rebellious son. " Deal gently for my sake with the young
man, even with Absalom," was his charge to the captains in
the hearing of all the people, as he sat in the gate to see them
march out to the battle. The armies met in " the forest of
Ephraim,'"*' in Mount Gilead, where the entangled ground
was most unfavorable to the untrained hosts of Absalom.
They were overthrown with a slaughter of 20,000 men, more
of whom perished in the defiles of the forest than in the bat-
tle itself; if that might be called a battle, which consisted
in a number of partial combats spread over the fiice of the
country. Amid this scattered fight, Absalom w^as separated
from his men ; and as he fled from a party of the enemy, the
mule on which he rode carried him beneath the low branches
of a spreading terebinth, and left him hanging by the luxuri-
ant hair Avhich formed his pride. ^" Tlie first soldier who
came up spared his life, because of the king's command, and
went to tell Joab. The unscrupulous chief hurried to the
spot, and thrust three javelins into Absalom's heart, while
his ten armor-bearers joined in dispatching him. Having
sounded the trumpet of recall, Joab took down the body and
cast it into a pit, over w^hich the people raised a great heap
of stones, as a mark of execration ;'''^ a burial which the his-
torian contrasts with the splendid monument which Absalom
had prepared for himself in Shaveh, or the " King's Dale.'""^
David waited at Mahanaim with an impatience which his
knowledge of Joab must have rendered doubly painful.
Joab's manner of sending the message has been explained
from a desire, which even he felt, to spare the feelings of
Ahimaaz, the young friend and messenger of the king. Bid-
ding him. wait till the morrow, Joab sent a Cushite follower
of his OAvn unknown to the court,'" with no other orders
than to tell what he had seen. The blunt soldier, conscious
of having done the king good service even by his disobedi-
"^ No very satisfactory explanation
has been given of the use of this
name on the east of Jordan. See
Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 329,
note.
"3 Comp. 2 Sam. xiv. 26. Two
things are to be noted as contributinp
to Absalom's fate : the ostentation of
going into battle on the mule, whicli
marked his rank as prince, instead of
on foot, like David and all the great
warriors, and the vanity of wearing
his hair in a style only becoming to
a Nazarite.
"■• As in the case of Achan (Josli.
vii. 26).
"* 2 Sam. xviii. 1-18 ; Joseph. Ant.
vii. 10, § 3. The so-called "Tomb
of Absalom," just outside Jerusalem,
in the Valley of Jehoshaphat, is a
late Roman edifice.
"® See V. 26, 27, where the watch-
man recognizes Ahimaaz, but not the
Cushite.
460 The Reign of David. Chap. XXt
ence, makes no attempt to break the news. But Ahimaaz
was more considerate. Having prevailed on Joab to let him
run after the Cushite, he outstripped him by his better knowl-
edge of the ground.'*' David was sitting in the gateway
of Mahanaim, when the watchman on the tower above an-
nounced first one, and then a second runner. He presently
recognized Ahimaaz by his style of running, and David felt
sure that his favorite messenger must bring good tidings.
And so at first it seemed ; for he offered his breathless con-
gratulations on the king's deliverance from his enemies.
But the eager question, " Is the young man Absalom safe ?"
was evaded by the mention of some strange confusion that
prevailed when the runner left. Before the king had time to
ascertain his meaning, the Cushite entered with his news of
the victory. The inquiry about Absalom was repeated, and
called forth the answer, " The enemies of my lord the king,
and all that rise against thee to do thee hurt, be as that
young man !" Then burst the floodgates of a father's heart.
No scene in all history appeals to deeper feelings, and none
is related in such simple and pathetic words as this : — " And
the king was much moved, and went up to the chamber over
the gate, and wept : and as he went, thus he said, O my son
Absalom ! my son, my son Absalom ! would God I had died
for thee, O Absalom, my son, my son !""^
The king's grief turned the victory into mourning, and the
people stole back into the city like the remnants of a defeated
army. David shut himself up, repeating the same mournful
cry.'*' The hand that had struck the blow roused him from his
grief. Joab went into his presence, and upbraided him with
lamenting for his enemies, instead of encouraging his friends,
who would soon be driven away by his neglect. Most had
already dispersed to their tents, but they returned on hear-
ing that David had resumed his post at the gate of Maha-
naim. Confusion prevailed throughout the tribes. They
remembered that it was David who had delivered them from
the Philistines ; and, now that Absalom, their anointed king,
was dead, they asked each other, "Why speak ye not a
w^ord of bringing the king back ?'"'"'' At this crisis David
sent for the priests, Zadok and Abiathar. Through them he
appealed to the tribe of Judah, as his brethren, while he
promised to make Amasa captain of the host in the place of
"' 2 Sam. xviii. 23. This disputed
passaprc seems to mean that, while
tlie Cushite followed a direct line
over the hills, Ahimaaz took a more
circuitous hut easier course along the
vallev of the Jordan.
2 Sam. xviii. 33. '''' 2 Sam. xix. 1-4. ^'° 2 Sam. xix. 5-10.
B.C. 1023. David's Return to Jerusalem. 461
Joab. The tribe, thus gained over as one man, invited him
to cross the Jordan, and met liini at the ancient camp of
Gilgal. David's triumphant return is related as fully as his
sad departure. With the men of Judah came a thousand
Benjamites under Shimei, who was eager to make his peace
with his insulted king ; and Ziba, with his fifteen sons and
twenty servants, crossed the river to antici2:>ate liis master's
claim for restitution. The ferry-boat, Avhich carried over the
king and his household, had scarcely touched the shore, when
Shimei fell doAvn before him to confess his guilt and entreat
pardon, Avhich was granted, with another impatient rebuke
of Abishai's remonstrances. The clemency, which David
deemed becoming to the hour of victory, was sound policy
toward Benjamin. He swore to preserve Shimei's life, but
he kept a close watch on a man who had proved so danger-
ous, and warned Solomon against him on his death-bed ; and
Sliimei justified David's distrust and provoked his own fate,
by a new act of disobedience.^^*
David was next met by Mei3hibosheth, whose supposed
ingratitude was only noticed by a gentle rebuke.* ^^ Mephi-
bosheth, however, had a different tale to tell from that of Ziba,
whom he accused of having compelled him to remain at Je-
rusalem while he went to slander him to the king. But he
submitted all to David's disposal, since his life had been
spared, when all Saul's family were but dead men ; and now
he had come to meet the king in the deep mourning which
he had Avorn since his departure. Ziba seems not to have
denied the truth of Mephibosheth's statement ; but David,
weary of the case, and unwilling to leave any one discontent-
ed on that joyful day, divided the proj^erty between Ziba and
Mephibosheth, who thus received half when he thought he
had lost the whole.'"
The most affecting incident of the day was the farewell of
Barzillai, the wealthy Gileadite, who had supplied David's
wants while he was at Mahanaim. He accompanied David
over the Jordan, and the king invited him to Jerusalem that
he might return his hospitality. " How long have I to live ?'''
asked Barzillai, who had reached his eightieth year, " that
I should go up with the king to Jerusalem ?" Contenting
himself with escorting David a little beyond the Jordan, he
"' 1 K. ii. 8, 9, 36-46. That Da-
vid's injunction is only to be undei*-
stood as a warning conditional on
Shimei's own conduct is proved by
the course actually taken by Solo-
mon.
^^- 2 Sam. xix. 25 ; where we must
read '■'■from Jerusalem."
2 Sam. xix. 24-30.
462 T]ie Reign of David. Chap. XXI.
left his son Chimhara to receive the favors which he himself
was too old to enjoy ; and one of David's last acts was to com-
mend the fiimily to the generosity of Solomon.'^*
§ 11. The joy of the king's return was disturbed by the
angry jealousy of the rest of Israel against Judah for begin-
ning the movement without them.^^^ The fierce tone of Ju-
dah seems to have provoked the old animosity of Benjamin ;
and Sheba, the son of Bichri, a Benjamite, proclaiming that
the tribes had no interest in tlie house of Jesse, blew the
trumpet of revolt, and raised the cry, " Every man to Ids
tents, O Israel !" The king, who had now returned to Jeru-
salem, ordered his new captain, Amasa, to muster the forces
of Judah in tliree days, that the rebellion might be crushed
while it was confined to Benjamin. Amasa's slowness com-
pelled David to have recourse again to the sons of Zeruiah,
and Abishai led forth the body-guard of Cherethites and
Pelethites and the heroes, accompanied by Joab. Gibeon
once more became the scene of battle. They found Amasa
there before them with the main army, and under the show
of an embrace, Joab dealt his favored rival one fatal blow,
and then pressed on tlie pursuit after Sheba with his brother
Abishai. One of Joab's followers stood over Amasa as he
lay wallowing in his blood on the highway, bidding all the
friends of Joab and of David to go forward ; but, when he
saw their hesitation, he carried the corpse aside into a field,
and covered it witli a mantle, and so tlie pursuit went on.'^°
Sheba fled northward, raising the tribes of Israel on his way,
to Abel-beth-maachah, near the sources of the Jordan, " a city
and metropolis in Israel."^" The forces of Sheba seem to
have melted away before Joab's hot pursuit, and he Avas be-
sieged in Abel. This city was proverbial for the oracular wis-
dom of its inhabitants ; and " a wise woman" now saved it by
first learning Joab's demands in a parley, and then inducing
the people to comply witli them by throwing the head of
Sheba over the Avail. '^^ The suppression of this rebellion
closes the second period of David's reign. Its remaining part
was only disturbed by a Avar Avith the Philistines at Gezer, the
'^* 2 Sara. xix. 31-40. See the ground round the "Waters of Me-
rom." Comp. 1 K. xv. 20 ; 2 K. xv.
29 ; 2 Chron. xvi. 4 (Stanley's S. Sf
P. , p. 390, note).
^^^ The whole history of Ahsalom's
rebellion and the events that followed,
^'■'' 2 Sam. XX. 14-22; also called down to tlic death of Sheba, is omit-
Abel-maim (the meadow of lya/ers). I ted in Chronicles.
Its site was probably in the marshy
beautiful use made of this incident by
Keble : Chj-istian Year, Restoration of
the Royal Family.
'^^ 2 Sam. xix. 41-43.
^^^ 2 Sam. XX. 1-13.
B.C. 1021
Rebellion of Sheba.
463
date of which is unknown, and in which several of David's
heroes signalized their individual strength and prowess. ^^^
To this epoch ought probably to be referred the remarkable
Psalm, which is recorded in the Second Hook of Samuel, as
"a song spoken by David to Jehovah in the day that Je-
hovah delivered him out of the hand of all his enemies and
out of the hand of Saul.'""" It stands in the Book of Psalms
as the eighteenth, with the description of David in the title
as " the servant of Jehovah ;" words no doubt intended to
ascribe to Him all David's glories. Needless difficulty has
been felt about the mention of Saul in the title, which even
recent events might have suggested, as Sheba's rebellion was
the dying effort of Saul's party ; but, what is more natural
than that, in thanking God for deliverance from all his ene-
mies, David should lay the greatest emphasis on the earliest
and the most dangerous of them all ?'"^
§ 12. David's life, in the very character of its separate
parts, is typical of that whole course of experience which is
seen in the men who best represent humanity : a youth of
promise, a manhood of conflict, trouble, and temj^tation, not
free from falls, and a serene old age. The work which was
properly his own was now done, and the third and closing
period of his reign was occupied in preparing for the culmi-
nating glories of the earthly kingdom of Israel under his suc-
cessor. But the parallel would scarcely have been true, had
the evening of his life been perfectly unclouded. As has
been remarked before, the three periods of his reign were
stamped each with a great external calamity, the lesson of
which God made plainer by the numerical parallel; three
years of famine, to avenge the cruelties of Saul, three months
of flight before rebellious Absalom, and now three days of
pestile7ice, Si form of judgment analogous to the oftense that
called it down.
" Satan stood up against Israel, and provoked David to
number the people.'"^^ That this was no ordinary census, is
''=' 2 Sam. xxi. 15-22 ; 1 Chron. xx.
4-8.
'^^ 2 Sam. xxii. Perhaps it may be
placed after the pestilence; but the
absence of any allusion to that deliv-
erance, and tlie specific reference to
success in war, both in the title and
the Psalm itself, best accord with the
place here given to it. The title
must be regarded as an integral part
of the Psalm.
^" This view is confirmed by the
allusions in 2 Sam. xxii. 5-7, 17-20;
Psalm xviii. 4-6, 16-19, and especial-
Iv the words "my strong enemy,'' v.
1*8 (17 of the Psalm).
^^'^ 1 Chron. xxi. 1. We learn from
the parallel passage, 2 Sam. xxiv. 1,
that Satan was the allowed agent
of Jehovah's anger, excited doubtless
by the spirit which the act display-
ed.
i64
The Reign of David.
Chap. XXL
clear not only from the punishment that followed it, but from
the remonstrances of Joab, to whom the business was in-
trusted/^^ and to whom it was so "abominable" that he
omitted the tribes of L&vi and Benjamin altogether/" By-
David's own desire, all under twenty were omitted " because
Jehovah had said that he would increase Israel like to the
stars of tlie heavens.'"'^ And that some distrust of this
trutli was at the root of David's sin, is implied in the terms
of Joab's remonstrance. The transaction seems to have
sprung from a self-coniident desire to consolidate the forces
of the kingdom, to exult in their greatness, and to hold them
in the readiness of a full military organization for new enter-
prises. Nor is it unreasonable to suppose that some specific
conquest was meditated beyond the limits of the promised
land. And so God sent a punishment wdiich showed how
easily He who had promised that Israel should be increased
like the stars of heaven and the sand by the sea-shore,'"® and
who could have added unto the people, how many soever
they might be, a hundred-fold,'" could cut down their num-
bers at a stroke.
Early in the morning after the work was finished, the proj)h-
et Gad was sent to David, whose conscience had already pre-
pared him for the visit, to offer the choice of three modes
of decimating the people, a three years' famine, a three
months' flight before his enemies, or a* three days' pestilence.
The king, who had experienced the two former calamities,
now chose the latter with pious resignation, saying, " Let us
fall now into the hand of Jehovah ; for His mercies are great,
and let me not fall into the hand of man." The pestilence
raged for the appointed time, and 70,000 of the peojDle died,
from Dan to Beersheba."^ Its cessation was a turning-point
in the history of the nation. The breaking out of the plague
in Jerusalem itself was accompanied by the awful appearance
of an angel hovering in the air just outside of the wall, and
stretching out a drawn sword toward the city. At this
sight, David cried to Jehovah, praying that He would let
the punishment fall on him and his house, " but these sheep,
'^^ 2 Sam. xxiv. 3 ; 1 Chron. xxi. 3.
'^* I Chron. xxi. G, xxvii. 24. The
latter passage seems to imply that the
j)lague began before Joab came to
these two tribes; but it a])pears from
2 Sam. xxiv. 9, that Joab completed
all he intended.
"'^ 1 Chron. xxvii. 23. The result
of the census was not recorded in the
Chronicles of tlie Kings of Judah.
From 2 Sam. xxiv. 9, we learn that
it gave 800,000 valiant warrioi's for
Israel, and 500,000 for Judah. It
occupied Joab 9 months and 20
davs.
'^'^ Gen. XV. 5. ^" 2 Sam. xxiv. 3.
''' 2 Sam. xxiv. 10-15; 1 Chron.
xxi. 9-13.
B.C. 1017. Place of the Sanduarij. 465
what have they done ?" His intercession was accepted. The
prophet Gad came to him again, bidding him to erect an al-
tar to Jehovah on the spot over Avhich the angel had been
seen. That spot was occupied by the threshing-floor of
Araunaii, or Ornan, one of the old Jebusites of the city.
He was evidently a man of the highest consideration ; and,
from certain expressions, it has even been supposed that he
had been the king of Jebus before its capture by David.^^*
Araunah was engaged, with his four sons, in threshing corn
by means of sledges drawn by oxen, Avhen the vision of the
angel caused them to hide themselves for fear ; but on seeing
the king approach, with his courtiers, Araunah came forth
and bowed down before him, offering, as soon as he learned
his wish, to give him the threshing-floor as a free gift, and
the oxen and the implements for a burnt-offering. But Da-
vid refused to offer to Jehovah that which had cost him
nothing, and paid to Araunah the royal price of 600 shekels
of gold for the ground, and 50 shekels of silver for the oxen.
There he built an altar to Jehovah, and offered burnt-offer-
ings and peace-ofle rings, and the plague ceased.'^"
This altar first distinctly marked the hill as the sacred
spot which Jehovah had long promised to choose for his
abode. The ark had indeed been placed for some time in
the city of David, but the stated sacrifices had still been of-
fered on the original brazen altar before the tabernacle of
Gibeon ;^^' and even after the removal of the ark, God had
spoken to David of His choice of a place to build His house
as yet to be made.^^^ That choice was now revealed by the
descent of fire from heaven on David's sacrifice, as upon the
altar of burnt-offering in the wilderness ;^^^ and David recog-
nized the sign, and said, " This is the House of Jehovah God,
and this is the altar of the burnt-offering for Israel.'"^* The
place received the name of Moriah {vision) from the appear-
ance of God to David, as the first destroying angel, and then
by the sign of fire. ^'^
David at once commenced his preparations for the edifice.
"VVe have seen him long ago devoting to this use the spoils
of his victories, Avhich now amounted to 100,000 talents of
gold and 1,000,000 talents of silver ;^'^ and now he collected
'"' 2 Sam. xxiv. 23. "All these
things did Araunah, a hing^ give unto
the king."
"°2 Sam. xxiv. 18-25; 1 Chron.
xxi. 18-30. ^'^ 2 Chron. i. 3.
''"2 Sam.vii. 10, 13.
'" 1 Chron. xxi. 26.
U2
^'* I Chron. xxii. 1.
"^ 2 Chron. iii. 1. Respecting the
supposed identity of this Moriah with
the place of Israel's sacrifice, see Notes
and Illustrations, p. 92, 93.
^^^ There has been much discussion
concerning the enormous and seem-
466 The Reign of David. Chap. XXI
all the skilled foreign workmen that could be found in the
land, to hew stones and to do all other Avovk : he prepared
iron and brass without weight, and procured the cedar-wood
of Lebanon from the Sidonians and Tyrians. But the work
itself was destined to another hand. To his son Solomox,
now designated as his successor, he gave the charge to build
a house for Jehovah, God of Israel. He told his son how
God had denied him this desire of his heart, because he had
been a man of war, and had shed much blood upon the earth ;
and how He had promised its fulfillment by a son, who was
to be named Solomon {peaceful\ because under him Israel
should have peace, and whose throne should be established
over Israel forever. He also charged the princes of Israel to
help Solomon, and to set their heart and soul to seek Je-
hovah.^"
§ 13. The designation of Solomon gave the deathblow to
the hopes of Adoxijah, the son of Haggith, David's fourth,
and eldest surviving son, a man of great personal beauty,
whom his father had always treated with indulgence. ^^^ Tak-
ing advantage of David's increasing feebleness,^" he resolved
to make himself king. Like Absalom, he prepared a guard
of chariots and horses and fifty foot-runners, and he gained
over Joab and Abiathar. Zadok, however, with Benaiah, the
captain of the body-guard, and David's heroes, and the proph-
et Nathan, remained faithful to the king. When Adonijah
thought his project ripe, he invited his adherents, with all
the king's sons (except Solomon), who seem to have shared
his jealousy, to a great banquet at the rock of Zoheleth, near
Enrogel, where, amid the mirth of the festival, the ciy was
raised, " Long live King Adonijah."
ingly incredible amount of the gold 1 scribes ; but we can not be sure that
and silver; though, considering the i they have been accurately transmitted
way in which treasures have always j to us, or, if they have, that we perfect-
been amassed in the East, it is hard ly understand their value in our de
to assign the limits of credibility.
One suggestion is to adopt some other
talent than the Babylonian. But the
safest way is to avoid attaching undue
importance to exact arithmetical com-
putations, as comparatively indiffer-
ent, and to be content with the gen-
eral impression produced by the Jari^e
nominations either of weight or money.
^■^ 1 Chron. xxii., xxviii. 2-8. The
comparison of these passages with 2
Sam. vii. suggests that David's renew-
ed desire to build the Temple had
called forth fuller intimations of God's
will both in respect to himself and to
Solomon. In another passage, Solo-
nvmber of what we know to have been \ mon himself assigns the constant occu-
very considerable miits. We may be -pation of David in war as the reason
quite sine that, in the original docu- iof the delay CI K. v. 3).
ments, the exact quantities were faith- j "* 1 K. i. 6.
fully copied from the registers of the | •" 1 K. i. 1-4.
B.C. 1015. Rebellion of Adonijah. 467
The prophet Nathan informed Bathsheba of these proceed-
ings, and arranged with her a plan to secure the interests of
her son, Bathsheba went into David's chamber, followed
soon after by Nathan, to tell him that Adonijah reigned, in
spite of his promise to Solomon. The aged king had lost
nothing of his prudence and decision. At his command,
Zadok the priest and Nathan the prophet, supported by
Benaiah, with the body-guard of Cherethites and Pelethites,
proclaimed Solomon king amid the rejoicings of the joeople,
and anointed him with the sacred oil, which Zadok took out
cf the tabernacle. The guests of Adonijah dispersed at the
news, which was brought by Jonathan, the son of Abiathar,
and Adonijah himself lied for sanctuary to the horns of the
altar ; but on Solomon's assurance that his life should be
spared if he proved Avorthy of his clemency, he retired to his
own house. ^"^ David gathered all the people to an assembly,
in which he gave a solemn charge to them and their new
king, to wdiom also he delivered patterns for the house of
God, and the materials he had collected for the building.
These were greatly increased by the freewill-offerings of the
princes and the people. After David had offered thanksgiv-
ing and prayer for Solomon, all the people feasted together,
and Solomon was inaugurated into his kingdom for the second
time, while Zadok was publicly anointed as high-priest. The
new king was established in prosperity and in favor with the
people before his father's death. " And Jehovah magnified
Solomon exceedingly in the sight of all Israel, and bestowed
upon him such royal majesty as had not been on any king
before him in Israel.""*' A constant memorial of this so-
lemnity is preserved in that most magnificent of the Psalms
of David, the seventy-second, in which the blessings predict-
ed for the reign of Solomon form a transparent veil for the
transcendent glories prophesied for Christ's kingdom, and
which is marked as the crowning contribution of its author
to the service of the sanctuary by its concluding words,
" The prayers of David, the son of Jesse, are ended !"
§ 14. Amid these happy omens for his house, David ap-
proached the end of his life. His last act was to send for
Solomon and renew the charge to him to keep the statutes of
Jehovah, as written in the law of Moses, that so he might
prosper in all his deeds. ^*^^ He added directions in reference
to the men w^ith whom the young king might not know how
to deal. JoAB was named as a just object of vengeance fcr
'^ 1 K. i. ^" 2 Chron. xxiii.-xxix. '''' 1 K. ii. 1-4.
468 The Reign of David. Chap. XXI.
his two treacherous murders of Abner and Amasa, which are
described in very striking figurative language/^^ Barzil-
LAi and his house are commended to Solomon's favor. The
denunciation of Shimei has been already noticed. We may
here anticipate the first acts of Solomon's reign, and see how
lie dealt with these and his other enemies. No sooner was
David dead, than Adonijah had the audacity to solicit,
through the intercession of Bathsheba, the hand of Abishag
the Shunammite, who had been the companion of David's
old age, though not exactly his concubine. In the latter
case, marriage with her would have been only 23ermitted to
the king's successor ; and in this light Solomon seems to have
viewed the request. Indeed we can only understand what
followed on the supposition, that this was a first insidious step
in a new conspiracy of Adonijah with Abiathar and Joab,
as Solomon's answer clearly implies.^** Adonijah was put
to death by the hand of Benaiah; but Abiathar, in consider-
ation of his oftice and his old comjianionship with David,
was only banished to his home at Anathoth, and deposed
from the high-priesthood, which thus passed from the house
of Ithamar, according to God's sentence against Eli.^^^ Upon
this Joab fled for sanctuary to the horns of the altar ; and
there, refusing to come forth, he Avas slain by the hand of
Benaiah. His death is regarded as a satisfaction for the blood
of Abner and Amasa, the guilt of which w^as thus removed
from the house of David, but his fate w^as sealed by his ac-
cession to Adonijah's conspiracy. He was buried in his own
house in the Avilderness, and Benaiah succeeded to his com-
mand. ^^^ Shimei Avas ordered by Solomon to dwell in Jeru-
salem, Avith the express w^arning that his departure from the
city, on AvhatcA^er pretext, Avould seal his fate. Three years
afterward he Avent to Gath in pursuit of tAvo of his servants,
Avho had fled to Achish, and on his return Solomon caused
him to be put to death. "^
To return to David : the short Psalm, entitled " The last
Av^ords of DaA^id,"^^*^ seems, from its closing sentences, to haA^e
been uttered in connection Avith his final Avords to Solomon.
Its opening sums up the chief features of his life : " DaA'id,
the man raised up on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob,
and the SAveet Psalmist of Israel." After a reign of forty
years, seven in Hebron, and thiyty-three at Jerusalem, " he
died in a good old age, full of days, riches, and honor, and
^" 1 K. ii. 5, G. ''' 1 K. ii. 18-25. | '"' 1 K. ii. 28-35.
'^'^ 1 K. ii. 26, 27 ; corap. 1 Sam. ii. ^"^ 1 K. ii. 36-46.
31-35. ''*3 2 Sam. xxiii. 1-7.
B.C. 1015.
Death of David.
469
Solomon his son reigned in his stead." He was buried " in
the city of David." After the return from the Captivity,
" the sepulchres of David " were still pointed out between
Siloah and " the house of the mighty men," or " the guard-
house."'^^ His tomb, which became the general sepulchre
of the kings of Judah, was known in the latest times of the
Jewish people. " His sepulchre is with us unto this day,"
says St. Peter at Pentecost.^^" His acts were recorded in the
Book of Samuel the seer, and of Nathan the prophet, and of
Gad the seer, " Avith all his reign and his might, and the
times that went over him, and over Israel, and over all the
kingdoms of the countries." The substance of these records
is preserved in the Books of Samuel and the beginning of
the First Book of Kings.'''
§ 15. The character of David has been so naturally brought
out in the incidents of his life that it need not be here de-
scribed in detail. In the complexity of its elements, passion,
tenderness, generosity, fierceness — the soldier, the shepherd,
the poet, the statesman, the priest, the prophet, the king —
the romantic friend, the chivalrous leader, the devoted father
— there is no character of the Old Testament at all to be
compared to it. Jacob comes nearest in the variety of ele-
ments included within it. But David's character stands at
a higher point of the sacred history, and represents the Jew-
ish people just at the moment of their transition from the
lofty virtues of the older system to the fuller civilization and
cultivation of the later. In this manner he becomes nat-
urally, if one may so say, the likeness or portrait of the last
and grandest development of the nation and of the monarchy
in the person and the period of the Messiah. In a sense more
than figurative, he is the type and prophecy of Jesus Christ.
Christ is not called the son of Abraham, or of Jacob, or of
Moses, but he was truly "the son of David."
To his own people his was the name most dearly cherish-
ed after their first ancestor Abraham. " The city of David,"
" the house of David," " the throne of David," " the seed of
David," " the oath sworn unto David " (the pledge of the
""Nsh.iii. IG.
^^° Acts ii. 29. The edifice shown
as such from the Crusades to the pres-
ent day is on tlie southern hill of
modern Jerusalem, commonly called
Mount Zion, under the so-called " Coe-
naculum." The so-called "Tombs of
the Kings " have of late been claimed
as the royal sepulchre by De Saul-
cy, who brought to the Louvre (where
it may be seen) what he believed to be
the lid of David's sarcophagus. But
these tombs are outside the walls, and
therefore can not be identified with
the tomb of David, which Avas em-
phatically icithin the walls.
^" 1 K. ii. 10, 11 ; 1 Chron. xxix.
26-30. See chap. xix. § 1.
470 The Reign of David. Chap. XXI.
continuance of his dynasty), are expressions which pervade
the whole of the Old Testament and all the figurative lan-
guage of the New, and they serve to mark the lasting signii-
icance of his appearance in history/"
His Psalms (whether those actually written by himself be
many or few) have been the source of consolation and in-
struction beyond any other part of the Hebrew Scriptures.
In them appear qualities of mind and religious perceptions
not before expressed in the sacred writings, but eminently
characteristic of David — the love of nature, the sense of sin,
and the tender, ardent trust in and communion with God.
No other part of the Old Testament comes so near to the spir-
it of the New. The Psalms are the only expressions of devo-
tion which have been equally used through the whole Chris-
tian Church — Abyssinian, Greek, Latin, Puritan, Anglican.
The difficulties which attend on his character are valuable
as proofs of the impartiality of Scripture in recording them,
and as indications of the union of natural power and weak-
ness which his character included. The Rabbis in former
times, and critics (like Bayle) in later times, have seized on
its dark features and exaggerated them to the utmost. And
it has been often asked, both by the scofi^ers and the serious,
how the man after God's' ^^ own heart could have murdered
Uriah, and seduced Bathsheba, and tortured the Ammonites
to death ? An extract from one who is not a too indulgent
critic of sacred characters expresses at once the common
sense and the religious lesson of the w^hole matter. " Who
is called ' the man after God's own heart ?' David, the
Hebrew king, had fallen into sins enough — blackest crimes —
there was no Vv^ant of sin. And therefore the unbelievers
sneer, and ask ' Is this your man according to God's heart ?'
The sneer, I must say, seems to me but a shallow one. What
are faults, what are the outward details of a life, if the inner
secret of it, the remorse, temptations, the often baffled, never-
ended struggle of it be forgotten ? . . . David's life and his-
tory, as written for us in those Psalms of his, I consider to
be the truest emblem ever given us of a man's moral progress
and warfare here below. AH earnest souls will ever discern
"^ It may be remarked that the
name never appears as given to any
one else in the Jewish history ; as if,
like "Peter" in the Papacy, it was
too sacred to be appropriated.
'^^ This expression has been perhaps
too much made of. It occurs onlv
once in the Scriptures (1 Sam. xiii. , l:;xxix. 20-28.
14, quoted again in Acts xiii. 22),
where it merely indicates a man whom
God will approve, in distinction from
Saul who was rejected. A much
stronger and more peculiar commen-
dation of David is that contained in
I K, XV. 3-5, and implied in Ps.
Chap. XXL
Notes and Illustrations.
471
in it the faithful struggle of an earnest human soul toward
what is good and best. Struggle often baffled— sore baffled
— driven as into entire wreck, yet a struggle never ended,
ever with tears, repentance, true unconquerable purpose be-
gun anew.'^*
^^* Cailyle's Heroes and FJero- Worship, p. 72. The preceding character
of David is taken from Dean Stanley's art. David, in the I}ict. of the Bible.
NOTES AND ILLUSTKATIONS
TOPOGRAPHY OF JERUSA-
LEM.
Jerusalem stands in latitude 31°
4G' 35" north, and longitude 35° 18'
30" east of Greenwich. It is 32 miles
distant from the sea, and 18 from the
Jordan ; 20 from Hebron, and 30
from Samaria. " In several respects,"
pays Professor Stanley, " its situation
is singular amonp: the cities of Pales-
tine. Its elevation is remarkable ;
occasioned not from its being on the
summit of one of the numerous hills
of Judaea, like most of the towns and
villages, but because it is on the edge
of one of the highest table-lands of
the country. Hebron indeed is high-
er still by some hundred feet, and
from the south, accordingly (even
from Bethlehem), the approach to
Jerusalem is by a slight descent. But
from any other side the ascent is per-
petual ; and to the traveller approach-
ing the city from the E. or W. it must
always have presented the appearance
beyond any other capital of the then
known world— we may say beyond
any important city that has ever ex-
isted on the earth — of a mountain
city ; breathing, as compared with the
sultry plains of Jordan, a mountain
air ; enthroned, as compared with Jer-
icho or Damascus, Gaza or Tyre, on a
mountain fastness " (5. ^- P. 170, 1 ).
The elevation of Jerusalem is a
subject of constant reference and ex-
ultation by the Jewish Avriters. Their
fervid poetry abounds with allusions
to its height, to the ascent thither of
the tribes from all parts of the coun-
try. It was the habitation of Jeho-
vah, from which "He looked upon
all the inhabitants of the world " (Ps.
xxxiii. 14); its kings were "higher
than the kings of the earth " (Ps.
Ixxxix. 27),
In exemplification of these remarks,
it may be said that the general eleva-
tion of the western ridge of the cit}',
which forms its highest point, is about
2G00 feet above the level of the sea.
The Mount of Olives rises slightly
above this — 2724 feet. Beyond the
Mount of Olives, however, the de-
scent is remarkable, Jericho — 13 miles
off — being no less than 3624 feet be-
low, A'iz., 900 feet under the Mediter-
ranean. On the north. Bethel, at a
distance of 11 miles, is 419 feet below
Jerusalem. On the west, Ramleh —
25 miles — is 2274 feet below. Only
to the south are the heights slightly
superior — Bethlehem, 2704 ; Hebron,
3029.
Jerusalem, if not actually in the
centre of Palestine, was yet virtually
so. " It wa,s on the ridge, the broad-
est and most strongly marked ridge
of the backbone of the complicated
472
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XXI.
hills which extend through the whole
country from the plain of Esdraelon
to the desert. Every wanderer, every
conqueror, every traveller who has
trod the central route of Palestine
from N. to S. must have passed
through the tahle-land of Jerusalem.
It was the water-shed between the
streams, or, rather, the torrent beds,
which find their way eastward to the
Jordan, and those which pass west-
ward to the Mediterranean " (Stan-
ley, S. 4' P. 176). This central po-
sition, as expressed in the words of
Ezekiel (v. 5), "I have set Jerusalem
in the midst of the nations and coun-
tries round about her," led in later
ages to a definite belief that the city
was actually in the centre of the earth
— in the words of Jerome, "umbili-
cus terras," the central boss or navel
of the world.
To convey an idea of the position
of Jerusalem, we may say roughly,
and with reference to the accompany-
ing plan, that the city occupies the
the upper plateau from which they
commenced their descent. Thus,
while on the north there is no mate-
rial difierence between the general
level of the country outside the walls,
and that of the highest parts of the
city, on the other three sides, so steep
is the fall of the ravines, so trench-like
their character, and so close do they
keep to the promontory at whose feet
they run, as to leave on the beholder
almost the impression of the ditch at
the foot of a fortress, rather than of
valleys formed by nature.
The promontory thus encircled is
itself divided by a longitudinal ravine
running up it from south to north, ris-
ing gradually from the south like the
external ones, till at last it arrives at
the level of the upper plateau, and di-
viding the central mass into two un-
equal portions. Of these two, that
on the west is the higher and more
massive — the Mount Zion of modern
tradition. It was the citadel of the
Jebusites, and the fortress of Zion,
southern termination of a table-land, which David built. The hill on the
which is cut off from the country
round it on its west, south, and east
sides, by ravines more than usually
deep and precipitous. These ravines
leave the level of the table-land, the
one on the west and the other on the
north-east of the city, and fall rapid-
ly until they form a junction below
its south-east corner. The eastern
one — the valley of the Kedron, com-
monly called the Valley of Jehosha-
phat, runs nearly straight from north
to south. But the western one — the
Valley of Hinnom — runs south for a
time, and then takes a sudden bend
to the east until it meets the Valley
of Jehoshaphat, after which the two
rush off as one to the Dead Sea. How
sudden is their descent, may be gath-
ered from the fact that the level at the
point of junction — about a mile and a
quarter from the starting-point of each
east is considerably lower and smalK
er, so that, to a spectator from the
south, the city appears to slope sharp-
ly toward the east. Here was the
lower city of the Jebusites, Mount
Moriah, the *' Akra," or "lower city,"
of Joseph us, now occupied by the
great ISIohammedan sanctuary, with
its mosques and domes. This central
valley, at about half-way up its length,
threw out a subordinate on its left or
west side, the " Tyropceon Valley " of
Joseph us.
One more valley must be noted. It
was on the north of Moriah, and sep-
arated it from, a hill on which, in the
time of Josephus, stood a suburb or
part of the city called Bezetha, or the
New-town. Part of this depression
is still preserved in the large reservoir
with two arches, usually called the
Pool of Bethesda, near the St. Ste-
--is more than 600 feet below that of I phen's Gate.
SOO 400 300 200 100 0
I'Uin of Jerur^alein
Mnnnt Zion. 2, Moriah. 3. The Temnle. 4. Antonia. 5. Probable site of Golsrntha. 6. Ophel. 7.
Bszetha. 8. Church of the Hnly Sepulchre. 9. 10. The Upper and Lower Pools of Gihon. 11. Enrogrel.
12. Pool of Hezekiah. 13. Fountain of the Virgin. 14. Siloam. 15. Bethesda. 16. Mount cf OUvea.
17. Gethsemane.
Tomb of DariuF, near rersepolis.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE REIGN OF SOLOMON. B.C. 1015-975.
§ 1. Character of Solomon's rcij^'n. § 2. His marriage with Pharaoh's
daughter — Alliance with Ilirnm — The High Places retained — God ap-
pears to him at Gibeon — His choice of wisdom — The Judgment of
Solomon. § 3. Solomon's court and revenues — His personal qualities —
His knowledge, writings, and conversation — The Proverbs. § 4. Build-
ing of the Temple — Arrangements Avith King Hiram — Materials for the
house — Hiram the architect. § o. Description of the edifice. § G.
Dedication of the Temple — The prayer of Solomon. § 7. Completion
of Solomon's buildings — God's second appearance to him. § 8. His
works in the provinces — Conquest of Hamath — Building of Tadmor —
Solomon's commercial enterprises — Voyages to Tharshish and Ophir —
His works in gold, ivory, etc. § 9. Visits of foreign kings — The Queen
of Sheba. § 10. Solomon's declension — His tyrannical government and
idolatries. § 11. Troubles from Hadad, Rezon, and Jeroboam — Proph-
ecy of Ahijah. § 12. Last days of Solomon — Book of Ecdesiastes —
Death and burial of Solomon — Records of his reign.
§ 1. The epoch of Solomon's reign marks the climax of the
Hebrew monarchy, and, according 1:o the usual law of human
476 The Reign of Solomon. Chap. XXn.
greatness, the beginning of its decline. Starting from the
vantage-ground on which tlie kingdom had been placed by
the conquests of David, through the favor of Jehovah, he pre-
served its ascendency by a wisdom Avhich has become pro-
verbial, and prepared its downfall by his luxury and arro-
gance. Having achieved the greatest work done by any ruler
of Israel since Moses, the building of the house of God upon
Mount Moriah, and the settlement of His worship, he left to
after times the name of
" That uxorious king, whose licart, though largo,
Beguiled by fair idolatresses, fell
To idols foul."
The author and compiler of the richest maxims of wisdom in
the literature of the world, he so used up the resources of in-
tellectual as well as sensual pleasure, as to end with the confes-
sion "Vanity of vanities ! All is emptiness and vexation of
spirit !"
The life of Solomon presents a striking contrast to his fa-
ther's in its uneventful character. His great work was the
building of the House of God, commonly called the Tem}^^
at Jerusalem. The rest of the history of his reign is chiefly
occupied with the description of his magnificence and wealth,
as the sovereign of what was then the greatest monarchy of
Western Asia.
We have already related his birth as the son of Bathsheba,
his proclamation as king at the time of the rebellion of Adoni-
jah, his second and more solemn anointing at the last assem-
bly held by David, and the measures of severity forced upon
him by the new conspiracy of Joab and Abiathar with Adoni-
jah after his father's death, as well as the punishment of
Shimei, though this was full three years after his accession.
We now return to the narrative of his reign.
§ 2. The date of Solomon's accession as sole king can be
fixed with precision to the year 1015 b.c.^ Jewish tradition
makes him eighteen years old at this epoch, which agrees
with the date of the Scripture narrative. He reigned forty
years, or, more precisely, thirty-nine years and a half,^ the
sum of his own and his father's reign being eighty years.
' The distinction here implied is not
merely one of words ; for the use of
the name borrowed from heathen an-
tiquity tends to conceal the fact,
chosen nhode. of Jchovali in the midst
of his chosen people. Thus St. Ste^
phen says, "But Solomon built him
an house'' (Acts vii. 47).
which is made prominent in the scrip- 1 ^ Sen note to chap. iii. On Scrip-
tural phr.Tse, that the edifice was the! ture Chronologij. ^ B.C. 1015-J)75.
B.C. 1015. Solomon at Gibeon. 477
The first act of the foreign policy of the new reign must
have been to most Israelites a very startling one. Solomon
showed the desire to strengthen his throne by forei2:n alli-
ances in a manner which marks the great difference of spirit
between the new monarchy and the ancient theocracy. He
made an alliance with Pharaoh, king of Egypt, and took his
daughter to be his wife.* This Pharaoh was probably a late
king of the xxist (Tanite) dynasty ; for the eminent head of
the xxiind dynasty, Sheshonk I. (Shishak), belongs to the
latter part of the reign of Solomon, and to that of Rehoboam.^
That this flagrant breach, not only of a general principle, but
of the specific law against intercourse with Egypt, passed
unpunished for the time, is an example of that great system
of forbearance which lies at the basis of each new dispensa-
tion of God's moral government. But the law of retribution
for sinful actions by their natural effects Avas working from
the very first, and this marriage of Solomon Avas the first step
toAvard his fall into idolatry. MeauAvhile "Solomon loved
Jehovah, Avalking in the statutes of David his father," and
" God Avas Avith him, and magnified him exceedingly ;" and
the only blot upon the outward purity as Avell as prosperity
of the kingdom Avas the retention of the "high places," Avhich
had been the seats of the ancient Avorship, for sacrifice, in the
absence of any house of God. The hill of Gibeon, Avhere stood
the tabernacle and the altar of burnt-offering, seems only to
haA^e been regarded as the chief of these high places ; and it
Avas probably in the course of a series of sacrifices at the dif-
ferent sacred heights that Solomon visited Gibeon, " the great
high place," and there, in the midst of a great convocation of
the people, sacrificed a tenfold hecatomb — a thousand burnt-
offerings — upon the altar. °
This Avas the occasion chosen by Jehovah for His first per-
sonal revelation to Solomon. In the folloAving night God
appeared to him in a dream, and asked him to choose Avhat
He should give him. After a thanksgiving for the mercies
shoAvn to David, and a prayer that the promise made to him
might be established, Solomon, confessing himself to be but a
little child in comparison to the great Avork committed him
in governing and judging the people, asked for the Avisdom
and knowledge that might fit him for the office—" an under-
standing heart to judge Thy people, to discern betAveen good
* 1 K. iii. 1. But, as Behoboam|his father's death, and therefore be-
was forty-one years old at his acces-jfore he married tlic daughter of Pha-
sion, Solomon must have married his|raoh. '' See cliap. xxiii. § 2.
mother — Naamah of Ammon— before ! ® 1 K iii, 2-4 ; 1 Chron. i. 1-6.
478 The Reign of Solomon. Chap. XXII.
and bad." The desire, thus expressed in Solomon's own words,
does not seem to have so high a meaning as is often assigned
to it. He does not ask that profound spiritual wisdom, wliich
would teach him to knoAV God and his ow^n heart : in this he
was always far inferior to David. His prayer is for practi-
cal sagacity, clear intelligence, quick discernment, to see the
right from the wrong amid the mazes of duplicity and doubt
which beset the judge, especially among an Oriental people.
And this gift he received. His aspirations, if not for the high-
est spiritual excellence, were for usefulness to his subjects
and fellow-men, not for long life, riches, and victory for him-
self; and because he had not selfishly asked these things, they
were freely granted to him in addition to tlie gift he had
chosen. Assured of God's favor, he returned to Jerusalem,
and renewed his sacrifices before the ark, and made a feast
to all his servants.''
An occasion soon arose to prove his divine gift of sagacity.
Two women appeared before liis judgment-seat with a dead
and a living infant. The one who appealed to tlie king for
justice alleged that they hadbotli been delivered in the same
house, the other woman three days after herself; tliat the
other had overla'd her child in the night, and had exchanged
its corpse for the li\'ing child of the first while she slept. The
second declared that the living child Avas hers, and both w^ere
alike clamorous in demanding it. The king resolved to ap-
peal to the maternal instinct, as a sure test even in the de-
graded class to Avhicli both the women belonged. Calling
for a sword, he bade one of his guards di^dde tlie living child
in two, and give half to one Avoman and half to tlie other.
It is a strange proof of the progress of the monarchy toAvard
despotic poAver that the command should have been taken in
earnest, but so it seems to have been. The Avoman Avho liad
borne the living child noAV prayed that it might be given to
the other to save its life, Avhile the latter consented to the
cruel partition; and the king had noAV no difiiculty in de-
ciding the dispute. The fame of the decision spread through
all Israel, inspiring fear of the king's justice, and a convic-
tion that God had giA^ en him that Avise discernment Avhich is
prized in the East as a ruler's highest quality.®
§ 3. Solomon arranged his court on the same general basis
as his father's, but on a scale of much greater magnificence.
" 1 K. iii, .5- IT) ; 2 Chron. i. 7-13.
•■ 1 K iii. lG-28. Sen the story of a similar judgment by an Indian king
in Kitto's Daili] Bible Illustrations , vol. iv. in loc.
B.C. 1015.
Solomon^s Magnificence.
479
Among the names of his chief officers we find several of his
father's most distinguished servants and their sons. There
were " princes " or chief governors, two " scribes " or secreta-
ries, a "recorder," a "caj^tain of the host," " officers" of the
court, the chief of whom had, like Hushai under David, the
title of " the king's friend ;" there was a chief over the house-
hold, and another over the tribute. The priests were Zadok
and Abiathar, though, as we have seen, the latter was de-
posed.* The supplies needed for the court were levied through-
out the whole land by twelve officers, to each of whom Avas
allotted a particular district to supply one month's provisions.'"
But these contributions were increased by the subject king-
doms between the Euphrates, which was the eastern border
of Solomon's dominions, from Tiphsah (Thapsacus) to Azzah,
and the land of the Philistines and the Egyptian frontier.
The provision for each day consisted of thirty measures of
line ilour and seventy measures of meal, ten fat oxen and
twenty from the pastures, and 100 sheep, besides venison and
fowl.'' Judah and Israel, increasing rapidly in numbers,
gave themselves up to festivity and mirth, and " dwelt safely,
every man under his vine and under his fig-tree, from Dan
even to Beersheba, all the days of Solomon."" _ In the great
military establishment, which Solomon maintained for state
as well as for defense, he set at naught the law against keep-
ing up a force of cavalry. He had 40,000 stalls of horses
for his 1400 chariots and 12,000 cavalry horses,'' and their
supplies of straw and provender were furnished by the twelve
officers just mentioned. The horses and chariots Avere brought
from E^ypt, Avhence also the kings of the Hittites and the
kinjrs of Syria obtained theirs. A chariot cost 600 shekels
of silver, and a horse 150. The chariots and cavalry were
placed in garrison in certain cities, called " chariot cities,"
and partly with the king at Jerusalem. The commerce Avith
E<Typt supplied also linen yarn, Avhich Avas made a royal
monopoly. As the result of this and other commerce (to be
spoken of presently), silver and gold are said, in the hyper-
bolical language of the East, to have been as stones at Jeru-
salem, and the cedars of Lebanon as abundant as the syca-
more, the common timber of Palestine.'*
But all this magnificence AA^as transcended by the person-
al qualities of Solomon himself We have, it is true, no di-
IK. iv. l-G.
1 K.iv. 7-10.
1 K.iv, 21-24.
1 K. iv. 20, 25.
" This is the proper sense of the
word rendered "horseman'' in 1 K.
iv. 2(3. The "dromedaries" of ver.
28 are properlv "swift horses" used
for posts. '■* 2 Chron. i. 14-17.
480
The Reign of Solomon.
Chap. XXII
rect description of his personal appearance, bnt the wonder-
ful impression which he made upon all Avho came near hini
may well lead us to believe that with him as with Saul and
David, Absalom and Adonijah, as with most other favorite
princes of Eastern peoples, there must have been the fascina-
tion and the grace of a noble presence. Whatever higher
mystic meaning may be latent in Ps. xlv., or the Song of
Songs, we are all but compelled to think of them as having
had, at least, a histoiical starting-j^oint. They tell us of one
who was, in the eyes of the men of his own time, " fau-er
than the children of men," the face "bright and ruddy" as
his father's ;'^ bushy locks, dark as the raven's wing, yet not
without a golden gloAv, the eyes soft as " the eyes of doves,"
the "countenance as Lebanon, excellent as the cedars," "the
chiefest among ten thousand, the altogether lovely."" Add
to this, all gifts of a noble, far-reaching intellect, large and
ready sympathies, a playful and genial humor, the lips " full
of grace," the soul " anointed " as " with the oil of glad-
ness,'"^ and we may form some notion of what the king was
like in this dawn of his golden prime. He used these gifts
not only for the government of his people, but for the acqui-
sition and the embodiment in writing of all the learning of
the age.'^ He gave equal attention to the lessons of practical
morals and to tTie facts of natural science. " He spake 3000
proverbs, and his songs were a thousand and five." "And
he spake of trees, from the cedar-tree that is in Lebanon, even
unto the hyssop that springeth out of the wall : he spake
also of beasts, and of fowl, and of creeping things, and of
fishes;" in short, of the whole cycle of natural history.^'' We
must, however, avoid misconceptions, both as to the matter of
Solomon's knowledge, and as to the form of its utterance.
It does not aj^pear that he possessed what would now be
considered great proficiency in natural science, nor even such
knowledge as Aristotle's, Avhose works on natural history the
Rabbis pretend to have been derived from a copy of the writ-
ings of Solomon sent to him from the East by Alexander !
Solomon's natural science, like that of Oriental philosophers
in general, consisted rather in the observation of the more
'" Cant. v. 10; 1 Sam. xvii. 42.
^f' Cant. V. 9-1 G. " Ps. xlv.
"® The four sons of Mahol, Etham,
Iletnan, Chalcol, and Darda, whose
proverbial wisdom was surpassed by
that of Solomon, were the sons of Ze-
rah, son of Judah (I K. iv. 31 ; comp.
1 Chron. ii. G). The word Mahol is
supposed to be an appellative denoting
them as "sons of song," in reference
to their skill in music and poetry, the
organs of wisdom in early times.
Heman's name is prefixed to the 88th
Psalm. '" 1 K. iv. 32, 33.
B.C. lOU. Bidldinn of the Temple. 481
obvious facts in the common life and habits of God's creatuiGS,
Avitli an especial view to use them for the poetical illustra-
tion 01 moral lessons : and in this way we tind such knowl-
edge used, not only in the Proverbs ascribed to him, but in
many of the Psalms, and throughout the Book of Job. The
discourses in the latter part of that book about Behemotli
and Leviathan are probably a type of the manner in wliich
" Solomon spake of beasts." It clearly follows that we ought
not to suppose that Solomon wrote elaborate treatises on these
subjects which are now lost. Such forms of communicating
knowledge do not belong to his age or country. His 3000
proverbs and 1005 oongs probably contained nearly all that
he wrote upon such matters in the form of poetical illustra-
tion. For the rest, it should be remembered that instruction,
in his time and long after, was chiefly oral. Tiie tents of
tiie patriarchs and the abodes of their descendants Avitnessed
many an hour when the ancient father Avould discourse to
his descendants on the lessons of his experience and the tra-
ditions handed down by his fathers ; and such we conceive
to have been the converse held by Solomon in the midst of
his splendid court, only on a much grander scale, and cover-
ing a much v/ider field. Thus, amid the public life of an
Eastern monarch, not in the seclusion of the retired student,
he poured out tlie knowledge Avhich attracted the subjects
of other kings from all nations of the earth, to hear for them-
selves that wisdom the fame of which had reached them in
their distant countries.^" In one celebrated instance the at-
traction proved sufficient to bring one of those sovereigns
themselves from the remotest regions : but this visit of the
Queen of Sheba belongs to a later period of Solomon's reign.
§ 4. The king was meanwhile occupied with three great
works — the biitlding of the house of God, of his own house,
ai>d of the v^^all of Jerusalem. We have seen the vast prep-
arations that David had made for the erection of the Temple,
the designs for which he had given into the hands of Solomon,
and how he had been aided by Hiram, king of Tyre. That
faithful ally sent an embassy of congratulation on his son's
accession,*' and Solomon sent back an answer informing Hiram
of his prosperity, declaring his intention of building a house
for God, and requesting his assistance, which Hiram gladly
promised in a letter."
" 1 K. iv. 3-t. On the writings cf I "2 Chror;. ii. 11. The second re-
Solomon, sec Notes and Illustrations \ corded instance of epistolary corrc-
(B.). I spondence, the first being David's let-
" 1 K. V. ; 2 Chron. ii. ! ter to Joab by Uriah.
X
482
The Reijn of Solomon.
Chap. XXII.
An arrangement was made by which Hiram gave cedars
and fir-trees out of Lebanon, which his servants felled, while
those of Solomon squared and fitted them for their places in
the building. The provisions for both parties were supplied
by Solomon ; for then as in the time of Herod Agrippa,^'' the
maritime region of Phoenicia derived its supplies of food from
Palestine. The prepared timber was brought down to the
sea, and floated round to Joppa, under the care of the Tyrian
sailors, whence Solomon undertook the thirty miles' transport
to Jerusalem. He raised the laborers required for this great
work by a levy of the strangers who lived in various parts
of the land. All the remnant of these had been finally sub-
dued by David, who, instead of exterminating them, retained
them in a condition similar to that to which Joshua had re-
duced the Gibeonites. Solomon found their number to be
153,600 ; he appointed 70,000 for the Avork of transport, 80,000
as hewers in Lebanon, and the remaining 3600 as overseers.^*
Li addition to these, he raised a levy of 30,000 men out
of all Israel, whom he sent to work in Lebanon by relays of
10,000, each relay serving for one month and returning home
for tAVO," Besides the timber, they hewed the great stones
which were to form the foundation of the house; stones
Avhich by the time they reached Jerusalem, must have well
earned the name of " costly stones," which is applied to them
in tlie narrative.^" Some of these great stones are still, in
all probability, those visible among the old substructions of ,
the Temple.
Besides these contributions of materials and labor, Hiram
supplied Solomon with a chief architect, a namesake of his
own,forAvhom the King of Tyre expressed the reverence of
a disciple for an artist by calling him "Hiram, my father.""
This Hiram was the son of a widow of Xaphtali (or Dan),
and his father had been a Tyrian artist. He devoted his he-
reditary skill to the service of the God whom his mother had
doubtless taught him to reverence, in the spirit of Eezaleel,
whom he resembled in the great variety of his accomplish-
ments. Besides his principal pi'ofession as a worker in brass,
he Avrought in gold, silver, and iron, iii stone and timber, in
purple, blue, fine linen, and crimson; in short, his great gift
seems to have been that of design in all its branches. The
""^ Cotnp. Acts xii. 20.
"^^ 1 K V. 15, IG; 2 Chron. ii. 17,
2^ iK.v. 13, U.
'■'' 2 Chron. ii.13, iv.
'M K.v. 17.
16. "Huram
is only another form of ' ' Ilirani, " and
is applied to the kingc as well as to the
artist in the original text (1 Chron.
xiv. 1 ; 2 Chron. ii. 3, 11, 12, viii. 2,
18, ix. 10, 21).
B.C. 1005. Solomon's Temple. 483
master-pieces of his art were the two pillars of cast brass,
called Jachin and Boaz, which stood on each side of the
porch in front of the Holy Place." The workmen under him
had already been provided by David, who, as we have seen,
secured the services of all the foreign artists residing: in the
land.
§ 5. The actual building of the Temple was commenced in
the fourth year of Solomon's reign, and the four hundred and
eightieth year from the Exodus, on the second day of the
month Zif (afterward Jyar=:April and May), the second of
the ecclesiastical year, b.c. 1012.''-' So complete were the prep-
arations that no sound of axe or hammer was heard about the
buildinsc durinsj its whole erection —
"Like some tall palm, the noiseless fabric grew :"
and it was completed in seven and a half years, in the eighth
month (Bui, afterward Marcheshvan — Oct. and Nov.) of the
eleventh year of Solomon, b.c. 1005. It occupied the site pre-
pared for it by David, which had formerly been the threshing-
floor of the Jebusite Oman or Araunah, on Mount Moriah.
The whole area enclosed by the outer walls formed a square
of about 600 feet ; but the sanctuary itself was comparatively
small, inasmuch as it was intended only for the ministrations
of the priests, the congregation of the peoj^le assembling in
the courts. In this, and all other essential points, the Tem-
ple followed the model of the Tabernacle, from which it dif-
ered chiefly by having chambers built about the sanctua-
ry for the abode of the priests and attendants, and the keep-
ing of treasures and stores. In all its dimensions, length,
breadth, and height, the sanctuary itself Avas exactly double
of the Tabernacle, the ground-plan measuring 80 cubits by
40, while that of the Tabernacle was 40 by 20, and the height
of the Temple being 30 cubits, while that of the Tabernacle
was 15/"
As in the Tabernacle, the Temple consisted of three parts,
the Porch, the Holy Place, and the Holy of Holies. The
Porch of the Temple was 10 cubits deep (in the Tabernacle,
5 cubits), the width in both instances being the width of the
house. The front of the porch was supported, after the man-
ner of some Egyptian temples, by the two great brazen pillars
Jachin and Boaz, 18 cubits high, with capitals of 5 cubits
" 1 K. vii. 13, foil. ; 2Chr. ii. 13, 14. I ^° These are the extreme onter di-
" 1 K. vi. 1 ; 2 Chron. ill. 2. Sec mensions in both cases : for a fuller
p. 336, in Notes and Illustrations " On explanation, see Diet, of Bible, vol. iii.
the Chronology of the Judges." | p. 1455 scq.
484
The Reign of Solomon.
Chap. XXII.
more, adorned with lily-work and pomegranates.^' The Holy
Flcoce, or outer hall, was 40 cubits long by 20 wide, being in
Coinice of Lilv-work at Pers
the Tabernacle 20 by 10. The Holy of Holies was a cube
of 20 cubits, being in the Tabernacle 10. The places of the
two " veils " of the Tabernacle were occupied by partitions,
in which were folding-doors. The whole interior was lined
with wood- work richly carved and overlaid with gold. In-
deed, both within and without, the building was conspicu-
ous chiefly by the lavish use of the gold of Ophir and Par-
vaim. It glittered in the morning sun (it has been well said)
like the sanctuary of an El Dorado. ^^ Above the sacred ark,
which was placed, as of old, in the Most Holy Place, were
made new cherubim, one pair of whose wings met above the
ark, and another pair reached to the walls behind them. In
the Holy Place, besides the Altar of Incense, which was made
of cedar, overlaid with gold, there Avere seven golden candle-
^^ I Kv. ii. 15-22. Some have sup-
posed that Jachin and Boaz were not
pillars in the ordinary sense of the
term, but obelisks. But for this there
is no authority ; and as the porch was
fifteen cubits (thirty feet) in width, a
roof of that extent, even if composed
of a wooden beam, would not only
j look painfully weak without some
! support, but, in fact, almost impossi-
jble to construct with the imperfect
science of those days. "The chap-
I iter of lily-work" on these columns
may have borne some resemblance to
■ the cornice of lilv-work figured above.
I ^'"'MWmv^n, Hist, of Jews, \ 259.
B.C. lOOi
Solomon's Temple.
485
sticks instead of one, and the table of show-bread was replaced
by teH golden tables bearing, besides the show-bread, the innu-
merable golden vessels for the service of the sanctuary." The
Outer Court was no doubt double the size of that of the Taber-
nacle ,• and we may therefore safely
assume that it was 10 cubits in
height, 100 cubits north and south,
and 200 east and west. It contain-
ed an inner court called the " court
of the priests ;" but the arrangement
of the courts and of the porticoes
and gateways of the enclosure,
though described by Josephus, be-
long apparently to the Temple of
Herod. There was an eastern porch
to Herod's temple, which was called
Solomon's Porch, and Josephus tells
us that it was built by that mon-
arch ; but of this there is absolutely
no proof, and as neither in the ac-
count of Solomon's building nor in
any subsequent repairs or incidents
is any mention made of such build-
ings, we may safely conclude that i---''''"-A. " I " ico
they did not exist before the time rian of Solomon's Temple, sliowmg
of the great rebuilding immediate
ly preceding the Christian era.
In the outer court there was a new altar of burnt-offering
much larger than the old one. Like the latter, it was square ;
but the length and breadth were now twenty cubits and the
height ten.^* It differed, too, in the material of which it was
made, being entirely of brass. ^^ It had no grating : and in-
stead of a single gradual slope, the ascent to it was probably
made by three successive platforms, to each of which it has
been supposed that steps led, as in the figure, page 486. In-
stead of the brazen laver, there was " a molten sea " of brass,
a master-piece of Hiram's skill, for the ablution of the priests.
It was called a " sea " from its great size, being five cubits in
height, ten in diameter, and thirty in circumference, and con-
taining 2000 baths.^^ It stood on twelve oxen, three toward
he disposition of the chambers in
two stories.
^^ This is probably to be explained
by the statement of Josephus {Ant.
viii. 3, § 7), that the king made a
number of tables, and onep-eat gold-
3^2Chron.iv. 1.
^^ 1 Kings viii. 64; 2 Chron. vii.
^® The bath, according to Josephus,
en one, on which they placed the was equal to 72 attic xest(e, or 1 we-
loares of God. I tretes — 8 gallons 512 pints.
486
The Reirjn of Solomon.
Chap. XXII.
each quarter of the heavens, and all looking outward. The
bi-im itself or lip was Avrought " like the brim of a cup, with
flowers of lilies," ^. e., carved outward like a lily or lotus
Hypothetical Restoration of the Brazen Altar.
flower. There were besides ten smaller lavers for the ablu-
tion of the burnt-oflerings. The chambers for the priests
were arranged in successive stories against the sides of the
sanctuary ; not, however, reaching to the toj), so as to leave
space for the Avindows to light the Holy and Most Holy Places.
We are told by Josephus and the Talmud that there was a
superstructure on the Temple equal in height to the lower
part ; and this is confirmed by the statement in the Books of
Hypothetical Kestoration of the Molten Sea.
Chronicles that Solomon " overlaid the iqjjm- chambers with
gold."" Moreover, " the altars on the top of the upper cham-
ber," mentioned in the Books of the Kings,'^ were apparently
"2 Cliron.iii.O.
2 K. xxiii. 12.
J5.C. 1005. Solomon^ s Temjple. 487
upon the Temple. It is probable that these upper chambers
bore some analoi^y to the platform or Talar that existed on
the roofs of the Palace-temples at Persepolis, as shown in the
woodcut at the beginning of this chapter, which represents
the Tomb of Darius. It is true this was erected five centuries
after the building of Solomon's Temple ; but it is avowedly
a copy in stone of older Assyrian forms, and as such may
represent, with more or less exactness, contemporary build-
ings. Nothing, in fact, could represent more correctly " the
altars on the top of the upper chamber," which Josiah beat
down, than this, nor could any thing more fully meet all the
architectural or devotional exigencies of the case. Such were
the chief features of this sacred edifice.
§ 6. The dedication of Solomon's Temple was the grand-
est ceremony ever performed under the Mosaic dispensation ;
for the giving of the law from Sinai was too solemn to be
called a ceremony. Solomon appeared in that priestly char-
acter, which we have seen borne by his father, to perform
this great act on behalf of the people, leaving to the priests
and Levites the care of the ark and the details of the service,
especially the psalmody. The time chosen was the most joy-
ous festival of the Jews, the Feast of Tabernacles, in the
seventh month (Tisri or Ethanim= September and October)
of the sacred year. Having done the labors of the field, and
gathered in the vintage, the people assembled^ at Jerusalem
from all parts of Solomon's wide territories. The full body
of the priests attended, the usual courses being suspended,
and they brought the ark in a grand and joyous procession
from the city of David to the rest prepared for it in the Holy
of Holies. There they placed it beneath the spreading wings
of the cherubim, and drew out the ends of the staves, that
they might be seen as in the Tabernacle, behind the ved.
Amid all the new splendors of its dwelling, the ark of the
covenant was the same as of old ; it contained nothing but
the two tables of the law, which Moses had placed in it at
Sinai. As the priests retired from within the veil, the Levites
and their sons, arranged in their three courses of psalmody,
with all instruments^of music, and clad in wdiite linen robes,
burst forth with the sacred chorus praising Jehovah, " For
He is good ; for His mercy endureth forever." It was at
this very moment, "just as the trumpeters and singers Avere
as one, to make one sound to be heard in praising and thank-
ing Jehovah," that He gave the sign of His coming to take
possession of His house : " The house was filled with a cloud
even the house of Jehovah, so that the priests could not stand
488 The Reign of Solomon. Chap. XXIL
to minister because of the cloud; for the Glory of Jeiioyah
had filled the House of Jeiiovah."^^ As that sacred cloud
spread through the open doors over the sanctuary, the voice
of Solomon Avas heard recognizing the presence of the God
who had said that he would dwell in the thick darkness, and
for whom he had now built a habitation forever. Then turn-
ing to the people from the great platform of brass, Avhich he
had erected in the midst of the court, in front of the brazen
altar, the king blessed Jehovah the God of Israel, who had
chosen Jerusalem as the place sacred to His name, and had
performed His promises to David and fulfilled his desire to
build him a house. And now, kneeling down before the whole
congregation, with his face toward the sanctuary, Solomon
poured forth a prayer, unequaled for sublimity and compre-
hensiveness, in which the leading thought, repeated with beau-
tiful variety and minuteness, is this : that the abode which
Jehovah had now deigned to sanctify with His presence,
might prove the centre of blessing and forgiveness to Plis peo-
ple ; that whatever prayer for help, whatever penitent con-
fession in the time of suffering and exile they might offer
toward that house, God would hear it from His true dwell-
ing-place in heaven, and forgive His j^eople who had sinned
against Him. The prayer is, indeed, a prophecy of the history
of Israel, and of God's chastisements of their sins, even to
the Captivity. We see it still answered when Daniel opened
his window at Babylon, and prayed toward the site of the
ruined Temple ; and at this hour its repetition by the out-
casts of Israel awaits a better restoration. He concluded
with a blessing and exhortation to the people.*"
The prayer of Solomon was followed by another sign of
God's i^resence. The fire came down from heaven, as on the
first altar of burnt-offering, and consumed the sacrifices,
while the Shekinah again filled the house, preventing the en-
trance of the priests, as if, for that one day, God claimed the
sanctuary as His very own, to the exclusion of all mere creat-
ures. Then Solomon and all the people offered their sacri-
fices on the altar, 22,000 oxen and 120,000 sheep, the priests
executing their office, while the Levites played and sang in
the order and to the words of David. A great feast follow-
ed for twice seven days, seven for the Feast of Tabernacles,
and seven for the dedication, and on the twenty-third day
of the month Solomon dismissed the people. They returned
to their homes, " glad and merry in heart for all the good-
^ 1 K. vii;. Ill; 2 CI. ion. v. *" 1 K. viii. : 2 Chron. vi.
SCALE OF FEET.
Plan of Solomon's Palace.
X 2
B.C. 1000.
Solomon^s other Buildings.
491
ness that Jehovah had sliewed unto David, and to Solomon,
and to Israel His people."*'
§ 7. Four years more were occupied in the completion of
the king's " own house," and of his other great works at Je-
rusalem. His palace consisted of a number of magnificent
buildings, the general arrangement of which has been re-
stored by Mr. Fergusson, with considerable probability, from
the analogy of the Assyrian palaces.
The principal building situated within the palace Av^as, as
in all Eastern palaces, the great hall of state and audience,
called " The House of the Forest of Lebanon," apparently
from the four rows of cedar pillars by which it was support-
ed. It was 100 cubits long, 50 Avide, and 30 high. Next in
importance was the Hall oi* " Porch of Judgment," a quad-
rangular building supported by columns,"^ which apparently
stood on the other side of the great court, opposite the House
of the Forest of Lebanon. The third edifice is merely call-
ed a "Porch of Pillars." Its dimensions were 50 by 30 cu-
bits. Its use can not be considered as doubtful, as it was an
indispensable adjunct to an Eastern palace. It was the or-
dinary place of business of the palace, and the reception-room
when the king received ordinary visitors, and sat, except on
great state occasions, to transact the business of the kingdom.
Behind this, we are told, was the inner court, adorned with
gardens and fountains, and surrounded by cloisters for shade ;
and there were other coui'ts for the residence of the attend-
ants and guards, and for the women of his harem ; all of
which are shown in the plan with more clearness than can be
conveyed by a verbal description.
Apart from this palace, but attached, as Josephus tells us,
to the Hall of Judgment, was the palace of Pharaoh's daugh-
ter : too proud and important a personage to be grouped
with the ladies of the harem, and requiring a residence of her
own. On the completion of this palace, he conducted her to
it in state from the city of David." The palace of Solomon
was below the platform of the Temple, and he constructed
an ascent from his own house " to the house of Jehovah,"**
which was a subterranean passage 250 feet long by 42 feet
wide, of which the remains may still be traced. Among his
other buildings may be mentioned a summer-palace in Leb-
anon,*^ stately gardens at Etham, paradises like those of
the great Eastern king^s,''Hhe foundation of something like a
^' 1 K. viii. 62-GG ; 2 Chron. vii.
^'^ Seo Joseph. Ant.M\\\. 5, § 2,
" 1 K. vii. 1-12.
iK.x.T).
1 K. ix. 19; Canr. vii. 4.
Eccl. ii.5, G.
492 The Reign of Solomon. Chap. XXII.
stately scliool or college, costly aqueducts bringing water,
it may be, from the well of Bethlehem, dear to David's heart,
to supply his j^alace in Jerusalem. It was about the same
time that Solomon undertook the repair of the walls of the
fortress of Zion, which David had " built round about from
Millo and inward,"" as well asof Millo itself These works
were under the superintendence of Jeroboam, the son of Ne-
bat, of whom more will be heard presently.^^
After the completion of these works, God appeared a sec-
ond time to Solomon, as at Gibeon, by night, and assured
him that the prayers he had offered at the dedication of the
Temple were accepted, while the renewal of the covenant
with David and his house Avas accompanied Avith the most
impressive warnings of the ruin which disobedience would
bring upon king, people, and the sanctuary itself, which
would be made, as it has indeed become, " a proverb and a
by-word among all nations."*^ Solomon arranged the Tem-
ple service according to the courses appointed by David ;
and he set the example of sacrifice to the people by his own
stated offerings on the brazen altar daily, and on the Sab-
baths and new moons, and at the three great festivals.^"
These great Avorks, all connected Avith the establishment
of God's house, and of his OAvn royal state at Jerusalem, to
Avhich city they added an entirely new quarter, occupied the
first half of Solomon's reign, a period of tAventy years, 1015-
996 B.C. The services of the King of Tyre Avere acknoAvl-
edged by the cession of tAventy cities along the sea-coast of
Galilee, a gift at Avhich Hiram expressed his discontent by a
play upon the name of one them, Cabul^ a Avord signifying
dirt in the Phoenician dialect.^' NotAvithstanding his dis-
pleasure, Hiram returned the present, according to the cus-
tom of the East, by the gift of 120 talents of gold, and the
alliance of the tAvo kings remained unimpaired. The cities
seem to have been restored by Hiram, and fortified by Solo-
mon."
§ 8. The second half of Solomon's reign Avas inaugurated
by magnificent Avorks in other parts of his dominions, and
by enterprises of foreign commerce. In the south-west, he
^^ 2 Sam. V. 9. This Millo nppears| "" 1 K. ix. 23 ; 2 Chron. viii. 12-16.
to have been a fort in or near the Ty- ' ^^ 1 K. ix. 1 1-U. The city of Ca-
ropoeon and identical with the " house' bul is mentioned as a landmark on
of Millo," where Joash was murderedi the boundary of Asher (Josh. xix. 27),
(2K. xii.20). and its name is preserved at Kabul,
^^ 1 K. ix. ].'>, 21, xi, 27. eight or nine miles E. of Akka (Rob-
*^ 1 K. ix. 1-9, 21; 2 Chron. vii. inson, iii. 87, 88).
12-22. »2 2 Chron. viii. 2.
B.C. 995. The Navy of Solomon. 493
rebuilt Gezer," which the King of Egypt had taken from the
Canaanites and destroyed, but which he gave to Solomon as
his wife's dowry. He also fortified Baalath, Beth-horon (the
upper and the lower), as well as all the cities where he kept
his stores and chariots.^* On the north he made a new con-
quest, the only one recorded in his reign, of Hamath-Zobah.
It is not clear w^hether this was the same or distinct from
the capital of Hamath, the kingdom of Toi, who was an ally,
and probably afterward a subject of David ; but, at all
events, this Hamath, which appears to include the valley of
the Orontes as far as the defile above Antioch, belonged to
the kingdom of Solomon, who built in it several of his store-
cities,'"^ which formed depots for commerce. In the midst
of the great Syrian Desert, half-way between Damascus and
Thapsacus (Tiphsah), Avhere his kingdom reached the Euphra-
tes, and where Avas the great passage of that river, after-
w^ard called the " fatal ford," here, in a beautiful oasis, he
built the city of Tadmor, which became long after, under
the name of Palmyka,^^ the seat of Zenobia's brief empire,
and whose ruins are among the most striking in the world :
but travellers have sought in vain, among the stately relics
of the Roman period, for any vestiges of the architecture of
Solomon. While thus linking his dominions with the great
highways of commerce to the north and north-east, he open-
ed the path of maritime enterprise, both in the Mediterra-
nean and the Indian Ocean, in conjunction w^ith the Tyrian
fleets of Hiram. On the one side, it seems to be implied in
Kings., and is expressly stated in Chronicles,^'' that the king
sent a navy every three years, probably by w^ay of Joppa,
to trade with the distant regions of the west, wiiich were
vaguely described by the name of Tharshish.^^ The phrase
" The exact site of Gezer has not
been discovered; but it must have
been between the lower Beth-horon
and the sea (Josh. xvi. 3 ; 1 K. ix.
17); therefore on the great maritime
plain, and as commanding the com-
munication between E;jypt and the
new capital, Jerusalem, it was an im-
portant point for Solomon to fortify.
^* 1 K. ix. 15-19 ; 2 Chron. viii. 5,
6, Some suppose the Baalath of this
passage to be the celebrated Baalbek
(Heliopolis) in Coele-Syria; while
others identify it with the Philistine
city in the teiTitory of Dan (Josh. xix.
44). On the importance of the posi-
tion of Beth-horon, see pp. 304, 305.
5^ 2 Chron. viii. 3, 4.
^^ The word Tadmor has nearly
the same meaning as Palmyra, signi-
fying probably the " City of Palms,"
from iamar, a palm.
" IK. x. 22; 2 Chron. ix. 21.
^** Tharshish, or Tarshish, repre-
sents Tartessus, a city and emporium
of the Phoenicians in the south of
Spain. The articles which Tarshish
is stated by the prophet Ezekiel
(xxvii. 12) to have supplied to Tyre
— silver, iron, lead, and tin — are pre-
cisely such as we know through class-
ical writers to have been productions
of the Spanish Peninsula.
494 lite Reign of Solomon. Chap. XXII.
" ships of Tharshish " is however not confined to ships that
actually went to those regions : but like our " East-India-
men," it rather describes a class of vessels fit for the most dis-
tant and difficult voyages : and the products Avhich that navy
brought seem rather to have come from Solomon's Oriental
traffic. This was conducted from the two ports of Elath
(^lana, Akabah), and Ezion-geber, at the head of the eastern
gulf of the Red Sea (Sinus ^Elaniticus, Gulf of Akabah)^
wdiich the conquest of Edom had added to the kingdom, and
which were visited by Solomon in person. From these ports
the fleet built by Solomon, and navigated by the skilled
sailors of Hiram, sailed to Ophir, a place in the Indian Ocean,
probably on the eastern coast of Arabia, and returned after
a three years' voyage, bringing gold, silver, ivory, and pre-
cious stones for wealth and ornament, almug (or algum) trees,
the rare wood of which was used for terraces (or A' erandas)
to the Temple, and lastly (for Solomon added to his magnif-
icence the whims of luxury), apes, and peacocks."''
The amount of gold brought to Solomon by this navy is
variously stated at 420, 450, and in one year as much as 666
talents, besides what was brought by merchants, and the
tribute of gold and silver from the chieftains of Arabia.
Silver was so abundant as scarcely to be esteemed a precious
metal, and all the kins^'s drinkinsj-vessels Avere of gold. The
" House of the Forest of Lebanon" too had all its vessels of
pure gold ; and in it were hung 200 targets of beaten gold,
each weighing 600 shekels, and 300 shields of three pounds
each. But the most magnificent work made from these pre-
cious things was Solomon's throne of ivory and gold. It was
a chair of state, such as we still see in the Assyrian thrones,
with a round back and two lions supporting the arms, and
was elevated on six steps, each flanked by a pair of lions, the
symbols of the tribe of Judah. The chair seems to have
been made of ivory inlaid Avith gold, the steps of plates of
ivory, and the lions of beaten gold.'"'
g 9. Seated " high on this throne of royal state," which shone
Avith " the Avealth of Ormuz and of Ind," and " exceeding
all the kings of the earth for riches and for AA'isdom," Solomon
dispensed justice, and received the A'isitors from all parts of
the Avorld, Avho came to hear his Avisdom, bringing their
presents of vessels of gold and silver, garments, armor, spices,
horses and mules." Among them came one, Avhose visit has
''^ On Ophir, see Notes and JlJmtra- j ^° 1 K. ix. 2G - 28, x. 11-27; 2
tions{^,)^, 1 K. ix. 26-28, x. '-'2 ; 2|cliron. viii. 17, 18, ix. 10, 13-22.
Chron. viii. 17, 18. ''I K. x. 23-25.
B.C. 995, foil. Idolatnj of Solomon. 495
been rendered doubly memorable by the allusion made to it
by Christ. Far to the south, on the shores of the Arabian
Gulf, the country of Sheba (probably the modern M- Yemen)
was ruled by a queen, Avho seems to have enjoyed among
the tribes of Arabia a reputation like Solomon's for wisdom.
His fame reached her ears, and she determined to judge for
herself. With an immense caravan of camels, bearing gold
and precious stones and spices, she came to Jeriisalem, to try
Solomon with those " hard questions," which have always
formed the favorite exercise of Oriental ingenuity. "She
communed with him of all that was in her heart." The per-
fect wisdom of the king's replies in this conflict of wit and
learning, the magnificence of his buildings, the sj^lendor of
his royal state, the order of his court, completely overwhelm-
ed the queen : " there was no more spirit in her." She con-
fessed that all was true which she had heard, and refused to
believe, in her own country ; nay, the half had not been told
her : and she blessed Jehovah, and the people to whom He
had given such a king. Having given and received magnif-
icent presents, she departed to her own country; and the
odor of her visit was long preserved by such an abundance
of spices as was never known at Jerusalem before or since.*'^
Whether she went back a convert to the true faith, as her
praises of Jehovah seem partly to imply, and how far her visit
tended to the planting of the numerous proselytes whom we
afterward find in Arabia, can only be matter of conjecture ;
and the traditions, by which the simj^le narrative of her visit
is overlaid, scarcely deserve notice. But the zeal with which
she journeyed from the ends of the earth, to prove for her-
self the wisdom of which she had heard so much, stands re-
corded by " One greater than Solomon " for the eternal shame
of those who neglect to hear Him, when he stands in their
very midst ; Him who is the incarnate Wisdom that formed
the noblest subject of Solomon's discourse.*'^ The visit of
the Queen of Sheba marks the culminating point of Solomon's
glory. It remains for us to relate the lesson which his later
years give of the vanity of all human splendor and the in-
herent defects of despotism, even when based on the recog-
nition of the true religion.
§ 10. The faults of Solomon were both personal and polit-
ical. The fruit of the latter scarcely appeared till the reign
of his son ; but that reign commenced with a protest against
" the heavy yoke " of Solomon, and the whips with which ho
«2 1 K.x. 1-13; 2 Chron. ix. 1-12.
f'3 xj,.ov. viii. : Matt. xii. 42 ; Luke xi. 31.
496
The Reign of Solomon.
Chap. XXII.
chastised tlie people f^ and, as we shall presently see, the dis-
content had begun to show itself before his death. His per-
sonal faults were the natural result of unbounded wealth and
luxury. That his fall was not more abject and irreparable,
proves that " large heart " which Milton gives him, and still
more God's faithfulness to His covenant with David. ^^ He
began, as we have seen, by taking a foreign and heathen
wife, the daughter of Pharaoh: to her he added wives from
the Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, Zidonians, and Hittites,
in short, from all the nations with wiiom God had expressly
forbidden intermarriages ; and in defiance of the charge of
Moses to the king, he had VOO wives and 300 concubines,
with the result vv^hich Moses had foretold. In his old age,
his Avives turned away his heart from Jehovah to their gods,
and induced him to provide places for their worship. He
served Ashtoreth, the moon-goddess of the Zidonians,
*' Astaite, queen of heaven, with crescent horns,"
and Moloch (or Milcolm), the " horrid king " whom the Am-
monites worshiped with human sacrifices. The Mount of
Offense, forming the south summit of the Mount of Olives,
which rises directly opposite to Mount Moriah on the east,
was made the sanctuary of this deity : —
"The wisest heart
Of Solomon he led by fraud to build
His temple right against the temple of God
On that opprobrious hill ; and made his grove
The pleasant valley of Hinnon — Tophet thence
And black Gehenna called — the type of Hell."
" Next Chemos, the obscene dread of Moab's sons,"
had likewise his temple built
**Even on that hill of Scandal, by the grove
Of Moloch homicide — Lust hard by Hate —
Till good Josiah drove them thence to Hell ;'*
and similar fanes w^ere erected for other gods, at which his
wives burned incense and oiFered sacrifice.""
§ 11. These outrages, the more flagrant in the king who
liad himself built the Temple,* and to whom Jehovah had
twice given solemn Avarnings mingled with His promises,
called down the wrath of God, whose covenant with David
" 1 K.xii.4,9, 10, 11,14.
" See especially the words in 2
Sam. vii. 14, 15.
«« 1 K. xi. 1-8 : Milton's Par. Lost,
l)k. i. vs. 392-436. These matters,
like David's sins, are not recorded in
the Clironicles. The purification by
Josiah will be related in its placa
B.C. 995, foil.
Idolatry of Solomon.
497
alone saved Solomon from the fate of Saul." The judgment
was denounced upon him, that his kingdom should be "rent "
from him and given to his servant ; and his last years were
troubled with the beginnings of the revolution. He had al-
ready some formidable enemies. One of these was Hadad,
prince of Edom, who had escaped to Egypt from the massa-
cre of Joab, and had married the sister-in-law of Pharaoh,
who at last gave a reluctant consent to Hadad's return to his
own country, where he began a harassing war against Solo-
mon.®* A still more formidable adversary was raised up in
the person of Rezon, who had been a servant of Hadadezer,
the Syrian king of Zobah, upon whose defeat by David, Re-
zon gathered a band of outlaws, maintained himself against
the whole power of Solomon, and finally succeeded in found-
ing the Syrian kingdom of Damascus, the relations of which
to Israel were afterward so important. "^^
But the great danger denounced on Solomon for his sin
arose from one of his own servants, Jeroboam, the son ofNe-
bat, an Ephraimite^" of Zereda, whose mother, Zeruah, was
early left a widow. He grew up to be " a mighty man of
valor;" and was employed, as a young man, upon the fortifi-
cations of Millo. His energy attracted the notice of Solo-
mon, who made him overseer of the works imposed upon the
tribe of Joseph (Ephraim). According to the LXX., Jero-
boam had the whole honor of completing the fortifications of
tlie city of David ; having done which, lie aspired to the king-
dom, and courted popularity by the same means which Ab-
salom had used. There is nothing of this in the Hebrew
text ; and his designation by the prophet Ahijah seems as
great a surprise to himself as that of Saul to Samuel. Jero-
boam had gone out of Jerusalem, when he was met on the
road by Ahijah the Shilonite, Avho snatched the new garment
oflf his own back, and, tearing it in twelve pieces, gave ten of
them to Jeroboam, telling him the word of God, that He would
rend the kingdom out of the hand of Solomon except one
tribe, which should remain for the sake of David, and to pre-
serve God's worship at Jerusalem ; Avhile the other ten should
be given to Jeroboam, but only after the death of Solomon.
The matter reached the ears of Solomon, who sought the life
of Jeroboam ; but the latter fled to Egypt, and remained
" 1 K. xi. 9-13 ; comp. 2 Sam. vii.
J 4, 1.5.
'« 1 K.xi. 14-22.
"3 1 K. xi. 23-25.
'° "Ephrathite," by a not uncom-
mon corruption, in 1 K. xi. 2G. Be-
sides tlic Received Text, we haA-e a
remarkable account of the life of Jero-
boam inserted in the Septuagint at 1
K. xi. 43, and xii. 24.
498
The Reign of Solomon.
Chap. XXII.
there with Shishak (whose name is now mentioned for the
first time) till the death of Solomon.'^ According to the
LXX., Shishak gave him the sister of his wife and of Ha-
dad's wife, as an inducement to his remaining in Egyjot.
§ 12. Amid such beginnings of impending trouble, Solo-
mon approached the end of his course. The history says
nothing of his rej^entance, nor indeed of any result produced
by God's w^arnings and chastisements. His whole character
had probably become too worldly for the heartfelt penitence
of his father." But yet we have in the Book of Ecdesiastes
a review of the whole experience of his life, based on the
recognition of the fear of God ; the review of a religious
philosopher, rather than of a spiritual believer. It gives the
experience of a man who has tasted every form of pleasure,
and pronounces all to end in disappointment ; and from this
restless search after excitement — in which every supposed
novelty is found to be the same thing over and over again,
generation after generation, the Royal Preacher comes back
to this simple result — that true life consists in the discharge
of duty from religious motives : " Fear God, and keep his
commandments ; for this is the whole [life] of man.""
Solomon died at Jerusalem in the 40th year of his reign,
and was buried in the royal sepulchre in the city of David.
The history of his reign was written by the prophets Nathan
and Ahijah, by Iddo the seer, in his "Visions against Jero-
boam," and in the " Book of the Acts of Solomon."'' The
first three works probably formed the basis of the narrative
in the First Book of Kings ; while the substance of the last
is preserved in epitome in the Seco7id Book of Ghronides.
Notwithstanding his immense harem, we only read of his
having one son, his successor Rehoboam, the son of Naamah,
a princess of Amnion.
'' 1 K. xi. 26-40.
'^ It is noticeable and characteris-
tic that Chrysostom and the theolo-
gians of the Greek Church are, for
the most parf, favorable, Augustine
and those of the Latin, for the most
part, adverse to his chances of salva-
tion.
■'^ Eccles. xii. 13. See further
Notes and Illustrations (B.).
^^ B.C. 975. 1 K. xi. 41-43; 2
Chron. ix. 29-31.
CuAP xxir.
Notes and Illuatratlons.
499
NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS.
(A.) OPHIR.
Ophir is a sea-port or region from
which the Hebrews in the time of
Solomon obtnined gold in vessels
wliich went thither in conjunction with
Tyrian ships from Ezion-geber, near
Elath, on that branch of the Red Sea
which is now called the Gulf of Aka-
bah. The gold was proverbial for its
fineness, so that "gold of Ophir" is
several times used as an expi-ession for
fine gold (Ps. xlv. 10 ; Job xxviii. IG ;
Is. xiii. 12 ; 1 Chron. xxix. 4); and
in one passage (Job xxii. 2-t) the word
" Ophir " by itself is used for gold of
Ophir, and for gold generally. In
addition to gold, the vessels brought
from Ophir alraug-wood and precious
stones.
The precise geographical situation
of Ophir has long been a subject of
doubt and discussion. The two coun-
tries which have divided the opinions
of the learned have been Arabia and
India, while some have placed it in
Africa. There are only five passages
in the historical books which mention
Ophir by name : three in the Books of
Kings (J K. ix. 26-29, x. 11, xxii. 48),
and two in the Books of Chronicles
(2 Chron. viii. 18, ix. 10). The latter
were probably copied from the former.
In addition to these passages, the fol-
lowing verse in the Book of Kings has
very frequently been referred to Ophir :
*' For the king {i. e., Solomon) had at
8ea a navy of Tharshish with the navy
of Hiram : once in three years came
the navy of Tharshish bringing gold
and silver, ivory, and apes, and pea-
cocks " (I K.x. 22). But there is not
sufficient evidence to show that the
fleet mentioned in this verse was
identical with the fleet mentioned in
1 K. ix. 2G-29, and I K. x. 11, as
bringing gold, almng-trees, and pre-
cious stones from Ophir. If the three
passages of the Book of Kings are
carefully examined, it will be seen that
all the information given respecting
Ophir is, that it was a place or region
accessible by sea from Ezion-geber on
the Red Sea, from which imports of
gold, almug-trees, and precious stones
were brought back by the Tyrian and
Hebrew sailors. Now the author of
the 10th chapter of Genesis certainly-
regarded Ophir as the name of some
city, region, or tribe in Arabia. And
it is almost equally certain that the
Ophir of Genesis is the Ophir of the
Book of Kings. There is no mention
either in the Bible or elsewhere, of
any other Ophir; and the idea of
there having been two Ophirs evident-
ly arose from a perception of the ob-
vious meaning of the 10th chapter of
Genesis, on the one hand, coupled with
the erroneous opinion on the other,
that the Ophir of the Book of Kings
could not have been in Arabia. Hence
the burden of proof lies on any ono
who denies Ophir to have been in
Arabia. There do not, however, ap-
pear to be sufficient data for determin-
ing in favor of any one emporium or
of any one locality rather than an-
other in Arabia, as having been the
Ophir of Solomon. The Book of
500
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XXII.
Kings certainly suggests the inference!
tliat there was some connection be- ,
tween the visit of the Queen of Sheba
and the voyage to Ophir, but this
would be consistent with Ophir being i
either contiguous to Saboea, or situated
on any point of the southern or eastern j
coasts of Arabia ; as in either of these
cases it would have been politic in
Solomon to conciliate the good-will
of the Sabaeans, who occupied a long
tract of the eastern coast of the Red
Sea, and who might possibly have
commanded the Straits of Bab-el-
mandeb. In answer to objections
against the obvious meaning of the
tenth chapter of Genesis, the alterna-
tives may be stated as follows. Either
Ophir, although in Arabia, produced
gold and precious stones ; or, if it shall
be hereafter proved in the progress
of geological investigation that this
could not have been the case, Ophir
furnished gold and precious stones as
an einponum.
It has been already remarked that
there is no evidence that the navy of
Tharshish, which brought "gold, sil-
ver, ivory, aj)es, and peacocks" (1 K.
X. 22), went to Ophir. It is more
reasonable to conclude that it went to
India. The gold might possibly have
been obtained from Africa, or from
Ophir, in Arabia, and the ivory and
the apes might likewise have been im-
ported from Africa ; but the peacocks
point conclusively, not to Africa, but
to India. The inference to be drawn
from the importation of peacocks is
confirmed by the Hebrew name for
the ape and the peacock. Neither of
these names is of Hebrew, or even
Semitic, origin ; and each points to
India. Thus the Hebrew word for
ape is Kopli, while the Sanscrit word
is kapi. Again, the Hebrew word for
peacock is tukki, which can not be ex-
plained in Hebrew, but is akin to toka
in the Tamil language. There are
not, however, sufficient data for deter-
mining what were the ports in India
or the Indian Islands which were
reached by the fleet of Hiram and
Solomon, though the suggestion of
Sir Emerson Tennant is very proba-
ble, that they went to Point du Galle^
in Celyon, on the ground that, from
three centuries before the Christian
era, there is one unbroken chain of
evidence down to the present time, to
prove that it was the grand emporium
for the commerce of all nations east
of the Red Sea.
(B.) THE WRITINGS OF SOLO-
MON.
Three Books in the Old Testament
bear the name of Solomon. They, no
doubt, form a portion of the 3000
Proverbs and the 1005 Songs ascribed
to Solomon in the Book of Kings (1
Kings iv. 32), to which reference has
been already made (see p. 480). The
Jews ascribed the composition of the
Song of Solomon to the youth of the
monarch ; the Proverbs to his mature
manhood ; and the Ecclesiastes to his
old age ; but tliis is only conjecture.
I. The Song of Solomon.
In the Hebrew this Book is called
the Sonrj of Songs ; that is, the most
beautiful of Songs ; in the Vulgate it is
entitled Canticum Canticoritin ; whence
it is frequently termed Canticles in
English ; while in the English version
it has the name of the Song of Solomon.
The Book forms a poem, and of the
many opinions that have been held re-
specting its meaning the most proba-
ble is, that the Song is intended to
display the victory of humble and con~
slant love over the teniptations of wealth
androyalty. The tempter is Solomon :
the object of his seductive endeavors
is a Shulamite shepherdess, who, sur-
rounded by the glories of the court,
and the fascinations of unwonted splen-
dor, pines for the shepherd-lover, from
Chap. XXII.
Notes and Illustrations,
501
whom she has been involuntarily sep-
arated.
The drama is divided into five sec-
tions, indicated by the thrice repeat-
ed formula of adjuration (ii. 7, iii. 5,
viii. 4), and the use of another closing
sentence (v. ]).
Section 1 (ch. i.-ii. 7): scene — a
country-seat of Solomon. The shep-
herdess is committed to the charge of
the court-ladies (" daughters of Jeru-
salem ") ; who had been instructed to
prepare the way for the royal ap-
proach. Solomon makes an unsuc-
cessful attempt to win her affections.
Sect. 2 (ii. 8-iii. 5) ; the shepherd-
ess explains to the court-ladies the
cruelty of her brothers, which had led
to the separation between herself and
lier beloved.
Sect. 3 (iii. G-v. 1): entry of the
royal train into Jerusalem. The shep-
herd follows his betrothed into the
cityj and proposes to rescue her.
Some of her court companions are fa-
vorably impressed by her constancy.
Sect. 4 (v. 2 - viii. 4) : the shep-
herdess tells her dream, and still fur-
tlier engages the sympathies of her
companions. The king's flatteries and
promises are unavailing.
Sect. 5 (viii. 5-14): the conflict is
over; virtue and truth have won the
victory ; and the shepherdess and her
beloved return to their happy home ;
visiting on the way the tree beneath
whose shade they first plighted their
troth (viii. 5). Her brothers repeat
the promises which they had once
made eonditionally upon her virtuous
and irreproachable conduct.
Many eminent writers, however,
have maintained that the Book is an
allegory, intended to set forth the love
of Christ for the Church.
II. The Book of Proverbs.
The superscriptions which are affix-
ed to several portions of the Book, in
i. 1, X. 1, XXV. 1, attribute the author-
!ship of those portions to Solomon, tlje
son of David, king of Israel. Willi
the exception of the last two chapters,
which are distinctly assigned to other
authors, it is probable that the state-
ment of the superscriptions is in the
main correct, and that the mnjority of
the Proverbs contained in tlie Book
were uttered or collected by Solomon.
Speaking roughly, the Book consists
of three main divisions, with two ap-
pendices. 1. Chapters i.-ix. form a
connected didactic poem, in which
Wisdom is praised, and the youth ex-
horted to devote himself to her. This
portion is preceded by an introduction
and title describing the character and
general aim of the Book. 2. Chaps.
x.-xxiv., with the title, "the Proverbs
of Solomon," consists of three parts:
— x. 1-xxii. \(y, a collection of single
proverbs, and detached sentences out
of the region of moral teaching and
worldly prudence ; xxii. 17-xxiv. 21,
a more connected didactic poem, with
an introduction, xxii. 17-22, which
contains precepts of riirhteousncss and
prudence; xxiv. 23-34, with the in-
scription, "these also belong to the
wise," a collection of unconnected
maxims, which serve as an appendix
to the preceding. Then follows the
third division, xxv.-xxix., which, ac-
cording to the supersciiption, profess-
es to be a collection of Solomon's
proverbs, consisting of single senten-
ces, which the men of the court of
Hezekiah copied out. The first ap-
pendix, ch. XXX., "the words of Agur,
the son of Jakeh," is a collection of
partly proverbial and partly enigmat-
ical sayings ; the second, ch. xxxi., is
divided into two parts, " the words of
king Lemuel " (1-6) and an alphabet-
ical acrostic in praise of a virtuous
woman, which occupies the rest of the
chapter. Who was Agur, and who
was Jakeh, are questions wliich have
been often asked, and never satisfac-
torily answered. All that can be said
502
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. XXII.
of him is ilint he is nn imlmown He-
brew sage, t!ie son of an equally un-
known Jake!), and that he lived after
the time of Ilezekiah. Lemuel, like
Agur, is unknown. It is even uncer-
tain whether he is to be regarded as
a real personage, or whether the name
is merely symbolical. If the present
text b3 retained it is difficult to see
Avhat other conclusion can be arrived
at. If Lemuel were a real personage
he must have been a foreign neigh-
bor-king or the chief of a nomad
tribe, and in this case the proverbs
attributed to him must have come to
th.c Hebrews from a foreign source,
which is highly improbable and con-
trary to all we know of the people.
The proverbs are frequently quoted
or alluded to in the New Testament,
and the canonicity of the Book there-
1 / confirmed. The following is a
list of the principal passages: —
Prov. i. 10 com pa e rtmi. iil, 10, 15.
iii. 7 *•' \'-'y.r\. xii. 10.
iii. 11, 12 ^' ll-b. xii. 5, 0; sec
also Rev. ill. It',
ill. il '= '• Jam. iv. G.
X. 1 i " 1 Pet. iv. 8.
xi. o2 " 1 Pet. iv. IS.
xvii. 13 "• Piom. xii. 17 ; 1
Tlie.ss. V. 15; 1
Pet. iii. 0.
xvii. 27 "■ Jam. i. ID.
XX. '.) '■'• 1 John i. 8.
XX. 20 '• Matt. XV. 4; Mark
vii. 10.
xxii. 8 (LXX.) 2 Cor, ix. 7.
sxv. 21, 2i •■• Jiom. xii. 2 •.
xxvi. 11 '^ 2 Pet. ii. 2-2.
x.vvii. 1 '■• Jam. iv. 13, 1 J.
III. Book of Ecclksiastes.
Tlu:i Book is called in Hcbrev.- Kn-
hekih, or the Prcachrr. Commenta-
tors differ most widely as to the plan
and purpose of tiie wliole Book. The
variety of the opinions held resj)ecting
it indicates sufficiently that it is as far
removed as po.ssible from the charac-
ter of a formal treatise. It is that
which it professes to be — the confes-
sion of a man of wide experience look-
ing back upon his past life and look-
ing out upon the disorders and ca-
lamities which surround him. The
writer is a man wiio has sinned in giv-
ing way to selfishness and sensualit\-,
who has paid the penalty of that sin in
satiety and weariness of life, but who
has through all this been under the
discipline of a divine education, and
I has learned from it the lesson which
God meant to teach him. It is tol-
' erably clear that the recurring burden
of " Vanity of vanities " and the teach-
ing which recommends a life of calm
enjoyment, mark, whenever they oc
cur, a kind of halting-place in the suc-
cession of thoughts. The writer con-
cludes by pointing out that the secret
of a true life is that a man should con-
secrate the vigor cf his youth to God
(xii. ]). It is well to do that before
the night comes, before the slow de-
cay of age benumbs all the faculties
of sense (xii. 2, G), before the spirit
returns to God who gave it. The
thought of that end rings out once
more the knell of the nothingness of
all things earthly (xii. 8) ; but it
leads also to "the conclusion of the
whole matter," to that to which all
trains of thought and all the experien-
ces of life had been leading the seeker
after wisdom, that "to fear God, and
keep his commandments" was the
highest good attainable.
Seljiistiyih, the ancient Samariii, from the I'LN.IC.
Behind the city are tlie mountains of Ephraim, verging on the Plain of Sliaron.
Mediterraucan Sea id in the farthest distance.
Tne
BOOK VI.
THE DIVIDED MONARCHY. THE CAPTIVITY AND THE
liETURN. B.C. 975-400.
CHAPTER XXni.
THE KINGDOMS OF JUDAII AXD ISRAEL. FROM THE DIVISION"
OF THE MONARCHY TO THE DESTRUCTION OF THE HOUSE
OF AHAB. B.C, 975-884.
§ 1. Kinj:;cloms of Juclah and Israel — Their respective characters — Superi-
ority of Jiulah. § 2. Accession of Rehoboam — Assembly of Shechem
— Revolt of the Ten Tribes under Jeroboam — Judah and Benjamin
adhere to Rehoboam — War forbidden by the prophet Shemaiah — Gov-
ernment of Rehoboam — Religious declension — Jerusalem taken by
Shishak — Death of Rehoboam. § 3. Reign of Aiujah, second king of
Judah — Defeat of Jeroboam — Prosperity of Judah. § 4. Jeroboam I.
king of Israel — Extent of the kingdom — Idolatry of the golden calves
—The prophet nt Bethel — Abijah, son of Jeroboam — The prophet
Ahijah. §5. Nadab, second king of Israel — His murder, and extinc-
tion of the house of Jeroboam. § 6. Baasha, third king of Israel —
504 The Kingdoms of Judah and Isuiel. Cuap. xxjii.
Tlie prophet Jehu — War with Judah and Syria — Elah, fourth king of
Israel — Murdered by Ziniri — Extinction of the house of Baaslia, § 7.
ZiMRi, fifth king of Israel, reigns only seven days — Deatlis of Zimii
and Tibni, his competitor — Omri, sixth king of Israel — Building of the
new capital Samaria — Dependence of Israel on Syria — Wickedness and
death of Omri. § 8. Asa, third king of Judah — Reformation of religion
— Asa's great army — Defeat of Zerah the Ethiopian — the prophet Az-
ARIAH — Second reformation — War with Baasha, and alliance with Ben-
hadad I. — The prophet Hanani reproves Asa — Religious persecution —
Death of Asa. § 9. Jehoshapiiat, seventh king of Judah — His piety
and prosperity — Alliance with Ahab. § 10. Ahab, seventh king of Is-
rael, and his wife Jezebel — Worship of Baal, and persecution of Jeho-
vah's worshipers — Elijah the Tishbite denounces a three years'
drought — Elijah nourished at Cherith by ravens, at Zarephath by a
starving widow — His appearance to Ahab, and contest with the prophets
of Baal at Mount Carmel — Victory of Elijah — The people confess Jeho-
vah— The prophets of Baal slain — Elijah's prayer for rain — Fury of Jez-
ebel— Flight of Elijah to the Wilderness — His vision of Jehovah's glory
— His mission to anoint Hazael, Jehu, and Elisha — The murder of Na-
both, and the judgment pronounced by Elijah. § 11. Wars of Ahab
with Syria — Benliadadll. defeated at Samaria and Aphek — Expedition
of Ahab and Jehoshaphat to recover Ramoth, in Gilead — The prophet
MiCAiAH — Defeat of the two king.s, and death of Ahab. § 12. Jehosh-
aphat reproved by Jehu — His great reformation of Justice — War with
Moab and Amnion — The prophet Jahaziel — Great victory of Berachah
— Alliances with Ahaziah and Jehoram — Maritime enterprise of Jehosh-
aphat, denounced by the pro])het Eliezer — Death of Jehoshaphat,
§ 13. Ahaziah, eighth king of Israel — Last appearance of Elijah — His
Translation — Ministry of Elisha. § 14. Jehoram, ninth king of Israel
— iVllies with Jehoshaphat against the revolt of the INIoabites — Miracle
of Elisha, and defeat of Moab — Siege of Kir-haraseth and human sac-
rifice by the King of Moab — Elisha and the widow — The Shunammite
woman — The healing of Naaman's leprosy — War with Syria — Elisha
and the Syrians — The siege of Samaria miraculously raised. § 15.
Jehoram, iifth king of Judah — Marriage with Athaliah, daughter of
Ahab — Idolatry and wickedness — Revolts of Edom,Libnah, the Thilis-
tines, and Arabians. § IG. Ahaziah, sixth king of Judah — Elisha
anoints Hazael, who murders Bonhadad H. — Anointing and revolt of
Jehu — Slaughter of Jehoram, Jezebel, Ahab's seventy sons, the princess
of Judah, the worshipers of Baal, and Ahaziah. § 17. Usurpation of
Athaliah, and murder of the royal family of Judah, except Joash,
who is saved by Jehoiada — Restoration of Joash, and death of Athaliah
— Extinction of the house of Ahab in both its branches of Israel and
Judah.
§ 1. Very shortly after the death of Solomon, the prophecy
of Ahijah was fulfilled; his kmgdom Avas rent in twain, and
the parts, both greatly weakened by the disruption, formed
the separate kingdoms of Judah and of Israel. It may be
well to take a preliminary view of the somewhat intricate
annals of those kingdoms, and of the very diflTerent character
which marked each. To a superficial observer, the northern
kingdom, including ten tribes, about two-thirds of the popu
B.C. 97"). Characters of the Two Kinrjdoms. 605
lation, and, with the region east of Jordan, more than the
same proportion of the land, and that much the best in quali-
ty, would seem to have had all the elements of greater
strength.^ But, on the other hand, Judah retained, the capi-
tal, the centre of the organized system of government and oi'
the material interests of the nation, together with the accu-
mulated treasures of Solomon. And, to say nothing of the
energy of the tribe of Judah, which was perhaps equaled by
Ephraim. Zebulun, and Naphtali, all the moral and religious
elements of greatness were on the sides of the southern king-
dom.
From the very iirst, the blot of rebellion clung to the
cause of Israel ; the divine selection of Jeroboam to punish
the sins of Solomon was not held to justify his rebellion. He
was indeed assured that obedience to God's law would be re-
warded by the establishment of his kingdom and his dynas-
ty \^ but his very first acts severed every religious bond to
Jehovah and his worship, and his course Avas followed by his
successors, of whom, with scarcely an exception, we read
the emphatic sentence, " he did evil in the sight of Jeho-
vah, and walked in the way of Jeroboam, who made Israel
to sin."
On the other hand, the kingdom of Judah was preserved
from the defection of the other tribes, expressly for the sake
of God's covenant with David, and to maintain His worship
at its chosen seat ; and the immediate consequence of Jero-
boam's religious revolt was to drive all the priests and Le-
vites to Jerusalem.^ AVith the line of David remained God's
promise of a permanent kingdom, made doubly sure by its
ultimate reference to the Messiah ; in that family the crown
was handed on, generally from father to son ; while, in Israel,
the dynasty of Jeroboam ended with his son ; and there fol-
lowed a series of murders and usurpations, amid which the
longest dynasties, those of Omri and Jehu, only numbered
four and five kings each. From the disruption to the epoch
at which Ahaziah, king of Judah, and Jehoram, king of Israel,
were killed at the same time by Jehu, a period of ninety years
(b.c 975-884), Judah had only six kings (though Ahaziah
reigned but one year), while Israel had nine ; and, in the
whole period of 255 years, from the disruption to the cap-
* The areas of the two kingdoms j ter a little less than Northumberland,
were respectively, Israel about 9375 (Durham, nnd Westmoreland. The
square miles, Judah about 3435. The whole of Palestine was nearl^^ equa]
former was a little less than Yorkshire, ' in area to Holland, ^ 1 K. xi. 38,
*].ancashire, and Cumberland, the lat- ! ^ 2 Chron. xi. 13, 14.
Y
506 The Kingdoms of Judah and Isrctel Chap. XXHI.
tivity of Israel/ twelve kings of Judah occupy the same space
as nineteen kings of Israel ; a striking indication of the great-
er stability of the former dynasty.^ The moral superiority is
equally striking, not only in the preservation of the worship
of Jehovah at Jenisalem, while Israel was sunk in idolatr}^,
but even on the comparatively weak ground of the personal
character of the kings. It is true that the house of David
was deeply corrupted, chiefly by its connection with the
wicked house of Ahab ; but it boasts the names of Asa, Je-
hoshaphat, Uzziah, Jotham, the godly Hezekiab, the penitent
Manasseh, the pure Josiah ; while not one of the kings of
Israel is free from the blot of foul wickedness; for even the
fierce zeal of Jehu had no purity of motive. The two king-
doms were equally distinguished in their final fate. The sen-
tence of captivity was executed upon Israel about 130 years
sooner than on Judah; and while the ten tribes never re-
turned to their land, and only a scattered remnant of them
shared the restoration of Judah, the latter became once more
a small but powerful nation, not free from the faults of their
fathers, but worshiping God with a purity and serving Him
with a heroic zeal unequaled since the days of Joshua, and
preparing for the restoration of the true spiritual kingdom
under the last great son of David.
The part of the history thus reviewed, down to the Cap-
tivity at Babylon, may be marked out into three great pe-
riods : — I. From the disruption to the simultaneous deaths
of the kings of Judah and Israel by the liand of Jehu, in b.c.
884 : — II. To the captivity of Israel by Shalmaneser (or Sar-
gon), in B.C. 721 : — III. The remaining history of Judah, down
to the Captivity at Babylon, in b.c. 586. We return to the
thread of the history from the death of Solomon.
§ 2. Rehoboam*^ or Roboam (LXX.) was the son of Solo-
mon by Xaamah, an Ammonite princess. As he was forty-
one at his accession, he must have been born about the time
of his father's association with David in the kingdom. The
luxury in which he Avas trained seems to have given him a
light and headstrong character, on which his father's precepts
were thrown away ; he was quite unequal to the difficulties
bequeathed to him by Solomon ; and he was scarcely seated
on the throne, before the old jealousy between Judah and the
"B.C. 975-721.
^ See the Clironological Tables at
the end of the volume.
^ The name signifies enlarger of the
people (Ex. x.xxiv, 2i). and is near-
ly synonymous with Jeroboam, tcho.te
people, is mamj. Both names seem to
have originated in the time of Solo-
mon, as signs of the great increase ot
the nation.
B.C. 975. Revolt under Jeroboam. 607
other tribes broke out anew. It Avas probably to conciliate
such feelings, as well as to comply Avith the form of popular
recognition which had been observed in the case of Solomon,
that, not content with his accession to the throne at Jerusa-
lem, he held an assembly of all Israel at the ancient sanctuary
of Shechem; unless indeed that assemblage were rather the
act of the Israelites themselves, and of Ephraim in particular,
with a view to resist his claims.^ At all events, such an op-
position seems to have been prepared from the first convo-
cation of the assembly; and JerobOxVM was sent for out of
Egypt by the malcontents.^ His appearance at the head of
the congregation may be taken as a proof that their demand
for the redress of the grievances they had suffered under Solo-
mon was a pretext for revolt, Rehoboam took three days for
deliberation. He was advised by his father's old counselors
to take away the pretext by a conciliatory answer. This
step, they thought, would have satisfied the majority of the
people, Avith Avhom the names of David and Solomon had not
yet lost their prestige. But the king Avould not yield a jot ;
and he took counsel A\ith the younger men, Avho had grown
up Avith him at the court. Urged on by them, he refused
the petition Avitli reckless insolence. "You complain of my
father's heavy yoke ; I Avill add to its Av^eight ! my little fin-
ger shall be thicker than his loins ! He chastised you Avith
Avhips ; I Avill chastise you Avith scorpions !" Then Ephraim
and all Israel raised again the old cry of Sheba," disclaiming
all part in the house of David, and calling Israel to their tents.
Adoram, the chief ofiicer of the tribute, being sent to appease
the tumult, Avas stoned to death, and Rehoboam only escaped
by fleeing hi his chariot to Jerusalem.^"
The rebellion Avas complete, and Jeroboam Avas proclaim-
ed king OA'er all Israel at Shechem. The cities of Judah,
however, adhered to Rehoboam, and the tribe of Benjamin
soon espoused his cause. Ever since the great blow inflicted
on that tribe, it seems to have been more or less subordinate
■^ 1 K. xii. 1; 2 Chron. x. 1 : the I home at tlie invitation of his own
case would be clearer if we might read { party, and only have appeared at the
"to make a king," instead of "to
make him king."
« 1 K. xii. 2 : but in ver. 20 he
seems to have already returned from
Egypt to his home, and to be sum-
moned thence to the crown after the
rebellion had broken out ; and this is
in agreement with the LXX, He
assembly when all was ripe for the re-
volt. Ver. 3, however, is not found
in the LXX., which also omits the
name of Jeroboam in ver. 12. The
narrative of the LXX. also requires
at least a year to have elaj)sed before
the meeting at Shecliem.
^ Comp. 2 Sam. XX. 1.
mny have come from Egypt to hisj ^^ 1 K. xii. 1-16; 2 Chron. x.
508
The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIIL
to Judah. The appearances to the contrary are rather proofs
of the impatience with which the yoke was borne. The cap-
ture of Jerusalem, Avhich lay Avithin the bounds of Benjamin,
from the Jebusites, by the great king of Judah, gave his house
a powerful hold upon the feelings of the tribe ; and it is not
improbable, from the similar course afterward taken by Re-
hoboam,^^ that David may have established his sons in the
fortified cities of Benjamin. Perhaps too Jeroboam's profa-
nation of their sacred city of Bethel may have offended the
tribe. At all events, we iind them answering the summons
of Rehoboam to a war for the subjugation of the rebels, with
all their military force. The united army of Judah and Ben-
jamin amounted to 180,000 Avarriors; but the enterprise was
forbidden by the prophet Shemaiah, as God had Avilled the
separation of the kingdoms. ^'^ A desultory Avarfare Avas hoAV-
ever kept up between the tAvo kingdoms, under Rehoboam
and his two successors, for a period of sixty years, and its
cessation AA^as foUoAved by a most disastrous alliance Avith the
house of Ahab. MeauAvhile Rehoboam made every effort to
strengthen his diminished kingdom ; fortifying several of the
most important cities of Judah and Benjamin, and furnishing
them Avith arms and provisions.'^ When the boundaries of
the kingdom of Judah became settled, they embraced the
territories of Dan and Simeon, Avhich Avere originally includ-
ed in the lot of Judah, and ultimately even a part of Ephra-
im.'* On the south, Edoni Avas still retained till the reign of
Jehoram, the fifth king ; but Ave are not told Avhether Hadad
was defeated or made tributary. The cause of Rehoboam
Avas strengthened by the resort to him of the great body of
priests and Levites from all parts of Israel, Avhom Jeroboam
had deposed from their functions ; and the first three years
of his reign Avere exceedingly prosperous. But he was cor-
rupted, like his father, by his numerous harem, AA'hich Avas
composed of 18 Avives and 60 concubines; he had 20 sons and
60 daughters. His three chief Avives AA'ere all of his own fam-
ily; Mahalath, the grand-daughter, and Abihai), the niece of
David, and Maachah, the daughter of Absalom.'^ The last
was his liiA'orite Avife, and the mother of Abijah, his successor.
He provided for his other sons, and guarded Abijah from their
rivalry, by giving them splendid establishments in the forti-
fied cities of Judah and Benjamin. '° MeauAvhile both king
" 2 Ciiron. xi. 23.
'- 1 K.xi.21-2-t; 2 Cliron.xi. 1-4.
" 2 Chron.xi. 1-12.
^* 2 Chron. xiii. 19. xv, 8, xvii.2.
^^ Or perhaps grnnd-cluiifrhter ; for
she is called tlie daughter of Uriel of
Gibeah in 2 Chron. xiii. 2.
^'' 2 Chron. xi.
B.C. 958.
Death of Reliohoain.
509
and people declined into idolatry, and practiced the most
abominable vices of the nations around,' ' and their punish-
ment was speedy.
In the fifth year of Rehoboam,^® Shishak (Sheshonk I.), king
of Egypt, whom wx have already seen as the protector of
Hadad and Jeroboam, made an expedition against Jerusalem
with all the forces of his empire. Pie took the strong cities
of Judah, and had reached Jerusalem, when the king and
people, reproved by the prophet Shemaiah, humbled them-
selves before Jehovah, who saved them from captivity. Shi-
shak, however, spoiled the Temple and the king's palace of
their treasures, and carried off the celebrated golden shields
of Solomon, which Rehoboam replaced by shields of brass, to
keep up the old display when they were carried before him
in processions.'^ The kingdom of Judah became for a time
tributary to Shishak, that the people might learn the differ-
ence between the service of God and the service of heathen
kings.^" The expedition of Shishak is one of the chief points
of contact between sacred history and the records of the
Egyptian monuments. On the wall of the great temple of
Karnak are the sculptured figures of captains with features
clearly Jewish, and the appended inscription contains, among
a long list of conquests, the name of " Yuda Melchi" {the
kingdom of Judah). "^
The lesson seems not to have been lost on Rehoboam and
his people. " There were yet good things in Judah ;" but
the sum of the king's character is this : " He did evil, because
he fixed not his heart to seek Jehovah.""^ He died after a
reign of seventeen years," and was buried in the city of Da-
vid. His acts were recorded by the prophet Shemaiah, by
the seer Iddo, in his book of genealogies, and in the Chroni-
cles of the Kings of Judah. ^*
§ 3. Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, was the second king of
Judah. He succeeded his father in the eighteenth year of
Jeroboam's reign, and reigned three years at Jerusalem."
He continued the war with Jeroboam, and gathered the
^^ 1 K. xiv. 21-24 ; 2 Cliron. xii. 1.
*^ B.C. 972. Sheslionk I. was the
first king of the twenty-second dynas-
ty of Bubastites. The ehanpe of dy-
nasty exphiins the rupture of the old
alliance with Solomon. Shishak was
probably incited by Jeroboam.
" I iv. xiv. 25-28 ; 2 Chron. xii.
2-11.
2° 2 Chron. xii. 8.
^' Rawlinson's Herodotus, ii. 37G.
^2 2 Chron. xii. 1 2, U. ""^ B.C. 9.58.
""^ 1 K. xiv. 29-31 ; 2 Chron. xii.
13-lG.
'^B.c. 958-955: 2 Chron. xiii. 1,
2 ; IK. XV. 1, 2 : the name in the lat-
ter passage is Abijam, probably an er-
roneous form. Abijah signifies n-ill
of Jehovah, or he ichose father is Jeho-
vah.
510 The Kingdonv} of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIIl.
whole force of Judah and Benjamin for the subjugation of
the ten tribes. According to our present text, he brought
into the field 400,000 chosen warriors, and Jeroboam met him
with 800,000, of whom 500,000 fell in the rout at Zemaraim,
in Mount Ephraim, where the favor of God prevailed against
the skillful tactics which Jeroboam imitated from Joshua,
Tlie loss of the men of Judah is not stated. In consequence
of this victory, Abijah took Bethel, Jeshanah, and Ephrain,
with their dependent towns ; and Jeroboam never again made
head against him.^° This success, granted to the arms of
Judah " because they relied upon Jehovah, the God of their
fathers," proved His forbearance with the sins of Abijah for
David's sake." The fact that Abijah upbraids the men of
Israel with their rebellion and idolatry, and relies on the
goodness of the cause of Judah, who had Jehovah for their
God and the priests keeping His charge,^^ is no proof that
his personal vices are exaggerated in the Booh of Kings.
Abijah followed the example of his predecessors in his nu-
merous harem. He had fourteen wives, and was the father
of tAventy-two sons and fifteen daughters. His history was
written by the prophet Iddo, and in the Chronicles of the
Kings of Judah. He died, and was buried in the city of
David, leaving the kingdom to his son Asa in such a state of
strength and prosperity, that Jeroboam did not venture to
resume the vrar ; and the confusion Avliich soon ensued in the
royal family of Israel insured Judah a ten years' peace. ^''
Abijalf s death was followed in less than two years by that
of Jeroboam, to whose history we now return.
§ 4. Jeroboam I., the first king of the separate kingdom of
Israel, was inaugurated (like Abimelech) at Shechem, by the
choice of the men of Israel. He fortified that city^° and Pe-
nuel for his two capitals, west and east of Jordan, but fixed
his own residence at the beautiful town of Tirzah."' The ten
^^ 2 Chron. xiii. 3-20 ; 1 K. xv. G. ^ bers were in his original Greek text
For tiic varions conjectures about the j also.
site of Ephrain, see llobinson, i. 447,
and Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p.
21-t. As to the incredible numbers
given in tiie text, Kennicott has shown
that our MSS. are frequently incor
" 2 Chron. xiii. 18 ; 1 K. xv. 3-5.
2« 2 Chron. xiii. 4-12.
"" 1 K. XV. 8; 2 Chron. xiv. 1.
^^ Shecliem had been destroyed by
Abimelech after its revolt.
rect as to numbers, and has given rea- ^^ 1 K. xiv. 1 7 ; comp. Cant. vi. 4.
sons for reducing these to 40,000, ! Its site is uncertain. It has been con-
80,000 and 50,000, as we actually | jectured to occupy the position of 7V/--
find in the Vulgate printed at Ven- -luzah, a plain in the mountains north
ice in 148G, and in the old Latin ver- | of Nablus. Tirzah continued to bo
sion of Josephus, while there is some the royal residence till the destruction
reason to think that the smaller num- 1 of the palace in the siege by Omri,
B.C. 958. Extent of Jeroboam's Kingdom. 511
tribes which adhered to him are probably to be reckoned by
taking Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) as one, and exchidnig
Levi "and Judah. The secession of Benjamin still left the
number ten, by counting Ephraim and Manasseh separately.
Dan remained in the number, in virtue of its possessions m
the north. Simeon was actually included in the kingdom of
Judah; but the tribe seems to have sunk into such insignif-
icance as to be numbered among the ten only by a sort of
neo-ative computation. Beyond the old limits of Palestme,
Moab was attached to Israel f and Amnion would naturally
preserve its family alliance with Rehoboara, to whom, as we
have seen, Edom was also subject ; but a common interest
soon promoted these tribes to union, against both the kmg-
doms." As for the allies and tributaries of Solomoji ni Phoe-
nicia and Syria, though now cut otF from Judah, they are
not at all likely to have submitted to the Kmg of Israel.
We hear of no further connection with Phoenicia, Coele-Syria,
and the Lebanon ; and we soon find the Syrian kingdom of
Damascus, whose rise we have already noticed, a most for-
midable enemy of Israel.
After all these deductions, Jeroboam was at the head ot a
fine kinf^dom, populou?, powerful, and fertile, and aboundmg
in the resources which Solomon had developed. The proph-
et Ahijah had promised the establishment of his kingdom
on the condition of obedience to Jehovah. But Jeroboam
had no faith in his political security so long as his subjects
continued to resort to the capital of his rival as their relig-
ious home. There were ancient sanctuaries within his do-
minions, and the erection of one of these into a new centre
of worship, thouoh illegal, might not perhaps have been al-
together inexcusable. Or he might have allowed the priests
to"^ continue their domestic ministrations, and the people
would only have been too ready to break oif their visits to
Jerusalem. But his fear prompted a more violent and fatal
course, which added a religious schism to the political dis-
ruption, and brought down^the divine wrath on his house and
kino-dom. Resorting to the idolatry Avhich he had witness-
ed fn Egypt, and following the example of Aaron, whose very
words he used,^*
*'The rebel king
Doubled that sin in Bethel and in Dan,
Likening his Maker to the grazed ox."
who transferred the capital to Sania- 1 '' 2 K. iii. 4. '' 2 Chron. xx. 1.
,.:.-, i 34 1 1^_ xii. 28 ; comp. Exod. xxxii.
512 The Kingdoms of JudaJi and Israel. Chap, XXIII.
He set up two golden calves, the symbols of the Heliopolitan
deity Mnevis, in the two extremities of his kingdom. Dan
w^as probably chosen as having been tlie sanctuary of the
northern tribes, ever since the Danites had sat up there the
images of Micah ; Bethel as the " liouse of God" for all Is-
rael since its consecration by Jacob. The latter was the
chief seat of the new worship, which the king himself inau'
gurated on the loth day of the 8tli month, in imitation of
the dedication of the Temple at the Feast of Tabernacles,
but a month later, " in the month which he had devised of his
own hearV^^''' Having appointed priests "from the lowest
of the people," in place of the Levites, whom he deposed
and drove from their cities to Jerusalem, he erected an altar
at Bethel,. upon which he burned incense in the feast he had
appointed. In the very midst of the ceremony, a man of
God, sent by the word of Jehovah out of Judali, confronted
Jeroboam at his altar, on which he prophesied that a son of
David, named Josiah, should one day offer the bones of the
idolatrous priests who sacrificed upon it; and he added a
sign, that the altar should be rent and the ashes on it poured
out ujDon the ground.^" The enraged king called on his guarvls
to seize the prophet, and put out liis own hand to lay hold
of him; but the hand was withered and fell helpless, and au
earthquake rent the altar. On the prophet's prayer, entreat-
ed by the king, his hand was restored, and he begged the
man of God to accept his hospitality and a reward, Avhich
he refused, and departed by another way, as lie had been com-
manded. How he yielded to an aged brother prophet the
consent he had refused the king, how he was slain by a lion
for his disobedience and buried by the old prophet, who
entreated that his bones might be laid beside him, to pre-
serve them from the fate denounced on the idol priests, is
one of those beautiful episodes of Scripture familiar to our
earliest recollections." But the warning had no permanent
effect on Jeroboam, who persisted in his idolatrous worship,
and consecrated any one as a priest Avho could afford to
4, 8 :— "Behold thy gods, O Israel,
Avhich brought thee up out of the land
of Egypt."
2» 1 K. xii. 2G-33, xiii. 33 ; 2 Chron.
xiii. 9. The diffei'cnce of a month
may have been to allow for the later
rintagc of tiie northern districts; but
we can not doubt Jeroboam's wish to IG.
'"' 1 K. xiii. 7-32 ; comp. 2 K. xxiii. 1 7-1 8
make a marked distinction from the
worship at Jerusalem.
^•^ 1 K. xiii. 1-G. Jewish tradition
identified him with the prophet Iddo,
or ladon as he is called by Josephus,
Ant. viii. 8, § o. For the fulfillment
of the prophecy, see 2 K. xxiii. 15,
B.C.9o4. The Propliet Ahijali. 513
bring the prescribed offering of a young bullock and seven
rams.^^
So another chastisement befell him in his own family. His
son Abijah, the only one of his house " in whom there was
found some good thing toward Jehovah the God of Israel,"
was mercifully removed by death from tlie wickedness around
him. On his falling ill, Jeroboam sought help secretly from
the God whom he had openly forsaken. It is an interesting
point in the history of the kingdom of Israel, and one which
most impressively teaches God's long-suffering, that in spite
of the apostasy under Jeroboam, there were never wanting
prophets to testify for Jehovah ; and, while the chief pro-
jihetic writers of a later age belong to Judah ; those most
distinguished for their actions, as Elijah and Elisha, proph-
esied in Israel. Thus Ahijah, the Shilonite, who had desig-
nated Jeroboam to the kingdom, was still at Shiloh ; and to
him the king's wife resorted in disguise, with a present of
bread and honey. The prophet was blind, but God had warn-
ed him of her coming, and given him a terrible answer for
her. At the sound of her feet upon the threshold, Aliijah
addressed her by name, and recounting all the sins of Jero-
boam, foretold the speedy extinction of his race and the com-
ing captivity of Israel. The child was to die, but, as the re-
ward of liis piety, he alone of all his house should be buried
in peace ; the rest should be the food of dogs and vultures.
The queen returned to Tirzah, and the child expired as she
crossed the threshold. He was buried and lamented by all
Israel, as their last hope amid the vices of the royal house
and the calamitous defeat in the great battle with Judah.
Not long after Jeroboam died, and was buried in the sepul-
chre of his fathers, after a reign of twenty-two years. He
was succeeded by his son Nadab.^"
§ 5. ISTadab,"" the second and last king of the dynasty of
Jeroboam, succeeded his father in the second year of Asa,
king of Judah, and reigned for parts of two years (b.c. 954-
953), imitating the sins of Jeroboam. The only recorded
action of his reign is the siege of Gibbethon, a city in the
territory of Dan, which, having been abandoned by the Le-
vites, to whom it belonged, w^hen they were driven out by
^« 1 K. xiii. 33^ comp. 2 Chron.
xiii. 9; Ex. xxix. 1, 35; Lev, viii.
o
"^ I K. xiv. 1-20. Tl c version of
the LXX., placing the sickness and
death of Abijah before Jeroboam's ac-
Y2
cession, is entirely opposed to the or-
der of events in the Hebrew text.
^^ The name is identical with that
of Aaron's eldest son. Nebut, the
name of Jeroboam's father, is jierhaps
onlv another form of the same word.
514 The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIII,
Jeroboam, had been occupied by the Philistines. Its posses^
sion was eagerly contested by the kings of Israel, who be-
sieged it again and again/^ Nadab here fell the victim to
a military conspiracy under Baasha, his captain of the host,
who killed tlie king and all the house of Jeroboam, and so
fulfilled the prophecy of Ahijah/^
§ 6. With the extinction of the first dynasty, the crown of
Israel passed from the tribe of Ephraim to that of Issachar;
but the second dynasty also lasted for only two generations.
Baasha, the son of Ahijah, became the third king of Israel in
tlie third year of Asa, king of Judah, and reigned at Tirzah
four-and-twenty years." His entire addiction to the sins of
Jeroboam brought upon his house the same fate as theirs,
which was denounced upon him by the prophet Jehu, son of
Hanani." His whole eftbrts seem to have been devoted to
the w^ar with Judah. In the thirteentli year of his reign (the
fifteenth of Asa)," alarmed by the defection of the worship-
ers of Jehovah to the pious king of Judah, he attempted to
blockade the frontier by fortifying Ramah ; but Asa called in
the help of Benhadad I.,''" the Syrian king of Damascus, who
invaded the north of Israel, and took Ijon, Dan, Abel-maim,
and the store-cities of Naphtali. This diversion recalled
Baasha from Judah, against which he seems to have made
no more serious attempts. He died and was buried at Tirzah,
in the twenty-sixth year of Asa, leaving the kingdom to his
son Elaii, the fourth king of Israel, who reigned for only parts
of two years (b.c. 930-929), and was then killed at Tirzah, in
a state of intoxication, by Zimri, the commander of half his
force of chariots. With him perished all the house of Baasha,
who were massacred by Zimri, as Jehu had foretold.^^
§ V. At this point the annals of Israel bear a curious resem-
blance to the events which led to the accession of the Fla-
vian dynasty at Rome.
ZiMKi, the fifth king, enjoyed his usurpation at Tirzah only
seven days. The whole military array of Israel were now
engaged in the siege of Gibbethon ; and having elected Oniri,
the captain of the host, as king, they marched to besiege
dated from the disruption of the king-
doms : — "In the thirty-sixth year
(Asa being king)."
^® The Syrian dynasty at Damascus
will be noticed in another place. Ben-
hadad was in alliance with Baasha
when he was bribed by Asa (I K. XT.
19; 2 Chron.xvi. 3).
^^ 1 K. xvi. 8-H.
^'See 1 K. xvi. 15-17.
"- 1 K. XV. 25-30.
" B.C. 953-030 ; 1 K. xv. 33, 34.
The etymology of the name is uncer-
tain. From 1 K. xvi. 2, it may be in-
ferred that Baasha was of low extrac-
tion. "* 1 K. xvi. 1-7.
*^ 3 Chron. xvi. 1. The thirty-six
yearn of this passage are evidently
B.C. 929-925. Zimri^ Tibnij Omrl—^ Civil War, 515
Tirzah. The walls were soon taken, and Zimri shut himself
up in the palace, which, like Sardanapalus, he burned over his
head. Another competitor for the crown appeared in the
person of Tibni, son of Ginath, who was followed by half
the people. He was defeated and killed, after a civil war
of four years, from the twenty-seventh to the thirty-first of
Asa."'
Omri was the sixth king of Israel, and the founder of the
third dynasty, which lasted for three generations and four
kings. His father's name and tribe are unknown. The
twelve years of his reign are probably to be dated from the
death of Elah,"^ as his full recognition is placed in the thirty-
first year of Asa,^° and the accession of his son Ahab in the
thirty-eighth of Asa ;'^' so that his six years' reign at Tirzah
Avould include the civil war.'^ He abandoned that residence,
which, besides that the palace was burned, had proved inde-
fensible in a siege, and built the new and long-famous capi-
tal of Samaria,^^ which remained the seat of government to
the end of the kingdom. The dynasty which he founded
surpassed all that had gone before in wickedness, so that " the
statutes of Omri " became a by-word for a course opposed to
the law of Jehovah.^'' Of the particular events of Omri's
reign, we are only able to infer from a subsequent allusion,
that the Syrian king of Damascus, Benhadad I., continued
the war Avith Israel, and forced his own terms on Omri, who
consented to receive a resident envoy in his new capital of
Samaria." Israel was fast losing the power of an independ-
ent state ; but the kingdom was still adorned with much
wealth and luxury, when Omri left it to his son Ahab, in the
thirty-eighth year of Asa, king of Judah, to whose long reign
we must now return.^*'
§ 8. Asa, the third king of Judah, succeeded his father Abi-
jah, in the twentieth year of Jeroboam I., king of Israel, and
"** B.C. 929-925: 1 K. xvi. 15-22.
According to the LXX., his brother
Joram fought and died with him.
'^ B.C. 929-918. ^° B.C. 925.
"^'8.0,918. 'n K. xvi. 23, 29.
^^ The Hebrew name is Shomeron
(afterward corrupted into the Greek
Samaria), so called from Shemer, from
whom Omri bought the hill on which
he built the city. It stands in the
centre of a wide basin-shaped valley,
about six miles to the north-west of
Shechem, encircled with high hills,
and almost on the edge of the great
plain which borders upon the Medi-
terranean.
^^ Micah vi. IG : the phrase is a par-
allel to "the works of the house of
Ahab," and the more immediate ref-
erence is, no doubt, to the latter.
" 1 K. XX. 3-t. The "making
streets in Samaria" hast his meaning.
The cities referred to by Benhadad II.
as taken by his father from Ahab's
father, may be those taken from Baa-
sha, or later conquests. Benhadad
treats Ahab quite as a vassal (1 K,
XX. 2). '-'' B.C. 918 ; 1 K. xvi. 23-29.
516 Tlie Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Ch;
reigned for the long period of forty-one years. ^^ His name,
which signifies curing or j)hysiclan^ Avas significant of Iiis
work. Himself a worthy son of David, and having " his
heart perfect with Jehovah all his days," he reformed the re-
ligions and moral abnses of the three preceding reigns. He
pnt down the nnnatural vices which had grown np nnder
Rehoboam, and destroyed the idols. Even his mother Maa-
chah was deposed from the rank of " queen-mother " — which
was reckoned a great dignity in the East^® — because she had
set up an Asherah (or idol), probably for the impure orgies
of Ashtoreth '^'^ and Asa cut down and burned her Asherah.,
and strewed its ashes on the brook Kidron, just as Moses
had treated the golden calf Still, however, the old hill-sanc-
tuaries were retained as places of worship. They were sup-
pressed by Jehoshaphat but partially ; and again long after
by the zeal of Josiah.''" Asa repaired Shishak's plunder of
the temple by rich offerings of gold and silver, in addition to
those dedicated by his father, probably in the early part of
his reign, but since transferred to the heathen shrines. It is
indeed curious to observe how soon the treasures, of which
the Temple was repeatedly stripped — by Shishak, by Asa
himself at a later time, and by other kings — were again sup-
plied. The commerce established by Solomon with Arabia
and the East, and with the silver-producing regions of West-
ern Europe, must have continued to flourish. The great vic-
tory of Abijah over Jeroboam secured peace to Judah for the
first ten years of Asa's reign ; and he used it in building new
fortifications to his cities.'^ He raised an army of 580,000
men (if we might trust the numbers of our common text), of
Avhom 300,000 were men of Judah, armed Avith spear and
shield, and 280,000 Benjamite archers." This military prep-
ai-ation Avas probably connected Avith an attempt to throAV
off the tributary yoke which Shishak had imposecl upon Reho-
boam ; and it brought upon Asa the Avhole force of the Egyp-
tian monarchy. At least it is probable that " Zerah, the Cush-
ite" (or Ethiopian), Avas a king of Egypt." He invaded Ju-
dah at the head of a million of men ; but Asa encountered him
" B.C. 955-9 U : 1 K. xv. 9-2i ; 2
Chron. xiv., xv.
^^ Comp. 1 K. ii. 19 ; 2 K. xxiv. 12 ;
Jev. xxix. 2; Dan.v. 10.
"^ 1 K. XV. 13. See the Vulgate.
^" 1 K. xvii. G : 2 K. xxii. 8, 13.
^' At the beginning, however, of
his reign, Asa seems to have taken | soldiers were in a great measure lithi*
from Jeroboam some cities of Mountlopians (2 C.hron. xii. 3).
Ephraim. See 2 Chron. xv. 8, xvii.
2,
'«« 2 Chron. xiv. 1-8.
" 2 Chron. xiv. 9. Ewald and oth-
ers identify Zerah with Osorkon I.,
the second king of the twenty-second
dvnasty, and son of Shishak, whoso
B.C. 940. Reign of Asa in Judah. 617
at Maresliah (near the later Eleuthcropolis) in the S.W. of
Judah ; and, after a fervent prayer to God, he routed the
Ethiopian host and pursued them to Gerar. He returned to
Jerusalem with the spoil of the cities round Gerar, and with
innumerable sheep and cattle." A solemn appeal was made
by God to king and people, while their hearts were still warm
with the victory. The prophet Azariaii, son of Oded," met
Asa on his return, and exhorted him and his subjects to be
strong, lieart and hand, in seeking God. He gave an affect-
ing description of the former state of Israel : — " For a long-
season Israel hath been (or was) without the true God, and
without a teaching priest, and without law." His words
roused the liearers to a new and more thorough reformation.
The idols were removed from all the cities of Judah and Ben-
jamin, and those which had been won from Ephraim. The
altar of burnt-ottering, which had probably been polluted,
was renewed, and Asa called a great convocation at Jerusa-
lem in the third month of the fifteenth year of his reign (b.c.
940). It was attended not only by all Judah and Benjamin,
but by many of Ephraim, Manasseh, and other tribes ; and a
covenant was made, witli solemn oaths and joyful shouts and
music, to serve God with all their hearts, and to punish all
idolatry with death.'"' This general defection to Asa of tht
worshipers of Jehovah throughout the kingdom of Israel
must have added great strength, especially moral strength,
to Judah. It alarmed Baasha, the king of Israel, who renew-
ed the war with all his forces, and as we have seen, forti-
fied liamah, as a sort of blockading station" on the frontier
of Judah, to prevent his subjects from going over to Asa.
It was then that the good king of Judah committed the one
great error of his life. He not only resorted to the heathen
king of Damascus, Benhadadl, but he took the treasures of
the house of God to purchase his alliance. Benhadad's inva-
sion of Northern Israel recalled Baasha from liamah, and the
stones and timber which he had collected were carried away
by Asa to build the frontier forts of Geba (the hill) and Miz-
peli (the icatch-toicer) in Benjamin. The great well of Miz-
peh was still remembered as Asa's work in the time of Jere-
miah.'^
Asa's want of faith was reproved by the seer Hanajni, the
" 2 Chron. xiv. 9-15. '"•« 2 Cliron. xv.
" 2 Chron.xv. 1. That this is the "MVimt tlie Greeks call iinTd.
true reading also in ver. 8 is clear from j/(T//a.
the Alexandrian MS. of the LXX., «« 2 Chr. xvi. 1-6; 1 K. xv. 16-22.
the Vulgate, and the Peshito-Syriac. Jer. xli. 9.
518 The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIII.
father of that Jehu who prophesied both to Baasha and Je-
hoshaphat. He told Asa that he had lost the honor of con-
quering Benhadad by seeking his alliance, and denounced
against him constant war for the rest of his days. It is a
sign of the growing loss of reverence for the supreme au-
thority of Jehovah, that even in Judah the discharge of a
prophet's office had now come to involve danger to his per-
son. Hanani was imprisoned by Asa in his rage, and others
of the people were oppressed for the same cause. The king's
conduct is to be ascribed partly to unbroken prosperity, and
partly to the irritation of disease, for in his last years he suf-
fered from the gout. The censure cast on him for " seeking
not to Jehovah, but to the physicians," is no doubt founded
on the principle, on Avhich the whole retributive system of
the Mosaic law is based, that every form of temporal suifer-
ing was to be viewed as a chastisement from God, and to be
met first by humiliation and prayer to Ilim, who would then
permit the physician or any other secondary agent to do his
office with such success as it might be His will to grant.
Asa sank under the disease in the forty-first year of his reign,
having been contemporary with all the first seven kings of
Israel. His body was laid in a bed of spices"" in a sepulchre
he had prepared for himself in the city of David, and pre-
cious odors Avere burned for him in great abundance, as was
the custom at the funerals of worthy kings.'"
§ 9. Jehoshaphat, the fourth king of Judah, was the son
of Asa and Azubah. At the age of thirty-five lie succeeded
his father in the fourth year of Ahab, king of Israel, and reign-
ed at Jerusalem twenty-five years.'' He followed his father's
piety, and possessed an energy which makes him the most
like David of all the other kings of Judah. He raised the
kino-dom to the highest point that it had reached since the
disruption ; but his unhappy alliance with Ahab went far to
neutralize all his excellences, and brought ruin upon his suc-
cessors. He was contemporary with Ahab and his two sons,
Ahaziah and Jehoram.
Jehoshaphat began his reign by fortifying the cities of
Judah and Benjamin, as well as those taken by his father in
Mount Ephraim, while he became rich by the presents which
attested the confidence of his subjects ; and Jehovah was
with him.'^ He carried on his father's reformation by re-
"^ Comp. John xix. 30, 40. [ " e.g. 914-889 : 1 K. xv. 24, xxiL
'° IK. XV. 23, 24; 2 Chr. xvi. 7-14; j 41, 42; 2 Chron.xvii. 1-xx. 31.
comp. 2 Chr. xxi. 19 ; Jcr. xxxiv. ;">. I " 2 Chrou. xvii. 1-0.
B.C. 918. Ahah King of Israel 519
moving the groves and high pLaces ; but this was only im-
perfectly accomplished, " for as yet the people had not pre-
pared their hearts unto the God of their fathers."" In the
third year of his reign, he gave a commission to his chief
princes, in conjunction with certain Levites and priests, to
teach the people and to read the book of the Law in all the
cities of Judah. His piety was rewarded with prosperity.
He had peace with all the surrounding nations. Even the
Philistines paid him tribute, and the Arabians brought the
immense flocks of rams and goats which David had described
in the 7 2d Psalm. He continued to fortify and garrison the
cities ; at Jerusalem he had a band of captains, Tike those of
David ; and under their command was a greater army than
had yet been raised, though the numbers in our text are very
much too large. ■'^ His i)ower had become too great for the
King of Israel to hope for success in a new war ; and the grow-
ing strength of the Syrian kingdom of Damascus may have
prompted the alliance which was now formed betAveen Je-
hoshaphat and Ahab, and which requires us to look back to
the history of Israel.''^
g 10. AiiAB (properly Achab), the seventh king of Israel,
and the second of the dynasty of Omri, succeeded his father
in the thirty-eighth year of Asa, and reigned twenty-two years
at Samaria.'" His name has attained an evil eminence in the
world's history. Like Antiochus Epiphanes and Nero, he
had a love of art, and he was not destitute of generous im-
pulses ; but he stands forth an example of the lengths of
wickedness to which a weak selfishness may be driven by the
influence of a stronger will. His fate was decided by his
marriage with Jezebel, a name even more infamous than his
own, the daughter of Ethbaal, king of the Zidonians. The
very name of this prince (the Man of BaaT) suggests the con-
sequences of the alliance. In place of the worship of Jero-
boam's calves, which, monstrous idols as they Avere, yet pro-
fessed to be symbols of Jehovah, the service of Baal was es-
tablished throughout Israel. Ahab built him a temple and
an altar at Samaria, and made him a grove for the impure
orgies of Ashtoreth. There was a great college of his priests,
or prophets, who numbered 450, besides 400 prophets of the
groves ; and all these were maintained at Jezebel's table.
By her orders, the prophets of Jehovah were put to death,
except a hundred, who were hid and fed in a cave by Oba-
" 1 K. xxii. 43 ; 2 Chron..xix. 3, | "2 Chron, xviii. 1.
XX. 33. • ■'^ 2 Chron. xvii. 13-19. I '« B.C. 918-897 ; 1 K. xvi. 29.
520 T lie Kingdoms of J a: lull and Israel. Chap. XXIIt
diah, the governor of Ah.ab's house : for even at his court
tnere was at least one servant of Jeliovah, as there were Chris-
tians in Nero's household. The influence of the court and
the force of j^ersecution completed the apostasy of the people,
so that it Avas an unexpected consolation for the great prophet
of the age to be assured that Jehovah had 7000 left in Israel,
whose knees liad not bowed to Baal, and their lips not kiss-
3d him."
This darkest night of Israel's spiritual declension was
broken by the appearance of the greatest of all the prophets
since Moses, and the type of that great preacher of repent-
ance who was the forerunner of the Christ.
Elijah the Tishbite has been well called " the grandest
and the most romantic character that Israel ever produced.'"
He meets us with a suddenness as startling as the first ap-
pearance of John the Baptist preaching repentance in the
wilderness of Judsea. There is not a word of his parentage;
and of his birthplace we only know that it was in the land
of Gilead east of Jordan.''' But this one fact accounts for
the prophet's outward peculiarities. Like Jephthah among
the judges, he came of a wild, uncultured, pastoral race, whose
mode of life had become more and more assimilated to that
of the Bedouins of the neighboring desert, and who retained
great force of character and power of physical endurance.
His only clothing was a girdle of skin I'ound his loins, and
the "mantle," or cape, of sheepskin, the descent of whicli
upon Elisha has passed into a proverb. Sheltered from Jeze-
bel's persecution in the solitudes of Mount Gilead, he liad
been prepared by Jehovah for his mission to the apostate
king and people.
It was probably about the tenth year of Ahab's reign,^"
that Elijah suddenly appeared before the king to declare, as
the word of Jehovah, confirmed by an awful oath, that there
should be no rain in the land for three years but at his word.''
From the New Testament Ave learn *that the prophet Avas
more than a mere messenger of the judgment. "He^^myec^
"2K. xvi. 28-33, xviii.3, 4, 13, 19, 'osition, the truth which he brought
xix. 18. Israel to confess, "Jehovah is my
"Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. God," just as St. John was called
327. * Qeo2.oy6r, as the great advocate of the
" 1 K. xvii. 1 . Tliere has been no doctrine Oedc?/v 6 /idyoc The Hebrew
probable conjectui-e even as to the site form is generally EHjahu ; the Greek
of his city, which was certainly not I is Klhis.
the Thisbe of Tobit i. 2, for that was I *° This is according to the received
in Naphtali. His name is one of chronology ; but perhaps the true date
those which signify a complete prop- 1 should be earlier. ^' 1 K.«xvii. 1.
B.C. 908.
Mission of Elijah.
521
earnestly that it might not rain : and it rained not on the
land by the space of three years and six months. And he
2'jrayed again., and the heaven gave rain, and the earth brought
foi-th her fruit.'"^^ This passage, introduced to shoAv the power
with God exerted by "men alFected like ourselves," may help
to guard us against too mechanical a view of the prophet's
functions. In his agonizing prayer upon Mount Carmel, at
the close of the drought, we see how his own desire went
forth to meet the will of God ; and, though the history is si-
lent as to all that preceded his message to Ahab, the words of
James justify the supposition of a like scene ; when the proph^
et, brooding over the state of Israel, as we see him at a later
period, and preparing to stand forth as the champion for God,
like Luther in his cell, put up fervent prayers for the sign
tliat might attest his mission. Like Luther again, who of
all men beyond the records of Scripture, had most of Elijah's
spirit, he was saved from the immediate risk, at which he
discharged his mission, by the command of God to hide him-
self in the wady of the Cherith, whose position is uncertain.
The history leaves the court, to follow the prophet ; but it
has been supposed that Jezebel's slaughter of the prophets
Avas in revenge for the denunciation of Elijali. He remained
in his hiding-place, fed by the ravens morning and evening
Avitli bread and meat, till the brook dried up, and he had to
sock another refuge." The word of Jehovah sent liim, as our
Lord empliatically declares, not to any of the secret worship-
ers of God in Israel, nor to any city of Judah, perhaps lest
he should appear to be a partisan of the rival kingdom ; but
the honor of nourishing God's prophet was granted to a wom-
an, a poor widow of the heathen city of Zarephath, in the ter-
ritory of Zidon.®* Elijah went thither, and found at the city
gate a poor Avoman gathering a few sticks, to bake a cake
made of her last liandful of meal and her last drop of oil,
that she and her only son might share it and then die. We
need not repeat the familiar story of the faith Avith Avhich
she consented to sustain Elijah, the miraculous replenishing
of the barrel of meal and the cruse of oil, as long as the famine
lasted, and the restoration of the AvidoAv's son to life at the
prophet's prayer. ^^
In the third year, Elijah was bidden to leave his conceal-
ment and shoAV himself to Ahab. The drous^ht had now be-
" James V. 17, 18.
«3 1 K.xvii. ]-7.
^* 1 K. xvii. 8, 9 ; Obad. 20 ; Luke
iv. 2G ; this passage and the history
both favor the supposition that she
was a Hebrew widow, like the mothei
of Hiram the artist.
''^ 1 K. xvii. 8-24.
622 T lie Kingdoms of Judali and Israel. Chap. XXIU
ccme so disastrous, that the greatest exertions were needed
to find grass enough to save the lives of the king's horses and
cattle. Ahab undertook the search in person, taking one way
himself, and sending his chief officer, Obadiah, by another.
The latter, w^lio has been mentioned as a zealous worshiper
of Jehovah, Avas encountered by Elijah, and reluctantly un-
dertook the risk of announcing to Ahab the prophet's reap-
pearance. The king met Elijah with the threatening ques-
tion, "Art thou he that troubleth Israel?" — and the prophet
retorted the charge upon himself for his apostasy and idola-
try. He then challenged tlie king to a decisive trial between
Baal and Jehovah, and a scene ensued upon Mount Carmel
which has no parallel in the history of the world. On the
one side were Baal's prophets, to the number of 450, sup-
ported by the court and followed by the people ; for neither
the few secret worshipers of Jehovah, nor the many Avhom
His judgments had rendered dissatisfied with their idolatry,
dared to show sympathy with the prophet. Elijah stood
alone : but God w^as with him. His challenge is all the bold-
er, considering the juggling tricks with which the heathen
priests were familiar, and which the king would be ready to
abet. But it is on the side of Elijah that we find precautions
taken against such tricks, and taken by his OAvn desire. He
proposed a test of the simplest kind ; that each party should
prepare a bullock and wood, and pray to their respective
gods to send down fire upon the sacrifice, " And the god that
answereth by fire, let him be God." All the people assented
to so fair a trial. Elijah gave Baal's prophets the choice be-
tween the victims, and the first trial. At early morn they
prepared the sacrifice, and the air resounded till high noon
with their wild chorus, growing more and more excited, " O
Baal, hear us ! Baal, hear us ! Hear us !" The stillness of
the summer noon Avas unbroken by an answer, and they
leaped on their altar with frantic gesticulations. As the sun
bent over the meridian, Elijah assailed both priests and god
Avith that irony Avhich the prophets often levelled at idola-
try : — " Cry aloud ! for he is a god ! He is only abstracted
in his OAvn thoughts ! Or he has gone hunting, or upon a
journey. Or perhaps he is asleep and must be aAvaked I"
The priests rencAved their cries, as if they half believed the
last taunt, and cut their flesh Avith knives according to their
custom, till their blood streamed doAvn. ]>ut there Avas not
a sign that their god so much as noticed them. And noAV
the declining sun had reached the sacred hour of the evening
sacrifice ; and the exhausted priests ceased their " vain repe-
B.C. 90G.
Aliss 10 n of Elijah.
528
titions." With the utmost deliberation Elijah repaired the
broken altar of Jehovah, and replaced the twelve unhewn
stones that had formed it; for (Jarmel was a spot sure to
have been a sanctuary, though the tact is not previously re-
corded. Having made a trench round the altar, and laid the
bullock in pieces upon the w^ood, he for the first time com-
mands the assistance of the people, to exclude all possibiUty
of fraud. Thrice they poured water over the victim, the
wood, and the altar, till the trench Avas full ; so that no fire
could possibly be concealed. At the very moment of the
evening sacrifice, Elijah invoked the God of the fathers to
show His divinity, and to turn back the people's hearts; and
the fire came down from heaven in sight of all the people ;
consuming not only the sacrifice and the wood, but the very
stones and dust of the altar, and licking up the water in the
trench. All the people fell upon their faces crying out, " Je-
hovah, He is the God ! Jehovah, He is the God !" Their
new-awakened zeal Avas at once turned by Elijah against the
idolaters. " Take the prophets of Baal !" he exclaimed —
" let not one of them escape !" He Avas obeyed ; and they
Avere slain to a man on the bank of the river Kishon, a sacri-
fice to Baal in place of their vain oftering.^^ Ahab, A\iio seems
to haA^e been a passive spectator of the scene, noAV yields him-
self to the direction of the prophet, Avho assures him that he
hears the sound of abundant rain, and retires to his tent to
eat and drink, Avhile Kishon runs red Avith the blood of his
priests. As he is thus engaged, Elijah AvithdraAvs to the
summit of Carmel, and sits Avith his head boAved doAvn be-
tAveen his knees, Avhile his servant looks out over the sea for
the first sign of rain in the Avest. , Six times the lad reports
that the sky is clear, and the prophet bids him look again;
but at the seventh he brought back the message, Avhich has
ever since passed into a proverb : — " Behold there ariseth a
little cloud out of the sea, like a man's hand." At this sig.n
the prophet sent the king Avord to prepare his chariot. The
heaven grcAV black Avith clouds ; and amid the cataracts of
a rain-storm in that climate, Elijah ran before the king's char-
iot to the gates of Jezreel, a distance of sixteen miles."
The fierce spirit of Jezebel remained unsubdued, and her
threats drove Elijah again to fly for his life. He traversed
all Israel and Judah to Beersheba ; and there he left his seiw-
ant, Avhile he himself Avent forAvard under the impulse of the
"" It must not be forgotten that these
priests of Baal were, for the most part
at least, apostate Israelites, who had
brouglit themselves under the penal'
ties of the law against idolatry.
**' 1 K. xviii.
524: The Kingdoms of J uda] I and Israel. Chap. XXIIL;
same Spirit wliich long after drove Christ into the wilderness.
After one day's journey, he was overcome by fatigue and de-
spair ; and he sat down under a juniper-tree, and prayed for
death. His Avords betray that deep consciousness of individ-
ual weakness, to which the chosen servants of God have often
yielded : — " I am not better than my fathers." But an angel
touched him, and bade him arise and eat : he looked up, and
saw a fire, with a cake of bread baked upon it, and a cruse
of water by his head ; and in the strength of that food he
passed 40 days and nights in the wilderness of Sinai. There,
like Moses, he was favored with a vision of the glory of Je-
hovah. From that Avell-known scene of terrible convulsion,
followed by an awful stillness, lie learned the great lesson, that
God's presence is to be felt, not so much in the grand displays
of power which strike our senses, as in the " still small voice"
that speaks directly to the heart. Pie liad seen the fire come
down from heaven, heard the people confess their God, and
slain Baal's prophets ; and yet the work seemed all to be done
again ; but noAV he learned that the quiet power of God's spirit
was working in the people's hearts, and there Avere 7000 men
who had not done homage to Baal. Thus reanimated for
his remaining Avork, he Avas sent to prepare for three great
changes aftecting the state of Israel; to anoint Hazael as the
future king of Syria, in place of Benhadad ; Jehu, the son of
Nimshi, as king of Israel, in place of Aliab's house ; and Eli-
sha, the son of Shaphat, to be prophet in succession to liimself.
These three Avere to folloAV each other in the destruction of the
Avorshipers of Baal. Elijah only performed in person the
last of the three acts, the designation of Elislia, leaving to
him the other two, Avliich he himself found no opportunity to
execute.^^
Elisha's native place Avas at Abel-meholah (the meadow
of the da?ice), a place in the valley of the Jordan, near its
junction Avith the plain of Jezreel.''' He Avas plowing Avith
tAvelve yoke of oxen, himself guiding the twelfth, a proof of
the Avealth he abandoned to " put his hand to the ploAv "
of Jehovah, Avhen Elijah arrived on his Avay up the valley
tOAvard Damascus, and, Avithout saying a Avord, cast his
prophet's mantle upon Elisha, as if claiming him for a son.'"
Elisha, Avith a heart prepared by God, only begged to give
his father and mother a parting embrace, and Elijah consent-
ed, in words implying a keen feeling of Elisha's separation
*^^ tlnless we may infer from 1 K. [ taken for granted, and that they were
xix. 15, 16, that tlie acts are to be i repeated bv Elislia.
"^^ Judg. vii. 22 ; IK. iv. 12. ^' Comp. Kutli iii. 4-1-1.
B.C. 901,
Elijah at Mount Sinai.
525
from the ties of affection. Elisha celebrated the sacrifice of
himself by ofiering the yoke of oxen with which he had been
plowing, tiie ilesh of which he boiled with the wood of the
yoke and the plow, and made a parting feast for the people
of the village. He then followed Elijah and became "his
servant," for such was the relation betAveen a prophet and
his nearest comrade, as afterward in the case of Elisha and
Gehazi. It was, indeed, an honor Avhich the first minister
of the greatest king might have coveted, to be known as
" Elisha, the son of Shaphat, who poured water on the hands
of Elijah." These events comprise the first period of Elijah's
course. He disappears from the scene for a considerable time,
occupied possibly with the journey to Damascus to anoint
Hazael."'^ The King of Israel, who no doubt supposed that
he had got rid of his great " troubler," seized the opportuni-
ty to perpetrate a deed of enormous wickedness.
Ahab's capital was at Samaria ; but he had a favorite resi-
dence at the beautiful city of Jezreel (now Zerin)," "the
Versailles of Israel," vrhere we have already seen him. His
regal lust of improving his fair domain was checked by a
vineyard, the property of a man of Jezreel, named I^aboth,
who clung like a true Israelite to his patrimony, though
the king offered him its price in money, or a better vine-
yard." With the petulance of a despot crossed in his will,
Ahab took to his bed, and refused to eat ; but he was roused
by Jezebel from despondency so unworthy of a king who
had power to make law for himself So abject was the deg-
radation of the people, so shameless the tyranny of the crown,
that the elders of Israel at once obeyed the written orders
of Jezebel to proclaim a fist, and in the name of religion and
loyalty, to put their fellow-citizen to death on the evidence
of witnesses of their own suborning. Naboth was dragged
out of the city, and stoned as a blasphemer against God and
the king, and, at the call of Jezebel, Ahab arose to take pos-
session of the vineyard. But God sent Elijah to meet him
"' 1 K. xix. We follow the ordei'
of the LXX. and Joseph us, in placing
the twentieth chapter after the twen-
ty-first.
. °^ The modern village of Zeriri
stands on one of the gentle swells
which rise out of the fertile plain of
Esdraelon ; hut with two peculiarities
which mark it out from the rest. One
is its strength. On the north-east the
bill presents a steep rocky descent of
at least 100 feet. The other is its
central locality. It stands at the
opening of the middle hranch of the
three eastern forks of the plain, and
looks straight toward the wide west-
ern level ; thus commanding the view
toward the Jordan on the east (2 K.
ix. 17), and visible from Carmel on
the west (IK. xviii. 46).
" 1 K. xxi. 1-3 ; comp. Lev, xxv,
23; Numb, xxxvi. 7 ; Ezek. xlvi. 18.
526 The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIIL
there ; and the king's conscience betrayed itself in the cr^^
"Hast tlioii found me, oh mine enemy?" "I have found
thee," answered the prophet, and went on to mark the scene
of this last crime as that of God's judgment for all his sins ;
" in the place where the dogs licked the blood of Naboth,
shall dogs lick thy blood, even thine." Jezebel's fate was
to be still more terrible ; the dogs would eat her under the
walls of Jezreel ; and the whole house of Ahab should be ex-
terminated, and their flesh given to the dogs and vultures.^*
This was Elijah's last mission to Ahab, and he does not ap-
pear again till the next reign. For once Ahab repented and
humbled himself with fasting and sackcloth, and God post-
poned the full execution of the sentence till after his death. ^^
§ 11. The last years of Ahab's reign were chiefly occupied
by two great wars with Syria. His signal victories in the
first of these wars may be viewed as a token of the acce])t-
ance of his penitence for Naboth's murder.°° Benhadad II.
had treated him as a vassal, and the King of Israel had com-
plied with his demands ; but when Ahab was required to
give up his wives and children, he saw that it Avas but a pre-
text for a final quarrel. He refused with spirit ; and it is to
the mouth of this infamous king that we owe the noble prov-
erb," Let not him that girdeth on boast himself as he that
putteth ofl*."" The Khig of Damascus received the message
as he was carousing with the thirty-two confederate kings,
who had followed him to the siege of Samaria ; and he bade
them set their immense forces in array against the city, and
returned to his cups secure of an easy victory. At this
juncture a prophet came to tell Ahab that God had deliver-
ed these hosts into his hand. His little army of 7000 men
went out of the city, preceded by the 232 young princes of
the tribes ; and Benhadad, who was drinking in his tent at
the noontide banquet, with a contemptuous indiflerence as
to whether they came out for a sally or a surrender, ordered
them to be taken alive. But each of the princes killed the
man who laid hands upon him ; their followers rushed to the
attack; the panic-stricken Syrians were pursued with great
slaughter, Benhadad hardly escaping on his horse. The same
prophet warned Ahab to expect a new attack the following
year, Benhadad's servants persuaded him to fight in the low
•^ 1 Kings xxi. ; conip. 2 Kings ix. "^ 1 K. xxi. 27-29 ; 2 K. ix. 25.
7, 2G, 30, 37. It is well worthy of no- «" 1 K. xx.
tice that Jehu, the anointed avenger, "^ 1 K. xx. 11. No doubt it wasi
was in tlie train of Ahab when he then .i current proverb. Its terseness
went to take possession of Nabotli's is somcwliat injured by the insertion
vineyard. of the words "his harness."
B.C. 901.
Wars of Ahah with Syria.
527
country, as tlie gods of Israel were gods of the hills ; but
they added the good advice to replace the confederate kings
by chosen captains. So the Syrians oftered battle at Aphek,
a walled city which they had taken from Israel in the low
country east of the Jordan."® Ahab divided the whole force
of Israel into two bodies, Vvhich looked like two flocks of kids
in presence of the vast armies of Syria ; but a prophet an-
nounced to him that Jehovali would prove himself the God
of the A'alleys as well as of the hills. After watching each
other for seven days the armies joined battle ; the Syrians
were routed with a slaughter of 100,000 men, and 2 7,000 more
Avere crushed by the fall (perhaps in an earthquake) of the
wall of Aphek, in Avhicli they had taken refuge. Benhadad
now resolved to tlirow himself on the mercy of Ahab, whose
impulsive nature was shown in a generosity which proved
fatal to himself. Instead of seizing the opportunity to regain
the frontier of Solomon on the north-east, and to restore the
kingdom of Israel m the fear of God, he was content with
Benhadad's promise to give back the towns taken from Omri
by Benhadad I. and to receive a resident envoy in Damascus."^
For the fourth time in this Avar, a prophet was sent to Ahab ;
and, after obtaining the king's judgment against himself by
the ingenious preparation of a supposed case, he told the
king that God would take his life in place of the life of Ben-
hadad. So Ahab returned to Samaria in displeasure.'"''
The peace Avith Syria lasted for three years,'" but it does
not appear that Benhadad restored the cities as lie had
promised. At length Ahab seized the opportunity of a visit
from his ally, Jehoshaphat, AA^hom he entertained sumptuous-
ly,"^ to i^ropose a joint expedition for the recovery of Ramoth-
gilead. , The pious King of Judah proposed to consult the
word of Jehovah ; and Ahab tried to satisfy him by summon-
ing his OAvn 400 prophets, men Avho seem to have been trained
as prophets of Jehovah and to have spoken in His name,
Avhile prostituting their ofiice to the king's pleasure.'"^ With
one A'oice they promised Ahab the A^ctory in the. name of
JehoA'ah. Still Jehoshaphat asked if there Avere no more
prophets of JehoA^ah ; and Ahab remembered a certain Mi-
CAiAH, tlie son of Imlah, Avliom, hoAVCA'er, he hated, as he Avas
^'^ Now Fik, six miles east of the
Lake of Galilee, on the great road
from Damascus to Samaria and Jeru-
salem. Other battles were fouglit
there with Svria (2 K. xiii. 17).
"^ 1 K. XX. 22-34.
^""^ 1 K. XX. 35-43. ^'' 1 K. xxii. 1.
^"2 2 Chron. xviii. 2.
^^^ They can hardly be A'iewed as
pi'ophets of Baal, whose woi-ship does
not seem to have been publicly re-
r.tored after its overthrow by Elijah.
628 The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIII.
always a prophet of evil. He sent for him, apparently out
of prison, and Micaiah Avent, declaring that he must speak
the vrord which Jehovah should put into his mouth. He
found the two kings upon their thrones in their robes of
state, and all the prophets before them, one of whom, Zede-
kiah, the son of Chenaanah, had placed horns of iron on his
head- .V P'jhow how Ahab should push the Syrians to destruc-
tiorec Whether through fear or in irony, Micaiah at first
chore ' in with them ; but, adjured by Ahab to tell the truth,
Ipssemb- )ld the king's death by likening Israel to a flock
without a shepherd ; and, in the form of a vision like that at
the opening of the Book of Job, he denounced the other
prophets as possessed by a l3ang spirit sent by God to de-
ceive Ahab. Upon this Zedekiah struck and taunted him,
and the king sent him back to the dungeon, while Micaiah
warned both of their coming fate, and called the people to
witness his words. ^" The words of Micaiah induced Ahab
to disguise himself in the ensuing battle at Ramoth-gilead,
while Jehoshaphat wore his royal robes. Benhadad had
commanded his chariots to direct all their force against the
king, and Jehoshaphat Avas so hard pressed that he only es-
caped by crying out that he Avas not Ahab. In spite of his
precautions, Ahab AA^as mortally Avounded by a chance shot
from a boAV. He Avas supported in his chariot, Avhile the bat-
tle raged, till sunset, and then he died. At his fall the cry
"went through the host, " Every man to his city and to his
country." His body Avas brought to Samaria, and there bur-
ied, but not till the Avords spoken by Elijah at Naboth's vine-
yard were fullilled ; for as his chariot Avas Avashed out at the
pool of Samaria, the dogs licked \\\) his blood. He Avas suc-
ceeded by his son Ahaziah."^
§ 12. Jehoshaphat returned to Jerusalem unmolested.
The severe lesson of Ramoth-gilead Avas enforced by the
prophet Jehu, Avho met him on the AA^ay, upbraiding him for
his alliance Avith those Avho hated God, but praising him for
his piety. The king addressed himself Avith rencAved zeal
to the Avork of reformation. He went in person through liis
kingdom from Beersheba to Mount Ephraim, reclaiming the
*'" 1 K. xxii. 1-28 ; 2 Chron. xviii. in such a manner as to show that the
1-27. curse foretold l)y Joshua was fulfill-
^"* About B.C. 897 : 1 K. xxii. 29- ed :— " lie laid the foundation there-
40; 2 Chron. xix. 28-3-1. Among of in Abiram his first-born, and set up
The events of Aliab's reign, the sacred the gates thereof in his youngest son
historian specially records the rebuild- Segub" (I K. xvi. o-i ; comp. Josh,
insf of Jericho bV Hid the Bethelite vi. 20).
B.C. 897. The Prophet J aliaziel. 529
people to the God of their fathers. He appointed judges in
all the fortified cities, and in Jerusalem he established a court
of priests and Levites and heads of houses, for the final de-
cision of all cases relating to the law of Jehovah. At the
head of the latter he set the high-priest Amariah for all re-
ligious causes, and Zebadiah, son of Ishmael, tlie prince of
Judah, for matters relating to the king. To both ^^^,^^t.^ve a
charge worthy of his name."" The judges throughou „the
land were reminded that they judged not for man /ij.^i'
God, and in the fear of Jehovah, with whom " there [^^\^1>
iquity^ nor respect of persons^ nor taking of gifts ;^'' anu the
supreme court was Admonished to " deal courageously, and
Jehovah shall be with the good.'""
Meanwhile the disaster of Ramoth-gilead encouraged the
old enemies on the eastern frontier. The Moabites, the Am-
monites, with the people of Mount Seir, and the tribes of the
neighboring desert, threw oif the yoke which they had borne
since the time of David. We read of two campaigns, the
first against Jehoshaphat by a league of all these tribes, and
the second against Jehoram, king of Israel, and Jehoshaphat
as his ally, by the King of Moab, who was the. vassal of Is-
rael, as Amnion and Edom were of Judah.^*^*
"When word was brought that the hordes of the enemy
were at En-gedi, on the west side of the Dead Sea, Jehosha-
phat proclaimed a fast through all the land, and in a congre-
fation of all Judah, with their wives and children, before the
emple, he ofiered a prayer which is the echo of Solomon's,
appealing to God not to let the heathen, whom he had driven
out before His people, cast them out of His possession ; for so,
m the true spirit of the covenant, he calls their land. The
answer was at once given in a most striking and unusual
jorm. In the midst of the congregation, the Spirit of Jeho-
vah fell upon Jahaziel, the son of Zechariah, a Levite of the
family of Asaph, and he cried out to the king, with all Judah
and Jerusalem, to go forth on the morrow to a victory with-
out a battle ; their part w^ould be only to " stand, and see
the salvation of Jehovah." The king bowed his face to the
ground, while the Levites raised a lofty song of thanksgiv-
ing."^ With renewed songs of praise, they marched forth
in the morning toward the wilderness of Tekoa, Avhere, at
that very time, a strange scene of slaughter was enacting.
"^ Jehoshaphat=Jeliovah-shaphat,
" Jehovah is jndjie," or " the judg-
ment of Jehovah."
"^ 2 Chron. xix.
z
^"8 2 Chron. xx. ; 2 K. iii. ; comp-
1 K. xxii. 47.
'°^ Some refer Vs. xlviii. and xcii.
to this occasion.
530
The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIII,
Confused by the ambuscades they had set for the men of
Judah, the ditferent nations fell one upon the other. The
people of Moab and Ammon, having first cut to pieces the
inhabitants of Mount Seir, turned to mutual slaughter ; and,
Avhen the men of Judah approached, and their scouts looked
out from the watch-tower over the wilderness, the whole face
of the "ground was covered with dead bodies. No less than
thi:^c3 days were occupied in gathering the spoil, which was
TOovQ than they could carry away, and on the fourth they
-tRsemb.led to renew their songs of praise in the valley which
was thence called Berachah (blessmr/) ; and they continued
them as they marched back to Jerusalem, and up to the house
of God, with Jehoshaphat in their van.^^° This great deliv-
erance struck terror into all the nations, and secured peace
to Judah for the rest of his reign. The campaign in which
he aided Jehoram against Moab had a very similar issue."^
He also joined Ahaziah in an attempt to renew the maritime
enterprises of Solomon by way of the Red Sea ; but the fleet
was Avrecked at Ezion-geber, as a punishment for his alliance
with Ahaziah, according to the word of the prophet Eliezek,
son of Dodavah, of Mareshah, and Jehoshaphat refused Aha-
ziah's proposal to renew the attempt. He died, and was
buried with his fathers in the city of David, ''^ leaving his
kingdom to his unworthy son Jehoram, who had already been
associated in the government during the last years of his
father's life (see 2 Kin^s i. 17, viii. 16). His name is pre-
served in the " valley of Jehoshaphat," the deep ravine be-
tween Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives. But it seems
more than doubtful whether the name is derived from him,
and is not rather an appellative, signifying the great judg-
ment of which the scene is laid by the prophet Joel in the
" Valley of the Judgment of Jehovah.""'
§ 13. Ahaziah, the eighth king of Israel, began to reign in
the 17th year of Jehoshaphat, and reigned two years in Sa-
maria."* He was the son of Ahab and Jezebel ; and his char-
acter is emphatically described by the words, " he walked in
the way of his father and of his mother," as well as in the
way of Jeroboam. Besides worshiping Baal, he sent to con-
sult Baal-zebub, the god of Ekron, when he Avas dangerously
ill from a fall through a lattice of his palace."" This brings
Elijah again upon the scene. He Avas sent by God to meet
'"" 2 Chron. xx. 1-28.
^" See p. r,3-t.
"2 About B.C. 889: 1 K. xxii. 41-
50 ; 2 Chron. xx. 31-xxi. 1.
"-'Joel iii. 2; sec Bib. Diet, art,
Jehoshaphat, Valley of.
"• B.C. 897-896: 1 K. xxii. 51.
^^^ 2 Kings i.
B.C. 889.
Last Appearance of Elijah.
531
the king's messengers, and to denounce their master's death,
because he had inquired of an idol, as if there were not a
god in Israel. The prophet was not personally known to the
messengers ; but from their description of him as " a hairy
man, girt with a girdle of leather about the loins," Ahaziah
at once recognized Elijah the Tishbite, whcse wild form and
sharp w^ords had been the terror of his father's court. He
sent a captain of fifty wdth his band to seize the prophet.
They found him sitting on " the top of the mount "''® (prob-
ably Carmel), and the captain, seemingly in a mocking tone,
called to him, " Thou man of God, the king hath said, Come
down." " If I be a man of God," said Elijah, "let fire come
down from heaven, and consume thee and thy fifty :" and it
was done. A second captain of fifty went and repeated the
order in a more peremptory form, " Come dowm qidckly^'' and
he had the same fate. The third implored the mercy of Eli-
jah, who at God's command went with him, and repeated to
the king himself w^hat he had already said to his messengers.
This was Elijah's last appearance to the house of Ahab. As
he had predicted, Ahaziah never rose again from his bed, but
died, leaving liis kingdom to his brother Jehoram."^ His
commercial league with Jehoshaphat has already been men-
tioned.
It is at this point that the sacred narrative introduces one
of the greatest events of the old dispensation, the ascent of
Elijah. The chronology is intricate, but the event seems to
have taken place about the time of Ahaziah's death. The
chief difticulty arises from the letter which Elijah sent to Je-
horam, king of Judah, prophesying his destruction because he
followed the sins of the house of Ahab, This, by the way, is
the only point of connection between Elijah and the house of
David, and the only mention of his name in Xh^Chroyiides^^^
Now Jehoshaphat, the father of Jehoram, took part in the
campaign which is related after Elijah's ascension, and in
which too Elisha appears as the prophet. That Elisha ever
left his attendance upon Elijah to act in public, before he re-
ceived the prophet's mantle, is a supposition quite unwar-
ranted by the history. That the letter of Elijah to Jehoram
was written before but delivered after his ascension, is a vio-
lent assumption."' The true and simple exjilanation is, that
Jehoram began to reign over Judah some years before his
"^ In onv version, erroneonslv, "an
hill." "'2K.1.17.
^'« 2 Chron. xxi. 12-15. This,
"writing," is quite in Elijah's tone,
and its style is materially different
from that of the context.
"^ See the marginal note to 2
Chron. xxi. 12, in our version.
532 The Kingdoms of Jadah and Israel. Chap. XXIII.
father's death, as we have ah-eacly seen. There is therefore
no reason to depart from the order of the narrative in Kings.
When the time had come that God had appointed, to " take
up Elijah into heaven by a whirlwind," the prophet was Avith
Elisha at Gilgal.'^" We know not what intimation he had
received of tlie manner of his departure ; but thus much is
clear, that he desired to end his life, as he had passed its
greater portion, in solitude with God.'^' But his devoted
servant had also been forewarned of his loss, and persisted in
foUownig him to Bethel.'^'' There the sons of the prophets
meet Elisha with the words, " Knowest thou that Jehovah
will take away thy master from thy head to-day ?" and lie
answers, "J do Jcnoio it : liold ye your peace." The same
scene is repeated at Jericho, where Elijah again fruitlessly
asks Elisha to stay behind. They went on to Jordan, while
fifty of the sons of the prophets came out to gaze after them
across the plain. Arrived at the river's edge, Elijah rolled
up his sheepskin mantle, and smote the water, which parted,
as long ago before the ark, and they walked through on dry
ground. At the moment of passing the river, they exchanged
their last words. Elisha, desired to name a parting gift, asks
that a double portion of Elijah's spirit may rest upon him ;
that is, that he may not only succeed to the prophetic office,
but be made the true heir of the power to work miracles,
and turn the hearts of Israel to their forsaken God.^^^ " Thou
hast asked a hard (or bold) thing," said Elijah; "if thou see
me taken from thee, it shall be so unto thee ; but if not, it
shall not be so." They were still talking as they walked for-
ward, when Elisha found himself separated from his master
by a chariot and horses of fire; and Elijah was borne up on
the wings of the storm to the vault of heaven.^" Elisha saw
^^" Apparently not the celebrated'. ^"^ This seems to be the true mean-
place near Jordan, but one of thejinp:, according to the analo^^y of the
same name on the western edge of ^ ancient law of inheritance) Dcut.xxi.).
Mount Ephraim, fifteen miles north i Taking it more literally, S. Peter Da-
of Diospolis (Lydda), the ruins of i mianus and others have endeavored
which still bear the name o? Ji/jilieh. ! to show that all that Elijah did was
Wliy should we faint, and fear
to live alone,
Since all alone, so Heaven
has willed, we die ?
Not even tlie tenderest heart,
and next our own,
Knows lialf the reasons why
we smile and sigh."
Keble, Christian Ye-xr, Twenty-fourth
Sunday after Trinity. '-'' 2 K. ii. 2, 3.
donbled by Elisha ; that the former
wrought twelve miracles, the latter
twenty-four, and so forth.
^'^ Some readers may need to bo
reminded that "heaven," in this pas-
sage and in the accounts of Christ'^
Ascension, means the visible sky.
Into that alone were they seen to en-
ter; all beyond is the province of
faith.
B.C. 80G. Ministry of Elisha. 5o3
him before he vanished in the sky, and rending his clothes
uttered the bitter outcry of a bereaved son, "My father!
my father ! The chariot of Israel, and the horsemen thereof!"
He saw the meaning of the chariot sent to convey him who
had been the true strength of Israel against her own kings,
who trusted in forbidden chariots and horses. He saw too
that his last prayer to his master was granted : he took up
the mantle which Elijah had let fall, and at once put his pow-
er to the proof by again dividing the waters of Jordan on
his return to Jericho, where the prophets, who had remained
Avatching, welcomed him as the successor of Elijah. The
prophets sent fifty active men in search of Elijah, thinking
that God might have carried him away to some lonely mount-
ain, though Elisha warned them that it would be in vain ;
and his word was confirmed by the return of the messengers
after three days. Elisha's stay at Jericho was marked by a
miracle, which the local tradition commemorates to the pres-
ent day, the cure of the bitter Avater of one of the two springs
that rise at the foot of the hill behind the town by casting
into it a new cruse of salt. Thence he returned by the way he
had followed with Elijah to Bethel ; and at this seat of the
calf-worship of Jeroboam, he received an insult which is thus
related by one familiar with the spot. The road to the town
Avinds up the defile of the Wady Smceiriit under the hill
Avhich still bears Avhat in all probability are the ruins of Ai,
and which, even noAV retaining some trees, Avas at that date
shaded by a thick forest, the haunt of saA^age animals. Here
the boys of the tOAvn Avere clustered, Avaiting, as they still
Avait at the entrance of the A^Uages of Palestine, for the chance
passer-by. In the short-trimmed locks of Elisha, hoAV Avere
they to recognize the successor of the prophet, Avith Avhoso
shaggy hair, streaming over his shoulders, they Avere all fa-
miliar ? So, Avith the license of the Eastern children, they
scoflf at the ncAA^-comer as he Avalks by, " Go up, roundhead !'"^
go up, roundhead !" For once Elisha assumed the stern-
ness of his master. " He turned back, and looked on them,
and cursed them in the name of Jehovah, and there came
forth two she-bears out of the Avood, and tore forty-and-two
children of them.'"" There is nothing to shoAV that these
" children " AA^ere too young to be responsible for their Avan-
tonness, Avhich Avas probably meant to try Avhether the ncAV
prophet might be more safely insulted than his predecessor.
From Bethel Elisha returned to Carmel, and thence he AA^ent
^-' This is the true translation, not " baldliead," as in our version.
"« 2 K. ii. 23-24.
53-J: The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel, Chap. XXIII.
to dwell at Samaria/" being fully recognized as the new
prophet.
§14. Jehoram (abbreviated Joram), the ninth king of Is-
rael, was the son of Ahab and Jezebel, and the successor of
his brother Ahaziah. His accession is marked by a twofold
date — in the eighteenth year of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah,
and the second year of Jehoram, the son of Jehoshaphat, that
is, the second year of Jehoram's association with his father
in the kingdom. He reigned twelve years at Samaria.'""'*
He maintained a close alliance with Judah, and it Avas per-
haps by the influence of Jehoshaphat that he was a shade
better than his father and his brother. He removed Ahab's
image of Baal, but he still maintained the idolatries of Jero-
boam.'"
The defeat of Ahab at Ramoth, and the consequent do-
minion of the Syrians in the country east of Jordan, had en-
couraged Mesha, the king of Moab, to revolt from Israel, and to
refuse his annual tribute of 100,000 lambs and 100,000 rams.
Ahaziah's illness had prevented him from taking the field,
but Jehoram applied for help to Jehoshaphat, through whose
territory it was now necessary to march to reach Moab on
the east, by way of the wilderness of Edom. The King of
Edom, the vassal of Judah, joined the expedition. After a
seven days' march through the desert, the armies were with-
out water. The pious Jehoshaphat longed to consult a j^roph-
et of Jehovah, and it was found that Elisha, the son of Sha-
phat, " which poured water on the hands of Elijah," Avas in
the camp of Israel. It Avas only after sternly bidding Jeho-
ram to resort to the prophets of his father and mother that
Elisha consented, for the sake of Jehoshaphat, to give an an-
swer. He called for a minstrel, and as he played, the Spirit
of Jehovah came upon the prophet. Bidding them dig trench-
es all over the plain, he promised that God Avould give them
not only AA^ater, but a complete victory over Moab. In the
night the trenches Avere dug, and at the time of the morning
sacrifice Avater floAved into them from the hills of Edom, so
that the Avhole plain looked like a lake. As the Moabites ad-
vanced to meet the enemy, the red rays of the rising sun, re-
flected from the Avater, thrcAV a liue of blood on the wliole
^" 2 K. ii. 25.
^=«B.c. 896-884; 2 K. i. 17, iii. 1.
The occurrence of the same names
(as ajjain Ahadah) marks the connec-
tion of the two families ; and the in-
fluence of Jehoshaphat is pi-obably to
be traced in the choice of such a
name as Jehoram {Exalted by Jehovah,
or Jehovah is exalted). May it not be
that the birth of Jehoram, and the
alliance of Ahab with Jehoshaphat,
took place about the time of l*^lij:ih'ri
victory over the prophets of Baal ?
'2^ 2 K. iii. 2, 3.
J3.C. 895. Miraculous Defeat of Moajb. 535
plain. They remembered the recent slaughter which they
had shared with the Ammonites and Edomites, and thought
that the allied armies had been destroyed by a like panic, and
raised the cry, " Now, therefore, Moab, to the spoil !" Rush-
ing in disorder upon the camp, they were met by the whole
army, and were pursued into their own country with immense
slaughter. The victory was followed uj) by an exterminat-
ing war. The cities of Moab were razed, and their stones
thrown into the corn-fields ; the wells were filled, and the
fruit-trees were cut down. The only refuge left Avas the
city of Kir-haraseth ; and even this was on the point of be-
ing taken by storm, when the King of Moab, with 700 chosen
Avarriors, tried to cut his way through to reach the King of
Edom,but he was driven back into the city. He resorted to
the forlorn hope of his horrid superstition. Mounting the
wall, in sight of the besiegers, he oftered his eldest son and
heir as a burnt-ofiering to Moloch. It would seem that this
act of despair roused the sympathy of the Edomites, as well
as the horror of Jehoshaphat : " There was great indigna-
tion against Israel ; and they departed from him, and return-
ed to their own land :" and the next Ave hear of the relations
between the allies is the revolt of Edom from the King of
Judah.^^"
To Elisha's aid in this Avar may probably be ascribed those
friendly relations betAveen Jehorara and the prophet Avhicli
belong to the history of the latter. Indeed the deeds of Elisha
filled the greater part of the annals of Israel under Jehoram.
We need not repeat here the simple and familiar narratiA^e
of his multiplying the oil of a prophet's AA^doAV, to saA'e her
and her two sons from the hard creditor ; the hospitality he
received fromji great lady of Shunem, to Avhom a son was
first granted at the prophet's prayer, and by the same prayer
her dead son Avas bi'ought to life again ; his healing of the
poisoned pottage for the sons of the prophets at Gilgal ; his
multiplication of the tAventy barley-loaA^es and ears of corn
for the famished people of that place ;''^ and his causing the
iron axe-head that had fallen into the Jordan to SAvim to the
surface."* The exquisite narrative of the healing of Naaman's
leprosy, and the punishment of Gehazi's covetousness, brings
us back to the affairs of the state, and shoAVS Israel harassed
by predatory incursions from Damascus, and the King of
^^° 2 K. iii. ; comp. viii. 20. ; fr-od, and healing the leper. Two of
"* 2 K. iv. Three of Elisha's mir- these had been performed also by Eli-
acles foreshadowed those of Christ; i jab, bnt the last by Elisha only.
raising the dead to life, multiplying j ^=- 2 K. vi. 1-7.
536 The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIII.
Syria issuing his mandates in a tone which the King of Israel
bitterly resents/^^ During these incursions Jehoram was
saved more than once by the warning of Elisha from being
taken prisoner by the Syrian bands. Enraged at being thus
baffled by the prophet, who, as a courtier told the King of
Syria, could " tell the King of Israel the Avords that thou
speakest in thy bed-chamber," Benhadad sent a great force
to seize him at Dothan. During the night the Syrian chariots
encompassed the base of the hill, on which the ruins of the
city still stand, and in the morning Elisha's terrified servant
came to tell him that they were surrounded. The young-
man's eyes were opened at the prophet's prayer, and he saw
the whole mountain full of chariots of fire and horses of fire,
guarding his master ; the oft-quoted emblem of those bands
wherewtth " the angel of Jehovah encampeth round about
them that fear Him and delivereth them.'"'* As the Syrians
drew near, they were struck blind, and Elisha led them to
Samaria, where he restored their sight. By his command the
King of Israel fed them and sent them home again, and the
result was a cessation of the predatory attacks from Syria. '^^
Thus far we see Jehoram, who had put down the worship
of Baal, upheld against all his enemies by the power of Je-
hovah through the friendship of Elisha. But now comes a
great change, which we can not well be wrong in ascribing
to his relapse into the idolatry which we find restored at the
close of his reign. Not yet however is he forsaken by God.
His great enemy j^resses him harder than CA'er : Samaria
suffers a siege, unequaled in horror till the final catastrophe
of Jerusalem : the king vents his rage upon Elisha, who had
probably foretold the visitation ; but the cruel purpose of
" this son of a murderer," as the prophet terms him, is re-
buked by Elisha's prophecy of the plenty that is to visit the
famished city on the morrow — a prophecy fulfilled by the
panic flight of the Syrian host during the night. No inci-
dent in Scripture history is more picturesque than the de~
spairing visit of the four lepers to the deserted camp. " If
we sit still here, we die ! If they save us alive, we shall live ;
and if they kill us, we shall but die !'"'' The date of these
events may be fixed, with great probability, to the fifth year
of Jehoram's reign ; on the assumption that his last seven
years coincided with the seven years' famine foretold by Eli-
"^ 2 K. V. Neither king is named,
but they were clearly Benhadad II.
and Jehornin,
"* Ps. xxxiv. 7, Ixviii. 17; Gen.
xxxii. 1,2; Zech. vi. 1-7, ix. 8.
1 K. vi. 8-23.
K. vi. vil
B.C. 892. fJoram King of Judali. 637
sha, probably as another visitation for the king's apostasy.'"
And now the time was come for the judgments, long since
revealed by God to Elijah, to fall upon all the chief actors in
the horrid drama of which the family of Ahab is the centre,
and Jezebel their evil genius ; on that house itself, on its
enemy Benhadad, and its allies of the apostate family of Da-
vid, to w^hom we must now turn, to understand their share in
the catastrophe.
§ 15. Jehoeam, the fifth king of Judah, seems to have reign-
ed in conjunction with his father for about three years. We
have seen how the necessity of this supposition is involved
in the date assigned to his namesake of Israel ; and it is ex-
pressly stated that Jehoshaphat was still King of Judah
when his son Joram began to reign, at the age of thirty-two,
in the fifth year of Joram, king of Israel. He reigned eight
years at Jerusalem. ^^^ Through his ill-fated marriage with
Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, he thoroughly
imbibed the spirit of that evil house. He set up the worship
of Baal in the high places, and prostituted the daughters of
Judah to the infamous rites of Ashtoreth. His reign would
liave been the last of the Jewish monarchy, had not God re-
membered his covenant with David, and forborne to cut off
his house. But he was visited with judgments only short of
such a catastrophe.^^" Elijah's last public act was to send
him the letter we have already mentioned, predicting his
death by a loathsome disease, ancl the destruction of his whole
house. The latter was a fit retribution for his own atrocity
to his father's house. Jehoshaphat had placed his six young-
er sons in fortified cities of Judah, besides giving them large
presents in gold, silver, and jewels, while he gave the king-
dom to Jehoram.^"" But as soon as Jehoshaphat was dead,
Jehoram murdered all his brothers — the first example of that
abominable mode of avoiding a disputed succession. The first
calamity of his reign was the revolt of Edom. Marching with
his whole force, he got hemmed in by the Edomites ; and,
though he extricated himself by a successful night attack, the
province was lost. Edom became again an independent state
under its own king, as Isaac had predicted ; and though, fifty
years later, Amaziah overran the country, took Petra, and
massacred many of the people, they were never again sub-
jugated to Judah. Next came the revolt of Libnah, a forti-
"^ 1 K.viii. ]-G. ^""^ 1 K.viii. 18, 19; 2Chr. xxi. 6, 7.
"« B.C. 892-885 : 2 K. viii. 1 7 ; 2 "° 2 Chron. xxi. 2. The terms used
Chron. xxi. 5. lie began to reign seem to imply a division made during
alone in B.C. 889. tlie lifetime of Jeliosliaphat.
z ^.
538
TJie Kingdoms of Judali and Israel, (''hap. XXIIt
fied city of Judali, perhaps one of those that had belonged to
the princes, rising to avenge their murder. Then the kingdom
was nearly overthrown by a great invasion of the Philistines
and Arabians, who had been tributary to Jehoshaphat,'" and
who now stormed and plundered the king's palace, and mas-
sacred or carried oif all his wives and children except his
youngest son Ahaziah. The last infliction Avas a loathsome
and incurable disease of the bowels, of Avhich he died, " and
departed without being regretted." He was buried in the
city of David, but not in the sepulchre of the kings, and no
odors were burned at his funeral. He died in the tAvelfth year
of Joram, king of Israel, and Avas succeeded by his son Aha-
ziah.'"
§ 16. Ahaziah (properly Achaziah), the sixth king of Ju-
dah, was twenty-tAvo years old at his accession, and reigned
only one year.'" Being the son of Athaliah, daughter of
Ahab, he Avas nephew to Jehoram, king of Israel, a conjunc-
tion Avhich threatened the establishment of idolatry in botli
kingdoms ; for Ahaziah Avas addicted to all the evil practices
of the house of Ahab. But, as if the presence of Ahab's
grandson on the throne of David had filled up the measure
of God's forbearance, both kings Avere cut off by one stroke.
Toward the end of the seven years' famine already mentioned,
Elisha Avas sent to Damascus to designate Hazael, a high of-
ficer at the court of Benhadad II., as the future king of Syr-
ia.'^* There is something strange in this appointment of a
heathen king, the murderer of his master, and the cruel ene-
my of Israel, by the prophet of Jehovah. Nor Avas Elijah
himself insensible of this, for he shed tears of grief and shame
as he thought of the Avork to Avhich Hazael Avas ordained.
He was appointed by God the minister of his proA'idence to
execute His A\"i"ath on the house of Ahab ; and so Cyrus, as
the destroyer of Babylon and the restorer of Judah, is called
" the anointed of Jehovah," though he knew him not. Ben-
"' Comp. 2 Chron. xvii. 11.
"^ B.C. 885: 2 K. viii. 16-19; 2
Clivon. xxi,
"' B.C. 885-4. He had already
reigned one year, daring his father's
illness (2 K. ix. 29 ; 2 Chron. xxii. 1-
4). His age, foriy-two, in the latter
passage, is a manifest error of a copy-
ist. It makes him older than his fa-
ther. The name Azariah, in 2 Chron.
xxii. G, is a similar error. In 2
Chron. xxi. 1 7 he is called Jehoahaz :
hut the LXX. has '0;i;oC'fif = Achazi-
ah, and the Peshito, Chaldce. and
Arabic have similar forms.
"•* Probably B.C. 886 or 885 : 2 K.
viii. 7-15. The question whether this
was the long-deferred execution of the
command to Elijah (1 K. xix. 15), or
a second anointing, both in the case
of Hazael and Jehu, can iiardly be
determined. An argument for the lat-
ter view is absence of any mention of
anointiny in this part of the narrative.
B.C. 885. Hazael murders Benliadad. 53^
hadad was lying ill, when he heard of Elisha's coming ; and
he sent Hazael, with presents that loaded forty camels, to in-
quire of the man of God about his recovery. The reply was
an enigma, suited not to suggest, but to unveil the treacher-
ous thoughts of Hazael. " Tell him he may recover " — his
illness is not mortal — "but Jehovah hath showed me that he
shall die," said the prophet, with a look that made Hazael
blush for shame. Then, with a burst of grief, the prophet
foretold the cruelties that would be inflicted on God's people
by Hazael, who exclaimed, " What, is thy servant a dog, that
he should do these monstrous deeds?" "And yet he did
them," says one of our old divines, pointing the moral lesson
for all ages. Elisha replied by plainly announcing that Ha-
zael should be king of Syria. Then followed the catastrophe,
of which history gives many other examples, and which our
great poet has idealized in the tragedy of Macbeth, when
ambition plunges men into crime under the specious pretext
of destiny. Hazael gave Benhadad the assurance that he
should recover, and the next day he suflbcated him with a
cloth dipped in water, and usurped the kingdom.
It was probably amid the confusion of this change of dy-
nasty that Jehoram, king of Israel, with Ahaziah as his ally,
took possession of Ramoth-gilead, the scene of Ahab's death.
•Jehoram was wounded in a battle Avith the Syrians, and re-
turned to Jezreel to be healed, and Ahaziah soon afterward
went to visit him. Their absence from the army gave the
opportunity for their destruction. Elisha sent one of the
sons of the prophets to Ramoth-gilead to anoint Jehu, son
of Jehoshaphat son of Nimshi, one of the captains of the army,
to be king of Israel, according to the word of God to Elijah.
Calling Jehu out of the court where the captains were as-
sembled into an inner room, the prophet discharged his office
and then fled. Jehu returned to his comrades, and, after try-
ing to pass ofl" the visit as a madman's freak, he told them
what had happened. This was the signal for revolt. The
captains spread their cloaks as a carpet of state on the toj)
of the stairs which mount from the inner court of an Eastern
house to the roof; there they placed Jehu in sight of the
army, blew the trumpets, and shouted " Jehu is king." After
taking precautions to prevent any one leaving Ramoth-gilead
to carry the news, Jehu mounted his chariot and drove head-
long to Jezreel. The approach of his party was announced
by the watchman, and Joram sent out a horseman to meet
them. To the question, " Is it peace ?" Jehu answered, " What
hast thou to do with ueace ? turn thee behind me I" A sec-
540 The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIII.
end messenger was seen to follow Jehu in the same fashion.
By this time they were near enough for the watchman to
recognize Jehu by his furious driving, the sign of his impetu-
ous character. Joram ordered his chariot in haste, and went
forth with Ahaziah. They met Jehu at a fatal spot, the field
of Xaboth the Jezreelite. Jehoram, who perhaps still thought
that Jehu had come with tidings from the army, again ask-
ed, " Is it peace ?" " What peace," retorted Jehu, " so long
as the whoredoms of thy mother Jezebel and her witchcrafts
are so many ?" Crying to Ahaziah, " there is treachery," Jo-
ram fled ; but an arrow from Jehu's bow entered his back and
came out through his heart, and he fell dead in his chariot.
Then Jehu reminded Bidkar. his charioteer, how they had
ridden together behind Ahab when Elijah laid upon him the
burden of judgment at that spot, and bade him cast Joram's
body into the plot which his father had seized by Naboth's
murder, to be devoured by the dogs, while he himself rode
on to Jezreel to execute vengeance upon Jezebel. Even then
the spirit of the aged queen, who had defied Elijah in the
hour of his triumph, did not quail. In her royal head-dress,
and with painted eyebrows, she looked down from the lat-
ticed window of her palace on the city wall, and saluted Jehu
with the taunt, "Had Zimri peace, who slew his lord?"'*^
But she too had traitors in her palace ; and, at the call of
Jehu, two or three of her eunuchs dashed her down from the
lattice. Her blood bespattered the city wall, and Jehu drove
his chariot over her mangled corpse, which was left in the
space before the city into which ofial is thrown from the walls
to be devoured by the dogs. It was not till Jehu had sat
down to feast with his comrades that he bade some of his
soldiers to " go and see after the cursed woman and bury her,
for she was a king's daughter." They went, and found that
the dogs had left nothing but her skull and feet, and the
palms of her hands. Her fate recalled to Jehu's memory the
words of Elijah concerning her, which he repeats with even
greater minuteness than the original historian, so strong an
impression had they made upon him.^^" Thus perished this
remarkable woman, distinguished above all the other mon-
sters of her sex for never having betrayed a feeling of re-
morse. Her name is used by St. John as a type of the worst
form of spiritual wickedness, and after-ages have made it a
proverb. There were still seventy sons of Ahab left at Sa-
maria; and Jehu sent letters to their governors and to the
"^ Or, " Is it peace, O Zimri, slaver of his lord ?" (LXX.).
"" '2 K. ix. 30-37 ; comp. 1 K. xxi. 23.
B.C. S84. JjJxtinction of Allah's House. 541
elders of Samaria, ironically challenging them to set up one
of the seventy for king. On their promising submission, a
second letter ordered them to bring liim the heads of all the
seventy to Jezreel on the morrow. They were brought and
piled in two heaps on each side of the gate, and when the
people assembled in the morning, Jehu appealed to them, " I
conspired against my master and slew him, but who slew all
these ?" — thus committing them to a full share in the massa-
cre. AH that remained of the family of Ahab in Jezreel were
hunted doAvn and slain, with the officers of the court and the
priests. Jehu then went to reside at Samaria. At the shear-
ing-house beside the road he met forty-two of the kinsmen
of Ahaziah coming on a visit to Jezreel, in evident ignorance
of these events. AH were seized by his order and slain at the
well of the shearing-house. Proceeding on his way, Jehu
met Jehonadab, the son of Recliab, who was afterward fa-
mous as the founder of the ascetic sect of the Rechabites. Aft-
er mutual assurances that their hearts were " right," Jehu
invited the zealot to mount the chariot and witness his zeal
for Jehovah. Arrived at Samaria, he finished the slaughter
of the house of Ahab, and then planned with Jehonadab one
crowning act of zeal to destroy the worship of Baal at a
stroke. He declared that "Ahab served Baal little, but Jehu
shall serve him much," and proclaimed throughout Israel a
solemn assembly for Baal in the temple which Ahab had
built at Samaria. The worshipers of Baal took the bait, and
assembled to a man. As if to give more dignity to the fes-
tival, but in reality to mark the votaries of Baal, he had them
clothed in the sacred vestments, and himself went into the
temple with Jehonadab, to charge the Baalites to see that
no servant of Jehovah remained to pollute the ceremony.
Eighty men were stationed at the gates to prevent escape at
the peril of their own lives. The sacrifices were ofiered, and
the orgies of the feast had begun, when Jehu gave the signal
to the guards, who rushed in and slew the Baalites, and cast
out their bodies to the dogs and vultures. They then storm-
ed the fortified sanctuary; they broke to pieces the great
stone statue of Baal, and burned the other images, razed the
temple to the ground, and assigned its site to the vilest uses.
Amid all the sins of the later kings of Israel, the worship of
Baal was never openly restored.
§ 17. The fate of the King of Judah is variously related.
According to the account in the Chronicles^ he fled to Sama-
ria when Joram was killed, was found hidden there, and was
brought to Jehu, who put him to deatli, but granted him an
542 The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIII
honorable burial from respect to the memory of Jehoshaphat.
The narrative in Kings certainly conveys the impression at
first sight that Jehu, after mortally wounding- Joram, turned
to pursue the King of Judah (a step improbable in itself, and
inconsistent with the rest of the same narrative), and that Aha-
ziah was mortally Avounded at the pass of Gur, near Ibleam,
and die-d when he reached Megiddo. This pursuit may have
taken place in consequence of his being pointed out to Jehu
Avhile attempting to escape from Samaria, but we can not
expect to clear up every difficulty in such brief and ancient
histories. This much is clear, that his body was carried to
Jerusalem and buried in the sepulchre of the kings.
One member of the house of Ahab was still left, his daugh-
ter Athaliah, the queen-mother of Judah, and the heir to her
mother's %rce and dauntless spirit. By lier means it seemed
as if the Baal-worship, destroyed in Isi-ael, was to be restored
in Judah. On hearing of her son's death, she sIcav all the
royal seed of Judah except Joash, the youngest son of Aha-
ziah, a new-born infant, who Avas hidden by his aunt Jehosha-
beath, the daughter of Jehoram,'" and Avife of the high-priest
Jehoiada. Athaliah usurped the crown for six years,'"® Avhich
may be passed OA^er, for they are barren of CA'ents, to finish the
story of the Jiouse of Ahab. She does not seem to have
brought OA'er the people to idolatry ; for it Avas tlie regular
order of the Temple-service that enabled the high-priest to
effect the revolution by Avhich Joash Avas restored.
In the seA'enth year Jehoiada took counsel Avith five " cap-
tains of hundreds," by Avliose means the Levites and heads
of houses Avere assembled from all the cities of Jerusalem to
SAvear allegiance, in the Temple, to the sole remaining scion
of the house of David, a child seven years old. It Avas the
custom on the Sabbath for the guard of priests and Levites
to divide themselves into three bodies, of Avhom one kept the
doors of the Temple, another the gate called " Sur " (or " the
gate of the foundation"), Avhile the third Avere on duty at the
royal palace. To aA^oid suspicion, the last occupied their
usual post, but the other two-thirds formed a close line across
the court of the altar round the person of Joash, armed Avith
spears and David's sacred shields, Avith orders to cut doAvn
any Avho should attempt to enter, Avhile the rest of the people
Avere in the outer court. When all AA\as prepared, Joash Avas
brought forward and croAvned with full ceremony.
The acclamations of the people reached the ears of Athaliah,
"' Probably by another wife than Arhali.ah. '^^ B.C. 88-t-878.
B.C. 884. Extinction of AhcJJs House. 543
who hastened to the Temple, and found the king standing by
the entrance amid the princes, the trumpets blowing and the
singers praising God. She rent her clothes and cried out
" Treason !" But Jehoiada commanded the five captains to
carry her out of the Temple, and to cut down any who tried
to follow her ; and they slew her at the entrance of " the
horse-gate " by the royal palace. Jehoiada then renewed the
covenant, as in the time of David, of the people and the king
with each other and Jehovah. The Temple of Baal was razed,
the idols destroyed, and Iris priest Mattan slain before his
own altar. The service of the Temple was arranged accord-
ing to the order prescribed by David. The king was brought
in solemn procession from the Temple through the great gate
to the royal palace, and set upon the throne of Solomon. By
the death of Athaliah the last member of Ahab's house had
perished : " all the people of the land rejoiced, and the city
was quiet."
Israelites bringiug Tribute to Shalmaneser. (Nimroud.)
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE KINGDOMS OF JUDx\H AND ISUAEL— Continued
FROM THE DESTRUCTIOX OF THE HOUSE OF AHAB TO THE
CAPTIVITY OF THE TEX TRIBES. B.C. 884-721.
§ 1. State of the two kingdoms — Israel: Fourth D\'nasty; Tenth king,
Jehu — Mentioned on an Assyrian monument — Eleventh king, Jehoahaz.
§ 2. JuDAH : Eiglith king, Joash — Tlie high-priest Jehoiada — Restora-
tion of the Tem])le — Apostasy — The Prophets — Martyrdom of Zecha-
riah — Syrian invasion of Jadah. § 3. Israel : Twelfth king, Jehoash —
Death of Elisha. § 4. Jddah: Ninth king, Amazhilt — Victory over
Edom — Jerusalem taken by Jehoash. § 5. Israel : Thirteenth king,
Jeroboam II. — Political revival of the kingdom — The prophet Jonah —
Fourteenth king, Zachariah — Supposed Interregnum — The prophet Ho-
sea — End of Jehu's dynasty — Fifteentli king, Shalfiwi—CA\i\ War. § C.
Fifth Dynasty — Sixteenth and seventeenth kings, Menahem and Peka-
hiah — First invasion of Israel by Assyria under Pul — Sixth Dynasty —
Eighteenth king, Pekah — State of Israel as described by the prophets
Amos and Hosea. § 7. Judaii : Tenth king, Uzziah — His good reign
and successful wars — Profanes the Temple and dies a leper — Eleventh
king, Jothani — His piety and prosperity. § 8. Twelfth king, Ahaz —
War with Syria and Israel — Elath taken by Syria — Jewish captives re-
stored by Israel — Ahaz calls in Tiglath-pileser — Destruction of the
kingdom of Damascus — Captivity of the Trans-jordanic and northern
tribes — Ahaz goes to Damascus — His shameless idolatries. § 9. Thir-
teenth king, Hezekiah — Reform of Religion — His great Passover — He
destroys tiie Brazen Serpent — Defeats the Philistines — Revolts from
Assyria. . § 10. Israel: Nineteenth and last king, Hoshea ; the best
of the kings of Israel — Symptoms of a revival — Revolts from Shalmane-
ser — First Assyrian invasion — Hoshea's secret league with Egypt, and
imprisonment — Siege and capture of Samaria — End of the Kingdom
of Israel and Captivity of the Ten Tribes — Geosiraphical extent
of the Captivity — Subsequent history of the captives — New colonization
of Samaria.
B.C. 884. State of the two Kingdoms. 545
§1. The fair promise of a new reign of religion in both
kingdoms was soon overcast. The zeal of which Jehu so
loudly boasted, and which led him through such seas of blood,
was too hot to last, and the character of Joash was yet to be
formed. Turning lirst to Israel, Jehu, the tenth king, reign-
ed twenty-eight years,^ and founded the fourth dynasty,
which consisted of five kings, but lasted a much longer time
than Omri's, namely, 111 years.^ This prolongation of his dy-
nasty was expressly granted as the reward of his zeal against
the house of Ahab. Nor was this all. Under the house of
Jehu, Israel became almost as great as she had been imme-
diately after the disruption. Jelioash, the grandson of Jehu,
entered Jerusalem as a conqueror. He also drove back the
Syrians, and his son Jeroboam II. recovered the eastern fron-
tier from Hamath to the Dead Sea. Jehu, however, became
heedless of God's law, and declined into the sins and idolatry
of Jeroboam. From his reign began the loss of those territo-
ries which had been first occupied in the conquest of the land.
"Jehovah began to cut Israel short." Hazael overran the
whole land of the two and a half tribes, in Gilead and Bashan,
east of the Jordan, as far south as the Amon. Such are the
few brief records of Jehu's long reign. He died and Avas bur-
ied at Samaria, and was succeeded by his son Jehoahaz.^
In Jehu's reign Ave are brought into contact for the first
time, at least since the mention of Chedorlaomer and his al-
lies, with the great monarchies of Western Asia. We pos-
sess in the British Museum an obelisk of black basalt, brought
by Mr. Layard from Nimroud,Avhich was set up by Shalmane-
SER I., king of Assyria, to commemorate his victories. It ap-
pears that, while Benhadad II. and Hazael Avere warring
against Israel, they had to sustain a conflict Avith Assyria ;
and among the tributaries to Shalmaneser appears the name
of " Jehu (or Yahua), the son of Khumri " (Omri). The er-
roneous patronymic is accounted for by Omri's being regard-
ed as the founder of the kingdom of Samaria, the name of the
city itself appearing on the obelisk in the form " Beth-khum-
ri" {house of Omri.y
Jehoahaz,^ the eleventh king of Israel, and the second of
the house of Jehu, succeeded his father in the twenty-third
' B.C. 884-85G : 1 K. x. 3G. | 46."; ; Dr. Ilinck's Translation of the
"^ B.C. 884-773. Omri's dynasty of i Inscriptions, in the " Dublin Universi-
four kings lasted forty-two years. j ty Magazine," Oct. 1853.
^ 2 K. X. 29-30. I M'roperly ./eAoac/^os, "Possession
* Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. of Jehovah," or " Jehovah is the own-
643 ; liawlinson's Herodotus, vol. i. p. . cr."
o4:G The Kingdoms of J-udah and Israel. Chap. XXI v.
year of Joash,king of Judali, and reigned seventeen years in
Samaria.^ He followed the sins of Jeroboam, and suftered
from constant and unsuccessful wars with the kings of Syria,
Hazael and liis son Benhadad III. So low was Israel re-
duced that Jehoahaz was only suffered to maintain a force
of fifty horsemen, ten chariots, and 10,000 foot. " The King
of Syria had destroyed them, and had made them like the
dust by threshing.'" Still God did not w^itlidraw all his
compassion from them, for the sake of his covenant with
Abraham ; and in answer to the prayers of Jehoahaz, He
raised up deliverers for them in this king's son and grandson,
Jehoash and Jeroboam II. "^ Jehoash seems to have reigned
two years in conjunction with his father.^ The death of Je-
hoahaz was simultaneous with that of Joash, king of Judah,
and very little before that of Hazael, king of Damascus.
§ 2. Joash (abbreviated fromjEiiOASH),"* the eighth king of
Judah, was the youngest son of Ahaziah, the sixth king, and
of Zibiah, of Beersheba. In the year B.C. 884 he Avas left ap-
parently the sole survivor of the stem of David, lopped as it
had been by repeated massacres. Jehoshaphat's sons Avere
all slain by their eldest brother Jehoram. All Jehoram's
sons AA'ere killed by the invading Philistines and Arabians
except Ahaziah. Ahaziah's collateral kindred Avere put to
death by Jehu, and his sons Avere all massacred by their
grandmother Athaliah except Joash, Avhose escape and ele-
vation to the kingdom Ave have already related.'' He Avas
proclaimed in the seventh year of Jehu, being himself seven
years old, and he reigned forty years at Jerusalem.'^ For
the first tAventy-three years and more he kept his piety, and
enjoyed high prosperity, under the guidance of his early
guardian, the high-priest Jehoiada. His reign began, as Ave
have seen,Avith the destruction of the idols, and the renewal
of the covenant of Jehovah, but the people still worshiped in
the high places.'^ In conjunction Avith Jehoiada, Joash un-
dertook the reparation of the Temple, Avhich had not only
been plundered of its A'essels for the service of Baal, but in-
jured in its fabric, during the reign of Athaliah. The king's
zeal Avas not satisfied Avith the progress made by Jehoiada
and the priests in using the free contributions of the people,
®n.c. 856-839. jTIie abbreviated form is used in
' 2 K. xiii. 1-7, 22; comp. Amosj Chronicles; and \vc keep it as a con-
i. 3. j venient distinction from Jehoasii, king
« 2 K. xiii. 5, 22-24, xiv. 25, 27. of Israel. " Chap, xxiii. § J 5.
- »B.c. 841-839. ! '" B.C. 878-839; 2 K. xii. 1; 2
10 " Fii-o^ or sacrifice, of Jehovali." Cliron.xxiv. 1. ^'^ 2 K. xii. 2, 3.
B.C. 878. Joash^ King of Judah. 547
and there seems even to be a charge of peculation against
the Levites. So the king constructed the first " money-
box " in the well-known form of a chest with a hole in the
lid, which was placed at the gate of the Temple for offer-
ings, and each day its contents were counted by the king's
officers and handed over at once to the artificers. This was
done in the twenty-third year of Joash : the repairs of the
Temple Avere soon finished, and there was enough money left
to provide vessels for the service of the sanctuary. The
money brought for trespass and sin offerings belonged to the
priests.'^
The order of the Temple-service was maintained during
the life of Jehoiada, the high-priest, who died at the age of
130, and was buried, among the kings, for his services to the
house of God.^" A most unhappy change ensued. The
princes of Judah, who had doubtless been jealous of the high-
priest's unbounded influence, seem to have persuaded the king
that it was time to be his own master ; and the first use that
he and they made of this new liberty was to neglect the house
of Jehovah, and to serve groves and idols.^^ But not with-
out warning and remonstrance. At this point of the history
occurs that remarkable passage which introduces the line of
prophets whose writings remain to us, and who began to
appear about this time, Elisha being still alive : — " Yet He
sent prophets unto them, to bring them again unto Jehovah ;
and they testified against them: but they Avould not give
ear.'"^ Nay more, by adding to their sins the blood of the
martyr whom Christ names with " righteous Abel " — both
victims to the passion that knows the truth and hates it —
they made themselves a type of the generation that slew the
" 2 K. xii. 4-1 G; 2 Chron. xxiv.
4-14.
^^ 2 Chron. xxiv. 1 5, 1 6. The com-
mon chronology places his death at
B.C. 850, and, as the subsequent events
show, it must have been some time
before 841 or 840, when Hazael died.
This would mako him about ninety-
five at the time of tlie insurrection
against Athaliab. Those who con-
sider this incredible have suggested
emendations which reduce the num-
ber to 103 or even eighty-three (Lord
Arthur Ilervey, Genealogies of our
Lord, p, 304 ; and Diet, of Bih'le, art.
Jehoiadi).
'•'2 Chron. xxiv. 17, 18.
^^ 2 Chron. xxiv. 19. Jonah was
probably the earliest of the extant
prophets ; but there is great uncer-
tainty as to the King of Nineveh to
whom lie was sent. Some suppose it
was Adrammelech II. (about B.C.
840), others Pul, as late as B.C. 750.
But he certainly prophesied under or
before Jeroboam II., B.C. 825-784 (I
Kings xiv. 25). Joel, who prophe-
sied in Judah, has been placed as
early as the reign of Joash ; but the
majority of critics place him under
Uzziah.
5^8 TJie Kingdoms of Jadah and Israel. Chap. XXIV.
Lord. The Spirit of Jehovah came upon Zeehariah the son
of Jehoiada, and probably high-priest, Avho told them that
they could not prosper, because they had forsaken God ; and
even in the court of the sanctuary, which they were perhaps
attempting to profane by a sacrifice to Baal, they stoned him
to death, by the king's order, between the Temple and the
altar. This was the very space within which Joash had been
guarded by Jehoiada and his line of Levites ; and the nar-
rative lays stress on the king's ingratitude to the son of the
man who had saved his life. The dying cry of Zeehariah,
" Jehovah look upon it, and require it," never ceases to echo
through the annals of the Jews, till they " filled up the meas-
ure of their fathers " by invoking the guilt of Christ's blood
upon their heads. Meanwhile it found an immediate response
in the calamities of the last years of Joash.'**
Hazael, the king of Syria, had overrun the trans-jordanic
provinces of Israel during the disastrous reign of Jehoahaz,
which began about the time that Joash finished the restora-
tion of the Temple, and was now drawing to a close. After
a campaign against the Philistines, Hazael marched toward Je-
rusalem. His small force defeated the whole host of Judah ;
and the princes, who had seduced Joash into idolatry, Avere
either killed in the battle or given up to Hazael and put to
death, as the ransom of the people from massacre. Jerusalem
itself was only saved from the horrors of a sack by the sur-
render of all the consecrated vessels and treasures both of the
Temple and the king's palace. Thus, within a year of the
murder of Zeehariah, " they executed judgment upon Joash.'"*
Scarcely had the Syrians retired, leaving Joash grievously ill
in the fortress of 3Iillo, whether from a wound or from A'ex-
ation (for the cause is not stated), than he was slain in his bed
by two of his servants, of Ammonite and Moabite extraction,
at the age of forty-seven. Thus ended a reign that had prom-
ised to restore the purity of David's kingdom. Joash was
buried Avith his fathers in the city of David, and was succeed-
ed by his son Amaziah. He died in the same year las Jehoa-
haz, king of Israel."
And now it seemed as if God had sufficiently punished the
personal faults of the first kings of both the restored monarch-
ies; for a new era of prosperity began for Israel and Judah
'^ 2 Chron. xxiv. 20-22; ISIatt. { prophet Zeehariah, the son of Bere-
xxiii. 32, 35, wliere tlie words "son chiah.
of Barachias " are a manifest interpo- 1 ^'^ About B.C. 8-40 ; 2 K. xii. 17, 18 ;
lation, from a confusion witli the 2 Cln-on. xxiv. 23, 24.
■-" B.C. 839 ; 2 K. xii. 19-21 ; 2 Chron. xxiv. 25-27.
B.C. 839. Jehoash^ King of Israel. 549
under Jehoash and Amaziah, the histories of whose reigns are
closely interwoven.
§ 3. Jehoash (or Joash)/' the twelfth king of Israel, and
the third of the line of Jeliu, began to reign, in conjunction
with his father Jehoahaz in the thirty-seventh year of Joash,
king of Judah (b.c. 841), and alone two years later (b.c. 839) ;
his entire reign lasted sixteen years." There is an apparent
discrepancy between his character and his actions. It would
seem as if the calf -worship of Jeroboam had become so in-
veterate in Israel that a king who practiced it might yet be
chosen as a deliverer from foreign oppression if he did not
serve Baal ; or it may be that God willed to give Israel a
hnal opportunity of restoration, irrespective of the character
of the king, " and would not destroy them, neither cast he
them from his presence as ye?."" We find Jehoash received
with favor when he visited Elisha upon his death-bed, and
he mourned over him in his own words when he lost Elijah,
" O my fother ! my father ! the chariot of Israel, and the
horsemen thereof!" The prophet assured him of victory
over the Syrians by significant actions. He bade him shoot
an arrow from the open window toward Syria, and himself
laid his hands with the king's upon the bow, as if to give
divine power to the shot, which he called " the arrow of Je-
hovah's deliverance from the Syrians," who were to be smit-
ten in Aphek. Then he bade the king strike the ground with
the arrows. The three strokes signified three victories ; and
the prophet was angry with the king for not striking five or
six times, as he would then have consumed them utterly.
The whole was a parable of the co-operation of human ef-
fort with the divine counsels. It was fulfilled by three great
victories which Jehoash gained over Benhadad III., the son
of Hazael, and by which he recovered the cities which Hazael
had taken from his father. Meanwhile Elisha died, and a last
miracle was wrought by his remains. A man was about to
be buried in the same rock in which the prophet's sepulchre
was hewn, when the bearers were alarmed by the approach
of one of the predatory bands of Moabites that now infested
Israel. They thrust the body hastily into the first open tomb
in the face of the rock. It was that of Elisha, and upon touch-
ing his remains, the dead man came to life and stood upon
his feet. All these events happened in the early years of Je-
hoash. The other great event of his reign was the conquest
of Jerusalem which is related under the reign of Amaziah.
" See note to § 2 (b.c. 841-825). 1 " 2 K. xiii. 23 ; coinp. ver. 5, and
''^ 2 K. xiii. 10 ; comp. xii. 1, xiv. 1. 1 xiv. 27.
550
The Kingdoms of Judali and Israel. Chap. XXIV.
He died, and was buried in tlie royal sepulchre at Samaria,
and was succeeded bv his son Jeroboam II., the greatest king
of Israel."
§ 4. Amaziaii, the ninth king of Judah, was twenty-five
years old when he succeeded his father Joash, in the second
year of Jehoash, king of Israel, and he reigned twenty-nine
years at Jerusalem." His mother was Jehoaddan of Jeru-
salem. His was a mixed character, like his lather's : — " He
did that which was right in the sight of Jehovah, but not
with a perfect heart" — "not like David his father;" and
the people still sacrificed in the high places.*^ He put his
lather's murderers to death, but spared their children, in obe-
dience to the law of Moses — an act of clemency which is re-
corded probably because it was then unusual." He prepared
a great expedition for the recovery of Edom, which had re-
volted from Jehoram. To the whole force of Judah and
Benjamin, numbering 300,000 Avarriors of twenty years old
and upward, he added 100,000 picked men of Israel, whom
he hired for 100 talents of silver. But, at the command of a
prophet, he dismissed these mercenaries, who returned in an-
ger, and sacked several of the cities of Judah. Meanwhile
Amaziah advanced into the "Valley of Salt" (the Ghor),
south of the Dead Sea, and there defeated the Edomites, with
the slaughter of 1 0,000 men. Ten thousand more were dashed
to pieces from the rocks of Sela (Petra),the Idumaean capital,
which Amaziah took, and called Joktheel {Possession of
God.) To assert the more strikingly his dominion over the
country, Amaziah sacrificed to the idols of Mount Seir ; and
he silenced the reproof of a prophet with threats and Avith
the taunt, "Art thou made of the king's counsel?" "I
know," rejoined the prophet, " that God hath determined to
destroy thee ;" and misfortune filled up the rest of Amaziah's
reign. Whether urged on by arrogance, or provoked by the
conduct of the disbanded mercenaries, he sent a challenge to
the King of Israel. Jehoash replied by a parable : — " A thistle
in Mount Lebanon demanded the daughter of the cedar in
marriage ; but a wild beast that was passing by trod on the
thistle and crushed it : let not the King of Judah boast be-
cause he had smitten Edom, but stay quietly at home, lest
he and Judah should perish together." Amaziah persisted,
and the armies met at Beth-shemesh. Judah was utterly de-
feated, and Amaziah taken prisoner. Jehoash led him in tri-
** 2 K. xiii. 10-28.
" B.C. 839-810: 2 K. xiv. 1, 2 ; 2
Chron. xxv. 1.
'" 2 K. xiv. 3, 4 ; 2 Clirnn. xxv. 2.
^' 2 K. xiv. 5, 6 ; 2 Chron. xxv.
1-4.
B.C. 825. Jeroboam 11.^ King of Israel. 551
umph to Jerusalem, the north wall of which he broke down
from the gate of EjDhraim to the corner gate, a space of 400 cu-
bits ; and having taken all the treasures of the Temple and the
palace, besides hostages, he returned to Samaria,^** where he
died not long after. Amaziah survived Jehoash fifteen years,
seemingly of continued declension, till his government be-
came so hateful that he had to fly for his life from a conspira-
cy formed against him at Jerusalem. He was overtaken and
killed at Lachish. His body was borne back by horses to
Jerusalem, and buried with the kings. He was succeeded
by his son Uzziah (misnamed Azariah).^®
§ 5. Jeroboaa[ H., the thirteenth king of Israel, and the
fourth of the house of Jehu, succeeded his father Jehoash in
the fifteenth year of Amaziah, and reigned forty-one years
at Samaria.^" His reign is by far the most prosperous in the
annals of Israel. To him even more than to his father is the
statement applied that, in Israel's decline, God gave them a
saviour, in remembrance of His covenant with their fathers ;
though he also followed the sins of Jeroboam, the son of
!Nebat. He not only recovered from Syria the whole district
east of the Jordan from Hamath to the Dead Sea, and recon-
quered Amnion and Moab, but he attacked Damascus itself;
and if he did not actually take the city, he regained a large
part of its territory for Israel.^^ The apparent ease of these
conquests may be explained by the sufferings of Syria from
the constant attacks of the great Assyrian Empire, now at
the height of its power. The same prophet who had j^redict-
ed the recovery of the cities of Gilead and Bashan from Syria,
Jonah, the son of Amittai, of Gath-hepher,^^ was sent by God
to the great city of Nineveh. There is no more striking i:)roof
of the moral grandeur of the religion of Jehovah than this
mission of a solitary prophet from the petty kingdom of Israel
to warn the great monarch of Western Asia that he and his
city should perish unless they repented before God. The
brevity of the narrative leaves us in doubt whether the re-
pentance required had respect to the vices which corrupt a
great and luxurious city, or to some sj^ecific evil. We can
hardly suppose that it was the idolatry, which had long been
a part of their national customs, and which was certainly not
abandoned in consequence of Jonah's preaching, that incurred
the threat of immediate destruction of this particular time.
Looking at the recent inroads of Assyria upon Syria, nothing
'''' About B.C. 820 : 2 K. xiv. 8-U ; t ^^ 2 K. xiv. 17-21 ; 2 Chron. xxv,
2 Chron. xxv. 17-24. | 25-28.
^ B.C. 825-784 : 2 K. xiv. 23. ^^ 2 K. xiv. 23-29. ^' 2 K. xiv. 25,
552 The Kingdoms of Jiidah and Israel. Chap. XXIV.
seems more probable than that Israel Avoiild be next attack-
ed ; and having regard to the repeated statements of God's
forbearance Avith Israel at this crisis, when " Jehovah said
not that he would blot out the name of Israel from under
heaven '"^ — " He would not destroy them, neither cast he
them from His presence as yet " — the mission of Jonah might
well be to bid the King of Assyria desist from such an enter-
prise. In its moral aspect it would then be analogous to the
mission of Moses to Pharoah — " Touch not mine anointed,
and do my people no harm ;" and the repentance of the King
of Assyria would be, not a religious reformation, of which his-
tory gives no evidence, but the abandonment of a purpose
which displeased a divinity whom he had learned to rever-
ence, whether as the supreme deity or as the God of Israel :
in one word, he yielded on the very point on which Pharoah
hardened his heart and said, "I know not Jehovah." This
view strengthens, instead of weakening, the deeper meaning
of the transaction, as pointed by our Saviour : — " The men of
Nineveh repented at the preaching of Jonas :" — though they
were heathens, and only saw in him the messenger of an " un-
known God," they believed his word, and yielded to his de-
mands as God's: — "but a greater than Jonas is here:" you,
as Jews, know me to be the Messiah spoken of by the proph-
ets, and yet you resist God in resisting me !
As to*^the motive of Jonah's reluctance to undertake the
mission, and his disappointment at its result, which some
have ascribed to his jealousy of Nineveh as a future enemy
to Israel, surely that would have spurred his zeal to denounce
her destruction, so that the two parts of the explanation
hardly cohere. The popular view seems truer that his feel-
ings were personal in both cases: in the first, "the fear of
man ;" in the second, displeasure at his prediction having
seemed to fail, as is clearly implied by himself The story
itself, as recorded in the short book which bears the prophet's
name, is too familiar to need repeating. The narrative is
simple and consistent : its truth is endorsed by the express
testimony of our Saviour;'' and the objections simply re-
solve themselves into a disbelief in miracles at all. One
needless difficulty has been raised by the use of the word
" whale " in our version of the New Testament in place of the
"great fish," as it is correctly given in the old;'" and then
the climate of the Mediterranean and the anatomy of the
*^ 2 K. xiii. 23, xiv. 27. | * Matt. xii. 39-41, xvi. 4 ; Luke
2" Jonah iv. 1-3. !xi. 29-32.
^ Jonah i. 17; Malt. xii. 40.
B.C. 784. Zachariah — Supposed Interregnum, 553
vrhale are triumphantly appealed to in disproof of the whole
story. But idolatry itself bears witness in the worship of
Dagon to the fact, which naturalists have proved, that there
are sharks in the Mediterranean quite capable of swallowing
a man whole. On the other hand, we find incidental allusions
which no impostor would have dared to insert. The prophet's
three days' journey through the city" is not only now known
to be consistent with the vast area covered by the scattered
houses and gardens of the great cities of the East, but has
been confirmed by the space over which the remains of Nine-
veh extend; and I'.ie vast population implied by its 600,000
persons of tender years^® has several parallels both in ancient
and modern Asia. The prophetic character of the book,
though its form is narrative, is seen in the use made of it by
our Lord, as an example of repentance in a heathen nation,
and a sign of His own three days' abode in the earth. N ay,
" the sign of the prophet Jonas " must have been, even with-
out an interpretation, a striking emblem of the resurrection,
the doctrine of which is clearly implied in one passage of
Jonah's " prayer to God out of the fish's belly :"— " The
earth with her bars was about me forever: yet hast thou
brought up my life from corruption, O Jehovah, my God."^^
Jeroboam 11. died in B.C. 784, and was buried with the
kings of Israel, and we are told, according to the usual for-
mula, that " Zachariah his son reigned in his stead "" — the
fourteenth king of Israel, and the fifth and last of the dynas-
ty of Jehu. But a little further on it is said that Zachariah
began to reign in the thirty-eighth year of Azariah (XJzziah),
and reigned six months in Samaria.^^ Since the forty-one
years of Jeroboam expire in the twenty-seventh year of XJz-
ziah, there must eitlier have been, as Ussher supposes, an in-
terregnum of eleven years, or there must be some error in
the numbers. An interregnum is scarcely credible during
the lifetime of a king of whose exile and captivity we hear
nothing ; and the first text seems clearly to imply Zachari-
ah's immediate succession to his father. The other explana-
tion involves the correction of the numbers in the second
text by reading twenty-eight for thirty-eight, and ten years
and six months for six months ; or else the prolongation of
Jeroboam's reign for ten years and six months, in wdiich case
the forty-one years of his reign will not require alteration, for
Zachariah may have been associated with him at the end of
the forty-one years, in b.c. 784, while liis separate reign of
•' Jonah iii. 3. ^'^ Jonah iv. 11. ^^ Jonah ii. 6.
^' 2 K. xiv. 29. ^' 2 K. xv. 8.
A A
554
The Kingdoms of Judali and Israel. Chap. XXIV.
six months would fall in B.C. 773. This view is supported
by, and tends to remove a difficulty from, the title of the proph-
ecies of Hose A, which places the prophet " in the days oflJz-
ziah, Jotliam, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, and in the
days of Jeroboam., the son of Joash, king of Israel." Now
from the last year of Jeroboam (b.c. 784) to t\\Q first of Hez-
ekiah (b.c. 726) is close upon sixty years, and if we add at
each end a sufficient time to make the prophet flourish un-
der each of these kings, the result is hardly Cx'edible ; but
the addition often or eleven years to Jeroboam's reign brings
it Avithin the compass of probability, and accounts for the
omission of Zachariah's name.
Of Zachariah liimself we are only told that he walked,
like liis fathers, in the sins of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat.
He died the victim to a conspiracy by Shallum, the son of
Jabesh, who usurped the crown in the thirty-ninth year of
Uzziah.'*'^ Thus ended the dynasty of Jehu, having lasted
111 years ; and the promise was fulfilled, that his descend-
ants should reign to the fourth generation ; and so also was
the prophecy of Amos against Jeroboam. A civil war now
ensued, as in the time of Oniri.
Shallum, the fifteenth king of Israel, had enjoyed his usur-
pation only a month when he was overthrown and killed,
like Zimri, by another competitor, Menahem, the son of Gadi,
who marched from Tirzah and took Samaria. It seems prob-
able that, like Omri, Menahem was a general of the murdered
king. Another incident of the civil Avar Avas the sack of
Tiphsali, a city Avhich refused to open its gates to Menahem,
Avitli the most horrid cruelties of Avar."
§ 6. Mexahem, the sixteenth king of Israel, and his son
Pekahiah, the scA'cnteenth king, compose the fifth dynasty,
Avhich lasted only tv/eh^e years. Of these, Menahem began
to reign in the thirty-ninth year of Uzziah, and reigned ten
years,^^ Avith the character Avhicli noAV becomes a formula, " He
departed not all his days from the sins of Jeroboam, the son
of Xebat.'"^ The great point of interest in his reign is the
first direct attack upon Israel by the Assyrians — a presage
of tlie catastrophe which Avas finished fifty years later. The
steps of the process have often been repeated in history.
The first danger is aA'-erted by a bribe, Avhich only serves as a
temptation to ncAV aggression. Each ncAv attack leav-es tliG
B.C. 7<:
2 K. XV
-12.
" 2K. XV. 13-1(5. IfthisbcTliap-
sacus on the Eiiplirates, the con-
quests of Jehuash in the north-east
must have been kept by his succes-
sors. But the context rather points
to some unknown ])lace near Tirzah,
"b,c.772-7G1. "^ 2 K. XV. 17, 18,
B.C. 772.
Israel and Assyria.
ooo
doomed state weaker and weaker, till it is reduced to trib-
ute ; and at last a despairing elibrt to shake off the yoke
brings down destruction. The King of Assyria who began
the attack on Israel under Menahem is named Pul, and is
the first Assyrian king mentioned in Scripture." But there
are indications that this was not the first contact between
Assyria and the kingdoms of Palestine. We have seen that
Jehu appears as a tributary on the black obelislv of Shalma-
neser 1., and it would seem that Menahem had neglected to
apply to the King of Assyria for the usual " confirmation of
liis kingdom."" Menahem submitted, and paid Pul 1000 tal-
ents of silver, as the price of his confirmation, Avhich he ex-
acted by a forced contribution of fifty shekels apiece from
the rich men of Israel."'' The name of the king, who is sup-
posed to correspond to Pul, is read on the Assyrian monu-
ments (though very doubtfully) as Yul-lush or Iva-lush.
He reigned at Calali {JVimrud) from about B.C. 800 to b.c.
'750 ; warred against Syria, and took Damascus ; received
tribute from the Medes, Armenians, Phoenicians, jSa7nari-
tans^^'^ Damascenes, Philistines, and Edomites ; and was the
last of the older dynasty of Assyrian kings. His successor,
Tiglath-pileser, Avas a usurper. Menahem's name appears
on an obelisk of the latter, perhaps by mistake.^"
Pekahiait, the son of Menahem, was killed, after a reign
of only two years,^' by Pekah, the son of Remaliah, and the
eighteenth king of Israel, whose reign of twenty years^^ is
closely interwoven with the history of Judah. His league
with Rezin, king of Syria, against Judah, and the consequent
destruction of the kingdom of Damascus, and captivity of a
large part of Israel, are related under the reign of Ahaz (§ 8).
He was put to death by Hoshea, Avho succeeded him as the
last king of Israel (§ 10).
To this period of Jeroboam II. and his successors belong
the prophets Amos and Hosea, wdiose writings aid us in fill-
ing up the brief narrative of Kmgs by the light they throw
on the internal condition of the state, the prevalence of idol-
atry, the maintenance of " the king's sanctuary " at Bethel
^^ 2 K. XV. 19, 20 ; LXX. ^aliox or i
" Tin's is i\Ir. Rawlinson's inference
from 2 K. xv. 19 ; and he also infers
from the similar phrase in 2 K. xiv.
5, that Amaziah stood in the like re-
lation to Assyria. It is highly prob-
able that both kingdoms would league
>vith Assyria against Syria.
*«2 K XV. 17-22.
*^ They appear under the name of
Beth-Khumri (House of Oinri).
^° Rawlinson, in Bib'. Diet. art. Pui,
and Bampton Lectures for 1859, p
133.
" B.C. 761-759: 2 K. xv. 23-26,
'"b.c, 759-739: 2 K. 27-31
556 The Kingdoms of Jaclah and Israel. Chap. XXIV.
under its priest Amaziah, who tried to silence Amos, and the
abnost universal drunkenness, licentiousness, and oppression.
Amos prophesied the judgments of God upon the surround-
ing nations, and upon Israel itself; and,. in particular, the de-
struction of the house of Jeroboam by the sword, and the cap-
tivity of the people. Amaziah accused him of conspiring
against Jeroboam, and bade him to betake himself to Judah,
his native country ; but he did not shrink from predicting
the full restoration of the house of David, while he promised
the ultimate return of Israel from captivity, and their final
establishment in their land. His probable date is about the
middle of Jeroboam's reign."
The prophecies of Hosea are addressed almost equally to
Israel and Judah, whose dissensions are deeply deplored,
their captivity foretold, and their final restoration promised.
With resjDCCt to Israel, we are especially struck by the same
tone of affectionate, nay, agonizing forbearance, Avhich we
have had occasion to notice repeatedly in the sacred narra-
tive of the period. Like a father in the last struggle of na-
ture against necessity, Jehovah dwells upon the good points
in the character of Ephraim, the heir of Jacob's favorite son,
before He will consent to cast him off" as incorrigible, and
the same spirit is shown to Judah : — " O Ephraim, what shall
I do unto thee ? O Judah, what shall I do unto thee ? for
your goodness is as a morning cloud, and as the early dew
it goetli away."°* " How shall I give thee up, Ephraim ?
how shall I deliver thee, Israel ? How shall I make thee as
Admah? how shall I set thee as Zeboim ?'^ Mine heart is
turned within me ; my repentings are kindled together."
§ 7. UzziAH, the tenth king of Judah, was set on the throne
by the people, after the murder of his father Amaziah, in the
twenty-seventh year of Jeroboam II. He was then sixteen
years old, and reigned for the long period of fifty-two years.
His mother was Jecholiah of Jerusalem. ^^ He was contem-
porary with nearly half the reign of Jeroboam II., with Zach-
ariah, Shallum, Menahem, and Pekahiah, and the last year
of his reign was the first of Pekah's. He was one of the
ablest of the kings of Judah, serving Jehovah and enjoying
unbroken prosperity, till he profaned the Temple, though still
the high places were not removed. Like his grandfather Jo-
^^ Bict.qfthe Bib/e,s.v.
" Hosea vi. 4.
" Cities of tlic plain destroyed ^vith
Sodom and Goniorrha (Hosea xi. 8, 9).
B.C. 810-758: 2 Chron. xxvi. 1-| 17j.
3; 2 K. xiv. 21, xv. 1, 2. The name
ajiven to liim in Kings, Azariah, arises
probably from a confusion with the
iiiph-pricst Azariah (2 Chron. xxvi.
B.C. 758.
Eeign of Uzziah.
557
ash in relation to Jehoiacla, he was at first under the influ-
ence of Zechariah, a prophet " who had understanding in the
visions of God."" He began his reign by recovering and re-
building Eloth (JElana : Akabah)^ the old port of Solomon
and Jehoshaphat, at the eastern head of the Red Sea.^"
His successful wars restored Judah nearly to the power she
had possessed under the latter king. He received tribute
from Amnion, and subdued the Philistines, razing the fortifi-
cations of Gath and Ashdod, and building fortresses through-
out their country. The Arabs of the southern desert, whom
we have seen, with the Philistines, first as tributaries and
then as enemies of Judah, were reduced to the former condi-
tion. Towers were built and wells Avere dug, both in the
maritime plain {Shefelah) and the Idumsean desert {Arabah)^
for the king's numerous flocks : and he had husbandmen and
vine-dressers in the plains about Carmel (in the south) and
in the mountains. While thus improving the resources of
his country, Uzziah made preparations for its defense, wheth-
er against Israel, Syria, or Assyria. He repaired the wall of
Jerusalem, Avhich had been broken down after his father's
defeat by Jehoash, building towers at the corner gate, and
the valley gate, and the angle of the wall. He armed the
fortifications with newly-invented military engines, the first
of which we read in Jewish history, like the balista and cat-
apult, for shooting arrows and great stones. He kept on foot
an army of 307,500 men "that made war Avith mighty pow-
er," under 2600 captains, " the chief of the fathers of the
mighty men of valor," with Hananiah as commander-in-chief.
They went forth to war by bands, the roll of Avhich was
kept by the king's scribe, Jeiel, and the ruler of his house,
Maaseiah. By the care of Uzziah, all the soldiers were arm-
ed with spears and shields, helmets and coats of mail, bows
and slings. " And his name spread far abroad, for he was
marvelously helped, till he was strong."^^ But, deprived
probably of the counsel of Zechariah, he could not bear his
prosperity. In his arrogance, he claimed the functions of the
priests ; not those which we have seen always exercised by
~udges and kings, of offering burnt sacrifices, but those which
elonged exclusively to the sons of Aaron. He entered into
the Holy Place to burn incense on the golden altar. He was
followed by the high-priest Azariah, Avith eighty of the most
i
^' 2 Chron. xxvi. 4, 5. This Zecli-
ariah must of course not be confound-
ed with the priest martyred under
Joash, nor with the prophet wliosc
book is extant, and who prophesied
after the Captivity.
^" 2 K. xiv. 22 ;' 2 Chron. xxvi. 2.
^^2 Chron. x.wi. 1-15.
558 T Ice Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIV.
courageous of the priests, prepared to resist the profanation
by force. The high-priest reproved the king with all the
boldness of his office, and warned him to leave the sanctuary,
predicting that dishonor would befall him. What reply or
deed Uzziah meditated in his rage, we are not told ; but as
he stood, censer in hand, there rose Avitli the flush of anger
to his forehead the spot of leprosy, the sign of his exclusion
even from the court of the house of God. When the priests
saw it they thrust him out; nay, he himself was so struck
with the judgment that he hastened from the sanctuary. He
remained a leper to the day of his death, secluded in a sepa-
rate house, according to the directions of the law, while the
government was committed to his son, Jotham. When he
died, he was not received into the sepulchre of the kings,
but buried in a field attached to it."" His life was written by
the prophet Isaiah, as well as in the Chronicles of Judah.
Jotham, the eleventh king of Judah, was twenty-five years
old when he succeeded his father TJzziah, in the second year
of Pekah, king of Israel, and he reigned sixteen years at Je-
rusalem,^' having been previously regent about seven years.
His mother was Jerushah, the daughter of Zadok. He Avas
one of the most pious and most prosperous of the kings ; but
the people grew more and more corrupt. He carried on his
father's works, both in peace and war. He built the high
gate of tlie Temple, and the tower called Ophel on the city
wall, fortified cities in the mountains of Judah, and castles
and towers in the forests. War w^as renewed with the Beni-
ammi, who were compelled to pay him an annual tribute of
100 talents of silver, 10,000 measures of wheat, and 10,000 of
barley. " So he became mighty, and established his ways be-
fore Jehovah his God." Tov\^ard the close of his reign, Re-
zin, king of Damascus, began, in alliance with Pekah, king of
Israel, those attacks on Judah, which proved so disastrous
under Jotham's weak successor Ahaz.'^^
§ 8. AiiAZ, the twelfth king of Judah, succeeded his father
in the seventeenth year of Pekah, king of Israel, and reigned
sixteen years at Jerusalem.'^ He departed entirely from the
virtues of the last three kings, and plunged into all the idola-
tries of the surrounding nations, making molten images for*
«° 2 K. XV. 5-7 ; 2 Chron. xxvi. IG-
2."), The date of Uzziah's leprosy is
pinced bv Ussher about B.C. 765.
"' B.C." 758-742.
'■'' 2 K. XV. 32-37 ; 2 Chron. xxvii.
"B.C. 742-726: 2 K. xvi. 1,2; 2
twenty, winch must be wrong, as it
would make Hczekiali only eleven
years younfrer than his father. But
twenty-five is found in one Hebrew
MS., and in the LXX., the Peshito,
and Arabic versions of 2 Chron.
Chron. xxviii. 1. His age is given as xxviii. 1.
B.C. 758. War luith Syria and Israel. 559
Baal, and sacrificing his children to Moloch in the valley of
Ilinnom, besides offering sacrifice in the high places, on every
hill, and under every green tree. His punishment quickly fol-
lowed. The war already begun by Fekah and Rezin was
vigorously prosecuted, with a view to set on the throne of
Judah a creature of their own, the son of Tabeal." The or-
der of the events that followed is obscure. Ussher suj^poses
two campaigns, in the first of which the invaders were re-
pelled, while in the second they were more successful. But
it is not likely that they could lay siege to Jerusalem before
they had forced the strongholds built by Uzziah and Jotham,
and the story of the war in Isaiah seems to refer to only one
series of events. It was therefore most probably on the march
to Jerusalem that the allies defeated Judah, with the slaugh-
ter of 120,000 men, in a great battle, in which a champion of
Ephraim, named Zichri, slew Maaseiah,the king's son, and two
of his chief ofiicers ; and on their retreat they carried off
200,000 women and children from the cities which were now
left undefended.
Their attack upon Jerusalem itself was unsuccessful, chief-
ly in consequence of the spirit infused into the people by Isa-
iah. To this epoch belongs the celebrated prophecy in
which the birth of the child Immanuel, whose very name ex-
pressed the devout confidence, " God is %dith its,'''' was a sign
of the speedy overthrow of both the hostile kings by Assyria.
A second sign was given by the birth of a child who re-
ceived the significant name of Maher-shalal-hash-baz, " Make
speed to the spoil ! hasten to the prey !" And, in that exalt-
ed style of pregnant meaning, which has given Isaiah the
name of " the evangelic prophet," these passing wars are dig-
nified by the most glowing prophecies of the Messiah's king-
dom.^'
It is a melancholy comment upon some of the grandest
passages of Scripture that they seem to have made no lasting
impression on the king to whom they Avere delivered. His
persistence in sin insured the continuance of God's judg-
ments. It w^ould seem that Pekah and Rezin retired from
Jerusalem by different routes. While the latter took from
Judah the lately recovered part of Elath and gave it to the
Edomites, the former returned toward Samaria with his mis-
erable captives. The dying glory of Israel burns up with an
expiring flame in the deed of mercy that followed. The
prophet Oded went out to meet the army, reproved them
"Is.vii. G «5 Is. vii. full.
560 The Kingdoms of Jadah and Israel Chap. XXIV.
for their puri^ose of enslaving the children of their brethren,
and commanded them to restore the captives. The appeal
touched the heart of the princes of the people, and they re-
fused to let the prisoners be brought Avithin their borders.
The soldiers left them in their hands, and arrangements were
at once made for their relief They were fed and anointed,
clothed' and shod from tlie booty, the feeble were placed on
asses, and so tliey were conducted to Jericho and delivered
to their brethren?"
The retreat of Pekah and Rezin gave Ahaz no permanent
relief In the words of Isaiah, God had raised up against
him the Syrians in front (tlie East), and the Philistines be-
hind (the West). They overran the whole maritime plain
{Shefelah) and the highlands that border it, taking Beth-she-
mesh, Ajalon, and other cities. The Edomites, set free by the
Syrians, invaded Judah and carried off many captives, Avhile
the Syrians and Israelites threatened to return. Ahaz now
applied for help to Tiglatii-pileser, king of Assyria, against
Syria and Israel ; declaring himself his vassal, and sending
him all the treasures that were left in the Temple, the roy-
al palace, and the houses of the princes. The "Tiger Loi'd
of Asshur" marched first against Damascus, which he took,
killing Rezin, and transporting the inhabitants to Kir, as
Amos had foretold." Thus ended the great Syrian kingdom
of Damascus, after a duration of about 235 years. Israel was
stripped of the whole country east of the Jordan, and the
tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half Manasseh at length reaped
the fruit of their hasty desire to have the first settlement in
the land by being the first who were carried into captivity.
Their fate was shared by their brethren in Galilee, but the
captivity of these northern tribes was only partial."'^ Ahaz
gained little by the intervention of his too powerful ally, who,
says the narrative, "helped him not." He went to meet the
Assyrian king at Damascus : we know not what hard condi-
tions were imposed upon him, but we are told that " in the
time of his distress he trespassed yet more against Jehovah;'*
for he saw at Damascus an altar w^hich incited him
"God's altar to disparapre, and displace
For one of Syrian moulH, whereon to burn
His odious offerings, and adore the gods
Whom he liad vanquished."
"* 2 Chron.xxviii. 6-15. I 2 Chron. xxviii. lG-22; Amosl.
" About B.C. 74 : 2 K. xvi. 7-9 ; U, 5.
^« 2 K. XV. 29 : see below.
B.C. 740. Thirteenth King^ HczekiaJi. 561
He sent its pattern to Jerusalem, where Urijah the high-priest
prepared an altar of the same form against the king's return
from Damascus, when, with a profanity on which Athaliah
even had not ventured, Ahaz put it in the place of the brazen
altar, and commanded Urijah to offer on it all the burnt-offer-
ings and other sacrifices. Superstition led him, however, to
preserve the brazen altar for oracular uses, and he placed it
on the north of his great altar. The great brass sea of Solo-
mon was dismounted from its supporting oxen, and the lavers
from their bases, which were sent to the King of Assyria,
together with the coverings which had been built for the
king's entry to the house and for the shelter of the worshipers
on the Sabbath. The golden vessels of the house of God
were cut in pieces and sent with the rest, and the sanctuary
itself was shut up; while idol altars Avere erected in every
corner of Jerusalem, and high places in every city of Judah.*^^
It was not for want of provocation to Jehovah that Judah
did not at once share the captivity of Israel ; but for the
sake of "the sure mercies of David" another respite was
given, and a new era of godliness throws its light over the
reign of Hezekiah, amid all the pressure of invasion and the
threats of approaching captivity.
§ 9. Hezekiah,'" the thirteenth king of Judah, succeeded
his father Ahaz in the third year of Hoshea, the nineteenth
and last king of Israel. He was twenty-five years old, and
reigned twenty-nine years at Jerusalem.''^ His mother Avas
Abi (or Abijah), the daughter of Zechariah. His character is
marked by the commendation which has not been repeated
since Jehoshaphat, " He did that which was right in the sight
of Jehovah, according to all that David his father had doneP''''
The son of Sirach reckons him, with David and Josiah, as the
only three kings who did not forsake the law of the Most
High ;" and the historian gives him this panegyric, " He trust-
ed in Jehovah, God of Israel ; so that after him Avas none like
him among all the kings of Judah, nor any that were before
him."'*
In the very first month of his reign" he began the refor-
mation of religion by reopening and repairing the doors of
the Temple, which had been closed by Ahaz, and cleansing
. ^^ 2 K. xvi. 10-18 ; 2 Chron. xxviii.
22-25.
■"• *' Strength of (or in) Jehovah,"
like the German Gotthard. The usu-
al form of the name is HizJciyahu.
" B.C. 726-697.
A A 2
"2 K. xviii. 1-3; 2 Chron. xxix.
1,2.
" Ecclus. xlix. 4. ■" 2 K. xvin. 5.
'* 2 Chron. xxix. 3 : tliis may, how-
ever, mean the first inontli of the first
ecclesiastical new year of his reign.
562
The Kingdoms of Judali and Israel. Chap. XXIV.
the sacred edifice. The details of the work and of tlie sacri-
fices that followed, with the exhortations of the king to the
priests and Levites, are related at length in the Chronicles.'^
Then follows the account of the great Passover (the first re-
corded since the time of Joshua), which was kej^t in the sec-
ond month, for the reason expressly allowed in the law, the
ceremonial impurity both of priests and people in the first
month. The king had sent posts through all Israel as well as
Judah to invite the people to return to God, that He might
return to the remnant who were escaped from the King of
Assyi"ia, and be merciful to those who had been carried cap-
tive?^ The message w\as treated with general contempt:
still, many came, not only from Ephraim and Manasseh, but
from the distant tribes of Issachar, Zebulun, and Ashei-, to
unite with their brethren of Judah, to whom God had given
one heart to obey Him. Several of these visitors being still
unpurified, the paschal lambs Avere slain by the Levites for
the people ; and Hezekiah implored pardon for those who ate
the Passover otlierwise than according to the law, but whose
hearts were prepared to seek the God of their fathers. The
seven days of the feast were doubtless much interrupted
through these causes, as well as by the occupation, to which
the people zealously applied themselves, of destroying the idol
altars throughout Jerusalem. By the spontaneous impulse
of the worshipers, the feast was prolonged to fourteen days,
amid such joy as had not been seen in Jerusalem since the
time of Solomon, and God heard their prayers. Departing to
their homes, they broke to pieces the idols, cut down the
groves, and threw down the high places and altars through
Ephraim and Manasseh, as well as through Judah and Ben-
jamin, while the king arranged the service of the Temple.'^
One instance of consummate wisdom, mingled with Heze-
kiah's zeal against idolati-y, deserves to be especially men-
tioned. The brazen serpent, Avliich Moses had lifted up in
the wilderness, had long been an object of worship, not only
as the memorial of a great deliverance, but probably in con-
"2 Chron.xxix.
''"' Eminent modern critics sec here
(especially in 2 Chron. xxx. G-9, xxxi.
1) a proof that this Passover was not
kept till after the captivity of Israel in
the sixth year of Hezekiah. But the
languaf;e seems clearly to apply to a
remnant still existinfj as a people,
whose repentance might yet avert the
fate that had hefallon their brethren
in the east and north. Nor is their
general scorn of the message (xxx.
10) credible immediately after such a
judgment. Nor does the description
at all correspond to the utter desola-
tion described in 2 K. xvii. See es-
pecially the mention of th^ Israelites
returning "every man to his posses-
.sio;?, into their own cities."
'^ 2 Clnon. xxx., xxxi.
B.C. 726.
Hezekiah revolts from Assyria,
563
nection with the serpent-worship prevalent in the East. No
regard for so curious a relic of their early history prevented
Hezekiah from breaking it in pieces like any other idol and
speaking of it as only "a piece of brass" (JVehushtan).''^
We can well believe that this phrase was addressed to the
" scornful men," certain rulers at Jerusalem, probably the old
friends and counselors of Ahaz, of whose opposition w^e learn
from Isaiah, the king's great supporter and counselor by the
word of Jehovah.*" The head of this party Avas Shebna
(probably a foreigner), who seems to have been degraded, at
the instance of Isaiah, from the office of treasurer to that of
scribe (or secretary), the former post being conferred on Elia-
kim, the son of Hilkiah.^'
The reunion of the people in the fear of God infused new
life into their national policy. The Philistines, Avho had
made such inroads during the last reign, were beaten back
again as far as Gaza with great slaughter.*'' Trusting in
God's protection, Hezekiah even ventured to refuse the trib-
ute wdiich his father had paid to the King of Assyria. The
momentous character of such a step at the existing crisis
will be seen by turning to the history of the kingdom of Is-
rael. If it was taken alter the overthroAV of Samaria, or even
after the beginning of the siege, it might seem to have been
the height of rashness. But it Avas more truly one of those
acts of " considerate courage" by Avhich nations are rescued
in their extremity ; and, Avith prudence on the part of Ho-
shea, it might have proved the salvation of both kingdoms.
The revolt may be safely placed about the third year of
Hezekiah (b.c. 724).
§ 10. HosHEA, the son of Elah, the nineteenth and last king
of the separate kingdom of Israel, had conspired against Pe-
kah and killed him " in the tAventieth year of Jotham, the son
of Uzziah," by Avhich we must understand the tAventieth year
from Jotham's accession, Avhich is the fourth of Ahaz. ®^ But
he Avas not established in the kingdom till the tAvelfth year
of Ahaz (b.c. 730;)** and there is no error in the numbers,
since his seventh year Avas the fourth of Hezekiah (b.c. 723).""
The best chronologers (as Ussher) called the interA^ening nine
^^ 2 K. xviii. 4. Some see in the
word a play on Nahash (a serpent).
It is curious that the brazen serpent
is, or was till lately, worshiped in the
Church of St. Ambrose at Milan, with
the belief that it would hiss at the end
of the world. ** Is. xxviii. U, foil.
'^ Is. xxii. ]5-25 ; 2 K. xviii. 18.
**- 2 K. xviii. 8. According to Jo-
sephus all their cities were taken ex-
cept Gath and Gaza. (Ant. ix. 13, §3).
'^ B.C. 739 : 2 K. xv. 30 : comp. the
similar reckoning in 1 K. xvi. 1.
" 2 K. xvii. 1. '^ 2 K. xviii. 9.
564 The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIV;
years an Interregnum. Perhaps they should rather be regard-
ed as a struggle of Hoshea, at the head of a reform party
against the idolaters and enemies of Judah, the party to
which the late king belonged. That such a reform party ex-
isted may be inferred from the noble scene related above of
the restoration of the Jewish captives, and from the response
made to Hezekiah's invitation to the Passover. Its rise may
be accounted for by the earnest pleadings of the prophets, and
especially of the new king's namesake, Hosea,^^ whose affect-
ing pleas for union can not have been entirely unheeded.
The character ascribed to Hoshea agrees Avith this hypothe-
sis. Though, corrupted by the long prevalence of idolatry
and wickedness, "he did evil in the sight of Jehovah," the
record is qualified by the addition, " but not as the kings of Is-
rael that were before himP^'' We have seen the freedom with
which the posts of Hezekiah traversed his kingdom, and with
which the worshipers from Israel went up to Jerusalem ; nor
do we read of any opposition to their zealous destruction of the
idols and altars in Ephraim andManasseh. In fine,Hoshea's
revolt from Shalmaneser seems to have been no less an act
of patriotism than Hezekiah's, though not prompted by such
purely religious motives. Hoshea was, in fact, the best king
in the whole line from Jeroboam.
Nor ought we to be surprised that the final catastrophe
came in his reign. Speaking humanly, the state was past re-
demption ; the utter corruption and impenitence of the peo-
ple are attested by the denunciations of Hosea, and confirm-
ed by their scornful rejection of Hezekiah's call to repent-
ance and union. Even the king was only some shades bet-
ter than his predecessors, and it was no partial reform that
could save and renew the state. Viewing the case from the
higher ground taken throughout the Scripture history — the
inseparable connection between national prosj^erity or adver-
sity and religious obedience or rebellion — we can not say
that it was too late for Israel to be saved ; as Sodom would
have been, if five righteous men had been found in her ; as
Nineveh was, when her people repented at the preaching of
Jonah. They had only forty days of grace : Hoshea and his
people had three years : let us now see how they used them.
In the third year of Hoshea (b.c. 726) Shalmaneser, who had
succeeded Tiglath-pileser, in b.c. 730 marched against Ho-
shea to enforce payment of the tribute, the refusal of which,
in the very year of Hezekiah's accession, is perhapj; another
^"^ In Hebrew both names are Hoshea. ' 2 K. xvii. 2.
B.C. 726. Rebellion of Hoshea. 56a
proof of a common feeling/^ The cruelties perpetrated at
the storming of the fortress of Beth-arbel evidently belong
to this campaign/^ Hoshea submitted, and became tributa-
ry to Assyria. His second revolt is morally justified by
patriotism ; and even politically, the favorite test of success
might not have been wanting, as we see in the case of Heze-^
kiah. But, in the religious point of view, it was an utter
wrong and failure. Had Hoshea made common cause w^th
Hezekiah, and thrown himself on the protection of Jehovah,
w^e have a right to believe that the times of David might
have returned. But Hoshea took the very course denounced
by the law of Moses, reliance upon Egypt. The long contest
had begun between the sovereigns of Egypt and Western
Asia for the frontier province of Palestine, and both had
their partisans at the court of Samaria. The King of Egypt,
who is called So in the Scripture narrative, was either She-
bek L, the Sabaco of Herodotus, or his son Shebek H., the
Sevechus of Manetho. He belonged to the warlike xxvtb
(Ethiopian) dynasty, who opposed the progress of Assyria
wath all their force. Hoshea formed a secret league with
him, and withheld the accustomed tribute from Shalmaneser ;
w^ho, informed of the conspiracy, seized the King of Israel,
and shut him up in prison, wdiere he Avas bound with fetters
and treated with cruel indignity.^" His sudden destruction
is compared by the prophet Hosea to the disappearance of
the foam upon the water.^^ The imprisonment of Hoshea
clearly preceded the siege of Samaria : it may be that he
w^as seized on a visit to Nineveh for the purpose of excusing
his conduct. Shalmaneser then marched against Israel ; and
after overrunning the country, laid siege to Samaria in the
seventh year of Hoshea, the fourth of Hezekiah (b.c. 723)."
Then followed one of those memorable defenses, the despair-
ing efforts of dying nations. We have no details of the
siege ; but Isaiah gives a glowing description of the mighty
instrument of Jehovah smiting like a hailstorm the glorious
beauty of the city, which towered on its hill like a crown of
pride, the head of the fat valleys of the drunkards of Ephra-
im." Its strong position enabled the city to hold out for
three years,®* during which w^e learn from the Assyrian monu-
ments that Shalmaneser died and was succeeded by his son
Sargox, a change not noticed in the Scripture narrative,
which, after the first mention of Shalmaneser,"^ only speaks
««2K. xvii.3. *» Hosea X. 14. I " 2 K. xvii. 5, xviii. fi.
»° 2 K. xvii. 4 ; Micali v. 1 : b.c. ^' Is. xxviii. 1-4. '^ 2 K. xvii. 5.
725. "* Hosea x. 7. ' ^"2 K. xvii. 3 ; comp. vs. 4, 5, &
566 The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIV.
of the "King of Assyria." Tlie city was taken in the ninth
year of Hoshea, the sixth of Hezekiah."® Sargon himself re-
cords the capture of Samaria in the following terms : — ■
"Samaria I looked at, I captured" (like Caesar's vidl^ vie?) ;
" 27,280 men (or families) who dwelt in it I carried away.""
According to the Scripture narrative, he "carried Israel
away into Assyria, and placed them in Halah and in Habor
by the river of Gozan and the cities of the Medes."'^ This de-
portation of the people extended to Samaria; and its depend-
ent towns, a region small in comparison to the original king-
dom of the ten tribes. The region east of Jordan had already
been so treated by Tiglath-pileser, who had also carried
away the northern tribes, but not to the same extent ; for a
remnant Avere left, who form the nucleus of the mixed popu-
lation of the later Galilee. The cities in the south of
Ephraim, which had been attached to Judah by conquest, or
by the bond of religion under Ilezekiah, probably shared the
fortunes of the southern kingdom. The removal was of that
complete character, which vv'e have seen in the case of Da-
mascus, and which was frequently practiced by the conquerors
of Western Asia.®^ The process is compared to the act of
" wiping out a dish and turning it upside down."^°° Jose-
phus states that the King of Assyria " transplanted all the
people.""" These statements, Avhich have the most impor-
tant bearing on the national character of the later " Samari-
tans," are confirmed in various ways. Not a word is said of
any remnant, as in the case of the captivity of Judah, when
" the poor of the land were left to be vine-dressers and lius-
bandmen;"'"^ nor, if such a remnant had been left, could the
new population have been so ignorant of" the manner of the
God of the land" as to need one of the captive priests to be
sent from Assyria to teach them to fear Jehovah.'"^ The ten
tribes never returned to their land as a distinct people: and
the contrast between their fate and that of Judah in both
these points marks the favor of God to the house of David,
r.nd to the people Avho never entirely cast off His worship.
r'lirsory readers arc liable to confound described by the very expressive words
tlic three kings, Shalmnneser, Sargon, cayr/veveiv, "to drag" as a pond, and
and Sennacherib, and the name of f7c^;yp£i'en', " to hunt out " the inhabit'
the last takes them by surprise. ants. The former image is the moro
^' B.C. 721: 2 K. xvii. Cxviii. 10. | perfect, as the people were not dis*
"' lVincks,\nJoHni(ilo/'Sticre(lLit- persed,
CTdiiire, Oct. IS'.S; Lavard, Nineveh ^"^ 2 K. xxi. 13.
and Babylon, p. 148. °''* 2 K. xvii. G. ^'" Ant. ix. 14, § 1.
''^ As "in the case of Samos In- the! ^""'^ 2 K. xxv. 12.
Persians (Herod, iii. 149), which i. '^=^ 2 K. xvii. 25-28.
B.C. 721. Final Captivitij of Israel. 567
Thus ended the kingdom of Israel, after a duration of just
255 years/"* under nineteen kings and seven dynasties, not
reckoning among the latter the ephemeral usurpations of Zimri
and Shallum. The last two of these dynasties perished with
their founders, Pekah and Hoshea : three, those of Jeroboam,
Baasha, and Mehanem, had two kings each ; the house of Omri
numbered four kings in three generations : Jehu's, the longest
of all, reigned for five generations from father to son, and all
its kings died a natural death except the last, Zachariah.
Of the other kings, onlj^ Jeroboam I., Baasha, Omri, Ahaziah,
and Mehanem had the same lot ; the rest were slain by trai-
tors or in battle, or died in captivity. Their character was
even worse than their fate. Not one in the whole list is com^
mended either for morality or piety : all were idolaters, and
traitors to Jehovah. Even the zeal of Jehu ended in idol-
worship, and the patriotism of Hoshea was marred by dis-
loyalty to God. The sacred historian concludes their history
Avith an impressive and aifecting summary of their sins, in
which they were followed by Judah, provoking the anger of
Jehovah till " He removed them out of his sight." First,
" there was none left but the tribe of Judah only ;" but their
sins had already caused Jehovah to " rend Israel from the
house of David;" and at last "Jehovah rejected all the seed
of Israel." But not till He had given them abundant invita-
tions to return to God by the long line of pkophets, the
preachers of repentance and reformation. Besides the many
whose names are too often forgotten because their writings
are not extant, Elijah and Elisha shine amid the darkest
night of Israel's idolatry ; Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada, seals
his testimony against the apostasy of Judah with his mar-
tyrdom ; and the century before the fall of Samaria is glori-
fied by the names of Joxah, Amos, and Hosea in Israel, and
Joel, Isaiah, and Micah in Judah.
The end of the kingdom of Israel involves two questions
of great interest — the fate of the captives who were carried
away, and the condition of the country after their removal.
Respecting the first point, we have had the statement of
their transplantation to certain districts of Assyria and
Media, Avhere we almost lose sight of them. Nor is this
surprising. The gradual contraction of the limits of the Sa-
maritan kingdom suggests, what the inscription of Sargon
confirms, that the numbers carried captive at last were far
less considerable than is commonly supposed. Their absorp
""B.C. 975-721.
568 2Vie Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIV.
tion ill the surroimding population would be aidea by theij
long addiction to the practices of idolatry, and the loss of
reverence for their religion involved the absence of care for
the records of their national existence. As they furnished
no confessors and martyrs, like Daniel and " the three chil-
dren," so neither did they preserve the genealogies on which
Judah based the order of the restored commonwealth."^ But
yet their traces are not utterly lost. The fact that a priest
was found among them to teach the Samaritans to fear Jeho-
vah, proves that they maintained some form of worship in
liis name. The Book of Tobit preserves the record of do-
mestic piety among captives of the tribe of Naphtali. The
lirst Jewish exiles, who were carried away by Sennacherib,
seem to have been settled in the same districts as their
brethren of Israel, on whom their influence would be saluta-
ry ; and, after the great captivity of Judah, it is most inter-
esting to see how continually Ezekiel addresses the captives
by the name o^ Israel. The prophetic symbol of the rod of
Judah and "the rod of the children of Israel, his compan-
ions^^ being joined into one, in order to their restoration as
one nation, as Isaiah also had predicted,"'' seems to imply
that all that Avas Avorth preserving in Israel became amal-
gamated with Judah, and either shared in the restoration, or
became a part of the " dispersion," who were content to re-
main behind, and who spread the knowledge of the true God
throughout the East. It is an important fact that St. James
addresses the " dispersion " as " the twelve tribes." The edict
of Cyrus, addressed to the servants of Jehovah, God oi Israel,
would find a response beyond the tribe of Judah ; and though
none of the ten tribes appear, as such, among the returned
exiles, there is room for many of their families in the number
of those who could not prove their pedigrees."^ As for the
rest, according to the very images of the prophet,
"Like the deiv on the inonntain,^"^
Like the foam on ilie river, ^°^
Like the bubble on the fountain,
T/iey are (/one, and FORiiVER."
^le very wildness of the speculations of those who have
sought them at the foot of the Himalayas and on the coast
*"* See Ezra and Nehemiah.
^"^ Ezek. xxxvii. 15-28 ; Is. xi. 13,
16.
'" At the time of Christ there were
Jews known to belong to other tribes
than Judah, Benjamin, and Levi; as
Anna, of the tribe of Asher (Luke ii
36). Such may have been descended
either from returned captives, or from
those left in the north beyond the lim-
its of Samaria.
''' Hosea xiii. 3. ''' Ilosea x. 7.
B.C. C78. Condition of Samaria. 569
of Malabar among the Nestorians of Abyssinia and the In-
dians of North America, proves sufficiently the hopelessness
of the attempt. Have then the promises of God concerning
their restoration failed ? No ! tliey were represented, as we
liave seen, in the return of Judah ; and for the rest, though
they are lost to us, "the Lord knoweth them that are His."
We do not enter, in this work, into the controversy respecting
the return of Israel to their own land. But of this there is no
cpiestion, that when God shall reveal, " out of every nation,
those who have feared God, and wrought righteousness," all
the tribes of believers in Israel will be owned, in some especial
manner, as His people. That this restoration will be not tem-
poral, but spiritual, seems to be the plain teaching of St. Paul,
in the passage which forms the great New Testament author-
ity on the whole subject.^'"
We turn back to the condition of their deserted land, guard-
ing first against the common error of confusing its limits with
those of the old kingdom of the ten tribes. The final deporta-
tion by Shalmaneser (or Sargon), following upon that made by
Tiglath-pileser, justifies our speaking of the captivity of the ten
tribes ; but the depopulation in the earlier captivity was much
less complete than in the latter, at least on the west of Jordan.
This has already been seen in the description of Hezekiah's ref-
ormation. It Avas only the region immediately round Sama-
ria that was utterly depopulated. The description of its re-
l)eopling follows immediately upon the narrative of the Cap-
tivity in the Second Book of Kings f^^ but it is clear that
there was a very considerable interval. The new colonization
is expressly ascribed to Esar-haddon, the grandson of Sargon,
and " the great and noble Asnapper," either his officer, or a
title of the king himself"^ This is confirmed by the fact that
some of the colonists came from Babylon, which only became
subject to Assyria under Sennacherib, the father of Esar-had-
don. It is probable that the colonization was suggested by
Esar-haddon's observation of the state of the country during
his campaign against Manasseh, about b.c. 678. It was efiect-
ed by the usual Assyrian method of removing the whole
population of other conquered cities or districts in a distant
"° Romans ix-xi.
^"2K. xvii. 24-41. Josephns(^?2^
ix. 14, X. 9) is misled by this into mak-
ing it the work of Shalmaneser ; and
rors should make us very cautious how
we accept his statements as derived
from independent sources. Like the
Greek scholiasts, he often seems to bo
in the preceding narrative he knows giving us information, when he is only
nothing of tiie distinction between making glosses on the text of Script-
Shalmaneser and Sargon. Such er- ' ure. "^ Ezra iv. 2, 10.
670 The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel. Chap. XXIV.
part of the empire, " from Babylon, Cuthah, Ava {ov Ival),
Hamath, and Sepharvaim," the three last being places men-
tioned among the conquests of Sennacherib.''^ The new in-
habitants imported their idolatrous worship ; and God showed
his jealousy for His own land by plaguing them with lions,
which had doubtless multiplied during nearly half a century
of desolation. They ascribed the intliction to their ignorance
of " the manner of the God of the land," and the King of
Assyria sent back one of the captiye priests, who established
himself at Bethel, and "taught them how to fear Jehoyah."
His teaching was probably mixed with no little error, but it
seems to haye been free Irom the old idolatry of Jeroboam.
The worship thus established was regarded by the people as
merely local, and they none the less set up their own idols in
the old high places of tlie Israelites : Succoth-benoth, the god
of Babylon ; Nergal, Ashima, Nibhaz, and Tartak, the gods of
Cuth, Hamath, and the Aryites, while the Sepharyites burnt
their children to Adram-melech. Priests were appointed for
the high places from the lowest of the people. Th.e compro-
mise between their new religion and their old idolatries is
thus summed up : " They feared Jehoyah, and seryed their
own gods." The writer lays the greatest stress on their en-
tire departure from the law of Moses, and concludes by stat-
ing that these practices were followed by " their children and
their children's children : as did their fathers, so do they unto
this day."''*
These are eyidently the words of a writer disowning all
religious communion with the devotees of such degrading
superstitions. The date to which they lead, their tone and
spirit, and the part ascribed to Ezra in making up the Canon
of the Old Testament, all point to their having been written
by him at the time when these people were doing all they
could to thwart the exertions of the restored Jews to build
up the Temple and city of Jerusalem. They explain that
long course of mutual hostility which the subsequent history
develops, and which is summed up in the saying, " The Jews
have no dealings with the Samaritans," not so much as to
ask and receive a cup of cold water at a well-side in the noon-
day lieat of travel.
"■■* 2 K. xvii 2i, xviii. 13. "^ 1 K. xvii. 4L
The City of Lacliish repelling the Attack of Sonnache.ib From Layavd's Monuments
of Nineveh, 'Jd Sents, Plate 21.
CHAPTER XXV.
FROM THE END OF THE KINGDOM OF ISRAEL TO END OF
THE KINGDOM OF JUDAH. B.C. 721-586.
S 1 Progress of Assvria-Siege of Tyre by Savgon— His invasion of Egypt
S 2 Illness and' recovery of Hezekiah— Embassy from Babylon— Fn-st
Fi-o'phecy of the Babylonish Captivity. § 3. Sennacherib succeeds
Saro-on— Egyptian pai'ty in Jiulah denounced by Isaiah— Invasion o
Sennacherib and submission of Hezekiah-War of Sennacherib xv^th
E<^vpt— Rabshakeh summons Jerusalem— Destruction of the Assyrian
ai°niv— Death of Sennacherib-Prosperity and death of Hezekiah. § 4.
MA^JASSEH, fourteenth king of Judah— Anti-religious reaction-Im-
prisonment of Manasseh by Esar-haddon at Babylon— His repentance
and restoration-His probable relations ^vith Egypt— His death. 4? .'>.
Amox, fifteenth king of Judah. § G. Josiah, sixteenth king of Judali
— Pveli^ious degradation of the people— Josiah begins to seek the Lord
— Rescoration of the Temple and Ark— Book of the Law discovered—
The prophetess Huldah— Destruction of the idols— Gehenna— Isaiah s
great Passover. § 7. Fall of Assyria, and rise of Media and Babylon
—Rivalry of Ba])ylon and Egvpt— Expedition of Necbo— Death of
Josiah at Megiddo— The mvstic battle of Armageddon— Revival ot
prophecv under Josiah : Nahcm, Zkphamah. Habakkdk, and Jere-
Mi\H "§ 8 The successors of Josiah but nominal kings— Jehoahaz,
ihe seventeenth king of Judah, set up by the people, and deposed by
Necbo—" Cadytis " taken bv Necho. § 9. Jehoiakim, the eighteenth
king of Judah-Defeat of' Necho by NEBUCHADNEZZAR-Jeremiah
prophesies the seventv vears' Captivity at Babylon-Stor^v of the Rech-
abites-Nebuchadnezzar takes Jerusalem-The Fu-st CapUmty ofJu^
tiiA-DANiEL and his comrades-Public reading of Jeremiah sprophe-
ecies by Baruch— R'-;bellion and death of Jehoiakim. ^ 10. Jehoia-
572 The Kingdom oj Judali. Chap. XXV.
CHIN, the nineteentli king of Jiidah — Set up and deposed by Nebuchad-
nezzar— The Second and great Capticitij of Judah — Subsequent history
of Jelioiachin and the line of David. § 11. Zedekiah, the twentieth
and last king over the remnant of Judah — Parties at Jerusalem — Jere-
miah advises submission — The seditious false prophets — Predictions of
the restoration of Israel and the fall of Babylon — Ezekiel prophesies
at Babylon — Zedekiah conspires with Egypt. § 12. eTerusalem besieged
by Nebuchadnezzar — Advance and retreat of Pharaoh-hophra — Impris-
onment of Jeremiah — Capture and destruction of Jerusalem — Exulta-
tion of the neighboring nations — Prophecy of Ob adiah — Third Capticitij
— Summary of the Captivities — The land left uncolonized. § 13. The
remnant in Judosa — Gedaliah, Ishmael, and Johanan — Flight into
Egypt under Johanan — Nebuchadnezzar invades Egypt — His other
conquests.
§ 1. There is a gap in the Scripture narrative, from the
taking of Samaria in the sixth year of Hezekiah to the attack
from Assyria in his fourteenth year (b.c. 721-713). But from
an alhision in Isaiah as well as from the direct testimony of
an ancient historian preserved by Josephus, we know how
the King of Assyria employed the interval. It may seem
strange that Sargon should not at once have marched to sub-
due Hezekiah. But he was evidently preparing for a more
important campaign, of which the reduction of Judah would
be merely an incident, against Egypt, the ally of Hoshea, and
the probable supporter of Hezekiah. To conduct such a war
to a successful issue, and to accomplish a cherished object of
Assyrian policy, it was necessary to secure the great port of
Western Asia on the Mediterranean. Sargon overran Phoe-
nicia and laid siege to Tyre, then at the height of its power,
under its king Elulaeus. Having retired the first time with-
out success, Sargon renewed the attempt with the aid of six-
ty ships furnished by other Phoenician cities, as Sidon, Ace
(Accho), and Paloe-tyrus (old Tyre on the main land) wheth-
er from compulsion, or from jealousy of the island queen.
This navy was defeated by the Tyrians, who had only twen-
ty ships ; and, thus secured against a storm, they held out
for five years (b.c. 720-71 5) with the same constancy that they
afterward displayed against Nebuchadnezzar and Alexander,
and probably with better success.^ The issue of the blockade
is not recorded ; but, if it had been successful, " the gods of
Tyre " Avould doubtless have been included in the boast of
Rabshakeh.'^ We can not be wrong in referring to this occa^
sion the prophecy of Isaiah against Tyre, warning "the mer-
chant city " that though she had escaped this time, she was
doomed to utter destruction.^
* Menander, np. Josej)h. Ant. ix. 14. As before, Josephus confounds Sar-
gon with Shnlmaneser. ^ 2 K. xviii. 33, 3t. ^ Is. xxiii.
B.C 713.
Hezekiah's Illness.
573
Sargon sent an army against Judah and Egypt, under a
" Tartan " (or general) in the tenth year of his reign, which
was the fourteentli of Hezekiah b.c. 713)." How this expedi-
tion aftected Judah we do not know, for in our present text
it is manifestly confused witli the celebrated incursion of Sen-
nacherib several years later; but it inflicted a great blow
on Egypt. While the Assyrian army was detained near the
frontier by the siege of Ashdod, which probably belonged
then to Egypt, Isaiah uttered his remarkable prophecy of the
defeat and captivity of the Egyptians,^ Avhich appears from
Nahum to have been soon fulflUed by the capture of Thebes
(No-amon).^ We learn from Herodotus that Sebechus (the
So who conspired with Hoshea) was succeeded by a priest of
Vulcan (Phthah), wiiose neglect of the military caste reduced
hii:i to great danger in an invasion by the King of Assyria.''
§ L\ About this time must have occurred the mortal illness
of Hezekiah : " In those days was Hezekiah sick unto death,"
and lisaiah w^as sent to- Avarn him of his approaching end.*
* 2 K. xviii. 13 ; 2 Chron. xxxii. 1 ;
Is. XX. 1. To make the narrative
consistent with itself, and with the
Assyrian monuments, wc must sup-
pose that, by the confusion indicated
above, the name of Sennacherib has
crept into 2 K. xviii. 13, and Is.
xxxvi. 1, which is the more easily un-
derstood from the evident ignorance
of the authorities who settled the re-
ceived text, of the interposition of Sar-
pon between Shalmaneser and Senna-
cherib. The confusion can scarcely
be quite disentangled ; but we incline
to take only the words, *' Now, in the
fourteenth year of King Hezekiah,
the King of Assyria came up against
Judah," as referring to Sargon's ex-
])edition in b.c. 713, and to take all
the rest as applying to the much later
expedition of Sennacherib somewhat
thus : *' Sennacherib came up against
all the fenced cities of Judah, and
took them." The mention of the
siege of Lachish seems to make the
capture of these cities a part of the
same transaction as the submission
of Hezekiah ; and that this could not
have been made (at least in the form
stated in vs. 14-16) before his illness,
is clear from the display of his riches
to the Babylonian ambassadors (2 K.
XX. 1 3). Again, the illness must have
followed close upon the expedition of
Sargon, and long before lliat of Scn«
nacherib, because — (1), Fifteen years
were added to the king's life; and as
he died in b.c. 698, the illness was in
B.C. 713 (2 K. XX. 1), (2), Sennache-
rib did not succeed his father till B.C.
702 ; (3), Hezekiah is promised, at
the time of liis recovery, a deliverance
from Assyria, which can be none oth-
er than the destruction of Sennache-
rib's army, the story of which is ])rc-
ceded by the very same promise (2 K.
xix. 34). Ussher saw that cliap. xx.
must be i)laced before chap. xix.
^ This prophecy may perhaps indi-
cate the triumph of the anti-Egyptian
party in the councils of Judah, and
their ascendency may have been the
cause for Sargon's refraining from at-
tacking Judah on this occasion.
" Nahum iii. 8.
'' Herod, ii. 141. The account of
his miraculous deliverance is evident-
ly an appropriation by the Egyptian
priests of Hezekiah's deliverance from
Sennacherib, whose name has thus got
into the story of Herodotus in place
of Sargon's.
^2 K. XX. 1, 2; 2 Chron. xxxii.
24 ; Is. xxxviii. 1. -
574 The Kingdom of Judah. Chap. XXV.
The record of his feeliDgs, Aviitten by his own hand when he
recovered, is preserved for us by Isaiah in language liighly
poetical. In the same dismal tone as the patriarch Job, he
deplores the end of life but chiefly as the end of all opportu-
nities for serving God: — "The grave can not praise Thee;
death can not celebrate Thee ; they that go down into the
pit can not hope for Thy truth.'"® He thought doubtless of
his unfinished work, of the danger still im23ending over Ju-
dah, but, above all, of the Temple Avhich he had restored, and
where he had hoped long to worship God.'" He turned his
face to the wall, and prayed and wej^t sore. The prophet,
who had but just left him, Avas sent back to promise that he
should recover and go up to the house of God on the third
day : at the same time he directed a poultice of figs to be
laid upon the boil or carbuncle, for such Avas the king's dis-
ease.^' As Avas so usual Avith the Jews, Hezekiah asked for a
sign ; and the shadoAv of the sun Avent back ten degrees upon
the dial of Ahaz, signifying a proportionate addition to the
days of his life.'^ But alas ! for the Aveakness of our nature,
t'.iis deliverance engendered a rash confidence, Avhich brought
new judgments on Judah and Jerusalem. ^^ The neAvs of
Hezekiah's recovery brought an embassy of congratulation
fi'om Merodach-baladan, king of Babylon, a poAver Avhich noAV
appears for the first time.^'' The ostensible object Avas to
make inquiries respecting the astronomical marvel.'^ But
its real purpose Avas probably to form a league against As-
syria. The kings of the loAver Assyrian dynasty held Baby-
lon by an insecure grasp, and Merodach Avas at the head of
the party of independence. From the records of Sargon and
^ Is. xxxviii. 18. '" Is. xxxviii. 22. sliadon- (perhaps of some column or
" 2 K. XX. 7; Is. xxxviii. 21. 'obelisk on the top) fell on a f^reater
'- 2 K. XX. 8-11 ; Is. xxxviii. 7, 8. ' or smaller number of them according
The Ileb. word transhxted by " dial "j as the sun was low or high. Tiic
is the same as that rendered " steps '* j terrace of a palace might easily be
in A. V. (Ex. XX. 26; IK. x. 19), ! thus ornamented. Ahaz's tastes seem
and "degrees" in A. V. (2 K. xx. 9, ! to have led him in pursuit of foreign
10, 11; Is. xxxviii. 8), where, to give ' curiosities (2 K. xvi. 10), and his inti-
a consistent rendering, we should read macy with Tiglath-pileser gave him
with the margin the ''degrees" rath- probably an op])ortunity of procuring
or than the " dial " of Ahaz. In the | h'om Assyria the pattern of some such
absence of any materials for deter-
mining the shape and structure of the
solar instrument, which certainly ap-
pears intended, the best course is to form " Berodach " is merely a dialec-
foUow the most strictly natural mean- tic variety. Tiie name of the god
ing of the word, and to consider that Merodach has invnriMbly the M.
the dial was reallv stairs, and that the \ ^^ 2 Chron. xxxii. 31.
structure.
^^ 2 Chron. xxxiii. 25.
" "> K. XX. 12; Is. xxxix. 1. Th-^
B.C. 702. Marriage of Hezehiak. 575
Sennacherib wc learn that he was twice expelled from liis
kingdom • by the former in the twelfth year both of Sargon
and of Merodach (b.c. V09), and by the latter in his first year
(b.c. 702), when Merodach had only recovered his kingdom
for six months/'^ The embassy to Hezekiah falls during his
first tenure of power ; and if its object be rightly understood,
the King of Judah's eagerness to show the ambassadors his
treasures would have another motive besides mere ostenta-
tion to prove his ability to enter on a great and dangerous
war. Whatever the motive, the display was made in a spirit
of self-glorification, which called down a divine judgment;
and it must have been doubly bitter for Hezekiah to hear
from Isaiah's lips that his kingdom was to fall a prey, not to
Assyria, but to the very power whose alliance he was court-
ing. There had already been several predictions of the cap-
tivity of Judah ; but this was the first distinct intimation of
the quarter from which the judgment was to fall. Hezekiah
humbled himself before God, and he was comforted by the
assurance that the sentence should not be executed in his
days.»^
tip to the time of his mortal illness, Hezekiah seems to have
been childless — a circumstance which would embitter his dis-
tress at the prospect of death. He now married Hephzibah,
the daughter of a citizen or prince of Jerusalem, ^^ in whose
name, which signifies dellfjhtsome, Isaiah traces a figure of
the future glories of Jerusalem. ^^ The son born of this union
received the name of JIanasse/i, which never occurs elsewhere
in the history of Judah. The adoption of the name of a rival
tribe may be taken as a sign of the policy pursued by Heze-
kiah, from the time of the destruction of Samaria, to rally
the remnant of the ten tribes in a religious union with Judah.^"
§ 3. The remainder of Sargon's icign was fully occupied by
rebellions in the heart of his empire. Herodotus places the
revolt of the Medes and Babylonians in b.c. 711. The former
maintained their independence, and founded the power by
which Babylon, after overthrowing Assyria, ^vas herself sub-
dued. As to the latter, we have seen that Merodach was ex-
pelled in B.C. 709 ; but his return at the death of Sargon proves
the unsettled state of the province in the mean time. From
^'^ The Cano7i of Ptolemy frivcs him j '•'' 2 Chron. xxxii. 31 ; 2 K. xx. 12-
twelve years, b.c. 721-709, and Poly- 19 ; Is. xxxix,
histor six months in B.C. 702 (Euseb. | '** 2 K. xxi. 10 ; Joseph. Ant. x. 3,
Chron. p. 1, V. 1 : see Bi/>. Diet. s. r.). ! § 1 .
His restomtion may have been cnused | ^^ Is. Ixii. 4, .">.
by Sargon's death. \ -° 2 Chron. xxx. G, xxxi. 1.
676 Th(^ Kingdom of Jadah. Chap. XXV.
both quarters Sargon must have had enough upon his hands
for the rest of his reign. In b.c. 702 Sargon was succeeded
by his son Sennacherib (or Sanherib), a monarch as warlike
and able as himself After crushing the revolt of Merodach
and placing Belib,^^ a creature of his own, on the throne of
Babylon, he undertook a great expedition against Judah and
Egypt. This was the crisis of the history of the men of Judah
to prove whether the religious revival under Hezekiah would
inspire them with faith in God, or whether they Avould seek
safety by forbidden means. There was a strong party in fa-
vor of an alliance with Egj' pt, the help of which they seem
to have sought only to be repulsed with contempt." Isaiah
vehemently denounces this party, and lays down the law —
"Their strength is to sit still ;" "In quietness and confidence
shall be your strength " — in a series of his most magnificent
prophecies, describing the destruction of the Assyrian by su-
pernatural means when he should encamp against Ariel [Lion
of God)^ the city of David, the establishment of Messiah's
kingdom, and the privileges of his people. These chapters
stand in the Book of Isaiah immediately before the history
of Sennacherib's invasion, for which they were evidently de-
signed to prepare the minds of king and people." The king
proved worthy of such a prophet. Though he may have
tampered Avith Egyj^t, a point on which we have no certain
knowledge, and though he was driven to one act of disgrace-
ful submission, his fliith revived in the supreme crisis. En-
couraged by Isaiah, lie committed his own and his people's
safety to Jehovah, who wrought for them a deliverance as
signal as the destruction of Pharaoli and his army in the Red
Sea.
The campaign was opened by an attack on the fortresses
of Judah, of which several were taken." Isaiah describes
the progress of Sennacherib through Benjamin and the dis-
tress of the cities on his route.^^ He was engaged in the
siege of Lachish, a city in the south-west of Judali (apparent-
ly with tlie view of securing the whole country toward Egypt
before attacking Jerusalem), when Hezekiah sent him a mes-
sage of complete submission : — " I have offended ; return from
me ; what thou puttest upon me I will bear."^' The Assyr-
^' Tlie Bclibus of Polyhistor and of calamitous and disgraceful events,
the Canon. " Is. xxx. 1-5. i which is so often found in the Chron-
" Is. xxix.-xxxv. A similar proph- ; /c/e.s, no mention is made of the cap-
ecy is contained in chs. x.-xii. tare of these cities, nor of Hezekiah's
'"^^ 2 K. xviii. 13; Is. xxxvi. 1 ; 2 message of submission.
Chron. xxxii. 1 ; by that suppression, '^^ Is. x. 28-32. -^ 2 K. xviii. 14.
B.C. 702. Accession of Sennacherib. 577
ian exacted a contribution of 300 talents of silver and thirty-
talents of gold ; to meet which, Hezekiah took all the silver
vessels of the Temple and of his own palace, and cut off the
gold with which he himself had overlaid the doors and pil-
lars of tlie Temple, and sent it to Sennacherib."
But this spoliation was only a preliminary to the intended
extirpation of the Jewish people and the destruction of Je-
rusalem. Sennacherib sent an army against Jerusalem under
a Tartan (or captain), Rabsaris (the chief eunuch), and Rab-
shakeh (the chief cup-bearer),^^ expecting apparently the sur-
render of the dis'iL'.irtened city without a siege. We are in-
formed of the exact spot where the envoys stood to deliver
their message, " the conduit of the upper pool in the highway
of the fuller's field." Hezekiah sent to the conference the
chief of his household, his secretary, and recorder. Rab-
shakeh, who acted as spokesman, asked on whom the King
of Judah relied. Was it on Egypt, a broken reed, that would
pierce tlie hand of him who leaned on it ? Was it on Je-
hovah ? — the God, said the orator, with a strange confusion
of ideas, Avhose high jjlaces and altars Hezekiah had taken
away. Nay, his master even claimed to have been sent up
against Jerusalem by the word of Jehovah, referring proba-
bly to the prophecies of Isaiah." Thus far he had spoken in
Hebrew ; but now the officers of Hezekiah entreated him to
speak in the Syrian language, so as not to be understood by
the people on the wall. "They," rejoined Rabshakeh, "are
the very persons to whom I am sent, to warn them of the
consequences of resistance." Then, raising his voice, he cried
to the men upon the wall to come forth to make their peace
with him, promising that they should be unmolested till he
came again to remove them to a land as good as their own.
Let them not listen to Hezekiah, persuading them that Je-
hovah would deliver them, but look upon tlie nations sub-
dued before Assyria, and see if the gods of Samaria and the
rest had delivered them out of his master's hand. The peo-
ple, as Hezekiah had bidden them, returned no answer,, and
the servants of Hezekiah reported to him the words of Rab-
shakeh. He sent them to Isaiah, while he betook himself to
prayer. The prophet replied that God took the blasphemies
/ " 2 K. xviii.15, 16.
f -* In the A. V., Tartan, Kabsaris,
and Rabshakeh are treated as prop-
er names, but they are probably rath-
er names of offices than of persons ;
Tartan signifying a "captain," Rab-
B B
saris "chief eunuch," and Rabshakeh
"chief cup-bearer." There are sev-
eral other Assyrian and Babyloninn
names found with the prefix "Rab,"
in the sense of "chief."
-« Is. viii. X.
578 The Kingdom of Judah. Chap. XXV.
of Rabshakeh as uttered against Ilim, and predicted that, in
consequence of a " blast " sent upon him by God, and a " ru-
mor " Avhich he should hear, the king would retreat to his
own land, and there perish by the sword.
Sennacherib had now left Lachish, probably having taken
it,^° and his messengers found him besieging Libnah, a city
in the same vicinity. The news of the approach of Tir-
hakah, king of Ethiopia, compelled him to postpone his re-
venge for the defiance of Hezekiah ; but he gave vent to
his rage in a letter in the same tone as Rabshakeh's speech.
Hezekiah spread the letter before God, with a solemn prayer
to Him to prove the diiference between Jehovah, the only
God, and the "no gods" whom the Assyrian had justly re-
proached ; and the answer was given by the mouth of Isa-
iah in a sublime prophecy of the destruction of the Assyrian
and the future glory of the remnant of Judah. On that
very night the well-known catastrophe followed, not, as is
too often supposed by cursory readers, before Jerusalem,
which Sennacherib had never approached, but only " shaken
his fist at her " from the distance. ^^ His army still lay be-
fore Libnah, not having even moved to meet Tirhakah, when
in one night " the angel of Jehovah went out, and smote in
the camp of the Assyrians 185,000 men." When the watch-
men looked forth in the early moi'ning, the plain was covered
with their corpses : —
"And tlic might of the Gentiles, untouched by the sword,
Had melted like snow at the 'blast' of the Lord."
There is no doubt that some secondary cause was employ-
ed in the accomplishment of this miracle. AYe are certainly
" not to suppose," as Dr. Johnson observed, " that the angel
went about with a sword in his hand stabbing them one by
one, but that some powerful natural agent was employed."
The Assyrians may have been sufibcated by the hot wind
of the desert, or they may have fallen by tens of thousands
before "the pestilence that walketh in darkness.""^ It is
^° The siege of Lachish is consider-
ed by Layard and Hincks to be de-
picted on the slabs found by the for-
sion for its slaughter" (Layard, A^j/?.
and Bah. 149-52, and" 153, note).
These slabs contain a view of a city
mer in one of the chambers of the pal- which, if the inscription is correctly
ace of Kouyunjik, which bear the in- interpreted, must be Lachish itself,
scription "Sennacherib, the mighty Sec wood-cut, p. 571. '^ Is. x. 32.
king, king of the conntry Assyria, sit- 1 ^^ Fs. xci. G, 7. The whole Psalm
ting on the throne of judgment before \ is most suitable for the crisis, though
(or at the entr;ince of) the city of |it may have been composed on the
Lachish (Lakhisha). I give perrnis- i occasion of some other pestilence.
B.C. 698. The Reign of Manasseh. 579
enough for us to remember that God, who at first " breathed
into man's nostrils the breath of life," has the power, in a
thousand w\ays, to " breathe " death on whom He pleases.
Sennacherib himself returned into Assyria, and was there
slain, as Isaiah had foretold. But his death, which is men-
tioned at the end of the Scripture narrative, did not take
place till some years later. He was murdered in the Temple
of Nisroch by two of his sons, Adrammelech and Sharezer,
who fled into Armenia, and was succeeded by another son,
EsAR-HADDON, ouc of the most powerful of the Assyrian mon-
archs (b.c. 680).''
The fame of Hezekiah's deliverance brought him congrat-
ulations and presents from all the surrounding nations ; and
the remainder of the days, which God's special grace had
added to his life, were spent in prosperity and wealth.
Like XJzziah, he possessed numerous flocks and herds, in ad-
dition to the treasures that he collected at Jerusalem.
Yv'hen he died, he was honored with the chief place in the
sepulchres of the kings (b.c. 698).'* The glorious promise of
his reign was terribly eclipsed under his successor.
§ 4. Manasseh, the fourteenth king of Judah, was only
twelve years old Avhen he succeeded his father Hezekiah,
and he reigned fifty-five years (b.c. 698-643). But of tnis,
the longest reign hi the annals of Judah, our accounts are ex-
tremely scanty. In the Seco7ul Booh of Kings^ it fills only
eighteen verses,'^ which are occupied with a general descrip-
tion of the monstrous evils of the period, almost co the exclu-
sion of particular incidents. It would seem as if the sacred
Avriter abstained from recording more of a reign so disgrace-
ful than was sufficient to point the lesson of retribution.'"
The narrative in the C/ironides is scai-cely longer ; but it is
distinguished from the other by one remarkable feature, the
story of Manasseh's captivity, repentance, and restoration."
The reign of Manasseh Avas a period of fatal reaction in
the religious policy of the state, which has been well com-
pared to that of Mary in our own history. We have Been
indications that the idolatrous party, who had been triumph-
ant under Ahaz, did not yield without a struggle to Hezekiah.
The huge masses of men packed to-
gether in great Oriental armies, and
exposed to all kinds of physical and
moral pollution, have always been pe-
culiarly exposed to pestilence ; and
as sudden as the case before us, though
on a smaller scale,
^^ 2 K. xviii., xix. ; 2 Chron. xxxii.
I i'2; ; Is. xxxvi., xxxvii.
'*2 Chron. xxxii. 23-33.
the records of the Asiatic cholera con- 1 '"^ 2 K. xxi, 1-18. ^^ 2 K. xxiv. 1-4.
tain examples of attacks as fatal and "^ Vj Chron. xxxiii. 1-20.
680 The Kingdom of JudaJi. Chap. XXV.
Such a reform as tliat king wrought must have been in a great
degree superficial among a people so corrupted as the testimo-
ny of the prophets proves that the Jews had now become.
The history of religious conflicts shows how well the losing
party can succumb and bide their time, like the Romanists un-
der Edward VI. ; and the accession of a king too young to
have had his character established by his father's teachmg,
but not too young to desire the gratification of his self-will,
gave them a new oj^jjortunity. The princes of Judah, whose
influence would naturally be great during the king's minori-
ty have been seen more than once on the side of idolatry, es-
pecially in the apostasy of Joash. It has been suggested that
the policy which drew Hczekiah toward Babylon in the lat-
ter part of his reign may have had an evil influence over his
young son. Certain it is that Babylonian superstitions are
conspicuous among the religious errors of Manasseh, and his
punishment came from the same quarter.
The description of Manasseh's idolatries includes every
form of false religion and abominable vice that Israel had
ever learned from the heathen nations. He restored the high
places and groves which Hezekiah had removed, established
the worship of Baal in a manner worthy of the house of Ahab,
and added to the obscene rites of Ashtoreth those unutterable
abominations, which made princes and subjects "rulers of
Sodom and people of Gomorrah."'® The Temple was pro-
foned in a manner that even Ahaz had not attempted. An
idol figure was set up in the sanctuary, and altars for the
worship of the heavenly bodies hi the two courts of the Tem-
ple, while the ark was displaced from its abode. The king
made his son pass through the fire to Moloch, to whom he ap-
pears to have reared a stately temple in the valley of Hin-
nom. He dealt with wizards and necromancers, and, in short,
" seduced the people to do more wickedness than the nations
whom Jehovah destroyed before them."^*
This great apostasy was not consummated without warnings
from the prophets who had flourished under Hezekiah. As
the king and people had repeated the sins of Ahab, the proph-
ets denounced the doom of Samaria on Judah and Jerusalem
in the most striking figurative language." The king at-
tempted to silence them by the fi.ercest persecution recorded
in the annals of Israel. We are only told in the sacred
history that Manasseh " filled Jerusalem with innocent blood,
which Jehovali would not pardon ;" and that this was the
»^ Is. i. 10. ^'' 2 K. xxi. y. "'' 2 K. xxi. 10-15.
B.C 677.
ManasseJi's Captivily.
m\
crowning sin which doomed the nation to captivity."^ Fuller
particulars of the persecution are preserved by Josephus, who
tells us that executions took place every day/^ Its effect is
thus described by Jeremiah : " Your own sword hath de-
voured your prophets, like a destroying lion."" After the
death of Isaiah, whom tradition makes the first victim of this
persecution,** the prophetic voice Avas no more heard till the
reign of Josiah.*^
These crimes were not long left unavenged. It is inferred
from passages in the prophets of the next age that the Phi-
listines, Moabites, and Ammonites, who had been tributary
to Hezekiah, revolted from his son." But the great blow
came from Assyria. Sennacherib's successor, Esar-haddon,
one of the most powerful of all the Assyrian kings, soon put
down the revolt of Evil-merodach and abolished the vice-
royalty of Babylon, fixing his own residence at that city for
about thirteen years (b.c. 680-667). Esar-haddon is the only
Assyrian monarch whom we find to have actually reigned
at Babylon, where he built himself a palace, bricks from
which have been recently recovered bearing his name. This
fact accounts for Manasseh being taken to Ba'bylon, and not
to Nineveh. To that city he carried Manasseh captive on
a charge of rebellion ; and it would seem that Jerusalem
was taken at the same time. The date of this event is placed
by a Jewish tradition at the twenty-second year of Ma-
nasseh (b.c. 67V), which agrees very well with the account
of the new colonization of the country of Samaria by set-
tlers whom Esar-haddon (or Asnapper) sent from Babylon
and other places.
And now it seemed as if the time had come for the Baby-
lonish captivity which Isaiah had foretold ; but, by a new
proof of Jehovah's long-suffering Avith the house of David,
the end was postponed for another century. The severity of
Manasseh's imprisonment brought him to repentance. God
^' 2 K. xxi. 16; xxiv.4.
*2 Joseph. yl«/.x. 3, § 1.
^^ Jerem. ii. 30.
** Rabbinical tradition says that
Isaiah was sawn asunder in a trunk
of a tree by order of Manasseh, to
which it is supposed that reference is
nmde in Hebrews xi. 37. But Isaiah
must have been 80 or 90 ^ears of age
at Manasseh's accession. See Diet,
of Bible, vol. i. p. 876.
■^^ The Rabbinical traditions place
Joel, Nahum, and Habakkuk in the
reign of Manasseh. But Joel is cer-
tainly much earlier; Nahum proba-
bly belongs to the reign of Hezekiah ;
and the best critics place Habakkuk
under Josiah. Even the prolonga-
tion of Isaiah's life beyond the time
of Hezekiah, and of his martyrdom
under Manasseh, is of very doubtful
truth.
^^ Zeph. ii. , Jerem. xlvii.,^ xlviii.,
xlix.
582 The Jvuijdom of JudaJi. Chap. XXV.
heard his prayer, and restored him to liis kingdom at Jeru-
salem, where he again reigned long and prosperously/^ He
removed the idols and their altars from the Temple and the
city, repaired the altar and sacrificed upon it, and command-
ed the people to serve Jehovah. There was, however, no
tliorougli reformation of religion ; the ark was not restored,
and the people still sacrificed in the high places. At the
same time Manasseh put Jerusalem in a state of defense.
He protected its weak side by a new wall "on the west side
of Gihon, in the valley to the entrance of the fish-gate." He
heightened the tower of Ophel, wdiich Jotham had begun,
and he placed garrisons in the fortified cities of Judah.
That these proceedings were permitted by Assyria can be
easily understood from the unwarlike character of Esar-had-
don's successor, Sardanaj^alus II., whose monuments confirm
the character given to lum by Greek writers. But they
were doubtless also connected with the new position of
Egypt, the history of which now emerges from its long ob-
scurity.
After the usurpation of the xxvth (Ethiopian) dynasty, and
the anarchy of the "Twelve Kings," Psamatek (Psammelichus
I.) founded a native dynasty (the xxvith, Saite) in B.C. 664,
the thirty-fifth year of Manasseh. He at once renewed the
old contest with Assyria, and took Ashdod, after a siege of
twenty-nine years." We have already seen that there was a
powerful Egyptian party in Judah, and the denunciations of
the prophets, who began to prophecy under Josiah, prove
that it had gained great strength. The name of Manasseh's
son, Amon, who was born about the time of the accession of
Psammetichus, though not incapable of explanation as a He-
brew word, points to a connection with Egypt. On these
grounds it has been supposed that Manasseh sought the
Egyptian alliance to strengthen him against Assyria. When
he died, he was buried in the garden of Uzza, attached to his
own house, and not in the sepulchres of the kings, and his
memoiy is held in detestation by the Jews.^^
§ 5. Amox, the fifteenth king of Judah, succeeded his fa-
ther at the age of twenty-two ; and after a reign of two
*^ 2 Chron. xxxiii. ]l-13. The [later age. The writer was well ac-
mention of Babylon as the place of quaintcd with the Septuagint, but be-
ManassehV: captivity is a strong argil- yond this there is nothing to deter-
meni; for its authenticitv. An in- mine tlie date at which he lived.
ventor wonld have placed it at Nine-
vah. Its duration is unknown. The
apocryphal "Trayer of Manasseh"
is an imaginative production of a
•^^ Ilerod. ii. 157.
"'' 2 K. xxi. 1 7, 1 8 ; 2 Chrcn. xxxJil
20, Sanhedr. c.xi. 1.
B.C. G13. The Reign of Josiah. 583
years, during Avliich he followed Manasseh's idolatries, with-
out sharinii; his repentance, he fell the victim of a court con-
spiracy, Tlie conspirators were slain by the people, who
raised Josiah, the infant son of Anion, to the throne. Anion
was buried with his father in the garden of Uzza. His moth-
er was Meshullemeth, the daughter of Ilaruz, of Jotbah.^"
§ 6. Josiah, the sixteenth king of Judah, was eight years
old at liis accession, and reigned thirty-one years at Jerusa-
lem.^' His mother was Jedidah, the daughter of Adaiah of
Boscath. Though he fell in battle before he had completed
his fortieth year, he left the brightest name for piety and re-
ligious zeal among all the successors of David. He shares
with Hezekiah the praise of walking perfectly in the way of
liis father David. ^^ His reign marks the last dying glory of
tlie earthly kingdom of David. It may, indeed, seem mys-
terious that a doom, so often postponed by the repentance
and faith of earlier kings, should have followed so close upon
the reign of the best and most zealous of them all, and that
he himself should have fallen by a premature and violent
death. But we must look beyond the personal character of
the king to the state of the people and their rulers. We have
seen that the great reform of Hezekiah Avas probably super-
ficial ; the apostasy under 3Ianasseh and Amon was the last
and lowest stage in the long course of national degeneracy ;
and the deep corruption tliat prevailed during the minority
of Josiah. is drawn in the blackest colors by the proj^hets
Zephaxiaii and Jeremiah. The very violence of Josiah's
reformation indicates the absence of true and spontaneous
sympathy among the people. In short, they were past puri-
fying except by the fiercest fires of affliction.
Josiah must not be regarded as an example of the quiet
growth of youthful piety under favorable culture. So evil
were tlie influences about him that he only " began to seek
after the God of David his father " in his sixteenth year.
Plis religion was his own decided choice, as the first act of
his opening manhood ; a choice prompted by that loyalty to
his high calling as the son of David, which marks every act
of his reign. Doubtless he was aided and encouraged by
some among the priests, and by prophets, such as Zephaniah
and Jeremiah ; but it is a striking feature of his history, that
the king himself is the prime mover in every act of reforma-
tion. In the twelfth year of his reign, at the age of twenty,^'
^^ B-c. G43-641 : 2 K. xxi. 19-26 ; | ^^ 2 K. xxii. 1, 2 ; 2 Chron. xxxiv.
2 Chron. xxxiii. 21-25. {1,2.
^'u.c. Gtl-610. 1 "B.C. 630.
584 The Kingdom of Judah. Chap. XXV.
he made a progress not only through Judah, but through
those parts of Israel which Ave have before seen recognizing
Hezekiah as their religious head — Simeon, Ephraim, Manas-
sell, and even as far as Naphtali — to put away all objects of
idolatry. The altars, groves, and statues were thrown down
and destroyed, the molten and chased images Avere ground
to powder, and their dust sprinkled on the graves of their
Avorshipers in the king's presence, and the bones of the idola-
trous priests Avere disentombed and burned upon their own
altars.^* These proceedings Avere continued for six years,
during which the zeal of Josiali Avas quickened by a most
important discoA'ery. He had issued a commission to his
cliief officers to co-operate Avith the high-priest Hilkiah in a
thorough renovation of the Temple." Money had been col-
lected by the priests from all the tribes that the king had
visited; and it Avas delivered Avithout reckoning to the Avork-
men, aa^Iio proved faithful to the trust — a striking contrast to
the checks Avhich Avere found necessary in tlie time of Joash.
Tlie ark, AA^hich appears to have been removed by Manasseh
Avhen he set up a carA^ed image in the Holy of Holies, Avas
restored to its place by Josiah.^° During these repairs, tlie
high-priest Hilkiali found the sacred copy of the book of the
laAv, and delivered it to Shaphan the scribe, Avho read it be-
fore the king. It is hard for us to realize the full force of
this discovery. We can scarcely conceiA'e of a state of things
in Avhich, during centuries of the nominal establishment of
Christianity, the people should still observe solemn festiA^als
at the old sites of Druidical Avorship ; the altars of Thor, and
Woden, and Freya should smoke Avith sacrifices in CA^ery city,
town, and A'illage, their statues be set up in our cathedrals,
and the heights round London should be croAvned Avith the
temples of Sivah and Juggernaut : all this lasting for centu-
ries, Avith an occasional and partial return to the purer form
of Avorship, Avhile the Bible, ncA'er multiplied by printing,
and only knoAAm in older and purer times through infrequent
readings by the clergy, should haA'e been utterly lost and
forgotten ! Add to this the supposition that the lost volume
^* 2 Chroti. xxxiv. 3-7. [all's years from the beginning of the
"2 K. xxii. 3, foil.; 2 Chron. civil year, six months would not be
xxxiv. 8, foil. The date prefixed tot nearly enough for all these proceed-
both passages (Josiah's 18th year) ings. Even if, Avirh Clinton, we be-
must surely have arisen from a con- gin the ISth year of Josiah from May,
fusion with the e]ioeh at wliich the bo. 623, so as to make the Passover
repairs were completed and the Pass- fiiU in March — April, B.C. 622, thfl
over kept; for, even if we date Josi- interval is short.
^^ 2 Chron. xxxiii. 7, xxxv. 3.
B.C. G24.
JosiaKs Reformation.
585
contained, not the dark symbols of the AjDocalypse, but the
clear warning of national destruction and captivity to befall
us because of these idolatries, and then let us imagine our
feelings on its sudden discovery ! No wonder that Josiah
rent his clothes, and could not rest till he found a prophet
to expound these terrible denunciations ! For the first time
since the days of Deborah, we meet with a prophetess, Hul-
DAH, the wife of Shallum, keeper of the sacred vestments, who
had her abode in the suburb of Jerusalem." Her reply to
the high-priest and officers whom Josiah sent to consult her
confirmed his worst fears for the fate of the city and the king-
dom, but she added a message of comfort to the king. As
he had shown a tender heart, and had humbled himself'before
God when he heard His words of threatening, he should be
gathered to his fathers in peace, and not see the evil that
was coming on Jerusalem/^
Josiah convened a solemn assembly at the Temple for the
public reading of the law and the rencAval of the nation's
covenant with Jehovah. With new zeal the people set to
the work of purging Jerusalem from idolatry. All the monu-
ments of false worship were destroyed, from the temples built
by Solomon on the Mount of Olives, and the horses and char'
iots which successive kings had dedicated to the sun at the
temple gates, to the altars set up by Ahaz and Manasseh.
The images were brought out of the Temple and ground to
powder, and their dust strewn on the brook Kishon. The
houses devoted to the orgies of Ashtoreth and the worser
abominations of Sodom were pulled down. Tophet, the seat
of the worship of Moloch, in the valley of Hinnom, was defiled
with the bones of the idol-priests, and the fire of the god was
used for consuming the refuse of the city.^^
Jerusalem being thus purified, the king went to Bethel, be-
ing now, it would seem, better informed of the events that
had occurred there under Jeroboam. He broke down and
" liosenmiiller, Sch. ad Zeph, i. 10.
^« 2 K. xxii. 3-20 ; 2 Chron. xxxiv.
8-28. The peaceful end promised to
Josiah stands in contrast to captivity
and the ruin of the kingdom, and is
in no way inconsistent with the event
of his deatli in battle.
^'•2K.xxiii. 1-U; 2 Chron. xxxiv.
29-33. Hence tlie powerful fijrnre
by which ^^ Gehenna'' (i.e., Ge Hin-
nom, the Valley of Hinnom), with its
carcasses consuming by worms and
Bn d
fire, became the type of the place of
final punishment and destruction,
"where their worm dieth not, and
their fire is not quenched " (Matt, v.
22, 29, 30, X, 2S, xviii. 9, xxiii. 15,
33 ; Mark ix. 43, 45, 47 ; Luke xii.
5; James iii. G). The Talmudists
placed here the mouth of hell : "There
are two palm-trees in the valley of
Hinnom, between which a smoka
arisetli .... and this is the door of
Gehenna."
586 The Kingdom of Judah. Chap. XXV.
burned the his;!! place, the altar, and the grove, and fulfilled
the word of tlie disobedient prophet by taking the bones of
the priests out of the sepulchres and burning them upon the
altar while he spared the remains of the prophet and of the
other who was buried with him. The priests, who still dared
to sacrifice in the high places, were put to death, according
to the law against idolatry. Tlie wizards and necromancers
shared their fate.""
Returning to Jerusalem in the eighteenth year of his reign
(b.o. 622), Josiah kept the passover according to the directions
of the newly-discovered Book ot the Law. This passover
was the greatest and the most exact that had been kept since
the time of Moses. It is the last great united act of religion
in the time preceding the Captivity.®^
§ 7. The foreign relations of Judah were most favorable to
these great reforms. The friendship of "Egypt had been se-
cured by tlie preceding kings, though, as we shall soon see,
Josiah had kept from the entanglement of a close alliance.
The Assyrian Empire Avas tottering to its fall, which was
consummated at the very time that Josiah had completed his
reforms. It Avas about b.c. 625 that the allied forces of Media
and Babylon finally laid siege to Nineveh, and after a long
and obstinate resistance, Saracus, the last Assyrian king,
gathered his wives and treasures into his palace, and perished
with them in tlie fire, kindled by his own hand. He was the
grandson of Esar-haddon, and the son of Sardanapalus II.,
with whom he is confounded by the classical liistorians. The
fall of Assyria fulfilled the prophecies of Isaiah, and the more
recent predictions of Nahum and Zepiianiah.'^^
Upon its ruins rose two great empires, the one destined
to overthrow and the other to restore the Jewish common-
wealth. Speaking roughly, they were divided from each
other by the highlands that bound the great valley of the
Tigris and Euphrates on the east and north. While the
Medes sought the extension of their power beyond the mount-
ains of Armenia, and disputed with the Lydians the suprem-
acy of Asia Minor, the King of Babylon laid claim to the
provinces that had owned the sovereignty of Assyria west of
the Euphrates. During most of the reign of Nabopolassak,
the first king (b.c. 625-604), Josiah probably paid the accus-
tomed tribute. But the powerful dynasty that now ruled
in Egypt resolved to dispute the supremacy with Babylon.
*° 2 K. xxiii. 15-20, 24, 25 ; comp. 2 K. xiii.
^' 2 K. xxiji. 21-23 ; the details are piven in 2 Chron. xxxv.
^- Is. X. 5-19; Nahiim, tlie whole; Zephaniah ii. 13-15.
J3.C. 610. Death of Josiah. 587
Pharaoh-nechoh," the son of Psammetichus, having finished
the conquest of the Philistines, advanced with a great army
to attack Carchemish,"' whicli commanded a chief ford of the
Euphrates. His line of march was through the great mari-
time plain and the valley of Esdraelon. Not only did he thus
avoid Judah, but when Josiah showed signs of hostility,
Necho sent him an emphatic but friendly warning to remain
at peace. There has been much speculation on Josiah's mo-
tives for hostility. Some ascribe it to an honorable loyalty
to Babylon as his sovereign ; but we incline to think that he
was carrying into action the patriotic principles he had learn-
ed from the^Book of the Law, though miscalculating his own
strength and mistaking the Diviiie will. Marching down
from the highlands of Manasseh into the ])lain of Esdraelon
by the pass which issues near Megiddo," he encountered the
whole force of the Egyptian army. He had so far deferred to
the remonstrance of Necho as to try to conceal his being pres-
ent in person, but his disguise did not serve him. The Egyp-
tian archers, shooting in their serried ranks, as we still see
them on the monuments, Avounded Josiah mortally in his char-
iot. He was removed in his second chariot to Jerusalem,^®
and was buried among the sepulchres of the kings. His fall
caused a universal mourning. Jeremiah wrote a lamentation
for him, the spirit of which may be gathered from a passage
in his larger Book of Lamentations : — " The breath of our nos-
trils, the Anointed of Jehovah, was taken in their pits, of
Avhom Ave said, under his shadoAV shall Ave live among the
heathen."" His loss formed the burden of regular songs even
after the Captivity, Avhen " the mourning of Hadad-rimmon
in the A^alley of Megiddon" Avas still the type of the deepest
national affliction.^^
"2 2 K. xxiii. 29 : in 2 Chron. xxxv.
20, lie is called simply Necho ; by the
Greek writers, Necos (ve/v-wr) ; in the
iiieroglyphics, NECU.
" Carchemish is not the classical
Circesium, but lay much higher up
the Euphrates, occui)ying nearly the
site of the later Mal)0(j, or Hierapolis.
The word means "the fort of Che-
mosh," the well-known deity of the
Moabites.
®^ Megiddo is the modern eI~Lejjun,
which is undoubtedly the Legio of
Eusebius and Jerome. It commands
one of the passes into the hill-coun-
try. The topography is illustrated in
the history of the defeat of Sisera and
Barak. See p. 343.
^^ In 2 K. xxiii. 30, his dead body
is said to have been carried to Jeru-
salem ; in 2 Chron. xxxv. 24, he ap-
pears to have died after reaching Je-
rusalem : another of those slight dis-
crepancies which are far more im-
portant as proofs of honesty than
their reconciliation could be valuable.
«' 2 Chron. xxxv. 25 ; Lam. iv. 20.
^'^ Zech. xii. 11. Hadad-rimmon
seems to have been a sanctuary of the
Syrian god, where the first mourning
was made for Josiah on the spot where
he fell.
588 The Kingdom of Judah. Chap. XXV.
"Well might such feelhigs be excited by the battle of ]\Ic-
giddo. That great valley of Esdraelon, the lists of Palestine,
the scene of the great victories of Barak and of Gideon, was
now stained with a second defeat more disastrous than that
in which Saul lost his life. Then it had witnessed the fall
of the short-lived dynasty of the people's choice, but now it
saw the virtual end of the earthly monarchy of the house of
David. Hence may be traced the mystic significance which
surrounds the name of this battle-field. The prophet Zecha-
riah employs the mourning at Megiddo as a type of the more
wholesome sorrow of Judah in the day when God shall pour
out upon them the spirit of grace and prayer, as a preparatiou
for his final destruction of all the nations that come up against
Jerusalem ; and his imagery is adopted in the visions of the
Apocalypse. On the very scene cd:' the two most signal de-
feats of Israel and Judah by their most inveterate enemies,
the Philistines and Egypt, the seer beholds the mystic " Bat-
tle of Armageddon," which avenges all such defeats by the
final overthrow of the kings of all the world in the great
day of God Almighty.''
The reign of Josiah was marked by the revival (^i prophecy ^
which had long been silent under Manasseli and Amon. To
this period belong Nahum, Zephaniah, Habakkuk, and the
greatest of all, Jeremiah. I^ahum's splendid prophecy of the
destruction of Nineveh seems to have only preceded the
event by a short time. The date of Habakkuk, though far
from certain, has been placed, upon strong internal evidence,
about the twelfth or thirteenth year of Josiah (b.c. 630-629).
Tlie title of Zephaniah's prophecy places him in the reign of
Josiah ; and, though it has been inferred from one passage'"
that he wrote after the restoration of Jehovah's worship, his
vehement denunciations of the sins that prevailed in Judah
seem rather applicable to an earlier period. Jeremiah's long
career began in the thirteenth year of Josiah (b.c. 629)^' with
"" Zech. xii. 9-14 ; Rev. xvi. 14-16. 1 and botli with the scenes and events
" Armageddon " is the "fortress " or I that suggested it. Thus, when the
"height of Megiddo," according as; great spiritual victory which is to end
we take the prefix for the Hebrew Ar ! man's rebellion against God is to be
or Har (=Hor). The absurdities of I revealed to John, lie beholds in vision
certain prophetical schools might have I the armies of the world mustered in
been avoided if they would only have | the great valley of his native Galilee,
recognized the essential character of as they had been against Deborah and
the Apocalypse that it is i/z/rtver?/ see?* Gideon, against Saul and Josiah.
in vision, not /lisfory foretold in /ovica/ That the victory is spiritual, is per-
languafje ; ana if they would have haps more clearly seen in Zechariah
compared John's imagery with the than in the Apocalypse itself.
Hebrew prophets who first used it, ■"• Zcph. iii. 5 ''^Jer. i, 2.
B.C. 608.
The Successors of Josiah.
589
reproaches for sin and warnings of coming jnclgment, min-
gled with exhortations and encouragements to repentance,
and promises of restoration. Though he is only once men-
tioned in the history of Josiah's reign, the language of his
own book assures us that, both as priest and prophet, he an-
imated the king and people in the Avork of reformation, and
most vigorously denounced the policy of the Egyptian party.
His final lamentation for the fate of Josiah must have been
doubly embittered by seeing Israel again prostrate beneath
her old oppressor." In his prophecies we also trace that
strange perplexity concerning the ultimate fate of the peoj^le,
Avhicli even now weighs upon the student of their history, and
which must have been terribly felt while the event was still
unknown. Was it possible for a state that had sunk so low,
not only politically but morally, to be restored even by re-
pentance and reformation ? His only refuge from the despair
involved in the true answer is in contemplating the past
proofs of Jehovah's goodness to the nation, and uttering his
inspired predictions of future glory.
§ 8. The death of Josiah, in b.c. 610, or rather 608," marks
the virtual end of the kingdom of Judah. The four kings
who followed him were the mere puppets of Egypt and Bab-
ylon, and the twenty-two years of their nominal reigns are
occupied with successive conquests and deportations. These
twenty-two years are divided into two equal parts by the
captivity of Jehoiachin. To follow their events, we must
first have a clear view of the family of Josiah, the stem of
which is as follows i^* —
Josiah (b. li.c. 650, d. b.c. 610).
I
I I I
Johanan Eliakim Mattaniali
(Jehoahaz ?) or Jehoiakim, or Zedekiah,
b. B.C. 635 b. B.C. 620
(2 K. xxiii. 36 ; (2 K. xxiv. 1 7, 18).
2 Chron. xxxv. 5).
Sliallum
(Jehoahaz ?).
Jehoiachin,
Jeconiah,
or Coniah.
Zedekiah ?
" Jer. ii.l8, 36 ; 2 Chron. xxxv. 25.
"'^ This is the most convenient place
to adopt the correction, required by
recent investigations, of lowering; by
two years the dates of the received
chronology.
''* 1 Chron. iii. 15. The second
Zedekiah is probably inserted by the
common confusion between "broth-
er" and "uncle," which is made in
2 Chron. xxxvi. 11, as the age of Zed-
ekiah shows.
590 The Kingdom of Judali. Chap. XXV
The place of Jelioahaz, the successor of Josiah, is purposely
left douljtfiil in this pedigree. If the question were to be de-
cided only by probability, we could scarcely hesitate to iden-
tify Jehoahaz with Johanan, as in the margin of our version.
The name'^ and the succession both favor this view ; and it
involves no necessary alteration of the dates, though it is at
least suspicious to iind that Jehoiakim was born when his
father was only fifteen. But it seems to have been overlook-
ed that Jehoiakim had a different mother from Jehoahaz and
Zedekiah : his mother's name was Zebudah, the daughter of
Pedaiah, of Ruma ; theirs was Hamutai, the daughter of Jer-
emiah, of Libnah.'" If Hamutai was the first wife of Josiah,
her eldest son would take precedence of the eldest son of the
second wife, even though younger, both in the statement of
the pedigree and in the succession to the kingdom. We have,
however, the express authority of a passage in Jeremiah, un-
less there be some corruption of the text, for identifying Je-
hoahaz with Shallum." In this case, we must transpose his
place in the genealogy, and make him the third instead of
the fourth son of Josiah ; for Jehoahaz was twenty-three
years old in B.C. GIO, and Avas therefore born in b.c. 633, thir-
teen years before Zedekiah. The absence of any mention of
Johanan is accounted for by the supposition that he died be-
fore his fither, or fell with him at Megiddo ; and the prefer-
ence of Shallum to Eliakim may have been due to the supe-
rior rank of his mother.
Jehoahaz, the seventeenth king of Judah, was raised to
the throne by the people after Josiah's death, while Pharaoh-
necho proceeded on his expedition against Carchemish. Hav-
ing (it seems) taken that city, he summoned Jehoahaz to Rib-
lah in Hamath (on the Orontes) and there kept him as a pris-
oner till his return to Egypt. Entering Jerusalem as a con-
queror, he placed on the throne Eliakim (the brother of Je-
hoahaz), to whom he gave the name of Jehoiakim,'*' and im-
posed a tribute of 100 talents of silver and a talent of gold
(about £40,000), which Jehoiakim collected by a tax on the
land. Jehoahaz was carried by Pharaoh-necho to Egypt,
'^Johanan, the common Hebrew The clmmre of tlic lust letter would
namcfamiliur to us in the shorter form be nntunilly made at his accession.
of John, is an abbreviation of Jchoha- ""' 2 K. xxiii. 31. 36, xxiv. 18: this
7ian (the 6'//? o/' Jehovah, cf^uivalent Jeremiali is a different person from
to the Greek Theodore): hence Its the prophet. ''''^ Jer. xxii. 11.
application to John tlie Baptist (Luke " The name itself looks more as if
i. 13, 60-63 ; for othei' Johns, fioe Bih. \ it had been given by the priests. The
Dirt. arts. Jehohanan and Johnnnn). \ change is from JSl (God) to Jeho {Je-
Jehoahaz means possession of Jtliocah. hovnh).
B.C. G08. Reign of Jehoiahim. 591
wliere he died soon afterward. His brief reign was charaC'
terized by Avickedness and oppression, but he was lamented
as the last king of the people's choice. Jeremiah, who had
mourned so bitterly for Josiah, now says : — " Weep ye not
for the dead, neither honor him: w^eep sore for him that goeth
away ; for he shall return no more, nor see his native coun-
try.'"® The fortunes of Jehoahaz and his two successors are
described in highly poetical imagery by Ezekiel.^"
The expedition of Pharaoh-necho is related by Herodotus,
wdio places the victory over " the Syrians," as he calls the
people of Josiah, at Magdolus, evidently by a confusion be-
tween Migdol and Megiddo. After the battle he took Ca-
dytis, a great city of the Syrians, and he sent the garment
lie had worn in the campaign as an oftering ;o the Temple of
Apollo at Branchidae of the Milesians.'*^ It is commonly as-
sumed that Cadytis is Jerusalem, the name being derived
from its ancient appellation " Kodesh " (the Holy City),
wdiich it still bears in Arabic {el-Khuds.) But this is scarce-
ly to be reconciled with another passage, in which Herodo-
tus makes the country of " the Syrians of Palestine " extend
from Phoenice to Cadytis (a city not much smaller than Sar-
dis), after Avhich are the places of traffic along the .<?e« belong-
ing to the Arabian king.**^ It is not improbable that Gaza
may be the city which Herodotus calls Cadytis.
§ 9. Jehoiakim, the eighteenth king of Judah, was twenty-
five years old when he was placed on the throne by Pha-
raoh-necho, instead of his brother Jehoahaz ; and he reigned
eleven years at Jerusalem, doing evil in the sight of Jeho-
vah.^^ Jeremiah sternly rebukes his injustice and oppression,
his cruelty and avarice, and his reckless luxury in building
himself a magnificent palace, and contrasts all this with his
father's justice to the poor:^* and m the Chronicles his name
is dismissed with an allusion to " all the abominations that
he did."" From the very commencement of his reign, the
voice of Jeremiah is heard plainly predicting, and preiig-
•ing by striking signs, the captivity at Babylon as a judg-
ent rendered inevitable by the people's sins, but adding the
nomise of their future restoration.®'' Attempts were made
:^2 K. xxiii. 31-34; 2 Chron.
,ixvi.l-4; Jer. xxii. 10-12.
*° Ezek. xix. 1-9.
" Herod, ii. 159.
^"^ Herod, lii. 5. The arccuments
against Jerusalem apply still morel ''^ 2 Chron. xxxvi. 8.
"^ Jer. xiii, -xix.
strongly ^o Kedesh on the Orontes,
which has been suggested by sonic
Orientalists.
«=* 2 K. xxiii. 30, 37; 2 Chron.
xxxvi. .^.. "Jer. xxii. 13-17,
592 The Kingdom of Judah. Chap. XXV.
to silence hiiu by the princes, priests, and false prophets of
the Egyptian party, who represented him as a traitor. He
often complains of these enemies, and he expressly predicts
the captivity of Pashur, the priest and governor of the Tem-
ple, who had beaten him and put him in the stocks (or pil-
lory.)**" Still he faithfully delivered the messages which Je-
hova:i now gave him to the King of Judah by name, as plain-
ly as Nathan had been sent to David. This directness of
language is a striking character of the prophecies of Jeremiah,
and indeed of most of the historical j^rophecies. In one of
these prophecies, after mourning the death of Josiah and the
hopeless captivity of Jehoahaz, he predicts the fate of Jelioi-
akim to the very details of his dishonored end.®^ On anoth-
er occasion the prophet took his stand in the court of the
Temple, amid an assemblage from all the cities of Judah, to
proclaim that God would even yet repent him of the coming
evil if they turned to Him, but if not, that His house should
be destroyed like the tabernacle at Shiloh, and the city made
a curse to all nations. ^^ The priests and prophets now re-
solved on Jeremiah's death : and they had a precedent in
the case of Ueijah, the son of Shemaiah of Kirjath-jearim,
who, having uttered prophecies like those of Jeremiah, had
been pursued by the envoys of Jehoiakim into Egypt, and
brought back to suffer an ignominious death. The princes
of Judah, however, before whom Jeremiah was arraigned, ap-
pealed to the better precedent of the times of Hezckiah, Avho ■
allowed Micah to prophesy with impunity, and Jeremiah's
life was saved by the influence of Ahikam, the son of Sha-
phan, and other old counselors of Josiah.^" These warnings
were given in the beginning of Jehoiakim's reign, and their
fulfillment was soon begun by the overthrow of his Egyp-
tian protector.
The fourth year of Jehoiakim (b.c. 605-4) is a marked
epoch both in secular and sacred history, though the de-
struction of Nineveh, once assigned to it by chronologers, is
now referred to an earlier date. In this year we first meet
witliNEBucHADXEZZAR,'*^ the greatest of the Babylonian kings,
and the destined destroyer of the Jewish monarchy. His
®^ Jer. XX. ^^ Jer. xxii. 1-23. protector against misfortune). T''
*^ Jer. xxvi. 1-7. 'year b.c. 605, the fourth of Jehoia
*° Jer. xxvi. kirn, is rcchoned the first year of hisv
"' Also callcil Nabiicliodonosor, and rei<:;n by Jeremiah (xxv. 1). The^-
by Jeremiah, Nebuchadrezzar. The date is further fixed as the twenty-
last form is the nearest to his native third year from the 13tli of Josiah,
name Nabu-Kuduri-utsur (Nebo is the [when Jeremiah began to prophesy.
B.C. G05.
Reign of Jehoiakim.
593
father, Nabopolassar, appears to have been still alive when
he led a great army against Carchemish, which was still held
by the Egyptians, and inflicted a decisive defeat on Pharaoh-
necho. This blow put an end to the hopes of the Egyptian
party at Jerusalem, as well as to all fears of subjugation from
that quarter, and left the city defenseless against Nebuchad-
nezzar. " The King of Egypt came not again any more out
of his land ; for the King of Babylon had taken from the riv-
er of Egypt unto the River Euphrates all that pertained to
the King of Egypt."^ Meanwhile Jeremiah, having predict-
ed the overthrow of the Egyptians," uttered that memorable
prophecy, in which he fixes the duration of the coming Cap-
tivity at seventy years, and predicts the fall of Babylon and
the other nations hostile to the Jews. It was from this
prophecy that Daniel was enabled to calculate the time of
the 2>romised restoration, and it was fulfilled by the decree
of Cyrus in B.C. SSG.""
The interesting episode of the flight of the Rechabites to
Jerusalem also belongs to the time of Nebuchadnezzar's ad-
vance from Carchemish to Jerusalem. Their fidelity to the
patriarchal laAVS of their ancestor, Jonadab the son of Re-
cliab, is used by Jeremiah as a powerful reproof of the faith-
lessness of the Jews toward Jehovah."^
Nebuchadnezzar advanced to Jerusalem, Avhich he took
after a brief siege,^'' dethroned Jehoiakim, and put him in fet-
ters, with a view to carry him to Babylon. For some rea-
son this intention was abandoned, and Jehoiakim was restored
to his throne as a vassal. His treasures were carried ofl" to
Babylon, where the vessels of the sanctuary were dedicated
in the Temple ofBelus." At the same time Nebuchadnezzar
commissioned Ashpenaz, the chief of his eunuchs, to choose
a number of royal and noble Hebrew youths, excelling alike in
beauty and mental accomplishments to be brought up at his
court and trained in the learning of Chaldsea. Among those
thus selected were Daniel, with his three companions, Han-
aniah, Mishael, and Azariah, to whose well-known history we
shall soon return.®'*
•'^ 2 K. xxiv. 7. ^"^ Jer. xlvi. 1-12.
" Jer. XXV. ; Daniel ix. 1, 2 ; 2
Chron. xxxvi. 22; Ezra i. 1. Here
again we notice the literal directness of
a chronological and historical proph-
ecy : — Jerusalem, Babylon, Cyrus (Is.
xliv,), seventy years, have all their lit-
ernl meanings. ®^ Jer. xxxv.
""Dan.i. 1.
" 2 K. xxiv. 1 ; 2 Chron. xxxvi.
G, 7; Dan.i. 1,2.
'"^ Dan. i. 3-7. A difficulty arises
from the date in this passage, tlie
thij-d year of Jehoaikim, instead of
the fourth, as in Jeremiah. The sim-
plest exi)lanntion is that the advance
of Nebucliadnezzar from Babylon be-
gan in the third year of Jehoiakim,
59-i TJie Kingdom of Judah. Chap. XXV.
"VYhile the long train of Syrian, Jewish, and Egyptian cap-
tives were led by the usual route, Nebuchadnezzar hastened
back across the Syrian desert, in consequence of his father's
death, and ascended the vacant throne without opposition.®''
His accession is fixed by the Canon of Ptolemy at January
21,B.c. 604, which corresponds to the fourth year of Jehoia-
kim, the received chronology being two years too high.^""
The state in which Jerusalem was left can be learned from
Jeremiah, though there is great difficulty not only in deter-
mining the order of his prophecies, but in deciding, among
those that belong to this period, which were delivered be-
fore, and which after, Nebuchadnezzar's first capture of the
city. It seems to have been after his retreat that a great
fast was appointed for the ninth month, in the fifth year of
Jehoiakim.'"^ The occasion was seized by Jeremiah, at the
command of God, to make a solemn appeal to the people to
return from their evil Avay, that they might even yet be for-
given. With the aid of his disciple and secretary, Baruch the
son of Neriah, he had written in a volume the whole of the
j^rophecies that he had uttered, from the days of Josiah down-
ward, against Israel, Judah, and other nations. Being pre-
vented, perhaps by the command of God to insure his safety,
from going up to the Temple himself, he commissioned Ba-
ruch to read the volume to the ]^eople .assembled out of all
the cities of Judah. Baruch took liis station in a chamber
above the new gate of the Temple, beit)nging to Michaiah the
scribe, who was the grandson of Shaphan, and a friend to Jer-
emiah. When Baruch had read the book to the people in
the court below, Michaiah reported the whole to the princes
who were assembled in the scribe's chamber at the palace.
Having sent for Baruch and heard him read the volume,
they advised him and Jeremiah to hide tliemselves while
they laid the matter before the king. Jehoiakim was sitting
in his winter palace, with a fire burning in a brazier (for it
was cold), and the prince Jehudi read the roll at his com-
mand. As fast as he read, tlie king cut off the leaves with a
penknife and threw them into the fire till the whole volume
was consumed, in spite of the intercession of Gemaliah and
others. Jeremiah and Baruch only escaped arrest througli
having followed the advice of the princes. But this earliest (
example of Bible-burning was as unsuccessful in suppressing ^^
the word of God as later feats of the same kind. Jeremiah
but that Jerusalem was not taken till
the fourth.
"' Berosus, Fi . 7.
'"' November to December, B.C.
GOt: Jer. xxxvi. 9.
B.C. G04.
Mehellion of Jehoiahim.
595
was bidden to take another roll, and to write in it the same
words, with a further prophecy of the utter desolation of Judah,
and of the king's disgraceful end. So Baruch wrote in the next
volume, at the dictation of Jeremiah, all the words of the
book which the king had burned, " and there were added be-
sides unto them many like words." Both king and j^eople,
however, remained obdurate. ^"^
Tlie failure of this last appeal can scarcely have surprised
Jeremiah, but it liad a deep eifect on his more youthful and
ardent disciple. Baruch seems to have hoped that, amid the
solemnity of the fast, the people Avould have been stirred up
])y his words to a movement of new national and religious
life, and Jeremiah addresses him in words fitted to chasten
the despair of the too sanguine patriot. He reminds him of
God's sovereign right to break down what He liad built, and
to pluck up what He had planted, and adds : — " Seekest thou
great things for thyself? seek them not: for, behold, I will
bring evil upon all flesh, saith Jehovah : but thy life will I
give thee for a prey " — as if snatched from the net of the de-
stroyer— " in all places whither thou goest.'""^ The promise
was fulfilled by Baruch's sharing with Jeremiah the j^rotec-
tion of Nebuchadnezzar when Jerusalem was taken, and by
his afterward finding a refuge in Ec^ypt with the remnant of
the Jews.'"'
The burning of Jeremiah's prophecies indicates that spirit
of defiance Avhich led Jehoiakim to rebel against Nebuchad-
nezzar, after reigning for three years as a vassal of Babylon.'"*
He relied, if we may believe Josephus, on the aid of Egypt.
The Scripture narrative is here so brief that we have to fol-
low other authorities, whose statements are conflicting and
uncertain. It seems that Nebuchadnezzar was too much oc-
cupied with the great conflict between the Lydian and Me-
dian empires to march against Jerusalem ; but his governors
roused the surrounding nations, the Syrians, Moabites, and
Ammonites, who joined with such forces of the Chaldseans as
could be spared to harass Judah. At length, in the seventh
year of his reign (b.c. 598), he took the field in person, with
Cyaxares, king of Media, as his ally, and marched first against
"- Jer. xxxvi. There is no occa-
sion for the supposition of Ussher and
Prideaux, that the first roll was read
twice. It was written in the fourth
year of Jehoiakim, which ended (ac-
cording to the Canon) in August, in
preparation for the fast which fell in
the following November to December
in the king's fifth year.
"^ Jer. xlv. 1-5, See the exquisite
paraphrase in the ChristianYear, 11th
Sunday after Trinity.
'"•' Jer. xliii. 6.
^°^ 2 K. xxiv. 1 : b.c. 602.
596 The Kingdom of Judali. Chap. XXV.
Tyre, which had rebelled about the same time as Jiidah.
Having invested the city, he marched with a part of his forces
against Jerusalem, put Jehoiakini to death, as Jeremiah had
prophesied, and placed his son Jehoiachin upon the throne/"*
§ 10. Jehoiachin, Jeconiah, or Coxiah,'"' the nineteenth
king of Judah, was eight years old when he Avas placed
on the throne by Nebuchadnezzar, and reigned only three
months and ten days.^""* Considering his infancy, " the evil
which he did in the sight of Jehovah" must be understood
of the policy pursued by those who ruled in his name, the
old idolatrous and Egyptian party. The fate Avhich they
brought upon the young king is vividly described by Jere-
miah, who compares Jeliovah's rejection of " Coniah " to the
plucking oft' and throwing away a signet ring, and the king
himself to a despised broken idol, foretells his captivity and
his mother's, without hope of return, and solemnly invokes
the whole earth to hear the sentence of Jehovah, pronounc-
ing this man childk^ss, and the last of his line who should sit
upon the throne of David. ^°9 But even this terrible burden
is accompanied with the promise of Messiah's kingdom and
of the people's restoration. ^^"^
The machmations of the Egyptian party at Jerusalem were
at once crushed by Nebuchadnezzar,who again turned from
the siege of Tyre to Jerusalem, in the eighth year of his reign
(b.c. 598, Clinton; 597, Rawlinson). The city was saved
from a storm by the surrender of Jehoiachin, with his mother,
Nehushta, and the royal harem, and all his princes and ofii-
cers. They were all carried oft* to Babylon, with all the
mighty men of the country, and all the skilled artisans, none
being left behind but the poorest sort of the people. The to-
tal number of the captives was 10,000, of whom 7000 were
soldiers, and 1000 smiths and other craftsmen : it would seem
that the royal family, the princes, and the priests, made up
the other 2000."' Among the captives Avere Ezekiel, who
had not yet received his prophetic commission, and the grand-
'"® 2 K. xxiv. G ; Jcr. xxii, 18, 19, [and Joakin, by confusion with Jehoi-
xxxvi, 30 ; Folyliistor, Fi'. xxiv. ; Jo- 1 akim. There seems to be an allusion
seph. Antiq. x. G, 7, 8, c. Ap. i. 21
llawlinson's Herodotus, vol. i. pp.513,
514. Clinton places the end of Je-
lioiakim's reign in March, B.C. 598;
Rawlinson in B.C. 597 ; the common
ChronolQgy, in B.C. 599.
'" Apjtointed of Jehovah: other
forms of the name are Joiachin, Joi-
achim, and Joachim ; also Joiakim
to the meaning of his name in Jer.
xxii. 24.
^°« March to June, B.C. 597 (C]in-(
ton, B.C. 598). 2 K. xxiv. 8, 9 ; 2;^
Chron. xxxvi. 9 ; the age given in the \
latter passage, eight years, is clearly v*.
preferable to that of the former, eight-
een. '"« Jer. xxii. 24-30.
"° Jer. xxiii. '" 2 K. xxiv. 10-1 6.
B.C. 597.
Subsequent History of Jehoiachin.
597
father of Mordecai, Shimei, the son of Kish, a Benjamite. ' '' At
the same time all the remaining treasures of the Temple and
palace were carried oft", and the golden vessels of the sanctuary-
were cut in pieces/*^ Mattaniah, the youngest son of Josiah,
and uncle of Jehoiachin, was made king over the wretched
remnant of Judah, under the new name of Zedekiah/'^
One of the most remarkable circumstances of this event
is that Nebuchadnezzar abstained from the utter destruction
of the rebellious city. AVe shall see that, in all probability,
the king had already received the first of those great revela-
tions of Jehovah's power and majesty which Avere made to
liim through Daniel, ^'^ and it seems impossible not to refer
liis moderation to this lesson. Ezekiel expressly states what
Avas tlie policy of Nebuchadnezzar in thus continuing the ex-
istence of the state : " He hath taken away the mighty of the
land, that the kingdom might be base, that it might not lift it-
self up, but that by keeping of his covenant it might stand.""®
The covenant referred to is the oatli which Nebuchadnezzar
exacted of the new king,''' and which Zedekiah shamefully
broke.
Jehoiachm survived for many years after the fall of Zede-
kiah. For a long time his imprisonment at Babylon was rig-
orous : he was closely confined and clad in a prison dress.
The plots of the Egyptian party and the hopes of his return
held out by the false prophet Hananiah (b.c. 595) exjDlain
this severity as well as Hananiah's cruel execution ;''" but in
the thirty-seventh year of his cajDtivity (on the 25th or 27th
day of the twelfth month, Adar=Feb. b.c. 561) he was re-
leased by Evil-merodach, Avho had just succeeded to the
throne of Babylon (Jan. 11, b.c. 561)."^ He was received
with kind words, Avas placed in the royal presence on a throne
aboA'e all the other captive kings, received a robe of honor,
and a portion for his daily diet, until his death. With him
expired the royal line of Solomon. " Tliis man Avas Avritten
childless," as Jeremiah had declared ; and " no man of his
seed prospered, sitting upon the throne of David, and ruling
"'^ Joseph. Ant. X. G, § 3 ; Esth. ii.
5, G.
i'^" 2 K. xxiv. 13; 2 Chron. xxxvi.
19. The vessels are described as
"those that Solomon had made."
Either tliey were too massive for re-
moval on the many previous occasions
when the Temple had been plundered,
or tliey had been made to replace the
originals.
"* 2 K. xxiv. 7. In 2 Chron.
xxxvi. 10, " brother " means " father's
brother."
"^ B.C. 603. See chap. xxvi.
''^ Ezek. xvii. 13, U.
"' Comp. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 13.
"*^ Jer. xxviii. See p. .'')99.
"« 2 K. XXV. 27-30 ; Jcr. Hi.
34. Clinton, Fasti, vol. i. pp.
329.
§2.
31-
319,
59'^ The Kingdom of Judah. Chap. XXV.
any more in Judah. '"^^ The inheritance of David passed on
to the line of his son Nathan, whose re2:)resenlative, Salathiel,
is therefore inserted in the genealogies as the son of Jehoia-
chin, and the ancestor of Christ/'^'
§ 11. Zedekiah, the twentieth and last king of Judah, and
the youngest son of Josiah and Hamutai, was twenty years
old at his accession, and reigned eleven years, till the final
destruction of Jerusalem.'*^ His proper name, Mattaniah,
was changed to Zedekiah at his accession. The only events
of his reign, except the brief record of the fall of Jerusalem,
are those connected with the history of Jeremiah, from whose
book we learn the spirit of the times. Zedekiah accepted
his royalty over the impoverished remnant of the Jews, as
the vassal of Nebuchadnezzar, to whom he was bound by
every principle of good flxith. The fate of his brother and
his nephew had proved the hopelessness of rebellion even be-
fore the whole strength of the nation had been carried mto
captivity. The miserable remnant might well envy the con-
dition of their captive brethren, and the time had at length
cjme for piety and patriotism to show themselves in a wise
submission to what was proved to be the will of God. Of
such a course Jerjmiah was the assiduous adviser. His par-
able of the two baskets of figs showed the goodness that God
had in store for the captivity, but the hopeless state of the
remnant left behind.^^^ His letter to the elders, priests, and
prophets at Babylon warned them, in opposition to the false
prophets who promised their speedy restoration, to make all
their arrangements for a prolonged residence there, and re-
peated the former statement that their captivity should last
seventy years ; adding that those left behind should, after
suffering from the sword, the famine, and the pestilence, be
dispersed over all the world, and 'become a by-word and re-
proach.'^* From what follows we learn more of the false
prophets whom Jeremiah denounced. Two among them,
Ahab, the son of Kolaiah, and Zedekiah, the son of Maase-
iah, Avhose lives were as profligate as their principles, were
seized by Nebuchadnezzar, and " roasted in the fire," an eX'
ample which must have been the more striking from its con-
trast with the deliverance of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-
^'" Jer. xxii. 30. There are allu-
sions to him in the apocryphal books :
Barnch i. 3 ; 1 Esdr. v. 5 ; Susannah.
'■^ I Chr. iii. 17; Matt. i. 12; Luke
iii. 31.
™ From June, B.C. 598 to June,
B.C. 587, Clinton ; b.c. 597-586, Ila^v-
linpon.
^^^ Jer. xxiv.
^-^ Jer. xxix. 1-U, 16-20: ver. 15
should be placed as in thcLXX., aft,
cr ver. 21.
B.C. 594.
Jeremiah and the False Prophets.
599
nego. Another of the same party, Shemaiah the Nehelamite
(or the dreamer), dared to write, as if by the word of Jehovah,
to Zephaniah and the other priests at Jerusalem, complaining
of Jeremiah's letter, and demanding his imj^risonment.'^" • Con-
stant in his opposition to these false prophets, whether at Bab-
ylon or at home, Jeremiah nttered his grand prophecies of the
restoration of Israel in God's OAvn time, but not till then,'^"
and of the judgments that awaited all her enemies.^" His
great prophecy against Babylon, for the consolation of the
exiles, was rendered the more impressive by the sign which
foUow^ed it. Seraiah, the son of Neriah, who carried this
prophecy to Babylon, was directed, after reading it, to tie a
stone to the volume and to sink it in the Euphrates, saying,
"Thus shall Babylon sink, and shall not rise from the evil
that I will bring "upon her."^*^ The occasion found for ex-
ecuting this commission was a visit which Zedekiah paid to
Babylon in the fourth year of his reign (b.c. 594-3), probably
to pay his tribute to Nebuchadnezzar, or perhaps to defend
himself against the first suspicions of treasonable dealings
with Egypt. For in the same year Pharaoh-necho, who seems
never to have ventured to meet ISTebuchadnezzar after the
defeat of Carchemish, was succeeded by his son Psammetichus
II. (the Psammis of Herodotus). From the Book of Ezekiel,
who began in this year to enforce upon the exiles at Babylon
the same lessons that Jeremiah was teaching at Jerusalem,
we learn that Zedekiah entered into a treasonable correspond-
ence with the new King of Egypt, which the prophet denoun-
ces as a gross violation of his plighted faith, destined to end in
the king's being brought to Babylon for punishment, while his
people should fall by the sword or be scattered to the winds,'"''
The terms of the agreement with Egypt are expressly stated
by the prophet : — "He rebelled against him in sending his am-
bassadors into Egypt, tliat they might give him horses and
much people ;" and we are forbidden to give Zedekiah credit
for a patriotic resistance by the declaration of the historian : —
" He rebelled against King Nebuchadnezzar, who had made
him f:<wear by God ; but he stiiFened his neck and hardened
his heart from turning unto Jehovah, God of Israel.'"'''
At Jerusalem the plot appeared so far ripe that the false
prophet Hananiah promised the return of Jehoiachin within
two years, and publicly broke oif the neck of Jeremiah the
-^Jer.xxix. 21-32.
'^ Jer. XXX., xxxi.
-'' Jer. xlviii., xlix.
-« Jcr. 1., li. The
fifrurc is
used to portend the fall of ihe niystio
Babylon, in Rev. xviii. 21.
»-'J Ezek.xrii. 11-21.
^2^ 2 Chron.xxxvi. 13,
600 The Kingdom of Judah. Chap. XSV.
yoke which he wore, as a sign of the hopeless subjection of
Judah and the surrounding nations, who seem to have joinea
the Egyptian league. Jeremiah replied that the yoke of
wood (the present vassalage of Babylon) should be replaced
by a yoke of iron (the final destruction of the nation), and
predicted the death of Hananiah, Avhich happened within the
year/^^ We find further evidence of the progress of the con-
spiracy in the Book of Ezekiel. His vision of the Temj^le at
Jerusalem, in the fifth day of the sixth month of the sixth
year of the Captivity (b.c. 594-3), reveals the idol abomina-
tions which would soon be punished by the destruction of
all but a small chosen remnant,''^ and other visions and types
follow to the like efiect/^^ The plainer language of Ezekiel,
about a year later (on the tenth of the fifth month of the sev-
enth year of Zedekiah),^^* Avhen the elders of Judah came to
him to inquire of Jehovah concerning the state of Jerusalem,
serves to show that the rebellion had broken out.'^^ The utter
corruption of the people at this time, their persecution of God's
prophets and rejection of his word, so that his wrath came
upon them " till there teas no o^emedyf the wickedness of
Zedekiah in not humbling himself before the Avord of God
by Jeremiah ; his fiiithlessness to the oath he had SAVorn to
Nebuchadnezzar, and that not from religious patiiotism, for
" he stiffened his neck and hardened his heart from turning
unto Jehovah God of Israel ; and the result in the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem and the captivity of the people till the time
of the Persian Empire, so that the land kept her sabbaths
for 70 years as Jeremiah liad foretold ; these outlines of the
catastrophe are draAvn by the Avriter of the Chronicles/^^
§ 12. It Avas still tAA'o years before Nebuchadnezzar laid
siege to Jerusalem, Avith the resolution to destroy it utterly
forZedekiah's treason. From this point the dates of Ezeki-
el's prophecies accompany the events at Jerusalem. The
city Avas iuA'ested in the ninth year of Zedekiah, on the tenth
day of the tenth month;'" and on the same day Ezekiel Avas
commissioned to foretell its utter destruction, by striking
images, to the exiles at Babylon. '^^ The forces marshaled
the vernal equinox, mny be taken as
a normal year.
Jer. xxvii.,xxviii.
"' Ezek. viii., ix. "^ Ezek. x.-xii.
"* The lOtli of Ab=July 2G (about)
B.C. 591. It was on this very day,
live years later, that the Temple was
destroyed. The days of our calendar
are the annivei'saries of the Jewish cal-
endar in 18Go, which, beginning with ; ry is kept as a fast by the Jews.
"^ 2 K. XXV. 1,2; Jcr. xxxix. I, Hi. 4 ; Ezek. xxiv
^^^ Ezek. XX., xxii., xxiii. (
^=° 2 Chron. xxxvi. 11-21; comp. i.
Jer. xxxvii. 1, 2.
"^ The tenth of Thebet=December
20 (about), B.C. 589. This annivcrsa-
B.C. 589. Siege laid to Jerusalem. 601
against Jerusalem comprised Nebuchadnezzar's whole army,
all the vassal kings of his empire, and all the nations around,
Ammonites, Moabites, Edomites, and others, who came up to
avenge the quarrels of a thousand years. ^^^ All the fortified
cities of Judah had already been taken except Lachish and
Azekah.;"
In this extremity Zedekiah proclaimed freedom to all He-
brew slaves, and sent Zephaniah the priest, with another
messenger, to entreat the prayers of Jeremiah. In reply, he
announced the coming destruction of the city and the fate
of the king himselrV*^ The king now attempted to silence
him by a mild conliiiement in the court of the j^rison in the
palace, where he had the society of Baruch. While thus
shut up, and that in a city environed by a mighty enemy,
Jeremiah purchased, as the " Gocl," a field at his native vil-
lage of Anathoth in Benjamin, as a sign of that return which
he went on to prophesy, together with the glories of Messiah's
kingdom.^" This act of faith has been compared to that of
the Roman who bought, at its full value, the ground on which
Hannibal was encamped.*"
And now there broke forth a deceptive ray of hope. Pha-
raoh-hophra,'" Avho had just succeeded to the throne of
Egypt, led the forces which his father had collected to the
relief of Zedekiah. His capture of Gaza'*" caused Nebuchad-
nezzar to suspend the siege of Jerusalem, and to march against
him. And now Jerusalem exulted with the joy of a citydeliv-
ered from a hopeless siege. But Jeremiah forbade them to
deceive themselves, while, on the distant banks of the Euphra-
tes, Ezekiel also foretold the ruin of Egypt.'" The princes
of Judah now broke their solemn covenant to release their
Hebrew slaves ; and Jeremiah, having denounced their con-
duct, left the city for his home in Benjamin. He was de-
tained by one of his enemies, who happened to be captain of
the gate. The princes accused him of deserting to the Chal-
'^^ Jer. xxxiv, 1.
^■'^ Jer. xxxiv. 7.
'^' Jer. xxxvii. 1-4, xxxiv. 1-10.
This arrangement is based on the
statement in xxxvii. 4, that Jeremi-
ali was not yet imprisoned, Ver. 7
of the same chapter may refer to a
later message. "^ Jer. xxxii., xxxiii.
"^Liv. xxxvi. 11.
"* The Vaphres or A pries of Man-
etho and Herodotus, and tl:e Uaphra
of (he Egvi)toIogers.
C c
"^ See Jer. xlvii. 1-7.
"" Jer. xxxvii. 6-10 ; Ezek. xxix.,
XXX., xxxi. The dates of these
prophecies are given : tlie twelfth day
of the tenth month of the tenth year
of Zedekiah =end of December, b.c,
588; the seventh of the first month
of the eleventh year = April, b.c. oSG.
and the first of the third month =end
of May, B.C. 586. These dates are
all two years higher in the receired
chronology.
602 The Kingdom of Judah. Chap. XXV.
dseans, a course which had now become common ; and he
was hnprisoned in the house of Jonathan the scribe, where he
remained for some time.'*^ Meanwhile liis warnings were
fulfilled by the return of the army of Nebuchadnezzar, Avho,
according to Josephus, had defeated the Egyptians ; though
more probably the enemy retired without a battle/"'^
Zedekiah now sent secretly for Jeremiah, and asked him,
" Is there any word from Jehovah ?" " There is," replied
rlie prophet ; " thou shalt be delivered into the hand of the
King of Babylon." Hoping, it would seem, for a more fa-
vorable answer, the king sent him back to the court of the
prison, and ordered him to be fed while any bread was left
in the city.'" In reply to another request which the king
sent to him by Pashur and Zephaniah to inquire of Jehovah,
the prophet pointed out a surrender as the only hope of
safety. ^^^ Upon this the princes demanded his death as a
traitor, and the king confessed himself too weak to withstand
them. They threw Jeremiah to perish in a hideous pit of
the prison, where he sank into the mire ; but the better feel-
ings of the king came to his rescue at the intercession of the
Ethiopian eunuch Ebed-melech, to whom he promised his life
"for a prey" in the destruction of the city.'"^ Once more
adjured by Zedekiah, in private, to give him counsel from
God, the prophet pressed him to surrender; but the king
was afraid of falling into the hands of the Jews who had re-
volted to Nebuchadnezzar, and who had doubtless many a
wrong to avenge. So he entreated Jeremiah to keep the in-
terview a secret, and sent him back to the court of the pris-
on, where he remained till Jerusalem was taken. *^"
That catastrophe was now at hand ; the ruin foreseen by
Moses from the very birth of the nation, foretold by the
prophets, and postponed for the sake of pious kings, as often
as it was provoked by their degenerate successors ; held in
suspense in remembrance of God's oatli to David, but brought
down at last by the shameless, persistent, inveterate violation
of His covenant of piety and purity by the chosen people.
Jehovah had done all he could by his prophets, whose w^ords
they despised and misused their persons, " until the wrath of
Jehovah arose against his people till there was no remedy P^'''^
In the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar, as the eleventh
year of Zedekiah drew to a close, Jerusalem, which had been
"^ Jer. XMxiv. 11-22, xxxvii. 11-, "Mcr. xxxvii. 11-21. ^^°Jer. xxi.
15. I ^^* Jer, xxxviii. 1-13, xxxix 15-18.
"® It is eviflent from Jer. xxxvii. ) ^^- Jer. xxxvii. 14-28.
21, that the citv Avas again invested. ! ^-^^^ 2 Chron. xxxvi. IG.
B.C. o8G.
Capture of Jerusalem.
603
besieged for two years and a half, with no rehef except the
brief diversion made by Pharaoh-hophra, was reduced to the
last extremities of famine. On the ninth day of the fourth
month^" an entrance was effected at night through a breach
in the city wall, probably on the northern side, and the great
officers of Nebuchadnezzar entered the Temple and took their
station in the middle court, as was the custom of the Ass}^'-
ians at the conclusion of a siege/" Zedekiah, with all his
men of war, fled by the garden gate of the royal j^alace on
the south side, near the present Bab-el-Mugharibeh, and took
the road over the Mount of Olives to the valley of the Jordan.
They were hotly pursued with the morning light. Zede-
kiah was overtaken in the plain of Jericho, his army dis-
persed, and himself taken. He was carried to Nebuchadnez-
zar at Kiblah, in Hamath, whither the king had gone to
watch the siege of Tyre. Zedekiah spoke with his conquer-
or face to face, as Jeremiah had predicted. Having seen the
slaughter of all his sons and the princes of Judah, his eyes
were put out, and he was sent to Babylon, where he remain-
ed a close prisoner till his death. The pity, which might be
felt for the sad fate of the last king who wore the crown of
David at Jerusalem, must be withheld from the forsworn
vassal, who accepted his nephew's throne at the hand of a
conqueror, only to prove a traitor alike to his earthly mas-
ter and to his king, Jehovah.
Other victims were selected for the vengeance of Nebu-
chadnezzar. The high-priest Seraiah, the second priest Zeph-
aniah, and three door-keepers of the Temple, the command-
er-in-chief, Avho was an eunuch, and iive (or seven) of the
principal courtiers, the scribe or mustering officer of the
array — and sixty representatives of the people, were carried
by Nebuzar-adan, the captain of the guard, to Riblah, where
Nebuchadnezzar sentenced them to death, probably by im-
palement and even by worse tortures, if we may judge by
the customs that still shock our eyes on the monuments of
Assyria and Babylon. Amid all these horrors, there is some-
thing in the deliberate justice of the Eastern conqueror Avhicli
bears a favorable contrast with the general massacre that at-
tended the second great capture of Jerusalem by the virtu-
ous Titus. Our involuntary respect for the grand King of
Babylon is confirmed by the treatment Avhich Jeremiah met
with in obedience to his orders. As soon as the city was
'^* Ninth of Thammuz= June to
•Tnly, B.C. 586, The day is still kept
us a fast.
^^^ Layard, Nineveh, vol. ii. p. 375 ;
respectina: the forms of a siege, sea
ibid, pp. 36G, foil
601 The Kingdom of Jndali. Chap. XXV.
taken, Nebiizar-adan, with the other chief officers, sent for
the prophet out of the prison, and committed him to the care
of Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, son of Shaphan, Avho j^lays
a most important part in the subsequent transactions.
Meanwliile the King of Babylon decided on the fate of
the rebellious city, which he had twice spared. On the sev-
enth day of tlie following month (Ab, the fifth month) Neb-
uzar-adan returned to Jerusalem, charged to carry out the in-
structions of his master. Two clear days Avere occupied in
collecting the booty that was still to be found in the Tem-
ple and the city after their former spoliations, including the
ornaments of the Temple which had been considered too bulky
for removal, and tlie vessels which aj^pear to have been left,
out of religious respect, for the necessary service of the
sanctuary. Among the former were the two great pillars
of the Temple-porch, Jachin and Boaz, and the brazen sea,
Avith the twelve bulls on which it rested, all of Avhich Avere
broken to pieces, and their brass trans])orted to Babylon.
On the third day the Temple and city Avere committed to
the flames, Avith the palaces of the king and princes, and all
the chief houses of Jerusalem, and the Avails Avere leveled
Avith the ground. The day of the catastrophe Avas the tenth
day of the fifth month (Ab), in the nineteenth year of Neb-
uchadnezzar, just after the completion of the eleventh year
of Zedekiah. It is still obserA^ed by the Jcavs as a fast only
second to the great Day of Atonement.'^"
While the Avork of destruction Avas carried on by the
Chaldnean army, it Avas viewed Avith malignant exultation by
the nations Avhich had so long chafed beneath the yoke of
their kinsman Israel. The Ammonites " cried Aha ! against
the sanctuary, Avhen it Avas profaned ; and against the land
of Israel, Avhen it Avas desolate ; and against the house of Ju-
dah, Avhen they Avent into captivity."'" Moab and Seirsaid,
" Behold, the house of Judah is like unto all the heathen.'"'^
The more active enmity, Avhich Avas but natural in the Phi-
listines, Avho " took A'engeance AA^th a despiteful heart, to de-
stroy it for the old hafred,'"'" Avas emulated by Edom, the
nearest kinsman and bitterest rival of his brother Israel.
" Edom hath dealt against the house of Judah by taking
vengeance, and hath greatly oftended, and revenged himself
^^^ B.C. 586, about the end of Jnlylimry, B.C. 604. The same fast com-
(July 26, in 1863), Clinton places memorates the (Instruction of the sec-
it in B.C. 587, and Ussher in B.C. 588; ond Temple by Titns.
but the first date is fixed by the epoch ^^^ Ezek. xxv. ?>. ^'""^ Ezok. xxv. 8.
Df Nebuchadnezzar's accession, Jan- ^^^ Ezek, xxv. 15.
B.C. 58G. Sammary of the Captivities. 605
upon them.'"'" How deeply this blow Avas felt, is seen in the
well-known passage in which the Psalmist joins Eclom with
Babylon herself in a common imprecation, prefacing the most
terrible words in which retribution was ever called down
upon a cruel foe,^" with the indignant prayer : — " Remem-
ber, O Lord, the children of Edom in the days of Jerusalem ;
who said, Hase it! rase it! even to the foundation thereof!''''
All these nations soon fell victims to the like fate, which the
prophets again and again denounce upon them ; and thp pun-
ishment of Edom, in particular, forms the whole burden of
the prophecy of Obadiah, which may be placed, by internal
evidence, between the destruction of Jerusalem in b.c. 586,
and the conquest of Edom by Nebuchadnezzar in B.C. 583.
This brief prophecy of only twenty-one verses is chiefly re-
markable lor the closing prediction of the coming " day of
Jehovah," in which the restoration and enlargement of Ju-
dah and the final destruction of Edom are clearly but figures
of the great consummation that still remains to be fulfilled,
when, " Saviours shall come upon l^Iount Zion to judge the
mount of Esau ; and the kingdom shall be Jehovah's.'"''^
The captives who were carried away on this occasion were
but the gleanings of those who had been led off* with Jehoi-
achin. After the escape of the warriors, the people left in
the city and those who had deserted to the Chaldieans num-
bered only 832 persons fit to bear the march. A remnant of
the very poorest class were left to till the ground and dress
the vineyards ; and to these must be .added a few objects of
the royal favor, as Jeremiah, and those of the fugitive sol-
diers and other roving bands, who had escaped pursuit in the
fastnesses of Judaea and the desert. At the end of the Book
of Jeremiah Ave have the following summary of the captivi-
ties under Nebuchadnezzar :
1. In the sexentlx (eighth) year of liis reifjc" (b.c. .")97) 3023 Jews.
2. " " ciqhtcenth (nineteentli) " " (b.c. 586) 832 "
3. " " twenty-third " " " (B.C. 582) 745 "
Total 4G00 Je\vs.^^=^
^^° Ezek. XXV. of the date and interpretation of the
^" "O daughter of Babylon, who prophecy, see Dktionanj of the Bible^
art to be destroyed; happy shall he art. Ohadiah.
be, that rewardeth thee as thou hast ^'^^ Jer. Hi. 28-30. They are ex-,
served us. Happy shall he be, that pressly called Jews, apparently to dis-
taketh and dashcth thy little ones j tingui'sh them from resident foreign-
against the stones" (Ps. cxxxvii.7-9). ers slaves and others who shared their
^®^Obad. 21. For a full discussion ! captivity. The discrepancy of the
GOG
TJie Kiwjdoin of Jadah.
Chap. XXV.
Those last mentioned were carried away by Nebuzar adan at
the time of the war with Egypt.
It deserves especial notice that the land which we may
henceforth call Jud.ea,''' to distinguish it from the other parts
of Palestine, was not subjected, like that of Samaria had been,
to a new colonization by heathen settlers. It lay ready to
be occupied by those to whom God ]iad given it, after it had
rested for the sabbatic years of which it had been deprived,
and when they tliemselves had been chastened by affliction.
This hope sustained those of the captives who, like Daniel,
had still the feith to pray with their faces turned toward
Jerusalem : it is mingled with the sad complaints of the pa-
thetic Psalms that belong to the time of the Captivity, and
it even breathes through the more dismal wailing of Jere-
miah's JLamentations. These choice utterances of Hebrew
poetry may well excuse the vain attempt to point the moral
of a catastrophe, whose long-accumulating causes and sure ap-
proach have been traced at every step of the history of the
Jewish people.
§ 13. Before pursuing the story of the Jews at Babylon to
the end of the Captivity, we may conclude the history of Ju-
d^a itself during the last twenty-five years of Nebuchadnez-
zar's reign (b.c. 586-561), comprising the fate of the people
left beliind, and the fortunes of Jeremiah. The desolated
land was not abandoned to anarchy. Xebuzar-adan appoint-
ed Gedaliah, the son of Ahakim, as governor at Mizpah,and
Jeremiah joined him,liaving been left at liberty by Nebuzar-
adan to go to Babylon or wherever he pleased. ^*^^ The dis-
persed soldiers and people soon gathered about the new^ gov-
ernor, who prudently exhorted them to live quietly as the
subjects of the King of Babylon.^'''' Many Jews appeared
from the countries of Moab, Ammon, and Edom, and the peo'
pie were soon peacefully engaged in gathering the vintage
and summer fruits throughout their cities.'" But the brief
rest from trouble was cut short by the envy of the King of
numbers of tlie first captivitv, and the
10,000 reckoned in 2 K.^xxiv. U,
seems to result from Jeremiah's not
counting in the soldiers. The great
difference between even the largest
total and the number who returned
from the Captivity, 42,360, seems to
show how large an accession was re-
ceived from previous captivities, and
especially from the Ten Tribes.
^" The name of Jews (i. e., men of
Jndah), which rarely occurs up to the
time of the Captivity (2 K. xvi. G ;
Jer. xxxviii. 19, xl. II, lii. 28), seems
to have now become the common des-
ignation of tlie people by their con-
querors (Dan. iii. 8, 12; Ezra iv. 12).
Its gradual adoption by themselves is
easily traced in the books o^ Neheminh
and Esther.
'"'' 2 K. XXV. 22 ; Jer. xl. 1-6.
*«" 2 K. XXV. 24. ^" Jer. xl. 7-12
B.C. 586. History of the Remnant. 607
Amnion and the ambition of a Jewish prince of the royal
blood, Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah. They had the incredi-
ole audacity to attempt a new insurrection. Ishmael and
ten Jewish princes came to Mizpah as friendly guests ; and
Gedaliah, who had refused to credit a warning of his treach-
ery, was murdered with the Jew^s and Chaldeans Avho were
with him at Mizpah, only two months after the departure of
Nebuzar-adan.**^** Tw^o days later a band of eighty mourners
appeared on the frontier, from Shechem, and Shiloh, and Sa-
maria, bringing oiferings for the desolated house of God, a
touching proot of the religious patriotism which was still to
be found even in the most heathenized part of Israel. By a
treacherous artifice, Ishmael slew them all but ten, and cast
their bodies, with those of his former victims, into a pit which
Asa had dug at Mizpah for a hiding-place during his war
with Baasha, and which may rank in history with the Gla-
ciere of Avignon and the well of Cawnpore. He then collect-
ed the people who were at Mizpah, including the daughters
of Zedekiah, who had been intrusted to Gedeliah's care, and
carried them oif as captiv^es toward Amnion. He was pur-
sued by the Jewish captains, headed by Johanan, the son of
ivareah, the same who had inefiectually warned Gedeliah.
They overtook him by the great waters at Gibeon, and res-
med the captives, while Ishmael, with eight comrades, fled
to Amnion. Tlieii, instead of returning to Mizpah, they
marched southward to Bethlehem, intending to take refuge in
Egypt from I^ebuchadnezzar's vengeance tor the murder of
liis governor. ^^^ First, however, they asked Jeremiah for
counsel from Jehovah. In ten days the answer came, for-
bidding them to go to Egypt, promising them the protec-
tion of God if they remained, and assuring them that, if they
persisted in departing, the famine, and sword, and pestilence,
from which they fled, would overtake them in their new ref-
uge.'^" So faithful was the prophet to the long-standing
command that the people should never, Under any pressure,
seek to return by the way of Egypt. His warning only
brought upon him a charge of conspiring with Barucli to
speak falsely in God's name ; and both he and Baruch were
carried to Egypt against their will, with all the remnant
who had been left under Gedaliah. Many of the Jews had
already taken refuge there during the whole time that Egypt
was regarded as their help against Assyria. They now form-
'^^ In the seventh month, Tisri= this montli is still a Jewish fast fof
September to October, The third of i the murder of Gedaliah.
'«3 Jer. xli. ' ''■' Jer. xlii.
608
The Kingdom of Judah.
Chap. XXV.
ed a large community, living at Migdol, Tahpanlies, Noph,
and Pathros — a community which had afterward an impor-
tant history of its own. Meanwhile they fell into idolatry,
and Jeremiah denounced both on them and on Egypt itself
the vengeance of Nebuchadnezzar — a prophecy echoed from
the banks of the Euphrates by Ezekiel, whose warnings, prom-
ises, and exhortations to the exiles at Babylon still kej^t pace
with the current of events in Judaea.
The threatened blow soon fell. In B.C. 585 Tyre surren-
dered, after a siege of thirteen years. After a brief repose
Nebuchadnezzar led his victorious army into Egypt, proba-
bly on some new provocation by Apries.^" In the absence of
his own annals or other direct testimony, Ave can only infer
from the statements of Josephus,''^ and from the prophecies
of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, that the chastisement he inflicted
on Egypt reached the Jews who had taken refuge there. It
was at this time, as we have already seen, that his general
Nebuzar-adan carried off another remnant from Judaea, there-
by probably almost completing the depopulation of the land.^^^
There is some evidence, though far from certain, that Nebu-
chadnezzar invaded Egypt a second time, ten years later
(b.c. 571), deposing Apries and setting up Amasis; and this
may be the occasi<ui of Ezekiel's last prophecy against that
power. ^^* At some time during the interval it is almost cer*
tain that the King of Babylon subdued the nations border-
ing upon Judah, and for whose exultation in her destruction
the prophets had denounced on them the heaviest woes, such
as the Ammonites, Moabites, and Edomites. There is a very re-
markable passage in Avhich Jeremiah comforts the Jews amid
all these judgments by contrasting His destruction of the
other nations and of their present oppressors with His cor-
rection of themselves : — " Fear thou not, O Jacob my serv-
ant, saith Jehovah : for I am with thee ; for I will make a
full end of all the nations Avhither I have driven thee : hut
Ivnll not make a full end of thee, hut correct thee in measure;
yet will I not leave thee wholly impunished.'"^^ No words
could express more fully the principle of Jehovah's dealings
with the Jews, as the type of his dealings with his own peo-
ple in every age.
''' Herod, ii. IGl: B.C. 581.
^■^ Ant. X. 9.
"' Jer. lii. 30: the twenty-third
year of Nebuchadnezzar==B.c. 582.
^'* Ezek. xxix. 17, xxx. lU. The
date, the twenty-seventh year of the
captivity of Jchoiacliin, answers to
the thirty-fourth of Nebuchadnezzar,
B.C. 576.
''^ Jer. xlvi. 28.
The Kasr^ or Remains of the ancient Palace at Babylon.
CHAPTER XXVI.
FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF THE KINGDOM OF JUDAH TO THE
CLOSE OF THE CAPTIVITY AT BABYLON. B.C. 586-536.
^ 1. The captives at Babylon — Daniel and his companions. § 2. Nebuchad-
nezzar's dream — The Imperial statue — The fiery furnace. § 3. Nebu-
chadnezzar's humiliation — His death. § 4. The successors of Nebuchad-
nezzar. § 5. Rise of Cyrus the Great, and foundation of the Per-
sian Empire. § G. Coalition of Lydia, Eo;ypt, and Babylon against Cy-
rus— Defeat of Croesus, § 7. Cyrus attacks Babylon — Siege of Babylon—
Belshazzar's feast — The city surprised and taken — End of the Babylo-
nian Empire. § 8. Reign of " Darius the Median," probably Astyages.
§ 9. Daniel under Darius — The den of lions. 10. Prophecies of Daniel
— i. Dream of the Jmnge — ii. Dream of Nehuc.luidnezzar' s madness — iii.
Dream of the Four Beasts — iv. Vision of the Ram and He-goat — v.
Prophecy of the Seventy Weeks — vi. Vision of the Son of God, and
Prophecy of the Last Daijs. § 11. Subsequent history and final desola-
tion of Babylon.
§ 1. Of all historic figures, Nebuchadnezzar most striking-
ly represents the power of destruction. Like his own image
on the plain of Dura, he towers over the ground he has cleared
C c 2
610 The Captivity at Bahylon. Chap. XX Vi.
of every opponent from the Nile to the Euphrates. Above
all, he had been the instrument in the hand of God to root
out His people for their sins from the good land given to their
fathers, but he had yet to learn that he himself was subject
to their God. This lesson Avas taught him while he enjoyed
the fruit of his victories in the city of Babylon, which he
had made the wonder of the world by his " hanging gardens "
and other splendid works ; and the appointed teacher Avas a
young Hebrew of the first captivity, whose career at Baby-
lon was almost a repetition of that of Joseph at the court of
Pharaoh.
We have seen that when Nebuchadnezzar first took Je-
rusalem, in the third year of Jehoiakim (b.c. 605), he com-
missioned Ashpenaz, the master of his eunuchs, to select the
most comely youths of roj^al and noble birth, possessed of
natural grace and acquired learning, to be educated in the
language and wisdom of the Chaldseans. They were to re-
ceive their food and Avine from the king's table, and after
three years' training they Avere to be brought before him.
Among them Avere four belonging to the tribe of Judah, AA'hose
names Avere Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, Avhich,
according to Oriental custom (as in the case of Joseph), were
changed by the prince of the eunuchs into Belteshazzar, Shad-
rach, Meshach, and Abednego. In sacred history, however,
Daniel has retained his own name, Avhile the other three,
being only mentioned on one important occasion, are knoAvn
by their Jxibylonish appellations.^ Daniel resolved that he
Avould not defile himself Avith the king's food and Avine, things
that had been oftered to idols : and, through the tender re-
gard Avith Avhich he had inspired the prince of the eunuchs,
he obtained the favor of an experiment on himself and his
three friends. After being fed for ten days Avith pulse and
Avater, they Avere found in better condition than their com-
rades Avho had been nourished on the king's dainties ; so this
diet Avas continued to the end. Meanwhile God endoAved
them Avith all knowledge and Avisdom, and to Daniel in partic-
ular he granted the same insight into dreams and visions that
had distinguished Joseph. AVhen the time came for them to
appear before the king, he found them the fairest of all their
felloAV-captives, and ten times better in Avisdom and discern-
ment than all the magicians and astrologers of Chaldrea. So
they stood before him among the courtiers.'^ We must not
^ So imich is tliis the case, tliat meant by "Ananins, Azarias, and Mi-
many persons quite forget who arc sael," in the i>ertec?/r/e of our Liturgy.
2 Dan. i.
B.C. 603. The Imperial Statue. 611
fail to notice that law of God's providence, by which, at every
crisis of His people's history, he raised up for them a leader
skilled in all the accomplishments of their adversaries ; Abra-
liam, the stately prince, among the Arab sheiks ; Joseph, the
diviner and statesman ; Moses, the warrior, and learned in all
the wisdom of the Egyptians ; Daniel, the most learned sage
and faultless governor in the realm of Chaldsea. Well might
South reply to the flii^pant objection that God has no need
of our learning — " Much less has He need of your ignorance."
§ 2. The great opportunity for the use of Daniel's power
as an interjireter of dreams for the glory of God occurred in
a manner very similar to the case of Joseph. The date as-
signed to this event is the second year of the reign of Neb-
uchadnezzar/ Lightfoot and others take this to mean the
second year after the full settlement of his empire, or about
B.C. 570. But as the captivity of Daniel commenced, as we
have seen, a year before the accession of Nebuchadnezzar,
the three years of his probation would expire in the second
year, and the date may be taken literally. This result throws
a flood of light on the career of Nebuchadnezzar, and espe-
cially on his repeated forbearance toward Jerusalem, and his
kindness to Jeremiah. It is needless to recount in detail
those pictures which are so vividly impressed on our earliest
recollections, the king's troubled sleep and dreams, which ho
forgot when he awoke in the morning ; liis despotic demand
of the Chaldgean soothsayers, scarcely too severe a test of
their extravagant pretensions, to tell him the dream itself, as
well as the interpretation ; the simplicity with which, for once
in their lives, they confess their impotence to discover what
was not first told them, instead of boldly avowing, like
Daniel, that God would not conceal from the man divinely
inspired to reveal His counsels the far lesser knowledge of
the signs chosen to exhibit them. When their failure had
all 1but involved in their sentence of death the Hebrew men
of learning too, Daniel obtained from the king a respite, which
he and his companions spent in prayer ; and he received the
revelation with one of those grand utterances of praise and
prayer that form the great charm of his book. The vision,
which he was inspired to expound to Nebuchadnezzar, is one
of several by which, at this epoch, when the great monarch-
ies of Asia were about to come into collision with the powers
of the West, God revealed the steps by which the successive
empires were to give way before His kingdom. The symbol
3 Dan. ii. 1.
612 The Ccqjtivity at Babylon. Ciiap. XXVI.
of a colossal statue was perhaps connected with the image
which Nebuchadnezzar soon afterward set up on the plain of
Dura.* As he was meditating the erection of that monument
of his victories, God showed him a statue whose composition
and end revealed the fate, not only of his own empire, but of
all the other attempts at universal dominion to the end of
time. The lesson was the same as that which was taught to
the first Babel-builders on that very spot — that all such at-
tempts are futile, for the kingdoms of the world are reserved
to be the kingdoms of our God, and of his Christ. And now
we can look back on the almost complete fulfillment of the
sign : —
*' Quenched is the golden statue's ray,
The breath of heaven has blown away
What toiling earth had piled ;
Scattering wise heart and crafty hand,
As breezes strew on ocean's sand
The fabrics of a child. "^
There now only remain the last relics of the system of un-
godly force, the fragments of the mingled iron and clay which
represent what was the last empire that claimed to be uni-
versale—
" Ambition's boldest dream and last
Must melt before the clarion blast
That sounds the dirge of Rome."
The confession which Daniel's exposition of his dream drew
from Nebuchadnezzar is scarcely the language of a convert
to the true religion, but rather of a heathen yielding to the
God of the Jews an exalted place among the gods. Accord-
ing to his promise,^ he loaded Daniel with rewards, made him
ruler over the province of Babylon, and master of the Chal-
dsean sages, and appointed his three companions, at his re-
quest, to" high ofl[ices in the province of Babylon.
Their fidelity to Jehovah soon underwent a terrible trial,
but came out as unscathed -as their persons from the fiery
furnace.'' That Nebuchadnezzar should have condemned
them for such a reason so soon after the lesson he had learn-
ed, is a more striking than surprising example of a despot's
impatience of opposition and readiness to take the bait of
flattery. Daniel would seem to have been too firmly estab-
lished in the royal favor for his enemies to venture to at-
* Townsend, Chronological Arrange- '■ ^ Dan. ii. 4.
mentoftheBU)k,\o\.\\.T^.(3\2. j "' Dan. iii. We have met before
' Keble. Christian Year, Monday in ' with an instance of this modo of exe-
Whitsun Week. Icution. See p. 598.
B.C. 561. Nebuchadnezzar'^ s Humiliation. 613
tack him till they had first made an example of his compan-
ions. There has been much discussion respecting the vis-
ion of the " Son of God" Avith the three Hebrews in the fiery
furnace. His walking with them there seems to imply that
they Avere conscious of His presence and sustained by His
comfort, like Stephen in the agony of his martyrdom, and
they would doubtless recognize in him the "Angel Jehovah,"
who had so often shown himself to their fathers, and who
had promised, " When thou Avalkest through the fire, thou
shalt not be burned; neither shall the fiame kindle upon
thee."^ But we must not ascribe such divine knowledge to
Nebuchadnezzar. To him the vision was that of some un-
known deity, " a Son of the Gods " — but it was enough first
to petrify" him Avith astonishment, and then to extort from
him a Avarmer acknowledgment of the God of the HebrcAvs.
Their enemies were silenced by a terrible decree, and they
themselves Avere promoted to higher stations in the province
of Babylon.'"
§ 3. A third lesson, by which the King of Babylon Avas final-
ly boAved in submission to Jehovah, is recorded in his OAvn
rescript to all the provinces of his empire." Another dream,
Avhicli Daniel again interpreted Avhen the Chaldsean soothsay-
ers had failed, Avarned the king that his reason should depart,
and he should be driven from among men to herd Avith the
beast of the field, till "seven times"'" had passed over his
head. The judgment came upon him at the expiration of a
year. His enemies had been subdued on every side, his great
Avorks of art and power had been completed, and, as he sur-
veyed them from the roof of his palace, he forgot God, of
whose might he had had such proofs, and exclaimed, " Is not
this great Babylon that I have built for the house of the
kingdom, by the might of my poAver, and for the honor of my
majesty?" The Avords had scarcely mounted toward the
A^ault of heaven, Avhen a voice replied, " O King Nebuchadnez-
zar, to thee it is spoken ; The kingdom is departed from
THEE ;" adding the details of his exile from among men, all
^ Is. xliii. 2. I so much trouble to expositors of Dan-
" Nebuchadnezzar the king was as- 1 iel and the Apocalypse. In the case
tonied (Dan. iii. 24). This express- before us the word "times" clearly
ive word is used by our translators in , signifies complete revolutions of the sea-
two other passages of Daniel (iv. 19, sons ; in one word, years. It seems
V. 9), two of Job (xvii. 8, xviii. 20),
and two others (Ezra ix. 8 ; Ezek. iv.
17). 1° Dan. iii. "Dan.iv.
^^ This is the first example of the
mode of reckoning which has given
always to be used for years — literal
or symbolical — where it has a definite
chronological meaning, the great ques-
tion being to decide when this is tho
614 Tlie Caiitiviiy at Babylon. Chap. XXVI.
which were fulfilled for a space of seven years. Assuredly
Kebuchadnezzar is the grandest of all despots ; but the climax
of his grandeur is seen in his j^ublishing the history of his own
humiliation, in order to give glory to the most high God.'^
The seven years of Nebuchadnezzar's madness may safely
be placed in the last decade of his reign, b.c. 571-561 ; and,
as he was again " established in his kingdom and excellent
majesty was added to him," a few years must be allowed
after his recovery. The date of Ussher (b.c. 569-563) is there-
fore quite late enough. After a reign of forty-three years he
was succeeded, in b.c. 561, by his son Evil-merodach (the
Illoarudamus of the Greek Avriters), whose release of Jehoia-
chin from prison is the last event mentioned in the books of
Kings. ^'
§ 4. For the twenty-three years between the accession of
Evil-merodach and the fall of Babylon (b.c. 561-538) there is
a gap in the Scripture history. The Book of Daniel passes
at once to the capture of the city and the death of Belshazzar,
who is called the son of Xebuchadnezzar f but this Avord need
not signify more than a direct successor- Jeremiah, whose
prophecies of this period arc almost as definite as histories,
predicts that all nations should serve Nebuchadnezzar, and
Ids son, and his so)i^s son, until the very time of the land
came ;''^ and the Chronicles state that the Jews were servants
to him and his sons, until the reign of the kingdom of Persia.
Our chief secular authorities for the period, Berosus, Herodo-
tus, Ctesias, the Canon, and Josephus, amid many discrepan-
cies of detail, yet agree sufficiently to guide us to probable
conclusions, Avith the aid (here unfortunately very scanty) of
the inscriptions on the monuments. ^^ The succession of kings
seems to have been as follows: —
B C. Years of Rei^.
501. EviL-MEEODAcn, the son of Nebuchadnezzar 2
553. Nerigi.issae, sister's husband to Evil-merodach, a usurper ; perhaps
the same as Nergal-sharezer, the Kab-mag {Chief of the Mngi? Jer.
xxxix. 3, 13) 3^
'^ See the magnificent ascription of
y)raisc in Dan. iv. 34, 35. Tlie king's
dificase was that type of madness
known as Lyconllirojni, in which the
patient fancies himself a wild or do-
mestic beast. It took the latter and
milder type with Nebuchadnezzar :
lie did not "raven as a wolf," but
" ate grass as oxen." His being al
prudential, to thwart the inclinations
of a madman. " 2 K. xxv. 27-30.
^^ Dan. V. 2, 11, 13. It must be ob-
served that the narrative part of the
book ends with chap. vi. ; the latter
half containing the prophetic visions
which Daniel saw under Belshazzar,
Darius, and Cyrus. Respecting the
allusions to Belshazzar in vii. 1 and
lowed to live out of doors in squalid | viii. see jip. 620, 621
neglect must be traced to the rolnc- 1 ^'^ Jer. xxvii. 7; 2 Chron. xxxvi. 20.
tance. partly supeislitious and | ai tly '" Mr. Rawlinson's discussion of
B.C. 558. Cyrus founds the Persian Empire. 615
B C. Years of Kcign.
566. Labokosdaechoi), \\U son, killed by a conspiracy, and the family of
Nebuchadnezzar restored CJ
555. Nabonauius or Nabonedus {Nabu-nit), the Labynetus II. of Herodo-
tus, i« probably the £on or grandson of Nebuchadnezzar, and the last
king of Babylon 17
539. (about). Belsiiazzar (Bil-shar-tizur), son of Nabonadius, becomes his
associate in the kingdom, and governor of Babylon 2
535. Babylon taken by Cyrus, and governed by bis grandfather (?) Astyages,
Darius the Mede 2
536. Death of Darius — Cyrus reigns alone — Restoration of the Jews
52i). Death of Cyrus, after a reign of nine years from the taking of Babylon.. 9
§ 5. It was during the reign of Neriglissar that the great
revolution occurred which was destined to change the fate
of Western Asia and to act powerfully on Europe, the over-
throw of the old dynasty in Media and the foundation of the
Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great. Taking the length
assigned to the reign of Cyrus by Herodotus, twenty-nine
years, his accession falls in b.c. 558.
As the restorer of the Jews, and as " called by his name "
by the prophet Isaiah, no heathen monarch fills a more impor-
tant place in sacred history. But we must not confound his
high destiny with his personal character. Even Avhen God,
by the mouth of Isaiah, says of Cyrus "he is my shepherd, to
perform all my pleasure," " my anointed, Avhose right hand I
have holden to subdue nations before him," he adds," I have
surnamed thee, though thou hast not knovyn me."'^ The prej-
udice raised in his favor by his appearance in the Scriptures
has been confirmed by the choice made of him by Xenophon,
in his romance of the " Cyropaedia," for the ideal model of a
king trained up and governing on Socratic principles. But
the Cyrus of history is an Asiatic conqueror in an age of des-
potic force, though a favorable specimen of his class. His his-
tory proves that he had many of the virtues of a hero and a
king ; but if we seek further for his likeness, we must look
rather at Zingis Khan or Timour, than at the Cyrus of the
" Cyropgedia."
Of the many conflicting versions of his history which were
derived from the romantic stories of the Persian poets, that
of Herodotus is the most probable and consistent. Passing-
over the fables of his exposure and preservation, we come to
the fact in which all his historians concur,^" that he dethroned
Astyages, the last king of Media (and according to some au-
tliese authorities is, npon the whole, [ directly {AmiJ). iii. 4, §§ 8, 11). It
satisfiictorv (Herod, vol. i., essnyviii.). should be remembered that the Medo-
^^ The iiiterchanfze of the dental ; Persian Erni)ire was always regarded
liquids N and L is a mere dialectic va-j as one, and tlie united nations are con-
riety. " Is. xliv. 28-xlv. 4. tinually called Medcs, even after the
^"^ Even Xenophon confirms it in- j revolution.
616 The Caj^iiicitij at Babylon. Chap. XXVI.
thorities, as Herodotus, his mother's fjitlier), and transferred
the rule over the Medo-Persian Empire to the royal family
of Persia. This revolution transferred the Medo-Persian Em-
pire from an eifete dynasty to a family of hardy mountain-
eers,^^ both being of that Aryan race which had not yet oc-
cupied a leading place in history. The capital was fixed at
Agbatana (Ecbatana).
§ 6. The change was naturally alarming to the three great
monarchies of Lydia, Babylon, and Egypt. The first Avas the
ancient rival of the Medes in Asia Minor, Avhere the river
Halys had been fixed as the boundary of the two empires,
after the great battle between Alyattes, king of Lydia, and
Cyaxares, king of Media, which was broken off by the same
solar eclipse that was predicted by Thales of Miletus.*^
While Astyages, or Aspadas, the successor of Cyaxares in
Media, reigned quietly and, as it seems, weakly, Croesus
(b.c. 568), the son of Alyattes, subdued all the independent
nations of Asia Minor west of the river Halys (except the
Lycians and Cilicians, who were protected by the chain of
Taurus), and obtained that power and wealth which make
him so conspicuous a figure in the history of Herodotus. The
news of the revolution efi:ected by Cyrus decided him on an
attempt to check the growth of the Medo-Persian power.^^
AVhile seeking encouragement from the oracles of Greece, he
sent envoys to Amasis, king of Egypt, and to Nabonedus,
wdio had just obtained the throne of Babylon, to form an alli-
ance against Cyrus. It seems to liave been at this time that
Kabonedus constructed those great works for the defense of
Babylon and for the inundation of the surrounding country,
Avhich Herodotus ascribes to an otherwise unknown Queen
Nitocris. Meanwhile the rapid advance of Cyrus and the
impetuosity of Croesus, who crossed the Halys, deceived, ac-
cording to the well-known story of Herodotus, by an ambigu-
ous oracle, brought the conflict to an issue. Croesus Avas de-
feated and shut up within the walls of Sardis. His pressing
messages to his allies had scarcely arrived, when they were
followed by the tidings that Sardis had been surprised and
Croesus taken prisoner, and that Cyrus was master of his
kingdom to the ^^gean Sea."
-' Persia Proper, or Persis, includes j authorities have identified it with cal-
tlie liighlands on the N.E. of the Per- culated eclipses in B.C. 025, 610, G03,
sian Gulf. j and 585. The date of b.c. 610 seems
-"^ This eclipse, the turning-point of j best to meet all the conditions of the
Asiatic chronology, is unfortunately I history. " Herod, i. 46.
still a subject of dispute. Different] *^ B'c.554r,Ra\vlinson: butihcd.-itc
B.C. 538. Siege of Babylon, 61 7
The interval of nearly fifteen years before the final conflict
with Babylon was probably occupied by Cyrus in finishing
the conquest of the tribes of Asia Minor, strengthening his
power in Media, and subduing the more distant portion of
the Babylonian Empire in Upper Assyria. Nabonedus seems
to have remained on the defensive, completing the great
works around Babylon. At length Cyrus marched from Ec-
batana, and crossed the river Gyndes by a diversion of its
channel, Avhich must have prepared his engineers for their
greater operation of the same kind on the Euphrates. Na-
bonedus tried the fate of one battle, and, on his defeat, retired
to Borsippa {Birs Nimrlld)^ "the Chaldaean Benares, the city
in which the Chaldaeans had their most revered objects of
religion, and where they cultivated their science.*"" Here
he surrendered after the capture of Babylon. Cyrus spared
his life, and gave him a principality in Carmania, where he
died.
§ 7. Meanwhile the people of Babylon remained in fancied
security behind their immense fortifications. The city form-
ed a vast square, divided diagonally, and almost equally, by
the Euphrates. Each side of the square was about fourteen
miles long.^° The double walls are said to have been about
three hundred feet high and eighty-five feet broad; dimen-
sions which cease to be incredible Avhen we remember that
they were vast mounds of earth and brickwork, the remains
of which, and others like them, are still traced by travellers.
These Avails were strengthened by two hundred and fifty
towers, and pierced with a hundred gateways, the lintels and
side-posts, as well as the gates themselves, being of brass.
The river Avas enclosed on both banks by the quays, which
Avere likcAvise protected by Avails and brass gates. Tliese
walls and gates are particularly referred to in that striking
prophecy of Jeremiah, Avhich is almost a history of the siege.^'
The A'ast area of tAvo hundred square miles, interspersed, as
is usual in Eastern cities, Avith large open spaces, gave oppor-
tunities for growing corn, in addition to the immense supplies
of food Avhich had been laid up for a siege of many years. ^^
is fixed by most other authorities in the circuit; each side, therefore, 120
B.C. 54G ; and Cyrus is supposed to stadia = 12 geographical niiles = near-
have been engaged in consolidating ly 14 statute miles. The dimensions
his empire before the war with Croe-[ given by Ctesias are one-fourtii less.
8US. Perhaps he refers to the inner of the
"^^ Niebuhr, Lectures on Ancient His- two walls mentioned hv Herodotus,
tor?/, lect. xii. 27 jp,. ] ]r,^ ]j 53^ 53
^^ Herodotus gives 480 stadia as[ ^'^ Herod, i. 190.
618 The Captivity at BabyloJi. Chap. XXVL
The two banks of the river were connected by a stone bridge,
about a thousand yards in length, at each end of which stood
a royal palace. The chief was that on the east, a fortress in
itself, surrounded by triple Avails, of which the outer had a
circuit of seven miles, the middle of four and a half, and the
latter of two and a half miles : the middle wall was three
hundred feet high, and its tOAvers four hundred and twenty
feet, and the inner one was higher still. Such statements
may diminish our surprise at the security in Avhich the inhab-
itants of the city and palace lived under their reckless young
prince, Belshazzar.
Cyrus Avasted no efforts on the impregnable defenses, but
resolved to divert the stream of the Euphrates, and to enter
the city by its bed. When the Avork Avas complete, Belshaz-
zar gave him the opportunity for a surprise by that great
feast, of which Ave have so graphic an account in tlie Book of
Daniel.^'' A thousand of his lords Avere assembled at the
banquet; and the prince, inflamed Avith Avine and flattery, or-
dered the gold and silver vessels of the temple to be brought,
that he and his Avives and concubines and courtiers might
drink in them to the praise of their gods. At that moment
a hand Avas seen Avriting upon the Avail in the full light of
the candelabra. Belshazzar, his joints umierved by fear, cried
out for the Chaldean astrologers and soothsayers to be
brought before him, and proclaimed that the man Avho could
read the Avriting should be invested Avith the insignia of roy-
alty, and made third ruler in the kingdom.^'' While the hand
moved slowly on from letter to letter, they confessed their
inability to read the nnknoAvn characters. The king Avas be-
side himself Avith terror, Avhen a ncAv personage appeared upon
the scene. The "queen," Avho addresses Belshazzar in the
tone of authority, Avas probably his mother or his grandmoth-
er, and may perhaps be the Nitocris of Herodotus. She alone
of all the court remembered the Avonders that had been re-
vealed to Nebuchadnezzar by Daniel, Avho seems to have been
deposed from his post as master of the soothsayers. By her
advice the king sent for him, and repeated his oflers of rcAvard.
Rejecting thejii Avith disdain, Daniel reproached Belshazzar
for not learning from the example of Nebuchadnezzar, and
for the crowning insult of that night against God. By this
time the hand, Avhich had been slowly moving OA^er the wall,
had completed its awful inscription : —
"^ Dan. vi. ihis own position was that of second
^^ A confirmation of the view that ruler.
B.C. 538.
End of the Bahylonish Empire.
61S
MENE, MENE, TEKEL, UPHARSIN :
Numbered! numbered! Weight! and Division {ov the Persians).^'
" The days of thy kingdom are numbered and Jinished,
Thou art tveicjhed in the balances, and found wanting :
Thy kingdom is divided, and given to the Medes and Persians."
Belshazzar's last act of sovereignty was to confer the prom*
ised reward on Daniel. All that is added in the Scripture
narrative is this : — " In that night was Belshazzar the king
of the Chaldaeans slain." We learn from other sources
that, while the city Avas sunk in revelry, Cyrus led his army
along the empty bed of the Euphrates and entered by the
water-gates, whicli it had not been thought worth while to
secure.^ The soldiers fled.'' The more distant regions of tho
vast city were taken and set on fire long before the news
reached the palace, perhaps before Daniel had done expound-
ing the writing on the Avail. " One post ran to meet another,
and one messenger to meet another, to show the King of
Babylon that the city was taken at one end, and that the
passages were stopped, and the reeds they had burnt with
fire, and the men of Avar Avere afifrighted.'"' At last the ene-
my reached the citadel, in the storm of Avhich Belshazzar
seems to have met the fate Avhich so nearly befell Croesus at
Sardis, being slain by some soldiers Avho did not knoAV him
for the king. Nabonadius, his father, Avas taken, as Ave have
seen, at Borsippa ; and thus fell the empire of Babylon, little
more than twenty years after tho height of its splendor under
Nebuchadnezzar. Its fate furnished not only a great exam-
ple of the fulfillment of ancient and recent prophecies, espe-
cially those of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, but also a type
of the Avorldly splendor and poAver, the unbridled insolence,
and the conspicuous ruin of the future oppressors of the
Church of God, and especially of that one — Avhatever it be —
w^hich is called in the Apocalypse " Babylon the Great, Mys-
tery of Iniquity, Mother of Harlots."
^ § 8. Instead of following the progress of Cyrus, the sacred
history remains Avith the Jcavs at" Babylon, Avhere Ave read,
simultaneously Avith the death of Belshazzar, that " Darius
THE Median took (or received) the kingdom, being about
fiixty-tAvo years old."" This personage is one of the eni^rmas
of sacred history. Till lately it was the fashion to idel'afy
him with the Cyaxares, Avhom Xenophon introduces, in the
'^' The hist word has this double •'' Darius, the son of Ahasnerus, of the
monning. '^"^ Jer. 11. 30. seed of the Medcs, which was made
^^ Jer. li. 31, 82. king over the realm of the ChaldflB-
** Daniel, v, 31. Compare i.v. 1 : — ans."
620 The Captiviiy at Babylon. Chap. XXVI
" CyropaBdia," as the son of Astyages ; and great was the
triumph in this confinnation of Scripture by so philosophic a
writer^ against the united testimony of Herodotus and all
the other profane historians.^* But not only does the consent
of all these historians overbear the romance of Xenophon,
who evidently imagined the character of Cyaxares as a foil
to the virtues of Cyrus ; but their testimony is confirmed by
Scripture. In the great prophecy of Isaiah it is Cyrus that
takes Babylon ; and even in Daniel the Persians are the con-
querors. Darius is too old to be identified with Xenophon's
Cyaxares, and his father's name is Ahasueriis,^^ which has no
affinity Avith Astyages, but which is the very name of Cyaxa-
res, the father of Astyages. This is but one of many argu-
ments in favor of identifying Darius the Mede with Astyages
himself "VVe know that Cyrus treated his dethroned j^rede-
cessor with the greatest honor, Avhich he may have carried
so far as to yield liini the outward rank of supreme king dur-
ing his lifetime ; for the Darius of Daniel certainly appears
to exercise an authority over the whole kingdom more exten-
sive than could have belonged to a mere governor of Baby-
lon." The testimony of Herodotus, and indeed of his own
fate, to the weak character of Astyages, agrees, entirely with
the impulsive and vacillating conduct of Darius toward Dan-
iel and his enemies. Some chronological difficulties still re-
main ; but, on the whole, it seems most probable that Cyrus
committed the civil government, with the whole royal author-
ity, to Astyages (Darius), while he himself was completing
his new conqiicst, for a period of two years (b.c. 538-536),
and that on the death of Darius he assumed the sole sovereign-
ty (b.c. 536). The two years of Darius are included in the
nine years which are assigned to Cyrus in the Babylonian
annals (b.c. 538-529), as his real position was known to the
scribes ; while the close relations of Darius with the captive
Jews account for their speaking of him as the king, and dat-
ing the year of his death as the Jtrst year of Cyrus. This
^ See Hales, Analysis of Clironol-
ogy, vol. iv. p. 87. Joseplms, who first
made the identification, is the only
ancient writer, except Xenophon, that
recognizes this Cyaxares II.
^^ Dan. ix. 1, Ahasuerus, or Ach-
ashi^erosh. is the same word as the
Sanscrit Kshatra, a l:in(], Kshdrshe in
the Persepolitan inscriptions, with the
Hebrew prosthetic &<. Its Greek form
is Xerxes^ which Herodotus explains
by apr/ing (vi. 98). Ci/ctxares is the
same name with the prefix Xai, which
is seen also in the Persian name of
Cyrus, Kai K/iosru. In Scripture
Ahasueriis is tlic name of several
kings. 1. The father of Darius the
jVIede, ])robiibly Cyaxares, king of Me-
dia (Dan, ix. 1). 2. Camhyses, son of
Cyrus, who probably assumed tho
name (Ezra iv. G). 3. Xerxes^ Esther,
3' Dan. vi. I.
B.C. 538.
Daniel under Darius.
621
was the giorious year of their own restoration to their land.
But before opening that new page of their history, we must
glance at the last days of Daniel and the final fate of Babylon.
§ 9. AYe read that Daniel continued " even unto the first
year of King Cyrus ;" that is, as the margin of our Bible well
puts it, " he lived to see that glorious time of the return ot
his people from the Babylonian captivity, though he did not
die then."^® Again we read, " This Daniel prospered in the
reign of Darius, and in the reign of Cyrus the Persian.'"'
After the death of Nebuchadnezzar, or in the dynastic contests
which followed the reign of Evil-merodach, he seems to have
retired into obscurity till he Avas called forth to interpret the
handwriting on the wall. That proof of prophetic power
would insure him respect from the conquerors, who seem also
to have recognized the rank conferred on him by Belshazzar.
Shortly after the capture of Babylon we find him employed
by the king in some commission to Susa (Shushan), one of
the Median capitals." When Darius made a settlement of.
the provinces, in which we trace the germ of the satrapies
of Darius, the son of Hystaspes, Daniel was made the first
of the three "presidents" who were placed over the 120
" princes " of the provinces. The Medo-Persian princes Avere
doubly offended at being placed under a Jew by birth and
a servant of the late dynasty. His administration Avas too
faultless to give an opening to their envy ; so they set one
of those ingenious traps in Avhich religious persecution is con-
cealed under the guise of loyalty. Tavo of the grandest pict-
ures in the Bible are, the faithful servant of Jehovah continu-
ing his prayers thrice a day, neither diminishing their number
nor AvithdraAving from his open AvindoAV Avhieh looked to-
Avard Jerusalem, and the confessor calmly sitting in the den
of lions, Avhose mouths God had shut, Avhile the king, who had
consented to his death, remains restless and fasting. It is
superfluous to relate his deliverance from the lions, the pun-
ishment of his enemies, and the proclamation of Darius in
honor of Daniel's God.
§ 10. After this Daniel enjoyed unbroken prosperity under
Darius and Cyrus, and doubtless had a share in advising the
restoration of the Jcavs. His last vision is dated in the third
'^ Dan. i. 21. Compare the use of
till in Ps. ex. ] , cxii. 8.
"' Dan. vi. 28.
*" Dan. viii. 1,2. "I was at Shn-
shnn, in the palace ;" comp. ver. 27,
"I rose up, and did the king's bns-
incss." The date in ver. 1, "the
third year of King Belshazzar," is ev-
idently the last unfinished year of his
reign. We have met w'lih several
previous examples of such a mode of
computation.
622 The Captivity at Babylon. Chap. XXVL
year of Cyrus, b.c. 534."' The following is a summary of his
Visions, dreams, and prophecies :
i. In the second year of Nebuchadnezzar^ b.c. 603." The in-
terpretation of the king's dream of the image representing the
four great empires, namely —
(1.) The Golden Head: — the Assyrio - Babylonian mon-
arcliy.
(2). The Silver Breast and Arms: — the Medo-Persian Em-
pire.
(3.) T\\Q Brazen Belly a7id Thighs: — the Greco -Macedo-
nian kingdoms, especially, after Alexander, those of Egypt
and Syria.
(4.)' The Legs of Iron, the power of Rome, bestriding the
East and West, but broken up into a number of states, the ten
toes, which retained some of its warlike strength (the iron\
mingled with elements of Aveakness (the soft potter's clay),
which rendered the whole imperial structure unstable.
(5.) The St07ie cut without hands out of the Living Bock,
dashing down the image, becoming a mountain and filling all
t'le earth : — the Spiritual Kingdom of Christ.
ii. In Nebuchadnezzar's reign, about b.c. 5V0. The inter-
pretation of the king's second dream concerning his mad-
ness.*^
iii. In the first year of Belshazzar, b.c. 540.''* Daniel's
dream of the Four Beasts, another symbol of the Four Em-
pires, the ten horns of the fourth corresponding to the ten toes
of the image ; ending wath the judgment of the fourth beast
by the "Ancient of days," and the establishment of the king-
dom of the Son of man. Throughout this vision, and espe-
cially in the " little horn " which rose up among the ten horns
as the symbol of some blaspheming enemy of God, we meet
with those images, common to Daniel and the Apocalypse,
which are still involved in the obscurity of unfulfilled proph-
ecy.
iv. In the third year of Belshazzar, probably soon after the
fall of Babylon, B.C. 538/'
The vision which Daniel saw at Shushan of a conflict be-
tween a ram and he-goat, the symbols of the Medo-Persian
and Macedonian powers. The peculiar character of the for-
mer is represented by its two horns, of which the higher came
up last. Alexander is plainly represented by the "notable
horn " of the he-goat, and his successors by the four horns
which replaced it. The " little horn " springing out of one oi
^' Dan. X. 1. I '^ Dan. iv. "* Dan. vii.
** Dan. ii. 1 '' Dan. viii.
B.C. 538.
Prophecy at the Seventij Wechs.
623
the others, and representing " a king of fierce countenance
and understanding dark sentences," prosj^ering, persecuting,
and opposing the Prince of princes, till he is broken without
hand, seems to correspond to the " little horn" of the preced-
ing dream, and to involve similar difficulties.'"
V. In the/r,<?^ year of Darius, B.C. 538.'' Daniel, having
read in the prophecies of Jeremiah that God would accom-
plish seventy years in the desolations of Jerusalem, set him-
self to seek God with fasting and the garb of mourning. His
prayer and confession on this occasion forms a model of all
such supplications. It was answered by the mission of the
angel Gabriel, who now appears for the first time as the spe-
cial herald of God's purposes." He comes to Daniel to
announce the beginning of the period, the close of which he
proclaimed to Zacharias. His message constitutes the, cele-
brated Prophecy of the Seventy TFeeA-5,'" the leading idea of
which, regarded as an answer to Daniel's prayer, seems to be
that God would mercifully recompense his people for their
captivity at Babylon by a new possession of their land for
seven times that period, until the whole history of the nation
should be crowned, and its religious institutions finished, by
the advent and sacrifice of Messiah the prince.
^ We can not here enter into the minute details of the 4xpo-
sition. It is enough to point out that, from the final and ef-
fectual edict of Artaxerxes Longimanus for the rebuilding
of Jerusalem (b.c. 457) to the death of Christ (a.d. 33) wal
just four hundred and ninety years.
vi. In the third year of Cyrus, b.c. 534. The vision of the
Son of God to Daniel on the banks of the Hiddekel (Tigris),
in the same glorious form in which he appeared to St. John
in Patmos, and the prophecy that followed.'" Throughout
this prophecy both the imagery and the substance bear a close
analogy to the Apocalypse. There can be little doubt that
the earlier part relates to the contests between the two Greek
kingdoms of Syria and Egypt, which disputed the mastery of
^^ The symbol is commonly infer-
pretcd of Antiochus Epipliane?, but
it seems to have a deeper meaning.
"' Dan. ix.
*^ Gabriel (the Man of God) is a ti-
tle exactly descriptive of the angelic
office, and not necessarily a proper
name.
^^ Literally, Seventy Sevens. It
must not be supposed that the expo-
sition rests on the general assumption
that a day stands for a year in the
symbolical language of pi-ophecy. It
is rather a plain inference from the
whole bearing of the prophecy, that
the sevens spoken of are sevens of
years; just as the word Sabbath is
often used for the Sabbatic year. In
fact, the phrase seems best intei-preted
as seventy cycles of Sabbatic years=
490 vears.
^°ban. x.-xii.
624 The Captivity at Babylon. Chap. XXVI
Judsea ; but it is clear that at some point a transition is madt
to the final mysteries of God's government and judgment.
How the study of those mysteries ought to be approached,
we learn from the prophecy itself Daniel is bidden to " shut
tip the words and seal the book, even to the time of the end."
When that time is so near that God reveals his purj^oses to
his people, as he did to Daniel from the books of Jeremiah,
the Lamb in the midst of the throne will open the volume,
seal by seal, and page by page, while his servants " run to and
fro on the earth, and knowledge shall be increased." Then
all conflicting guesses will cease respecting the " time and
times and dividing of a time," the 1290 and the 1335 days.
" None of the wicked shall understand, but the wise shall
understand." Meanwhile "Blessed is he that ?o«z^e?A," and
blessed especially the man who is distinguished above all
others by the assurance in God's own word of his personal
salvation : —
" ITo only of tlie sons of men
Named to be heir of glory then."
But, though he alone is named., all who share his faith and
follow his piety may take the comfort of the words with
which this most perfect of all Scripture characters is dismiss-
ed from the scene : — " But thou, go thy way to the end : for
thou shalt rest, and stand in thy lot at the end of the days."^^
§11. How different the end of the great city in which he
delivered his testimony for God ! Its fill was delayed for
many years. It must have suftered greatly in its capture by
Cyrus, and again in the reign of Darius, the son of Hystaspes,
when it was the seat of a rebellion under a person who called
himself "Xebuchadnezzar, the son of Xabonadius." But it
remained the second city of the Persian Empire, and the
residence of the king during the greater part of the year.
Alexander ended his career in the city, Avhich he had designed
to renovate for his capital. The Seleucid kings of Syria trans-
ferred the capital to Antioch, while they chose a more eligible
site on the Tigris for the frontier city of Seleucia, to which
" Daniel xii. 13. The distinction
of Daniel in being named by Ezekiel
(xiv. 14) with Noah and Job, for his
righteousness, is an honor the more
conspicuous from its being conferred
by the inspired prophet upon a living
man. " The order of the names —
first and last.historic types of righteous-
ness, before the law and under it, com-
bined with the ideal type " (Delitzsch,
p. 271 ). Some critics account for Dan-
iel's omission to speak of the actual
return of the Jews, though he dates a
prophecy two years huer(in the third
Noah. Daniel, and Job — seems to sug- year of Cyrus), by ngarciing the first
g;cst the idea that they represent theichaptcr oi E(^a as his composition.
B.C. r)3G Desolation of Bahjlon. 625
most of the inhabitants of Babylon removed. The houses
were deserted, and the walls became quarries for building-
materials. The site of the city was gradually swept over by
the neglected river, while the mounds around it crumbled into
the moat from which they were dug. " Babylon became heaps,
a dwelling-place for ' dragons,' an astonishment and a hissing,
without an inhabitant ;"" fulfilling to the very letter the pro-
phetic visions of its utter desolation, and presenting a lively
image of the fate reserved for the mystic Babylon of later
days. Only in our own days have those " heaps " given up the
monuments of the city's grandeur, and the records from which
we may hope to gain confirmations and illustrations of Script-
ure history as signal as the witness borne by the ruins them-
selves to the truth of Scripture prophecy.
Not only the site of Babylon herself, but the whole plain
of Babylonia, covered with the shapeless heaps under w^hich
the great Chaldsean cities lie hidden, bears a perpetual wit-
ness to the truth of the prophecy every word of which is a
historic description : — " Her cities are a desolation, a dryland,
and a wilderness, a land wherein no man dwelleth, neither doth
any son of man pass thereby."^^ " Besides the great mound,"
says the most distinguished investigator of the site, " other
shapeless heaps of rubbish cover for many an acre the face
of the land. The lofty banks of ancient canals fret the coun-
try, like natural ridges of hills. Some have been long choked
with sand ; others still carry the waters of the river to dis-
tant villages and palm-groves. On all sides fragments of
glass, marble, pottery, and inscribed brick are mingled with
that peculiar nitrous and blanched soil whicii, bred from the
remains of ancient habitations, checks or destroys vegetation,
and renders the site of Babylon a naked and. hideous waste.
Owls start from the scanty thickets, and the foul jackal skulks
through the furrows."^*
" Jer. li. 37. " Jer. li. 43. ^ Layard, Kin. and Bab., p. 484.
Dd
Tomb of Cyrus at Murg-Aub^ the ancient rasarg.ida?.
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE RESTORED JEWISH NATION AND CHURCH.
FKOM THE DECREE OF CYRUS TO THE CLOSE OF THE OLD
TESTAMEXT CA^SO^S. B.C. 536-400?
§ 1. The decree of Cyrns— Moral gains of the Captivity — CesScation of idola-
try— More spiritual worship — Germs of new declension. § 2. Numbers
of the first caravan — The new nation composed of all the tribes — Arri-
val at Jerusalem, and foundation of the Temple. § 3. Opposition to the
building — Series of Persian kings — The Avork interrupted under the
Pseudo-Smerdis, and resumed under Darius Hystaspis — The prophets
Haggai and Zechariah — Dedication of the second Temple. § 4. Ac-
cession of Xerxes, the Ahasuerus of the Book of Estlicr — The feast of
Purim — Esther not Amestris. § 5. Artaxerxes Longimanus — Commis-
sion of Ezra — The second caravan of returned exiles — Reformation by
Ezra. § G. Commission of Nehemiaii — Building of the walls — Opposi-
tion of Sanballat and Tobiah — Nehemiah's Reformation — Completion of
the wall — Reading of the Law by Ezra — Feast of Tabernacles — Day of
Atonement — Covenant of the people — Peopling of Jerusalem — Dedica-
tion of the wall. § 7. Nehemiah returns to Persia — His second com-
mission to Jerusalem — Misconduct of the high-priest and princes —
Nehemiah's Second Reformation — Book of Nehemiah. § 8. Prophecy
of Malachi. § 9. Last days of Ezra, and works ascribed to him — The
great Synagogue — The Old Testament Canon — The cxixth Psalm.
S 10. Schism of the Samaritans, and their temple on Mount Geri/im.
B.C. 536. Decree of Cyrus. 627
§ 1. In the first year of his sole reign at Babylon (b.c. 536)/
Cyrus issued a decree for the rebuilding of the Temple, in
the language of which we trace the advice of Daniel. We
are not only assured that the king's spirit was stirred up to
this measure by God, that the word spoken by Jeremiah
might be fulfilled, but the proclamation itself acknowledged
the God of Israel as the God, and that He, who had given
Cyrus all the kingdoms of the earth, had charged him to build
Him a house at Jerusalem, in Judah. He therefore invited
the people of God throughout his empire to go up to the
work, and charged those among Avhom they dwelt to help
them with gold and goods and cattle.
The response to this act of noble generosity — for such is
its true character, whatever secondary motives may have
been mixed up with it^ — was the more easy, as the captive
Jews had preserved their genealogies, and their patriarchal
constitution under their princes. It is even said that they
had a kind of ruler, called the "Plead of the Captivity," or
"Captain of the people ;'" but this is very doubtful. So the
chief of the fathers of Judah and Benjamin, with the j^riests
and Levites, whose families are enumerated by Ezra, rose up
to the work. Their neighbors made them liberal presents,
beside freewill ofiPerings for the Temple ; and Cyrus caused
his treasurer Mithredath to deliver the vessels of the Temple
which ISTebuchadnezzar had carried away, 5400 in number,
to Sheshbazzar, or Zeeubbabel, the prince of Judah, who was
the leader of the migration. Thus, as the Israelites had gone
forth from the first captivity laden with the spoils of Egypt,
so now they returned from the second enriched with the free-
will ofierings of Assyria, to be consecrated to the service of
Jehovah.*
But they carried back greater riches than all the treasures of
Persia, in the moral gains of their captivity. Throughout the
history of the monarchy we have never lost sight of the fact
that that form of government was itself a departure from the
will of God. The" attempt to consolidate the nation violated
the constitution of the Church, Though, on the great princi-
^ At this point wc at length obtain
a sure chronological epoch, from the
united testimony of the sacred and
secular writers.
^ Just as the removal of the tur-
lon, so their restoration placed a peo-
ple friendly to Persia on the frontier
of Egypt.
5 2 Esdras v. 16 ; the Talmud.
" 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22, 23 ; Ezra i.,
bulent and rebellious Jews, always lil.: the Ixxxvth and cxxvith Psalms
disposed to side with Egypt, was a 'are referred to this occasion by their
PfMind m^a^nre of polic}' for Bnby- opening words.
628 The Restored Jewish Nation. Chap. XXVIT.
pie of condescension and forbearance, God made this defection
the occasion of His new covenant with David, the inherent
vices of the monarchy broke out into that long course of
idolatry and worldly pride, which was cut short by the cap*
tivities of both branches of the nation. After the captivity
we hear no more of these fonns of evil. Too soon, indeed, we
lind the commencement of other corruptions natural to fallen
man, the spiritual pride and moral iniquity, which had utterly
corrupted the people before the coming of Christ. But the
seeds of those vices were as yet hidden in individual hearts.
The people again presented, as in the wilderness, the outward
aspect of the Church of the living God. Owing their revived
political existence to the will of Persia, they could not at first
establish a new monarchy ; nor was the attempt ever made,^
till the usurpation of an alien — Herod the Idumasan — seemed
to challenge their true King, the Christ, to assert His rights.
The people seem to have learned to Avait for His kingdom, and
their political dependence gave freer scope to their religious
organization. Religion had shared the evils of the kingdom.
Our admiration for the magnificence of Solomon's Temple iss
not unmingled with a misgiving of some loss of spirituality,
and its destruction broke through a tradition which leaned
toward an undue reliance upon ceremonies. The second Tem-
ple, so strikingly inferior in outward splendor," nay, wanting
even the visible sign of Jehovah's presence in the Shekinah,
became the centre of a more spiritual worship.'' While the
great festivals, like the other Mosaic institutions, were for the
first time punctually observed, the experience of the Captivi-
ty, and the examples of such men as Daniel, had taught the
people that God might be worshiped not at Jerusalem only;
and their local meetings in the Synac;ogues, which some sup-
pose to have begun during the Captivity, became a regular
institution. The Scriptures, collected into a "Canon ""soon
after the return, superseded the prophetic ofiice ; their regu-
lar reading in the synagogues prevented that ignorance which
had been so fatal under the monarchy; and the "scribes,"
who devoted themselves to their exposition, shared the re-
spect paid to tlie priests and Levites. Prayer^ private as well
as public, regained that supreme place in God's worship,
which had been usurped by rites and ceremonies. The Sah-
^ The assumption of the royal title by tlie Asmonrean princes was only
an addition of dignity to the head of a confessedly theocratic constitution.
^ See Notes and Illustrations (A.). The Temple of Zernbbabel.
'' The return of only four out of the twenty-four courses of priests musJ
have placed a great check on pomp in the Temple-service.
I3.C.03G. The journey to Judtp.a. 620
bath,^\\\\Q\i the prophets never cease to represent as the key-
stone both of religion and of the charities of social hfe, was
firmly established, after a sharp contest Avith worldly selfish-
ness. Idolatry was henceforth unknown ; and the attempt
of the Syrian kings to impose its practice adorned the Jewish
Church with a cloud of martyrs, whose constancy confirms
the many other proofs that the people had attained to a
more spiritual faith. The shades of this fair picture were as
yet in the background, and the current of the history brings
them into prominence soon enough. They are the vices which
our corrupt nature distills from these very virtues ; spiritual
pride, perverting the uses of God's vrorship ; oppression and
immorality, excused by the privileges of God's people.
§ 2. The number o±' the people forming the first caravan,
whom Ezra reckons, not only by their families, but by the cit-
ies of Judah and Benjamin, and other tribes, to which they
belonged, Avith the priests and Levites, amounted in all to
42,360,' besides YSGY men-servants and maid-servants. They
had 736 horses, 245 mules, 435 camels, and 6720 asses. These
numbers may seem small, in contrast to the former population
of Judaea ; but they arc large, as compared Avith the enumer-
.♦ition given above of the several captivities. They no doubt
included many of the Ten Tribes, for Cyrus addressed his proc-
lamation to all the servants of God throughout the empire ;
and it Avas responded to, not only by the fathers of Judah and
Benjamin, but "by all Avliose spirit God had raised.'" In
fact, thougli the new nation are- called Jews, the distinction
of the tribes disappears (except in their pedigrees), and sub-
sequent jealousies are religious and local, as those against
Samaria and Nazareth. Those, however, who undertook the
journey Averc doubtless a considerable minority of the cap-
tives, Avho, as directed by Jeremiah, had settled doAvn quietly
in the land of their captivity, built houses, and planted vine-
yards. Some followed at a later period. Others remained
behind, forming Avhat was called the " Dispersion :" and hoAV
numerous these Avere in all the provinces of the empire avc
^ee in the Book of Esther.
The little band of 50,000, so fcAV and weak in comparison ot
the host that crossed the Jordan under Joshua, Avere led by
Zerubbabel, prince of Judah, and grandson of Jehoiachm,
who Avas appointed Tlrshatha, or governor of Judaea. '' With
8 Ezi-a H. G-t, nr). [Ten Tribes witli tlic retmned Jews.
* Ezra i. 5. ' On the mixture of the | see ohap. xxiv. § 10.
" Ezra iii. G3.
630
llie Restored Jewish Nation. Chap. XXVIl.
him were associated the high-priest Jeshua," and ten of the
chief elders. We have no record of the journey ; but the
Ixxxivth Psalm describes the triumph of their pious zeal to
behold the house of God over all the hardships of the way^'
After visiting their desolate cities, they assembled in the
seventh month (Tisri — Sept. -Oct.) at Jerusalem, to rebuild the
altar and offer their first sacrifices at the Feast of Tabernacles.
Tlunigh dreading the hostility of the surrounding nations,
they prepared to build the Temple, hiring masons and car-
penters witli the money they had brought, and preparing pro-
visions for the Tyrians and Sidonians, who had been com-
manded by Cyrus to bring cedar-trees from Lebanon by sea
to Joppa, as Hiram had done for Solomon. ^^
In the second month of the following year (Jyar— Apr.-May,
B.C. 535), the foundation of the Temple was laid Avith great
solemnities, amid the sound of trumpets and the chorus of the
sons of Asaph, " praising and giving thanks unto Jehovah, be-
cause he is good, for his mercy endureth forever toward
Israel." But the shouts of the people were mingled with
the v>'eeping of the j^riests and elders who had seen tlie glo-
ry of the first house, so that the cries of joy could hardly be
distinguished from those of sorrow.^*
§ 3. The work was not long permitted to proceed in quiet.
The descendants of the Cutlisean colonists whom Esar-haddon
had settled in Samaria, and whose strange mixture of idola-
try with the worship of Jehovah has already been related,
were not slow to claim affinity with a people so favored by
Cyrus. Their request to join in building the Temple was
indignantly rejected by the Jews, who regarded them as
idolaters and "adversaries;" and they used all their efforts
to earn the latter title. By hired influence at the court, as
Avell as by their opposition on the spot, the building of the
Temple was hindered till the reign of Darius, the son of Ilys-
taspes. The narrative of these transactions is somewhat per-
plexed by the different opinions held respecting the Persian
kings whose names are mentioned in the books of Ezra, Es*
ther, and Xehemiah. The followimr table exhibits the sue-
" It is remarkable tliat tlie lii^li-
|)viest, tlic sii])renie authority in tlie re-
stored religious conimonwealtli, bore
the name at once of the captain who
at first led Israel into the Holy Land,
and of the Messiah whose type he is
made in the prophecies of Zechariah.
" Other Psalms which seem to be-
long to this period are Ixxxvii., cvii.,
cxi., cxii., cxiii., cxiv., cxvi., cxvii.,
cxxv., cxxvii., cxxviii., cxxxiv.
" Ezra iii. 1-7.
" Ezra iii. 8-13. Though it was
seventy years from the first beginning
of the Captivity, it was only fifty since
the destruction of Jerusalem.
B.C. 529.
Series of Persian Kings.
631
cession of these kings by their ordinary Greek names, with
the names which most probably correspond to them in Script-
ure/*
Beginning of each reign, B.C.
1. Ctaxaees, king of Media OUl
Ahasuerus: Dan. ix. 1.
2. AsTYAGES, liis son, last kiug of Media 594
Darius tha Medc.
3. Cyrcs, son of his daughter and Cambyses, a Persian uoble, founder of tlie Per-
sian ICmpire 551
Cjyus begins to reiga at Babylon Jan! 5, 5S8
4. Camuvbes, hi-i son Jan. 3, 529
A hasiwrus : Ezra iv. G.i^
5. GoMATES, a Magian usurper (about Jan. 1), wlio parsonated Smcrdis, the younger
son of Cyrus. (Reigns seven months) 522
A rtaxerxes : Ezra iv. 7, etc.
6. Darids, the son of Hystaspes. A Persian noble, r.aised to the throne on the over-
throw of Gomates Jan. 1, 521
Darius: Ezra iv. 5, 24, v., vi.
7. Xerxes, hi.s son Dec. 23, 483
A hasuerus : Esther.
8. Aktaxerxes LoNGiM.vNtr8, hi^ son Dec. 7, 4G5
Artaxerxzs: Ezra vii., Neliemiah End of liis reign, Dec. 17, 4-3
The subsequent kings, Xerxes II. (Sogdianus), Darius II.
(Nothus), Artaxerxes II. (Mnemon), Artaxerxes III. (Ochus),
and Darius III. (Codomannus), are not named in Scripture.
Cyrus does not seem to have wavered in his Jewish poli-
cy, but his wars in Asia will account for the impediments
permitted to delay the building of the Temple during the re-
mainder of his reign.
His son, Cambyses, was too much occupied with his one
great enterprise against Egypt to take any notice of the let-
ter of accusation against the Jews which the " adversaries "
sent to him at the beginning of his reign, b.c. 529."
They were more successful with the usurper Gomates, to
whom they artfully suggested a search in the records of the
kingdom, to prove that Jerusalem had been destroyed for its
continual rebellions. The answer was a rescript bidding the
work to cease, armed with which, the officers of Samaria,
Rehum, Shimshai, and their companions went up to Jerusa-
lem, and put an end for the time to the building of the Tem-
ple, B.C. 522.'^
The restoration of order under Darius, the son of Hystas-
*^ The dates of those of Clinton, F.
/T., vol.ii. 312.
" The id'Mitific.ations of this Ahas-
uerus with Xerxes or Artaxerxes Lon-
gimanus, besides other objections, in-
volve most violent transpositions ; and
the same remark applies to the iden-
tification of Artaxerxes in Ezra iv. 7
with Longimanns.
" E.^ra iv. G. Cambyses, who was
named after his grandfather, would
naturally assume the royal name of
Axares or Cyaxares (Ahasuerus), and
we have independent evidence that ho
bore that name (Xenophon, Cyrop,
vjii.).
^" Ezra iv. 7-24.
632 The Restored Jewish Nation. Chap. XXVII.
pes, was the signal for new hopes and efforts. In the second
year of his reign (b.c. 520), the prophets Haggai and Zecha-
RiAH, the son of Iddo, commenced the exhortations and prom-
ises, mingled with reproofs and warnings, which we read in
their books. '^ The rebuilding of the Temple was resumed
by Zerubbabel and Jeshua, who appear in the prophecies of
Zechariah as types of the great Prince and Priest of the ap-
proaching reign of holiness. They had to deal, not with ma-
lignant adversaries, but with the just authorities of a settled
government. Being called to account for their conduct by
Tatnai, the Persian governor west of the Euphrates, they ap-
pealed to the edict of Cyrus, which was found among the
records at Ecbatana, and the discovery brought a new edict
from Darius, not only permitting the work, but bidding his
officers to aid them with supplies, and threatening all who
hindered them with the severest j^enalties. So tlie work
went on and prospered, under the constant encouragement
of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah ; and the house was
finished on the third of the twelfth month (Adar= Feb. -March)
in the sixth year of Darius (b.c. 515), twenty-one years after
its commencement.
The Feast of Dedication was kept with great joy. Besides
the 700 victims offered for a burnt-offering, twelve goats
were offered for a sin-offering "/or all Israel,''^ one for each
tribe — a decisive proof that the returned " children of the
captivity " regarded themselves as the representatives of all
Israel. The courses of the priests and Lcvites were set in
order, according to the law of Moses and tlie institutions of
David. It was found that only four of the original courses
of priests were represented ; but, by the division of each
into six, the number of twenty-four was restored, and the old
names were adopted. The solemnities were concluded by
the keeping of the Passover on the fourteenth day of the first
month and of the seven days of the unleavened bread."
§ 4. In B.C. 48G Darius was succeeded by Xerxes, whose
repulse from Greece fills so memorable a page in the history
of Europe, but whose place in the annals of the Jews depends
on his identification with the Ahasuerus of the Book of Es-
ther. The story of the offense given to the king by the
haughty Queen Yashti, which led to her divorce, and to ,the
^ The reproofs of Haggai for the! -° Ezra vi. The following Psalms
people's slowness in building the house are supposed to refer to the dcdioa-
of God, while making haste to build ition of the second temple: xlviii.,
their own, areamongthe most impress- Ixxxi., and cxlvi.-cl.
ive passages of the Hebrew prophets, j
B.C. 4:86. Accession of Xerxes. 633
choice of the Jewess, Hadassah, or Esther/* as liis consort,
four years afterward; the spite of Haman the Agagite, be-
cause Mordecai, the guardian of Esther, refused to do him rev-
erence, and his plot to destroy all the Jews throughout the
127 provinces of the empire on one day ; the self-devotion of
Esther for her people ; the rewards heaped on Mordecai for
his ancient services to the kingdom, and the hanging of Ha-
man on the gallows he had built for the hated Jews;^the per-
mission to the Jews to defend themselves, and the consequent
slaughter of 75,000 of their enemies on the thirteenth of Adar
(Feb.-March), besides 800 slain at the palace of Shushan
(Susa) on that and the following day ; and the appointment
of the fourteenth and fifteenth of Adar, on which they rested
from slayino- their enemies, for the great Feast of JAirim r'
all these incidents are familiar to us in the beautiful narra-
tive of the Book of Esther ; and no scene of Scripture his-
tory is more often applied to a spiritual use, than her bold
venture into the presence of the " king of kings,"" and his
reaching out to her the golden sceptre as the sign of grace
(B.C. 474).
^A natural reluctance to identify this noble woman w^ith
Xerxes's cruel wife Amestris, whose name bears some resem-
blance to Esther, is the chief objection to the identification
of Ahasuerus with Xerxes. But the former hypothesis is
quite unfounded, as will presently appear. The description
of the Persian Empire as containing 127 provinces, and reach-
ing from India to Ethiopia,^* can apply to no reign before
that of Darius, the son of Hystaspes, who is therefore taken
by Ussher and others for Ahasuerus. But Darius is a genu-
ine royal name, as distinct from Ahasuerus as his character is
from the capricious tyrant of the Book of Esther, and liis
two wives were the daughters of Cyrus and Otanes. Others
fix on Artaxerxes Mnemon, whose name is, like Xerxes, the
equivalent of Ahasuerus. But this hypothesis is negatived
by the relations of Artaxerxes to the Jews, to whom he is-
sues a favorable decree in the seventh year of his reign,
while Ahasuerus, in his twelfth year, is so ignorant of the
character of the nation as to be imposed upon by the calum-
nies of Haman ; nor does the character of the latter agree with
'^ Esther U tlic Persian name which
was given to her, derived froqi the
planet Venus.
22 That is. Feast of Lois, from the
lots cast by Haman when he was plan- , , , ._
ningthedestructionof the Jews (Esth. ! "4 Ks^h. i. ]^ viii. 0, ix. 30.
D D 2
iii. 7, ix. 24). For an account of ihia
feast, see p. 2G9.
2^ Such is the proud title of the Per-
sian monarchs on their own inscrip-
tions ; that, for instance, of Behistnu
634 Tlie Restored Jewish Nation. Chap. XXVII.
that of Artaxerxes. Any later king is out of the question.
Being thus brought back to Xerxes, whose name is the Greek
form of Ahasuerus, it only remains to compare the dates of
the Book of Esther Avith the history of his reign, the leading
events of which are, his accession in B.C. 486 (Dec. 23),^^ his
expedition to Greece in liis sixth year, b.c. 480, and his death
at the end of his twenty-first year, b.c. 465 (Dec. 17).^° Now
the great feast of Ahasuerus, at which Yashti refused to ap-
pear, was in the third year of his reign, b.c. 483," the very
year in which Xerxes held a great assembly to arrange the
Grecian war, and his marriage with Esther was in his seventh
year, b.c. 479,^® the year after the expedition to Greece, when
Xerxes might naturally seek in his harem some consolation
for his repulse. But Amestris, who was the daughter of
Otanes, the uncle of Xerxes, had been his wife long before
the expedition to Greece, in which her sons were old enough
to accompany him, and the eldest of them, Darius, married
at the very time of his fxther's marriage to Esther." For all
these reasons Esther can not be Amestris ; and, considering
the polygamy of the Persian kings, it is not surprising that
Herodotus should mention only two of the wives of Xerxes,
and the Book of Esther two others. The affaii-s of Xerxes
afler his flight from Greece are only noticed by the Greek
historians as they aftect the Hellenic race.^°
§ 5. These events at the court, and the elevation of Mor-
decai to the post of prime minister, must have had a favora-
ble influence on tlie affairs of the restored Jews ; but we have
no further details of their history till Ezra appears upon the
scene, in the seventh year of Artaxerxes I. (Longimanus), b.c.
458. Ezra occupies a place toAvard the end of the history of
the Old Covenant, resembling in many respects that of Moses
at the beginning. He was a priest descended from the line
of the later high-priests. His father Seraiah^^ was the grand-
son of Hilkiah, high-priest in the reign of Josiah. Ezra was
especially distinguished for his knowledge of the Scriptures,
" a ready scribe in the law of Moses."^^ Living at Babylon,
he gained the favor of Artaxerxes, and obtained from him a
commission to go up to Jerusalem. The restored Jews had
"Clinton, F. //., vol. ii. p. 312. | Grecian war would very well account
Hence b.c. 485 is his first year. I for the tribute which Ahasuerus laid
*= Clinton, /. c.
'"'' Y.si\\. i. 3; Herod, vii. 7, foil,
'^"Esth. ii. IG.
'"Herod, vii. 31, 69,82.
*° The expenditure caused by tlie
"upon the land and the isles of ihe
sea " (Esth. x. 1 ).
^* He must be distinguished from
Seraiah, who was high-priest when
Jerusalem was destroyed.
^^ Ezra vii. 1-6.
B.C. 458.
Commission of Ezra.
685
already fallen into great declension, and Ezra's study in God's
law had stirred biin up to a work of reformation ; " For Ezra
had prepared his heart to seek the law of Jehovah, and to
do it, and to teach in Israel statutes and judgments. "^^ Every
step he takes is marked by some devout acknowledgment
of the help of God " according to the good hand of his God
upon him."^*
The king's commission invited all the Israelites and priests
and Levites in the whole empire who so wished to go with
Ezra, who was sent by the king and his seven councilors to
inquire concerning Judah and Jerusalem ; bearing offerings
from the king and his councilors and freewill-offerings from
the people, to buy sacrifices and to decorate the Temple, be-
sides vessels for its service. All the treasures beyond the
Euphrates were commanded to supply his wants, and the
priests and ministers of the temple were exempted from tax-
ation. Ezra was commanded to appoint and instruct magis-
trates and judges over the people beyond the river, with au-
thority to punish, even to death, all who broke the law of
God and the king.^^
Ezra set out from Babylon with his companions, to the num-
ber of six thousand, including many children, on the first day
of the first month (end of March, b.c. 458). The journey oc-
cupied exactly four months, including a halt for three days
at Ahava,^° where he collected his caravan, and obtained an
accession of two hundred and twenty Nethinim from Iddo,
the chief of the Levites at Casiphia. Ashamed to ask a guard
from the king, whom he had assured of God's power to pro-
tect them, Ezra kept a fast at Ahava to pray for a prosperous
journey ; and this second caravan arrived safe at Jerusalem
on the first day of the fifth month (end of July, b.c. 458).
After resting three days the treasure and vessels were deliv-
ered to the priests, burnt sacrifices were ofiered by the re-
turned exiles, and the king's commissions were delivered to
all the satraps west of the Euphrates."
On applying himself to the work of reformation, Ezra found
the people already infected with the evil that had proved the
root of all former mischief, intermarriage with the idolatrous
nations around them. His first care was to impress them
"Ezra vii. 10.
^Ezrav ii. G, 9,
!7, 28, viii. 22,
^^ Ezra vii. Tlie terms of this de-
cree, advised no doubt by Ezra him-
self, seem to contemplate a religious
jurisdiction as v»ide as the kingdom
of David and Solomon.
^'^ Probably the modern Hit, on the
Euphrates, east of Damascus (Raw-
linson, Herodotus, vol. i. p. 316, note).
Casiphia is unknown. ^' Ezra viii.
036 The Restored Jewish Nation. Chap. XXVIt
with the enormity of the sin. The example of his public
mourning and prayer led some of the chief persons to come
forward, and at their suggestion the whole people were sum-
moned to Jerusalem on penalty of forfeiture and expulsion
iVom the congregation. They assembled on the twentieth
day of the ninth month (December, b.c. 458) amid a storm of
rain, and, having confessed their sin, they proceeded to the
remedy with order and deliberation. All the strange wives
were put away, including even those who had borne chil-
dren, by the beginning of tlie new year (end of March, b.c.
457).^® At this point the account of Ezra's proceedings ends
abruptly with the book that bears his name, and he docs
not appear again till thirteen years later, as the associate of
Nehemiah.^^ To the period of Ezra's reform should proba-
bly be referred the later prophecies of Zechariah, Avhicli relate
to the declension, rejection, and ultimate restoration of the
Jews, and to the glories of the kingdom of Christ."
§ 6. In the twentieth year of Artaxerxes (b.c. 445) griev-
ous tidings from Jerusalem reached the royal winter resi-
dence at Shushan. Whether Ezra had returned after execu-
ting his commission, or whether the instability of the Jews
and the malice of their enemies had been too much for him,
things were in a worse state than at any time since the Cap-
tivity. The people of Judaea were in affliction and reproach,
the wall of Jerusalem was still broken down and the gates
burned, as they had been left by Nebuchadnezzar. This
news was brought by Hanani and other Jews of Judaea to Xe-
HEMiAH, the son of Hachaliah, who appears to have belonged
to the tribe of Judah, and who held the office of cup-bearer to
Artaxerxes. Overwhelmed with the tidings, he fasted, and
prayed God to incline the khig's heart to grant his desire to
help his brethren."' At the end of four months (Chisleu to
Nisan, November to March, B.C. 444) an opportunity offered
itself, on the king's observing his cup-bearer's sadness. Ne-
hemiah explained its cause, and obtained leave of absence for a
fixed time, with letters to the governors west of Euphrates to
aid his journey, and to Asaph, T:he keeper of the king's forest,
to supply liimwith timber. Already, before his arrival at Je-
rusalem, he became aware of the hostility of Sanballat the
Horonite, and Tobiah the Ammonite, but he only resolved to
do his work with the greater speed. After the usual three
days of rest or purification he took a private view of the city
^^ Ezra ix., x. I '° Zoch. ix.-xiv.
3^ B.C. 444: Nch. viii. 1. I '' Neh. i.
B.C. 444. Nehemialis Reformation. 637
by night, and then summoned the rulers to the work." Led
on by the high-priest Eliashib, all of them, except the nobles
of the Tekoites, labored heart and hand at their regularly ap-
pointed stations. The wall soon lose, and the gateways were
rebuilt." ^ '
But now Sanballat and Tobiah, who had at first scorned the
idea of the feeble Jews fortifying their city, and liad mocked
at their wall as too weak for a fence against jackals, became
seriously alarmed. A conspiracy Avas formed of the Arabians
and Ammonites and the Philistines of Ashdod, for an attack
upon Jerusalem before the fortification was complete. Warn-
ed by the Jews who dwelt among them, Nehemiah called
the people to arms behind the halt-finished bulwarks. This
attitude of resistance disconcerted the plot ; but henceforth
half of the people remained under arms, while the other half
labored at the work, girded with their swords. Nehemiah
kept a trumpeter always by his side to sound tlie alarm, and
neither he nor his guard put oft' their clothes except for wash-
ing."*
Amid all this anxiety, he found time for internal reform,
The unsettled state of the nation, and the pressure of the
king's tribute, had reduced the poorer citizens to destitution.
They had mortgaged their lands and vineyards to their breth-
ren, who moreover exacted usury from them contrary to
the law, and many of them were sinking, with their families,
into slavery through their debts. In a solemn assembly Ne-
hemiah rebuked the unmerciful creditors and usurers, and
bound them by an oath to release the persons and lands of
their debtors. He himself set the example of disinterested'
ness ; keeping a table for one hundred and fifty Jews, be-
sides any who returned from exile from time to time, and yet
declining to draw the allowance which had been paid to pre-
vious governors, during the whole twelve years of his rule (b.c.
445-433)."'
When Sanballat, Tobiah, and Geshem saw that the walls
were finished, the breaches repaired, and that only the gates
remained to be hung, they began new plots. Unhappily they
were aided by a party ot* the nobles of Judah, turbulent and
rebellious as ever, with whom Tobiah and his son Johanan
were connected by family alliances. Their scheme was to
frighten Nehemiah with a charge of suspected treason. Hav-
ing failed to entrap him by the proposal of a conference, they
wrote te him four times, and the fifth time they sent an open
*"" Xeli. ii. " Neh. iii. *' Neh. iv. • *' Neh. v.
638 Tlie Restored Jewish Kation. Chap. xxvn.
letter, that the charge miglit be made public, declaring that
it was rej^orted among the heathen nations round about that
the Jews intended to rebel, and that Xehemiah was fortify-
ing the city witli the intention of making himself king. They
charged him with appointing prophets to preach the news,
"There is a king in Judah," and threatened to report the
whole matter to the king unless Nehemiah would grant them
a conference. The prophet Shemaiah was hired to frighten
Nehemiah into a step for his own protection, which would
have amounted to an act of treason. He contented himself
with an indignant denial of the charge made in the letters,
and with appealing to the judgment of God against Shemaiah,
the pro])hetess Koadiah, and the others who tried to fright-
en him."
The walls being finished and the gates hung, and the j^or-
ters and singers and Levites appointed to their stations, Ne-
hemiah committed the charge of the city to his brother Ha-
nani and to Hananiah, the ruler of the palace. The gates
were kept barred till the sun was hot, and the people were
arranged in watches. Such care was the more needful, as
the city Ava& still much too large for its inhabitants, and few
houses were yet built. By the seventh month (Tisri= Sep-
tember-October, B.C. 444), that is, the beginning of the civil
new year, the people were settled in their city, and Nehe-
miah had completed the register of their genealogies."
The ensuing month, the one especially allotted by Moses to
joyful religious celebrations, was celebrated as an inaugura-
tion of the people into their new life. If not according to the
calendar " the year of release," in which the law was to be
read before all the people, it well deserved that title in their
^^ Lord Arthur Ilervey, who follows , ishcJ in fifty-two days, on the 25th of
Prideaux and Townsend in consider- | Elul (Sept. B.C. 444). As to the ques-
ing the Artaxerxes of Ezra iv. 7 as ' tion which is mixed up with this, of
ArtaxerxesLongimanus, connects the Nehemiah's return to Persia, and his
interruption of the building, related second commission to Jerusalem, at a
in Ezra iv. 7-23, with the plot of point between chap. vi. and vii. (or
Sanballat and Tobiah, on the ground ^ rather, as Townsend places it, between
vii. 4, and vii. 5), there seems no clear
proof that Nehemiah left Judeea til!
the close of the twelve years which he
himself names as the duration of his
commission (comp. v. 14 and xiii. 6),
notwithstanding the contrary infer-
ence which might be drawn from
chap. ii. 6. The time may have been
lengthened at Nehemiah's request.
^^ Neh. vii, ; comp. Ezra ii.
that the walls ai'e especiallv mention-
ed {Bib. Diet. art. Ezra). But be-
sides tlie general objection, already
taken, to the trans])osition of the pas-
sage, it seems incredible that Nehe-
miah should not have mentioned the
appeal to the king, and the conse-
quent cessation of the works. On the
contrary, he speaks of the opposition
as unsuccessful, and the wall as fin-
B.C.UL Ezra reads the Law. 689
annals. Now, for the first time since the decree of Cyrus
for their return, they could meet to worship God under the
protection of their ramparts, with their new liberties, nay,
their very existence as a nation, no longer at the mercy of their
inveterate enemies. On the first day of the month the peo-
ple were gathered as one man in the street before the water-
gate, and Ezra again appears among them. At their desire
he produced the J3ook of the Laii\ and having opened it amid
marks of the deepest reverence from all tlie people, he read
it to an audience wrapped in attention from morning to mid-
day. The manner of reading was this : Ezra stood on a pul-
pit,*® with six Scribes ov Levites on his right hand and seven
on his left, who seem to have relieved him in the reading;
for it is said, " tliey read in the book in the law of God distinct-
The people stood in their ranks in front of the pulpit ; and
among them were thirteen other ministers, who, with the as-
sistance of the Levites, "caused the people to understand the
law." There can be little doubt that this phrase refers to a
translation of what Ezra read in Hebrew into the mixed
Chaldee dialect, which had become the vernacular tongue
during the Captivity. The book Avhich was thus read was
probably not merely the Pentateuch, but the whole body of
sacred writings, which had been collected into one volume
by the care of Ezra, the first great Scribe, and which formed
in substance what we call the Book of the Old Covenant.^"
The reading produced an impression like that made on
Josiah. All the people wept at what they heard ; not only,
we may well believe, with regret at the past glories of their
nation, but at the recital of the sins for which that glory had
departed, not unmixed with a penitent consciousness of their
own guilt. But Nehemiah (who is now first mentioned in
the transaction), supported by Ezra and the Levites, bade
them cease their sorrow, and go home to " eat the fat, and
drink the sweet, and send portions to those for whom noth-
ing was prepared, for the day was holy to Jehovah." The
people went away to make great mirth, because they under-
stood the words that were declared unto them. When the
reading Avas resumed on the following day, they came to the
institution of the Feast of Tabernacles in this very month of
Tisri. Their excited minds caught the signal for fresh re-
joicing in Jehovah. They went forth into the mount to fetct
*® Heb. A towev of wood . | recitative, in which tlie thirteen nc
■'^ Neh. viii. 1-8: the last word ! companied Ezra.
se«ras to include the idea of a choral I ^'^ Or, erroneouslv, Testament.
640 The Restored Jewish Nation. Chap. XXVII.
branches of olive, and pine, and myrtle, and palm, and thick
trees, and made booths on the roofs and in the courts of their
houses, in the Temple court and along the streets to the city
o-ates. Such a Feast of Tabernacles had not been kept since
The days of Joshua. The reading of the law was continued
for all the seven days of the feast, and the eighth was a sol-
emn assembly, as Moses had commanded/'
After the burst of joy for God's mercy in restoring them,
they turned to the solemn duty of humiliation and repentance
for their sins. The Day of Atonement ought to have been
kept on the tenth of this month." It liad probably been
passed over, as requiring more solemn preparation and a more
orderly arrangement of the Temple-service than v>^as yet pos-
sible. In its place a fast was held two days after the Feast
of Tabernacles, on the 24th day of Tisri. All who were of
the seed of Israel, carefully separating themselves from the
strangers, appeared in the"^ deepest mourning, clad in sack-
cloth, and with earth upon their heads. The day seems to
have been divided into four equal parts, only broken by the
intervals necessary for refreshment. The first three hours
were devoted to the reading of the law. The morning sac-
rifice fitly introduced the second quarter, Avhich was spent in
silent confession and prayer. Wlien the hour of noon was
past, the Levites, arranged on the steps of the Temple porch,
or on a scafi'old erected for the purpose, called upon the people
to stand up and bless Jehovah. Then in a solemn hymn, the
epitome of which is a fit model for all such services, they re-
cited God's mercies from the first call of Abram ; they con-
fessed the sins of their forefathers, and God's forbearance in
punishing without utterly consuming them : and they ac-
knowledged his justice in their present state of humiliation
and great distress, as servants to the kings set over them
for their sins, to whom their land yielded its increase, and
who had dominion over their bodies and cattle at their pleas-
ure. Submissive to God's will, they ended by making a new
covenant with Him ; and before the sun set, it Avas recorded
in writing, and sealed by the princes, priests, and Levites,
whose names are recorded by Nehemiah, while the rest of
the people bound themselves by a curse and an oath to walk
in the law which God had given by Moses. The chief points
of this covenant were : To make no intermarriages Vv^ith the
heathen ; to abstain from traftic on the Sabbath, and to keep
the sabbatic year, with its release of all debts; to pay a year-
^'Neh. viil "Lev. xxiii. 2G.
B.C. 444.
Peoipling of Jerusalem.
641
ly tax of a third of a shekel for the services of the sanctuary,
which are carefully enumerated ; to oifer the first-fruits and
first-born, and the tithes due to the Levites and the priests ;
and, in one final word, " We will not forsake the house of our
God."" To most points of this covenant they remained faith-
ful in the letter. The sins of the Jewish nation took hence-
forth a direction altogether difterent from the open rebellion
and apostasy, of their fathers. The more scrupulous their ob-
servance of the law, the more did they make it void by their
traditions and pervert it to serve their selfishness.
Before the people departed to their homes, it was necessa-
ry to decide who of them should fix their abode at Jerusa-
lem, which would have been left almost without inhabitants,
had all taken up their residence on their old family allotments
about the several cities and villages. It is a striking proof
of the attachment of the Jews to their j^atrimonial posses-
sions, that the safer residence behind the Avails of Jerusalem
should not have been the object of competition. But it was
regarded as a sacrifice to live there ; "And the people bless-
ed all the men that willingly oftered themselves to dwell at
Jerusalem. The rulers took up their abode in the capital :
and for the rest every tenth man Avas chosen by lot to live
there."'* The language of jSTehemiah would almost seem to
imply that those of the people Avho belonged to Israel (the
Ten Tribes) had their possessions assigned in the cities of
Judah, and that the inhabitants of Jerusalem were taken from
the tribes of Judah and Benjamin. The priests and Levites
were divided in due proportions betvreeu the city and the
country.^"
On the completion of all these arrangements a great festi-
val was held for the Dedication of the Wall of Jerusalem.
The priests and Levites, called together from all the cities of
Judah, purified the walls and the people. The rulers were
divided into two parts, which went round the walls in pro-
cession to the right and to the left, the one headed by Ezra
and the other by Nehemiah, each with liis train of priests
and Levites, blowing the trumpets and singing thanks to God.
The day was crowned with great sacrifices, and their shouts
of joy sounded from the rock of Zion far and wide over the
hills of Judah.^" The only remaining records of Nehemiah's
Nell. xi. 1, 2.
" Nell, ix., X. ''
^'Neh. xi., xii. ]-2G.
" Neh. xii. 27-43. Townsend as-
snmos this festival to have been held
imiDcdiately ;;frer tlio completion of
the wall ; but ver. 27 proves that it
was after the Levites had been dis-
tributed over the country, from whieh
they had to be bro'.iglu togethe?
agnin.
642 The Restored Jewish Nation. Chap. XXVII.
twelve years' government relate to the provision made for
the priests and Levites and singers," and the separation of
the Ammonites and Moabites from the congregation, accord'
ing to the sentence pronounced on them by Moses *^ — another
indication of the reconstitution of the Church of Jehovah.
§ 7. In the thirty-second year of Artaxerxes Longimanus,
B.C. 433, Nehemiah returned to the Persian court. After an
interval, of what length we know not,^^ he obtained the king's
permission to go and visit Jerusalem again, in order to reform
serious abuses which had grown up through the weakness of
the high-j>riest Eliashib and the rapacity of the princes. The
former had not only yielded ihe claims of Tobiah, Avhich iSTe-
hemiah had so firmly resisted, while his grandson had mar-
ried a daughter of the other adversary, Sanballat,^" but Eli-
ashib had also prepared for Tobiah a large chamber in the
court of the Temple, which had been used as a store-house
for the sacred vessels, the meat-oiferings, and frankincense,
and the tithes of corn, Avine, and oil for the Levites, all of
which had been removed to make room for the furniture of
Tobiah. Nehemiah cleared out the furniture, and caused the
chambers of tlie Temple to be purified, and restored to their
uses." The Levites, defrauded of their tithes, h?.d betaken
themselves to the Levitical cities, so that the Temple waa
deserted. Nehemiah gathered them together again, com-
pelled the rulers to do them justice, and the people to bring
the tithes, and appointed fiiithful treasurers. ^^ He most indig-
nantly reproved the nobles for the profanation of the Sabbath,
as the sin which had brought the wrath of God upon their
fathers. Li the cities of Judah wine-presses were trodden on
the holy day, and the gates of Jerusalem were crowded witli
Tyrian and other merchants, Avho carried in the supplies of
luxury for a great city.''^ Nehemiah had the city gates shut
" Neb. xii. 41-4:7. conditions, we are brought to the last
^'^ Neb. xiii. 13. The inference,
that many of these two nations were
minp;led with the Jews, both in their
captivity and return, is confirmed by
their previous history.
^^ Neh. xiii. G. ""After the end of
days," is the only note of the time
year of Artaxerxes (b.c. 423) as a
probable date of this visit. Prideaux
allows five vears, placing it in b.c.
428.
«° Neh. xiii. 28. '^ Neh. xiii. 4-9.
^2 Neh. xiii. 10-14.
" Neh. xiii. IG. Besides the profa-
but the phrase "all thi3 time," as nation of the Sabbath by the carry-
well as the extent of the abuses, would ing of burdens, the passage implies a
seem to imply a considerable interval. | course of self-indulgent luxury on the
The inference is still stronger from part of the wealthy nobles, and an utter
the allusion in xiii. 24 to the^children disregard of the law against kindling
of the mixed marriages. As ten years fire and preparing food on the Sab-
does not seem too long to satisfy these bath.
B.C. 400? Proijhecy of MalacM. 643
from dusk till the end of the Sabbath, and guarded by his
servants. At first the merchants pitched their tents round
the wall; but Nehemiah called the Levites to guard the
gates, and the Sabbath trading was abolished. His last re-
form dealt with the old evil of the mixed marriages, which
had again been contracted with women of Amnion, Moab,
and Ashdod to such an extent that children were heard talk-
in<>' in a dialect half Jewish and half in the language of Ash-
dod.®* By the most energetic measures, Nehemiah exacted
an oath of the offenders to abstain from all such alliances;
and he expelled from the priesthood a son of Joiada, the son
of the high-priest Eliashib, for his marriage with the daugh-
ter of Sanballat the Horonite.'^^
Xehemiah's narrative of these reforms is interspersed with
the frequent appeal, ' Remember me, O my God, for good, and
spare me according to the greatness of thy mercy; wipe not
out my good deeds that I have done for the house of my God,
and for the observances thereof"®^ His prayer has been an-
swered ever since in the preservation of his book as a part
of Holy Scripture : — the record of pure religious zeal, tem-
pered with that prudence Avhich is one of the highest duties
of a governor, of unbending fidelity and self-denying liberali-
ty, all for the glory and in the fear of God."
§ 8. We have no further information of Nehemiah's life ;
and, before returning to the imj^ortant but uncertain ques-
tions relating to Ezra, a few words must be said of the Proph-
et, whose book ends the Scriptures of the Old Covenant, and
who is thence called by the Jews "the seal of the prophets."
Malaciii (the angel or messenger of Jehovah) ^^^ closes the
canon of the Jewish Scriptures with words rendered doubly
impressive by our entire ignorance of his personal history.
Like the first prophet of the New Covenant, whose preaching
is an echo of his warnings, he is simply " the voice of one cry-
^ Neh. xiii. 23, 24. Wc can not [ and smote certain of them, andphich-
bs sure tliat this was the Pliilistine|ec? off their hair.'' This is said to
tongue, since Ashdod had been taken have been the one fault of Gustavu3
and perhaps colonized by Nebuchad-i Adol])hns, Avho once dragged a ma-
iiczzar. rauder from the ranks by the hair of
^^ Neh. xiii. 23-29. It is not quite his head and ordered him for execu-
^lear whether the title, "the high- tion, saying, "It is better that I
priest," refers to Eliashib or Joiada. should punisli thee, than that God
®® Neho xiii. 14,22, 31. jshould punish thee and me and all
"^ His only infirmity seems to have of us on thy account."
been a hasty temper wlien provoked I "** Contrncted from Malachijah, liko
by iniquity, Neh. xiii. 25. "I con-' Abi from Abijah.
tended with them, and reviled them, i
644 The Restored Jewish Nation. Chap. XXVII.
ing in the wilderness^'' and preaching repentance from flagrant
sin as the one indispensable preliminary to the reception of
the expected3Iessiah. In this view his prophecy links the Old
Covenant with the New ; and the connection is made closer
by his prediction of the coming of John the Baptist, as the,
Elijah of the new dispensation, and the forerunner of the An^
gel-Jehovah, the messenger of the Covenant/^ Already was
the Jewish Church groaning under the dissolution of the first
and most sacred bonds of social life ; and the new Elijah was
needed to " turn the heart of the fathers to the children, and
the heart of the children to their fathers," lest the expected
Messiah should come only " to smite the earth with a curse."
"We have only to read the prophet's denunciation of rulers,
priests, and people, to see that he is describing present evils,
and not merely predicting some future declension. These de-
scrij^tions serve to fix the date of the prophecy. They agree
so exactly with the state of things which Nehemiah found on
the occasion of his last visit to Jerusalem, that the prophecy
may be safely referred either to that period, or to a second
declension, which soon followed the reforms of Nehemiah.
The latter is the more probable ; for had Malachi labored, as
some have suggested, in conjunction with Kehemiah, in the
same way in which Isaiah supported the reforms of Hezekiah,
Nehemiah would surely have referred to him, as he does to
the snares of the false prophets and to the support of Ezra,
and as Ezra himself mentions Haggai and Zechariah. In any
case, the date of Malachi falls before the end of this century
(b.c. 400) ; and it is not at all impossible that Ezra, if he was
really the author of the Scripture Canon, may have lived long
enough to include in it the Book of Malachi as well as that
of Nehemiah.
§ 9. It is disappointing to confess that the question just
started must be left without a satisfactory solution. Certain
it is that we can not implicitly follow the Jewish traditions,
either about Ezra's personal history or about his Biblical la-
bors. Josephus, whose positive statements are too often
adopted without inquiry, would have been generally believed
Avhen he says that Ezra died an old man,'^" and was buried
magniriccntiy at Jerusalem, had he not placed his death be-
fore the government of Nehemiah !'^ Another very preva-
lent tradition places his death in Persia, som.e even going so
far as to name the place where lie died on his return from
^'^ Mill. iii. 1. 'w. 5, G. ^^ Some make liim reach the age of 120.
"" Am. xi, 5, § 5.
B.C. 400? The Old Testament Cancm. 645
Jerusalem to the court of Artaxerxes, and where his sepulchre
might be seeu.'^
The works ascribed to him by Jewish tradition were : The
foundation of the " Great Synagogue" of 120 members, the
very mention of whose names proves the more than doubtful
authenticity of the institution ;^^ the establishment of Syna-
gogues ; the authorship of the Books of Chronicles, Ezra, Ne-
hemiah, and Esther ; and the collection, editing, and arrange
ment of the whole Jewish Scriptures in one " Canon," under the
threefold division of the Law, the Prophets, and the Hagio-
grapha.'* In performing this work, he is assumed to have add-
ed those passages which can not have been written by the
authors whose names the books bear; such as the allusion to
kings of Israel in Gen. xxxvi. 31; the account of the death and
burial of Moses in the last chaj^ter of Deuteronomy ; and the
many references to the state of things " at this day." He is
also said to have introduced the Chaldee character (in which
Hebrew is still written) in place of the old Hebrew character
which is retained in the Samaritan Pentateuch, and to have
added the vowel points (handed down by tradition from
Moses), the divisions of "the Pesukim^ or verses, and the emen-
dations of the Keri. Many of these details are the mere ex-
pressions of a desire, natural in those Avho seek for the au-
thority of Scripture rather in the structure of the whole book
than in the vitality of its every member, to place under the
sanction of one great name the changes wdiich must have been
made on many different occasions. But the main question is,
whether the present Canon of the Old Testament was, in sub-
stance, the work of Ezra. It must be remembered that such
a work involved much more than the collection into one vol-
ume of books already existing in a separate form ; it included
the selection from the whole number of those which bore, and
were to bear forever, the stamp of divine authority: for no
one imagines that the Scriptures of the Old Testament form
a complete collection of the ancient Hebrew literature. That
such a work, having such authority, had been completed be-
" Benjamin of Tudela: sec Z5i6. 'plied to Scripture, tlie word indicates
Did. art. Ezra. jtlie rule by which the contents of the
^^ On the Great Synagogue, see Bible must be determined, and thus
Notes and Illustrations (B,). [secondarily an index of the constitu-
''* The word Canon {aavuv) in clas-lent books. The Canon of Scripture
sical Greek signifies properly a 6<ra/V/A< may be generally described as "the
rod, as a carpenter's rule ; and hence i collection of books which forms the
is applied metaphorically to a testing original and authoritative written
rvle in ethics, or in art, or in language rule of the faith and practice of the
(the Canons of Grammar), As ap- Church."
Q4:6 The Restored Jewish Nation. Chap. XXVII.
fore the Christian era, is clear from the alhisions to the Holy
Scriptures in the New Testament ; and it was most probably
accomplished during the Persian domination, which ended
B.C. 323. There is every reason for its having been perform-
ed at as early a period as possible. Ezra's care to make the
people well acquainted with the word of God is as conspicu-
ous as his own knowledge of it, No man could be more qual-
ified, as no time could be more fit, for a work which was most
needful to establish the people in their faith. That the work
must have been performed by an inspired man, is an axiom
lying at the foundation of the whole question, unless we be-
lieve, on the one hand, that the Church is endowed in every
age with power to decide what Scriptures are canonical, or
unless, on the other hand, we give up a canon., in the proper
sense of the word, and reduce the authority of Scripture to
that which literary criticism can establish for its separate
books. On this ground, none but Ezra can be the author of
the Canon ; for no one has ever thought of ascribing the woi'k
to Nehemiah, the civil governor and man of action ; and the
only claim made for Malachi is the addition of his own proph-
ecy to the Canon already framed by Ezra, and even this sup-
position we have seen to be unnecessary, as Ezra may have
been the survivor. The attempt to ascribe the work to some
unknown inspired person later than Malachi is an example of
the argumentum ah ignorantid., which has no w^eight against
the evidence of what is known.
It is generally supposed that, in connection with the work
of completing the Canon, Ezra composed or collected that
wonderful series of meditations on the worth and power of
the Word of God which are contained in the cxixth Psalm.
The whole tenor of that Psalm is a powerful argument for
the existence of a Canon of Scripture at the time of its com-
position. Some also ascribe the first Psalm to Ezra.
§ 10. While the restored Jews were thus completing the
fabric of their religion, the irregular worship of the Samari-
tans assumed the form of an organized schism by the erection
of a rival temple on Mount Gerizim. The circumstances un-
der which this happened are so obscured by Josephus Avith fab-
ulous details and chronological inconsistencies, that we can
depend on him for little more than the existence of such a
temple, a fact of which we have ample confirmatory evidence.
He transposes to the reign of Darius Codomannus, the last
king of Persia, transactions which seem to have arisen out of
those recorded in the Book of Nehemiah. We have seen that
the ruler's last act of reform was the expulsion of one of the
B.C. 400? Schism of the Samaritans. 6i7
sons of Joiacla, the son of Eliashib, who had married a daugh-
ter of Sanballat the Horonite ; and here our information from
the Scripture narrative ceases. Now Josephus is altogether
silent about Sanballat, the great adversary of Nehemiah, but
he gives a long account of another Sanballat, a governor of
Samaria under Darius Codomannus, who had a daughter mar-
ried to Manassch, the brother of the high-j^riest Jaddua
(grandson of Joiada). This Manasseh, he says, being expelled
from the priesthood for his marriage, fled to his father-in-law,
Sanballat, and, after negotiations with Darius and Alexander,
they erected a temple on Mount Gerizim. Manasseh, who
became the first high-priest, was joined by numerous priests
and Levites, who had refused to put away their heathen
wives, and a system of worship was organized on Mount
Gerizim resembling that of the Jewish Temple.'' The silence
of Josephus about the Sanballat of Nehemiah's time, and the
resemblance between the banishment of his Manasseh and
that of the son of Joiada, added to the very improbable de-
tails with which he has embelHshed his story, make the con-
clusion almost irresistible that his Manasseh was the son of
Joiada, and his Sanballat the contemporary of Nehemiah ; but
the time of the erection of the temple on Gerizim may still be
an open question. This much is certain, that such a temple
was built as an assertion of the religious independence of the
Samaritans, and that thi& act of schism formed the climax to
the hpstility between them and the Jews. The temple was
destroyed by John Hyrcanus (about b.c. 109)." It was to this
sanctuary, as well as to the ancient sacrifices of the patriarchs
at Shechem,that the Samaritan woman referred in the words
«— " Our fathers worshiped in this mountain.'"'
« Jo5/?ph. Ant. xi. 8, §§ 2-4. '' Joseph. Ant. xiii. 9, § 1.
" John ir. 20.
648
Notes and Illustrations.
Chap. :!i\Yil.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
(A.) TEMPLE OF ZEKUBBABEL.
Wk have very few particulars re-
garding the Temple which the Jews
erected after their return from the
Captivity, and no description that
would enable us to realize its appear-
ance. But there are some dimen-
sions given in the Bible and else-
where which are extremeLy interest-
ing, as affording points of comparison
between it and tlie Temples of Solo-
mon and Herod after it.
The first and most authentic are
those given in the Book of Ezra (vi.
3), when quoting the decree of Cyrus,
wherein it is said, "Let the house be
builded, the place where they offer-
ed sacrifices, and let the foundations
thereof be strongly laid ; the height
thereof threescore cubits, and the
breadth thereof threescore cubits,
with three rows of great stones and a
row of new timber." Josephus quotes
tins passage almost literally (xi. 4,!
§ 6), but, in doing so, enables us with !
certainty to translate the word herei
called row as "story " {(Ufxo^) — as in-!
deed the sense would lead us to in-!
fer — for it could only apply to the
three stories of chambers that sur-!
rounded Solomon's, and afterward
Herod's Temple, and with this again '
we come to the wooden Talar which:
surmounted the Temple, and formed
a fourth story. It may be remarked,
in passing, that this dimension of 60 1
cubits in height accords perfectly with
the words which Josephus puts into
the mouth of Herod (xv. 11, § ])
when he makes him say that the
Temple built after the Captivity want-
ed 60 cubits of the height of that of
Solomon, For as he had adopted, as
we have seen above, the height of 120
cubits, as written in the Chronicles,
for that Temple, this one remained
only 60.
The other dimension, of 60 cubits
in breadth, is 20 cubits in excess of
that of Solomon's Temple, but there
is no reason to doubt its correctness,
for we find both from Josephus and
the Talmud that it was the dimension
adopted for the Temple when rebuilt
or, rather, repaired by Herod. At the
same time we have no authority for
assuming that any increase was made
in the dimensions of either the Holy
Place or the Holy of Holies, since we
find tliat these were retained in Her-
od's Temple. And as this Temple
of Zerubbabel was still standing in
Herod's time, and was, more strictly
speaking, repaired than rebuilt by
him, we can not conceive that any of
its dimensions were then diminished.
We are left, therefore, with the alter-
native of assuming that the porcli and
the chambers all round were 20 cu-
bits in width, including the thickness
of the walls, instead of 10 cubits, as
in the earlier building. This may
perhaps, to some extent, bo accounted
Chap. XXVII.
Notes and Illustrations.
649
for by the introduction of a passage
between the Temple and the rooms
of the priests' lodgings, instead of
each being a thoroughfare, as mast
certainly have been the case in Solo-
mon's Temple.
This alteration in the width of the
Pteromata made the Temple 100 cu-
bits in length by 60 in breadth, with
■a height, it is said, of 60 cubits, in-
cluding the upper room, or Talar,
though we can not help suspecting
that this last dimension is somewhat
in excess of the truth.
The only other description of this
Temple is . found in Hecataus the
Abderite, -^ ho wrote shortly after the
death of Alexander the Gi'eat. As
quoted by Josephus {cont. Ap. i. 22),
he says, that " In Jerusalem toward
the middle of the city is a stonewall-
ed enclosure about 500 feet in length
(o/C izevrdizledpoq'), and 100 cubits in
width, with double gates," in which
he describes the Temple as being sit-
uated.
The last dimension is exactly what
is obtained by doubling the width of
the tabernacle enclosure as applied to
Solomon's Temple (see p. 485), and
may therefore be accepted as tolera-
bly certain, but the 500 feet in length
exceeds any thing we have yet reach-
ed by 200 feet. It may be that at this
age it was found necessary to add a
court for the women or the Gentiles,
a sortof Narthex, or Galilee, for those
who could not enter the Temple. If
this, or these together, were 100 cu»
bits square, it would make up the
"neai'ly 5 plethra" of our author.
Hecatseus also mentions that the al-
tar was 20 cubits square and 10 high.
And although he mentions the Tem-
ple itself, he unfortunately does not
supply us with any dimensions.
From these dimensions we gather,
that if ** the Priests and Levites and
Elders of families were disconsolate
at seeing how much more sumptuous
E E
the old Temple was than the one
which on account of their poverty
they had just been able to erect "
(Ezr. iii. 12 ; Joseph Ant. xi. 4, § 2),
it certainly was not because it was
smaller, as almost every dimension
had been increased one-third ; but it
may have been that the carving and
the gold, and other ornaments of Sol-
omon's Temple far surpassed this, and
the pillars of the portico and the veils
may all have been far more splendid,
so also probably were the vessels ; and
all this is what a Jew would mourn
over far more than mere architectur-
al splendor.
(B.) THE GREAT SYNAGOGUE.
According to the traditions of Eab-
binic writers, a great council was ap-
pointed on the return of the Jews
from Babylon to reorganize the re-
ligious life of the people. It consist-
ed of 120 members, who were known
as the men of the Great Synagogue,
the successors of the prophets — them,
selves, in their turn, succeeded by
scribes prominent individually as
teachers. Ezra was recognized as
president. Among the other mem-
bers, in part together, in part success-
ively, were Joshua the high -priest,
Zerubbabel, and their companions,
Daniel and the three "children," the
prophets Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi,
the rulers Nehemiah and Mordecai.
Their aim was to restore again the
crown, or glory of Israel, i. e., to rein-
state in its majesty the name of God
as Great, Mighty, Terrible (Deut. vii.
21, X. 17; Neh. i. 5, ix. 32; Jer.
xxxii. 18 ; Dan. ix. 4). To this end
they collected all the sacred writings
of former ages and their own, and so
completed the Canon of the Old Tes-
tament. Their work included the
revision of the text, and this was set-
tled by the introduction of the vowel
points, which have been handed down
650
Notes and lUustrattons.
Chap. XXVH,
to us by the Masoretic editors. They
instituted the Feast of Purim. They
organized the ritual of the synagogue.
Their decrees were quoted afterward
as those of the elders (the Trpea^vrepoi
of Mark vii. 3, the apxa'toi of Matt. v.
21, 27, 33), the Dibre Sopherim ( =
words of the scribes), which were of
more authority than the law itself.
Much of this is evidently uncertain.
The absence of any historical men-
tion of such a body, not only in the
Old Testament and the Apocrypha,
but in Josephus and Philo, has led
some critics to reject the whole state-
ment as a llabinic invention, resting
on no other foundation than the ex-
istence, after the exile, of a Sanhe-
drim of 71 or 72 members, charged
with supreme executive functions.
The narrative of Neh. viii. 13 clearly
implies the existence of a body of men
acting as councilors under the presi-
dency of Ezra, and these may have
been an assembly of delegates from
all provincial synagogues — a synod
(to use the terminology of a later
time) of the National Church.
APPENDIX I.
THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
$ 1. Language of the Old Tcstameut. § 2. Collection of the books of the Old Testament-
Jewish arrangement under tlie three heads of the Lau\ the Prophets, and the Hagio-
grapha. § 3. Names given to the collected books of the Old Testament. § 4. Arrange-
ment of the books in the present Appendix.— I. THE PENTATEUCH. § 5. Name—
Object— Authorship. § G. Tlie Book of Genesis. § 7. The Book of Exodus. § 8. The
Book of Leviticus. § i>. The Book of Numbers. § 10. The Book of Deutekonomy H.
THE HISTORICAL BOOKS. § 11. The Book of JosuuA. § 12. Authorship of the
Books of Judges, Ruth, Samuel, and Kings. §13. Books of Judges and of Rutu. §14.
The Books of Samuet,. § 15. The Books of Kings. § 10. The Books of Chronicles.
§ 17. Relation of the Books of Chronicles to those of Kings. § IS. The Book of Ezra.
§ 19. The Book of Nkiiemiaii. § 20. The Book of Estiier.— IIL THE PROPHICTS.
§ 21. The Prophetic Order. (A.) The Four Grcai: Propliets. § 22. Isaiah. § 23.
Jebemiaii. The Book of Lamentations. § 24. Ezekiel. § 15. Daniel. (B ) The
Twelve Minor Prophets. § 26. Hosea, § 27. Joel. § 28. Amos. § 29. Obadiah.
§30. JoNAU. §31. MicAH. 5 32. Naiium. § 33. Habakkuk. § .S4. Zvphaniaii. §35.
Hagqai. § 36. Zeoiiabiail § 37. Malaciii. IV. THE POETICAL BOOKS. § 38.
The Book of Psalms. § 39. Song of Solomon, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Job.
§ 1. We have thus carried down the History of the Old Testament from
the earliest times to the close of the Jewish Canon. But our task Avould be
incomplete without giving a brief account of those books which form the
chief and, during the greater period, the sole authority for this history.
All the books of the Old Testament are written in the Hebrew language,
with the exception of the following passages — Daniel, ii. 4-vii., Ezra, iv. 8-vi.
]8, and vii. 12-26, Jeremiah, x. 11 — which are in Chaldee. Both Hebrew
and Chaldee are sister dialects of a great family of languages, to which the
name of Semitic is usually given, from the real or supposed descent of the
people speaking them from the patriarch Shem. The dialects of this Semitic
family may be divided into three main branches : — 1. The Northern, or
Aramaean, to which the Chaldee and Syriac belong. 2. The Southern, of
which the Arabic is the most important, and which also includes the Ethiopic.
3. The Central, which comprises the Hebrew and the dialects spoken by the
other inhabitants of Palestine, such as the Canaanites and Phoenicians.
§ 2. The collection of the books of the Old Testament into one body, and
the formation of the Canon, probably by Ezra, after the return of the Jews
from their captivity in Babylon, has been already narrated. ^ The arrange-
ment of the books into the three classes, which was adopted by the later Jews,
and is still retained in the printed Hebrew Bibles, is indicated even before
the completion of the Old Testament Canon. ^ When the Canon was looked
on as settled, in the period covered by the books of the Apocrypha, it took a
more definite form. The Prologue to Ecclesiasticus mentions " the law and
the prophets and the rest of the Books. " In the New Testament there is the
^ fee p G14 r=q, - Zech. vii 12.
652 Books of the Old Testament. Appendix I.
same kind of recognition. "The Law and the Prophets" is the shorter,'
"the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms,"'* the fuller statement of the divis-
ion popularly recognized. The arrangement of the books of the Hebrew
text under these three heads requires however a further notice.
i. The Law, called Toruh in the Hebrew, contained the Pentateuch, the
five books of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy.
These titles are those of the LXX. In the Hebrew the titles are taken from
the initial words, or prominent words in the initial verse.
ii. ThePiiOPHETS, called Aeim/i in Hebrew, were thus arranged: —
fjoshun.
J Judges.
1. The former I 1 and 2 Samuel.
1 ^ °
and 2 Kings.
^Isaiah.
f(i.) Greater . . •< Jeremiah.
! (Ezckiel.
2. The latter '|
\JX\.) Minor . . . The twelve Minor Prophets.
The Hebrew titles of these books correspond to those of the English Bibles.
The grounds on which books simply historical were classed under the same
name as those which contained the teaching of prophets, in the stricter sense
of the word, are not at first sight obvious, but the Old Testament presents
some facts which may suggest an explanation. The Sons of the Prophets,*
living together as a society, must have occupied a position as instructors of
the people, even in the absence of the special calling which sent them as
God's messengers to the people. A body of men so placed become naturally
historians and annalists. The references in the historical books of the Old
Testament show that they actually Mere so. Nathan the prophet. Gad, the
seer of David," Ahijali and Iddo,^ Isaiah,** are cited as chroniclers. The
greater antiquity cf the earlier historical books, and perhaps the traditional
belief that they had originated in this way, were likely to co-operate in rais-
ing them to a high place of honor in the arrangement of the Jewish Canon,
and so they were looked on as having the prophetic character which was
denied to the histoiical books of the Hagiographa. The greater extent of
the prophecies of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, no less than the prominent posi-
tion which they occupied in the history of Israel, led naturally to their being
recognized as the Greater Prophets. The exclusion of Daniel from this sub-
division is perhaps to be explained on the ground that, though the utterer of
predictions, he had not exercised, as the others had done, a prophet's office
among the people.
iii. The IIagiograpiia,^ called in Hebrew Cetuhim (from a Hebrew word,
to ivrite)^ included the remaining books of the Hebrew Canon, an-anged in
the following order, and with subordinate divisions :
(a.) Psalms, Proverbs, Job.
(6. ) The Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, called
tlie five Megi/loth, or the five rolls, as being written for use in the synagogues
on special festivals on five separate rolls.
(c.) Daniel, Ezra, Kehemiah, 1 and 2 Chronicles.
3 Matt. xi. 13, xxii. 40; Acts xiii. 15, etc. I « 1 Chron. xxiv. 2D. ' 2 Chvon. ix. 2?,
4 Luke xxv'i. 44. ^2 Chron. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 32,
8 1 Sam. X. 5; 2 K. v. ^2, vi, 1. I ^ 'Ayi6ypa<pn.
Appendix I. General Arrangement 653
The LXX. presents some striking variations in point of arrangement as
well as in relation to the names of books. Both in this and in the insertion
of the books which Ave now know as the ApocrA-pha among the other books,
«e trace the absence of that strong reverence for the Canon and its tradition-
al order which distinguished the Jews of Palestine. Tlie Law, it is true,
stands first, but the distinction between the Greater and Lesser Prophets, be-
tween the Prophets and the Hagiographa, is no longer recognized. Daniel,
with the Apoci-vphal additions, follows upon Ezekiel; the Apocryphal 1st ov
3d Book of Esdras comes as a 2d, following on the Canonical Ezra. Tobit
and Judith are placed after Nehemiah, Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus after Can-
ticles, Baruch before and the Epistle of Jeremiah after Lamentations, the
twelve Lesser Prophets before the four Greater, and the two Books of ^Lic-
cabees come at the close of aU. The Latin version follows nearly the same
order, inverting the relative position of the Greater and Lesser Prophets.
The separation of the doubtful books under the title of Apociypha, in the
Protestant versions of the Scriptures, left the others in the order in which we
now have them.
§ 3. When the books of the Old Testament were fonned into a Canon, it
was natural to give a general name to the collection. The earliest instance
of such a title occurs in Daniel, who refers to "the books"'" in a manner
which seems to mark the prophetic writings as already collected into one
whole. The same word was applied by the Jews in Alexandria to the col-
lected books of the Old Testament— ai /3^;5/.o^ more frequently ra SiS/.la-^
whence the word Bible, or 2Vie Booh, has been given to the collected books
of the Old and New Testaments. The writers of the New Testament call the
books of the Old Testament either The Sa-ipture,'' or The Scriptures,^- or
The Holij Scriptures. '^ The use of the phrase ;/ na/ma dLadrjur], in 2 Cor. iii.
U, for the law as read in the synagogues, led gradually to the extension of
the word to include the other books of the Jewish Scriptures, and to the ap-
plication of tlie latter as of the former to a book or coUection of books. Of
the Latin equivalents, which were adopted by ditferent yvxxiQXS^Insti^vientuw
Testamentuvi), the latter met ^^\\h the most general acceptance, and pei-petu-
ated itself in the languages of modem Europe, whence the terms Old Testa-
ment and Neio Testament, though the Greek word properly signifies " Cove-
nant" rather than " Testament. "
§ 4. In the following account of the books of the Old Testament, instead
of adopting the Jewish order, it will be more convenient to speak of—
I. The Pentateuch.
II. The Historical Books, namely, Joshua, Judges, Euth, Samuel, Kings,
Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther.
III. The Prophets, comprising, (A.) The Four Great Prophets; (B.)
The Twelve ^Nlinor Prophets.
IV. The Poetical I5ooks, namely, the Psalms, the Writings of Solomon,
and Job.
I. THE PENTATEUCH.
§ 5. The Pentateuch is the Greek name given to the five books— commonly
10 Dan ix. 2 I 12 „i ^pa<pai, Matthew xxi. 42 ; Luke xsiv.
11 h tpa^ii, Acts viiU 32; Gal. iii. 22 ; 2 27. ,
rim. iiL 16 I '^ Ti 'ep^ 7P«MMaTa, 2 Tim. la. \o.
654 Boohs of the Old Testament Appendix I.
called the Five Books of Moses." In the time of Ezra and Nehemiah it was
called " the Law of Moses, "^^ or " the Book of the Law of Moses, "^^ or
simply " the Book of Moses. "^^ This was beyond all reasonable doubt our
existing Pentateuch. The book which was discovered in the Temple in the
]-eign of Josiah, and which is entitled^** "the Book of the Law of Jehovah
by the hand of Moses, " was substantially, it would seem, the same volume,
though it may afterward have undergone some revision by Ezra. The pres-
ent Jews, as we have already seen, usually call the whole by the name of
Torah, i. e., "the Law," or Torath Moshe/i, " the Law of Moses."
The division of the whole work into five parts was probably made by the
Greek translators, for the titles of tlie several books are not of Hebrew but of
Greek origin. The Hebrew names are merely taken from the first words
of each book, and in the first instance only designated particular sections, and
not whole books. The MSS. of the Pentateuch form a single roll or volume,
and are divided, not into books, but into the larger and smaller sections, call-
ed Pershiyoth and Sedarim.
The Five Books of the Pentateuch form a consecutive whole. The woik,
beginning with the record of Creation and the history of tlie primitive world,
passes on to deal more especially with the eai-ly history of the Jewish family.
It gives at length the personal history of the three great fathers of the family :
it then describes how the fiimily grev/ into a nation in Egypt, tells us of its
oppression and deliverance, of its forty years' wandering in the wilderness, of
the giving of the Law, with all its enactments both civil and religious, of the
construction of the tabernacle, of the numbering of the people, of the rights
and duties of the priesthood, as well as of many important events which befell
them before their entrance into the land of Canaan, and finally concludes with
Moses's last discourses and his death. The unity of the work in its existing
form is now generally recognized. It is not a mere collection of loose frag-
ments carelessly put together at different times, but bears evident traces of
design and purpose in its composition. Even those who discover different
authors in the earlier books, and who deny tliat Deuteronomy was written by
Moses, are still of opinion that the work in its present form is a connected
whole, and was at least reduced to its present shape by a single reviser or
editor.
Till the middle of last century it was the general opinion of both Jews and
Christians that the wliole of the Pentateuch was written by Moses, with the
exception of a few manifestly later additions— such as the S-ith chapter of
Deuteronomy, which gives the account of Moses's death. The first attempt
to call in question the popular belief was made by Astruc, doctor and profes-
Ror of medicine in the Koyal College at Paris, and court physician to Louis
XIV. '^ He had observed that throughout the Book of Genesis, and as far as
tlie 6th chapter of Exodus, traces were to be found of two original documents,
each characterized by a distinct use of the names of God ; the one by tlie
name Elohim, and the other by the name Jehovah. Besides these two
>I Trei'Taxei'Xo?
PC. (iift\o<:, Pentateuchus ] i^ i,>^ra vi. 18 ; Neli. xiii. 1: 2 Chron. x.xv.
Bc. liber, the fivefold book; from Tre^xor, wliich
meaning originally "•vessel, instrnment,"
etc., came in Alexandrine Greek to mean
"■ book."
15 Kzi'a vii. 6.
1^ Nell. viii. 1.
4, XXXV. 12
18 2 Chron. xxxiv. 14. See p. 5S4.
19 His work was published at Brussels in
175.3 under the title of " Conjectures sur lea
Memoires originaux, dont il paroit que Moyso
s'est servi pour composer le Livre de Genese."
Appendix I. The Book of Genesis. 655
principal documents, he supposed Mosee to have made use of ten others in
the composition of the earlier part of his work. The path traced by Astruc
has been followed by numerous German writers ; but it would be foreign to
the purpose of this work, and would far exceed its limits, to enumerate and
explain the various hypotheses which have been formed upon the subject. It
is sufficient here to state that there is sufficient evidence for believing that the
main bulk of the Pentateuch, at any rate, was written by Moses, though he
probably availed himself of existing documents in the composition of the
earlier part of the work. Some detached portions would appear to be of
later origin ; and when we remember how entirely, during some periods of
Jewish history, the Law seems to have been forgotten, and again how neces-
sary it would be after the seventy years of exile to explain some of its archa-
isms, and to add here and there short notes to make it more intelligible to
the people, nothing can be more natural than to suppose that such later addi-
tions were made by Ezra and Nehemiah.^°
We now pass on to a brief consideration of the separate books of which
the Pentateuch is composed,
§ 6. The Book of Genesis^' (with the first chapters of Exodus) describes
the steps which led to the establishment of the Theocracy. In reading it, we
must remember that two prominent ideas give a characteristic unity to the
whole composition, viz., the people of God and the promised land. It has a
character at once special and universal. It embraces the world ; it speaks of
God as the God of the whole human race. But as the introduction to Jewish
history, it makes the universal interest subordinate to the national. Its de-
sign is to show how God revealed Himself to the first fathers of the Jewish
race, in order that he might make to himself a nation who should be His
witness in the midst of the earth. This is the inner principle of unity which
pervades the book. In its external frame-work five principal persons are the
pillars, so to speak, on which the whole superstructure rests — Adam, Noah,
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.
i. Adam. — The creation of the world, and the earliest history of mankind
(ch. i.-iii.). As yet, no divergence of the different families of man.
ii. Noah. — The history of Adam's descendants to the death of Noah
(iv.-ix.).— Here we have (1.) the line of Cain branching off while the his-
tory follows the fortunes of Seth, whose descendants are (2.) traced in genea-
logical succession, and in an unbroken line as far as Noah, and (3.) the his-
tory of Noah himself (vi.-ix.) continued to his death.
iii. Abraham. — Noah's posterity till the death of Abraham (x.-xxv. 18). —
Here we have (1.) the peopling of the whole earth by the descendants of
Noah's three sons (xi. 1-9). The history of two of these is then dropped, and
(2.) the line of Shem only pursued (xi. 10-32) as for as Terah and Abraham,
where the genealogical table breaks off. (3.) Abraham is now the prominent
figure (xii.-xxv. 18). But as Terah had two other sons, Nahor and Haran
(xi. 27), some notices respecting their families are added. Lot's migration
with Abraham into the land of Canaan is mentioned, as well as the fact that
he was the father of Moab and Ammon (xix. 37, 38), nations whose later his-
tory was intimately connected with that of the posterity of Abraham. Nahor
remained in Mesopotamia, but his family is briefly enumerated (xxii. 20-24),
'0 For a full discussion of the authorship of the Pentateuch, fee DicK of Biblr, arti
PeniaUuch, *^ Tiviaiv in the LXX., that is, Creation.
656 Books of the Old Testament. Appendix I
chiefly no doubt for Rebekah's sake, who Avas afterward the wife of Isaac.
Of Abraham's own children, there branches oft' first the line of Ishmael (xxi.
9, etc.), and next the children by Keturah; and the genealogical notices of
these two branches of his posterity are apparently brought together (xxv. 1-6.
and xxv. 12-18), in order that, being here severally dismissed at the end of
Abraham's life, the main stream of the narrative may flow in the channel of
Isaac's fortunes.
iv. Isaac. — Isaac's life (xxv. 19-xxxv. 29), a life in itself retiring and un-
eventful. But in his sons the final separation takes place, leaving the field
clear for the great story of the chosen seed. Even when Nahor's family
comes on the scene, as it does in ch. xxix., we hear only so much of it as is
necessary to throw light on Jacob's history.
V. Jacob. — The history of Jacob and Joseph (xxxvi. 1). Here, after Isaac's
death, we have (1.) the genealogy of Esau, xxxvi., who then drops out of the
narrative, in order that (2.) the history of the Patriarchs may be carried on
without intermission to the death of Joseph (xxxvii.-l.).
§ 7. The Book of Exodus'^^ may be divided into two principal parts, I.
Historical, i. 1-xviii. 27 ; and II. Legislative, xix. 1-xl. 38. The former of
these may be subdivided into (1.) the preparation for the deliverance of Israel
from their bondage in Egypt ; (2.) the accomplishment of that deliverance.
i. (1.) The first section (i. 1-xii. 3G) contains an account of the following
particulars : The great increase of Jacob's posterity in the land of Egypt, and
their oppression under a new dynasty, which occupied the throne after the
death of Joseph (ch, i.) ; the birth, education, and flight of Moses (ii.) ; his
solemn call to be the deliverer of his people (iii. 1-iv. 17), and his return to
Egypt in consequence (iv. 18-31) ; his first ineffectual attempt to prevail upon
Pharaoh to let the Israelites go, Avhich only resulted in an increase of their
burdens (v. 1-21) ; a further preparation of Moses and Aaron for their office,
together with the account of their genealogies (v. 22-vii. 7) ; the successive
signs and wonders, by means of which the deliverance of Israel from the land
of bondage is at length accomplished, and the institution of the Passover (vii.
8-xii. 36).
(2.) A narrative of events from the departure out of Egypt to the arrival
of the Israelites at Mount Sinai. We have in this section (a.) the departure
and (mentioned in connection with it) the injunctions then given respecting
the Passover and the sanctification of the first-born (xii. 37-xiii, 16); the
march to the Red Sea, the passage through it, and the destruction of Pharaoh
and his host in the midst of the sea, together with Moses's song of triumph
upon the occasion (xiii. 17-xv. 21) ; (6.) the principal events on the journey
from the Red Sea to Sinai, the bitter waters at Marah, the giving of quails
and of the manna, the observance of the Sabbath, the miraculous supply of
water from the rock at Rephidim, and the battle there with the Amalekites
(xv, 22-xvii, 16) ; the an-ival of Jethro in the Israelitish camp, and his ad-
vice as to the civil government of the people (xviii,).
ii. The solemn establishment of the Theocracy on Mount Sinai, The peo-
ple are set apart to God as "a kingdom of priests and a holy nation " (xix,
<5) ; the Ten Commandments are given, and the laws which are to regulate
the social life of the people are enacted (xxi. 1-xxiii, 19) ; an angel is prom*
22 In the LXX. "Uobo^, that i3, gcing out (of Kgypt).
Appendix I. Exodiis^ Leiiticus^ Numbers. 657
ised as their guide to tlie promised land, and the covenant between God
and Moses, Aaron, Nadab, and Abihn, and seventy elders, as the representa-
tives of the people, is most solemnly ratified (xxiii, 20-xxiv. 18); instruc-
tions are given respecting the tabernacle, the ark, the mercy-seat, the altar
of burnt-ottering, the separation of Aaron and his sons for the priest's office,
the vestments which they are to wear, the ceremonies to be obsen-ed at
their consecration, the altar of incense, the laver, the holy oil, the selection
of Bezaleel and Aholiab for the work of the tabernacle, the observance of the
Sabbath and the deliveiy of the two tables of the Law into the hands of
Moses (xxv. 1-xxxi. ] 8) ; the sin of the people in the matter of the golden
calf, their rejection in consequence, and their restoration to God's favor at
the intercession of Moses (xxxii. 1-xxxiv. 35) ; lastl}^ the construction of
the tabernacle, and all pertaining to its service in accordance with the in-
junctions previously given (xxxv. 1-xl. 38).
This book, in short, gives a sketch of the early history of Israel as a na-
tion, and the history has three clearly marked stages. First, we see a nation
enslaved ; next, a nation redeemed ; lastly, a nation set apart, and, through
the blending of its religious and political life, consecrated to the service of
God.
§ 8. The Book of Leviticus^^ consists of the lollowing principal sections :
i. The laws touching sacrifices (chap, i.-vii.),
ii. A historical section, containing, first, the consecration of Aaron and his
sons (chap, viii.); next, his first offering for himself and his people (chap,
ix.); and lastly, the destruction of Nadab and Abihu, the sons of Aaron,
for their presumptuous off^ense (chap. x.).
iii. The laws concerning purity and impurity, and the appropriate sacri-
fices and ordinances for putting away impurity (chap, xi.-xvi,),
iv. Laws chiefly intended to mark the separation between Israel and the
heathen nations (chap, xvii.-xx.).
V. Laws concerning the priests (xxi., xxii.), and certain holy days and
festivals (xxiii., xxv.), together with an episode (xxiv.). The section ex-
tends from chap. xxi. 1 to xxvi. 2.
vi. .Promises and threats (xxvi. 2-46).
vii. An appendix containing the laws concerning vows (xxvii.).
The principles and details of this book are explained and illustrated in an-
other part of the present work.^*
§ 9. The Book of Numbers'^^ takes its name from the double numbering
or census of the people, the first of which is given in chaps, i.-iv., and the
second in chap. xxvi.
It contains generally the history of the Israelites from the time of their
leaving Sinai, in the second year after the Exodus, till their arrival at the
borders of the promised land, in the fortieth year of their journeyings. It
consists of the following principal divisions : —
i. The preparations for the departure from Sinai (i. 1-x. 10).
ii. The joumey from Sinai to the borders of Canaan (x. 1 1-xiv, 45).
iii. A brief notice of laws given and events which happened during the
thirty-seven years' wandering in the wilderness (xv. 1-xix. 22).
23 Aei^rTiKOf in the LXX., because it relates principally to the Levites and priests.
24 See appendix to book iii. p. 21S sq.
26 'ApiOnoi in the LXX., Szi-iiieri in the Vulgate, whence our ^'Number*"
E E 2
t)Ob Books of the Old Testament. Appendix 1.
iv. The history of the last year, from the second arrival of the Israelites in
Kadesh till they reach " the plains of Moab by Jordan near Jericho" (xx.
1-xxxvi. 13).
§ 10. The Book of Deuterokomy'^® consists chiefly of three discourses
delivered by Moses shortly before his death. They were spoken to all Israel
in the plains of Moab, on the eastern side of the Jordan (i. 1 ), in the eleventh
month of the last year of their wanderings, the fortieth year after their exo-
dus from Egypt (i. 3). Subjoined to tliese discourses are the Song of Moses,
ih.e Blessing of Moses, and the story of his death.
An account of the contents of this book is given elsewhere.'^'
II. THE HISTOKICAL BOOKS.
§ 11. The Book of Joshua has been regarded by many critics as a part
of tlie Pentateuch, forming with the latter one complete work ; but there do
not appear to be sufficient grounds for this opinion. The fact that the first
sentence of Joshua begins with a conjunction does not show any closer con-
nection between it and the Pentateuch than exists between Judges and it.
The references in i. 8, viii. 31, xxiii. 6, xxiv. 2G, to the "book of the law"
rather show that that book was distinct from Joshua. Other references to
events recorded in the Pentateuch tend in the same direction. No quotation
(in the strict modern sense of the Avord) from the Pentateuch can be found
in Joshua.
The book may be regarded as consisting of three parts : (1.) The conquest
of Canaan ; (2.) The partition of Canaan ; (3.) Joshua's farewell.
i. The preparations for the war and the passage of the Jordan, ch. i.-v. ; the
capture of Jericho, vi.; the conquest of the south, vii.-x.; the conquest of
the north, xi. ; recapitulation, xii.
ii. Territory assigned to Reuben, Gad, and half Manasseh, xiii.; the lot of
Caleb and of the tribe of Judah, xiv., xv.; Ephraim and half Manasseh, xvi.,
xvii.; Benjamin, xviii. ; Simeon, Zebulun, Issachar, Asher, Naphtali, and
Dan, xix.; the appointment of six cities of refuge, xx.; the assignment of
forty-eight cities to Levi, xxi.; the departure of the transjordanic tribes to
their homes, xxii. This part of the book has been aptly compared to the
Domesday-book of the Norman conquerors of England. The documents of
which it consists were doubtless the abstract of such reports as were supplied
by the men Avhom Joshua sent out^** to describe the land. In the course of
time it is probable that changes were introduced into their reports by tran-
scribers adapting them to the actual state of the country in later times, when
political divisions were modified, new towns sprang up, and old ones disap-
peared.*^
iii. Joshua's convocation of the people and first address, xxiii. ; his second
addi'ess at Shechem, and his death, xxiv.
Nothing is really known as to the authorship of the book. Joshua himself
IS generally named as the author by the Jewish writers and the Christian fa-
thers ; but no contemporary assertion or sufficient historical proof of the fact
exists, and it can not be maintained without qualification. The last verses
(xxiv. 29-33) Avere obviously added at a later time. Some CA-ents, such as
2^ AeuTepovoAKOf in the LXX., as bsicg a [ -^ Josli. xviii. 8.
repetition of the Law. I "^ Comp. tlie two lists of Levitical towns,
27 See p. 210 sq. I Josli. xxi. and 1 Chr. A'i, 54, etc.
Appendix L Joslma, Judf/es, Ruth. 659
the capture of Hebron, of Debir (Josh. xv. 13-19, and Judg. i. 10-15), of
Leshem (Josh. xix. 47, and Judg. xviii. 7),- and the joint occupation of Je-
rusalem (Josh. XV. G3, and Judg. i. 21), probably did not occur till after
Joshua's death.
§ 12. While the Book of Joshua seems to be an independent work, the
books of Judges, Kuth, Sanmel, and Kings present the appearance of one
work, giving a continuous history of Israel from the times of Joshua to the
death of Jehoiachin. It must suffice here to mention, in support of this as-
sertion, the frequent allusion in the Book of Judges to the times of the kings
of Israel (xvii. 6, xviii. 1, xix. 1, xxi, 25); the concurrent evidence of ch. ii.
that the writer lived in an age when he could take a retrospect of the whole
time during which the judges ruled (ver. 16-19), i. e., that he lived after the
monarchy had been established ; the occurence in the Book of Judges, for
the first time, of the phrase "the Spirit of Jehovah" (iii. 10), which is re-
peated often in the book (vi. 3-1, xi. 29, xiii. 25, xiv. 6, etc.), and is of fre-
quent use in Samuel and Kings, (e. ,7., 1 Sam. x. G, x^-i. 13, U, xix. 9; 2
Sam. xxiii. 2; IK. xxii. 24 ; 2 K. ii. 10, etc.); the allusion in i. 21 to the
capture of Jebus, and the continuance of a Jebusite population (see 2 Sam,
xxiv. 10); the reference in xx. 27 to the removal of the ark of the covenant
from Shiloh to Jerusalem, and the expression " in those days," pointing, as
in xvii. 6, etc., to remote times; the distinct reference in xviii. 30 to the
captivity of Israel by Shalmaneser, with the fact that the books of Judges,
Ruth, Sanmel, Kings, form one unbroken narrative, similar in general charac-
ter, which has no beginning except at Judg. i., while, it may be added, the
Book of Judges is not a continuation of Joshua, but opens with a repetition
of the same events with which Joshua closes. In like manner the Book of
Ruth clearly forms part of those of Samuel, supplying, as it does, the essen-
tial point of David's genealogy and early family history, and is no less clearly
connected with the Book of Judges by its opening verse, and the epoch to
which the whole book relates. And generally the style of the narrative, or-
dinarily quiet and simple, but rising to great vigor and spirit when stirring
deeds are described (as in Judg. iv., vii., xi., etc.; 1 Sam. iv., xvii., xxxi.,
etc.; 1 K. viii., xviii., xix., etc.), and the introduction of poetry or poetic
style in the midst of the narrative (as in Judg. v., 1 Sam. ii., 2 Sam. i. 17,
etc.; 1 K. xxii. 17, etc.), constitute such strong features of resemblance, as
lead to the conclusion that these several books form but one work. If this
conclusion is accepted, the final arrangement of the whole must have been
after the thirty-seventh year of Jehoiachin's captivity, or B.C. 562,^° and may
be ascribed to the prophet Jeremiah, who was probably the compiler of the
Books of Kings. ^' This, however, does not exclude the supposition that
Judges, Samuel, and Kings may have been composed separately, and subse-
quently formed into one whole by Jeremiah.
§ 13. The Book or Judges, of which the Book of Ruth foi-med origi-
nally a part, contains the history from Joshua to Samson, and may be di-
vided into two parts.
i. Ch. i.-xvi.— The subdivisions are— (a.) i-ii. 5, which may be considered
as a first introduction, giving a summar}^ of the results of the war carried on
against the Canaanites by the several tribes on the west of Jordan aftet
83 2 K. XXV. 27. ^' See p. 6G1, GG2.
660 Boohs of the Old Testament Appendix I.
Joshua's death, {b.) ii. 6-iii. G. — This is a second introduction, standing in
nearer relation to the following history. It informs us that the people fell
into idolatry after the death of Joshua and his generation, and that they
were punished for it by being unable to drive out the remnant of the inhabit-
ants of the land, and by falling under the hand of oppressors, (c. ) iii. 7-xvi. —
The words, " and the children of Israel did evil in the sight of the Lord,"
which had been already used in ii. 11, are employed to introduce the history
of the thirteen judges comprised in this book. An account of six of these
thirteen is given at greater or less length. The account of the remaining
seven is very short, and is merely attached to the longer narratives. These
narratives are as follows: — (I.) The deliverance of Israel by Othniel, iii.
7-11. (2.) The history of Ehud, and (in 31) that of Shamgar, iii. 12-31.
(3.) The deliverance by Deborah and Barak, iv,-v. (4.) The whole passage
in vi.-x. 5. The history of Gideon and his son Abimelech is contained in
vi.-ix., and is followed by the notice of Tola, x. 1, 2, and Jair, x. 3-5. (5.)
The histoiy of Jephthah, x. 6-xii. 7 ; to which is added the history of Ibzan,
xii. 8-10; Elon, 11, 12 ; and Abdon, 13-15. (6.) The mention of Samson,
xiii.-xvi.
ii. Ch. xvii.-xxi. — This part has no formal connection with the preced-
ing, and is often called an appendix. No mention of the judges occurs in it.
It contains allusions to "the house of God," the ark, and the high-priest.
The period to which the narrative relates is simply marked by the expres-
sion, " when there was no king in Israel" (xix. 1 ; cf xviii. 1). It records
(a.) the conquest of Laish by a portion of the tribe of Dan, and the estab-
lishment there of the idolatrous w^orship of Jehovah already instituted by
Micah in Mount Ephraim. (6.) The almost total extinction of the tribe of
Benjamin by the whole people of Israel, in consequence of their supporting
the cause of the wicked men of Gibeah.
From the above account it will be obseiTed that the history ceases with
Samson, excluding Eli and Samuel ; and then at this point two historical
pieces are added, xvii.-xxi., and the Book of Ruth, independent of the gen-
eral plan and of each other. This is sufficiently explained by the supposi-
tion mentioned above that the books from Judges to 2 Kings form one work.
In this case the histories of Eli and Samuel, so closely united between them-
selves, are only deferred on account of their close connection with the rise of
the monarchy. And Judg. xvii.-xxi. is inserted both as an illustration of
the sin of Israel during the time of the judges, in which respect it agrees with
i.-xvi., and as presenting a contrast with the better order prevailing in the
time of the kings.
§ 14. The Books of Samuel are not separated from each other in the
Hebrew MSS., and from a critical point of view must be regarded as one
book. The present division was first made in the Septuagint translation,
and was adopted in the Vulgate from the Septuagint. ^^ The book was called
by the Hebrews " Samuel," probably because the birth and life of Samuel
were the subjects treated of in the beginning of the Avork.
The Books of Samuel commence with the history of Eli and Samuel and
contain an account of the establishment of the Hebrew monan'hy and of the
reigns of Saul and David, with the exception of the last days of the latter
32 It was not till the year 151S thnt the di-l Hebrew, in the edition of the Bible printad
vision of the Septuagint was adopted in the! by the bomberg^ at Venice.
Appendix I. The Booha of Samuel and Kings. 661
monarch, which are related in the beginning of the Books of Kings, of which
those of Samuel form the previous portion, as ah-eady explained. As the
history of this period has been fully narrated in the present work, it is un-
necessary to give any analysis of the contents of the books. With respect to
the authorship, the common opinion is, tliAt the first twenty-four chapters
were written by the prophet himself, and the rest by the prophets Nathan and
Gad. But this rests upon a mistranslation of an ambiguous passage in the
First Book of Chronicles (xxix. 29), which ought to be rendered: — "Now
the history of David first and last, behold it is written in the histoiy of Sam-
uel the seer, and in the history of Nathan the prophet, and in the history of
Gad the seer " — which does not imply that the books were written by these
persons. But although the authorship can not be ascertained with certainty,
it appears clear that, in its present form, it must have been composed subse-
quent to the secession of the Ten Tribes. This results from the passage in
1 Sam. xxvii. 6, wherein it is said of David, "Then Achish gave him Ziklag
that day : wherefore Ziklag pertaineth unto the kings of Judah to this day :"
for neither Saul, David, nor Solomon is in a single instance called king of
Judah simply. Before the secession, the designation of the kings was that
they were kings of Israel (I Sam. xiii.l, XV. 1, xvi. 1 ; 2Sam. v. 17, viii. 15; I
K, ii. 1 1, iv. 1 , vi. 1, xi. 42). On the other hand it would hardly \\q.vq been writ-
ten later than the reformation of Josiah, since it seems to have been compos-
ed at a time when the Pentateuch was not acted on as the rule of religious ob-
servances. According to the Mosaic law, sacrifices to Jehovah were not lawful
anywhere but before the door of the tabernacle of the congregation, whether
this was a permanent temple, as at Jerusalem, or otherwise (Deut. xii. 13,
14; Lev. xvii. 3, 4 ; but see Ex. xx. 24). But in the Book of Samuel, the
offering of sacrifices or the erection of altars, which implies sacrifices, is
mentioned at several places, such as Mizpeh, Ramah, Bethel, the threshing-
place of Araunah the Jebusite, and elsewhere, not only without any disap-
probation, apology, or explanation, but in a way which produces the impres-
sion that such sacrifices were pleasing to Jehovah (I Sam. vii. 9, 10, 17, ix.
13, x, 3, xiv. 35 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 18-25). Now we know that after the refor-
mation of Josiah the worship upon high-places was abolished by the king's
orders (2 K. xxii. 8, xxiii. 8, 13, 15, 19, 21).^^ All, therefore, that can be
asserted with any certainty is, that the book, as a whole, can scarcely have
been composed later than the reformation of Josiah, and that it could not
have existed in its present form earlier than the reign of Rehoboam.
§ 15. The Books of Kings, like the Books of Samuel, form only one book
in the Hebrew MSS. They contain the history from David's death and Solo-
mon's accession to the destruction of the kingdom of Judah and the desola-
tion of Jerusalem, with a supplemental notice of an event that occurred after
an intei-A'al of twenty-six years, viz., the liberation of Jehoiachin from his
prison at Babylon, and a still further extension to Jehoiachin 's death, the
time of which is not known, but which was probably not long after his
liberation. The history therefore comprehends the whole time of the Israel-
itish monarchy, exclusive of the reigns of Saul and David.
As regards the authorship of the books, but little difficulty presents itself.
The Jewish tradition which ascribes them to Jeremiah, is borne out by the
33 See aUo d. 583.
662 Books of the Old Testament Appendix 1.
strongest internal evidence, in addition to that of the language. The last
chapter, especially as compared with the last chapter of the Chronicles, bears
distinct traces of having been written by one who did not go into captivity,
but remained in Judeea after the destruction of the Temple. This suits Jere-
miah. The events singled out for mention in the concise narrative are pre-
cisely those of which he had personal knowledge, and in which he took special
interest. The writer in Kings has nothing more to tell us concerning the
Jews or Chaldees in the land of Judah, which exactly agrees with the hy-
pothesis that he is Jeremiah, who we know was carried down to Egypt witK
the fugitives. In fact, the date of the Avriting and the position of the writer
seem as clearly marked by the termination of the narrative at v. 26, as in the
case of the Acts of the Apostles. But though the general unity and conti-
nuity of plan lead us to assign the Avliole history in a certain sense to one au-
thor, yet it must be borne in mind that the authorship of those parts of the
history of Avhich Jeremiah was not an eye-witness, that is, of all before the
reign of Josiah, would have consisted merely in selecting, arranging, inserting
the connecting phrases, and, when necessaiy, slightly modernizing the old
histories which had been drawn up by contemporary prophets through the
whole period of time. See, f. ^., 1 K. xiii. 32. For, as regards the sources
of information, it may truly be said that we have the narrative of contempo-
rary writers throughout. There was a regular series of state-annals both for
the kingdom of Judah and for that of Israel, which embraced the whole time
comprehended in the Books of Kings, or at least to the end of the reign of
Jehoiakim (2 K. xxiv. 5). These annals are constantly cited by name as
" the Book of the Acts of Solomon," 1 K. xi. 41 ; and, after Solomon, " the
Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah, or Israel," e. g., 1 K. xiv. 29,
XV. 7, xvi. 5, 14, 20 ; 2 K. x. 34, xxiv, 5, etc., and it is manifest that the au-
thor of Kings had them both before him while he drew up his history, in which
the reigns of the two kingdoms are liarmonized, and these annals constantly
appealed to. But in addition to these national annals, there were also extant,
at the time that the Books of Kings were compiled, separate works of the
several prophets who had lived in Judah and Israel. Thus the acts of Uz-
ziah, written by Isaiah, were very likely identical with the history of his reign
in the national chronicles ; and part of the history of Hezekiah we know is
identical in the chronicles and in the prophet. The chapter in Jeremiah re-
lating to the destruction of the Temple (lii.) is identical with that in 2 K.
xxiv., XXV.
§ IG. The Books of Chronicles are so called as being the record made
by the appointed historiographers in the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. ^
The constant tradition of the Jews, in which they have been followed by the
great mass of Christian commentators, is that these books were for the most
]:art compiled by Ezra. In fact, the internal evidence as to the time when the
Book of Chronicles was compiled seems to tally remarkably with the tradi-
tion concerning its authorship. As regards the plan of the book, of which the
Book of Ezra is a continuation, forming one work, it becomes apparent im-
mediately we consider it as the compilation of Ezra, or some one nearly con-
3* In the LXX. these books are called x\a- 1 Books of King?. Tlie Vulgate retains both
paXejiro^evctJv npwTov and tievrepov, which is the Hebrew and Greek name in Latin cliar-
understood, after Jerome's explanation, as acters, Dibre jammira, or hajamim, and Pa*
meaning that they are supplementary to the | ralipomenon.
Appendix I. The Book of Chronicles. 663
temporary with him. One of the greatest difficulties connected with the cap*
tivity and the return must have been the maintenance of that genealogical
distribution of the lands which yet was a vital point of the Jewish economy.
Another difficulty, intimately connected with the former, was the maintenance
of the Temple-services at Jerusalem. This could only be effected by the resi-
dence of the priests and Levites in Jerusalem in the order of their courses ; and
this residence was only practicable in case of the payment of the appointed
tithes, first-fruits, and other offerings. But then again the registers of the
Levitical genealogies were necessary, in order that it might be known who
were entitled to such and such allowances, as porters, as singers, as priests,
and so on, because all these offices went by families : and again the payment
of the tithes, first-fruits, etc., was dependent upon the different families of
Israel being established each in his inheritance. Obviously, therefore, one
of the most pressing wants of the Jewish community after their return from
Babylon would be trusty genealogical records. But further, not only had
Zerubbabel, and after him Ezra and Nehemiah, labored most earnestly to re-
store the Temple and the public worship of God there to the condition it had
been in under the kings of Judah, but it appears clearly from their policy,
and from the language of the contemporary prophets, Haggai and Zechariah,
that they had it much at heart to re-infuse something of national life and
spirit into the heart of the people, and to make them feel that they were still
the inheritors of God's covenanted mercies, and that the captivity had only
temporarily interrupted, not dried up, the stream of God's fiivor to their na-
tion. Now nothing could more effectually aid these pious and patriotic de-
signs than setting before the people a compendious history of the kingdom of
David, which should embrace a full account of its prosperity, should trace
the sins which led to its overthrow, but should carry the thread through the
period of the captivity, and continue it, as it Avere, unbroken on the other
side ; and those passages in their former history would be especially impor-
tant which exhibited their greatest and best kings as engaged in building or
restoring the Temple, in reforming all corruptions in religion, and zealously
regulating the services of the house of God. As regards the kingdom of
Israel or Samaria, seeing it had utterly and hopelessly passed away, and that
the existing inhabitants were among the bitterest "adversaries of Judah and
Benjamin," it would naturally engage very little of the compiler's attention.
These considerations explain exactly the plan and scope of that historical
work, which consists of the two Books of Chronicles and the Book of Ezra.
For after having in the first eight chapters given the genealogical divisions
and settlements of the various tribes, the compiler marks distinctly his own
age and his own purpose by informing us, in ch. ix, 1 , of the disturbance of
those settlements by the Babylonish captivity, and, in the following verses,
of the partial restoration of them at the return from Babylon (2-34) ; and
that this list refers to the families who had returned from Babylon is clear,
not only from the context, but from its re-insertion (Neh. xi. 3-22),'^ with ad-
ditional matter evidently extracted from the public archives, and relating to
times subsequent to the return from Babylon, extending to Neh. xii. 27, where
Nehemiah's narrative is again resumed in continuance with Neh. xi. 2. Hav-
ing thus shown the re-establishment of the returned families, each in their owr
S5 Compare alao I Chroa. ix. 19, with Ezra i!. 42 ; Neh. vii. 45.
664: Books oj the Old Testament. Appendix I.
inheritance according to the houses of their fathers, the compiVer proceeds to
the other part of his plan, which is to give a continuous history of the kingdom
of Judah from David to his own times, introduced by the closing scene oi'
Saul's life (eh. x.), which introduction is itself prefaced by a genealogy of the
house of Saul (ix, 35-44).
As regards the materials used by Ezra, they are not difficult to discover.
The genealogies are obviously transcribed from some register, in which were
preserved the genealogies of the tribes and families drawn up at different
times ; while the history is mainly drawn from the same documents as those
used in the Books of Kings. As regards the language of these books, as of
Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, and the later prophets, it has a marked Chaldee
coloring, and Gesenius says of them, that "as literary works, they are de-
cidedly inferior to those of older date."
§ 17. Relation of the Books of Kings to those of Chronicles. — It is manifest,
and is universally admitted, that the former is by far the older work. The
language, which is quite free from the Persicisms of the Chronicles and their
late orthography, and is not at all more Aramaic than the language of Jere-
miah, clearly points out its relative superiority in regard to age. Its subject
also, embracing the kingdom of Israel as well as Judah, is another indication
of its composition before the kingdom of Israel was forgotten, and before the
Jewish enmity to Samaria (which is apparent in such passages as 2 Chr. xx.
37, xxv., and in those chapters of Ezra [i.-vi.] which belong to Chronicles)
was brought to maturity. While the Books of Chronicles therefore were
written especially for the Jews after their return from Babylon, the Book of
Kings was written for the whole of Israel before their common national ex-
istence was hopelessly quenched.
Another comparison of considerable interest between the two histories may
be drawn in respect to the main design, that design having a marked relation
both to the individual station of the supposed w riters, and the peculiar circum-
stances of their country at the times of their writing.
Jeremiah was himself a prophet. He lived while the prophetic office was
in full vigor, in his own person, in Ezekiel and Daniel, and many others both
true and false. In his eyes, as in truth, the main cause of the fearful calami-
ties of his countrymen was their rejection and contempt of the Word of God
in his mouth and that of the other prophets ; and the one hope of deliverance
lay in their hearkening to the prophets who still continued to speak to them
in the name of the Lord. Accordingly we find in the Books of Kings great
l)rominence given to the prophetic office.
Ezra, on the contrary, was only a priest. In his days the prophetic office
had wholly fjillen into abeyance. That evidence of the Jews being the peo-
ple of God, which consisted in the presence of prophets among them, w^as no
more. But to the men of his generation, the distinctive mark of the continu-
ance of God's favor to their race was the rebuilding of the Tem])le at Jerusa-
lem, the restoration of the daily sacrifice and the Levitical worship, and the
wonderful and providential renewal of the Mosaic institutions. The chief
instrument, too, for preserving the Jewish remnant from absorption into the
mass of heathenism, and for maintaining their national life till the coming
of Messiah, was the maintenance of the Temple, its ministers, and its serv-
ices. Hence we see at once that the chief care of a good and enlightened
Jew of the age of Ezra, and all the more if he were himself a priest, would
Appendix I, Relation of Kings to Chronicles — Ezra. 665
naturally be to enhance the value of the Levitical ritual, and the dignity of
the Levitical caste. And in compiling a history of the past glories of his
race, he would as naturally select such passages as especially bore upon tho
sanctity of the priestly office, and show the deep concern taken by their an-
cestors in all that related to the honor of God's house, and the support of His
ministering servants. Hence the Levitical character of the Books of Chron-
icles, and the presence of several detailed narratives not found in the Books
of Kings, and the more frequent reference to the Mosaic institutions, may
most naturally and simply be accounted for, without resorting to the absurd
hypothesis that the ceremonial law Avas an invention subsequent to the Cap-
tivity. ^ Moreover, upon the principle that the sacred writers were influenced
by natural feelings in their selection of their materials, it seems most api^ro-
priate that while the prophetical writer in Kings deals very fully with the king-
dom of Isi-ael, in which the prophets were much more illustrious than in Ju-
dah, the Levitical writer, on the contrary, should concentrate all his thoughts
round Jerusalem, where alone the Levitical caste had all its power and func-
tions, and should dwell upon all the instances preserved in existing muni-
ments of the deeds and even the minutest ministrations of the priests and
Lsvites, as well as of their faithfulness and sufferings in the cause of truth.
From the comparison of parallel narratives in the two books, it appears
that the results are precisely Avhat would natui-ally arise from the circumstan-
ces of the case. The writer of Chronicles, having the Books of Kings before
him, and to a great extent making those books the basis of his own, but also
having his own personal views, predilections, and motives in writing, com-
posing for a different age, and for people under veiy different circumstances,
and, moreover, having before him the original authorities from which tlie
Books of Kings were compiled, as well as some others, naturally rearranged
the older narrative as suited his purpose and his tastes, gave in full passages
which the other had abridged, inserted what had been wholly omitted, omit-
ted some things which the other had inserted, including nearly every thing
relating to the kingdom of Israel, and showed the color of his own mind, not
only in the nature of the passages which he selected from the ancient docu-
ments, but -in the reflections which he frequently adds upon the events which
lie relates, and possibly also in the turn given to some of the speeches which
he records.
§ 18, The Book of Ezra, is, as already remarked, manifestly a continua-
tion of the Books of Chronicles. Like these books, it consists of the contem-
porary historical journals kept from time to time, which were aftenvard strung
together, and either abridged or added to, as the case required, by a later
hand. That later hand in the Book of Ezra was doubtless Ezra's own, as
appears by the four last chapters, as well as by other matter inserted in the
previous chapters. The chief portion of the last chapter of 2 Chron. and
Ezra i. was probably written by Daniel.^" As regards Ezra ii., and as far as
3* 2 Chron. xxix., xxx., xxxi., compared
with 2 K. xviii., is perhaps as good a speci-
imen as can be selected of the distinctive
spii-it of the Chronicles. See also 2 Cliron.
xxiv. 16-21 : conip. with 2 K. xv. 5 ; 2
Chron. xi. 13-17, xiii. 9-20, xv. 1-15, xxiii.
2-8; comp. with 2 K. xi. .5-0, and vers. IS,
19 ; comp. with ver. IS, and many other pas-
^'' The evidences of this as to Ezra i. may
be briefly stated. Daniel parses over in ut-
ter silence the first year of Cyrus, to which
pointed allusion is made in Dan. i. 21, and
proceeds in chap. x. to the third year of Cy-
rus. But Ezra i., if placed between Dan. ix.
and X., exactly fills up the gap, and records
tlie event of the first year of Cyrus, in which
Daniel was so deeply interested. And not
Q6Q Books of the Old Testament. Appendix l
iii. 1, it is found (with the exception of clei'ical errors) in the seventh chapter
of Nehemiah, where it belongs, beyond a shadow of doubt. The next portion
extends from iii. 2 to the end of ch. vi. With the exception of one large ex-
planatory addition by Ezra, extending from iv. 6 to 23, this portion is the
work of a writer contemporaiy with Zerubbabel and Jeshua, and an eye-wit-
ness of the rebuilding of the Temple in the beginning of the reign of Darius
Hystaspis. That it was the prophet Haggai, becomes tolerably sure when we
observe further the remarkable coincidence in style. Ezra iv, 6-23 is a par-
enthetic addition by a much later hand, and, as the passage most clearly
shows, made in the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus. The compiler who in-
serted ch. ii., a document drawn up in the reign of Artaxerxes to illustrate
the return of the captives under Zerubbabel, here inserts a notice of two his-
torical facts — of which one occurred in the reign of Xerxes, and the other in
the reign of Artaxerxes — to illustrate the oi)position otlored by the heathen to
the rebuilding of the Temple in the reign of Cyrus and€ambyses. The last
four chapters, beginning with ch. vii., are Ezra's own, and continue the his-
tory after a gap of fifty-eight years — from the sixth of Darius to the seventh
of Artaxerxes.
The book is written partly in Hebrew and partly in Chaldee. The Chal-
dee begins at iv. 8, and continues to the end of vi. 18. The letter or decree
of Artaxerxes vii. 12-20 is also given in the original Chaldee.
§ 19. The Book op Nehemiah, like the preceding one cf Ezra, is clearly
and certainly not all by the same hand. By for the principal portion, in-
deed, is the work of Nehemiah ; but other portions are eitlier extracts from
various chronicles and registers, or supplementary narratives and reflections,
some ajiparently by Ezra, others, perhaps, the work of the same person who
inserted the latest genealogical extracts from the public chroni<:les. The
main history contained in the book covers about 12 years, viz., from the 20th
to the 32d year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, i. e., fromB.c. 4-15 to 433. The
whole narrative gives us a grapliic and interesting account of the etate of
Jerusalem and the returned captives in the writer's times, and, incidentally,
of the nature of the Persian government and the condition of its remote prov-
inces. The documents appended to it also give some further information as
to the times of Zerubbabel on the one hand, and as to the continuation of the
genealogical registers and the succession of the high-priesthood to the close
of the Persian Empire on the other. The view given of the rise of two fac-
tions among the Jews— the one the strict religious party, the other the gen-
tilizing party, sets before us the germ of much that we meet with in a more
developed state in later Jewish history. Again, in this history as well as in
the Book of Ezra, we see the bitter enmity between the Jews and Samaritans
acquiring strength and definitive form on both religious and political grounds.
The book also throws much light upon the domestic institutions of the Jews.
§ 20. The Book of Esther is one of the latest of the canonical books
of tlie Old Testament, having been probably written late in the reign of
Xerxes, with whom Ahasuerus may be identified.^" The author is not known,
only so, but the manner of the record is ox- the givinp; the Chaldee name of Zerubbabel,
nctly D.initi's. The giving the text of the vers. S, 11 (cf. D.in. i. 7), and the wh«\e locua
decree, vers. 2-4 (cf. Dan. iv.), the mention of standi of the narrator, who evidently wrote
the name of '•'■ Mithredath tlie treasurer," at Babylon, not at Jerusalem, are all circum-
rer. 8 (cf. Dan. i. 3, 11), the allusion to the stances which in a marked manner point to
sacred vessels placed by Nebuchadnezzar in Daniel as the writer of lizra L
the house of his god, ver. 7 (cf. Dan. i. 2), I 88 See rp- 03? -4.
Appendix I. The Prophets. 667
but may very probably liaA'e been Movdecai bimself. Those who ascribe it to
Ezra, or the men of the Great Synagogue, may have merely meant that Ezra
edited and added it to the canon of Scripture, which he probably did. The
Book of Esther appears in a ditierent form in the LXX., and the translations
thei'efrom, from that in which it is found in the Hebrew Bible. In speaking
of it, we shall first speak of the canonical book found in Hebrew, to which
also the above observations refer, and next of the Greek book, with its apoc-
ryphal additions. The canonical Esther, then, is placed among the hagio-
grapha by the Jews, and in that first portion of them whfch they call "the
five rolls." It is sometimes emphatically called Mefjillah ("roll"), without
other distinction, and is read through by the Jews in their synagogues at the
Feast of Purim. It has often been remarked, as a peculiarity of this book,
that the name of God does not once occur in it. The Hebrew is very like
that of Ezra and parts of the Chronicles ; generally pure, but mixed with
some words of Persian origin, and some of Chaldee affinity. In short, it is
just what one would expect to find in a work of the age to which the Book
of Esther professes to belong. As regards the LXX. version of the book, it
consists of the canonical Esther with various interpolations prefixed, inter-
spersed, and added at the close. Though, however, the intei-polations of the
Greek copy are thus manifest, they make a consistent and intelligible story.
But the Apocryphal additions, as they are inserted in some editions of the
Latin Vulgate, and in the English Bible, are incomprehensible, the history of
which is this: — When Jerome translated the Book of Esther, he first gave
the version of the Hebrew alone, as being alone authentic. He then added
at the end a version in Latin of those several passages which he found in
the LXX., and which were not in the Hebrew, stating where each passage
came in, and marking them all with an obelus. Having annexed this con-
clusion, he then gives the Prooeininm, which he says forms the beginning of the
Greek Vulgate, beginning with what is now verse 2 of chapter xi., and so
proceeds with the other passages. But in subsequent editions, all Jerome's
explanatory matter has been swept away, and the disjointed portions have
been ])rinted as chapters xi., xii., xiii., xiv., xv., xvi., as if they formed a nar-
rative in continuance of the canonical book.
III. THE PROPHETS.
§ 21. The Old Testament contains the writings of sixteen Prophets, of
which four are usually called the Great Prophets, namely, Isaiah, Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, and Daniel, and twelve the Minor Prophets, namely, Hosea, Joel,
Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai,
Zechariah, Malachi.
An account of the prophetic order and the schools of the Prophets has been
already given (pp. 425, 426) ; but to belong to the prophetic order and to
possess the prophetic gift are not convertible terms. There might be mem-
bers of the prophetic order to whom the gift of prophecy was not vouchsafed.
There might be inspired prophets who did not belong to the prophetic order.
Generally, the inspired prophet came from the College of the Prophets, and
belonged to the prophetic order, but this was not always the case. In the
instance of the Prophet Amos, the rule and the exception are both mani-
fested. When Amaziah, the idolatrous Israeli tish priest, thi'eatens the proph-
668 Boohs of the Old Testament. Appendix i.
et, and desires him to " flee away into the land of Judah, and there eat bread
and prophesy there, but not to prophesy again anymore at Bethel," Amos in
reply says, "I "vvas no prophet, neither Avas I a prophet's son ; but I was a
herdman, and a gatherer of sycamore-fruit ; and the Lord took me as I fol-
lowed the flock, and the Lord said unto me, Go prophesy unto my people Is-
rael*' (vii. 14). That is, though called to the prophetic office^ he did not be-
long to the prophetic order, and had not been trained in the prophetical col-
leges ; and this, he indicates, was an imusual occurrence.
The sixteen pro])hets whose books are in the Canon have therefore that
place of honor, because they were endowed with the prophetic (jift, as well as
ordinarily (so far as we know) belonging to the prophetic order. There were
hundreds of pi'ophets contemporary with these sixteen prophets ; and no doubt
numberless compositions in sacred poetry and numberless moral exhortations
were issued from the several schools, but only sixteen books find their place
in the Canon. Why is this ? Because these sixteen had what their brother-
collegians had not, the Divine call to the oflfice of prophet, and the Divine illu-
mination to enlighten them. It was not sufficient to have been taught and
trained in preparation for a future call. Teaching and training served as a
preparation only. When the school-master's work was done, then, if the in-
strument was worthy, God's work began, Moses had an external call at the
buiTiing bush (Ex. iii. 2). The Lord called Samuel, so that Eli perceived,
and Samuel learned, that it was the Lord who called him (I Sam. iii. 10).
Isaiah (vi. 8), Jeremiah (i. 5), Ezekiel (ii. 4), Amos (vii. 15), declare their
special mission. Kor was it sufficient for this call to have been made once
for all. Each prophetical utterance is the result of a communication of the
Divine to the human spirit, received either by " vision " (Is. vi. 1) or by " the
word of the Lord " (Jer. ii. ]). What then are the characteristics of the six-
teen prophets, thus called and commissioned, and intrusted Avith the mes-
sages of God to his people ?
1 . They were the national poets of Judsea. Music and poetry, chants and
hymns, were a main part of the studies of the class from which, generally
speaking, they wei'e derived. As is natural, we find not only the songs pre-
viously specified, but the rest of their compositions, poetical or breathing the
spirit of poetry.
2. They were annalists and historians. A great portion of Isaiah, of Jer-
emiah, of Daniel, of Jonah, of Haggai, is direct or indirect history.
3. They were preachers of patriotism, their patriotism being founded on
the religious motive. To the subject of the Theocracy the enemy of his na-
tion was the enemy of God, the traitor to the public weal was a traitor to
his God ; a denunciation of an enemy was a denunciation of a representative
of evil, an exhortation in behalf of Jerusalem was an exhortation in behalf
of God's kingdom on earth, "the city of our God, the mountain of holiness,
beautiful for situation, the jov of the whob earth, the city of the great King "
(Ps. xlviii. 1,2).
4. They Avere preachers of morals and of spiritual religion. The symbol-
ical teaching of the Law had lost much of its effect. Instead of learning
the necessity of purity by the legal washings, the majority came to rest in
the outward act as in itself sufficient. It was the Avork,then, of the prophets
to hold up before the eyes of their countrymen a high and pure morality, not
veiled in symbols and acts, but such as none could profess to misunderstand.
Appendix I.
Tlie Fov.r Great Prophets.
669
5. They were extraordinary, but yet authorized, exponents of the Law.
As an instance of this, we may take Isaiah's description of a true fast (Iviii.
3-7); Ezekiel's explanation of the sins of the fathers being visited on the
children (ch. xviii.) ; Micah's preference of "doing justly, loving mercy, and
walking humbly with God," to "thousands of rams and ten thousands of
rivers of oil " (vi. 6-8). In these as in other similar cases (cf Hos. vi. 6 ;
Amos v. 21), it was the task of the prophets to restore the balance which had
been overthrown by the Jews and their teachers dwelling on one side or on
the outer covering of a truth or of a duty, and leaving the other side or the
inner meaning out of sight.
6. They were a political power in the state. Strong in the safeguard of
their religious character, they were able to serve as a counterpoise to the roj'al
authority when wielded even by an Ahab.
7. But the prophets were something more than national poets and annal-
ists, preachers of patriotism, moral teachers, exponents of the Law, pastors,
and politicians. Their most essential characteristic is, that they were instru-
ments of revealing God's will to man, as in other ways, so, specially, by pre-
dicting future events, and, in particular, by foretelling the incarnation of the
Loi'd Jesus Christ, and the redemption effected by Him.
The sixteen Prophets may be divided into four groups : the prophets of
the Northern Kingdom — Ilosea, Amos, Jonah ; the Prophets of the South-
ern Kingdom — Joel, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Obadiah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk,
Zephaniah ; the Prophets of the Captivity — Ezekiel and Daniel ; the Proph-
ets of the Eeturn — Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi,
They may be arranged in the following chronological order : namely, Joel,
Jonah, Hosea, Amos, Isaiah, Micah, Nahum, Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Obadi-
ah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. But it will be
more convenient to take them in the order in which they stand in the Old Tes-
tament, speaking first of the Four Great Prophets, and then of the Twelve
Minor Prophets.
A. THE FOUR GREAT PROPHETS.
§ 22. Isaiah, ^^ who is the principal prophet in the first or Assyrian period
of prophecy, was the son of Amoz, and prophesied concerning Judah and
Jerusalem in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Ju^
dah (Is. i. 1). Isaiah must have been an old man at the close of Hezekiah's
reign. The ordinary chronology gives 758 B.C. for the date of Jotham's ac-
cession, and 698 for that of Hezekiah's death. This gives us a period of six-
ty years. And since his ministry commenced before Uzziah's death (how long
we know not), supposing him to have been no more than twenty years old
when he began to prophesy, he would have been eighty or ninety at Manas-
seh's accession.^"
Chs. i.-v. contain Isaiah's prophecies in the reigns of Uzziah and Jotham.
Ch. i. is very general in its contents. The seer stands (perhaps) in the Court
of the Israelites, denouncing to nobles and people, then assembling f6r di-
3^ The name, of whirh the fiillei* form is
•Jesaiah, Jeshaiah, signifies Silvatinn ofjahu
(a shortened furni of Jehovah). Reference is
plainly made by the prophet hiriiself (Is. viii.
18) to the significance of his own name as
well as of those of his two sons.
<" As to the tradition respecting the death
of Isaiah, see p. 581, note
670 Boohs of the Old Teszament Appendix I,
vine worship, the whole estimate of their character formed by Jehovah, and
his approaching chastisements. Chs. ii.-iv. are one prophesying, the leaaing
thought of which is that the present prosperity of Judah should be destroyed
for her sins, to make room for the real glory of piety and virtue ; while ch. v.
forms a distinct discourse, whose main purport is that Israel, God's vine-
yard, shall be bi'ought to desolation.
Ch. vi. describes an ecstatic vision that fell upon the prophet in the year
of Uzziah's death.
Chs. vi., Aii., delivered in the reign of Ahaz, when he was threatened by
the forces of Tekah, king of Israel, and Rezin, king of Syria.^^ Under Je
h'ovah's direction Isaiah goes forth to meet Ahaz, taking with him the child
whose name, Shearjashub (that is. Remnant shall return), was so full of mysti-
cal promise, to add greater emphasis to his message. As a sign tliat Judah
was not yet to perish, he announces the birth of the child Immanuel, who
should not yet " know to refuse the evil and choose the good," before the land
of the two hostile kings should be left desolate.
Ch. viii.-ix. 7. — As the Assyrian Empire began more and more to threat-
en the Hebrew commonwealth with utter overthrow, the prediction of the
Messiah, the Restorer of Israel, becomes more positive and clear. The
king was bent upon an alliance with Assyria. This Isaiah steadfastly op-
poses (x. 20). The court was for Assyria, and indeed formed an alliance
with Tiglath-pileser ; but a popular party was for the Syro-Ephraimitic con-
nection formed to resist Assyria. *' Fear none but Jehovah only ! fear Him,
trust Him ; He will be your safety."
Ch, ix. 8-x. 4 is a prophecy delivered at this time against the "kingdom of
Israel (ix. 8-x. 4.) As Isaiah's message was only to Judah, we may infer
that the object of this utterance Avas to check the disposition shown by many
to connect Judah with the policy of the sister kingdom.
Ch. X. 5-xii. 6 is one of the most highly-wrought passages in the whole
book, and Avas probably one single prophecy. It stands wholly disconnected
with the preceding in the circumstances which it presupposes ; and to what
period to assign it is not easy to determine.
Chs. xiii.-xxiii. contain chiefly a collection of utterances, each of which is
styled a "burden." (a.) The first (xiii. 1-xiv. 27) is against Babylon. The
ode of triumph (xiv. 3-23) in this burden is among the most poetical pas-
sages in all literature. (6.) The short and pregnant *' burden "against Phi-
listia (xiv. 29-32) in the year that Ahaz died was occasioned by the revolt of
the Philistines from Judah, and their successful inroad recorded in 2 Chr.
xxviii. 18. (c.) The "burden of Moab " (xv., xvi.) is remarkable for the
elegiac strain in which the prophet bewails the disasters of Moab, and for
the dramatic character of xvi. 1-6. ((/.) Chs. xvii., xviii. This prophecy
is headed " the burden of Damascus;" and yet after ver. 3 the attention is
withdrawn from Damascus and turned to Israel, and then to Ethiopia, (e.)
In the "burden of EgA^jt " (xix.) the prophet prophesies the utter helpless-
ness of Egypt under God's judgments, probably to counteract the tendency
which led both Judah and Israel to look toward Egypt for succor against
Assyria, {^f.) In the midst of these "burdens" stands a passage which
presents Isaiah in a, new aspect, an aspect in which he appears in this io-
41 See r- 55\
Appendix I. Isaiah. 671
stance only. The more emphatically to enforce the warning already con-
veyed in the ' ' burden of Egypt, " Isaiah was commanded to appear in the
streets and Temple of Jerusalem stripped of his sackcloth mantle, and
wearing his vest only, with his feet also bare, (y.) In ''the burden of the
desert of the sea," a poetical designation of Babylonia (xxi. 1-10), the im-
ages in which the fall of Babylon is indicated are sketched with ^schylean
grandeur. (Ji.) "The burden of Dumah" and " of Arabia" (xxi. 11-17,^
relate apparently to some Assyrian invasion. (?.) In "the burden of the
valley of vision" (xxii. 1-1 1) it is doubtless Jerusalem that is thus designat-
ed. The scene pi-esentedis that of Jerusalem during an invasion. (/:.) The
passage in xxii, 15-25 is singular in Isaiah as a prophesying against an in-
dividual. Shebna was one of the king's highest functionaries, and seems to
have been leader of a party opposed to Jehovah (ver. 25). (/.) The last
" burden " is against Tyre (xxiii.). Her utter destruction is not predicted by
Isaiah as it afterward was by Ezekiel.
Clis. xxiv.-xxvii, form one prophecy, essentially connected with the pre-
ceding ten "burdens" (xiii. -xxiii.), of which it is in effect a general sum-
mary. In XXV. , after commemorating the destruction of all oppressors, the
prophet gives us in vers, 6-9 a most glowing description of Messianic bless-
ings. In xxvi., vers. 12-18 describe the new, happy state of God's people
as God's work wholly. In xxvii. 1, "Leviathan the fleeing serpent, and Le-
viathan the twisting serpent, and the dragon in the sea," are perhaps Nine-
veh and Babylon — two phases of the same Asshur — and Egypt (comp. ver.
13) ; all, however, symbolizing adverse powers of evil.
Chs. xxiii. -XXXV. predict the Assyrian invasion. The prophet protests
against the policy of courting the help of Egypt against Assyria (xxx. 1-17,
xxxi. 1-3).
Chs. xxxvii.-xxxix. At length the season so often, though no doubt ob-
scurely foretold, arrived. The Assyrian was near, with forces apparently ir-
resistible. In the universal consternation which ensued, all the hope of the
state centred upon Isaiah ; the highest functionai-ies of the state — Shebna
too — wait upon him in the name of their soA'ereign. The short answer
which Jehovah gave through him was, that the Assyrian king should hear
intelligence which should send him back to his own land, there to perish.
How the deliverance was to be effected Isaiah was not commissioned to tell,
but the very next night (2 K. xix. 35) brought the appalling fulfillment. A
divine interposition so marvelous, so evidently miraculous, was in its mag-
nificence worthy of being the kernel of Isaiah's whole book.
The last 27 chapters are supposed by many critics to have been written in
the time of the Babylonian captivit}^, and are therefore ascribed to a "later
Isaiah." It is evident that the point of time and situation from which the
prophet here speaks is that of the captivity in Babylon (comp., e. ^., Ixiv. 10,
11), but this may be adopted on a principle which appears to characterize
"vision," viz,, that the prophet sees the future as if present. This second
part falls into three sections, each, as it happens, consisting of nine chapters ;
the two first end with the refrain, "There is no peace, saith Jehovah {or
*'my God"), to the wicked;" and the third with the same thought ampli-
fied. (1,) The first section (xl.-xlviii.) has for its main topic the comfort-
ing assurance of the deliverance from Babylon by Koresh (Cyrus), who is
even named twice (xli. 2, 3, 25, xliv. 28, xlv. 1-4, 13, xlvi. 11, xHii. 14, 15).
672 Books of the Old Testament. Appendix I.
It is characteristic of sacred prophecy in general that the "vision" of a
great deliverance leads the seer to glance at the great deliverance to come
through Jesus Christ. This principle of association prevails in the second
part, taken as a whole ; but in the first section, taken apart, it appears as yet
imperfectly. (2.) The second section (xlix.-lvii.) is distinguished from the
first by several features. The person of Cyrus as well as his name, and the
specification of Babylon, disappear altogether. Return from exile is indeed
spoken of repeatedly and at length (xlix. 9-26, li. 9-lii. 12, Iv. 12, 13, Ivii.
14), but in such general terms as admit of being applied to the spiritual and
Messianic, as Avell as to the literal restoration. (3.) In the third section
(Iviii.-lxvi.), as Cyrus nowhere appears, so neither does " Jehovah's servant "
occur so frequently to view as in the second. The only delineation of the
latter is in Ixi. 1-3, and in Ixiii. 1-6, 0. He no longer appears as suffering,
but only as saving and avenging Zion. The section is mainly occupied with
various practical exhortations founded upon the views of the future already
set forth.
§ 23. Jeremiah, who is the principal prophet in the second or Babylo-
nian period of prophecy, lived in the reigns of Josiah, Shallum, Jehoiakim,
Jeconiah, and Zedekiah. His long career began in the thirteenth year of
the reign of Josiah (b.c. 629), and continued till the eleventh year of Zede-
kiah (B.C. 586), when Jerusalem Avas taken by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. i. 2, 3),
though he continued to prophesy even after that event. He is described as
" the son of Hilkiah, of the priests that were in Anathoth,"a town not three
miles distant from Jerusalem. His personal history is closely united with
that of the times in which he lived, and has been already related. ^^ After
the destruction of Jerusalem, he continued for a time in the city ; but he
was afterward carried, against his will, into Egypt, along with his foithful
friend and amanuensis, Baruch."^ There, in the city of Tahpanhes, we have
the last clear glimpses of the prophet's life. After this all is uncertain. If
we could assume that lii. 31 Avas written by Jeremiah himself, it would show
that he reached an extreme old age, but this is so doubtful that w^e are left
to other sources. On the one hand there is the Christian tradition, resting
doubtless on some eariier belief, that the Jews at Tahpanhes, irritated by his
rebukes, at last stoned him to death. On the other side there is the Jewish
statement that on the conquest of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, he, with Ba-
ruch, made his escape to Babylon or Judaea, and died in peace.
The absence of any chronological order in the present structure of the col-
lection of Jeremiah's prophecies is obvious at the first glance. In tlie pres-
ent order, we have two great divisions : — (1.) Chs. i.-xlv. Prophecies de-
livered at various times, directed mainly to Judah, or connected with Jere-
miali's personal history. (2.) Chs. xlvi.-li. Prophecies connected with other
nations. Ch. lii., taken largely, though not entirely, from 2 K. xxv., may
be taken either as a supplement to the prophecy, or as an introduction to
the Lamentations. Looking more closely into each of these divisions, we
have the following sections : —
1. Chs. i.-xxi. — Containing probably the substance of "the book "of
xxxvi. 32, and including prophecies from the thirteenth year of Josiah .rf
the fourth of Jehoiakim : i. 3, however, indicates a later revision, and the
« Se3 pp. 53S-603. - *^ See p. 607.
Appendix I. Jeiemiah — Lamentations — Ezekiel. 673
whole of ch. i. may possibly have been added on the prophet's retrospect of
his whole work from this its first beginning ; ch. xxi. belongs to a later peri-
od, but has probably found its place here as connected, by the recurrence
of the name Pashur, with ch. xx.
2. Chs. xxii. - XXV. — Shorter prophecies, delivered at different times,
against the kings of Judah and the false prophets; xxv. 13, 14, evidently
marks the conclusion of a series of prophecies ; and that which follows,
xxv. 15-38, the germ of the fuller predictions in xlvi.-xlix., has been placed
here as a kind of completion to the prophecy of the Seventy Years and the
subsequent fall of Babylon.
3. Chs. xxvi.-xxviii. — The two great prophecies of the fall of Jerusalem,
and the history connected with them. Ch. xxvi. belongs to the earlier,
ch. xxvii. and xxviii. to the later period of the prophet's work. Jehoiakim,
in xxvii. 1, is evidently (comp. ver. 3) a mistake for Zedekiah.
4. Chs. xxix.-xxxi. — The message of comfort for the exiles in Babylon.
5. Chs. xxxii.-xliv. — The history of the last two years before the capture
of Jerusalem, and of Jeremiah's work in them and in the period that fol-
lowed. The position of ch. xh\, unconnected with any thing before or after
it, may be accounted for on the hypothesis that Baruch desired to place on
record so memorable a passage in his own life, and inserted it where the di-
rect narrative of his master's life ended. The same explanation applies in
part to ch. xxxvi.
6. Chs. xlvi. -li. — The prophecies against foreign nations, ending with the
great prediction against Babylon.
7. The supplementary narrative of ch. Hi,
The Book of Lamentations contains the utterance of Jeremiah's sorrow
upon the capture of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Temple. It con-
sists of five chapters, each of Avhich, however, is a separate poem, complete
in itself, and having a distinct subject, but brought at the same time under a
plan which includes them all. The book has supplied thousands with the
fullest utterance for their sorrows in the critical periods of national or indi-
vidual suff"ering. We may well believe that it soothed the Aveary years of
the Babylonian exile. On the ninth day of the month of Ab (July-Au-
gust), the Lamentations of Jeremiah were read, year by year, with fasting
and weeping, to commemorate the misery out of which the people had been
delivered. It enters largely into the order of the Latin Church for the serv-
ices of Passion-week.
§ 24. Ezekiel, the son of Buzi, the great prophet during the Babylonian
captivity, was, like his predecessor Jeremiah, a priest. One tradition makes
Ezekiel the servant of Jeremiah. He Avas taken captive in the captivity of
Jehoiachin, eleven years before the destruction of Jerusalem. He was a
member of a community of Jewish exiles who settled on the banks of the
Chebar, a "river" or stream of Babylonia. It was by this river "in the
land of the Chaldaeans" that God's message first reached him (i. 3). His
call took place "in tho fifth year of King Jehoiachin's captivity," B.C. 595
(i. 2), " in the thirtieth year, in the fourth month."** We learn from an in-
** This is probably the 30th year from the \ gives a Jewish chronology in ver. 2. The de-
new era of Nabopolassar, father of Nebuchad- ; ciaion of the question is the less important,
aezzar, who began to leign b.c. 625. The use because in all other plnccs Ezekiel dates from
r^i this Chaldee epoch is the more appropriate the year of Jehoiachhi's ciptivjty (xxix. IT,
JiB the prophet wrote in Babylonia, and he xxx. 20, et passim).
Fr
674 Books of the Old Testament. Avpv^ms. r.
cidental allusion (xxiv. 18) — the only reference which he makes to his per-
sonal histoiy — that he was man-ied, and had a house (viii. I) in his place
of exile, and lost his wife by a sudden and unforeseen stroke. He lived in
file highest consideration among his companions in exile, and their elders
consulted him on aU occasions (viii. 1, xi. 25, xiv. 1, xx. 1, etc.). The
last date he mentions is the 27th year of the Captivity (xxix. 17), so that
bis mission extended over twenty-two years, during part of which period
Daniel was probably living, and already famous (Ez. xiv. 14, xxviii, 3).
He is said to have been murdered in Babylon by some Jewish prince whom
he had convicted of idolatry, and to have been buried in the tomb of Shem
and Arphaxad, on the banks of the Euphrates.
The predictions of Ezekiel are marvelously varied. He has instances of
visions (viii.-xi.), symbolical actions (as iv. 8), similitudes (xii., xv.), par-
ables (as xvii.), proverbs (as xii. 22, xviii. 1 sq.), poems (as xix.), allego-
ries (as xxiii., xxiv.), open prophecies (as vi., vii., xx,, etc.). The depth of
his matter^ and the marvelous nature of his visions, make him occasionally
obscure. Hence his prophecy was placed by the Jews among the "treas-
ures, " those portions of Scripture which (like the early part of Genesis, and
the Canticles) were not allowed to be read till the age of thirty.
The book is divided into two great parts — of which the destruction of Je-
rusalem is the turning-point : chapters i.-xxiv. contain predictions delivered
before that event, and xxv.-xlviii. after it, as we see from xxvi. 2. Again,
chapters i.-xxxii. are mainly occupied with correction, denunciation, and re-
proof, while the remainder deal chiefly in consolation and promise. A par-
enthetical section in the middle of the book (xxv.-xxxii.) contains a gi'oup
of prophecies against seven foreign nations, the septenary arrangement being
apparently (as elsewhere in Scripture) intentional. The book may further
be divided into nine sections, distinguished by their superscriptions, as fol-
lows: — 1. Ezekiel's call, i.-iii. 15. 2. The ^re^^^ra/ carrying out of the com-
mission, iii. 16-vii. 3. The rejection of the people, because of their idola-
trous worship, viii.-xi. 4. The sins of the age rebuked in detail, xii. -xix.
5. The nature of the judgment, and the guilt which caused it, xx. -xxiii.
6. The meaning of the now commencing punishment, xxiv. 7. God's judg-
ment denounced on seven heathen nations (Ammon, xxv. 1-7 ; Moab, 8-11 ;
Edom, 12-14; the Philistines, 15-17; Tyre, xxvi. - xxviii. 19; Sidon,
20-24; Egypt, xxix.-xxxii.). 8. Prophecies, after the destruction of Jeru-
salem, concerning the future condition of Israel, xxxiii.-xxxix. 9. The
glorious consummation, xl.-xlviii.
Chronological order is followed throughout (the date of the prediction be-
ing constantly referred to), except in the section devoted to prophecies
against heathen nations (xxix.-xxxii.), where it is several times abandoned
(xxix. 17; cf. xxvi. 1, xxix. 1), so that in the prediction against Egypt, one
uttered in the twenty-seventh year of the Captivity is inserted between two
uttered in the tenth and eleventh years.
§ 25. Daniel. — The personal history of Daniel is related in the 26th
chapter of this work, which also contains a summary of his visions, dreams,
and prophecies.^^ It is only necessary here to allude to the assaults made
in modern times upon the prophetic worth of the book. A large number of
«»Seep.622.
Appkkdix I. The Twelve Minor Prophets. 675
modern critics reject the book as the work of an impostor who lived in the
time of Antiochus Epiphanes. Externally it is as well attested as any book
of Scripture ; but it brings the belief in miracle and prediction, in the divine
power and foreknowledge as active among men, to a startling test, and ac-
cording to the character of this belief in the individual must be his judg-
ment upon the book.
The Greek translations of Daniel, like that of Esther, contain several
pieces which are not found in the original text. The most important of
these additions are contained in the Apocrypha of the English Bible, under
the titles of The Song of the three Holy Children, The History of Susannah^
and The History of Bel and the Dragon.
The first of these pieces is incorporated into the narrative of Daniel.
After the three confessors were thrown into the furnace (Dan. iii. 23), Aza-
rias is represented as praying to God for deliverance {Song of Three Children^
3-22) ; and in answer the angel of the Lord shields them from the fire which
consumes their enemies (23-27), whereupon "the three, as out of one
mouth," raise a triumphant song (29-68), of which a chief part (35-66) has
been used as a hymn (Denedicite) in the Christian Church since the fourth
century.
The two other pieces appear more distinctly as appendices, and offer no
semblance of forming part of the original text. The History of' Snsarmah (or
The judgment of Daniel) is generally found at the beginning of the book,
though it also occurs after the 12th chapter. The History of Bel and the
Dragon is placed at the end of the book. The character of these additions
indicates the hand of an Alexandrine writer ; and it is not unlikely that the
translator of Daniel wrought up traditions which were already current, and
appended them to his work.
B. THE TWELVE MINOR PROPHETS.
§ 26. HosEA is the first of the Minor Prophets, as they appear in our
version, but more probably the third in order of time. He is described as
the son of Beeri, but we know nothing of his life. The title of the book
gives for the beginning of his ministry the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah,
but limits this A-ague definition by reference to Jeroboam IL king of Israel;
it therefore yields a date not later than B.C. 783. The pictures of social and
political life which Hosea draws so forcibly ai-e rather applicable to the in-
terregnum which followed the death of Jeroboam (b.c. 782-772), and to the
reign of the succeeding kings. It seems almost certain that very few of his
prophecies were written until after the death of Jeroboam (b.c. 783), and
probably the life, or rather the prophetic career of Hosea, extended from
B.C. 784 to 725, a period of fifty-nine years.
There seems to be a general consent among commentators that the proph-
ecies of Hosea were delivered in the kingdom of Israel.
It is easy to recognize t\vo great divisions in the book : — (1.) chap. i. to iii.;
(2.) iv. to the end. The subdivision of these several parts is a work of
greater difficulty. (1.) The first division should probably be subdivided in tc
three separate poems, each originating in a distinct aim, and each after its
own fashion attempting to express the idolatry of Israel by imagery borrowed
from the matrimonial relation. The first, and therefore the least elaborate ot
these, is contained in chap, iii.. the second in i. 2-1 1, tlie third in i. 2-9, an^
676 Books of the Old Testament. Appendix I.
ii. 1-23. These three are progressively elaborate developments of the same
reiterated idea. Chap. i. 2-9 is common to the second and third poems,
but not repeated with each severally. (2.) Attempts have been made to sub-
divide the second part of the book. These divisions are made either accord-
ing to the reigns of contemporary kings, or according to the subject-matter
of the poem. The prophecies were probably collected by Ilosea himself to-
ward the end of his career.*® Hosea is refen-ed to in the following passages
of the New Testament : — Matt. ix. 13, xii. 7, Hos. vi. G; Luke xxiii. 30, Eev.
vi. IG, Hos. X. 8 ; Matt. ii. 15, Hos. xi. 1 ; Rom. ix. 25, 26, 1 Tet. ii. 10,
Hos. i. 10, ii. 23; 1 Cor. xv. 4, Hos. vi. 2 ; Heb. xiii. 15, Hos. xiv. 2.
§ 27. Joel, of whom we only know for certain that he was the son of Pe-
thuel. It is most likely that he lived in Judah, for his commission was to
Judah, and he makes frequent mention of Judah and Jerusalem. He prob-
ably lived in the reign of Uzziah, thus being contemporary with Hosea and
Amos. We find, what wc siiould expect on the supposition of Joel being
the first prophet to Judah, only a grand outline of the whole terrible scene,
which was to be depicted more and more in detail by subsequent prophets.
The scope, therefore, is not any particular invasion, but the Avhole day of the
Lord. The proximate event to which the prophecy related was a public ca-
lamity, then impending on Judah, of a twofold character : want of water,
and a plague of locusts continuing for several years. The prophet exhorts
the people to turn to God with penitence, fasting, and prayer, and then (he
says) the plague shall cease, and the rain descend in its season, and the land
yield her accustomed fruit. Nay, the time will be a most joyful one ; for
God, by the outpouring of His Spirit, will impart to His worshipers increased
knowledge of Himself (comp. Acts ii. IG, foil.), and after the excision of the
enemies of His people, v.ill extend through them the blessings of true relig-
ion to heathen lands. This is the simple argument oi the book ; only that
it is beautified and enriched with a great vaiiety of ornament and pictorial
de.-cription.
§ 28. Amos was a native of Tekoa, in Judah, about six miles south of
Eerhleliem, originally a shepherd and dresser of sycamore-trees, who was call-
ed by God's Spirit to be a prophet, although not trained in any of the reg-
\\h\x jjrophetic schools (i. 1, vii. 14, 15). He traveled from Judah into the
northern kingdom of Israel, or " Ephraim,"and there exercised his ministr}',
apparently not for any long time. His date can not be later than the 15th
year of Uzziah's reign (b.c. 808) ; for he tells us that he prophesied " in the
reigns of Uzziah, king of Judah, and Jeroboam, the son of Joash, king of
Israel, two years before the earthquake." This earthquake (also mentioned
Zech. xiv. 5, can not have occurred after the 17th year of Uzziah, since Jero-
boam II. died in the 15th of that king's reign, Avhich therefore is the latest
year fulfilhng the three chronological indications furnished by the prophet
himself. But his ministry probably took place at an earlier period of Jero-
boam's reign, perhaps about the middle of it, for on the one hand Amos
>;peaks of the conquests of this warlike king as completed (vi. 13; cf. 2 K.
xiv. 25), and on the other the Assyrians, who toward the end of his reign
were approaching Palestine (Hos. x. 6, xi. 5), do not seem as yet to have
caused any alarm in the country. Amos predicts indeed that Israel and
«° See also pp. 5.')5, 556.
Appendix I. Amos — Obadiah — Jonah — Micah. 677
other neighboring nations \\\\\ be punished by certain wild conquerors from
the I^orth (i. 5, v. 27. vi. U), but he does not name them, as if they were still
unknown or unheeded. In this prophet's time Israel was at the height of pow-
er, wealth, and security, but infected by the crimes to which such a state is
liable. The source of these evils Avas idolatry, that of the golden calves.
Amos went to rebuke this at Bethel itself, but was compelled to return to
Judah by the high-priest Amaziah, who procured from Jeroboam an order
for his expulsion from the northern kingdom. The book of the prophecies
cf Amos seems divided into four principal portions closely connected together.
(1.) From i. 1 to ii. 3 he denounces the sins of the nations bordering on Israel
and Judah, as a preparation for (2.), in which, from ii. 4 to vi. U, he de-
scribes the state of those two kingdoms, especially the former. This is fol-
lowed by (3.) vii. 1-ix. 10, in which, after reflecting on the previous proph-
ecy, he relates his visit to Bethel, and sketches the impending punishment of
Israel v.hicli he predicted to Amaziah. After this in (4.) he rises to a loftier
and move evangelical strain, looking forward to the time when the hope of
the Messiah's kingdom will be falfilled, and His people forgiven and establish-
ed in the enjoyment of God's blessings to all eternity. The chief peculiarity
of the style consists in th3 number of allusions to natural objects and agricul-
tural occupations, as might be expected from the early life of the author. ^^
§ 29. Obadiah has been spoken of already (p. G05). It is unnecessaiy to
discuss the view which assigns to him an earlier date.
§ 30. Of Jonah, who was probably the earliest in point of time of the Minof
Prophets, and of his prophecies, we have already spoken in the body of the
work.*"
§ 31. Micah is distinguished from Micaiah, the son of Imlah, the contem-
porary of Elijah, by the epithet the Morasthite, that is, a native of Moresheth,
or some place of similar name.'*^ The period during which Micah exercised
the prophetical office is stated, in the superscription to his prophecies, to have
extended over the reigns of Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, giv-
ing thus a maximum limit of fifty-nine years, (b.c. 756-697), from the acces-
sion of Jotham to the death of Hezekiah, and a minimum limit of 1 6 years (b. c.
742-726), from the death of Jotham to the accession of Hezekiah. In either
ease he would be contemporary with Hosea and Amos during part of their
ministry in Israel, and with Isaiah in Judah. AVith respect to one of his
prophecies (iii. 1 2), it is distinctly assigned to the reign of Hezekiah (Jer.
xxvi. 18), and was probably delivered before the great passover which in-
augurated the reformation in Judah. The date of the others must be deter-
mined, if at all, by internal evidence, and the periods to which they are as-
signed are therefore necessarily conjectural.
The following arrangement may be adopted :— ch. i. was delivered in the
contemporary reigns of Jotham, king of Judah, and of Pekah, king of Israel ;
ii. 1-iv. 8 in those of Ahaz, Pekah, and Hoshea ; iii. 12 being assigned to
the last year of Ahaz, and the remainder of the book to the reign of Heze-
kiah. But at whatever time the several prophecies were first delivered, they
appear in their present form as an organic whole, marked by a certain regu-
47 See Amo3 i. 3, ii. 13, iii. 4. 5, iv. 2, 7, 9, v. near Eleutheropilis to the east, where fonner-
8, 19, vi. 12, vii." 1, ix. 3, 9, 13, 14. ly the propliet'.s tomb was shown, though in
' 4« See pp. 551-553.' . the daj'rf of Jerome it had hesn succeeded by
49 Jerome and Eusebius call tliis plac > Mo- a church. ,
rasthi, and identify it with a small village i
678 Books of the Old Testament. Appendix I.
larity of development. Three sections, omitting the superscription, are in-
troduced by the same phrase, "hear ye," and represent three natural divis-
ions of the prophecy — i.-ii. — iii.-v. — vi.-vii. — each commencing with re-
bukes and threatenings, and closing with a promise.
The predictions uttered by Micah relate to the invasions of Shalmaneser (i.
G-8; 2 K. xvii. 4, 6) and' gennacherib (i. 9-lG ; 2 K. xviii. 13), the de-
struction of Jerusalem (iii. 12, vii. 13), the captivity in Babylon (iv. 10), the
return (iv. 1-8, vii. 11), the establishment of a theocratic kingdom in Jeru-
salem (iv. 8), and the Kuler who should spring from Bethlehem (v. 2).
The language of Micah is quoted in Matt. ii. 5, G, and his prophecies are
alluded to in Matt. x. 35, 36 ; JNIark xiii. 12 ; Luke xii. 53; John vii. 42.
§ 32. Nahum, "the Elkoshite." — His personal history is quite vmknown.
The site of Elkosh, his native place, is disputed, some placing it in Galilee,
others in Assyria. Those who maintain the latter view assume that the proph-
et's parents Mere carried into captivity by Tiglath-pileser, and that the prophet
was born at the village of Alkush, on the east bank of the Tigris, two miles
north of Mosul. But there is nothing in the prophecy of Xahum to indicate
that it was ■written in the immediate neighborhood of Nineveh, and in full
view of the scenes which are depicted, nor is the language that of an exile in
an enemy's country. No allusion is made to the captivity ; while, on the
other hand, the imagery is such as would be natural to an inhabitant of Pal-
estine (i. 4), to whom the rich pastures of Bashan, the vineyards of Carmel,
and the blossom of Lebanon, were emblems of all that was luxuriant and
fertile. The language employed in i. 15, ii. 2, is appropriate to one who
wrote for his countrymen in their native land. In fact, the sole oiigin of the
theory that Nahum flourished in Assyria is the name of the village Alkush,
which contains his supposed tomb, and, from its similarity to Elkosh, was
apparently selected by mediseval tradition as a shrine for pilgrims. The date
of Nahum's prophecy can be determined with as little precision as his birth-
place. It is, however, certain that the prophecy was written before the final
downfall of Nineveh, and its captuie by the Medes and Chaldreans (cir. B.C.
625). The allusions to the Assyrian power imply that it was still unbroken (i.
12, ii. 13, 14, iii. 15-17). It is most probable that Nahum flourished in the lat-
ter half of the reign of Hezekiah, and wrote his prophecy either in Jerusalem or
its neighborhood. The subject of the prophecy is, in accordance with the
superscription, "the burden of Nineveh," the destruction of which he pre-
dicts.
§ 33. Habakkuk perhaps delivered his prophecy about the 12th or 13th
year of Josiah (b.c. 630-629), though the date is only conjectural, and of
his personal history nothing is known. The prophet foretells the doom of
the Chaldseans, and the announcement is followed by a series of denuncia-
tions pronounced upon them by the nations who had suff"ered from their op-
pression (ii. 6-20). The strophical arrangement of these "woes" is a re-
markable feature of the prophecy. The whole concludes with the magnifi-
cent psalm in ch. iii.
§ 34. Zephaxiah also lived in the reign of Josiah, as Ave learn from the
superscription to the book, where the prophet traces liis pedigree to his fourth
ancestor, Hezekiah, supposed to be the celebrated king of that name. In
chap. i. the utter desolation of Judah is ]iredicted as a judgment for idolatry
and neglect of the Loid, the luxury of the princes, and the violence and de*
Appendix I. Haggai — ZechariaJi, ' 679
ceit of their dependejits (3-9). The prosperity, security, and insolence of
the people is contrasted with the hoiTors of the day of wrath (10-18). Ch.
ii. contains a call to repentance (1-3), with a prediction of the inin of the
cities of the Philistines and the restoration of the house of Judah after the
visitation (4-7). Other enemies of Judah, Moab, and Ammon are threaten-
ed with perpetual destruction (8-15). In ch. iii. the prophet addresses Je-
rusalem, which he reproves sharply for vice and disobedience (1-7). He
then concludes with a series of promises (8-20). The general tone of the
last portion is Messianic, but without any specific reference to the pei'son of
our Lord.
§ 35. Haggai is the first of the Minor Prophets who prophesied after the
Captivity. With regard to his tribe and parentage, both history and tradi-
tion are alike silent. In the absence of any direct evidence on the point, it
is more than probable that he was one of the exiles who returned with Zerub-
babel and Jeshua. The rebuilding of the Temple, which was commenced
in the reign of Cyrus (b.c. 535), was suspended during the reigns of his suc-
cessors, Cambyses and the Pseudo-Smerdis, in consequence of the deter-
mined hostility of the Samaritans. On the accession of Darius Hystaspis
(b.c. 521), the prophets Haggai and Zechariah urged the renewal of the un-
dertaking, and obtained the permission and assistance of the king (Ezra v. 1,
vi. 14).
The style of his writing is generally tame and prosaic, though at times it
rises to the dignity of severe invective, when the prophet rebukes his coun-
trymen for their selfish indolence and neglect of God's house. The prophe-
cies were delivered in the second year of Darius Hystaspis (b.c. 520), at in-
tervals from the first day of the 6th month to the 24th day of the 9th month
in the same year. The closing prediction, addressed to Zerubbabel, prince
of Judah, the representative of the royal family of Da\ad, and, as such, the
lineal ancestor of the Messiah, foreshadows the establishment of the Mes-
sianic kingdom upon the overthrow of the thrones of the nations (ii. 20-23).
§ 36. Zechariah is called in his prophecy the son of Berechiah, and the
grandson of Iddo, whereas in the Book of Ezra (v. 1, vi. 14) he is said to
have been the son of Iddo. It is natural to suppose, as the prophet himself
mentions his father's name, whereas the Book of Ezra mentions only Iddo,
that Berechiah had died early, and that there was now no inteiTcning link
between the grandfather and the grandson. Zechariah, like Jeremiah and
Ezekiel befoi*e him, was priest as well as prophet. He seems to have en-
tered upon his office while yet young (Zech. ii. 4), and must have been bom
in Babylon, whence he returned with the first caravan of exiles under Ze-
i-ubbabel and Jeshua. It was in the eighth month, in the second year of
Darius, that he first publicly discharged his office. In this he acted in con-
cert with Haggai. Both prophets had the same great object before them ;
both directed all their energies to the building of the Second Temple. To
their influence we find the rebuilding of the Temple in a great measure as-
cribed. "And the elders of the Jews builded," it is said, "and they pros-
pered through the prophesying of Haggai the prophet, and Zechariah, the
son of Iddo" (Ezra vi. 14). If the later Jewish accounts may be trusted,
Zechariah as well as Haggai was a member of the Great Synagogue.
The Book of Zechariah, in its existing form, consists of three principal
parts, chaps, i.-viii., chaps, ix.-xi., chaps, xii.-xiv. I. The first of these di-
680 Books of the Old Testament Appendix i-
visions is allowed by all critics to be the genuine work of Zechariah, the soft
of Iddo. It consists, first, of a short introduction or preface, in which the
prophet announces liis commission ; then of a series of visions, descriptive of
all those hopes and anticipations of which the building of the Temple was
the pledge and sure foundation ; and finally of a discourse, delivered two
years later, in reply to questions respecting the observance of certain estab-
lished fasts.
II. The remainder of the book consists of two sections of about eqtial
length, ix.-xi. and xii.-xiv., each of which has an inscription. 1. In the first
section he threatens Damascus and the sea-coast of Palestine with misfor-
tune, but declares that Jerusalem shall be protected. The Jews who are
still in captivity shall return to their land. 2. The second section, xii.-xiv.,
is entitled " the burden of the word of Jehovah for Israel." But Israel is
here used of the nation at large, not of Israel as distinct from Judah. In-
deed the prophecy which follows concerns Judah and Jerusalem. In this
the prophet beholds the near approach of troublous times, when Jerusalem
should be hard pressed by enemies. But in that day Jehovah shall come to
save them, and all the nations ^Yhich gather themselves against Jerusalem
shall be destroyed. Many modern critics maintain that the later chapters,
from the ixth to the xivth, were written by some other prophet, who lived be-
fore the exile. The arguments both for and against the genuineness of the
later chapters are set forth fully in the " Dictionary of the Bible, ''^*' to which
we must refer the reader,
§ 37. Malachi (that is, the angel ov messenger of Jehovah) \s the last, and
is therefore called ''the seal" of the prophets, and his prophecies constitute
the closing book of the Canon. Of his personal history nothing is known.
That Malachi was contem]jorary with Nehemiah is rendered probable by a
comparison of ii. 8 with Neh. xiii. 15; ii. 10-16 with Neh. xiii. 23, etc. ;
and iii. 7-12 with Neh. xiii, 10, etc. That he prophesied after the times of
Haggai and Zechariah is infeiTed from his omitting to mention the restora-
tion of the Temple, and from no allusion being made to him by Ezra. The
Captivity was already a thing of the long past, and is not referred to. The
existence of the Temple-senice is presupposed in i. 10, iii. 1, 10. The Jew-
ish nation had still a political chief (i. 8), distinguished by the same title as
that borne by Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 26). Hence we may conclude that ]\Ial-
achi delivered his prophecies after the second return of Nehemiah from Per-
sia (Neh. xiii. 6), and subsequently to the 32d year of Artaxerxes Longi-
manus (b.c. 420). Prom the striking parallelism between the state of things
indicated in Malachi's prophecies and that actually existing on Nehemiah's
return from the court of Artaxerxes, it is on all accounts highly probable
that the efforts of the secular governor were on this occasion seconded by the
preaching of "Jehovah's messenger," and that Malachi occupied the same
position with regard to the reformation under Nehemiah which Isaiah held
in the time of Hezekiah, and Jeremiah in that of Josiah. The last chapter
of canonical Jewish history is the key to the last chapter of its prophecy.
The whole prophecy naturally divides itself into three sections, in the first of
which Jehovah is represented as the loving father and ruler of His people
(i. 2-ii. 9) ; in the second, as the supreme God and father of all (ii. 10-16) j
«" Art. Zechariah.
Appendix I. The Poetical Books. 681
and in the third, as their righteous and final judge (ii. 17-end;. The proph-
ecy of Mahichi is alhided to in the N. T. (comp. Mark i. 2, ix, 11, 12;
Lukei. 17; Rom. ix. 13).
IV. THE POETICAL BOOKS.
§ 38. The Book of Psalms^^ contains 150 separate Psalms, and may he
parted into five great divisions or books, which were formed at different pe-
riods. There is a remarkable difference between the several books in their
use of the divine names Jehovah and Elohim, to designate Almighty God.
In Book I. (Pss, i.-xli.) the former name prevails; it is found 272 times,
while Elohim occurs but 15 times," In Book II. (Pss. xlii.-lxxii.), Elo-
him is found more than five times as often as Jehovah. In Book III. (Pss.
Ixxiii.-lxxxix.), the preponderance of Elohim in the earlier is balanced by
that of Jehovah in the latter psalms of the book. In Book IV. (Pss. xc.-
cvi.) the name Jehovah is exclusively employed ; and so also, virtually, in
Book V. (Pss. cvii.-cl.), Elohim being there found only in two passages in-
corporated from earlier psalms. We find the several groups of psalms which
form the respective five books distinguished, in great measure, by their su-
perscriptions from each other.
Book I. is, by the superscriptions, entirely Davidic ; nor do we find in it »
trace of any but David's authorship. We may well believe that the compi-
lation of the book was also David's work.
Book II. appears by the date of its latest psalm, Ps. xlvi., to have been
compiled in the reign of King Hezekiah. It would naturally comprise, 1st,
several or most of the Levitical psalms anterior to that date ; and 2dly, the
remainder of the psalms of David previously uncompiled. To these latter
the collector, after properly appending the single psalm of Solomon, has af-
fixed the notice that "the prayers of David the son of Jesse are ended"
(Ps. Ixxii. 20) ; evidently implying, at least on the prima facie view, that no
more compositions of the royal psalmist remained. How then do we find, in
the later Books III., IV., V., further psalms yet marked with David's name ?
The name David is used to denote, in other parts of Scripture, after the orig-
inal David's death, the then head of the Davidic family ; and so, in prophe-
cy, the Messiah of the seed of David, who was to sit on David's throne (I
K. xii. 16; Hos. iii. 5; Is. Iv. 3; Jer. xxx. 9; Ez. xxxiv. 23-2i). And
thus then we may explain the meaning of the later Davidic superscriptions
in the Psalter. The psalms to which they belong were written by Hezeki-
ah, by Josiah, by Zerubbabel, or others of David's posterity. The above ex-
planation removes all serious difficulty respecting the history of the later
books of the Psalter.
Book III. , the interest of which centres in the times of Hezekiah, stretch-
es out, by its last two psalms, to the reign of Manasseh : it was probably
compiled in the reign of Josiah.
^1 Tlie present Hebrew name of the book
is Tehillivi, '•'• Praises." But in the actual
superscriptions of the Psalms the word 2\-
hilldh is applied only to one, Ps. cxlv., which
is indeed emphatically a praise-liymn. The
LXX. entitled them ^PoXmoi', or "•Psalms."
The Christian Church obviously received tlie
Psalter from the Jews not only as a constit-
Ff2
uent portion of the eacreJ volume of Holy
Scripture, but also as the liturgical hymn-
book which the Jewisii Church had regularly
used in tlie Temple.
52 We here take no account of the euper-
scriptions or doxology, nor yet of the occur-
rences of f'lohim wiieu inflected with a pos
sersive sutilx.
682 Boohs of the Old Testament. Appendix I
Book IV. contains the remainder of the psalms up to the date of the Cap-
tivity ; Book v., the Psalms of the Return. There is nothing to distinguish
these two books from each other in respect of outward decoration or arrange-
ment, and they may have been compiled together in the days of Nehemiah.
It would manifestly be impossible, in the compass of the present work, to
exhibit in detail the divergent views which have been taken of the dates of
particular psalms. The time at Avhich most of David's Psalms were com-
posed has been ali'ead}^ mentioned in connection with his personal history.^^
For a time the single psalm of Solomon remained the only addition to those
of David. If, however, religious psalmody were to revive, somewhat might
be not unreasonably anticipated from the great assembly of King Asa (2
Chr. XV.); and Ps, 1. suits so exactly with the circumstances of that occa-
sion that it may well be assigned to it. The great prophetical ode, Ps. xlv.,
connects itself most readily with the splendors of Jehoshaphat's reign. And
after that psalmody had thus definitely revived, there would be no reason
why it should not thenceforward manifest itself in seasons of anxiety, as
well as of festivity and thanksgiving. Hence Ps. xlix. Yet the psalms of
this period flow but sparingly. Pss. xlii.-xliv., Ixxiv., are best assigned to
the reign of Ahaz. The reign of Hezekiah is naturally rich in psalmody.
Pss. xlvi., Ixxiii., Ixxv., Ixxvi. , connect themselves with the resistance to the
supremacy of the Assyrians and the divine destruction of their host. We
are now brought to a series of psalms of peculiar interest, springing out of
the political and religious history of the separated ten tribes. In date of act-
ual composition they commence before the times of Hezekiah. The earli-
est is probably Ps. Ixxx., a supplication for the Israelitish people at the time
of the Syrian oppression. All these psalms (Ixxx.-lxxxiii.) are referred by
their superscriptions to the Levite singers, and thus bear Avitness to the ef-
forts of the Levites to reconcile the two branches of the chosen nation. The
captivity of Manasseh himself proved to be but temporary ; but the sentence
which his sins had provoked upon Judah and Jerusalem still remained to be
executed, and precluded the hope that God's salvation could be revealed till
after such an out])ouring of His judgments as the nation never yet had
known. Labor and sorrow must be the lot of the present generation ; through
these mercy might occasionally gleam, but the glory which was eventually
to be manifested must be for their posterity alone. The psalms of Book IV.
bear generally the impress of this feeling. We pass to Book V. Ps. cvii.
is the opening psalm of the Return, sving probably at the first Feast of Tab-
ernacles (Ezra iii.). The ensuing Davidic psalms may well be ascribed to
Zerubbabel. We here pass over the questions connected with Ps. cxix. ; but
a directly historical character belongs to Pss. cxx.-cxxxiv., styled in our A.
V. " Songs of Degrees. "^^ Internal evidence refers these to the period when
the Jews under Nehemiah were, in the veiy face of the enemy, repaiiing the
walls of Jerusalem, and the title may well signify ' ' Songs of goings up upon
the walls," the psalms being, from their brevity, well adapted to be sung by
the workmen and guards while engaged in their respective duties. Of some-
what earlier date, it may be, are Pss. cxxxvii. and the ensuing Davidic
psalms. Of these, Ps. cxxxix. is a psalm of the new birth of Israel, from
the womb of the Babylonish captivity, to a life of righteousness ; Pss. cxl.-
«3 See especially pp. 420-422, 436, 437, 444, 445, 451, 463, 46S.
*< Of these, Ps. cxxxii. may perhaps be ascribed to David's reraoTal of the ark. See p 436.
Appendix II.
Songs of Solomon^ Etc.
683
cxliii. may be a picture of the trials to which the unrestored exiles were still
exposed in the realms of the Gentiles. Henceforward, as we approach the
close of the Psalter, its strains rise in cheerfulness ; and it fittingly termi-
nates with Pss. cxlvii.-cL, which were probably sung on the occasion of the
thanksgiving procession of Neh. xii., after the rebuilding of the walls of Je-
rusalem had been completed.
§ 39. The writings of Solomon, namely, the Song of Solomon, Prov-
erbs, and EccLESiASTES, and the Book of Job, have been already spoken
of in the body of the work. ^^
65 See pp. 500-502 for the -vrritings of Solomon, and pp. 129-133 for the Book of Job.
APPENDIX II.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY.
For the Patriarchal Period we have no certain chronological data.
The Genealogies, which form the only basis for computation, and the results
founded upon them in the "■ Received Chronology " of Archbishop Ussher,
have been given in the text. (See especially the Note on Scripture Chro-
nology, pp. 38-40, and the note on the Chronology of the Period of the Judges^
pp. 336, foil.) The period of the Hebrew monarchy, though still beset with
difficulties, is settled with sufficient probability to be reduced to a tabular
form. The dates are those of the Received Chronology, except where a cor-
rection is indicated.
Table I. — The Undivided Monarchy.^
1095
[1075?]
1C50?
BCRIPTUEE UISTOKY.
1048
1042
1040
1023
1015
1015
1012
1006
Sacx, chosen king
Scimuel dies during his reign.
Death of Saul and Jonathan.
David king at Hebron
The Ten Tribes resist under Abner.
Ishbosheth king at Mahanaim.
David king over all Israel -{
He takes Jebus (Jerusalem).
Removal of the Ark.
Victories over the Philistines, Moab-
ites, and Syrians.
Revolt of Absalom.
Death of David.
Accession of Solomon
Foundation of the Teviple,
Dedication of the Temple.
973 Death of Solomon.
Revolt of Jeroboam.
VKS. OF
KEIGN.
S2i
40
in all.
40
SYNCHRONISMS.
Ttee flourishes under Hiram.
Syrian Kingdoms of Zobah and
Hamatil
The 21st (Tanite) Dynasty in
Egypt.
The 22d (Bubaatite) Dynaaty in
Egypt-
Syrian Kingdom of Damascus
founded by Rezon.
1 Kings' names ia small capitals. Prophets* names in italics ; which also denote some im*
portant events.
684
Chronological Tables.
Appendix IL
Table II. — The Divided Kingdoms.
IJ.C.
JUUAII.
1
B.C.
ISRAEL.
VR8.
SXNCHBONIBMS.
{On'tj one Dynasty.)
{First Dynasty.)
975
i. Kehoboam
Shtmaiah forbids war.
17
975^
i. Jeroboam I
Idolatry of the Calves. 1
22
Siiirhak (Sheshonk
I.), king of Egypt.
970
Invasion of Shishak.
A hijah prophesies.
957
li, Abijau
3
ISth year.
Tabrtmmon, king of
Defeats Jeroboam.
War witli Judah.
Damascus.
955
iii. Asa
41
955
20th year.
954
2d year.
Reformation.
L54
ii. Nadab
2
{Second Dynasty.)
953
C41?
3d year.
953
iii. Baasha
24
Defeats ZerahtheCush-
Removes from She-
Zerah = Osorkon I.,
ite.
chem to Tirzah.
fon of Shishak?
Azariah prophesies.
Fortifies Ram ah.
Benhadad I., king of
Alliance with Syria.
War with Judah.
Damascus.
llanani prophesies.
Jehu., son of Hanani.
930
26th year.
930
iv. EI.AH
2
929
27th "
929
V. ZiMRI
[7
d's.]
Civil War.
Omii and Tibni.
(Third Dynasty.)
9:5
31st "
925
vi. Ombi
C
or
12
fr'
f30
22
}
{
Builds Sanmria . . .'
918
38th "
918
vii. Ahab
Kthbaal (Ithobal),
Consults magicians.
Marries Jezebel, dau.
of Eth-baal.
king of Tyre and
Sidon.
914
iv. Jehosiiaphat
Reformation.
25
914
4th year.
Baal-wor?hip.
Cities of Judah fortified.
910?
Mission of mijah.
Tliree years' famino.
Benhadad II., king of
Damascus.
Judges appointed.
901-
Successful war with
Moab and Philistines
900
Syria.
tributary.
897
Alliance with Alinb.
Jehoshaphat at Kamotli-
gilead.
The prophet Jehit.
17th year.
Naval enterpris-".
Eli^zcr^ son of Doda-
vah.
18th year.
Defeat of Amnion and
Moab.
897
8S6
New war with Syna.
Micaiah, son of Irala.
Death of Ahab.
viii. Ahaziah
Consults Baal-zebub.
Ascent of Elijah.
ix. Jehoram
Mission of Eli.<<ha.
Xaaraan the Syrian.
2
12
892
Associates Jeiioram.
8
889
V. Jkhokam silone.
889
8th year.
886
" with Ahaziah.
886
11th "
885
.vi. Ahaziah alone.
Alliance with Israel.
1
885
12th "
War with Syria.
Hazaet. murders and
succeeds Benhadad.
854
Slain by Jehu.
8S4
Slain by Jehu.
Extinction r/Ahah's house, in both kingdoms.
The Older Dynasty is
reigning in Assyr-
viL Athat-iah (usurp-
{Fnrirth Dynasty.)
ia:—
er)
6
X. Jehu
28
Shalmaneser.
Jehu's name on the
Murders all the royal
Slays Jezebel and the
house except Joash.
Bflalites.
"black obelisk," as
87?
viii. J0A8U
Jehoiada regent
Great reformation.
40
878
7th year.
Worships the golden
calves.
tributary to Assyria.
PTGMAMONat Tyre, j
Appendix II. Chronological Tables. 685
Table II. — The Divided Kingdoms — continued.
B.C.
853
JUDAH.
TKS.
B.C.
ISRAEL.
VRS.
8YNCHBONISM3.
Repairs of Temple fin-
Hazael gains the coun-
Carthage founded 143
ished.
try east of Jordan.
years after the Tem-
pleof Solomon; about
IJ.C, 870 (Josephus).
23d year.
856
xi. Jehoahaz
17
85ay
Death of Jelioiada.
Worship of Baal.
Zechariah stoned.
llazael threatens Jeru-
salem.
Hard pressed by Syria.
[The last two years of
his reign are the first
two of liis son's,]
841
3Tth year.
841
xii. Jehoash
10
839
Death of Joash.
839
Death of Jehoahaz.
Benhauad III., king of
ix. Amaziaii
29
2d year of Jehoash.
Damascus.
Victory over Edom.
838
Death of Elisha.
Worships gods of Edom.
Victories over Benha-
dad.
Takes Jerusalem.
826
Defeated by Jehoasli.
820
825
15th year.
825
xiii. Jeroboam 11
41
Declension and misfor-
Victories over Syria,
tune during the rest
Ammon, and Moab.
of his reign.
Acme of Kingdom of
Slain by his servants.
Israel,
810
X, U/.ZIAH
52
810
808?
Jonah propliesies.
27th year.
Awos and Hosea.
Zechariah (as tutor).
800?
Joel.
784 [Interregnum?]
;i
776. Era of the Olym-
773
■3Sth year.
Great prosperity of Ju-
dah.
773
xiv. Zacuaeiah
End 0/ Jehu's DjncR-
ty.)
[6
ras.]
piads.
Greek History begins.
1
772
705?
3ath year.
His sacrilege and lep-
rosy.
772
XV. Shallum
{Fifth Dynasty.)
CI
m]
Pin. (Vul-lush, or Iva-
lusli?), the first As-
xvi. Menauem
10
syrian king named
Tributary to Assyria.
in Scripture.
761
50th year.
761
xvii. Pekahiau
(Sixth Dynasty).
2
He takes Damascus.
759
52d "
759
xviii. Pekau
20
75S
Xi, JOTHAM
16
758
2d year.
753. Era of the foun-
dation of Rome.
747
10th year.
Micah prophesies.
747
12th "
747. L.\TBB AssvrianI
Empire, founded by
742
xii. AiiAZ
16
742
17th "
Alliance with Rezin.
^VlOX ATH - T^TT ■pRPTl •
Worst king of Judah,
and Kingdom of
iMiak, chap. vii.
Invasion of Judah.
Babylon by Nabo-
741
Defeat of Ahaz.
20a,000 captives carried
to Samaria, and many
to Damascus.
741
Second invasion.
Jewish captives releas-
edthrough the proph-
et Oded.
NA8SAR.
Era of Nabonassar.
Rezin, king of Damas-
740
Calls in Tiglath - pile -
ser.
Syrian altar in Temple.
Sacrei vessels sent to
Assyria.
740
739
Tributary to Assyria.
Captivity of the 21
tribes east of Jordan,
and partly of the
northern Israelites.
Pekah slain by llo-
shea.
[ -econd interregnum?]
(Seventh Dynasty.)
9
cus, cir. 742.
Syrian kingdom of
Damascus destroyed
by Tiglath - pileaer,
740.
730
12th year.
730
xix, Hosuea
9
Shalmaneseb, king of
T26
xiii. Hezektah
Religious reformation.
Great Passover,
23
3d year.
llezekiah'3 messen-
gers influence Israel.
A8.?yria.
He attacks Elul^cb,
king of Tyre,
686 Chronological Tables. Appendix IL
Table II. — The Divided Kingdoms — continued.
B.C.
JTJDAH.
V.S.
B.C.
ISRAEL.
YES.
1
SYNCHRONISMS,
725
Revolts from Assyria.
Defeats the Philistines.
Mic.ah and Imiah con-
725
League with Egypt,
and revolt from As-
syria.
725. Sabaco I. (the So
of SS.), of the 25th
dynasty, king of
tinue to prophesy un-
723
Imprisoned by Shal-
Egypt.
der Hezekiah.
mantser.
Samaria besieged.
721 Samaria taken; its peo-
721. Sarqon, king of
pie carried captive.
Assyria.
End of the Kingdom of
MeRODACH - BALAPAN,
Israel.
king of Babylon.
[678 Colonization of Sama-
War of Sargon with
iria by Esar-haddon.]
Kgypt.
Table III. — Later Kingdom of Judah
B.C.
JIJDAH.
YRS.
ASSYRIA AND
BABYLON.
EGYPT.
OTHER NATIONS.
720
7th year of Hezeki-
AU.
Sargon besieges
Tyre.
715
■ . . •
Sabaco II?
Date assigned to
713
Illness of Hezekiah.
Embassy of Mero-
dach-baladan.
NUMA PO-MPILirS.
710
Sargon takes Ash-
dod.
709
Expels Merodach-
baladan.
702
700
Sennacherib
again expels Me-
Invasion of Judah
(rto.or
— submission of
rodach, and sets
Hezekiah.
up Belibus at
698?
Second attack and
destruction of the
Assj'rian army.
Babylon. Flight
from Judah to
Nineveh.
698
xiv. Manasseh.
Anti - religious re -
55
Assyrian viceroys
and much con-
action and idola-
fusion at Babylon
690. TlBHAKAU.
tries.
till
680
Carried prisoner to
680. EsAR - HAD -
abo't
Esar - haddon at
DON, becoming
Babylon.
king of Assyria,
671 ? Dodechae-
678
Colonization of Sa-
reigns in person
€HY.
maria.
at Babylon till
664. PSAMMETI-
Manasseh's repent-
about 6G7.
CHU8 I.
ance.
660. ASSHFR-BANI-
PAL (Sardanapa-
Scythian Invasion of
W. Asia.
642 XV. Amon.
2
lus).
639ijxvi. JosiAH. Great
31
Saraccs, last king
683. Median Empire
refoimation.
of Assyria.
founded by Cyax-
62a
Jeremiah prophe -
sies.
ares (rhe Ahasue-
rusof Dan. ix. 1).
625
15th year. Nahum,
Habakkuk, and
Xabo-polassab
founds the Baby-
Alyattes, king of
Lydia.
Zephamah.
lonian Empire, &
616
with Cyaxares,
takes Nineveh.
Tarquinics Peis-
ccs.
1 The correction of the received chronology, referred to at p. 589, is introduced at thi§ point.
Appendix II. Chronological Tables. 687
Table III — Later Kingdom op Judah — continued.
ASSYRIA AND
B.O.
JTTDAU.
TES.
I3AUYL0N.
EGYPT.
OTHER NATIONS.
615
Media and Lydia.
War of Cyaxares,
and Alyattes :
610
Neko (or PHABAon-
NECHO) marches
ended by the me-
diation of Nabo
60S
kiiied" in" battle
witli Necho.
against Babylo-
polassar.
xvii. Jeiioaiiaz
3 m.
Babylox.
nia. Takes (Jar-
Eclipse of Thales:
xviii. Jeuoiakim.
11
chemish. Depo-
probably in b.o.
605
Jeremiah's prophe-
Xebuchadnezzar
ses Jehoahaz. De-
610. ^
cy of tlie TO years'
sent against Ne-
feated by Neb-
captivity.
cho. Takes Je-
rusalem. Sacred
uchadnezzar at
Carchemish.
First Captivity.
vessels carried to
Babylon.
604 1 Jeremiah's roll
Jan. 21. Nebtjciiad-
read.
NEZZAR.
603
603. Danie?, etc., at
Babylon.
602
Revolts from Baby-
lon.
598. Nebuchadnez-
Cyaxaros aids Neb-
597
Jerusalem taken.
zar besieges Tyre
uchadnezzar.
xix. Jeuoiaciiin.
3 m.
and marches
ilebels and is de -
against Jerusa-
posed.
lem.
Resumes siege of
Tyre and thence
returns to Jerusa-
lem.
Great Captivity.
Ezekiel carried to
Babylon with Je-
594. Solon, legisla-
tor at Athens.
XX. Zedektah.
11
lioiacliin.
593
Jeremiah's prophe-
Ezekiel's vision of
593. FSAMMETI-
593. ASTYAGES,
cy against Baby-
lon
the Temple.
cncs II.
king of Media.
5S8
Jerusalem besieged.
Marches against
Jerusalem and
Pharaoh uopiiba
(Apries) takes
5S7
Hope of relief from
Kgypt.
Egypt.
Gaza, but re-
treats before Neb-
586
Jerusalem taken
and destroyed.
End of Kingdom of
Judah.
Gedai-iah, govern -
orof tlie remnant.
Zedekiah carried to
Babylon, where
he dies.
uchadnezzar.
Murdered by Ish-
585. Nebuchadnee-
The "Seven Wise
mael.
zar takes Tyre,
Men " flourish in
Johanan carries Jer-
Greece.
emiah and others
into Egypt.
5S2
Further Captivity
by Nebiizar^adan.
.581. and oveiTuns
Aprieg defeated by
Epoch of the settle-
Egypt.
Nebuchadnezzar.
ment of the Hel.
570. Second inva-
lenic States.
sion of Egypt.
539. Madness of
569. Amasis.
Nebuchadnezzar?
.568. Ce(bscs, king
561
[Jehoiachin, at Bab-
ylon, released.]
Evil-Meeodach.
559. Neeigussab.
of Lydia.
530. Epoch of the
Greek tyrants.
Pisistr.itus at
Athens.
688
Chronological Tables.
Appendix II,
Table III. — Later Kingdom of Judaw. — continued.
538
[Daniel's Dream of
the Four Beasts.]
[Daniel's Vision,
at Shushan, of
the Kam and He-
goat.]
[Prophecy of the TO
weeks.]
Return of the Jews.
Laboeosoaeciiod.
Nabonedus.
[.539. Associates Bel-
shazz^r.]
Surrenders to Cy-
rus.
Babylon taken, and
Belshazzar slain.
538. Daeius, the
Mebian (proba-
bly Astyagris).
Daniel governor.
Cyrus alone.
Alliance of Babylon
OTHEE KATIONS.
558. Cyrus depose
Astyages.
Egypt, and Lydia.
554. Cyrusconquers
Lydia.
Cyrus defeats Na
bonedus.
Table IV. — The Restored Commonwealth.
B.C.
JUD.EA.
PERSIA AND EGYPT.
GREECE.
ROME.
536
Return of the first car-
avan under Zerub-
babel and Jeshua.
1st year of Cyrus.
Edict for the return
of tlie Jews.
535
Rebuilding of the
Temple.
Tliespis first exhib-
it i tragedy.
534
Opposition of Samar-
itans.
Daniel x.-xii.
Taequinius Su-
PELBUS.
529
Letter to the Persian
Cambyses (tlie Aha-
king fiom the ad-
suerus of Ezra iv.
52T. Death of Plsis-
versaries.
6. Artaxerxes in
Ezra iv. 7).
Iratus.
525
Conquest of Egypt.
522
Tlie building stopped
The Pseudo-Smer-
Death of Polycrates
by a royal decree.
Dis (the Magian
Gomates.)
of Stimos.
521
Haggai and Zechari-
Darius L, son of
IIy.«taspes, con-
520
Building resumed.
firms the edict of
515
Temple dedicated.
Cyrus.
Attacks India and
European Scythia.
514. Hipparchus
slain.
510. llippias ex-
510. Kings ex-
499. Ionian revolt.
pelled.
Republicof Athens.
4S0. Marathon.
pelled, llepublic
(f Rome.
495. Patricians op-
press Plebeians.
494. Secession to
the Sacred Mt.
4S6
Xerxeb (the Aha-
suerus of Esther.)
480. Salamis.
Tribunes and
^diles of Plebs.
479. Plataea and
Wars with Italians.
Mycile.
476. Ciraon.
4T4
465
Esther & Mordecai.
Artaxerxes I.
Lo>g;manu8.
4C6. Battles of the
Eurymedon.
Appendix II. Chronological Tables, 689
Table IV. — The Restored Commonwealth. — continued.
B.O.
JCD^A.
PERSIA AND EGYPT.
GREECE,
HOME. j
460. Revolt of Ina-
460. Athenians in
ro3 in Egypt.
Egypt.
458
Commission of Ezra.
457
Great reformation.
454. Egypt con-
454. Pericles.
454. Patricians
quered.
yield to Plebs.
451. Laws of the
XII. Tables.
449. Decemvirs de-
posed.
445. Tribuni MilL.
^44
Commission of Xehe-
miah.
444. Herodotus.
turn. i
to
The walls rebuilt.
Reading of the Law.
i
433
Opposition of Sanbal,
lat.
431. Peloponnesiaii
428
Second commission of
war.
or 423
Neheraiah.
425. Xerxes II.
POGDIANUS,
426. War with
VelL
424
Darius II.: Nothus.
405. Artaxerxes
II. : Mnemon.
401. Expedition of
404. End of ditto.
•
400
Malachi.
Cyms the younger.
iOO. Xenophon. Re-
about
0. T. Canon fixed.
treat of the 10,-
000.
399. Death cf Soc-
1
rates.
396.CaminuB takes
Veii.
1 !
390. Gauls take
1 1
Eomp.
Egyptian weighing Rings for Money.
from Lepsiu3, Denkmdler^ Ablh. iii. Bl. 39, No. 3. See also Wilkinson's ^nc. Eg. ii. 10, for
weights in the form of a crouching antelope ; and comp. Layard's Nin. and Bab. pu
APPENDIX III.
TABLES OF WEIGHTS AND ]MEASURES.
A. HEBREW WEIGHTS.
The chief Unit was the Shekel (i. e., weight), called also the Hoh/ Shekel
ox Shekel of the Sanctuary; subdivided into the Beka (i. e., half) or ha/f-shek-
c/,'and the Gerah (i. e., a c/min or bean).
The chief multiple, or higher unit, was the Kikknr (i, e., circle or glohe,
probably for an aggregate sum), translated in our Version, after the LXX.
Talent; subdivided into the Maneh (i. g., part, portion, or number), a word
used in Babylonian and in the Greek fiva, or Mina.
1 . The relations of these weights, as usually employed for the standard of
weighing silver, and their absolute values, detennined from the extant silver
coins, and confirmed from other sources, were as follows, in grains exactly,
and in avoirdupois weight approximately :^
» A qnnrter-sliekel is mentioned in one pas- 1 mo=t generally nsefiil. They are obf nined by
saga (1 Sam. ix. 8). taking the ounce avoirdupois at 440 grains
2 These approximate values are given as 1 instead of 437 5, its actual ralue.
Appendix III. Tables of WeighU and Measures.
Tabli: I.
691
1
Silver Weiguts.
Grains, j I-bs.
Oz.
Correction.
Gerah .
11
110
220
13,2C0
660,000
2
100
i
+•06 gr. nearly.
+•6 gr.
+1-75 gr.
—2 oz. nearly.
-6 lb. nearly.
Beka
10
20
2
Shekel
1,200
120
CO
Maneh
60,000
C,C00
3,000
50 Talent (Kikkar)
2. For Gold a diflferent Shekel was used, probably of foreign introduc-
tion. Its value has been calculated at from 129 to 132 grains. The former
value assimilates it to the Persian JJaric of the Babylonian standard. The
Talent of this system was just double that of the silver standard ; it Avas di-
vided into 100 vianehs^ and each vianeli into 100 shekels, as follows:^ —
Table II.
Gold Weights.
Grains.
Lbs.
Oz.
Correction-
Shekel.
132
13,200
1,320,000
2
200
•3
+.75 gr.
— 2 oz. nearly.
—1-2 lb. nearly.
100
Mane
\,
10,000
100
Talent (Kikkar) .
3. There appears to have been a third standard for Copper, namely: — a
shekel four times as heavy as the Gold Shekel (or 528 grains), 1500 of which
made up the Copper Talent of 792,000 grains. It seems to have been sub-
divided, in the coinage, into halves (of 264 grains), quarters (of 132 grains),
and sixllis (of 88 grains).^
B. HEBREW MONEY.
1. We have no evidence of the use of coined money before the return from
the Babylonian captivity ; but siloer was used for money, in quantities deter-
mined by weight, at least as early as the time of Abraham ; and its earliest
mention is in the generic sense of the price paid for a slave (Gen. xvii. 13).
The \0Q0 pieces of silver -paid by Abimelech to Abraham (Gen. xx. 16), and
the 20 pieces of silver for which Joseph was sold to the Ishmaelites (Gen.
xxxvii, 28) were probably rings such as we see on the Egyptian monuments
in the act of being weighed.^ This circumstance seems to prove that they
were not of a sufficiently determinate value to pass by number merely ;
though, on the other hand, the mention of so many pieces for definite sums
3 The Tyianeh is alike in both systemp!.
4 For the (JaM on which thp calculation^^
are based, and for farther infoi-mation on the
whole subject, see i>jcf. of Bible, &rt. Weights
and Measures.
5 See cut as delineated on the precedinji
page. The gold rings found in Celtic coun-
tries are also supposed to have been used tor
money.
692 Weiglits and Measures. Appendix III.
implies a unit by which they could be counted. The history of Joseph and
the famine seems to shew that the Canaanites and P^gyptians had a similar
currency ; and it clearly proves that barter was only resorted to when the
stock of money was exhausted.
In the first recorded transaction of conmierce, the cave of IMachpelah is
purchased by Abraham for 400 shekels of silver, and it was this jf".?^ iveUjht
that was recognized as current icith the merchant (" money " is not in the orig-
inal: Gen. xxiii. 15, IG).^ The shekel ivehjltt of silver Avas the unit of value
through the whole age of Hebrew history down to the Babylonian captivity.
In only one place is there a mention of so many shekels of gold as a sum of
money (I Chr. xxi. 25), and even here, in the older parallel passage, silver
only is mentioned (2 !^am. xxiv. 9). In the transaction between Naaman
and Gehazi, the " six thousand of gold " (2 K. v. 5, where ;«'eces is not in the
original) probably denotes shekels, like the "six hundred of gold" in I K.
X. 16.
2. After the Captivity we have the earliest mention of coined money, in al-
lusion, as might have been expected, to the Persian coinage, the gold Daric
(Heb. darhnon, LXX. dpaxfJ-U and jpt'croi-c, Vulg. drachma and solidris, A.V.
dratn: Ezra ii. GO, viii. 27; Keh. vii. 70, 71, 72). The actual weight of
these Darics, about 128 grains, corresponds nearly enough to the gold shekel
of 132 grains.''
No native Jewish coinage appears to have existed till Antiochus VII.
Sidetes granted Simon MaccabiBus the license to coin mcniy (b.c. 140);
and it is now generally agreed that the oldest Jewish silier cjins belong to
this period. They are shekels and half-shekels, of the v eights, as already
stated, of 220 and 110 grains, AYith this silver there was associated a cop-
per coinage, some pieces of which have been supposed to reach as high as Ju-
das Maccabaius ; but probably none are really older than John Hyrcanus
(B.C. 135), from whom the series is continued, almost without interruption,
to the end of tlie Asmonrean house. Most of them are marked as the half
or quarter (doubtless of the shekel), their average weights being 235| and
132 gi-ains ; and there is a third piece of about 82 grains, which seems to be
the sixth of a shekel.
The abundant money of Herod the Great, which is of a thoroughly Greek
character, and of co/)per only, seems to have been a continuation of the cop-
per coinage of the Maccabees, with some adaptation to the Roman standard.
It appears to be of three denominations ; the smallest being a piece of brass
(xaAKol'c), of which the next was the double ((5i,taA\-oc), and the third the
treble (T/Hxa/Moc). The first and commonest of these, some specimens of
< In the pecond transaction another term is I interestinp: contirmation of Ezra's authorFhip
used : Jacob purclia.ses a field at Slialeni, near
Sliecliem, for 100 kesitafis, a word whicli
freins to be connected with an Arabic root
sii;nifying equal division. Were we to accept
the older interpretation, laitibs, it Avould be
explained not of money coined with that fig-
of the Chronick s. Here it seems to signify a
iveight^ namely, the shekel ; but in the pas-
sages of Ezra and Nehemiah gold coins arc
evidently meant. Tlie common derivation
of the Daric (cttoti/p Aaf}€iK6<.), from Darius,
the pon of llyr=taspes, is very doubtful: and
nre. but of weights made in that shape ; for ' the form darkmon (used in all the passages
we iiave numerous pictures and specimens of 1 except tliat from the Chronicles) suggests an
Egyptian and Assyrian weights in the forms | affinity with drachma, in tlie cognate Persic
of lions, bulls, antelopes, geese, and ducks; j and Greek. Tlie* coins may be referred to
and it may have been through a similar step : the same, standard, the Persian Daric being
that 2iecu;iia was derived from pccus. I the eiuivnlent of the Lydian and Attic gold
^ The mention of wliat is doubtless also \ s'a'er, and equal in weight to the Attic silver
the daric {adarko ) in 1 (Jhroa. xxix. 7, is an '■ didracfnn.
Appendix III. Hebrew Monei/. 693
which are much like the abundant copper coinage of Alexander Jannseus,
seems to have been connected, on the one hand, with the quarter-shekel of the
old coinage, and on the other with \.\\q far thine j (quadrans) of tlie New Tes-
tament.
3. In the money of the Neic Testament we see the native copper coinage
side by side with the GraBco-Eoman copper, silver, and gold. An interesting
illustration occurs in our Lord's first commission to the Apostles. St. Mat-
thew (x. 0), A\itli comprehensive generality, mentions all the three metals ;
" Provide neither f/o/tZ, nor silver, nor brass, in your girdles.'"* St. Mark (vi,
8) names only the copper (;^;a/l/coi') which foraied the common native cm-ren-
cy. St. Luke (ix. 3) uses the general word for money (apyvpiov').
a. Copper or brass money. — The word Farthing is used in our Version for
two different coins: — (1.) The Assarius Nummus {aauapiov), or Roman As,
as the Vulgate correctly renders it (Matt. x. 29). In Luke xii. G, the Vul-
gate translates aoaapiiov duo by dipondio, i. e., the coin which was originally
two pounds of copper, or the double As. But, by the successive reductions
of the Koman copper coinage, the As had come to signify merely the 16th
part of the reduced denarius of the early imperial age, or less than a half-
penny (see below).
(2.) The other Jarthinq (K^dpdvTTjg, Vulg. quadrans) is defined as two mites
(XsKTa, Vulg. minuta, Mark xii. 42 ; Luke xxi. 2). Both these are foreign
names ; but they are used to describe the native copper coinage. The prop-
er AeTTTw was a small Attic copper coin, seven of which went to the x('^?.Koix,
and was worth about one-tenth of our farthing ; and the Roman quadrans
or ieruncius Avas the quarter As — originally a piece of three undo;, worth
about half a farthing. But at this time there were no Roman coins current
in Palestine of a smaller value than the As ; and this farthivg and mite are
doubtless to be referred to the Maccabs^an and Herodian copper coinage.
The mite may have been that smallest copper coin, which is supposed to have
been the sixth of a shekel, and the farthinj was probably the smallest Her-
odian coin, reduced from the Asmonsean quarter-shekel, the cuiTent speci-
mens of which would pass at the value fixed by Herod. The name of
quadrans, Hellenized into Ko6pdvT7jg {farthing, i. e., fourth part), may have
referred both to the origin of the coin, as the fourth part of the shekel, and to
its current value, as the fourth part of the Roman As.
Both pieces were probably supplied by the abundant coinage of Alexan-
der Jannffius, besides Herod's farthings. The use of the mite among the
poorest sort of the people is indicated by the affecting circumstance, that the
poor widow cast tivo such pieces into the treasury, to make up the insignifi-
cant sum of a farthing ; nor, we may observe in passing, did she yield to the
temptation of giving only one. If the farthing was the quarter of the .4.';,
its value would be about half a farthing, or one-eighth of a penny, and the
vdte a quarter of a farthing, or one-sixteenth of a penny.
b. Of Silver money, two standards are mentioned in the New Testament,
one Hellenistic and the other Roman.
(1.) At the time Avhen the Maccabees coined their silver shekels, the or-
dinary Greek silver was the drachma^ and its multiples, the didrachm (2 dr.)
^ xpvcrov, upyvpov, xa^Kov ; not tlio moiK^ijf, ' fiv, the drachma -vras the onp-hundredth part
xpi'criov, apfvptov, xa^novv. j of the Mino, and the six-tliousandth of the
* In the Greek systems of weight and men- pTaZe^?.
694
Weights and Measures.
Appendix III.
and the tetradrachm (4 dr.). .But these were of two different standards, the
Attic, which was universal in Europe and general in Asia Minor; and the
Ptolemaic, which prevailed in the commercial cities of Egypt and Phoenicia.
That the tetradrachm, didrachm, and dracfana of this latter scale were equiv-
alent to the Jewish shekel, halj'-shekel, and quarter-shekel, may be inferred
from the fact that the LXX. translate the half -shekel, which was the poll-
tax for the Temple-service, as a didrachm. At the time of Jesus Christ the
didrachms had fallen into disuse, though the name was still preserved as
money of account, and the tetradrachm was the stater (J., e., standard coin)
of the Greek imperial silver. Such a tetradrachm was the stater (araTf/p,
Vulg. stater, A. V. piece of money), which St. Peter was directed by our
Lord to take out of the fishs mouth, and to i:»ay "the receivers of di-
drachms " for Jesus and himself, as equal to two half-shekels (Matt. xvii. 24-
27). The simple drachma occurs in the Maccabjean history (2 Mace. iv. 19,
X. 20, xii. 43) ; and once in the Gospels, in the parable of the lost "piece of
silver " (Luke xv. 8 : dpaxfJ-a^ 6eKa, Spaxjur/v fiiav, Vulg. drachmas decern,
drachmam unam). In this passage it probably denotes the denarius, to which
the Greek drachmae of this period were regarded as equivalent.
(2.) The ordinary silver currency of Palestine was the Roman denarius,
(6r,vapiov), the '•''^enny''' so frequently mentioned iu the Gospels. Origi-
nally, as its name implies, it was a silver piece equal to ten Ases ; but, with
the successive reductions of the As, it had become, after the time of Augus-
tus, equal to sixteen Ases.
Under Augustus eighty-four <ie«ani Avere coined from the Roman pound
of silver, i.e., seven from the Roman ounce (which only fell short of the
ounce avoirdupois by about seven grains) ; and the denarius weighed a little
over sixty grains. "^
The "penny," bearing " Csesar's image and superscription,'' which was
brought to Christ on his demand to see the tribute-money, was a denarius
of Tibei-ius (Matt, xxii. 15-21 ; Mark xiii. 15-17 ; Luke xx. 19-25). From
the parable of the laborers in the vineyard, it would seem that the rate of
wages was a denarius a day (Matt. xx. 2, 9, 13). In Rev. vi. 6, a prophe-
cy of famine gives the prices of " a choeyjix (or quart) of wheat for a penny, and
three chcenices of barley for a penny."" Other passages in which the denari-
us is mentioned are Matt, xviii. 28; Mark vi. 37, xiv. 5; Luke vii. 41, x.
35 ; John vi. 7, xii. 5. As the drachma was reckoned the equivalent of the
denarius, the latter was considered the fourth part of the silver stater or tet-
radrachm, which, in its turn, was considered the equivalent of the shekel.
The *' thirty pieces of silver" (apyvpia), promised to Judas as the price
■of his treachery (Matt. xxvi. 1 5, xxvii. 3-(), 9), in all probability denote
shekels, as in those passages of the O. T. where numerals are given without
Bpecific A-alues, like the " thirty of silver " in Zechariah's prophecy of this very
1" Nero reduced the denarius to about f)2|
praini!, coining 90 from the pound, or 8 from
the ounce. The value of the old denarii is
iisually reckoned at Sirf., that of the later at
7jrf. ; value, that is, as compared with the
present worth of silver, a computation which
requires elaborate con-ections with reference
to the comparative prices of tlie precious met-
•ils and of commodities, before it can become
any measure of wealth. I f, however, we take
the maximum, instead of the average, of ex-
isting denarii (for it was not the practice of
the Komans to strike their money too heavy,
and coins lose, but do not gain weight in
course of time), the wortli of the older dena^
rii wouhl be about 9d. This therefore is the
value of the '•'■penny " of the New Testament.
11 Taking the i-ediiced denarius of Nero,
this would make the wheat about a guinea a
bushel, or S4 shillings a quarter.
Appendix III.
Hebrew Money.
695
transaction (Zech. xi. 12, 13). It can scarcely ba a mere coincidence that
thirty shekels was the price of blood in the case of a slave accidentally killed
(Ex. xxi. 32). As we have no reason to suppose that the old Maccabaean
shekels were still in circulation, we must understand their equivalent, the
current staters.
Now to obtain the approximate values of these varieties of money (in the
sense explained above), we may, at the one end of the scale, calculate the
value of a shekel's weight of silver, and, at the other end, the value of the
existing denarii. The latter method gives us, as we have seen, 9c?. for the
Augustan denarizis ; and as this was the quarter of the stater or tetradrachm,
the latter would be just 35. (the value of a Prussian thaler) ; and this, again,
was regarded as the equivalent of the old shekel. On the other method, the
mint pi-ice of standard silver, 5s. 6d. per ounce troy of 480 grains, gives us
the value of rather more than 2s. Qd. (an English half-crown) for the shekel
of 220 grains. But as three parts out of forty of standard silver are alloy,
the worth of a shekel of pure silver will be raised to just 2s. 9c/. ; and the
difference of 3d. between this and the later value, as computed from the de-
narii, may be further reduced by an allowance for loss of weight in the Mac-
cabsean shekels, of which also, it should be remembered, 220 grains is the
average, not the maximum. On the whole, therefore, we can not be far in
excess of the true values, if we take 3s. as the appioximate value of the
shekel.
On this basis, then, the following tables are cal.ailated: —
Table III. — Old Hebrew Money. (By weight.)
i. Of Silver.
£ s. d.
Half-Shftk'^1 (^Poll
0 16
0 3 0
9 0 0
450 0 0 J
1
2
Shekel. , -
120
60
Maneh
■
GOOO
3000
50 Talent
ii. Of Gold (at £4 per oz.
troy).
£ s. d.
Shekel.
100
1 2 0
110 0 0
11,000 0 0
Maneh .
Talent
10,000
100
Note. — As the Gold Talent was twice the weight of the silver, and the ra'io of gold (o
silver was rather more than 12 to 1, these results agree closely enougli.
696 Weights and Measures. Appendix III.
Table IV. — Monet of the Asmon^an Period.
Copper, Silver, and Gold.
? Sixth (of Shekel)— Copper
Quarter (of Shekel) — Copper.
U
2 I Half (of Shekel)— Copper and Silver.
Shekel— Silver.
Dane- Gold.
Note. — Herod's three Copper Pieces:—
(1) Probably equal to the Quarter-shekel
(2) '• Half ''
(3) '•'■ three liraes the first
£ 8. d.
0
0
G
©
0
9
0
1
6
0
3
0
1
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
2
9
6
3
Table V. — Currency in the Time of Christ.
i. Jewish and Koman Copper.
Ijepton (Mite).
Quadrans (Farthing)
4 Assarion or As (Pennv).
£ f. d.
0
0
'i-J.
0
0
Oi I
0 0 Oi j
ii. Roman and Greek Silver.
Denarius (Penny), IG times the As=Drachma
2 I Didrachm (of account)::;^Half-3hekel
4 2 Stater or Tetradrachm=iShekel.
Gold Money is referred to in the New Testament, without reference to
specific vahies. The following were the pieces in circulation : —
£ R.
(1.) The Imperial Attreus, worth about 11
(2.) Greek Stateus, of probably about the same standard ae the Peman Daric 1 2
The Talent is often mentioned in the New Testament, but in a manner
which leaves it quite undetermined whether the word is a translation of the
old Hebrew kikkar^ or whether it refers to the Greek or other systems which
prevailed throughout the East. Of these systems the most general was : —
(1.) The Attio Talent of Silvek, worth about £243 15s., or approximately £250
But there were also-::; -^
(^.) The Eur.oic Tai.emt, worth £33S l(\s. lOf/., or nearly £340
(3.) The .^GiNETAN. worth £40!j 5s., or approximately £410
Appendix III. Measures of Length. 697
In all cases the Talent signifies money of account., the largest coins being the
staters ; and it must be taken to denote a talent of stiver, unless (jold is speci-
fied.
C. HEBREW MEASURES OF LENGTH.
In the Hebrew, as in every other system, these measures are of two class-
es ; length, in the ordinary sense, for objects whose size we wish to deter-
mine, and distance, or itinera?^ measures ; and the two are connected by
some definite relation, more or less simple, between their units.
1 , The measures of the former class have been universally derived, in the
first instance, from the /mrts of the human body ; but it is remarkable that, in
the Hebrew system, llic only part used for this purpose is the hand and fore-
arm, to the exclusion of ihe foot, which was the chief unit of the Western
nations. Hence arises the difficulty of determining the ratio of ihafoot to
the CeBIT, which appears as the chief Oriental unit from the very building of
Noah's ark (Gen. vi. 15, IG, vii. 20).
The Hebrew lesser measures were the etsha (^(^clktvIoc, digitus), or finr/er's
breadth (^Jev. lii. 21, only); iha tejthach (TialaiGT/j, palmus),palm or hand-breadtk
(Ex. XXV. 25 ; I K. \n. 26 ; 2 Chr. iv. 5, used metaphorically in Ps. xxxix.
5). The zereth (aTiBafxi], palinus major, or span), i. e., the full stretch between
the tips of the thumb and the little finger (Ex. xxviii. 10 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 4;
Ez. xliii. 13, and figuratively Is. xl. 12). '-
It is not merely that all such measures lequire more exact determination
than the human frame, with its great A'arieties of length, can furnish, but
that the word cubit itself has naturally three different senses, namely, the
length of the fore-arm by itself /row the elbow to the wrist, or the full length
from the elbow to the tij) of the outstretched middle fim/er, or the intermediate
length (or lengths) .//oj/t tlie elbow to one of the knuckles, especially the mid-
dle knuckle of the hand ; and cubits of all three standards appear to have
been actually in use. Two of them at all events were in common use, and
are distinguished by Herodotus as the moderate or of the ordinary measiire,
common or Asiatic Qitrpto^ idiuriKoc, Koivoi), which Avas the same as the Sa-
mian or Egyptian, and equal to 24 digits (about 18|- inches), and the royal ox-
Persian (iSaat/J/ioc), which was three digits longer, or 27 digits (about 20^
inches). So in the O. T., Ezekiel mentions a gi-eat cubit, or a cubit to the
knuckles (though the latter word may mean edge or tip), as equal to a cubit
and a hand-breath (xl. 5, xli. 8, the passages, however, besides being prophet-
ic, are confessedly difficult). This gi-eat or long cubit is that which he uses
hi measuring the temple of his vision ; and reverence would scarcely permit
him to use any other than the old Mosaic or legal standard, after which the
Tabernacle and the Temple were constructed, and to which the measure-
'2 The 'Latin citbilus (from cubj turn., the
elbow, so called because it supported a person
in the recnvibznt posture common at meals)
is in Greek nrix''^i '• ^-i probably Trax"?, the
thick part of the arm. The three senses in
which it yras n?ed as a measure are seen in
the Greek irv-^fxt], wv^wv, (names derived from
the fist), and ttTixi'v, '■• Jich are respectively
II, li, and li of Ihe Greek foot, or a little
more than 1ft. li in., 1 ft. 3 in., and 1 f . G in.
English. In a person of full stature {i. <>.,
Gg
whose outstretched arms measure G ft. from
tip to tip of the middle finger), the measures
are about 1 ft. 1-2 in., 1 ft. 3-4 in., and 1 ft.
8-9 in. 'J'lie Hebrew word for the cubit {aiv-
mah) appears to have been of Egyptian ori-
gin, as some of the measures of capacity (the
hin and ejyiiali) certainly were. (The Greek
ciiifjia was a Inud-measure of 40 cubits, or GO
feet.) The rod ((jonied) named as the measm-e
of Eglon's dirk, was perhaps only another
name for the cubit (Judg. iii. 16).
698
Weights and Measiwes.
Appendix III.
ments of the Ark are referred. If so, tlie other cubit, which it exceeded by
a hand-breadth, would naturally be the ordinary Chaldrean measure of the
country in wliich the propliet dwelt. This legal cubit is distinguished in the
time of Moses himself from tJie cubit of a man^ in which the measures of the
giant Og's bedstead are given (Dent. iii. 1 1 ), and which we may infer to
have been in common use among the Canaanites, and therefore to have been
of the Chaldi^ean standard, or the lesser cubit of Ezekiel. Again, as the di-
mensions of the Temple were "after the, first (or older) measure" (2 Chr.
iii. 3), there would seem to have been another, or neiv cubit, in use under Sol-
omon ; and the question arises whether this was different from both the oth-
ers. The data for determining the actual length of the Mosaic cubit involve
peculiar difficulties ; and absolute certainty seems unattainable. The follow-
ing, however, seem the most probable conclusions: — first, that three cubits
were used in the times of the Hebrew monarchy ; namely : —
(1.) The cubit of a vmn^ cr the common cubit of Canaan (in contradis-
tinction to the Mosaic cubit) of the Chaldajan standard :
(2.) The old Mosaic or legal cubit, a hand-breadth larger than the first, and
agreeing with the smaller Egyptian cubit :
(13.) The new cubit, Avhich was still larger, and agreed Avith the larger
Egyptian cubit, of about 20-G inches, used in the Nilometer :
And, secondly, that the ordinary cubit of the Bible did not come up to the
full length of the cubit of other countries. The reed (Jccineh) for measuring
buildings (like the Roman dccempeda) was equal to 6 cubits. It only oc-
curs in Ezekiel (xl. 5-8, xli. 8, xlii. IG-ID).^^ The values given in the fol-
lowing table (from Thenius) are to be accepted with reservation, for want of
greater certainty : —
Table VI.
IIedrew Measl'uks of Length.
4 P.ilm.
12 I 3 Span
24 G 2 I Cnl.it.
144
oG
12
Keed.
Inches.
Approximate j
Feet.
Incdes.
•7988
•8ori|
3-1752
*"
Stg
9-5257
Oi
19-0515
1
7
114-3090
'
G 1
Some authorities add —
Ft. In.
The Arabian Poleo{ 8 cubits 12 G
The Meusurhvj Line of flax (or Schcenus), of Ezek. xl. 3, of 80 cubits. . .125 0
Note. — According to the more common view, which malces the cubit nearly 22 inche.=.
these measures would have to be increased in proportion.
'3 The golden reed (xaXajuof xpvaoZv) by
which St. John nic:tr=ures the New Jerusalem
(Rev. xxi. 15) is, of course, like the other
features of the vi-^lon, the counterpart of
Ezekiel's rccd : but it is worth noticing that
the Greek system liad also a reed (Ka\a/uor,
aKaiva, deKcnrov^), and the Romans a decemjje-
da or pertica, equal, in each case, to ten/eet^
the Greek being 10 ft. 1-35 in., and the Ro-
man, 0 ft. 8 -490 in.
Appkndix III. Measures of Distance. ' 699
II. Of Measures of distance the smallest is the pace {Isaad), and the larg-
est the day's journey: besides which, the Cibrath hddrets (A. V. " a little
wav "or "a little piece of ground" seems to denote some definite measure
(Gen. XXXV. IG, xlviii. 7 ; 2 K. v. ID).
(a.) As to the last, the LXX. retain the Hebrew word in the form Xa-
BtiaOd as though it ^\el■e the name of a place, adding, in Gen. xlviii. 7, the
words Kara rbv 'nr-oSfjofiov, which is thus a second translation of the expres-
sion. If a certain distance was intended by this translation, it would be
either the ordinary length of a race-course, or such a distance as a horse
could travel without being over-fatigued ; in other words, a stage. But it
probably means a locality, either a race-course itself, as in 3 Mace. iv. 11, or
the space outside the town walls Avhere the race-course was usually to be
found. The LXX. gives it again, in Gen. xlviii. 7, as the equivalent for
Ephrath. The Syriac and Persian versions render cibrath by parasang, a
well-known Persian measure, generally estimated at 30 stades (Herod, ii. 6,
V. 53), or from 3^ to 4 English miles, but sometimes at a larger amount, even
up to GO stades (Strab. xi. 518). The only conclusion to be drawn from the
Bible is that the cibrath did not exceed, and probably equaled the distance
between Bethlehem and Rachel's burial-place, which is traditionally identi-
fied with a spot one and a half miles north of the town.
(/>.) The Pace (2 Sam. vi. 13), whether it be single, like our pace, or double,
like the Latin passus, is defined by nature within certain limits, its usual
length being about thirty inches for the former, and five feet for the latter.
In the Roman system, which was founded on the march of soldiers, the pace
was exactly defined, to bring it into harmony with the ordinary measures of
length ; but this does not appear to have been done by the Jews." There is
some reason to suppose that even before the Roman measurem.ent of the
roads of Palestine, the Jews had a Mile of 1000 paces, denoted in the Tal-
mud by the Roman name, b'^'Q, and alluded to in Matt. v. 41. It is said to
have been single or double, according to the length of the pace ; and hence
the peculiar force of our Lord's saying : — " Whosoever shall press thee as a
courier for one mile, go with him tivain .-" put the most liberal construction on
the demand.
{c.) The derec yam, or mahdlac yom, a Days Journey, was the most usual
method of calculating distances in traveling (Gen. xxx. 3G, xxxi. 23 ; Ex. iii.
18, V. 3 ; Num. x. 33, xi. 31, xxxiii. 8 ; Dent. i. 2 ; 1 K. xix. 4 ; 2 K. iii. 9 ;
Jon. iii. 3 ; 1 Mace. v. 24, 28, vii. 45 ; Tob. vi. 1), though but one instance of
it occurs in the New Testament (Luke ii. 44). The distance indicated by it
was naturally fluctuating according to the circumstances of the traveler or
of the country through Avhich he passed. Herodotus variously estimates it
at 200 and 150 stades (iv. 101, v. 53) ; Marinus {ap. Ptol. i. 11) at 150 and
172 stades : Pausanias (x. 33, § 2) at 150 stades ; Strabo (i. 35) at from 250
to 300 stades ; and Vegetius {De Re Mil. i. 11) at from 20 to 24 miles for
the Roman army. The ordinary day's journey among the Jews was 30 miles ;
but when they traA^eled in companies, only 10 miles. Neapolis formed the
first stage out of Jerusalem, according to the former, and Beeroth, according
to the latter computation (Lightfoot, Exerc. in Luc. ii. 44). It is impossible
»4 The pace of the T.ilmudists is the Ro- i 635 feet=:12.5 pacesrrl stadium, Arhich was
man pa.i^ms, and their /oof tlie Roman ;je.s one-eighth of tlie Roman mile cf 1000 paces, j
5 of which malie up the passus. Tliey make ;
700 ' ]Vei(/hts and Measures. Appendix III.
to assign any distinct length to the day's journey. Jahn's estimate of 33
miles, 172 yards, and 4 feet, is based upon the false assumption that it bore
some fixed ratio to the otiier measures of length.
((i.) Ihe Sabbath-day s Journey of 2000 cubits {I^ajSfiaTov 666g, Acts i. ]2]
is peculiar to the New Testament, and arose from a Kabbinical restriction
which, as we may infer from one case at least, ^"^ did not exist in olden times.
It was founded on a universal application of the prohibition given by Moser
for a special occasion: — " Let no man go out of his place on the seventh
day " (Ex. xvi. 29). An exception was allowed for the purpose of worship-
ing at the Tabernacle; and as 2000 cubits was the prescribed space to be
kept between the Ark and the people, as well as the extent of the suburbs
of the Levitical cities on every side (Numb. xxxv. ,'")), tliis Avas taken for the
length of a Sabbath-day's journey, measured from the icall of the city in
which the traveler lived. Computed from the value given above for the cubit,
the Sabbath-day's jouniey would be just six-tenths of a inile. The larger
value, usually taken for the cubit, gives seven-tenths of a mile.
(e.) After the Captivity, the relations of the Jews to the Persians, Greeks,
and Romans caused the use, probably of the parasang^ and certainly of the
stadium and the mile. Though the first is not mentioned in the Bible, it is
well to exhibit the ratios of the three. The universal Greek standard, the
stadium of 600 Greek feet, which was the length of the race-course at Olym-
pia, occurs first in the Maccabees^ and is common in the New Testament.
Our version renders it furlong ; it being, in fact, the eighth part of the Ro-
man mile, as the furlong is of ours^^ (2 Mace, xi. 5, xii. 9, 17, 29 ; Luke
xxiv. 13; John vi. 19, xi. 18; Rev. xiv. 20, xxi. 16). The Roman 7/a7e,
thougli there is only one doubtful mention of it (Matt. v. 4 1 , see above), was
applied to the roads of Palestine under the empire, and the results are not
only recorded in the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries^ but in some cases
the milestones are still to be seen.
One measure remains to be mentioned. The /ai/jom, used in sounding by
the Alexandrian mariners in St. Paul's voyage, is the Greek opyvia, i. e., the
full stretch of the two arms from tip to tip of the middle finger, which is
about equal to the height, and in a man of full stature is six feet. For the
sake of completeness, the values of the Greek and Roman foot are shown in
the following table : —
^5 2 K. iv. 2.0, where it seoni;; tli.nt Elisha ' pcxagcsimal measure of the earth's dreum-
lived farther than a Sabbath-day's journey ference (the only natural standard of mcas'
from Shunem. The cases of l?avi(l'.s flight
from Saul, and Elijah's from Jezebol, may
perhaps be considered as exceptional, on the
ground of necessity.
1® By an approximation so close as to leave
no doubt that it is more than accidental, the
Greek and Eoman eystemo arc related to the
tires of distance) by these simple propor*
tions: —
1 degreer=63 geogi'aphical mil3Szz:G0O Eta-
diai=T5 Koman milcf?.
1 minute:=:l geographical mile^r^lO stadia
—6000 Greek ft.
1 s:cond=100 Greek ft.
Appendix III. Measures of CaiMcity. 701
Table NIL — Foreign Measures of Length and Distance.
Miles.
Feet.
INCUES.
KomanFoot (Pes') — 96 of Greftk foot
-9193
3i nearly.
*•
1
4
6
6C6
=4854
..
11-6496
0 135
10-248
0 81
9
'^h
Greek Foot rn-ouO
^ \ ^
RoniaTi Pace (oatistis)
^
6 1 C
U
Greek Fathom (oo-.vici)
625 COJ
125
ICO
Roman Mils
5,000 1 4.800
1000
800
8
IS, 750
1S,<)00
3750
3000
30
31
I'ersiaa Parasang
For estimating Area, and especially Laud, there is no evidence that the
Jews used any special system of Square Measures, but they -were content to
express the length and breadth of the surface to be measured by the culji't
(Num. XXXV. 4, 5 ; Kz. xl, 27) or by the reed (Ex. xlii. 20, xliii. 17, xlv. 2,
xlviii. 20 ; Rev. xxi. 1 6). For a discussion of the difficulties arising from this
mode of measurement, see Diet, of Bible, vol. iii. p. 1739, b.
D. MEASURES OF CAPACITY.
1. The measures of capacity for Liquids were: — {a) The log (Lev. xiv.
10, etc.), the name originally signifying a " basin," {b) The Inn, a name of
Egyptian origin, frequently noticed in the Bible (Ex. xxix. 40, xx.\. 24 ;
Num. XV. 4, 7, 9 ; Ez. iv. 11, etc.). (c) The bath, the name meaning "meas-
ured," the largest of the liquid measures (IK. vii. 26, 38; 2 Chr. ii. 10;
Ezra vii. 22 ; Is. v. 10). With regard to the relative values of these meas-
ures we learn nothing from the Bible, but we gather from Josephus {Ant. iii.
8, § 3) that the batli contained 6 hins (for the bath equaled 72 Greek xestae or
1 2 choes, and the bin 2 choes), and from the Rabbinists that the hin contain-
ed 12 lo(js (Carpzov, Aj)pnr. p. 085). The relative values therefore stand
thus : —
2. The L>ri/ measure contained the following denominations :— («) The
fnb, mentioned only in 2 K. vi. 25, the name meaning literally hol/oio or con-
cave, (b) The omer, mentioned only in Ex. xvi. 1 G-3G. The same measure
i3 elsewhere termed issdron, as being the ie7ith part of an ephah (comp. Ex.
xvi. 30), whence in the A. V. " tenth deal" (Lev. xiv. 10, xxiii. 13; Num.
XV. 4, etc.). The word omer implies a heap, and secondarily a sheaf, (c)
The sedh, or " measure," this being the etymological meaning of the term,
and appropriately ajiplied to it, inasmucli as it was the ordinarv measure for
702
WeujiiU and Measures.
Appendix III.
household purposes (Gen. xviii. G; 1 Sam. xxy. 18 ; 2 K. vii. 1, IG). The
Greek equivalent occurs in Matt. xiii. 33 ; Luke xiii. 21. The seah was oth-
erwise termed slidlish, as being the third part of an ephah (Is. xl. 12 ; Vs.
Ixxx. 5). (d) The ejihcdi, a word of Egyptian origin, and of frequent recur-
rence in the Bible (Ex. xvi. 30 ; Lev. v. 11, vi. 20 : Num. v. 15, xxviii. 5;
Judg. vi. 19; Ruth ii. 17 ; 1 Sam. i. 24, xvii. 17 ; Ez. xlv. 11, 13, 14, xlvi.
5, 7 11, 14). (e) The lethec, or "half-homer," literally meaning what is
poured out: it occurs only in Hos. iii. 2. (/") The homer, meaning heap
(Lev. xxvii. 16; Num. xi. 32; Is. v, 10; Ez. xlv. 13). It is elsewhere
termed cor, from the circular vessel in which it was measured (I K. iv. 22,
v. 11 ; 2 Chr. ii. 10, xxvii. 5 ; Ezra vii. 22 ; Ez. xlv. 14). The Greek equiv-
alent occui-s in Luke xvi. 7.
The relative proportions of the dry measures are to a certain extent ex-
pressed in the names issdron, meaning a tenth, and shulish, a third. In addi-
tion we have tlie Biblical statement that the omer is the tenth part of the
ej)hah (Ex. xvi. 36), and that the ephah was the tenth part o{ a homer, and cor-
responded to the hath in liquid measure (Ez. xlv. 11). The Rabbinists sup-
plement this by stating that the ephah contained three seahs, and the seah six
cabs (Carpzov* p. G^?>). We are thus enabled to draw out the following scale
of relative values : —
Cub.
Seal..
Ephah.
Homer.
n
1 Omer.
G
i 3^
IS
10
ISO
1 lUO
1
30
10
The above scale is constructed, it will be observed, on a combination of
decimal and duodecimal ratios, the former prevailing in respect to the o/«er,
ephah, and homer, the latter in respect to the cab, seah, and ejJiah. In the
liquid measure the duodecimal ratio alone appears, and hence there is a fair
presumption that this was the original, as it was undoubtedly the most gen-
eral, princijjle on which the scales of antiquity were framed (Boeckh, p. 38).
Whether the decimal division was introduced from some other system, or
whether it was the result of local usage, there is no evidence to show.
The absolute values of the liquid and dry measures form the subject of a
single inquiry, inasmuch as the two scales have a measure of equal values,
viz., the bath and the ejdiah (Ez. xlv. 11): if either of these can be fixed, the
conversion of the other denominations into their respective values readily
follows. Unfortunately the data for determining the value of the bath or
ephah are both scanty and conflicting. Attempts have been made to deduce
the value of the bath from a comparison of the dimensions and the contents
of the molten sea as given in 1 K. vii. 23-26. If these ]iarticulars had been
given with greater accuracy and fullness, they would have furnished a sound
basis for a calculation ; but, as the matter now stands, uncertainty attends
every statement. The diameter is given as 10 cubits, and the circumference
as 30 cubits, the diameter being stated to be " from one brim to the other."
Appendix III. Measures of Capacitij. 703
Assuming that the vessel was circuhir, the proportions of the diameter and
circumference are not sufficiently exact for mathematical purposes ; nor are
we able to decide whether the diameter was measured from the internal or
the external edge of the vessel. The shape of the vessel has been variously
conceived to be circular and polygonal, cylindrical and hemispherical, with
perpendicular and with bulging sides. The contents are given as 2000 baths
in 1 K. vii. 26, and 3000 baths in 2 Chr. iv. 5, the latter being a corrupt
text. Lastly, the length of the cubit is undefined, and hence every estimato
is attended with suspicion. The conclusions drawn have been widely ditfer-
ent, as might be expected. If it be assumed that the form of the vessel was
cylindrical (as the description p)-i//m facie seems to imply), that its clear
diameter was 10 cubits of the value of 19-05 L English inches each, and
that its full contents Avere 2000 baths, then the value of the bath would be
4-8965 gallons; for the contents of the vessel would equal 2,715,638 cubic
inches, or 9793 gallons. If, however, the statement of Josephus {Ant. viii.
3, § 5), as to the hemispherical form of the vessel, be adopted, then the es-
timate would be reduced. Saigey, as quoted by Boeckh (p. 261), on this
hypothesis calculates the value of the bath at 18-086 French litres, or 3-9807
English gallons. All the other computations agree in one point, viz., that
the bath fell far below tlie value set on it by Josephus, and by modern writ-
ers in Hebrew archaeology generally, according to whom the hath measured
between 8 and 9 English gallons.
Josephus identifies the hath Avith the vietretes, the chief Attic liquid meas-
ui-e(:=8 galls. 5-12 pints). The cor (ox hovier) is made by him equal to
10 Attic viedinmi (the viedimnus being nearly a bushel and a half), and by
Jerome to 30 IJoman viod'd (the modius being nearly a quarter of a bushel).
But the statements of these writers, and of Epiphanius {de Mensuris) are full
of such glaring errors and inconsistencies, as to raise the question whether
the identification of the hath with the metretes did not arise out of the cir-
cumstance that the two measures held the same relative position in the
scales, each being subdivided into 72 parts ; and again, Avhether the assign-
ment of 30 modii to the cor did not ari$e out of there being 10 seahs in it.
Assuming, however, that Josephus was right in identifying the hath with the
metrites, its value would be, according to Boeckh's estimate of the latter,
1993-95 Paris cubic inches, or 8-7053 English gallons; but according to the
estimate of Bertheau {Gesch.^. 73), 1985-77 Paris cubic inches, or 8-6696
English gallons.
The Rabbinists furnish data of a diffei-ent kind for calculating the value of
the Hebrew measures. They estimated the log to be equal to six hen Qgg»,
the cubic contents of which were ascertained by measuring the amount of
water they displaced (Maimonides, in Cel. 17, § 10). On this basis Thenius
estimated the log at U-088 Paris cubic inches, or -06147 English gallons, and
the hath at 1014-39 Paris cubic inches, or 4-4286 gallons {St. u. Kr. pp. 101,
121). Again, the log of water is said to have weighed 108 Egyptian drach-
mre, each equaling 61 barleycorns^^ (Maimonides, in Peak, 3, § 6, ed. Guisius).
Thenius finds that 6588 barleycorns fill about the same space as 6 lien eggs
(St. u. Kr. p. 112). And again, a log is said to fill a vessel 4 digits long, 4
"• In the table the weight of the log is i The relative weighti of water and wine were
given as 104 drachm^; but in this case the j ns 27 to 1Q>.
contents of the log are siipp-jsed to be wine, i
04 Weights and Measures. Appendix 111.
broad, and 2^^J liigli (Maimonides, in Prief. Menachota). This vessel would
contain 2L-G cubic inches, or 'OUryi gallon. The conclusion arrived at from
these data would agree tolerably well with the first estimate formed on the
notices of the molten sea.
As we are unable to decide between Josephus and the Rabbinists, we gWe
a double estimate of the various denominations, adopting Bertheau's estimate
of the metreles : —
Table VIII.
[,/05c/.Am«.] iRallini3ts.-\
Gallons. Gallons.
Homer or Cor SO-6% or 44*280 10J~ or 5} bushela.
Epluih 01- Bath 8-6696 or 4-4283
Heah 2-S8J8 or 1-4T62
llin 1-1449 or -7381
.Omer -5069 or 4428
(Jab -4816 or -24',;
Log -1204 or -OaiS
In the New Testament we have notices of the following foreign meas-
ures : — (rt) The metreles (John ii. 6; A. V. "firkin") for liquids. (/>) Tlie
choenix (Kev. vi, 6 ; A. V. "measure"), for dry goods, (r) The xestes, ap-
plied, however, not to the particular measure so named by the Greeks, but to
any small vessel, such as a cup (Mark vii. 4, 8 ; A, V. "pot"), (d) The
■iiiodi'us, similarly applied to describer any vessel of moderate dimensions
(Matt. V. 15 ; Mark iv. 21 ; Luke xi. 33 ; A. V. " bushel ") ; though ]ni>\)-
erly meaning a Eoman measure, amounting to about a peck.
The value of the Ai^ic metretes has been already stated to be 8-GG9G gal-
lons, and consequently the amount of liquid in six stone jars, containing on
the average 2.} metretce each, would exceed 1 10 gallons (John ii. 6). Very
possibly, however, the Greek term represents the Hebrew bath, and, if the
bath be taken at tha lowest estimate assigned to it, the amount would be re-
duced to about GO gallons. Even this amount fiir exceeds the requirements
for the purposes of legal pui-ification, the tendency of Pharisaical refinement
being to reduce the amount of Mater to a minimum, so that a quarter of a
/of/ Avould suffice for a person. The question is one simply of archaeological
interest, as illustrating the customs of the Jews, and does not affect the char-
acter of the miracle with which it is connected.
The choenix was l-4:8th of an attic viediinnus, and contained nearly a quart.
It represented the amount of corn for a day's food ; and hence a choeinx for
a penny (or denarius)^ which usually purchased a bushel (Cic. Verr. iii. 81),
indicated a great scarcity (Rev. vi. G).
»-.
^ WIA
CrS
B^-iS? fT -S H p^ii5? D-
^KT.j' ? ms
" Denarius of Tiberius=:The Tribute Penny."
Obv. TI CAESAR DIVI AVG F AVGVSTV5. Head of Tiberiu?, laureate, to the right
(Matt. xxii. 19, 20, 21). Kev. PONTIF MAXIM. Seated female figure to the right.
'' "Whose is this imnge and superscription ? They say unto him, C»-ar's." — Matt. xxii. 21.
INDEX
A.
Aaron, 137. Appointed one
of the leaders of Jsrael, 1.12.
Oppressed by Pharaoli, 142
Sees God, 171. VVitli_ hi-
sons anointed to the priest-
hood, 175. llis opposition
to Moses, 183. His disobe-
dience, 197. His death, 193.
ilis tomb, 200. As liigh-
priost, 225, 237.
Abarim, mountains of, 202.
Abdon, tlie twelfth judge, 35S.
Abednego, Gli».
AbL'l, hid name, 31. His sacii-
lice and death, 32.
Abel-beth-maacali, its posi-
tion. 4G>,
Abel-shittim, its position, 205
Abi (or Abijah), motlier of
Ifezekiah, 5(51.
Abiah, son of Samuel, 375.
■ -, tlie high-priest, 389.
Abiathar, son of Ahimelech, in
D.avid's camp, 40D. High-
priest, 435, 436, 443, 44(5.
He supports Adonijah, 4U5.
Banished, and deposed from
tlie priesthood, 463, 479.
Abib, 2G0.
Abigail, David's sister, 403.
, wife of Nabal, 410, 411.
Married to David. 411.
Abihail, wife of liehoboam,
503.
Abihu, sees G-oJ, 171. De.atl)
of, 131.
Abiiah, son of Rehoboam, 503.
liis reign, 509.
, son of Jeroboam, hi^
early deatli, 513.
Abimclech, king of Gi rar,
85.
, son of preceding, 05, 96.
, son of Gideon, 350. Suc-
ceeds in establishing a king-
dom at Shechem, 351. His
death, 353. Commonly reck-
oned as the sixth judge, 353,
Abinadab, a Levite, 374
, son of Jesse, 395, 3:8.
, son of Saul, 418.
Abiram, rebellion of, 191
. , son of Hie), 301.
Gg 2
Ablshag the Shunammite, 4C8.
Ab sl»ai, nephew of David,
3.!S, 407, 411, 429, 430. Hl-
victory over the Kdomites,
440, 4 13, 44:t, 453,402,
Abital, wife of David, 433.
Abner, uncle of Saul, 3.)1, 411
I'rochiims Ish-bosheth as
king, 428. l':ndeavors to
Conquer Judnh, 42'J. Hi.-
death, 430, 443.
.-Abraham, (57, 69, 71. His call.
70. God's second promise to
him, 71. Thirl promi e, 73
He lescuc.-? Lot, 74. (jlofT:
fourtli promise to him, 75, 76
Caange of his name,7S. Ke
newal of the covenant, 73,
HI'S title of '•'• tlie friend ol
God," 82. Appearance ol
the "• three men" to him, 8.3,
Dwells at Beer-sheba, 85
Birth of his son Isaac, 85,
80. Commanded to saciifice
Isaac, 86, 87. His return
from Beer-sheba, 83. Pur
chases the cave of Machpe-
lab, 83. His death, 89.
.\bram (see Abraiiam).
Absalom, son of David, 433.
453, 454. His plot against
his father, 454-460.
Accad, foundation of, 62.
.\ccho, or 'Akka, plain of, 342.
Achaziah {sea Ahaziah).
Achish, kingof Gath, 412, 413,
417.
Achon, unfaithfulness of, 302.
303.
.\chor {see Achon, 254).
Achsah, daughter of Caleb,30:).
Adam, his creation, 20, 21.
Placed in Paradise, 22. H i-
temptation and fall, 26, ' 7.
His punishment, 27. His
descendants, 34.
Adar, 26X
Adino {fi^e Jashobeam).
Admah, 73. Destruction of, 84.
Adonai, 24.
Adoni-bezek, 319.
Adoni-zedec, king of Jerusa-
lem, makes a league against
Gibeon, 304. His death, 306.
Adonijah, son of David, 433,
4.5:^. His conspiracy, 466.
467. His death, 463.
Adoram, 443.
.\drammelecli, son of Sen.
nacherib, 579.
.\dullam, cave of, 288.
\gag, taken pri-oner by Saul,
392. Slain, 394.
Agur, son of Jakeh, 501.
iVhab, king of Israe , reign of,
519-528.
, son of Kolaiah, 508.
Ahasuerus, 633, 634.
.\h!iz, king of Judah, 558.
.Vhaziah, king of Judah, hU
reign, 533. His death, 511.
, king of Israel, son of
Ah.ib, his league with Je-
ho.-ht»phat, 530. His reign,
530, 5ol.
Miijah the Shilonite, 497, 514.
.\hik:im, counselor of Josiab,
592.
Ahimaaz, 459, 4G0.
.\himelech the liigh - priest,
406-408.
Ahinoam, wife of Saul, 390.
, wife of David, 411.
Ahio, son of Abinadab, 434.
Ahithophel of Gilo, 440, 455,
453.
.^holiab, 175, 226.
Ai, attacked by the Israelites,
312. Taken, 303.
Vin Awarah,164.
Ain-esh Shebabeh, 195.
.\in-jalud, fountain of, 289.
Akabah, G ulf of, 193, 200. *
'.A.kka, plain of {see Acclio).
"•Akr.a," the (see Moriahi.
.A.ltar of Burnt-offering in the
tabernacle, 229. In Solo-
mon's temple, 485.
Alt.'ir of Incense in the taber-
nacle, 229. In Solomon's
temple, 434.
.Vlu>h, 165.
Amalek, 106.
.\malekites, their origin, 166.
Doomed to nUimite extinc-
tion, 166. Def'at the Israel-
ites, IS ). Saul commanded
to destroy the, 392.
.\mariah the higli-pnest, 529.
Amnsa, captain of the host,
458, 460, 462. His death,
462.
.\masai, David's nephew, 408,
Amasis, king of Egypt, 616.
'08
Index.
Eldad, 1S5.
Polders, appointmentof the Sev-
enty, 1S5, 276.
Eleazar, succeeds Aaron as
high-priest, 199. His death, t
310. I
, son of Ahinadab, conse-
crated as keeper of the Ark, :
374. !
— , son of Dodo, the Ahohite,!
443. House of, 440. 1
Eli, tlie thirteenth judge, 363, |
360. "VVickednes.sofhissons,!
370. KebukedbyG-od through
Samuel, 371. His death, 372. |
Clironology of, 361, 362, 370,
l^liab, son of Jesse, 394, 398.
Eliakim (sec Jehoiakini).
, son of Hilkiah, 563.
Elia-hib, the high-priest, 037
642. I
Eliezer, steward of the housej
of Abraham, 71, 75. |
, .140. I
Elihu, brother of David, 443. |
Elijah the Tishbite, 520. His|
mis?ion,520,521. Challenges
Ahab to a trial between ,le-'
liovah and Baal, 522. Flies|
for his life, 523. Dwells in]
the wilderness, 52 i. Takes
IClisha as his servant, 524.
Denounces Ahab's sin, 526.
Sent to denounce the death
of.\haziah.5j0, 531. Ascent
of, 531-533!
Elim, 164.
JOliuielech, 326.
Eliphaz, friend of Job, 132.
Elisha, becomes Elijah's .serv-
ant, 524. Succeeds Elijah,
533. Pei-form- a miracle at
Jericho, 533. Prophesies the
victory over Moab, 534. Re-
lations between Jehoram
and, -535. His deeds, 530.
Designates Hazael :'s futuie
kingof Syria, 53S, 539. His
death, 549.
Elisheba, wife of Aaron. 200.
Elkanah, father of Samuel, 309,
370.
El-Mukrah, 195.
Elohim, 23, 24, 25.
Elon, the eleventli ju1ge 35S.
Eloth, recovered and rebuilt
by Uzziah, .557.
El-Shaddai, 23, 7S.
Elula?us, king of Tyre, 572.
IClymseans, the, 60.
Endor, witch of, 414-410.
Engedi, cave of, 2S8.
Enoch, son of (Jain, r.5. City
named after him, 35.
. , son of Jared, iiis transla-
tion, 30, 37.
,Book of, 41.
l^nos, son of Seth, 36.
En-Nukb, 194.
Ephali, the, 702.
or Bath, 704.
Ephod, the, 230, 237.
Ephraim, birth of. 111, 119,
Children of, 115, 110.
Ephron the Hittite, 88.
Erech, foundation of, 62.
Esau, birth of, 89.
birthright, 94, 95.
Gath, taken by David, 439.
Gaza, 292, 293.
Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, 604,
000.
Gehazi's covetousness, 535.
Genesis, Book of, 055.
Gerah, tlie, 595.
SfUs his'Gerizim, Mount, 211. Templ«
Marries,! on, 646, 047.
96. His reconciliation withiGershom, birth of, 140.
Jacob, 101. Gershonites, the, 240, 241.
Esar-haddon, king of Assyria, IGeshem, 037.
539, 570, 579, 5'^1. JGezer, 291, Destroyed, 30G.
Esdraelon {see Jtzreel), plain Rebuilt by Solomon, 493.
of, 342. iGibbethon, besieged by Nadab,
Eshcol, Amorite prince, 187. 513.
Es-Sufah, 194. Gibborim, 442.
Esther, 032-634. Book of, 032, Gibeah of Saul, 382.
606. jGibeon, battle of (.see Bethho-
Etham, 101. 1 ron).
Ethbaal,kingoftheZidonians, Gibeonites, the, 241 Obtain
519.
Et-Tih, desert of, 184.
Euphrates, 09.
Eve, creation of, 2"!, 22. Tempt-
ed by Satan, 27. The curse
upon her, 27. The promise to
her, 28.
Evil-raerodach. king of Baby- 1
Ion, 597, 014.'
Exodus, Book of, 130, 056.
Exodus, the, 153.
Ezek, well of, ! 6
peace by a stratagem, 303,
304. Massacre of the, 413.
Gideon, 341. Commanded to
savelsi-ael from the Midian-
ites, 345. Overthrows the al-
tar of Baal, 345. The sign of
the fleece, 340. Defeats the
Milianites, 347. P^ank of
king offered to him, 350. Ilia
i death, 350.
iGilboa, battle of, 418,
'Gilgal, 300, 303.
Ezekiel, 530. Book of, 600, 073. Girgashites, thje, SO.
Prophecies of, 000, 608. j "• Gittiti'," 442.
Ezion-gaber,orgebor, 200,494. '"Goel," 327, 328.
Ezra, 034-030, 1339-011, 045, Golan, 313.
040. [Goliath, storv of, 400-402.
, Book, of, 005. iGomates, king of Persia, 031.
jGomer, 00.
I Gomorrah, 73. Spoiling of, 74.
F. j Destruction of, 84.
Goshen, land of, 117.
Fall, the, 20-28.
Famines in Egypt, 116,
Fathom, Greek, 701.
Festivals, the three great his-
torical, 259. After the Cap
tivity, 269. Habakkuk, the prophet, 5S3.
Firmament, 19. , Book of, 078.
Flood, the, 40-48. Traditions Hadad, 440. Makeswaragamst
of the, 52. Solomon, 497.
Foot, Roman, 701. Hadadezer, the son of Rehob,
Furlong, 701. 439.
iHadarezer, 44S-.
Hadassah (nw Esther).
G. Hagar, 77,80.
Illaggai, the prophet, 632.
Gaal, leader of the insurgents! , Book of, 679.
against Abimelech, 353.
Gabriel the angel, his mission
to Daniel, 023.
Gad receives hid father's bless-
ing, 122.
Haggith, wife of David, 433.
Hagiographer, 652.
Hallel, the, 261-203.
Halleluiah, 262.
Ham, 45, 4^. Race of, 6;-63.
, tribe of, 210. IHaman, the Agigite, 633.
i theprophet, 385, 403. SentjHamath-zobali conquered by
to David, 464. Solomon, 493.
Galeed, 100. Hamutai, mother of Jehoahaz
Galilee, 284, 286. \ and Zedekiah, 590.
Index.
709
ISKAELITE8.
JEUOASII.
Hanjini, brother of Nehemiah,!Hor, Mount, 19S.
038. JHoreb, Mount, 140,156. Rock
, the seer, reproves Asa'sj in, wiiter flowing from, 1C5.
want of faitli, 517. Horinah {see ZepliathV
llananiali, commander - in -
chief under Uzziah, 557.
, 593, 010.
the false prophet, 597,
599.
the ruler of the palace,
Hannah, wife of Elkanah, 369.
370.
Ilanun, son of Niihasli, 447.
llarau, 68, 09, 79.
Harvest feast {see Pentecost).
Hasbeiya, springs of, 293.
Hazael, designated as future
king of Syria, 533, 5i9, 540,
547, 54S.
Hazeroth, 1S4, 186.
Hazor, city of, burnt, 300.
Heave-shoulder, 248.
Heber, the Keuite, 332.
Hebrew, meaning of name, 70.
- — — , language, 051.
Hebron, city of, destroyed, 300,
313.
nai to the borders of Canaan,
159. Advance from Sinai,
178-192. Tiieir final march
from Kadeah to the Jordan,
Hosea, the prophet, 553, 564.1 19i(.
His propllecie^', 550. ilssacliar receives his father'd
, Book of, 675. blessing, 122.
Hoshea, king of Israel, 503-560. jithamar, 200. House of, 440.
"• Host, The," 441. Ithream, son of David, 433.
Huldah, the prophetess, 585. | Ittai, the Gittite,440, 441,455.
Hur, husband of Miriam, 100,'lva-lush (set; Vul-lush).
171. I
llusliai, the Archite, 443, 450 i
45S. J.
Ibzan, the tenth judge, 358.
Ichabod, birth of, 372.
Iddo, tlie seer, 509.
Idumsea {see Kdom).
Ije-abarini, 202.
Immanuel, prophecy of tlie
birth of, 559.
Incense, 249.
Ingathering, Feast of (.see Tab-
ernacles).
jlra, tlie Jairite, 443.
king of, enters into a Isaac, why to be ^o named, 78.
league against Gibeon, 304.
His death, 300.
Helkath-hazzurim, 429,
Heman, 241.
, the Kohathite, family of,
445.
I Jaazer, taken by the Israelites,
204.
Jabal, son of Cain, 35.
Jabin, king of Hazor, forms a
league against Israel, 300.
His defeat, 300, 307, 334.
Jacob, birth of, 89. Obtains
his brother's birthright, 95,
iO. His dream, 98. llu
marriage, 99. Returns to
his father, 99. His fear of
l':sau,100, 101. Theirrecon-
ciliation. 101. His return to
Bethel, 102. List of sons of,
103. Settles in Egypt, 114.
His blessing on his sons,
118-124. His death, 124.
His birth, S.'). Trial of his
faith, 87. His marriage, 89.
Inherits his father's wealtii,i
89. Driven from Lahai-roi Jael, wife of Heber, 332.
by a famine, 95. His death,! Jahaz, battle at, 203.
Iii2. jjair, the eighth judge, ."54.
Hephzibal, wife of Ilezekiah, Isiiali, counselor of Hezeki:ih,Jakeh, father of Agur, 501.
575. 533. Death of, .581. |Jambres, the magician, 146.
Hermon (.'^ee Lebanon). ., prophecies of, 559, 572, Jannes, the magician, 145.
Heshbon, 203. 576, 577. ijaphetli, 45, 50.
Jlezekiah, king of Jndah, 501. 1 , Book of, C09-672. , race of, 55-01.
His illness, 573. Receivesjlsh-bosheth, Fon of Saul, 3S2.|Jared, son of Seth, 30.
the embassy from Merodach, Reign of, 4.8. His death,!jarmuth, king of, enters into
5T4. His kingdom invaded 430. I a league figainstGibeon,304.
by Sennacherib, 570 - 578. Ishmael, birth of, 78. His! His death, 3ii0.
Deliverance of, 578, 579.
Hiel, the Bethelite, 301.
High-priest, 207.
Hilkiah, the high-priesf, 584.
Hin, the, 701, 704.
Hinnom, vallev of, 472.
re in the promise of God, Jashobeam the Hachmonite,
443.
I si
I 79, 86. His death, 89.
I -^ son of Nethaniah, insur
I recti on of, 007.
Ish-tob, 447.
Ilshui, son of Saul, 390
Hiram, king of Tyre, 432. His Israel, new name of Jacob, 101.
assistance in the huildingj Settlement of in Egypt, 114,
of the Temple, 481, 482, 492,! 115.
493.
Hiiam, the architect, 482, 483.
Hittites, the, 80.
llivites, the, 80. 240.
Hobab, 107, 182.
Holiness of the people, 250-
252.
Holy Land, Abraham enters
the, 71.
, the, 281. Description of,
282-295.
Holy of Holies, the, 227.
Holy Place, 227-230.
Homer, the, 702.
, cr Cor, 704.
Hophni, son of Eli, 370.
Israel, land of, division of Ca-
n.aan .among, 309-312. Their
efforts to drive out the hea-
then, 319, 320,
., kingdom of, 50 1. End of
kingdom of, 5*5-507. Amal-
gamation of, with Judah,
507.
Israelites, period of their so-
journ in Egypt, 120, 135.
Their oppression by the
Egyptians, 139, 140, 144.
Their departure from Egypt,
153, 154. Their march out
of Egypt to Mount Sinai,
15S. Tlieir march from Si-
•Jav.in, CO.
Jcbel-atnk.ah,100.
Jebel-ed-Duliv, '290.
Nablus 289, 290.
Jebus {nee Jerusalem).
Jebusite-', the, SO.
Jecholiah, mother of Uzziah,
553.
Jeconiah (.see Jehoiachin).
Jedidah, mother of Josiah, 58.3.
Jedidiah, name of Solomon,
452.
Jeduthun, a Merarite, family
of, 445.
Jehaziel, 529.
Jehiel, has charge of David's
sons, 441.
Jehoadd.an, mother of Ama-
ziah, 550.
Jehoahaz, eleventh king of
Israel, 545, 540.
., king of Judah, 590.
Jehoash (or Joash), twelfth
710
Index.
king of Israel, his reign, 549-
551.
Jehoiada, 431,443,
, the high-priest, 542, 546,
54S.
Jehoiakim, kingof Judah, 500.
His leign, 5'J 1-597.
Jehonadab, son of Kechab, 541. | as king, 394, 3: 5
Jelioram {nee Joram). (Jethel, son of Gideon, 349.
, kingof Judali, his reign, jjetliro, 13.). His visit to Mo-
^ ^^- ses, 1()7.
''-■■' --•'• -' *'"•- 519,
JO,'5IlU.\.
537, 53
Jeliosliabeatli, dauglitcr of Je
horam, 54"?.
Jehcsliaphat, 443.
■ -, king of Judah, cnccaed:
to the thion.', 518, Forms
an alliance with Ahab, 519,lJoab, nephew of David, 3r
407. Commands the forces
of Judah, 429. Slays Ahn-r.
430, 4o2. His victories over
the Edomitps, 439, 440, 443
5i7, 528. Tries to reform
tlie people, 528, 529, 11 i.-^
death, 530.
, , valley of, 472-530.
Jehovali, meaning of name, 23.
24, 3(5, Keveuls himself to
Mo-^es, 141.
, Angel, 24, 25, 170. Ap-
pears to Gideon, 345.
Jehovah-nissi, 166.
Jehovah-shalom, 345.
Jehu, king, his reign, 53D, 545.
, the prophet, 514.
Jehudi, 594.
Jeiel, scribe of Uzziah, .557.
Jephthah, the ninth judge,
355. The sacrifice of his
daughter, 353. His death,
l]5S.
Jeremiah, the prophet, 533.
His lamentatidn for Josiah,
5S7. Bookof,5>S, 5S.), 5:18,
r>y^. His ])n.phec!es, 502,
594, 505, 598, 60.t, 001, 614,
617. His imprisonments,
601, 602. His treatment l)y
Nebuchadnezzar, 603. Joins
Gedaliah, 606. Carried to
ICgypt, 607.
, Book of, 672, 673.
Jericho, 294, 298. Conquered
by the Israelite.^, 300-302. jjoppa, 203.
Later history of, 317. Ijoram, .«on of Toi, 440.
Jeroboam, son of Nebat, 492, j , ninth king of Israel
497. Visions against, 498. reign of, 5C4-r)40.
, his revolt, 5 17. Pro-'jordan, the river, £93, 2C4
Jenishah, mother of Jotham, the furcessor of Moses, 200,
55S. [ 211,214. Succeeds Moses as
Jeshua, the high-priest, 630, the leader of Israel, 297. His
632. fonner name, 207. March-
Jeshimon, the, 203. es toward the Jordan, 298.
Jeshurun, 213. | Takes Jericho, 301. Holds
Jesse, his son David anointed theeeremonyof the Blessing
and the Cur.-e on Mounts
Gerizim and Ebal, 303. De-
feats the Amorites, 304.
Subdues the southern half
of Palestine, 3(;6. Defeats
Jabin, 306. Commanded to
divide the land by lot, 3( S,
311, 312. Receives as his
inherit.-mce Timnath-serah,
312. 11 is exhortation to the
tribes, 314. His covenant
wit! I the people, 316. IJii
de:ith, 316.
-, Book of, 658,
Jezebel, wif3 of Ahab
525. Her death, 540.
Tezreel, city of, 525. Plain
and valley of, 284, 342, 5S7.
limzu, 293.
447, 453, 458-461, 4G4, 4J6.|Josiah,kingof Judah, 583-589.
Slain, 468. Jotiiain, son of Gideon, escapes
Joash, father of Gideon, 3^4. wlien his brothers are slain,
346. 351. Relates a parable, £52.
■ (or Jehoash), king of , king of Judah, 558.
Judah, son of Ahaziah, Jubal, son of Cain, C5.
crowned, 542. His reign. Jubilee, year of, 258.
546-548. jJudfBa, 282, 283, 288. At tlie
rTob, the Book of, 12.-133. ! time of the destruction of Je-
Jochebed, wifeof Amram, 137,
138.
Joel, son of Samuel, 375.
. , Book of, 676.
Johanan (sec Jehoahaz).
, son of Kareah, 607.
Joktheel, 550.
Jonah, sent to Nineveh, 551.
Book of, 1 52, 553, 677,
Jonathan, the Levite, sou of
Gershom, 322.
, son of Saul, 382. At-
tacks the Philistines, 388, j
38 ». His life saved by the
people, 300. His bow, 391.1
His friendship with David,;
402-4(;0. His death, 418
, D ividls nephew, 443,
claimedking,507. Hisreign,
510-513.
Jeroboam IT., king of Israel,
his reign, 551-553.
Jerubbaal, new name of Gide-
on, 346.
Jerusalem, SO. Taken by Da-
vid, 432, 433. Topography
of, 471. Plan of, 473. Tak-
en by Nebuchadnezzar, 503.
Besieged by Nebucbadnez-
Eai-, 600. Taken, 602, 603.
Burnt, 604. Fortified by Ne-
hemiah, 636, 637. Peopling
of, 641. Dedication of tlie
wall of, 641.
Tiisalem by Nebuchadnez-
zar, 606.
Judah receives his father's
blessing,121. Tribeof, takes
tiie lead in driving out the
heathen nations, 319. Aids
Simeon iu recovering his lot,
320.
Judah, kingdom of, 504. End
of, 589.
Judges, Books of, 318, 659, 660.
, chronoloL'y of the period
ofthe,3;;6--41.
, the, 273--75.
., the earlier, 318-3.5.
, Eli, Samuel, and Sam-
son, 360-375,
, the, from Gideon to Jeph-
thah, 344-354.
— , the, list of their names,
Kadesh, 186, 187, 1C4, 1C5.
'assage of the, 290.
, Valley, 283, 284, 293,
294.
Joseph, birth of, 99. The fa-|Kedesh, 313.
vorite of his father, 100, 107. Kedion, valley of (.see Jehosha-
Conspiracy of his brothers, iihat).
108. Carried to Egypt, 108. iKenites, 167. Their settlement
Impri.-oned, 109. InterpretsI in the wilderness of Judah,
■ - -■ ■ ^^^ 3.2Q
Keturah, concubine of Abra-
ham, 80.
Keturaite Arabs, 89.
Kibroth-hattaavah, 184.
King, a, demanded by the Jews,
274.
Kings, Books of, 659, 661.
Pharaoh's dream?, 110, 111
Marriage of. 111. His broth-
ers settle in i:gypt, 113. Re-
ceives his fathei-'s bUssin^.
119, 123. Death, 124. Di-
vision rf triljfi of, .308.
Joshua, liivt mention of, 166,
171,187,183. Consecrated as
Index.
7U
KiaJATlI-lirZOTlI.
Klrjath-huzotli, 207.
Kirfh, father of Saul, 3S2,
Koliathites, the, 240, 241.
Korah, rebellion of, 191.
Laban, son of Bsthiiel, S9, 99.
Hiscovenant witli Jacob, 100.
Laboiosoirchod, king of Baby-
Ion, 615.
Lachish, king of, enters into a
league against Gibeon, 301.
llis deatli,30G.
, siege of, 57(5.
, destroyed, 306.
I^aliai-roi, well of, SJ.
Lai.^h (.<e3 Dan).
Lamb of God, S3.
-, Paschal, 152.
Lamech, polygamy of, 34.
, song of, 40.
, son of Seth, 3S.
Landof Israel, the, 281.
of Jehovah, 2S1.
Language, Adam endowed
with, 23.
Lapidoth, the husband of Dab-
orah, 331.
Laver, brazen, 229.
Law, l?ook of the, discovered
by Hilkiah, 5S4.
, Mosaic, 21S-224.
LawH, Civil, of the Jews, 276-
27a.
, Criminal, of the Jews,
27S, 279.
, Constitutional and Polit-
ical, of the Jews, 272.
Leah, wife of Jacob, 99.
Lebanon, 2S4.
Lemuel, 5 I2.
Leprosy, 253.
Levi, 102. Tribe of, conseci-a-
tel to the priesthood, 121,
173.
Levites, their substitution for
tlie first-born, ISO, 240-242.
Provision made for tiieir
habitation, 318.
, under David, 44">, 446.
Leviticus, Book of, (J57.
Libnah, city of,destroyed, 306.
lievolt of, 537. Sicgj of, 57S.
Light, 19,
»■' Lights" (.ee Dadication, feast
of)
Litany, the, 2f>4.
Log, the, 701,704.
Lot, G'J, 70, 72, 74. His escap?
fiom So.iom, 84.
Lots, tlie Feast of (wePurim).
liubim, 60.
Luz (^v'c Bethel).
Lydd, 293.
Lydians, the, 60.
MEE.OD.\CU-l!.\.LAI)AN.
Maacah, wife of David, 433.
, 447.
.Maachah, mother of Asa, 516.
-, wife of Kehoboam, 50S.
.Maaseiah, ruler of the house
under L'zziah, 557.
, .son of Ahaz, 55J.
Moab, two-thirds of the paople
of, put to death by David,
439.
Machir-ben-ammiel, 431, 45S. |Micaiah, the prophet, 527.
Machpelah,caveof,SS,r24,2S8.!Mich.ni;ih, the scribe, 594.
Madai, 6». |Mi.- m1, daughter of Saul, 390,
Malialaleel, son of Seth, 36. 404 411.
Vlahalath, wife of Kelioboam,! , wife of David, 429.
598. iMichmash, 390.
Mahanaim, 100. JMidianites, 205. Slaughter of
Maher-slialal-hash-baz, 55D. tlie, 209.
Vlahloa, son of Naomi, 326
MOSES.
Mesha, king of Moab, revolt*
fiom Israel, 534.
Meshach, 610.
MeshuUemeth, mother of
Amon, 583.
Messiah, first prophecy of the,
28. Promise of the, involved
in the divine words to Abra-
ham, 70.
.Methuselah, 37.
Micali and the Danites, story
of, 321-323.
, son of Mephibosheth,448.
Book of, 677.
-Vlakkedah, cave of, '-88.
-, city of, destroyed, 306.
Malachi, 643, 644.
., Book of, 080.
Mamre, altar at, 73.
-, Amoiite prince, 1S7.
Man, creation of, 21, 22. llif^
likeness to God, 2L His fall,
26.
Manasseh, birth of, 111, 119.
Children of, 114, 115. Triba
of, 210.
, son of Hezekiali, birtli of,
575. Jteign of, 579-532.
Maneh, the, 691, 6J5.
Manetho, 134, 135.
Manna, Israelites fed with, 164,
177. I
.'.lanoah, fathr-r of Samson, 364. 1
Migdol, 176,177.
••' Milcolm, crown of," 452.
Mile, Roman, 701.
Minchali, 247.
Miracles of Moses and Aaron,
145.
Miriam, 137, 138. Her opposi-
tion toMoses,183. Herdeatli,
197.
Mishael. 593, 610.
Mithredatli, treasurerof Cyrus,
627.
Mizpeh, Avell of, 517.
Mizraim, 60.
Moab, oriijin of race of, 84.
— -, territory of, 202.
, cities of, razed, 535.
Moabites, 91, 92, 205, 20:).
Monarchy, Hebrew, establish-
ment of the, 274.
Mareshah, Ethiopians routed Money, Hebrew, 691.
at, 516, 517.
.Massah, 165.
Mattan, priest of Baal, 5!3.
.Mattaniah (Zadekiah), 537.
Medad,185.
Medes, the, 5S6.
Mediator, Moses as, 16\
Megiddo, valley of, 343. Battle
of, 587, 588.
Melchi-shr.a, son of Saul, 390,
418.
Melchizedek, 74, 75.
Memphis, 134.
Monahem, kinir of Israel, his
rdign, 554, 555.
Menes, king of Egypt, l."4.
Mephibo-heth,sonofJo!iathan,
430,447,448,461
Moon, first appearance of the,
20.
Moriah, origin of the name,
4(35.
, Mount. 471, 472.
MordecMi, 633, 634.
Moses, birth of, 137. Adopted
by Pharaoh's daughter, 138.
Decides to cast in liis lot with
his own people, 138. Kills an
Egyptian, 139. Commanded
to lead the Israelites out of
Egypt, 141, 142. Oppressed
by Pharaoh, 144. God ap-
pears to him on Mount Sinai,
163, 1C9. Called into the
cloud, 171. Goes a second
time into the Mount, 174.
Merab, daughter of Saul,330,j His disobedience, 197. Bles.^-
404. ing of, 210-213. Curse of,
Merarites, the, 240, 241.
Meribah, 165.
JMeribah-kadah, 108.
Merodacli -biJadrm, king
I Babylon, 574, 576.
210, 211. Song of, 210-212.
Three discourses of, 210.
Death of. 21-3. His characr
ter, 214-217.
Moses, Boiks of, 654-C58.
712
Index.
KAAMAU. I'ENTATEUCU. PUR M.
; Pentecost, the Fenst of, 2 :(•,
26-t, 205.
N. 0. Penuel, city of ; itsinhabitauta
I slain by Gideon, Mi.
Naaraali, mother of Rehoboani/Obadiah, govn-nor of Ahab's Peor, 208.
4 S. ' ! house, 511), 5J0, 522. proph- Perez-uzzah, 4 >4.
Niiaman's leprosy, 535. ecv of, (5u5. iPerizzites, tlie, 8J.
Nabal, stoiy of, 410, 41 1 . \ Book of, GIT. I Persian empire, foundation of
Isaljonadius (sec! Nab.'nedus). JObed, bon of lioaz and Ruth,! the, C15.
Nabouedus, kiug of Babylon, I 328. | kin<;s, G31.
GIG. iObed-edom the Gittite, the ark Petra, 195, 197.
Nabopolassar, king of Babylon,! in hishouse,435. Made chief ! Pharaoh, tiile of, 103,
587, 51)3. I door-keeper, 437.
Kaboth, 5-G. Oblations (nee Sacrifices),
Nadab sees God, 171. Deathloboth, 202.
of, 181. lOded, th3 prophet, mx
., , son of Jeroboam, his [offerings (-.e*; Sacrifices).
reign, 513. jOg, king, 153, 203, 204.
Nalia.h the Ammonite, 38J, lOld Testament canon, 051.
439. Death of, 44S. |olive.?. Mount of, 471.
iOmer, the, 270, 702, 704.
5SS.jOmn, dynasty of, 505.
I , king of Israel, riiirn of,
i 515. The statutes of, 515.
Ono, 393.
()p!iel, tower of, 55S.
Nalior, GS, 70.
Nahum, the prf phet.
Prophecies of, 5S4.
, Book of, G7S.
Name, the, 24.
Naomi, 32«-32S.
Naphtali receives his father'siOphir, 494, 499^ 500.
b:essing, 123. joreb, the chieftain, 348,
Nathan, the prophet, 395, 438. 'Or-fah (set! T'r).
lias charge of Solomon, 441. Oman (s"/' Araunah).
Senttodenouucc David's sin, (Jrpali, 32G.
450, 451, 4G7. jcjsliea (sec Joshua).
Nazarites, institution of order' -, 187.
Pharaoh's command to destroy
the new-born sous of the Is-
raelites, 137.
Pharaoh's dreams, ll't.
Pharaoh-hophra, king of ligypt,
GUI.
Pharaoh -nechoh, king of
i Egypt, 587, 590, 501, 5J3.
of the, ISO.
Ntbo,202.
Nebuchadnezzar,5 2-594,5 G.
Takes Jerusalem, 602, G03.
His relations with Daniel,
G10-G13. Madness, 614.
Nebuzar-adan, 603, G04, 003.
Neby Samwil, 369.
Necho (nee Pharnnh-necholi).
Nehemiah, G3G-G44.
, Book of. GOG.
Nehnslita, mother of Jehoia- Paradise, 22,
chin, 59G. ;Paran, desert of, 1G3
Nehushtan (.§-c Perpent), I nes3 of, 184. I.-i
Nejd, desert of, 2Jl. | the, ISG.
Otnnes, uncle of Xerxes, 034.
Othniel, 309, 320. The first
judge, 329.
P.
Palestina, name of, 231
ography of, 282, (,q.
Palm, the, 098.
Palmyra (sc3 Tadmor).
Philistia, 281, i8J, 292.
iPhilistines, tlieir settlement iii
Bjer-sheba, S5, 95. Their
origin, 370. SubJued by Da-
vid, 43 J.
Phinehas, son of Ele:izar, 209,
313.
■, son of Eli, 370.
Phoenicia, 284.
Ph urah, servant of G ideon,347.
Phut, GO.
Pi-hahiroth, 102, 170, 177.
Pisgah, 202, 20S.
Plagues of Egypt, 14G-153.
Plain, destruction of cities ot
the, 90, 91.
Poeticiil books, the, CS1-6S3.
i I'ools of Solomon, 289.
jPotipliar, 108, 109. His wife,
I l()-».
Ge- Potiphcrah, father of Joseph^
wife, 111.
Priest, High, 2.^,5-238.
Piiests, High, history of the,
242-244.
Wilder-l , the, 2:8-240.
lelites ini Priesthood, institutim of the,
i 2£5.
Nephilim, 43. |Parasang, Persian, 701.
Npriglis.sar, king of Babylon, Partition of the nations
014.
Nethinim, 235.
New Moon, L-Y-ast of the, 257.
Night, 19.
Nimrnd. 03.
Nineveh, foimdation of, 02.
Siege of, 580.
Nisan (sr<' Abib).
Nitocris, 018.
Noachic precepts, 48,
Noadiah, the prophetess, 038.
Noah, 42. 44-51. D.scendanfs
iPronhets, oompnnies or schools
-02.1 of the, 375. 425.
chal Eamb, 202, 205, 270. I -, the, (07.
Pashur, priest, 592. , the Four Great, G63-G75.
Passover, institution of Feast . the Twelve Minor, 075-
I ofthe,151,152. Meaning ofi 081,
' the, 270. The, 2eO-2(:4. The! Proselytes, 277.
1 Second, or Eittle, 204. The,Troverbs, Book of, 501, 5^)2.
! kept by ] lezekiah, 5 J2. '•'• Psalms, Me.ssianic," 438,
i Patriarchal government, 143. P.salms of D.avid, 390.
! period, review of, 127. -, Book of, 081-683.
1 Patriarch.?, tables of the ante- P-ametek, king of Fgypt, 583.
I diluvian and post-diluvian,! Psainmetichus 11., king of
,05. i Egypt, 599.
of, 55-57. Table of nations Pekah, king of Israel, 5.5.'». 5''»3.1 Piiah, 131.
descended from the sons of, Pekahiah, king of Israel, 555, 'Pul, king of Af-syrin, attacks
57. jPeleg, GO. 1 Isr lel,' 5.55.
Nod, land of, W>. iPelethites (.s'-e Cherethites). Pun^n, 202.
Nukb Hawy, 167. jPeninnah.wife of Elkanah,363.!Pnrim, the Feast of, 263.
Numbers, Book of, C57. i Pentateuch, C54-65S. \
Index.
713
Qu-iil:^, given to the Israelites,
1S4.
Rab-sai is, 577.
Kab-hhakeh, 577.
Racliel, wife of Jacob, 90, 100.
Uer death, lO'J.
Raliab, 298, 301.
llamathaim-zopiiim, 303.
Kameses, city of, IGl.
the Great, 134.
Kanioth, 313.
Ramoth-gilead, battle of, 52S.
Uari cl-Mukatta, fountaiu of,
283.
Nakhura, 2>>4.
Sufeafeh, 107.
liebekah, wife of Isaac, S?. Ileijsanballat
deceit, 90, 97. G37.
Recliabiles, flight of thr-, 593.iSanhedrim, the, 185, 238,270
lied Sea, encampment by the, Saracus, king of Assyria, 580.
SUALMANESEK.
Sacrifice, place of, 92. Of liv-
ing animals, 28.
Sacrifices and Oblations, 245-
249.
Sagan, the, 238.
Salathiel, 598.
Salem, SO.
Salmon marries Rahab, 301.
Samaria, 284, 289. Capital of,
built by Omri, 515. Siege
(if, 530, 565.
Samaritans, 500, 5 .7. lirect a
temple on Mount Gerizim,
647.
Samson, the fourteenth judge,
3C4-30S. Chronolog of (set
Eli).
Samuel, the fiftee",th judge,
308-375. ]lis connection
with Saul, LS>-3SS. His
death, 410. Chronology of
(^ee Mi).
, Fii-st and Second Book?
of, 3 5, t5;l, COO.
the lloronite, 030.
103,
Reed, the, 698.
Rehoboani,son of Solomon, 408.
llis character and reign, 50 J-
509.
Rehol) th, foundation of, 02.
Wtll of, 90.
Rehum, 03t.
]' 'lease o^jirisoncr.?, 204.
iL^phaim, race of tlie, 204.
Rophidim,165. B.ittlein, 100.
Uesen, foundation of, 02.
Reuben, saves Jo.^eph's life,
108. Receives his father's
blessinir, 120.
, tribe of, 210.
Reuel (s'*?? Jethr.i)
Rezin, king of Damascus, at- Seba Biar, 101.
Sarah, wife of Abraham {net
Sarai).
Sarai, wife of Abraham, 70, 71
72, 77. Her name changed,
78. Gives birth to Isaac, 85.
Deatii of, 88.
Sardanapalus II., 58
Sargon, king of Assyria, 535,
572, 573, 575.
Saron (see Sliaron),
Satan, 27.
Saul, pedigree of, 422, 423.
Reign of, 381-418.
Scape-goat, 267, l^GS.
Scriptures, the, C->?,.
Seah, the, 702, 704.
Seas, 20.
tacks Judah, .5.59. Retreat
of, 560. Death. 560.
Rezon founds the Syrian king-
dom of Dauiascu-!, 497.
Rizp.'ih, concubine of Saul, 447,
Rod of Aaron, l'.!2.
Rod of Moses, 143, l.:0.
Ruth, 320-328.
, Book of, 318.320,059, 6:0.
Segub, son of Hid, 301.
Seir, Mount (sve lOdom).
Sennacherib, .508-570, 573,570.
577, 578. Death of, 579.
Seraiah, father of Ezra, 0.^4.
, son of Neriah, 599, 003.
(sefi Sheva).
Serbal, Mount, 105.
Serpent, the, 27, 29.
, Brazen, 201, 202.
Serpents, fiery, 201, 202.
S. Seth, 3 J. His descendants. r4
38.
Sabb ith, festivals coinected Sethi I., 134.
with tlie, 254-200. Jnstitu-lSethite race, 40, 41, 43.
tion of the, 21. Revival of iShadrach, 010.
the, 1C5. iShallum, son of Jabesh, usurp;
Sabbatic Year, 252, 257, 258. the crown of Israel. 554.
S.abbatical Month and the , keeper of the sacred vest
Feast of Trumpets, 257. | ments, 585.
Sacred Seasons, 254. jShalmaneser, king of Assyria
feacrifice, Isaac's, 86, 87. I 534^00.
Shamgar, the third judge, 330.
Shammah, son of Agee the
Hararite, 443.
— , son of Jesse, 395, 398,
Shaphan, the scribe, 584.
Sharezei-, son of Senuaciierib,
579.
baron (see Philisiia).
, plain cf, 292.
Shaveii, 80.
Sheaf of harvest, the first, C03.
Sheba, son of liiciiri, rt b-llion
of, 462
— , the queen of, 495.
— , well of, 1)0.
Shebna, scribe under Ileze-
kiah, 563.
Shechem, citv of, 102, 2:0, 313.
, valley of, 71.
Shechinah, the, 225.
Shefelah {^c Philistia).
Shekel, the, 091, 094.
Shekiuah, tlic, 153.
Shem, 45, 50.
, race of, 00-0-3.
Shemaiah, the prophet, 508,
509, 038.
, the Nehelamite, 598.
Shephatiah, .«on cf David, 433.
Sheshbazzar (.n. e Zerubbabel).
Slieva, 443.
Shimeali,Davi "I's brother, 443.
Shimei, the son of Gera, 450,
401. His death. 409.
, son of Kish, 597.
Shimsliai, 031.
Shinar, 01.
, plain of, 02.
Slnphrah, 137.
Shishak, king of Egypt, 498.
Makes an expedition against
Jerusalem, 5o9.
Shobi, son of Nahasli, 458.
Shophach, 448.
Show-bread, 241.
, Table of, 230.
Sichem (see Siiechem).
Sihon, 159, 203. Kingdom c.i,
2ii3.
Siloani, pool of, pouring out
water of the, 206, 207.
Simeon, 102. His imprison-
ment, 113. Receives his fa-
ther's bles.<ing, 120.
, tribe of, associated v.ith
Judah in driving out thj
heathen nations, 319.
Sinai, 140, 154-15T. Wilder-
ness of, 107.
Sisera, 331-3C3.
^itnah, well of, 90.
Sivan, 204.
Slave, Hebrew. 258, 276, 277.
Slaves, 2T(), 277.
So, king of Egypt, 50.5.
Sodom, destruction of, S3, 8',
<0. AV'ickedness of, 73.
/ Spoiling of, 74.
u
Index.
80L0.M0X.
Solomon, birth of, 452. Re-
ceives his father'd charge to
build a house for Jehovah,
'^06. Proclaimed king, 467.
His reign, 475-49S. Marries
Pharaoh's daughtei-, 477.
God's appearance to him in
a dream, 477. Receives the
gift of wisdom, 477. Hi-'
decision in the case of the
two women, 47S. His mag-
nificence, 479. Personal
qualities, 4S0. Builds tliej
Temple, 4S1-4SS. His pal
ace, 4S9, 490.
buildings, 410.
Hi
494. His faults, 4j5.
deatli, 498.
, Book of the Acta of, 498.
, palace of, plan of, 491.
, writings of, 500.
Son, the, 17.
Soug of the three Holy Chil-
dren, 675.
Span, the, 69S.
Stars, first appearance of the,
20.
Stations in the Wilderness,
176.
Tamar, daughter of David, 433,
453.
Tarsliisli, CO.
Tatnai, Persian governor, 632.
fekoali, " wise woman" of, 453.
Temple, building of the, 4S1-
4S3. Description of the,4S3-
4S7. Plan ot the; 4S5. Dedi-
cation of the, 4S7, 4SS. lie-
building of the, imder Cv-
rus, 627-630. Descriptioi:
of the temi)le of Zerubbabel,
647.
Pen C iimmandments, 169, 221.
His otheriTerah, 63. His genealogj',C8.
His throne, ITestament, Old, language of,
ZALMUNNA..
V.
Strangers amon_
277.
Succotli, 161.
, city of, its inhabitants
chastised by Gideon, 349.
Succoth-benoth, god of Baby-
lon, 570.
Suez, Gulf of, 162.
Sun, first appearance of the,20.
651.
, Booka of the Ol-I, 651-
6S3.
, Canon of the Old, 646.
'^Tharshish, ships of," 4:3,
500.
Theocracy of the Jews, 272-
275.
Tibni, sou of Ginath, a com-
petitor for the crown of Is-
rael, 515.
riglath-pileser, king of As-
I Syria, 5i50.
the Jews, iTimnatli-serah, Joshua's in-
heritance, 312.
Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia,
57S.
Tirzah, becomes the residence
of King Jeroboam, 510. Be-
sieged by Omri, 514.
Tisri, month of, 257.
Vashni (or Joel), 375.
Vashti, the queen, 632.
Vegetation, 20.
Veil, the, 228.
Vul-lush, 555,
W.
Titlies, 278.
Tobi.ah the Ammonite,636,C37,
642.
Tobit, Book of, 5G8.
Toi, king of Hamath, 440, 403.
Tola, the seventh judge, 351.
Susannah, history of, 675.
Synagogue, the Great, 649.
Synagogue.?, 628.
Syriac langunge, 651.
Syrians, David's defeat of the,
439. Become tributary to Torah, the Law, 652. I
David, 44S. Defeated byjTree of Life, 26,29.
Israel, 527. i of the Knowledge of GoodI
I and Evil, 26.
jTrumpets, Feast of (see Sab-
T. I batieal Month).
Tubal-Cain, 35.
T.il erah, 184. |Tyre, surrenders to Nebnchad-
T:ibernacle, covered with the! nezzar, 60S.
cloud, 175. Cloud lifted "Tyropoeon Valley," the, 472.
from it, 182.
, First, 227.
, history of the, 233. U.
, made after the pattern!
shown to Mo.^es, 175. Ur of the Ciialdees, 69.
of the Con<i;regation, 173. Uriah the Hittite. 441,4(3,448.
, the, 225-232. iUrijah, tlie hit;h-priest, 561.
, the. set up at Shiloh,310. , th- prophet, 592.
Tabernncles, Feast of, 159,257, Urim and Thummim, 236.
258, 260, 265-267. jUrtas, valley of, 288.
Tables of stone, 172. iUzzali, son of Abinad.ab, 434.
T.ibor, 290. jUzziah, king of julah, 556-
Tadmor, built by Solomon,! 55S.
Wady el-'.\marah, 163o
el-Jeib, 194.
el-Jerafeh, 194.
er-Rahah, 167.
esh Sheikh, 167.
— - et-Tih, 160.
et-Tumeylah, 161.
Feiran, 165.
Ghurundel, 164.
Mukatteb, 1G5.
Shellal, 165.
Taiyibeh, 164.
Useit, 164.
Wandering in the Wilderness,
the, 59, sq.
Wave-breast, 248.
Weeks, Feast of (.'<«<; Pentecost).
Weights and Measures, Ta.
bles of, 690-704.
Well, Jacob's, 102.
'' Well of Trembling," the,347.
Wells of Moses {see Ayun
Mousa).
Whitsuntide, 265.
Wilderness of Sin, 164.
Wilderness of the Wander-
ings, 194.
Wine, the four cups of, 262.
Woman, creation of, 22.
Word of God, 19.
Word, the, 17.
Xerxes, king of Persia, 632,
633, 631.
493.
Talent, the, 691, 69r
G9G.
Year of Jubilee, 254.
Zabad. expedition of, 126.
Zachariah, king of Israel, bla
reign, 55-, 554.
[Zacharias, 443.
jZad.-k, 431, 435-437, 443, 446,
I 406, 4G7, 479.
IZalmonah, 202.
jZalmuunM, sheikh of Midian,
[ 348. Slain by Gide«n. 349.
Index.
715
ZAPIlNATU-rAANK.VH.
Zaphnath-paaneah, name giv-
en to Joa.^pli, 111.
^ared, valley and brook of, 202.
Zebadiah, 529,
Zebah, sheikh of Midian, 34S.
Slain by Gideon, 349.
Zeboiim, 73. Destruction of,
84.
Zebudah, mother ofJehoiakIm,
590.
Zebul, governor of Sliechem,
353.
Ze'buliin, receive.? liis father's
bless i!ij7, 122.
Zechariali, a prophet at the
time of Uzziah, 556.
• , son of Jehoiada, 548.
, the prsphet, son of Iddo,
ZERUmSAnEL.
632. Prophecies of, 5S3, 636.
Book of, 079.
Zedekiah, king of Judah, 507-
603.
, son of Chenaanah, 5i8.
, son of Manseiah, 598.
jZaeb, tlie chieftain, 348.
jZemaraim, rout at, 510.
Z?phaniah, the prophet, 583,
I 5SS. Prophecies of, 586. Book
I of, 678.
I , the priesl, 001,003.
IZephath, takfn by Judah and
I Simeon, i.2 ).
" Zerah the Cushite," 510.
Zered (see Zared).
iZerubbabel, prince of Judah,
027,629,032.
ZOBAn.
Zerubbabel, temple of, 647.
jZeruiali, David's sister, 407.
'Ziba,44T.
j , servant of Mephibosheth,
456, 401.
Zibiah, mother of Joash, 546.
iZicliri, 559.
IZilpah, 103. Children of, 114.
Zimri, kills Klah and succeeds
1 him, 514.
IZin, wiidernes-s of, 194.
IZion, 432.
' , Mount, 471, 472.
Zipporah, wife of Moses, 140,
186.
Zoar {see Bela).
Zobah, kingdom of, 430.
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