1 33 546
THEOLOGICAL TRANSLATION LIBRARY
VOL. XXIX
JEREMIAS' THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE LIGHT
OF THE ANCIENT EAST
VOL. II
: SERIES
Vol XXX. THE T4tI4i/^F RELIGION By Dr RUDOLF
EUCKEN, Senior PjfofeSsor *of Philosophy in the University of
Jena ias. 6d net
Vols. XXVIII and XXIX THE OLD TESTAMENT IN
THE LIGHT OF THE ANCIENT EAST By ALFRED
JEREMIAS, Pastor of the Lutherkirche, and Lecturer at the
University of Leipzig Two vols , with numerous illustrations
and maps, 258 net Vols not sold separately
Vols XXVII, XXVI and XXII PRIMITIVE CHRIS-
TIANITV: Its Writings and Teachings in their Historical
Connections By OTTO PBLEIDERER, Professor of Practical
Theology in the University of Berlin. Vols x, 2 and 3.
TOS 6d, each net
Vol XXV ETHICS OF THE CHRISTIAN LIFE By
Dr THEODOR VON HAERING, Professor of New Testament
Dogmatics and Ethics at Tubingen ios 6d. net
Vol XXIV HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. By HANS
VON SCHUBERT, Professor of Church History at Kiel
ios 6d net
Vol XXIII THE INTRODUCTION TO THE CANONICAL
BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT By CARL CORNII t ,
Professor of Old Testament Theology at the Umveisity of
Breslau ios 6d net
Vol XXI ST PAUL The Man and his Work By Piof H.
WEINEL, of the University of Jena ios fid
Vols. XIX and XX THE MISSION AND EXPANSION"
OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE FIRST THRKK CKN-
TURIES By ADOLF HARNACK, Beilm. Second, revised
and much enlarged edition, 255 net Vols not sold sepaiatcly.
Vol XVIII CHRISTIAN LIFE IN THE PRIMITIV70
CHURCH By ERNST VON Donscnirr^, D D , Professor of
New Testament Theology in the University of Strassburg
IDS 6d.
Vol XVI THE RELIGIONS OF AUTHORITY AND THE
RELIGION OF THE SPIRIT By the late AUGUSTS
SABATIER ios. 6d.
Vols XV. and XVI I. THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRIS-
TIANITY. By PAUL WERNLE, Professor Extraordinary of
Modern Church History at the University of Basel. Vol I.
The Rise of the Religion Vol. II The Development of the
Church, xos 6d per volume.
Vol, XIH AN INTRODUCTION TO THE TKXTUAL
CRITICISM OF THE GREEK NEW TK8TAMKNT.
By Professor EJJBRHARD NESTLE, of Maulbionn Cloth,
xos 6d , half-leather, zss 6d.
Vols II , VIL, VIII., IX., X., XI., XII, A HISTORY OF
DOGMA. By ADOLF HARNACK. Berlin Translated from the
Third German Edition Edited by the late Rev. Prof. A. B.
BRUCE, D D 7 vols ios. 6<U each
Vol IV THE COMMUNION OF THE CHRISTIAN WITH
GOD A Discussion in Agreement with the View of Luthei *
By W. HERRMANN, Dr. TheoL, Profe&sor of Dogmatic Theology
in the University of Marburg, ios 6d
Vols, III and VL- A HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS By
R KITTEL, Ordinary Professor of Theology in the University
of Breslau. ios. 6d. per volume.
Vols Land V. THE APOSTOLIC AGE. By Piof, CARL VON
WEIZSACKER Translated by JAMSS MILLAR, B.D, a vols,
xos. 6d. each
Descriptive Protyectots on
THE O13PTESTAMENT
IN THE ALIGHT OF THE
ANCIENT EAST
MANUAL OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY
BY
ALFRED JEREMIAS
LICENTIATE DOCTOR
PASTOR OF THE LUTHERKIRCHE, AND LECTURER AT THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG
ENGLISH EDITION
Translated from the Second German Edition, Revised
and Enlarged by the Author
BY
C. L. BEAUMONT
EDITED BY
REV. CANON C. H. W. JOHNS, Litt.D.
MASTER OF ST CATHARINE'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
VOL. II
NEW YORK: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
LONDON: WILLIAMS AND NORGATE
1911
CONTENTS
CHAl' PAGE
14. ABBA HAM AS BABYLONIAN .... I
15. ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE .... 9
1 6. FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE HISTORIES OF THE
PATRIARCHS . . , . .46
I/. THE STORIES OF JOSEPH . . . .64
1 8. THE EXODUS ...... 83
19. ISRAELITE AND BABYLONIAN LEGISLATION . . IO7
20. "TITK TABERNACLK OF COVENANT" AND "ARK OF
THE COVENANT" . . . . .120
21. FURTHER C4 LOSS US UPON THE PENTATEUCH . . 135
22. GLOSSES UPON THE BOOK OF JOSHUA . . . l$2
23. THE BOOK OF JUDGES .... l6l
24. SAMUEL, SAUL, DAVID, SOLOMON . . .1/4
25. THK POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE STATES OF ISRAEL AND
JUDAH IN THK LIGHT OF THE MONUMENTS . 192
26. FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, CHRON-
ICLES, K5SRA, AND NEHEMTAH . . .233
27. GLOSSES TO THE HO-CALLKD DIDACTIC BOOKS . . 252
28. GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS .... 266
APPENDIX . . -. . . .313
INDEX ...... 318
NOTE. Several revisions and corrections having been re-
ceived from the author after the book was m the press, these
have been added in Appendix, and the small asterisk * through-
out the text marks the passages to which the revisions refer.
The large asterisk ^ marks passages of astral motifs, as
inferred to above in preface to the second German edition,
v
INDEX TO FIGURES
i- re,
120 Ruins of El-mugayyar (Abraham's home) . .7
121 Lettei of Abdilaiba from Jerusalem to Amenophis IV 27
122 Assyrian guardian angel, from Nimiud . . 54
23 Assyiun idol, from Khorsabad . 57
24 Ishlai as the Mother-goddess . 6r
25 Stoic chamber from Pithom 76
26 Hoioscope of Antiochus I 79
27 Absynan forced laboui \
2cS Asiatic pnsoneis of \vai ) ^4
J9 Rainesc's II .. 9
130 Rameses II (head of mummy) ^
131. Memcptiih < 9
132 Hammuiabi and the Sun-god . 108
133 lilock of dionte containing the laws of Hammurabi 109
[34. Altai, fi om palace of S argon II . 114
135 Assynan sacnficial scene, fiom Nimiud-Kalach 115
136. Absuibanipal of lei mg over slain lions)
137. Drmk-offeung with music ] ' r
138 S acn fie ml scene, horn Nineveh . 117
139. Seal cylmdei. (Sun-god?) . 122
140. Sacied shiine fiom Egypt)
141 Chcmhim fiom Dendera / 2 ^
142. Ship of the sun : temple of Wadi Sebua 127
143 Assyrian piocession of idols . . 131
144 Auh of Titus relief . . 136
145 Egyptian sacied bull 137
146 Sacied cow : Egyptian . . . 138
147. Assynan seal cylmdei. (Human sacrifice?) . . 141
148 Volcanic chasm m Roman Foium . . 142
149. Boy wiesthng with serpent . relief from Petra . , . 143
150. 1 ligh place of Pctra \
151. I Uacefoi libation: Pctia J ... - 144
152. Sei pent monument Petra . . . 145
153. Shekel of Bai-Kochba 147
154. Calendai picture, Late Egyptian 148
vi
viii INDEX TO FIGURES
FIG 1'AGli
155. Etana's ascension ^
156 Seal cylinder ( Etana's ascension ?) J ' " T 49
157. Apotheosis of Titus )
158 Ganymede j " l $
159 Teshup Hittite relief . . . 156
1 60. Sculpture from SuMa ... . 157
161 Assurbanipal as lion-slayer . . 170
162 Destruction of idols relief fiom Khoisabad 175
163 Player and enhanced hstenei . '79
164. E-SAR, KmgofUd-NUNki rtfr
165 Relief from gate, Zenj uli 183
166 Fiesco from Pompeii (judgment of Solomon) [86
167 Black obelisk of Shalmaneser 1 1 . 210
g" > From obelisk of Shalmanesei II . . . 211
170 Storming a fortress, by Sargon. 217
171 Assyrian battle scene Asbuibanipal 218
172 Sargon II and field-maishal 219
173 Musicians palace of Assurbanipal . , 223
174 Sennacherib at Lachish 224
175 Assuibampal and wife in arboui ^
176 Cameo of Nebuchadnezzai (spuiious Greek potuai I) ( ' J2( ^
177. Assyrian king blinding pusonei ^51
178 Bronze earner for holy water vessels . 2 }2
1 79 Mesha stone 238
i So Stele of victoiy of Esaihaddon . 2 |6
181 Double flute)
182 Cymbal > Relief, time of Assurbanipal . 261
183 Drum ;
184. Eleven-stringed harp, on Babylonian fiag mcnt . . 263
185. Genius, lelief from Nimiucl .... 267
1 86 Assyrian demon ... 272
187 Merodachbaladan II. lewardmg dignitary . . 274
1 88 Band fiom bronze gate, Balawat . ... 277
189. Ancient Babylonian contract showing outei rover . 28 j
190. Business document : fifth centuiy BC. . . . 282
191 Stand, supported by cherubim j
192. Genius with eagle's head ( ' 2l ^J
193 Genius with eagle's feet |
194. Genius with body of bull ]" 284
195, Genius with body of lion, demons above . . 205
196 )
- M t Mythological ornaments Nineveh . . . . ,286
1 y/ )
198 Mediaeval map of the world . , . 2 gg
1990
200, V Reliefs from city gate , Zenjirh ,,,.,, 289
20J. J
INDEX TO FIGURES ix
FIG 1 >AGF
202. Seal cylinder . . 292
203 Divining liver, with magic lines . . . 294
204 Statue of Gudca . 297
205 Aichitectuial plan, from statue of Gudea )
206 Measuring lod, fiom statue of Gudca ( * ' 2 9
207 Gem, with stoiy of Jonah )
208 Conquest of uty by Assiubampal ( ' 34
209 (Conquest of a city relief, Nineveh , .... 305
210 Assyrian archers and bpeaismen }
211 Assyuan militai} emblem j * 3
212. Assynan military emblem . . 308
213 Relief prisoners led before Dai lus . . . . 310
214 Combat of triad against monster (wolf ? ) . 312
I Map to Table of Nations, Genesis x |
II Canaan in the Amarna pei lod J at end ol vol.
ABBREVIATIONS, ETC.
A B A , Das Alter der Babylomschen Astronomic ; A Jeremias. (Hmrichs,
1909.)
A.B , Assynologische Bibliothek, by Delitzsch and Haupt, 1881 ff. (pub.
by Hmrichs, Leipzig).
A.O., Der Alte Orient. Publication of the Vorderasiat. Gesellschaft.
(Hmnchs, 1899 ff)
A O. L, Alter Orient, I. Jahrgang
B A.) Beitrage zur Assynologie, by Delitzsch and Haupt. (Hmnchs,
1889 ff.)
B N.T^ Babylonisches im Neuen Testament; A. Jeremias. (Hmnchs,
1905)
C.7 1 ., Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the Brit. Museum,
.) Handworterbuch , Delitzsch (Hinrichs, 1896 )
G.G G., Grundnsz der Geographic und Geschichte des Alten Orient;
Hommel
Jf.C., Hammurabi Code.
/- N., Izdubar-Nimrod, erne altbabylomsche Beschworungslegende ,
A Jeremias. (B. G. Teubner, 1891.)
K.A.T.) Die Keilmschriften und das Alte Testament, 3rd ed, 1903;
Eberhard Schrader. (English translation 1885-1888 )
K B., Keilmschnftliche Bibhothek , Eberhaid Schrader (Reuther, 1 889 )
K.T.) Keihnschnfthches Textbuch zum Alten Testament; Winckler.
(Hmrichs, 1903 )
Lex., Lexikon der gnech. und romischen Mythologie, Roscher,
(Teubner )
M D P.V^ Mitteilungen des Deutschen Palastma-Vereins.
M.V.A.G.) Mitteilungen der Vorderasiat. Gesellschaft (Peiser, Berlin.)
O.L.Z.) Onentalistische Literaturzeitung. (Peiser, 1898 ff.)
1 P.S.B.A.) Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.
R.P T&. 9 Realencyklopadie fur Prot. Theol. und Kirche, edited by Hauck,
(Hmnchs, 1896 ff.)
VA ., Vorderasiatische Bibhothek. (Hinrichs, 1906.)
Winckler, F., Altonentalische Forschungen ; H. Winckler. (Pieiffer,
1897 ff )
Z.A.) Zeitschnft fur Assynologie ; Bezold.
xii ABBREVIATIONS
Z.A.W , Zeitschrift fur Alttest. Wissenschaft ; B. Stade.
Zimmern, Beit , Beitrage zur Kenntnis dei Babyl Religion [A Z?., xii ]
(Hmnchs, 1901.)
Z D M G, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Moigcnlandischen Gcscllschaft
Z.P F, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastma-Verems
I. R II. R etc , Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Brit Museum
Abh phil-hist CL Komgl Sachs Gescll der Wissen \chajten~ Abhand-
lungen der philologisch-histonschen Classe der Konigl.
Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaftcn
Genesis, D eh tzsch= English, The Chaldean Account of Genesis, 1876
New ed , Sayce (G Smith )
Astralmythen^ Stucken=Astralmythen der Hebraer, Babylomer und
Aegypter.
Holle und Paradics, English translation, The Babylonian Conception
of Heaven and Hell. No. IV. of a series of short studies
called the " Ancient East, 33 published by D. Nutt, Long Acie
THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE
LIGHT OF THE ANCIENT EAST
CHAPTER XIV
ABRAHAM AS BABYLONIAN
THE stories in Genesis from chapter xi. 26 onwards give the
tradition, founded upon various documentary sources, current
in pious circles of Israel in regard to the primeval history of the
nation. We may consider, besides Genesis, Joshua xxiv. 2 ;
Isa. Ixiii. 16, li. 1 f. ; Jer. xxxiii. 526; and (in regard to Sodom
and Gomorrah), Amos iv. 11, and Isa. i. 9.
In the form before us the histories of the Patriarchs are
incomplete and idealised. We do not know how the documentary
sources ran from which the stories are gathered, and how much
else was verbally related. The author of the so-called Priestly
Document had two sources before him, agreeing together in main
facts. He made excerpts from them according to certain points
of view, probably also adding, besides his genealogical sketch,
something from other sources But his excerpts are incomplete. 1
From suppositions contained in the traditions of the Mosaic
period, we should expect, for example, more vivid references to
1 We may surely supplement the tradition from legends of extra-Biblical and
Islamic traditions. (Islamic religion is, like Biblical, founded upon Abraham )
In both spheres we find material independent of the Biblical sources, and which
cannot have been simply invented. The New Testament writers also (for a
summaty of these passages, see B.N. T , 112 , comp. also Heb xi. 21, p 57) use
for ancestral history sources which lank with the Bible and which have the same
nght to be observed as those portions of the tradition retained for us by the
editor. It is, for example, not out of the question that m some cases they descend
from portions of the sources which were dropped out in the editing ; comp.
Th.L Bl , 1906, pi 348.
VOL. II, 1 1
% ABRAHAM AS BABYLONIAN
Arabia, we should especially expect records of a place of worship
of the God of the Hebrews. 1
That they had relations with the Arabian deserts is shown
by the history of Lot, and the emigration of Abraham with
Sarah in time of famine. The scene of the sacrifice of
Isaac, Gen. xxn. 2, was probably, according to the original
text, " upon a mountain in the land of Muxn " (the Mas. text
writes it Moriah, see p. 48), upon Sinai-Horeb. But the
tradition is vague.
Also about the rites of blood, which the Feast of the Passover,
Exod. xii. 7, assumes as well known, nothing is said in I he
stories of the Patriarchs; it is, however, affirmed in n
pre-Lsraelite age of Canaan by the discovery of the column
in the houses (p. 344, i.) which were sprinkled \\ith blood on
the posts.
The stories of the Patriarchs bear signs of hkviMsatio'H. Thus
in P circumcision is introduced into the story in oidei to give
these documents a specially sacred character, whilst at the same
time it is expressly affirmed that Moses and his sons were
uncircumcised. 2 But just the fact that idealisation in itself
is not made an object, answers for a historical nucleus to
the story. An idealistic legend with no background of fact
would certainly not have made the Patriarchs dwell as strangers
m the land, obliged to bargain with barbarians for u burial-
place. They would further have suppressed the marriage of
Jacob to two sisters, forbidden in Lev. xviii. 18. iJ Also many
strong human features, showing as blemishes in I ho brilliant
popular heroes, would be inexplicable in the composition of
fables of popular ideal characters. But, above all, the correct-
ness of milieu testifies we are dealing with tradition, not with
poetry. The background of contemporary history and the
details of manners and customs agree with those we iitul recorded
upon the monuments of these periods, and answer for it that
the Biblical tradition was drawn from good sources.
1 See Exod. in. 18, x 3, 9 , comp. I Kings xix. 8, where the fcnty days is not
in reference to the map of the country (see p. 94, i ), Deut xxxii. 2 , Judges v. 4,
2 Exod. iv. 24 tf. This contradiction between tradition and Ihe law was once
used in a remarkable way by Jesus in contioversy with the Pharisees j see
John vn 22, 8 Comp. p. 37.
ABRAHAM AS BABYLONIAN 8
The objection has been raised that it is not possible for such a
tradition to have been transmitted through centuries In proof, it
has been tried how far back war traditions and such hke can be
traced amongst the peasantry.
Neither the objection nor the pi oof holds good The isolated
memories of the present cannot be compared to the popular
memory of decisive, or even supposed, religious events The
Odenwald, for instance, is to the present day full of ancient
Germanic remembrances. But we must have lived amongst the
people (pei haps as pastor) for many years to gam the confidence of
these old peasants of the Odenwald, who still love to name then-
sons Siegfried, before they will tell secretly what they have learnt
from their forefathers And in the Wendei or East Prussia may
still be found " witch" women who, at the " witches' sabbath" or
night of the solstice, offer the old heathen sacrifices, and guard
seciets they have inherited from their mothers of ancient times.
We must remember that three generations are always living
together, and that amongst hardy tribes there would not be so
veiy many generations to the thousand years. And in addition,
we have to do here with the Oriental memory Anyone reading
the Thousand and One Nights, with some knowledge of the Ancient
East, sees with amazement the strength of the tradition in the
East. Besides this, we may assume that the sources of the Elohist
and Yahvist were not only verbal, but that also written traditions l
were available, like the stories which in the modern Babylonian
period gave lecords of the heroes of the Hammurabi age, being
themselves transcripts or newly composed poems from ancient
documents; comp pp. 232, i. ff 2
1 Compare now Eibt, Dte Ebraer, pp. 61 ff. : "Abraham appears in the flesh in
the Hammurabi age." Erbt thinks that historical documents existed from the
Canaanite age. The sanctuaries of Penuel-Mahanaim and Sichem may have had
archrves with records from the Hammurabi age. Also in Jerusalem written
tiaditions may have been preserved (comp Melchizedek in Ps. ex. ; see p 29).
- According to the law of ethnographical lesearch, family history cannot be the
starting-point for a national history. Nations and tribes arise by the amalgama-
tion of families and houses, not by multiplication and division of families But,
"also families did not drop out of the heavens" (Nikel, Genesis, and K F , 211),
The names of most of the tribes of Israel were originally personal nouns (Hommel,
G G G , pp. 185 f. ). In Arabia at the present day many tribes descend from one
ancestor (comp Cornill, Geschichte des V.^ i. 37 f., where Turkish statistics upon
Bedouin tribes of the Jaulan and Hauian are pointed out, and Z.JD.P. V ' , xxin.
58). Besides, the laws of ethnography would not in any case pi event us taking
the descent of Israel as from one family, but the tradition itself does not assert the
autochthonistic descent of the Children of Israel.
The same laws shut out the descent of man from one pair, which from the
Christian point of view we hold fast Laws are categones of human thought
In the history of Israel there is much for which theie is no analogy in history or
religion. We might quite well allow the ongm of the nation to be an exception^
if we recognise the special part given to Israel in the history of the education of
4 ABRAHAM AS BABYLONIAN
Abraham appears in the presentment before us as " Father of
the family." It is characteristic of all ancient history that the
tribe, like the race, appears as a family, tracing back its descent
from one forefather. But in this tradition itself we may see
that the family is not meant to be understood as an ethnological
division.
It is historical only in so far as the family design retains the
traditions of prominent leaders of the u Children of Israel,"
amongst whom there was also a Jacob, with twelve sons. The
genealogical tables have been artificially composed later. Every-
one wished to be descended from primeval aristocracy. Further
upon this subject, see pp. 4$ ft*.
Abraham was not father of the family in an ethnological,
but in a spiritual sense : "Father of the faithful.'" When he
is "to become a great nation," it must bo understood of a
religious community, as in Numb. xiv. 1$, whore* Mosos is
to be the father of a new people, since the old must be
rooted out.
The ethnographical misunderstanding, e lumbls Abntlut^
has been the misfortune of the Jews. John the Baptist and
Jesus had to combat it. All the more emphatically do we
emphasise the religious signification of the descent from
Abraham. Israelite religion, which later assembled itself round
the name mrr, does not begin first with Moses. It is founded
upon revelation. Moses was in a special sense u bearer of this
revelation, but the revelation itself had stages in the pro-Mosaic
age. And in those stages also it could only work through
individuals. The leading religious individualities mid bearers
of revelation in the primitive ages of Israel are the Patriarchs.
We may gather from the Biblical tradition that the beginning
of the religious community, known later as the " Children of
Israel,"" took its rise m a migration 1 out of Babylonia, therefore
the human race Upon the ground of a\ionu, according to winch the problem
of the origin of man is held unsolvable, it is customary, certainly, to biaivl such
deductions as a prior* unscientific. Some day this may be changed. But, as has
been said, the assertion of an autochthonic descent of the " Children of Israel 1 '
does not agree with the sense of the tradition.
1 Klostermann, in his Geschuhte Israels, 31, holds a similar view in regard to
the migration of Abraham being an historical migiation of a tribe. We have
ABRAHAM "FATHER OF THE FAITHFUL" 5
a kind of religious hegira. Abraham was the leader, like a
Mahdi. " The people that they had won m Haran " may be
quite well taken to mean adherents. 1 In that case, we see how
he could equip 318 people ; also the btory of the separation from
Lot (Gen. xiii. 6 ff.) shows that it is a question of still larger
bands. Later we find recorded reinforcements from Egypt,
that is to say, Muzri (Gen xii. 15 f. and xx.), and from Gerar. 2
(Gen. xx. 14). Even though these were primarily slaves (Hagar,
Gen. xvi. 1, and IshmaePs wife, Gen. xxi. 21, belonged to
them) still they could be included in the religious community,
and later in the national community, then called " Children of
Israel." Also in Gen xxxii. 4 f. there is explicitly another
reinforcement from Haran.
According to other Oriental occurrences of the like type
(Mohammed), we must take the march of Abraham to have
been, even though in the mildest form, a march to make conquest,
In idealising the Biblical records this has been veiled. The
Oriental tradition outside the Bible, according to which
" Abraham (whose fathei was a Babylonian General) overthrew
the army of Nimrod, and seized upon the land of Canaan for
himself, 1 " is certainly not pure invention. 3 Gen. xxi. 2 pre-
arnved at the same conclusion by diffeient ways. Klostermann has won much
honour by a new critical examination of the histories of the Patriarchs At
pp 42 ff. his tiaces are followed
1 In Gen. xii. 5 it is hanntphesh (Kautzsch, like Luther, translates thisas^/j).
According to Ezek xxvu. 13, nephesh may mean " slaves " (here, however, it is
nephesh~adam\ and is then equivalent to the Babylonian napishtu^ which, so fai
as I am aware, has not been observed The translation * ' slaves which they had
bought" (iiyy) is very questionable And why is it ntphesh here, which
designates man as a spiritual being (in special antithesis to the beasts)? In other
places the slave is called 'eded. Why should not nephesh , if it should be called
"slave," be reckoned before the other possessions, or, as elsewhere (comp. p 264,
n. 3), be included in possession (rckush} as real property? The mysterious
hamkwi) moreover, argues for the meaning being "adherents," Gen. xiv. 14 ; see
p. 27.
13 That these were " Philistines" (Gen xxvi. i), is founded upon a later mis-
understanding. The Philistines (remnants of the seafaring tribes) had not yet
entered the country. Upon the inclusion of such Jewish traditions, see p. I,
n x , II, n. i , .N.T., p. 65, n. 2, and p. 67 , also Boeklen, Archw / Rel.
Wiss , vi. p 6.
3 See Beer, Leben Mosis nach Auffassung det ?udisckcn Sage, p. 40, and his
Leben A6iakawi p, I.
6 ABRAHAM AS BABYLONIAN
supposes the ability of Abraham to make war, and the episode
in Gen, xiv. clearly describes him as a leader in battle, exactly
like the Egyptian fugitive Sinuhe, who (about 2000 B.O.) was a
leader in Syria of the tribes in their wars. In Sichein Abraham
joined an alliance of the tribes (called tafaU-bet it\ .see p SO.
Perhaps the change of name to Abraham "Father of tumult"
( = Sin qarid ilani, war-hero of the gods), may be interpreted in
this Cerise. 1
MIGRATION OF THE PEOPLE ov ABRAHAM
In Gen. xi. 28 Ur Kasdim (Ur of the Chaldees) is named in
P 2 as the original starting-point of the migration. 3 The
Sibylline books speak of the land of Ur of the Chaldees
(Kautzsch, Pseudepigr., 189). This is Uru of the cuneiform
writings ; the name includes both city and country.
After the patesi of Lagash, the best-known bem& Gudea, " kings
of Ur" held supremacy in Babylonia in the fiist half of the third
millennium They call themselves also kings of Kingi and Urlu 4
The most ancient king known to us of a kingdom in Ur is Ur~Gur
He built and renewed many temples Though up to the present
inscriptions relating to him are only known in South Babylonia,
undoubtedly his kingdom also included North Babylonia His sou
Dungi, who reigned for over fifty years, calls himself " King of tin*
four quarters of the earth " His followers (the so-called " second
dynasty of Ur " must be abandoned) have Semitic names. After
1 Hommel, Anc. Heb t T^ad^ takes omaK to be an oldei orthographical foim.
But the double name of both the Patiiaichs Abiam- Abraham and Jacob- Isiael
must certainly have some special meaning,
a Gen xi 28 is held to be a gloss from the P. The descent, accouhng to
Elohist sources, has been lost. According to later hints the stai ting-point was in
the neighbourhood on the right of the Euphrates. The" Yahvist makes the
migration start from Harran. All three points are upon the load leading from
Babylonia to Canaan. The uniformity of the tradition is shown by Ur and
Harran belonging together as the two places of moon-worship , sec pp. 9 i
3 Many legends of Abraham are also connected with Urfa. This naturally
should not mislead into looking for the cities of Ur theie (Kassam, Joh. Lcpsius).
Another tradition names Arpakshad as the original home. Those would be the
consonants for Urfa Kasdim ; but Urfa is probably only a modern name (according
to Hommel, G.G.G., 193, n. 3, to be separated formally from Orrhoe ; Syrian
Urhoi, 'imiK ; Arabic Ruh=Edessa ; *Urfa=nnj;, ndge of land).
4 In political geography, that is, like Sumer and Akkad, South and North
Babylonia. According to the vocabularies, Kingi specially is = Suinei and Uitu=-
Akkad,
MIGRATION OF THE PEOPLE OF ABRAHAM 7
the dynasty of Ur follows a dynasty of Isin (to this belongs Ishme-
Dagan with the Canaanite name), then one of Larsa, which under
Rim-Sin was overthrown by Hammmabi, who says of himself upon
one of his stele of laws "who makes Sin, who makes Ur rich,
who brings the kingdom to Gish-shir-gal (temple of the moon in
Ur) " The city of Ur has been rediscovered in the ruins of El-
Mugayyar (el-Mugheir) in South Babylonia, upon the right bank
of the Euphrates Here Royal seals with the name Uru have been
found, inscriptions of Dungi, Kudur-Mabug, Ishme-Dagan, but also
more of Nabonidus. The city was chief place of worship of the
South Babylonian moon cult 1
Gen. xi. 31 : The people of Abraham journey towards Harran
the northern moon city, chief place of Mesopotamia proper. 2
FIG. 1 20 Ruins of El-mugayyar (Ur Kasdim
of the Bible, Abraham's home).
Should their goal have been even then Canaan, this was the
usual caravan route out of Babylonia, in spite of the enormous
detour. 3
1 Eupolemos (about 160 B.C.), m Eusebius, Pi&p* evang., ix. 7 (Mullcr,
\i\. 211 f.), says that Abraham was born in the Babylonian city Kamarme, which
many call Ovpiy. Kamarme, probably to be mteipreted by the Arabian Kamar
rnoon, is also to be lead in the Sibylline books (Kautzsch, Pseudepr., 189) as name
of a city " m the land of Ur."
2 It is from the old point of view of the primitive life in the desert of Israel when
Gunkcl (Gen&si\, 150) says that, according to Gen. xn. I, Abraham's forefathers
were not thought of as dwellers m cities when they weze described as going out
from Harran, But when Guthe, Geschicbte Israels, 10, says . " they or their
fathers turned their backs upon civilisation for the sake of the freedom of the
desert," this is, in fact, contradicted not only by the circumstances of the Isiaehte
primitive age, but it contains in general an impossibility in the history of civilisation.
l] The migration of Esau, which is related in the same words as that of Abraham
(Gen. xxxvi. 6, comp xn. 5), has another motif, but it was also viewed as the
migration of a community, as Klostermann has seen, GeschicUe Israels , 30.
8 ABRAHAM AS BABYLONIAN
The special name of the Moon-god here^ side by side with Sin.,
was Bel-IJarran, and as such he exercised a strong influence upon
Syria l The reforms of Islam are largely connected with Harran
Right into the Middle Ages traces of moon-worship were retained
amongst the Sabaeans of Harran, in this stronghold of heathenism
From Harran the road led by Biredjik over the Euphrates.
Sachau found traces of the old road. In the Thousand and One
Nights an interesting journey is related from Harran to
Samaria. The way of the people of Abraham was by the
primeval caravan and military road connecting Egypt with
Babylonia. Damascus might be expected as chief halting-
place. 2 In fact, Gen. xv. does hint a connection between the
Biblical stories of the Patriarchs and Damascus. The tradition
still lives in Damascus. 3 Berossus records, according to Joscphus,
Ant., i. 7, that in his time the name of Abram was still celebrated
in the land of the Damascenes, and Josephus quotes from the
fourth book of the Histories of Nicholas of Damascus the
following story .
In Damascus reigned Abram, who came there with an army
from the land of the Chaldees, 1 bordering on the upper half of
Babylon And not long after he moved out again from there with
his people towards Canaan, which is now called Judea, where he
greatly increased.
1 A relief from Zenjirh in Syria gives evidence of the civilisation of lhatcountiy.
In Nerab near Aleppo two gravestones were found, eiectcd foi priests of the
Moon-god of Harran. In a treaty between Mati-ilu, Prince of Arpad (see p, 49),
and the Assyrian king Ashuirmrari, Sin of J^arran i& invoked in the fiibt passage
%J Assyrian Dimashqi, Timasqi in the hstb of Thothmes fiom the sixteenth
century (comp. pp. 328, i. f.).
3 The Jebel Qasyun using above Damascus is held sacred by the Moslems It
was heie that Abraham reached the knowledge of the unity of God ; see Ikicdekei.
4 This is certainly a later addition, which confounds Harran with Ur, 01 letkons
Ur with Chaldea Otherwise Lepsius, who holds Urfa for the home, might have
appealed to it.
CHAPTER XV
ABRAHAM AS CANAANTTE
THE RELIGION OF THE PEOPLE OF ABRAHAM
THE Yahveh religion of the Mosaic period has, according to
the Biblical tradition, previous stages in the religion of the
Patriarchs (comp. Exod. iii. 16). We are of opinion that
this tradition corresponds to a fact of religious history.
Abraham's migration brought the tradition into connection
with the two great intellectual cities of the Moon-god (Sin of
Ur and Bel-^Jarran). The tradition of Josephus, xxiv. 52, says
of Abraham's forefathers that beyond the Euphrates they
served " other gods," L therefore the gods of the Babylonian
astral religion. We have seen the monotheistic undercurrent
which for initiates underlay this astral religion. These under-
currents must have become particularly strong in the regions of
moon- worship before the age of Hammurabi. Moon- worship
ruled the age till the worship of Marduk of Babylon brought
solar phenomena to the fore. 2 That the moon should be held
as awnnwut d&us (that is to say, by initiates : it is the abstract
of all divine power) followed naturally in more than one respect
from the system (see my article on "Sin" in Roscher\s Le&ikon
der Mythologie). Beneath the heaven of the seven planets,
that of the moon formed the topmost stage, leading into the
heaven of Anu. Therefore Sin = Anu as u father of the gods " and
" king of the gods,*" p. 109, i. In the trinitarian conception of
1 Comp. Sura vi. 76 : " Say . Truly my Lord hath led me m the right way, to
the faith of the orthodox Abraham, who was no idolater." Islamxsm is the
religion of Abraham.
a P. 86, i. Comp. further, Monotheist. Strortmngen innerhalb der baby Ion
Religion^ Leipzig, 1904 ; and Baent&ch, Altorientahscher und tsraelittscher
S) Tubingen, 1906.
9
10 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
the divine power which we may gather from the zodiac, the
moon was held as father. 1 The conception Ab, that is " (divine)
father," in the name Ab-ram beais reference to the moon,
(comp p. 16). We possess a hymn to Sin of Ui which praises the
moon as " merciful father. 1 '' We reproduce here a passage of
this magnificent hymn . 2
Mighty Guide, whose deep mind no god may penetrate ;
Swift One, whose knee weaneth not, who openeth the way of the
gods, his brothers
Who moveth glittering from the foundation of the heavens to the
height of the heavens,
who openeth there the gates of the heavens, bestowing light upon
all mankind ;
Father, begetter of all, who looketh upon all things living, . .
who upon . . think eth
Lord, who holdeth the fate of heaven and eaith, whose command
none (changeth) ;
who holdeth fire and water, who guideth all things living, what
god is like unto thee ?
Who in heaven is exalted ? Thou, thou only art exalted !
Who upon earth is exalted ? Thou, thou only art exalted !
At thy word, thine, when it resounds in heaven, the Igigi cast
themselves upon their faces ;
at thy word, thine, when it resounds upon earth, the Amuinaki
kiss the ground.
At thy word, thine, when it goeth forth above like the tempest,
prosper food and drink ;
at thy word, thine, when it cometh down upon the earth, the
green things arise.
Thy word, thine, maketh fat both stall and herd, increascth all
things living ;
thy word, thine, maketh truth and justice to arise, so that men
speak truth.
thy word, thine, is like unto the distant heavens, the hidden under-
world, which none may penetrate ;
thy word, thine, who may understand it, who is like unto it?
O Lord, in dominion m the heavens, in rule upon earth, amongst
the gods thy brothers, hast thou no rivals ;
King of Kings, Mighty One, whose command none may dispute,
there is no god like unto thee.
We can naturally only conjecture the religious motives which
led to the migration of Abraham. By analogy with other
phenomena of religious history in the Ancient-East, we may
1 P 109, i. 2 Zunmern, A*0. t vii. 3, 13; comp also p. 17.
RELIGION OF THE PEOPLE OF ABRAHAM 11
take it that it had to do with a movement of reform, protesting
against the leligious degeneration of the ruling classes. 1 Accord-
ing to circumstances, it may either have been against degenera-
tion in moou-wor&hip, or it may have been a protest against
the cult of the new astronomical age (worship of Marduk, see
p 73, i.), 2 introduced by the Hammuiabi dynasty. In neither
case would it have to do with a total denial of the astral system
in question, but only with a protest against the polytheistic
worship founded upon the system. The teaching itself was well
known to the holders of the Yahveh religion in the patriarchal
age, just as it was at later stages (m Mosaic and prophetic
religion). This shows itself in the astral-mythological motifs, 3
so far as they are made use of; and more than all, as we shall
see later, in the symbolism of the worship, in which the
elements of the astral system were retained. 4
In Abraham, therefore, we see a Mahdi. The march out
from Babylonia appears to us a hegira. The religious move-
ment under Mohammed offers in many points an historical
analogy. Like the religion of Mohammed, so that of Abraham
is a reforming advance upon the current intellectual ideas. 6
1 Jewish and Islamic legends make Abraham a maityr undei Nimrod. We are
of opinion here also that it is not treating of phantoms and mere speculations, but
of a truth of religious history brought forwaid m legendary form and endowed
with mythological motifs.
* Thus now Wmckler, Abraham als Babylomer^ pp. 24 ff. , the Laws of Ham-
murabi, p. xxxi.
<{ Upon the traditions of Abraham, see pp. 16 ft Baentsch, loc* cit^ p. 60, over-
estimates, in our opinion, the religious meaning of these poetic motifs, when he
assumes that they are a sign that the patriarchal leligion was unwilling as yet to
indicate any break in principle with the astral religion, though it presented a step
beyond the Ancient-Babylonian religion.
1 We shall include m this symbolism the meaning of the mountain of divine
levelation, Stuat, which, according to Exod. m. (it is here called Horeb), was
already held as a place of worship in the patriarchal age.
6 Acts vii. 2 seem to icfer to a tradition according to which Abiaham had
already carried on a religious propaganda from Ur into Mesopotamia. The
passage states that Abraham received the command to migrate " m Mesopotamia,
before he dwelt in Haran,"
The most perverted use of the name Mesopotamia could not allow of Haran,
chief city of Mesopotamia, as its antithesis. The apocalyptical history of Abraham
does, in fact, seem to be aware of an earlier journey to Fandana, i.e. Padan Aram
(see " Apok. Abrahams" in Studun zur Gcschichte der Theologie und Ktrche> i.
ist cd., Bonwetsch) \ comp. article on Mesopotamia in Hauck, JK.P. Tfi. , 3rd ed.
IS ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
The tradition tells of visionary events in Ur (Neh. ix. 7) as in
Haran (Gen. xii. 1). Following the divine command, he
led his people towards the Westland ; towards, as it appears,
the region lying beyond the realm of Babylonian dominion.
His whole life in Canaan is characterised by visionary and
ecstatic events : Gen. xii. 17 ; xiii. 14 ; xv. 1 ff. ; xvii. 1 ff. ;
particularly xv. IS ff.
Now appears a fact in full force, which can neither be
proved nor refuted by means of historical-critical investigation.
Abraham recognised, in his own life and in the education of
the human race, the power of the living God. 1 God revealed
His way to Abraham and the working of His power to the
people of Abraham. Ho showed Himself as the merciful God
who hears prayer and forgives sins. This was the beginning
of "revelation" in the Biblical sense, which finds its goal in
Christianity, and which, in its beginnings and development,
could always only work through individuals. Only religious ex-
perience can umavel the mystery of the method. But one law
of this revelation we do know. It never falls direct from heaven,
but is always closely joined on to what has been already given,
and works by refining upon a gradual religious and moral
development. We can only offer conjectures as to other detail.
The next question that presents itself is, whether the tradi-
tions that have come down to us permit of a conclusion (Ituck-
sMuss) upon the nature of the religion of Abraham's time.
Characteristic names for God are in the traditions of the
Patriarchs, which cannot be set down to later revision. 2 The
1 The critic naturally says this must be taken in the sense meant in later
religion of the prophets. But that \spetitto primipu* Besides, if God revealed
Himself to the prophets, why should He have been silent in the beginning of the
Israelite religion? If it is asked Where, then, was His revelation befoi e Abiaham ?
we reply with Acts xiv. 16 " He suffereth all nations to go their own way," but
in the same sense as in Rom. i 19 ff., where the author included the KaOopaffSae
ra atfpara, that is to say, the Swapis tcai SnAriis of God in nature. With the
"Father of the Faithful" began the new era, a revelation tending towards a
dispensation of salvation.
3 Baentsch, foe. /., 56 "They would scarcely have invented an *El shaddal
or an abstract Elohtwi specially for Abraham. It is precisely this point, therefore,
in which we must see an ancient, truly historic tradition, not to be lightly set
aside, and a theology which so intentionally marks itself as being one of religious
history should be very scrupulously valued."
RELIGION OF THE PEOPLE OF ABRAHAM 18
God of Abraham was called W (Gen. xxi. 33) at the sanctuary
of Beer-sheba, 1 W 'olam is it possible that in this ancient
name 'o/awz, " world*" is denoted, as later in the Jewish ? Space
and time are identical to the Oriental mind "God from Ever-'
lasting," and W shaddai (Gen. xvii. 1, Exod. vi. 3; comp Gen.
xlix. #5 f.), for which no satisfactory interpretation has yet
been found. The divine designation iln does not in itself mean
anything more than a general conception of God. Besides, the
same divine name is also often to be found evidencing a mono-
theistic tendency upon Babylonian and Canaamte ground; 2
the plural ''elohim is found also in the Amarna Letters, ii., as
designation for God in majesty pluralist (ildni).
Possibly a hint as to the nature of their conception of
divinity is given in the epithet W 'olam applied by Abraham to
his god when making his alliance with Abimelech. 3 ^El 'olam
may mean " God from Everlasting, 1 ' 1 or " God of the World "
'olam used for time and space), as specially the divinity who
as summits deus) is enthroned at the north point of the
universe. 4 The meeting with Melchizedek is also characteristic.
Melchizedek, priest of Jerusalem (for the historical view of this
character, see pp. 27 ff.), names the God of Abraham W ^elyon^
Creator (nsp, 5 not b$3.) of heaven and earth (Gen. xiv. 19).
Abraham makes use of the same name in speaking with the
King of Sodom. It is therefore the name by which the God of
Abraham was worshipped in Sichem ; see Gen. xiv. 22.
In regard to the name Yahveh in the history of Abraham.
From the form of the tradition we may naturally quite justifi-
1 Well of the "seven," i c the Pleiades, which repiesent the powers of the
IJnderwoxld.
s Delitzsch, B B 1 , 4th ed. 5 75 Ilu-amranm, " Ilu, look upon me" ; Ilu-turam,
" Ilu, turn thou again" ; Ilu-ittia, " Ilu with me" , Ilu amtahar, " I cry unto Ilu " ,
Ilu-abi, "Ilu is my father" , Iluma-ih, "Ilu is god", Shuma-ilu-la-iha, "If Ilu
were not god," and so on On the Amarna tablets theieaie names like Shabi-ilu,
Milki-ilu, Ili-Milku, Yabm-ilu ; with this comp. Hommel, Altisr CJberl.^ chap. in. ,
and now, above all, Ranke, Eat ly Babylonian P& \onal Names, Philadelphia, 1905
'* See Klostermann, Gesch hr , p. 35, where he lightly contiadicts the conjecture
of oVij; in p^y, and supposes the name shows a recognition of the eternal god of all.
4 ^Olam^ antithesis to Qedeni as south point (primeval ocean fiom which the
woild proceeded) , see Wmcklei, F., in. 305 f. (also upon time = space). This is
also the meaning of 'olam in Ps xxiv. 7.
e Compare the name El-kana, and the fact of the name of God, by which Elieser
must swear, Gen, xxiv. 3. Or nap = owner. It is a motif word,
14 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
ably refer it back to an original scripture. At the same time
it must be allowed that in Babylonian nomenclature a corre-
sponding name also existed, in the form Ya'u. 1 In passages like
Exod. xv. 2 (" my father's God is Jah ' "), Isa xii % (Jah together
with Yahveh), in the cry hallelu-jah, in personal nouns joined
on to "irp, this Babylonian form of the name of God seems to
present itself. 2 But even if the designation for God existed
previously in the patriarchal age, that would give no evidence
about the conception of God in the primitive period of Israel.
Besides, " What's in a name ? " The name gives no clue to
the idea contained in the conception. 3 Chief emphasis is laid
by the tradition upon the moral relation to divinity, indicating
an absolutely new position, in opposition to polytheism and
astral religion. " Walk before me, and be thou perfect,"
Gen. xvii. 1 ; " Yahveh, before whom I walk," Gen. xxiv. 40.
In every part of the tradition the story gives prominence to the
way in which Abraham's circumstances made him the friend of
God and imparter of blessings to the future.
Now in what way did Abraham carry out his propaganda '*
Surely it would be in the same manner as St Paul in Athens,
or the Christian missionaries in heathen Germany. He joined
it on to existing sanctuaries and cults, having a special prefer-
ence for the "sacred trees" (pp. 207, i. ff.). 4 The oracle treo of
Moreh, Gen. xii. 6, in the neighbourhood of the Canaanite
holy cities of Shechem, and the oracle tree of Mainre in
Hebron, Gen. xiii. 18, represent the Tree of the World. 6 Here
1 See Delitzsch, &.B., i. 74 f. , comp. Kampf uni Babel umt /:?/&/, 4th ed ,
p. 20.
2 In the tetragiammaton mrp we see a ceiemomous differentiation froru the
' * heathen " name, which was the signal for a religious concentration at Sinai See
Kampfum Babel und JBibel^ 4th ed., p 20 ; Hommel, Die altoi Denkntak) umi
das Alte Testament supplement.
3 Our word " god " also comes down from heathendom, just as does the Ms ot
the New Testament ; compare with this now also Erbt, Hebmer, p 39,
4 Gen. xxi. 33 : " He planted a tamausk tree in Beer-sheba, and called there
on the name Yahveh as 'el 'olam"
5 According to Wmckler, F. , iii 406, these two are identical Moreh = Mamre,
the one belonging to the tradition which made Abraham dwell in the south
(Hebron), the other to the tradition which placed his history in the north (Sichem) ;
comp. also p. 26. The tree of Moreh (,TVID= instruction, like Thora) corre-
sponds to the tree of knowledge ; see pp. 207, i f.
RELIGION OF THE PEOPLE OF ABRAHAM 15
he gathered together believers. According to this sense
Luther's translation gives the correct meaning : " He preached
the name of the Lord."
Jewish legends amplify this We draw attention here to a
fable which strikingly recalls the milieu of the Sinuhe story :
Abraham next founded a refuge foi homeless wanderers l and
entertained them Instead of receiving any recompense or thanks.,
he referred them to the master of the house. " Where shall we
find this gracious Being ? " asked the wanderers. " He is the God
Who has made heaven and earth." And when they desired to
know how to pray to that Almighty Being, he taught them the
words (still used as the opening formula of the Jewish piayer at
meals when three or more men eat together) . te Praised be the
Everlasting, the ever Blessed ; praised be the God of the Universe,
from Whose bounties we have eaten" (comp Beer, Leben Abiahairns,
Ivi. 174).
It goes without saying we do not assume that the religion of
Israel only hangs on " thin threads from the long past ages "
Just as the history of morality unfolded itself, so also did
religion in Israel. Only here also we must think of the develop-
ment not as a straight line, but as an undulating curve. 2
The conception sketched here of the religion of Abraham is
in opposition to the conception of the so-called "historical
school,'" which, parallel with its construction of the history,
distinguishes a progressive development in the religion of
Israel (1) Bedouin religion-, () Peasant religion ; (3) Religion
of the piopkete. Though we also recognise as relatively correct
that Israel passed through a nomadic and an agricultural
period, yet this "development" had nothing to do with the
Biblical religion. We distinguish absolutely between Yahveli
religion and Israelite popular religion.
The popular religion of Israel was pagan, arid even in circles
J Comp. p. 56, the founding of a refuge by Jacob.
2 On the other hand, we cannot break the links of the chain by which, accord-
ing to tradition, the histoiy of the religious community, later known as a nation
under the name of *' Children of Israel," is bound to Abraham as founder of its
religion (*' Father of the Faithful"), even if not m an ethnological sense (see p.
5 and comp pp. 42 ff.) Baentsch, loc ctf., still holds firmly to the opinion
which looks upon Abraham as a Canaanite character, holding that the Israelite
tradition took the Canaanite tradition of Abram and put Abram into the place of
honour amongst the Patriarchs of Israel.
16 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
where Yahveh was included in the religious conception as
"God of Gods," it still remained a Ydhveli-popular religion,
saturated with pagan conceptions (for an example, see p. 48).
Pure Yahveh religion was the ideal, fostered by the religious
leaders and by religiously stimulated circles. From the first
there was a " spiritual Israel, 11 But only at critical points of
their historical development were the people seized by an
impulse of the pure religion. For this reason their condition
was rightly held to be one of " revolt."" The prophets called to
them to "return." A development, in the sense held by the
" historical school,' 1 holds good only of certain phenomena of
the popular religion, which stood in opposition to the Yahveh
religion. 1
* Astral Mythological Motifs
The stories of Abram are endowed with special astral motifs,
because Abram (with Lot) is the founder of a new era, ns the
blessing in Gen xn 3 f expressly says
Oriental historical stones always endow the bnnger of a new era
with the motifs of the astral figure who represents the beginning
of the age.* Abram lived in the Marduk age ; see pp. 7*5, i. f The
religious movement, into which he entered, would be directed
against the ruling cult. The preceding age was that of the Moon,
or of the Twins, as has been shown at pp. 71, i. flT. In speaking
about Abram, ancient Canaanite records would be induced, for this
reason, to let traces of the corresponding motifs of those ages show
in the presentment. It is to be observed here that the critical
point, giving the motifs, did not, as in the Marduk age, lie in the
spring point, but in the solstice (see pp. 34, i. f. and fig. 14)
Whether the author of our text still understood the allusions is
another question Possibly many such features were lost m Jm
work of recapitulation Later Judaism, again, learnt to know the
1 And also this development is differently formed throughout, as the predominat-
ing view presupposes, which starts from low forms of animi&m and totemism, etc.
The popular religion was astral religion with phenomena m nattue emphasised
which move in parallel course to the star cycle Comp. A. Jeiemus, Der Rin-
jluss Babylomens aufdcu l >r er$tandnis des Alien Testaments^ 1906, and Wincklefs
work named m note, p. 16. The deductions given above are taken iunu a pre-
sentment of the "connection of Babylonian lehgion with Israelite religion'* which
the author laid before the theological conference at Eisenach, Whitsuntide* 1906.
At the same time appeared Wmckler's work, Rehgiomgewhnktkr und gtxchicht*
licher Orient, an examination of the suppositions in the " consideiatious of
religious history" of the Old Testament and the school of Wellhausen, and
Baentsch, Altonent, und zsraeht. Monotheisnms ' Em Wort zur Revinon tier
entwickelungsgeschichthchen Auffassung der is* aehtischen ReHgionsgeschichte*
NAMES OF THE PEOPLE OF ABRAHAM 17
motifs and revivified the teaching, as is shown by the construction
of the pseud-epigraphical writings and the Rabbinical fables
1 The Astral Character of the Name Ab-ram is a pure Baby-
lonian name 1 It signifies "the (divine) father is sublime";
comp Ab-ner, ^the (divine) father is the light." They had a
special preference for designating the Moon-god as ff father" (Sin
abu ilanij conip. p 109, i ) ; for example, in the hymn to the Moon-
god Sm of Ui' 3 the home of Terah, IV R. 9) he is called upon
nine times as f( father/' and it is said amongst other things : 2
Merciful, gracious Fathei , in whose hand lies the life of the whole land,
Loid, thy divinity is like the far heaven, like the wide sea, filling with
awe, ....
Father, begettei of gods and men, who established dwellings, ordameth
sacrifice,
Who calleth to the kingdom, lendeth the sceptie, who ordameth Fate to
distant days.
Compare also 1 Kings xvi 34 Abiram with the name Abram.
In South Arabian inscriptions the theophorous names with Ab =
Moon-god bear evidence of being specially priests' names. Comp.
Ab as designation of priest in Judges xvii 9 ; Elisha is so called by
the king. The name therefore points perhaps to a priestly character
of Abraham. The other name, Ab-raham, introduced in P (Gen
xvii 5) as a re-naming^ and signifying " Father of Tumult," would
correspond to Sm as Qarid ilA.ni, " War hero of the Gods", see p. 6.
Sarai's 3 name corresponds to the designation of the Moon-goddess
of Harran . Nikkal-sharratu (shairatu = queen) , and the name of
Abraham's sister-in-law, Milka, fits together with Malkatu,, an
epithet applied to Ishtar. 4 She appears as the beautiful sister-wife
of Abraham and receives the veil Gen. xx. 6
In the name of Abram's father,, Terah, possibly the name for the
moon, Yerah, may be veiled ; the name might be intentionally
1 The much-quoted name upon a contract tablet of King Apil-Sm (grandfather
of Hammurabi) should not be read Abi-ramu, but (with Ranke) Abi-era^, "the
moon is my father." But the Assyrian eponym of the yeai 677-76 (see K.B., \
207 ; comp. Zimmern, K.A T., 3rd ed , 482), bore the same name * Abi-rama
likewise, the sister of Esarhaddon's mother ; see Johns, Deeds No. 70, Rev. vi.
Ranke, in Personal Names, records (p 86), as variant for Hammurabi, Ha-am-
mi-ra-am, which means "my (divine) uncle is sublime" By this, therefore,
according to the meaning, Hammurabi had the same name as his contemporary
(pp. 23 f ) Abraham. Compare again Hommel in P.S.B.A , May 1894, and
Anc. Heb. Tiad
2 Zimmern, K A. T., 3rd ed., 607 ff. A.O., vii. 3 Foi another passage from
this hymn, see pp. 10 f,
3 Sa-ra-ai, name m a cuneiform lettei, K 1274, Obv 2. STJ^, Sop/>o, is the
Canaamte form ; T^, Sa-ia-ai, Arabic Aramaic feminine form (Hommel, G.G>G. t
p. 1 86, 3rd ed.).
4 See Zimmern, K t A*T>, 3rd ed., 364 f. For the divine name, contained m
Nahor,[see zdtdT. 477 f.
VOL. II. * %
18 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
mutilated, as was often done with the theophorous names of
e f pagan ' ' characters. 1
The name Laban denotes the moon (Hebrew poetry,, lebana,
Song of Songs, vi 9 ; Isa. xxiv 23, xxx 26, and m the Jewish
planetary days of the week the name for Monday) 2
2, Moon-Motifs in the Stories of Abraham.*
(a) The number 318 in Gen. xiv. 14, which is, however,
certainly not historic. It is the number of warriors given in stories
of fights embellished with mythological motifs It is the number
of days in the lunai year when the moon is visible (3!>4t days loss
J2 x 3 days of dark moon = 31 8 days) In Abraham's warfaie with
enemies, 318 companions support him, as the moon in warfaie
against the darkness has light 318 days 4 They aie for this reason
mysteriously named in Gen. xiv. 14 hanilim^ the meaning of which
is people of the mn\ see p 239, 1., and p. 32 If the cabalistic sign
for the name of Ehezer, Abraham's servant, is equivalent to the
number 318, that would show that late Judaism knew astral
symbolism thoroughly. In Christian symbolism the number 318 is
often met with right into the Middle Ages.
() The number 13 for the beginning of action, Gen xiv 1
"Twelve years they served Chedorlaomer, and in the tlmteenth
year they rebelled." This is distinctly a lunar number. The
lunar year (354) requires twelve additional days for equalisation
with the solar yeai. These twelve days are current as lying
"between the years," like the five epagomenae m the equalisation
of 360 and 365, new year festival days. We know them as the
twelve days with fateful nights at the turn of the year, ending in
England with Twelfth Night With the thirteenth day the new
year begins. This is why Mohammed, the Moon-woi whippet, was
born, according to the legends (Ibn Hisham, 102), on the thirteenth
of Rebi* I, and on a Monday.*
(c) The moon is "the Wanderer." Possibly tins motif also was
in the mind of the chronicler in naming the chief halting-places
1 Wmckler, Gescft. /j., n. 23, spoke in this connection of Abraham as a "heroic
precipitation of the Moon-god," and of "the figure of Abiaham as emanation of
the Moon-god. J> Stucken forms the same opinion m his astial myths. But later
Wmckler escaped this sophism. The opinion of Procksch, Noidhcfo. Sagenbitch)
P 33 2 J fl "the celestial historical astrology which looks foi the teuesliial
patriarchs in the wrong places," and which for this reason " need nol be taken into
consideration," does not fall m with the interpretation of either Wmckler or myself.
2 Has the divine name Ilu La-ban, III, R. 66, 6 b , to do with this ? It follows
Nebo, and it piecedes Shamash and Bel labnu, therefore piobably Sin (sec
Hommel, Assyrian Notes, 50, where the list III R. 66 is transcribed).
8 Baentsch, Altonent. und israet* Mouotheivnus t sees m the moon motifs with
which the tradition of Abram is endowed an indication that the icligion of Abiam
does not yet mean any break in principle with that religion. In my opinion this
is an ovex estimation of the motifs. 4 SeeBacntsch, loc> at,, pp, Ci f*
5 Comp, Winckler, F,, ii, 350, 266. For another example, see p, 86.
ASTRAL MOTIFS IN THE STORY OF ABRAHAM 19
of the march. Abraham moved from east to west, like the moon
Harran, the city of Bel-Harran, means "way"; Gerar, where
Abraham dwelt as a stranger, contains a play of words on girru,
"path." In Gen. xm. 3 Abraham went "unto the place where
his tent had been at the beginning," VyooS, like the moon, as
has been observed by Wmckler, F , ni. 407.
We find the same motif again in the migration to Sinai. The
word only appears among the halting-places of the journey through
the wilderness; see p 106
3 Twin (Dioscuri) Motif This motif, which places moon and
sun in opposition, 1 is shown in the story of Abram and Lot They
represent the new age Therefore their history is endowed with
Dioscuri motifs 2 If the summer solstice is taken as the beginning
of the new age, then one of the Twins bears lunar motifs at
the apogee (see fig. 14, p 35); the other beais, in opposition,
motifs of the sun, in the Underworld. 3 The Twins are the
parted, that is to say, the hostile brothers. This is the motif in
Gen xm. 9
"If thou wilt take the left hand, then I will go to the
right; or if thou wilt go to the right hand, then I will go to
the left "
Further, the motif of hospitality,* belongs to the Dioscuri. Abiam
and Lot entertain celestial visitors ; Gen. xvm 3 ff. and xix. 3
Further, the motif of support Hy gin's account of the chivalrous
support given to Castor by Pollux (fab. Ixxx ) shows numerous
motifs related to the allusive stories in Gen. xiv Finally, the
motif of renouncement of reward.
The Babylonian teaching shows us (pp 35, i f., 125) that the
moon as well as the sun (likewise the third great stai Venus) may
appear in the figure of Tammuz, in so far as they all sink into the
Underworld and rise again. Legends outside the Bible are fond of
attaching Tammuz motifs to the figure of Abraham, Abram, cast
into the fiery furnace by Nimrod/ and rescued from it, corresponds
1 Twins sun and moon, or the gi owing and waning moon (two faces, comp.
Janus as Moon-god, p. 72, i ) ; 01, in the fixed-star heaven, which is a commentaiy
upon the planetary heaven, Castor and Pollux
2 P 17, comp pp 76, i. tf. Moses has the motifs of the latei, Taurus (Marduk)
age ; see Exod. n. Lot takes the place of the dead fathei
J en^ means " veiling " Heie also theie is a play upon the words The old
astial mythological interpretations (Dupuis, Nork) already kept this m mind
" Abraham fiom Ur (city of light) and Lot (darkness) could not live together."
4 "Dioscuri maxime hospitales sese proebent" ; see Jos. Schmeitz, De Dtesiuru
Grcecoiitm dti$ t cap. 5, quotation p. 39. Quoted accoidmg to Stucken, Ashal-
mythen^ pp. 82 f. ; also to be compared with the following : "It goes without saying
that such assonances might be accidental. But the acceptance of such accident is
no longer justifiable when the small, seemingly unimportant analogies multiply
and link together."
c Quoted passages in Beer's Leben Abrahams.
20 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
to Tammuz sinking into death at the heat point and rising again
Tammuz is also, as is known, a hunter l In the fables of Og it
says :
"bold and zealous, like unto the huntsman armed with his weapons,
is this Abraham " 2
The Arabs also recognise the Tammuz character of Abraham
The river Adonis, rising in Lebanon and having at its source
sanctuaries of Ishtar and Tammuz (p 99 , fig 31), is called in
Arabic Nahr-Ibrahim
But our Biblical story also recognises the Tammux-IsliLar motif
The journey of Abraham with his sister and wife (') Sarah, to
Egypt J is presented theie as a descent into,, and a icscue from,
the Underworld As south, Egypt is the Underworld , see p ,>0, i
When Eshtar, thepiimeval Mother, descends into the Underworld all
fertility ceases, as the well-known Babylonian text of the *' descent
into hell of Ishtar" dramatically repiesents The chronicler hints
this, Gen. xii 17- the house of Pharaoh was " pLigued " because
of Sarah. What was the plague ? The duplicate passage ((Jen xx.
17 f) 4 says: sterility had come upon the women No one could
take this to be historical even m the mind of the chronicler. The
story refines upon the motif. According to Gen x\ 1 7, Abime-
lech falls ill as punishment, not the women. Also in the nnfruiL-
fulness of Sarah, changed into fruitfulness, the Ishtar character
is indicated by the stress laid upon the word mpy/' Finally, the
motif of deliverance out of the Uudei world lies in the story of the
rescue of Lot Lot is in Sodom = Underworld As he has the
sun motif (with Abraham as Moon Dioscurus), his partner (Lot's
wife), has lunar character. Sun and moon desert the Underworld.
The astronomical picture (h'g. 15), shows the appertaining motifs
The moon lises. So soon as he turns round, he falls again into the*
Underworld. Lot's wife turns round and dies In the heavens
the constellation Orion corresponds to Tammuz, rising in the
1 The moon also is hunter, in so far as he bears the Tammu/ character ; see
P* 35, i.
2 Beer, he /., p. 29.
<l That is to say, Muzri, which, however, in cosmic as also in physical geogiaphy,
was reckoned as Egypt (pp. 286, i. f.).
4 It is to be noted that Abimelech wishes really to many Sartu, Gen. xx. 2 :
then Abimelech sent and took Sarah (now np"?= Assyrian afyAitt avh\hata, heic
m the sense of marriage). By a dieam in the night Yahveh prevents him, us
Asmodai does the husbands of Sarah, daughter of Regucl, Tobit 111. 8 , see
Wmcklei, J?., 111. 414, who explains the "covering of the eyes" (Gen. xx. 16)
also surely correctly as veil (chief part of the rich dowry given by Abimelech to
Sarah) : an allusion to the veiled Ishtar, com p. Gen xxiv. 65
5 nipv is everywhere motif word in this sense Gen. xi, 30 (Sarah), xxv. 21
(Rebekah) xxix, 31 (Leah and Rachel) ; Judges xih. 2 f. (the wife of Manoah i) ;
Ex. xxui, 26 ; Deut. vii. 14 ; i Sam. ii. 5 ; Isa. Hv. x ; Ps cxin. 9, in describing
the blessed age ; likewise Job xxiv. 21. These are complete passages.
THE CAMPAIGN OF ABRAHAM 21
summer solstice and setting in the winter solstice x Therefore in
the journey to Egypt of Abraham we may equally well see Osms-
Sirms (feminine Sothis) as the wedded bi other and sister Tammuz-
Ishtar The story of Jacob (see Gen. xxxii 10)^ where we find
Onon motifs (see pp 57 f ), shows that Stucken is not in eiror with
this idea And Jacob is a character who^ as bnnger of a new
epoch (pp 51 ff), corresponds to Abiaham. ^ See Appendix
THE CAMPAIGN OF ABRAHAM 2
In Gen. xiv. Abraham "the Hebrew 1 ' appears as leader
and adviser of the Canaanite (Amonte) tribes against the
"kings of the nations,*" just as the Egyptians relate of their
Sinuhe (pp. *$26, i. ff.) about 2000 B.C. This story belongs to a
class of writing which is unique in the range of Old Testament
li terature ; also in the range of cuneiform writing it cannot up
to the present be located, but it is found in Egyptian writings.
In 1869 Th. Noeldeke explained the chapter as being an
invention with a purpose, of a later time, and Wellhausen takes
this decision to be "irrefutable and incontrovertible." Ed
Meyer, Geschichte des AUeitums^ i , holds, with Stade,, that
Gen xiv. is the latest passage of the Pentateuch, and gives the
following opinion : " It seems that the Jew, who introduced the
story m Gen xiv., must have learnt in Babylon very exact detail
of the most ancient history of the land, and, impelled by some
motive unknown to us, he put Abraham into the history of
Kudurlagamar (z e Chedorlaomer) ; for the rest, he then ela-
borated his story according to the Jewish view of ancient times " 3
Against this Gunkel * has lately recognised in his Genem that
1 The summer solstice is first of all death-point of Tammuz-Orion. But the
death and resurrection are celebrated m cult close after each other . after three
days by lunar calculation (see pp. 35, i f ). Fnmicus Mateinus says m de ei tore prof
rel , "quern paulo ante sepelieiant, revixisse jactant." The rising of Orion in the
summer solstice coiiesponds lo the new moon. In the fourfold division of the
year the corresponding festival quarter is the new moon (that is to say, full moon),
before the beginning of spnng. The companion picture to Orion as brmger of a
new age in the summer solstice (Diagon-slayer, for which leason Nimrod = Orion,
seep. 290, i ; Osiris = Orion, Hercules = Orion, see Gen xxxii. 10) is the savage
Onon, the drunken, brawling giant, whose motifs are sounded in the stories of
Goliath and Nabal
2 Comp. Clemens Alex,, Adman, ad gent , p 16.
d That these pictures are *' entirely unhistoric," as Ed. Meyer says, the author
would not himself be prepared to assert, after the discovery of the Hammurabi
Code (comp. pp. 34 ff,, legal customs of the tribe of Abraham).
4 The remark m the first edition, A T.A.O., that Gunkel was the first to take
the monumental researches into serious consideration from the theological side,
22 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
the story contains ancient, certain historical facts, above all in
regard to the historical setting of the story But, on the other
hand, he judges, with Noeldeke, that it contains impossibilities
as in the military achievement of Abiaham, and in the supposition
of the existence of the yet to come Sodom and Gomorrha The
story contains therefore, in glaring contrast, things veil authenti-
cated and utter impossibilities H Winckler, Genc/iic/tte Ixtaels, n.
26 ff (then still under strong influence of the literary critical
methods), analyses the tradition given m Gen. xiv in three
parts
1. An Isiaehte chronicler whose literary education was founded
upon the cuneiform tablet writings, and who possibly had charge
of the correspondence between the Israelite and Ha by Ionian
courts, learnt to know hymns upon Chedorlaomer and Tidal, 1 in
which historical events of campaigns towards the " Westland/' and
of a fight in the vale of Siddmi, were glorified in mythological
form.
2 The Klohisi took their account over on to his own ground,
and identified the Habin Sheikh, who conquered the kings, with
Abram
3 The Yahvist added passages about Sodom and Lot and about
Melchizedek, and so on, to it. In his work Abraham als Babylomcr
Winckler lays stress upon " the fact of the historical background in
the stoiies of the Patriarchs" ; it is not likely that the other
orally transmitted stories would throw no light on the personal
history of Abraham, but probably the intention of the tradition
was to show the great world-wide political background of the age,
and to place the land Abraham sought in connection with the
questions which were agitating the East of that day, Wmekler
also holds to the opinion that from the tradition in (Jen xiv. 1
Abraham must be taken to be a con temporal y of Hammurabi,
and that his migration intimates an opposition to the religious
upheaval by which the dominion of the first dynasty of Babylon
was marked, putting the worship of Marduk, the saving spring
god, in place of the ancient moon-worship. Kr. Hommel,
Aliis. tfberkefetmg, 153, holds the entire chapter to be very old;
that the probably Babylonian original composition was saved in a
Hebrew translation in the archives of the temple at Jerusalem,
from the archives of the pre-Israehle kings of Salem. 2 Erbt, Die
has been called a " ciying injustice " by some interested parlies. Ccitainly Itacldc
(from whom, however, the objection did not come) m his book [)ie biblwhe
Urgtschichte shows already a decided step in this respect. Later Budcle left the
track here indicated
1 Such poems have, m fact, been found in modern Babylonian transcriptions,
There are names in them which correspond to Tid'ai (Tudfyulu), and po&stbly to
Chedorlaomer ; see p. 23.
3 Dillmann had already expressed the view that the author of Gen, xiv, drew
from a Canaanite tradition.
THE CAMPAIGN OF ABRAHAM 23
Hebraer, pp. 6l ff combats the "analysing of the Book of Genesis
into fables " by Gunk el, and seeks to prove that there is an un-
broken chain of tradition linking the stories of the Patriarchs with
the later time
Gen. xiv. 1 ff. relates .
"And it came to pass in the days of Amraph(el)s^ when
Arioch ruled over Shinat (Babylon), king of Ellasar (Larsa),
that Chedoilaomer, Ling of JKlam, and Tidal, Ling of Goiim,
made war
against Bern', king of Sodom, Birsha', king of Gomorrha,
Shinab, king of Admah, Shevfeber, king of Zeboiim, and the
king of Bela (that is, Zoar)
all these assembled themselves in the vak of Siddim (that is,
the Salt Sea).
Twelve years they served Chedorlaomer ; and in the thirteenth
yea? 2 they rebelled.
But in the fourteenth year came Chedorlaomer^ and the kings
that were with him?
The Mahdi Abraham came to the help of his comrade Lot,
who was in danger. The political statements agree with history.
"In the days of Hammurabi ," whose contemporary Abraham
is said to be, in the first place there reigned over Shinar
( = Sumer South Babylonia?) a king of Larsa, whose name
(Rim-Sin, or Arad Sin) might read in Sumerian as Eri-Aku.
It is recorded that the tnbes of Canaan paid tribute for twelve
years (possibly since a triumphant Elamite campaign against the
u Westland "), and in the thirteenth year they rebelled, ? p.,
refused to pay tribute. For this they had to be punished.
The objection . " How can the small tribal kings of the
valley of Siddim be brought into connection with the powerful
1 According to Husmg, the /at the end of the name Amiaphel should belong to
the following woid. h-melok\ compare with it the dating on the inscription of
Eshmuna^ar (Lidzbarski, Handbuch der nordwmt Epigraphik, 417 ; comp
Landau, Bcitr. sur AUertiunskmide des A.O., ii., 5. I, 6 i). "j^D ^D 1 ?. But the
interpolation remains giammatically difficult and without analogy in the Hebrew.
Possibly the / may be explained more simply fiom the attested reading of JJtammfi
rabty (Johns, P.S.J3.A. xxix. 177-184, Rev. 30 Ha-m-mu-ra-bi-ih). This;0fo$
is synonym for rapa$htu 9 tapaltu u far off" Possibly the Hebrew paraphrase
involves the form rapaltit,
2 Upon the motif 12/13, see pp. 1 8 f. Another example, p. 86.
24 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
empire of the world?" is answered. The story also by no
means requires the assumption that King Chedorlaomcr and
his allies went in person against them. The kings of the empire
of the world did not personally mount the war chariot, when
it was a question of punishing tribute-failing vassals. But it
is part of the ceremonious style of annal-wnting to name the
king as representative of his army, c\en if he were not personally
with it. The numbers would not be very enormous upon
either side; Abraham's 318 fyaiitkhn \\ould not in itself give
occasion for hesitation, e\en if this number of mythological
motif (p. 18) were the round number meaning a small number.
The Canaanite kings and governors in the Amarna Letters
beg for comparatively small bands for rescue from enemies. 1
The defenders of the historical accuracy of (Jen. xiv. m the
last few yeais laid great value on the proof that the names of the
Babylonian Elamite kings are identical with certain names in
Babylonian cuneiform records. They are Babylonian heroic son#s,
which describe the wars of independence against Khun Fr.
Hommel in particular has, iu his Ancient Hebrew T'tadihon, given
much attention to it, and has also presented for the first Lime a
translation of part of the texts discovered by Pinches. But the
joy in the discovery was soon silenced. There came a doubt about
the identity of the names. Proper names have always been the
crux of Assyriology. They are mostly written in ideograms hear-
ing several meanings The uncertainty of their reading has,
besides, roused m many minds the wholly unjustifiable suspicion
that the deciphering of the rest of the text also is unreliable.
That Amraph(el) and Hammurabi- 3 arc equivalent seems to us
certain, and the identity of Ellasar with Larsa, the ruins of which
lie hidden under the mound of Senkereh, south-east of UruK
(Erech), and probably the identification of the Biblical Arioch
with Rim-Sm or Arad-Sm, whose name in "Sumenan" is written
Eri-Aku; see p. 321, i.
The leader is Chedorlaomer. This name is pure Klamite,
It signifies servant (?) of the Elamite goddess Lagamar, of
whom there are also earlier traces.
A supposed discovery by P. Scheil, who thought lie had
found the name again in cuneiform, in one of the letters of
1 Gunkel says . "What can we think of a chronicle! who iccorcls buch thmgs,"
and quotes Noeldeke "If that is possible, then evexything is possible." Sec
Winckler, Hammurabi, p. xxxi. n. 2.
3 See p. 23, n. i ,
THE CAMPAIGN OF ABRAHAM 25
Hammurabi, in the form Kudur-Nuhgamar, led Hommel astray
into taking this name as equivalent to Chedorlaomer The
reading has been proved to be erroneous by more accurate
study of the letter in Constantinople, and with the reading
some of HommeFs deductions also fall 1
But even if the names \veie identical with those of the
heroes of the above-mentioned Babylonian epic of the Elamite
war, it would be of no help to those who try to prove the
authenticity of Gen. xiv. upon such grounds, because the
poems are only known to us in the transcripts of the age of
the Achaemenidar From the time of Nabonidus they loved
bringing out the Ancient-Babylonian names and praising
Ancient-Babylonian heroes. Now, since it was the Jews in
exile and after the exile who were witnesses of this Babylonian
antiquarianism, it was not an unlikely thing to reverse it,
and to say : Gen. xiv. is a poem with a purpose, which
brings the ideal character of one Abraham into connection
with the greatest number possible of ancient names ; the story
is the woik "of a Jew working with archives of Babylonian
Palestine and of the Temple." 2
That a literary criticism of this kind is untenable will be
allowed by everyone who has begun to look at the Old
Testament in the light of the ancient East. The Biblical
writers, whose works are edited in our Bible, were at least
quite ns well able to draw from Babylonian tradition in the
time of the kings as in the* post-exilic period. Facts of
history and tho knowledge of historical personalities he at
the root of Gen. xiv. Those transcripts from the age of the
Achaemcnidic show how vivid the remembrance was in the
Near East of events in Ancient-Babylonia. And the Israelites
wei*e at all times well informed of current events in the great
empires of the world. We find this illustrated in the time of
1 Erbt, Ebraer, p. 67, suggests, and Hommel had already conjectured (Gesch.
Bab ft. AM,) 366), an identification of Kedorla*omer with Kudurmabuk (founded
on a wiong reading of the cuneiform original), father of Rmi-Sm, ad-da of Emut-
baba, who allowed his son to reign in Larsa.
3 The explanation as a "Midrash" (by Kautzsch amongst others) does not at
all fit the peculiarity of the tale, even if we allow that a " Midrash )J need not be
an entirely made-up story.
26 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
the kings. It is only a question as to whether the appearance
of Abraham is historic, or whether the stories of the victory
over the four kings have simply been foisted upon him. For
those who abolish the existence of Abraham the question is
settled. But the stories contain very weighty material for
the defence of the personality of Abraham. He was also
looked upon as a commander-in-chief (see pp. 5 f.). The
appearance of the " Hebrew " Abraham entirely corresponds
to the circumstances of that age, as shown us, for instance,
in the Sinuhe stories. The reason of his appearance, not
taking into account the circumstances of the relationship with
Lot, was that the campaign threatened a part of his people
with deportation (Gen. xiv. 12), so that the religious movement
was endangered.
Gen, xiv. 8: "Four kings against five."" Five is the number
of the Dragon combat, and is for that reason specially
emphasised; sec pp. 78, i,, 93, i., 42, n. 1. Five kings assemble
in the Vale of Siddim, that is, in the Vale of Demons (,<th*dwn) ;
by this mythic geographical name they are denoted as Powers
of the Underworld
Gen. xiv. 10 f. . The kings of Sodom and Goinorrha fell
into pits (rnNl, bor) in the vale of demons. The later
tradition has, with the fate of Sodom and the character of the
neighbourhood of the Dead Sea in mind, made bitumen pits
(nnn rrwi) of it.
Gen. xiv. 13 ff. Abram, the 'Hebrew (') comes to the rescue.
Abram dwelt in Shechem by the Tree of the World
Moreh, 1 see p. 14 (Gen. xiii. 18: Mamre in Hebron trans-
ports the scene of the story to the south; see p. 14),
with three confederates. 2 To rescue Lot Abram "counted 1 " 8
1 Gen. xii. 6 ; comp, Deut. xi. 29 f., in the neighbourhood of Geuzim and
Rbai
2 Mamre, 'Eshkol and 'Aner (*Enak?). In ba'ale bertth lies an echo of the
Bcfal berith in Shechem, Judges viii 33 ; ix. 4 (place of worship upon Gcrizim or
Ebal). Isaac also allies himself with thiee men by an oath (fartth) : Abnndech,
Ahuzzath, and Phicol, Gen. xxvi. ff. He entertains them as Abztiham did the three
men who visited him (Gen. xvhi 2 ff.), and then is granted the fulfilment oi a
wish : his people find water.
8 For the variants see Kittel, Biblia \ Sept,
THE CAMPAIGN OF ABRAHAM
" his 318 hanikim?- born in his house, and pursued as far
as Dan."
" Then he divided himself over them (against them) by night,
he and his servants, and smote them. 1 ''
The division into three parts belongs to the motifs of the
moon-combat, 2 and corresponds to the three watches of the moon,
for which reason the night watches
are strikingly emphasised. We
find the same thing in the
fights, endowed with moon-com-
bat motifs, of Jacob against
Laban, Gen. xxxiii., and of
Gideon against the Midianites,
Judges vii. 16* ; of Saul against
the Amonites, 1 Sam. xi. 11 ;
and in the battles at Gibeah
and Michmash. 3
Gen. xiv. 18: "And MaXkt-
xedck, king of Salew, brought
forth bread and wine; he was
a piiest of the El^elyon.
Salem, at least in the later
conception (comp. Ps. Ixxvi. 3),
was the poetic name for Jerusalem ;
comp. Joshua x. 1 : Adonizedek,
king of Yerfishalem.
In the Amarna Letters we meet
FIG I2i.~ Letter of Abdijjiba from
Jeiusalem to Amenophis IV.
with many letters from Urusalim (see fig. 121) which correspond
1 Only used in this passage. It is an astral motif word which must belong to
the myth of the rescue of the sun from the Underworld (Lot) by the moon the
318 nights when the moon is visible help in the combat of the moon against the
powers of the Southland (sun). We may remember the sun character of Hanok
(Enoch), who was 365 years old, and the fratiAka festival of the solstice ; see p. 239,
i. , n. 8, and Winckler, A"> it. Sckr , iv. 64, and F. , in 407. The h&ntktm was a
conseciated band from amongst the Shechem allies, like the chosen youths in
Judges vii. i ff. ; see Erbt, Ebraer> pp. 76 f
2 Wmckler, loc at., 407. The division belongs to the " night watches";
Kautzsch, Gunkel, and others translate this inaccurately.
3 See Winckler, Gesck. /jr., Ixxxvin. 139, 157. Also in Job i. 17 we find the
stratagem ; it seems to have become a standing motif in stories of battles.
28 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
to the Hebraic Yerushalem. 1 The meaning as "City of Peace"
is later popular etymology. The king and governor Abdihiba
of Urusalim says of himself
Behold^ what concerns me (what concerns the region of this
city Urusalim), not my father, not my mother established me (gave
it me), but the arm of the mighty king allowed me to enter into
the house of my forefathers (has given it to me) A'.jB., v 102,
9 ff, 103, 25 ft'. , see Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition, 155
The expiession " not my father, not my mother, but the divine
call to the throne may I glory in," belongs to the mythological
necessity of the call to the ling It is the motif of the mystery of
secret birth; see for detail upon this, pp. 90 ff., under "Birth of
Moses " The king represents himself thus as the hunger of a new
age, as a deliverer
A number of examples aie given 111 B.N T , pp 29 f ; others
will be adduced under Exod. 11. 2 According Lo Dent xxxm
9 ff (see upon this passage pp. 59 and 91) Moses was endowed
with the same motif: "Who says of his father, and to his mother:
I have not seen them [and who does not acknowledge his brother
and who does not know his son] " 2 It is the same when Gudea says
to the Queen of Heaven : " I have no mother, thou art my mother ,
I have no father, thou art my father "
The Epistle to the Hebrews applies the same motif to Melclnzedek,
King of Salem, Heb vn 3 Melchizedek was dwraToyj, a/x,t;ray>,
s, ce without father, without mother, without genealogy "
The fc * mighty king " in the passage mentioned is, in the first
instance, Amenophis IV. (Chuenaten), a religions reformer,
who introduced a singular form of sun-worship in place of all
other Egyptian cults, and built as sacred place for tins cull,
that city which lies under the ruins of Ainarna. Whilst other
Pharaohs were content to compare themselves with the Sun-god,
Chuenaten wished to be exalted as incarnation of a great god,
The governors of Canaan naturally obediently fell in with the
requisition. They assure the king : " Behold, the king has laid
his name upon Jerusalem for ever, therefore can he never forsake
the land of Jerusalem."" But behind this bending before
Pharaoh there was certainly hidden a loftier insight, which may
1 " City of Shalem"? Shalem, Assyrian Shulman, is possibly a designation of
Nmib. The Amaina Letters mention a disttict Bit-Ninib in the neighbourhood of
Urusalimmu ; see Zimmern, K.A.T.> 3rd ed., 475 f.
2 The bracketed sentence is possibly the gloss of an editor who no longer knew
the motif of secret birth.
ABRAHAM AND MELCHIZEDEK 29
be at least related to the religion of Abraham. Between
Abraham's religion and the religion of the priest-Ling Mel-
chi/cdek there exists 111 any case a connection of religious
history upon which the last word has not yet been said. The
more or less clearly recognisable worship of " God most High "
links Abraham the Babylonian with the pious king of the
Canoanites.
The connection with Jerusalem belongs to a later interpre-
tation. The scene is laid, according to the original copy, in
Shechem ; see p. $6. The priest bringing his benediction must
come to meet Abraham out of Shechem (comp. Erbt, Ebtaer,
pp. 74 ff.). Salem is a variant of Shechem l Gen. xxxiii. 18
is an evidence of this : " Jacob came to Shalem, the city of
Shechem." 2 El-Elyon, the God of Melchizedek, is then identical
with the El-berit worshipped (upon Ebal or Gerizim) in Shechem
(thus in Judges ix. 46 instead of Ba-al-berit in Gen. ix. 4 ;
comp p. 27).
The blessing of Melchizedek runs (Gen. xiv. 19 f.)
" Blessed be Abram of El-Elyon
possessor of heaven and earth.
And blessed be El-Elyon
who hath delivered thine enemies into thy hand."
It recalls the blessings in the cuneiform writings ; comp.
p/106, i.
Gunkel, Genesis, 26l 5 is inclined to hold Melchiaedek as an
historical personage, and draws some far-reaching conclusions from
it : Jerusalem was probably in a pre-Israelite period the centre of
an important confederation of cities^ as indeed in Joshua x. the
king of Jerusalem appears to be chief of a Canaanite confederation ;
later Judaism joined itself on to this tradition much as if the
German Kaiser were to appear as successor to the Roman Caesars,
and Ps ex. gives evidence of the great value laid by the court
tradition at Jerusalem upon the king of Jerusalem being the
1 See now Winclder, F., in. 441 (also upon the following) against the earlier
opinion m & A T., 3rd ed., 424.
a The old translations were right in reading it so, not as "safe " Gen. xxxiv.
21, the people of Jacob were received in Shechem : c< they shall be shettmtm with
us " ; even if that also means " dwell with us m peace," still the motif of the name
is purposely woven into it.
SO ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
successor of Melchizedek. 1 The step from the recognition of
the priest-king, Melchizedek of Jerusalem, as an historical character,
to the recognition of the Hebrew Abraham of Hebron, as historical,
is not very far
Gen. xiv. 3, 8, 10 : Instead of Dntt), siddim, it should be
read Shedim. 2 We may compare the Rephaim (properly
speaking, spirits of the dead), which appear as a mythical tribe
of demons ; Deut. ii. 11, 20 ; Judges xn. 4, etc.
Gen. xiv. 20 ; po is a poetic motif word for " give," as in
Hosea xi. 8, which represents the full motif; comp. Eccles.
iv. 9, by this the lexicographic difficulty is explained. In the
same way Gen. xv. 1 should read "/ will give tliee thy rcwtwd
(not, " I am thy shield "). 3 Besides which, Abraham does not
give to Melchizedek, but, contrariwise, Melchizedek gives the
Temple tax (satuklcn) to Abraham. 4
Gen. xiv. 21 tf. : The King of Sodom 5 wishes to give the whole
booty to Abraham, who will only accept what the people have
taken for themselves in the loot. Besides this he will accept
1 We interpiet this "priesthood aftei the order of Melchizedek " not politically
but religiously. The large-hearted, piiestly poet ("thou art a priest after the
order of Melchizedek") laid great value upon the hadition of the pious priest-king
of the Canaamtes, who hlessed Abraham, and thiough whom all heathen people
should be blessed ( Ps. hxn 17). Eibt's hypothesis (Ebnw, 74 fF.) is vet y note-
worthy, seeing in Ps. ex. a htuigy upon Yahveh and Zion composed anew at the
enthronement of the priest-king of Shechem, Upon the change from Shechem
to Jerusalem, see p. 29
2 So already said by Renan ; see Deut. xxxu. 17 , Ps cvi. 37, In both these
last-named passages the sacrifices are made to demons. The adoration of demons,
guardian divinities of the house or temple must be criticised like the ' ' devil-
woiship" round about the Tigris at the present day. Offeiings are made to them
to avert evil; comp. Lev xvn. 7. It has not been proved that "sacrifice to
demons in Babylonia was only made in so far as it deals with spintb of the dead "
The woid is of Babylonian origin, Babylonian demonology differentiates between
an evil and a gracious shedu* Hitzig and Wellhausen also prefer in Ilosea xn. 12
shedim instead of D'TIP, and Hoffmann in Phonfa* Inwhitften^ p. 53, icads in
Job v. 21 shed instead of IB> (see Zimmern, A." A. T 7 ,, 3rd ed,, p. 461)
3 Wmckler, F. t in. 411.
A The text is coi rupt ; see Siever's Jlfef) ische Studten, 273.
fi According to v 10 he is dead. Two versions of the stuiy aie urn together.
^>DN, Assyrian akfthi (Id Ku\ already upon the vulture stele of E-an-na-tum,
borders , vi. 15 (Thureau Dangm, V.A.B.> i. 13), where the Patesi of Gish-^u with
his people by command of his god "devours" the beloved district of Nmgiisu.
That the interpretation as "what they have eaten" is impossible, Wincklex has
shown F.j m. 410 f, The meaning "what they have devoured (comp, Arabian
FURTHER GLOSSES TO HISTORY OF ABRAHAM 31
nothing, " from a thread to the sole of the shoe.*" This is one of
the motif figures of speech, signifying the whole (milk and
honey, vine and fig-tree, upper and under, elish and shaplisK^ in
cosmic sense Upperworld and Underworld).
Winckler has perceived that in thread and shoe latchet there
lies the same antithesis denoted by upper and under in the
microcosmos, and contained m every microcosmos which reflects
the whole. In fairy tales we know the opposition of tailor and
cobbler, where the tailor is always good and the cobbler bad,
corresponding to moon and sun in opposition, Overworld and
Underworld (see p 36, i , the Dioscun as hostile brothers), The
tailor corresponds to the thread, the cobbler to the sole of the
shoe Compare the Mohammedan legend Ibn Hisham, 765, where
the antithesis is still better shown by garment and sandal
Gen xv. 1 and 12 if : (Ecstasy), see p 12 , under Gen xv 1
(p!D not shield}, see p 30.
Gen, xv. % f. : The text is corrupt.
" Lord Yahveh, what canst thou give me, since I am childless,
and the son of Meshek of my house (Iben-meshek bti, a gloss
playing on the word, adds : that is, a dammeshek). 1 Eliezer (and
Abram said : To me thou hast given no descendants, behold a
son of my house) 2 will be my heir. Eliezer may 3 perhaps be there-
fore taken to be actually musKk&iu (it must then he read [{JplBD)
as Winckler takes it, that is, according to the H.C., a w freed
man," 11 a degree lower than Ishmael, whose position will be
treated p. 34?, 4 presumably therefore a son of Abraham by a
he plunder" is m our opinion preferable to "have stolen," m spite of
the tempting motif Plunder is the law of war, not theft. Gen xxxi 15 f , a&df
has the same meaning: Laban " devoured " the tirhatzt (see p. 37) paid for his
daughters.
1 The glossator plays upon the connection of the tradition with Damascus, of
which he was aware (see p. 8) as was already conjectured m A.T.d 0., 1st ed ,
p, 184. Add to this, perhaps, that ben-meskeq and dam-mesheg should be looked
upon as variants of a play upon words ; as den = son, so according to II R 36. 57
at bottom also afow=son (II. R 36. 57 da-muma^u^ to which Hommel has
drawn our attention)
2 ben btt } the fatal nmheq is suppressed m the duplicate.
3 The writing with "q"is not absolutely against it, yet requires careful
consideration.
4 Comp. Stucken, Atfi almythen, 117, where in Isaac, Ishmael, and Eheser the
three ranks are recognised (therefore a Semitic Rigsmal) and now Winckler, /*'.,
ni. 412. The three descendants correspond to the three piophecies of posterity.
There is, then, an analogy in the three visits of Heimdal, with result of a birth from
each , first the slave, then the bondsman, and last the free-born lord,
32 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
slave, and born during the sojourn of the people of Abraham
in Damascus
Gen. xv. 6 " Alncnn believed^ and God counted it to Mm foi
righteousness" ]DM (innen* lie^emm) and xhedakak are terms
expressing expectation of a deliverer They belong to Abraham
as prophet of the new age (nabf, Gen xx. 7 ; see pp. 90 f.) and
bringer of the new epoch. The Mohammedan religion is the
religion of Abraham, as is emphatically shown by the Koran,
Sura vi 76 (see p. 9, n. 1). Ibn Hishatn, 150, names, as the
three duties of Mohammed and all earlier prophets, that he
must be towards Allah : Amana (in Arabic likewise the causative
case), tsaddaqa and nuts)
The third motif hereafter is the nir motif Wmcklei, F, in
412 f, comp, Ex or /w.r, u 2, p 59, thinks that this, which he
takes to be the " motif of deliverance/' is specially Babylonian
(Marduk with the Kibla to the east) and i& found again amongst
the Nozamans and amongst the Christians (Nazarenes). It is
missing m the Old Testament religion, because Abraham stood in
opposition to Babylon; comp p. 10, This is not the place to
discuss the motifs of deliverance We will only rcmaik that, in
our opinion, the new motif is much moie the motif of the spring
of the universe, which the deliverer brings (Isa xi 1 ; Dan. xi 7 ,
Matt ii 23; comp B.N T. 46; it is **zewa1i), and that we
cannot agree with Wmckler's conclusions in regard to the absence
of this motif in our passage.
Gen. xv 8-11 The symbols of the conclusion of the agree-
ment are highly interesting : a three-year-old cow, a three-year-
old goat, a three-year-old ram, a turtle dove and a young
pigeon are divided into halves, and the halves (the birds un-
divided) laid over against each other. A half belongs to each
of the parties to the bargain. The fonn of the agreement
between Yahveh and Abraham is one used when the two sides
were men l In any ease, the contractors passed between the
pieces, as it is said the fiery appearances did (v. 17), and it is
described in Jer. xxxiv. 18. As they passed the words of the
treaty were spoken. There came birds of prey. Abram " drove
them away"? Should this be read, with Wincklcr, as iflhl,
1 What the division meant is not clear, We have cuneiform texts whcie the
paits of the body of the sacrificial victim mean the parts of the body of the con-
tractors of the bargain ; see pp 49 f. upon*Gen. xxu. 13.
FURTHER GLOSSES TO HISTORY OF ABRAHAM S3
" Abraham saw them? and the birds of omen be thought of, as in
the stoiy of Romulus, where the one who first saw the birds
was the one to whom good fortune would come ? 1 In the night
a fiery appearance passed between, whilst Abram lay in a
trance. The fiery appearance is part of the endowment of the
mmmus deus 2 (north point of the heaven = fire; see p 31, i.).
Yahveh at Horeb also appeared in a flame of fire ; Exod. ui. 4.
At the sacrifice of Manoah (Judges xni 20), the angel of
Yahveh ascended in the flame of the altar.
Gen xvn Abimelech, see p 20; Gen. xvn 1, see pp 12, 14.
Gen xviii % ; comp xix 1 : The ceremonious salutation of
laying the face in the dust, is in the East used only before
divinity and before royal personages ; comp. 1 Sam. xx 21 ;
xxiv 9. It is still used in Arabian ceremonials of prayer.
In the Amarna Letters the salutation runs : "Seven times I fall
upon my back, seven times I fall upon my belly.'* We may
compaie with this Gen xxxm 3 : Jacob bows himself to the
earth seven times before Esau. The Onental of to-day ceremoni-
ously salutes by touching with his right hand first the earth, then
his heart, and his forehead.
Gen. xviii. 4: Abrahams guests .... taking food. The verb,
pioperly speaking, means "to lean against." It does not say
that to eat they "reclined" 3 Gunkel founds his assumption
upon an error when he takes it that it is a custom of the
Bedouins Reclining upon pillows is a luxurious habit in
palaces ; comp. Amos vi. 4. There is evidence from the most
ancient times of the custom of sitting upon chairs in the
civilised lands ; compare the ancient seals, for example, figs.
37, 68, 70, the reliefs from Kouyunjik in Botta, the well-known
picture of Assurbanipal and his wife in the vine arbour, where
the king is reclining and his wife sits.
sfc Gen, xvni 12-15 : Upon this motif of laughter, see Appendix
As a reward for the entertainment of the celestial visitors the host
is granted a wish (compare the three wishes m the fairy stories).
1 Possibly still more is veiled in it Stucken, Abtralmythen^ p. 4, already
recalled that an ancient divinity of Mecca (Hobal, identical with Abraham) was
the " bird-feeder" . miiPim al-tair (Wellhausen, Skizzen^ in. 73, recalls in regard
to it our passage, Gen xv. n),
2 Comp. Rev. i. xiv f
3 The Bedouins sit upon their heels to eat.
VOL. II. 3
34 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
We have already noted the same motif, p. 26, n 2 The antithesis
is the plague as punishment for violated right of hospitality, comp
p. 40 #
LEGAL CUSTOMS OF THE ABRAHAM PERIOD
Gen xvi 1 ff. : Sarai, because she has no children, gives
Abraham her handmaid Hagar as " concubine. " This same
custom, of which there is no trace to be found in later Israel, is
repeated in Gen. xxx. 1 ff'. ? where Rachel gives Jacob her maid
Bilhah.
In the Code of Hammurabi, who according to Gen xiv 1,
p 23, appears to have been contemporary of the " Babylonian "
Abraham, it is said H.C , 146 *
When a man takes a wife, and she gives a maid (as wife) Lo her
husband, and she (the maid) bears him cliildien, then it this maid
makes herself equal to hei mistress, because she has borne
children : her mistress shall not sell her for money, she shall put
the slave's mark upon her, 1 and count hei amongst the servants
This exactly corresponds to the case of Abraham with Hagar 2
Hagar was given as wife to Abraham 3 As boon as she had
good hope of a child, " her mistress was despised in her eyes. 1 "
Sarai spoke to Abraham, Gen, xvi. 5: "Yah veh be judge
1 Abuttain tskshakansht.
2 The following deeds of contract from the time of the first (Canaanite) dynasty
of Babylon serve for further illustration Bu 91-5-9, 374 (Cutz. Inw, t vin.), it
is said Bumm-abi and Beh shunu (his wife ') bought Shamash-nur, daughter of
Ibi-Sha-a-an, from Ibi-Sha a-an her father, as wife for Bumm-abi, as maid for
Beli-shunu. If Shamash-nur should say to Beh-shunu, her mistress "Thou ait
not my mistress, then she shall shave her and sell her for money, etc. By the
laws of HatiiMurali" Bu. 91-5-9, 2176 A, (Cun. Inscr., ii ) refers to the same
circumstances : ' ' Arad-Shamash has taken Taram Sagila and Iltani, the daughter
(daughters) of Taram-Sagila as wife If Taram-Sagila should say to Arad-Shamash,
her husband . Thou ait not my husband, then shall they cast her foith from the
. . If Arad-Shamash should say to Taram-Sagila, his wife . Thou ait not my
wife, then she shall leave the house and household. Iltani shall wash the feet of
Taram-Sagila and carry her in her chair to her temple, and he shall sit in the
shadow of Taram-Sagila, and enjoy her peace (but) not open her seal." See
Wmckler, Gesch Isr t> 11 58.
3 According to a Talmudic tradition (Feuchtwang, Z A t , vi. 441), Ilagar was a
aita nnsB>, a maid whose labour belonged to the husband as usufruct. Since
wul&gu means " dower" in Assyrian, the Talmud theiefore assumes that she was
given to Abraham from the first. Theiefore like the second of the examples cited
in n. 3.
LEGAL CUSTOMS OF THE ABRAHAM PERIOD 35
between me and thee " She claimed the right sanctioned by
Yahveh. In Babylonia the plaintiff would have called upon
Shamash, that is to say, upon the code containing the laws for
"judging disputed points," and in the conclusion of which it
says : " The oppressed party, who has a claim, shall come before
my statue as king of justice, and my inscription shall justify
his claim, he shall have his rights and his heart shall be glad."
Sarai's words, "Yahveh be judge," coi respond to the con-
tinually used expression mafyar Him, "before the Divinity," in
the H.C. "Before the Divinity" legal decisions are settled.
Abraham acknowledged the point of law. He allowed the
claim, and actually again in the sense of the law as held in the
H.C , when he said. Gen. xvi. 6: "Thy maid is in thy power:
deal with her as seems good to thee." Hagar had, therefore,
forfeited the privileges which belonged to her and her children
through her advancement to being her masters concubine
(comp H.C , 146, 171), and her mistiess could treat her as a
slave Sarah took harsh advantage of the right; thereupon
Hagar fled (Gen x\i 6). 1
The laws of Hammurabi draw a sharp distinction between
the " concubine," the slave who might be given to the man for
the purpose of getting children, and the secondary wife, of much
higher social standing, who could only be taken by the man
together with the legitimate wife, if he had not already accepted
a concubine.
H.C. ? 14 i . When a man takes a wife, and that wife (because she
has no children, comp. 145) gives a maid to her husband, and this
maid has children, should the man, howevei, propose taking
(besides the maid) a secondary wife, this shall not be allowed, and
he shall not take a secondary wife
H C., 145 : When a man takes a wife, and she bears him no
children, and he purposes taking a secondary wife, he may take
the secondary wife, and bring her into his house ; this secondary
wife, however, shall not be equal to his first wife
1 Edm. Jeremias (student of law) directs attention to the fact that this appeal
by Sarah to the law presupposes in the mind of the chronicler that the idea of the
family had developed from the social ranks amongst the people of Abraham. We
must notice too that in this presupposed community the wife had a separate right.
To her belong? the execution of the judgment , Gen, xvi. 6, as in H. C., 146. In
this lies a confirmation of our view of the "history of the Patriarchs," p. 4.
36 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
So it is distinctly stated that also this secondary wife may
not be equal with the chief wife Only here there is no special
punishment incurred in the event of her boasting over the other
in pride of her motherhood.
The story in Gen. xxi. 9 ff., which is drawn from another
source, seems to say that Hagar was not a slave, but secondary
wife. It says nothing about any claim made by Sarah or any
degradation of Hagar Abraham sends her away to end the
quarrel. That she is looked upon here as secondary wife is
perhaps shown by the mention of the rights of inheritance of
Hagar's son. After the birth of her own son Isaac, Sarah
becomes jealous of Hagar\s son, because he should " be heir with
her son. " l The secondary wife, however, according to the // C,
though not equal to the chief wife, is piotected by the laws of
marriage in regard to the laws of separation and piopcrty; 2
comp H.C, 137, from which it may be concluded that the
secondary wife is considered as a free woman From this it
follows, as at least very probable, that the child of the second
wife would be legitimate, and therefore have rights of inherit-
ance. If, notwithstanding, we take it that Hagar, according
to Gen xxi 9 ff. also, is represented as a slave, even in that
case the supposition of Sarai's jealousy fits the sense of the
laws of Hammurabi. Only it must then be presupposed that
Abraham had said to Ishmael, " Thou art my son," i.e. that he
had adopted him.
[~LC, 170 When a man has had children borne to him by his
wife, and by his maid, and the father says, during his lifetime, to
the children borne to him by his maid* " My children" (this
betokens the legal formula for adoption),* and includes them
amongst the children by his wife ; then when the father dies, the
children of the wife and of the maid shall divide their father's
possessions equally between them. The wife's child shall divide
it and shall have the choice
1 Gen. xxi 9, " because he was a scoffer " has been mteipolated afterwaids by
an interpreter who did not understand the situation, see Gunkel, Gene\is^ Joe at.
prwo, "to jest," is explained in Exod. xxxii. 6 as idolatry. It has also an
obscene meaning besides
2 See Kohler and Peiser, Dei Codex Hammuiabt^ p. 221.
3 The proper formula was in any case fuller and more ceiemomous ; possibly in
Ps. 11. 7 there is again an echo of the formula " Thou art my son, this day have 1
begotten thce" , see Kohler and Peiser, loc. cit t> p 123
LEGAL CUSTOMS OF THE ABRAHAM PERIOD 37
It is remarkable that here there should be childien by the maid
together with children by the wife. Perhaps it was only in such
case that adoption was necessary, whereas in the case of the maid
having been given for the purpose of piopagatio by the childless
wife, the full rights of the son of the maid would naturally follow
fiom the purpose of the institution ; this ^ould explain why there
is no mention of an adoption of Jshmael The maid was often
included in the sale of a wife, and H C. t 170, probably bears
reference to such a case
Gen. xxix. ff. reports that Jacob, during the lifetime of his
wife, married her sister also. In later law (Lev. xvin. 18) this
was accounted as incest; comp. p. 2. We know from the
reports upon Ancient-Babylonian civil law that the two wives
of one man were sometimes called afydtu, " sisters." I therefore
assumed earlier (A.T.A.O., 2nd German ed., p. 358) that it
was dealing with a similar case of marriage law as in Gen. xxix.
Br. Meissner calls to my attention that the two women who are
called ahatu may in these cases also stand in the relationship
of mistress and maid. A poet of later time writing legends
would certainly, in the interests of the authority of the current
law, have avoided reverting to such ancient rules
At contraction of a marriage the bridegroom paid (besides
the other presents) the price of a woman (mohar) to the woman's
father (Gen. xxxi. 15; xxxiv. 1; Exod. xxii. 16; Deut. xxii.
19), which in the case of Jacob and Laban was paid in service.
Gen. xxiv. 53, Eliezer paid such a marriage portion to the
brother and to the mother of Rebecca. In the same way the
H C. shows a price for a woman (tirfyatii) which, according to
H.C., 139, amounts to a mine and more, and this even together
with a sheriktu (present, dowry to her family; for example,
137), but which may also be omitted ; l finally, the nudunmi,
the husband's " Morgengabe," * for example, jfiT.C., 172a.
We add to these two cases of law, which may be taken as
weighty evidence for the authenticity of the milieu of the
history of Abraham, mention of other legal customs which are
not especially Ancient-Babylonian but also correspond to later,
that is to say, inter-tribal laws upon which, however, at least
partially, an interesting light is thrown by the H.C.
1 See Kohler and Peiser, loc ctt^ p. 118 Jacob pays to Laban such a tirfydtu,
(paid in labour) ; Gen. xxxi. 15 f
38 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
Gen. xx. 16 : The violation of a married woman was atoned
for by a fine paid to the husband (Gen. xx. 14) ; upon the
" covering of the eyes " (accentuation of the veil), which consists
in a bridal dowry to the injured woman, see p. 20, n. 5.
Gen. xxiv. 4 : The father chooses a bride for the son. Like-
wise in Babylonia, according to jff.C., 155 f. : "When a man
betroths a maid Qtalttitu} to his son " In the H C , the bride is
bought by the man; comp. Gen. xxiv. 5] ; xxxi. 15 (Rachel
and Leah- ^Our father hath sold us"). H C'., 159 ff., pre-
supposes that the maiden as bride (kallat ; but this, de facto,
has the same meaning as wife) will lemain in her father's
house, and that the son-in-law may live there, as Jacob did with
Laban and Moses with Jethro. 1
The marriage poition was brought to the father-in-law\s
house, H C.) 159-161 , it was thus in the \vooing of Rebecca,
Gen. xxiv. 10, 53.
Gen xxxi. 32 presupposes a theft of sacred things, punish-
able with death
H C., 6 : 2 If a man steals the propeity of God (temple) or court
(king), 3 he shall be killed
Gen. xxxi. 39 presupposes that the hned shepherd was re-
quired to make good any loss to the herd only when it had
occurred by his neglect :
H C , 267 : If the shepherd neglects something, and a loss occurs
to the herd, then the shepherd shall replace the loss.
THE PATRIARCHS AS POSSESSORS OF FLOCKS AND HKIIDS
The Bedouin theory mentioned at p. 15 hold good in sup-
port of the idea that the primitive " Patriarchs " appear to be
shepherds so long as the records of the Ancient-East were
unknown. It was not taken into consideration that the part of
the Near East which was the scene of the story was in those
1 Wincklei, A*O , iv 4*, 26 The peculiar situations of Jacob and Moses are not
sufficient explanation
3 Upon this and the following, see J Jeremias, Mows itnd Hammwabi^ 2nd
ed , p. 44-
3 Compare &C. t 8, and compare with this the pietended theft by Joseph's
brother from the Egyptian court ; Gen. xhv. 9. Upon the death penalty for other
serious theft, see p, no.
SODOM AND GOMORRHA 39
days m a much higher state of civilisation than it is now, and
that the Bedouins also of those days were in close intercourse
with the great civilisations. 1 The owners of flocks and herds
were connected with the rulers of the lands, as is illustrated by
the story of Sinuhe. They were princely rulers, who hired out
their flocks and their shepherds, and ruled over their properties.
The H. C presupposes a relation between owner and tenant,
and regulates the respective duties and rights.
Gen. xviii. 22 ff. : "Abraham stood before God" The pre-
sentment of a petitioner, who stands before the Divinity,
also fits with the Babylonian religion. We often find it
illustrated on seal cylinders ; see figs. 35 and 70. 2
Abraham entertained celestial visitors, then he might express
a wish. 3 He prays for the rescue of Sodom. Abraham speaks
of from fifty righteous men (zedek, one who has fulfilled his
duty to the Divinity) down to ten. This motif of bargaining
is found also in the Arabian legend as an intentional counter-
part to this story of Abraham, in the journey of Mohammed
through the seven heavens, which exactly corresponds to the
Ancient- Oriental presentment of the seven stages described at
p. 16, i. f. Allah requires fifty prayers from Mohammed, which,
however, are lessened to five upon Abraham^ intercession.
SODOM AND GOMORRHA AND THE FIRE-FLOOD
The whole story of the judgment of Sodom and Gomorrha, as
we have it, presents the motifs of the fire-flood. Like the
Deluge, the fire-flood intimates a return to original conditions.
Therefore m Gen. xix. 31 the whole race of mankind is assumed
to be annihilated, except Lot and his daughters. With the
1 See upon the following, Winckler, Altor* Gesthtchtsauffassung^ 16 ft (Ex or.
lux, 11. 2)
2 In in tei views with the king, the <f minister " is the intercessor (nasasu map&m,
" stand before," is the technical expression). The king was not addre&sed person-
ally. For this reason the king praying is accompanied by a priest who takes him
by the hand (sabit Mf)
3 His first wish is for the birth of a child (comp p 33). We would expect to
find three wishes. Compare with this and the following, Winckler, M* V.A.G.,
1901, 353 ff.
40 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
fire-flood begins a new world 1 Biblical history endows the
story of the destruction of Sodom with the motifs of the fire-
flood in order to indicate the inauguration of a new age the
Canaanite period. 2 The historian avails himself of the ages of
the universe motifs. The district where the scene is laid is a
universe in miniature. [The source of the material appears to
be from an Ammontc Moabite primitive story about Paradise,
the Fall, and the Deluge (fire-flood). Gen. xviii. 25 ff., in
addition, shows that Jewish historians took this view, looking
upon the fire-flood of Sodom in particular as the antithesis to
the Deluge, and as a tragedy of the universe The cause of the
flood is violation of the rights of hospitality, j
Judges 19 f. is a counterpart to the fiery judgment upon
Sodom and Gomorrha. 3 In Gibeah the rights of hospitality
were violated in the same way as in Sodom and Gomorrha.
Violence is done to the guests (comp Gen. xix. 8 f. with Judges
xix 23 f. ; certain forms of expression are exactly the same).
The punishment for the violated guest-nghts was the destruc-
tion by fire of the city of Benjamin ; Judges xx 40, 48. Only
six hundred men save themselves on the rock of Rimmon ('),
like Lot with his people upon a mountain ; Gen. xix. 17
A Buddhist story shows the same motifs : 4
The Buddhist pilgrim Hiouen Thsang from China (seventh century
A D.) tells of a city JHUlaolokia which was rich, but heretical Once
when an Arhat came to the city they gave him no food, but
pelted him with earth and sand Only one man took pity upon
him and gave him food. Then the Arhat said to him : " Save
thyself ; in seven days there will fall a ram of earth and sand and
will smother the city, not one man shall escape and only because
they have pelted me with earth " The man went into the city,
and told his relations, but no one would believe it, and they
mocked at it But the tempest came, the city fell, and only the
man rescued himself by an undergound passage
1 Comp pp. 70, i. f., 268, i , 270, i In the Jalkut Kubem the tower was to
protect fiom the fire flood (WN hy !?UD) Upon the fire-flood of Sodom, compaic
also Ja&trow, Ret of Bab , 507, and Z,A., xm, 288 ff The bwtitng of Ttoy also
has the motifs of the fire-flood, as the embellishing myths show
* Comp Erbt, Ebracr, p 70
J Compaie also the fire-flood which falls upon Babylon ; Rev xvui, 8, 18 ; xix. 3.
4 P. Cassel, Mischle Sindbad, p. i, noted the echo of the Lot story (quoted
according to Stucken, Astralmythen> 115)
SODOM AND GOMORRHA 41
The Phrygian fable of Philemon and Baucis (Ovid, Met., vi.
616 ff.) deals with a deluge. Zeus and Hermes find no hospi-
tality. The two old people take them in. For punishment
comes a deluge, from which the two aie rescued. There the
apotheosis 1 consists in (a) their house is changed into a Temple
in which they rule as priests, (b) that at the end of their lives
they are changed into trees (Philemon into an oak, Baucis into
a lime tree).
The following motifs are to be noted in the story of Sodom
and Gomorrha.
1. Destruction falls upon Sodom and Gomoriha, which once
resembled Paradise (Gen xm 10^ " like a garden of God," see p.
206, i ; "like the land of Egypt" is a gloss), because of the
wickedness of men.
2 One righteous man with his family is rescued
3 As place of refuge a mountain is indicated. Gen xix 17 ; that
is to say, the city of Zoar 2
4. Those selected for rescue are mocked , Gen xix. 1 4-
5 It is represented to the divine judge that only the wicked
should be overwhelmed by the judgment ; Gen. xvm 25
6 The new epoch and the new generation are begun by the
action of Lot's daughters and by Lot's diunkenness 3 ^
Instead of the fire-flood, sometimes a ram of stones appeal's,
which one must take to be fiery stones; comp. Rev. xvi. 21.
This is also motif of re-creation of the world, and is in fact in
the summer solstice of the universe. It is at the time of the
solstice that meteors fall. We find such a rain of stones falling
from heaven, as an event at the beginning of a new epoch, in
Joshua x. 11, after the defeat of Adoni-zedek of Jerusalem by
1 Compare the apotheosis of the Babylonian Noah and his wife, pp. 240, i. , 246, i. ,
252, i. Stucken, to whom we are indebted for the reference to the analogy,,
incorrectly thinks of Lot's wife in connection with the transformation into trees.
2 Gunkel has, in reference to this and otherwise, pointed out the wealth of
play upon words which belongs to the art of Oriental story- telling. Moie im-
portant, however, is the lecogmtion of their mythological meaning, as indicated
by Stucken and Wmckler. A dictionary of motifs is much to be desired for
the future
3 Travesties I The new geneiation travestied as in Ham's conduct in the
Deluge story ; see p. 272, i , n. 3, and comp. B.N T , 120. Compare with this the
Nyctimene with her drunken father Nycteus , Ovid, Met^ 11. 589 ff, and Myth.
Vat , ii. 39. 2. The vine as symbol of the new age by the intoxication of Lot
(comp. Noah, p. 272, i ). 3. Drunkenness as motif of the new year (compaie the
epic Enuma ehsh and the conduct of the gods at the renewal of the world ).
4$ ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
Joshua. According to the coherence it is treating of the
defeat of the " five kings," who represent the combined inimical
power of Canaan, in the same way as does the Dragon of
Winter, and as formerly Egypt, appearing as the defeated
Dragon. 1 The five kings creep into the cave (" and they are
there unto this day, " Joshua x. 7). 2
In the campaign of Abraham against Mecca (Ibn Hisham)
there comes, in the same way, a rain of stones to his help.
Mighty birds bring stones in their beaks and their claws and
kill the enemy.
Fire and brimstone as a means of destruction has become a
stereotyped figure of speech ; comp. Job xviii. 5 : brimstone is to
fall upon his dwelling ; Ps. xi. 6 : " fire and brimstone " ; comp.
fui'ther, Luke ix. 54, Rev xx. 9. The destruction of a district
with salt (brimstone?) agrees equally with the motif. In
Judges ix. 45 the custom is found. Likewise on the Assyrian
inscriptions Tiglath-Pilescr I. strewed salt over JJanusa, and
Assurbampal over Susa. 8 Unfruitful land is called mekha (salt
land). Job xxxix. 6 ; Ps. cvii. 34 ; Jer. xvii. 6.
THE DETAILS OF THE STOHIES OF THK PATRIARCHS AND
THE SCHEME OF THE TWELVE
The stoi'y of the Patriarchs is in the form of the history of a
family, from which the twelve tribes are descended, who then
became known as the " Children of Israel." The aim of the
tradition in this is to indicate that the people of Israel show an
unbroken course of development. The historians found in the
traditions of certain places clear landmarks showing the coher-
ence of the ancient stories. Later, the descent from one fore-
1 Motif of the expulsion of the tyrants. Winter, which is driven away, appears
in the calendar myth as concentrated in the five additional days at Ihe end of the
year (before the beginning of spring), or as a giant (fall of Oiion) who is
conquered, or as a water dragon. When the motif is applied to historical events,
the enemy appears as five in number, or embodied as a giant, who then takes the
number five, or five and a half (see the sons of Goliath) Comp. p 93, i.
2 A variant upon this is the myth of the seven sleepers. The seven sleepers,
who enter the cave in the time of Deems, wake to the new age
s Ttgl. Pil Pr<> vi. 14 (see Hommel, .&., 602, n z) ; Assurb. Pr , vi.
79 (salt and shifylu herb)
THE TWELVE TRIBES 43
father took the form of a religious dogma " When he was but
one, I called him,"" Isa. h. 2 a fatal dogma, leading to a particu-
larism, which was energetically combated m the preaching both
of John the Baptist and of Jesus, 1
The family history is certainly not pure invention. The
tradition was probably quite correct in looking upon Isaac and
Jacob-Israel as the most prominent wandering sheikhs of the
primitive epoch, who could be held to be legitimate descendants
of Abraham. But this family history has become the founda-
tion scheme for the ancient history of Israel, and it certainly
does just extend over the 215 years of the patriarchal period/
Jacob was also certainly an historical personage, a religious
leader of past ages. 3
" Shaddai hath made of the strong (that is to say, bull) Jacob
a shepherd for the foundation stone of Israel " (Gen. xlix. 23 f.). 4
He apparently also had about twelve sons, 5 whose destiny
brought them for the most part into Egypt, with the neighbour-
ing Arabian districts of which country they had long had active
business relations.
Isolated recoids and genealogies of later times are for the
purpose of identifying certain tribes, or social corporations of
the community, 6 \uth the ancient families (Gen. xxx , xxxv. 25 ff. ;
1 Already Isa. h I, " Abiaham, the rock whence ye were hewn," emphasises the
lettgiotts side , likewise Ezek. xvi, 33, comp xxxm 24. Isa Ixm. 16 is also to be
understood so Neither here noi anywhere else (Duhm upon Jer. xxxi 15) is
there any trace of a " cult of Abraham "
3 Klostermann, p. 18
J There is more difficulty about Isaac, His life is filled up here and there with
shadowy pictuies fiom the story of Abraham Gen xxvi, i ft. = xn ; with x. ff
comp xxix. 2 ff. , xxvi 5 ff comp. xxi 25 , xxvi. ff=xxi 22 rf.
4 We read thus with Klostermann, p 19 D#a (" in that he placed"),
5 The number twelve does not agree ; out of regard for the scheme it has been
made to fit the division of Joseph into Ephraim and Manasseh is clear evidence
of this. There seems to have been a tradition according to which Jacob had three
children (Simeon and Levi who avenge their mjuied sister Dinah). In itself the
number twelve might also be historic Hibtoiy builds a scheme thus : the German
Kaiser Wilhelm has six sons and one daughtei ; the seven planets including Venus.
The later speculation according to which Jacob had seventy sons is also interest-
ing. Midrash Schem Rabba upon Exod 1.7 says: "They swarmed. Many say
there weie twelve at a birth , many say every woman boie sixty at a birth. It
would be no marvel, the scorpion bears seventy "
6 Klostermann, p. 30.
44 ABRAHAM AS CANAANITE
Gen xlvi. 8-27) which lived through the Exodus, or specially
with Dinah, 1 or with the family of Nahor (Gen xxxv 23 ff ).
Each one of the "twelve tribes'* 1 which, howevei, speaking
exactly, never actually existed contemporaneously had one of
the Patriarchs given as " forefather. 1 '' 2 The traditions of isolated
clans were woven into the family history of the sons of Jacob
The numbers used in the scheme are those of the asUal system,
twelve and seventy^ seventy-two, according lo whether it is lunar
or solar system. The table. Gen xvu 20 ; xlvi. 8-27, is constructed
according to both reckonings As there are counted twelve tribes
of Israel, so according to Gen. xxv. 13 ff there were twelve tribes
of Ishmael ; and in Gen xxv 2 ff , according to the original text,
there were twelve sons of Abraham and Ketuiah 3 That the idea
of the zodiac lies at the root of the number twelve goes without
saying in the Ancient-East.
It is abundantly proved by Jacob's blessing, which alludes to the
zodiacal signs, sec pp. 77 ff. Abulfaraj, Hist Dyn., 101, says the
Arabs hold themselves to be descended from twelve tribes, and
each of the twelve tribes is under a zodiacal sign 4
According to traces found in the Biblical tradition, we may
gather the following historical particulars The nucleus of the
religious community grouping itself round Abraham settled in
South Canaan, in Negeb, in the neighbourhood of Arabia
Petraea, and from thence came repeatedly into connection with
the districts which were under the rule of Egyptian viceroys
(Pharaohs). The southern settlements are distinguished in the
religion of later times by the (originally seven) wells of Jacob,
and by the sanctuaries consecrated by Jacob at Mizpah, Gilead,
Penuel, and Mahanaim. Then this community, which had
gathered together under the influence of a religious idea, spread
1 Gen. xlvi. 15 ; see Klostermann, p 30
a The derivation of the Moabites and Ammonites, who settled in the country
to the east of Jordan and the neighbourhood of the Dead Sea, likewise of the
Edomites and Arabian tribes who by circumcision and other elements of worship
later approached the family of Abraham, rests, like the genealogical tables, upon
" scientific investigation," not upon tradition.
J Klostermann. Gen. x had originally probably also twelve sons of Joktan
(Hommel, Aufs tt. Abh. t 316, n. 6)
4 Jalkut Rubem, 171, says the twelve tiibes correspond to the twelve temples
(that is, "houses," p n) of the zodiac. Stemschneider (Z D.J\LG , iv. (1880),
145 ff ; xxvn (1903), 474 ff.) has collected numerous examples of the system of
twelve which could be added to at pleasure ; comp. also Krauss, Z.A.T. W*> xx.
38 ff ; Kampers, Alex der Grossc, pp. 107 f., and above, pp 67, i. ff,
THE TWELVE TRIBES 45
further abroad A large part of it was forced towards the
Egyptian frontier by famine l Here also tradition links itself
on to a marked personality that of Joseph. Then the religious
community received a new and mighty impulse through Moses.
It moved victoriously out and collected together the scattered
parts of the ancient community.
At Sinai the community represented by Jethro, which was
in possession of the ancient place of worship, united itself with
them ; clans came from the frontier districts of Negeb, reminded
of their religious relationship by the old places of worship and
by the "Hebrew" migration from Egypt. 2
We have shown how the milieu of the stories of the Patriarchs
agrees in every detail with the circumstances of Ancient- Oriental
civilisation of the period in question, as borne witness to by the
monuments. The actual existence of Abraham is not histori-
cally proved by them. It might be objected: it is included in
the picture. In any case, it must be allowed, the tradition is
ancient. It cannot possibly be a poem with a purpose of later
time. In view of the situations described, we might say the
story could more easily have been composed by an intellectual
writer of the twentieth century after Christ, knowing Oriental
antiquity by means of the excavations, rather than by a con-
temporary of Hezekiah, who would have used the civilisation of
his own time in descriptions, and certainly would not have any
excavated antiquities. Wellhausen worked out from the opinion
that the stories of the Patriarchs are historically impossible.
It is now proved that they are possible. If Abraham lived at all,
it could only have been in surroundings and under conditions
such as the Bible describes. Historical research must be
content with this. And Wellhausen may be reminded of his
own words (Kompositlon des Hexateuch 346) : " If it (the Israelite
tradition) were only possible, it would be folly to prefer any
other possibility."
1 The Amarna Letters repeatedly mention such events ; see pp. 71 f. and 74.
2 Exod. xxu i and I Sam. xiv, 21 speak of " Hebrews" who also after the con-
quest of the land were not politically connected with the Children of Israel, yet
with whom the Israelites felt themselves to be related. We may perhaps recognise
m them descendants of the religious community of the patriarchal period.
CHAPTER XVI
FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THJE HISTORIES OF THE PATRIARCHS
. xix. 37: The Moabites. This tribe, which gradually
developed itself into a nation by the annexation of related
elements, pressed, like the Israelite tribes, conquering into the
country cast of Jordan. According to the Biblical tiadition
the Moabites were already in the land when the Israelites
settled there, and friendly relations arose between Moab and
Israel (Deut. li. 18 ff.). Against this, in the pre-Israelitc
Canaanite traditions known to us, they are not mentioned, also
the situation of their dwelling-place, close to the desert, points
to the probability that they first moved in when Israel was
already in possession of some stronghold. 1
Gen. xix. 38 The Ammonites, in cuneiform writing Ammanu, 2
were a tribe on the boundary of the Israelites, only partially
living in the desert as nomads, recognised for the most part in
the Bible from earliest times as a civilised slate under the
governorship of a king. Their chief city, Kabbah, 3 lies under the
1 Winckler, GescL hr , \ 189 if , therefore assumes that a reminiscence of the
first development of the Moabite power presents itself in Judges in 15 ff., and
that the Moabites in the story of Balaam (comp Numb xxii 4, where it says " chief
of the Midiamtes " ) aie confused with the Midiamtes who came in later See 2
Kings in for further history of the Moabites
a The cuneiform wntmgs name, under Shalmaneser II , Baesa ben Rerj6b, the
Ammonite (mat A-ma-na ai), with a thousand people, together with Ahab of Israel
(with ten thousand people), amongst the vassals of Damascus, who were defeated
atQarqar (A',7 1 ., 16), Under Sennacherib, 701, Pudu-ilu of Ammon (bit Am-
ma-na-ai) pays homage and Esarhaddon names the same Pudu-ilu as a contempor-
ary of Manasseh amongst the vassals who were forced to labour with basket and
hod m building the arsenal at Nineveh (A*. 7",, 44, 52) Upon forced labour,
comp, p. 83, and fig. 127 f,
3 Rabbath Ammon, situated on the uppei Jabbok, the present Wadi 'Ammdn.
46
MOABITES AMMONITES 47
ruins of 'Amman of to-day, the magnificent ruins of uhich,
however, mostly date from Roman times. 1
Saul won his fame in the wars against the Ammonites (1 Sam xi ;
comp xiv 47) He relieved the city of Gilead, Jabesh, besieged
by King Nahash Amongst the plunder was the royal crown (2
Sam xii 30, it is correctly translated by Luther), and he had a
diadem made for himself from it Under Solomon,, in whose time
objects of the cult ( fe abomination of Moab/ 7 like the statue of
Chemosh of Moab, see 2 Kings xxm ) were misused in idolatiy, the
Ammonites were still tributary ; he had Ammonite women, the
mother of Rehoboam amongst them, in his harem According to
2 Chr xx 1 the Ammonites later supported King Mesa against
Israel- Judah and invaded Judah. The record is not an invention,
and must not be judged as a "midiash," rather it entirely corre-
sponds with the situation described in 2 Kings in ; only the campaign
of Jehoshaphat appears here as an independent one, whereas he
must be considered as amongst the followers of Jehoiam Amos i
13 IF. shows that later the Ammonites remained bittei enemies to
Israel.
What the Baal of Ammon w r as called we do not know. The
name Pudu-ilu contains the divine name Ilu = El. The name
Milconi is possibly an early misunderstanding of 2 Sam xn 30
Erbt, Hebiaer, 235, explains the abomination (2 Kings xxiii 13,
t6 f eba) of the Ammonites' ec Milcom " as malka-milkd (Asheia as
Queen of Heaven) Hommel, Aufs und Abh., 155, compares with
the name beiie Ammon the designation of the Catabamans as
walad ff Amm that is, 'Amm children, and explains it as woi shippers
of 'Amm. Amm signifies "uncle," and appeals in Babylonian
names m the same way as Ab, "father/' and Ah, "brother," as
designation of the divinity, and really ' Amm (amnw ; hammu, for
example, in Hammurabi) is not essentially Babylonian, but is a
" West Semitic " foreign word (see K A. T , 3rd ed , 480). According
to Hommel, G G G , p 85, 'Amm denotes the Moon-god ; com pare the
name 'Amm-ner, "'Anim is the giver of light," Ic } p 93 But the
Arabian divme names claimed by Hommel for the lunai cult may,
in the same way as Alii,, chiefly bear much more Tammuz character
(cycle with emphasis of Moon motif) Whether the appearances
of Tammuz bear solar or lunar character depends upon the stamp
of the cult at the particulai time ; see pp 86,, i., ] 25, i. Hence the
discord in them. The epithet of the Catabamans as walad 'Amm
may, like ben6 Ammon, denote the oiigmal ancestor.
Gen xx. (Sarah and Abimelech), see p 20 Gen xxi. 9 ff.
(Hagar and Ishmael), see pp 34 ff. Gen. xxi 23 (El 'olam), see
p. 13
1 See Guthe, Bibelworterbiich) 533. The pilgrims 7 road to Mecca now passes
over the inins.
48 GLOSSES ON HISTORIES OF THE PATRIARCHS
The Sacrifice of Isaac
Gen. xxii. . The sacrifice is only from the Elohist somce. It
is also the only thing about Isaac taken from this source. Fiom
Bcer-sheba s he is to go into the country .... and upon a
mountain, shown to him by God, he is to sacrifice his son. The
holy mountain of the Elohists is Horeb, where God appears to
Moses and to which Elias journeyed. 1 This mountain lies in
the district of the Arabian Muzri. Therefore we read it, with
Cheyne, "to the land of Muzri." 3 The later stories of the Y
and E presuppose such a place of worship of the " God of
the Hebrews 11 in this neighbourhood. 3
The father sacnfices the son, 4 but a substitute is provided 1
Sam xiv. 36 ff offers a parallel to this The divine judgment,
brought about by the help of Unm and Thumnnm, must have
led to the death of Jonathan, which, according to the whole
cncimistances, would be, in the sense of the popular Ydhveh
religion/ a sacrifice before Yahveh " So the people ransomed
Jonathan, that he died not" (1 Sam xiv. 45). What was the
substitute ?
An analogy to religious history is offered by the sacrifice of
Agamemnon, //., viii. 245 ff. Like the ram for Isaac, so the
deer stood in place of Agamemnon's daughter.
1 Identical with the Smai of the Song of Deborah, Judges v. ; comp. further,
Deut xxxm 2 , Ps. Ixviu. 9 ; comp, Ileb in. 3
3 The reading Mouah is from the hand of an adapter who looks upon Zion-
Monah instead of Smai-Horeb as the Mountain of God and cenlicof guwity of
the universe (comp p. 24, i ) The mterpietation of the pUce by the play of words
HNT mrr is irom the same hand With this the usual conjectures settle them
selves The Samautan tradition removes the scene, according to their habit, to
Gerizim ; see Z D P. V , vi. 198; vii. 132 f. Pesh reads nDtfn, " land of the
Amontes "
3 Comp. pp. 2, 98 ff.
4 Should the rejection of Ishmael, Gen. 14 ff , pass as a counterpart ? That
might be accepted, without agieeing with Stucken's deductions Hagar, so it is
said, " cannot look upon the death of the boy." An angel appeais : " Go, lift up
the (dead? ) lad and take him by the hand. I will make him a great nation " A
similar promise was certainly contained also in the Elohist story of Isaac.
6 We have here an illustration of the cult of the popular religion, which
appioaches very near heathenism, whilst the story of the sactifice, Gen. xxn., shows
the spirit of the ideal religion, which we have already taken for granted in the
patriarchal age ; see p. 15.
SUBSTITUTION IN THE SACRIFICE 49
The thought that at the altar the sacrifice of an animal takes the
place of a human being, 1 is at the root of the sm-offermg throughout
the whole of the antique world. Smith-Stube, Religion der Semtten,
p 279, gives examples, amongst others, of the Egyptians, where
the sacrifice was dressed with a seal which bore the picture of a
bound man, with the sword at his throat Zimmeni, K.A T , 3rd ed ,
597, quotes, amongst others, the Babylonian religious text IV. R. 26,
No 6:
"The lamb, the substitute for man,
the lamb, he gives for their life
He gives the head of the lamb for the head of man,
the neck of the lamb for the neck of man,
the breast of the lamb he gives for the breast of man." 2
In another text (Zimmern, Keilinsckiiften und Bibel, p 27) it is
said :
"Give a sucking-pig as substitute for him (the sick man), the
flesh instead of his flesh, give the blood instead of his blood, and
the gods may accept it "
Further, the idea of substitution is found m the contract between
Assurniran and Mati'-ilu, 3 in ratification of which a sheep is sacri-
ficed, and the animal and its parts represent symbolically the
breaker of the contract and the parts of his body :
"This head is not the head of the goat it is the head of
Mati'-ilu . . If Mati'-ilu [breaks] this oath, as the head of this
goat is cut off ... so shall the head of Mati'-ilu be cut off
This loin is not the loin of the goat, it is the loin of Mati'-ilu/' and
so on.
Gen. xxiii. . Purchase of the cave from the native inhabitants ;
the Hittites are owners of the land ; comp. p. 340, i. It is treat-
ing of a sepulchral cave artificially hewn in the rock, which is
to serve as burying-place for Abraham ; comp. v. 4. The form
of purchase is exactly the same to the present day in the East ;
see Baedeker, Palestine, 1904.
Gen. xxiii. 16. "He weighed the money there four hundred
shekels, keseph, current coin Stamped coins were only known to
the East after the Persian age. But from ancient times they
already had weighed pieces of metal, which were weighed in pur-
1 Comp. Gen xxii . the ram in place of Isaac. Compare further the above-
mentioned deei in place of Agamemnon's daughter
2 Compare herewith the principles of the zus tahoms in -#". C. and in the Thoia :
" eye for eye, tooth for tooth," etc.
3 Peiser m M V.A.G , 1898, 228 ff. ; see Lev. xvi 8.
VOL. II. 4?
50 GLOSSES ON HISTORIES OF THE PATRIARCHS
chasing. 1 The word for weighing is the same here as in the
Assyrian : shaqalu. Kesepli (Assyrian kaspu) are the current pieces
of metal ; shiqlu kaspi is the usual unit in the cuneiform con-
tracts. 2 When in one of the Amarna Letters Janhamu of Milkiel
(in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem) takes " several thousand gun
(biltu) for ransom/* 1 it can only mean copper, on account of the
quantity. That would show that " copper"' was the only com in
Canaan (a poor land ?). In Babylon silver was the foundation of
the monetary system, for kaspu means simply " money. 1 " 1 In
Egypt, land of the sun, gold must have been the measure of value.
In so far as it was silver, it shows the influence of Babylon.
Also the stress laid upon one or other of the metals originally
depended upon the influence of the astral religion Each of the
planets has a metal, as the cult of Mithra shows with particular
clearness. Silver is the metal of the moon, gold of the sun, 3
copper is the metal of Ishtar. 4 That might coi respond (in the
age which emphasised the cult of the moon) 5 with Babylon
(moon), Egypt (sun), Canaan ( Ashera-Ishtar).
1 This is done, for example, with ducats to the present day
2 In Assyrian " copper" is without any explanatoiy addition = /// (pionuncia-
tion ? ) ; " silver " without addition = mamt ; <c gold " without addition = vJiit/Iu
3 Comp. III. R 55, 60 A disc of gold was consecrated to the Sun-god
Compare with this fact, Wmckler, A'.A.T., 3rd ed , 340 f To the Western Asiatic
fabulous treasuies of gold were hidden in Egypt, as land of the sun (Underwoild).
For gold and the Underworld, see p. 234, i , n 2 In the Amarna Letteis they
were thirsting for gold from Egypt. It is emphasised that Abraham and Isaac
came back from the Southland rich.
4 Hommel suggests the resemblance between nefyosket (copper), and (tiitfy\hu)
(vulva) Was the coin of Ishtar the stater ?
5 Comp Wmckler, A, n 394 f. , C F. Lehmann, Babylome)u> Kultwmis\wn,
p. 41. The cycle of the moon and the sun are in the proportion of 27 360 =
I : 13^ This is the proportion of value between silver and gold which was
always held by antiquity. Copper stands to silver as I 60 or as I : 72. Silvei
and gold aie as the month to the year , copper represents a division of the yeai
into sixty " weeks" of six days each (only to be concluded theoietically and by
calculation), or into seventy two weeks of five days each (which is attested) We
are accustomed to look upon the estimation as the standard of value If this held
good in antiquity the value must have fluctuated with the rarity. And why did
they take silver and gold for standard of value ? There were more precious things
The suitability for coins does not come into consideration, for they only weighed
the metal. But even if some practical considerations bore upon it, a theological con-
sideration, in the Ancient- Oriental sense, such as was spoken of at pp. 4, i., 66, i, flf.,
became the standard which has dominated the whole world (with the exception of
some remote parts of the South Sea and of Africa) right on into the modern age
REBEKAH AND HER SONS 51
Gen xxiv 3, see pp 77 and 121, i., n 2; xxiv. 4, see p 36 ,
xxiv 40, see p. 14,
^ Gen xxiv 65, etc (Rebekah) Rebekah is, like Sarah, en-
dowed with motifs of Ishtar At the meeting with Isaac, xxiv 65,
she "took her veil 1 and covered herself"; conip. p. 62. She
appears in Gerar as sister and wife of Isaac, in the same role as
Sarah ; see p 20. The barren 3 becomes fruitful. The sons
struggling within the mother (exactly as with Tamar-Ishtar,
xxxvm. 28 ff) 3 bears the motif of the two halves of the world,
that is to say, of the cycle of the universe : the ruddy, haiiy Esau,
and Jacob, who holds on to his heel 4 The oracle of Yahveh, xxv
23 ff (comp xxvn 28 ff. , Hosea xn ), speaks of the strife between
the two in this sense Edom and Se'ir are motif words in regard
to Esau Esau dwells in Se'ir, the Southland (xxxii 3 ; comp
xxxm. 14, xxxvi 8), and is father of the Edomites
The Southland is the land of the sun ; see p. 30 In mytho-
logical language the rays of the sun are spoken of as hair red hah
is sun rays ; white hair, moon rays The hairy Esau, Gen xxvii.
21-23, is called Edom. Edom means not only led, but also hairy
Already at birth, Gen. xxv 25, he came out admorii that is, hairy
and red at the same time. Also in the geographical name Se'ir
the hair motif sounds. Esau corresponds to the dark Underworld
half, Jacob to the fighting and conquering Overworld half that is
to say, moon and sun, or light moon and dark moon It is the
Dioscuri as inimical brothers, like Cam and Abel. The motif runs
all thiough It is preferably veiled in the opposition of the
occupations Jacob " dwells in tents " (shepherd, like Abel), Esau
is the " man of the field " (agriculturalist, like Cain). The moon
is shepherd, the sun is agriculturalist (the field is the kingdom
of the Underworld, all chthomstic gods are gods of the gram).
Another opposition of occupations = Overworld and Underworld is
singer and smith (Jabal the musician, and Tubal the smith ; Abel
and [Tubal] Cam ; see p. 239, 1 )- 5 According to xxv. 28, Isaac loved
Esau, because tsayid was in his mouth That can scaicely mean
anything else than song ; see Winckler, / c., 422, who mentions the
goddess Zidon in Philo, who " e invented song, because she had a
beautiful voice," and Esau = Se'ir = Pan, skilled in music, singer
in the Underworld, comp Orpheus ; the designation as "M?*,
"goat," by the Rabbis agrees with this. The opposing smith
1 rpy^j motif word, only again recurring m the Tamar-Ishtar story, Gen
xxxvih. 1 4 and 19
2 mpy as Ishtar motif ; see p 20, n. 5.
3 The red thread here symbolises, as the red colour of Esau, the dark half of the
world (the Dragon, the power of the Underworld is red, see p 152, i.) ; B N T ,
42 ; Rev xii 3, xvu 3 ; compare also the colour symbolism in Ia i 18. Upon
the strife of Esau and Jacob in the mother's womb, compare also Hosea xn. 3.
4 Motif of the cycle , see p. 31, i., n. 2 ; 234, i.
6 Tailor and cobbler = 0verwoi Id and Underworld ; see p 31.
52 GLOSSES ON HISTORIES OF THE PATRIARCHS
may be found in the halting Jacob (Hephaestos). Esau as ff man
of tsayid " is, further, a hunter The opposition is Jacob as
tdm ; xxv 27 As in the foregoing case, the motifs here rest
upon the familiar reversal Like the singer, the hunter would
correspond to the moon (Overwork!), the tdm motif (Urnn= light,
Thummim = darkness as opposition to Unm , nay and yea, death
and life) to the sun (Underworld), 1 so here we have the reversal,
Esau as man of tsayid coriesponds to the power of the Undei world,
as in Arabian ibn tsayydd is the devil ; Jacob as tdm is the man
of the light half 3 *
* Another opposition of motifs is sa'ii (hairy) and haldk (smooth),
xxvii 1 1 ; compare the cosmic geographical names m Joshua xi. 1 7
and xii 7. *
Gen xxv 13 . Nebaioth. This is the Nabay&ti of Assurbampal ;
here, as in Isa Ix 7, named along with the Kedar, that is, the
Arabians (Kidn), who settled under Assurbampal. They have
nothing to do with the Nabatseans (contrary to K A T , 2nd ed , 147)
In Neh vi. 2 (see K A T , 3rd ed., 151, 296) Gashmu, the Arabian,
is a prince of the Nebaioth. Adbeel is the Dibi'ilu, that is, Idiba'il
of the annals of Tiglathpileser III Mishma', comp Isamm' of
Assurbampal (K B t , u. 220) = gtiaidian of a sanctuary of Attar-
samaui, siimlai to the Komshites The Assyrian name has nothing
to do with Ishmael (contrary to A" A.T , 2nd ed , 14-8) Mass&,
compare the Mas'ai of Tiglathpileser, and Assurbampal, also in
evidence in a letter, a North Babylonian tribe Teima, compaie the
Temai brought forward along with the Mas'ai. It is the present
Teima, m North Arabia, where lately several Aramaic inscnptions
were found, upon the largest one of which the name of the city
Teima is repeatedly mentioned
Gen. xxv. 18: "where thou goest towaids Asshur" Possibly
the Arabian country is meant, see Glaser, Skizze, n 433 ff, ;
Hommel, Altis UberL, p. 240
Gen xxvi 1 fT. (Isaac and Rebecca in Gerar) ; comp. p. 20 with
Gen. xn and xx. Gen xxvi 3 1 f ; see pp 33Q, i. f.
Gen. xxvii. &1-23: The deception takes place through the
hair of the kids of the goats (comp. 1 Sam. xix. 13), Isaac
feels him and is deceived. The lesult of the deception is that
Esau must serve Jacob.
Stucken, Astralmyt/i&ij iv. 342 if, points out the same motif in
the fable of Polyphemus s throughout Western Asia and Europe,
1 That is to say, light moon and dark moon.
2 The connection of the t&m motif with the motif fan by Wmckler, loc. n t>
p. 420, appears to me scarcely acceptable.
1 See Wilhelm Grimm, " Die Sage von Polyphem/M^. far KgL Akad. der
Wissenschaften, Berlin, 1857.
JACOB'S DREAM 53
where the blind cyclops is deceived by a ram's fleece which he
feels, and the related motif m the fable of Kronos (Hesiod, Theog.,
4*67 ff) : Rhea wraps a stone in the fleece of a ram, Kronos feels
it, and takes it for his son ; the result of this deception is the
change of rule Zeus attains the lordship over the world ; the
Titans (the " inimical brothers ") become subject to him. Finally,
Paulus Diaconus, i 8, transmits a variant of the Gnmnumal Saga
(Edda, Geiing, pp 68 ff) according to which Fngga makes the
hairless son hairy and thereby causes her husband to bless her
favourite.
Gen. xxvii. 27 : Isaac smells the smell of the garments. " The
smell of the field " is the fragrance of flowers (comp. 2 Kings
xix. 26) It is referring to festival garments (ver. 15), which
amongst Orientals are scented. "The binell of field labour
would be something abominable to the Oriental," l
The Dream of the Celestial Ladder
Gen. xxvin. Two stories are interwoven. Yahveh himself
appears in the dream in the Yahvist story. In the Elohist it
is the angels of God (maTdkini), As Gen. xxxn. 2 and other
passages show, the angels are in the tram of Yahveh for the
Elohist. The Yahvist only knows one angel of Yahveh; it
appears as though the mention of angels seemed to him to have
a heathen flavour, and to be a depreciation of the majesty of
Yahveh. 2
On the ground of the religious truths set forth in the
Christian conception and in review of the gospel records of the
life of Jesus, we recognise realities of the transcendental world in
the angelology of the Ancient-Israelite religion. " God made the
winds his messengers, and flames of fire his minister^," 3 but He
has also other "ministering spirits ^ (Heb. i. 14), to do His will
1 Winckler, f , in 426.
2 Comp p 194, i , n 2 Contrary to Ilolzmgei, lot. /., who construes it the
contrary way, Zimmern, K A T., 3rd ed , 456 f (comp. Gunkel, 280), sees in the
Biblical angels traces of " dispossessed gods," conformably with his fundamental
view which sees in the Israelite (and finally also in the Christian) religion a
refined mythology.
* Ps. civ. 4, comp. Ps cxlvin 8 It is remarkable that Luther translates in the
opposite way : "Thou makest thine angels wind, and thy servants flames of fire "
If we were to take this literally and not as only a poetic figure of speech making
use of mythology, we should come back to " Babylonian " conceptions ; compare
the messenger of the gods, Nusku-Gibil, that is, Fire
54 GLOSSES ON HISTORIES OF THE PATRIARCHS
amongst men. And when the cuneiform texts speak of the
divine "messengers of grace" (**<*" apil sliipri ska duiiku) who
accompany the king in his campaign (K 53), or of the
"guardian of health and life \\ho stands at the king's side"
(K 948), 1 they are presenting a
religious truth.
In the Old Testament we must dis-
tinguish between
1. The maVak Yahveh ( = pene
Yahveh), which leprescnts the visible
appearance of the divinity, in place of
which m the period of the Temple we
have the appearance of God in the
holy of holies,
2, The piesentment of messengeis
of God, which the Yahveh religion has
in common with the esoteric religions
of the extra-Biblical world ; for ex-
FlG. 122 -Assynan guardian ample, Isa. Ixili. 9.
angel from Nimrud (Ashur- 3. The COSmologlcal angelologV,
nozir-pal). i- i i i .? i
which looks upon the stars as com-
municators of the will of God, and as the armies of God
(Yahveh Sabaoth, Yahveh enthroned above the cherubim). In
pure Yahveh religion this presentment has only a symbolic,
that is to say, a poetic meaning; for example, Isa. xxiv. 21,
where the enemies of Yahveh appear as " hosts of the height,"
as the heathen astral gods whose dominion Yahveh takes away. 2
In the Yahveh popular religion the presentments are more
concrete, as in the Song of Deborah, where the fighting of the
stars in their courses against Sisera is not meant to be taken
only as poetry. The angels in Jacob's dream are, to a certain
extent, a midway btage, in so far as the dream presents the
cosmic Temple, the stairs up to which are represented by the
stages of the planet cycles.
4. The angelology of the post-Biblical Jewish literature,
which is influenced by Babylonian mythology, and which con-
1 See Dehtzsch, B B., i. 4th ed , 71, and compare our figs. 67 f. and 122,
3 See p. 195. i.
JACOB'S DREAM 55
tradicts the spirit of the Yahveh religion, and, on the contrary,
is nearly related to the heathen popular religion of the pre-
exilic period l The post-exilic Jewish theology as already
showing itself in the Apocryphal books has here appropriated
anew elements from the Babylonian and the Babylonianised
Parsee religion, which retained the simple presentment of angels
like caricatures. The " deposed gods " may be looked for here. 2
According to E (Gen. xxvui. 13-16), what Jacob sees is the
celestial palace, the prototype of all Western Asiatic temple
buildings: " This is the divine palace ! this is the gate of heaven."
In his dream the place appears to him as the celestial point
(pole) of the earth. 3 From here was the ascent to be made.
Here, therefore, was the entrance to the heavenly palace.
Comp. Gen. xxxv. 7 : " there God was revealed unto him.'' 1
Steps lead upwards : in the conception of the universe the seven
stages of the planet heavens leading to the highest heaven
correspond to the sidlam.^ The " gate of heaven " is in Baby-
1 Upon the difference between Yahveh religion, Yahveh populai religion, and
(heathen) populai lehgion, see p. 15
2 Upon the angelology of the New Testament, see B.1VT., 85 f. The appear-
ances of angels in the gospels and epistles correspond to the appearances in the
Biblical Old Testament writings distinguished under heads I and 2 above; in
the Tr\^6o$ ffrparicis ovpaviov, Luke u 13, and in passages like Matt xxvi. 53,
Rom. viu. 38, Col i, 1 6, Rev. i 20, and others the physical background
distinguished under 3 shows. The Pauline Epistles and the Epistle to the
Hebrews (cornp. also Rev. xix. 9, xxn. 8 ff.) protest against Jewish angelology
Passages like Jude vi,, 2 Pet li 4, and, on the other hand, Jude ix (comp.
Rev. xn. 7 ff ), are not m the same category with the Jewish Persian angelology
They are the result of the same Oriental teaching as the Jewibh, but they are not
purely mythological as that is, but represent religious leahties.
8 Comp p 54, i., and now Winckler, F. t in 427 , Babylonian markai shamS
and irtsitmi) the point where heaven and eaith meet (Nibiru point, pp. 21, i. f )
In Sohar, aware of the ancient view (see JB.N 7 1 , 65), it is said (SuM Ausg ,
fol 124, col. 492) " Upon that stone the world is founded, but it is its centre, in
jt is the holy of holies, the stone which the buildeis rejected.'* It is the jue<rojLi0a\ia
yatfjs of the Greeks (Delphi) , Gunkel, Genesis, rst ed. , p. 29. In the second
edition Gunkel has omitted the passage which looks upon Bethel as the pole of
the earth (why?).
4 See pp 15, i. ff The steps are called wlldm. Compare Phcen. ncho, possibly
stairway Winckler's conception as "bow," M V A.G., 1901, 352 f., thinks with
P Rost of the bow-shaped zodiac and of the sillu in inscriptions on buildings,
the arch of the gateway with ascending and descending genii, see fig. 6 When
popular pictures paint the ladder as a bow other mythologies (see, for example,
p. 167, i., and the ancient Germanic celestial bridge) are certainly mixed up with it.
56 GLOSSES ON HISTORIES OF THE PATRIARCHS
Ionian bdb-ili (thus the name Babilu is indicated as centre
of the world), the "high door." The other name, Lux
(Gen. xxviii. 19 ; conip. xxxv. 6, xlviii. 3), has the same cosmic
importance. Luz is "refuge" (Arabic, laud), the holy of
holies in the Temple, t>eat of the summus dens in the universe. 1
The dream-picture, therefore, corresponds to the ec Babylonian "
picture of the world. And it could not be otherwise. It
corresponds to the world as the fancy of the primitive age of
Israel was familiar with it. If God were going to give comfort
to a man in a dream to-day, the dream would take a European
form, not Chinese.
In the Mithra cult, in place of the seven planet stages leading
up to the tower, and each one of a different colour, we find a ladder
of seven different metals (compare the /cAt/xa 7rraVvAos of Ongen's
Conha Cel&um, vi), by which souls ascend and descend, and the
gates of which correspond to the "houses" of the seven planets;
the eighth gate leads to the highest heaven (comp Cumont, Die
Mystenen des Mzthra, 108, but in addition Die tench, Mitlnctfiktujgie,
89) A similar presentment is also recorded amongst the Egyptians
at the west of the honzon stands a heavenly ladder, guarded by
Hathor, by which the souls of the dead ascend to heaven. 2
Gen xxix., see p. 37; xxix. 27, see p. 198, i. ; xxx 1 ff, see
p 34.
Gen. xxx. 14 ff. (Love apples), see p. 209, i., n. % Bereshit
Rabba interprets as " plant of love " ; m Babylonian that would
be the " plant of birth " (shammu xha aladi).
Gen. xxxi. 19, 33-35: Rachel stole her fathe?\<t tetaphim*
and hid them in the saddle of the camel. It was an article of
1 Wmckler, F. t m. 423 f., conjectures that 'u/d/ti belongs to Luz (" hall of
refuse"); in that case certainly also the assonance with W<?/ (north point, in
opposition to Qedem) may be intended. The Jewish fable, according to which
Abraham built a icfuge. has been mentioned p 15. That is certainly not with-
out foundation. The chiomcler is aware of the mipoitance of the icfuge (Wmckler,
Gesch. fsr.j u. 66, recalls the founding of the refuge by Romulus, Liv. i. 8)
Israelite Canaan has six cities of refuge ; Gen xxxi. 49 records the building of
such an one (Ramoth Gilead = Raraath Mizpeh, according to Joshua xm 26) : ** so
that one man may protect ["ino, as in Ps. xxvu. 5, where it is speaking of the
heavenly refuge] himself from another "
2 Gunkel, 2nd ed,, p. 280, shares with Prof. K Sethe the assertion, accoiding to
which the laddei was set up by Osiris by a magic charm, therefore, probably,
was not there permanently. But even then also the same conception lies at
the root.
3 Plur irujest , hke ehhtm ; see pp. 13 f
JACOB'S STAFF
57
worship in the popular religion of Rachel's home. Possibly
the image of an idol, as was usual in
Khorsabad for domestic worship (see fig
13). Also in Israel teraphim belonged
to the popular leligion. 1 Sam. xix.
12-16 Michal laid the teraphim in the
bed and disguised the statue with a goafs
skin and garments to look like the figure
of a man. In both cases the statue may
be held to have been an amulet to protect
the husband from hostile snares. 1
Gen. xxxi 32 f., see p. 38 ; xxxi 33,
see p. 38.
Jacob's Staff
Gen. xxxii. 10: "/ had nothing but
this staff" This staff of Jacob's, which
is quite unimportant to the coherence of
the story, represents a distinct motif. In
the tradition which is the foundation
of Heb. xi. 21, special importance is
attached to it.
123 Assyrian idol
for household use, fiom
Khoisabad (Louvre).
^ Jacob,, like Abraham, is founder of a
family His story would therefore be en-
dowed with the same motifs The emphasis
of the ff staff " corresponds to a moon motif FlGt
the moon on the one hand being the
wanderer and magician (magic staff, see
p. 1 14, i ), and on the other hand being summits dens, the " shepherd "
who guards the sheep The staff of Janus is of the same import-
ance. 2 Upon the other hand, however, the staff belongs to Orion.
The knowledge of this is still existent The brightest stars in
Orion, now called "the belt of Orion," were called the staff. The
naming of them as Jacob's staff shows the connection of Jacob-
Orion. Orion is, on one side, dragon-slayer, corresponding therefore
1 Hommel thinks of the quiver like shaped vessel upon the Assynan reliefs,
with a sort of head foi cover, that looked like a doll, and probably contained the
ai rows for soothsaying , comp G Kawhnson, Five Great Monarchies > 4thed.,i. 453.
We cannot accept Stucken's deductions, which look upon the teraphim motif as
motif of the dragon combat (Asti altHytken, pp. 158 f.).
3 Ovid, Fast. t i 99: "ille tenens baculum dextra clavemque smistra." For
Janus-moon see Kampfum Babel . jBibet> 4th ed., pp. 44 ff
58 GLOSSES ON HISTORIES OF THE PATRIARCHS
to Tammuz, Osiris, Nimrod-Gilgamesh, and the Greek Heracles.
The kerykion in the hand of Orion in the Egyptian representa-
tions corresponds to the staff; 1 the sceptic belongs to Osiris-
Orion, who as divinity of resurrection bears lunar character and
corresponds to Orion as constellation of resurrection in the solar
myth. ^
The fables spin out the story into that of a magic staff.
Joseph possesses the staff. He makes a present of it to Jethro-
Reguel. It was made of sapphire, and the unnamable name of
God was written upon it. The staff reappears as the magic
staff of Moses and the blossoming rod of Aaron ; see Beer,
Leben Mosis, p. 56.
Jacob^ Combat
Gen. xxxii. 1 5-3S : This combat is, in the mind of the
chronicler, an actual physical occurrence, for Jacob, vcr. 32,
really limped after it. Originally it would have been a dream
(like Jacob's ladder) which is connected with the religious
presentment of a fervent wrestling in prayer. 2
Behind this story of a dream, however, are hidden the motifs
of a cosmic myth, which are bestowed upon Jacob as the bringer
of a new age. Jacob wrestles "with someone " (xxxii. 4, the
chronicler dare not say that it was Yahveh Himself) and con-
quers. 3 The object of the combat and reward of victory is the
secret name, which guarantees to Jacob power and sovereignty
1 For Onon-Tammuz as star of resurrection see the astial motifs in the story of
Abraham, p. 21, Upon Gilgamesh-Heracles compate hdubar-Nimt od, pp. 70 ft.
Upon the following compare Boll, Sph&ra^ 167, and to that WmcUer, L.Z.,
1904, pr lor, pieviously Gesch /.ST., n. 82, 92, On Germanic giound the change
of the royal sceptre from the long staff ( = shepherd's staff) to the kciykion (short
sceptre) is likewise to be noted It corresponds to the Oriental conception that
the king is "shepherd " (r?u) ; he is thus named in Babylonian as in Biblical texts.
2 W. H Roscher, " Ephialtes," Abh der Kgl SaJis GesetlsJiaft der Wiswi-
schaften^ phiL hist A7 , xx , has pointed out that the dieam bears all the signs of
nightmare the wrestling by night till the break of day, the refusal of the name,
the shrinking (laming) of the sinew of the thigh, the promised blessing (according
to Deut vn 13 f. it consisted in fruitfulness, wealth, health, and victory).
Besides, a nightmare is often so vivid that it is confused with waking events.
Modern examples are known to every doctor. Ancient examples are given by
Roschei, /.f., pp 40, 45 f
8 "And yet escaped with his life" is an addition of the chronicler, who no
longer understood the meaning. Comp. Hosea xn. 4 if., where the original
meaning is certainly that "he fought against the angel and pievailed ; he (the
angel) wept and pra>ed foi mercy,*' Thus also Ed Meyer, see n. 5, p. 59.
JACOB'S COMBAT 59
in the new age. 1 The place of combat is the ford, which
corresponds cosmically to the decisive Nibiru point, to the
victory point of the warrior Ninib (see p. 2, i.). 2 In ver. 30
the combat for the name is still clearly recognisable. Jacob
demands the name, and the opponent answers evasively.
Already our chronicler suggests the ingenious change of mean-
ing which gives Jacob the new name 3 and blesses him. A
companion passage to this is the combat of Moses, recorded
by the ancient passage in Deut. xxxiii. 8 ff., where the
meaning is still more clearly to be seen. Moses strove at
Kadesh with God, and prevailed. 4 The object of the combat
and victory are here the Urim and Thummim, which are,
according to the sense, identical with the " name." Both give
power over Fate, rulership of the world. 5 Jacob conquered
elohtm and "'anashim, gods and men ; Gen. xxxii. 29. He is like
to a shar Hani, a mushtesliir tenisheti and mushteshir Hani, like
the victorious Sham ash.
Gen. xxxiii. 3- Jacob bows himself seven times, acknowledg-
ing him as lord ; see p. 33. 7
1 Upon the name as reward of victory, see B.N T., 106 f.
2 The myth of the Sphinx has the same meaning, the meeting of the demon in
the mid-day heat, who asks the fatal question, the forest woman of the Lithuanian
myths, etc. The yet unexplained motif of lameness belongs to the Nmib point ,
see pp 23, i,, 31, i. Lameness piobably symbolises the solstices.
1 Upon the import of the renaming, see B.N T^ 106,
4 He is endowed heie also with the motif of secret birth (without father, without
mother) ; see pp. 28 and 91.
5 Ed. Meyer, Die Israeliten und ilue Naihbarstamme, likewise puts the two
combats together, without seeing the mythological connection E. Meyer adds
yet a third parallel, Exod iv. 24-26. Here the myth takes the robust form of the
Yahveh popular religion It is Yahveh who is hit by Zippoiah's thiow. The
Biblical chronicler has touched up the occurrence. Compare now my essay,
" Unm and Thummim," in Hilprecht'b anniversary volume, pp. 223 ff.
h There are other analogies to be noted, like the battle between gods and heroes
in Homer, Ihad> 111. 125 ff , v, 308 ff., 330 ; similarly the fable of Hercules as in
Nunnus, Dionysia^ x 376, where Hercules fights with Jupiter, who cannot over-
come him and finally makes himself known ; or in Pausanias, 111. 9, 7, where
Hercules is wounded in the thigh m the fight with Hippocoon (Movers, Pkonvsien*
1-433*)
7 Gunkel, Lc , finds it comic " We must laugh" (likewise at 250). Gunkel's
idea of the story of Jacob being a collection of broad and comfortable humorous
tales ("the fable laughs at the stupid Esau, and rejoices over the wise Jacob," etc.)
would be changed by the recognition of the embellishing motifs
60 GLOSSES ON HISTORIES OF THE PATRIARCHS
* Gen. xxxiv. 5-31. In the relationship of Dinah to the
twins (see Gen. xlix), Simeon and Levi, who avenged the wronged
sister, sounds the motif of the Dioscuri. 1 As it appears, there
seems to have been a tradition in which Jacob had these three
children only. It would then, in its original form, have shown
the motif clearest, but it is doubtful whether the editor of the
story before us still knew it. In this motif Helena, sister of
Castor and Pollux, corresponds to Dinah. As these rescued
their sister out of the stronghold of Aphidna, so Simeon and
Levi revenge the rape and humiliation of Dinah. 2 #
Gen xxxv. 23 ; see p. 44.
Gen. xxxvi. 1 ff. : Edom, E.sau, dwelt in Se'ir, the hill
country southward from Judah (xxxii. 3, comp. xxxvi. 8), and
is held as father of the Edomite tribes ; see p. 51.
The Edomites, 3 Assyrian Udumu, in historical times have their
seat in the mountains of Se'ii, from whence, according Lo Gen
xxxvi 20, they drove out the original inhabitants Se'mtes were
mentioned under Rameses III
Gen xxxvi 31 ff names a list of eight kings who had lived
before Israel became a kingdom. 1 Kmgs xi. 14 ff records the
victory of David over the " Edomite " king Hadad in the valley of
Salt (comp Ps. lx.), who is also named in the list of kings, 4 and the
1 To sun and moon (Dioscuri) Venus is added as third star They are the
rulers ot the zodiac and as such represent the new age The Queen of Heaven, who
bears the child of the sun (Rev. xn.), is therefore clothed with the sun and has the
moon under her feet ; upon the triad, see pp 86, i ff The new age is inaugurated
with the motif of the ravished and humiliated sistei. This strife has the same
meaning as the battle of the giants, and the battle against five kings (Epagomens), it
is the battle of the new age with wintei ; see pp 94, i , 42, n I The best-known
examples of this inauguration motif are Valerius and Iloratius and Vngmia (Vugo,
maiden motif in the name), and Harmodios and Aristogeiton with their sister
(see Mucke, Voni Euphrat swti Tiber, p 5). Anothei example p 63
a See Stucken, Astral my then, 75, n 2, 144 f. Sichem and Chemoi correspond
to the ravishers. Stucken has shown m a surprising way how the whole stoiy is
permeated with the motifs Theseus, who corresponds to Sichem, is diagon-
slayer The maiden (the allotted daughtei of the king, see B N. 7'., 38) is piomised
to the dragon-slayer. A condition u the showing parts of the members cut off
(this is, requisition of circumcision) The maiden is then still denied The dragon-
slayer takes his leward by force. It might also be said here that it was accidental.
But the art of the chronicler lies in indicating how eveiything agrees
3 See the exhaustive tieatment in Buhl, Edomiter^ Leipzig, 1893 J Baudissm,
R.P.Tk., 3rd ed. ; Winckler, Gesth. /jr;., i. 189 ff , Noeldeke in JBncy. Bibl
4 i Sam. xiv, 47 should be read Aram instead of Edom; see Wmckler,
/* MS* 193-
THE EDOMITES
61
massacre of ee all the males in Edom." Solomon also had Edom in his
power (1 Kings ix 26), and for two hundred yeais it was a province
of Judah It was from a religious point of view also an mipoitant
possession, for Sinai was situated in the territory of Edom , see
p 98- Under Joram, about 850, Edom became again, accoidmg
to 2 Kings vm 20, an independent kingdom Tiglathpileser III
names in 733, upon the clay tablets of Nimrod, a pnnce Qaush-
malak of Edom together with Ahaz of Judah. Amos teHs of the
enmity of Edom to Judah Later, as the power of Judah v aned,
this enmity became fatal In the year 701 Sennacherib names
amongst the tributaries m his campaign against
Jerusalem, Ai-rammu, king of Edom (A'. T , p 44)
Esarhaddon and Assurbampal name, together with
Manasseh of Judah, Qaush-gabri of Edom amongst
the twenty-two princes of the Westland who were
forced to supply men and give compulsory work in
the Egyptian campaigns
In the campaign of Nebuchadnezzar against
Jerusalem, Edom, like Moab and Ammon, joined
the Babylonians, and revenged itself upon Judah
(comp Ezek xxv 13ff, Ps cxxxvii , see Obadiah's
" flying leaf against Edom") The further fate of
the Edomites is still dark In any case, they
were absorbed by Arabian powers (kingdom of
the Nabatseans)
Of the civilisation of the Edomites we know
but little They ranked amongst the wise (Obad
viu , Jer xhx 7 , Ba. m 22 f ) In order to judge covered in Baby-
of the religion of the Edomites we may refer to lon - (Layaid,
the theophonc names The names Hadad and Ai
agree with the "Canaamte" religion sketched pp ,
4, i and 124, i. Josephus, Ant., xv 7, 9, names Koc Jer. vn 18.
or Kooai as god of the Edomites The Storm-god
Qosh (bow) or Quzah was certainly their national divinity; see
K.A T, 3rd ed., 472 f. Hoinmel, G.GG, pp 89 and 165, holds
this god to be also a " moon-god " We may rather think of a
form of the Storm-god Adad, who, however, naturally may
equally bear lunar character (specially the waning moon ; see
Hommel, Ic , n 1).
* Gen xxxvin. 14 ff: 1 Tamar acts as a harlot Consciously
or unconsciously the expressions and the customs are taken from
the Oriental cult of Ishtar. 2 Tamar is called Qedesha (Assyrian
1 Judah gives ring and staff as hostage. These are the tokens of lordship of the
man Many Babylonian statues of gods (for example, fig. 132) show the ring and
staff The shepherd's staff (shzbint) belongs to the Royal insignia, which he
ready with Anu for the future king (myth of Etana),
3 Upon the Ishtar- Ashera cult in Canaan, see pp. 344, i. , 349, i f, , upon the Baby-
lonian Ishtar cult, pp 1 17, i. ff. Upon the veil of Ishtar, see p. I2T, i, , n i Fig, 41
the 4 " Mother
goddess Dis-
fig "38, comp.
62 GLOSSES ON HISTORIES OF THE PATRIARCHS
Qadishtu) ; that is, pioperly speaking,, "the consecrated/' the
temple prostitute^, then whoie The coi responding masculine figure
is, for example, 1 Kings xiv 2-4. The names Qade&h and Qedesh
(sanctuaiy ?) may be held as evidence of the similar Ouental cult
in Canaan in the pre-Isvaelite period. 1 In Babylonian qadwhtu,
like shamfrdtu, hanmtu (" the ensnared " ? ) also chiefly means
te consecrated to the service of Islitar" (also Ishtantum with
divine determinative IV R 50, 41) , secondarily it means the street
women. The symbol of Ishtar is the veil It belongs, therefore,
to the cult and to maidenhood, since m the East everything was
brought into relationship to religion 2 The divine sea-maiden
Sabitu in the epic of Gilgamesh is also a veiled Ishtar. Rebekah
wrapped herself in her veil, when the bridegroom approached ;
Gen. xxiv. 65, see p 51. Ruth veiled herself when she went to
Boaz. This did not mean in order that she should not be seen ;
for that it would have been sufficient that she went by night. 3
Stuck en, Astralmythen, 16, draws attention to a fuither very remark-
able reminiscence of the Ishtar myth in the stoiy of Tamar ;
Gen. xxxvui. 14 if. It is said of Ishtar that she destroyed her
shows the Ashera statue discovered by Oppenheim at the Well of Chabur, which
represents a marble column ending in a veiled head of Ishtai This is the solution
of the riddle why Ashera sometimes appears as a post and then again as a goddess.
Fig 124 is an Ishtar type discovered in Babylon, like fig. 38, p. 118.
1 Comp. Ashtoroth-'Ashtarte (i Kings xi. 5 and 33 , comp. 2 Kings XMII 13)
of the Phoenicians, like I Sam xxxi 10 of the Philistines Zimmern, K.A. T. t
3rd ed., 437, comp. 436, speaks of "eventual Babylonian ongin " This illus-
trates the difference of our views The worship of Ishtar was cultivated through-
out the entue Ancient-East. Only the forms of the cult varied. In our case, we
would rather take it the contrary way, that in Babylonia a " Canaanite " Ishtai
cult (see p 120, i., n. i), emphasising the double character (life and death), influ-
enced an originally otherwise formed proto- Babylonian Ishtai cult
2 Megilla, io b , says Tamar was always veiled m the house of her father-in-law.
Beresh. R. 38 14 Two women wrapped themselves in veils and bore twins
Rebekah and Tamar (the addition* "if she were a prostitute, then she would
cover hei face," is a Bowdlensm). Sota, lo -- 1 * : She was looked upon as a prosti-
tute, because she veiled hei face in the house of her father-in-law.
3 Unveiling signifies marriage (motif of knowing), but "knowing " and mainage
is the death motif We may xeahse this from fig. 14 f. The unveiling of the
statue at Sais brings death Ishtar, descending into the Underwoild, lays aside
her garments. Haggag, the conqueror of Mecca, who defeats the anti-king of
the Omayyads, has himself praised as "Son of the break of day" (Tammuz,
masculine correspondence to Ishtar), and says: "When I raise the veil, ye will
know me" (Wmckler, AI.V A G , 1901, 303 f ). In Islamic fables the "man
who makes veils" (dhft- l~l}imftr\ also plays a part. Also the hiding of the
face of Moses (unveiling would ha\e meant death), Exod xxxiv 33 ff, belongs
in this connection. When, besides, the Vulgate translates conmtiu (the "horned
Moses" of Michael Angelo), another "mythological" feature is brought into
the presentment the translator Hieronymus must have known that the " horns "
are the Ancient-Oriental symbol of divinity. See further, Exod. xxxiv. 33 and 35.
MOTIFS IN THE STORY OF TAMAR 63
lovers (epic of Nimrod, Vlth tablet) 1 Tamai's love lost the lives of
two brothers, Er and Onan The father-in-law -will not give the
third ff lest he also die like his brethren." Also Dinah, sister of
the ee Dioscuri " Simeon and Levi (Gen. xxxiv 3 see p 60), brings
death to her husband With this compare Tobit ni. 8,, wheie Saiah
(sharratu; that is., Ishtar '), Raguel's daughter, is taunted "Thou
ait she that killeth her husbands ' " 2
Also the other Tamar, whose relations with her brother are told,
2 Sam xiu., is endowed by the chronicler with the features of
Ishtar Her brotheis are Amiion and Absalom. The wronged
sister is revenged by one of them. The motif of the Dioscuri who
avenge their sister, as we found 111 the Siineon-Levi-Dmah story
(p 60), is here mixed with the other motif of the slaying of one
Dioscuros by the other (inimical brothers) The ee wise man "
(hakfon) Jonadab, who appears as adviser, and advised Amzion,
ffi v\ho made himself sick because of his sister Tamar (she was
'virgin,' virgo ; see p 60)/' to feign himself sick, in oider to see
the sister alone, is the physician (hakiwi) in the con esponding
Arabian tale Wmckler, Ex or Lux., i , has shown how the stories
in their motifs agree featuie for feature with the love-story of
Antiochus and his stepmother Stratomce ( = I&htai, p 96). As
food the well-known mythological cakes are chosen, the cakes of
Ishtar. 3 A later editor has not understood that, or has suppressed
it In the passages vv. 8 and 10 the text is mutilated The
chronicler has secreted another "hint" in the gaiment, ver. 18 she
wore a ketonet pasnm * This is the expression that is only used
for the garment of Joseph (Gen xxxvn , see p 66), whose story is
interwoven with the features of Tammuz In the composition
before us the end of the story is missing . i e. the secret birth of
the child *
1 Compare the legend of Sermramis, farther of Roxana, Rhea, and Zenobia.
The knight Bluebeaid is the masculine correspondence.
a Here Asmodaeus works the charm. The Rabbinical fable makes Raguel, the
father-m-law of Moses, into a Bluebeaid, who tues all the wooers at a tree and
devours them (see Beer, Leben Mosis}.
* See Jer vn 18, comp. xliv 19 : the cakes foi the Queen of Heaven, 2 e
Ishtar
4 An, antiquarian gloss adds to this this was "fiom of old" the maiden
garment of princesses Comp Song of Solomon v 3, the garment of the beloved
("I have put off my garment, shall I put it on again'" Ishtar motif). Also
this garment is certainly to be understood as a veil-like cloak.
CHAPTER XVII
THE STORY OF JOSEPH
(Gen. xxxvn-1)
^ THE TAMMUZ MOTIF IN THE STORY OF JOSEPH
DESTINY takes Joseph into Egypt, therefore into cosmic Underworld
geography (see p. SO, i ; 20). In the Southland he is thrown into
the pit, in Egypt into piison. Thence he rises as benefactor of his
people His deliverance appears as a rescue out of the Underworld,
as later the deliverance out of Egypt by Moses appears as a strife
with and victory over the power of the Underworld (dragon,
Rahab !). The story of Joseph is for this reason endowed with the
motifs of the myth of Tammuz, who descends into the Underworld,
then to ascend again as Bunger of the New Age 1 Play of words
and emphasis of certain features and events all allude to Tammuz.
We find such allusions in the following features 2
1 To Joseph's first dream, corresponding to the occupation of
the brothers (Gen. xxxvii 6 if, E : the sheaves of the brothers bow
themselves before Joseph's sheaf); is added a mystic star dream :
sun, moon, and eleven kokabim (the eleven constellations of the
zodiac 3 ) bow before him. Tammuz is the representative of the
complete, ever-rolling cycle of the zodiac Before him the sun,
moon, and other eleven bow themselves Nork in his Eha& 9 17 f.,
has already noted the connection. 4
1 Comp. pp. lOQj i. ; 20 ff We shall speak later of the idea of the deliverer,
which is connected with this, at p 67.
2 See Wmcklei, Gesch. Isr , li. 67 ff. The reader will note where we differ,
and our supplements.
3 Are there eleven, because the twelfth hides itself behind the sun ? Or did
they only reckon eleven (Sagittarius and Scorpio are one ; see hditbai -Ninirod, $2,
and compare the picture, fig. 2, second row from the bottom) ? Marduk has the
number eleven as conqueror of Tiainat and her eleven helpers. The eleven
monsteis of chaos of the ancient system are the eleven signs of the zodiac of the
new system ruled by Marduk. Compare with this also Homnicl, Auf\. te. Abb.,
406, n. i.
4 A later cntic remarks ironically: "Since, however, Tammuz is supposed to
be the sun, he bows, therefore, befoie himself." Tammuz is not the sun. As
64
ASTRAL MOTIFS IN THE STORY OF JOSEPH 65
2. Joseph is thrown into the pit (xxxvii. 24 ff, E) The pit was
held to be the entiance to the Underworld. Comp, Ps Ixix 16;
Rev ix 1 ff, where the figure of speech is particularly clearly used
of the star falling into the pit of the abyss (Attai -Tarn muz as
evening star) With bor = Underworld compare also Erubim 1 9ft, and
the coriesponding feature in fairy stories of Eastern oiigm the
well leading into the Underworld l The Testaments of the Patri-
archs recognise the Tammuz motif When Test Seb says that
Joseph was three days in the pit, it corresponds to the 'i ammuz
moon-motif (three days in the power of the Underworld in the
lunar cycle, then ascending again, see pp 35, i f ) What three days
signify in the lunar cycle, is in the solar cycle three months and
five days (winter quarter including the five epagomens, bringing up
360 to 365), see pp. 42, n 1 ; 60, n. 1 , 93, i. This motif is
recognised in Test. Jos n., which says that Joseph was three
months and five days with the slave-dealers The sojourn with
the slave-dealers (imprisonment, see following point) is held to be
a tairying in the Underworld. 2
3. Joseph is imprisoned, xxxix 20 if The prison is likewise
the Underworld In the Assyrian penitential psalms prison is the
figure for the anguish of death (see for example p 229, i ); the one
released from prison rose by the scent of the plant of life out of the
Underworld (see for example p. 215, i) Rev. xx 7, comp ver. 3,
the abyss is equivalent to prison, and in 1 Pet in 19 Christ
descends into "prison" to preach to the dead But the course of
the story shows yet further resemblances
The two fellow-prisoners, the chief baker and the chief butler,
of whom one is good and one is evil, also belong to Tammuz in the
Underworld. They correspond to the two ministers of Marduk-
Adapa (" What does my Lord eat ? " fe What does my Lord drink ? "
see pp. 60, i. ; 1 83, i ), and, in the mocking of the king of the year,
to the two malefactors hanged with him, see B N T., 20 f
representative of the cycle he beais either sun, moon, or Ishtar character , see
pp. 86, i. ; 125, i. Without a knowledge of the Ancient-Oriental teaching criticism
is fatal. The elimination of the sun in Wmckler, loc at., 70 (because of the
night) is unnecessary.
1 Compare also Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos, 214, n I. A variant Oi the well
is the pits, in which, for example, the five kings fall, in the vale of demons
(Gen. xiv. 10 f. ; seep. 26). In the Egyptian Book of the Dead (see Erman, Ag.
Rel^ 11 ), the dead, the inhabitants of the caves (') greet Osins upon his nightly
journey (Osiris as the " Man in the Moon").
2 Other evidences that late Judaism still knew the motifs are to be found in
Rosh ha-shanah, io b . Joseph's birth is announced to Rachel on New Year's Day ;
Jubil. xxvin. 2, the ist of Tammuz is the birthday of Joseph Also the blessing m
Deut. xxxin. is full of mythological allusions. In the Testament of the twelve
Patriarchs it is said in Naphtah (Kautzsch, p. 487) that Joseph ascended on high
upon a winged bull (comp. Deut. xxxin 17). Is this an allusion to Marduk-
Tammuz? We may compare the bull as symbol of Obins-Tammuz
VOL. II. 5
66 THE STOSY OF JOSEPH
4. The "gay coat" of Joseph (Gen. xxxvii 3, 23, 32 fF.) is
designated by the motif word ketonet passim, which only once
again in 2 Sam, xiii. 1 8 f. appears as designation of the garment of
Tamar, who bears the Ishtar character ; see p 63 and n. 4. The
brothers conspire together (xxxvii 20) . ef we will say, An evil beast
hath devoured him " They dip the coat in blood and send it to
their father Jacob cries . " A wild beast hath devoured him ; yea,,
yea^ Joseph is torn in pieces." The ihythmic words emphasised corre-
spond to the lament over Tammuz, slain by the boar x Joseph
is tertpha, that is the expression for the boar sacred to Tammuz
and therefore (') forbidden as food Ver 35 : Jacob would descend
into the Underworld to his son According to Jubil xxxiv. 12 ff,
on the tenth day of the seventh month (month of Tammuz) a
yearly lamentation is celebrated for him
5 The beautiful youth Joseph (coinp Jubil. xxxix 5) is tempted
by Potiphar's wife (xxxix 6 fF., E). She retains the garment in
her hand, when Joseph refuses to yield to her wishes, and revenges
herself for her rejected love 2 The stoiy contains motifs which
characterise Joseph as Tammuz the beauty of the hero (ver 7) and
the chastity Tammuz was desired by Ishtar, and she ec prepares for
him weeping," because he rejects her wooing And the hero
Gilgamesh who rejects her love, is complained of to hei father
Ann (tablet of Gilgamesh, VI.). The complaint would be the same
as that of Potiphar's wife : he has forced me. Ishtar revenges
herself for the slight done to her
6. In Egypt Joseph weds the daughter of the sun-priest of
On-Heliopohs (xli 4*5, E) This must have seemed as a culmin-
ating seal to the chronicler who wove the Tammuz motifs into the
story. Wedding of Tammuz with the daughter of the sun as
reward for his services
7. The Taurus-Marduk motif in the blessing of Joseph, Gen.
xlix. ' } see p 81
8. Joseph and Benjamin are to each other as Tammuz and
Gishzida. Benjamin is, according to the name, the man ec on the
right/' like Gishzida; comp. pp 1@6, i.* n. 1; 157, i., n. 2 The
twelve sons correspond to the twelve signs of the zodiac ; that is
to say, to the months of the year/ and Benjamin is the twelfth.
1 Comp. pp. 96, i. ; 125, i. f. , 141, i. The following analogies should be noted .
Amongst the Siamese a giant changed into a boar kills the god of day. In the
Scandinavian fable Odm is wounded by a boar : from the drops of blood grow the
spring flowers.
2 Ver. 6 belongs to the Yahvist tale. Potiphar has gone upon a jouiney (ver. 16)
and has only taken with him the necessaries of life. The verse says this. It is
during his absence that the events of the stoiy occur. We may find countless
analogies in the Thousand and One Nights,
3 The journeys of the biothers to Egypt are presented as the descent of the
signs of the zodiac into the Underworld, comp. pp. 24, i., n 2 ; 30, i., 67 ff. Each
time Joseph detains one with him. When he detains the youngest, the cycle is
ASTRAL MOTIFS IN THE STORY OF JOSEPH 67
To him therefore the five epagomense belong For this reason he
receives the five garments of honour (xlv 22) and receives five
times as much to eat as his brothers (xbn 34)
9 It corresponds to the Tammuz motifs in the figure of Joseph,
that his two sons are endowed with the motifs of the two halves of
the cycle This is shown m the Yahvist stoiy of the exchange
Jacob crosses his arms and places his right hand upon the youngest
and his left upon the eldest ; Gen xlviii 1 7 ff. What this symbol-
ises is shewn by the exchange of the Marduk and Nebo points
(spring new year and autumn new year), pp 26, i. ; 29 , 1
The connection of Joseph with the Tammuz motifs has yet
another special meaning. It characterises Joseph as representative
of the expectation of the Deliverer. We may note as follows :
Joseph's home is Sichem, the "Medina" of Jacob's companions
in exile, xxxiv. 10 ff ; Hebron corresponds to Mecca. Baal berit
(El-berit) of Sichem (see p. 26) is a figure of Tarnmuz, therefore
representative of the Oriental expectation of the Deliverer The
name Shalem ( = Sichem, see pp. 26, 29) agrees with this A
connection has existed at all times between the Ancient- On en ta]
expectation of a Deliverer and the expected Deliverer of the Yahveh
religion l This throws a light from religious history upon the fact
that in Judges vi. 24 Gideon calls the altar Yahveh-Shalem (see
Winckler, F., in. 441) And that thoughts of Tammuz in the sense
of the expected Deliverer were connected with the person of Joseph
is shown by his burial They put him in a coffin, 1. 26 (artin ; note
that the ark is called by the same word ; it also bears Tanimuz-Osms
connections). Moses then takes the coffin with the bones of Joseph
(Exod xin. 19) that they may be placed m the Land of Promise
Joshua xxiv. 32 relates the burial in Sichem Joseph is an Israelite
figure of the Deliverer a type of Tammuz, expressed by the
Ancient-Orient , a type of Christ, expressed by the Christian 2 We
find the same phenomenon in Joshua, who likewise appears as a
saviour, and who is still held as such m Jewish theology. In
Joshua viii 10 ff. (Deut. xi 29; comp. xxvii. 11 ff.) he accomplished
upon the mountains of Ebal and Gerizim a symbolic action which
corresponds to the characteristic thoughts of the figure of Tammuz :
six tribes stood upon Mount Gerizim, six upon Ebal One half
represented the light half of the cycle of the universe (blessing),
the other the dark half (curse), which must suggest that the twelve
tribes were consciously connected with the twelve signs of the
zodiac ; see Gen xlix , pp 77 ff. But the Elohist places the cul-
at an end ; see Wmckler, Gesch. fsr , n. 62 f This would, therefore, mean a
carrying on still further the motif announced by Joseph's dream. Note also that
Joseph has seventy-two successors, descended from five women Leah has seven
children, Bilhah and Zilpah, the secondary wives, have five sons.
1 In Egypt also ; see pp. 89, n. 2, 100.
2 This is the explanation of the Jewish Messiah ben Joseph, in opposition to
the Messiah ben David. See upon this previously, B.N. T. } 39 ff., 92.
68 THE STORY OF JOSEPH
minating point of his actions in Sichem , Joshua xxiv In Sichem
Joshua places all the tribes "before God" and gives them "law
and justice " Then he erects a stone as a memorial " under the
oak that was by the sanctuary of Yahveh " (in Sichem '). ^
THE HEBREW JOSEPH IN EGYPT
The stories of Joseph and of the Exodus show pure
Egyptian colouring and prove that the writer drew from good
traditions.
George Ebers, in Agypten und die Bucher Mosis (1868), says :
" The whole story of Joseph must be designated as correspond-
ing throughout to the true circumstances of ancient Egypt."
J. Marquart, Philologus, vii. p. 689, concludes : " The story of
Joseph in its original form is to me a new and brilliant proof
of the extreme age of the chronicle of the older Elohists."
Joseph, like Abraham, is called (Gen. xiv. IS) "the Hebrew"
(xl. 15 ; xli. 1&). This is not a " naive anachronism," but in
the mouth of the Egyptian it was the designation for the
outlanders, the Asiatic Bedouins, corresponding to the ^abiri
of the Amarna Letters ; see p. 339, i.
Gen. xxxvii. 8 : " But the? e passed by Midianites^ met chant-
men ; and they drew and lifted up Joseph out of the pit, and led
him to Egypt" Thus the Elohist, The other source says :
" Ishmaelites from Gilead"; that is, a general term for the
Bedouins from the adjoining lands east of Jordan. The Elohist
calls the merchants Midianites. 1
The Midianites dwelt in Tihama in the north, and at the period
about 2000-600 B.C. they were the channel for trade between
North Arabia and Palestine. Midianite appears to have been
a general term for merchant. But we also know that Midian
would not have been sharply distinguished from the adjoining
Maon. The tribes of Maon grew out of trade colonies of the
South Arabian kingdom of Maon. An exchange of Midian
and Maon lies for instance in Judges x. 1, where the Ma'onites
(Minseans) are counted amongst the tribes pressing upon
1 Budinger, De colomaium Phczmciarum pnmtndiis^ 1892, sees in the story a
reminiscence of the captivity of the tribes of Joseph, which was brought about
with the help of the Midianites, who were referred to as allies of Egypt.
GLOSSES TO THE STORY OF JOSEPH 69
Israel, for which then in the Sept. we read Madiam (Midian). 1
These " Midianites " brought upon camels by the commercial
road leading over Gaza, neUot (gum ? Aquila, a-rvpag) and zeri
(incense *) and lot (ladanum ?) to Egypt. 2
GLOSSES TO THE STORY OF JOSEPH
Gen xxxix 6 ff. . Joseph and Potiphar's wife, see p. 66.
The d'Orbiney papyrus from the nineteenth dynasty " about the
two brothers " relates a similar story 3
Gen. xxxix. 20 Joseph in prison. He is put into the
bet-hasohar, the king's prison-house. Since he was not taken
in flagrant'^ his life is spared, but he becomes the king's slave
(arad sham)* Thus the Yahvist. The other source (Elohist)
has not the story of the temptation. 5 Here Joseph is servant
in the house of the sar-tabbafyhn and is in charge of the
political prisoners.
Gen. xl. Jobeph becomes celebrated by interpretation of
dreams. He was in fact already, according to Gen. xxxvii. 19,
the btfal Jjalonwt. Interpretation of dreams was in Babylonia
(Gudea, Nabonidus ), as in Egypt, of highest importance. The
Chaldaeans and Egyptians are the interpreters of dreams (astro-
1 See Hommel, Altsu Ubert., 271 , Weber in J7 V A G , 1901, 28; Hubert
Gumme, Muhammed> p 14.
2 Glaser explains ladanum as myirh Compaie with the wares of Pliny, xii, 54.
3 Translated, foi example, in Erman, Agypten tmd agyptisihei Leben zm
Alteitutii) pp 505 f. ; comp Stucken, Astralntythen> 128, 159 ff Note the
mythological conclusion, which surely gives the key to the whole, and ought not
to be put aside as a recondite fancy, as happens in Erman. It is related here
(according to a translation given by G Stemdorff), that the fugitive met the
gods, who sympathised with him. " The Sun-god said to Khnum ' Make a
wife for Bata, that he may not be alone.' Khnum made him a companion, whose
body was more beautiful than all the women in the whole land ; every god was in
her. The seven Hathor goddesses [comp. with this Erman, Ag. l?et., p. 82]
came to look upon hei. They said with one mouth 'She shall die a violent
death.' He loved her entirely, she dwelt in his house," and so on. The story of
the flight contains the motifs of the three hindrances which detain the pursuer, and
which Stucken has identified in all parts of the world
4 Comp. H. C., 129-132. Winckler, toe. ctt. t points out, 129: " If the
husband spares his wife, the king shall also give the slave his life ; but he is
henceforth the king's slave " Corap. p. no.
B The Yahvist has added the anecdote for the sake of the motif.
b See Ebers, Agypten und dte Bucher Mosis^ pp 321 f.
70 THE STORY OF JOSEPH
logers) of antiquity. Tacitus t>ays that the Egyptian priests
were interpreters of dreams, and Herodotus relates a dream of
the priest Ptah which foretold the dominion of Rameses II.
An inscription at Karnak records that Merneptah I. had a dream
in which he saw a statue of Ptah. The statue stood in his way
and prevented him from going with his army against the enemy,
which were pressing into Egypt from the Mediterranean.
The dream-books of German fairs and markets witness to the
present day that interpretations of dreams was specially held to
be "Egyptian wisdom " Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern
Egyptians, 11., pp. 81 f., says: "The Egyptian has great faith in
dreams, and often is guided by them in the most important events
in life They possess two large and important works upon the
interpretation of dreams These books are consulted with absolute
faith even by many intellectual men " The "Court Philosopher"
sent by the Khedive m compliment to the German Kaiser, together
with his collection of weapons, in 1 896, to the Industrial Exhibition
m Berlin, was chiefly an interpreter of dreams.
The colour of the story of the dream is Egyptian. A fan, "reed-
grass," Gen. xli, 2, is an Egyptian naturalised foreign word l
When the Nile (designated as Ye6r, river = Assyrian Ya'uru ; the
Semitic designation is probably chosen because it sounded some-
thing like one of the Egyptian names for the Nile) 2 is the source
of the first dream, it is presupposed that the readers know that
in that almost rainless country the Nile with its inundations is
like the bearer of fertility " O that the Nile may give me meat,
food, every plant in its season," says an ancient text " It is the
Nile which supports all mankind with food and nourishment "
(Erman, Agypten, p. 566) The "seven kine " belong to mythology.
According to Diodorus Siculus, i. 51, the heifer is the symbol of
the Nile, and is sacred to Osiris, inventor of agriculture (comp.
16, i. 21); comp. fig, 154 with Exod. 32 f. The bull Osiris
often appeals in company with seven cows, for example, upon the
vignettes of the 110 chapters of the old and the new Book of the
Dead. The passages in the text belonging to them pray Osiris
that either he or the seven cows with the bull, whose name he
knows, may nourish the suppliant in death But Osiris corresponds
to Marduk. Seven ears of corn which grow upon one stalk are
representable by the Egyptian wheat (triticum compositum). The
East wind, which blasts the ears, corresponds to the dreaded
khamsin, coming from the deserts of the south-east, and to the
present day threatens vegetation from February to June. With
the cows and ears of Pharaoh's dream, compare also ng. 154, p. 148.
1 See Ebers, kc. /., 338 f.
2 See Frdr. Delitzsch, Hebrew Langttage^ p. 25, note,
GLOSSES TO THE STORY OF JOSEPH 71
" Butler and chief baker " appear as high officials Egyptian
literature repeatedly names amongst the higher officials of the
Royal household the "sideboard writer " and the "preparer of
sweets. 11 In the grave of Rameses III. was found upon the
wall a representation of a complete Royal bakery, 1 also in the
excavations by the German Orientgesellschaft (see the bakery
in the museum of the Leipzig University). The earthly corre-
sponds to the heavenly court, and these two correspond to
the heavenly baker and cup-bearer , see pp. 60, i., 183, i. We
spoke at p. 65 of the mythological symbolism here woven into
the story.
Gen. xli. 14 : Joseph shaved himself \ and changed his
raiment, and came in unto Pharaoh. Shaving, that is to say,
of the head, is Egyptian etiquette, but is also borne witness
to amongst the Ancient-Babylonians by the heads found at
Telloh (see fig 84). It is possible that the Assyrian hair
arrangements were only wigs. The Oriental of to-day also
bhaves his head. 2 The story leaves the impression that divine
honours were given to the Pharaoh.
Gen. xli. 9 ff: The granaries in Egypt for the time of
famine. Similar events are recorded in Egyptian literature in
the following passages :
1. On the slopes of Beni Hassan is found m the inscriptions
which Ameni, an official of the Pharaoh Useitesen I., had
engraved during his lifetime on the entrance to his tomb, the
following record 3
There came years of famine. Then I ploughed all the acres of
the Cf goat-province " (possession of the Am em) from its southern-
most to its northernmost border I nourished his (Usertesen's)
dependents, I looked after their food,, so that there was none
hungry amongst them I gave to the widow the same as to her
who had no husband, I gave no preference to the great ones over
the lesser, in what I gave .... When, however, great floods of
1 Repioduced, for example, m Erman, lot,. /., p. 269.
2 The Egyptian monuments show representations of a highly developed barber
craft A very ancient poem names the barber, who goes from street to street,
gathering news, as amongst the independent crafts, not as a bondman, and not in
the service of the State In the museums we may see razor-blades very
artistically decorated
* Published in Egyptian JExplot ation Fund^ i. 8.
72 THE STORY OF JOSEPH
the Nile came which bring grain and chaff and all possible other
things, then I did not take the arrears from the husbandman :
2. The inscriptions on a tomb in El-Kab, which concern a
certain Baba (published by Lepsius in his Denkmaler\ say :
I collected the harvest as a fnend of the god of harvest. I
was watchful in the time of sowing When, however, years of
famine came, I distnbuted provision to the city in each year of
want.
3. An Egyptian famine in the beginning of the thirteenth
century A D. is described by Abdallatif (de Sacy, Abdallatif,
pp. 360 ff.) in all its horror. A seven-year famine is for the
last time recorded in the years 1064 to 1071 of our calendar,
during the caliphat of El-Mustanzir Billah. 2
Further examples are mentioned pp. 74 f.
JOSEPH = YANHAMU ?
If, as in the late Egyptian tradition, Joseph belongs to the
time of Amenophis IV. (compare the exchange, spoken of at
pp. 88 f. 5 which brings Osarsiph- Joseph together with Moses),
the part played by Hehopohs (On) in the Biblical story is
explained. According to Gen xli. 45, Joseph was son-in-law
of the high priest of On. But Heliopolis-On, the place where
the Sun-god Ra was worshipped, under the form of the sun's
disc (aten)i was certainly the starting-point of the monotheistic
reform. The name Potiphar (" gift of the Sun-god Ha") which
the high priest bears, in common with Joseph's buyer, also may
be explained by the aten cult.
But most chiefly one figure then becomes of great importance,
which is very prominent in the tablets of Tell-el-Amarna as a
ruler. This is Yanhamu, governor of Yarimuta. According
to the name, he was Semitic. In cosmopolitan new kingdoms
it is nothing unusual for an outlander to attain to high
honour. E\en if this man is not identical with the Joseph
of tradition, as has been surmised, still he offers an impor-
tant illustration for the Biblical presentment of the Egyptian
1 That is. to say, I did not demand the rent in arrears in the years of famine.
' 2 See Sayce, Alte Denkmaler, 60.
YANHAMU 73
Joseph, and proves that the milieu of the story is purely
Egyptian. 1
In the letters of Rib-Addi of Gebal this Yanhamu ruled
over the land Yarimuta, which at that time was the grain-
growing district for the coasts of the Eastern Mediterranean.
According to the letters, the land could be reached from the
port of Gebal, and it was necessary to touch upon it in going
to the chief city Chut-Aten ; therefore it must have been in the
Delta. a It is possibly identical with the land of Got>hen ; 8 in
any case, it was in that neighbourhood. Yanhamu is a Semitic
name. He was aware of events in Canaan : the governor of
Jerusalem once begs that Yanhamu may be sent there, to put
things in order. In the kingdom of Egypt he ruled, as the
king'b deputy, with unlimited power. It depended upon him
whether the granaries should be opened Silver and wood,
and youths and maidens too, must be sent, if provisions were
desired from Yarimuta We give a few passages from the
letters, which concern Yanhamu and the grain -chain ber& of
Yarimuta :
In No. 69 (Wmckler, Keilin&chnft. Bibhoth , v ) it says < k Yanhamu
. took their sons for silver . to the land of Yanmuta "
And previously : " What shall I give niy peasants to eat ? Their
sons are gone, their daughters and the woodwork of their houses,
because ue were forced to give them to Yaiimuta for our life's
necessities. Further, let the king hear the words of his faithful
servants., and send provisions in ships for the support of his servants
and his city." No. 74 : " . all has been given away to
Yarimuta for my life's necessities." No. 79 (comp No. 69) : " Gone
are youths and maidens, and the wood of the houses, because they
1 Marquart, he. ut , p. 680, first emphatically drew attention to this. It is
tiue he draws deductions which do not leave much remaining for the historic core
of the Biblical tradition See further, Wmckler, K.A.T., 3rd ed., p. 211, and
Abraham ah Babylomer^ Josef ah Agypter.
2 C. Niebuhr, JffA.G., 1896, pp 208 tf, decided the importance of
Yarimuta he identified it with the whole Delta, which view must naturally be
given up.
3 Wmckler, J?., in. 215, has made it probable that the Biblical tradition knew
this. Joshua x 4i = xu. II names "the whole land of Goshen" amongst the
conquests of Joshua, That is naturally an interpolation. But how did it arise ?
Since in chap. x. the conquest of Yarmuth is related, this might give occasion
to a reader, knowing the importance of the name Yarimuta = Goshen, to make
the addition.
74 THE STORY OF JOSEPH
were given to Yarimuta for food (No. 69 : for the support of life) "
In No. 6l it is told that a hostage sent by Rib-Addi of Gebal to
the Pharaoh was detained in the house of the powerful Yanl^amu
The features of the story of Joseph which tell of the brothers
detained as hostages, and the anxiety on account of the boy
Benjamin, agree with the contents of this letter. Gen. xlvii
13 ff , the agrarian policy of Joseph is described, which strikingly
recalls that of Yanhamu.
The investiture of Joseph, Gen. xh 4-2 ff 9 like the table customs
described m Gen. xliii. 32, is specially Egyptian , see Gunkel, / c ,
Holzinger, I c. The names in Gen. xh. 45, rpXJSl H3DV and H3DN,
are both pure Egyptian The first signifies., according to Stein dorff,
" God speaks and he lives " ; the other signifies Ns-nt, that is, those
belonging to the goddess Neit (local goddess of Sais) According
to Spiegelberg, / c. 3 53, the names Potiphar and rptfB ruav are not
in evidence before the twentieth dynasty (1200 BC), but certainly
the name J"OD$ is so.
Gen. xliv. 2, 5, 15 : Joseph's cup appears as a magic cup. 1
It is his usual drinking-cup, but by xliv 15 it is presupposed
that he deals in the black art. 3
THE SONS OF JACOB IN EGYPT
We have spoken at p. 324, i. of the lively intercourse between
Syria and Egypt. "The Princes'* wall 11 served to keep off
uninvited guests. 3 That in times of famine Asiatics sought
and found help in Egypt is not seldom recorded in the texts
of the new kingdom : 4
1. In the texts of Tell-el-Amarna, Egyptian granaries aie
repeatedly mentioned, from which Canaanite people fetched
stores; see above, p. 71. Comp. Gen. xli. 54: "There was
famine in all lands, but in all the land of Egypt there was bread "
1 See Dillmann, lot, tit , and comp. Hunger, "Becherwahrsagung bei den
Babylomern," in Leipz. Semit Studien, i. I, p. 4. The Gnostic Naassenes bring
the cup of Anacreon into connection with Joseph's cup ; see Muller, System der
Kosmokgu, 21 x,
2 Comp. Winckler, Abiaham als Babylomer itnd Josef ah Agyptet, who, from
the presentment of Joseph as an Egyptian, draws far-reaching deductions upon the
meaning of the story.
3 See above, p. 324, i. Comp. Muller, Asien undEuropa, 102 ; Z. />./*. K, vni
217. Brugsch, Die btblischen sieben Jahre der Hungersnot, thinks that the
"desert- wall " (midbar^r} in Exod. xv. 22 was named after this wall,
4 Upon the famines of Egypt, see p. 72.
THE SONS OF JACOB IN EGYPT 75
2. In a fragment of an address by a high official under
Kharemkheb (about 1 360 B c ), it is speaking of barbarians,
"who know not how to live"; they aie given over to the
under- officials with the notification that they are not to be
allowed out of certain districts,
3 In the Anastasi Papyrus, vi. 4, 14 ff., an Egyptian official
records: u We have allowed the Bedouin tribes of Edom to
pass the fortress of Merneptah to the pools of Merneptah, in
order to support themselves and their cattle upon the great
meadow-land of Pharaoh, the lovely sun of all lands " l
4. After the conclusion of the political treaty between
Rameses II. and the Hittites (p 329, i.)> Rameses sends ships to
them during a calamity with corn (Mar. Karn^ 34 ; see Erman,
4gi/ptcn 9 p 707).
Gen. xlvi 34 ; see p. 87, n. 3.
Gen xlvii. 7 f. The country given to the Syrian shepherds
was called, according to the Yahvist source, Goshen. It lay
in the Delta. It was fruitful meadow-land (xlvii 6), well suited
to the Hebrew sheep-breeders (xlvi. 34) In two passages of
the Yahvist record the Sept. says, instead of Goshen, " district
of the city of Goshen in Arabia" (Gen. xlv 10, xlvi. 34).
This city of Goshen has been certainly identified, through the
excavations of Naville, with the Egyptian city of Gsm on the
site of the present Saft el Henneh, eastward from the branch
of the Nile Bubastis, chief city of the Egyptian " province of
Arabia," which bears the religious name " province of the god
Spt, he who slays the inhabitants of Sinai." 2
It is, indeed, not possible to prove that the Goshen of the
Yahvists is identical with the Egyptian Gsm But the coherence
of the Yahvist records points to the same neighbourhood: a
country in the east of the kingdom, this side of the boundary
fortresses situated on the isthmus of Suez ; on the further side of
them is unfertile desert. 3 When the P calls the neighbourhood
1 See Spiegelbeig, Der Aufaithalt Israels in AgypUn^ pp. 24 f After a gap
there follow ' ' the other names of the tribes, which passed the stronghold of
Merneptah."
2 The name pieserved in the modern Saft ; see article on Goshen in A'.P. Tk. 9
3rd ed.
3 See under Yanmuta=Goshen.j p. 73.
76
THE STORY OF JOSEPH
the "land of Rameses" (Gen. xlvn. 11), that must be considered
like the statement of the Gieek and Memphite translation of
Gen xlvi 28 . Pethom, a city in the land of Rameses These are
names from the sphere of later events (the oppressed Hebrews
built Fithom under Rameses) brought into the lecord later The
Sept names also the meeting-place there, where the Hebrew
text of the Yahvist simply says Goshen, Gen xlvi 28 "near the
city of Heroon in the land of Rameses " ; whilst the Memphite
Fie; 125. Stoie chamber from Pithom
AiifenthaH hiaeh in ^
(From Spiegel berg's
translation says: "to Pithom, the city in the land of Rameses/'
and in v 29, "in the neighbourhood of the city Pethom." By
the excavations of Ed Naville 1 in Tell el Maskhula (1883), it
has been proved that these ruined cities situated near the
isthmus of Suez, m Wadi Tumilat, show the position of a city
which bore the religious name Pr-'tm (vocalised by StemdoifF as
something like Pi- Atom, " House of the God Atom "), and which
is plainly identical with the city Pithom built by the oppressed
Hebrews (Exod. i 11). Since this Pithom is to be sought in the
neighbourhood of Hero, 2 this statement of the Sept agrees with
the Yahvist on the whole, and the meeting-place of the Sept.
1 Com p. Naville, The Store City of Ptthom and the Rottte of Exodus ^ London,
1888 ; Stemdorff, article on Go&hen in R.P Th. t 3rd ed,
a J. Dillmann, " Pithom, Hero, Klysma," in the Records of the Royal Academy
of Science^ 1885, xxxix.
SIGNS OF THE ZODIAC IN JACOB'S BLESSING 77
lies in the district, or in the neighbourhood, of the country of
Goshen, eastward of the arm of the Nile Bubastis.
Gen. xlvn 13 ff. ; see pp 74, 75.
Gen. xlvii 9 Joseph swears, placing his hand upon the
organs of generation, as Eliezer does with Abraham.
Gen. xxiv. 2 f. : This form of oath is to be found amongst
Arabian tribes to the present day. 1 In this lies an evidence of
the sacredness of propagation spoken of p. 121, i., n. 2
* THE SIGNS OF THE ZODIAC IN JACOB'S BLESSING
Gen. xlix
Scholars like Athanasms Kircher 2 have already recognised that
the sentences of the blessing play upon the twelve signs of the
zodiac. The present text, whose editor no longer understood the
meaning, does not show the motifs clearly all through. The facts
themselves agree with the astral mythological motifs we have
already found. In Joseph's dream (p 64-) the eleven brothers
already appeared as the zodiacal signs., who, with sun and moon,
bowed themselves before Joseph (Tammuz), representing the cycle
and the dawning new age Also the journey of the sons into Egypt
showed the motif of the moving of the twelve signs through the
region of the Underworld (p. 66, n 3). In the following we
place the traces of the zodiacal motifs together, as we find them
in the blessings of Jacob Others may find other traces The
tradition of the text being bad, it is very easily probable that the
text before us mixes various "theories." Others may therefore
perhaps find the motifs in a different order.
(11) REUBEN AQUARIUS.
He is called four times " the first/' and
the nghts of the first-bom are taken from
him According to another tradition, he
must have had the leadership r61e of
Judah (Dillmann, Genesis, p. 457). As
Aquarius he would correspond to Ea, or
much more, in a previous aeon redeemed
1 Example in Nork, Jlytkologze, i 154 Upon the oath by the " phallus of
Allah," see Curtiss, loc czt., 118 f Also the phallus in antique industrial art and
as amulets foi women, still worn to the present day in Naples (compare the wax
figures of Pnapus at the festival of Damian, abolished in 1781), originally were not
in any way connected with " prostitution," see p 121, i , n 2.
2 CEdipus sgyptiacus t 1654 , for example, 11. I, p. 21. In modern literature
compare (besides Dupuis and Nork, passim} Stucken, Astralmythen, M. VA. G.,
1902, 166 ff. ; Zimmein, Z.A., 1892, 161 ff. ; K.A.T., 3rd ed. ; J. Lepsius,
Reich Chnsti, vi. 375 f ; Wmckler, F., ni. 464 ff, ; Hommel in Hilpiecht's
Anniversary Volume^ 270 ff.
78
THE STORY OF JOSEPH
(3) SIMEON AND LEVI
by Ea, to Mummu (for Mummu = Ea, that
is to say, in the next seon = Marduk-
Adapa, the son of Ea; see pp. ft, i f 3 10,i ).
The new age arises by generation between
mother and son Reuben "defileth the
bed of his father/' *
From the standpoint of the new age
the representative of the old age is (Kmgu,
Mummu) the water-dragon. This motif
also is found in the blessing of Reuben
It speaks of D^DD ina Already Dill-
mann, m Genesis, p. 458, translates that
as "overflow of the waters" (Sept.
efv/Spvo-is o)5 Mcop) In any case a pheno-
menon of outpouring of water is, according
to this, brought into connection with
Reuben
The hippopotamus at once occurs to
one a^ being, according to Job xl 14 ff,
like behemoth, the primeval dragon of
chaos According to Job xl If), behemoth
is "the first," like Reuben, "first of the
ways of God," Lord of the past aeon.
Plutarch, De Is el (h , xxxn , says ce The
Egyptians ascribe shamclcs&ness to the
hippopotamus ; for he kills his father, and
by force lies with his mother " - Reuben,
therefore, corresponds to a zodiacal sign
in the water region, which stood in the
place of our Aquarius, and was represented
as a hippopotamus or something of thai
description.
GEMINI.
They are united in one passage, and
are specially designated as "brothers,"
together with four other brothers, born
of the same mother.
1 Bilhah (probably put in the place of Leah) bears features of Ishtar- Aphrodite,
wife of the halting Nimb-Mars-Hephaestos. Reuben resorts to her ; " Undei-
world" = " Ocean," see pp 8, i. and 15, i., the scene bemg at the south point,
instead of at the north point (note that in Gen. xlix, 4 it is nty, not TV),
Ninib=Nergal, p 26, i.
2 Whether, as Stucken \vill have it, a double meaning is intended in the second
half (" thou wast violated," instead of " thou hast committed violation"), so that
the other motif of the primeval age, the motif of castration (Rahab, Ps Ixxxix.
to, was castrated), is alluded to, we cannot undertake to decide.
SIGNS OF THE ZODIAC IN JACOB'S BLESSING 79
We have already found them as Dioscun
in the revenge of the violation of then
sister Dinah (motif of the new age ; see
p. 60) ; they slew the man in their wrath
(slaying of the tyrant ? ) and spoiled the
beasts, as the Dioscuri Gilgamesh and
Eabani l in the epic of Gilgamesh (where
the twelve songs equally correspond to
FIG 126. Hoioscope of Antiochus I. of Commagene (about 70 B c )
from the western terrace of the Nimrvid-Dagh. (Out of Humann-
Puchstem's Reise tn^Kletnasien und Nordsynen).
(5) JUDAH
the zodiac) spoil the celestial beast after
having slam the tyrant (Jrjumbaba)
LEO.
Judah is glorified as a lion (comp. Rev.
v 5) with shebet (sceptre, parallel term :
mefyoqeq at his feet) 2 In the constella-
tion Leo, Regulus, the " royal star," is
between the feet Amongst the Baby-
lonians Regulus was already called the
royal star. In the astrological horoscopes
anyone born at the rising of Regulus
would become king. Fig. 126 shows
1 See Zimmern, loc. cit , 162. But we do not find in this a "reminiscence of
Gilgamesh and Eabani," but rather m both cases the same cosmic mythological
motif. Upon Gilgamesh and the zodiac, see Izdubar-Nimrod, pp 66 fif.
s Naturally only one attribute is meant ; upon mehoqeq, comp. Numb. xxi. 18.
80
THE STORY OF JOSEPH
(10) ZEBULON
ISSACHAR
(7) DAN
(9) GAD
ASHER
(l) NAPIITALI
such a horoscope. 1 This is the "ruler's
staff between the feet of the lion of
Judah." Shiloh is a motif of the expecta-
tion of the Deliverer, which baffles inter-
pretation, in spite of recent hypotheses 2
CAPRICORN
Zebulon dwelt by the sea. The water
region begins at Capricorn. He is close
to the "hunter" (play of word upon
Zidon by the sea; said, "hunt"), to
Arcitenens.
CANCER
Issachar is likened to an ass The ass
(aselh) and his crib are in the constella-
tion Cancer.
LIBRA.
Dan brought judgment. Hence the
symbol of the scales. And he is "a
serpent in the way." Serpens is close
to Libia
SAGITTARIUS.
Gad defends himself (as archer) when
the marauding bands (Bedouins) shoot at
him with arrows.
PISCES
Asher yields royal dainties In Oriental
myths (cornp the stories in the Thousand
and One Nights, and the ring of Polycrates)
fish is the royal dainty
ARIES.
Instead of ayy&ld it may be read ayil,
" ram." " From him come goodly words."
1 It is the horoscope of Antiochus of Commagene. The three great stars of
sixteen rays upon the back have the annotation . Ilvprfety 'H/?a/fA[e'ot;$], 5r/A#eoy
"AwrfAAwyo*, and *ae'0wy Ak = Mars, Mercury, Jupiter It is the constellation
Leo (also to be found upon coins of Antiochus). Nineteen of the stars agiee with
the star catalogue of Eiatosthenes. Antiochus calls himself 6<-bs tiiKcitos and
2 The addition to the Syrian translation of I Chr. v. 1-2, quoted by Kiltel in
the commentaiy is important "From Judah shall come forth the king, the
Messiah " The interpretations have been collected, from Gen xhx. 10, to the end
of the Middle Ages, by Posnanski, in Schilo> Ein Beitrag QW Geschichte der
Messiaslehre, 1904, Upon Shiloh =She'61, see p. 81, n. 4.
SIGNS OF THE ZODIAC IN JACOB'S BLESSING 81
Since we have already found Egyptian
coloui in Reuben, so we may recall the
words of the " ram " which announce the
new age under King Bokchoris in the
prophecies of the sage Amenophis. 1
(2) JOSEPH TAURUS
In the blessing of Moses, Deut xxxni.
1 7, Joseph is compared to a bull (wild ox)
Gen xhx 22 probably bears the same
sense. "Joseph is a bullock, a bullock,
an 'Ali- . , 2 my late born son is an
f Ali-bull " The bringer of the new age
is designated by the bull ; see pp 1B 3 i f
The conquering bow of Joseph touches a
corresponding motif We may think of
the bow of Marduk (Babylonian = " star
of the bow ") or of the bow of Orion
(Orion = Marduk-Tammuz ; see pp 57 f.) 3
In the pseud-Aristotelian ^Economic (see
Kurt Riezler^ Ftnanspolitik und Monopole
in den griechischen Staaten) there is a similar
character to Joseph and Janhamu.
(8) BENJAMIN SCORPIO
Benjamin is described as a wolf. The
wolf (Lupus) is situated south of Scorpio ;
opposite to the bull (Joseph) (for Joseph-
Benjamin as opposite poles, see p 66).
In myths the wolf is a seducer In
Judges xxi., the wolf Benjamin ravishes
the women of Shiloh, 4 as the young wolf
Romulus did the Sabines, and as Wolunder,
Slagfidr, and Egil, who lived in the Valley
of Wolves, ravished the women who bathed
in the Lake of the Wolf (see Stucken,
| Astralmythen, 101 ; M.V.A G., 1902, 43).
1 Comp p. 76, i. (the tradition according to Manetho m Krall, Vom KomgBok-
chons tn den Festgdbenfur Budmger, 1898), and upon the sage Amenophis, p 89.
2 The paiallel sentences must signify bull. The text is mutilated. Zimmern
compares for ^y the celestial beast alti in the epic of Gilgamesh, and having
regard to Deut. xxxni. 17 and to the parallel sentence 11 ff, requires, instead of
py, a word like n*n (Babylonian rSmu^ bull
3 The comparison of the " bow of Joseph" with Onon in Bereshit rabba may
be mentioned not only ' ' for the curiosity's sake " (Zimmern) ; it proves that the
Jews understood the motifs.
4 This is certainly an allusion to She'61, ShiUn, " Underworld." Zimmern,
Z.A., vn. 163 f., looks for the same meaning in Gen. xlix. 10. The women are
kidnapped from the Underworld.
VOL. II. 6
82 THE STORY OF JOSEPH
(6) DINAH VIRGO.
The zodiac has one feminine sign, the
maiden, like the planetary order of the
days of the week. Only Dinah,, as the
daughtei of Leah, can come into con-
sideration At p 60 we have noted her
importance together with the Dioscuri
Simeon and Levi Her Ishtar-character
shows in Gen. xxxiv., in her bringing
death to her husband; see p. 63 In
Jacob's blessings she is not mentioned,
unless, as Hommel has conjectured, of
the double blessing given for Dan, one
1 half belongs to Dinah
The order of the enumeration corresponds in the present text
to the genealogies (according to the mothers) and to the geo-
graphical situation Originally it would have followed the order
of the zodiacal signs. The editor did not understand the motifs.
Winckler's attempts, F , m 4-65 ff 3 to explain the present order by
the order of the gods of the months, corresponding to the zodiacal
signs ("angels of the zodiac"; see Enoch Ixxxii ; Rev xxi. 12),
do not appear to us to be happy. ^
Gen. xlix. 23 f., see p 43 ; xhx. 25, see p. 191, 1.
* Gen. 1. The funeral procession corresponds to a burial of
Tammuz. The dead is to return In Gen xlix. 18, 1 Jacob
has said : " I wait upon thy salvation, Yahveh " In Gen 1,
10 f. 5 instead of T&Nrr pi, we suggest it should read TTH pX
"the threshing-floor of Hadad" (wilful corruption of the
heathen name). It is a Tammuz-Osiris lamentation, lasting
seven days, like the mourning for Josiah, Zech. xii. 11 (comp
Chron. xxxv. 24s ), whose return as Deliverer was expected.
For Egyptian mourning, see p. 90. *
Gen. 1. 26 ; see p 67.
1 In the middle of the zodiacal motifs. This should be seriously noted. The
zodiac represents the cycle which brings the spring of the universe ; see pp. 25, i ,
30, i. , 66, n. 3 ; 77.
CHAPTER XVIII
THE EXODUS
As the story of Abraham is connected with Babylonia, so that
of Joseph is connected with Egypt. According to the relation
in Exod. i., nomadic Hebrews in Goshen, in the Delta, had always
been a danger for Egypt, as later the nomadic Aramaeans and
Chaldaeant, were for Assyria. 1 For this reason one of the
Pharaohs placed the able-bodied Hebrews of the frontier under
strict supervision, 2 and used them for forced labour, as we
often learn was done by the Assyrian kings (corap. figs. 1ST
and 128). Exod. 1 ff. now relates how the Hebrews, under
the leadership of Moses, accomplished by force the "Exodus
from Egypt" and shook off the yoke. The Egyptian monu-
ments record nothing of the sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt
nor of the Exodus. 3 Stade says : " We shall learn more of the
liberation of Israel only if the stones of Egypt would speak
further."" The fact is that, in the region in question, very few
monuments have, up to the present, come to light. But even
if we had contemporary records from the Delia, judging from
all we know of the available records of the Ancient-East, it is
very unlikely that we should find an event like the Exodus
1 Contraiy to the mcompiehensible opinion of Stade, there would have been as
little room for a strange nomad tribe, with its flocks and herds, in the thickly
colonised Egypt as there would be in the " Geiman empire" , see Wmcklei, Knt.
Sckr. ,1. pp. 28 f
2 See p 75, No 2 , 90. Upon forced labour, comp. p. 46, n 2.
The splendidly printed book of a certain Forster, who makes the discovery of
depositions about Moses and the Children of Israel during their sojourn in the
desert in the Nabatgean inscriptions, forms an almost incredible example of
puffing apologetics, through which monumental investigation is brought into
disrepute.
88
84
THE EXODUS
recorded. 1 Egyptian historians carefully avoid recording events
which are humiliating to Egypt. Even the violent death of
Pharaoh (which, besides, by no means follows from the story) 2
FIG. 127 Assyrian fenced laboui, transporting a colossal bull.
Relief from Khorsabad,
FIG, 128. Asiatic prisoners of war, to the right above sits the overseer,
(From Spiegelberg's Aufenthalt Israels in Agypten )
1 " The Assyrian records are much fuller, infinitely more exact m their state-
ments about the political events of their time, but we could not expect anything
of that sort there, much less in the bombastic phrases of the Egyptian annals.
They only show what the event always presupposing the historical quality in
the form of the Exodus story signifies for Egypt, or better, what it did not
signify." Winckler, Knt. Schr t , i. 27.
2 At most there might be a question of it m the J. Exod. xv. 4 speaks for the
contrary; Ps. cxxxvi. 15 proves nothing (see Hummelauei, JRev. des quest. hist t)
1891, 358). Compare besides, p. 23, upon Gen. xiv.
LATER TRADITIONS OF THE EXODUS 85
would not be recorded. 1 We seldom learn anything about the
death of the Pharaohs.
But though Egyptian political documents give no informa-
tion about the "Exodus," yet legendary traditions retain a
memory of the Hebrews in Egypt.
1. THE BANISHMENT OF LEPERS
Hecatseus of Abdera (contempoiary of Alexander the Great)
relates, according to Diodorus Siculus, xl 3 ff There dwelt many
strangers amongst the Egyptians who served the gods in othei
ways than these A plague, which afflicted the land, was a sign to
the Egyptians that the gods were angered at the decline of the
Egyptian worship They theiefore drove out all the strangers ,
a part of the last of them journeyed, under the leadership of
Moses, to Judea and there founded the city of Jerusalem "
Manetko, priest and scribe of the temple at Heliopohs in the
time of the first Ptolemies, relates, according to Joseph us, Contta
Apionem, i 26 f. : 2 ee King Amenophis wished, like< one of his
forefathers named Horos, to share the good fortune of beholding
the gods. A sage to whom he communicated his desire explained
to him that his wish could only be granted if he were to free
Egypt from all lepers and other unclean people In consequence
of this he caused all those affected wrth bodily ailments throughout
the whole land to be gathered together, to the number of 80,000,
and to be led away to the stone quarries east of the Nile, between
the river and the Red Sea, where they were forced to severe
labour. He granted them later, however, at then* prayer, to go
and settle in the city of Avaris, deserted by the Hyksos. Here
then they made a former priest of Heliopolis., named Osarsrph, to
be their leader, swearing unreserved obedience to him. The first
care of Osarsiph, who had now changed his name to Moses, was
directed to working against a possible new fusion of the lepers
with the Egyptians. Therefore he made laws by which the lepers
could have no companionship with anyone outside their own com-
pany, and could pray to no gods, nor keep any of the animals held
sacred by the Egyptians, but were to slay or otherwise kill them.
After he had strongly foitified the city of Avans, he made all
preparations for a wai against Amenophis, and allied himself for
this purpose with the Hyksos in Jerusalem, from whence he was
1 We shall see that Merneptah II. comes into consideration. His grave was
in Thebes, m Biban-el-Moluk, but had been already opened in the time of the
Greeks ; see Miketta, Der Pharao des Auszuges t p. 45. The absence of the
mummy pioves nothing. According to a hymn to the Nile he died at a very old
age ; see Wiedemann, Agypt. Gesch. t 477.
2 According to i. 16 this story originates in unauthenticated traditions
86 THE EXODUS
reinforced by an army of 200,000 men. Upon intelligence of this
Amenophis sent his son Sethos, only seventeen years old, who was
also called Rameses, to his ally the king of Ethiopia, to put him
in safety, and then went himself at the head of 300,000 men
against the rebels, but finally did not nsk a battle, but retired first
to Memphis, and then back to Ethiopia. Egypt thus fell a prize
to the allied lepers and Hyksos, and these raged against all that
was sacred to the Egyptians. After thirteen years C), 1 however,
Amenophis returned to Egypt with his son Rameses at the head of
two great aimies, defeated the allies, and diove them to the
borders of Syna " These lepers, adds Josephus to this, Manetho
held to be the forefathers of the Israelites. Lysimachus of Alex-
andria (about 70 B c.) records, according to Josephus, Contra
Apionem, i 34 : " In the time of King Bokchons a the tribe of Jews,
which was composed of lepeis and scrofulous and other soits of
sick people, camped in the Egyptian temples and begged. By
direction of the god Amon, Bokchoris drowned the lepers and the
scrofulous m the sea, and drove the remainder into the desert
These last then withdrew under the leadership oi Moses into
Judea, and theie founded the city of Jerusalem "
2. THE BANISHMENT OF THE HYKSOS
Manetho relates, according to Josephus, Contra Apioncm, i 14
(comp Eusebms, Ptasp. eva?ig.j x. 13) "In the reign of the
Egyptian king Timaos, strangers of an insignificant race, held by
some to be Arabs, and who were in any case shepherds or nomads,
invaded Egypt. They conquered the land, destroyed the temples,
ill-tieated the natives, and made one of themselves, by name
Salatis, king He chose Memphis as his residence, claimed tribute
in Upper and Lower Egypt, and held the land in obedience by
garrisons, stationed in the important places. He protected the
eastern boundary of the land against possible incursions of the
Assyrians, and made a city in the Saitic noine 3 upon the east side
of the Bubastic arm of the Nile, which was called, according to an
ancient fable of the gods, Avans, into a very strong fortress, which
he garrisoned with 240,000 men, and which seems to have formed
the chief support of his power These invading strangers were
called Hyksos. After the Hyksos had ruled for 511 years, the
native dynasties of the Thebans and other parts of the country
revolted, and began a long and weary war against them. At
length it came about that King Alisphragmuthosis (Misphragmu-
thosis) defeated them, and shut them into a place called Avaris,
which had a circumference of 10,000 days' work. As they made
Avaris into a strong fortress, they could not be driven out. It was
1 Upon the motif of the number 13, see p. 68, i.
2 See p. 89,
3 According to Julius Afncanus and Eusebius in Sethroite nome.
LATER TRADITIONS OF THE EXODUS 87
only by persuasion that Thummosis (Tethmosis), the son of Alis-
phragmuthosis, could incline them to move : 240,000 men stiong,
they withdrew with then* possessions to the Assyrian desert,
settled in the later Judea, and founded the city of Jerusalem."
Ptolemseus Mandesius (beginning of first centuiy A D ) says that
Israel withdrew under the Pharaoh Amosis (Eusebms, Prcep ev.,
x. 10, II) 1 , and Apion in Josephus (Contra Apionem^ n 2) bases upon
this his assertion that in the first year of the seventh Olympiad,
i.e 750 BC, Moses led 110,000 lepers, blind, lame, and other
sick, out of Heliopohs to Judea within six days ; the people of this
migration or expulsion were the Jews
Chairemon of Naucratis (first century AD) records in his work
AtyuTrTtaKa, according to Josephus, Conha Apionem, i. 32 : Ameno-
phis drove out of Egypt 250,000 unclean and maimed The
expelled betook themselves, under the guidance of the skilful
Tisiten, ^ e. Moses and Peteseph, i.e Josef, to Pelusium, they met
there 380,000 people who were forbidden by Amenophis any
further advance in Egypt, allied themselves with these, and com-
pelled Amenophis to flee into Ethiopia. It was his son Rameses
(another reading, Messenes), who was born just at the tune of his
father's flight, who, when he had arrived at manhood, drove the
Jews out of Egypt, 300,000 in number, and pursued them as far
as Syria.
Diodorus Siculus, xxxiv. 1, has it that the Jews were driven from
Egypt as accursed, and afflicted with leprosy and scurvy. Tacitus,
Hist , v. 3-5, says this was the general view, and dates the
expulsion in the time of King Bokchoris.
In this double chain of traditions there is hidden an historical
reminiscence of events, which the Bible relates to us as the
Exodus of the tribe of Joseph. 2 Both records agree that a
religious movement, which made itself felt in Egypt, against the
polytheistic cult, was in sympathy with nomads who came from
Palestine, and who finally returned thither. The adherents of
this Egyptian movement were called, together with their
Syrian allies, "unclean" and "lepers'"; 3 this should not be
1 Georgius Syncellus names the Pharaoh of the Exodus * ' Amosis, who is also
called Tethmosis "
3 Spiegelbeig, Der Aufenthalt dei Israehten in Agypten^ p. 13, comp. p. 29,
and O.L.Z.) 1904, 130, places the Hyksos dynasty from 1700-1550. One of the
Hyksos kings was named Ja'kob-hel (but compare now Ed. Meyer, Israel undsettte
NaMarstamme^ p. 282). Another bears a name which may be read as Simeon
With the tradition of Josephus compare also Lepsms, Chronologic der Agypter>
332 The immigration of the sons of Jacob may quite well coincide with the
Hyksos period.
J In the Salher papyrus they are called "the fever people," ze. those who
bring malaria from the swamps of the Delta ; see Marquart, p 670. It is also to
88 THE EXODUS
taken literally, but as an expiession of religious abhorrence.
In both traditions the chief point of support of the movement
is the city of A vans. Popular etymology would have connected
this with the Hebrews, since they were wandering Hebrew tribes
who had their stronghold there, and who were applied to for
help by the "lepers'"; this is clearly seen to be the meaning of
the later Egyptian tradition. The leader of these outland
nomads its, according to Manetho, Osarsiph; according to
Chairemon, Tisiten. Osar-hiph is Joseph. The Egyptian
tradition replaced the first part of the name, understood as a
divine name (Jahu ; comp. Pb Ixxxi. 5, the form of the name
Jehoseph), by the Egyptian divine name Obirib. The name
Tis-iten agrees with that, as we shall see later. Both traditions
have confused the figure of Joseph with that of the later leadei
Moses : Manetho, in that he holds both to be identical ; Chaire-
xnon, in that he names Moses, together with Joseph (Osarsiph), as
leader. There must have been a monotheistic movement in
Egypt to which the records of Manetho and Chairemon are
linked. We instinctively think of the figure of Amenophis IV.,
who in 1380 built the city of Chut-Aten for his residence, who
named himself Chu-en-Aten (that is, Resplendence of the Sun's
Disc), and who caused himself to be worshipped as the incarna-
tion of the One God, the Sun-god. He is the Napljuriria
(Naphururia) of the Amarna Letters. We know that after his
death the reformation was again extirpated and Chut-Aten was
violently destroyed. If the leader of the Syrian allies was
called Tisiten, according to Chairemon, also called Osarsiph
by Manetho, that would agree with the phenomenon of which
we have also other evidence under Amenophis, that vassals
were given names which glorified the new cult iten is the disc
of the sun. The assumption that Chuenaten is the Pharaoh of
be borne in mind in regard to it that the contempt of the Egyptians foi shepherds
as "unclean" gave occasion for the variation. Also the Egyptian designation of
the Syrians as shasii may have helped; see Marquart, he. /., p. 673 In
Gen. xlvi. 34 the concluding words, " every shepherd an abomination unto the
Egyptians," seem to contain a remembrance of the contempt for the "leprous*'
Asiatics. But the reason for them does not agree with that idea. The assertion
that the people of Jacob are peaceful shepherds would probably be to quiet the
suspicions of Pharaoh, not to waken hib contempt.
EGYPTIAN EXPECTATION OF A REDEEMER 89
the Syrian Osarsiph allied to the "lepers" also agrees fairly
with the chronology given by Manetho, For the Pharaoh
Amenophis, who here, from the Egyptian point of view, appears
as the "pious" king, is clearly Amenophis III During his
reign there lived, in fact, that sage Amenophis, son of Paapis
(^Japu), to whom, later, in the Ptolemaic period, sayings were
ascribed which form an analogy
to the sayings of the Seven Sages.
The Biblical chronology, which
reckons 480 years from the Exodus
from Egypt to the dedication of
the Temple, leads to the time of
Amenophis. This Amenophis is
probably identical with that Bok-
chons in whose time Amenophis
III. lived, and in whose reign,
according to Manetho, an apviov
spoke (the zodiacal ram as for-
teller of the new age). 1 The
motif is prophecy, as has been
exemplified in the middle periods. FIG 129 -Rameses II (From
" The continual scheme IS, that a Spiegelberg's Aufenthalt Isjaeh m
sage foretells the advent of great
evils, the overthrow of all institutions, the conquest of Egypt
by strange people, etc ; afterwards the rescue follows through
a righteous king, beloved of the gods, who expels the
strangers, restores order and civilisation, and has a long and
blessed reign." " We may assume, therefore, that at the time
1 Like the apviov of the Apocalypse ; see p. 76, i , comp. B.N.T., 16 f
- Ed. Meyer, toe ctt , 452ff. (=J3er KgL Preus* Akad d Wiss., 1905, xxxi.),
saj s the more he considers the problem the less he can accept the view that there
is here an historical connection with the expectation of the Deliverer of the
Israelite Piophets Certainly ' Only it is not a question of { adopting out of
Egypt the purport of the predictions," but of the unity of the rehgzous conception
in the Ancient-East. The same expectation of the Deliverer rules Babylon and
Canaan ; see B. N. T , 8 ff. And when Ed Meyer in this point opens the window
upon the Ancient-East, we do not undeistand how, in loc. at , p i, he can assume
of the fable of Romulus, which especially and characteristically shows the Ancient-
Oriental motif of the new age (see the following), that it is borrowed from the
tragedy of Sophocles. One may see in this also what a barrier the theory of
borrowing raises.
90
THE EXODUS
of the sojourn of Israel in Egypt, the Egyptian world also
was filled with the expectation of the Deliverer. By this
the "Egyptian mourning 11 for Jacob (Gen 1) also acquires a
deeper meaning. Latterly, Rameses II. (see figs. 1#9 and
130) has been held to be the Pharaoh of the oppression,
in unexplained opposition, certainly, to the late Egyptian
tradition spoken of above. An authority for this view is the
late glosb DDDJn to Pithom. In his time, certainly, the
FIG. 130. Rameses II. Head of the
mummy. (Spiegelberg, loc cit )
FIG. 131, Memeptah (From
Spiegelberg, eoi. /.)
Asiatic nomads were a great danger, so that he had good cause
to keep a sharp watch upon the Hebrews in Goshen. After his
death Egypt was brought to the verge of destruction, under
Merneptah, by Libyan and Nubian hordes. The tribes of
Goshen may then have conspired with the related Bene-Israel
in Canaan. The inscription of Merneptah, p. 33S, i. (" Israel is
wasted "), may agree with this. From Merneptah, then (about
1250, see fig. 131), the Exodus was extorted.
^ SlORY OF THE BlRTH OF MoSES
Like Jacob and Joseph, Moses is a deliverer. The rescue from
Egypt holds the place, as we have seen, of the combat with and
victory over the dragon. The Deliverer motifs, with which his
figure is interwoven, entirely correspond to the late Jewish con-
STORY OF THE BIRTH OF MOSES 91
eeption. Shemoth rabba records, about Exod. i. 22, that the
astrologers ( ! ) told Pharaoh that a woman was with child who
should be the deliverer of Israel ; a"nd upon Exod. 11. 4 it is said
Miriam prophesied : My mother shall bear a son, who will deliver
Israel
The bringer of the new age is endowed with certain motifs,
which are either connected with the traditional events of his life,
or are given as ornamental side-play in the story, or are veiled in
the names, numbers, and play of words in it
1 In the first place, the hero of the new age is of mysterious
birth Even when the story knows the name of the father, he is
designated as "fatherless." It has long been noted that the
relationship added from P l of Amram and Jochebed (Exod. vi 20)
do not agree. In the blessing of Moses the tradition has retained
the fatherless birth :
Deut. xxxm 9 : " Who said of his father, and of his mother,
I have not seen them ; who did not acknowledge his brethren, nor
would he know anything of his own children " Compare with
this the aTrdTtop, d/A^ro)/?, ayeva\6yy]To$ of Melchizedek (Heb vii. 3) ,
further, Baruch 58<z* Elias had neither father nor mother; and
from the Babylonian material, Gudea Cyl., A ii. 28 if., ni 1 if. :
ee I have no mother, thou (the goddess) art my mother ; I have no
father, thou art my father .... in the holy place hast thou
borne me" ; compare further Sargon's descent from a vestal and a
man of low birth 2
2. The hero is persecuted by the diagon and saved in a chest.
The place of the dragon is taken here by the Pharaoh of Egypt. 3
The chest is called tebah^ like the ark in which Noah, the bringer
of the new age, was saved After the mother had hidden the
child for three months (!) (Exod. ii 2) because she saw that he was
"stately" (tdfy, she took for him 4 a chest of reeds and daubed
1 Oielli, JR.Pr.Th., 3rd ed., xm. 487 "Amiam is, according to Numb. lii.
27 f. , scarcely the actual father of Moses." Exod. 11. I, "and he took the daughter
of Levi " (the Sept. corrects it to r&v 9vyarpS>v), cannot be understood historically ;
the sojourn in Egypt lasted 430 years.
3 Pp. 93 f. We know the name of the royal father. The father "of low
degree " is a variant upon the fatherless bnth. " My father was a worthy man " ;
see p. 93, n. 2.
! 8.N.T., 46 ff , it is shown that Matthew knew the motifs, and takes
pleasure in indicating how they agree also with the childhood of Jesus. The
dragon here is Herod. The medieval plays still recognise the motif, in that they
always represent Herod with a red beard (comp p. 51, n. 3). In Rev. xn. I ft.
we may see the motifs particularly clearly. The dragon would devour the child.
It is rescued and sits upon the throne. The saving ark shows itself in Rev. xi. 19.
It is the ark of the tabernacle in heaven, designated as KifaTfa. Tabernacle
and throne are identical. This observation is decisive in the question of the
original meaning of the tabernacle in religious history.
4 np 1 ? motif word of taking away ; see p. 240, i.
92 THE EXODUS
it with bitumen and with pitch (comp Gen. vi. 14) and Jaid it,
after she had put the child therein, in the reeds on the bank of
the Nile In the stoiy of Sargon it is said . "My mother laid me
in a basket of shftru reed,, ma idde bdbi-ia [note the expression
bdbu, ' door,' about a little chest] tpfa closed my door with pitch."
3. The Queen of Heaven takes the rescued one Ishtar loves
Tammuz In the legend of Sargon it is a " sister of Marduk," a
vestal, who takes the place of Ishtar (compare the myth of
Romulus),, the mother. Ishtar herself loves him, and bestows
power and loidship upon him. In the myth of the new age
mother and \\ife are one 1 The story of the childhood of Moses
uses the tradition of his education at the royal court to emphasise
this motif The place of the Queen of Heaven, Ishtar, is taken
by the loyal princess. The same motif appears again in the
education of Hadad (name = Tammuz '), 1 Kings xi. 14-25, who then
marries the princess Tahpenes, who bore him his son Genubath
4. The puzzling name Mosheh also contains a motif The name
perhaps corresponds to the Egyptian personal name which signifies
f *son" A divine name should be supplied (comp Thutmosis,
"son of Thot"). But, in the abridged Hebraicised name, a
motif is veiled. "Drawn out of the water" someone explains
(Gen. ii. 1 0) who did not understand the motif The name, from the
Hebrew point of view, much more nearly means " the drawer " 2
In the story of Sargon the drawing of water means something
decisive. It is repeated three times. Aqqi says : " I have drawn
water" ; ndq me is the drawer of water. The drawer of water is
the gardener. 8 Behind the deliverer is hidden Ea, the "drawer
of water" and gardener of the universe (comp. Gen in , Yahveh
as gardener) The variant is the agriculturalist. The rescued
one receives the call from the divine Father. This also links the
story to the motifs of the story of Saigon. Sargon ( = Marduk, son
of Ea) is the gardener, or, what is the same thing, "peasant"
(ikkaru of Babylon) ; compare with this pp. 59 3 i. f. ; 74, i This shows
the meaning veiled in the stoiy. Since the chronicler of Exod. n
obviously knew the meaning of the motifs and specially the story
of Sargon, it is very probable that in the name Mosheh the motif
of the gardener (water-bearer 4 ) was in his mind.
1 Comp. pp 6, i ff. , 119, i f. The Queen of Heaven m Rev. xii. i is the
mother of the conqueror, then bride of the conqueror, Rev. xxi. 9 f.
2 Thus already in A T.A.O., ist ed., 256, under the reference to Aqqi, the
" water-bearer," m regard to Sargon ; see now Wmckler, /I, in 468 f
3 Not "as the wretched occupation of the daily labourer, who diaws water
with the shaddiif m the field," as Wmckler, loc. ctt^ 469 thinks. Incidentally we
may remark that it is dealing in the Old Testament with the wretched occupation
of the water-carriers m the passages I Kings xiv. 10 ; i Sam. xxv. 22, 34, where,
therefore, Luther's curious translation ("even to the boy, who pisseth against
the wall," like Kautzsch) explains itself.
4 Upon " gardener," comp. p. 94, n i
ASTRAL MOTIFS IN THE STORY OF MOSES 93
We will here put together some further Marduk-Tammuz motifs
of the story of Moses. Exod. vii. 1 : e( I make thee a god to Pharaoh,
and Aaron shall be thy prophet." Moses is Marduk and Aaron
Nebo (nabi'), as Barnabas and Paul, Acts xiv 1 ff. 3 seemed to the
people of Lystra to be Jupiter and Mercury, bringing the new
age Comp. also p. 102 upon Exod vii. 1.
The rescue from Egypt is victory over the dragon. The dividing
of the sea (Exod, xiv. 21 f.), like the dividing of Jordan by Joshua,
(Joshua in. 16), recalls the dividing of the monsters of chaos.
Moses appears before the people veiled (Tammuz-Attar veil)
His unveiling would signify death, see pp. 121, i. ; 62, n. 3, and
p 139.
He beais the magic staff, which belongs to the attributes of
Onon-Tammuz; seepp 57 f In death "his eye \\as not dim, his
freshness not vanished," Dent \xxiv 7. Comp. Enoch Ixxii. 37
" as he rises, so he sets " (the sun). Tammuz- Marduk descends
into the Underworld in youthful vigour.
The Nebo motif of the story of the death corresponds to the
Marduk motif of the story of the birth. Nebo is the dying Marduk ;
see p 29, i- For this reason one of the sources names the mountain
of death Nebo, Detit xxxn. 49- According to xxxiv. 1 it was
Pisgah in the Abanni-(Nibiru) mountains; see p. 151.
The mourning was for thirty days, fc and the Israelites wept for
Moses thirty days " (that is the time of mourning for Tammuz,
the month of Tammuz) ; only then was the time of mourning for
Moses ended, Deut. xxxiv 8. The festival of Ramadh&n has same
length of mourning. 1 *k
Examples of Rescue in Chests
The story of the exposure of Sargon, founder of Babylon
(about 2800 B.C.), runs : 2
" Sargon, the mighty king of Agade, am I. My mother was a
vestal, 3 my father of low degree, 4 whilst my father's brother dwelt
in the mountains My city is Azupiranu, which lies upon the bank
of the Euphrates My vestal mother conceived me and I was
born in secret She laid me in a chest of reeds, closed my door
with pitch, and laid me in the river . . . The nver bore me down
to Aqqi, the water-bearer. 5 Aqqi, the water-bearer, drawing water
1 See Wmckler, F., li. 345 ; Gesch. lsr. 9 li. 89.
2 Text III. R. 4, No. 7 ; Pinches, P.B.A.S., xvm. 257 ; C7 1 ., xiii. 42.
3 enttu is the * f divine sister " of the Laws of Hammurabi.
4 / za#, " unknown." So with the names of witnesses in the Neo-Babylonian
contracts in the case of citizens, in contradistinction to the citizens who can
name father and grandfather, that is to say, ancestors ; see p. 153 and p. 91 5 n. 2.
5 See p. 94,
94 THE EXODUS
. . he drew me out , Aqqi, the water-bearer, reared me as his
child ; Aqqi, the water-bearer, made me his gardener As gardener l
Ishtar loved me .... for years I commanded .... for years I
commanded the black-headed people and ruled them " 2
According to the Jewish fable Abraham was persecuted after his
birth, and saved in a cave ; see Beer, Leben Abrahams
The Egyptian divine mother Hathor fled, persecuted by Typhon,
in a boat of papp-us, and upon a floating island bore Horus
The Egyptian- Phoenician myth of Osins- Adonis relates : When
Osiris was shut in the trunk 4 and thrown into the river, he floated
to Phoenicia, where they called him Adonis Isis searched for
him ; she came to Byblos, and sat in her sadness by a spring, where
none spake to her, save the maids of the royal house, by whose
means she found refuge with the queen (called Astarte !) and was
appointed to watch over her son
Zeus was born in the grotto of Ida, where his mother Rhea had
fled from Kronos, who devoured his ou 11 children. The bees of the
mountain and the goat Amalthea nourished the child with milk
and honey ('), whilst the Centaurs covered the crying of the child
by a dance with weapons (see fig 63, p. 169, i.).
.Elian, Hist Anim , xn 21, relates of Gilgamos : When Sene-
choros ruled over the Babylonians, the Chaldean soothsayers pre-
dicted that the son of the king's daughter would take the kingdom
from his grandfather ; and this saying was a proverb amongst the
Chaldeans. This alarmed the king, and he was for his daughter, to
speak jestingly, a second Acrisius, for he guarded her with great
strictness. But the daughter for Fate was wiser than the Baby-
lonians secretly bore a child by an invisible husband The
guards, for fear of the king, threw the child from the acropolis ;
for it was here the royal daughter was imprisoned. The sharp eye
of the eagle saw the fall of the boy, and, before he reached the
earth, he took him upon his back, carried him to a garden, and set
him down with great care. Now when the overseer of the place
(gardener !) saw the beautiful boy, he loved him, and nourished
1 Abdalonymus of Siclon (excerpt from Justmus, n ; Curtius, iv 3), see
Winckler, /I, 11. 168 note, was called from his garden to be king; the same
motif in Gilgamesh, p 94.
2 The Etana myth relates how the gods desired upon earth a suitable man to
bear the insignia of the kingdom which were lying ready in heaven (see p 59, i. ).
Ishtar bestirs herself to find such an one. Then (after a gap in the fragmentary
text) the birth of a child is described ; it can only be treating of the child, who
is destined for the kingdom. The father, Etana, is obliged to seek the help of
the gods. He yearns for the magic plant of birth. The eagle is to obtain it
for him But the ''serpent of night" worries him because he has eaten her
young. The eagle carries him up to the throne of Ishtar. Finally, the eagle and
Etana fall to the earth. The fragments relate nothing about the fate of the child.
3 Plutarch, >e Is. tt Os , 13 ff , 39, 50 ; see Movers, Pkomzier, i. 235 ff.
4 A "beautiful, gorgeously decorated chest" ; see Herodotus, 11. 86.
EXAMPLES OF RESCUE IN CHESTS 95
him; he received the name of Gilgamos, and became king of
Babylon. Also the fragments of the Babylonian epic of Gilgamesh
lay stress upon the mother of the hero
Thoas was shut up at the time of the general massacre in a
chest by his mother, and it floated to Scythia ^Egisthus, who ruled
over the people of Agamemnon, was exposed by his mother, as a
new-born child, and nourished with the milk of a goat
Telephos of Auge, begotten by Heracles, was put in a trunk,
together with his mother, by his grandfather, Aleos (whose eldest
son was Lycurgus) and thrown into the sea
In Pausanias, in. 24, the birth of Bacchus is embellished by a fable
bearing a strong resemblance to the story of Moses He was born
in Egypt, exposed in the Nile in a chest, in order that he might
escape the persecution of the king of Egypt; and was, at three
months old ('), rescued by a king's daughter
Diodorus, h. 9, relates of Semiramis : Close to Ascalon, the
Syrian goddess Derceto, who had the head of a woman, whilst the
rest of her body was that of a fish, bore a daughter to a young
Syrian. She killed the youth, and exposed the child upon the
barren mountains The child was nourished by doves, and later,
was found by the shepherds, and brought up by the overseer of the
royal herds, Simmas by name. Onnes, one of the king's coun-
sellors, married her. Later, the king himself, Ninus, took her to
wife.
^Ehan, Hist Amm , xn. 21, says that also Achaemenes, from
whom the nobles of Persia are descended, was the nursling of an
eagle.
Herodotus, i 113, relates of Cyrus, founder of the kingdom of
Persia, that by command of his grandfather, in consequence of a
dream, he was exposed, but was rescued and nourished by a
shepherd. Husing, O.L.Z., 1903, 145 f, points out a variant to this
fable of Cyrus.
Suidas, s.v. Ao/yos, records that Ptolemaios, son of Lagos and
Arsmoej was exposed as a child ; an eagle protected him from sun
and rain and birds of prey.
Herodotus, v 92 ff., relates of Cypselos, the founder of a Corinthian
dynasty, that he was born of the lame Labda, and hidden in a chest
(play upon the name Cypselos '), because ten men sought his life,
and later he ruled Corinth for thirty years
Apollodorus, li. 4, 1, relates of Perseus, son of Danae and the god
Zeus, that he was placed, together with his mother, in a chest, by
his grandfather Acrisius, and thrown into the sea. They landed on
a strange coast^ and the child was brought up by the strange ruler.
He killed Medusa, rescued the Ethiopian king's daughter, Andro-
meda, became king of Argos, then of Tiryns, and built Mycene
Romulus and Remus, the fabulous founders of the Roman empire,
were held to be sons of the vestal (') Rhea Silvia and the god of
war, Mars. Their mother was drowned on account of her broken
vows. The children immediately after their birth were thrown in
96 THE EXODUS
a trough into the Tiber, by order of Emulius. The trough remained
entangled in the roots of a fig-tree. Here they were found by a
wolf. She nourished the children till they were discovered by the
chief shepherd Faustulus. 1
According to the Volsunger Saga, Sigurd, son of Siegmund, was
exposed in the river, nourished by a hind., and found by Mime. 2
An example of how such mythical motifs were quite intentionally
linked on to historical personalities is offered by Stratomce, the
rebuilder of the temple of Hierapohs, wife of Seleucus, and then
of her stepson Antiochus The stoiy applies the features of Ishtar-
Semiramis to the queen, and clearly also the name was> meant to
allude to Ishtar. 3
Exod. ii. 15 : Moses fled into Midian. We have seen the true
reason for the flight in the story of Smuhe, p. 326, i. Moses
was assuredly already a political personality ; comp Exod. xi. 3.
He came to Midian (see p. 68) to Jethro, who at Horeb carried
on his office as Jcohen ( = Arabian kdhi?i) at a sanctuary, with
an organisation which we may picture to ourselves as like that
of the tribes of the Koreish at the sanctuary of Mecca. The
story takes us into the Minsean civilisation, into a territory
where later the Nabatsean kingdom, and then the Roman
province of Arabia Petraea, flourished. The cult in that district
shows, as we shall see (p. 118), strong relationship to the later
Israelite cult. It formed, possibly, the connecting link between
the Hebrews in Canaan and the Hebrews in Goshen. In any
case, as a third centre of civilisation, making its influence felt
upon Israel, together with Babylonia and Egypt, we find
Arabia. 4
The north-west territory, including the peninsula of Sinai,
which forms the scene of the Exodus story, was in those days at
least as much ruled by Minsean civilisation as it is to-day by
that of Islam. Till shortly before the Mosaic period it belonged
to the Egyptian realm, as is shown by the inscriptions of
1 A lately discovered frescoe in Pompeii represents the myth.
2 Further examples in B.N.T., 31 There also, pp. 28 f., examples of the
motif of the nurture of the bnnger of the new age by the Queen of Heaven
are given.
3 See Winckler, Gesch. Isr^ n. 227 f. ; Kanipfum Babel undBibel^ 4th ed., p 35.
4 To the following compare Nielsen, Altarabische Mondrehgion, Strassburg,
1904. The book offers valuable material and contains many inspiring thoughts,
but suffers from lack of historical criticism. The text of the tradition is taken
without discrimination of source, and without criticism.
YOUTH OF MOSES 97
Meghara and Serabit el Khadem. The Egyptians brought
malachite (mafkat) from there; and they qalled the people the
Mentu. The most ancient Pharaohs known, like Snefru, Chufu
(Cheops), further, Usertesen II. and Amenemhat III., already
mention the district amongbt their interests. At the time
under our consideration the inscriptions are silent about this
district, only Rameses II., in an inscription at Meghara, casually
mentions it. When Moses went to Midi an, he passed as a
political fugitive out of the sphere of the power of the Pharaohs,
as at one time Abraham (pp. 4 f.) passed the boundary of
the realm of Hammurabi, when he journeyed into Canaan.
The Egyptian rule was relieved by the influence of the South
Arabian mercantile cities, which made their influence felt as far
ah the seaports of the Philistines The alphabet of the so-
called Harra inscription shoves South Arabian influence, and the
so-called Lihjan inscription gives evidence of South Arabian
civilisation in North- West Arabia 1
There is hope .that the inscriptions of Ma'in, collected by
Ed. Glaser, may throw some light for us upon those regions in
the second millennium. Seventy small inscriptions which are in
Minaean writing and language, found by Euting between Petra
and Medina, date from the end of the second millennium B.C.
They prove the political dependence upon the mother country,
and the rule of Minaean civilisation and religion in North
Arabia amongst the "Minseans of Muzr " (Ma'an Muzran), as
they are called in the South Arabian inscriptions We may
presuppose the same circumstances in regard to the connecting
road between Egypt and Palestine.
Exod. iii. 1 (E) : Moses kept the sheep of Jethro, priest of
Midian. This refers to the sacrificial herds of the Minaean
priest. 2 He would then be the Temple shepherd. A bdmdh
which is preserved in that neighbourhood is shown in fig. 150.
1 See Hommel, Aitfs it Abh , 230 ff, , Wmckler, f., m. 367 ff. , Weber,
M V.A G., 1901, i ff. The peninsula of Sinai was included m the geographical
conception Meluhlja (North and West Arabia, in antithesis to Magan, which
denotes East and South Arabia).
2 Nielsen, lac cit , 132 This does not, however, follow from the pasture
ground at Horeb. The story probably intends to say that Moses came inad-
vertently to the sacred place of worship of the Patriarchs.
VOL. II. 7
98 THE EXODUS
Horeb and Sinai as the Holy Mountain
The Mountain of God (har ha-elohim) is called Horeb by the
E, Exod. iii. 1, xvii 6, where, in a sort of gloss, the miraculous
rock is called " the rock in Horeb " 1 In Deuteronomy, likewise,
the name is Horeb (upon Deut. xxxni 2, see following)
The mountain is called Sinai in the old poetical passages in
Deut. xxxiii. % ("Yahveh came from Sinai"; parallel, "he
shined forth from Seir") and in Judges v. 4 f " When Yahveh
went forth out of Seir [parallel, Edom, see p 51] Sinai
trembled before him " Comp Ps Ixvni The J alt>o calls the
mountain Sinai (upon Sinai in P, see later); Exod xix 11, 18
(Yahveh descends upon Sinai), xxxiv. 1 ff. Where do these
traditions look for the holy mountain ? Everything seems
to us to point to the region of Kadesh-Barnea. This is the
territory of Seir-Edom. 2 The statement about the Midiamte
territory agrees with this (inon 1HN, Exod. iii 1 , Midian
belonging to Muzr, see p 96), and also the statement in
Exod. iii. 18, "three days' journey away," where we must bear
in mind a good army road.
Elijah's journey to Horeb, the Mount of God, also offers no
contradiction. The number forty is a motif number, and must
be considered like the forty years in P After the first day's
journey Elijah is tired to death. The old passages in Deut.
xxxin. 2 and Judges v. 2 ff, moreover, make it certain that
Elijah was wandering in the district of Edom-Seir.
Only the latest sources of P speak of the " desert of Sinai "
Here the stations of the migration to the Mount of God are
transferred to the further district, to the south of the peninsula
of Sinai. Then the later traditions which designate Serbal
1 Exod. xxxni, 6, "from Mount Horeb onward " certainly does not belong heie.
The conjecture which adds the words in xxxm. 9 (" whenever Moses entered into
the tent, the pillar of cloud descended from Mount Horeb 9 ') is frail, since these
fragmentary passages originally did not belong at all to the stoiy of Sinai , see
pp. 129 f We follow Klostermann's conjecture, Pentateuch, u. 448. run ini?
" they tore their ornaments from off them, hurriedly stripping themselves."
2 Judges i. 16 (iv. u) speaks of the sons of the Kenite (tribe of Cam '), brother-
in-law of Moses (Numb. x. 29, Hodab). The passage is attributed to J. In this
case therefore the dwelling-place of Jethro-Reguel is also, according to J, to be
looked for near the Israelite temtoiy
HOREB AND SINAI 99
(since Eusebius : the numerous inscriptions in this hill-country
answer for the tradition being more ancient l ) and Gebel Musa
as Sinai link themselves to this This transference to the
more distant district agrees \\ith the predilection of the later
Utopian geography, \\hich made of the nahal Mum, the Nile,
and of 'eber Hannahar, the Euphrates district 2
^ The double name Sinai and Horeb may be referred back to
a foundation in a cosmic idea. The Mount of God is the image
of the heavenly throne of the divinity And this Mount of God
is, as we saw pp. 23, i. f , double-peaked. With Winckler, Zc.,
we would look for a cosmic meaning in the names : Sinai, corre-
sponding to the moon (Underworld point, according to Egyptian
reckoning), Horeb, the sun 3 (highest point of the cycle in the
hot region) 4 Ebal and Gerizim are of the same cosmic import-
ance; see p 4, i. As soon as this cosmic \iew comes into force,
the geographical situation is immaterial Perhaps the double
tradition may be explained by this Ebal and Gerizira as the
mountains of the revelation of God were not placed in Sichem
by every chronicler, as Deut xi 30 shows, where they are sought
at Gilgal-Bethel, therefore likewise another localisation of the
throne of God ; see pp 55 f ^
The revelation at the burning thorn bush (Exod. in 2 ff ) is
from both sources. In J the angel of the Lord announces that
the people shall be delivered. In E, God calls from the burning
bush They are to worship Him in this mountain as the God
of their fathers.
Exod iii. 5 : " Draw not nearer hither f Take off thy shoes,
for the place whereon, thou standest is holy ground" This
corresponds not only to Arabian custom, prevalent to the
present day in Islamic countries. Shemot Rabba in iii. 5 says :
1 M A. Levy in Z D M G , 1860, 363 ff ; Lepsius, Denkmaler a. Agypten
wtd Athiopzen, vi., Bl 14-26. The JnscJi b. Eiitmg^ Sinai-Jnschr , Berlin, 1891.
3 See upon this and also upon the following, Winckler, A , in. 360 ff.
3 fab t as in Gen iii 24 ; see p. 236, i. " Flickering flame " (at the north point
of the universe), upon hrb^ "scorching heat, "compare passages like Gen xxxi 40.
Upon the antithesis Horeb-Sinai, see also p. 24, n 3. Or is Horeb to be taken
as meaning "dry," as the waning moon, in opposition to the growing moon?
The two phases of the moon are stamped with the same antithesis as sun and
moon in opposition,
4 Comp p. II, n 4.
100 THE EXODUS
Likewise the priests serve baiefoot in the Temple. They have
retained the custom to the present time at their penitential
festivals l
The thoin bush is the throne of God It is not to be
separated from the mountain of God In Deut xxxin 16 (the
blessing of Moses) God dwells in the thorn bush. The blazing
fire (Idbbat-esh mitSk ha-sene) is the same as the flames of fire
which in Gen 111 4 close the approach to the thione of God 2
The watei of fife in this Paradise 3 \\c find in the " miraculous
rock at Horeb," Exod. xvii. 6.
The jevelatioji of the name of God designates Him as " I will
be, that I am", le. what God is, shall be icvealed in futuie
events, principally in the sense of the deliverance here announced
" Thou shalt say to the Israelites : mrp 4 hath sent me to you "
The stoiy of the origin of the oracle of Dodona after the flood of
Deucalion offers to a certain extent an analogy The priestesses of
the dove say: "Zeus was, Zeus is, Zeus shall be, O thou great
Zeus" (Zeus ^v, Zevs eo-rt, Zevs etrerat, a> /^eyaAe Z(rus), Pans , X 12, 10.
Likewise the superscription of the temple at Sais, transmitted by
Plutarch, Dr Is et Osir , c 76 . 'Eyco t/u TO TTW TO yeyoi/os, /ecu or,
/cat Icro/jievov , comp Plato, Tim 3 1 30
Exod iii 1 6, see p 9 , in 1 8, see p 2
Exod v 5 " They are many and ye would make them reU "
Wmckler, LZ., 1901, 249, emends the text well by "the people
are idle" (o'EHJ instead of D*on) Otherwise there would be no
contrast " By work, however, the people would not become less ;
for no one m the East works himself to death "
Exod. iv. %: The shepherd's staff of Moses appears as a
serpent rod (comp. Exod vii 15 ff ). It is not the magic wand
which Moses obtains, ver. 17, comp. SO (the staff of (Jod)
1 See Nathanael (Berl. Inst j2td. t 1902, p 79).
3 Pei haps we may think of the vanant of Paiadise lost as expiessecl m the
fairy tale form of Sleeping Beauty.
3 Pp. 216, i. f. ; compaie the beginning of this section, pp 98 f
4 We agree with Wellhausen, who with Ibn Ezra reads m.r for .THK (see
Procksch, lac cif., p 65). But it is not a giammatical form (mn; m the mouth of
Moses and .T.TK m the mouth of God) , it is much more probable the reading .TUN
and E originate from a time in which they already sought for a grammatical
foim in the name, Theie is an interesting analogy to the tctrogrnm with
forbidden pronunciation in the Pythagoiean tetragiam, the pronouncing of which
was also forbidden ; comp. Schultzm l$.eim'sA?thtvfin Gcsihuhte det
1908, 240 ff.
THE REVELATION AT HOREB 101
Upon the lattei, comp. p. 58. Here for the first time the
symbol of the serpent shows itself, of \\hich, as symbol of the
divinity, there is evidence e\erywheie (compare the serpent
monument of Petra, p. 145 , the serpent raised up of Numb,
xxi 8 f. ; neliuslitan^ % Kings xvm. 4) Does the change of
the shepherd's staff signify inauguration ^
Exod iv. 14 (E), Moses is given his brother Aaron, the
Levite, as companion (comp. vii. 1 and iv. 16 : Moses is God, 1
and Aaron his prophet, see p. 93). " The Levite " is here an
official name, and it should be specially noted that law? denotes
a Mmsean priestly class (p 118) "Thy brother 11 (ahtka) does
not necessanly mean physical relationship; in passages like
Numb. vni. 26 it denotes the priestly colleagues The
supposition that Aaron was a Minsean priest who accompanied
Moses cannot be proved, 2 though the form of the name \\ould
agree with it j The supposition would have far-reaching conse-
quences, and would support the hypothesis on which the whole
sacrificial cult, the characteristics of which are given in Micah
vi. 8, 4 refers back to Aaron, and primarily has nothing to do
with the Thora of Moses
Exod. iv 24 if ; see p 2, n. 2
Exod v 1, 3, comp. vii 15 ff. (E) : Moses and Aaron present
themselves before Pharaoh with the words of the " God of the
Hebrews." They wish to sacrifice to their god in the desert
(three days 1 journey a\\ay, at Horeb ; see pp 98 f.), in order that
he may not fall upon them with pestilence or sword. 5 Exod. \ iii
25, Pharaoh makes the concession : sacrifice to your God in the
land (in Egyptian territory). The antithesis is they wish to
1 This is of importance to the meaning of "God spake unto Moses." The
oracles of Moses are the ^ords of God.
2 See Nielsen, p. 138, who is frankly not troubled by the sources. The sources
used by the editor already mixed with it the other tradition, which is stamped by
J, and which connected Moses and his family with the tribe of Levi, for which
the genealogy in Exod. vi. 16 ff. was invented. The designation ah may have
helped.
3 The name 'Aharon is with the determinative fin (fin) specifically Mmsean;
comp Salhan, 'Alahsln in the inscriptions . perhaps there is a direct translation
m the inscription (Euting, 25) m the name Ahar6n (Hommel).
4 Erbt, Die Hebraer, p. 82
5 Upon the punishments, comp. Ezek. xiv. 21.
102 THE EXODUS
" make a pilgrimage " (yaljoggii) Exod v. 1) ; x the word still lives
in the Arabian woid for a pilgrim festival Qiagg) ; in Hebrew it
is the designation for all three pilgrimage festivals At this
pilgrimage sacrifices and burnt-offerings were to be made ; Exod.
x 25.
Exod. vii 1 ; see p. 93. Moses is silent, Aaron speaker,
as amongst the Ismaelites every Mahdi is a zdmii (silent)
and has a natiq (speaker) Here also we have to do with
the antitheses representing the Universe, as we found them,
for example, at p 5 1. 2
The Feast of the Pesafy
What was the festival they wished to celebrate in the desert
at the Mountain of God ? It was certainly the feast of the
Pesah, which was celebrated on the night of the exodus after
the pilgrimage had been delayed by the refusal of the Pharaoh.
The statements of time in Exod. xii. 1 ff'., which belong in the
present text to P, may also be taken as the record of E : at
the day of the full moon of the first month of the year is the
feast of the Pesalj. Pesah means "Passover,"'' Babylonian
nibiru. " Yahveh passes over. 11 3 The background of astral
mythology 4 may be derived either from the sun or from the
moon (nibiru of the sun = summer solstice ; nibiru of the moon
= full rnoon in the critical month of the solstice, or of the
equinox, just as it may be ; see pp. 37, i. f.). Here it has to do
with the moon. The night of the full moon of the new year
is "the night of the D^DtD for Yahveh, 1 ' i.e. the night of
observation of the moon (mazzatu). 5 This night, according
1 J ? The conception agrees very well in this meaning with the account of K.
2 See Winckler, Ex or lux, 11. I, p. 35.
3 The credit belongs to Nielsen of proving that the Mosaic religion formed
itself in surroundings which had astral forms of worship, and, in fact, where the
moon had predominance.
4 This does not preclude them from thinking also of a play of words upon
pashafau, *' to appease (the angry divinity) 1 ' ; see Zimmern, Beit> , 92.
5 Eclipse of the moon may occur upon the night of the full moon , see upon
this and upon Pesalj, especially Winckler, Knt SJir , iv. 65 ff, , M. V A.G ^ 1901,
206 ; and Nielsen, pp. 144 f The description of the festival in P is also, accoidmg
to the lunar calendar- upon the tenth day (seven days after new moon) the
choosing of the sacrifice ; upon the evening of the fourteenth, the sacrifice, the
FEAST OF THE PASSOVER 103
to Babylonian \iew, is ruled by Nmib-Mars, to whom the
Nibiru point belongs ; he is called mushmit bull, " he who
killb the cattle," therefore they offered first-born cattle. The
same idea lies at the root of the Pesali of the God of the
Hebrews. Yahveh "goes up" (yoze) over Egypt, culminates
('abarti}, and slays the first-born (all first-born, see Exod. xiii.
12 ), but the destroyer u passes by" the houses of the Children
of Israel. The punishment threatened for the omission of the
sacrificial feast (Exod. v. 3 b ) falls upon the Egyptians.
The passing over of the destroyer is attained (Exod. xii. 7)
by putting blood upon the doorposts.
tltDj doorposts, is the Assyrian manzazu. The word signifies
"standing place/' as doorposts, "standing place,," kat exoc/ien,
" standing place of the divinity." The obelisks at the gate of the
temple at Thebes are called in Assyrian mtmzazu\ see p 188, n. 1.
What the pillars at the entrance are to the Temple (see I Kings vn.
15 ff., and compare Amos ix 7, where pillars and threshold are
brought into connection with the altar), the doorposts are to the
private house Therefore the gloss at Exod xxi. 6, " then his master
shall bring him unto God," has added, "and shall bring him
to the door, or unto the doorpost " * When the Israelites bi ought
something sacred to the entrance of the house (Exod. xii. 7 ; Gen.
iv. 7 ; Deut. vi 8 ; Isa. Ivii. 8), the custom was upon the same line.
The sacred HJ1TD of the later Jews, cases fastened to the doorposts
containing the passage from Deut vi. 4-9, written upon parchment,
take their name from the (sacred) dooi posts. 2
According to the Arabian view the doorposts protect from hostile powers To
rebuke a child upon the threshold brings misfortune; M D P. V. t 1899, 10,
No 1 6. Comp. Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant. Upon the threshold as
throne of divinity, see Joshua vi. 26. The horseshoe at the threshold of the
door points to a related Germanic idea; the horseshoe is probably the sign of
Wotan.
The striking of the doorposts with blood presupposes in
the religion of the Patriarchs an acquaintance with a sin-
offering, 3 of which our sources of the Israelite primitive histories
night of the full moon, is the time of sacrifice (at morning, when the moon goes
down, everything must be finished, Exod. xii 7 ff.) , then seven days, from full
moon to the last quarter, eating the unleavened bread. The day of full moon
and the seventh day after are days of rest (Exod. xn. 14-20) ; see pp. 202, i. f.
1 See Wmckler, O.L.Z., igoi, 250.
2 Upon the $v\a.Kvfipia, (protection against evil spirits , the mezuza is also a
<J>u\aicT^poj/), see B.N.T^ 102.
3 D-Q K^K rrnsn ptf, "no atonement without blood," Yoma 50 and others.
104 THE EXODUS
bay nothing; see p. 2. But the asherim which were found
in Canaan, and which ako were stricken with blood, take the
place of the doorposts, and give evidence of the rite in the
pre-Israehte age of Canaan ; see pp. 344, i., 2. The destroying
angel passes over here in the sin-offering the bloody work
is already accomplished ; this is the original meaning of it.
Of the " striking of the threshold with blood " there is perhaps
evidence also in the Babylonian Tables of Ritual It is said
there, 1 No. 96. 3. 20 :
" The exoicist shall go out to . the #ate, offer a sheep in
the gate of the palace, with the blood of this Limb the lintels ( ? )
. ." It may possibly be restored l-tDIB^atkitppatit
W R Smith, Religion of the Semites, recoids the Aiab custom of
sprinkling their own blood upon the doorposts of the injured one.
Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant \ and Cuitiss, Um&Hitutche Religion,
bring authentic proofs from the customs of the people of the
present-day East In the neighbouihood of the Lake of Tiberias,
according to the observations of Curtiss, each family offered a white
sheep to then ancestors, and sprinkled with the blood the western
wall of the Maqam (p iv) Or they sprinkle the blood of the
sacrifice upon the doorposts and threshold of the Maqam (p. 206),
or they make a sign with the blood in form of <i T (p 217)
In Ir&k they mark every door with sacrificial blood, and with the
sign of the bleeding hand (p 243) ; the natives explain that they
wish to announce the sacrifice to the Holy One (p %6l) Cuitiss
rightly compares (p 259) the rites recoicled by Ezekiel, where the
pnest must sprinkle with the blood of the sin-offering the doorposts
of the Temple, the four coiners of the altar, and thc k posts of the
door to the inner court.
Exod. xn. 2, see p 46, i. ; Exod xh. 3, see p 198, i, n. 1 ; Kxod.
xii. 7, p 2 ; Exod xiv 21 f., see pp 195, i f. and 93
Exod. xiv. 24 : " Yahveh arose in the pillar of fire and of cloud"
When in Gen. xv. God passes as a smoking furnace and as
a flaming fire through the portions of the sacrifice, the same
idea lies at the root. The Assyrian king Esarhaddon receives
the oracle: "I, Ishtar of Arbela, will cause smoke to rise to
left of thee and fire to right of thee." 2 And the classical
writers often say : per noctem flamma, per diem fumans significat
sociis hostium adventum.
1 See Zimmern, toe cit., p. 127 , but comp. K.A.T., 3rd ed., 599.
a Fig 42, Ishtar represented as a Valkyre, may serve to supplement pp. 122, j. f.
PILGRIMAGE TO THE MOUNT OF GOD 105
Exod. xiv. 24 : When the morning watch came. Three lunar
night-watches are counted; conip. Judges vii. 19, 1 Sam xi. 11,
and see p. 27 They were retained in the Temple service
until the Roman period. In the same way the Babylonians
count three night-watches, bar arttu, shad mushi, shad urn 1
^ The sacred pilgrimage to the Mountain of God is accomplished
in P according to calendar divisions, which agiee step by step with
the moon 2 This is the more noteworthy aSj after the ai rival at
Sinai, these lunar datmgs totally disappear The astral chaiacter of
the Hebrew cult then continues to show itself only m the symbols.
The statements of places in P dende geography. It is a celestial
journey to the throne of God. The geographical names must
contain motifs which up to the piesent we cannot explain. The
calendar dating of Piharot, xiv. 20., has been lost According to the
remains of the text \vluch we ascribe to P it seems as though it
was light for the Israelites, whilst the darkness of the night
hindered the Egyptians therefore,, hme of the new moon Upon
the day after the night of the full moon of the second month they
came to the wilderness of Sin (lunar name), which lies between
Elim 3 and Sinai. Exod xvi. 9-10 : Moses commands them "to appeal-
before Yahveli " ; they looked towards the wilderness (towards the
East) ; the glory of Yahveli appeared in the heaven : 4 the full
moon rises ! Whoever has seen the full moon rise in the East under-
stands how it can embody the "glory of the Lord " Also heie the
day of rest (shctbat of Yahveh) 5 is strongly emphasised with the
lunar festival, as at the Pesah festrv al of full moon (ch xu ) Exod xvii
1 the Isiaelites journey out of the Milderness of Sin ^ by stages " :
lema&'ehem The term is peculiar to the story of the migiation as
given in P (comp Numb, x 6, 12, 28 , xxxm. If), and we have
already found it in Gen xiii 3 in the motifs which mark the migra-
tion of Abraham as a lunar journey (p 19)> the "stages" must
recall the lunar stages Upon the day of the new moon of the
third month they are (Exod. xix. 1 comp. xviii 5) at the holy moun-
tain Three days it is dark moon During these days they were to
1 See Dehtzsch, Z.A , n 284 ; Schiapaielh, Asttonomie^ IXXMV 89 ;
Matt xxiv 25. Against it, Berachoth, $b Our rabbis teach that the night is
divided into four watches (solar reckoning).
a NieLen, he, cit
3 The motifs in the previous passages of the text befoie us are obscure : shur,
bittei water (Rev. vm, 10 f offers a key to the riddle ; compare also the bitter
water in the journey of Alexander, Ps Calhsthenes, hi. 17), Massah and Menbah
(here, according to Deut. \xxin. 8, chief points of a stoi} which has been lost
must have lam), and Ehra with twelve wells and seventy palms
4 Nielsen, p 151, \sy ; compaie the coiresponding Arabian woid.
5 As shabatdn designated with the Minsean article, see Aharon, p. 101 The
Priestly Code shows here also ancient ingredients.
106 THE EXODUS
prepare by ablutions for the appearance of God (xix. 10 ff m a
connection which belongs to the previous JE text) Upon the
third day (xix 1 6), \\hen the trumpet sounded, they were to go to
the mountain. This third day, therefore, is the day of new moon.
The trumpet (comp. Numb x 10; comp Ps Ixxxi 4) announces the
new moon (Hilal ; see p 110, i., n 3) Upon this day God reveals
Himself. Now follows m P again a seven-day period, Exod xxiv. 16 .
" The glory of Yahveh was enthroned upon Mount Sinai ; but the
cloud covered it six days long : upon the seventh day he called to
Moses out of the cloud " The journey to the throne of God,
clothed by P m the garment of the lunar month, is now ended.
Lunar dates cease The place of the revelation of God is, from
Sinai onwards, in 'ohel mo'ed %
Exod xv 2, see p. 14; Exod. xx. 4, see p. 8, i ; n. 4; Exod
xxi 6, see p 103.
CHAPTER XIX
ISRAELITE AND BABYLONIAN LEGISLATION
THE characteristic of the Mosaic religion lies in the conception
of God. God is the Jioly one, that is to say, the good in Him-
self. He is zealous for good, because any deviation brings
destruction upon men, and upon the other hand He is the
merciful. The religious community gathered together by Moses
at Sinai was to reflect the nature of God and so to become the
conscience of the people. The moving power was to be
gratitude for deliverance, and hope of further deliverance.
We find amongst the Babylonians also a legislation attri-
buted to the deity, graven in stone, in the code of laws of
Hammurabi (fig. 132 f.). 1 Joshua also appears to have founded
his judgments upon codified laws engraven on stone ; Joshua viii.
3. 2 The moral requirements set oat in the Babylonian tests
are contained in collective prohibitions, which include the second
and third to tenth commandments. The second commandment
even has its Babylonian counterpart , see pp. 2S7, i., n. 1 ; 5228, i.
1 The block (fig. 133) is 2j metres high. The five lower columns have been
scratched out by the Elamites who captured the stele. The replacement by an
Elamite inscription has been, for some unknown reason, left undone The text
can be partly supplemented from ancient transcripts. The block is in the form of
a phallus We drew attention to the same custom with the boundary stones in
Roscher, Lex , ni. pr 66 The picture represents the investiture of Hammurabi
with the ring and staff by the Sun-god; see p. 61, n. i. H. Winckler gives in
Die Gesetze Hammurabis, 1904, a handy edition of the text, with transcription
and translation. Other works on the subject are also noted there. D. H Muller's
hypothesis about a primeval law from which the ff. C. as well as the civil legisla-
tion of the Israelites originates, is not ready for any judgment to be pronounced
upon it
2 It is otherwise in Joshua xxiv. 26 f., where the laws were written in a book ;
only after that a stone was erected
107
108 ISRAELITE AND BABYLONIAN LEGISLATION
We also find evidence of the consecration of feast-days by prayer
and praise. It is true the mothes are different to those of the
Mosaic law. In Babylonia the appeal to religious experience is
missing, of which the first principle ib giateful worship of God.
The pessimistic temper of the Babylonian poets (pp. 228, i. ff.)
laments the absence of such experience. And for the rest, the
FIG. 132. Hammurabi receiving the laws fiom the Sun-god. Scc k ne
on the upper part of the block of dionte Comp. fig. 133
law of love to his neighbour and the control of envy and
selfishness are absent. 1
In what character were the laws on the tables of stone
written ? In Exod. xxxii. 16 (Elohist, the more ancient source) :
God himself engraved the writing ; in Deut. xxvn. 8 : Moses
wrote the laws upon the the tables. According to the dis-
coveries of the Amarna period it is to be assumed that Moses
1 But comp p. 112, n. 2. Upon this subject, see J. Jeremias, J/osu uiid
Hammurabi^ 2nd ed., 54 Foi coiiesponding laws in the Egyptian Book of the
Dead, see Leist, Giako-itahsche Rechtsgeschithte^ pp. 758 ff
THE CODE OF HAMMURABI 109
wrote in Babylonian cuneiform. When I*a. vni. 1 calls the
Hebrew alphabetic writing " the writing of
a man " in antithesis to the cuneiform, 1 it
shows that the cuneiform character was held
to be hieratic in Isaiah's time and was
still in use. The expression in Exod. xxxii
16 might then be a paraphrase for " cunei-
form writing."
THE ETHICS OF THE HAMMURAHI CODE 2
The foundation of political life is the
family, the clan, with the father as head
The family rests upon monogamy The ac-
ceptance of a secondary wife and the allow-
ance of concubines is legally regulated^ see
pp 3'i ff That marriage between brother
and sister was permitted may be concluded
e silentio , marriages between parent and
child, also with stepchildren and children-
m-law, are strictly forbidden,
The marriage follows upon a contract of
mairiage through the buying of the bride^
the bridegroom giving a present to the father,
paying the price of a wife, 3 and receiving the
dowry The wife is the property of the
husband. He may sell her, or force her to
work, for a fault. If the wife transgresses,
she is sent away. Divorce is easy. It is
enough for the man to say, "Thou art not
my wife "* If there are sufficient grounds
for separation, the man says : " I divorce
thee," He need not then restore what she bi ought with her, he
may even retain her as a servant (H.C., 14-1) The wife can
also obtain separation on account of ill-natured neglect, and
1 Thus Winckler, F,, iii 164 ff , AW/. Shriften, 11 116.
2 Agreeing essentially with J. Jeiemias, Moses und Hamnmabi^ 2nd ed ,
Leipzig, J C Hmnchb, 1903 Here also the noticeable points of agieement in the
book of the collection of laws (Exod xxu-xxin ) with the &. C. are presented and
elucidated Compare furthei, Otth, Das Gesetzt Hammiirabis zind die Thora
hraeh) Leipzig, 1903 , D H Muller, Die Gesetee Hammurabis, Vienna. 1903
For the complete understanding of the picture, in some passages the definitions of
Ancient-Babylonian civil law, attested in other places, are given (see Meiszner,
A*B , xi.)
3 tirfytitot, the mohai of the Ancient Israel law ; see p. 38.
4 See Kohlerand Peiser, loc. cit. t 120.
FIG. 133 Block of dio-
rite containing the laws
of Hammurabi
110 ISRAELITE AND BABYLONIAN LEGISLATION
on account of legally determined neglect (H.C , 142) Banish-
ment of the man under some circumstances nullifies the marriage
(H C , 1 36) A wife's adultery is punished by death by drowning
of both parties ; the husband may forgive the wife, the king may
forgive the adulterei ; comp p 69, n 4
About children's education there aie no legal regulations in the
H.C. The regulations about adoption are very ample. It occurred
not only in childless marriages, but often with the object of being
taken into a certain guild of handicraft (H C , 1 88 ff ) Transgression
against the authority l of the father was heavily punished It was
followed by expulsion of the child from the relationship, but, as m
Deut. xxi 18 f , only upon legal decision (H C., l6S)
Slavery follows upon capture in war, and through breach of civil
law or by law of punishment The law of slavery ib stein and
dreadful The slave is a thing, and his lord has the power of life
and death over him 2 Service for crime expired by the // C 111
four years (H C 117) 3 The crime was then considered in all cases
as worked out. Against personal injury the foreign slave, at any rate^
was piotected: injury to him meant injury to the laws of property
As pioperty, the law gave piotection to goods, honour, and life ;
sharraq iddaJc, " the thief shall be killed " (H.C., 7) l Calumniators
were punished. Anyone breaking a betrothal, by denunciation of
the bridegroom, might not marry the maiden whose bridegroom he
had vilified (H C , l6l ; what wisdom 1 ) Special punishment is
threatened for false witness before the judge (H C,, 3 f , comp.
Deut xix. 15) Of capital crime only the instigation to husband
murder is mentioned (H C , 153)
The punishments are gruesome: death; the B.C. has ten
variations of mutilation 5
Taho (repayment) rules the laws of punishment in the H C In
1 Not because it was a breach of piety, as J Jeremias takes it The disobedient
son has injured the rights of property of the father The II C is silent about the
mother. "Thou shalt know thy father and thy mother "says the law of Moses.
Making the mother equal illustiates the higher level, as does the promise of the
blessing of continued mheiitance.
2 Also in the book of laws the slave is keseph^ but his life and health are
protected.
3 Comp. Exod. xxi. 2 ; Lev. xxv 40 ; Deut. xv. 12 , and Jer. xxxiv. 8 ff -six
years, m any case only till the year of Jubilee. Upon the social progress
shown here, see p. in, n. 3.
4 Stern punishment, as m the Ancient-Germanic laws, passing on also into the
"modern time" (for instance, under James I. in England). The shape of the
number 7 of the law so say the old popular preachers shows the pictuie of the
gallows The thief was hanged.
5 The Thora only speaks once of cutting off the hand, in one special crime
(Deut. xxv. 12) ; this is an accidentally retained remnant of ancient gruesome
custom. Upon the loss of an eye for undutifulness in a son (H C., 193), compare
the figurative speech in Piov. xxx. 17.
ETHICS OF THE CODE OF HAMMURABI 111
the same words as in the H C (for example, 196 f , 200), we meet
with talzo in whole divisions of the Thora : an eye for an eye, a
tooth for a tooth, a bone for a bone. But in every case there is
here, with the single exception of the murder before mentioned, a
compensation allowed, an abatement of the taho by penance or by
fine L The law of Mishna is allowed by the change, often seen in
the Thora also, of the retributoiy punishment into a fine, dictated
by the injured party
Vengeance for blood is already overcome in the H.C , 2 not how-
ever by moral, but by social progress; 3 the political power safe-
guarded legal rights.
The measuie of guilt is in the H.C. only the degree of injury to
property 4 For an unsuccessful operation a doctor's hand was cut
off (H C , 218) The injury arising from a breach of the law is
called anm, whilst the objective injury is called (iititu ; see p 225, i.
But there is a disposition to a higher conception of law to be seen
in the differentiation between wilful and unpremeditated physical
injury, H C , 206 (the same disposition in the law of the book of
the covenant, Exod. xxi 1 8 ff )
As evidence they allowed, together with the word of witnesses
and oath, the judgment of God The defendant had to undergo
the ordeal by water 5
1 Compaie with this n. 3, below
2 In the Thora revenge for bloodshed is still in evidence (see Judges vm. 18-21,
and comp 2 Sam xxi 1-4), but it is mitigated by the law of sanctuary (Joshua xx.)
and by the religious fundamental law that Yahveh is the proper avenger. Accord-
ing to Deut xxvn 24, it appears to be a family matter to exercise the right of
avenging bloodshed
3 This social progress is shown also by the before- mentioned change of talzo
into penance. According to the ruling conception of justice, the idea of taho
originates in a time before the State ruled over the family, and the court for
broken laws was the family feud (comp vengeance for bloodshed) The taho is,
as E Jeremias informs us, a first ingenious attempt to find a just measure of
punishment, which we are still searching out to-day In the same way the
development of the law upon slavery mentioned at p. 1 10 is a step of social, but
not necessarily moral, progress, in regard to which it must be borne in mind that
(for instance, in Rome) the estate of slavery was not of political unimportance.
The legal form on the monuments, j/<zz^= goods, does not preclude their other-
wise good treatment in the patriarchal age Wife, son, and daughter were also
placed under the absolute power of the paterfamilias.
4 In the Thora the offence against the divinity decides the measure.
5 See Wmckler, Cod. Hamm.^ p 9, n. 4 Ordeal by water in cases of adultery
also in H C , 132 ; see z , p 38, n. 2 The Israelite law recognised the judgment
of God by the accursed watei, Numb. v. 15 ff. (compare the Tractat Sotar, which
treats of the ordeal of the bitter water for those suspected of adultery), and by
judgment by lot, Exod xxn. S, and elsewhere. See Kohler and Peiser, loc. czt.,
132. In Exod. xxxii 20 the people were made to drink water mixed with metal
dust (J) Whoever escaped with his life was held to be blameless. That is the
meaning. The experience was different m the E Exod. xxxii. 26 Let those who
ISRAELITE AND BABYLONIAN LEGISLATION
Humane dispositions show in H C , 32 deliverance of a prisoner
by Ins own people ; H.C , 48 remittance of taxes in bad hai vests ,
H.C , 116 protection of life and limb to pnsoners for debt
For the rest an absence of ethics must be gi anted There is no
respect of individuals, except wheie the paterfamilias comes in
question, whose property may not be injured Together with this
the tribal feeling is strongly marked. 1
The essential differences 2 to the Israelite Thora are the
following
1. There is no control of lust
% There is no limitation of selfishness through altruism.
3. There is nowhere to be found the postulate of charity.
4. There is nowhere to be found the religious motif which
recognises sin as the destruction of the people because it is in
opposition to the fear of God.
In the H.C. every trace of religious thought is absent;
behind the Israelite law stands everywhere the ruling will of a
holy God, it bears throughout a religious character.
BIBLICAL-BABYLONIAN RKLATIONSHIP IN THE SACRIFICIAL RITUAL 3
Also in the phenomenon most peculiar to the religious life, in
the essence of the sacrifice, parallel phenomena show themselves
between the Babylonian and the Biblical Thora. But it is
exactly m this point that it is shown that Israel followed its
own and a higher way.
belong to God come unto me ! The others were slam. The Slavs also have fire
and water ordeals; see Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsaltei turner > 933 fif Amongst the
Greeks we find passing through the flames and over red-hot non ; Soph , Antiq ,
264. There is the same judgment of God, for instance, amongst the Dshagga
negroes There is also evidence of it amongst many other people , compare
Wilutzky, Vorgeschtihte des Rechts^ 1903. Trial by oideal also held good in the
Christian era. In the Middle Ages it was sanctioned by the Church from the eighth
century , see Augusti, Denkmaler der ChnstL Atehcwlogie^ 10.
1 Still so in the East However much separate branches of a family may hate
each other, in the family confederacy there is no breach of law.
- In the ist edition we would have spoken of " want of." Justice demands
that it should be pointed out that the Thoia piesents both law and religious ethics
in one ; the Decalogue, for example, contains rules, not criminal laws, whilst the
H C, deals only with legal directions
* Comp J Jeremias, Die Kultustaftl von Sippar^ Leipzig, 1889 (Dissert, with
appendix), and article " Ritual" in Encyd Bibl. ; H. Zimmern, A'.^f. 7 1 ., 3rd ed ,
594 ff. , P Haupt, " Babylonian Elements in the Levitic Ritual, S.- A.," from
Jouwial of Biblical Literature, 1900,
SACRIFICIAL RITUAL
113
Bibhcal.
nnnhd, " gift."
korbdn (P.O.), sac-
rificial gift (pro-
fane, alms; comp.
Mark vii. 11).
tarn id (offering
bound as to time
and duty).
nidaM.
nit,
offering" 3
offering
cup, from rrp2,
" to be emptied.' 1
rnrr 2 ? ns> to offer
to Yahveh (pro-
perly speaking,
" to perform ").
tabdh.
5, expiate, origin-
ally, to cleanse.
shelem.
1. Names
Babylonian- Assyrian.
Corresponds to shuikmu^ which possibly
does not mean "altar," but "donation." I
Identical with kirbannu ; without further
evidence it cannot be compared with
Ttitrubu, but, on the contrary, with
kiirnibu, to present (offering).
Corresponds essentially to sattukku, pro-
perly speaking, " the constant " ovginu,
" the privilege." Both the expressions
denote the yearly, monthly, seldom
daily Temple gifts.
There is not a corresponding nindabit.
The Assyrian nindabu, "offering of
bread," 2 must be kept apart etymo-
logically.
zibu (seldom, for example, V. R. 3, 112).
nafafi) properly speaking, to outpour, to
present a libation, but also used of the
sacrifice, especially of the sheep. 4
epeshv,) to offer, properly speaking, to
perform ; for example, epSsh niA&a
nadan ztbe-ia.
tabdfyu, " to slay."
kuppuru " to cover," then " wipe off,"
"refine," "cleanse" (substantive tak-
pirtu, technical term for the ritual of
expiation). 5
= shalamU) shalammu in the contracts.
1 Zimmern, K.A T. t yd ed , 595, surely ec oblation," from shaidku s "to cover
with " (the censer).
2 The ideogiam signifies "bread of Ishtar" , see Jer. vn. 18.
1 The Assynan b$1 */&<?, "sacnficer," corresponds word for word with the
narVm upon the sacrificial tablet of Marseilles , Corp Inscr Sem , i. 165
4 Comp. i Sam vu 6, where the libation plays an important part , 2 Sam. xaciii
13-17 5 * Chron xi 15-19, The Priestly Code does not recognise the libation.
5 Comp. Zimmern, Beitrage, 92 ; Hehn, B A , vi 373
VOL. II. 8
116 ISRAELITE AND BABYLONIAN LEGISLATION
line 151 ; x in Gen. viii. 21 ; Deut. xxxiii. 10 b there is still an
echo of this presentment, see p. 267, i.
Near the sacrifice! 1 in the pictures stands the prayer-maker.
The sacrifice is to incline the divinity in favour of the giver ;
FIG 136 Assinbampal makes an offeiing over slain lions.
Relief from palace in Kouyunjik.
FIG 137. Drink-offering with music over slam lions.
Relief from palace of Ashurnazirpal.
comp. 1 Sam. xiii. 12. " The gods rejoice over the repast " it is
said in Esarhaddon's inquiries of the Sun-god. Compare with
this Deut. xii. 7.
But the thought of atonement is not absent. The technical
term is kuppuru, "to expiate" (Hebrew 1DD ; see p. 113). In
1 "They smelled the sweet fragrance, and swarmed like flies round the
sacrifices. "
SACRIFICIAL RITUAL
117
the New- Babylonian contracts* alap taptin is spoken of, u bullock
of unloosening (?)"; comp. Lev. iv. 3. Of DtDtt and riNttn there
is no trace in Babylonian. The conception of a religious com-
munity such as appears in the Israelite, and also m the ancient
Arabian sacrifice, is unknown to the Babylonian. 1
5. Pwifications
The thought at the. root of purification is, that the thing
that is pure has sympathetic power to communicate its
FIG 138 Sacnficial scene, aftei Lajard, 3Iomtme*ifs of Nineveh.
quality. Together with water, there is cleansing power in wine,
honey, butter, salt, cedar wood (IV. R. 16, 32; V. R. 51, 15;
comp. Lev. xiv. 4), cypress wood, palm wood, and all kinds of
frankincense. To the m&n TOp of Jer. vi. 20 kanii taM exactly
corresponds. The " scapegoat " was sent into the wilderness;
Lev. xvi. 8, comp. Enoch x. 4. 2 In Babylonian the desert is
called ashru ellu^ " clean place " ; IV. R. 8, 436, and elsewhere.
This may be understood euphemistically of the desert as the
place of demons. In Jos., Ant., hi., 10. 3, the goat to be burned
is sent et$ /caSapcoraroi/. 3 Contact with the dead and sexual
1 Upon the question of human sacrifices, see pp 348, i , and 441
2 See Lev xvi, 8.
3 The wilderness was also by the Jews thought the dwelling-place of the
demons. In Tobit vm. 3 Asmodseus is sent into the wilderness ("to Egypt,"
see p. 195, i. ) Passages of authentic proof from the Talmud m Nork, Rabb.
Ixxxiv. and 19 In Matt. iv. the desert is the dwelling-place of
118 ISRAELITE AND BABYLONIAN LEGISLATION
impurity was cleansed amongst the Babylonians as in Israel,
IV. R. 26, No. 5. 1
In food also there was clean and unclean V. R. 48 f. forbids
fish upon the 9th Ijjar, pork upon 30th Ab, pork and veal upon
27th Tishn, dates upon 10th Marlieshvan, intercom se with women
upon 25th Ijjar, 29th Kislev, and 6th Tebet,
In the Babylonian ritual texts IV. R. 4, 26 ; 59, No. 2, Rev.
xiv., uncleanness may be taken away by a bird ; just as in Lev.
xiv. 4. The regulations specified in Lev, xiv, in regard to
cleansing of lepers, which are to be esteemed throughout as not
religious, but civil, agree with the Babylonian ritual : cedar-
wood, wool, and hyssop, likewise the sprinkling seven times, and
the crowning point of the ceremonies in the offering of the
lamb.
MIN.EAN ELEMENTS IN THE MOSAIC RITUAL
We recognised in the prince of Midian, Jethro (Reguel), 2 a
" Minsean from Muzri." 3 Accoiding to Exod. xvm. 19 ff he took a
decided part in the fundamental laws established by Moses. 4
If we may assume that then* cult at Sinai agrees m any way with
that of the Isiaehtes, then it is of importance that the Minaoan and
Sabaean inscriptions show a number of technical teims which recur
in the Mosaic cult :
(a) From the Minaean inscriptions, the Midian of the Bible (el
Ola), we have
Lamu and lam'dt, priest and priestess Note in regard to this
that in Exod. iv. 14 Aaron, who receives the hereditary priesthood,
the devil. Compare also Luke iv. I f. : "driven into the desert, tempted by the
devil " Mark 113 " and was with the wild beasts,' 3 by which perhaps is to be
understood demoniacal monsters.
1 = Cun t Texts, xvn. 41 ; and see tbid , p. 38.
3 In the Jewish legends, Beer, Leben Mosis, p. 56, he has seven names.
According to the inscriptions, Minsean priests repeatedly beai two names , see
Nielsen, Die altarabische Mondrehgion. The Sabaeans, who must be held as
heirs of the Minsean civilisation, use related names upon their inscriptions , see
pp. 286, i f., Dim, "?Kim and others.
3 The northern Mmseans are thus called by the South Arabian texts: Ma 'an
Muzran.
4 See M.VA.G.> 1901, 29 It was already to be concluded from this that at
could not be treating of a * ' Bedouin." Moses would certainly not have allowed
himself to be instructed by such an one. According to the Jewish fable (Beer, lot
/., p. 60), Jethro had formerly been an expert in hieroglyphic writing and a
counsellor at the Egyptian court. He was banished from the court like Smuhe
(p. 325, i.) and like Moses himself
MINJEAN ELEMENTS IN THE MOSAIC RITUAL 119
is designated as Levite. The Ancient-Israel cult also certainly
recognised women Levites, who were abolished later in consequence
of improprieties . Sennacherib, amongst special gifts of tribute paid
to him from Jerusalem, names musicians and women musicians ; see
p 223 These must surely be musicians of the Temple.
Maslam altar = place of the Shalem sacrifice ?
Dedication of bashshala (that is to say, boiling the meat offering ? ) ;
see under Sabaean mabshal. The years are reckoned here, as
occasionally with the Sabaeans, according to Kabiren (kabir), i.e.
high priests 1
(6) From the Sabaean inscriptions in Hanm, which belonged to
the former Minsean Jowf :
Hal 156, comp 151, the Sun-goddess Dat-Himaj, i e "Mistress
of the sacred enclosure" (Hommel, G G G., 144).
Bronze tablet Gl. 1054 (Vienna Hofmuseum): "because upon
the third day of the feast, and in addition whilst she was unclean, a
man had approached her" , comp Exod xix 15 (Hommel, G G G.,
144j who in addition mentions the following parallels) :
Tannafyaja, "he brought thank-offenng " (comp Hebrew HfUD ?) ;
mab&hal, sanctuary (that is to say,, place, where the meat-offering
was boiled ? comp Ezek. xlvi 23)
Ahddr, (( courts of sacrifice" (comp. Hebrew haser, fore-court),
makanal (sacrificial vessels) (fig. 378, p 232, Hah 485,, Gl 1076),
the mekonah of 1 Kings vii 27 ff. , Jer hi. 17 if , comp ken, Exod.
xxx. 18, amongst otheis, the placing of the laver in the fore-court
Ahldj, piobably the sweet-biead; Hebrew, ballot.
1 Compare with this, Gnmme, Lit. Rundschau , 1904, 347.
CHAPTER XX
" THE TABERNACLE OF COVENANT '* AND " ARK OF
THE COVENANT " l
(Exod. xxv.-xxxi )
THE editor of the Pentateuch j oins on to the events occurring
at Sinai an account of the sanctuary founded at Sinai. a
1 We deal rather more fully with this than might appear to conespond to the
design of the book, because the matter is a central point of interest In opposition to
the book by M Dibehus, Die Lctdejahvfs, 1906 (and the woiks quoted there), and
the deductions agreeing with it, by Gunkel, Zhchr.f. Afissiomw und Rehgion&v^
1906, is Budde's heatise in Theol Stud. H A'? it , 1906, 489 ff., in which he
rejects, in his clear and distinguished style, departures from the prevailing dogmas
Dibehus shows a sound sense of the ancient elements But the school to which
his method belongs uses provisionally only details of the unifoim Ancient-
Oriental conception. A review of the whole mateiial would upset the method
The critical supposition of Dibehus differs, in so far as he icvutts to the historical
existence of the ark and the Tabernacle in Israel, from the pievaihng judgment
ofVatkein the year 1835 (latei withdiawn by its author) that "we aie justified
m explaining the accounts of the Mosaic Tabernacle and ark as fiction, composed
later, following the pattern of the Temple, the type of which they wished to
derive from Moses, and from Jehovah Himself" {Religion des A T , p. 333)
But they are supposed to have nothing to do with the Mosaic cult They weic
invented or adopted in Canaan. This at least breaks away from the view accoi cl-
ing to which the ark originally seived a futi&h-worshippmg cult (p. 130, i.) The
hypothesis of its being a fiction of the Priestly Code against which, foi example,
Kittel also pronounced in his Geschichte dei J-febraer, i 216 must have been
already confounded by the circumstance that the second Temple, which served
for the new community, had no ark in the sanctuaiy, as also, accoidmg to
Jer in 16, there was no compensation provided for its absence in this sanctuary.
2 See upon the following, Klostermann's critical examinations, JTeritafeutfi, n
1906, 67 if. Id , p. 67 (comp i. 15 ff., 1883, Gestk /j;., 76) : " The Pentateuch,
as the authoritative book of a community, has undergone various redactions m
the course of which obscure passages have been rewritten in an intelligible manner,
and troublesome discrepancies have been reconciled." Upon the whole subject
compare now my article on "Unm und Tummun " m Hilprecht's Anniversary
Volume^ 223 ff
120
THE TENT OF MEETING
The " God of their fathers," to whose place of revelation on
the mountain of God the Hebrews had journeyed, was next to
be present with the people in a tent sanctuaiy, and to make
His will known, after He had shown Himself as the God of
Deliverance by the rescue from Egypt, and had established His
divine rule over the people by codified laws upon tables of
stone.
Moses learned the law of God in visionary events, upon the
holy mountain of God, and saw in spirit the pattern for the
sanctuary of the future sacramental presence of God. The
revelation links itself on to a fundamental idea of the Oriental
religious conception, according to which every sanctuary is a copy
of the heavenly sanctuary. We spoke of this at pp. 57, i. ff. 1
Moses was to build the sanctuary after the heavenly model.
Exod. xxv. 9 : " exactly according to the pattern rp:nn of the
dwelling, and all its furniture, that I shew thee (have shown),
so shall ye make it " ; comp. xxv. 40, referring to ark, table,
lights, and altar of incense : 2 " see that thou make them after
their pattern which hath been shewed thee."
The divine address, Exod xxv. 1 ff , which gives the instruc-
tions for carrying out the building, presupposes a relation of
the corresponding vision on the mountain, which has been
dropped out of the text before us. The carrying out of the
building is entrusted to expert workmen, to whom Yahveh
"had given insight," Exod. xxxi. 1 ff., xxxvi. 1. No word is to
be overlooked as to the possibility of constructive building in
Midian. 3
The sanctuary was called "*ohel ino'ed^ "tent of meeting"
(Sept. (Tfcrji/rj TOV fjLapTvpiov\ and in general mm pB>D, 4
"dwelling-place of Yahveh." These are two names for the
same thing. The particular name *ohel mo'ed is established by
1 Comp. B N T , 62 ff ; further, Acts vii 44
2 Exod. xxv. 38 is, as Klostermann has proved, the remnant of the directions
for building the altar of incense The sacrificial altar also corresponds to a
heavenly pattern, previously shown upon the mountain ; Exod. xxvn. S, comp.
xxvi 30.
3 Gunkel (loc. nt.) also holds, in opposition to Dibelms, the composition in the
Mosaic period
4 Compare also Joshua xvm. r, xxu. 19. Both designations parallel, for example,
Numb, in 38.
TABERNACLE AND ARK OF THE COVENANT
Moses, according to Exod. xxxiii. 7, because the oracle of
Yahveh would be communicated therein : " Everyone which
sought to inquire of Yahveh, went out to the "ohel mo'ed
without the camp."
''Oliel mo^ed means " tent of meeting " The Israelites may,
in connection with this, have thought of the assembly of the
people, as the gieat festivals were called D^D. 1 But the
FIG. 139. Seal cylinder, vessel of the gods showing the thione
of God (Sun-god travelling over the sea ?)
historical origin of the name (likewise of har vizo'ed, Isa. xiv. 14 :
Zion as earthly copy of the heavenly mountain) lies in the
Oriental conception of the heavenly or earthly sanctuary in
which the gods assemble for the purpose of the ordering of
Fate: \>M mo'ed is, properly speaking, "tent of meeting"
(for the purpose of ordering Fate),
In the ''ohel mo'ed stood, according to P, in the first place
(Exod. xxx. 26), the "ark; 1 mrr rTOH ]VW (Sept. j Ktfiarrbg rov
1 Exod. xl. 34 explains the name : because God may be found here according
to agreement.
THE ARK
1 ), made of acacia wood, " the only wood for building
that there was upon Sinai," 2 which, besides, was held to be
"wood of life." 3 It contained the table of the covenant
(min nm^, also called simply rmn, " covenant "),* Deut. x.
1 ff. 5 We do not doubt that these assertions of the Pentateuch
correspond to historical truth from Sinai onwards. The
statutes of God, written upon the tables of stone, correspond to
the Tables of Fate which were written at the Assembly of the
Gods in the Babylonian dwelling of Fate. 6 In the procession of
Marduk, to whom the Tables of Fate (tup-shimati) were lent,
a sort of pix (parak shimdti; comp. the casket, fig. % ff.)
was carried out from Dul-azagga in Esagila to the sacrificial or
marriage house, in a sacred boat ; 7 Hommel conjectures that
in this parak* shimdti the tup-shimati (Tables of Fate as
heavenly laws) were preserved, like the tables of the law in the
ark. It seems to us as though our text betrays an ancient
terminology, according to which the ark with the tables was
also called in the Mosaic cult parutiku (paioket). Is it possible
that in Numb, xxxiv. 3 parokei lia-eduth corresponds directly
1 2 Sam. vn. 2, vi. 7, accoidmg to which the ark was from the beginning in
the tent, are not valid for argument, because they have been revised m accordance
with Deuteronomy.
2 Upon the hypothesis of fiction this passes naturally as a refinement of the
poem, like the circumstance that " bronze " is current in P instead of iron That
is a purely modern idea.
3 Sept. v\oy ao-ijirrov, and Exod xxvi 32, etc , <rrt5A.oi tivrjirroi, pillars of
acacia wood According to Kircher, CEdip. sEgypt.^ in. c 2, it was sacred to the
Sun-god in Egypt.
4 Comp. i Kings vm. 9, and see Klostermann's commentary upon this passage.
5 The tables are also called " tables of the *eduth" Exod. xxxii. 15 (= tables of
the benth t Deut ix 15). 'Eduth are the written established witnesses of the
divine will ; in Joshua iv 16 the ark as the chest built for the tables of stone is
called " ark of the *tduth" 'JSdutA would convey to the people the same idea as
;/20W; see Klostermann, loc. cit , 69
6 Comp. p. 50, i. For the present we conditionally withdraw the conjecture in
connection with this, stated m A. T.A 0., 1st ed , pp 262 f., upon the arrangement
of the Decalogue according to the planets (joining with Wmckler's remarks, Krit.
Schr., 11. 65), till a later clearer confirmation.
7 According to a communication of Rommel's from an unprmted essay designed
for the Expository Times t in which the relationship of the ark of the tables of
the law with that of the tup-shim&ti> probably containing the parak shimdti t will
be pointed out.
8 Syrian, perakka, "shrine for the idol."
TABERNACLE AND ARK OF THE COVENANT
to the Babylonian parak sUmati ? Then Exod. xxvii. 21 should
be judged the same way. As in that case to the altar of
incense, 1 so in this the candlesticks would be placed near to
the ark m the sanctuary. 2 The ark, however, was not only
the receptacle for the tables of stone, but it was held symbolic
of the throne of Yahveh. This is shown quite clearly by
Jer. iii. 16 f . : "In those days the ark with the law of Yahveh
shall be no more remembered ; much more at that time they
shall call Jerusalem the throne of Yahveh.' 1 And this corre-
sponds also to what we must expect from the Oriental conception
in the midst of which the cult arose. It was therefore a religious
vessel which represented a heavenly microcosmos (see pp. 49, i. if.)-
Klostermaim has convinced us that in the symbolism of the cult,
by the ark they were not, in the first place, treating of the throne
itself, but of the footstool of the throne. 3 In Exod. xxiv. 10
Moses and his companions behold the God of Israel upon his
throne upon the mountain of God : " at his feet was a pave-
ment of sapphne stone, and as it were the \eiy heaven for
clearness." If the record of the vision were complete, we should
have a description of the divine throne upon the mountain,
corresponding to the throne in the "*oliel wio'ed. The happorct
of the ark corresponds to the footstool described. A correspond-
ing religious vessel is the cover (iaqtc) of the nicrkaba which
comes out of the north as the chariot-throne of God in Ezekicl ;
conip. Ezek. i. 22 : " Over the head of the creature was the
likeness of a raqfaf, gleaming like crystal." It is, besides, to
be carefully noted that in Chronicles the cherubim which cover
1 Which belongs to the fragments of the ancient cult of the 'ohd mo'ed, see
p 121
a In Exod xxvi 34 the Sept. has kappoiet^ the Hebiew text parokct. In
Exod xxx. 6 the Sept. says " before the patoket, which covers the aik M The
Hebrew text adds to it as duplicate: "before the kappotet) which covers the
ark.'* Also here paioket ("curtain," or the "dividing") possibly denoted in
the original text the sacred shrine. There exists an etymological, but possibly
also religious, connection with parakku*
3 Klostermann, loc. cit t> p. 73. Comp Ps. cxxxn. 7 "Let us go into his
dwelling-place, and fall before his footstool ; arise, Yahveh, into thy resting-place,
thou and thy mighty ark " Ezek. xlui 7 : " Hast tliou seen the place of my throne,
and the place of the soles of my feet?" I Chron. xxvui, 2, the ark appears as the
'* footstool" of Yahveh (ver. 18 calls the cherubim, which cover the adyton in the
Temple, merkdba % as the cherubim chariot throne in Ezek. i. is called).
THE ARK
185
the ark in the Temple are called
The source of Chronicles recog-
nised the connection between the
throne of God, the ark, and the
divine chariot-throne in Ezekiel. 1
But even if the cover of the ark
was held to be the step of the
throne, yet that is only pars
pio toto. The decoration of the
ark is that of the divine throne.
And in Exod. xxv. %% and
Numb, vii. 89 the voice of God
comes from the " cover " between
the cherubim. In Exod. xxv. 20
figures of cherubim are placed
as throne-bearers upon the cover
of the ark : " They shall spread
out their wings on high [over the
cover], covering the roof, with
their faces turned one to another :
tnerkdba (1 Chron. xxviii. 18).
FIG 140. Sacred shrine from Egypt.
Vessel of God (Ohnefahch-
Richter, Kypros t Bibtl^ und
Hornet , cxxxvm , No 3)
one towaidthe other 2 shall
FIG. 141 Cherubim in the zodiacal sanctuary of Dendeia Ohnefalsch-Richter,
lot. at., cxxxvm., No, 2 (Com p. p 128, n. I )
1 The interesting passage from Shemot Rabba, quoted p. 139, n T, proves that
the Rabbis recognised the connection between the sacred throne of God on
Sinai, the earthly copy of which, however, was the tent sanctuary, and the
merkaba with the four beasts,
2 We have omitted " towards the seat " in the first part of the sentence. Thus
the unnatural position (bent over the ark) vanishes " Towards the seat"
denotes, to our mind, only the position to the seat from the side ; comp. fig 141
126 TABERNACLE AND ARK OF THE COVENANT
the faces of the cherubim be turned." The cherubim are
thought of as throne-beareis, as are the merkdba of Ezekiel.
Possibly also Jflostermann is in the right with his assumption
that the conception is that of four cherubim (two cherubim,
each with a double face).
* The ark as a chest, and the lappoi et l as throne, 01 footstool
of the throne, have some logical connection which is no longer
lecogmsable in the symbols of the Mosaic cult Here the ark is
the sacred shrine for the tables of the law In so far as the ark
has to do with the throne, it lepresented the chest in the Ancient-
Onental myth of the expectation of the Delivei er (or ship, ship of
Isis, ark of the Deluge\ in which the future Deliverer is hidden
After the water (winter) is sailed through and the danger is over-
come (see the examples,, pp 92 if.), he enteis upon the rulership
The Deliverer rises out of the chest, and the chest becomes the
throne upon which the Bringer of the Spring of the Universe sits.
We have already referred to Rev xi 19, xii 1 ff at p. 91 The
seer beholds the ark (/ct/3(oros, as m the Sept in Exod. xxvii 21, xxxix
35, etc ) in the sanctuary. Then he has a vision of the birth of the
child of the sun, which is to be thieatened by the dragon and
hidden in the heavenly sanctuary. Is the throne upon which He
sits, Rev. xii. 5, the ark shown in the heavenly sanctuary in Rev xi
19 ? The later sources would seem in that case again to show
the connections more clearly than the ancient records. But the
religious fancy of the old Biblical chronicler peihaps recognised
the connections. The ark is called 'at on, like the chest in Gen 1.
25, m which the body of Joseph was laid, whose figure was endowed
with the motifs of the Deliverer myth (Tammuz-Osiris) ; see p 67.
And m the same way, surely, the body of Jacob, which was
embalmed for forty days, and mourned for seventy days (Gen 1. 2),
and over which they held a seven-day-long "Egyptian mourning"
upon the threshing-floor of Hadad (Gen 1. 10 f ; sec p. 82),
would have been placed on the bier in the 'aron. 'Awn corre-
sponds, therefore, to the ark of Tammuz-Osiris. The popular
myth embodies the expectation of a Deliverer in Osiris and Tammuz.
In this also lies the meaning of the Osms-Tammuz-Marduk motifs
which we found m the stories We found most clearly the motif
of the persecuted and hidden Deliverer in the stories of the
childhood of Moses Like the hidden child of the sun of Rev. xn.,
he appears after Ins rescue as dragon-slayer (deliverance out of
Egypt; see p. 195, i.) But Moses is only a hero, who acts by the
1 The question would be of importance in regard to the relation of the ark to
the throne as to whether the kapporet was held to be the cover of the ark or as
an ornament upon the already closed ark. According to Exod. xxv. 17 ff it formed
a separate part, the addition of which was specially commanded Exod. xxvi. 34,
xxxl 7, etc., it is also mentioned as something special.
THE ARK AS THE OSIRIS-TAMMUZ CHEST 127
commission of God The Deliverer is God Himself, That He is
the God of Deliverance is the meaning of the revelation at Horeb-
Sinai Therefore it is extiemely likely that the symbolism of the
cult at Sinai would link itself to the requisitions of the myth of the
Deliverer The artists gifted by God with divine insight (p 121)
would have thought of the Osms-Tammuz chest when they put up
the ark, the sacred shi me for the tables of stone The presupposi-
tion of our view is, naturally, that Yahveh Himself boie the features
of the heathen Osms-Tammuz, for the Israelites This is also very
comprehensible; for in the myths of Tammuz-Osnis a religious
truth is hidden expectation of a divine Deliverer The people, it
is true, would see grosser lines of connection. In pure Yahveh-
FIG. 142. Ship of the sun, m the temple ofWadi Sebua (Lepsius, Denkmah-,
m, 181), Carried by bearers, for example, in the illustration in the atlas in
Creuzer's Sytnbohk
religion only the symbol remained, which shows m fine outline the
poetic forms of the myth
We would, quite tentatively, suggest the question whether, in
passages like Exod xxxiv 23, 1 Mai. m. 1, and Ps cxiv. 7, 'Adon
may not correspond directly to the Phoenician divine name Adonis
( = Tammu2). There is to be no lamentation for Jehoiakim (Jer
xxn, 18): hoy 'adon (Adonis gone down, whose resuirection and
victory was awaited ; see pp 91, 1 ff.) On the contrary, Josiah was
so lamented, for whom, as Deliverer, they mourned and longed ; see
p. 100,i It is quite conceivable that the dime Deliverer, who
revealed Himself in the sanctuary, was called upon by the same
name
Amongst the sculpture from the Ancient-Onental monuments that
may be referred to on the question of the meaning of the ark, the
vessels reproduced m figs 37, 139, 140 come into special considera-
1 Samant has it 'ai6n Yahveh.
128 TABERNACLE AND ARK OF THE COVENANT
tion. Fig 139 appears to us the most impoitant l In this one
there is a throne boine by figures of beasts on a ship upon which the
divinity sits. 2 Fig 143 shows a Babylonian portable throne m a
procession of gods. Fig. 141 (cherubim, from Dendera) illustrates for
us the position of the wings of the cherubim desciibed in Exod.
xxxvn 9 (comp. pp 125 f) Fig 142 shows an Egyptian sacred
mystery casket, standing upon the ship. ^
The building of the sanctuary indicates to a certain extent
the ceremonial re-establishment on earth of the dwelling-place
of God, which was erected when creation was completed and
closed when man was driven out of Paradise. The appearance
at Horeb showed Moses the throne of God hedged m with
thorns and flames ; see p. 99. Klostennann 3 has shown how
the redactor of the story, the author of the Pentateuch, has
intended to refer to the connections. The time of building
does not last seven years, like the temple of Solomon, nor
seven days, like the creation, but seven months. 4 The seven
times repeated formula: "as Yahveh commanded Moses," 6
corresponds to the seven acts of creation. The prepara-
tion of the materials (Exod. xxxix. 33) is accompanied by
words which expressly recall Gen. ii. 1 f. And as God was
pleased at the end of His work (Gen. i. 31) and blesses it
(Gen. xxviii. 2, 3), so Moses (Exod. xxxix. 43) blesses the
master workmen.
Gen ii. If.: So the heaven and
the earth were finished, with
their whole host And on
the seventh day God finished
his work which he had
made
Exod. xxxix. 32 : Thus was
finished all the work for the
'ohel mo'ed, and the Israelites
did according to all that Yah-
veh had commanded Moses
so did they.
1 Just this cherubim throne, placed upon a ship which we connected (A, T A. ,
ist ed.) with Ezek i. (mer&a&a), has been overlooked by Dibehus, from whose book
the connection of figs. 140-142, and the hint in fig. 37, were taken
2 The Sun-god? Comp fig. 37.
3 Loc. ctt , p 93.
4 See Klostermann, i. 162 ff., ii. 93.
5 Exod. xl 19, 21, 23, 25, 27, 29, 32. This seven times repeated form must
have corresponded to a sevenfold divine commandment (comp. Exod XTV. i, xxx.
II, 17, 22, xxxi. i, 12, xl. l). In like manner seven paits in the priest's
garment. Seven parts in the relation of the consecration of the pnest, and the
first sacrificial acts of the priest ; see Klostermann, foe. /., ii. 95.
THE SANCTUARY AS DIVINE THRONE
Gen i. SI, i. 28, ii. 3: And | Exod. xxxix 43: But now when
God saw that everything he Moses saw that they had
had made was very good done the whole work as
Then God blessed
them, and said unto them
.... And God blessed the
seventh day.
Yahveh had commanded,
even so had they done it
then Moses blessed them.
Upon the relation of the Unm and Thummim to the Tree of Life
and the Tree of Knowledge, see p. 137.
The ark with the cover of cherubim is therefore the place
in the ^ohel mo'ed where they thought Yahveh was present.
When in 1 Sam. iv. 3 ff. the ark of the God of Sabaoth, who
is enthroned upon cherubim, is brought into their camp, that
was held to be the coming of God into the camp, 1 and the
story at the end of the chapter (Ichabod) shows that with the
loss of the ark, the kabod, the glory of Yahveh is taken away
from Israel. 2 The sacramental sanctuary is also called BTrpn,
because it is a place shut off from the rest of the tent. " Before
the tznp " is the same as " before the ''eduth ark," or " before
the ''eduth" 3 The voice of God came from the throne of
cherubim, when God revealed Himself and spoke with Moses.
The way of approaching the oracle is described in Exod. xxxiii.
7-10, xxxiv. 88-35. The passages are fragments closely con-
nected, which have been scattered. They give the following
picture: Yahveh revealed Himself outside the camp. Who-
soever would inquire of Yahveh went outside the tents of the
camp, before the tent of revelation, and waited the answer.
Approach to the oracle was through Moses. When he went
out to the performance of religious ceremonies, all the people
rose up within the camp and watched him with reverence. As
soon as Moses entered the tent, the cloud which, according to
Exod. xl. 34, since the completion of the building had covered
1 i Sam. iv 7 (not a speech of the Philistines), comp. v. 3, where by a gloss
the popular expression "our God" ( = ark; compare the verb "he shall go
forth," " he shall save ") has been obliterated ; see Klostermann in his commentary
upon the passage.
2 i Sam. iv. 21. See Dibelms, loc at., pp. 17 f,
3 Klostermann, h. 72 :" That this, however, is not the tables of stone, but the
ark m its actual form, may be inferred from Exod. xxv. 22 and Numb. vu. 89,
where the voice comes from between the cherubim."
VOL. II. 9
ISO TABERNACLE AND ARK OF THE COVENANT
the tent as a sign that Yahveh was to be found there, descended
to the entrance of the tent. Within God conversed in person
with Moses "as a man speaketh with his friend."" Then when
Moses returned the Israelites saw "that the skin of Moses'
face shone." So he covered his face with a veil l every time he
came out of the tent.
The sacred tent formed the templum of the Israelite camp.
The camp itself was oriented according to the four points of
direction. The ark, together with its dwelling-place, protected
the camp, which, in its turn, formed the protection of the ark.
As the sanctuary of the Kaaba in Mecca gives us an illustration
of the Israelite sanctuary, so the discipline of a Mohammedan
camp is still built upon the same fundamental laws. Also the
parallel of the camp discipline of the Roman army, described
by Polybius, which was probably of Etruscan and therefore of
Oriental origin, may be rightly brought into comparison ; " 2 here
the temple of the augur, by whose specifications the camp was
measured out according to the four points of direction, corre-
sponds to the Wiel ino'ed. The ark was made portable. '*
The directions in Exod. xxv. 13 ff. are substantiated by the
mention of the bearers in 2 Sam. vi, 13, xv. 24. But the
instructions for the carrying of the ark relate only to the
transport from the adyton to the chariot, and from the chariot
to the adyton, and, in that case, to the use of the ark in
processions, for example, as in going round the walls of Jericho
(Josh, vi., see pp. 157 f.). 4 In the migration from station to
station a chariot drawn by oxen was used as means of transport.
The draught animals and oxen served the same purpose as the
1 The connection in which the fragment (Exod xxxiv 33-35) now stands has
led to the erroneous view that Moses ascended Mount Sinai every time, and that
the veiling and unveiling were connected with these ascents of the mountain.
See p. 62 upon the matter.
2 Klostermann, ii. 144 ; Nissen, Das templum.
** Budde's objection (Stud. u. jKrit., 1906, 492) to the undignified position
given to the enthroned Yahveh, if he sat sideways or even astride when the ark
was carried, will be answered by a glance at fig. 143 (compare also fig. 7, p. 16,
second god from the left). The throne when carried would be like these.
4 2 Chron. xxxv. 3 also probably refers to carrying in procession : " Put the holy
ark in the temple. . . . You need no more carry it upon your shoulders." It
can scarcely be referring to a custom of war ; see Dibehus, Zoc. at t> 44.
THE ARK AS A DEFENCE
131
wheels of the merkdba in Ezekiel. The cherubim symbolise the
throne-bearers, but they could not move. 1 In Numb. vii. 3 it is
explicitly recorded that the chief of the tribes had to supply
oxen and carts for the service of the ^okel mo'ed. That the
transport upon ox-cart corresponded to sacred custom is shown
by the treatment of the ark by the Philistines (1 Sam. vi. 7 ff.).
They would certainly, in their own interests, have followed with
exactitude the ceremonial due to the ark. In Numb. x. 33 it
is assumed that the ark went three days' journey in advance in
the migration. Three days' journey is probably a symbolical
IG. 143. Assyrian procession of idols. (From Layard,
Monuments of Nineveh, \ 65 )
number. But the assumption that they trusted for guidance
to the instinct of the animals, for instance, for finding water
is very enlightening. 2
In Numb. x. 35 ff. the liturgical formula is preserved which
was to be pronounced upon leaving for a new station and upon
arrival at a new station : 3
1 Noeldeke thinks that they thought of the cherubim flying through the air with
the ark This is only possible if the whole thing is taken as fiction.
2 Thus Klostermann ; it is also taken thus by Holzmger in his Exodus
Parallel examples are given in Curtiss, Ursemitische Religion. The Weli are
erected where the sheep destined for sacrifice lies down. Stucken, loc. czt. t
1 8 f , reminds of the guiding cow of Cadmus, the guiding camels in the ancient
Arabian myths (Wellhausen, Skizzen t ni. 147), and the guiding stag in German
fables.
J The technical terms are PD: and ma. Both are motif words. The meaning
of VDJ, as we have concluded (pp. 19 and 105) from the expression JiiyoD, is
decisive in the interpretation (stations, cosmic meaning . stations of the lunar or
of the solar cycle).
132 TABERNACLE AND ARK OF THE COVENANT
When the ark set out (to seek a new station) Moses said
Rise up, Yahveh, that thine enemies may scatter themselves,
and they that hate thee may flee before thee.
And when they reached the camping ground he said
Enclose l again, Yahveh,
Surround the ten thousand times thousands of Israel
The idea would be: in the migration the hidden presence
of Yahveh in the ark is the protecting guide of the
march ; in the camp it forms the surrounding protection, as in
Zeck li. 5 f., the Lord h * surrounds Jerusalem like unto a
holy wall"
In the wars of Yahveh the ark was, in like manner, used as
a symbol of war. That this was not the rule in ancient tunes
is shown by 1 Sam. iv. 7, where bringing the ark was looked
upon as something extraordinary. In % Sam xi. 11 this im-
portance in war is presupposed in the wars of David. 2
The conduct of David also shows that the statements about
the tent and the ark in P correspond to historical facts of the
past. When he completed the sanctification of Jerusalem by
the erection of a sanctuary, he would, no doubt, have acted
carefully according to the old traditions. How otherwise could
the building of the sanctuary have made the desired impression
upon the people? Already in Samuel's time the inclination
seems to have existed to put a solid building in place of the
tent. The sanctuary at Shiloh seems to have been really no longer
a simple tent. David reverted to the old tradition, and gave up
building a house. But it should be carefully noted that in the
directions given by David to Solomon for the building of the
temple (1 Chron. xxviii. 11 ff.), it speaks of a pattern (talm/t,
see p. 121) which was given to the future builder. The
tradition is noteworthy, and may very possibly belong to the
good traditionary material of Chronicles. David would
1 The Hebrew text has ww, variant ras? ; see Kittel, Bibl. Hebr , upon the
passage. The emendation nans? follows a supposition of Klostermann's. The
Sept has ^irf<rrp^, and might therefore cover the reading roa. In no case
can (as in the translation of Dibelius, loc. cit^ p. n) mit? be linked with the
following personal accusative as goal of the local movement ("Seat thyself upon, "
6t Return home to," etc.).
2 Kiostermann's commentary, ad loc.> inserts the words "the ark" both in
x. 7 and 12.
YAHVEH SABAOTH 133
certainly have faithfully collected all the traditions about the
ancient sanctuary. 1
Now in the temple of Solomon, corresponding to the
character of the solid building, the kibla of religious venera-
tion, the sanctuarium.) which hid the presence of Yahveh, was
founded. The whole adyton was now the place of the en-
throned majesty of Yahveh. 2 Therefore figures of cherubim
were placed which overshadowed with their wings the whole
adyton. The idea of the throne of Yahveh, which the
kapporet with the cherubim represented symbolically, is to a
certain extent repeated in the great cherubim.
In the course of the story the divine names Yahveh Sabaoth
and Yahveh, whose throne is upon cherubim, appear in closest
connection with the ark. The sanctuary at Shiloh belonged
to Yahveh Sabaoth, who sitteth upon the cherubim, see
1 Sam. iv. 4 ; Q Sam. vi. % f. is especially characteristic . it is
said of the ark of God, which was brought upon a new cart drawn
by oxen from the mountain sanctuary of Abmadab to Zion:
"the ark, over which is named a name, the name Yahveh
Sabaoth, that sitteth upon the cherubim."" Also Isa. xxxvii.
14 ff. belongs here. Hezekiah spreads out a letter in the
Temple " before Yahveh Sabaoth, the God of Israel, that
sitteth upon the cherubim " ; that certainly means, before the
ark. 3 Both names have the same cosmic meaning : Yahveh is
Lord of the starry universe. 4 The cherubim are representative
1 The piophet Gad, who in 2 Sam. xxiv. 18 ff. gives instructions for building
the altar, possibly played a special role in connection with it ; see Klostermann,
Gesck. Isr. t 170 f., who in I Chron. xxvui 19 reads : " The whole is a writing of
Gad (D to be blotted out as in Sept.) of the seer (nmn *u, as in I Chron. xxix. 30),
to instruct him (read as in Sept. and Targ. , iwrtS) upon the construction of the
pattern."
3 It is improbable that the ark was carried with them any more into battle as a
war sanctuary. The passage in 2 Chron. xxxv. 3 is not conclusive. The religious
depth of feeling in the prophetic period could well renounce this material guarantee
of Yahveh's presence.
3 See Dibehus, loc. /., p. 47. In the variant in 2 Kings, xix. Sabaoth is absent.
4 P. 1 8 1, i. The translations of the Hexapla have for Yahveh Sabaoth, together
with Kvpios 25aj8aw0, the names Kvpios rwv 5wc;ueouv, nvpios ray ffrpariwv Upon
the cosmic importance of Sw/cfceiy and crTpcrnefc in the New Testament, see B.N. 71,
85 f. The stars are the hosts of God, see Judges v. 20. The transference to hosts
of Israel was very simple. Isa. xxiv. 21 ff. is specially characteristic of the relation
134 TABERNACLE AND ARK OF THE COVENANT
of the four corners of the world, likewise of the throne-bearers
of God, 1 ornamentally indicated in the ark of Yahveh, and
afterwards in the adyton of the temple of Solomon.
The absence of the name in the Pentateuch is remarkable.
If the ark was a historic fact in the Mosaic period, the names
also must have been ancient. 2 The practical motive of their
absence from the present text, which represents the Pentateuch
separated from the Book of Joshua as the revised book of a
community, was pointed out by Klostermann, and is referred to
p. 120, n, 2. For a later age the names had a heathen sound.
They substituted for them, as it seems : the ark of Yahveh,
the Lord of the whole earth (adon lol lia-arez\ Sept. tcupios
*7ra.<rris T?? y??)- Thus m Joshua iii. 11, 13. The name adon
Yahveh, Exod. xxiii. 17, xxxiv. $3 (Sept, CVMTTIOV Kvptov TOU
Oeov 'Lryoa?/A)j is perhaps a remnant of this renaming. 8 That
they were in the spirit of the later age, is to be seen in
Zech. iv. 14, where the two anointed ones who stand bebide
the candlestick are called servants of the adon kol ha-arez,
whereas in this cosmic picture a name like Yahveh Sabaoth
was to be expected. 4
of the lordship of Yahveh to the starry worlds , see upon this passage and previously,
p. 195, i. Compare further our deductions upon the populai conception of Yahveh
with 2 Kings xxi. 5, xxiii. 5.
1 The four beasts of the Apocalypse
a Dibehus also contends for the at least iclative antiquity of the name, hi. at^
p 21 ; Budde, in Bucher Samuelis^ also allows the name Yahveh Sabaoth to be
valid as original.
3 Thus Klostermann, Gesch Isr. , p 76
4 Klostermann, lot cit , pp. 76 f , sees, according to this analogy, m the
modern and abstract sounding name "Yahveh, God of the spirit of all flesh,"
Numb, xvi 22, xxvu. 16, a paraphrase of the name " Yahveh, who sitteth upon
the cherubim.'" This appears to us very illuminating, since it is dealing with the
difficult question of animals in connection with the glory of God. It should be
noted that Ezekiel calls the beasts of the metkaba (chap, i.) only I$ayy3t, " living
creatures," and only later (chap, x ), after he has grasped the meaning, does he
call them cherubim
CHAPTER XXI
FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE PENTATEUCH
EXOD. xxv. &S ff. . Twelve loaves of show-bread. There is a
similar usage in the Babylonian ritual, see p. 114 ; compare also
the " sweet- bread " (?), ahlaj in the Minasan inscriptions (p. 1 18).
The " bread of the countenance " (" presence-bread "), refers to
beholding God in the mysteries of the cult. Exod. xxiv. 11 :
the elders, who ascended to the throne of God upon the moun-
tain, " beheld God, whilst they did eat and drink."" The eating
of bread in the ^ohel mo'ed would have the same sacramental
effect. Compare the religious figure of speech : u I shall be
satisfied when I awake after thy likeness." Like all religious
symbols the twelve loaves of show-bread also have a cosmic
meaning. Jos., Ant, y iii. 7, 7, says:
The twelve loaves correspond to the twelve months of the year
(or to the twelve constellations in the zodiac) ; the candlesticks of
seventy parts mean the signs through which the planets go, and its
seven lamps mean the planets themselves.
Exod. xxv. 31 : The seven-branched candlestick. The table
of show-bread and the candlestick of the temple of Herod are
represented upon the Arch of Titus in Rome. Philo 1 also
agrees upon the reference to the seven planets (Jos., Ant., see
above). As the seven planets represent the complete revelation
of the divine will, in Oriental mysticism, so the seven-branched
candlestick concealed the presence of God. An interesting
variant to this religious symbol is the " seven eyes of God,
which run to and fro through the whole earth " ; see Zech. iii. 10.
Exod. xxviiL 6 ff., 81 ff. : The high priest's garment. Here
1 Upon the parallels in Rev., see J3.N. T. } 24 ff.
135
136 FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE PENTATEUCH
also ancient elements are concealed behind the decorative pre-
sentment of P. The garment represents cosmic time and space l
The high priest therefore, as substitute for God, wears it. This
cosmic garment has been spoken of p. 177, i 2 The Jewish in-
terpreters know the meaning They say the number of the
pomegranates was 12, or 72, or 365 Those are the numbers
FIG. 144. Relief from the Arch of Titus, Rome*
of the cycle. Besides this, the pomegranates are Lo be thought
of as bells. 3
Exod. xxviii. 17 ff., comp. xxxix, 8 ff. : Urim and Thummim.
The two articles that Aaron wore upon his breast in the oracle
pocket. It is clearly to be seen from the old poem in Deut.
xxxiii. 8 that in an ancient tradition the Urim and Thummim
were ascribed to Moses also. He wrested them from God in
combat, 4 and we may assume that in the fragmentarily preserved
1 The prophet's mantle is the same ; see p. 190. Contrariwise the heaven is
the garment of God ; Ps. civ. 2.
3 Josephus, 111. 7, 7, no longer rightly understood the meanmgi
3 Upon the symbolism of numbers, comp. Jacob, Der Pentateuch, Leipzig, 1905
4 Upon the meaning of this combat, which bears the same signification as
Jacob's combat, see pp. 58 f.
URIM AND THUMMIM
137
text of Exod. xxxiii. 8 ff., which recounted the oracular practices
of Moses, the Urira and Thummim were spoken of. They were
used in inquiry of the oracle. But the oracle revealed fate, and
the bearer of the Urim and Thummim to a certain extent ruled
over fate. Thus the Urim and Thummim worn upon the breast
form an analogy to the Babylonian tables of fate (tup-shimdti,
see p. 50), which likewise were worn upon the breast What do
Urim and Thummim mean ? Clearly it is an antithesis We
know the stress laid upon the antithesis of the two halves of
FIG. 145. Egyptian sacred bull Museum at Gizeh.
the cycle: light and darkness, death and life. Urim and
Thummim are life and death, yea and nay, light and darkness. 1
In the sanctuary of the "*ohel mo^ed was thus therefore concealed
in the symbol of the Urim and Thummim, the same meaning as
in the trees of life and of knowledge (life and death, Selene and
Helios) in Paradise. 2
It is comprehensible that in the prophetic period the Urim
and Thummim might appear comparatively heathen. For this
reason also after the Exile they were to be used no more, though,
according to Neh. vii. 65, the people might feel the want of them.
1 We would have given the same explanation earlier, without being able to
explain Thummim philologically (Unm is clearly " light "). The Tarn motif pre-
sented by Winckler, F., iii. 420 f., gives a confirmation; see above, p. 52.
2 See p. 24, i. Upon Unm and Tummzm and Ephod t see A. Jeremias in
Hilprecht's Anniversary Volume^ pp. 223 ff.
138 FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE PENTATEUCH
To the twelve precious stones upon the oracle pocket, compare
the six precious stones upon the breast of the Babylonian king,
IV. R 18, No. 3, and see p. 213, i. The art of seal-engraving
(Exod. xxviii. 11) was spread throughout the whole Western
Asiatic world.
Exod. xxix. 38 ff. ; see p. 115.
FIG. 146. Sacred cow of the Egyptians. Tomb of Sethi I.
Exod xxx. 13 : Adults had to pay tribute, in so far as they
" had entered into the number of the initiated " 1
Exod. xxxii. 4 The golden calf. Thib affair remains obscure.
Is it connected with the Egyptian bull ? 2 But probably only
a live bull would have been worshipped. There certainly is
1 Winckler, O.L.Z., 1901, 289; not "passeth over unto them that are numbered."
It is treating of a ceremonial act, corresponding to circumcision in the twelfth or
thirteenth year amongst the Arabians, and to the putting on of the toga m> ths
amongst the Romans. Upon the mysteries, comp. above, pp. 83, i. f., and
B.N.T., io6f.
3 Comp. figs 145 and 146. The second picture shows that the cult is of astral
mythological origin , the first picture shows the horns as the crescent of the moon
particularly clearly. Fig. 154 is also instructive. Comp. further, p. 70.
THE VEIL OF MOSES 139
evidence of sculptured representations of the sacred cow, which
represents Hathor for example, in the recently discovered
sanctuary of Osiris- Hathor ; see p. 118, i. 5 n. 3
If the South Arabian bulls' heads of the Vienna Museum
(comp. Nielsen, l.c , p. 112) correspond to ancient Minaean patterns,
then Exod. xxxii 4 may show an imitation of an Arabian cult.
But in any case it deals with a cosmic astral cult, in the sense
of Amos v 26 (see p 303) ; comp Actb vii. 42 f. The bull
would represent the Delivering God, who brings the spring
(the Babylonians of that age called him Marduk), 1 Previously
the pictorial representation was by a dragon. 2
* Exod xxxiv 33 and 35 Moses covered his face, see pp. 121,1. and
6%, u 3. With the cc horned Moses " of the Vulgate compare further
the play of words in v 35: Tiy pp 13 The dhu- l-himdr, " veiled
man/' of the Islamic legends is besides made equivalent to the
dhu- 'l-Karam, "horned man " 3 In the legends of Alexander which
present him as the Deliverer, Alexander the Great says * <f I know
that thou hast made the horns to grow upon my head, that I may
crush the rich of the earth " 4 The horns in the representation of
Naramsin, fig 88, p. 317, i , have the same meaning, and upon the
seal-cylinder, fig. 69, p 220, i , and upon the head of Hadad on the
stele of Zenjirh (from Luschan, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirh, Table
\i, original in the Berlin Museum) It is the badge of divine
power. Whether the horns are meant for a definite divine pheno-
menon, lunar horns or horns of Hadad, must in each case be
inquired into. In the popular presentment of Moses with the
horns, it is most obvious to think of Hadad-Tammuz : on the one
hand, because the presentment of Moses bears features of Hadad-
Tammuz (see p. 93); and on the other hand, because Yahveh,
whose substitute Moses is, appears in the popular religion endowed
with features of the storm-god (see p. 12/5, i , n. 2), ^
Exod xxxv. 25 f : Spinning as woman's work. Fig. 91 9
1 Midrash Shemoth Rabba, par. m. at 3. 8, says "God says he will come
with his four horses (merkaba) to Sinai, the Israelites will loosen one of the
fyayydt (therefore the cherubim which the bull represents) and anger him this
is the golden calf " The man who invented this knew the meaning. The passage
is also interesting from the link it establishes between the throne of Yahveh upon
Sinai, fragmentanly described in Exod. xxiv. 10, and the merkaba of Ezekiel, as
we have already noted at p 27, i.
2 " Engraven," is erroneous, socin in Kautzsch : "manufactured it," as Luther
has it, is correct.
3 Comp. B. Beer, * * Welche Aufschlusse geben die judischen Quellen uber den
'Zweihornigen' des Koran," Z.D.Af.G., 1855, 791 ff
4 See Kampers, Hist. Jahrb* der Gorresgesellsch. , xix. 434 ff
140 FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE PENTATEUCH
p. 319, i. 5 shows an ancient Babylonian spinner. The picture
was found in Susa, is of Babylonian origin, and belongs to the
age of Gudea, about 3000 B.C. The Tables of Ritual speak of
witches with the spindle.
Lev. ii. 13 : Salt at the meal offering. Salt was sacred to
the ancients. Homer calls it 6eiov d'Xa; Plato, Seo^iXe?;
Tacitus bears witness of it amongst the Germanic people;
amongst the Romans, reverence for the penates required that
the salt-cellar should never fail to be upon the table Mark ix
49 f : " Every sacrifice shall be salted with salt." In the burnt
offerings in Ezek. xliii. 24 * there may be sanitary grounds for it -
Lev. iv. 3 ; see p. 117.
Lev. v. 16. A fifth part, 2.0. 20 per cent., therefore, was to
be paid as restitution for breach of contract. It was the same
in Babylonia. 3
Lev. xii. 8 : Offering for purification : the rich, a sheep ;
the poor, two pigeons ; comp Luke ii. 34. In the Tables of
Ritual the rwZ>#, noble (full citizen), must bum a pigeon to
ashes (?) ; the mush^nu^ bondman, must burn the heart (?) of
a sheep.*
Lev. xiv. 4; see p. 118.
Lev. xvi. 8, xvi 26: Azazel (comp. p, 117), according to
Enoch ix 6 and others, stands for leader of the fallen angeL.
The name cannot at present be explained from the Babylonian.
The ratification of the treaty between Assurnirari and Mati'ilu
of Arpad 5 brings to mind these ceremonies, where for the
completion of the oath (not as a sacrifice) a goat was brought
from the flock, and the limbs represent the parts of the bodies
of Mati'ilu and his family. In Enoch x. 4 Azazel (who is
1 Likewise amongst the Babylonians, examples of it are found in the tables of
ritual.
3 Yalkut Simeom says (upon Numb. n. 13, remarkably) that they took bituminous
salt to accelerate the burning and to modify the bad smell According to
Menachoth 2Oa not only the gifts offered, but also the firewood at the sacrifice
had to be salted. Comp. further Berachoth 50 (Winckler, Neue Beitrage> p. 39).
J Authentic proof given by Kohler and Peiser, Bab. Vertrage.
4 K.A* 7 1 ., 3rd ed., 598 f. Upon rank, see pp. 31 and 153.
8 Peiser in M. V.A.G., 1898, 228 ff , comp. above, p. 48.
MOLECH 141
identical with the beast) is cast into a pit in the wilderness
(6or= Under world; see pp. 26, 65) The goat is, like Azazel,
the power of the Underworld, the devil l He is driven into the
wilderness, i.e. into the Underworld Comp, Isa. xiii. 21.
Lev. xviu. 18 ; see pp. 2, 37
Lev. xviii. 21 : Molech (Moloch) ; see p. 349, i,, n. 2. In
connection with the question of the existence of Molech in
Babylonia, it is customary to discuss the question whether the
Assyrio-Babylonian people used human sacrifice 2 There is no
distinct trace to be found of human
sacrifice amongst the Babylonians or
on the inscriptions. Tiele's remark
that perhaps on the inscriptions
they intentionally concealed such
things, cannot be proved without
further material. Zimmern points FIG." 7 47 -Assyrian s^tod
Out the following traces : Menant, Gtypt ommt , fig 95,
T .,,,,, o .. Human sacrifice ?
In the text or an exorcism 3 it
appears to express the possibility of the sacrifice of a slave
(am&luti)) together with that of a calf or a sheep. In the
legal texts, 4 the burning of the eldest son or eldest daughter
upon the altar of Sin and Belit-zeri is threatened in the event
of a broken covenant. This perhaps veils the remembrance
of ancient child-sacrifice. Possibly the same holds good of
passages in the inscriptions of the kings, as those of Assur-
banipal : 6 " Their boys and maidens I burned in the furnace."
Ceremonial slaughter of human beings is, at least, not an
1 The idea has already been met with, p. 51, of &*/;-= goat, m the motifs of
the Esau- Jacob stones.
2 Sayce's assertions in the essay " On Human Sacrifice among the Babylonians "
(Transactions of the Soc. of Btbt. Arch , iv. 25 ; comp. Zeitsckr f. Keilschrtft^
ii. 282) rest upon a mischievous misunderstanding. The passage m question is
not treating of human sacrifice (III. Rawl. 64), but of gram, which is scorched in
the heat of the sun , and the passage noted by Lenormant, tude$ accadtennes^
111. 112, as a fragment upon sacrifice of children, resolves itself upon closer ex-
amination into the harmless exorcism of a magician, who brings the vanous parts
of the human body into his priestly manipulations (IV. Rawl. 26).
* Bu 88-5-12, 5, line 34 j see Zimmern, K.A. T t 3rd ed., 599.
4 Johns, Assyr. Deeds.
., i. 91.
FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE PENTATEUCH
unheard-of thing amongst the Assyrians. Assurbanipal relates
(V. R. 4, 70 ff.) that by the same colossal bull, near which
his father Sennacherib was murdered, he slew Babylonian
prisoners of war as a sacrifice to the dead. 1 The seal
cylinder reproduced in fig. 147 is, to our judgment, the only
one amongst those known up to the present which might be
taken into consideration on the question of representation of
human sacrifice. 2
FIG. 148. Artificially enlarged volcanicchasm in the Roman Forum (Lacus Curtms,
entrance to the Underworld) (From a photograph taken by the authoi )
Lev. xxi. : Regulations upon the qualifications for the priest-
hood. On Babylonian territory we know of nearly related
regulations about the soothsaying priest, but which would
certainly also have been valid for other classes of priests ; see
115, on the regulations about physical spotlessness (Lev. xxi.
1). The priesthood was hereditary. Only people of legitimate
birth and without blemish were eligible. Even in form the
1 Massacre of prisoners is metonymically denoted in the Old Testament as
mrpS njj, Isa. xxxiv 6 ; comp. I Sam. xv 33 and Judges ix, 5
2 The studies of W. H, Ward's " Human Sacrifices on Babyl. Cylinders," in the
Amu ican Journal of Arch^ v. I. 34-39, come to the same conclusion Fig.
162 represents the destruction of an idol,
AARON
143
regulations agree in the main with those of P in the Old
Testament : there is a preference for a use of the direct address,
in the second person of the present tense, not in the imperative. 1
Numb. v. 15 ff., see p. Ill, n. 5. Numb, x 6, 12, 28 (stations),
see p. 105. Numb. x. 35 ff., see pp. 135 f. Numb. xh. 1 (Zipporah),
see p. 285, i.
Numb. xvi. 30: The earth swallows Korah's band. The
earth is thought of as Underworld and Dragon ; see pp. 149, i.,
n. 7, and 195, i.
FIG 149. Boy wrestling with serpent. Relief from the ruined city of Petra
After an original photograph by Dr F Jeremias.
The story of Aaron is embroidered with fable. There is the
same fable motif in Plutarch, Parallel. hlsL gr. et rom. t v , according
to which Anchuros, son of Midas, throws himself into a yawning
chasm in order to stop a plague. The opening up of the volcanic
Lacus, artificially covered with asphalt, in the Roman Forum 2 (fig.
148), to which the well-known fable of Curtius Rufus has attached
itself, shows how such fables link themselves on to natural phenomena.
Comp with this, Roscher, Leankan, n. 250 (Steuding)
Numb. xvii. 8 ff. : Aaron's budding staff. In the same way
a fable motif. It appears to have been to stop the plague. We
recall the staff of Hermes, which awoke the dead (staff of
1 See upon this Zimmern, K.A. T., 3rd ed , 589 j Beztr., 81 ff.
2 The chasm was artificially enlarged, as was usual in other places also with
chasms which were held to be the entrance to the Underworld,
144 FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE PENTATEUCH
JEsculapius ; see the Ancient-Babylonian prototype, p. 319, i.,
fig, 92), and the club of Heracles (Pausanias, ii. 31, 13), cut
from an olive-tree, and which, leant against a column of Hermes,
bore fresh shoots. According to Numb. xvii. 10, 28, rescue
FIG. 150. High-place of Petra After an original
photograph by Dr F. Jeremias
from death seems to have been attributed to Aaron's staff. The
motif of the budding staff (comp. Heb. ix. 4) belongs to the
FIG 151 Place for libation, Petra.
expectation of the Deliverer ; it is related to the nezer-zemaji
motif (upon this see p. 32).
Numb. xx. 27 (ff.) : Mount Hor, the death-place of Aaron.
The neighbourhood of Edomite Petra is fall of traditions of
Moses and Aaron. In the Mosaic sources, it is from the rocks
AARON'S DEATH-PLACE 145
of Petra that the Mosaic stream was compelled ; and the Jebel
Nebi Harun, towering up out of the desert, contains the grave of
Aaron, held in high honour amongst the Moslems. 1 There is
no ground for doubting the identity of the Jebel Nebi Harun
with the Mount Hor of the Bible. And though Petra is not
mentioned in the Bible (Sela% 2 Kings xiv. 7 ? and LXX. upon
FIG. 152. Serpent monument (Petra). After an original
photograph by Dr F. Jeremias.
Chron. xxvi. 7), and was not colonised in the oldest period, yet
it was an ancient place of worship.
Two obelisks stand above the slopes where the most ancient
Nabataean graves are found, landmarks of the gods of Petra
Dusares and Allat (ie Tammuz-moon and Ishtar-sun). The
chief festival of the cult of Dusares was celebrated in the winter
solstice. Under the ruins of the Roman town were found two
1 The following remarks are founded upon the travelling observations of Fr.
Jeremias. Comp. also Brunnow and Domaszewski, Die Pravincia Arabia, vol. i.
VOL. II, 10
146 FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE PENTATEUCH
reliefs of a child holding a rearing serpent in both hands, and
whose body is also clawed at by the paws of two lions; see
fig. 149.
Not far from the obelisk, upon an open place looking out
towards Mount Hor, stands a double altar, the best-preserved
distinct specimen of a bama* The chief altar (of Dusares) has
a gallery round, hewn in the rock, and was used for burnt
sacrifices. The secondary altar (of Allat) shows arrangements
for sacrifices of libation There is a large court hewn in the
rock in front of the altars, with a stone plateau in the centre,
and round the three open sides a place to sit, in the form of
a triclinium ; see fig. 151.
Numb. xxi. 4 ff. In the south of Petra, on the way to
Mount Hor, therefore in the neighbourhood where the story
of the brazen serpent is laid, is one of the most remarkable
monuments of Petra. Upon a massive cube base a giant serpent
coils itself round a stone cone. The foundation contains a
grave. Upon the serpent, see p 100 and fig 15&
Numb. xxii. 5: Pethor, which is by the river (nahai\
Balaain's home With Marquart, 1 we take it that by the river
is to be understood the nahal Muzri, the southern boundary of
Judea, which by a misunderstanding has become the " river of
Egypt. 11 Pitru of the cuneiform writings, for example, under
Shalmaneser II., K.B., i. 133, which was in Mesopotamia, upon
the Sagur, a tributary of the Euphrates, cannot be held to be
the home of Balaam.
BALAAM
This figure is of great importance in the inquiry into the rela-
tion between the heathen and the Israelite expectation of the
Deliverer. His figure in the history of Israel has its analogy in the
figure of Simon Magus, in the Acts. 2 Jewish theology recognises
the relationship ; see Dillmann upon the passage. He was held to
be one of the representatives of the inimical power (dark half of
the world. Dragon) in the story of the deliverance from Egypt.
Therefore, in the legends, Jannes and Jambres, Pharaoh's magicians,
1 Fundamente der israehtiscken und judtscken Gtschtchte ; comp. Winckler,
K.A.T., srded., 148.
2 The patriotic writings emphasise the relationship to which Gfrorer in his book
upon Primitive Christianity already drew attention.
BALAAM
147
are sons of Balaam (see 2 Tim iii 8). 1 The Rabbis call them
"the evil ones" (jrann) ; comp. 2 Pet. ii 15, Jude 11, Rev. 11 14
(comp in 6 and 15 the translation NiKo'Aaos), wheie the tradition
still clings in the names. The figure of Armillus, also, is a
repetition of Balaam. 2 We diaw attention further to the following
characteristic features
Balaam is held to be a mystic, in the Oriental meaning, for whom
not only is Yahveh the God of Israel, but who is an initiate into the
secrets of divinity , Numb, xxiii 3 ff, xxiu. 30
Messengers with presents bring the celebrated magician from
his home, xxn 7 On the way he is met by the mal'ak of Yahveh
with the drawn sword, xxii. 23 ; compare with this p 236, i., and
Joshua v. 13 if 3
Seven altars for the sacrifice of seven young bulls and seven ram*
were made ready . upon the number seven, see p 66, i
In an ecstatic state (xxiv. 16 f shows how we may imagine the
prophetic ecstasy) he receives vision and instructions
FIG. 153 Shekel of Bar-Kochba.
The opposition of curse and blessing, xxii. 6, corresponds to the
two halves of the cycle, compare the blessing and curse upon
Gerizim and Ebal, p 67, and the forms of blessing and curse in the
Babylonian records, for instance at the end of the Hammurabi Code.
It agrees with the character of Balaam as representative of the
power of the Underworld, and of the dark half of the cycle, that he
should at the same time be foreteller of the new age 4 It is in
the essence of these mythological figures of the Deliverer, who
represent one-half of the cycle, that they should be at the same
1 He is also held to be identical with Laban, "whom Jacob would have
destroyed," in the Jer. Targ upon Numb, xxxi 8.
2 The Jewish Toledoth Jesu (see Krauss' edition) makes Jesus into a caricature
of the Messiah, with the same features attached as to Balaam in the Jer. Targum
upon Numb xxxi. 8 (journey through the air by means of black magic, etc.).
J It is to be borne in mind, in regard to the speaking ass, that the ass is the
beast of the peace-bringing Messiah, in opposition to the horse of the conqueror
(for example, Alexander's Bucephalus) , comp Zech. ix. 9. In thefestum asinorwn
of the Middle Ages the speaking ass proclaimed the Messiah.
4 According to one of the chief axioms of the Oriental conception, conversion
into the contrary highest point of development, comp. pp. 26, i.
148 FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE PENTATEUCH
time foretellers of the new age. According to the passage quoted
from the Tai-gum, which further amplifies the iccoicl about the
prophecies of Balaam, he foretold all the fate of the expected
Deliverer. The emblems of the Deliverer foretold by Balaam,
Numb xxiv 1 7 (star and sceptre), designate him as a royal heavenly
appearance, who would bring the Golden Age, in the same sense as
the ' ' lion out of Judah, who
has the ruler's sceptre be-
tween his feet"; see pp
4-1, \. 3 n. 1, and 79, and note
the constellation Leo, which
has Regulus (royal star) be-
tween the feet } It seems
to us not out of the ques-
tion that the celebrated
prophecy of Balaam fore-
casts the horoscope of the
expected Deliverer by the
rising of Regulus In any
case, the appearance of a
star in the east must be
Egyptian calendar picture thought of. The appearance
Aftei^Richter, Phavtasun ties Atotomi, o f the Deliverer is announced
in the east (h dvaroXg,
Matt. ri. 2; see B.N.T., 50 if.). Under Hadrian, Bar-Kochba
(i.e son of the star), protected for a while by the great Akiba,
proclaimed himself 2 star-king in the sense of the prophecy of
Balaam ; see fig 153, which is quite in the feeling of the Jewish
expectation of the Deliverer.
Numb xxh. 4 (Moabite instead of Midianite ? ) ; see p. 46, n 1
Numb. xxiv. %% : " Then Assyria shall carry thee away
captive" It does not mean Syrians. The deductions in K.A.T.,
2nd. ed., 156 f,, are frail It treats of a late passage and of a
threat which might apply to any period.
Numb, xxv 4 (hanging up before Yahveh m the face of the sun) ;
see p. 159, n 2. Numb. xxv. 43 with Joshua vm 29-
Deut. iii. 9. Senir (Ezek. xxvii. 5, cypresses from Senir with
cedars from Lebanon) is a name for Hermon, Assyrian
Saniru.
1 The foes (powers of darkness) are in Numb, xxiv 18 fixed historically as
Moabites and btn$-shet Possibly the latter may mean the Suti mentioned
at p. 271.
2 See Klostermann in R.Pr.Th., 3rd ed.
TRACES OF THE ETANA MYTH
149
Deut iv. 19, see p. 181, i. Deut vi 4-9, see p 103. Deut vn
14 f. (motifs of the blessed age), see pp 20, n 5, 58, n. 2 Deut.
xvn. 3, see 2 Kings xxni 5 Deut. xi 29, xxvu. 1 1 ff , comp. Joshua
vm. 30 ff. (the act of worship on Ebal and Genzim), see pp 24, i , 67
Deut. xi 30, see p 99 Deut. xvii. 8 (gate as place of judgment),
see fig 135 Deut xix. 15, see p 110 Deut. xx 19 (prohibition
-^i%Ms,^
FIG 155. Etana's ascension. Cylinder 89,767, Brit. Museum. 1
of cutting down trees), see p 210, 11. 5, and fig 104. Deut. xxi 18 ,
bee p. 110.
Deut xxn 5 (men in women's clothes, women m men's clothes)
points to the customs of worship in the service of the hermaphro-
FIG. 156. Seal cylinder, suggestive of Etana's ascension.
dite Astarte ; see p 123, i. At circumcision Moslem boys wear
girls' clothes
Deut. xxv. 12, see p 110, n. 5. Deut xxvii. 24, see p. Ill, n. 2.
Deut. xxx. 12 presupposes an acquaintance with myths which
tell of the desire for a longed-for good in heaven (Etana, Adapa),
or beyond the sea (Gilgamesh) ; see Deut. xxxii. 11 ; thus
Zimmern, K.A.T., 3rd ed., 565 f.
1 Comp O.LZ., 1906, 479 f.
150 FURTHER GLOSSES UPON THE PENTATEUCH
Deut xxxii 11 (comp. Exod. xix. 4) shows the motif of the Etana
myth. 1 In the Assump-
tio MOSLS x. 8 it is said :
"Thou shalt be happy,
Israel, and rise (to the
starry heaven) upon the
wings of the eagle " ; see
fig. 155 f and fig 156,
which represents the apo-
theosis of Titus in the
roof of the Arch of Titus
(comp. fig. 157); comp
farther the passage from
the Liturgy of Mithra
reproduced p. 239, i., n. 8,
and Isa. xiv. 12-15.
FIG. 157. Apotheosis of Titus, in the vault
of the triumphal arch, Rome.
Deut xxxii 17 ; comp Ps, cvi. 37, and p. 30. Shedkn are demons
(Sept SaLfjidvLa). Here,
as in Ps. cvi. 37 (" they
have offered their sons
to the shedmi " ; comp.
v. 38, "the idols of
Canaan ")> the word is
used in a general sense
for " idols of the hea-
then"; comp. LXX.
of Ps. xcvi. 15: "all
the gods of the heathen
are demons.' 1 The very
frequently mentioned
[G. 158. Ganymede carried by the eagle. Greek
gem, after Richter, Phantasien dei Altertutns^
Taf. vii.
pair of demons, sMdu
lemnu and sMdu daniqu
(the evil and the good shedu\ was not therefore the origin
of the Biblical shtdim: 2 Like St Paul, 1 Cor. x., already in
1 See Stucken, be. cit , 7 , Wmckler, 0.Z Z., 1901, Sp. 387= Knt Schr , n. 64.
3 Besides, if sacrifices were made to the Babylonian sh$dtm> it does not
follow from that that they were spirits of the dead, as Zimmern holds, K.A/l\ t
3rd ed., 461 f. The invocation is to be judged much more as being like the
MOSES 1 DEATH-PLACE 151
Israel initiates were inclined to look for demoniacal powers
behind the heathen idols.
Deut. xxxii. 49, xxxiv. 1. The name of the mountain upon
which Moses died is, according to Deut. xxxiv. 1, Pisgah, in
the Abarim Mountains. Another hand, xxxii. 49, giving
preference to a cosmic mythological motif, names the mountain
Nebo. 1 Nebo signifies, in the cycle, the death-point of
Tammuz, in opposition to the Marduk point ; see p. 91 , i.
There is an echo of the motif in the name Abarim also. In
the division into two of the cycle, Nibiru (Abarim) is the
critical point, as Nebo is in division into four (comp. p 74, i.).
In the mythical geography of the expectation of the Deliverer,
Egypt and the desert correspond to the dark world (correspond-
ing to the winter half of the year). Moses beheld from hence
the land "where milk and honey flow," i.e. the light-world
(corresponding to the summer half of the year) 2
Deut. xxxiii. 2, see p. 99. Deut. xxxiii. 8 (Moses fights for
the Unm and Thurumim), see pp. 59* 105, n. 3. Deut xxxiii. 9
(motif of miraculous birth in regard to Moses), see p. 90. Deut.
xxxiii. 15 (Mountain of the World), see p. 189, i. Deut. xxxiii. 16,
see p. 99- Deut xxxiv. 7 and xxxiv. 8, see p 93.
present-day " devil- worship" m America, they sacrifice to them, in order to avert
their evil influence.
1 See previously p. 93.
2 Comp. pp. 34, i ff., 31, and others. In the journey of ^Eneas of Troy to
Etruna the same motif comes in.
CHAPTER XXII
GLOSSES UPON THE BOOK OF JOSHUA
How is the colonisation of Canaan by the " Children of Israel "
to be looked upon according to Ancient-Oriental circumstances ?
The land already possessed places of worship, which were at the
same time centres of civilisation Some of these places, like
Hebron, Sichem, Beersheba, Peniel, and Mahanaim, show a
connection with the primitive ages of the Children of Isiael.
The conquerors would have annexed these and introduced theii
religion into them, 1 much in the same way as Christian churches
were built upon pre-Christian Celtic, Gei manic, and Slav places
of worship. In this colonisation the ancient provinces were
taken possession of by the family groups of the Israelite tribes.
The ancient population, when not expelled and rooted out,
became slaves and were gradually absorbed. But under the
new groups the land asserted its civilisation. The family
groups became provincial groups. Up to this time the
various clans were held together by blood-relationship. The
authority of the "elders 11 rested simply upon familiar re-
cognition. Now other powers began to work. It became
necessary to hold the nearer and more distant provinces
together by political authority. If the settlers in the dis-
trict were farmers, then their head was the r6$h^ the
" lord of the province." But if, however, a city formed the
centre of the province, then there arose a municipal govern-
ment; the leaders of the nobles, that is to say, the free-
men and the artisans, formed the college of the " elders, 1 "
zeJcenim.
1 Compare also the " altars of Isaac," Amos vn. 9, 16
152
ENTRY INTO CANAAN 153
Compare the quoting of names., specially the names of witnesses,
in the New Babylonian contracts. It is either
A, son of X, the son of Y (the grandfather is named often it is
the head of the tribe, not the man's own grandfather) the
noble, or freeman, is named thus,
or:
A, son of X, the son of the id idi (i.e. son of the " unnamed ") or
Id manman the freeman for some reason or other addition-
ally recognised as such is thus named ; perhaps this is the
mushkenu (in opposition to the rubu ; comp. pp. 31, 140),
or:
A, son of X, the son of the nappafyu ("smith," or some other
handicraftsman) the guild member was named thus. 1
If, before the conquest, the city was the seat of a king, the
next stage would follow naturally: a kingdom would arise.
The Book of Judges reflects these circumstances. Jephthah,
Judges xi., shows the primitive condition, he is rosh^ Abi-
melech, Judges ix., is already king in the sense referied to. 2
In itself the taking possession of the land of Canaan by the
" Children of Israel " may be considered as a gradual immigra-
tion or as a conquest. If we accept the gradual immigration,
it would happen spasmodically, until, gradually, under the
influence of the new circumstances, it attained to a political,
that is to say, a religious, unity. 3 But one thing it> then
impossible : no sort of political or what is the same thing for
the Ancient-East religious bond could previously have linked
together the various parts of the later "Children of Israel."
For any such bond must have been lost in the fitful migrations,
and a separation must have arisen between the settled and the
wandering. This, however, is contradicted by the fundamental
1 That this was exactly the same with the Israelites may be seen in the exiles :
the rich and those who understood a craft (the artisans) were taken away. Upon
the "unnamed," comp, Paltiel of Galhm, son of La-ish (i.e. of nobody), I Sam.
xxv. 44, and the old names of Dan, Judges xvni 27 f. , and Joshua xix 47 La-ish
and La-shem (thus to be read, with Winckler, instead of DB> S ), z e "nameless"
= *' non-existent'* (to have a name = to exist, see pp. 145, i. and 274).
2 An opposition to j^D is a^tf, tyranmts^ Prov. x. 5.
3 Thus the prevalent view, advocated in particular by Stade, and which starts
from the premise that originally Judah did not belong to Israel We hold this
premise to be false. H. Winckler has started from the same premise, but then
draws the logical conclusion If Yahveh was only the god of Judah, and that in
the sense of the Ancient-Oriental teaching, he could not have been at the same
time the god of Israel.
154 GLOSSES UPON THE BOOK OF JOSHUA
idea of all national Israelite tradition. And all modern repre-
senters are united in this (though, indeed, entirely in contra-
diction to their own premises), that at the Red Sea or near
Kadesh Barnea some great event happened which served as a
religious sign to all time, and that the Magna Charta was
given at Sinai, which stands as the central point of the religion
of the whole state of Israel Judah. The Biblical tradition,
therefore, speaks consistently of a conquest of the land under
a uniform leadership (Joshua) and under a uniform idea. 1
There arises here only the question as to whether it is
conceivable, under the supposition given to us by the knowledge
of the Ancient-East, gathered from monuments and history,
that a religious movement could be the banner under which
such a conquest could accomplish itself. That this is possible
is shown by the religions of the East to the present day.
The most obvious example is the religious movement under
Mohammed.
JOSHUA
Joshua is an Israelite figure of the Deliverer, like Moses.
His share in the law-giving has been suppressed in the text
before us, doubtless in favour of Moses. The passage through
Jordan under Joshua corresponds to the passage through the
Red Sea under Moses. The rescue from the power of Egypt
corresponds to the conquest of the Canaanite kings. In both
cases the strife and the victory are presented in the colour of
the victory over the Dragon.
* Astral Mythological Motifs
1. His name denotes him as Deliverer. 2 In Exod. xvii. 9 he
appears as the helper of Moses, and in Exod. xxxiu. 1 1 he is called
"the son of Nun." In these names the motifs are veiled. "The
son of the Fish " would, in Babylonian, signify either Ea himself (see
pp. 47, i. f. ; this might agree with Joshua as lawgiver), or Ea's son,
1 It includes the country east of Jordan against the ongmal design The con-
quest of the land west of Jordan was the aim. Ezekiel confines the land of the
future to the country west of Jordan.
2 At any rate in the popular etymology /Win and njnmrp ; comp. Sept.,
In the Talmud Joshua is recognised as a Messiah type of the future,
JOSHUA'S CONQUESTS 155
Marduk. 1 As such he is, on the one side^ him to whom God reveals
his wisdom (as in Exod. vii. 1 : " I make thee a god to Pharaoh, and
Aaron shall be thy prophet " ; see p. 93) ; and on the other side
the Deliverer, who conquers the power of darkness and brings the
new age.
2 He passes over Jordan. In Joshua m. 16 the waters stopped
before the ark, and "stood upright like a wall." In this is the
standing typical motif of the disruption of the Dragon 2
3 Twelve stones were erected "in Gilgal," Exod iv. 20, after the
passage over Jordan (Gilgal itself signifies the sacred stone circle). 8
After the passage through the waters, which has the same signifi-
cance, in Joshua's work, as the passage of the Red Sea under Moses,
the new world was symbolically built by the erection of the twelve
stones, corresponding to the twelve stations of the zodiac which
the Conqueror of the Dragon erected in order to build the new
world 4 The pesilim at Gilgal, Judges iii 19, seem to indicate these
stones.
4. The conquest over the five kings at Gibeon, Joshua x., shows the
motifs of the conquest over the power of darkness (winter). Hence
the number five see pp 93, i., and 42, n, 1 (five kings, Gen xiv. 9 ;
Lev. xxxi. 8) corresponding to the five intercalary days, which fall
before the beginning of spring and which represent the entire
winter. 6 Joshua x 12 f. : Then spake Joshua
e ' Sun, stand thou still upon Gibeon,
And thou, moon, in the valley of Aijalon T
And the sun stood still and the moon stayed "
1 Otherwise Winckler, O.L Z., 1901, 357.
J See p. 93 ; Wmckler, Gesch. Isr , ii 236 f Stucken's deductions, Astral-
my then > 164 ff., which, "by connecting Joshua with the spies and with Achan, see
in the Book of Joshua the whole complex of the Dragon-combat motifs, hang too
much upon one point. The analogies of the Rig Veda (Stucken calls the Book of
Joshua the Semitic Rig Veda) are surprising.
J The vague heaping of stones in Jordan (Joshua iv. 9) in the present text is
something quite different, which belongs to another source. Winckler suggests,
he cit , n. 107, the remnants of a record of bridge-building.
4 Compare the twelve tower altars, which Alexander erected to Hyphasis on
the boundary of his conquests, Ariian, v. 29 ; see Winckler, Gesch. /m, ii. 107.
5 See p. 42, and n. I Accurately, the equalisation between the solar and
lunar year amounts to 5 J. The fraction appears in the myth also as motif of the
Bringer of Spring (the ' * dwarf f ' who conquers the giant). But usually it is added
to the winter giant, who is about five ells and a span high, or has six fingers and
six toes (see upon the story of Goliath, pp. 180 f.). Another number, which
represents the power of winter, is twelve (founded upon twelve epagomena,
equalisation of 354 and 366 ; compare our Twelfth -night) This motif lies in
Gen. xiv. 4 (pp. 19 f.), Joshua xxiv. 12, in the " twelve kings of the Amorites,"
According to Acts xih. 19, seven nations were driven out of Canaan ; this like-
wise is a motif number
156 GLOSSES UPON THE BOOK OF JOSHUA
In this passage, which is communicated explicitly as a poetic
quotation, the characteristic of the stars as warriors should be
borne in mind (comp. Judges v. 20 "The stars fought in their
stations " ; see p. 164, or fig 159^ where sun, moon, and Venus appear
as onlookers to the fight, as is indicated by their position at the
head of every record) It seems, however, chiefly to be treating of
an established motif of the Dragon combat In the Rig Veda the
Dragon-slayer Indra accomplishes the same miracle in the fight
with the Devas The issue of the battle hangs upon whether the
day will be long enough. Then Indra drags off one wheel of the
sun's chariot, and thereby delays its course l But this would not
exclude the other presentment, that sun and moon were called upon
as lookers on That this is correct is shown by figs 159 and 160.
FIG. 159. Hittite relief. Berlin Museum Teshup fights the lion. Sun-god
and Moon-god come lo his help (so-called " lion-hunt of Sakye-Go/u n ) u
Fig. 159 shows a Hittite relief where sun and moon help Teshup
(^Marduk, see p 124-, i.) in <i fight with a lion The sun stands
with bow and airow in the chariot, the moon bears the spear. The
four rosettes indicate the missing four planets. Fig 1 60 shows a
sculpture from Sueda, in Hauran. Jupiter is here fighting against
a monster hurling stones, with the body of a serpent and paws of
a lion ; the sun is looker-on, but the moon is marked by a rosette
Joshua x 15 ff. The five kings hide themselves in the cave at
Makkedah (cave = Underworld). Joshua has them dragged out and
impaled, and at sunset their bodies thrown into the cave, which
was closed with great stones. "There they he unto this very day."
1 2 Chron. xxviii. 1 8 names Aijalon together with Beth-shemesh. The city
appears to be connected with moon-worship. Gibeon was certainly a place of
sun-worship in Canaan, before it was taken as a place of worship for Yahveh
(i Kings ni. 4 ; I Chron. xxi 29) ; see p. 151.
2 According to Humann and Puchstem, Reisen in Kleinastm mid Nordsynen,
table xlvi. ; comp. Wmckler, Gesch, Isr , ii. 96 f.
JOSHUA'S CONQUESTS
157
See upon this and upon the variant of the myth, the Seven
Sleepers, p. 42, i
Also the "ram of stones" which, Joshua x. 11^ comes to his aid,
belongs to the typical phenomena of the Dragon combat. Comp
p. 42, i ; Winckler, F , in 207. Sura Ixvii 5 " We have decorated
the lower heaven with lights (meteorites) in order to stone Satan
with them." 1 We must think of meteorites Likewise in the
fire-flood, Rev. xvi. 21.*
Joshua v. 13 ff. records a vision in which Joshua sees by
Jericho the "leader of hosts of Yah veil" with "drawn sword."
He is to take off his shoes, for he stands upon holy ground.
This appearance is the same as in the story of Balaam, Lev.
xxii. 23 (see pp. 236, i. and 147). It seems as though the entrance
FIG 1 60. Sculpture from SuSda m Hauran. Published by
Clermont-Ganneau, tudes tfarch* <nient. } i. 179.
to the throne of God was meant, as in the vision of Moses at
Horeb, see p. 99. The angel with the drawn sword would
then correspond to the presentments, spoken of p. 42, i., of
Paradise barred. Compare also 1 Chron. xxi. 16, where in the
variant upon 2 Sam. xxiv. the angel with the sword commands
that the altar be built there, where, later, the earthly copy of
the heavenly throne was to stand.
^ Joshua vi. 1 ff. : The conquest of Jericho Upon the procession
with the ark, see p. ISO In Mecca the procession passes seven
times round the Kaaba. Upon the number seven, pp. 66, i f. Isolated
motifs, like the scarlet thread, Joshua ii 18 (compare the scarlet
thread in the birth of Zerah, Gen xxxviii. 28), in Rahab's house, and
in the conquest itself the blowing down of the walls, are not yet inter-
1 Comp. Sura, xv. 5 ff. According to the Arabian fable they climbed up into
the zodiac, and shared with the sorcerers the secrets of the divine will
158 GLOSSES UPON THE BOOK OF JOSHUA
preted. In popular etymology the name Jericho would probably
be understood as "moon-city." Since it incorporates here the
inimical power, we must think of the motif of the battle against
the dark moon (compare the blast upon the day of New Moon of the
seventh month, Lev. xxin 24, and the jubilee after 7x7 years)
The same motif (only an imitation ? ) is shown in the stoiy of the
pseudo-Messiah, in Josephus, Ant , xx 8, 6, who would destroy the
walls of Jerusalem by his word from the Mount of Olives. Also
the name Rahab (Dragon, see pp 194, i. f.) seems to be a motif name
The scarlet threadgives a hint of the Dragon motif (see pp 152, i ;
51, n. 3), and reflects the turn of things again with the conquest
of Jericho the new age dawns In the revolution of things Rahab
is transported into the new age. 1 ^
Joshua vi. 26 : When lie lays the foundation (of the city) it
costs him his first-bom^ and when he sets up the gates thereof,
his youngest son. In this poetic passage (comp. 1 Kingb xvi.
34) lies a remembrance of the building sacrifice. 2 The religious
ground of this is : the divinity dwells in the threshold (comp.
p. 103). 3 In Mutesellim (Megiddo) was found lately a skeleton
built into the wall.
Joshua vii. 21 : The Babylonian mantle. Evidence of Baby-
lonian civilisation in pre-Israelite Canaan. The usual explana-
tion as Babylonian "fashion" does not agree with Oriental
nature, at least in antiquity.
Achan appropriates to himself from the spoil consecrated to
Yahveh, a Babylonian mantle, two hundred shekels of silver, and
a "gold wedge" of fifty shekels weight. It is probably treating of
a weighed piece of metal, in place of which stamped coins were
used later, comp. p 50.
Joshua vii. 26: The heaping up of stones is done to the
present day in building a grave amongst the Arabs. The
1 The genealogy in Matt. i. lays equal stress upon her as upon Tamar and
Ruth, which is very noteworthy. Kimchi communicates a tradition in the com-
mentary to Joshua according to which she was Joshua's wife ; compare also the
emphasising of " Rahab the harlot," Heb. xi 31.
2 Compare upon the building sacrifice, Sarton, Zettsckr.f. Ethnol., 1898, i. 53 ,
upon the passage, Kuenen, Ondeit^ 2nd ed., 233; Wmckler, Krit* Sch?iften t n.
12 f.
3 Otherwise in Stucken, Astralmythcn, 184 ; the corpse was to keep away the
demon ; he sees that the work is already done here We interpret thus also the
blood upon the doorposts ; see pp. 103 f.
BETH-DAGON 159
supplementary increase of the heap was reputed to be an honour
to the dead. 1
^ Joshua viii. 18 and 26 The outstretched lance presents a Dragon-
combat motif, and indeed a Moon-motif; see p. 1 14, i , and fig 160.^'
Joshua viii. 9 ; comp. x. 26 f. : The malefactor was hanged
upon a tree until the going down of the sun. Crucifixion?
Sept. eiri gv\ov SiSujmov. The hanged passed for a lustration
before the divinity. 2
Joshua viii SO ff. ; see p. 67. Joshua viii. 32 (stone codes of
law); seep 118. Joshua vin. 33 (the placing of six tnbes upon
Ebal and six upon Gerizim); see p 67 Joshua x 1 (Adoni-
zedek); see p 41. Joshua x. 1 ff. (conquest of the five kings,
ram of stones) ; see pp. 155 f Joshua x. 26 f (impaling) ; see upon
viii. 2p.
Joshua xiii. 3: Upon the seaport towns, see map, No II,,
Canaan in the Amarna period.
Joshua xv. 41 : Beth-dagon, the name of the city mentioned
also by Sennacherib together with Joppa (Bit-Daganna, K.B ,
ii 93), and probably identical -with the present Bethdegan,
south-east from Joppa, contains the name of the Philistine god
Dagon. 3 Judges xvi. 23 mentions a sacrificial feast for Dagon in
Gaza, xvi. 24, a song in praise of Dagon, and, according to
1 Sam. v. 1 ff., he has a temple in Ashdod. Since the name
occurs also in the Amarna Letters, 4 and, on the other hand,
in South Babylonia in the name of the ancient king Ishme-
Dagan, of the dynasty of Isin, 5 it proves that it refers to a
Canaanite divinity, whose name was met with by the Philistines
after their immigration, and adopted as the name of one of
their chief gods, just as for their feminine divinity they have
1 See Holzmger upon the passage ; Wellhausen, Rests arab. Heidentums t 80.
2 2 Sam. xxi. 6, to hang mrrV, and Numb. xxv. 4, mrr!? ewn 121, "before
Yahveh m the face of the sun," can only be understood as a rudimentary form of
sun-offering. When the crucified must be taken down before sunset, in the
historical case, the reason was in the festival law, but this explanation is at the root
of it, see.tf.-W7 1 ., 22 f.
3 Jensen, Kosmologie> 449 ff, ; Winckler, Gesch. fsr., i. 216 f.
4 Dagan-takala is the name of a scribe, K \B. t v., No. 215 f. ; compare further,
P. 35. i
5 In the wall of the southern temple of Mukayyar, see K*B^ m., isted., p. 87 ;
also in proper names upon the obelisk of Manishtusu.
160 GLOSSES UPON THE BOOK OF JOSHUA
the name "Ashtoreth* 'Ashtarte, in common with the Phoenicians
(1 Kings xi 5; compare with 1 Sam xxxi. 10) According to
the HC (introduction 4, 28), Dagon wa& the god especially
honoured by Hammurabi^, people or tribe ; Hammurabi says he
has overthrown the dwelling-places at Ud-kib-nun-na of the
dominion of Dagon, his father. Further upon Dagon, see
1 Sam. v. 1 ff, and p 175
The comparison with Ea-Oannes is probably rightly rejected by
Zimmem 3 A' A.T., 3rd ed, 358 Yet the piesentment of Dagon
as a divinity of fish-form, which has been looked upon as a bold
conclusion from the depraved text of 1 Sam v. 4 y remains probable
According to Kimchi, from the navel upwards he had the body of
a man If Abarbanel knew a tradition accoidmg to winch Dagon
also had the feet of a man, it should be noted that also Ea-Oannes
had human feet under the fish's tail , see fig 32, p 105 ; Joshua
xvi 6 f (Janoah), see p 33, i., n. 1 , Joshua xix 20 (Rabbith),
see p 342, i
Joshua xix. 44 . Eltekeh is mentioned by Sennacherib He
destroyed Tamna (Timnah in v. 43) and Eltekeh and then went
to Ekron in order to reinstate the banished Padi.
Joshua xx. (right of sanctuary); see p. 111, n. 2, and p 56.
Joshua xxiv 32 ; see p. 67.
CHAPTER XXIII
THE BOOK OF JUDGES
THE Israelites were ruled by shophetim 1 before the institution
of a kingdom. We have shown, pp. 152 ff., the state of things
after they settled in the laud, with differing laws according
to whether it was a country district or a city, it is not his-
torical that the " twelve tribes " were under uniform leadership
and administration by twelve judges. The form of the tradition
as it lies before us also in no case asserts that the tribes were
only united under one of the judges. Joshua xviii. 2 seems to
recognise an organisation of five tribes. According to the word
of command in Judges i. %, " Judah shall go before," the leading
place belonged to the tribe of Judah. The "judges" may be
looked upon historically as heroic popular leaders, who led
isolated tribes, or a group of tribes, into battle against the other
nations, and who were authorities in the administration of
justice (comp. Judges iv. 5, where Deborah gives judgment
under the sacred tree). The number twelve, to which the twelve
tribes are analogous, is an artificial scheme, laboriously con-
structed by including unimportant figures (five " lesser judges,"
Shamgar, iii. 31, is superfluous) out of the certainly rich tradi-
tionary material regarding the leaders of past ages. 2
Religion in the so-called period of the judges was in a
decadent stage, though pure Yahveh religion must have been
alive even at this time in a small circle. The popular Yahveh
1 The Suffetes of the Carthaginians, who were chosen by them as holders of
executive powers, have the same name ; possibly also there exists an actual
connection of fact. Organisation is in the East everywhere the outcome of the
same teaching.
2 See Budde, Richttr t p, x ; Winckler, Gesch. Isr., ii. 115 8.
VOL, II. J8X 11
162 THE BOOK OF JUDGES
religion (see p. 15), traces of which are shown in the tradition,
was strongly impregnated with heathen elements. 1 The worship
was carried on in sanctuaries erected upon places connected
with the primitive age, or over heathen places of worship, or at
spots reminiscent of great events (see Judges vi. 25 fF.). They
were held as a kind of chapel of ease for the sanctuary at Shiloh
(p. 343, i.). For we see, by the example in Judges xvii. 10, that
unemployed Levites applied for the office of priest at such
sanctuaries. Superstitious misuse, however, was made of the
ephod and teraphim (Judges vih, 27 ; xvii. 3 , xviii. 17 ff. ;
xuii. 31* comp. xviii. 24). The central point of religious
thought, at this period also, was the expectation of the
Deliverer. The Song of Deborah praises the delivering God
who is to come from Sinai. In the stories of Gideon and
Samson and others the most various motifs of the Deliverer,
who conquers the power of darkness and brings the spring, are
interwoven.
Judges i. 16; see p. 98, n, 1 Judges i. 27, comp. v. 19,
Taanah ; see p 342, i. ff.
Judges lii. 7 ff. . Othniel arises by the call of Yahveh as
"deliverer" 1 (yttftD) from the eight years 1 tyranny of the king
of Aram Naharaim. 2 After that the land had peace for forty
years. 3
Like all the following figures of the judges, Othniel is repre-
sented as a deliverer: ^ Yahveh raised up shophetirn, which
delivered Israel out of the hand of those that spoiled them,"
Judges ii. 16 that is the theme of all the stories. The
deliverers are endowed with certain motifs, which are taken
from the properties of the Oriental myth. The motifs are
intei woven \uth names and numbers, in which often coincidence
may have come to their aid; above all, they are linked to
features proper to the popular traditions. In every case there
1 Compare the laments in Hosea ix. 10 , x. i , xi. i f. ; xm. 5 f.
2 Syria, called after later circumstances of population, country of the Aramaeans.
The river is the Euphrates. The distnct is called in Egyptian Naharna. See
3 Judges ill. 30 says eighty } ears (2 x 40) ; vrii. 28 says forty years ; xni. I has
the contrary idea, forty years' famine : see upon this pp. 94, i. ; 100, i.
OTHNIEL EHUD 163
would be a basis of historical fact, but how far the detail is
historic cannot be decided.
In the fundamental deductions (pp SO, i flf ) upon the relation 01
the mythological motifs to historical facts, the particularly difficult
period" before the kings is for the time being left out of considera-
tion. Here in isolated cases . tub indice hs And the interpreter
feels with Plutarch, 1 who writes with delicate humour in the
Theseus, to his friend Sossius Senecio .
" It is indeed to be wished that the mythological might, with
the help of criticism, be entirely eliminated, and might take the
form of history If, however, it wars against credibility, and cannot
at all be reconciled with probability, 2 I hope that the readers will
be reasonable enough to be indulgent to the story of such remote
occurrences/'
Judges iii. 12 ff. . Ehud appears as Deliverer (iii. 15), and slays
the Moabite tyrant Eglon.
% Ehud is left-handed He is a Benjamite (see Budde upon
this passage) In Judges xx. 16 the seven hundred Benjamites A* ho
cany out the rape of the women (see p. 81) are left-handed. This
motif belongs to the dragon-combat (comp. Stucken, Astralmythen,
256, and Wmckler, Gesch. Isr., li. 121 f.), who link to this the left-
handed Ziu-Tyr, who thrust his right hand in the throat of the wolf
Fenri, and the left-handed Mucius Scaevola, who laid his right
hand in the fire in order to save the city Possibly also his name
hints an astral-mythological motif; for A-hu-ud is in II. R, 47,
22c a pseudonym for Jupiter (Gudbir), or Mercury (see p. 1 8, i ).
Ehud carries in his left hand the mythical two-edged sword (see
p. 236, i ), with which he kills the tyrant Winckler now no longer
holds (contrary to his opinion in GescL Zyr, 11 121 f) that the
motifs take away from the historic probability of the figure of
Ehud. *
Judges iii. 31 : Shamgar, whose history was suppressed, doubt*
less with very good reason (compare the characteristics of his
time, Judges v 6 ff.), is superfluous in the scheme of twelve ; see
p. 161. Upon the ox -goad, see p 171.
Judges iv. 1 ff. Deborah 3 destroys the Canaanite foe. A
celestial combat and victory are described as prototype of the
terrestrial victory.
1 Plutarch was a pnest of Apollo and knew the meaning of the mythological
motifs very well.
2 Compare the examples p. 171, n. 3
3 Compare pp. 161 and 171.
THE BOOK OF JUDGES
Motifs of the Dragon combat are hidden in the mysterious
ns^'J 1 , Judges iv. 18, -with \vhich Deborah covers Sisera; it recalls
the hunting net of Marduk-Onon for entangling Tiamat. The net
motif is still clearer in the story of Judith, Judith xiii. 9, 15, and
above all in xvi. 20^ where the apparently harmless fly-net was
hung up as a sacrificial offering ; this is a good example of the
linking of simple events with mythological motifs A Dragon-
combat motif lies fuither in the unusual weapon^ the hammer 9
with which Deborah breaks Sisera' s head whilst he drinks 1
(compare the name of the Deliverer Judas Maccabseus, whose
surname also gives the hammer as weapon of the hero ; see fig
159, the hammer in the Dragon combat, and compare the Teshup-
Marduk hammer, p 124, i.) The other weapon of the Dragon-slayer
is lightning ; Barak, who is named in the history as the captain of
the army against Sisera, and who probably was the actual fe judge"
of that time, is called "the lightning" (Phoenician barkas; compare
the surname of the Carthaginian hero Hamilcar Barca). 2
Judges v. 4> ; see p 2, n. 1.
Judges v 20 : " The stars fought from heaven ; the people of
Sisera fought from their stations?
The meaning should probably be taken thus, with Winckler,
Gesch. hr.j ri. 131. It means the opponents of Yahveh. As
Tiamat with her helpers, the zodiacal signs of the earlier seons
(p. 146, i., n. l), fought against Marduk, so here the stars in their
stations (to be read n^TD, see upon this pp 248, 260), i e. in the
same way the zodiacal signs appear upon the side of the tyrant
Sisera For the further description of the fight and the victory of
Yahveh as in Isa. xxiv. 21 ff., see pp. 195, i, 271.
Judges v. 28, 30, in the ancient song of the hero, in the harem
of Sisera's ancestral palace, gives a scene most interesting from
the point of the history of civilisation The verses are worthy
of the Thousand and One Nights.
Judges vi. 11-viii. 35. : Gideon 3 (Jerubba'al) from Ophrah in
Manasseh.
* The introductory story, related to the story of the call to
Samson (Judges xiii. 2 f), contains some of the motifs which we
meet in the Ancient-Oriental myth of the call to the king and
1 See Budde upon this passage.
2 Upon Maccabaens and Barca, see Winckler, A, in. 82; and Kampf urn
Babel ttnd Bibel, 4th ed , 32.
3 Gideon and Jerubba'al were originally probably two "judges," possibly
identified for the sake of the scheme of twelve. The differentiation of them m
the sources (see chiefly Budde in the Commentary) does not come into considera-
tion in the questions which interest us here.
GIDEON 165
Deliverer. Gideon of humble birth, n. 15 (comp. p 91)- He is
chosen of God and is called as ft brave warrior/* whom God Himself
will lead to the battle (comp vn 18, " hither sword of Yahveh and
of Gideon ") The angel of Yahveh finds him on the threshing-
floor of wheat; vi II, comp 37 (variant upon the call from the
plough^ as in the case of Saul and Elisha, pp 1 77, 235 ; for the
meaning, comp p. 59, i ) ^
Judges vi 24- (altar of Yahveh-Shalem) ; see p. 67.
Judges vi. 25 ff offers an example of the change of a heathen
place of worship in Canaan into a place of worship of Yahveh. 1
Gideon throws down the altar of Baal standing upon the hill
and cuts down the ashera standing by it (see below), builds an
altar to Yahveh, and offers upon it a seven-year-old bullock.
Gideon's father calms the wrath of the people " If Baal be a
God, let him fight for himself" In religious history the event
may be compared with the cutting down of the oak of Wotan
at Geismar by St Boniface (Winfrid). The heathen looked for
the intervention of Wotan A Lammas chapel was built with
the wood of the oak. The behaviour of the people in regard to
this action by Gideon is an additional illustration of the fact
that the popular religion was thoroughly heathen 1
Pure Yahveh religion, in accordance with that of the Mosaic
age, was probably to be found with the leading spirits of a very
small circle, from amongst whom the nabi* came who encouraged
Gideon. The Yahveh religion of Gideon, as told us by one of
the authorities, shows a robust form ; it offers an example of
the popular Yahveh religion (p. 16). The sacrifice (minha)
signifies to him an actual food for the divinity, Judges vi. 18 ff. ;
the vision of the angel of Yahveh, whose magic staff sets fire to
the offering and who seems to have ascended in the sacrificial
flame, meant death Yahveh appears as wrathful God (vi. 39).
Gideon in a spirit of syncretism names the altar of Yahveh
1 The idea that the story was composed somewhat in the sense of a Deutero-
nomical reform, in order to explain the name Jcrubba'al, we hold to be excluded.
The "colouring of time and locality" is genuine. See Budde, p. 56, who
ascribes the passage to the Elohist (but why " no early stratum " ?).
3 The story of the making of an "ephod" by Jerubba'al probably belongs to
some other person. It is treating of a purely heathen effigy (ba'alin the name of
the hero shows it) ; the present text seems to modify the fact, as though it treated
of an effigy of Yahveh.
166 THE BOOK OF JUDGES
Yahveh-Shalem (compare with this pp. 26 ff, 67); the inquiry
of the oracle, of which vi. 36 ff gives a notable example (also
vi. 32 probably presupposes the oracle), lays great value on
miracles. 1
Judges vi 28 The asheia hewn down by Gideon may be
thought of as a wooden image like the marble statue repro-
duced fig. 41 : a post with the head of the goddess at the
upper end.
Judges vii % ff Fitness to serve m the army (vi 35) is
established by a curious action The story is laid in Sichem,
like the exodus of Abraham. As with the fyanikfm (p 27) of
Abraham, it is treating here of a selected band (zeriifhn, Judges
vii. 4). 2 The " lapping water like a dog " is analogous to a not
clearly understood religious custom at the sacred waters of
Sichein, a secret cult, by which those \\ere known who would
be worthy fellow- warriors \\ith the Deliverer and Dragon-slayer
Gideon.
^ Motifs of the myth^ which conceives the combats as phenomena
of the cycle, he in Judges viii. 14, where 77, z e 72 + 5 (cycle = 27,
in addition five epagomense) people of Succoth are doomed to destruc-
tion. The number of the sons of Gideon has the same meaning : 70
(Judges vni 50) + 2 (Abimelech and Jotham) ; compare with the
seventy sons of Ahab, 2 Kings x. I and 7
The division of the army into three parts, Judges vii 1 6, comp
ix. 43, on Abimelechj was spoken of at p 26 as a motif of the moon
combat Moon motifs are father shown in the dream of the cake
of barley bread rolling into the enemy's camp (interpreted as C the
sword of Gideon ") It represents the moon In war legends lunar
phenomena often bring confusion into the camp (examples in the
Oriental legends by Mucke, Fom Euphrat sum Ttber, p 96) The
trumpet blasts and noise of breaking pitchers, vh 16 ff, bring the
realisation of the dream on the following night. That also is a
motif of moon combat (see Wmckler, Gesch. Isi\ ? ii 139) The noise
and the blasts may be considered like the blowing down of the
walls of Jericho, see pp. 156 f The meaning is the Dragon, who
is seen in lunar eclipse or in the three days' dark moon, is driven
away by noise and trumpet blasts. In the stories of war the enemy
1 The position of the story in the religion of Israel must be considered somewhat
like the Roman legend of Libenus and Johannes, who, according to a simul-
taneous dream, were to build the church of S Mana Maggiore on the spot where,
on the morning of the 4th August 352, they found newly fallen snow.
2 Thus, with Erbt, Dze ffebraer, 76 ; compare previously Stucken, Astral-
mytben, 137.
SWORD OF GIDEON 167
is the moon-dragon The sword of Gideon is like the sickle of
Yahveh (Isa xxvii 1, p 194, i ), the conquering new moon. ^
Judges MI 19 (night watches) : see p 105.
Judges viii 18-21; comp % Sam xxi 1-14 Here levenge
for blood ib presupposed, "which i>> only overcome when political
power protect^ property, so that its suppression is therefore less
a matter of moral than of social progress J The civil life of the
Israelites was religioubly ordered by the fundamental maxim
that God is the supreme avenger of blood (Ps ix 13 ; comp.
Gen ix 5 f ; Lev xxiv. 17 ; Numb, xxxv 18 ff.) It is on
this account we find here no definite %engeance for blood In
any case it is limited by the right of sanctuary ; see above, p. 111.
It does not seem to us that vengeance for blood is presupposed
in Gen xxvii. 45. In the laws of Hammurabi punishment is
politically organised under the clearest application of the lus
talionis As remnants of blood revenge we find here the
remarkable regulations according to which, under certain circum-
stances, the act is atoned for by a member of the family as
nearly as possible equal in value (son or daughter) ; compare with
this p 111.
Vengeance for blood comes, as the kabbala (Gen iv. 10) says,
fiom the idea that the blood of the slain rises up s so long as he does
not rest under the earth, particularly when the murderer comes
near; compare the popular idea according to which the wounds
bleed again (Hagen by the body of Siegfried) and the spirit of the
slam cannot rest till the murderer is brought to justice (Goel). For
this reason also, according to the Talmud, he is to be buried on the
spot of the deed in his clothes with the bloodstains tf for the sake
of vengeance."
Judges viii 1 : Moon amulets on the neckb of the camels ;
>>ee 2 Kings xxni 5 and fig. 36 Also in Canaan we find
signs of an addiction to ornaments in ancient times In a
quite poor house Sellin found ten ornaments by the body of a
woman
Judges ix. 5 : For seventy shekels out of the temple of Baal-
berith in Shechem Abimelech hires a company and murders the
seventy sons of Jerubba'al upon one (sacrificial) stone. The
slaughter bears a ritualistic character, but cannot be regarded
1 Seep. iii s n. 2.
168 THE BOOK OF JUDGES
as human sacrifice, but may be considered as something like the
record of Assurbanipal, mentioned p. 141, according to which
people v ere slain as offerings to the dead.
Judges is. 7 ff. : The escaped Jotham tells the men of
Shechem the fable of the trees, who would choose themselves a
king. Abimelech is king (see p. 153), not "judge." The
fable is of popular origin. 1 It is also common to the entire
East. In the Babylonian epic poems of the hero Ninib, 2 K 133, 3
it is said :
He climbed a mountain and sowed seed far and wide
With one voice the plants acclaimed his name as king,
In their midst like a great wild bull, he raised his horns 4
Judges ix. 13 Wine, which cheereth God and man. Tins cannot
be understood to mean the drink-offering (Budde, 6' v.), but the
mythological conception of the banquet of the gods, as in the epic
Enuma elish; see p. 215, i.
Judges ix. 45 . He beat down the city and sowed it with salt
(sulphur ?) ; see p 42. Judges ix. 46 (El-benth) ; see p 29
Judges xi. 30 ff. : The sacrifice of Jephthah^s daughter.
The present test veils the fact in the tradition, according to
which it treats of the sacrifice of the maiden. The Rabbinical
explanation 5 does not hesitate to recognise the fact. It places
the sacrifice together with the sacrifice of Isaac, and even com-
pares the sacrifice of the son of the heathen king, 2 Kings iii. 7. 6
* The form of the sacrifice may be understood by the Tammuz-
Ishtar cult. For two months Jephthah's daughter mourns upon
the mountains with her companions over her "death in maiden-
hood." That is a double month, corresponding to one of the six
seasons of the year in the pre Islamic calendar. 7 The religious
custom which ordained the yearly festival of four days as a memorial
of Jephthah's daughter (xi. 39 f-) sees in the offering the heavenly
1 See Budde, Richtcr, upon this passage. Another fable is told in 2 Kings
xiv. 9.
2 He is called "Seed, I know not my father"; see upon the motif, pp. 28,
91 f
8 Hroszn in M V.A.G., 1903, 198 ff.
4 It seems as though here also the plants should be regarded as men. The
connection is obscure.
5 Comp Thaanmt, 3*.
8 It should then be concluded from Jer. xix. 5 that God did not accept the
sacrifice.
7 P 65, i. ; compare the six stages of age in the symbolism of our calendar.
SAMSON 169
virgin herself, who sinks into the realm of death (or daily as evening
star, comp. p. 121, i ), but also reascends (see p 121, i )
Epiphanms, Adv. hceres , m 2, 1 055 (ed Patavius) gives emphatic
evidence of the worship of Jephthah's daughter as Coie ( = Ishtar)
amongst the Samaritans " In Shechem, the present Neapohs, the
inhabitants sacrifice to the name of Core., clearly in connection \\ith
the daughter of Jephthah, who was once dedicated as a sacrifice to
the divinity " The four days explain themselves as 3 -f 1 three
days' mourning^ and on the fourth day the festival of joy in the
' c resurrection " ; see p 37, i , fig. 15, and pp 94, i ffl *
Judges xii. 5 f. Shibboleth as countersign.
This treats chiefly of the pronunciation of the sibilant as counter-
sign, but possibly the word is not chosen arbitianly, but is to be
explained out of the Yahveh popular religion, which mingled
heathen superstitions with the worship of Yahveh. It is possible
that by shibboleth, "the ears/' Ishtar may be designated, the
heavenly virgin with the ears of corn whose popular cult is attested
by the above account of the festival of the sacrifice of Jephthah's
daughter.
Judges xii. 9 (thirty sons and thirty daughters) ; see p 170.
Judges xiii. ff. : Samson. In the stones of Samson also it it>
certain that a specially notable figure of the period before the
kings is at the root of the Israelite tradition. The stories of
this deliverer from the Philistine oppression are especially richly
endowed with motifs from the Oriental expectation of the
Deliverer. 1
1. The father is called Manoah (motif name of the Deliverer, see
pp. 265, i. ; 271, i ). The wife was barren (""C 1 ??, motif word, which
is only used in connection with the expectation of the Deliverer ;
see pp. 20, n. 5 ; and 51, n. 2)
2. The miraculous birth from the barren mother is announced by a
divine message The new-born is to be from his mother's womb a
Nazarite, and as such he is to be a Deliverer (g^n, motif word) of
Israel
3 The astral-mythological motifs which are the mark of the
Deliverer may be taken from solar or lunar cycle, or they may be
Tammuz-Ishtar motifs (cycle), see p. 86, i. In this story solar motifs
are emphasised. Shimshon is a word of endearment, and means
"little sun." 2
4. Samson marries a Philistine woman, Judges xiv. At the
1 The motifs are probably originally moon-motifs, partly changed in the
Canaanite sphere into sun-motifs, see Schultz in Or. Lit. Ztg,> October 1910.
2 The place Zor'a, given as the birthplace, is in the neighbourhood of Beth-
Shemesh. There the sun myths were well known. According to Wmckler,
K.B.) v. 298, it is in the Zar^a of the Amarna Letters.
170 THE BOOK OF JUDGES
marriage, 1 which lasted seven days (like the marriage of Jacob and
Leah, see Gen. xxix. 27^ Samson has thirty companions, and
promises to the one ^ho sohes the riddle thirty under garments
and thirty festal garments he slays thiity men in Ashkelon and
takes their garments to pay his debt In the cycle, which the life
of the hero reriectb, the" wedding point is the point of the
summer solstice To thib belongs the motif of guessing the
riddle ~ The wedding riddle of Samson (Judges xiv 14?) runs
" Out of the eater came forth meat,
And out of the strong came forth sweetness "
The points fit just as little as the fable m Judges ix. 7 ff It has
been taken from the popular anecdotes, for the sake of the motifs.,
FIG 161. Assurbampal as lion-slayer (Relief fioni Nineveh )
and interpolated. The statement that they guessed vainly for three
days and on the fourth day gave the answer (3 + 1, see p 87,1.)
hints that the story is treating of a motif of the sun-moon combat,
which according to xiv 5 ff. must he at the root of the riddle A
fight with a lion gams him the love of the maiden. By the help of
the spirit of Yahveh he slew him 3 In the carcase of the lion he
then finds honey. The lion is representative of the celestial North
Point (see p. 23, i ) in the zodiac, of the Solstitial point Slaying the
hon means winning the rulership of the world ; the honey signifies
the same. e{ Milk and honey " is one of the typical expressions for
1 In Timnath, where the Judah-Taraar story is also laid, Gen. xxxviu 1 3 ff.
Ishtar motif here also
2 Kiddle of the Sphinx, nddle in the Adonis cult. Upon riddles comp. Prov
vi 16-19, xxx. 4, 15 , Eccle>iasticus xxv. i f.
3 The Deliverer is lion-slayer. This recurs in the story of David. Assur-
hanipal had himself represented in his palace as a hero, on foot, rending a lion ;
see fig 161. Gilgamesh is lion-slayer ; see p 290, i , fig 78 and ff.
SAMSON 171
the recapitulation of the complete cosmos (like vine and fig tree,
see p 272, i ^ n 3 ; one represents the upper, the other the under half
of the world) l The swarm of bees also belongs to the chain of
motifs It should be noted that Deboiah, the Dehveiei, who killed
the tyrant, is called * k ~bee" (motif name like Samson 5 ) In any
case the event, and the riddle connected with it, characterise
Samson as tyrant expeller and loid of the world 2
5 The story of Samson's vengeance upon the Philistines, Judges
xv 1 ff , may be held to be an example of the deeds of the deliver-
ing sun-man \Ve only partly understand the motifs.
Three hundred captuied foxes 3 are driven two by two with
burning biands tied to them into the standing com in the fields of
the Philistines Is the story to be placed in the same category
with the motif of the burning fields in the story of Absalom, 2 Sam
xiv. 30 f, which is altogether unintelligible? The burning of the
woman together with her father belongs to it It appears to us
like a fire-flood motif. In the story of Sodom and Gomorrha, and
in its counterpart, Judges xix f. (see pp 40 fF.), the motif of violated
hospitality is also prominent, and the motif of sexual violence, as
here, where Samson is denied admission, and his wife is given up to
thirty companions
The meaning then might be Samson brings the file-flood, the
judgment of destruction, upon the Philistines Thiee hundred
(30 x 10) red foxes with fire-brands would then show the summer
solstice of the universe
Ovid, Fasti, vi 681 ff (iSth and I9th April), pioves that it is treating of a
well-known motif- foxes with burning brands upon their backs were driven
through the fields, burning the green corn Ovid remarks upon it that at the
Feast of Ceres foxes were burnt The Dog-stai was repiesented as fox, and
Robigo, to whom is attributed the burning of the corn (O\id, Fasfi, iv, 911 fF),
is the Dog-star
6 The heroic deed at Lehi, Judges xv. 8 ff Samson is hidden
in the cave. Three thousand men of Judah (motif number) come :
they bind him with two new cords and bring him out of the cave
to the top of the rock. He rends the cords and slays with the
jaw-bone of an ass one thousand men His tliiist is then quenched
by a miraculous dnnk out of the cloven jaw-bone, "so that his
spint of life came again and he revived " The jaw-bone of the
ass is counterpart to the ox staff with which Shamgar, Judges hi. 31 ^
slew six hundred Philistines "and dehveied Israel/* There is
1 Samson eats honey Comp. Isa. vu. 15 (see upon the passage), motif of the
expected Deliverer " milk and honey shall he eat'
3 Interpreted otherwise by Winckler in O.L,Z, t pi. 490. The motifs may well
bear several meanings
3 It is perfectly obvious that the chronicler did not wish such a feat of hunting
to be taken as historic. In the same way no one would seriously contend that
bees, whose sense of smell is extremely sensitive, would build in the carcase of an
animal*
172 THE BOOK OF JUDGES
always a motif of the Deliverer m the weapon. 1 The miraculous
water is counterpart to the honey after the lion combat, xiv. 9-
In both ca&es it is treating of the refreshment of the hero after
the battle :
7. Samson uith the harlot in Gaza, xvi 1 ff At midnight he
take:-, the n\o doois of the gate of the city and carries them to the
top of the hill Here also is a motif of the conqueror of the tyrant.
The tradition, according to -which early mediaeval pictuies represent
the scene as a counteipart to the Goliath combat, recognised this
motif. The two doors signify the same thing as the two pillars of
the Temple in Ashdod The hero as bnnger of a new seon lifts
the world ruled by the tyrant from its angles (the two gates and
the pillars correspond to* east and west point of the \\oild, like
Jachun and Boaz).
8 Samson and Delilah, xvi 4- if 3 The superhuman strength of
the hero rends seven fresh withes that should bind him. In the
same \iay he rends new ropes with \\hich no \\ork has evei been
done , he tears the weaving pm, to which his seven locks are bound,
out of the earth But when the seven locks are cut from his hair,
he grows weaker and weaker The Philistines put out his eyes
and throw him into prison
The Deliverer descending into the Underworld, before the new
age dawns, shows here particularly clear sun motifs. Hair is
analogous to rays of the sun (p 51) Shorn hair and blindness
and imprisonment (p. 65) characterise the winter sun, the dark
half of the cycle. At the festival (sacrificial feast of Dagon,
probably New Year's festival, note the motif of drunkenness, xvi.
25) he is brought out of prison He takes the two pillars of the
Temple, " one in his nght hand, the other in his left hand," and the
Temple collapses The hostile world is destroyed Samson is
buried in the grave of Manoah (see above, p 169). We must sup-
plement . but he will rise again and bring the new age.
The relationship of this story to that of Gilgamesh, the hero
with seven locks, who kills the lion (see fig. 78 ff ) and comes to
1 Ox and ass represent the t\vo halves of the world or of the cycle , so, foi
example, the opposite of the Osins-Marduk bull is the ass-headed Typhon. Ox
and ass at the cnb of the Deliverer in the Christian legend are not sufficiently
explicable by Isa. i. 3. The ass motif in the fragmentary stones of the judges,
who are invariably held as deliverers, is very striking. It is said of Abdon,
Judges xii. 13 ff. he had forty sons and thirty nephews, ^ho rode upon seventy
ass colts. Jair, Judges x 3 ff., had thirty sons, who rode upon thirty ass colts and
possessed thirty cities
2 For example, in the celebrated picture at the " Gasthof Stern " in Otz in the
Tyrol, which was renovated in the fifteenth century.
3 The question whether the later insertion in Judges xv. 20 shows that there
was another authority for this and the previous story is of no consequence. The
stories collectively all originate from one source of tradition and all have one aim :
to characterise Samson as the type of the expected Deliverer.
SAMSON 173
misery through Ishtar, has been already emphasised in Isdubar-
Ximrod (1891), p. 70. The relationship lies in the point that both
are types of the Deliverer, and endowed with sun motifs. Heracles
also is m this sense a related figure, 1 Eusebms, very justifiably,
held Heracles to be a ef heathen imitation of Samson." It is very
probable that our Book of Judges drew from a tradition which
recorded twelve deeds by Samson.
Judges xxi 7 ff (rape of the maidens in Shiloh) ; see p. 81
1 In Izdubar-Nimrod) p 70, in opposition to the judgment of Wilamowitz-
Mollendorff(-wr//z^- } Herakhs]^ that "it is fruitless to seek for Heracles in the
Ancient- Oriental fables," we have shown that just the elements of the Heracles
myth, which are looked upon as primeval elements, coincide with the Ancient-
Onental myth.
CHAPTER XXIV
SAMUEL, SAUL, DAVID, SOLOMOX
Samuel
1 S\M 1 ff. * Samuel's birth and calling The story is intro-
duced by the motif of the miraculous birth, like the stones of
Samson, Judges xm 2 if., and Gideon, Judges vi 11 ff., see p 16-i,
\dio bring the new age The mother is barren (upon this motif,
which recurs in the Song n 5 b , see pp. 20, 51) l Their son is
named by an oracle 111 Shiloh The name Shemu'el, which, i 20,
like the name Saul (shaul). is interpreted as ft asked for," although
it actually signifies something else, 2 indicates him not only as the
asked-for child, but as the longed-for Deliverer The child is
brought to the sanctuary, being dedicated to God ee So long as he
lives, he shall be shaul of Yahveh/' m L 2l Ck The child grew with
Ydhveh " Sam iu 4 ff tells how Yahveh himself called him,
lii, 19, "and Yahveh was with him" f -He gre\v with Yahveh"
A new age dawns (comp hi 1 with m 21) Samuel is therefore
also a figure of the Deliverer. ^
The te Song of Hannah " treats of the expectation of the
Deliverer It is connected with Samuel, like the similar songs of
expectation which are linked with the birth of John the Baptist
and with the bnth of Jesus In the history of the expectation of
salvation these songs are of great importance. The age of the
songs can probably not be decided* The revision may naturally
be newer than the forms and the thoughts. The motifs of
"barrenness," 11. 5 f., and of " Yahveh, "who killeth and maketh
alive, who casts into the Underworld and raiseth up again/ 7 3
sound ancient When at the end it speaks of the anointed king
(n. 10) who brings deliverance in the name of Yahveh, we must
declare ourselves in principle against the assumption that such
1 Note the tender passage I Sam. i. 8, which illustrates the status of the wife.
Elkanah says : " Am I not better to thee than ten sons ? "
2 Properly speaking, a combination of Dtf and ta, see A' A.T., 3rd ed., 225;
upon sha'til, "the examined," see p. 177.
3 To prove the same idea as a picture of deliverance in the Babylonian, see
pp. 206, i. f.
174
SAMUEL
175
words could only be thought in Israel in the penod after the
kings The expectation of the Deliverer might in the East in all
ages be expressed as an expected king , also in ancient Israel they
understood very well the meaning ot the figure of a delivering
king. The horn of the anointed is the symbol of divine power ; see
p. 62, n. 3, comp fig. 88, p. 317, i, and "fig 69, p 220, i
1 Sam. li. 22 (\\ omen as serving in the Temple) ; see pp 307 i f.
1 Sam. in. 2 ff The ark of Yahveh in the 'ohel mo'ed, as a
permanent building m Shiloh ; seep 132
] Sam iv 13 (Eli upon a stool in the gate) , see p 115,fig 135
1 Sam. iv. 19 (lehabod); see p. 129.
FIG 162 Destruction of idols Relief from
Khorsabad ; Botta, 11. 1 14
1 Sam. v. 1 if. The statue of Dagon is broken in pieces.
Head and hands lie upon the steps of the pedestal which bore
the statue of the god. 1 The people may have looked upon
this as a set battle between Yahveh and Dagon. Fig. 16 2
illustrates the destruction of an idol. More detail was given
upon Dagon and his cult at p. 159.
1 Upon the mtftan, see Zech i. 9, p 309, Also i Sam. v. 5 treats of the steps
of the adyton, where the priests might not go.
2 This plate was published m A.T.A 0., 1st ed., erroneously, under "human
sacrifice," with a query ; comp. p. 141.
176 SAMUEL, SAUL, DAVID, SOLOMON
1 Sam. -v. 5 (miftan, not threshold); see pp. 60, i. ; 175,
XL 1 ; 309.
1 Sam. vi. 4 ff. : Golden tumours and golden mice were laid
before the altar as an offering. The tumours probably were
placed there m effigy for the purpose of healing the sickness,
as is shown bv the well-known Roman Catholic custom of the
present day, of dedicating waxen or silver members of the
body before the miracle-working statue. 1 The mice have the
same meaning, as symbols of the plague. Ed. Glaser found
a golden mouse, used as a dedicatory offering, in South Arabia ;
see Nielsen, AltaraUsche Mondreligion, p. 120.
1 Sam. vi 7 ff. (the ark upon the chariot drawn by cows) , see
p. ISO.
1 Sam. vii. 6. Drawing water and libation offering before
i r ahveh, see p. 113. The custom of worship 2 speaks for the
age of the "water drawing" at the autumn festival as set
forth in Joshua vii. 37 f., probably also Isa. xii. 3, and described
in Tractat Succa. 3
Saul and David
1 Sam. viii. 11 ff. describes an Oriental tyrant. Amongst other
things his sons were made to " run before his chariots," literally
trotting, as they do at the Selamlik at the present day. This
is the picture we must conceive in the case of Ahaz when he
was driven before the triumphal car of Pol in Damascus ; see
p. 217.
1 Sam. ix. 1 ff. : Saul, son of Kish, 4 Yahveh anoints him
as a prince, and he is to free Israel. 5
1 The boils belong, according to Wmckler, Gesch Jsr. t ii. 152, to the Yahvist
account, who changed the symbol (mice plague) into reality.
2 The passage is ascribed to the Deuteronomist. This may pass in regard to
the revision. But probably here, as in the case of the " boiled flesh for sacrifice "
(11. 13 ff.), and of the women in the Temple (n. 22), it is treating of customs of the
ancient religion. 2 Sam. xxiii. 1 6 also gives evidence of libation to Yahveh.
8 See B.N* T. t 75. Fig. 136 represents an Assyrian libation.
4 The name in Babylonian, Shaul&nu, comes in K^B^ iv. 100. Qi-i-shu is the
name in the Assyrian eponym canons of the eponym of 755 (K.B., i 20, 4th ed.).
6 x. i, according to Sept. (v&fav ; Hebrew, ytnri) ; see Klosterrnann upon
the passage.
CHAOS 177
Egyptian myth (see Brugsch, Religion^ 161) JDinum, the archi-
tect, modelled an Egg, 1 which contained the light, upon a
potter's wheel.
3. In a mythological presentment the world would be said
to lesult from the " brooding of the spirit." But the religious
thought breaks free from this form The world arises from
the Word of God, who is independent of the world and rules
with might over it. Here there is no theogony to be found.
The certainty with which "God" is here spoken of raises
the Biblical teaching of creation high above every Oriental
cosmogony.
That the idea of creation by the Word of God could arise
in Babylonia also may be taken as proof of the high spiritual
level of the Babylonian religion.
When Marduk is ordained to be avenger against Tiarnat and
Lord of Heaven, " to whom the lordship over the whole Universe
shall be given," he is to inaugurate his lordship bv a miracle :
They placed a " garment " in their midst,
Spoke to Mardukj their Firstborn :
" Thy (decrees of) Fate, O Lord, stand before those of the Gods !
Command destruction and creation, so shall it be '
When thou openest thy mouth the garment shall disappear f
Command it again, so shall the garment (again) be unhurt ' "
Then he commanded with his mouth, and the garment was
destroyed,
He commanded again, and the garment was (again) created.
When the Gods, his fathers, saw what proceeded from his
mouth,
they rejoiced, they did homage : Marduk is king '
The incident sounds childish, but a deep meaning underlies
it. The passage belongs to those in which the reciter only
hints at things which are well known to the hearers, or, con-
trariwise, are held as mysteries. The " garment " can scarcely
be simply a cloak. The expression following "be unhurt"
would not suit that. It must be dealing \vith a cosmic cloak,
which has to do with the ruling of destinies. Marduk's cloak
1 Comp. p. 182 For the Egg of the world in Phoenician cosmogony, see
p. 156, above. For same in India and China, etc., p. 165. The pictures in Niklas
Mutter's Glcniben, W^$sen und Kunst der Htndu t Mainz, 1822, are specially
interesting
VOL. I. 12
178 THE BIBLICAL RECORD OF CREATION
(tig. 32) shows cosmic designs \vhich m any case represent
bis lordship o\er the world's destiny. In the Biblical Ephod
and the High Priest^ robe with its cosmic ornamentation
(see Exod. xxviii. 31 ff.) ue find the same presentment.
The coronation mantle made in Bjzantium for one of the
medieval German emperors, *' with representations from the
Apocalypse v upon it, signified in the same way the rulership
of the \vorld.
4#. In terse woids the Biblical writer recoids . " And God
said. Let there be light! And there was light!" Pagan cosmo-
gonies speak in the mythological form transmitted to us of a
fantastic victory of the God of Light over dark Primeval
Chaos. For the world proceeded from Chaos, as the New World
arises in springtime out of the winter flood, after the defeat of
the Dragon of Winter. The appearance of Marduk as Light-
giver gains peculiar significance when we remember that in
Babylonian teaching Marduk, Bringer of Light, is made, as son
of Ea, equal to Adapa, zer ameluti, " Seed of Mankind," who
also brings the new age ; see pp. 106 and 89. Certain specula-
tions as to an intermediary creator also arose concerning the
Biblical creation of light, which precedes the sun, even if they
were not originally included in it. In the 104th Psalm, which
mirrors the seven acts of creation in lyric form, the first act is
indicated in the words, " who covers himself with light, as with
a garment," and in the prologue to St John's Gospel, which
purposely connects itself with the first chapter of Genesis (" in
the beginning ") the life of the Word is characterised as Light,
which from all ages has permeated the Divine creation; the
exalted Christus of the Apocalypse, who conquers the dragon
and creates the new world, is called (Rev. iii. 14) " the beginning
of the creation of God." 1 1 With good reason, therefore, light
precedes sun and moon (comp. Isa. Ix. 0; Rev. xxii. 5 and
xxi. 23) where the light proceeds from apviov?
1 As son of Ea, Marduk therefore corresponds to the Logos as mediator.
When on the other hand Mumrau (=Ea, see p. 9) as vo-nrbs K&<ri*.os conesponds
to the Logos, it is no contradiction. The son in the new age corresponds to the
father ; see pp. 89 f., n, 1.
2 " Ram "= Christ, see p. 76; B N.T , 16. I cannot agree with Wmckler's
interpretation, F,, in. 282,
RAQIA' 179
For the numbers seven and three, see pp 63 ff. From the
epic Enurna elish, written upon seven tablets, it i* not possible
to prove the number of the works of creation, owing to the
fragmentary character of the tablets. By the recital in the
song of praise to Marduk upon the last tablet the order seems
to agree fairly with the Biblical six da\V work. The works of
creation in the Babylonian Record of Creation (pp. 14 ff)
also are suggestive of the order in Gen. i., only that in the
Babylonian record mankind precedes the others ; this, on the
other hand, agrees with Gen. ii. The Etruscan teaching (pp.
168 ff.) corresponds, as do also the Indian records, and the
Persian in the Bundehesh ; see pp 161 ff. and 165 f . ; compare
also the Wessobrunner prayer, p. 1 73.
4i. Formation of the raqicf to divide the upper from the
under waters. There is a trace of the division into three of the
Celestial Universe, which we mentioned p. 175, to be found in
the idea raqicf. It is the same word that in Ezek. i. 22 ff., x.
1, designates the body of the chariot of God supported by four
Cherubim, representative of the four ends of the Earth. When
the writer says, Gen. i. 8, "God called the raqia', which
should divide the upper from the under waters, * Heaven, 1 ^ it is
not possible that it means " Heaven " in the sense in which we
mean it. 1 Raqitf is called the " firmly grounded," the built-up,
corresponding to the Babylonian shupuk. It is expressly said
"raqia' of the heaven" (that is, the Babylonian shupuk shame\
v. 14, 17 5 20, and v. 14 ff., arise in the raqia* sun and moon
and JcoJcabim ("stars,*" the planets were specially meant) as
" tokens." 1 The expression raqicf ha shamaim proves that the
author of Gen. i. knew of the double raqia'* Raqia' as
Celestial Earth is therefore the zodiac ; for it is in the zodiac
that the rulers of time move. In the ancient picture of the
universe the zodiac is so important as place of manifestation
for the stars that the other realms of the celestial world were
set in the background. Raqia^ therefore, uas simply used for
1 See p. 149, n. I.
2 Chagiga, I2 b : "There are two raqia* according to Deut x 14." /,
T2 a : "Sun, moon, planets and signs of the zodiac are sunk in the raqia'"
Comp. also the Hebrew text of Sirach, 41.
180 THE BIBLICAL RECORD OF CREATION
"heaven." 1 Gen i. completely gives up the mythological Celestial
Universe and in it* place appear^ the living God, \\ho, as Creator,
stands majestically opposed to Heaven and Earth. 2 For raqia*
as zodiac in the Bible, comp. further p 189.
4<?. Dry land, our Earth, appears out of the waters still sur-
rounding the terrestrial Earth (Hebrew., ttbel ; Assyrian, nabalu or
tannlnu). Just in the same way Earth is built upon the waters
in the Babylonian Record of Creation (pp. 14$ ff.). And in
Ps. xxiv. 2 Earth is founded upon the seas and established
upon the floods, as in the Babylonian record it is built of reeds
and mud upon the waters; see p. 143. In an Assyrian version
of the Marduk myth, in which Asshur, chief god of the
Assyrians, plays the part of Creator of the world, 3 the rain-
bow (qaqqaru) is stretched "over the ocean and over against
Eshara." That something like this was related in the missing
fragments of the epic Enuma elish is shown by the closing hymn,
which says of Marduk that he made the ashi u (here " Celestial
Earth ") 4 and (over against the ashru) built the damimu^ that
is to say, the tanmnu^ i.e. the terrestrial land : 5
Because he made the ashiu, and built the Earth, Father Bel
called him " Lord of the Lands " (Tablet VII , 115 f.)
The Creation of Plants as well was described in the Baby-
lonian record spoken of pp. 14 ff.
1 In Gen. i. 20 the birds (Ps. civ. 12, "fowls of the heaven") "fly in the
raqza* of heaven,'' that is to say, the side tuined towards us of the celestial world
represented by the zodiac. The commentator added "above the earth "
2 Wmckler, F. , ui. 387 f. (commentary upon Genesis), thinks that in verse 6,
where the raqia* is made in the midst of the waters, to divide the waters
from the waters, the terrestrial earth, the tenestnal raqia', is meant. The
author of the first chapter of Genesis has not kept the ideas clearly apart, and has
placed the terrestrial ragia* in the heaven. The very clear-sighted deductions of
J. Lepsius, in his Reich Christi, 1903, must be corrected accordingly. Lepsius
further concludes that verses 14 to 1 8 originally came before verse 8
9 K. 3445 + Rm 396, Cuneiform Texts > xui. 24 f., interpreted by Delitzsch,
the Babylonian epic of Creation, under No. 20 is tentatively included in the Enuma
elish. Asshur is here made equal by the priests of Nineveh (though probably
artificially) with Anshar, who belonged to the gods of the primeval world (see p.
147), m order to make his r6le plausible On the Assyrian claim, see also pp. 1 54 f.
above, and comp. Zimmern, X A.T. t 3rd ed., pp. 351, 496.
4 For the Deluge, see Chap. IX, ; ashru (ashratum) as "terrestrial earth."
5 See p. 149, i). 7.
STARS 181
That also the epic Enuma elish described this act of creation
is shown by a recently discovered fragment of the closing hymn
of Tablet VII , which prai^eb Marduk as creator of the world
of plants. 1
-id. The conception of the stars as spiritual beings is almost
eliminated. It glimmers still in the expression ^rulership of
sun and moon/' Gen. i. 16 and Gen. ii. 1, c *the heavens and
the earth and all the host of them.*' 1
Comp. Judges v. 20 - The stars fought from the heavens, the
people of Sisera fought from theii places. Also in passages which
conceive of the stars as mighty rulers,, as Isa. xl 26 ; Job xxxvm. 7 ;
Deut iv 19; and in the likening of the king to a star, as in
Numb xxiv. 17 In Isa xiv 12 the conception may be hidden.
Upon the whole subject, see B.N T. 3 S3 ff The mythological
presentment of the Sun coming out of the bridal chamber m the
morning as a youthful hero is treated poetically in Ps xix. 6;
see p. 117.
Though the mythological meaning of the stars has vanished,
the astrological meaning by which, as we have seen, the whole
Babylonian conception is governed, is, at least in v. 14 ,
recognisable (** they shall be for signs"). The othoth are astral
signs, against the misuse of which Jeremiah (x. 2) gives warn-
ing. At v. 17 the last trace has vanished, as in the hymn to
Sun, Moon, and Stars, Ecclesiasticus xliii. 1 ff.
For the Babylonian creation of the stars, see pp. 31 f. and
142 f.
4#. Amongst water creatures appear the Tannimm, the " sea-
serpents." The Ancient-East thought of the sea as peopled
with monsters, because of its Underworld character (pp. 8, 15 f.),
as the reliefs of Nineveh show. Ps. Ixxiv. 13 (see p. 194) shows
that we may expect to find here an echo of the monsters of
chaos. Ps. civ. 26 (founded upon Gen. i.) names Leviathan as
a sea monster. 2
1 K.T., 125 , the fragment V. R 21, No. 4 (Dehtzsch, Wdtsckopfungsepos,
p. 152) " comments J; upon these four lines of the hymn to Marduk. The
observation by Zimmern, K.A T, 3rd ed., 510, regarding the creation of \h& fruit-
ful earth in the Babylonian, is weak, since eshara does not denote the earth, but
"Olympus"
2 Apparently added later. The passage makes an awkward impression in the
Massora text.
182 THE BIBLICAL RECORD OF CREATION
4f. Compare the creation of animals on a Babylonian frag-
ment, p. 185. and the Babylonian Record of Creation, pp. 142 f
4g-. Creation of Man. Upon this there is a rich supply of
Babylonian material to be considered. In the Babylonian
religious conception the creation of man is ascribed to Ea and
Aruru, a manifestation of the Mother-goddess ; then to Marduk
of Endu, son of Ea, the Demiurgos, who, on the other hand,
is himself ^ Primeval MansT (Adapa = Adam, 1 e?* ameliiti
u Seed of Mankind *") ; finally to the Mother-goddess Ishtar
herself. The material from which man is made is dhidhu^
"clay": dhldhu iqtaiits, "he broke off clay," it is said in one
of the accounts, word for word like Job xxxiii. 6, comp. Gen.
i. 21. 2 It is said of a man who is dead, his life has become
"earth" (dkidhuh). Ea is therefore called (II R. 58, No. 5,
57) the " Potter."" This conception is still further developed in
Egypt, where the maker of man is represented sitting at the
potter's wheel. 3 The thought of a creation " after the likeness v
of God is to be found also in the Babylonian teaching, though
without the deep religious reflection \\hieh lies at the root of
the hymn-like utterance of Gen. i. 6 f. At the creation of
Eabani, when Aruru "broke off clay ,""* it is said (p. 185) that
she previously " made in her heart a zikru of the god Anu " ;
and in another text (p. 186) Ishtar (Maori, Cod. Hamm. 9 iii.
1 A A AM, AAAIIj possibly an intentional differentiation ; see Stucken, Astral-
mytheti) Ix. 71 ; Zimmern, K.A T , 3rd ed , 523 ; Winckler, P. t m 2976 K. 3459,
col. li. 12 (A B., v. 320) , adapu seems to be an epithet applied to Marduk.
Maiduk is the son of Ea in the primeval theogony ; the corresponding figure m
the heroic age is Adapa, and in the age of mankind, Adam.
2 See Izdubar-Nimrod, 1891, p 46, A. Jeremias , also comp. Ps cxxxix.
15 ; Gen. 11 7. For further quotations about the creation out of dhtdhu, see
Zimmern, K.A T., 3rd ed , 506.
3 See pp. 161 and 177, and fig 61 The presentment *'earthborn" is
universal. The first man in India, Purusha, who formerly proceeded, instead of
Brahma, from the Egg of the world, proceeded, according to the Dharma Shastra
(commentary upon the Books of the Law) from the earth, upon the command of
Vishnu, whereupon God gave him life (a soul) so that he might know his creator and
worship him ; see Lueken, Die Traditwnen des MenschengeschUehts % 2nd ed. , p. 57.
In the Chinese Fong-su tong it is said : "When heaven and earth were created,
mankind was still wanting So Nm-hoa (the demiurgos) took yellow earth and
made man therefrom." With the Greeks, Prometheus made the first man out of
clay, according to a fragment ascnbed to Hesiod, and Minerva bestowed a soul
upon him. Aristophanes (Avcs t 686) calls mankind e< image of clay" ; Pausanias,
(x. 4) ** saw the clay relics of Prometheus in a chapel in Phocis "
MAN 183
27 ff. ; Ma-ma, see p. 186) makes seven little men and se\en
little women mikhrusha^ probably " as her counterparts " : The
story of the creation of Adapa tells of the endcw ment of man
\vith intelligence.
The following texts and fragments from the Cuneiform may
be considered in regard to x\dapa :
1. The Legends of Adapa found m Amarna amongst texts
originating in Canaan and Babylonia. 2
The record of the actual acts of creation has not been recovered.
The fragments that have been recovered relate how Ea endowed
his created Being with " divine " power, a broad mind to under-
stand the constitution of the land, how he gave him wisdom he
did not, however, give him eternal life and how he made him, the
child of Endu, as a sage ( 3 ) amongst men We learn, further,
that as a '' sage and cunning fox " (abkallu and atrakhasis) 4 he
was entrusted with all manner of priestly functions, and governed
as divine baker and cupbearer. 5 With the bakers of Endu he
looked after the baking, providing the daily supply of bread and
water, he provided the dishes with his clean hands, no dish ^as
made ready without him, he entered the ship daily and -went
a-fishing for Endu. When Ea stretched himself upon his couch,
then Adapa left Endu and sailed around in his ship during the
night to catch fish From the fragments telling of Adapa's later
fate, we learn that Anu, God of Heaven, considered how this Being,
expressly called in one passage "Seed of Mankind," might also
become endowed with the gift of eternal life. One day as he went
fishing the south wind suddenly overturned his boat and he fell
into the sea Adapa in revenge broke the \vings of the south
wind (the bird Zu), so that he could not fly for seven days. Anu,
God of Heaven, called him to account, saying, "No mercy!" but
at the prayer of Tammuz and Gishzida, Watchers of the Gate, Anu
softened his anger, and commanded that a banquet should be
prepared,, and a festival garment presented to him, and oil for his
anointing :^ garment and oil he accepted, but food and drink he
refused. Ea had warned him : fe When thou appearest before Anu,
they will offer thee food of Death: eat not thereof! W T ater of
Death will they offer thee : drink not thereof! They will present
thee with a garment : put it on ! They will offer thee oil : anoint
3 Zimmera, K.A.T., 3rd A ed., 506; comp. Jensen, K.B , vi 546 "Descent of
Ishtar into Hades," where Ea, before he makes the messengers of the gods, first
made an image in his heart ; see p. 185.
2 Full transcription and translation in Jensen, -#"-&> vi. 92 tT.
3 See Jensen, KB.,vi 406. The divine son of Ea, Marduk, and the human
son, Adapa, are equally abkattu.
4 Reversed Hasis-atra (Xisuthros) in Berossus. Epithet applied to the
beginner of the new age, after the Deluge. 5 P 60
181 THE BIBLICAL RECORD OF CREATION
thyself with it." : But behold, it was Bread of Life and Water of
Life 1 Anu breaks forth in wonder Upon the man who has been
permitted by his creator to gaze into the seciets of heaven and
earth (i e has been endowed with the knowledge of mystenes,
see pp. S3 f) he (Anuj has desired to bestow also immoi tahty
And by the * e envy of the god " the man has been deceived 2
Like the Erishkigal myth, this text was sent incidentally
with some state papers to the Egyptian king, probably as
classical specimens of composition and writing, the fine style
of both compobition and writing, so different from Canaanite
work, pointing to a Babylonian source.
2. The fragment Rassam, 982, 3 tells of the creation by
Ea of a masculine Being in the mid&t of the Ocean, who was
afterwards suckled. Zimmern conjectures that this refers to
a story of the birth of Adapa.
8. The beginning of the Vlth tablet of the epic Enuma
elish describes, after a ceremonious introduction, the making
of man as the last act of creation :
When Marduk heard the discourse * of the gods^
then it came into his mind, to make [artificially]
He opened his mouth and spake unto Ea^
What he in his innermost thought had conceived communi-
cating [to him] :
Blood 5 will I take, and bone will I [build, cut off]. 6
"will place there mankind, the man may [ ] ,
1 For banquet customs and the garment, see Ps xxm 5 ; Matt. xxn. 12
2 In Gen. 111. 5 the idea of " the envy of God " shows in the words of the serpent.
3 Delitzsch, Das WeltschopfungsepoSi pp no f ; comp. Zimmein, 1C A T t 3rd
ed., 520
4 Unfortunately only unimportant parts of this discourse, which form the conclu-
sion of the Vth tablet, are contained in the fragments communicated by King, loc. ctt
5 Or is it "my blood"? Another epic fragment, Cun> Texts ; VL 5, see
Zimmern, K*A. 71, 3rd ed , 497, says the Mother of the gods made man out of clay
and the blood of a slain god. The record of Berossus, according to which, after
Bel (Marduk) had cut off his own head, he mixed earth with the flowing blood and
so made men (and animals), has proved itself true. That the beheaded one then
" hears" and "conceives something in his mind" and "opens his mouth" is no
impossibility in a myth. It is treating, as Berossus says, "of the allegorical
presentment of natural phenomena," The head continues to grow, like the
serpent in the Persian myth ; see p. 164 We must decline the religious, rather
dogmatic conclusions appearing in the article ' { Heidmsche Weissagungen auf den
Messias " by Fr. Hommel in the proof volume of Glaztben und Wissen (popular
leaflets for the defence and deepening of the Christian faith, published by Dennert).
6 Or : a piece of clay will I [break off] ? see JC.A.T^ 3rd ed , 586, n 3.
MAN 185
will create mankind* that he may d^ell [ ,
laid upon [him] shall be the sen-ice ot the gods, these be 'in
their] divine rooms l
[The temamdei is mutilated^
A song of praibe to Marduk at the end of the tablets of the
Enuma elitsh says retrospectively about the woik of creation :
. who created mankind, to dehvei them, the merciful, to whom
it belongs to bestow life discourses about him shall continue and
shall not be forgotten in the mouth of the dark-haired race, made
by his hands
The meaning of the words ^ to deliver them ^ (Assyrian padit,
compare the corresponding Hebiew word) probably refers to
Marduk's character, described pp. 106 ff. ? comp. p. 195, particu-
larly to his warfare with the Po\\er of Darkness, which continues
till the renewal of the world. It is also to be noted that Marduk
has here taken the role of Nebo, as foreteller and bnnger of
the new age (pp. 74 and 91 and comp. p. 90, n. 1).
4. In a fragmentary passage on Tablet VII. it is said : 2
He named the ends of the earth; created mankind (the dark-
haired).
5. The creation of Eabani in the Gilgaraesh epic. Tablet I. :
.... thou Aruru, hast been created by [Gilgamesh],
now make his counterpart ' . . .
When Aruru heard this, she made in her heart a counterpart
of Anu.
Aiuru washed her hands, broke off clay, spat upon it ( 5 ),
.... Eabanij made a mighty one . , . ,
6. In the Cb journey to hell of Ishtar" Ea makes an amelu
assinnu, who is to see to the deliverance of Ishtar out of the
Underworld :
Ea made an image in his heart ( 3 ;
Made Uddushu-namir, an assmnu-man
7. The fragment D.T. 41 3 begins :
After that the gods all together [the universe] made,
the heavens established,, [the earth kingdom] put together,
brought forth animated beings . . []
1 Men are made for the service of the gods , comp. p. 143.
2 K. T. t 127 ; there erroneously " created "
3 Last translated by Jensen in K B.^ vi. pp. 42 f
186 THE BIBLICAL RECORD OF CREATION
Cattle of the field, [beasts] of the field and crowds [built
the city],
[. .] the* living beings [. . . . given],
[to the cattle of the] field and to the crowd of the city
[ ] apportioned
the cattle of the field, the multitude of the crowd, every sort
of creature [. . . ]
[ . .], that in the multitude of my family [. . ,],
when Ea came up and two little [beings created],
in the multitude of the crowd [their form (?)] made beautiful 1
[Yet more mutilated lines follow ]
It ib to be inferred from the last two lines that Ea rises
from the ocean and makes two beautiful little men amongst
the men already made. 2
8. In the series of incantations of Shurpu 3 it is said :
It came to Ea, Lord of mankind, whose hands had made man.
9. In an incantation text 4 \\hich seems to have been recited
during births, Atarkhasis complains when he appears before
Ea ? his Lord, of the afflictions which have fallen upon man
(probably before the Flood, see below) :
. . . you have made us, and [therefore]
could have kept from us illness, fevers, agues, misfortunes
At the conclusion of this text we find from seven women, seven
little men and seven little women "beautifully made" and
" completed as her counterpart " by Mami the Mother-goddess
and maker of men. Hammurabi calls himself (H.C., iii. 27 ff.)
"Creation of the wise Ma-ma. " She is a variation of the
Mother-goddess Ishtar, comp. pp. 117 f.
10. In the so-called Creation Legends of Kutha 5 it is related,
rather incoherently to us (as yet) how a king of Kutha was
once upon a time threatened by monsters, and the creation of
them is told as follows :
1 Emendation verified by the stele of Merodach-Baladan, ushtatnkh nabnttsun,
2 Jensen rightly concludes the pre-supposition of these from the expressions
" throng of the city " and " my families."
3 Tablet IV., line 70. Interpreted by H. Zimmern, Beitrage zur Kenntms der
babylomschen Rehqwn
4 K 3399 + 3934; see Jensen, KB., vi 274 ff.
5 Last treated by Jensen, J?&., vi. 290 ff ("the king of Kutha") and before
by Zimmern, Z.A., xi. 317 , "King tukulti bel mshi 3> and the " Kuthsean
Legends of Creation."
MAN 187
The wamois -with bodies like cave biids^ men with countenances
like ravens,
the great gods generated them, and
upon the ground where the gods had built his city C*)
Timat suckled them,
Their mother, queen of the gods, made them beautiful
In the midst of the mountains they grew large,
They attained to manhood and they acquired stature
When in Gen. i. 26 the creation of man is introduced by
the address. " Let us make man in our image, after our likeness^
behind these words is hidden the remains of a conception of a
heavenly council, 1 as it is thought of in Iba. vi. 8, or as it is said
in the non-Biblical legends connected with the history of Moses
in Egypt :
Then were opened to his vision the heavenly heights, the
secrets of far worlds revealed themselves to him, the angels of
God were assembled about the throne of the Almighty, to give
judgment upon the events of the earth -
As in Job xxxviii. 7 it refers to wondering beholders. It is
not at all necessary to consider that it refers to helpers in the
creation, neither, consequently, need it be an " echo of polytheiMii
from the Babylonian source 11 (Budde, Urgeschichte, p. 484).
Babylonian parallels to the creation of man "after the
image"'' of God have been spoken of above, p. 185.
The Creation according to the so-called Yahvist
(Gen. ii. 4ff.)
" In the day that Yahveh made earth and heaven no plant of
the jield was yet in the earth, and no herb of the Jield had yet
sprung up: for Yahveh had not caused it to rain upon the earthy
and there was not \i/ef\ a man to till the ground^ \but there icent
up a mist from the earth, and watered the whole face of the
ground]* then Yahveh formed man of the dust of the ground
1 Comp. Gen. 111 22, xi 7 ; Job i 6 ff. In the Wessobrunner praj er God is
surrounded by the hosts of heavenly spirits at the creation ; see p. 173.
2 See Beer, Leben Moszs ; upon the celestial council, comp. JB N.T., pp 136"
3 The sixth verse, which disturbs the coherence, possibly belonged originally to
the description of the garden, where the Water of Life is missing, which should be
near the Tree of Life ; see Holzinger ad loc^ in Marti's Handkommentar If
our comparison with the Babylonian story is right this supposition gains new
support theiefrom.
188 THE BIBLICAL RECORD OF CREATION
and breathed into his nostrils the bieath of life and man became
a living soul."
These are the words with \\hich the so-called Yahvist
introduces the history of man. The tone of the story recalls
the beginning of the Babylonian Record of Creation spoken of
pp. 142 ff., and also the beginning of the epic Enuma elish.
The Northern cosmogony, p 170, and the Wessobrunner prayer
begin in like manner: " . . . then Yahveh made man."
It sounds almost like an intentional polemic against the non-
Biblical theogony, " ; . . then the gods were made."" The
terrestrial acts of creation begin with man in the Babylonian
Record mentioned, pp. 142 ff.
Creation in the Bool: of Proverbs
(Prov. viii. 22-31)
Wisdom (Hochmah, Sophia) speaks :
Yahveh formed me as the beginning of his way, as the first of
his works,,
Before his works of old
I was set up from everlasting, from the beginning,
Or ever the earth was.
When there were no depths, I was brought forth ;
When there were no fountains abounding with water.
Before the mountains were settled,
Before the hills was I brought forth :
While as yet he had not made the earth, nor the fields,
Xor the sum of the dust of the world.
When he established the heavens, I was there :
When he set a circle over the ocean :
When he made firm the skies above :
W r hen the fountains of the deep became strong :
When he gave to the sea its bound,
That the waters should not transgress his commandments,
When he marked out the foundations of the earth :
Then was I by him as a master workman ;
And I was daily his delight,
Sporting (busy) always before him,
Sporting upon his habitable earth,
And my delight was with the sons of men.
Wisdom dwells in the deeps, from whence the earth proceeds. 1
She corresponds to the J/OJ/TO? KOO-JULOS of Damascius (mytholo-
1 See Peiser, <9..Z, 1900, 451 ; and comp p. 191, n. I.
CREATION IN THE BOOK OF JOB 189
gised as ilummu, Ea, Marduk-abkallu) 5 to the " spirit brooding
upon the face of the waters" 1 of Gen. i,, and to the Logob, see
pp. 6, 90, n. 1, 176.
Creation in the Book of Job
(Job xxxviii. 4-7)
Where wast thou when I laid the foundations of the earth -
Declare, if thou hast understanding '
Who detei mined the measures thereof, seeing thou
knowest '
Or who stretched the line upon it '
Whereupon were the fountains thereof made to sink,
Or who laid the corner-stone thereof;
When the morning stars sang together,
When all the sons of God shouted for joy?
Then all the separate parts of the terrestrial world are
described. The " scientific " details are enlarged upon in these
purely poetic descriptions
THE BIBLICAL COSMOS
The following material may be considered ill this connection
(comp. p. 175).
We meet with a faint trace of raqicf as the zodiac (pp.
179 f.) in the 19th Psalm :
The heavens declare the glory of God; and (as it weie in a special
way) the raqia e sheweth his handiwork (it is the commentary for the
revelation of the Deity)
The question may be suggested in this connection, whether
the shekhaqim) which sometimes stands parallel with sharnaim 9
" heaven," may not in some passages signify " heaven " in the
same sense as the Babylonion eshara, which like " Olympus "
was built opposite to apm ; see p. 149.
Hast thou stamped (the verb relating to raqia' is used) with him
upon shekhaqim, strong as a molten mirror ? (Job xxxvii 1 3.)
Thy lovmgkmdness, Yahveh, is in the heavens,
Thy faithfulness (reacheth) unto the shekhaqim,
Thy righteousness is like the mountains of God,
Thy statutes 1 like the great Tehom" (Ps. xxxvi. 5 f.)
not "judgments" (Kautzsch).
2 Heie and elsewhere in the Septuagmt given as djStWor ; Vulgate, afysstts.
190 THE BIBLICAL RECORD OF CREATION
As heaven and the mountains are antitheses in the last
passage, shelhaqim and tehom (ocean) must be taken as the
corresponding celestial and terrestrial ideas. 1 In Deut. xxxin. 15
if. Joseph's land is described as the most blessed, as the central
point. In it "the heaven abo\e, and the tehom, that coucheth
beneath" are named in antithesis, and the sun and growing
moon, comp. p. 35, n. 1 (Wmckler, F., lii. 306 ff.)-
The three parts of the universe are known also to the so-
called Elohibt in Exod. xx. 4 :
Thou shall not make unto thee any idol, nor the likeness of any thing
that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, 01 that is in the
water under the earth.
" In the \\ ater under the earth " gives a very faint, confused
conception. Ocean was thought of as being round about and
under the earth When the passage forbids making the image
of anything that is in the sea (comp. v. 11, " the sea, and all
that in them is""), surely it must include not only the fishes, but
also the sea monsters: Leviathan, Tanninim, Tehomoth, and
Behemoth, as they appear in the poetic passages ; comp. p. 181.
That these mythical sea monsters were pictorially represented
in the temple at Jerusalem is suggested by Ezek. viii. 1 if. The
controversies show that the "scientific' 1 presentment is trace-
able even in Exod. xx.
Comp. also Ps. cxxxv. 6, " Whatsoever Yahveh pleased, that
hath lie done. In heaven and in earth, in the seas and in all
Tehomothr
Ps cxlviii. faintly reflects the conception :
v. 1. Praise the Lord from the heavens.
v 7. Praise the Lord from the earth.
The "heavens" are further explained as mfromtm; here it
is the stars, such as in Isa xxiv. 21 ff. (see p 195), have become
the hosts of Yahveh (in the Priestly Documents they are wholly
eliminated). V. 4 then specially mentions the waters of the
heavens, to which a pn (boundary) is given beyond which
they may not pass ; see p 150, n. 2.
1 In skekhaqtm one may certainly think of the w waters that are above,"
which, asm Gen. i., are over against the " waters that are below/'
THE BIBLICAL COSMOS 191
The sea in v 7 with the tanmnim and all tehoinoth (tiamat*.
or is it behemoth ?), all mythical sea-monster^ aKo all earthly
creatures and inhabitants, belongs to the Earth, that is, to the
earthly leahn in opposition to the celestial.
In the Bab\ Ionian apsfi the sea is in mythological sense the
dwelling-place of "wisdom." 1 Ea, uho dwells in apsfi, is Ml
nimeqi) u Lord of Wisdom v ; see p 105 In Pb. xxxvi. 6 the
judgments of God are likened to the "great tehom "^ And in
Proverbs wisdom is represented as sitting in tehom 1
When the earth in Ps xxiv. 2 ib "founded upon the seas
(D^D" 1 ) and established upon the floods (jwrrajr* ^kis a ^ so
corresponds to the Babylonian conception ; see p. 143 In the
beginning all was sea , the earth was built upon it ; therefore
the ocean was not only around, but also under the earth. So
in Gen. MI. 11 the fountains of the great tehom \\ere opened at
the Flood (see Chap X.), and in Gen xhx 25 blessings come from
tehom u that coucheth beneath " as they do from heaven above.
What are the mndoirs of heaven (miltf), Gen vu. 1 1 ; 2 Kings
vii. 2; Isa. xxiv 18; Mai. m 10? Is it merely a poetic expression
for rain ? Or is it connected with the still unintelligible mysterious
" waters that are above " which were shut off by a kkoq (bolt) ?
see p. 149.
We find in the Biblical as in the Babylonian presentment a
popular idea also which, alongside the division into heaven,
earth, and water, puts heaven above as God's dwelling-place,
earth as nian\ abode, and the Underworld beneath the earth as
the place of the dead.
The heavens are the heavens of Yahveh, but the earth hath he
given to the children of men ; they that go down into silence praise
not Yahveh. (Ps. cxv. 16 f.)
Ask thee a sign, in the depths of the Underworld or in the
heights above (Isa. vn. II) His wisdom is high as heaven, deeper
than the Underworld (Job xi. 8).
They must have seen by the arch of the Milky Way that the
heavens formed a rounded vault. In the Greek age this is shown
by Eccles. i. 5, in Biblical documents : " The Sun also ariseih,
and the sun goeth down and hasteth to his place where he ariseth"
1 P. 188. Upon the "deliverance"' which is brought from the "seas" by
Marduk, comp. p. 107, n. 2.
192 THE BIBLICAL RECORD OF CREATION
The Greek? ?poke of the antipodes (Macrobius, i, 21, see
p. 128. also Aii&tarcus as early ab the third century B c.) 5 and
knew that the earth is a globe.
We musst entirely separate the " scientific " conception from
the poetic description, chiefly to be found in the Psalms 5 which
paints the um\erse as a visible building of vhich earth is the
lower and heaven the upper floor, \\here God dwells with
the higher beings, and garners up provisions, whilst the sea
(trsrrn, that is, ptf -^DSN? 1 corresponding to the Babylonian
ctpsu] garners the water springs. It is thus in Ps. xxxvi.
The author of Ps. civ. also will have nothing to do with
cosmological descriptions. He describes how the majesty of
God pervades the whole natural "world, and draws his own
pictures, though by isolated expressions (raqia', Leviathan) he
betrays his knowledge of the mythology.
B Duhm in his Commentary on the Psalms (Ps. xxxvi. and civ.)
has built up the Biblical picture of the universe exactly like the
poetic descriptions^ which have nothing to do with a system At
the same time he underestimates the cosmological knowledge of
the Israelites " Although the Jews were scattered throughout
the whole world, yet their knowledge of the real world (the
conception of the universe is meant) is much less than that of the
Greeks, because they had no idea of a scientific collection and
treatment of the scattered knowledge " (p xxvi ) From the Bible
alone we could in nowise come to this conclusion. The learned
Jews in Babylon had mastered all the knowledge of their time as much
as the other Oriental scholars of that age, as the Hellenistic Jews did that
of their time, and as the medieval Jews were conversant with Islamic
knowledge. Duhm's interpretation of the conception of the
universe clearly shows Greek influence. Also in Schiaparelli's
book Astronomy in the Old Testament, the presentments founded upon
"science" are unfortunately not kept separate from the poetic
expressions.
COMBAT BETWEEN YAHVEH AND THE DRAGON
Oriental mythology is reflected in several passages in the Old
Testament, where Yahveh's strife with, and victory over, dragon-
like beings, or over primeval water personified in Tehorn, are
1 In that case the word would then be etymologically separated from dpgs, " all
being."
SOURCES OF THE STORIES 193
Israel and Judah occupied themselves with the greatest interest
in the politics of their time, and that they stood in clo<-e
intercourse with the surrounding nations.
Before the cuneiform writings of the monuments had been
deciphered, which were brought to light from the palaces of
Nineveh, and partly also from Babylonian ruins, a strange
picture was presented by the manuscript sources of the history
of Assyria and Babylonia for the time from the middle of the
eighth century till 538 that is to say, for the period of political
dependence of Israel-Judah upon the kingdom** on the Tigris
and Euphrates. There were points in chronology which can be
verified with absolute certainty. But the accounts of the events
themselves were extremely meagre.
The excerpts preserved from Diodorus, and the stories of Ktesias
about the history of Nineveh and the kingdom of the Medes, which
for t\\ o thousand years brought confusion into the historv of Assyria,
have been proved quite useless.
These authorities come into consideration :
(a) The astronomical " Canon of Ptolemy " in its first division to
the time of Cyrus It contains an astronomical calendar from
Xabonassar onwards, 1 which gave the astronomical events of each
royal year. The Babylonian calendar passed to Egypt and was
continued there, with wholly incorrect figures (by Hipparchus *),
and carried on to several centuries after Christ It is named after
Claudius Ptolemseus, because he mentioned the lists and handed
them on imfalsified Lunar eclipses are given for 747-538, which
were verified later, and found to correspond to the Julian calendar.
(6) Fragments and notices from the Chaldean history by Berossus
He was contemporary with Alexander, and wrote in the service of
the Seleucids his three books, XoASat/ca and Ba/foAcwtaica. As he
was a priest of the temple of Marduk in Babylon, he had a rich
source of documents at his disposal. The monumental cuneiform
writings have given brilliant proof of his reliability.
(c) Notices out of Abydenus so far as they concern Babylon He
is later than Berossus, and wrote, according to Moses of Chorene,
"Origins" (probably = 'ApxatoAoyiKa); according to Eusebms, histories
of Chaldaea, Assyria, and of the Medes.
(d) The notices of Herodotus upon the histories of the Medes,
Lydians, Babylonians, and Egyptians, as he heard them in all good
faith from the natives
(e) Upon the history of Tyre, three fragments of the writings
1 See pp. 75, i. f., and compare besides Syncellus, Ckronogr., 267 airJ> Naa-
ycurdpou robs %p&vovs TTJS TCW> a,<Frepa)v Kivfiffeas XaXJJojoi ijKpl&affav.
VOL. IT. 13
POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
of Meiiander of Ephe^us m Josephus, C. Apion, i. 117 (113 ? ) to 125
(A?it,\'m 144;: i 158(Jf,ix 283)
Joseplms himself can only be included when it is a case of
continuing a lecoid from another source. Chroiiographers like
Eiibebius and Syncellus are useless Then writings are not founded
upon aood authority The httle they knew they wrested forcibly
to fit their system., and it is not possible to distinguish truth horn
falsehood
The Assyrian inscriptions brought rich sources of mateiial for
judging- of the middle period of the kings It is worthy of em-
phatic note that, in the beginning, the statements of the Bible gave
much enlightenment towards deciphering the Assyrian annals.
Since the middle of the tenth century we possess unbroken
records of Assvuan kings; the , royal inscriptions only fail for the
period 781-744
With 893 the Liuiu lists begin, 1 which are overlapped by the latei
Babylonian lists and chronicles. They are almost complete for the
middle period of the Israelite kings. What the catalogues of the
Archons are for the study of Greek history, and the Consular Fasti
for Roman history, the lists of the Assyrian eponyms, named
after the Greek prototype, are for the history of Western Asia
The copy preserved to us begins with Adad-mraii II., son of
Tiglath-Pileser II , of whom -we know nothing but the name He
reigned till 890 (891). Our fragment begins in 893 Probably
the lists began in 911- With this year a new saros ( = 600 years)
seems to ha\e begun The beginning of the next saros falls in
312.11 and opens the era of the Seleucids. The fragments leach
to 666, and therefore they supplement the Ptolemaic Canon of the
years 74-7-555, or 538
The part of the list which is of special unportance is a particular
column which communicates the most important facts of the year
in question. So in the ninth year of Asurdan it is said : " e In the
month Sivan an eclipse happened to the sun " It may be reckoned
that the statements can only refer to the total solar eclipse which
was observed m Nineveh on 15th June 763 B.C. This would give
to Asurdan, the years of whose reign may be counted according to
the list, from 7 7 2-7 5 -i. Accordingly the reigns of the previous
and the following kings can be most accurately established
Supplementary to the Limu lists are: (1) The so-called "Syn-
chronistic History/' a fragment of diplomatic acts, an extract from
archives concerning certain dealings between Assyna and Babylon 2
(2) The Babylonian Chronicle (from the library of Assurbanipal,
transcript of a Babylonian original). 3 (3) A Babylonian list of kings. 4
.i i. 204 ft
2 JK A, i. 194 &
3 K.B. ii., 273 ff., recently published by Delitzsch ; m Abh. d KgL Sachs. Ges.
der Wtssenschaften^ 1906
4 ^T.A, ii. 288.
MOUNT CARMEL THE BOUNDARY 195
Political Rights m Syria as far as Mount Cannel
About 1500 the po\ver of the Egyptian kings (eighteenth
dynasty) extended as far as Mesopotamia. Thothmes III , under
whom probably the supremacy over Canaan and Egypt was
established (see pp. 327, i. f.)> had already foiced the Hittites
to pay tribute. In the Ainarna period the Hittites appear as
powerful foes of the Egjptians.
The silver tablet tieaty, 1 which after long, warlike complica-
tions was, about 1270, concluded for mutual help between the
Hittite king Khattusar and Pharaoh Rameses II., appears to
have given up Syria as far as Mount Carmel to the Hittites.
Fully one hundred years later the Assyrian king Tukulti-apil-
eshara (Tiglath-Pileser) I , under whom Assyria was for a short
time a great ruling power, infringed the rights of the
Hittites. 2 He o\erthrew them in the north and noith-east, 3
passed over the Euphrates, took possession of the land up to the
Taurus, and undertook, after the manner of the ancient
Babylonian kings, to open the road which led through
Karkemish, Aleppo, and Hamath to the Mediterranean. He
conquered the Hittite king [ . . . . ]-Teshup and pressed as
far as the coast of Phoenicia. During the stay of his court in
Arvad 4 he received an ambassador from the Egyptian king.
Then he advanced along the Phoenician coast and probably
placed the first Assyrian statue at the Nahr el Kelb
(Ba'li-ra'si). 5 By this political act the ancient territory of
the Hittites, which reached to Carmel, passed over to the
1 Last translated and considered by Messerschmidt, A, O., iv. i, 2nd ed , pp. 6 ff. ,
comp p 330, i The Hittite original in Babylonian cuneiform character was
discovered by H. Wmckler in Boghazkoi.
2 In the inscription of Bavian, line 50, Sennacherib mentions an event which
happened 418 years before his conquest of Babylon (689). This gives the year
1107 as a certain date for the reign of Tiglath-Pileser. The inscriptions of the
fust six >ears of his reign (J B*, i. 14 ff., and in addition the broken obelisk
which belongs to this time, 125 IT.) are as yet our chief historical authorities for
this period.
3 Inscriptions in grotto near the source of the Euphrates, III. R. 4, No. 6 ;
JT..&, i. 48 f.
4 In the later Assyrian campaigns this northernmost Phoenician city is not
mentioned. It remained under Assyrian dominion.
5 See p 319, i,
196 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
great Assyrian king. This is an important point for the
comprehension of the later Assyrian claims in the wars with
Israel.
There comes now a gap of a hundred year* in our traditions.
Shalmaneser II. mentions the efforts of one of his predecessors
of this period, Avoir-(h)irbi, to retain the conquests in Syria
and Phoenicia, and records that he, like Assur-irbi, had erected
his statue by the sea l
Formation of the Small Mediterranean States
During this period of Egypt's weakness and the Hittite wars
the nations on the Mediterranean coast could develop in
comparative freedom and independence. 2 Phoenician city-
kingdoms arose, for a time as it appears, under the leadership of
Sidon, later of Tyre. On the southern coast (rather southward
from Dor) the Philistine state consolidated itself, which owes
itvS rise 3 to a settlement of a remnant of the so-called "sea-
people.'" In the land of Jordan the formation of the states of
Israel- Judah was completed, and the states of Edom, Moab, and
Ammon arose. In Syria, in the territory of the ancient
Hittites, arose Aramaic states. Already since the middle of
the second millennium there are hints of the Aramaya. 4 About
1000 B.C. Syria and Mesopotamia, till then overrun by
Hitfcites, have a preponderant Aramaic population. Only
Palestine itself did not become Aramaic. But here also there
are traces of its influence; after the time of Assyrian rule
(ninth century) the business language of Palestine was Aramaic.
The most important states, with a mixed Hittite-Aramaic
population, are:
L The state of Patin, northward and southward from the
1 These would be, therefore, Nos. 2 and 3 of the Assyrian statues to be sought
on the Nahr el-Kelb No. I was the first - mentioned monument of Tiglath-
Pileser I.
2 The most remarkable evidence of this period of free intellectual development
is the introduction of the Hebrew alphabetic writing in place of the Babylonian
syllabic and verbal scnpt of which there is evidence in the Amarna period and
still later. Alphabetic writing is attested in North Syria by the Panammu
inscription found at Zenjirh and in the later Bible land by die Moabite stone.
3 See p. 346, i., n. 2 ; comp. p. 337, L, n. i.
* Comp. A.O., iv., 3rd ed., Sanda, Du Aramaer.
DAMASCUS 197
Orontes district. It is probably identical \\ith the Biblical
Padan-Aram. Southward from this
2. The state of Hamath.
3 The state of Damascus. 1 For the Biblical historian
Damascus (Aram Dammazek) is the essence of the Aramaean
kingdom.
Ab the states of Israel-Judah were temporarily alternately
under Tyrian and under Damascene supremacy, \\ e must direct
our attention to the histories of Damascus and Tyre, in order
to understand the political history of Israel.
Damascus
In all ages Damascus was the key to Syria. From hence the
caravan road led eastward to Babylonia, southward to Arabia,
northward to Mesopotamia, and westward over the passes of
Lebanon to Sidon and Tyre and the northern Phoenician cities.
Also the via marls of Isaiah led by the sources of Jordan to
Damascus.
Unfortunately, we are dependent for our knowledge of the
history of Damascus almost entirely upon the Biblical records
and the cuneiform inscriptions. There is little hope of find-
ing any native Damascene tradition. The name Dimashq
points to a non-Semitic founding of the city, which is pre-
historic. At the period historically interesting to us the
population must ha\ e been a mixed Aramaic-Hittite race. But
this population had inherited the same Semitic civilisation
which was brought by the " Canaanite " 2 migration, the flood-
tide of which in the third millennium overflowed Western Asia.
It is shown that this civilisation still existed by Kings v. 18
amongst others, according to which Rirninon was the divinity
worshipped at Damascus, that is, the Babylonian Ramman., in
whom the Hittites recognised their Teshup. 3
1 South of Damascus the small state Zobah (Assyrian Subiti, named in 2 Sam.
x. 1-14 near Ma'acah and Refyob). The exegesis formerly erroneously assumed,
upon the authority of 2 Sam vm. and x., corn p. I Kings xi. 23, a large Aramaean
kingdom of Zobah, which was annihilated by David, and which was separate from
the Aramaean kingdom of Damascus. Compare upon this Winckler, Gcsch. fsr.,
i. 138 ff.
2 See p. 2, i., note.
3 Comp. fig. 46. Upon the corresponding Aramaean divinity, see p 198 n 2.
198 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
From the sixteenth century omvarcL we meet with Damascus
as one of the Syrian cities in Egyptian inbcriptioiis. In the
Canaanite letters in the archives of A mania, c * Dimashqi in
the land of Ubi " (possibly = Hoba of Gen. xiv. 15) appears,
not very prominently. According to the Biblical tradition,
the district was subject to the state of Judah in the time of
David. In the time of Solomon (about 950) Damascus became
the seat of an Aramaic kingdom through Rezon, an officer of
the king of Aram-Zoba, who took possession of Damascus, as
leader of a band of freebooters. 1 Kings xi. 23 ff. : *' Rezon was
Israel's adversary, so long as Solomon lived." The actual
founder of Damascene power is Ben-hadad (885-843). 1 Kings
xv. 18 his ancestors are named : Tab-Rimmon and Hezion ;
the latter probably erroneously for Rezon. 1 Ben-hadad, 2 who
subjugated Israel under Baasha, and then again after it had
allied itself with Tyre, was a powerful opponent of the
Assyrians.
The first king on the Limu list, spoken of at p 194, is
Tukulti-Ninib I. (889-884), who carved his statue in the
grotto at the source of the Euphrates, near that of Tiglath-
Pileser I. He was followed by Asurnazirpal III. (884-860).
He saved Mesopotamia, fought against the Aramaeans who
were settling there, chiefly against Bit-Adini (i.e. b'ne ^Eden
of the Bible) in the neighbourhood of Haran, passed over the
Euphrates, fought against the Hittites, remnants of whom
had gradually grouped themselves round about Gargamish,
and opened the way to the Mediterranean Sea for Assyrian
power. He next succeeded in overthrowing the northernmost
of the Aramaean states, Patin. He conquered the king
Lubarna, and made his city of Aribua into a centre for an
Assyrian colony. This brought him to the northern boundary
of Hamath, which adhered to Damascus. He avoided war with
1 Thus with Klostermann ; see Gesenius-Buhl, s.v. pn.
2 Thus ALT., LXX. vhs *A5ep, Assyrian IM-'idn. The ideogram of divinity
IM must be read as Adad or Ramman or Bir. Possibly Bir (in investiture docu-
ments named Be-ir together with Adad, see K.A.T., 3rd ed., 134) is the Aramaic
divinity corresponding to the "Canaanite" (see p. 124, i.) Ramman and Adad,
and to the Hittite Teshup (see p. 124, i.). From Biblical tradition the existence
of two Ben-hadads has erroneously been concluded.
PHOENICIA 199
Damascus, but rather passed southwards along the ^a, and
had hib statue carved at the Xahr el-Kelb. : Tyre and Sidon
paid tribute to him. His successor, Shalmaneser II (S69-S25),
took up the war against Damascus, without material result, in
bpite of fierce assaults 2 His annals record his campaign in
the sixth year of his reign (854). He overthrew Aleppo
(Halman). Farther south, on the Oronte&, near Qarqar, the
fighting strength of Damascus came against him under the leader-
ship of Ben-hadad ("alliance of Syrian- Ham athite cities"),
Hamath, together with those of the Hatti land (general term
of the Assyrians for Syria) and of the sea-coasts. Ahab of
Israel (A-ha-ab-bu matu sir-"i-la-ai) took part with two thousand
chariots and ten thousand men The great king of Assyria
announces that he was victor in an awful battle, and dammed
the Orontes with bodies of the slain as by a bridge. In
realit\ he was stopped from making further advance. Also in
849 and 846 his attempts were fruitless. The Assyrian policy
then turned to isolating Damascus. \Ve have to follow out
the further fortunes of the state of Damascus in the course of
the history of Israel.
Phoenicia, especially Tyre*
So long as darkness veiled the civilisation of the Ancient-
East, the importance of Phoenicia was vastly overrated on the
ground of the information in classical writings. The fifty
miles of coast-land, bounded at the back by Lebanon* could
not produce any independent civilisation, nor could it com-
mand the seas by its own power. The " Phoenicians " belong
to the same stratum of people which populated Babylon with
Semites and the valley of the Nile with the Hyksos, Canaan
with Ammonites, Moabites, Edomites, and lastly with Israel.
They form the first movement forward of this people's march,
1 No 4 of the Assyrian monuments to be sought on the rocks (p. 196, n. i).
2 The text upon the following is in A1 7" , 2nd ed., pp. 14 ff.
3 Works upon the subject Pietschmann, Die Gesclnchie der Phom&er, 1889 ;
Fr. Jeremias, Tyt its bis zur Zeit Nebukadnezars , v. Landau in jx or. hex, L 4,
and A.O , n 4 ; Winckler in A.O., vu 2 ("Die Euphratlander und das Mittel-
meer"); further K.A.T^ 3rd ed., pp. 126 ff., and Auszug am der Vorderasiat.
Geschtchte, pp. 74 ff.
200 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
which from here outwards pressed on towards the coasts of
North Africa. But they found civilised states there before
them, of whose history we know nothing. Sargon, or his son
Xaramsin, was obeyed by the kings of the bea-coast and thirty-
two cities ; see p. 319, i.
In the Amarna period we find independent cities along the
coast of the Mediterranean, but no disposition to the forma-
tion of states But it was a uniform population as far as Gaza.
The writings of a King Zimrida of Sidon and letters from
Abiinilki of Tyre are in the archives of Amarna. Map II.
shows the cities mentioned in the Amarna Letters. Then
the cities came successively under Hittite or Assyrian dominion.
Tiglath-Pileser, who earned the claims of the Hittites as far
as Carmel. took up his quarters in Arvad. When, about 1100,
the Assyrians emerged here (pp. 195 )> the Phoenician cities
offered no resistance. Unlike Damascus, they were much more
drawn to the Assyrians.
The principal towns northward from Carmel lie at an almost
symmetrical distance apart: Arvad (Aruada, Tripoli), Gebal
(Gubla), Beerot (Berunu, Beirut), Sidon (Sidonia), Tyre
(Tsurru), Akka (Ptolemais). Southward from Carmel the
cities in like manner bear Phoenician character, although they
were under Israelite and Philistine influence : Dor, and not far
from there Migdal-Ashtoret (Stratonsburg, Stratonos Pyrgos), 1
and the only haven which came into consideration for Israel
and Judah, 2 Jaffa ( Japu, Joppa). From here, after the fourteenth
century, stretched the Philistine territory.
Arvad, likewise Sidon and Tyre, lay, according to the in-
scriptions, originally upon islands. 3 At some period Sidon
must have had the supremacy. The native name of the
Phoenicians is Sidonians (the kings of Tyre call themselves
kings of the Sidonians; Sidon is the "mother of Canaan")
1 Comp. Stratonice=Ishtar, see Kampfum Babel und Btbel, 4th ed , p. 35.
2 When Josiah went out against the Pharaoh Necho, it was to be expected that
he would try to stop him here at his landing-place For this reason Megiddo
(battle of Megiddo 609-8, death of Josiah) may, as Wmckler assumes, very likely,
be a misunderstanding of Migdol.
3 When Zimrida of Sidon besieges the king of Tyre, it is said m an Amarna
Letter : " He has no water to drink, and no wood for fires."
BOUNDARIES OF ISRAEL-JUDAH SOI
Homer also calls the Phoenicians Sidonians, and the Old
Testament designates by Sidonim the state which united
Tyre and Sidon. But probably only the vouthern group
from Beirut is meant. The t\\o partb of the coa^ district
show differences of dialect to the present day. Gebal and
Arvad show a certain isolation, and their inhabitants appear
in the inscriptions as independent tribes.
At the period of the Israel- Judah state Tyre had the supremacy.
Abi-ba c al (about 980) appears as a contemporary of David
Hiram I., who subdued Cyprus and built the city of Kart-
hadasht there, was contemporary with Solomon. In the frag-
ments of Menander of Ephesus, 1 Hiram appears opposed to
Israel-Judah m the same position as later Ben-hadad of
Damascus.
The Boundaries of the States of Israel-Judah 2
A natural boundary is formed to the north by Hermon, 300
metres high, and the deep hollow of the Nahr el-Kasimiyeh, in
its upper reaches called Litani (Eleutheros of the Greeks).
The desert bounds the east, likewise the south. The Wadi es
Seba comes into consideration for the southern boundary.
This is the " stream of Egypt "* (nahal Mizraim, or Muzri). u
The record of the conquest, Joshua xi. 16 f, really also
names as northern boundary the hollow between Lebanon and
Hermon : " Ba'al Gad in the plain (bebik'at) of Lebanon, under
Mount Hermon "" ; comp. xiii. 5, " unto the entering in of
Hamath," that is, the hollow between Lebanon and Hermon,
across which is the way to Ccele-Syria, What is meant is the
Hamath lying north from Galilee, south from Hermon.
The statement of the boundary in Judges xx. 1 and 1 Sam.
iii. 20, comp. Gen. xiv. 14, agrees with this : from Dan to
Beersheba. It could be as well expressed : " from the entering
in of Hamath to the stream of Egypt (nahal MuzriV The
2 Comp. Buhl, Gcogtaphie Palasttnas. And chiefly Winckler, P., IIL 249 ff.
Also Nagl, Die tiachdamck'scfa Konigsgesckichte,
3 Winckler takes the Wadi el Arish for the southern frontier, because Raphia,
mentioned by Esarhaddon, lies there.
202 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AN 7 D JUDAH
late idea took it to mean Syrian Hamath, and added also to it
Zobah, in the district to the north, instead of the south, of
Damascus.
The proverbial statement, "from Beersheba to Dan," or,
nahal Mum to u the entering in of Hamath," 1 also gives the
boundaries of the kingdom of Da\id This definition of
boundary lies at the root of the numbering of the people,
2 Sam. xxiv. o ff, comp. also 2 Kings xiv. 2,5 ; bee p. 213.
When Da\id had subdued Hadadezer of Zobah and the
Aramaeans of Damascus, 2 Sam. viii., Toi of Hamath brought
him tribute (skcfal shulmi). Like Phihstia, Moab and Ammon,
the people beyond the northern frontier, acknowledge the
supremacy of the kingdom of David. Also 1 Kings iv. 21
really gi\es no greater extent of territory to Solomon. The
passage is spoilt by a later legendary extension of the kingdom
of David. When national life had been extinguished, imagina-
tion drew a kingdom of David extending from the Nile (instead
of nahal Muzri) to nahar Haggadol (interpreted as Euphrates,
instead of Eleutheros). 1 The passage runs : " (Solomon) ruled
over all kings from the (great) River (Eleutheros), over the
land of the Philistines, and unto DnSD 7O3L (the nahal Muzri
here has grown to the River of Egypt, the Nile). 1 "
Even Ezekiel, xlvii. 15-17, contents himself with the actual
extent, although an ideal picture is being given. The northern
boundary here is a line running eastward from the sea through
Hamath. And in the period of the Maccabees, the actual
boundary was still recognised. 1 Mace. xii. 24-34, Jonathan
leads an army against Demetrius, " and came against them in
the country of Hamath, for he would not leave him time to set
foot in his country." He therefore lays claim to the country
named in Ezekiel. Jonathan defeats the enemy, but does not
pursue them cc because they had gone over the river Eleutheros "
(i.e. Litani, Nahr el-Kasimiyeh. He turns against an Arab
sheikh and comes into the country of Damascus (he had there-
fore crossed one of the passes leading down the southern slope
of Hermon).
1 Eleutheros is certainly some kind of translation of the surname ' * the great
(the noble)."
SOLOMON AND HIRAM 203
Gen xv 18 : " Unto thyJoUonws mil I gire Urn land J row ihe naha!
Mu~n ttnto thenahai Haggadol" (i e Eleutherch, ; see p 202, and n 1,
below) This is the original meaning Deut. i 7: "go to the hill
country of the Amonles (le Herman and the southern spuis of
Lebanon, therefoie the district of Hamath) and to all the pfaces
nigh thereunto [gloss : in the Aiabahj and m the hill country, and
in the lowland on the sea, and in the Negeb, in the land of the
Canaamtes] and Lebanon as far the great river [gloss* : the river
Euphrates] " The original meaning is : they shall possess the land
to the 1101 them frontier^ as far as Hainath ]
Joshua i 4- confirms this : "from thu Lebanon even unto the great
[the river Euphiates] ' "
Solomon and H.lram of Tyre
The monuments give us nothing on the histories of Saul and
David. The statements about SauPs victories over surrounding
enemies Moab, Ammon, Aram 2 bet Rehob and Zobah (northern
and north-easterly neighbours of Israel) and about David's
victories (over the Israelites, 2 Sam. vin. 2 . over the Philistines
* from Gath even unto the sea,"" viii. 1 ['*] ), over Hadad 'Ezer of
Zobah (2 Sam. x. ) and his allies, Beth-Rehob, king of Ma'acah
( = Geshur) and the men of Tub (comp. Judges xi. 3, 5), corre-
spond to the actual circumstances of the time. David freed the
land east of Jordan from the encroaching Aramaeans. For this
reason To'u of Hamath 3 made him presents.
For the stories of Solomon we are not dependent only upon
the Biblical records. How often in Oriental history the great
builder follows the conqueror! What the Bible records of
Solomon, Menander of Ephesus, who had access to the
Tyrian annals of the temple of Melkart, relates of J^irain,
contemporary of Solomon, and of his father Abiba*aL
As Solomon beautified Jerusalem, so these t\*o beautified
Tyre, by fine buildings. In the fragments of Menander,
whose " Greek and barbaric stories'" were aware alike of
the writings of Berossus of Babylon and Manetho of Egypt,
Solomon is mentioned, and in the sense of a Tyrian polemic
1 Buhl's explanation, loc. ctt , p 65, accordingly falls to the ground.
2 To be read thus, instead of Edom, with Winckler, Gcsch, hr^ i. 143 ; upon
the following, comp. u. 206 ff.
3 See above.
204 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
against the late-Biblical representation of the wisdom of
Solomon. Solomon is wise in solving problems, but K ram is
wiser ! : In another important circumstance the Biblical relation
must even be corrected in favour of Hiram. 1 Kings ix. 116,
Solomon had to give up to Hiram twenty cities in Galilee, and
make a money payment; xi 5, Solomon favours the cult of
Ashtoreth of "Tyre. Both these things betraj the fact that
Solomon wa> a vassal of Tyre 2 Also the mutual commercial
enterpriser are hintb that Solomon was under obligation to
^iram Hiram had no havens upon the Red Sea, and used
Solomon's port Eziongeber. According to 1 Kings ix 27, Solo-
mon had to supply ships and men. The few men supplied by
giram were probably overseers 3
Division of the Kingdom
The death of Solomon was the seal to the fall of David's
kingdom. But the u division of the kingdom " was certainly
not the result of internal strife only. External powers had
assuredly some hand in it.
In the first place, the Pharaoh Shoskenk would be interested
in weakening the mightiest of the Syrian states. After the
period of weakness, as we find evidence in the Golenischeff
papyrus, Egypt again began to occupy herself over the question
of supremacy in Canaan. The marriage of Solomon with the
daughter of Pharaoh Psusennes II., last ruler of the Tanitic
dynasty, for whom a wonderful palace was built, had a political
reason 4 In the history of Jeroboam, son of Nebat, who was
brought up in the court of the Pharaoh, and who, according to
a tradition which appears in the LXX. of 1 Kings xii, 24, was
1 Corap. with this, pp. 1 88 f.
2 Wmckler, K.A.T., 3rd ed , 237,
- In i Kings ix. 28 and x, 22, gold, ivory, kdpkapes (according to Ed. Glaser,
kopUm is frankincense) and negroes are named as merchandise. If Ophir also
was an Arabian port, the reference is to African merchandise , see 1C* A 71, 3rd ed ,
239; Niebuhr, O.L.Z., 1900, 69.
4 Since Solomon received as dowry Gezer, which till then had been independent
(i Kings ix. 16 f ), the allusion here is undoubtedly to Egypt, and not to Muzri (as
Winckler will have it in Helmolt's Weltgesch., ui. 197). Solomon made good his
claim upon Gezer with Pharaoh. The event can be illustrated by similar pro-
ceedings in the Amarna Letters.
DIVISION OF THE KINGDOM 205
married to a sister-in-law of Pharaoh, \\e find traces of the
recognised Egyptian policy, of dallying \\ith aspirants to the
throne of allied states. Also the dependence of Solomon upon
Tyre must have taken place with Egyptian aid. The rulers of
the Nile and the Euphrates preferred ha\ing the small \a^sal
states in dependence upon each other This simplified the
levying of tribute The position of Rehoboam still remains
obscure. We kno\v from 1 Kings xv. 18 f. that he relied upon
Damascus l It appears that he tried to shake off Tyrian and
at the same time Egyptian supremacy when he sought the
connection with "the adversary, whom God had raised up
against his father Solomon " (1 Kings xi. 23) 2 Damascus had
certainly already been at work behind the scenes in the wars
between Jeroboam and Rehoboam, and was tertius gaudens in
the dividing of the kingdom. The hegemony amongst the
minor states of the *' Westland ^ passed over to Damascus.
With the overthrow of Israel, Damascus also obtained a com-
mercial road to the Phoenician seaports open at all seasons of
the year, likewise across the plain of Esdraelon to the Philistine
seaport cities.
After Rehoboam had refused at Sichem, where he wished to
establish a supremacy over North Canaan, to withdraw certain
laws made by his father (1 Kings xii.)> the northern confederacy
of Sichem revolted. Egypt joined (1 Kings xiv. 25) in
favour of Jeroboam. Shishak sacked Jerusalem, and proposed
to found a kingdom which would unite under one sceptre North
Canaan u from Bethel unto Dan " and the land east of Jordan,
and for this RehoboanVs only obligation was to support the
policy of Egypt in Asia 3
With this Jerusalem sank into the position of a city
kingdom, as it was in the Amarna period. Rehoboanfs second
son Asa (see n. 1, below) appears to have succeeded in shaking off
1 Asa was the second son of Rehoboam ; brother, not son (as I Kings xv. 8
erroneously states), of Abijam.
2 " I will chastise you with scorpions" (l Kings xn. n) ; comp. p. 191. Behind
this claim stands not Jeroboam only, but certainly Egypt also ; comp. p. 206.
3 At this period we hear nothing of Tyre. The notification according to
which Abdashtoreth ('AjSScKrrapros in Menander) was murdered by the " four
sons of his nurse," shows that it was occupied with internal wars.
206 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
the interference of Egypt. The chronicles report a victory over
the Cushite Zerah (2 Chron. xiv. 8 fF.) He drove back an
Egyptian or Arab tribute-levying army. Then he sought sup-
port from Damascus He sends tribute, and reminds Ben-hadad
of an alliance that his father had made \\ ith Ben-hadad's father
He pra\s for help against hi& foe Baasha, king of Israel, who had
deposed Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, and sought to break the
treaty that existed between Israel and Damascus This in
reality means he placed himself under the ruler of Damascus
as a vassal, and thus took the position already held before by
Israel. Ben-hadad acceded with pleasure to the prayer, which
meant that he assumed supremacy over the long-desired territory
east of Jordan : Ijon and Dan and Abel-beth-Maacha and
Kinneroth, together with the whole land of Naphtali (1 Kings
xv. 20). Thus Damascus acquiied a legal claim to this terri-
tory, and in consequence, in 733, Tiglath-Pileser included it
when he made Damascus into an Assyrian province 1 From
thenceforward Israel was forced to maintain a standing army
at the disposal of Damascus. The commander, Omri, owed his
elevation to the kingship to the ascendancy of the army.
Israel and Jvdah to the Fall of Samaria
With Omri begins a new period for Canaan. There is
silence about his acts, but the deficiency is supplied by the
Mesha Stone, which gives evidence of the subjugation of Moab
under Omri. He sought union with the north, such as David
had once accomplished with the south. Documentary evidence
of his epoch-making appearance is given by the circumstance
that Assyrian diplomacy called Israel mat $umri, bit IJumri(a). 2
Judah not being mentioned in Assyrian annals till the time of
1 From this time Damascus advanced step by step In I Kings xx. 34 we
learn that under Omri Ben-hadad took possession of more cities, and opened
bazaars (naturally with privilege for the commerce of Damascus) in the newly
founded Samaria. In any case, that was the stipulated reward for the help given
to the usurper Omri in his seizure of the throne. Omri then tried, as a wise
politician, to counterbalance the dangerous Damascene * f friendship " by alliance
with Tyre.
2 Also Jehu, the usurper supported by Assyria, is called "the son of Omn"
(mar ifjtomri). Ahab is still called SiSIai ; later in the Assyrian mcriptions mar
Ijjurari signifies " Israelite*"
ISRAEL AND JUDAH 20?
Jotham and Ahaz, is simply due to the fact that it was a vassal
state of Israel. Where Israel is mentioned, the inclusion of
Judah goes without saying. Oran allied himself with Ithobaal
of Tyre. The marriage of his son Ahab \\ ith IthobaalV daughter
Jezebel was of political importance. And the political union
meant recognition of the religion. It brought the religion of
Ba'al from T\re into Israel. Ahab wa^> then able to venture
open enmity with Damascus (1 Kings xx. ff.). The following
wars, in which Israel was certainly supported by Tyre, and in
which Judah was occasionally obliged to supply an army, had
varying results, but the dependence of Israel upon Damascus l
was not finally broken, for we soon after find Ahab fighting
against Assyria amongst the certainly compulsory followers of
Ben-hadad. 2 Meantime danger appi cached the powerful Ara-
maean state of Damascus fiom the side of the Assyrian king-
dom. Since the time of Asurnazirpal one of the chief aims of
the policy of Assyria was " the road to the sea," a free passage
to the Meditenanean Sea for commerce and armies.- 3 To this
end Damascus had to be subjugated, and \\ith its possession
was included the disposal of the small nations of the district
east of Jordan. A party friendly to Assyria soon formed
itself in Israel, which hoped for freedom from the yoke of
Damascus by means of the powerful empire.
Probably under Oniri Israel had, for the first time, to deal
directly with Assyria. From thenceforward the Israelite court
had to keep in touch with Assyrian events. We may assume
that Israel, that is to say Judah, maintained ambassadors at the
court of Nineveh. New light is. thrown upon the story of
Jonatfs mission, even if it only indicates an historical dressing
up of a didactic writing. How did the union of interests
between Israel and Assyria arise? Tyre and Sidon had paid
1 The intellectual superiority of the kingdom of Damascus over Israel-Judah
is attested by Amos in 12, and perhaps also ^ Kings xvi 10 f., where Ahaz sends
the pattern of an altar from Damascus to Jerusalem
2 Ahab goes with Jehoshaphat to the Jabbok (I Kings XXIL 3), to rend Ramoth
Gilead out of the hands of the Damascenes. Incidentally, therefore, the power
of Damascus reached so far ' The friendship between Jehoshaphat and Ahab
signifies nothing more here than the relationship of vassalage of Judah towards
Israel.
3 Comp. pp. 319, i. ff., and fig. 96 f.
208 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
tribute to Asurnazirpal during the last years of his reign over
North Phoenician countries. The Phoenician cities would not
have done thi& unwillingly so long as they had to suffer from
the oppression of the too-powerful Damascus. 1 In the close
connection then existing between Tyre and Israel, it is more
than likely that Omri determined to send tribute and do homage
even if it were not included in the homage due to Tyre as his
overlord. But Israel is first expressly mentioned by the royal
tablet -writers under the son and successor of Asumazirpal.
After Shalmaneser II. (860-825) had brought Babylon under
his rule, he armed for the " march to the sea, 1 ' as the " Eponym
Canon " says.
Whilst his father had avoided a conflict with Damascus, a
powerful opponent appeared against Shalmaneser in 855 in the
person of Bir-'idri of Damascus. He concluded a defensive
alliance with Irhulem of Hamath in which Israel (with Judah)
was obliged to unite. This confederacy 2 is traditionally called
the Damascene-Hamathite cities' confederacy. Ahab of Israel
is> mentioned in the inscription of Shalmaneser as A-ha-ab-bu
Sir-f-la-ai, 3 and it is said that he took part with ten thousand
men and two thousand chariots. 4 Shalmaneser records in an
inscription on a monolith 5 fuller detail of the campaign of the
year 854. A battle took place in the northern district of
Hamath, near Qarqar, the royal city of Irhuleni, on the Oiontes
(Arantu). The real aim, the overthrow of Damascus, was not
attained. The king of Damascus remained independent and also
retained feudal supremacy over Israel. The second Assyrian
attempt in the year 849 had a like result, and also the third, in
1 After the fall of Damascus the Phoenician states ventured to resist Assyria.
2 The number of the allies is uncertain ; the inscription says twelve, but counts
eleven Is this also an intentional rounding off in the sense spoken of p 43,
n. 5 ? The thirty-two m I Kings xx. I is founded upon an error vrmch has arisen
from twenty-two and thirty-one.
3 Upon the writing of the name = Hebrew, Israel, see Wmckler, K.A.T ', 3rd
ed , p. 247-
4 Whilst the Damascene tradition is missing, we must icnounce the idea of any
clear survey of the political relationship of that time being possible. The annals
of Shalmaneser give us the most valuable information In the Biblical records
of the Books of the Kings naturally Israelite events take the most prominent"
place, and in consequence relatively trivial events appear as chief facts.
T. % 2nd ed., pp. 14 ff.
ISRAEL AND ASSYRIA 209
the year 846, in spite of the assurance " I conquered AdacTidri
and his vassals/ There is only a fragment of truth in the
assertion, in that he must somehow have managed to isolate
Damascus, and to set free the vassals, amongst them Ahab of
Israel. This is shown by the next campaign in the year 842,
where we find the king of Damascus without allies. It would
not have been difficult to make the vassals remiss in their aid
against Assyria. Ben-hadad had drawn upon himself the
enmity of the vassals. The passage 1 Kings xx. 24 1 betrays
that he had made an attempt to put aside the kings of the
vassal states and to set Damascene governors in their places.
The wars of Ahab against Ben-hadad, related by the Bible,
certainly indicate the reaction against this attempted discipline.
Under such circumstances an Assyrian party might have formed
itself for the first time in Israel. It is very probable that the
prophet Eli&ha was the intellectual leader of these friends of
Assyria. It is undoubted that the forcible change of throne in
Israel is connected with the formation of this party. Jehu prob-
ably carried out his coup cTetat under Assyrian protection. The
succeeding events show that he felt himself bound to the king
of Assyria. It is similar to what happened later, under Pekah.
An Assyrian party overthrew the king, and, in gratitude for
help rendered, the new king acknowledged Assyrian supremacy.
In the dissolution of vassalage most probably the change of
throne in Damascus also played a part. When in 842 the
Assyrian army appeared, the powerful Ben-hadad was no longer
living. Hazael Assyrian inscriptions write him as [aza-'ilu
was king in his stead. The Bible records the change of throne
for us, 2 Bangs viii. 9-15.
The cuneiform written record 2 of the campaign of Shal-
maneser against 9 aza ~'il u sa y s :
PASSAGE FROM AN INSCRIPTION (OF THE YEAR 842)
In the eighteenth year of my reign I passed for the sixteenth
tune over the Euphrates Hazael of Damascus relied upon the
number of his troops, and called out his troops in multitudes. He
1 The authenticity of the passage has been, in our opinion, wrongfully doubted.
a R. T. y 2nd ed., pp. 20 fl.
VOL. ii. 14?
210 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
made the Saniru, 1 a hill top opposite Lebanon, his fortress. I fought
and conquered him. I slew 6000 of his warriors with the sword ;
I took from him 1121 of his chariots of war^
470 of his war-horses, and his camp. He
fled to save his life. I pursued him, and
shut him up in Damascus, his chief city.
I hewed down his parks, and advanced as
far as the hills of Hauran. I destroyed,
devastated, and burned numberless cities,
and led away captives innumerable. 1 ad-
vanced as far as the hills of Ba'li-ra'si, a pro-
montory, and placed my royal statue there 2
Then I took tribute from the Tynans,
Sidomans, and Jaua', the son of Omri.
OBELISK INSCRIPTION OVER THE RELIEFS
Tribute of Jehu, the son of Omn : bars
of silver and gold, skaplu of gold, siiqut of
gold, goblets ( ? ) of gold, buckets (?) of gold,
bars of lead, Jiutartu (wooden articles ! ) for
the hand of the king, purumfydti 3 (wooden
articles !) did I receive from him.
In 842 Shalmaneser also passed over
Lebanon without opposition, and ad-
vanced to the sea-coast, like his forefather
engraved his statue on the promontory
of the river, and then sought to seize
upon Damascus from the west. Haxael
barred his way at the mountain pass
between Hermon (Saniru) 4 and anti-
FIG. 167. Black obelisk of Lebanon, but finally was obliged to fall
Shalmanesei II., represent- r i TV mi i
mg amongst other things back u P on Damascus. The city proved
Tehu P of ifrael 0f *"**** ** im P re S nable - Shalmaneser had to con-
tent himself with venting his wrath upon
the gardens and palm groves, 5 which then, like to-day, sur-
1 Hermon (comp Deut hi. 9) : VJP.
2 On the Nahr el Kelb, see p. 196, n. l, and comp. p. 320, i.
3 Or budilfydti (root from which fadolaft, pme, comes ?).
4 See note i, above.
5 According to Deut. xx, 19 it was forbidden to cut down fruit trees in a siege.
In 2 Kings hi. 19, nevertheless, Elisha advises to cut down all fruit trees m Moab
and to stop all the fountains. In times of peace great havoc was made in the
cedar mountains. See fig. 104, and compare the lament of the prophet
Habakkuk ii. 17, Isa. xiv. 8, and the remarks upon I Kings v. 6, p. 187.
ISRAEL AND ASSYRIA
211
rounded Damascus ; he barbarously devastated the whole neigh-
bourhood as far as Hauran. This victory brought about a
reaction in the minds of the minor states, which had formerly
FIG 1 68 A representation on the obelisk of Shalmaneser IT.
The tribute of Jehu of Israel.
been vassals of the state of Damascus. The Assyrian party
gained adherents everywhere. Together with Tyre and Sidon,
Jehu also, king of Israel ( Ja-u-a apil JJumri), with his sub-
vassal Judah, brought tribute
FIG. 169 A representation on the obelisk of Shalmaneser II,
Tribute of Jehu of Israel
This fragment of tribute is illustrated upon the obelisks
of Shalmaneser. Jehu's deputation is made known by the
annotations. We have therefore in the sculptures reproduced
(figs. 167 to 169) the oldest representation of Israelite
figures. Above fig. 168 are the words, "Tribute of Jehu, the
son of Omri."
212 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
According to 2 Kings viii., Elisha was in his prophetic calling
also a deliberate politician. 1 He had a hand in the change of
throne in Damascus, he led the overthrow of the house of Omn
in Israel. The motives, which are not clearly recognisable from
the fragments of the traditions of the Books of the Kings, are
naturally to be looked for on religious grounds. Possibly
already then, the worshippers of Yahveh, as they did later in
the period of the Babylonian exile, sought alliance with the
intellectual leaders of Assyria, or rather of Babylonia, in the
interests of religion.
The boastful representation of the tribute-paying of Palestine
cannot deceive us over the doubtful results obtained by Shal-
maneser. In the next campaign also, of 839, 2 he did not succeed
in conquering Damascus.
INSCRIPTION ON THE OBELISK (OF THE YEAR 839)
In the twenty-first year of my reign I passed over the Euphrates
for the twenty-first time. I marched against the cities of Hazael
of Damascus. I conquered four of his cities. I took tribute from
the Tyrians, Sidonians, Bybhans.
Jehu, therefore, was not amongst them. Hazael had made
use of the intervening time to punish Israel and its dependent
Judah for its Assyrian inclinations, and to bring it again under
his rule. This is recorded in 2 Kings xii. 17 ff. In the
punitary campaign, which reached to Jerusalem and Philistia,
he must have raged murderously, as % Kings viii. 12 shows.
Amos i. 3 still recalls with terror the horrors of the devastation,
and records the judgment of God, which then as punishment
overtook Damascus. Jehu and his son Jehoahaz were unwillingly
forced to return under Damascus. We recognise it by the fact
that in the last campaign of Shalmaneser against Damascus
in 839, in which four Damascene cities were conquered, Jehu
does not appear amongst those paying tribute (Gebal, Sidon,
and Tyre).
At length, after 839, Shalmaneser abandoned the attempt to
win a way to the Mediterranean through Syria. The last
1 Upon this political importance of the prophets, compare Wmckler, Ex or.
lux, ii. i, 24 ff,
2 Between 842 and 839 there were some expeditions to the Amanus to fetch
wood for building.
ISRAEL AND ASSYRIA 818
campaign went towards Tarsus, therefore sought a passage to
the sea over the Cilician Pass.
Shalmaneser's successors 1 did very little in the Westland;
they were otherwise occupied. On the contrary, Adad-nirari III.
(812-783) records, upon one of the small inscriptions we have pre-
served from him, 2 that he overcame the coast-lands of Tyre,
Sidon, Omri (and Edom, and Philistia), and imposed tribute upon
them, then he besieged King Mari (that is, probably, Ben-hadad
III.) in Damascus. He therefore, following Shalmaneser's lead,
had attempted, in the first place, to isolate Damascus. This
campaign, which took place in the reign of Jehoahaz, and may
be placed about 80S, signified for Israel a change from Damascene
supremacy to Assyrian. The Assyrian party celebrate Adad-
nirari III. as the Deliverer. "Yahveh gave a saviour,"" it is
said in % Kings xiii. 5. The rescue from the yoke of Damascus
is meant. The later Jewish edition took exception to this, and
expunged the name of Adad-niraru But he clearly helped the
kingdom of Israel to its old standing, which it had lost through
the Damascene campaign of vengeance, indicated 2 Kings viii. 12.
In this sense the trial still continued under Jehoahaz's successor
Joash ; 2 Kings xiii. 25 speaks of the results which Joash had
attained. 3
The successors of Adad-nirari 4 could only retain the results
in the Westland with difficulty. In particular, a revolution
which involved the whole of Assyria, in the year 763, called
away the attention of the Assyrian king from the distant vassal
lands. Damascus was able again to shake oft* the Assyrian yoke.
1 Ashur danm-apli, and Shamshi-Adad.
2 K T , 2nd ed., 22 f. There it should say: ' * Ramxnaniran, who has been
endowed from childhood by Ashur with a kingdom unequalled [malfi katushu,
speaking exactly, * to fill the hand,' see fig. 187, p. 274], and whose pastorate he
made like unto a vine and plant of life (comp. Ps. xxiii ) for the people of Ashur. "
3 2 Kings xiv 25 the situation is again mentioned, and there it speaks of a
division of territory which had been at one time given up to Damascus and then
won back again. The successful issue was foretold by Jonah ben Amitai.
Winckler (J&A.T., 3rd ed., 260, 262; comp. Ex or lux, li i) is inclined to
link the historic kernel, or better, background of the Book of Jonah, with this , at
the same time, naturally, giving up his former view (/*, h. 160 if), according to
which, contrary to Budde, he disputes the identification of the two Jonahs.
4 Shalmaneser III., 782-773, who any way in the last years of his reign
appeared before Damascus, Asurdan 77-755> Asur-nirari 754-745-
POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
That at this period Israel was not again forced into the old
feudal relation to Damascus, was owing to the strong rule
of Jeroboam II. (785-745), who reinstated the old boundaries
" from where it entereth Hamath, to the sea of the Arabah "
(2 Kings xiv. 25). 1 His successors, Menahem (Me-ni-hi-im-me
alu Sa-me-ri-na-ai) and Pekahiah (Pa-ka-ha), partly from
individual policy, partly from fear that the overthrow of
Damascus might also mean their downfall, again joined with
Damascus. In the last year of Jeroboam the mighty Tiglath-
Pileser III., 2 or Pul 3 (745-727), ascended the throne of Assyria.
He seized the power as leader of a movement, organised in
Kalah, which was directed against the hierarchy. This Pul
stands at the beginning of the last flourishing period of the
Assyrian empire; he extended the Assyrian power in the
Westland as none of his predecessors had done, and annihilated
the Aramaic kingdom of Damascus. Unfortunately, his annals,
and amongst them specially the records of the wars in the we&t,
have only come to us in a mutilated condition. It is well that
we have the annotation of the Assyrian Eponym Canon upon
the chief events of the year, and the statements of the
Babylonian Chronicle, which begins with the year 747. What
is recorded, 2 Kings xvi., of the downfall of the kingdom of
Damascus, entirely agrees, as was remarked previously, with the
statements of the tablet-writers to the Assyrian king. When
Pul assumed the government, the states of Palestine were as
independent of Assyria as they were in the time of Shalmaneser II.
Israel (and Judah) held, as has been said, with Damascus. But
even in the first years of his reign, as soon as he had made his
rule over Babylonia secure, Pul turned his special attention to
1 Upon the boundaries, see pp. 201 ff. The mutilated passage xiv. 28 seems to
contain the announcement that he brought Hamath back to Israel, defeated
Damascus, and secured the ascendancy over Judah; see Winckler in A*. A* 7',,
3rd ed., p. 262
2 The Bible repeatedly writes his name thus, also the Panammft inscription
from Zenjirli has it exactly the same (see Ausgrabungen in Sendschirh^ published
by the Onent-Komitee in Berlin, i. 55 ff
3 This is his Babylonian name The Babylonian list of kings calls the name
Pulti, the chronicle says Tukulti-apil-esharra. When the Ptolemaic Canon names
him as Poros, king of Babylon, this is the same phonetic change as in mdr-gahttu
("child of the sea "= pearl) and Margaret (F, E. Peiser).
ISRAEL AND ASSYRIA g]5
the west. Before all, he had to bring the kingdom of Arpad
in central Syria, which had already given trouble to his pre-
decessor, Assur-narari, into complete subjection. It cut him off,
in the then arrangement of the political situation, 1 from the
ports of the Mediterranean Sea. And these ports were the
desire of the great Assyrian king, who had here to renew old
claims. For the years 743-740 the Eponym Canon shows
campaigns against Arpad. In the year 741 "he marched to
Arpad for three years as conqueror/ 1 2 Kings xix. 11 ff. reflects
a memory of this victorious campaign. The state of Arpad
became an Assyrian province in 740. Damascus also, and the
other Syrian states, next anxiously sent tribute. 2 But no sooner
had Pul turned towards the north, to enlarge his boundaries
there, than the Syro-Palestiman states again attempted to free
themselves from Assyria. Damascus again took the lead. As
soon, however, as the Assyrian king appeared in the neighbour-
hood, 3 Rezin 4 of Damascus, Menahem of Israel, and the other
confederates paid him homage. Here also Judah is simply an
appendage to Israel. 5 But the obedience was only in appear-
ance. As soon as Pul turned away, the confederacy again
consolidated under Damascus. Whilst Pekah of Israel, like
his predecessor Menahem, again took part, Judah, till now the
sub-vassal of Israel, hesitated to make the resolution. Here
for the first time Judah appears in the Assyrian inscriptions by
name. King Ahaz of Judah (Jau-ha-zi Jaudai) 6 decided for
Assyria. His father, Jotham, seems already to have been inclined
to join himself to the Assyrian power. He also would certainly
have done homage to Pul, in the hope of thus freeing himself
from the guardianship of Israel, and with the help of Assyria
1 Compare now Sanda, " Die Aramaer," in A.O., iv., 1st ed., p. 17.
2 Menahem also, 2 Kings xv. 19.
3 In 738 he came to Syria, called by Panammti of Sam'al, i.e. Zenjirh, to his
help against Aznya*u, who had overpowered the district of Yaudi belonging to
Sam'al This fact has led to great confusion. It was formerly believed that this
was Azaryah of Judah. The error has now been corrected, see Winckler, F f , i
I ff : " Das syrische Land Jaudi und der angebliche Azarja von Juda."
4 Instead of Rezm it should therefore be read Resfin.
8 See p. 206.
9 Inscription upon clay tablet of Tiglath-Pileser III. (K.T., 3rd ed., 34)
from Nirarud.
216 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
again establishing the kingdom of David. He thus drew upon
himself the enmity of Rezin of Syria and of Pekah of Israel
(2 Kings xv. 37), an enmity which, under Ahaz, led to the
siege of Jerusalem. Judah was to be by force of arms com-
pelled to join the confederacy against Tiglath-Pileser ; "the
son of Tab'el " who, according to Isa. vii, 6, was to be king in
Jerusalem, is no other than Rezin. 1 Isaiah, in opposition to the
popular voice, pressingly warned Ahaz against adherence to
Assyria. 2 He was to stand firm against the wrath of Syi ia and
Israel (Isa. vii.), and for the rest, to have faith and be quiet.
He sees in spirit how the waters of the Euphrates swallow up
Judah (Isa. viii. 5 ff.). But his warning was in vain. He re-
served it thenceforward for the circle of his disciples, as wine
is preserved in skins for the restoration of future ages. And
the course of events seemed for the moment to put the prophet
in the wrong.
The campaign of Pul to the Westland in the year 734 freed
Judah from its difficulty. According to 2 Kings xvi. 7, Ahaz
himself prayed him to come by sending (an extraordinary?)
tribute. The Assyrian army marched first against Philistia.
On the way there (Annals, 27) they passed through and took
possession of Israel. PuFs aim was at the same time to cut off
Damascus from help from the south ; he passed through Galilee,
and included the district of Manasseh as a district of Damascus,
and made it, together with part of the Hauran, into the province
of Zobah. This event signified the actual fall of the State of
Israel. In an inscription, 3 which describes the events of the
year 733, Pul says that in the previous campaign he had
made all the cities of the " house of Omri " into districts of
his land, led the inhabitants into captivity, and only left
Samaria (Ephraim). Figs. 170 f, and 209 ff. may serve to
illustrate such wars. The Bible records this carrying away in
% Kings xv. 9. The northern half of Israel, Manasseh, there-
1 See Bredenkamp In the Commentary upon the passage, and Winckler,
Alt-testamenthche Untersw1wngen % p. 74,
2 We cannot agree with Wilke's opinion in Jesaja and Assur concerning the
change of Isaiah's Assyrian policy. It is, besides, totally different from Isa. vii
14 ff. and ix, 5 ff.
3 Annalen 227, see Jf,T. f $rd ed.> 31.
ISRAEL AND ASSYRIA
fore was wholly Assyrian. Is this why Hosea says only
Ephraim, and no longer Israel ? Now, whilst Pul, 733, advanced
against Gaza, Pekah was overthrown in Samaria, and Hosea
(A-u-si- 1 ) with the favour of the Assyrian king took over the
rule. It is said in the inscriptions of Pul :
They overthrew their king Pekah, I set Hosea [to rule] over
them. I received ten talents of gold .... talents of silver as
a gift
By this statement the situation in 2 Kings xv. 30 is confirmed
and elucidated (" Hosea made a conspiracy against Pekah, slew
FIG. 170. Storm of a fourfold-walled fortress by Sargon. Relief from
Khorsabad (Botta).
him, and became king in his stead'* 1 ). We also gather from it
that in % Kings xvii. 3 Shalmaneser must be corrected to Pul. 1
In the following year, Ahaz of Judah fulfilled his feudal
duty to Assyria, when Pul marched to destroy the isolated
Damascus. We may consider that Ahaz found himself in
person amongst Tiglath-Pileser's followers during this victorious
campaign, of which the tablet-writers give full detail. The
siege of Damascus, of which 2 Kings xvi, 9 gives a summary
record, seems to have lasted two years (733 and 732). After
the conquest of the city the Phoenician ports stood open to the
1 See Im Kampf urn Babel und Bibel, 4th ed., p. 12. Kittel, in Konige, upon
the passage cancels Shalmaneser as a gloss ; compare also JC,A.T f> 3rd ed., 268.
218 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
great king of Assyria. The remainder of the state of Israel
could not have held out long.
Soon after the death of Pul, Hosea of Israel, in union with
Tyre and other possessors of Mediterranean ports, must have
refused tribute to Shalrnaneser IV. 1 Unfortunately, we have no
FIG, 171, Assyrian representation oi a battle, Assurbanipal
fighting against the Elamites.
inscriptions of this period. They must have told of the puni-
tary campaign against the Westland, and of the three-year
siege of Samaria (2 Kings xvii. 5), The conquest of the city
first took place under his successor Sargon (722-705 ?), 2 whose
annals tell in the very beginning of the fall of Samaria :
In the beginning of my reign [722] and in the first year of my
reign ... I besieged Samaria and conquered it .... [three lines
1 Tebet 727 to Tebet 723. 2 An usurper? $ee p, 271, n. I.
ISRAEL AND ASSYRIA
219
are missing] .... I carried away 27,290 inhabitants, I took from
thence fifty chariots of war as my royal due . I restored and
colonised it more than formerly I colonised it with people from
lands I had conquered, I set my officers as governors over them.
I laid upon them Assyrian tribute and taxes.
We call this event " the carrying away of the ten tribes. "
In reality the main event happened eleven years earlier when
Manasseh became an
Assyrian province (p.
216). What we desig-
nate as the " carrying
away of the ten tribes"
could only relate to
Ephraim, i.e. to the
district, which was
bounded on the south
by Judah, on the north
by Galilee, and on the
east by Jordan. The
record, 1 Chron. v. 26
and vi., throws the
records of the two de-
portations of 733 and
722 together, if it re-
lates bo the deportation ^ r TT ,, . . ,
. ,, , .-, , ,> FIG, 172 King Sargon II. and his field-marshal,
of the tribes east of
Jordan. Sargon gives the number canned away as 27,290. He
left those who possessed nothing in the land. Two years later
the remnants of the inhabitants, under the leading of Ya'u-brdi
(variant El-bi'di) of Hamath, once more took part in a rising
against Assyria. The result was that, after a battle near
Qarqar, Hamath, and with it the rest of the great Aramaean
state, became an Assyrian province.
2 Kings xvii names Mesopotamia and Media as places to
which the exiles were taken; according to the Book of Tobit
they were also taken to Nineveh itself. For further detail
upon this, see pp. 242 f upon the passage named. Possibly
here also the districts of the two deportations of 733 and 722
are confused.
220 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
History of Judah from the Fall of Samaria to the
Destruction of Nineveh
The glowing hopes of the Jews for a restoration of a united
kingdom were not fulfilled by the fall of Samaria. Ahaz
found himself bitterly deceived towards the end of his reign.
Therefore his successor, Hezekiah, dallied with the enemies of
Assyria. The next opportunity that offered itself was the
Philistine rising under King 9 an ^ nu f Gaza, who had been
spared by Tiglath-Pileser-Pul, Isa. xiv. 23-32. The Philistines
had clearly been encouraged by the before-mentioned rising of
Ya'u-bi'di of Hamath, in which also the remnant of the Samari-
tans had taken part. This insurrection came to an equally bad
end. fjanunu, with 9633 Philistines, was carried away to
Assyria, and Rapihu, the boundary fortress of the district of
Gaza on the nafyal Muzri, 1 was demolished. The question
arises as to how far Judea took part in these events in neigh-
bouring lands. In the writing on the stone tablet of Kelah,
Sargon says of himself, "he subdued the distant land of
Ya-u-du." If this means Judea, we must assume that, hoping
for some result from the Philistines, Hezekiah for a while
refused tribute to Assyria, but then humbled himself in good
time before the conquering Sargon. 2 But it may also mean
that Ya^udi of which we spoke p. 215. In any case, in the
following years, 713 till 711, Judea took part in the risings
which broke out in central Syria. In the annals of Sargon, as
in the Bible, the part taken by Judah in a revolt originating
in the seaport city of Philistia, Ashdod is expressly mentioned.
Sargon names those concerned : amongst others, Philistia
(Pi-lis-ti), Judah (Yu-u-di), and also Moab and Edom, Isaiah
warned the king in vain. The result could not be happy.
Sargon relates that he made Ashdod into a province and
carried away the inhabitants. 3 Judah could not complain of
severity, if it was spared.
1 K. T f , 2nd ed , 38. Ashdod then took the lead against Assut.
2 Possibly he made himself serviceable to Assyria m the campaign against the
Philistines attested in 2 Kings xviii 8 (scattered passage).
8 Anna! 227, Pr. 107. But this does not agree, for immediately afterwards a
king of Ashdod appears, see p. 223.
HEZEKIAH AND ASSYRIA 221
In the meanwhile hope of deliverance from the Assyrian rule
had arisen for Hezekiah from quite another quarter. Assyria's
most dangerous foe, Merodach-Baladan (see fig. 187), king of
Babylon, sent an embassy to Jerusalem to Hezekiah ; see % Kings
xx. ; Isa. xxxix. 1 The same embassy would certainly have visited
other coasts of the Syro-Palestinian minor states to stir up the
rising against Assyria. Merodach-Baladan purposed making
Babylon into an independent power, and therefore came in
touch with Assyria's discontented vassals. We may gather
that this embassy should be placed in the year 702. But it
probably was connected with the reverses which Sargon experi-
enced in the beginning of his reign on Babylonian territory.
In the year 721 2 he was defeated by the Elamites, confederates
of the rebellious Babylonians; this is betrayed to us by the
Babylonian Chronicle, though the Annals boast of a victory. .
In fact, Sargon was obliged, in the first instance, to renounce
Babylonia; it was only in the year 710 that he succeeded in
successfully arming himself against Merodach-Baladan. As
things stand now, we must therefore think of the embassy as
in the beginning of the reign of Hezekiah, and assume that it
brought at the same time congratulations upon his accession.
Like Ahaz, Hezekiah hoped for a restoration of the kingdom
of David. Babylon might help, after Assyria had denied any
assistance. He rebuilt the Millo upon Zion, restored the walls
and towers, and filled the treasure chambers, as the Book of
Chronicles relates with great credibility. A religious reform,
originating from the Temple in Jerusalem, was to inaugurate
the new age. The information in the Chronicles in this case
also is of great historical value. According to 2 Chron. xxx.
6-11, He/ekiah in those days sent messengers travelling
" prophets " (speakers) we must imagine throughout all Israel,
through the districts of Ephraim and Manasseh, inviting them
1 Assyrian s&a'af s&u/Mt ; exactly, "to inquire after the health": in reality
meaning "to offer his service," "to make known his loyalty," comp. p. 202.
A parallel to the event showing the meaning of the words is presented in
Amarna x. 14-27* Burnaburiash of Babylon is very indignant that Pharaoh
Naptyuria did not express sympathy during his sickness. Napfcuria says he knew
nothing about the sickness
2 According to the annals ; according to the Babylonian Chronicle, 720.
POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
to join Judah against Assyria. The messengers, who would
also certainly have preached a propaganda of the old tradition
of David, were laughed at and mocked in Israel. In Isaiah we
find preserved the warning voices of those prophets, who clearly
recognised the political situation, and who held an adherence to
Babylon to be highly dangerous. Sargon, as a fact, did succeed
in absolutely subduing Babylonia, as soon as he was able to cut
off Elamite help. In the first year of the campaign, 710, he
entered Babylon as king.
It is known that Sargon met his death in 705 One year
previously the Eponym lists announce the dedication of his
residence, Dur-Sharrukm, north of Nineveh. Up to then he had
resided in KelaJti. The circumstances of his death are not yet
quite clear. The passages of the Assyrian documents which speak
of it are mutilated. Probably he died a violent death during a
campaign, for it is said in K 4730: "He was not buned m his
house." Possibly the Song of the Underworld, Isa. xiv. 4-20,
where the poet was quite familiar with Babylonian thought cycles,
was originally intended for the death of Sargon. Otherwise
Sennacherib might be m question. See upon the passage, p. 270.
Saigon's son and successor, Sennacherib (704-681), not only
ventured all upon definitely breaking Babylonia's desire for
freedom, he followed much more the adventurous scheme of
making Assyria's dominion l free from the overwhelming power
of Babylon's civilisation : he purposed conquering Egypt, and,
with the fall of Babylonia, to open up new ways through Egypt. 2
But just this forceful policy destroyed the power of Assyria.
The distant vassal states refused tribute. The Biblical Books
of the Kings inform us how Judah also, under Hexekiah, sought
to make use of the Assyro-Babylonian confusion to shake off
Assyrian rule. Sennacherib's scheme to extend his power over
Arabia to Egypt was fatal to Judah. Judea had to be en-
chained, for it lay upon the southern boundary of Assyrian
possessions.
The Biblical record speaks of three campaigns of Sennacherib
against Jerusalem.
1 He suppressed Kelafc, and made Nineveh into a brilliant residence ; see
pp. 297, i. f.
2 Esarhaddon aimed at the same goal with the help of Babylonia. Under
Assurbampal Egypt was lost ; compare the remarkable passage, Isa. xix. 23 f.
SENNACHERIB
1. In the year 701, after he had temporarily pacified Babylon,
he marched to the Westland. 1 Only Tyre, which Sennacherib
besieged in vain, and Hezekiah opposed him, in the hope of
help from the Sheikhs of Muzri and Meluhhi.
The Biblical record relates about this campaign :
In the fourteenth year of king Hezekiah, did Sennacherib, king
of Assyria, come up against all the strong cities of Judah and
took them. Then Hezekiah, king of Judah, sent to the king of
Assyria to Lachish, saying : I have offended ; withdraw again from
me . that which thou puttest on me will I bear. Then the king of
Assyria appointed unto Hezekiah three hundred talents of silver,
and thirty talents of gold (2 Kings xvni. 13-16).
In order to pay this enormous sum, Hezekiah was forced to
seize upon the treasures of the Temple and palace, and even to
FIG. 173. Musicians and mustciennes. Out of a palace of Assurbanipal.
strip the gold from the Temple gates; % Kings xviii. 16. The
Assyrian record relates the same events as follows : 2
And of Hezekiah of Judea, who had not bowed beneath my
yoke, I besieged forty-six strong cities, surrounded by walls, and
numberless smaller cities in their neighbourhood ; with overthrow
of ramparts ( ? ) and storming of the battering ram ( ? ), assault of the
zuk-skepd troops by breaches, with hatchets (?) and axes I besieged
and conquered (them); 200,150 people, young, old, men and
women, horses, mules, donkeys, camels, cattle and small beasts
without number I led out, and counted them as booty. He himself
I imprisoned like a cage bird in Jerusalem, his residence ; I raised
strongholds against him, and turned back (?) those who came out
of the gates of his city. His cities, which I had plundered, I
separated from his land and gave them to Mitinti, king of Ashdod, 8
Padi, king of Ekron and Zil-b61, king of Gaza, and diminished his
land. To the former tribute, the fruit of his land, I added the
1 See PraSek, "Sanheribs Feldzuge gegen Jiida," M.V.A.G., 1903, 113 f.,
where other works of reference are quoted. Compare also Nagl, Die nachdavidische
Komgsgeschichte.
8 &.T., 2nd ed,, 45 f. 8 P. 221, n. I.
POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
tribute and the presents due to my sovereignty, and laid them
upon him He, Hezekiah, was overpowered by fear of the glory of
my royalty, and the Urbi and his brave /?) warriors, whom he had
caused to come (thither) to the defence or Jerusalem, his residence,
mutinied l Together with thirty talents of gold (and) 800 talents
of silver, he sent to me to Nineveh, my chief city, precious stones,
cosmetics .... pure uknu stones, couches of ivory, thrones of
ivory, elephant skins, ivory, Ushu and Urkarmu wood, all kinds of
treasures in quantity, and his daughters andj^women of the palace,
FIG. 174. Sennacherib enthroned befoie Lachish receiving tiibute.
and musicians and vnusiciennes (comp, fig. 173). 2 He sent his
messengers to deliver his tribute and to declare his subjection.
Both records give evidence that in this campaign Jerusalem
was not really besieged. Sennacherib was in any case not then
in a condition to be able to take the powerful Jerusalem. He
was obliged to send the main part of his fighting strength home,
because new disturbances had broken out in Babylon. So he
had contented himself with threatening Jerusalem and holding
it in check from some strong point. This point must, according
1 Irshu batlati (comp. Delitzsch, ffandworterbuch, 1710).
2 The remark is very important in the history of the pre- exilic Temple music in
Jerusalem, and until now has remained unnoted. I Sam. ii. 22 b is true in its
mention of women of the Temple in Shiloh. Mishnah Erachin viii. 4 also speaks
of Canaanite Temple slaves (women) in Jerusalem.
HEZEKIAH AND SENNACHERIB
to the Biblical record, have been Lachish, 1 which lay near the
present Tell-el-^asi, southwards from the road leading from
Gaza to Jerusalem. The Assyrian inscription certainly does not
name Lachish, but an inscription on a relief which shows the
king on his throne, whilst tribute-bearers appear before him,
(see fig. 174) says :
Sennacherib, king of the world, king of Assyria, seated himself
upon the throne, and the prisoners from Lachish came up before
him.
This gives evidence that Lachish played such a role in these
circumstances. But one asks now : Why did Hezekiah submit
himself to the humiliating tribute ? The answer is perhaps to
be found in the results obtained by Sennacherib against
Babylon, of which Hezekiah received news during the siege of
Jerusalem. Hezekiah, already made anxious for himself by the
loss of his cities of Judah, bowed himself, after the subjugation
of Babylon, before the representative of the king, who appeared
from Lachish (2 Kings xviii. 14 does not necessitate the assump-
tion that Sennacherib was in Lachish in person), and paid
tribute and even sent it (and this also argues for our idea), with
a deputation, who were to confirm Hezekiah's subjection, to
Nineveh! We assumed, therefore, on the authority of the
inscriptions, that between 2 Kings xviii. 13 and 14 Sennacherib^
good fortune in Babylon and a lengthy investment of Jersualem
are to be concluded. Whether the tribute sum thirty talents of
gold and three hundred talents of silver according to the Bible, and
thirty talents of gold and eight hundred talents of silver according
to the inscriptions, are equivalent, we do not know, as we do not
know the Assyrian money values well enough. This subjection
of Hezekiah is registered on the inscription of Sennacherib from
the Nebi-Yunus mound 2 in the following words :
I overthrew the wide borders of Judah; I forced obedience
upon its king Hezekiah.
1 Seat of a pre-Israelite Canaamte kingdom according to Joshua x. 3. In Micah
i. 3 piobably the same Lachish is meant. Theie a chariot without horses is
spoken of which is the occasion of sin. A processional car is probably meant.
An antithesis to the ark of the covenant.
2 SeeJT.T 1 ., 2nd ed., 47?
VOL, II. '15
POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
2. The scene described % Kings xviii. 17-xix 8 we take to be an
episode in the campaign just spoken of. 1 It records the dealings
with Hezekiah from Lachish. Rabshakeh's oration is an added
poetical amplification. The supposition upon which the oration
is founded, that Hezekiah had already put faith in Egypt, which
like a broken reed pierces the hand that leans upon it, is
probably taken over from the situation in the later campaign,
described Kings xix. 9 ff. 5 a, situation which first developed
itself in 691, when Tirhakah, the third Ethiopian king, came
to the throne, and menaced Assyria. When the messengers
arrived who were to demand tribute and homage from Hezekiah,
Sennacherib had already withdrawn from Lachish to Libnah.
We do not know where Libnah was. But the statement agrees
with the assumption mentioned above : Sennacherib was forced
to withdraw with the main body of his army from Lachish and
to return home, because new tumults had broken out in
Babylonia.
3. The third division of the Books of Kings, 2 Kings xix.
9-37 (comp. Isa. xxxvii. 9-37), speaks of a later campaign of
Sennacherib which must have taken place in the period after
the destruction of Babylon. It is marked by the appearance of
Tirhakah, who only came to the throne in 691. We have no
Assyrian account of this campaign. Shortly after it Sennacherib
was murdered. 2 The last thing that the annals record of his
deeds is the destruction of Babylon. The tablet-writers had
the less reason for describing the campaign in that its course
was unfortunate. Cuneiform experts and historians have there-
fore tried in vain to reconcile the Biblical record of the unhappy
1 In Isa. xxxvi.-xxxvn. 8 we have the two passages 2 Kings xviu. 13-16 and
1 8, xviL-xix 8 combined. The investigations of B. Stade, Zettsckrift ftir altt.
Wissensch^ 1886, 173 f., upon the different authorities, are of fundamental
importance.
2 Nagel, Der Zug des Sanherib (1902), and Wilke, Jesaja wid Assur, declare
themselves against the assumption of two campaigns. Tirhaka appears in 701,
eighteen years before his accession to the throne of Egypt, as king of Cush (here
= Ethiopia) This is an historical impossibility. If it is referring to one
campaign, then Tirhakah might be an erroneous gloss But then the direct con-
nection of the story with the death of Sennacherib is inexplicable. Between
701 and the death of Sennacherib lies the proudest act of his life : the conquest
and destruction of Babylon.
SENNACHERIB 227
result with the annals of Sennacherib. Forty years or more
ago, however, G. Rawlinson had already recognised that the
Biblical record belonged to a campaign of which there is no
mention in the annals of Sennacherib.
Upon a campaign in the WesLland (after 691) Sennacherib
suddenly found himself threatened by Tirhakah, the third of the
Ethiopian kings (since 691, according to Egyptian accounts).
He sent messengers to Jerusalem, and demanded the surrender
of the city.
In this situation the second highly important appearance of
Isaiah took place. Hezekiah sent to the prophet and asked how
he should act in reference to the demand of the Assyrian, who
mocked at any trust in Yahveh. The king obeyed the voice of
the prophet and replied with a refusal.
Isaiah's prophecy, 2 Kings xix. 32-34, that Sennacherib should
not enter the gates of Jerusalem, that it should not even be
besieged, was marvellously fulfilled (2 Kings xix. 35 f. ; comp.
2 Chron. xxxii. 21) :
In the same night the angel of Yahveh went forth (allegoric
expression for the plague) and smote in the camp of the Assyrians
185,000 men; then Sennacherib departed and returned and dwelt
at Nineveh
This event, which must have been looked upon as a special
intervention of God, brought Isaiah into high esteem.
If 2 Chron. xxxii. 9 does not contain an error, which might
proceed from confusion in the connecting verse 2 Kings xviii. 9,
this time also the negotiations with Jerusalem were conducted
from Lachish. The Bible unites the information of the murder
of Sennacherib with the record (681).
Towards the end of 682 Sennacherib was murdered by one of
his sons. The Babylonian Chronicle relates :
<e Upon 20th Tebet, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, was killed by
his son in a rebellion "
The place of the murder was Babylon. For Assurbauipal relates
that at the conquest of Babylon he slew people as sacrifice to the
dead by the statues of the protecting gods (therefore at the gate
of the Temple), near w.here Sennacherib was murdered But it can
scarcely be assumed that they were taken to Nineveh for this
purpose.
The special place for the deed would be the temple of Marduk.
POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
The Biblical record does not contradict this (2 Kings xix. 37) : " he
returned and dwelt at Nineveh And as he worshipped in the temple
of Nisroch, his god, there smote him ..." Between the two sen-
tences there should be a gap. The name Nisroch is in the usual way
a mutilation of Marduk The " two sons " of the Biblical record is
founded upon a misunderstanding ; the Bible probably handed
down two names of the same person l
Shortly before his death (after the death of Hezekiah?)
Sennacherib must have succeeded in forcing Jerusalem to
obedience. For Hezekiah's successor Manabseh again sent
tribute to Nineveh. Amongst the vassal princes who pay
tribute to Esarhaddon (see fig. 180), Sennacherib's son and
successor (681 to 668), appears Me-na-si-e shar (king) Ya-u-di
(Assurbanipal calls him Mi-in-si-e). According to % Chron.
xxxiri. 11 he was forced to appear at Babylon to justify him-
self. It would be easy for him to prove his " innocence," since
the policy of Esarhaddon was in opposition to that of his
predecessor. He remained faithful to E^arhoddon. When,
according to % Kings xxi. 16, he " filled Jerusalem with innocent
blood," that probably means the extirpation of the anti-
Assyrian party. In this case that would have been the party of
Yahveh. In opposition to it and to Hexekiah's policy, Manasseh
introduced the Assyrian cult. In particular he again erected
the statue of Asherah (xxi. 7) which Hezekiah (xvin. 4) had done
away with.
Then, when Esarhaddon marched against Egypt (in 671
Tirhakah was defeated and Memphis conquered), like the
rest of the princes of Palestine Manasseh wa obliged to
supply auxiliary troops. The campaign passed through tracts
of Arabia which were enveloped in mystery and winch
imagination peopled with fabulous beings. Esarhaddon's in-
scriptions tell of two-headed serpents and other remarkable
winged beasts which brought death and amazement into his
army, till Marduk the great Lord came to the rescue, and
inspired the troops anew. Isa. xxx. 6 seems to reproduce Judaic
memories of the terrors of such a campaign :
J The Babylonian Chronicle names only one son, likewise Berossus, following
Polyhistor , Ardumuzanus, according to Abydenus; Adramelus, see A",A*T.,
3rd ed., 84. In the Armenian fables of the heroes the two Biblical murderers
are celebrated as national heroes on account of 2 Kings xix. 37 ; see p. 276, i., n. 3.
ESARHADDON
229
Through a land of trouble and anguish, as [they] there [bring] lion
and lioness, viper and flying dragon,, they carry their riches upon
the backs of asses, and their treasures upon the bunches of camels,
to a people that is of no use ' Egypt's help is vain and useless
FIG 175 King Assurbanipal and his wife in a vine-covered arbour
During a new Egyptian campaign against Tirhakah Esar-
haddon died in the year 668. His son
Assurbanipal (see fig 175) continued the
war against Tirhakah^s nephew Tanut-
Ammon and conquered Thebes. To him
also Manasseh was obliged to supply
auxiliaries. Very soon, however, diffi-
culties at home made it impossible for
Assurbanipal to follow up his conquests
in the south. The destructive wars against FIG. 176. Cameo of
Assyria began which ended with the fall Si^^punous"' Greek
of Nineveh (see above, pp. 97, i. f.). m character. 1 Berlin
The Jewish patriots awaited this issue
with glowing fervour. Manasseh was hated because of his
Assyrian inclinations. His son Amon was murdered for the
1 Surrounding inscription , To Merodach, his Lord, Nebuchadnezzar King of
Babylon has presented this for his life. In the Hague museum is a similar stone
without a head. They are held to be the eyes of a statue of Marduk consecrated by
Nebuchadnezzar , then in a late Greek period the head was inserted in one of them.
230 POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
same cause. 1 He was followed by Josiah, who in the eighteenth
year of his reign began his great religious reformation. His
accession must have taken place with the approbation of Assyria,
still under Assurbanipal. Till after his death he was held by the
Jews as a " deliverer," as has been said pp. 99 f , i. 1 Kings xiii.
relates that his coming as Deliverer was foretold. The great
reformation was probably to inaugurate the restoration of the
ancient kingdom, as before under Hezekiah. Josiah met with
his tragic end when he went (in the service of Assyria ? ) to stop
Necho in his march through Syria (Megiddo instead of Migdal
Ashtoreth ? see p. 200),
In the meanwhile, a Chaldsean dynasty, in the person ol'
Nabopolassar, had disputed the sovereignty in Babylon with
success, and inaugurated the second Babylonian kingdom.
Jehoiakim did homage (605) to his son Nebuchadnezzar
(comp. fig. 176), after the latter, following the fall of
Nineveh, had defeated the Pharaoh Necho near Karkemish and
by pursuit of the enemy had taken possession of Palestine to
the southern boundary. % Kings xxiv. 1 relates :
hi his ( Jehoiakim' s) days Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon came
up, and Jehoiakim became his servant three years : but then he
turned and rebelled against him
A campaign by Nebuchadnezzar, attested in cuneiform
writings, 2 against Ammananu (anti-Lebanon) was therefore
probably directed against him and other states of Palestine
who owed tribute. The punishment first fell upon his son
Jehoiachin. He was taken prisoner (Dan. i. 1 f., who also
confuses the event in other ways, says erroneously Jchoiakitn),
the inhabitants of Jerusalem were partly carried away, and the
worship of Yahveh was suspended by the removal of the sacred
vessels. 3 The lawful position of Zedekiah, who was recognised
1 The party which revenged him is called pun oy, "peasants." It is the
same form of expression as the Roman pagami heathen.
2 See Winckler, &.A.T., 3rd ed., 107 ff., where the meaning of the long known
inscription is determined , text, K. T. , 2nd ed. , 58.
8 See 2 Kings xxiv. 13 and comp. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 10 , this act here takes the
place of the removal of the statue of the god, whxch was necessary according to
Oriental usage; see Winckler, JKht. Schr^ 120 ff, j K,A.T^ 3rd cd., 279 f.,
comp. pp. 290 f.
NEBUCHADNEZZAR
as king by Nebuchadnezzar, is not clear. When his hopes 1
of making a free position for Judea with the Babylonian
court miscarried, he allowed himself to be led into rebellion
by Egypt. For this gruesome punishment fell upon him.
He was blinded. 2 City and temple were destroyed, and the
district declared waste-land. The rest of the land remained
untouched. Mizpah became the seat of government (2 Kings
xxv. 83), Gedaliah was recognised as their governor, and the
land was placed under the supervision of Chaldsean officers.
The Jews who were carried away to Babylon played a very
/ ^;Wf -* k%^
fe^k&
FIG. 177. An Assyrian king (Sargon IL) puts out
the eyes of a prisoner.
distinguished part in the country of the Euphrates, not only
in economical relations, as, amongst others, the commercial
contracts from the excavations at Nippur show, but they had
also to be considered politically. Amel-Marduk (Evil-merodach)
in the first year of his reign confirmed the prisoner Jehoiachin
as king of Judah (# Kings xxv, 27), and thereby theoretically
again recognised the claim to existence of a Jewish state.
After that the leaders of the exiles hoped for a return. After
a time of bitter disappointment under the Chaldaean rulers,
they welcomed the Babylonian hierarch Cyrus as the one who
would fulfil their hopes and realise the frustrated measure of
Amel-Marduk. In Isa. xlv. 1 Cyrus is greeted as the heaven-
x Comp. Jer. xxvi. 1 6 j xxvrii. 1-4 ; xxix. 3.
2 Comp. fig 177,
POLITICAL HISTORY OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH
sent, " whose right hand is held by Yahveh," l of whom
Yahveh says " he is my shepherd and shall accomplish all my
will. 1 '' The inscription of Cyrus agrees with this, where it says :
Marduk looked around and sought for a righteous king, and he
took the man after his own heart and called Kurash to be king
over the whole world (for more detail, see upon Isa xhv. 28,
pp. 274 f.) 2
The impression given is almost as though the author of the
FIG, 178. Bronze carrier for holy water vessels (mtkdttah)
Discovered m Cyprus. Original now in Antiquity
Room of the Berlin Museum.
prophetic passage must have known the text of the Cyrus
cylinder* 3 After the conquest of Babylon in 539 Cyrus gave
the permission for return and for the foundation of an inde-
pendent political state, with its own administration. 4 The
contention over the kind of government, whether it should be
a civil or a religious constitution, was the stimulating force in
the following historical development of Judaism.
1 Upon the ceremonial of holding the hand, compare, for example, fig. 35,
p. 109, i.
2 He also deceived the people of Judah. The Jews said, according to Berach.
17, a s'onn enia In other places certainly, as Rosh hashanah i. 3 b , Cyrus is
praised as " righteous king,"
3 Comp. Kittel in Z.A. W.> 1898, 149 ff.
4 For further detail, particularly in reference to the religion of Cyrus, see
pp. 274 f-
CHAPTER XXVI
FUHTHEB, GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, CHRONICLES,
EZRA, AND NEHEMIAH
UPON 1 Kings i.-xii. 11, see pp. 185-191.
1 Kings xii. 28 : The statues of golden calves in Bethel and Dan
are still inexplicable. They seem to have represented Yahveh
in the popular religion. But the meaning of the statues, like
the "golden calf" in Exod. xxxii. (see pp. 138 f.), must be
sought in astral mythology ; for that is the character of all
animal statues of the cults in the Near East, no matter from
whence the example is taken (chief festival; upon the full
moon of the eighth month, xii. 3 f.) ; for in these things
the Near East is all one. Every " initiate " in Israel under-
stood the symbolism, just as he understood the symbolic
meaning of the twelve oxen on the basin in the Temple
(pp. 188 f.). If Elijah did not inveigh against them, it
would be because he looked upon the statues as relatively
harmless, and to be interpreted according to the meaning of
the Yahveh religion.
J Kings xiu. 2, see p. 230. 1 Kings xiv. 24 (gedishim), see
p. 61.
1 Kings xv. 13 : The Queen Mother held the high rank of
a gebtra (comp. 9> Kings x, 13, Jer. xiii. 18 and xxix. 2, where
she is placed side by side with the king)* The sult&na wdlida
holds the same position. Also in the Assyrian inscriptions
the Queen Mother repeatedly appears as a political power, and
Assyrian letters prove her important position. In the heathen
Oriental conception of the world the Queen Mother is the same
233
234 GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, ETC.
as the Queen of Heaven and mother-goddess in the celestial
household, 1
1 Kings xvi 34 (sacrifice to the building ? ), see p. 158.
1 Kings xviii. 28: "To cut themselves with knives " is
forbidden as a heathen custom in Deut. xiv. 1. In the annals
of Sargon it is said of a mourning Babylonian : " he crouched
down upon the earth, rent his garment, took the knife, and
broke forth into cries."" Upon other gestures of mourning, see
Ezek. xxvii. 31.
1 Kings xix 8 ; see pp. 2, u 1, 98
*k In 1 Kings xix. 1 9, Elisha is ploughing with twelve pair of oxen
when Elijah casts his mantle upon him. Calling from the plough is a
motif in the call to the Bring er, or the Foreteller (nab*i\ of the new
era (Midas, Cincmnatus). We find the same motif in the call to
Saul, In 1 Sam xi 5, he comes "behind the oxen home from
the field," when the messengers meet him. The meaning was
discussed p. 59, i. ; comp. pp. 235 f. ^
1 Kings xx 22, 26 ; see pp 45, i. f.
1 Kings xxii. 10 ff. The kings sit under the gate (comp.
fig. 135), and the prophets prophesy before them, one of
them by meanb of a symbolic action. Clearly a historic picture.
They sit (in ceremonial vestments) "upon a threshing-floor."" 2
We conjecture that this is a technical expression for the semi-
circle of the ceremonious divan. 8
Elijah and Elisha
In the later conception Elijah 4 was held to be not only the
prophet (ndbt\ but to be the forerunner, of the expected
1 The East also recognised feminine rule. In Phoenicia it was specially usual ;
from thence it spread its unhealthy influence over Israel (Jezebel) and Judah
(Athaliah), see p. 249.
2 i Chron. repeatedly DWI before pJQ, and the Sept. translates only "they
sat upon a threshing-floor "
3 This would make Klostermann's conjecture fall through, Comp. JB.N.T.,
14 f upon Rev. xii. (heavenly counsel), where it is asserted by Shemoth Rabba
upon Exod. iv. 28, "Some time God will group the elders of Israel like a
threshing-floor [that is, according to what follows, in a semicircle], and give them
the law as their president."
* Upon the political importance of his appearance against the power of Tyre,
see Wmckler, K.A. T. t 3rd ed,, 248 ff., and compare above, pp. 215 f, Elijah and
Elisha both came from and worked in districts which were then under the influences
of Damascus (Elijah from Thisbe in Gilead, Elisha from Abel Mchola). The
ELIJAH AND ELISHA
Deliverer. Mai. iv. 5, " I will send Elijah the prophet before
the day of Yahveh come." This was the most popular sentence
about the awaited Messiah. Therefore it was that the whole
bearing of John the Baptist made him appear to be Elijah.
The Biblical chroniclers interwove the motifs of the expected
Deliverer with his figure ; and later editors, above all the
Rabbinical exegetes, amplified them.
* We draw attention to the following :
L In the text before us Elijah appears entirely as a deus ex
machina. The mysterious birth attributed to him by the Rabbis
(Berach. 58a), "without father or mother," corresponds to the
motifs known to us ; see pp 90 ff.
2. He is fed by ravens by the command of God, and drinks from
the brook The drying up of the brook should be related intro-
ductory to the tune of drought The miraculous food has no direct
connection with the following context. They tell in the language
of that time the miraculous direct protection of the prophet by
God. 1 The chief event is the supply of watei, for the failure of
which preparation is made. And we know the mythological
meaning (to which attention was long ago drawn) of the raven with
the beaker in the starry heavens, which the Hydra prevents from
drinking Hygin relates how Apollo cursed the raven who was to
feed him, because he neglected the command to supply him with
water.
3 The time of drought lasted three years. It is a time of curse,
preceding the deliverance To this is added the second sign from
God, <( fire from Yahveh/' 1 Kings xviii. 38, which consumes Elijah's
sacrifice. The slaying of 450 (surely a motif-number, possibly
confused from 350 ?) priests of Baal, executed by Elijah, alone and
single-handed, with the sword (xviii. 40, xix. 1), seals the victory
of Yahveh over Baal Do not the motifs, adorning historic fact,
here also signify a deliverance ?
4. Upon the forty days' journey to the mountain of God, see
p. 68, i.
5. Elisha's call by the mantle of the prophet, see p. 190. As in
the case of Saul, he is called from the plough, 3 Kings xix. 19 ff.
work of Jesus in the district of Tyre and Sidon and southward is connected
with memories of Elijah and Elisha. The heathen as well have a part in his work
there For Elijah and Elisha also there were no narrow frontiers. The story of
the widow in Sarepta and of the healing of Naaman indicate perhaps lines of
religious connection between Israel and Damascus. Unfortunately, we have no
evidence from Damascus.
1 Legend says that Paulus Eremita was fed for sixty years by ravens. We
might conclude from Ps. cxlvii 9 and Job xxxviii. 41 that the popular legends in
Israel looked upon the raven as the special bird of God.
GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, ETC.
Upon the meaning of this, see pp. 59, i f. ; comp. p 234. "Twelve
pair of oxen were before him, and he himself followed the twelfth."
Elisha slays and roasts the pair of oxen, using the wood of the
plough for fire. This motif is incomprehensible to us ; it corre-
sponds to the slaying of the oxen of the plough when Saul was
called.
6 In this connection 2 Kings il 23 f should be specially noted.
Forty-two boys are torn to pieces by bears, because they have mocked
Ehsha as "bald-head." No one will regret a solution of the story
It appears to us certain that motifs of the cycle of the year he
before us. The monuments in the district of Lebanon attest the
bear as the animal representing the critical solstitial points s see
p 99, i. The tonsure for it is to this the story refeis belongs to
the sun-man. Read Plutarch, Theseus, and comp, p 172, above ^
The historical and the religious importance of Elijah is in no
way diminished by unveiling motifs of mythology and fable.
The motifs form the nimbus in which a past age enveloped
him, in order (by means of the simple ideology of the ancient
world) to make his importance understood by the people. 1 For
us this nimbus is far outshone by the glory which surrounds him
from the standpoint and teaching of Jesus and the Christian
idea of the world.
Elijah's ascension 2 "in the whirlwind" (9> Kings ii. 1 ff).
What Elisha saw was a vision, as in vi. 17, which they could
see u whose eyes Yahveh had opened. 1 " The prophet sees a
fiery chariot and fiery horses. He cries: "My father, my
father ! the chariots of Israel and the horsemen ! " The words
primarily do not apply to Elijah, but to the heavenly appear-
ance. As the stars were held to be warriors of Yahveh Babaoth
(p, 138), so the prophet sees in this appearance the heavenly
war-hosts of the people of God. When the vision was past,
Elijah was taken up into heaven. It is not said that he ascended
in one of the chariots with fiery horses.
1 Kings xx. 34: The fyuztit of the Israelite merchants in
Damascus were bazaars and parts of the city (Arabian jjw#)
1 And how delicate is the Biblical story in contrast to the later Jewish em-
bellishment, which makes Elijah the Sun-man, representative of fruitfulncss, who
is present at circumcisions, and which links with a flippant song (Gadja song) in
the liturgy of the Passover the expectation of the return of Elijah, which sings the
cycle of the fate of worlds, finally ending in equalising justice,
2 Upon the motif word np^ for snatching away, i Kings ii. IX, see p, 240, i.
THE MOABITES 287
reserved for strangers (conditionally with exemption from taxes)
near the bazaars of the natives.
In the Middle Ages there were the fondachi of the markets in
Oriental mercantile cities (Wmckler, L.Z., 1901, Sp 143) We meet
with exactly the same institution in the Thousand and One Nights, and
to the present day the various goods have their particular parts of the
bazaars; see Holzmger, Archaologie, 132 Herodotus, xi. 112,
records specialised bazaars of the Syrians in Memphis Compare
also our ancient city divisions, tanners' quarter, and so on
% Kings iii. The Moabites ; see Gen. xix. 30 ff. 1 David, by
force of arms (% Sam. viii. 3), brought the Moabites under his
rule. The mysterious passage, % Sam. viii. 2, of the measuring,
probably means that one-third of the country fell to the con-
queror and two-thirds remained with Moab. 2 The victory
would certainly be sealed according to Oriental custom by the
introduction of the worship, therefore of the worship of Yahveh.
The inscription of Mesha, in fact, records from a later time that
vessels of Yahveh-worship were carried away from the Moabite
city of Nebo.
Contrariwise, David brought Moabite sanctuaries to Jerusalem
(% Sam. viii,, 10 ff.). These trophies were fatal in Solomon^
time ; they were probably primarily used for idolatrous purposes
in circles of immigrated Moabites (1 Kings xi. 5 : worship of
Chemosh in Jerusalem), According to the Book of Ruth,
David was himself of Moabite descent. We have no reason to
doubt the authenticity of the statement, though one would have
expected a hint of it in 1 Sam. xxii. 3 f., where David sought
refuge " for father and mother " in Moab. With the fall of the
kingdom of David, Moab naturally became again independent.
But during the rule of the dynasty of Omri it was again put
under tribute by the Northern Kingdom. Omri subdued the
1 Upon the following compare Buhl, article on Mesha and Moab m Hauck,
R.Pr.Th.) 3rd ed , where, however, the parts agreeing with the inscriptions are
to be modified according to the following ; in the same way, the article on Mesha
by Driver and the article on Moab by G A. Smith, Wellhausen, and Cheyne in
Mnc. Btbl., and Wmckler, A' A. 71, srded., particulaily pp. 251 ff, where the
views expressed m Gesch fsr. t i , specially upon 2 Kings iii., are modified.
2 Winckler, Gesch. fsr., ii. 206, n 3. "He measured off J to death and the
third to life " is perhaps simply the technical expression for this division at the
conclusion of peace.
238 GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, ETC.
Moabite king Chemosh-Khan (''), father of the Mesha, well
known by the stone inscription, after the conquest of the city
of Mahdaba (ca. 882).
Under Mesha, Ahab renewed the subjection.
FIG. 179. Stone of Mesha.
Two Biblical authorities (2 Kings i. 1, iii. 5) then record that
after the death of Ahab the king of Moab refused tribute.
Joram went out against him, and Jehoshaphat of Judah lent him
auxiliary forces. 1 The campaign did not lead to the overthrow
of Moab ; the Mesha Stone, which was written and erected after
the campaign recorded in 2 Kings iii. and after the fall of the
1 2 Chron. xx. presents Jehoshaphat's part as an independent campaign.
THE MESHA STONE
house of Omri (therefore about 842), much more records an
extension of the territory of Moab (towards JJoronen, in any
case into Israelite territory).
The statements of Mesha entirely agree with those of the
Bible 1
THE MESHA STONE (fig. 179)
CONTENTS. Thanksgiving to the god Chemosh (to whom Mesha,
according to 2 Kings ni , sacrificed his son in order to appease his
wrath and to obtain the victory), who had helped him against the
enemy, and aided him to extend his kingdom and to establish it.
1-3. I am Mesha, the son of
Chemosh-Khan (?), 2 king of
Moab, from Dibon. My father
was king over Moab thirty
years, and I became king
after my father . . .
1^9- Omri, king of Israel,
oppressed Moab long, for Che-
mosh was angry with his land
And his son Ahab succeeded
him, and he also said I will op-
press Moab ; he spake so in my
days, when I saw my desire
upon him and his house
And Israel fell for ever Omri,
however, possessed the land
of Mahdeba and there passed
his days, and the days of 3ns
sons forty years And Chem-
osh restored it m my days. . . .
ca. 908-878. Chemosh-Kh&n.
ca 878-? (after 842). Mesha.
0.882. Conquest of the country
about Mehedeba by Omri (not
mentioned m the Bible)
876-855 Ahab's conquests in
Moab, 2 Kings 111. 4 ; Mesha
pays tribute to Ahab
854-843. Joram (and Jehosha-
phat), against Moab, had insti-
tuted payment of tribute after
the death of Ahab (2 Kings lii
4 ; comp i.l). According to
lii. 27, Joram was finally ob-
liged to withdraw (the
"wrath" veils the misad-
venture), Mesha then ad-
vanced triumphantly, outlived
the overthrow of the house of
Omri by Jehu (see above,
e< Israel fell for ever*'), re-
conquered Mahdeba and the
territories of 'Atarflt and Nebo
1 This acknowledged fact forms a weighty evidence for the reliability of the
Biblical historical authorities. Upon 2 Kings iii see p. 47. Upon the text, J.T. t
1st ed., ico ff.
3 In no case three letters, according to Lidzbarski's examination of the text, but
only two ; therefore not Kamoshmalik, possibly p.
240 GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, ETC.
and Jaljad and IJoron^n, and
made the Israelites give tribu-
tary service in his building
opeiations. (Nothing is men-
tioned of this in the Bible )
ca 842 Erection of the stone,
which celebrates the triumph
10 if. But the people of Gad were from of old settled in the
territory of 'Atardt, and the king of Israel had built 'Atarot. But
I fought against the city and took it, and slew all the people of the
city, a joy to Chemosh and to Moab. And I brought back from
thence the 'arel 1 of then* god and brought it before Chemosh in
Cherijot And I transported thither the people of Shrn and the
people of $rt. And Chemosh spake to me : Go and take Nebo
against Israel, and I went out by night and fought against them
from the break of day till noon, and I took it and slew all , seven
thousand men and (boys) and women and (virgins) and maidens ;
for I had dedicated it to 'Astar-Chemosh ; and 1 removed from
thence the ... 2 of Yahveh and brought them before Chemosh.
And the king of Israel had built Yahash, and made himself a strong-
hold therein when he fought with me But Chemosh drove him
before me, and I took two hundred men from Moab, all his princes,
and led them against Yahash and conquered it, to remove it to Dibon.
I built Krljh, H6mathaje'ann and Homatha'ophel, and I built its
gates and I built its towers, and I built the king's pnlace, and I
made two basms for water inside the city. But there was no well
inside the city, in Kr^h ; and I commanded all the people . Make
you every one a well in his own houvse. And I bored the tunnel
(water-course) for Krtyh with prisoners from Israel I built
'Aro'&r and I made the streets of Amon. I built Beth-Bamf>th,
for it was destroyed. I built Bezer, for it had fallen to ruin ;
princes of Dibon there were fifty, for the whole of Dibon was
subjugated. And I ruled over one hundred (princes) in the cities
which I had added to the land. And I built MhdM and Beth-
Diblaton and Beth-Ba'al-Me'on, and I led forth from thence the
shepherds (?) . . , sheep of the land And in $6ronn sat
. . . and .... Chemosh commanded me Go, fight against
^6ronn And I went down .... and Chemo.sh (gave it back)
in my days, and I went up from thence to ....?? and I . , , .
K, usually interpreted as "shrine" also at line 17-18, should probably be
complemented with ^KIK. According to Sellin, JBrtr. der Ausgrabitn^en^ p. 36,
portable altars like that represented in fig, 115, pp. 346 f,, i,, should be understood.
H. Grimme in the Kath. Litt. Rundschau t 1904, pr. 347, sees in 'arV a person
(priest ?) who was carried off.
2 The finals of line 17 and beginning of line 18 supplemented byline 12, see
n. I.
MOAB 241
% Kings xiii. 520 shows that at a later time also Moab made
great trouble for Israel in many severe battles. The cuneiform
inscriptions offer some material for the further history of the
Moabites.
In the middle of the eighth century Moab was ruled by inde-
pendent " kings." Tiglath-Pilesei names Salamnu of Moab
amongst the kings who bring tribute to him during the campaign
against Damascus (732, at the same time as Ja-u-ha-zi of Ja-u-da-ai,
that is, Joahaz of Judah) ; see K T 7 ., 2nd ed , 34 Twenty years
later we find Moab, like Phihstia, Judah, and Edom, taking part in
the insurrection against Assyria (713-711), led by Azun of Ashdod
(see KT, 2nd ed , 41); but in the campaign of 701 Sennacherib
names Kammusu-nadab of Moab amongst the tributaries of the
Westland ; see K T , 2nd ed , 44. Esarhaddon records that, like
Manasseh of Judah and many others, so also Muzuri of Moab had
to give him tribute in labour for the building of his armoury (see
KT 9 2nd ed , 52); and Asurbanipal piaises a Moabite king,
because he has proved a faithful vassal in war against the Arabian
Kedar, who, with the Nebajot (see Gen xxv. 13), overran the
district of Judah and the hinterland of Moab in the last period of
the kingdom of Judah (G. Smith. History of Asurbanipal, p. 288
Cyl B, viii. 37 , the name put together with Kammasu, z e.
Chemosh, is unfortunately mutilated). At the conquest of
Jerusalem the Moabites, like the Edomites, are named as malicious
onlookers (Ezek. xxv 8; compare, however, Jer. xl. 11) Together
with Edom, Ammon, and other tribes, they overran the conquered
territory of Judah during the Exile.
Chemosh was the Ba f al of the Moabites, a stern war-god, who
probably reflected the character of the Moabite people. Captive
enemies were slain before his altars (Mesha inscription, line 11).
According to 2 Kings iii., Mesha in time of calamity in war sacri-
ficed his own son before Chemosh. The deity tlOD "inw, who
appears together with him upon the Mesha Stone, is probably Ills
feminine correlative, a warlike Ishtar, to whom the captives of war
were dedicated before their slaughter The name Ba'al Peor may
be an epithet for Chemosh " the Lord of Peor " The name of the
city Nebo in Moab is not an evidence of the worship of Nebo in
Moab (contrary to Buhl, I.e., and Hommel, G.G.G, p. 39); the
name may be the remains of a former Babylonian civilisation in the
Westland, like the names of the Mountain of Nebo and of the
priestly city of Nob.
The inscription of Mesha attests an advanced civilisation in Moab
of the ninth century. In periods of independent development
Canaan had emancipated itself from the Babylonian cuneiform
writing, as the Amarna letters give evidence, and lately some
discoveries in Palestine show it in an earlier epoch. The Mesha
Stone shows, like the Panammft inscription of Zenjirli, an alpha-
VOL. II. 16
GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, ETC.
betic writing graven in basalt (the origin of our Hebrew square
writing). The inscriptions also show that the Moabites understood
building strongholds with gates and towers, and making artificial
roads (a mesillat was built at Arnon)
2 Kings v . Naaman, see p. 217, i., n. 3, and comp the healing
of Gilgamesh at the bathing-place of the Holy Island, p. 217, i.
2 Kings v. 12 ; see p. 206, i
2 Kings v, 17 f. . Naaman wishes to take two mules' burden
of sacred earth with him, in order to build an altar to Yahveh
in Damascus. Elisha grants the request. Only in the ques-
tion of making obeisance he prays for indulgence. When he
accompanies his king as knight on service into the temple of
Rimmon, he will be obliged to kneel also. But in spirit the
act of reverence is to be to Yahveh. This is the meaning of
the passage (see Klostermann upon the passage). Rimmon
(Sept. Remman) is the "Canaanite" (Amorite) god of storm,
who is also called Adad ; see p. 124, i. According to one passage
he is special tutelary god of Damascus. Zech. xii. 11 , lament
for Hadad-Rimmon =Tammuz, comp. p. 99, i,, and En-Rimmon
in Joshua xv. 32 x are evidence of an ancient Canaanitc worship
of this god of storm. 2
2 Kings vi. 25 : During the siege of Samaria food became dear
But they had not eaten either the heads of asses or doves' dung, as
the newest commentaries still assume (also Benzinger, K'omge,
upon the passage) The passage is corrupt -non should be read
IDn; that is, homer, the dry measure To this belongs DWlfij
in which word, according to Gen. xl. 1 6, a species of corn is veiled.
B?fcO is the remains of BTt*ri, must ; the -J kab belongs to this.
Therefore a homer of corn, like a -J- kab of must, was exorbitantly
dear. Thus Winckler, Krit. Schnften, ii. 35.
2 Kings vi. 27 confirms the correctness of this reading* Ahab
asks : With what shall I help thee, with something from the
threshing-floor or from the wine-press ?
2 Kings vii 1 ff v see p. 191, i.
2 Kings viii 13: "But what is thy servant, the dog." Kalbika>
" thy dog," is in Assyrian letters an expression of devotion. Sept.
strengthens it, as in 2 Sam- ix. 8 . " dead dog/'
2 Kings ix. 13 : Garments were laid down upon the road for a
royal progress, as in Matt, xxi. 8.
1 To be read thus, instead of *ain we-Rimmon, with Holzmger, upon this
passage.
a The form of name Rimmdn is also attested on the Amarna tablets, see Peiser,
O.Z.&, 1898, 276.
GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS
2 Kings ix. 27 (Gur), see p. 343, i., n. 4 2 Kings xvi 3, see below.
2 Kings xvi 10 flf. The altar of Ahaz built after a Damascene
pattern, see p 345, i
2 Kings xvi. 18 : In consideration of the king of Assur,
Ahaz makes innovations in the Temple. Was a vibit from the
Assyrian king expected in the Temple ? In any case, the
passage shows that the political alliance resulted in falling
away and paganism.
Kings xvn 6 ; comp p 278, i.
% Kings xvii. 6, xvih. 11 . Sargon carried them away to
Hala.ty and the Habur, the river ofGozan, and [m] the mountains
(Sept. *Y Spots) of the Medes. But 1 Chron- vi. [5], 26
records that Tiglath-Pileser earned away the Reubenites and
the Gaddites and the half tribe of Manasseh in nbn, TDn
and vnT\ to the river of Gozan ; see p. 48. The separation of
the "river of Habor" from the "river of Goscan" rests upon a
misapprehension. The parallel passage Kings xv. 29 says
simply : Tiglath-Pileser carried them away into Assyria.
% Kings xix. 12 and Isa. xxxvii. 12 name Gozan, together
with Haran and Rezeph and Eden, as one country subdued by
the Assyrians.
Cuneiform writings mention a city of Gozan in the district
of the Euphrates. 1 It is, in any case, treating of Babylonian
country. Probably by the "mountains of the Medes" the
actual country of the Medes is not meant, but rather the
districts of Suleimania lying not very far from the other places
enumerated and which Shalmaneser had conquered shortly
before.' 2 Here also (comp. p. 219) the events of the years
734-33 and 722 are confused.
2 Kings xvii. 17 . They earned their sons and their daughters
to pass through the fire. xvi. 3 relates the same thing of Ahaz.
Human sacrifice is not to be understood, but the ceremony of
1 For the evidence in cuneiform writings of Guzana in the district of the
Euphrates, see article on Gosan, R.P*Th.> 3rd ed. ; in addition, II. R. 53, 43*:
Guzana =Nasibina. It may be identical with the Gauzanitis of Ptolemy, v. 17, 4,
edited by Car. M tiller, 1901 (between Chaboias and Saocoras), Kaushan of
to-day.
8 Otherwise in Kittel, Konige (Nowack's &andk ), p. 274.
244 GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, ETC.
leaping through the fire at the heathen festival of the solstice ;
see p. 348, i.
% Kings xvii. 24 ff. : Colonisation of Samaria by Babylonians.
Perhaps this record relates to the time of Sennacherib aftei
the overthrow of Babylon. Kuthah was closely allied to
Babylon (p. 139, i.). Sepharvaim is perhaps Sippar on the
Euphrates (double city ?), the Abu Habba of to-day. 1
2 Kings xvii. 30 Men of Babylon made Sfuccothbenotk.
We may expect the cult of Babylon, Marduk- worship therefore.
Winckler, M7A.G, 1901, 316 f , assumes that Succoth is the
same as Siccuth in Amos v. 26, that is, Nebo (corresponding in
the Westland to Marduk of Babylon, therefore = Winter- Marduk
= Tammuz, who was lamented). If, however, bemlh may be
explained as banUu, a name of the Belit Ishtai as Jensen has it,
ZA } iv. 352, then we should rather, m connection with Ishbir-
worship, understand huts for the Temple prostitutes
# Kings xvii. 30 . The people of Cuth made Neigal. In a
commentary on the Pentateuch, Maimonidcs (twelfth century)
founds himself upon primitive books of the heathen (he means
Nabataean writings), according to which the Cuthites professed
sun-worship. 2 This is correct. Upon the solai characteristics
of Nergal, see pp. 30, i. ; 3, i. In a review of the exiles, to the
later Jews the land of Cuthim was current as clean ; ** upon the
other hand, on account of their mingling with the heathen, the
Samaritans were scornfully called Cuthim. Ashinm, Nibhfi/, and
Tartak contradict the meaning.
2 Kings xvii. 31 : AnammeUcli. If the name denotes a
Babylonian and not rather a Syrian divinity, this contains the
single Biblical evidence of the Babylonian god Anu. The divine
name Adrammelech may perhaps be changed to Aracl-nialik or
to Adad-malik. 4
2 Kings xviii. 4 NeTyi^htan^ a serpent symbol, like the
brazen serpent (Numb. xxi. 8 f.). 5 It is assumed that it is
treating of an officially recognised symbol of Yahveh,
1 Or should we, with Winckler, Altt t Unters^ 97 ft, 105 tf'., understand it to
be the Babylonian deportation mentioned m Ezra iv. 8-10 ?
2 Baba Bathra, 910 , comp. Herrschensohn, moan JDP, p. 222.
3 In opposition to the heathen country, comp. Herrschensohn, loc* tf/ t , 139,
4 See K.A.T.) 3rd ed., 84, n. 2, 408, n. I.
6 Upon the form of the word, see Hommel, G.G.G*> p. 132,
GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 245
Historically the matter is still obscure. As tutelary god of
Der, the city of Anu (see pp. 102, i. ; 104, i., n. 1), a serpent
god is named, called "Lord of Life." 1 Figs. 149 and 152
show two serpent monuments from Petra.
2 Kings xviii 14, 17, see p. 342., i.
2 Kings xvm. 17 ff. Peiser, O.L.Z , 1902, 41 ff., reviews the
question whether a knowledge of the Assyrian language in Jeru-
salem of that time is to be assumed. In v. 26 " Assyrian " may
have stood and been replaced, as often happens, by Aramaean
(because later both were the same)
2 Kings xviii. 31< ; comp Hommel, G G.G., 89 9 n. 3. Schiaparelli,
Astronomic, p. 67
2 Kings xix. 12 and Isa. xxxvn 12 name four Babylonian districts
or cities as places of banishment: Gozan, Haran, Rezeph, and
Bene Eden ; see 2 Kings xvii. 6.
2 Kings xix. 27, see p 276, i., n. 3.
2 Kings xix. 37. Upon the murder of Sennacherib, sec
p. 27. Fig. 180 shows his successor Esarhaddon. the king
as a giant, the captives as dwarfs held by the king by iron rings
fastened through their chins ; compare with this p. 294.
2 Kings xx. 7. The prophet is also a physician ; he pre-
scribes a fig plaster.
2 Kings xx. 12: Embassy from Berodach-baladan (that is,
Merodach-baladan of Isa. xxxix. 1) ; Babylonian, Marduk-
Apaliddina. 2 He sent letters and presents. Upon the
meaning of this, sec p. 221, n. 1. The HIDD rPl into which
Hcsfickiah leads the messengers is the Assyrian btt nakamti,
the treasure-house, where also costly spices and oil were kept. 3
Probably being taken through " the house of his armour " was
more important bo the messengers, for a political alliance was
in question.
2 Kings xx. 20 : The conduit of Hexekudi. According to
2 Chron. xxxii. #0 this building relates to the Siloam tunnel,
in which, in 1880, the oldest Hebrew inscription was found by
II. Guthe.
2 Kings xxi. 5, comp. xxiii, 5 : Altars for all the host of heaven
were built in the fore-court of the Temple at Jerusalem- 4
*> iii. 238, 42. a See fig. 187, p. 274,
9 Comp. I Kings x, 10, and see Benzinger, fC6nige % upon the passage.
4 Comp. Jer, viii, 2 j Deut, xvii. 3 j Job xxxi. 26,
GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, ETC.
This did not mean uprooting the worship of Yahveh to the
people. The popular religion simply took Yahveh Sabaoth
literally: Lord of the heavenly host. 1 The
commandment in Exod. xx. 4 related to
that sort of prayer. In Exod. xxii. 23
Targum says: "Thou shalt not make for
worship the picture of MHI, and moon, con-
stellations and planets, nor of angels, which
serve before me"- According to Isa. iii.
18, the women of Jerusalem wore little
moons of gold; Judges vm. 21, certainly in
a critically debatable passage, says the war
camels carried them upon their necks.
The growing half moon is to be understood*
which to the present day is current as symbol
of growth and fertility The Hillulim in the
_^_^____ autumn festival, Lev. xix 24 and Judges ix, 27,
Fir, i8o.-Stele of vie- hke peiliaps hall ekijah (see pp ,S7, i ; 1 10, i. ;
tory of Esarhaddon after [ *), agree, at any rale originally, with the
the conquest of Egypt moon and its festivals (sec WellhauKon, Reste
and Tyre, from Zenjnh. Arabtscke Heidentwm, pp. 107 ff.) The mK-
Berlm Museum Pri- cent Qon as k of th Turkish Molwim-
soners , Tnhakah of , . , t , , .
Ethiopia and fla'al of uiedans appears to have been first assumed
Tyre with the conquest of Constantinople in 1453,
Mohammed II. then took it as a symbol of
the city, on the red banner. 3 Yet upon the first Islamic coins and
upon the Byzantine coins fiom the second century B.C. till the third
century A.D taken over by Islam the crescent moon already appears,
By some the symbol is referred back to the miraculous intervention
of the moon-goddess Hecate at the siege of the city by Philip II. hi
the year 339 fc.c. 4 Since, however, the cult of Hecate, which came
1 Note p. 134, where it is shown that later they took trouble to re- write
heathenish-sounding names.
a The Talmud Tractate Rosh hashanah 24^ says in the same passage : Make
to thyself no idols after the likeness of the spirits who serve before me in the
heights: Ophanim (periods of time), Seraphim (Isa. vi.), Chajjoth (Ezra i.), and
malkS hasherat (serving angel). Jewish quotations show that they knew the
Oriental teaching very well, and that in later times they held, in agreement
with the Oriental secret doctrine, that the phenomena of the cosmos are personified
powers of God.
8 "Munch. Orient-Ges." in Zeitschrtft Asim, December 1902,
4 The Persian historian Mirchond asserts a specially Turkish origin, according
to which the Turks brought the crescent moon as their symbol with them from
Central Asia.
GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS 247
from Asia Minor, was clearly influenced by Ancient-Oriental moon
worship, a Western Asiatic prototype lies, m the first instance, at
the root, and it is to be remembered that Ancient-Babylonian seal
cylinders, like modern Babylonian boundary stones, show the crescent
moon as insignia (comp. fig. 34 f. amongst others). On the other
hand, it is to be noted that Islam is in many ways linked to the
Hobal moon-cult of Mecca (compare the lunar calendar of
Mohammed), which corresponds to the lunar cult of Haran; see
also Job xxxvin. 31 ff
The Maz/alot, which are named together with sun and
moon (Sept fj.aovpu>Q> Job xxxviii. 32, Mazzaroth), are the
houses of the zodiac (lunar stations, 01 the stations of the
solar cycle),
2 Kings xxii, 8 ff. The finding of the book of the law.
The question of the relationship of this discovered codex to
the codices of the Israel-Judah Thora has been led into new
directions by the work of Klostermann. 1 In any case, in the
story it is treating of the finding of an original codex in
the archives of the Temple of the same description as the
authoritative copy of the law of the kings, which, according
to Deut. xvii. 18, was to be guarded in the priest's house and
of which the king was to have a copy by him. Such. secret
guarding of original documents was to preserve the law from
mutilation, such as might happen to it in copies and in verbal
interpretation (comp. Deut. xvii. 8 ff.).
The cuneiform texts repeatedly tell of the finding of
forgotten political documents. Ezra vi. 1 f. also mentions such
an event. 2
% Kings xxiii. 4: The idols were "burnt with fire, and the
ashes scattered in Kidron" z The same is often in the Assyrian
inscriptions as a custom of the kings,
1 Essay m Nttte Ktrchlichc Zeitschrtft^ 1897. Der Penmeuth^ Neue Folge,
Leipzig, 1906*
8 An inscription of Assurbampal, who liked to be represented as the maugurator
of a new era, affords an instance of the discovery of a religious document An
oracle was found in Susa which already, 1635 (1535), years befoie, had prophesied
him as revenger of the goddess Nannaya of Erech ; now " the time was fulfilled "
(Awe imlti). This is an obvious falsehood, or an artificial adjustment. A com-
parison of this event with the finding of the Law under Josiah, as is occasionally
suggested, is decidedly to be xejected.
3 To be read, with Klostermann, as f?naa instead of ^nu ; cornp. Winckler,
Krit. Sckrtften, ii, 46.
248 GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, ETC.
Upon 2 Kings xxm. 10, comp. Jer. vii 31 (Hmnom); see Baedeker,
Palestine
% Kings xxiii. 11 : The horses and chariots of the sun (comp.
pp. 115, i. f. and 156) are cultural necessities of the astral heathen-
worship. Upon the worship of the sun in ancient Canaan,
which names of places like Beth-Shemesh attebt, see p. 350, i.
(Ainarna period), and p 349, i. (Baal and Moloch as solar
divinities). The roof of the house (comp. Jer. xix. 13, xxxii. 29 ;
Zeph. i. 5) was specially suitable for star- worship.
2 Kings xxih 13, see p. 47.
% Kings xxni. 29 f. : Necho, king of Egypt. This is Necho II.
Assurbanipal mentions Necho I. Ni-ku-u shar al Me-im-pi u
al Sa-ai, king of Memphis and Sais. Josiah went out against
Necho and fell at Megiddo (or at the seaport city Migdal);
see p. 200. Upon the lament for the Deliverer, Josiah (comp.
2 Chron. xxxv. 24, and Zech. xii. 11), see pp. 99, i., and 82.
2 Kings xxv. 8 : "The captain of the bodyguard, the * servant' of
the king of Babylon." "Servant" here is used in the sense of
minister^ hke ardu, "slave," and corresponding words throughout
the East. Compare the seal of the "servant" of Jeroboam, p. <M<8, i
The Book of the Chronicks
We have to thank the authority of the Chronicles for some
valuable notices, 1 amongst others :
1 Chron. xxi. (20) I ff. (David's heroes), see pp 8Si, i, 18$.
2 Chron. ix, 1 ff. (Solomon's riddle), see pp. 188 Jf. 2 Chron. xx. I
(Ammonites in alliance with Mesha), see p 47. 2 Chron. xxxv, &i< l\
rlament for Josiah), see p. 82 1 Chron. xxviu, tt } xxviii. 1 8, xxxv, .']
(for understanding the ark), see pp. 124, n. 3, 1^5, 130, n. 4,
1 Chron xxvin 11 ff, (models for the Temple and Gad's part, in
the building of the sanctuary), see p. 132, 2 Chron iv. () (bnwen
sea), see p. 188. 2 Chron. xxi. 12 (Elijah's letter), see p 30&
1 Chron. i. 9, see p. 288, i. 1 Chron. i. 27, see p. 285, i. 1 Chron
v. [6], 26, the &nn, named together with Habur (river of Gosmn),
and Halaft, should be corrected to pn (Haran), Sept., Do
JLegarde's edition, "Appav, or (with F. Hommel) should be, taken UH
the Mesopotamia!! expression for pn, for we have pure Meso-
potamian territory which the parallel passage, Kings xv. &Q,
calls rightly "Assyrian," as during the period of the Exile it was
under the rule of Assyria. Hala^i cannot be identified, but in
i Comp. p. 192, n. i (
CHRONICLES 249
repeatedly attested in the cuneiform writings ; the correction to
r6l must be abandoned 1
1 Chron. xv. 18, 20 : Shemiramoth, masculine name, bearing
some likeness to SammunUnat, Semiramis. The Semiramis of
Ktesias (wife of Ninus) bears the mythological features of
Ishtar. 2 But certainly there is an historical foundation for
bhe legendary character, which is not yet further known to us.
The Near East recognised queens from the most ancient times.
In Phoenicia we meet with feminine rule, occasionally also in
Israel and Judah, see p, 33. The excavations in Susa brought
to light a bronze statue weighing %\ tons of an Elamite
queen. In the time of Adadnirari a figure called Semiramis
(Sammuramat) comes to the fore, whose policy was directed
against Babylon. Upon the statue reproduced fig. 52 she is
expressly mentioned, which ib noteworthy.
2 Chron. i. 16 f., see p 284, i. 2 Chron. xiv, 9, see p 286, i.
2 Chron. xx. 1, see p. 47.
Ezra i. % : " All the kvngdoms of the ecurth htwc been given
to me ly Yalweh, the God of Heaven." Schrader, K~A.T.>
2nd ccl, 3*7 8 f,, has lightly connected with this some remarks
upon the tolerance of Cyrus. In the sixth century a wave of
monotheism passed over the whole East; sec Monotheistischen
pp. 44 ff.
KZM iv. 8-10, see 2 Kings xvu 24 (p, 2*
Ettra iv. 9 upon Babylon and Khun, see above, pp 292, i. ft!, and
30 1 , i. If it is really the name of <i city, Aivik is Arku, Uruk (Erech),
the prc v sent Wark<i, see j>p. 295, i f Shushan is the Shashan of
th(i cuneiform writings, eupit<i1 of the land of Ekm from the most
ancient times. At present bem# excavated by a French expedition,
Kssra iv. 10 : Osnappar is a inutilitioii of Assurbanipal, Greek
Sardanapalus ; see figs 136, 161, and 175,
Kssni vi. 2 : Aelnnelha is Ecbatatm, oipital of the kingdom of the
M odes, Agamatan u in the Behistun inscription, line 60. According to
Herodotus, i. 9# } the battlements of the walls of Eebatana were de-
corated with the seven colours of the planets(comp. pp. 305, i. f,), partly
painted, partly overlaid with metal (gold and silver ~ sun and moon).
Ezra vi, 11 : Empalement. Assyrian reliefs represent this
form of execution.
1 See remarks in^.^., iii. pp, 91 f,, and cotnp, Winckler, /?,, i, 292
- See hdubar-Nimrod) pp, 68 ft. : Ishtar and Semiramis.
250 GLOSSES UPON THE BOOKS OF KINGS, ETC.
The victim is either pierced through the breast by the point
of the erected beam (ma zakipi azku/p or aslikun), so that the
body falls over it, or (for example, upon the bronze gates of
Balawat) the body is pierced upwards through the middle by
the point.
Neh. i. 1 . The months Chislev and Nisan. The modern
Babylonian names of the months were in use after the Exile,
and together with this the Babylonian Calendar, with the
Spring equinox as New Year. Ciiius regie), ems rcligh. The
calendar was a religious act of the state, see pp. 39, i. ft*
The attempts at a reform under Sheshbazar and in the time
of the Maccabees prove independence, see p. 46, i.
The post-exilic = New Babylonian names of the months are : l
Jewish = Babylonia?i
Nisan Nisannu
ijjar airu
sivaix sivannu
tammuz duzu
ab abu
elul ululu (elulu) 2
tishrl tasliritu
mai'keshvan (i.e. 8th month) arafy-samna
kislev kislivu
tebet tebitu
shebat shabatu
adar addaru
The pre-exilic names in the Old Testament are :
Hebrew = Phoenician 8
abib ( = msan)
Exod. xiil 4 and elsewhere
ziv( ijjar) yj
1 Kings vi. 1, 37 ( on ly attested in Punic)
'etanim ( = tishri) C)jn
1 Kings viii. 2 CIS S6a
bftl ( = mar^eshvan) ^
1 Kings vi. 38 CIS iii. 1, x* 1.
1 Ezra himself says that the Jews took their present names of the months from
the Babylonians during the Captivity; see Ideler, Hist. Untersuchungtn, 151,
Compare now upon the material Ginsei, Handbuch for m&thunatuchen wtd
Ucknischen Chronologic^ p, 113 ff.
2 Written thus m the time of Hammurabi.
8 See Lidzbarski, Handb, der Epigraphik, 412.
ESTHER 251
Neh. ii. 8 : Pardes-Paradeisos, park, comp. Eccles. ii. 5 ; Song
of Solomon iv. 18. Here it is the royal park of the Persian
king.
The word is Indo- Germanic, Zendic paitideza; comp Lagarde,
Arm. Stud, 1878, Z.D.MG, xxxn. 76l, xxxvi. 182. It is attested
in Babylonian in Strassm., Contr Cyr } 212 (Meissner, Z A , vi 2<)0,
n 3), and on a small Babylonian tablet of the time of Philip
(317 B.C.), where a part of East Arabia is called Pardsu (Homxuel,
G.G.G., 116, n. 3, comp 250). The thing itself is old. The
Assyrian kings had those sort of park-like places, as the royal
inscriptions show (compare the "hanging gardens" of Semiiaims
at Ktesias).
Neh. ii 10. Smballat, that is, " Sm gives life"; see upon Sm,
pp. 108, i. f. ; Neh. ix 7, see p. 12.
The Book of Esther
^ In this legendary story motifs out of the Babylonian mythology
of Ishtar and Marduk are interwoven, of which the names Esther
and Mordecai give a hint; Jensen is thus far correct in Marti' s
Hand/commentary xvn. 173 ff It is not correct that the foundation
of the Book of Esther lies in the episode of Humbaba in the epic
of Gilgamesh Haman <md Vashti enemies of Mordecai like the
Elamites who <ire represented by the gods IJuman and Mashti,
enemies of the people of Marduk, who were Babylonians. Upon
the meaning of the myth, and especially of the figure of Haman,
see Winckler, F t , iii. 1 fF. #
It is known that the Book of Esther gives the legend of the
Jewish festival of Purim A part of this festival, which is called
MapSoxaiK?) ypfya., 1 Mace, xv 36, probably dates back to the
Babylonian New Year festival, called Zagmuk=re^ shatti
?&ny
1 See Zimmern, Jf.A. T., 3rd ed., 514 ff.
CHAPTER XXVII
GLOSSES TO THE SO-CALLED DIDACTIC BOOKS
THE BOOK OF Jon
THE Jews knew that the story of Job which underlies the
teaching of the book was not meant to be taken as history.
w Job never existed, and was no created being, but is a
mashel (poem) " ; see Baba bathra, f. 15a. The material of this
poem is common property in the East. It has migrated. But
this is only in regard to its dramatic envelopment. The
religious atmosphere with its theophany is specifically Israelite.
The speeches of Elihu served as an appendix. Possibly we may
suggest the form of Oriental poems, where the poet in conclusion
expresses his own view of the theme discussed. We might then
assume that the author speaks in the person of Elihu.
Upon Indian ground also this legendary material is found. The
missionary Bouchet (The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of 1 1 he
Various Nations, p. 283) records that he heard the following story
from the Brahmins: 1
" One day the gods assembled themselves in Lhoir sacred abode,
Indra, god of the air, had the chief seat in the assembly. Besides
the divinities of botli sexes, the most celebrated penitents (saints)
were also there, above all, the seven Menus (patriarchs). After
some conversation the question is laid before them whether it
would be possible to find a faultless prince amongst men. They
were nearly all of the opinion that there was none without great
faults, and Siva Rudra (the Indian Satan) was leader of those who
expressed this opinion. Vasista alone asserted that his pupil
Atshandira was faultless. Upon tins Kudra, who could not bear
any opposition, was very wrathful, and assured the gods that he
would soon show them the faults of this prince if they would
deliver him over into his hands. Vasista accepted the challenge,
1 Upon the following, see Nork, ReahuorterbMh^ s.v, Hiob,
252
JOB 253
and it was agreed that the one whose assertion was proved false
should abdicate to the other all the honour which he had won by
a long course of penance. Atshandira now became the victim of
this strife. Rudra tried him by eveiy means, brought him to the
most abject poverty, had his only son executed, and took away
his wife
" In spite of these misfortunes, the king remained so steadfast m
all virtue, that the gods themselves, who had allowed these trials
to come upon him, undoubtedly would have failed under them.
And they rewaided him freely. They also gave him back his
wife, and brought his son to life. Thereupon, according to the
bargain, Rudra abdicated all his honours to Vasista, and Vasista
bestowed them upon Atshandira. The vanquished Rudra went
away wrathful and began another course of penance in order to
win for himself if possible another store of honours.*'
* If the mythological is the characteristically Oriental, and
therefore the Biblical form of story, we may expect above all to
find it in passages like the poem of Job. It may be looked for
chiefly in the names and numbers. We look for it m the name
of Job (Ijjob, Babylonian cyjabu, the enemy) We look for it
further m the seven sons and three daughters before the trial,
and the same number after the trial, in the seven days and seven
nights of the friends (Job n. 13), in the 140 = 2 x 70 years of life
after the trial. The names of the daughters are chniactenstic :
Kerenhappuch, Jemimah, and Keziah
* The LXX translates the first name Kf/oas 'A/xaA0aa$ ; they found
therefore a mythological play in the name : Amalthea with the
cornucopia 1 (in Hebrew the word is called elsewhere "horn of
antimony"), Jemimah, "the lengthener of days"? Kessiali, '*the
shortcner of the thread of life"? Thus, therefore, the names
would contain a play upon the Oriental prototype of the three
Greek Fates.
When the Targum names their mother Dinah ( = Dike, Nemesis ?),
perhaps it agrees with this, It must likewise have been recognised
by the Rabbinical Jews that Job's friends are connected with the
mythology of the Underworld; the Mich-ash upon Eccles f. lOOrf
says : It is not said about Job's friends that such an one came
from his house or from the city, but from Aw place; that is, re-
ferring to Acts i. 25, <f Judas went to his place" i.e. hell. This last
note perhaps supports the assertion of Wmckler which finds a
myth of Job (Ajjub) and his three, originally two, friends (with
Job counted in, it made three) in Nabigha ii. (see M. V.A.G 9 1901,
144 ff. ; F., iii. 44). We may assume, then, from our point of view,
that the presentment of the Book of Job has adorned the story
of the hero with features of the Year-god witting in misery (in
the Underworld) but finally set free.*
1 Therefore an astral-mythological allusion ; Amalthea is a constellation.
254 GLOSSES TO SO-CALLED DIDACTIC BOOKS
Job i. 1 : There was a man m the land of Ux. The land of
Uz, which has been sought from of old in localities far removed
from Damascus, cannot yet be geographically identified. In the
mind of the chronicler the events of the story took place in
Arabia. The attack by Sabean hordes proves this, i. 15.
Also the " Chaldeans/ 1 i. 17, may be meant in their original
East Arabian dwelling-place. The name Uz probably appears
in the cuneiform writings in the Gentilicium Uzzai. 1
Job i. 5 Job had them purified (his children) after their
feasting. Delitzsch, Hiob, upon this passage thinks of the
purification by the priest "by a imdlUu or eshippu" as the
Babylonians would say. The verb kaddsh, " to make clean,"
is in Babylonian also a religious word.
Job i. 6 TJie sons of God COMIC to present themselves
before Yahveh, and Satan came also awwng them. Tho sons of
God are = gods, comp Ps. Ixxsii. 6, as sons of men = are mon.
The form of expression is pure Semitic. "Father" denotes
authority; "son," subordination. 2 A divine court i here
described as in xxxviii. 7. Among the sons Satan appears as
an "evil god/ 1 like Nergal, the god of hell, at the divine court
in the Erishkigal myth. 3
This is referring primarily to the oppositions in universe and
cycle lordship in the Overworld and in the Underworld, light
and darkness. But the duality is overcome by religion here,
and the Lord of the Powers of Darkness is in the service of
God. The strife is taken over into the moral realm. Satan
is the "adversary" and "accuser," Job i. 6 ff. Comp. #eek
iii. 1 f. 4 Therefore, with Zimmern, K.A.T., 3rd eel, p. 461, it
must be pointed out that in the Babylonian conception of the
forensic relations between the Divinity and man there appear
certain demonic figures who play the part of " accusers " 5 and
1 See F. Delitzsch, Z.K F., \\. 87 ff.
2 Compare also &ne labt = lions, Job iv. n, and the bmoth jaanab?=. ostriches,
Job xxx. 29.
3 See upon this " Hdlle und Paradies," A*0. t i. 3, 2nd eel., and see below upon
Job ii. 7,
4 Naturally he al&o has the qualities of the evil spirits. According to Job ii. 7 he
can strike with sickness, like the Babylonian gallti and other companions of Nergal.
5 Compare the proceedings in the judgment in Pan. iii. 8,
JOB 255
" oppressors." In Zimmern's tables of ritual 1 the " oppressor
of sinners 1 ' (shadiru ska bet ami) is spoken of; amongst the
fourteen helpers of the Hell-god Nergal there appears a demon
sharabdti, who is named in closest connection with akil karse,
"slanderer," 2 II. R. 3%. 56, and the Syrians called Satan
NSHp SDN, Matt. iv. But it is not a case of borrowing the
image of the figure of Satan, but of a common conception.
Marti, Komm. upon Zech., m. 1 f., says : " Since there is no evidence
of the earlier existence of such a figure of Satan (I also take the
first chapter of Job to be later than Zech. i.-vm.) . . . it may be
assumed that Zechariah himself created this figure." This is a
characteristic specimen of the theory of literary borrowing, which
we combat.
Jobi. 6ff., seep. 187, L, u. 1
Job i. 15 : Delitzsch, Hiob, upon this passage refers to the
letter K 562, translated by him in Wo lag das Paradies^
pp. 30 f., which communicates the news of a predatory on-
slaught of the North Arabian Mas'aer upon the tribe of
Nabai&t : " One of them escaped and came hither to the city
of the king. 11
Job ii. 4 : And Satan answered Yahveh, and said, " Body for
body. 1 ' The proverb corresponds to the iais talionis as we found
it in the Biblical Thora and in the laws of Hammurabi, see
pp. 110 f.
Job ii. 7 : Leprosy here is caused by Satan, as in Babylonia
by NergaL In the myth of Erishkigal Nergal goes with seven
helpers and their seven helpers to the gate of the Underworld :
lightning, fever, heat, and so on arc their names. Along with
them appears Namtar, " the plague, 11 as special messenger of the
goddess of the Underworld,
Job iii. 3: " Belwld (Sept. !$ov)> a man!" Greeting at the
birth of Job. Leah named her son Reu-ben (See, a son ! ). In
the Sept. and in the old Onomasticon it is Reu-bal (See, a lord !)
The greeting is the same at the rising of a lucky star.
Job iii, 8 (cwrsers of the Aay\ see p. 194, i.
Job iii, 13 : " For now I shoidd ham lien down and been quiet ;
I should have died, and had rest" (Wisdom xxii 11, xxx. 17;
zur baby Ion Religion^ 115, 19.
2 See Jensen upon K.B^ vi. 77, 79.
GLOSSES TO SO-CALLED DIDACTIC BOOKS
comp. xlvi. 19). In an Assyrian letter a man laments that he
has lost the favour of the king, and must now languish in
misery, and he says: "I bow my head unto the death; they
who are dead have rest, 11 IV. R. 2 46 (53) No. 2, 16 ff. In both
we find the same pessimistic resignation. Comp also Job xvii. 1 6.
Job v. 1, see upon xxxm. 23 f
Job vii. 9 : " That which descendeth to the Underworld irtumeth
not again" (Wisdom xxx. 11). In the beginning of bhe descent
into hell of Ishtar the Underworld is called " the house, into
which whoso entereth cometh not out again, the path which
returneth not again."
Job vii. 12 : " Sea and tannin " (the earth as a dragon, see
p. 149, i., n. 7), mythic monster of poetry.
Job ix. 9 upon xxxviii. 31 ff. The " chambers of the, south "
means some great constellation of the southern heavens, or ib
may denote the division belonging to Ea, the ecliptic, 1
Job x, 21 Before I go hence and return no wore into the land
of darkness and of shadow " ; comp. Tobit iv. 10: " Merciful-
ness delivereth from death, and sufl'ercth not to go into dark-
ness" The descent into hell of Ishtar says of the Underworld :
"The dark house, whose inhabitants have no light, where light
sees them not, sitting in darkness.'''' Comp. also Job xvi. 22 and
xvii. 16 (bars of the Underworld) and xxxviii. 17 (gates).
Job xi. 8, see p. 191, i ; Job xviii. 5, sec p. 42, i.
Job xv, 28: The reference is to the custom of war which
declared a city to be desert. This happened bo Jerusalem
under Nebuchadnezzar.
Job xviii. 13 f. : The Lord of the kingdom of Death is called
*\fir$tborn of death^ tJie king of terrors" The language is
mythological. Nergal has similar epithets.
Job xxiv. 18 f., according to Delitzssch, B.B., i., 4th ed., pp. tfj) and
70, contains the antithesis between a hot, dry desert reserved for
sinners, and a garden with fresh, clean water reserved for the
blessed, and "forms the welcome bridge between the New Testament
conception of the scorching, waterless, painful hell and the garden
which the Oriental with his limited supply of water is unable to
conceive without an abundant flow of living water/' With CornUl
1 Thus Horamel, Avfs. vndAbh^ 432.
JOB 257
we must contradict this explanation. Delitzsch is most m error
when he assumes, loc. cit., p. 41, that there is evidence that the
drinking of clear water in Sheol is a reward for the "wholly
blessed/' Clear water was wished for all the dead the drink of
fresh water is the ideal of every Oriental The inscription on the
clay cone found hi Babylon, which as reward for the reverent
handling of the coffin promises the drink of clear water in Hades,
gives no evidence of any differentiation between hell and Paradise
To curse the dead it was wished that his ghost might be shut out
from water ; to bless the dead, it was wished that he might drink
clear water in Hades. Hence the libations upon the graves, and
the springs in the Babylonian cities of the dead. In the second
edition of "Holle und Paradies" (A.O., i,3rded) this is clearly
expressed against Delitzsch, and we repeat our objection, after
Delitzsch, in Ruckblick und Ausbhck, 1904, p. 4, has again emphasised
those fatal conclusions as specially important.
Job xxiv. 21, see p. 20, n. 5 Job xxvi. 12 , see p. 194, i Job
xxxm. 6, see p. 182, i.
Job xxxiii. 3 f. ; comp. v. 1, the interceding angel. We find
the idea of a heavenly intercessor in the myth of Adapa,
where Tammuz and Gishzida intercede for Adapa with Aim,
K.B.) vi. 1, pp. 97 ff., in the penitential psalms, and often in the
religious presentments on the seal cylinders ; comp. fig. 35,
p. 109, i., and Zimmern, K.A.T., 3rd ed., 419 f.
Job xxxvii. 18, see p. 189, i.
Job xxxvii. 2& : " Out of the north cometli gold" According to
the Oriental presentment, gold is the " dirt " of hell 1 If the
origin of gold agrees with their picture of the world, 2 we would
expect it to be the south. But in another respect the north,
which, according to Job xxvi. 7, is above, is explicable. 3 The
1 P. 234,1., n. 2.
y Dehtzsch, ffiob, upon 37, 22 erroneously identifies the place of the gold with
the mountain of God. When the Aiallti, II. R 51, n, is called shad hw&si, the
hell-like interior of the mountain is intended.
3 The Rabbis imagine that the earth is surrounded by heaven, but the north is
open. Comp. Herrschensohn's Hebrew writing, Book of the Seven Wi&domb, pp. 4
and 12. " It is said in Baba bathra n. 25^ . The heavens surround the earth like
Aksadra (surrounded on three sides, not the north side) ; this ib explained thus :
there is no heaven there j that ib, it ib open there, there is a gap in the heavens."
It is explained in other passages that the dwelling-place of evil demons is in the
gap ; tempest, ghosts, shedim, lightning, and demons come from thence. Compare
with this also Hommel m Aufs. wid Abh^ 267, the demon of the north wind
Mehft.
VOL. IT. 17
258 GLOSSES TO SO-CALLED DIDACTIC BOOKS
spirits of destruction sent by Yahveh come from the north,
Ezek. is. 2, and in the midst of them is the recording
angel who writes down the blessed. 1 The north point of the
ecliptic is the critical point, the death point, of Tarn muss.
At the north gate, Ezek. viii. 14, the women sit who
weep for Tammuss sunk into hell. At the north gate of
the Temple the Jews placed the "image of jealousy," Exek.
viii. 5 ff. 2
The north point of the earthly, as of the heavenly All is,
however, at the same time, the throne of God, tho throne of
the supreme God (see p. 20, i.) ; it is called Arallu, also (Jtarhtig-
kurkura, Shad matate, the " mountain of countries.' 1 ' 1 Isa. xiv, 1 3
shows that the Israelites knew the presentment ; the Babylonian
ruler of the world speaks there of the Mount of iibsembly ;l in
the uttermost north. Also in Kzck. xxviii. 14 "the holy
mountain of God," which is covered with "stows of /ire, r mul
guarded by cherubim, recalls the throne of God in the north.
In Ps. xlviii. Yahveh appears in glowing flames upon his holy
mountain, the mountain of the north 4 trembles before him.
Zion was for the Jews the earthly type of this throne of God,
see pp. 54, i., n 4 ; 195, i. ; 206, i. Isa. xxi\ r . 1 f. contains n play
of words which, in meaning, has Arallu as throne of (Jod tuxl at
the same time place of hell : " Ariel, Ariel, mountain where
David encamped ! Add ye year to year, the feasts shall come
round, then will I distress Ariel ; there shall be mourning and
lamentation, and he shall be a true Ariel.'"
Yahveh will distress Zion, which should bo an Ariel, a
mountain of God, so that it may be "a true Ariel " thai is to
say, a mountain of hell full of cries of lamentation/'
Job xxxviii, 4-7, see p. 1 89, i.
1 See upon the passage. The "seething caldron," Jer. i, 13, coming from the
north may perhaps also be mentioned here.
2 In the Kabbala pas is besides sometimes a pseudonym for (Joel ; see Knorr 7,
Rosenroth, Kabbala denudata, i. 666.
8 ijnD in. Upon the corresponding ijnp tow, hce pp. 121 f. Compare also
p, 266.
4 Ps. xlvui, 3, the gloss to be read pus in ; JIBS wr. see Winckler, G
fsr. t u. 129 f.
8 See VorsUHungen vom Leben nach dotn 7ifc, p. 123,
MUSIC OF THE SPHERES 259
MIISK of the Spheres
Job xxxviii. 7 ; comp. pp. 181, i. ; 187, i. The song of joy of
the stars and planets at the creation recalls the passage of the
Babylonian myth, where it says, after Marduk has conquered
the darkness : " When his fathers beheld that, they rejoiced, and
shouted for joy" but probably it also veils the thought of the
u harmony of the spheres. 1 '' The presentment is founded upon
the fundamental law of pre-established harmony ; see pp. 47, i. ff.,
55, i. ff. Like colours and metals, sounds also correspond to the
planets. 1 There is no doubt that this teaching is older than
the Greek philosophy, and that it came from the East into
Greece, where it was further developed. Pythagoras seems to
have been the intermediary whose borrowing of Oriental material
is emphatically proved. The early translators of the Old Testa-
ment were right in their assumption that the poets of the Old
Testament also recognised this Oriental poetic idea, though they
suspected hints of it in the wrong passages. Aquila translates
the passage in Song of Solomon vi. 10, which really says : " clear
as the sun," with the words, "sounding like the sun/ 1 ' The
Vulgate translates Job xxxviii. 87: concentwn cccli quis
dot wire* faciei, "Who will silence the music of heaven?"
(The passage really says : u Who poureth out the bottles of
heaven ?") Two other passages actually speak of the music
of the heavenly bodies: Essek. i. 4, where it says of the
cherubim (these are the planets of the four chief stations
of the xodiac): "I heard the noise of their wings like the
noise of great waters, like the thunder of the Almighty"; and
Ps, xix. 1-5 : " The heavens declare the glory of God ; their
voice goeth out into all lands 2 and their words to the end of
the earth's cycle."
1 Tones of sound proceed from the planets in their journey through the zodiac
(comp. pp. 1 6, i. f.) The harmonies of music with the seven notes of the octave aie
founded upon their seven notes. Since the seventh note belongs to Nergal, the
devil's planet and planet of misfortune, the seventh was forbidden in Church music
of the Christian era (and m the musica sacra of Scotland to the present day).
2 It should be revised thus ; the old translations have it ^770 *. Gunkel,
AitsgwoMt* Psatmmi " Their spit goes out over the whole earth I" One can
scarcely believe one's eyes.
260 GLOSSES TO SO-CALLED DIDACTIC BOOKS
In the Middle Ages, opposed by learned theologians, the teaching
of the music of the spheres died out in art, but a I the period of the
Reformation theologians l and astronomers presented it anew, whilst
poetry willingly reverted to its most ancient figure
Dante gives to the heavenly bodies sacred guides, who rule the
celestial cycles and whose song is an echo of the song of I he
spheres Thus Raphael in the prologue to Faust says :
" Die sonne tont nach alter Weise
In Bruderspharen Wettgesang,
Und ihre vorgeschnebonc Reise
Vollendet sic, mit Donnergang/'
Job xxxviii. 14 : The picture of life coming forth from the
darkness of earth into the light of the morning is compared with
the pictured relief produced by the seal cylinder rolled upon
clay. This is a simile which a knowledge of the varied Baby-
lonian seal cylinders first made comprehensible to us.
Job xxxviii. .31 fl'. : Kima can hardly be the Pleiades. It
may perhaps be the star Arcturus in the Great Bear (as bear
leader?). 2 Kcsil = Orion, sec p. 890, i. Sept. 'tipeuM, but in Job
ix. 9, " Eor7rf/oo9. "Dost thou IOOM the ban&v of Kernl?* Orion
is thought of as the giant bound in the heavens, see Gen. x, 9.
This certainly refers to stars or constellations connected
with well-known myths. Mazxaroth (see 2 Kings xxi* 5 ;
Babylonian manzaltu, " place ") are the stations of the moon, or
the "houses 11 of the sun in the zodiac. 'jfitfA (together with
their sons), ZZ># read t&Jft, of which it is true there is only
Arabian evidence. Originally the signs of the zodiac were
the monsters of chaos; comp, p. 146, i., n. 1, and Gimkel,
Schopfung und Chaos, 140. The bier ? (it is known that the
Great Bear was also represented as the bier) : " And comfortext
thou the death-bier together with her children?^ comp. Stucken,
Astralmythen^ 34. " Knowest thou the misht&r of the IWQMMIS t "
see p. 49, i., n. L That is the book of the revelation of God in
1 Luther says upon Matt. xv. 34 Pythagoras tells of a wondrous lovely harmony
of the heavens, just as though he had read Job. And upon Gen. li. ar : 1'ytha-
goras has said that the smooth and orderly movement of the spheres under the
firmament produces a beautiful sweet song : but because people hear it daily, they
become deaf to it ; just as people who live near the waters of the Nile, pay no
attention to the roar and the crash of the waters because they hear it all day.
fl Also Sirius (" Stem" in Geiger*s/^. Zftofcr,, 1865, 258 ft).
THE PSALMS 261
the heavens. V. 33 b is the parallel passage " Or canst thou paint
it upon the earth ? "
Job xxxvm 33 (writing of the heavens), see pp. 4*9, i. ft* Job
xxxix 6, see p 12 Job xl 14 if, see p. 78,
The Psaluis
There exists a close relationship between the poetic form of
the Biblical and the Babylonian songs. In every realm of science
and art the people of Israel had the civilised nations of Western
Asia for their teachers. So soon as they developed a literature,
it followed quite naturally that they expressed themselves in old-
and long-established forms. On the other hand, it may be par-
FIG. 181. Double flute. FIG. 182. Cymbal FIG 183 Dium
From reliefin a palace of the time of Assinbampal.
ticularly clearly seen in the religious lyrics of the Psalms that the
world of religious thought and feeling in Israel is incomparably
deeper than that of Babylon and Egypt,
Upcm the instrumental music of Western Asia compare the intro-
duction by FT. Jeremias to the Psalms in Haupt's Sacred Books.
Figs. 181 to 183 illustrate Babylonian and Assyrian musical
instruments.
Ps, ii. 7, see p. ,'56, n. 3. Ps. xi. 6, see p 42 Ps. xix. 1 ff., see
pp. 181, i. ; 189, i, ; and 25J). Ps. xxhi. 5, see p. 184, i._, n. 2. Ps.
xxiv. 2, see pp. 180, i. ; 190, i. Ps. xxxvi. 6 f., see pp, 190, i. ; 191, i.
Ps. xliv. 23: " Awake, why skepest thou, Lord?" Comp. IV.
R, 23, col. 1, line 26 ffi : x
The Lord, who sleeps, how long will he sleep? The great
1 See Hummel, Au}: und Abh^ 229
262 GLOSSES TO SO-CALLED DIDACTIC BOOKS
Mountain, the Father, the god Mul-lilla (Bel), who sleeps, how
long will he sleep? The Shepherd, the Decider of Fate, who
sleeps, how long will he sleep ?
The reversal of the idea is not conceivable in Babylonia ;
"Shepherd of Israel, who neither slumbers nor sleeps,"
Ps. cxxi. 4.
Ps.
Ps.
see p. 195, i., n. 5^ Ps. Ixxxix. 11, see p. 195, i- Ps. Ixxxix. 11 ff'.,
see p. 194, i
Ps. xci, 13: "tiead upon the dragon? sec figs. 88 and 47;
further, pp. 149, i., 183 (1 Sam. xvii. 51), Test. Lev. 18:
Belial shall be bound and the priest Messiah shall give his
children power to tread upon evil spirits.
Ps. civ , see p. 175, n. 2 ; 177, i. ; 191, i. ; 197, i Ps. civ. 4, see
p. 188, L, n. 1. Ps. civ. 12, see p. 180, i., n. J Ps. ex., see p. 89-
The religious presentment of the ascent to the throne of
God is decisive in the explanation of the liturgical idea Mr
hamma'aloth (Ps. cxx.-cxxxiv. ; Luther, Psalms of stages). As
the Babylonian in his manner ascended the tower of stages in
order to draw near the divinity (p. 57, i.), so the journey of the
pilgrims to Mount Zion was a journey to the throne of God
(Exod. xxxiv. #4 ; compare also the pilgrimage to Sinai, p, 105).
The songs of travel were undoubtedly sung at certain stations
in the u ascent to Jerusalem."
Ps. cxxxvii. 7, sec p. 6l Ps, cxlviii. 8, see p. 53, n, ,1
Tfie Proverbs of Solomon
The reference which has lately been suggested, of proverb
poetry to Egyptian influence, mistakes the unity of Western
Asiatic civilisation, which included Egypt The same thing
holds good here as was remarked at p, 261 upon the Psalms.
Numb. xxL 27 ff. quotes ancient Moshelim. During the period
of great international commerce which began under David and
Solomon, the literature of Israel was probably specially stimu-
lated. Possibly Arabia made its influence felt. As poet
proverb-maker Solomon is as historic as is the tradition of
BOOK OF PROVERBS
David as psalmist. The naming of the collection of proverbs
in honour of Solomon agrees with a common custom of the
East. The collector does not mean that the proverbs origin-
ated with Solomon, as the super-
scriptions to individual groups show.
Wisdom is personified as sitting
in Tehom, as in the Babylonian
myth ; see pp. 48, i. ; 1 05, i. ; 191, i.
Upon Prov. ii. 16-19, Peiser,
O.L.Z., 1900, 450 , raises the con-
jecture that the description of the
feminine seducer is founded upon
that Babylonian poem in which the
sinking of Ishlar into the Under-
world is described :
Who theie forsakes the friend of
her youth 2
[and has forsaken the covenant of
her God],
for she sinks into death [that is, her
house],
her paths lead to the Rephaim
(Shades of Death),
[to the house], from whence none,
who enters, retunis again,
and never reaches the path of life.
Prov. in. 18, see p. 207, i.
V. 3-5 recalls the answer with which Gilgamesh repels the
seductive arts of Ishtar on Table vi. of the epic of Gilgamesh.
Compare also Prov. vii. #7, " her [the harlof s] house is the way to
the Underworld, which leadeth down to the chambers of death.'' 1 '
The presentment of the Underworld in the Proverbs corresponds
to the Babylonian world of death ; comp, ix. 18 (" he knoweth
not that the Rephaim are there, and her guests in the depths of
Shcol ") ; xxi. 6 : "he that wandereth from the path of wisdom
shall remain in the realms of the Rephaim."
1 Ps. xii. i, eight stiings j xcii. 4, ten strings ; there is evidence of a harp with
seven strings, for example, in Erachin 1 3^. The earlier assumption, that the
eleven-stringed harp is of Greek origin, is overthrown by the monument of Telloh.
9 Tammttz is called garner zifyruttslux,) husband of the youth of Ishtar.
GLOSSES TO SO-CALLED DIDACTIC HOOKS
Prov. via. 22-31, see p 188, i Prov ix 1, see p. tfOO, i. Prov
xi 30, see p 208,, i Prov. xm. 12, sec p s!08, i Piov. xxx. 7 ft'
(proverbs in the form of riddles), comp. pp. 1 89 f.
The Song ofS&nffft (Canticles)
In the form before us the Song of Songs is, ns the superscription
shows (shir hcti>h$hiri'm\ meant Lo be a uniform whole without
regard to literary origin Its meaning <is an allegory of the Messiah
naturally cannot be justified (in the Christian Church since Origen,
and m the* Middle Ages, the book was kernel and star of the mystics),
though it is compieliensible when it is pointed out that the Syna-
gogue recognised the motifs of the expectation of the Deliverer in
the marriage song 1 (in the same way as in the marriage song in
Psalm xlv.) and so looked upon the poem as an expression of the
hope of the Messiah. There appear to have been two divisions m
the Jewish conception the one looked upon the song' as a worldly
poem (m^o), the other as <i sacred book (tWip CHIp) Consult
the valuable introduction to Dclilzsch's interpretation of the Song
of Songs.
Cant i. 5: Tents of Kedar (see p. 51) and curtains of the
Salamians (nob Solomon), the sister- tribe to the Nabattoans ol
the Nabatacan inscriptions (Eutmg, /\ab. Inschrift^ 2) ; see Wincklcr,
F,, li. 545 fF.
Cant, vi, 4, 10: Instead of nTO^ should pcrlmps be road
Nergalot together with morning; as sun and moon, it would
then denote the "twins." 11 The cpilhcl " terrible 1 ' agrees with
the connection with Ninib and NergaL a
Cant. vi. 9, see p, 259.
Ecclesiastes
represents in its fundamental constituent parts a pessimistic
document which is in opposition to the views of the Yahvch
religion and which recalls the characteristically pessimistic tone
of the Babylonian poets mentioned pp. #&7, i. f.
The document in our canon is a polemic revision in the spirit
of the prophetic religion. 8 A fragment from an epic of
1 Erbt's assertions in Die Eebraei^ pp. 196 flf., are very noteworthy in this
direction.
2 See Winckler, -ft, i. 293 ; Jensen, Cosmos, 64 ; and comp. p, 1x4, i.
* See Paul Haupt, JKohekth oder Wtltscbmtrx in far tiibd> Lcipag, 1905,
ECCLESIASTES 265
Gilgamesh forms an interesting parallel to the Epicurean
counsels : l
Gilgamesh, why dost thou wander around >
Life, which thou seekest ; thou canst not find.
When the Gods created man
they laid upon him the doom of death,
and retained life in their hands
Thou, Gilgamesh, satisfy thy body,
rejoice day and night,
make a festival each day ,
rejoice and put off care day and night,
let thy garments be clean,
thy head be clean, and wash thyself with water
Behold the little ones which thou holdest m thy hand,
let thy wife rejoice upon thy bosom.
1 I 7 A. Th., 4105, discussed by Meissner, J/. K//. G , 1902, I ff.
CHAPTER XXVIII
GLOSSES ON THK I'ROHIKTS
ISA i 9, see p I.
Isa. 1. 11, 16 f. ; comp. I\s. li 19. The passage may illustrate
the relationship ol* the Israelite and Babylonian icligion. In
the one case a spiritualised, in the other a naturalistic, religion.
44 (() IshUir) what shall wo <ive
thee ? Fat oxen, plump
sheep ? " "I will not cat IHt
oxen, nor plump sheep ; give
unto me the stalely appearance*
of the women, the beauty of
the men."
Craig, AW. 7W/<v, n l<);
see Zimmern, K.A.T., ,'Jrd ed.,
5f)5, n. 1.
*' To what purpose is the multi-
tude of your sacrifices unto
me ? snrth Yahveh I am full
of the burnt-offerings of rams
and of the fat of fed calves
. . wash you, make you
clean ; put away the evil of
your doings from before mine
eyes ' Cease to do evil learn
to do well."
"The sacrifice of God is a
broken spirit, a broken and
subdued heart, thou, O God,
wilt not despise "
Isa, i. 18, see p 51, n. 3.
Isa. ii. 2: Behind this picture of the future, is veiled the
presentment of the mythical "mountain of assembly 1 " HS in
Isa. xiv. 13, hatr-Mo'cd (see p. 5258).
In the New Testament it appears in Rev. xxi. K), 1 The
antithesis is the Mount of Assembly of the powers of the
Underworld, which we believe we find again in Rev. xvi. 1(J
(Har-Magcdon, a corruption from har-mo'ed).
Isa. vi. 1 if. : Isaiah sees in vision the heavenly temple. The
description of the seraphim corresponds to the genii shown in
Babylonian sculpture, see figs. 65 if,, 1S, 185 ; comp, p. 290, i.
The name is scarcely to be compared with the name Sarral>(p)u,
which is borne by Nergal "in the Westland/' according to II. R.
1 Also Matt iv. , and with this jB.WJ\> 95,
ISAIAH
267
54?, 76,c,d (see Ziramern, K.A.T., 3rd ed., 415) Like^cherubim
(see p, 236, i ), it is a common name for the angels* who ^are^the
intermediaries between the heavenly and the earthly worlds.
The song of
praise,
Holy, holy is
Yahveh Sabaoth,
all lands are full of
his glory (Jcabod),
agrees \\ith the
fundamental idea of
the Mosaic religion ;
see p. 107. In Isa.
viii. 11 -13 the prin-
ciple by which
Isaiah's soul was
moved at critical
moments is re-
peated, and xxx.
11 shows that this
moving motive was
at variance with a
people sunk in
heathenism. Here
we find the char-
acteristic of the
Yahveh religion in
opposition to thai
paganism which
shows itself at all periods in the popular religion (p. 16) of Israel.
Isa. vii. 14 ft*. : A virgin xlutJl bear a M;J, which she, nhall call
" God with ?/#." He is the future Deliverer, who (at i\. 5) has
appeared and there bears the mis^ra upon his shoulder. 1
1 What is this? Ceitamly not primarily an abstract thing ("dominion,"
"government"), as in v. 6, Is it the coronation mantle, asm Rev. xix. 16
(upon the ganncnt as abstract of government of the woild, see p. 190) ? Compaic
the interesting investitiuc of Eliakim as dehveier-lung, xxii, 21 ft. ; he beais the key
of David upon his shouldeu \xii. 22 lecalls the appearance and disappearance at
the call of Maidulv, p. 177, i.
Kic;. 185 Gouiub on A. iclief of the King Assur-
na/irpal, who sits drinking in his jialace (Nimiud).
268 GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
Isaiah stood before the king in great excitement to warn him
against an unholy alliance and to awaken his trust in the help
of Yahveh. His words are bioken and puzzling. They pro-
claim a golden age, and they treat of the coming of the
Deliverer, like the picture diawn of the end of Lime in Rev. xii.
The virgin is, in the sense which rules the entire Oriental
world, and in the Israelite piophetically deepened meaning of
the expectation of the Deliverer, the heavenly virgin. 1 Whether
the prophet was thinking of an event near at hand, or to occur in
far-off ages, is immaterial. The prophetic pictures lack peispec-
tive. If he was thinking of the daughter of a king, sho would In-
to him the representative of the heavenly virgin. We may think
also of the u daughter of /ion" in Micah, who waited for Hie
biith of the Deliverer King fiom Bethlehem (see Micah iv. 8).
Milk and honey shall he cat. This also is an established
motif of the dawning time of blessing, 2 &* in Micah iv. 4:
"Everyman shall sit under his own vine and fig-tree.'" And
then this golden age should begin when the awaited one should
learn to refuse the evil and to choose the good Tins does not
mean "when he is three or four years old, 11 ' 1 but when ho is
capable of bearing arms, when he knows what there is to strive
for. 4 Then he shall appear, and the golden age shall dawn ''
1 Comp pp. 119, i f., ft.N '/'., 35 tf. The extra-Biblical woi Id held to the
horoscope of the wmtei solstice ; Vugo uses in the east with the child in hci aims,
persecuted by the Dragon. The Biblical conception awaits the wondetful one
sent from God, the /xeya rb TT}$ 6v<rej8e(as fjLvarr'fiptov,
a See^.^r., p, 47, n, i,
51 Thus in the commentaries, foi example, Duhm, upon the passage : this is
judged according to modern education. Isa. viii 4 tells of such an age of childhood
(before the child can say " fathei " 01 "mother"). Duhm otherwise has a coirect
perception. "Theauthox peihaps assumes that the boy was of special eschato-
logical development, possibly the Messiah, in whose youth he believes himself to
have discovered, by exegesis, an interesting individuality.'* It is not a question of
exegesis, but of the knowledge of the universally picvalent motifs of the expected
Dehveier.
4 Deut. i. 39, the expiession is used in the same sense.
5 Compare the greeting of the wonderful boy, who bungs the Golden Age, and
the new cycle in the celebiated fourth Eclogue of Virgil When he has ripened
to manhood "a great Achilles shall again be sent against Troy." The motifs of
the springtime of the universe are heie also the same as in the Babylonian texts
(comp. B,N.T. t 31 f.) and in the prophetic utterances of the Bible. As in
Isa. xi. 6 if., peace in the animal woiM and wonderful fruitfulness is promised in
Virgil also.
ISAIAH 269
Isa vin 1, see p. 109 Isa, viii 7, see p. 218, i Isa ix 11, see
p. 205, i , n. 3. Isa x. 9, see p 2.95, i. Isa xi. 6-8, see p 232, i ,
n. 5.
Isa, x 4. We hold, with Wmckler, L /., 1902, pr ,'585, that
it is impossible to find Beltu and Osni& here
Isa. x. 9 Kalno l is like Kulne (Amos vi. 2) (a Syrian city
according to the connection), the North Syrian Kullani of the
cuneiform inscriptions, that is, probably the chief city of the
land of \Vudi. 2 In the year 738 Tiglath-Pileser III. conquered
the city.
Isa. xi. 12 : We know nothing definite about a carrying away
of the Israelites to Elain, Shinar, and Hamath. Possibly those
carried away under Tiglath-Pileser- Pul may have gone there.
Schradcr, K.A 7 T ., 2nd ed., upon the passage, points out that,
according to Khors , 138 f., Sargon earned away Hittites from
Elamitc territories and inhabitants of the Westland to Shinar-
Babylonia; Khors., 49-56, records a colony of Armenians in
Hamath.
Isa xm. 7, see p 278, i.
Isa. xin. 10 ff. . Darkening of the constellations as sign of the
time of the curse, as in the pictures by Joel and Ezek. xxxii. 7 ff.
Babylonian texts give the same motif; it is thus in the Ileisner
text, hymn 181, where the time of the curse is described in
which, in the world of beasts and of men, relations destroy
each other:
The moon does not rise shining over the land ;
Sun and moon rise not shining over the land 3
Isa. xiii. 21 : Satyrs in the wilderness A play of words upon
the desert is the dwelling-place of the demons, see pp.
117 and HI. Comp. B N.T., upon Matt, iv, pp. 94 f. ; Matt. xn.
43 (zb. 99 f ) ; Rev. xvii *> f
Isa xiv. 4 ff The relationship of the Biblical pictures of the
Underworld in Isa xiv and Jtoek. xxxn , which was asserted by us
in spite of general contradiction in 1886 ; in lialn/iomxc/i-afisyruicfie
Porittellungen vow Lcbcn ncwh de.w Tode, untw Beriichic/itigung (let
3 To be read Kalnt, comp p 295, i. Upon the Babylonian Calneh, Gen. x. 10,
see equally p. 295, i.
a Yaucli on the inscriptions of Zenjirh, see p. 215, n. 3,
3 Placed in this connection by Ximmcin, A". A. T , id ed,, 393. Upon the time
of the curse, see also JR.Af. 7% 97 f., and upon the eclip&e of the &un, 103.
270 GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
alttestamentlichen Paralleled datgesteUt, is now generally acknowledged.
Schwally, who in his Forstellungen vom Leben nncli (fern Tode ignored
our writing and only acknowledged internal Jewish development,
says later, OLZ., 1900, Sp 17: "I now ascribe nnich greater
influence to foreign causes . Babylonian features were inter-
mixed with the Biblical piesentment of Sheol." Compare now our
" Holle und Pa radios bei den Babylomem/' A , i. 3, 2nd ed.
Lsa. xiv. 4 ff. : This song is in reference to a certain event
decisive to the fate of Judah. The death of Sargon, conqueror
of Samaria, who had deceived the hopes of Judah, comes into
consideration in the fust instance l Budde thinks of the death
of Sennacherib. 2 Kings xix. $1-88, where the speedy fall of
Sennacherib is foictold, certainly recalls the song in many
features. The king, as Helal ben Shahar, is like the gleaming
morning star, which as evening star (Lucifei) is sunk inlo the
Underworld. The myth of the descent into lie 11 boars here the
motif of Venus as evening star, instead of sun or moon niohif,
as has been remarked p 1ST, i. Upon the comparison of the
king to the star, sec p 181, i. Certainly the crescent moon is
scarcely meant here (thus Winckler, / 7 ., n 388; Zimmern,
K.A.T.) 3rd cd., 565); the myth would otherwise 4 also be Ihc same
in that case. The atmosphere of the song recalls the myth of
Etana. 2 See Deut. xx\. 12, xxxii. 11, and comp Kwd. xix. 4.
Lsa xiv 13 (Mount of Assembly), see pp. i>, r >8, I 2(i(> Isa \\\. ^, 4 >,
see p 29 i, i , n. 4<.
Isa. xiv. 29 ff. : Hejoicc not, Ph'tlMa, because the iod that
smote thce is broken (death of Shalmancser) : for O'ut of the
root shall go forth a vlpei, and Ins fnilt shall be it icniged
serpent. Sargon is compared to a mythical dragon/'
Isa. xix. 18, see p. 341, i Isa. xxiii 1, 1$, see p. ^8,5, i
Isa. xx. 1 : The single passage where Sargon, the conqueror
of Samaria (722-705, see fig. 172), is mentioned. Ho is called
Sharukin arkii, "the other," to distinguish him from Sargon L,
the founder of Babylon (see p. 317, i.). When ho boasts of
1 OL Sennacherib? See p. 222. Upon the following, &A. IT., il l? ff,
2 Jensen, A'. B., vi 101 H".
3 See Winckler, O.L.Z , 1902, 385 i.^KHt. Schr., lii. 9,
ISAIAH 271
his three hundred and fifty royal forefathers (Cyl. I., 45,
K.B., n. 47), he represents himself as citizen of a new cycle,
see p. 77, i. 1
Isa. xxii. 5-7 : The oracle against Hizayon could not possibly
he interpreted rightly formerly, because the names of the nations
were nob known. It says . " Yahveh, the Lord of Hosts, brings
in warlike excitement [the play of word is only approximately
translatable] into the valley Hizayon Kar and Stiti 2 from the
mountains, and Elam bare the quiver and Aram mounted the
hoi sos and Kir bare the shield, and all the streets shall be full
of chariots of war and riders, and Sot (the Suti) possess the
gate." Kir 3 is the land of Kaics, which Arrian names together
with Sittakenc ( = Suti, identical with Yamutbal). Both dis-
tricts he in the plain of Yatburi, which is between Tigris and
the mountains, and borders on to Elam The Aramaeans appear,
Kzek. xxiii. #, in the same neighbourhood undei the Assyrian
designation Pekod, that is, Pakudu.
Isa \\ii. 21 If., see p 267,
Isa. xxiv. 21 flf. : Judgment and time of blessing (compare upon
tins passage p. 195, i.). Yahveh subdues the heathen kings, and
the army, " the high ones " (tm'rfan), are the stars, amongst whom,
according to v. &'J, moon and sun belong He therefore con-
quers the powers under whose dominion the world (the East)
has stood till then the heathen kings and the world of astral
gods. The end is to be that Yahveh overthrows their dominion,
imprisons them (')> and is to reign from Xion, central point of
the universe. 1 Yahveh is here presented exactly like MarduL
As Marduk conquers Tiamat and the gods of a hostile woi Id,
so Yahveh conquers the powers of the existent system. The
strife was thought of in the same form.
1 He also does not name his lathei. Motif of unknown ancestry? Comp.
pp. 91 fi. Then possibly he would be no usurpei.
8 n't? should be read (or jre> , bee already Dehtzsch, /VwaaSiri, 24,
8 Erroneous leading for Kor, see upon Kzck. xxiii. 23, not - Kutil, as DeliUsch,
in J*aratb'e\ t p. 240, thinks ; see upon Amos ix. 7, and aiticlc on Ku m A*./* 7h.,
3rd ed.
1 V. 23" is an added quotation from n poem ; the foicgoing uses ancient wouls
and ideas.
272
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
The passage, then,, is specially important for the comprehension
of the idea of Yahveh Sabaoth. "The hosts of the high ones/'
D11DH MS, v. 21 , are the heathen astral gods Yahveh takes from
them their dominion, and becomes in his way Yahveh Sabaoth,
"Yahveh of the (star) hosts" (comp Pb cxlvm 2, where the army
of the merom has become Yahveh's army,, his angel world) Poetry
regarded the stars as heavenly warriors, see p 1 64
Isa xxvii. 1 (the sickle sword of Yahveh), see p. 110, i, n. 3;
195, i Isa. xxx 3, see p 304., i., n. 1 Isa xxx 7, see p. 195, i.,
n 5. Isa xxx 26, see p IS Isa xxx. 33, see p. 34-9, n 2.
Isa. xxxiv. 14. Lilith is identical with the Babylonian
demoness Lilitu (masculine Lilu, together
with Ardat lili, "Maid of the Lilu").
Formerly the Biblical Lilith, \\ho is also
often in evidence in Hebrew and Aramaic
magic spells, was explained mostly as a
night monster from TT7, night. But since
the Assyrian lilatu signifies evening (in
Hebrew b*7, H^y is night), only Hebrew
popular etymology can make it "night-
monster." The Rabbinic writings look upon
Lilith decidedly as night-monster, who,
especially upon Friday nights and the
night of the new moon, is dangerous to
children and to those with child. 1 Also
FIG. 186. Assyrian the hymn V. R. 50 f., which describes the
works of the rism S sun > in Sa 7 in g that the
152 sun disperses the Ardat lili, argues for the
. , T , . ... / ,1
night-monster. It is said once or the
de Nin ,
(Sargon).
Maid of Lilu that she "whisks in through a window upon a
man." Perhaps we may think of winged demons. 2
The "two women/' who, according to the Babylonian, bear the
rish'ak between heaven and earth, each with two storks' wings in
which is the wind, also belong here, Zech. v. 9 f In Babylonian
the IzlitUj as winged beings, take their name from /z/, " wind,"
explained in Assyrian by $Mru, sakttu.
1 The devils of prostitution live in her hair, therefoie Mephistopheles in
Faust warns against the hair of Lilith. Comp Erubm joo b , Nidda 24*
2 Of the seven Babylonian demons one is always called iht, that is, the sitmmus
deus of the seven (planets), or his demoniacal counterpart , compare the 6 + 1 in
the Persian teaching, p. 163, i.
ISAIAH 273
Isa. xxxv. 5, see Ix. 1 ff (Blessed age) Isa. xxxvii 9, see p 286,, i
Isa xxxvii 29, see p 246, fig 180
Isa. xxxviii. 10 : Upon the gates of the Underworld, comp. Job
xxxviii. 17 ; Ps. ix. 14 , Matt. xvi. 18 ; Wisdom of Solomon xvi.
13 (Rev. i. 18, "keys 11 ). Comp. 3 Mace. \. 50, "May God by
an appearance have mercy upon those who stand already at the
gates of the Underworld.'"
There i& no mention in the Bible of a gatekeeper of the Under-
world, but the Greek translator of Job xxxviii 1 76 knows of such ;
the later Jews also make Abraham gatekeeper of hell, as the
Catholic legends make St Peter
Isa xl 26 3 see p 181,, i
Isa. xxxix. 1 : The embassy from Merodachbaladan The
historical connection has been discussed pp. S21 ff. Upon the
meaning of the " congratulation upon recovery " (shcfal shulml\
see p. 2&1, n 1. Fig. 187 gives a picture of Merodachbaladan.
Isa. xxxix. 1 and 7 : The messengers of Merodachbaladan
were eunuchs. 1 The prophet says successors of Hezekiah
shall serve as eunuchs in the Babylonian court because Hezekiah
has admitted the eunuchs of Merodachbaladan.
Isa. xl. 13, Iv. 8 f. We may compare the corresponding
ideas in the Babylonian song IV R. 60, see p 228, i., line 33 if.
Isa xl IS Who hath meted IV. B. 60. What seems good
out the spirit of Yah v eh,
and who instructs him as
counsellor ?
Isa. Iv 8 f For my thoughts
are not your thoughts, and
your ways aie not my ways,
is the saying of Yahveh ; but
to a man himself, is bad with
God ; what is despicable
according to a man's idea,
that is good with God. 2 W r ho
may understand the counsel
of the Gods in Heaven, the
design of God, full of dark-
so much higher as are the j ness ( ? ), who founded it ! How
heavens than the earth, so ' may dull men understand the
much are my ways higher than way of a God.
your ways, and my thoughts I
than your thoughts. !
Isa. xli. 25 The seganim^ " rulers, 11 8 are the Assyrian
shaknuti, instituted as representatives of the great King
(shakanu) as governors of the provinces.
1 See Duhra, fesaias, upon the passage ; v. i should be read Q'Dn^.
2 Said in bitter irony.
5 Upon the phonetic change compare Sargon = Sharrukf n.
VOL. II, 18
274
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
Isa. xhi 1 ff. (The servant of Yahveti), see p 278.
Isa. xlix 23 ( ff Kings shall fall upon their faces and lick the dust of thy
feet "), see p. 233, i.
Isa. xliii. 1 ff, see p. 145, i., n. 1, / call thee by thy name, v. l b ,
signifies the new creation (antithetic sentence . I created thee, I
formed thee before birth, v. l a ).
This is a parallel passage to .
I redeem thee.
The bestowal of a name
being equivalent to re-creation,
was discussed at p. 145,i. a Yah-
veh is the Deliverer (l^tlTiQ) in
passing through the waters and
in passing through the fire
(motif of water and fire-flood
as the two antitheses in the
cycle, see p. 70, i. f ; 73, i.).
Isa. xhv. 25, comp Jer. 1.
36, refers to the prophesying
priests. With G. Haupt
read D"ni (Babylonian
looker-on). 3
we
Isa. xhv. 8, xlv. 1 ff.
FIG. 187. Merodachbaladan II., King
of Babylon, rewards 1 one of his digni-
taries with landed property. Berlin Cyrus is hailed as Deliverer.
u He is my shepherd, and shall
fulfil all my will" In the inscription of Cyrus (B.A., ii. 209
ff.), after a description of the misery which prevailed in
Babylonia, it is said :
Marduk took pity. He looked round throughout all the lands,
considered them, and sought a righteous king after his own heart,
to take by the hand. He called Kurash, king of Anshan, by his
name, to rule over the whole universe, he took note of his name
(comp. pp 232 f.).
1 Malti kat^^shU) see p. 213, n. 2
2 Compare the Babylonian saying. " Marduk created men to set them free,"
see pp. 275 f. For detail, B.N. T., 106
3 Haupt, Baby toman Elements in the Lmitical Ritual ^ comp. Zimmern,
3rded., 589!
ISAIAH 275
Amongst the Babylonians, as amongbt the exiled Jews, there
existed a party which held Cyrus to be the Deliverer. Both won
Cyrus to their side. At the capture of Babylon the temple of
Marduk was carefully protected and his cultus favoured .
The Lord, who awakens the dead by Ins po\\er, willingly
blessed it
Over my works [the tablet-writer makes Cyrus say] Marduk
rejoiced, the great Lord, and blessed me, the King, and Cambyses,
son of my body, as also my whole army in his favoui, whilst we
joyfully glorified his divinity in uprightness before him.
Cyrus also restored other cults. But the various gods
appeared to him to be only the priestly servants of Marduk.
At the conclusion of the cylinder of Cyrus it says :
May all the gods I have brought back make intercession for
me with Marduk
We may assume it was from the same point of view that
Cyrus allowed the Jews to return home. What is put into his
mouth in Ezra i. % ff. and in % Chron xxxvi. 23 may quite well
be authentic according to this idea l
We have already referred, pp. 231 f., to the relationship of form
with the greeting of Cyrus by Deutero-Isaiah. But it was not
a case of an approach in form only. Both greetings, Baby-
lonian and Biblical, rest upon the view that the institution of
the king was guided from heaven! Only the heaven of the
Babylonian world was too low. At p. 59, i. we met with the story
in the myth of Etana, in which Ishtar and Bel " look round for
a shepherd in heaven and for a king upon earth. 11
We find therefore that in the Oriental world outside the
Bible the appearance of epoch-making rulers was linked to the
expectation of the Saviour. The king was then the incarnation
of the saving God, who appears in the cycle of the universe
year. 2 As such he was endowed with certain artificial motifs,
which describe the blessed age, the spring of the universe, which
the expected Deliverer brings. 3
1 Thus Lindner, R.Pr.Th , 3rd ed., article on Cyrus. Upon the religion of
Zarathustra, which arose then, see pp 161, i. ff
2 Pp. 76, I ff.
;) Examples are referred to pp. 77, i., 67, 89 f. Further detail is given at othei
passages. A review of the connection between the Ancient* Oriental expectation
276 GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
From the standpoint of the Christian conception of the world
we must refuse to accept the deductions drawn by Zimmein,
K AT } 3rd ed 9 who looks for the ultimate hign of the idea of the
heavenly Deliverer-King, as recognised by the Christian dogma
(hkewis'e of the k suffering righteous one/' etc ), in the mythology
itself The mythology is the popularising of a teaching the
religious ideas of which are related to those of the Bible. The
mythology itself can only enlighten and explain the alphabet of
the religions expression
Iia. xlv. 7, 12 % '/, Yahveh^form the light and create dark-
ness; I male peace and evil . . . . / have made the ea?th
and created man, my hand$ hare stretched out the heaven,
and I have ordered all their hosf" These words are a
formulated protest against the Ancient- Oriental mythological
conception. They are in connection with the greeting to
Cyrus, which is highly interesting from a religious point of
view (comp p. 274). The teaching of Zarathustra, 1 which
presents a particular systematisation of the religious concep-
tion of the Near East, arose in that time (see pp. 161, i. ff.).
The assumption that the prophet combats the theology of
Zarathustra, at least in its exoteric interpretation, 2 is well
founded.
Isa. xlv. 20 TJiey are without knowledge that cainj their
graven image ofwood^ and pray unto a god that cannot save.
This is probably a reference to idolatrous processions as shown
in fig. 131. Comp. Ep. Jer. iv. 14
I&a xlvi. 1 is speaking of the fall of Babylon, and
therefore names Bel (Marduk) and Nebo, the two chief gods
of Babylon and Borsippa, as corresponding to the event.
of the Dehverei and that of the Bible was attempted in a University lectme in
Leipzig (ist March 1905) by A Jeremias. There is an exposition upon the subject
in the Dresdener Journal of I7th and 24th March 1905 The principles aie
repeated in Jeremias' discussion of Cheyne's ' ' Bible Problems " in the Hibbert
Journal, iv. i s 217 ff. (Oct. 1905). Gressmann's book upon the Israelite ex-
pectation makes use of only a small part of the material at command, and therefore
suffers from a lack of comprehension of the gieat coherence of the mythological and
religious ideas.
1 The tradition of the Parsees, according to which Zarathustra began his careei
as teacher "when forty years old" in 559, and died in 522, may be neai the
historic fact.
2 The esoteric religion of Zarathustra is not duahstic m the ordinal y sense, see
Monoth, Stromungm, p. 45.
ISAIAH
27'
The saying, of which the beginning is probably missing.
runs ;
4h Bel is bowed down, Nebo stoopeth."
Their (the Babylonians') idols have become beasts of burden,
laden as with a load, to pasture (cattle)
they stoop and bow down together,
they could not deliver the burden,
and they themselves are gone into captivity.
FIG. 1 88 Band from the bronze gate of Bala\\at (Shalmaneser II )
Isa. xlvn 2 f Exposure of the legs and taking off the train of
the garment was imposed upon women, taken prisoners in war,
as a humiliation, as we may see from the representation on the
bronze gates of Balawat, fig. 188. The threat in Nah 111 5 , Isa.
xx. 4, Jer xin. 22, 26; Ezek. xxin 29, also Micah iv 11, refers
to this.
Lsa. 1. 1 The mother receives a bill of divorcement, the
childien are sold. In both cases it is the punishment of trans-
gression Compare the legal principles of the Hammurabi Code,
pp. 424 ff , and the so-called " Sumerian family law. 1 "
Isa. h. 9 see p 195, i., 11. 2 ; p 195, i., n 5 Isa. h. 9 ff , see
p. 194, i. (Rahab)
1 See Wmckler, F.> m. 226 f. Heie, therefore, it is not speaking of processions
of idols (Dehtzsch, Babel und Bibel, i. 20, 59), but probably it is so in Isa. xlv,
20, see above.
278 GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
The Servant of Yahveh
The servant of Yahveh who is described in the songs in Isa.
xlii. 1-7; xlix. 1-6; 1. 4-11 , Hi IS; liii. 12 is, in the highest
sense, a figure of the Deliverer. He is, speaking in " Baby-
lonian," a figure of Tammuz embellished by the prophet. 1
Therefore in these songs also \ve meet with the motifs of the
expected Delnerer.
^ 1. He is of mysterious origin, xlix. 1 . <b called from the \\omb,
from the bowels of his mother, his name was mentioned " We find
the same figure of speech at the call of the prophet Jeremiah,
Jei i 5, likewise at the call of Cyrus,, and of Assyrian kings, who
had themselves represented as Deliverer, see p 274
xlix 2. "Hidden in the shadow of Yahveh's hand, a polished
shaft, still hidden in the quiver"; 1m. 2: "growing up like a
tender plant [literally, suckling] before Yahveh and like a root
out of a dry ground " The words recall the deliverer motif of the
ve?nafy of miraculous growth (p 280) and Neser (p 32)
2 He is despised, forsaken by men, oppressed with grief 1m. 5
(^flDj ee wounded " ) cannot mean leprosy, as Dulim thinks It
should be taken as one slam by the sword, as in Zech. xn. 10 (*ipn),
possibly as crucifixion The motif of the suffering envoy of God is
also recognised by Plato, De republ , n 36 J f " . but they say
that the righteous is thus qualified, scourged, bound, blinded, and
after having borne all persecution, is bound to A pillar, in order that
he may not appear to be righteous, but rather may long to be
righteous "
3. The servant of Yahveh is exalted
(a) His soul is earned away (motif word npS <*s ni the case of
Enoch, Elias = Babylonian leKu in the case of the Babylonian
Noah, see p 240, i.). lui 8 . " From oppression and judg-
ment taken away." 2
(6) He will rise again. He lives, has children, is a bounteous
king, he takes Yahveh's concerns into his hands (Im 1 0),
and his age is reneA* ed. The deliverance, which is appar-
ent in Job, is here greatly outdone d
1 Comp. p 67, Joseph as Tammuz , p. 99, i., Josiah as Tammuz, and so on.
- Luther's translation gets the right meaning. The text must be mutilated
J Theologically the most important points are. (i) The vicarious suffering
"He bore the sins of many, took the place of the deserter." * * Yahveh put upon
him the sins of us all " Therefore an arrangement between Yahveh and his servant,
with the deliverance (that is, " Yahveh's intention ") in view Not a deliverance
through Buddhistic sufferings, but by a patient acceptance of the punishment, by
means of which a catharsis is created, which makes it possible for God again to
have intercourse with His people ; see Duhm upon the passage. There is a heathen
analogy to the idea of substitution in ^Eschylus, in Prometheus Bound, v
ISAIAH 79
(c) He brings the blessed age. Upon the motifs of xln. 7, see
Isa. Ix. 1 ff
Isa. 1m 8, see p 241, i. Isa. liv. 9, see p 271, i., n. 2, Isa. Ivu.
8, see p. 103.
Isa. Iviii. 9 . Putting forth of the finger was the termination
of a delivery of judgment. 1 To point with the finger for
example, at the stars is prohibited in the East.
Isa Iviii IS, see p 199, i
Isa. Ix. 1 ff. Description of the blessed age ; comp xxxv. 5,
xlii. 7, and in addition Matt xi. 5, or Luke vii. 2%. In Matt.
xi. 11 the motif of the separation of the ages is directly given,
and Matt x 35 places the time of the curse in opposition ; see
B.N.T., 97.
Isa Ix. 7) see p. 51. Isa. Ix. 9, see p 284, i.
Isa. Ix. 18. The walls are called "Salvation,* the gate
" Glory. 11 It is an Oriental custom to give names to walls and
gates ; it is so in Babylon (Gate of Ishtar, see p, 154, i.), and in
Nineveh, as in Jerusalem (Jer. xxvi. 10 : the new gate of
Yahveh).
Isa Ix 20, see p 178, i Isa. Ixin. 9, see p. 54 Isa Ixhi. 16, see
p 43j n. 1, Isa. Ixv. 3, see p. 114^ n. 1.
Isa. Ixv. 11 . Gad, the god of good fortune, often found in
names of places, as in Ba'al-Gad, Isa. xi. 17, possibly also pre-
senting itself m the name of the tribe Gad ; it appears repeatedly
in Assyrian letters as Ga-di-ja-a, Ga-di-ilu ; see Zimmern,
d., 479 f.
Isa. Ixv. 25. Upon the gloss, "But the serpent's b?ead shall be
dust" see pp. 233^ i. f.
Jeremiah. Upon the motif of the divine call before birth to
be Nabr of the people, Jer. i. 5, see p. 278.
Jer. vii. 18, comp. xliv. 17-19, 25. The Malkat hashshamajim,
for whom the Jewish women baked cakes, is the Babylonian-
1026 ff. (comp. B.N.T.) 1 1 6), and in Sophocles in (Edipus tn Colonos, v. 498 f.
(2) The appropriation of the deliverance (a) by the confession of those who despised
him, Isa. lni. 5 ff., comp. Zech. xu. 10 ff. ; (b) by his becoming the shepherd of the
sheep who were going astiay.
1 See Wmckler, Das Geietz Hamumiabis, p. 36, n. i.
280 GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
Assyrian Ishtar, the Canaanite Astarte. 1 Cake -baking is a
characteristic element in the cult of Ishtar , comp p. 99, i. The
word kawan, which is used here, signifies in the Babylonian
cult the cake* of Ishtar kamanu. In K 2001 it is t>aid : 2 " O
Ishtar, I prepared for thee a pure preparation from milk, cakes,
salted roast bread (kamdn tumriy\ compare with this p 99, i ,
and 61, above. A Babylonian ideogram for nindabii, " off'eiing,"
signifies exactly "bread of Ishtai."
Epiph, adv. Hcer , Ixxvm 23, Ixxix. 1 fk Some \\omeii go so far
as to offer cakes (Ko\Xvp&a nra) in the name and to the honour of
the blessed Virgin " " Upon a certain day of the year they present
biead and offei it in the name of Mary But they all eat of this
bread "
Jer. vni. 1 ; comp. Ba. ii. 4 f. The bones of Jewish kings,
priests, prophets, and citizens were cast out of their graves.
This agrees with the gruesome custom of war amongst the
Assyrians. Sennacherib dug up the bones of Merodach-baladan^s
predecessors. Assurbanipal relates that after the overthrow of
Susa he devastated and uncovered the mausoleums of the kings :
I destroyed the burial-places of their kings, 3 I took their bones
away with me to Assyria, I laid unrest upon their ghosts and shut
them off from the burial feast of the libation.
Jer. vm 2 (star- worship), see pp 245, 2-iS. Jer x 2, see p. 181,i
Jer xvii 6, see p. 42. Jer. xxii. 18 (lament for Jehoiakim),
see p. 127.
Jer. xxiii 5 Zemah zedek^ " righteous plant," 11 is a term of
the expected Deliverer ; comp. Isa. iv. 2, xi. 1 ; Zech ni. 8, as in
Matt. ii. S3, neser (" branch ") (play of words upon the name
Nazareth).
In the teaching of the Ptolemies, who caused themselves to bo
glorified as incarnations of the deity, the term zema/j zedck is
used with same meaning, as the inscription of Narnaka shows ; 4
calling the Christians Nazarenes has its ultimate explanation in
1 Statue of the mother-goddess, pp. 118, i,, and 61 (figs 38 and 124)
2 Jensen, KB , vi 380, 511.
3 Upon the explanation of gigunti, and upon the fact, see JBabyL VortfelL vont
Leben nach den Tode, pp. 51 f.
4 Vide Landau, No. 105 the text is mutilated ; it is speaking of the successors
of Ptolemy, perhaps Cleopatra is meant ; see Winckler, JKrit. &Jtr. 9 n. 80.
JEREMIAH
281
this. The name Nozairian contains the same motif of the
expected Deliverer. 1
Jer. xxv. 11, see p 243, i, n 3 Jer xxv. 23, see p 289, 1
Jer xxv 25, see p 277
Jer xxxi. 19- ^ Afto I became wise, I smote upon my
thigh" Theie is the same gesture of mourning in the
Assyrian, for example in
the descent into hell of
Ishtar. The same ges-
ture in the Odyssey, xiii.
198.
Jer. xxxu. 10 ff. The
sale of land in Ana-
thoth. "And I zwote
in a deed 2 the terms
and conditions, and sealed
it, and called witnesses.
Then I weighed the money
in the scales.^ This ap-
pears to be a bargain
after the Babylonian
manner: written upon FlG< l89 -Ancient-Babyloman contract with
clay, the conditions (that tne "covei" broken oft Ongmal m the
, author's possession
is to say, in legard to
forfeiture) added to it, the witnesses noted, and the seal rolled
over the names of the witnesses. "And I tool: the deeds of the
purchase, that rchwh was closed* and that which was open, and
gave them to Batuch" It is probably treating of a tablet of
clay, like those Babylonian documents, which contained the
contract enclosed in an outer cover; the clay tablet was
wrapped in another layer, and upon the outer cover of clay the
contents were inscribed together with the names of the \\itnesses,
and the seal was rolled upon it also. 4 According to v. 14 they
1 Upon Nezer-Nazareth, see B.N T , 56 Upon the Nzi motif compare above,
p. 32. Upon the related idea of the " blossoming staff," see p. 143.
3 Sephtr, Assyrian sh^pt it ; comp. p 48, i.
3 Dinn , it should be translated thus, on account of the antithesis.
4 See fig 189. Upon the matter, Wmckler, ./?., ni. 171.
282
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
were kept in an earthen chest. Sellm found one of them at
Ta'annek, comp. p. 843, i. In Hab li. 2 also the writing must
be taken to be engraved upon clay. 1 Mace. xiv. 18, viii. 22,
the writing was graven upon brass tablets.
Jer. xxxn 14, seep 343, i. Jer xxxiv. 8 ft', seep 110, n. 3.
Jer xxxiv 18 f., see p 32.
Jer. xxxix. 3, 13 ln'11 certainly does not agree with the
ancient Persian Magu,
or the Greek imdyog.
But this last word
is certainly i elated to
theBabylonian priestly
title mafyty'ii, which,
according to Delitzsch,
Handw., 397, origin-
ally signified " the
shaven." Knudtzon,
Gebete an den Sonnen-
gott, 170, looks upon
FIG. 190 Document with impression of seal ^" :n a a reproduc-
belonging to the business house of Murashu & tion of the Assyrian
Sons (Fifth century.) J
title for ambassadors,
of which there is repeated evidence, tab ?tm-gi, the more exact
meaning of which \\e do not know.
Jer. xliii. 13: " And he mil break the Asheta of Ra (God of
the Sun) in the land of Egypt, and the temples of the gods of
Egypt shall be burnt with fire" In B>DB> TO miSD the TO
is due to dithography. The Ashera of Ra were the two
columns at the entrance of the Temple *
Jer. 1. 2: Merodach together with Bel. An inaccuracy
presents itself here; Bel is = Merodach, see p. 135, i., and see
p. 276 upon Isa. xlvi. 1.
Jer. 1 12, seep. 291, i.
Jer. li. 84 : Nebuchadrezzar as the dragon ! Comp. li. 44, the
dragon in Babylon, which the apocryphal writers describe.
See p. 157, i , n. 2, and fig. 60 ; further, p. 103, and Wmcklei, Alii. Untei*
*, pp, 1 80 f.
EZEKIEL
283
FIG 191 Stand suppoited by cherubim, from
Zenjnli Original m the Museum at Con-
stantinople
Bel-Marduk, antagonist of Tiamat, is for the prophets himself
the dragon.
Jer li 42, see p
294, i, n. 4.
Ezekiel L 1 f. In
the fifth yea) of the
captivity of King Je-
hoiachin, in the fourth
\month~\, on the fifth
day of the month, as
I was among the cap-
tives (in the land of the
Chaldeans) by the canal
Chebar. This must be
understood according
to the Babylonian chronology (see Neh. i. 1), \\hich began with
the spring equinox. The fourth
month was Tammuz, about our
July. Ezekiel lived in a colony
of exiles by the Chebar. 1 It
has been proved by the excava-
tions of the American Nippur
Expedition, 1893, that this
is not to be taken as the
river Chaboras, 2 by which the
exiles of the northern kingdom
settled, *ee 2 Kings xvii. 6,
xviii. 11, but as the Nfiru Ka-
ba-ru, a large navigable canal
near Nippur, the present Niffer. u
1 Sept. in Ezekiel, Xo&dp ; in Euse-
bius, Onomast.) X<a&a,p
2 Schradei (A'. A T., 1st ed , comp
F Delitzsch, Wo lag da<> Paiadiesl
FIG. 192. Genius with eagle's head. pp. 47 f , 184) had already considered
one of the Babylonian canals. On
phonetic principles also there could be no connection between Kebai and Habur.
J SeeJ. Peters, Nippur, 1897, u. pp 106, 192, and Hilprecht, The Babylonian
Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania , the canal is twice named in the
contracts in the ninth volume
284
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
Hilprecht looks for the ancient Chebar canal in the present
Shatt-en-Nil, flowing thirty-six yards wide
through Nippur.
In 1903 the American excavations dis-
covered here, amongst other things, the
archives of a great commercial house, be-
longing to Murashu Sons. Fig. 190
.shows a business document from these
archives Numerous Jewish names are
mentioned in the documents, which show
that the exiled Jews became naturalised
in Babylonia and took part in the com-
mercial life, just as it is assumed in the
Book of Tobit was done in the Assyrian
exile, when it describes Tobias as Assyrian
official of finance.
Ezek. i. 4 : The appearance of the
chariot of Yahveh coming from the north.
FIG 193 -Genius with n n the north as dwelling-place of the
ea e g?e'sfeet* "** divinity, see Job xxxvii. 22. Kratzschmar,
in his commentary upon the passage, ex-
presses the idea that
the mythical north
was meant : in chap.
xi the chariot of
God went towards
the eastj and the
special mountain of
Yahveh, Sinai, lay
much more in the
south; also such
mythological allu-
sions would not be
consistent in the
prophet who in-
veighed against the
idea that Yahveh
had already forsaken
the lajnd, viii 12, ix.
9. But this would FIG. 194. Getuus with body 01 a bull and
not prevent the headofaraan.
Babylonian idea,
which lie certainly knew, from being before his mind,
EZEKIEL
285
The light in the midst of the cloud flashed like
that is, in Assyrian, eshmar^ a brilliant metal with which the
pavement of the house of the god, for example in the time of
Nebuchadnezzar, was
overlaid. 1 In the
midst of the appear-
ance Ezekiel baw some-
thing like living crea-
tures. They had the
figure of a man, each
with four faces : a face
of a man, and of a
lion, and of an ox,
and of an eagle.
They bore the throne,
upon which the deitv
went towards the four
points of the heaven.
The four heads of the
four figures (each one
having four heads is
probably a later error, 4
correspond to the four
kinds of Babylonian
genii in the form of a man, of an eagle, of an ox, and of
a lion; see fig. 192 ffi The "four beasts" in the Apocalypse
(Rev. vii. 11) were taken from Ezekiel and taken in ecclesi-
astical symbolism thence and applied to the four evangelists. 2
Since the figures belong to Ancient-Oriental fancy, so natur-
ally their meaning is cosmic-astral. They are, however, not
four signs of the zodiac, 3 but the representatives of the
1 F. Delitzsch in Baer's lib. Ezecfnel, upon the passage.
a See above, p. 27, i , and B.N. 7\, 89 f Jewish theology is acquainted with the
equi val ence of Michael = lion ; Gabriel = bull ; Unel = man j Raphael = eagle. The
merkaba (corap. Wisdom xlix 8 : ppa x P v ^f^ was ^ e ^ to Dean "unfathomable
mystery 1 ' (comp. for example Chagiga, xxL, fol. I2 b , 13*). The Kabbala is full
of interpretations of the merkaba SammaePs chariot, drawn by man, snake, ox, and
ass, was represented as counterpart
8 Bull, lion, aquanus, eagle are usually accepted as the four quarters of the
zodiac. Thus already in Nork. But this does not agree, see p. 27, i.
FIG 195 Genius with body of a lion ard head
of a man (demons above, comp. fig 185)
286
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
divine power at the four "ends of the eart h," as we have
already more fully discussed, p. 27, i. The platform is called
raqia^ and represents the zodiac in the microcosmos of the
divine chariot, which represents the whole heavens. Fig. 191,
from the Zenjirli treasures, illustrates a god's chariot, such
as Ezekiel i. 1 had in mind. 1
A verse by the poet Omayya, in Mohammed's time, proves that
in the Arabian tradition also these figures were known :
" A man and an ox at the foot of a man, on his right,
And the eagle upon the other side, and a crouching lion."
(M.F.AG, 1901,287.)
FIGS. 196 and 197. Mythological ornaments from Nineveh, representing
on one side winged beasts with men's heads,
and eagle play a great part in artistic representations and
inscriptions as early as the time of Gudea (Gudea's dream, see
p. 298), see fig 95, p, 320, i , where the eagle holds on to the backs
of two lions with his claws, and fig. 92.
Ezeki. 22 ff, seep. 179, i.
Ezek. iii. 15: Ezefciel goes from Chebarto Tel-AWb, the chief
place of the exiles, and stays there seven days (!) in a stupor. 2
1 We may imagine the pedestal placed upon wheels, supported by cherubim at
each of the four corners We may draw attention also in this connection to the
noteworthy monument ia Botta's Monuments de Ninm, Table 164, No. 3 (fig,
197 ), the one side of which shows similar '' cherubs. JJ
* Ktostennann has pointed out, on the ground of exhaustive medical studies,
that the visions and prophecies of Ezekiel were the result of & mtaUnf
EZEKIEL 287
A Babylonian name was to be expected. The designation
til-ab&bi) frequent in the cuneiform writings, has correctly for
long past been compared with " mounds of the Deluge." Those
mounds of ruins were looked upon by the Babylonians as re-
mains of the Deluge. Kratzschmar, Ezechiel, upon the passage,
thinks that Nebuchadnezzar put a colony of the Jews upon a
nameless til-abub m order that they should make the district
habitable. From this nameless place the Hebrews would then
have made a til-abib, " mound of ears of corn.'" Probably til-
abfb is only an error in writing.
Ezek. iv. 1 " Take thee a tile and lay it before thee, and
portray upon it a city? We have many examples of
Babylonian architectural plans scratched upon clay, see fig.
205 f. 1 The plan of Jerusalem was to be scratched with a
stylus upon a Babylonian tile (comp. fig. 206). Babylonian
methods of writing were known to the Israelites. 2 The
Babylonians and the nations dependent upon them for civilisa-
tion (Egyptians and Canaanites in the Amarna age, and
Elamites) graved the writings upon stone, or scratched them in
clay, which was kiln-dried, or burnt "in the fiery furnace."
Even when they knew of the papyrus, they still preferred the
stone tablet. Whilst the wood tablet of the Greeks and
Romans has been destroyed by time, the Babylonian clay tablet
has endured. Only in the tessera Jiospitalis* of the Romans we
find something similar. We have found bronze tablets in
1 Mace. xiv. 18, viii. 22. In Rome they were in use from the
seventh century of the city. 4 Bronze tablets with inscriptions
(see fig. 64, p. 208, i.) have been found in South Arabia.
Ezek. v. 5 Jerusalem and countries rotend about her.
Jerusalem as centre of the world and navel of the earth,
(Th St. und Krit^ 1877, 391 ff.) This explains the frequent substitution of
symbolic figures in the orations.
1 Statue of Gudea (fig, 84 gives the head of a similar statue). Upon his lap
lies the plan, specially reproduced fig. 205. Another statue of Gudea has upon
his lap the scale and stylus with which the writing and drawing was scratched
/'figs. 204 ff. ) ; comp. Ezek. xL
* See pp. 323,1.
3 Probably imitated from the stone compacts of hospitality of the Phoenicians.
* See R. v, Jhering, VorgesMchte der Indoeuropaer, pp. 170 ff.
288
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
Babylonian, markas shame u irtzitim, " the link between heaven
and earth." Here it has a special religious meaning, but it
corresponds to the Ancient-Oriental conception. 1 The grouping
of the countries of the earth round Jerusalem in medieval maps
(see fig. 198) agrees with the specifically religious meaning of
this passage.
Mohammed's conception of the world also took Jerusalem for
centre, and upper part of the earth, before he introduced Mecca m
its place Mohammed's jour-
ney through the air to Jeru-
salem is an ascension, a
visit to the highest heaven.
Therefore in Arabic Jeiusa-
lem is called el Kuds (the
sanctuary, Kodesh); sv. Lan-
dau, M.F.A G 3 1904, p 57
Ezek. v 12 Pestilence,
famine, and the sword are to
be the means of destruction,
see p 252, i, 1 1Q2 ff
Ezek. vii % : The fow
kanephot of the earth. As-
syrian, Itippat of the heavens
and the earth, or the four
quarters of the world Here it is the four directions. 2
Ezek viii. 1 flF. . This chapter gives evidence of the heathen
cults which had arisen in Jerusalem in the time of the Babylonian
vassals of Zedekiah (certainly it is not only a retrospect upon
the time of Manasseh, see Kriitzschmar, Ezechiel, upon the
passage). The Temple was arranged like a heathen temple.
The opposition to heathenism was never quite consistently
carried out.
1. At the north gate * of the Temple stood the " statue of
the idol.* The chronicler (2 Chron. xxxiii. 7, 15) assumes that
it was identical with the Asherah formerly erected by Manasseh
(2 Kings xxi. 7) and put aside by Josiah. The reference is to
1 See pp 54, i f. China was " Central Kingdom." Baghdad was the "navel "
of the Islamic world. Delphi was current as fy<t>a\os ; see Pmdar, Pythag^ iv. 131.
* Haupt and Jensen, comp. Z.A., vi. I, 520, explain ktppatu as "vault"
according to the Aramaic.
3 Upon the importance and meaning of the north, see p. 290.
FIG. 198. Medireval map of the world.
EZEEIEL 289
some statue such as is also found in Syrian or Babylonian
FIG 201.
Reliefs from east side of the outer city gate in Zenjirh.
temples, representing the dragon of chaos, or something of
the kind.
2. The mysteries of the seventy elders, who m the dark
vot. ii, l^
ago GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
chamber in the gate offer incense to pictures of creeping things
and beasts which were portrayed upon the wall. We may
imagine representations like that of the dragon (fig. 58) and of
the remit (fig. 28) and of the figures of beasts such as shown
upon the gates of Zenjirli, see figs. 199-201. The offering of
incense does not necessarily point to an Egyptian cult. The
Babylonians also used offerings of incense. 1 The inscriptions of
Sargon tell of " stores of frankincense." The epic of Gilgame&h
already tells of offerings of incense before Shamash, and in
IV. R. 20, No. 1, it is said: "plentiful offerings were made,
frankincense was laid up in store. 1 " 1 At the end of the " journey
to hell of Ishtar " the rising spirits of the dead " smell frank-
incense/ 1 The exact South Arabian incense (Hebrew TOlS)
cannot be definitely proved in the Babylonian sacrificial cult
from the documents known to us. The mysteries, which always
took place by night (v. \%\ are of Babylonian origin. 2
3. Women sit at the north gate. This signifies the mourning
for Hadad-Rimmon, Zech. xii. 11 f. The women weep at the
north gate because the north point is the critical point of
Tammuz: the summer solstice, which brings the death of
Tamrnuz. The meaning and importance of this calendar festival
was fully discussed on pp. 91, i. ff, and 125, i. ff. The Vlth
tablet of the epic of Gilgamesh calls Tarn muz the husband of
Ishtar's youth, and says that Ishtar " made him weep every year. 1 '
Like the figure of Osiris for the Egyptians, he embodied for
the Babylonians the hope of resurrection and the expected
Deliverer.
Ezek. viii. 1; comp. ix. 9: Yahveh hath forsaken the land
and Yahveh seeth tis not. This is the heathen Oriental present-
ment in the mouth of the people. The ark had been taken
away. Yahveh had left the land, as when in Babylonia the
statues of the gods were carried away into the enemy's country,
and thus the supremacy of the deity over the land was
destroyed. 3
1 Kutnnnu ; upon incense, comp. p. 114.
2 See Mmothcist. Strom., comp above, p 85, i.
3 Compare with this p. 230. From these kinds of figures of speech we should
draw conclusions as to religious history with great caution. Sometimes what we
should call popular superstition presents itself. But often it is only a question of
EZEKIEL 291
Ezek viii. 14, see p. 98, i
Ezek, viii. 16 f. Sun-worship practised by twenty men, 1 who
turn towards the east, in the inner court, between the altar of
burnt sacrifice and the entrance to the Temple. Sun-worship
was familiar to Canaan in all ages. In the Amarna age it
would have been stamped with special Egyptian features (see
p. 350, i.). The Canaanite sun-worship proper celebrated the
natural dissension between the two halves of the cycle (Over-
world and Underworld, summer and winter, life and death,
Baal- Moloch, see p. 349, i.)- 2 Sun-worship in specially Assyrian
form was introduced by Ahaz and Manasseh as a natural conse-
quence of political circumstances; % Kings xxiii. 5, 11, see
pp. 245 ff.
They hold the branch to their nose* this means, they smell
the branches of a plant which was current as the plant of
life, see p. 215, i.
Ezek. viii. 17 adds to this there were also heathen cults
practised throughout the whole land- "Surely the stink [of
their offering] has arisen to my nose 1 " ; compare with this vi. 13
and see p. 267, i.
Ezek. ix. 2 : And behold, there came six men from the direction
of the upper gate, which lieth toward the north, and every man
had his weapon of slaughter in his hand ; and one man in the
midst of them, clothed in a linen garment and an InTckorn upon
his loins. Seven messengers of God sent from the north !
The destruction of Nebuchadnezzar came from the north (comp.
xxvi. 7), but the supernatural spirits of destruction also dwell
a deep religious idea presented in mythological phraseology ; comp. pp 192, i f.
At a recent consecration of a large evangelical church after renovation, the minister
said in his prayer of consecration: "Lord, return now to Thy holy dwelling-
place, and bless Thine altar anew," and so on. The Babylonian might have
spoken just so when the statue of the god was brought back And that minister
certainly did not intend to say anything Babylonian Our pulpit language is full
of mythological turns of expression. Every ceremonious speech is " mythological "
Old Homer spoke mythically of the meaning of Logos, the Word
1 Not twenty-five, the Sept. gives it correctly as twenty ; that is the Babylonian
number by which the Sun god is designated.
2 The cycle being founded upon the equalisation of solar and lunar cycles, when
sun-worship is predominant the moon is still of importance. And, as the myth is
m refeience to the cycle of nature, it may at any time set Tammuz or Tammuz-
Ishtar in the changed relationship, in place of the sun.
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
in the north 1 Each of the six bears a hammer to hew in
pieces. The one in the midst, in the linen garment of the
priest, 2 has an inkhorn at his girdle, like the scnbe in the
ancient 3 and m the modern East. He is sent with his stylus
to mark the righteous with the letter tau in token of ex-
emption, before the destruction of the godless. It is treating
of a stigma, like in Rev. xin. 16. What was the appearance
of the mark ? Hieronymus says that the last letter of the
Samaritan alphabet resembled a cross Upon ancient Samaritan
FIG 202. Ancient Babylonian seal cylinder Brit Museum
Wax impression in the author's possession
stone inscriptions and upon the Mesha stone discussed pp. 239 ff.
the tau is written like an oblique cross ; compare the ancient Greek
X, the Greek T. The sign of Yahveh, therefore, is a recumbent
cross. 4 According to Job xxxi 35, the same sign served as
attestation of a document for those unable to write. 5 Amongst
1 See upon Job xxxvn. 22, p. 257
2 i Sam. 11. 18, the boy Samuel's garment, and xxn. 18, the hnen ephod as
mark of the priesthood of the eighty-five men. The Babylonian priest's garment
is of Hnen (V. R. 51, 47^).
3 In a hymn upon Gilgamesh (? K.B , vi. 268 f.), it speaks of inkhorn and pen
carried in the girdle (rikis kabh\
4 The mythological meaning of the various signs of the cross in the heathen
East needs special investigation A connection with the Christian cross can only
exist in so far as the invention of the punishment of crucifixion has mythological
connections, comp. B.N. T., 20 ff.
5 We consider this also to be religious ; the illiterate makes the sign of Yahveh.
This is proved by other Oriental customs. The religious representations upon the
Babylonian seal cylinders show that the seal had the binding power of an oath.
EZEKIEL 293
the Babylonians as amongst the Elanrites the cross appears to
have served as sign of an end on documents. See Hilprecht,
Babyl Inter., ii., PL 59, of the copy of a tablet of the
Hammurabi dynasty (No. I.); Hommel, Aufs. und Ab1i.,iii. 474,
upon an Elamite boundary stone (No. II.). 1 The number of the
divine messengers seven naturally points to Ancient-Oriental
presentments, which, however, Ezekiel could not have first
adopted in Babylonia.
Seven is the number of the great planetary divinities; see
p. 15, i. And then it is obvious that the angel with
inkhorn and stylus should suggest the figure of Nebo, 2
who, as writer of the Book of Fate (see p. 138, i.) ? was /jjf
represented with the stylus. 3 Also the archangel in No . j
the Book of Enoch described as celestial scribe (note
that the later Jewish tradition numbers seven arch-
angels), \\ho ? pre-eminent in "wisdom," "writes all the
works of the Lord," is brought into this connection by
No. II. G-unkel, doubtless correctly, with Babylonian presenta-
tion of Nebo. 4
Ezek. ix. 3 (wiifta?i), see p. 310
E/ek. xiv. 12 ff. Famine, wild beasts, sword, pestilence.
See upon the judgments, pp. 52, i., 102. These are the
judgments which preceded the Deluge m the Babylonian
epics. As in the records of the Deluge, so also in EzekiePs
1 Compare also the cross (in the form of our cross of St John) as a neck orna-
ment on the stele of Shamshi-Adad ; further, the cross in brilliant stone in the
palace of Mmos at Knossos, from the seventeenth century B c , and upon seals
m Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kyproi, Bibel imd Honw> i , fig. 73, p. 67 Hommel,
G G.G., 100, n. I, adds some valuable material to the history of the sign of
the cross and its mythological signification (as symbol of Saturn?).
2 Gunkel, " Der Schreiberengel Nabu m A.T. und mi Judentum,"m Aichm
fur Rehgtonswiss&nschaft) i. pp. 294 ff.
3 The Talmudic New Year's festival of Babylonian origin on 1st Tishri (instead
of 1 5th Nisan), when Yahveh opens the " Book of the Living" and decrees the
destinies of the year, agrees with this. This rosh hashshanah corresponds to the
Babylonian resh shatti> when Nebo writes the decrees. For detail upon this,
B.N.T., 70 ff.
4 Gunkel elsewhere thinks that the Egyptian Taut may have had something to
do with it as prototype, but Taut is = Nebo; also here it is not a question of
borrowing, but of forms of common conceptions
294
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
records of the judgment, only the righteous shall be
saved. 1
Ezek. xvi. 3, see pp. 336, i. ; 339, i.
Ezek. xvi. 17 f Thou didst take gold and .stive?' and made
thee images of men .... cozeredst them in tluj garments ....
and set offeiings before them. The salme zakar are probably
FIG. 203, Divining liver with magic lines and oracles.
Brit. Museum (Cun. Texts, vi.)
offerings in phallic form. 54 Emelopment m the garment belongs
everywhere to the ceremonies of phallus cult.
Ezek. xix. 4 : " They led him by nose-rings into Egypt " ; xix. 9 .
"And they put hwi with hooks into a cage ami In ought him m
chains to the king of Babylon" Com p. fig. 4$ and fig. 180.
The Assyrian kings really did imprison captive kings in cages. 8
1 Comp. S Daiches, Ezekiel atid the Babylonian Account of the Deluge.
a H Grimme in the Kath. Liter. Rundschau^ 1904, p. 347, mentions the
corresponding South Arabian votive offering s-l-m.
3 Sfyar, Assyrian shigaru, therefore probably to be read, with V, Haupt, as
EZEKIEL 295
At the eastern gate of the city of Nineveh was a cage for this
purpose. Assurbanipal records (Annals, col. 8) that he put
dogs' chains upon an Arabian king and forced the prisoners
to guard the cage at the east gate of the city.
Ezek xxi. 86 Divination by the liver is met with amongst
the Etruscans as well as amongst Babylonians ; comp. p. 169, i.
Fig. 203 shows a sheep^s liver with magic divisions and engraven
oracles, from Cun. Texts, vi.
Ezek. xxiii. 14 f. Men portrayed upon the wall, girded 'with
girdles round their loins^ with turbans on their heads. Babylonian
wall relief pictures are floating in the prophets mind.
Ezek xxiii. 23 (I will bring against thee) the PeTfod and
Sho'a and Ko^a. The Pekod are the Pukudu of the Assyrian
inscriptions, a common name for the Aramaeans Sho'a and
Ko'a may be explained as Suti and Kor (Kir) ; see Isa. xxii. 5-7,
where we find the Kir together with the Aramasans 1
Ezek. xxiii. 24 . / will commit the judgment unto them, and
they shall judge thee according to their jiidgments. Compare
the conclusion of the Hammurabi Codex, see p. 35. A
written document is thought of, according to which Babylonians
and Assyrians will judge in the judgment between Yahveh and
his people.
Ezek. xxiii. 29 : Thy shante shall be uncovered. This picture
is taken from the Oriental custom of war mentioned pp. 277 f.
upon Isa. xlvii. 2 f.
Ezek. xxiii. 40 ff. : An erotic feast, exactly as is described
hundreds of times in the Thousand and One Nighty with united
banquet and song. To the present day, ornaments are almost
the only pleasure of women in the East.
Ezek. xxvi. 20.. Picture of the Underworld. Tehom, the
primeval flood (see p. 176, i., and comp. xxxi. 15), is to wash
away Tyre out of " the land of the living" into She'ol, to those
gone down into the pit, to the people of old time ( " giants of
old time," Ezek. xxxii. 27). Eabani, in the epic of Gilgaraesh,
describes the Underworld as the dwelling-place of the people of
old time, as he has seen them in a dream (?). Upon the
'* giants," see p. 241, i.
1 Compare also article Kir in R.P. Tk., 3rd ed.
296 GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
Ezek. xxvii. 6 ft*. : Upon Kittim, Elishah, Zidon, Lud, Put,
Tarshish, Tubal, Meshech, Togarmah, Javan, Sheba, and
Ra'amah, see upon Gen. x. Upon Eden, see pp. 204, i. f. ;
upon Haran, see p. 7; upon Medes, see pp. 277, i. f. The
wine of Helbon, v. 18, was well known to the Ancient-East,
The Assyrian wine-list, II. R. 44, also mentions it, and the
Bellino cylinder of Nebuchadnezzar, I R. 65, names IJilbunum
as one of the lands whence the king obtained wine. Strabo,
xv. 735, relates that the Persian kings drank it exclusively.
Helbon is the present galbun, north-west of Damascus. 1
Chilmad, v. 23, has been taken by G. Smith as equivalent to the
present Kalwddha, near Baghdad, where bronze rings have been
found with the inscription "Palace of the King Hammurabi" ; see
Delitzsch, Paradie&, 206 But the explanation is not correct It
is placed together with Eden and Asshur Mez, Harran, 33 f , con-
jectures that it is to be read Kol-madaj, "all Media/' Winckler
(in a written communication) reads ID^O ; that is, Kulhmeri, chief
city of Lubdi (p 302, i.).
Ezek. xxvii 7, see p 284, i.
Ezek. xxvii. 30 f, : The gestures of mourning amongst the
Hebrews are for the most part very nearly related to those
common to the East, and specially to the Babylonian. The
characteristic Biblical word for " mourning " is like the Assyrian
sapad. The sound of wailing is reproduced in Hebrew as hoi
or &o, see Amos v. 16 ; in Assyrian as da and a. The shaving
of the hair, bearing reference to the hair of the head, and the
beard amongst men, comp. Ezek. v. 1, is in Lev. xix. 27 f.,
xxi. 5 f., Deut. xiv. 1 ff., forbidden as being a heathen custom.
The putting on of the sak (Assyrian sliakkti)* the rending
of the garment in mourning and in penance, comp. Jonah iii.
6 if. (probably combined with cutting the breast), is related to
rending of the garment, which, according to Joel iii. 1, signified
metaphorically the inner moral distraction The ideogram for
"rending the garment" is explained in Assyrian by "over-
whelming affliction " and " foaming-over fury/ Upon cutting
with knives, see upon 1 Kings xviii. 8. Wailing men and
wailing women are named in 2 Chron. xxxv. 25, comp* Amos v.
1 See Wetzstem, Z.D.M, G. xi. 490 f.
2 Comp. Winckler, F., li. 44
EZEKIEL
297
16; according to Jer. xlviii 36, comp. Maik v. 38 (Jaims),
"flute-playing" was an accompaniment to the mourning
ceremonies. Zech xii. 11-1S speaks of the alternate song
between the men and the women, comp. Matt. xi. 17. It is
said about the burial of an
Assyrian king that, after the
mourning assembly the music-
master with his singers (femin-
ine) would make music, and
another passage says : " the
wives wailed, the friends re-
plied " (K 7856). 1 3 Mace,
vi. 32 also mentions songs of
lamentation.
We may mention two other
apocryphal passages in this
connection which illustrate the
noisy Oriental custom of
mourning, and which at the
same time show that the seclu-
sion of the women in the
women's house ^\as just as
much a custom amongst the
Jews in the post-exilic period
as in other parts of the East.
FIG 204. Statue of Gudea, with archi-
tectural plan on his lap Telloh,
p. 287, n I
2 Mace. in. 19 ff (when the
treasures of the Temple were
in danger) ; ee The women ap-
pear clothed in mourning gar-
ments^ girded under the breasts,
in crowds in the streets The maidens, who otherwise do not
go amongst the people, ran, some to the gate, some to the walls ;
some peered through the windows." 3 Mace. i. 18 ff : "The
maidens who were secluded in the dwellings, together with the
mothers, rushed out, strewed their hair with ashes and dust, and
filled the streets with wailing and sighs. Even those also who
had quite withdrawn themselves left the dwellings erected as
1 Comp. Meissner in Wiener Zettschnft ftit die Kunde des Morgenl^ xii. 59 ff. .
and " Holle und Paradies," A. 0,, i. 3, 2nd ed., 10 ff.
298
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
annexes and, laying shame aside, ran about the city in disorderly
fashion " l
Ezek. xxvrii. 2 ff. : / am a god, I sit in the seat of God in the
heart of the seas. The royal
residence in Tyre is meant,
but the proud words contain
at the same time a mytho-
logical allusion to Ea, who
is enthroned in the cosmic
Endu in the ocean , see pp.
105, i. f. This is also an
argument in favour of the
assumption that the sayings
of Ezekiel, which speak of
the garden of God, refer to Eridu ; see pp. 205, i. f. and 206, i.
Upon Ezek xxviu. 13 f (Eden, the garden ot God), see
pp. 208, i ; 213, i
Ezek xxxi. 3 ff : the miraculous cedar, see pp. 210, i. ; 213, i
Ezek. xxxvi. 25 And
1 will sprinkle clean
water upon you, that ye
may be clean. Reminis-
cence of the cult of Ea,
comp p 217, i Ezek
xxxvin. 1 ff., Gog (Ma-
gog), see p. 277, i. Ezek.
xxxviii. 6, see p. 275, i
FIG. 205 Architectural plan on the
lap of a statue of Gudea
FIG 206. Measuring rod on the lap of Gudea.
Ezek. 40 ff.: The
prophet sees in vision
the plan of the new
Temple. Babylonian literature also contains similar events.
They agree with the Ancient-Oriental principle that every-
thing earthly corresponds to the heavenly pattern ; comp. pp.
53, i. ff. One of the inscriptions of Gudea (Cyl. A) relates a
dream: Gudea sees a divine figure, at whose right hand sits
the divine bird Im-Gig, whilst two lions crouch to right and
left; comp. 1 Kings x. 18 ff. The vision commands him to
1 The position of woman in the Israelite East should not be judged one-sidedly
by this ; compare upon this p. 233.
DANIEL 299
build a house. Heavenly figures approach in lightning bring-
ing pen and tablet, and show him the plan of the building.
Compare the statues of Gudea, figs 04 f Compare also
p. 854, i. Upon the ark according to heavenly pattern, see
pp. 181, 130, n. 4
Ezek xlvn 1 ff (Paradise with tree of life and water of life), see
p 2l6,i.
Daniel. This prophetical book has been repeatedly revised.
The elements in their original form belong to the period of
the Exile; 1 the Hebrew canon therefore correctly places the
book after Ezekiel, and the Sept. before Ezra. The subject
of the prophecy is the expectation of the " last days," that is,
the Golden Age for Israel. The dawn of the new age was
foretold with the forms and imagery of the Ancient-Oriental
teaching. The present form shows the prophecy transported
into the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, and served, from a
contemporary point of view, to show that the age of the
Maccabees signified the daun of the deliverance (upon Judas
Maccabaeus as Deliverer, see p. 164). The Apocalypse in the
New Testament adopts the imagery of Daniel in the visions
which foretell the deliverance by the glorified Christ in the
last days.
Dan. i. 7 Belteshazzar, Daniel's surname, Babylonian
Balatashu-uzur, that is, "protect hib life." 2 Dan. iv. S says
the name was given " after the name of the god of Nebuchad-
nezzar." This arises out of a confusion with Belsazar, that is,
Bel-shar-uzur, "Bel (Merodach) protect the king." Shadrach
is possibly a mutilation from Marduk, 3 Abednego from Abed-
nebo, "servant of Nebo." Mishael-Meshach is possibly an
artificial addition ; it is very probable that originally Daniel
was included in the number three. 4
Dan. i. 20, comp. ii. 2 : AshsMpim agrees with the Babylonian
ashipii) enchanter ; comp. dskap or ashep^ Dan. ii. 10.
Dan. ii. 14- Arioch, "Captain of the bodyguard" (rob
1 See Winckler, J?., ii. 435 ff - & ' A - T -> 3^ ed., 334.
2 G. Hoffmann, Z.A., ii. 237, Balat-sha(r)-uzur.
3 Kohler, Z.A. t iv. 150.
* See Winckler, F. t in. 47
300 GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
fabbahim), is certainly the same name as in Gen. xiv.,
Babylonian "Eriaku."
Dan hi. 5 (musical instruments), see pp. 26 1 f ; comp. also figs
163, 173, 184.
Dan. iv. 1 Nebuchadnezzar's madness. The passage pro-
bably belongs to the featuies which may originally be traced
to Nabonidus; comp. K.A.T., 3rd ed., p. 110. He was held
imprisoned in Tema whilst his son Belshazzar led the army.
It may be imagined that the Babylonians would willingly
give a very drastic description of the melancholy of the im-
prisonment ; comp. Job iii. 13 ff. The " madness " is meant
to describe the misery of the prisoner. Wmckler, in O.L.Z.,
1898, 71, draws attention to K 7628 : " What is my trans-
gression, thus [I ask]; what is my sin, thus [I lament]; an
ox am I? I eat plants ; a sheep am I, [I nibble] grass."
Dan. iv. 6 ff. The tree of the world. This passage is
emphasised by the Gnostics. 1
Dan iv 27, see p 313, i.
Dan. v. 1 Belshazzar. He possibly owes his bad character
to a confusion with Evil-Merodach. Whilst his father was
held prisoner in Tema, he was at the head of affairs. On
the inscriptions of Nabonidus there is reproduced a prayer by
Nabonidus to the moon-god, in which the father prays for
Belshazzar, his first-born : " Let the fear of thine exalted god-
head dwell in his heart, that he may not consent to sin, with
fulness of life shall he be satisfied/'
Dan. vi. 10: The direction for prayer (Kibla) was towards
Jerusalem. It was the same in the first period of Islam ; later,
Mecca gave the Kibla there, see p. 288.
Dan. vii. : As in Ezek. i., the astral figures of the four " ends
of the world," or the corresponding constellations of the
quarters, may be considered for explanation of the four
beasts. Much is still very obscure here. If in regard to the
" man " an astral prototype is in question, it could only have been
Nebo, not Marduk (contrary to Zimmern, K.A.T., 3rd ed., 392).
Upon "son of man," zer ameUti, see pp. 9, i. ; 89, i. ; 183, i.
1 See Midler, Geschichte for Ifosmologie in far griechtschm Kiicht % p. 291.
DANIEL 301
Dan. vii. 9 ff. : Rev. iv. 2 ff., v. 1 ff., is closely related to
this vision. In the midst of the heavenly council, God (" the
ancient of days ") is enthroned. 1 The books are opened, judg-
ment is given, and the doom of the world is decreed The
opened books correspond to the book with seven seals, which is
opened by the apviov in Revelations. In the apocalyptical vision
the events of the combat and victory of the apviov (" Lamb ")
over the Dragon is in the background. The cicatrised wounds
point to victory. As reward the apviov receives the rulership
over final destinies (opening the book with the seven seals),
and praise is awarded him (for detail, see B.N.T., 14 if.). The
same situation lies before us here. And here there is frag-
mentary reference to the combat itself. In Dan. vii. 11 ff.
the combat takes place. The characteristic feature is emphas-
ised that, before the fight begins, the beast speaks " imperious
words." 2 The beast is killed. Dan. vii. 13, the victor makes
his triumphant appearance. 3 The Son of man 4 with the clouds
of heaven. 5 He is brought before the enthroned One, and
receives the governorship of the world; might, honour, and
dominion are given him, and all people and nations shall serve
him ; his kingdom shall never be destroyed.
Dan. viii. Characterisation of the lands by a cycle of beasts :
the ram corresponds to Persia ; the ibex (goat) to Syria, because
Alexander is not represented as King of " Greece" but of Syria
(which is the land to be taken into consideration in regard to
Judah). Like Eastei-n Asia, the East proper recognises a
corresponding division of the earth into twelve parts, which
1 The same idea lies at the root of the name which, mutatis mutandis^ denoted
Saturn (Kronos), the god of time, as sitmmu^ dcus (upon Kronos as an old man, see
Chwolsohn, S$abter> n 275 ff ). Also Senis of the Carthaginians corresponds to
this idea ; see Munter, Religion der Karthagei , p. 9 The ancients knew the
cosmic astral meaning of the vision ; and the astrologers had a great liking for
representing the heavenly aged figure with scales in his right hand and the Book
of Fate in his left.
8 Like Tiamat against Marduk , see p. 148, i., and comp. Rev. xm. 5 f.
3 The key to comprehension lies m a knowledge of this connection. Up to the
present it had been overlooked.
4 "Like unto a son of man" rests upon later defective understanding of the
redeemer terminus, see p 104, i. Likewise in Rev. xiv. 14.
B A feebler expression for storm phenomena? seep, 152, i. (reverse of the Labbu
text). Matt. xxiv. 30, xxvi 64 should then be read the same way.
302 GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
correspond to the signs of the zodiac. This is discussed in
detail p. 56, i.
Dan. ix 24 f , see p 243, i.
Hosea and Amos. That we have no written prophecies
from the ancient periods is no proof that no written pro-
phecies existed; see previously p. 192, n. 3. 2 Chron. xxi.
12 records a letter from Elijah. Since he desired to influence
at a distance (Damascus) he resorted to written utterances,
as Jeremiah did later, who wrote to Babylon. Written notes
would always have had some definite purpose. Formerly also
they may have been in existence. As regards the religious
ideal, these two prophets supplement each other. The justice
of the judge (Amos), the mercy of the loving Yahveh (Hosea),
form the two sides of the Mosaic conception of the divinity ,
see p. 105, and upon Isa. vi. pp. 266 ff. Amos was not the
first to discover the justice, nor Hosea the first to discover the
love, of God.
Hos i 2 : Wife of whoredom and children of whoredom as
starting-point of the prophecy of the future deliverance. We have
here a very remarkable motif of the expectation of deliverance,
which belongs to the sphere of the motifs of the extraordinary,
mysterious birth of the Deliverer It is on the same lines as the
emphasis on figures like Tamar and Rahab in the genealogy of
Jesus ; see pp 158, n 1. The antitheses allude to it. The Jewish
Tholedoth of Jesus, which represent Jesus as a caricature of the
Messiah and as son of a harlot, know the motif and use it for their
travesty.
Hos. iii. 4 : Israel shall remaw long without teraphhn.
What is the meaning of the teraphim here (see p. 56) ? Is
the loss of the teraphim actually made equivalent to the loss
of nationality ? Or is it satire? Upon ephod, see B,N.T., iii.,
and comp. p. 177, i.
Hos. v. 13. King Jareb should read "King of Jareb."
Possibly an Arabian district; comp. pp. 289, i, n. 1 ; 302, i.
Hos. x. 14c is a gloss. Shalman may possibly be the
Salamians (see K.A.T.^ 3rd ed., 152). Schrader's explanation,
K.A.T^ 2nd ed., 440 f, which suggests an abbreviation of
Shalmaneser, is impossible,
Hos. xii. 3, see p. 51, n. 3. Hos. xh. 12 f., see Deut. xxxii. 17,
HOSEA AMOS SOS
Hos. xiii. 14 : Where are thy plagues, Death ; where are
thy terrors^ O Underworld? All demons and plagues come
out of the Ancient-Oriental world of the dead, the place of
Nergal and Namtar, the god of pestilence. The " Journey to
Hell of Ishtar" and the myth of Erishkigal give vivid
descriptions of this kingdom of terror.
Joel i. 8 put on sak,see p. 296. Joel u. IS, rending the garment,
see p. 296.
According to Amos i. 1, he was a noJced (comp. vii. 14).
In the H.C. ndkidn is the herdsman in antithesis to reu
(Hebrew roVfo), the owner of herds. Is it the reverse in
Hebrew? According to % Kings iii. 4, Mesha, king of
Moab, was a noked Amos was not, in any case, a Bedouin
shepherd.
Amos v 26 : Amos speaks of astral idol- worship during the
wandering in the desert, and follows here the same tradition
which is apparent in Acts vii 42 f. Ye have borne Siccuth^
your king, and Chiun (Kaivan, Assyrian Kaim&nu) your selem.
The first is peihaps the Babylonian Nebo, the other the Canaanite
Saturn, Babylonian Jupiter-Marduk. 1 The reference is to the
two stars which represent the two halves of the cycle (Tammuz
in the Underworld and Upperworld)
Amos vi 2: Calneh, not the Calneh of Gen. x. 10: Kullani
of the cuneiform writings, situated in North Syria.
vi. 14 : " From Hamath unto the nalial Muzri " ; comp. 1 Kings
viii. 65.
Amos ix. 7 : The Philistines from Caphtor, Aramaeans from
Kir? As Yahveh controlled the fate of Israel, so also he did
that of other nations. He led the Philistines out of Caphtor and
the Aramaeans (the Syrians of Damascus) out of Kir. The
Philistines (Pilasata) are the remnant of a seafaring people. 3
The gloss to Gen. x. 14 probably arises from this passage.
Kir is not the district of the river Kyros, that tributary
of the Caspian Sea which, to the present day, like the
1 Upon the confusion, see Winckler, F., iii. 188.
2 See pp 300, i.
* A.O., ii. 4, PP- 13 f-> vii - 2, p. 15*
304
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
surrounding district, is called Kur. Some modern students
think thus, following J. D. Michaelis.
But the Assyrian empire never reached
so far. Also it is not to be found in
Media, as Schrader thinks, nor in South
Babylonia, as Halevy holds. It is the
land of the Kares (instead of Kir, it
should read Kor), m the Plain of Yat-
FIG. 207 Gem, with the buri, between the Tigris and the hills,
story of Jonah. ^ boundary land of Ekm< Wilickler
has defined the right place in Alitest. Unters., 1892, 178 f., and
in AUoriental Forschungen, ii. 253 fF., 378. Kir was inhabited
FIG. 208 Conquest of a city by Assurbampal. Relief from
Nineveh (Kouyunjik). Palace of Sennacherib
by Aramaean tribes; see Isa. xxii. 5 ff. and Ezek. xxiii. 23.
According to 2 Kings xvi. 9, in the year 732 Aramaeans (of
Damascus) were carried away to Kir by Tiglath-Pileser. This
may be taken as historic, although the passage is missing in the
OBADIAH JONAH
305
Sept. From this fact the author of Amos ix. 7 probably drew
the conclusion they were carried back whence they came. Kir
was their original home (compare perhaps Isa. xxxvii 29) the
addition Amos i. 5 is probably a gloss out of 2 Kings xvi. 9.
The prophet only intended to say the tribes (Aramaeans, Gaza,
Tyre, Edom) were led
into captivity, that is,
they were robbed of their
national existence.
Obadiah v. 20- Sep-
harad, cuneiform Sap-
arda, is not the Shaparda
of the inscriptions of
Sargon, which designates
a province in South- West
Media, but it is the usual
name for Asia Minor
after the Persian period ;
KA.T., 3rd. ed., 301.
Jonah. The mission
to Nineveh rests upon
presuppositions which
correspond to the reality
of the intercourse between
Israel and Assyria at the
time in question, see p.
18. The point of the book is the preaching to non-Israelites.
Yahveh is the God of all nations. The mission to Nineveh is a
consequence of what is said in Amos ix. 7. 1 The whole
may be taken as a didactic poem with a historical foundation
(perhaps an important mission to Nineveh which fell in with the
prophet's story). We find analogies throughout the whole
world to the three days' sojourn in the belly of the fish (Rabbi
Abarbanel explained i. 6 to ii. 10 to be a dream). The coast
1 Countess Olga zu Eulenberg has followed up the lehgious idea further, and
in her clever work, Von Asdod nach Ntmveh (i.-ni., Leipzig, Wigand), she has
tried to bring religious refoims in Nineveh into connection with the mission of
Jonah.
VOL. II. ^O
FIG 209. Conquest of a city. Relief fiom
Nmeveh (Kouyunjik). Palace of Sennacherib.
306
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
in the neighbourhood of Joppa is the stage of mythical dragon-
fights (for example, Andromeda^s rescue by Perseus ; see
FlG 210. Assyrian archers and spearmen under Sargon besiege a foitress.
Relief from Khorsabad (Botta, Mon. de Nin.^ ii. pi. 90).
Baedeker, Palestine). Therefore it is very natural in regard
to Jonah's fish to think of the monster of chaos. 1 The " three
FIG. 211. Assyrian military emblem from Khorsabad. (Botta.)
days w are motif of deliverance ; they correspond to the rescue of
the moon after three days (see pp. 34, i. f.). 2 The behaviour of
1 Gunkel, Schopfungund Chaos, 322 , Zimmern, K.A.T., 3rd ed., 366, 388 f.,
508.
3 An Egyptian story (Hommel, Insel der Sehgen, pp, 18 f.) shows the same
motif in the same connection. In it an ambassador suffers shipwreck, and
MICAH NAHUM 307
the sailors, who find out by lot with whom the gods are angry ?
gives a vivid illustration of the popular belief. 1 Upon land
every god ruled in his own territory. Upon the sea each man
called upon his own god. It is evident the prayers to the gods
had much in common with the popular prayers to the saints.
Jonah i. 5 , see p. 350, i. Jonah m. 3, iv. 11, see p 298, i.
Micah i. 8 ff. : Upon customs of mourning, in particular
songs of lamentation, to which this passage refers, see p. 296.
It is known that Micah drew his name at the end like
the sign of a painter. Upon the formation of the name, an
abbreviation of Michael ("who is like [God]"), compare the
Assyrian Mannu-ki-Ashur ("who is like Ashur").
Micah iv. 11 : The daughter of Zion, who waits upon the
Deliverer, shall be exposed (to be read tpnn) ; her enemies
have their desire, see pp. 277 f.
Micah v, 5, see p. 296, i.
Nahivni. Compare the illustrations from the Oriental material
by Billerbeck and A. Jeremias, " Der Untergang Ninivehs und
die Weissagungsschrift des Nahum von Elkosch," in B.A., iii.
87 ff. The figs. 208-210 (comp. also pp. 186, i. f.) illustrate
scenes from a siege; figs. 211 and 212 represent Assyrian
military badges.
"passes three days in the sea" till a seipent "took him m her mouth "and
earned him off to her lair. The same motif is in the myth of the "rescuer,"
Hercules, who sprang to the rescue of the daughter of Laomedon in the mouth
of Neptune's hound, fought there for three days, and then came forth with the
loss of his hair (comp. pp 52, 172). The connection with the myth of the
Deliverer is particularly clear m the story of the dragon Ladon who swallowed
the phallus of Osiris and after three months (winter -time in the solar cycle,
corresponding to thiee days of the lunar cycle) spat it out again, whereupon the
new life aiises. The glossator, who in the gospels added to the discourse of
Jesus, where He designated preaching to the heathen as the sign of the prophet
Jonah (Matt. xii. 40), "for as Jonah was three days and three nights in the belly
of the fish, so shall the son of man be three days in the earth," was, in his own
way, right He knew the motif of the three days as motif of the expected
Deliverer. "After three days" was an established formula, and is therefore
used in regard to the resurrection of Jesus "after three days" (Friday evening
till early on Sunday only agrees with " on the third day,"), see B.N. T. t xxi. 43.
1 Hardy, Z.D.M G. t 1896, p. 153 (Marti, Dodekapropheten, p. 246), points
out a Buddhist tale in which a vessel where a disobedient son is on board is
forcibly prevented from moving onwards. By casting lots three times he is
shown to be the cause of the misfortune, and is put out.
308
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
Nahum ii. 4 a The prophet is thinking of the destructive
instruments of war as shown in fig. 08 f.
Nahum ii. 6 . " The battei ing-raw is erected there," see fig. 188.
Nahum ii. 8 . The Queen laments and mourns with her maids
during the siege as in Judges
viii. 5 f. The maidens mourn
as doves. It is said in a frag-
ment l that at the siege of Erech
" the maidens coo like doves " ;
on IV. B, 26, No. 8, 561, a sick
man laments "with sighs and
weeping like a dove." They
beat upon their breasts ; comp.
Jos., Ant.) xvi. 7, 5 ; Luke xviii.
13, xxiii. S7.
Nahum ii. 13, see p. 297, i
Nahum izi 5, see Isa. xlvii. 2.
Nahum in. 7* D^DTOD, "ar-
ranger of a funeral feast," or
" the bringer of the offering of
the dead." Nineveh is dead
unlamented, like a man who
has no relations ; see Wildeboer,
Z.A.W., xxii. 381 f.
Nahum iii. 8 . Art thou letter
than No-A<rnon 9 2 The passage
is in reference to the conquest
^ Assurbanipal. The ruins of
the temple of Amon and the
pillar^ of Memnon of Amenophis III. arc amongst the most
magnificent ruins of antiquity. Like Nineveh, Thebes was
celebrated for its library, and from this " hospital of the soul "
many records have come down to us.
Nahum iii. 12 ff. : The work done of necessity caused by the
1 See Izdtibar-Nwirod) p. 15.
2 Upon this name comp Jer. xlvi, 25 "I will destroy Amon of No" ; that is,
Thebes.
NAHUM HABAKKUK 309
assault of the besiegers is meant. Draw thee water. Boiling
water was poured upon the heads of the besiegers
Nahum lii. 13 The people have become women. This curse
has probably another meaning in the treaty with MatTilu of
Arpad (comp. p. 49)- "If he disobey these laws, he shall
become a whore, his people shall become women," etc. (J/. V.A.G.,
1898, 234 f.). Compare the stele of Ebarhaddon, Berlin, Rev,
56 f. : May Ishtar, queen of strife and of battle, make his man-
hood into womanhood ; comp. J5T.B., vi. 1, 6, 9 f.
Tiie gates of the land have opened wide. The outskirts of
Nineveh are meant (comp. Micah v. 5 the Assyrians gather
together in the " doors of the land " ; compare also % Kings
iii. 21). Fire hath devoured thy bolts ; that is to say, the bolts
(Assyrian, hargulla) of the gate of the city. The east gate was
called " door of the thronging people."
Nahum ni. 16, see p 297, i.
Nahum iii. 17 : The fipsar or taps fir are the scribes of the
tablets, cuneiform favp-sar-ru. They were court officials and
dignitaries.
Habdkkuk. Peiser, M. V.A.G., 1903, 1 ft*., has shown that it is
probable that Habakkuk x knew passages of Assyrian literature
and quoted them. Peiser assumes that Habakkuk, being of
royal descent, was sent to Nineveh in hib youth as a hostage,
and wrote about 625, shortly before the first assault of the
Medes, being well conversant with the literature in the library
of Assurbanipal. In ii. 2 he sees a hint of an Assyrian tablet
inscription ; ii. 9-1 1> an allusion to the Babylonian story of the
Deluge; ii. 14, the knowledge of the Lord is likened to the
flood of the sea. We might take this to be an allusion
to the mythical ocean (apsu) where Ea, the god of wisdom,
dwells ; see pp. 105, i. ; 191, i.
Hub. iii. 7 (Cushan), see p. 286, i.
Zephaniah i. 9 : / will punish those that mount the
i IJambakuVu, an Assyrian outland name ; there is evidence on the inscriptions
of a name JJambafcu.
310 GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
mi-flan, 1 that Jill their masters house with violence and deceit.
The miftan is the pedestal rising in steps upon which the
statue of the god in the adyton (it is thus in 1 Sam. v. 4,
see p. 176; comp. Ezek. ix. 3), or the king's throne in
the palace, stands. The adyton in the Temple and the
throne in the palace are images of the heavenly sanctuary
(pp. 58, i. f.). Therefore it rises in steps. In our passage the
highest dignitaries of the king are meant, who mount the
FIG. 213 Relief from the rock of Behistun
. Prisoners led before Darius.
steps of the throne;' 2 comp. p. 189 upon Solomon's throne,
1 Kings x. 18 ff.
Zechariah i. 11 f. is written in the gloomy mood which lay
over the land after the miscarriage of the great uprising by
the eastern and northern provinces of the Persian kingdom,
Fig. 813 shows a fragment of the monument of Darius on the
rock of Behistun in the Plains of Choas, which celebrates the
victory of Darius.
Zech. i. 8 ff. : Four different coloured pairs of horses pass over
the earth (each towards a cardinal point).
Zech. ii. 1 : Four " horns " which have destroyed Israel,
1 In Kautsch : "he who hops over the threshold."
2 Thus vide Winckler, F., in. 381 ff., one of the numerous "small services" of
Winckler to Biblical interpretation.
312
GLOSSES ON THE PROPHETS
MaL iii. 16: Before Yahveh a writing of remembiance is
drawn (sepher sikkardn}. This is the Book of Fate, of life (and
of death), which has been treated pp. 51, i. f. 5 and exhaustively in
B.N.T., 69 ff. In the book the names are written of those
who fear Yah\ eh Sabaoth and who honour His name.
FIG, 214. Combat of the triad against the monster (wolf?).
Seal cylinder acquired m Smyrna. In the authoi's possession
APPENDIX
VOL I
P. 75, n 2. Dmdorf, i. 389 f .
OLTTO o^oj/CKrapov TOUS
rijs T&V dcrrepcov /ctv^crect)?
rjKpL/3i}O"OLv K&1 OLTTO ^aXSatcov ot Trap'
v EXXi7<n, fjLadTjfJLarLKol Xa^oWes CT
d>s 6 'AXefavSpos 1 /cat
</>acrw ol rag XaXati/cas d
TTC/H ctX-^ores, Na/Joracrapos
P. 1 16, fig. 37, Description and dissertation in my monograph
on "Schamash" in Roschcr's Lexikon de?* MyihoLogie.
P. #08, n 4, 1. ! from bottom This is* the Egyptian relation-
ship (sun -* life); in Babylonian the tiee of the Moon is the tree of
life, see Kxek. xlvii 1 ff (fruit twelve times in the year).
I*. 279, n 2. According to Weissbach, who has just published in
the rorderasiatischen Bibliothek the Achamienid inscriptions and at
pp 5 flf. transcribes and translates the great upper inscription, the
upper row of figures is incorrectly explained by Andreas.
Weissbaeh remarks. " The Senahauma-nerga foim one people : the
first figure represents the Persians, then follow the Medes, the
Islamites, the Parthians, etc. ; exactly in the same order as the
nations are named in the great upper inscription."
P. ,'H'k We have full records of a conquest of the "Westland"
by the North Babylonian kings Sargon (of Agade) and Naramsin
(about iifiOO). Both kings ruled from Elam to the Mediterranean,
from Armenia (Gutium) to Arabia. Besides fragments of ancient
inscriptions wo have excerpts in the library of Assurbanipal about
this campaign in the form of chronicles of augury by means of
liver, under guidance of which it is pretended a great campaign
was undertaken. These peculiar traditions illustrate the fact that
the period of the rule of Sargon and Naiainsin was held by future
times as the Golden Age of the world.
(1 ) Legends of the birth of Sargon :
They give evidence of three campaigns to the Westland
313
314 APPENDIX
("three tunes have I conquered the sea"). This
inscription is mentioned in our section on stones of the
birth of Moses.
(2) Fragments of an inscription of the time of Sargon and
Naramsin :
"Thirty-two cities 011 the sea coast" are conquered.
This must refer to a conquest on the Mediterranean by
Sargon. The thirty-two cities would then be the later
Phoenician and Palestinean and Philistine cities
(3) Fragment from a chronicle :
Sargon, king of Akkad, elevated himself with the ring of
Ishtar; he had no foe to equal him., he poured out his
terror over all lands ; he passed over the sea in the east,
in eleven years he conquered the land of the West to
its uttermost end, he erected his statues in the West, he
led away the captives to the coast and over the sea.
(4) Omma of Sargon's campaigns :
.... Sargon, who marched upon [Amu]rru, ovei threw,
conquered the four ends of the world.
[. . . Sargo]n, who under these omens [marched] to
Amurru [overthrew Amurru], conquered the four ends of
[the world].
[. . . . Sargon, who under these auguries] marched [to]
AmuiTu .... his ... he slew, his nobles [. . .
out of] out of the midst he dragged him.
.... Sargon who under this omen [with the ring of
Ishtar] elevated himself, had no foe of equal birth, his
terror over the [lands poured out to the island]s of the
Western Sea. After three years in the West [to the
uttermost] conquered, organised, his statues in the West
[erected], their prisoners he led to the coasts of the sea
over the sea.
The stele of victory of Naramsin, fig. 88, p. 317, shows the
king as "Lord of the World " The territory to be con-
quered is symbolically represented as the Mountain of
the World (phallus); the celestial world denoted by
sun, moon, and Venus is onlooker.
The supreme period of the North Babylonian kingdom
under Sargon and Naramsin was followed by power! ul
South Babylonian dynasties. Theii supremacy also
would have extended over the "Westland." Gudea,
the mighty patesi of Lagash (about 2500), records in his
numerous inscriptions about building operations in
Lagash, that he made use of materials of precious woods
and stones from all parts of Western Asia and Phoenicia,
from the mountains of Amanus, and from Arabia (Magan
and Melufya). Gudea records : "When he built the temple
of Nin-gir-su, Nin-gir-su his beloved Lord opened the
APPENDIX 315
\\ ay to him from the upper sea to the lower sea. In the
Amanus, the cedar mountains, with cedar trunks whose
height was 60 ells, with cedar trunks whose height was
50 ells, with urkcirinu trunks whose height was 25 ells
did he make . . and brought them from the
mountains. . From Umanu, the mountains of Menna,
from Rasalla, the mountains of Amurru, he brought
great blocks of stone , he worked them into stele and he
erected them in the fore-court of the temple of Ninnu.
From Tidanu, the mountains of Amurru, he brought
marble in blocks. . ."
P. 322. The inscription reads . " [Asjratu, Bride of Heaven
(of Anu), who wields sovereignty, Mistress of Plenty and of
Fruitfulness, who is greatly honoured in the mountains, the piti-
ful Lady who makes her word gracious with her husband ( = makes
intercession), has visibly established for the life of Hammurabi,
king of Amurru, Itur-ashdu the governor of Nr . . . ., the son
of Subaii . . . a divine protection (lamassu) for her beloved
cities, as is due to her divinity." Hammurabi's third successor
Amnn-ditana also speaks in one of his inscriptions of his lelations
with Amurru : ct Ammi-ditana the mighty king, king of Babylon,
king of Kish, king of Sinner and Akkad, king Da-ga-mu of Amurru
am I." The meaning of the word da-ga-mu is still unknown,
P. 322. The supremacy of the first dynasty of Babylon, of which
Hammurabi 'was the mightiest king, indicates the ultimate victory
of a people belonging to the so-called Canaamte (or better, Amorite)
migration, to which, in the districts of Palestine, the Phoenicians
and Israelites, together with the related Edomites^ Moabites, and
Ammonites belong It is improbable that the supremacy of
Hammurabi's dynasty included Palestine also as the dynasty of
Sargon did. The Hittites appear already at that time to have
pressed into the south The discoveries at Boghazkoi and the
Biblical record from the Abrahamic period which names the Hittites
together with the Ammonites give evidence of this. The migration
of Abraham would in that case have passed through the region of
Hammurabi's power. Further detail upon this is given in dealing
with the, history of Abraham. The intellectual relationship of this
ruling people with the most ancient strata of the religious com-
munity of Israel shows itself amongst other things in the sphere of
legal observances. The fundamental laws as they are brought into
use in the Hammurabi Code and in the laws of Abraham and the
legal terminology are partly identical in Babylonia and Israel.
(Further detail, see p. 8<t, n.).
P. 323. The Hittites and the "Westland." The $atti belong
to a migration which had already made its influence felt in the
first half of the second millennium as far as Palestine. They won
a supremacy over Babylon for a time at the end of the first dynasty.
The chronicle already mentioned, which contains records of Sargon,
316 APPENDIX
reaches over the period of the last kings of the first dynasty. ee In
the time of Samsu-ditana [came] the $atti into Akkad." The
oldest recorded evidence of the $atti is in the letters of king
Tushratta of Mitanni to Amenophis III. The expeditions to
Boghazkoi have discovered a complete archive of the fortified
city of J^atti, in Asia Minor, three days' journey east from Halys
(from which therefore the tribe takes its name). The language
is different from that of Mitanni. The records belong to the
Amarna period and that immediately following One group of
these Ijjatti is certainly Aryan (the first recorded event of the
appearance of the Indo-Germanic peoples, cornp. Wmckler, O.L.Z,,
1910, pp. 289 #) The history of the Aryans in Asia Minor, however,
possibly reaches much further back. They are called JJam (the
Biblical Hivites, who were held to be the original inhabitants of
Palestine > ). Their gods include amongst others Indra, Mithra,
Varuna, and Nashatianna.
P. 327* With the thirteenth dynasty Egyptian monuments in the
mines of Sinai cease. Under the fourteenth dynasty Egypt fell
under the supremacy of the Semitic Hyksos Fig. 99 is from the
period about 1900, and represents Asiatics who desire to settle in
Egypt.
P. 329, after 1 3. After the death of Thothmes III. the rule of
Egypt over Syria was again endangered by a renewed incursion
of the IJatti under Subilulumen (Amenophis II , Thothmes IV.).
Under Amenophis III. and IV. besides the Hittites, the Qabiri
also, nomads of the Syrian vassal territories, formed a danger
The records of Amarna, treated in full pp 335 f., and the records
from Boghazkoi give us further detail of this period. Both the
archives discovered describe partly the same events. To these
may be added the records from Tell Hesy (Lachish) and Ta'annek
(pp. 343 f ), which in a wonderful way throw light on the same
period. About 1350 Syria was under the rule of an established
Hittite military state Sethi I. and Rameses II only partially re-
instated Egyptian rule over Syria.
P. 333, 1. 10 from bottom: according to which Merneptah con-
quered and punished Syria, which meanwhile had revolted. The
mention here of "Israel" as a tribe in Syria is specially important.
It is possible that this is evidence of the wars which were the source
of the original text of the " Song of Deborah/'
P. 336, last line of page ; They sought the support of Babylonia
and desired to free themselves from their Egyptian overlords, as
in 701 from their Assyrian masters.
P. 337, last line of text: In the theory of political law the
supremacy was also upheld later. There are hints of it even in
the time of Solomon. Assyria, heir to Babylonian and Hittite
supremacy, only laid claim as far as Carmel till the time of
Sargon.
P. 341, at end of n, 3. Works on the subject: H. Vincent,
APPENDIX 317
Canaan d'apres I 3 exploration regente, 1907 P. Thomson, Paldstma
und seine Kultur im o Jahrtamenden, Leipzig, Teubner, 1909. H
Thiersch, " Die neuen Ausgrabungeii in Palastma," Archaologische
Anzeiger des Kais deidsch. archaologischen Institutes, 1907
P. 'J48, 1. 9 from bottom : The excavations of Sellm m Jericho,
1909 and 1910, vide communications of the German Orientgesell-
schaft, 1910, give small result for archaeology in Canaan. Parts of
the ancient Canaamte city and walls have been opened up The
results of the American excavations in Sebastic, site of ancient
Samaria, may be awaited with interest. This is the stronghold of
the kings of Israel. For centuries, while Jerusalem was powerless,
Samana was the centre of the political life of Israel.
VOL. II
P. 1 6, 1. 20 from top . in order to denote him thus as type of
the expected Deliverer. The Dioscuri myth, corresponding to the
position of the spring sun in Gemini, was a specially favourite one
with the ancients for embellishing histories. We repeatedly find
the motifs in the stories of Abraham. Combined with it we find
features from the myths of Sin and Tammiuz They are both
suitable for expressing the ideas of combat and victory, of rescue
and rulership of the world
P. 21, 1. 7 from top- The "laughter" of Abraham belongs to
the motifs of the New Age. Abraham " laughed," Gen vu. 17.
Sarah "laughed" at the announcement of an heir, Gen xvih 12,
IS, 15 11 , 15 b , 21, xxi 19. Ceres laughed when the new fruitfulness
was roughly announced. The antithesis is the motif of mourning
(weeping for Tammuz), for example, at the Oak of Mourning in
Bethel, Gen. xxxv. 8.
P. 37, 1. 7 from bottom : " Morgengabe" is the old German word
for the present which the bride used to give to her husband the
morning after the wedding, according to ancient custom.
INDEX
A-a(=Ai), 117
Aaron, 93, ii. ; ror, 11. ;
143 ff., 11,
Aaron's staff, 143, 11.
Ab, 10, n
Abdijjiba, 337 , 28, ii.
Abimelech, 2Q 4 t n, , 153,
n. ; 167, ii.
Abimolki of Tyre, 350.
Abraham, I ff., n. , 94, n
Ab-ram, Abram, 1 6 ff., 11.
Abu Habba, 117.
Abu Muhammed, 21 3*
Abu Shahrem, 105,
Abydenus, 245, 306 , 193,
ix.
Abydos, 92.
Achaix, 158, ii.
Adad, see Ramman.
Adadnirari 1 , 302
Adadmran II. , 194, u
Adadnirari III., 130, 215 ,
213, iu
Adad-Ramman, see Ram-
raan.
Adam, 78, i63 5 , 182, 205,
2 33-
Adapa, 10, 27^, 47, 53, 89,
105, 178 ; (legends of),
183,205,214,239; I49
ii.J 257,11.
Addu, 86, 124, 349.
Aditi, 166.
Adityas, 166
Adonis, see Tammuz.
Adonis (httle gardens of),
97-
Adomzedek, 27, il , 41,
ii.
Adumbla, 171.
Adyton, 58, 60 ; 133, ii.
^Egistmis, 95, n.
^Eneas, 15 I s , ii
Agamemnon's daughter,
48, ii.
Age of Taurus, 5, 73,
Ages, the, 69 ff., 232.
Agumkakiime, 154.
A (brother), 47, n.
Ahab, 46 2 , u. ; 190, n. ;
207, 11., 208, n. j 238,
n.
Ahaz, 2 1 6, n.
Ahrxmon and \ 162 f., 230,
Ahuramazda, / 293
Aion, 157.
Aim (month), 42.
Aja, Ii6
Akkad, 2, 53, 101 f., 123,
292 ; (-Agade), 295.
Alashia, see Cypius.
Aldebaran, 25, 40
Alexander, 1 8, 294 ; I So,
n,
Alexander Polyhistoi, 75,
306.
Alphabetic wilting (He-
brew), 196*, n.
Altar (of incense), 124, ii. ,
(of Dusares), 146, ii. ;
165, u., 188, ii. ; 245,
u.
Amalthea, 94, ii. , 253, ii.
Amarna Letters, 139, 335
ff. ; 200, ii.
Ambaridi, 281.
Amenophis I , 328
Amenophis III., 334
Amenophis IV. (Chuena-
ten), 28, ii ; 88, ii.
American civilisation, 4,
38', 38*.
* Amman, 47, ii.
Ammiditana, 322.
Ammizaduga, 253.
Ammonites (AmmSnu), 46,
ii.
'Amm = uncle = Moon-god,
4 47, ii.
Amon, 159*
Amon-Re, 350.
Amontes, i*.
Amos, 54; 61, ii. j 192^,
818
Amosis, 87, n.
Amphion, 258".
Amraph-cl ( == Hammur-
abi), 23 f, u.
Amshaspands, 43^, 162,
Amulet, 167, n
Amurii, 300
Amumt, 53, 321, 323,
A 336 '
Amynos, 157.
'Anamim, 299,
Ancient of days, 301, 11.
Ancient-Oriental leaching,
I, 6 ff., 46 f., 52, 76,
242.
Androgynous, 123; 149, ii.;
178, u.
Angels, I94 1 , 241^, 261 ;
53, 11 ; 140, ii. ; 267,
ii. , 272, ii. , (of Yah-
veh), 165, ii. , (interced-
ing^ 257
Angeloiogy, I94 1 ; 53 f ->
ii
Annamelech, 244, h.
Anointing, 179, ii.
Anos, 146.
Anshar, 8, 103, 145, 147 f.,
162.
Antares, 25, 40.
Anthropomorphism, 100,
268, 115, ii. ; 165, ii. ;
168, ii. , 261, ii
Antigonos, 62,
Antioch, 294
Antiochus I., see fig. 126.
Antiochus Sotei, 50'*.
Antipodes, 128, 192.
An-Tir-an-na, 14.
Antithesis, 26, 148*, 262,
167, 190, 207, 208-*, 235,
303; (Chinese), 167531,
"- J 34i " J S 1 f-i ;
i.37 ii ; , ;54 -?256,
u, ; (Horcb and Smai),
99, ii. ; (Moses and
Aaxon), 102, ii.
INDEX
S19
Anu, 7, 9, 14, 16, 21, 30
63, 85 ff., 101 f, 141,
147 f., 183, 269.
Anu heaven, 16.
Anu point, 32, 37
Anunnaki, 143, 265.
Acs, 8, 104, 146.
Apamea, arks on coins,
255-
Apason, 146.
Aphrodite, 129
Apocalypse, 195 f.
Apokataslasis, 164, 244
Apollonius, 308.
Apollodoius, 258
Apophis, 159
Apopy L, 324.
Apple, 209.
ApsCl (ocean), 6f., 14,63,
104, 142, 146, 161, 191 ,
309 n.
Aqqf, 92 fF., li.
Aquarius, 138, 27 3 , 77, f. n.;
2853, 11,
Arabs and Arabia, 12,
no 3 - 4 , I99 3 , 269, 286 f,
288, 315520,11. 544,11.;
103, 11.
Arallu, 141 ; 258, li.
Aramaean, 321 ; 83, n. ;
162", li. ; 196, n. ; 295,
". ; 33> 11-
Ararat, 266, 276
Arbela, 123,
Archangels (seven), 43'-*.
Arctuius, 260, n.
Ariel, see Arallu, 258, 11.
Aries, 13, 75 *
Anon, 258.
Aristocracy, primeval, 4, 11.
Aristophanes, i82 s .
Ark, 57, 255, 263 f.; 91, ii.;
120 ff., n. ; 290, ii.
Arnion, 76, 78, ifo W&>
89, ii. ; 301, SI
Arsacidce, 34, 119, 139.
Aruru, 143, 232,
Ascension, 263, 267 2 ,
(Elijah), 236, ii.
Asher= Pisces, 80, ii.
Ashera, 350 , 2, ii. ; 6i 3 ,
ii, ; 104, ii. ; 1 66, ii. ;
282, ii. , 288, ii.
AshirtasAshcra, 350.
Ashkenaz, 282 f,
Ashkusa, 276, 283.
Ashratu (Ishtar), 322.
Ashtarte, see Ishtar.
Ashur. 154; ( as Anshar) ,
Ashuruballit, 296.
Ashvin, 1 66.
Asmodeus, i62 a ;63 3 , n.
Ass, 147, n. ; 172, 11.
Assores, 146.
Assur, 297.
Assurbampal, 13, 18, 78,
118,138,238,293,298;
115, n. , (fig. 136), 141,
ii. ; 170, n. ; (fig. 161),
222 2 , n. ; 229, n ; (fig.
175), 247 2 , n.
Assurnazirpal, 78 ; 198, n, ,
208, ii.
Astral gods, 12, 1 8, 25 ff.,
43, 270, 349 , 54, n. ;
77, n ; 271, n
Astral myth, 29, 35 ff , 76,
96, 97 1 , 146'*, I55t 2 7o
f. , n, n. ; 136^, n. ;
1 54 f. ,11. ; 169,11.
Astrology, astrological sys-
tem, 49, 60 ff., 181,
307 ; 69, ii.
Astronomy, 308 , (Chinese),
61.
Astyages, 278.
Atar(=fire), 164
Atonement, see Expia-
tion.
Atrahasis (variant Attai-
rjasis), 47. iS6, 258, 262
Attar (= Ishtar}, 38*, 8; 1 ,
123, 128 , 65, n. , 93, n.
Attis, 84, 93 1 , 128 ; (resur-
rection of), 130 f.
Atum, 1 60.
Atunis, 130.
Avaris, 86, u.
Avesta, si 2 , 161 f, 202 3 ,
207, 229, 235.
Azazel, 140, 11.
Ba'al, 57, 349 2 ;(
world Sun-god), 349,
351 ; 248, ii.
Ba'alatof Byblos, 98.
Ba'alatofGebal, 38 1 , 348,
35-
Baalbenth, 29, h.
Babel, 292 ; (tower), 303 ff.
Babylon, I, 74, 76, 292 ,
(de&truction of), 294 ;
(decline of), 346.
Babylonia, 142 ff., 296
Bacchus, 95, ii.
Baghdad, 288, ii.
Baitelos, 258".
Baker and butler, 60 ; 71, ii.
, Balaam, 146 ff., ii.
Baldur, 93, 132 f.
Ban, 184, n.
Banquet (of the gods), 168,
11.
Barbercraft, 7i 2 , n.
Bargain, 281, n.
Barnabas and Paul, 93, n.
Bartatua (Protothyes), 283.
Bau, 96; (*= night), 157,
176.
Baucis and Philemon, 41 n.
Bear, 97 1 .
Beasts (vision of), 285, n. ;
(four), 300, n. , (cycle
of), 301, u
Bedouin, 324 f., 15, ii ;
33. J 39. > 68 "-
Beelsamen, 157
Beersheba, I99 J ; 202, ii
Behemoth, 176.
Bel, 8 f,, 13 f., 50, 59,63,
85ff,95> 101,104,135,
141, 146 f , 276, n
ESl-Harran, 113.
BSl-Matati, 104.
B61 Nimeki, 191.
BSlPurussS, 72, 114.
Belial, 193.
Beht, 95.
Benhadad, 198, u. , 206,
n.
Benjamin ( = Scorpio), 81,
n.
Beigelmn (Noah), 171,
258.
Berossus, 50 ff, 61, 70 f.,
75,83, I46 2 ; 193,11.
Bestla, 171.
Bethel (= throne of God),
190.
Beth-Shemesh, 248, n.
Betylos, see Baitelos.
Bibelzmd Babel, 79 ff.
Bipartition, 25, 63.
Birs-Nimrud, 138, 306
Bit Diakku (city), 278.
Bit Mummu, 7, 90.
Bitumen (in building), 305.
Blood (sacrificial), 104, u.
Blood rites, 147 j 103, n.
Blood (revenge for), no,
ii. , 167, n.
Bluebeard, 63 2 , ii. ; 182,
ii.
Boar, see Motifs.
Bod-Astarte, 55.
Bohu, 174, 176.
Bokchons (King), 76; 86,
ii. ; 89, ii.
INDEX
Book of Life (Fate), 293,
Chariot (sun) H6 1 ; 248, ii ;
ii. ; 301, u. ; 312, ii
(ofYahveh), 284,11.
B6r (springs), 26, ii , 65,
Chedorlaomer, 21 f., u.
ii. ; 141, u.
Chemosh, 241, n.
Boreas, 156.
Cherubim, 212 ; 124 f,, n. ;
Borsippa, 17, 90, 102, 134
276, n
f., 138, 292.
Chest (=ark), 127; (rescue
Boundary stones, 13,
in), 271; 93 ff., u.
Bow, 269 f.
Cheta, 339
Brahma, 1 66, 231
Child sacnfice, 348
Brooding of the Spirit,
Childien of Isiael, 4 f , n. ,
266.
42, n
Buddha, 77.
China, 4, 13, i8 2 , 40*, &\
Bull (of Minos), I63 1 ;
47 4 , 5 2 56, 60, 642, 69',
(= delivering god), 139,
166 f, 182", 231, 257,
u.
288, n. ; (Emperoi), 59.
Bundehesh, 164.
Chinese, 166 f
Bunene, 116,
Chislev (month), 250, ii
Bur, 171
Choaspes, 213.
Bun, 171
Choser, 298.
Burning bush, 99, ii
Christ, 76, 78, ioo, 178,
Bum, 109 1 .
193 s . 65, n. , 67,11,
Byblos, 129.
Christianity, 12, ii.
Chronicle, Babylonian, 75.
Cam (children of), 238.
Chuenaten, see Amenophis.
Cakes, 99 ; 63, n. ; 279, u
Cimmerians, 276 f.
Calah(-Kel4). 2 99
Cipher, 63.
Calendai, 39 ff., 69, 73',
Circumcision, 2, n
94 s , 127, 202 ; (Roman),
Clemens Alexandrmus, 43 a .
65
Coast-lands, 278, 284 f ;
Calendar-making, 40*
195, f, iL; 205, ii.;
Calendar, Persian, 43
207, n; 217, 11,
Calneh, 295.
Coat (Joseph's,), 56, u.
Canaan, 13, (-Ham),
Colours, 64 f., no, 121,
288; (nations of), 300,
129, 3<>5, 309; So, ii-,
(colonisation of), 152 f.,
(red), 51, n. ; 249, 11. ;
u.
Canals, f.
(green), no, 309.
Combat (Marduk and Tia-
Candlestick (seven
mat), 148 f. , (with Lab-
branches), 135, u.
bu), 152; (dragon), 153;
Canon of Ptolemy, 193, ii.
(Yahveh and dragon),
Carmel, Mount, 195, ii.
192 ; (Jacob's), 58, u.
Castor and Pollux, 19, ii.
Concubine, 34 f., n.
Cave =s Underworld, 1 56,
Confusion (of tongues),
ii.
3*3'
Cedremus, 290.
Copper, 76.
Celestial (= terrestrial), 8,
Core, see Kore.
49, 52, 55, 158, 199,
Corners of the world, 27,
216; 55, u.; 298, u.;
28 ff,, 32.
(bridge), 168, 270 ; 55*,
Correspondence, 8, 22, 26,
ii.; (gates), 16, (ladder),
53ff.,ii.; (ocean), 6, 8,
30, 55, 57, 269, 349.
Cosmogonies (Chinese),
1 75; (vault), 50.
Centre of gravity, 54.
52, (non-Biblical), 142;
(Northern), 170.
Ceres, 120.
Cosmos, 174 ; (Biblical),
Chaldseans, 18, 48, 292 f.,
189; (Persian), 211.
307 ; 69, ii , 83, n ; 94,
Courtesans, 122.
ii. ; 254, il
Cow (book of), Ii8 3 , 158,
Chaos, 6, 8, 142, 144, 170,
254-
I75f. ' Creation, 6, 8; (Babylon-
ian), 142 IF, ; (seven tab-
lets of), 145 ff,; (Phoeni-
cian), 155 , (Persian),
162 ; (Indian), 165 ,
(Chinese), 166 , (Japan-
ese), 167 ; (Etruscan),
168; (Northern), 170;
(Biblical record of), 174;
(Vahvist), 187, 193 J
(Pioveibs), 188; (Job),
189 ; (Babylonian epic
of), 269 ; (concluding
words upon), 196.
Cieator, 135.
descent moon, 269;
( = sickle sworcl), 270,
246, 11.
Cnms, 276.
Cross, 292 f , 11
Crucifixion, 93 1 ; 278, u,
Cuneifoim, 338,
Cup, 74, 11.
Cupbearer, 60.
Cush, 285 f.
Customs (at table), 33, ii. ,
(legal), 34f.,n. ; (adop-
tion), 36, ii, ; (marriage
portion), 37, ii.
Cyaxaies, 278.
Cybele, 130,
Cycle (lunar), 87, 121,
243 , (solai), 88,
Cyprus (Cypselos), 278
Cypselos, 95.
Cyril of Alexandria, 294.
Cyrus (Kurash), 278, 293 ;
95,11. ; 178,11, ; 23111. ;
Dagon, 159, ii. ; I75> "*
Daiakku, 278.
Damascius, 7, 90*, 188,
206, 295| 8, n.; 3 1 1 .
11. , 192, u. ; 197 ff., u. ;
205, ii.
Damascus, 206 ; 8, ii. j 31*,
n., 192, n.; 197,11.; 205,
ii.
Damavand, 164, 211.
Damkma, 8, 63, 106.
Dan -libra, 8p, ii.
Daniel, 299, ii,
Darius (tomb of), 278 ; (list
of nations of), 279, 293.
Dauke, 146.
David, 179 ff,, 327 1 ; 202,
11. ; 237, u. ; 262, ii. ,
(=Tammu2), 180, M.
Day of rest, 201.
Death, 126.
INDEX
Death-realm, 139.
Deborah, 163, 11.
Decalogue, 227 ; 107, li. ,
II2 2 , II
Decani, 12.
Decider of Fate, 134.
Decimal system, 242 1 .
Dedan, 289
Deioces, 278.
Deliverance, 78, 87, 235;
126,11; 169, 11. ; 27811.;
(Persian), 163
Deluge, 52,56, 70 f., 132,
227, 238; (Persian), 163,
(traditions of), 245 ff. ,
227, 238; (Persian),
(traditions of), 245
(as solar -lunar myth),
^'
Demeter, I4i j
Demmrgos, 22, 51, 106,
135, 144, 146, 151, 168.
Demons, in, 164; 26, n.,
30,11.; 150, h. ; 1 76 ft.,
ML, lS8, 11 (fig. 186)5269,
11. J 272, 11 , 303, 11.
D&r (Dunlu), 102, 103,
I03 l ;245, u
Derceto, 95, 11
Dosert, !>ee Wilderness.
Deucalion, 255, 259.
Dibarra, 104, 121 , (le-
gends), 140.
Dido-Ehssa, 284.
Dilbat, *8, 20.
Dinah, 44, 11. ; 60, u. ;
63,11.; (= Virgo), 82, ii.
Diodorus Siculus, 18.
Dionysus, 199", 272^.
Dioscuri, 13, 73 5 *9> 5
31, ii, , 51, n. ; 60 ii. ;
78 C, u.
Divine man, 10, 89, 106.
DocUino (Babylonian), 10 ;
(Ancient-Oriental), 172.
Dodanim, 285.
Dodckaoros, 24, 56,
Doorposts, 103, ii.
Dramatic repiesentations,
set Festivals.
Dr&m (Jacob's) 53, ii. ;
(Joseph's), 64, ii.; (in-
terpretation of), 69 f , ii.
Dragon, 9, i8fc, 151*, 152
ff. (fi& 59), *55> 17$;
146, u, ; 154, ; *8s,
u , 262, h. ; 282, ii.
Dragon combat, 51, 78,
9* (% 53 ft), 146. 148,
164, I92,i95; 42, ij. J
60, li, ; 90, ii ; 164, ii. ,
182, ii.
. XL
Dragon month, 20.
Dragon (treading upon),
149, 183, u. ; 262, n.;
(figs 47 and 53).
Draupnir, 134
Dung = Underworld, 7 3 ,
234 2 .
Dungi, I05 3 , 296, 309;
6,11.
Dunpauddua, 18, 27.
Durilu, see DeY.
Dusares, T28 ; 145 u.
Dwelling of Fate, 136.
fia, 8 ff., 14, 31, 47 f., 53,
63, 85, 89, 101, 104 if,
135, 138, 146 f., 154,
253, 273 J 160, u , 298,
n.
Eabam, 182, 185, 212, 232;
295, n.
Eagle, 27 a .
E-ana, 101, 142 f.
E-apsu, 105,
Ears of corn, 169, ii.
Earth, 9.
Earthly image, 52.
Ebal and Gerizim, 24 , 29,
n.; 48, 11.5 67, n.; 99,
A U WiU-
Ebarra, 57.
Ecbatana, 278 ; 249, ii.
Ecliptic, 12, 23
Ecstasy, 147, n
Edda 17, H6 1 , 133, 170,
2S4 2 , 258, 270,
Eden, 204.
Edormtes, 60 f., ii. ; (gods
of), 61, u. ; 187, h.
Egg of world, 156, 167,
177.
, 158 ft, 195, 210,
218, 254, 271*, 286, 304 2 ,
307, 39j3 2 4ff. } 333ffM
20, ii ; 49, ii. ; 83 ff.,
u. ; 96, 11. , I95 n. J
204 f., ii. ; 204*, u.
Egypt = Underworld, 195,
210; 20, li ; 50", u. ;
56, h. ; 64, ii. , 6S 1 , u. ;
68 ff , ii, j 77, u. ; 90,
ii. ; 117*, ii. ; 126, ML ;
154, ii-
Ehud, 163, u,
E-Kur, 104, 142.
'El, see Ilu.
Elam, 53.
Elamites, 137, 301.
Elders, 290, u.
Elephantine, 158.
Eleutheros, 202, n
Elhanan, 183, u.
Eliakim, 267 1 , ii.
Ehezer, 31, n.
Elijah, 68, 78, 241; 91,
n ; 98,11.; 190,11; 231,
n.; 234, u.; 302, u, *-
Elisha, 78 ; 192, 11. , 209,
u ; 2io 6 , n. ; 212, u. ;
234, ii.
Elishah (place), 284.
Ellassar, 119.
El Mugayyar (fig. 120),
7,11.
El Maqrlsi, 17
ElohJm, 13, n.
Elohist, I94 1 ; 2, ii.
'El 'olam, 13 f, n.; I4 4 ,
11.
Elul, 42
Elysium, 206.
Emanations, 89.
Enchanter, 299, u.
En-ki, 104.
Enmeduranki, 48, 51 f.,
83, 206, 239 f.
Ennugi, 141.
Enoch, 240 ; 27 1 , ii.
Enuma ehsh, 6, 9, 21 f.,
31,83, 102, 113, 134 f.,
H5, 197.
Enzu, 1 08.
Epagomenze, 3i 3 , 65, 78,
93, 948, 1113 18, u ,
42^, u. ; 67, u 3 155,
ii. , 166, n ; 182, n.
Ephod,i78;i37,n ; i6s B ,
ii.
Ephraim (Samaria), 2x6,
11.
Epiphany, 131.
Erjonym canon, I04 1 ; I76 4 ,
ii. ; 194, n. ; 215, ii.
Equalisation of calendar,
see Calendar.
Equinox, 34 ff., 136
Erech=:uruk, , 101, 104,
142 f., 295;
En-aku, 321.
Erichthonms, 233*.
Eridanos, 105
Endu, 89, 101, 105, 135,
137, 142 f., 205, 214,
* 2x6 , 298, 11.
Erishkigal, 121, 139
Erythrasian, 48, 207.
21
INDEX
(Marduk temple),
105, I35> I4 2 . 2 94-
Esarhaddon, 215, 283, 293 ;
228, 11
Esau ( = Underworld), 51,
ii. , ( = Se'ir=Pan,
singer), 51, n.
E-sharra, I go
Eshmunazar, 55.
Esther, 251, u.
Etana myth, 59 , 94 s , u ,
I49> u J 275. "
E-temen-an-ki, 136
Ethics, Babylonian, 225 f. ;
109 ff., n
Etruria, 168 ff
Euphrates, 105.
Euphratesian civilisation,
2ff.
Eundice, 121.
E-ur-imin-an-ki, 138
Europe, 277.
Eusebms, 48.
Evangelists, 28.
Evemerus (King), 294.-
Evening star, 121, I23 6 ,
166, 168, n. ; 270,11.
Evil spirit, 184, ii.
Execution, 159, ii ; (em-
palement), 249, n.
Exile, 278 ; 25, n ; I53 1 ,
ii ; 216, ii. ; 219, n. ,
231, u. ; 269, n. ; 283,
n.
Exodus, the, 83 ff,, ii
Exorcism = shurpu, 108,
186, 214, 225 ; 104, u. ;
141, ii.
Expiation, 48, u ; 103,
n.; 113,11. ; 116, ii
Eyes = planets, 311, 11.
Ezekiel, 283, ii.
Ezida, 138,
Fall, 281 ff. ; (results of),
2 33-
Fasts, 68 f.
Fate, Decider of, 134
Feasts and festivals
(calendar), 90 E, 96 7 ,
126 f., 131.
(Akitu), 91; (Cybele
Attis), 98.
(of Marduk), 95 , (re-
surrection), 93*, 96.
(Punm), 251, ii. ; (New
Year), 251, ii.
Fiery appearance, 32 f., iL
Fifty, see Numbers.
Fig tree, 209
Fire, 32, 140, 161 , 33> u -
Gideon, 164, n.
Fire and brimstone, 42, 11
Gihon, 218
Fire-flood, 28, 70 f, 132 ,
Gilgal, 155, n.
I4I 1 , 148*, 163, 268, 271
Gilgamesh, epic of, 13, 97,
Fire-God, 140.
103, 116, 120, 206, 21 2 f.,
Fire-point, 161.
215,217, 220,232, 247;
Fire-realm, 23
265, n. , (==Nmuod),
Firmament, 52
290
Firmicus Materrms, 98.
Gmnungagap, 170 f.
First Cause, 8, 146, 157.
Gishzida, 126*.
First man, 182
Gnosticism, 17, 23 ; 300,
Fish, fish-man, 47 4 , 48, 76 fi ,
ii.
I46 1 ; 80, n. ; 160, 11.
Goat (Underworld), 51, ii.
Five, see Numbers
God-man, 10
Fixed star Heaven, 49 s .
God of the universe, 136.
Flickering flame = north -
Gog, 277, 282, 284
point, 99, ii.
Gold = sun -metal, 76,
Flood, see Deluge,
2I4 4 , 232", 234"; 50,
Fohi, 77.
ii. > 158,"- 557,n.
Forty, see Numbers.
Golden Age, 77, *&, 163,
Fountain = Underworld,
231 f, 33 l ; 148, 11 ,
220.
268, u , 299, u.
Fravashi, we Persia.
Golden calf, 138, ii. ; 233,
Freyr, 133.
u.
Frigg, 134-
Golden tumour (mice),
Funeral feast, see Feasts.
176, ii
Goliath, 82, 93 >l , 327' ,
21 i, n. ; 1550, n , 179,
Gabnel, 2$5 3 , 11.
ii ; I So, u.
Gad = Sagittarius, 80, it.
Gomer, 276, 282.
Gaga, see Gog.
Goshcn, 75, u.
Gaia, 63.
Gottei dim nierung, 133,
Galatians, 130.
270.
Gallu, 254 4 , ii
Gozan, 243, n.
Ganymede, 24 i l .
Granaries, 71, u.
Garden, 204 ft ; (of God),
Grave of gods, 92, 96, 121,
213 ; (m the sea), 213 ;
(of Adonis), 97.
130
Greeks, 28, 55, 128, 130,
Gardener, 92, ii.
Garment, 148, 177 ; 53, ii. ;
63*, 11. ; 66, n. ; 136, ii, ;
m, 182, 192, 241, 254,
258, 278, 285, 3*2, 337 1 ;
55,ii. ; in , ii.
190, u. ; 267, 11.
Green, see Colour.
Gebal, 200, n.
Gnmmsmal Saga, 53, ii,
Gemini, 13, 37, 42, 43 1 ;
49 a , 7 1 ,78, 114, 292;
Guardian of world, 137.
Gudea, 57 f., 296, 309;
19, n j 78, u
6, n ; (statue of), 287 1 ,
Genea, 157.
ii. , (dream of), 298, ii.
Generations, Biblical, 242
Gudi (mountain), 266.
Genii, 211, 236; 55 4 , n.,
Gudud, 18, 27.
fig. 185; 284 f., n.
Genos, 157.
Gugal, 22.
Gur-Bati, 176*.
Gerah, 19, n.
Gemim, 24.
Habakkuk, 309, ii.
Germanic, 103, 132, 170,
IJabin, 399 fr.
258,269,103,11 ; no 4 ,
Hadad Rimmon, see
ii. ; 131*. n.
Ramman,
Gezer, 342.
Giants, 241.
Hagat, 5, ii. ; 34, ii.
Hair, 272 1 , n ; (sun and
Gibeon, I56 1 .
moon rays), 51, il ;
Gibil, 114.
172, ii.
INDEX
Half moon, no.
Hallelujah (Hilal), 36, 37 1 ,
93, no\ 113, 14, 11 ,
246, n.
Ham, 288
Haman, 39 5
Ilamath, 301 ; 197, n ;
201, n , 219, n. , 269,
11
Hammer (double), 125 ;
164, n. ; 292, n.
Hammuiabi, 26, 57, 73
f , 134 ff. ; (as Sun-god),
221.
Hammuiabi Code, 107, n.ff.
I lammuiabi dynasty, 73 f ,
102
Hand (holding), 94, fig
36 ; 232, n.
Hand (symbol), no 4 .
IJantktm, 24, 11. ; 27, n.
llar-Magedon, 266, 11
liar irio'ed, 122, n , 266,
n.
Harmony (pre-established) ,
T 4<5 ii, 55 fF; 259 u.
Harran (Haran), 73-*, 102,
H3 S. lj J 7, n J *7,
ii.
Haruspex, see Etiuna.
Halhoi, 89, 254.
tfalti (Khatti), see Hiltiles.
Haubas, llf.
Ilavilah, 218, 288.
Hazael, 210, ii
Heaven, 9 , (of Anu), 16 f ,
265, 270 f.
Heavenly food, 215.
Heavenly gifts, 2 is 4 .
Heavenly spirits, 187.
Hebrews (IJabui), I 1 , 334,
339:26, ii. ; 45,11. ;45",
11,; 83, n ; 88, n., 96,
ii. ; 296, 11.
Hebron, 14, 11 ; 26, u.
Hecate, 87.
Ileimdallr, 133
Hel, 134.
Heliopolis, 6 l , 66, *59, 160;
66, n, ; 72, n. ; 87, n.
Helios, 24.
Helladius, 48.
Heptagiarn, 37 f.
Heracles, 2J5 3 ; ai 1 , ii. ;
58,11.; 59.ii., 144,11-,
173, ii. ; 3o6 a , ii.
Herder, 313.
Hermaphrodite, 149, ii.
Hermes (grave of), 96*.
Ilerroodr, 134.
Heimon, 300, 148, n. ,
201, 11 , 210, u
Heiodotus 96, 280
Heio-god, 141
Heroic Age, 241.
Hesiod, 69 4 , 77, 182-*.
Hezekiah, 220, 11
Hibilziwa( = Maiduk), 137
High puests, 177 , 136, u.
Hilal, 93 , 106, n
Himalayas, 257
Hipparchus, 6l
Hiram, 187, ii , 203, n.
Hittites (#atti), 339, 340 ,
195. u
Hobal, 33 1 .
Hodur, 133.
Homa (moon), 2o8 3 .
Hoice, 30.
Horeb, see Sinai.
Horns, 220 ; b2 J , ii. ; 139,
11. ; 175, n
Horoscope, 44^ , So 1 , 11. ;
148, n.
Horus, 92 f , 128^, 161 ,
85,11 , 94,11
Hosea(King), 217.
Hosts of heaven, 245, n.;
272, n.
Hours, 44 2 , <>7 3 .
House of night, 138
'* Houses " of the zodiac,
10, 13, 57, 142, 307,
247, u
Humbaba, 206, 212 f.
Hunter, celestial, 141, 290
Hyades, 25.
Hydra (constellation), 15 1 1 ,
2 35
Hyginus, 48,
Hyksos, 85, n.
Hyrokm, 133.
Ibn Hisham, 31, u
Ideogram (divine), 49, 50 1 ,
124
Idols, 246 f , 11.
Igigi, 1 06.
Ijjar (month, Airu), 42, 72.
Ilion, 170.
Illmos, 146.
Ilus'el, I03 1 , 350; 13 f,
11
IM, 124 ; I98 2 , u.
Immigration (Semitic), i,
2 4-
Incantation, see Exorcism.
Incense, H4 1 , ii ; 140,
ii. ; 190, ii. ; 290, ii.
India, 4, 12, 3i 2 , 4 o 3 , 47*,
632, 119, 165 f, 182*,
231, 2 34 3 , 242 1 , 256 f,
269 , 252, n
Indo-Gei manic tubes, 276,
283
India, 156, 11 ; 252, n.
Inhl (Bel), 104, 134 ,
147, 295.
Inscnption (of Darius),
278 , (Glazer), 287 ,
(Mesha), 289; (Shal-
maneser), 209, u
Intercalaiy days, 41, 68;
155. "
Interpreter, 18, 49
lonians, 278
Iphigenia, 48, u.
Iran, 161.
Isaac (sacrifice of), 48 f , n
Isaiah, 227, 11. ; 268, n.
Ishmael, 31, 11 ; 36, 11
Ishme-Dagan, 159, n.
Ishtar, 14 f., 38 .,59,63,
. 86 f , 95, 101, 103, io8 5 ,
117 ff, 126 f, 269,
29 6 f i 349. 35^92, 11
169, w ,241, n. , (bread
of), 280, ii.
Ishtar (Descent into
Hades), 121, 127, 217.
Isidore of Seville, 244!.
Isis, 84.
Islam, 9 1 , ii ; 247, ii.
Isiael (depoitation), 278.
Israel-Judah, 201 f , ii
Issachar = Cancer, 80, n
Izdubar, see Gilgamesh.
Ja (district), 279.
Jachm and Boaz, 157 ;
172, 11. , 1 88, u,
Jacob, 329 1 ; 21, n. ; 37,
n.; 43, u.; 51, 11. ;
57 ff , n. , (blessing), 77
ff , n ; (combat), 58 f.,
n ; (staff), 57,
[akob-el, 329
jamania (Greeks), 279.
Janus, 72, 73 ; 19*, ii. ; 57,
Japan, 2 4 4 , 38 1 , 56 3 , 167 f.,
270.
apetos, 310.
aphet, 277, ii.
'aieb, 301, ii.
atnana (Cyprus), 279
avan, 278, 281.
ebusite, 300.
ehoahaz, 212, ii. ; 241, n.
INDEX
Jehoshaphat, 47, n. ; 207 3 ,
11, ; 238, 11
Jehu, 209 f , n. ; 21 1, 11. ,
2395
Tephtl
htha's daughter, 168, n
Jericho, 157, n.
Jeroboam I 204, n.
Jeroboam II , 214, 11
Jerusalem, 34-, 337, 27,
ii. , 85, n , 124, " ,
190, n , 205, u. , 216,
ii. , 224, n. , 241, n. ;
256, n , 287, 11
Jesus, 84 1 , 267-, 43, n. ,
174, 11. ; 301, n.
Jethro, 287.
Jezirat, 239 8 .
Job, 252 , n. ; (Indian
version), 252, n,, (daugh-
ters = Fates), 253, n.
John (Baptist), 4, n. , 43,
ii , 174, 11. ; 235, n.
Jonah, 305, u.
Jonathan, 48, u
Joseph, too ; 64 ff., 11. ,
(astral motifs), 64 ft. ,
(rsYan^amu), 72, h. ;
(=Tamus), 81, u. , ( =
Osai-siph), 88, it
Joshua (glosses), 152 ff,
n.
Josiah, 99 ; 230, ii.
Judah Leo, 79, ii.
Judges, 161 ff , n
Judgment Day, ig6 1 ; 271,
ii. , 301, ii
Judgments, 293, ii.
upiter, 12, 15, 21, 27, 59,
64, 74 1 , 85, 134.
Jupiter Ammon, 76.
Jupiter Dolichenus, 124^,
349-
Keiwan-Ninib, 27.
Kalne* (Kalno), 269, ii
Keb, 160
Kelach (Kelafc), 297, 222,
ii
Kepler, 62.
Keresaspa, 164
Kettu, 117, I57 a .
Khartoum, 286.
Khatti, see $atta.
Khnum, 158, 160; 69 s , u.
Kibla, 9, 28, 32, 34 , (Per-
sian), 161-300, ii.
Kima, 260, ii.
King, 136 ; (representing
the Divinity), 59 a , 101.
Kingi, loi.
Kingu, 9, 51, 91, 14^ f >
Life and death, 126, 132.
148.
Light and dark, 126.
Kmnuri( Underworld), 209
Light (creation of), 156'*,
Kir, 271 , 295, ii. ; 303, u
178
Kirbish-Tiamat, 22.
Lightning, bronze, 237,
Knjath Aiba, 54 1 .
Lihlh, 272, n.
Kirjath Sephei, 54 1 , 264 1
Lillu, see Lellu.
Kishar, 8, 145, 148.
Limn list, 194, ii
Kislev (month), 42, 250, n
Lion, w* Leo.
Kissare, 146.
Lion-slayer, 290 , 170, u - r
Kittim=Rome and South-
1 80, h ; 182, n
ern Italy, 285.
Litciature (cuneiform), i
Knossos (figs. 62, 63),
Livei of sheep (augury) ?
169.
6l, 170, 295, 11.
Kolpia, 157.
Livingstones., 258".
Korah, 143, n
Koran, 12, 49 1
Kore, 120 , 169, u.
Logos (=Nabil), 90*, 178.
Loki, 133.
Lord of Lands, 134.
Krishna, 77-
Lord of Loids, 136
Kronos, 52, 245, 263, 310
Lot, 264, 272", 5, u ;
Kim- Yuan, 166, 258
I9f,n.
Kummukh, 280 f.
Love-apple, 209 ; 56, ii.
Kurash, sag Cyius.
Love charm, 206^
Kutha, 30, 134, 139.
Lubnn, 300.
Kybele, see Cybele.
Lucian, 128, 207, 298.
Lucifei, 121, 123 , 270, ii.
Laban, ] 8, ii.
LudLubdi ; 302,
Labbu, 151', 152,
Ludim, 300.
Lachi and Lachos, 146
Lugal-du-Afca^ti, 143.
Lachish, 225, n.
Lugalgira, 113 f.
Ladder of Osn is, ij 4 .
Lugalzajjjgisi, 315.
Lagamar, 24, 11.
Lumashi stais, 31,
Lagash, 22, 101
Lunar age, 73*
Lafjmu, we Lakhmu.
Lunar cycle, 87.
Lakhamu, 8, 145, 148
Lunar zodiac, 12.
Lakhmu, 7, 145, 148.
Luther, I93j 15, u. ; 47,
Lamb, the, 100
u. ; 92, n. ; 27# a , ii.
Lamech, 240.
Luz, 56, ii.
Lance, see Spear.
Lydia, 130, 276, 282.
Land, the, 53 ff.
Larsa, 101, 117.
Macedonia, 284.
Laws, see Hammurabi.
Machpclah, 340",
Leah, 209 3 .
Macrobius, 128.
Lebanon, 55 ; 187, u.
Madai, 277
Lellu(Lillu), 104*.
Maclyes, 283.
Leo, 23, 28, 4I 1 , 42, 97 l ,
Mftgan, 316.
H9 a , 140; 79, 11 ; 148,
Magic, 105 ; (plant), 215.
n, , 285, ii
Magog, 277.
Lepers (banishment of), 85
Magos, 157,
f,u.
Mahabharatta epic, 257.
Letters, Amarna, 139, 335
Mahar, slory of, 330.
E
Mahi-shasura, 231*
Letters, Ta'annek, 342.
Ma 'in, 287.
Leviathan, I52 1 , 181, 190,
Malkat Ishtar, 96, 121 ;
194, 230.
Levite, 101, ii.
279, ii.
Malh ftatushui 213% ii. ;
Libation, 176, ii. , 257, ii.
(fig, 187), 274, u.
Library of Assurbanipal,
Mami (goddess), 186.
2 47\ 253, 298.
Mammon, 234*.
Life (new), 126.
Mamre, 14**, it ; 26, u
INDEX
325
Man, 28, 182 ff. ; 285 2 } 11
Manasseh, 22 1 , 11. ; 24 1 , 11. ;
288, 11.
Manda, 276 f.
Mandsean, 33, 127, 137.
Manetho, 76.
Manoah, 271.
Mantle (prophetic), 190, n. ,
see Garment.
Manu, 256 f.
Manzaz, 21.
Manzazu, see Doorposts,
Marduk, 5 f, 8 ,22,26,
28, 29. 32, 34, 39, 5*
59, 63, 67, 74, 83, 85 f.,
89, 94, 102, 106, 117,
121, 134 ff, 143, 147,
159, 177, 193, 19^1 222,
265, (= Jupiter), 74 1 ,
( = Adapa), 178; (temple
of), 306
Marjjeshvan, 42.
Marruge, 109, 11.
Mais, 12, 15, 21, 27, 64,
140.
Ma'rtess, 8.
Martu, 322.
Mary, 349 6 ; 280, 11.
Mathematics, 47 3 , 48, 62 1 .
Mazzalot (Mazuoth), 247,
11. ; 260, n
Mecca, 288, n.
Modes, 277, 283
Media, 278 ; 219, ii
Mediator and mediation,
90.
Meglddo (excavations),
347 ; 200'- 1 , n.
Mekonah, 188, u.
Melchisedek, 13, ii ; 29, n.
Melkarth, 350,
Mclufoba, 72, 316; 92 1 , ii.
Memphis, 40, 160 , 86, 11. ;
228, ii.
Menahem, 215, n
Mercury, 12, 15, 20, 27,
64, 137.
Merkaba, 27 f., 57 ; 124,
I ii. ; 2$5 a , n.
Merneptah, 334 (fig. 131) ,
Mcrneptah II., 85*, ii. ;
90, ii.
Merodach (Marduk), 8, 22 ;
282. u.
Merodach Baladan, 304;
322, ii, ; 273; M.
Mesech, 281.
Mesha (Mesa) Inscription,
Mesharu, 117, IS7
Mesopotamia, 3382 ; 7, n. ;
197, n. , 219, n.
Messiah, 76 2 ; 67 2 , ii , 8o 2 ,
n ; 264, 11.
Meta of Muski (Midas),
281.
Metals, 76 ; 50, ii
Meteors, 258*; 42,11.; 157,
u.
Mexico, 55, 61, 68, 70,
101, 136 (figs 71, 72),
312-
Micah, 307, n.
Michael, 285 2 , n
Michal, 57, 11.
Miciocosmos,53f., 58,205.
Midas, So
Midgard, I7of.
Midian and Midianites,
see Minoeans
Miftan, 310, n.
Migdal, 304 , 200 2 , ii. ,
248, 11.
Migration, <f Canaamte/ 7
?, (of thought), 4 s , 5 J
Milcom, 47, n.
Milk and honey, 170, n. ;
268, u
Milky Way, 2io T
Minseans, 287 , 68, ii j 97
if ,11. ; 118, u.
Minos, So
Minotaur, see Bull.
Mis-ra, 267, n.
Mistletoe, 133.
Mitanm, 297
Mithra, 30, 74 1 , 84, 166,
238 8 , 2398 , 56, u.
Mizraim (Egypt), 286 f.
Moabites, 46, 11 , 237, u.
Mohammed, 17, 40 1 , 73^;
5, n.; n, u.; 18, n. ;
39. u
Mohar, 37, IK ; I09 3 , ii.
Molech (Moloch) = Under-
world Sun-god, 349 ,
141, ii.
Molten sea, 118, ii.
Monetary system, 50, ii.
Monotheism latent, 85.
Monsters of chaos, 8, 154
f., I 4 9 7 176.
Months, 250, u. , (As-
syrian), 42.
Moon, 12, 19 f , 34, 76,
86 ;(=hfe), 1 10 ^Baby-
lonian myth), in ff. ;
99, ii. ; 105, n. , ^ (wor-
ship), 8, ii j 9 ff., u. ;
and see New moon.
j Moon-god, 72, 102 ; 8, ii.
Moon-goddess, 123.
Mordecai, 251, n.
Moreh, I4 5 , n.
Morning star, 74, I09 2 ,
121, 123", 137, 166;
270, n.
Mosaic conception, 107, n.
Moses =Nebo, 90 1 , 3252;
4, n ; 90, u. ; 139, u. ;
151, n
Mosul, 298.
Mot, 156.
Mother-goddess, 8 1 , 60,
117 ff, I7I 1 , 182, 186;
(fig.i2 4 ),6i,ii., 233,11.
Mother and son, 7, Sg\
H9 2 , 160; 78, ii. ; 91 f.,
n.
Motif, of the ages, 76 ff. ;
(in Bible), 79 1 .
arms, 319^
ass, U7 3 , n. ; 17^,
n. ; I77 1 , n.
astral, 90 fil , ii. ;
154, u.
bargaining, 39, n
blindness (moon
motif), 133, 172,11.
boar, 96 f., 129, 133 ,
66, ii.
boasting, 149, 165,
196
bnnger of new age,
39, 73, 9S I4i 3 ,
271, 16, 11.; 21,
n ; 2I 1 , u ; 28, n ;
89,11.; 91,"-, H7,
11. ; 182, n.
call before birth, 279,
n.
castration, 78 s , h.
childlessness, 42 2 .
combat, 58, h.
conqueror, 172, n.
curse, 269, IL
deception, 52, n.
deliverer, I96 1 , 272,
304 ; 32, ii. ; 90, f.
u. , 234, ii.
deluge of blood, 254 2 .
dismemberment, 78,
92.
dispersal and gather-
ing, 304
disruption of dragon,
149,194, 196*; 93,
u ; 154,11.; 190, ii-
dragon combat, 164,
u. ; 183, ii.
326
INDEX
Motif continued
Motif continued.
drinking (new year
motif), 94 3 , 273,
ring and staff, 61', u.
(comp fig. 132),
drunkenness, 78, 272,
I07 1 , 11.
273 ; 2I 1 , 11. ; 41,
scattenng, 303.
n ; 172, n.
severed head, 178, n ,
dwaif, 155*, n , 182
* "*
183, n.
f., 11.
sexual violence, 171,
expectation of deliver-
er, 5, 195, 272,
n
smallness (Hop-o'-my-
304; 32, n ; 144,
Thumb), 182, u.
11 ; 148, n. ; 162,
smashing, 8, 38' 2 , 40-*,
n , 174, n.; 264,
92^
n 275, 11. ; 280,
spear, 159, u ; 178,
n., 301, n., 311, n.
n ; 183, n
expulsion of tyrant,
staff, 57, .; 64 if,
78, 94, 42 1 , 11.;
n. , 93, 11
79, n ; 163, 11. ,
stenhty, 51, n , 1 68,
172, 11.
n.; 174 f, n.
fire-flood, 39, 11 ; 171,
storm, 196
n.
suffering, 235.
gardener, 92, n.
sun, 150 , 172, ii.
gathering, 304
suppoit, 19, n.
Gemini (twin), 292.
sword, 236.
generation, 272
taking away, 240, 263 ;
hospitality, 19, n.
9I 4 , ii , 236, n. ;
incest, 93 2 , 273.
278, n
Ishtar, 63 4 , n.
Tarn, 52, 11 ; I37 l ,
king's dcxughter, 182,
11
11
Tammuz, 100, I28 4 ,
knowing, 371, 209;
19, n. ; 20, ii. ; 47,
62 3 , 11
n.
lameness, 23, 32; 51,
throwing away, 168.
11. ; 59, u.
treading upon Dragon,
laughter, 264 , 33, u-
see Dragon.
Manoah, 169, n.
turning, 36, 38"; 20,
moon, 18, u. , 27, n. ,
n.
1 66, n. , 177, n.
twin (Dioscuri), 19,
mourning, 93, ii.
n ; 60, n.
mutilation, 40^.
unknown ancestry,
mysterious birth, 28,
271, u
11. ; 302, n.
unveiling (= knowing
net, 164, n.
= death), 62", u
new age, 273
N'zr(Nezer), motif of
veil, 121 ; 38, ii. ; 62,
11. ; 93, u. ; 130, ii.
deliverance, 32, n. ;
violated hospitality,
235) ". 5 3<>o> u- ;
40, n., 171, ii.
(Zemafe), 144, ".
wedding, 35 ff., 95,
plough, 59 j 165, u. ;
96', 209 , 62, n.
^77, ii. 5 234, u. ;
whole, the, 31, 11.
235 w
Mountain, 6 1 , 23 f, 54;
rain of stones, 41, ii.
(of God), 205,211; 98,
rape and childlessness.
ii. ; (of the world), 23,
42 2 .
265 f, 271 f, , 311,11.
rape and rejected love,
Mount Hor, 144, 11.
96 f. ; 66, ii. ; 81,
Mount of assembly, 266,
u. ; 163, n.
ii.
renewal, 93^.
Mourning, 131 ; 185, ii. ;
renouncement of re-
296, u.
ward, 19, ii.
Moymis (Mummu), 7, 146,
Mummu, 6 f., 9, 63, 90*,
106, 145.
Mushkenu, 31, n.
Mushrushu, i52 2 , 154
Music, 51, n. ; fig. 181 ;
119, n, ; I28 a , n. ; 179,
u ; 184, u ; 223, n. ;
261,11. , 297, n ; (of the
spheres), 16' , 259 f , n
Muski, 281.
Muspellsheim, 171.
Muzri, 287 , 201, u
Mutcsclhm, 324, 347 f.
Mutilation, 130
Mycena&n civilisation, 346.
Mysoi and Sydyk, 157
Mystenes, 83 ff , 126, 129 ,
289 f., u.
Myth, 47, 77, 79 ; (vege-
tation), I26' 2 .
Mythological motifs, we
Motif.
Naaman, 242, ii.
Nabatsean, IS 3 , 17, 127,
199 ; 6i f n. ; 96, n. ;
264, ii.
Nabonassar, 73, 75.
Nabonidus, 113, 138.
Nabopola^sar, 138, 293.
Nabu, we Nebo.
Nabu (Nabt), 29, 63, 74,
86,90, 134 f., 138.
Nabu-natsu, 75.
Nabu-Nebo, 90.
Nahash, 177, ii.
Nahr-el-Kelb, 55; 195,11.;
199, "
Nahum, 307, ii.
Name, 107", 145* j 12, u. ;
58, ii. ; ioo, ii, ; 274, ii. ;
279. "
Names, cosmic meaning,
54 1 -
NamirwUddu, 290.
Nanua, 108, 133.
Nannar ( = Sin), scs Sin*
Naphtali=s Aries, 80, h.
Naramsin, 5, 50, 80, 309,
Navel (pole) of the world,
54,170; 55, u; ^B,ii.
Nazarene, 281, ii.
Neba-'el-'Asal, 55.
Neba-'el-Leben, 55.
Nebaioth, 52, ii,
Nebo, 15, 26, 29, 32, 34,
39,74,85, 90, 94> 117,
276,11.; (Mercury), 137 ;
(tower of), 305.
INDEX
Nebuchadnezzar, 59, 84,
Nubia, see Cush.
138,293,304, 230, n.;
Numa Pompihus, 65.
300,11
Numbers (sacied), 62 ff ,
Necho, 200 2 , n. ; 230, li, ,
(three), 166, ii.; (four)
248, n.
311, u , (five), 62 ff,
Negeb, 44, n.
94 J ; 26, u. ; 42, n. ;
Nehushtan, 244, n.
Nephe&h, 268.
155, 11.; (seven), 43,
55, 64, 66, 136, 198;
Nerab, 8, 11
(seventh day), I64 1 , 199
Nergal, 9, 15, 26, 30, 32,
f., 2I7 3 , 128, n , 135,
86, 113, 117, 121, 134,
11 , 147, ii , (seventh
139 f., 265 , 244, n. ,
note), 259, u. ; 292, u ;
255, n ; (Saturn), 38;
(Scoicher), 140 , (Lion),
311, n , (twelve), 55 f,
64, 94^, 2I4 1 , 242 1 , 43,
140.
n ; 135, u ; 155, 11. ,
Neros, 63.
(thirteen), 18, n ;
New age, 92', 137.
(thirty), 170, u ; (forty),
New moon, 35, 45, m ;
93 4 ; 265, 267 , 98, n. ;
2l l , n.; 105, n.; I$9,u.;
(fifty), 267; (seventy),
167, n.
166, n.
New year, 34, 59, 91, 93,
Nun, 158.
96.
Nut, 160.
Nibiru, is 1 , 21 ff, 30 f.,
Nycteus, 4i 3 , n.
85; 55 a i ; 59, 5
103, n.
Nicholas of Damascus, 8,
Cannes, Tablets of, 48, 52,
ii.
S3, 138-
Nicolaitan, 147, u.
Oath, form of, 77, n
NifFer, see Nippur.
Obelisk, 103, n. ; 145, ii. ,
Nifleheim, 171
188, ii. ; 21,0, u
Night watches, 27, u;
Ocean, 105.
105, n.
Octave, 1 6 , 259, n.
Nile, 158, 218 ; 70, 11.
Odin, 133
Nimrod, 289 f ,310; 5,11 ;
'Ohelmo'ed, 58, 121, u.
19, u. ; 21 l , 11. 5 58, n.
Nimrud (Calah), 298.
Olive leaf, 266 f
Olympus, iso 2 , 189
Nina, loi.
Omina, 50, 53.
Nineveh, 123, 296; (de-
Omorka, 147.
stroyed), 298 ; 309, u.
Omn, 206, 11
Ningirsu, see Ninib,
On Hehopolis, 66, 158.
iNingishzida, 208.
Ophlr, 302.
Ninib, 15, 22, 23, 26, 30,
Oracle, 200 , 129, n. , 166,
32, 86, 102, 117, 134,
u. ; 247*, ri- , 271,11.
140 f ; (Ningirsu), 22,
Ordeal, in, ii.
57, 96, 101, 198, 265 ;
Orgies, 130.
(Mars), 38, 96, 98-
Orientation, 32 ff.
Nippur (Niffer), 101, 104,
142.
Origins, 193, ii.
Onon, 94 , (=Nimrod),
Nisan, 90 ; 250, ii.
290; (=Tammuz), 20,
Nisir, 266.
n. ; 57, n ; 260, n.
Nisroch, 228, u.
Ormuzd, 202^.
Noah, set Utnapishtim.
Nob, 139.
Orpheus, 121.
Osarsiph, see Joseph.
Node, 20.
Osiris, 59, 89, 92, 129,290,
North, 8, 103; (point),
309 , 94, "...
106*; ( = fire), 33, u. J
Othmel, 162, 11.
257, & i (gate), 288, ii.;
Overworld, see Under-
291, ii.
world.
Northern cosmogony, 170.
Notos, 156.
Ovid, 69*.
Ox and ass, I72 1 , ii.
Padu, 185.
Paganism (in Israel), 188,
n. , 267, u
Palestine, 337 1 .
Pahngenesia, 244.
Pan, 232 , 51, u.
Pantheon, 100 ff.
Papyrus Anastasi, 330 ff ;
d'Orbmey, 69, ii.
Paradise, 54, 204 ff ; Per-
sian, 207, 2I9 3 , (=
Park), 251, n
Parousia, 131.
Passover (Pesah = Nibiru),
102 ff , ii.
Pathrusim, 299
Patriarchs, 238; (list of),
239
Pausamas, i82 3
Pekah, 216, ii
Pekahiah, 214, ii.
Pentagram, 37 ff.
Pentateuch, I20 a , ii
Peoples (Indo-Germamc),
277.
Pepi, 41, n
Persephone, 30, 120, 128.
Perseus, 95, ii.
Persia, 161 f
Pesah, see Passover.
Pessimism, 228 f. ; 108, n. ;
256, ii. , 264, n,
Petra, 87 1 .
Phallus - phalhc worship,
72, I2i 2 , 77 1 , 11. , 294,
11.
Pharaoh ( =Shamash), 350.
Phases of the moon, 36,
ng. 15
Philemon and Baucis, 41,
n.
Philistines, 303, ii.
Philo of Biblos, 155, 337 ,
135. &
Phoenicia, 155 f. ; I99>
Phosphorus, 121.
Phraortes, 278.
Pillar of fire and cloud,
104, IL
Pisces, see Fish.
Pit (bitumen), 26, ii. ; ( =
Underworld), 65, u. ;
141, ii
Pithom, 76, ii.
" Place " = hell, 253, ii.
Plague, 139.
Planets, 18, 20
Plant of life, 215, 268.
Pleiades, 4O 3 , 68, 94, III,
265.
INDEX
Plough, see Motifs.
Rameses II., 329 ; 90, n.
Sabitu, 62, n.
Plutarch, 69*, 85.
Pneuma, 156.
Rameses IV., 92,
Ramman (Storm-god), 15,
Sacred giove (Endu), 214
Sacrifice, 132 ; (human),
Points (of the universe), 25
22 f., 86, 99, 124 f, 165,
348 , 141, n. , 243, 11. ;
ff. ; (cardinal), 288, li.
197, 349 197, 11. 5 242,
(of Isaac), 48, ii , (sub-
Pole (of the universe), 8,
n. ; 290, u,
stitute), 48, n. ; (ma-
9; (of the world), 170.
Polyhistor, see Alexander,
Raphael, 285 2 , ii.
Raqia', 179 f-, 189; 129,
terial), 114 ff, u.;
(Jephtha'b daughter),
Polytheism, 90.
u. ; 286, n
1 6S, n
Pothos, 155.
Raven, 266, (ill omen), I2 1 .
Sagush-Kaiwan, 18
Potiphar, 72, li.
Rebekkah, 51, n
Sais (statue at), I2I 1 , 62 3 ,
Precession, 271.
Records, Babylonian, I
n.
Precious stones, 214.
Redeemer, 5
Salem (Shalem), 27, 11. ;
Present and future, 244.
Regent, 12.
29, n.
Priesthood, 142, 11.
Regulus ( = Reguel), 41 ,
Salt, 171 ; 140,11 , 1 68, 11.
Pnestly document, i, n.
148, n.
Salutation (Oriental), 33,
Primeval principle, Phoeni-
cian, 155
Rehoboam, 205, n.
Rehoboth-Ir, 298
ii.
Samaria, 206, n.
Principle, Ancient-Orien-
Religion, Babylonian, 49;
Sam&i-Adad, 302
tal, S3 , masculine and
(progressive develop-
Samsi-Ramman, 296.
feminine, 231.
ment), 15, n. , (popu-
Samson, 80; 169 ff, ii. j
Procession, 92, 95; (of
lar), 15 f., ii 5 (Mo-
(=GiIgamesh), 172, ii.
Marduk), 123, n
Prometheus, i82 3 , 258
hammedan), 32, n,
Rephaim, 30, u.
Samuel, 174 f, n.
Sanctuaiy, 58; 162, ii.
Prophecy (written), 302,
Resen, 299.
Sandracottiib, 180, ii.
n.
Resurrection, IOI 1 , 309.
Sanchumathon, 155.
Proserpine, see Persephone.
Reuben = Aquarius, 77, n.
Sarah, Kcgucl's daughtei,
Prostitution, 121.
Revelation, 50 #-, 86 J
20\ ii. ; 63, u.
Protogonos, 157.
(method of), 12, h ,
Sarai, 17, 11 , 36, ii
Protothyes, 283.
(at Horeb-Smai), 12, n.
Sarakos, 298
Proverbs, 263, ii
Reward of conqueror, 94,
Sardanapolus, 298.
Psalms (penitential), 222 ;
196; 6o 2 , n, ; 182, 11.
Saigon, 5, 14, 50, 72 f.,
261 f., n.
Rezm, 215, n
77,80,299,317592,11'.;
Ptolemy, Canon of, 75.
Rib-addi of Gebal, 301.
270, ii. , (of Agade),
Pul, see Tiglath Pileser.
Riddle-guessing, 170, n. ,
292 ; (Annals), 218, ii.
Purgatory, 140.
189, u.
Saros, 69; 194, ii.
Purification, 117 f,, 11, ;
Rig Veda, 165; I55 2 , ii.
Sarrapu (Ncigai), 140.
140, n. ; 254, n.
Rimmon, see Ramman.
Satan, 254, h.
Punm, 251, n
Rim-Sm, 24, ii.
Saturn, 12, 15, 21, 27, 64,
Purusha, 166.
Rites of blood, 2, n.
140, 201 f.
Put (Punt), 287 f.
Ritual, sacrificial, 113 ft".,
Satyrs, 269, ii,
Pythagoras, 259, ii.
u.
Saul and Jonathan, I76f.,
River, 54, 98; (of Para-
ii.
Qedem, 204, 219, 303.
dise), 216 f
Rodanin, 285.
Savour (of sacrifice), 267 f.,
2is a ; 291, ii. ; (of
Qeshet, 269.
Qosh (Quzah), Storm-god,
T ii
Rodamn-Rhodes [?], 285.
Rome, 29 l , 43, 65, 73, 7$,
Christ), 267
Scapegoat, 117, u.
*J 11.
Queen of Heaven, 15, 39,
6o,98f., iiSf* ; 60 1 ,!! ;
123, 131, 143 3 , 169;
ill 8 , n.; 130, 11.; 140,
ii. ; I66 1 , ii. ; 178, u.
Scarabeus, 7 B , 234*.
Scorpio, 25, 40, 43, 81, ii.
Scorpion man, 25^ I46 1 .
92, ii ; 232, ii.
Queen of Sheba, 188 f., ii.
Queen-mother, 233, ii.
Quetzalcuatl, 136.
Romulus, 95, ii.
Rosh (fountain =a Under-
world), 2I8 1 ; 152, ii.
Rustem deliverer, 165,
Ruth, I58 1 , ii.
Scorpion star, 1 3.
Scourge, 191, ii.
Scribe, 292, ii
Sea serpent, 181, K2 a .
Se^tr, 51, n. ; 60, Ii. ; 98,
Ra, 72, u.
n. ; X4I 1 , ii,
Rachel, 209 2 ; 56, u.
Saba, 289.
wSelene, 24, 87,
Rahab, 194, 157, u.
Rainbow, 14, 103, 269 L
Sabseans, 289.
Sabbath, 198, 201 f.
Seleucos Nicator, 62.
Sema|), see Zemah.
Ram as substitute, 48, ii.
Sabbath star, 201.
Semiramis, 249, ii.
INDEX
S29
Semites and Semitic, 3 1 .
Senkerah, 117.
Sennacherib, 276, 292 f.,
297, 299 , 222, 11.
Sephiroth (seven sounds),
x6 l .
Seraphim, 266, u.
Serpent, 31*, 151, 220,
233 , 146, 11 ; 244, u.
Servant, 248, n , (of Yah-
veh), 278, u.
Set (feast of), 93 ; (grave
of, 96".
Sot (ben$-ihet\ 148, n.
Seth, children of, 238 f
Sethi, 329, 338.
Seven, see Numbers
Seven sleepers, 42^, u. ;
157, 11
Seventh note, 259! , li.
Sexagesimal system, 63.
Sha'al shulmi, 221, l u.
Shalmaneser I , 296, 299.
Shalroaneser II., 199, ii. ?
209, n
Shalmaneser III > 213, n.
Sham, 303
Shamash, 14, 18, 30, 63,
86 if., 101, 115 ff., 125,
139.
Shaving (the head), 71, 11.
Sheba, 289.
Shebat, 42.
Sh6dim (demons), 30, 11. ;
150, n ; 257, u.
Shekel, 49, n.
Shem, sec Semites.
Shemiramoth, 249, n.
Sheol, 295, 11.
"Shepherd, "57,5s 1 , 304-
Shesbazar, 34*, 46 ; 25* "
ShibMeth, 119; 169, ii.
Shilob (=Sheol), Si, u. ;
I33 ? 11-
Shinar, 291.
Shinto doctrine, 24*, 38 1 ,
167.
Ship, sacred, 95.
Shipru, 48.
ShitlamtaCa ( *= Nergal),
1x3 f.
Showbread, 135, ii
Shu, i6o\
Shu-fu-tse, 52.
Shupuk sham (zodiac), 13,
3C5, 18,
Shurippak, 247.
Shurpu, see Exorcism,
Sibylline (books), 52 ;
(oracles), 310.
Sichem, 24 4 ; 13, n. ; 67,
n. , 1 66, n
Sicily, 285.
Sickle sword (crescent), 36,
(fig. 14), 1 10, 195, 270
Siddim, vale of (Shedim),
26, ii. , 30, n.
Sidon, 55 , 200, 11.
Siegfried, 237.
Sign of Cross, 292, n.
Sigurd, 96, 11.
Silver as moon metal, 76.
Silver-tablet Treaty, 330,
I95 "
Simeon and Levi (Gemini),
78,11
Sm(god), 14, 1 8, 22, 63,
86 f, joi, 108 fT., 152;
9 f. u ; (hymn to), 10, n.
Sin (rebellion), 225
Sinai, 98 ff , n.
Sin-offering, 103, 11.
Sinuhe, 325 ff , 184, n.
Sippar, 52, 57, 73> 102,
117, 239, 246 f., 262.
Sums, 69 ; 21, ii. ; 26o 2 , u
Sisera, 164, n.
Sister- wife, 21, 11.
Sivan, 42, 72 , 250, n
Sixth month, 126.
Slaveiy, no, n.
Sleeping beauty, loo 2 , ii. ;
i82, u.
Smell of the field, 53, u ;
also see Savour
Smith, 239, 281 , 51, ii.
Sodom and Gomorrha,
39 , 11.
Solomon, 284 ; 47, ii. ;
132,11 ; l85ff.,u ; 203,
n ; 262, n.
Solstice, 34 ff., 43*> 7o,
92 4 , 94 1 , I26 1 .
Son of Man, 10, 89, 106,
182, 196 ; 301, u.
Sons of God, 254, ii.
Sophia, 48, 105, 176, 188.
Sossos, 63.
Sothis periods, 69 3 ; (god-
dess), 21, n.
South America, 38 1 , 38 2 .
South point, 30, 161.
Space = time, 109.
Spear, see Motifs
Sphinx, 233, 236 ; 59, n. ,
170*, ii , 188, ii.
Spica, 119.
Spinning, 139, ii.
Spring ( Underworld),
217.
Spring point, 76 2 .
Staff, 51; (Jacob's), 57, il;
(Aaron's), 143, n. , 165,
n. , (Moses'), 100, ii.
Stages, see Stations,
Stars, 49 , 164, n. , (morn-
ing and evening), 270 f ,
u.
States, Mediterranean, 196,
n.
"Stations," 12, 16 ;
(lunar), 25, 40 , 18, n. ,
105,11.; 247,11., 260,11.
St Christopher, 37.
StJohn'sDay, 39 3 , 43 4 -
Step tower, see Tower.
Stone (black), see Petra
(living), 258 C .
Storm-god, 242, ii.
Stratonice ( = Ishtar), 96, ii.
Subartu, 53
Substitute, 48 f., n.
Succoth Benoth, 244, ii.
Sumer, 2, 101
Summits dens, 134, 136.
Sun, 19, 34, 76, 86, 88,
166, ( = death), no.
Sun -god, 158 f, 254;
(grave of), 308; (Baal
and Moloch), 349; 69*,
11.
Sun-worship, 248, ii.; 291,
n ; 73 3
Sword, see Motifs (flam-
ing), 236, (=flame),
237 ; (drawn), 157, n ;
184, ii.
Sydyk, 157.
Symbolism, no 4 , 114, 125 ;
32,11. ; 50, 11.; 51, n.;
61, n. , 62, n. , 101, u. ;
I36 3 , ii , 233, n.
Syncellus, 48, 61, 63, 75
Syria, 56, rn 1 , 254, 300 f.,
324f.;i62 2 ,u. ; 195,11.;
301, ii.
System, 3f, 55, 86, 102,
137 , (Ancient-Oriental),
169 ; (Egyptian), 158.
Ta'annek (excavations),
Tabernacle, 120 ff , ii.
Tables of stone, 50, 125,
135, 138, (tablets of
creation), 145 ff. ; (of
fate), 123, n.
Tablet-breaking, 75.
Tablets of fate and destiny,
see Tables.
330
INDEX
Tad, 166
TahO) no, 11.
Tamar, 61 f., 11
Tammuz, 34 ff., $4, S6 2 ,
93, 96 ff. ; (Osiris), Sg 1 ,
121, 125 ff ; (Adonis),
128; ( = 011011), 290,
127, 11., (month), 283,
11., (point), 290 5290, 11.,
(songs), 99.
Tamtu, 152
Tamtu, 152
Tarchon, 169
Tamhelm, 113
Tarshish, 284
Tartarus, 241.
Tattooing, 285
Taut, 292, 11.
Taurus, 5, 13, 41, 73
136 f.
Tauthe (Taut), H5 5 , 146,
156 f. ; 293, 11.
Teaching, 4, 46, 61, 81,
83, 170, 176; (Baby-
lonian), 5 , (Ancient-
Oriental), 100 f , 175.
Tebah (chest), 271.
Tebet, 42.
Tefnet, 160.
Tehom, 6 1 , 174, I93i 26 S ;
295, n.,( = dragon), 192.
Tell Amarna, see Amarna.
Tell Hesy, 341.
Tell Ibrahim, 139*.
Telloh, 102.
Temple, 57 ff., 138; (of
Fifty), 198; (pillais), 57;
(of Solomon), 133, u. ;
(of Marduk), 76, 307*
:88 3 , u. ; 227, u.
Temple towers, 17
Terah, 17, n
Teraphim, 56, u ; 302, u
Terrestrial and celestial,
158-
Teshup, 23, I24 3 , 156, u.
Thales, 20, 61.
Thebes, 159, 1 60, 25S 5 ,
308.
Theogomes and cosmo-
gonies, 7 ff, *45 158,
160^ 165, 196.
Theseus, 16s 1 , 236*, 60*, n.
Thirteen, see Numbers.
Thoas, 95, ii.
Thomyns, 178, 11.
Thor, 23, 133- .
Thora, 2153, 49.2, ii. ; in
ff.,11.; 255,11.
Thorn bush, 100, n.
Thoth, 1 60
Thothmes III., 328, 195,
n
Thousand and One Nights,
2i3 3 , 236 4 ; 3,11. , 8,11. ,
66* u ; 164, 11 , 182,
n , 237, n.
Threshold, 103, n.
Throne, 23, 28, 54, 58 ff ;
124, n , (Solomon's),
189, 11. ; 258, n.
"Tmones," 12, 307.
Thrudgelmir, 171.
Thummmi, 51.
Thunimosis, 87, n
Tiamat, 6, 8 f, 51, 63,
146, 148, 153, 193.
Tibjuenes, 281.
Tiber, 143
Tiglath Pileser I , 280 f.,
195, "
Tiglath Pilesex III. (Pul),
214, n
Tigris, 105
Timaos, 86, n
Tiras, 282
Tirhakah, 286 ; 226, u.
Tishpak (Nmib), 152
Tishn, 33, 46
Tishnt, month, 22 1
Tishtrya, 162 ff.
Tisiten, 87 f , u.
Titans, 157, 310
Tobias, 284, u
Togomah, 282 f.
Tuhu, 174, 176.
Toledoth, 242.
Tonalamatl, 6S U , I36 1 ,
Tonsure, 236, u.
Tower of stages, 16, 57,
84, 150*, 164', 203, 262,
304, 307 ff.
Tower -building, 136, 241,
303 ff
Tradition (secret), 84 1 .
Trance (Ezekiel's), 286, ii,
Transmigration, 244.
Trees, 24, 207 ff,, 229,
236514,11.; 26,11 ; (of
knowledge tree of
death), 266
Triad, 8, 13 f., 26, 51, 63,
79, 85 f,, 89, 101 f., 108
f., 117, 162,
Troy, 40, 11
Tsarpamt, 95.
Tsarpitanu, 96.
Tubal Cam, 239, 280.
Tubai (Tabal), 280, f.
Tubkati, Tubukati, 16, 57.
TukulU-Nimb I., 198, n.
Tushratta, 297
Twelfth Night, 94"
Twelve, we Numbers, 55 ;
42 ff , n , 161, u
Type, cosmic, 307
Typhon, 235 ; 94, n
Tyr, 163, n.
Tyre, 199, u
Tyrihenus, 169
Tyiseni, 282
Uddushti-namn, 2go 3 .
Ulai, 2i9 ;]
urn, 133.
Underworld, 9, 15, 40, 88,
121, 126, 133, 137",
138 f., 140, 51, u.;
184, iu; 256, u. ; 263,
11., (myths), 120 >J ,
(*= Egypt), 158; (Per-
sian), 164; (Japan), 168,
(gates of), 273, u. ; (song
of), 222, u. , 270, n. ;
295 n. J 303> -
Universe, 8, 26, ^4, 63,
349
Upper- and Uncles wot Id,
210531,11.; 51,11.; 137,
ii. , 171, u. ; 254, H. ;
291,11.
Upwaids (direction), 26 2 .
Ur, tor, 113; 6f, u.
Uradhu, 276
Urakshatara, 278.
Uranus, 65.
Utfa, 6< { , ii,
Uriel, 285*, ii.
Uiim and Thummim, 51,
208; 136, ii.
Urtu, 115.
Uruk, 123.
Unisalem (Jerusalem), 337 ;
27, n.
Ushas, 166.
Utnapishtim, 206, 238 f,,
247, 253, 263 f., 271.
Utu, 115,
Valerius, 6o l .
Valkyne, 133,
Varuna, 160.
Veda, 256.
Veil, tee Motifs.
Vendidad, 356.
Vengeance, 167, ii,
Venus, 12, 18, 21, 76, 86,
119, 128; (planet), 68 u j
(bearded), 123,
INDEX
Vestals, 91, u.; 93, n. ;
Winds, 156
Yggdrasil, 172; see Tree
, 95, ".
Wine, 216 , 1 68, u.
of the world
Vine, 209
Wisdom, 7, 47 ff , Ancient-
Yima, 163, 230
Virgin, 267 f., ii.
Oriental, 169.
Yin, 167.
Virgin, Virgo, 60 1 .
Witch, 184 f., 11
Y-kmg, 1 68
Virgo, 119.
Wolf, 81, u.
Ymir, 171.
Vision and ecstasy, 12, 11.
Woman as tempter, 221,
Voluspa saga, H6 1 , 133,
233 , (and seipent), 231 ;
Zagmuk, 91
170.
Vulcan, 28, 52
(mourning), 297, 11. ;
308, n.
Zalbatanu, 18, 27.
Zaiathustra, 161, 230 ,
Word, the, 177, go 1 .
276, n.
Wadd, 114
World, 253.
Zebulon=* Capricorn, 80, ii.
Wall (princes'), 324
Worship (Canaamte), 4.
Zechanah, 310, n
Wanderer = moon, 18, n.
Wotan, 103, u
Zedekiah, 230, ii
War-god, 141
Writer of destinies, 136.
Zemak, 32, 11. ; 278, n. ;
War-goddess, 122 f.
Writing (see Alphabet),
280, n.
Watchers, 156, 164.
287, n. , (of the heavens),
Zend Avesta, see Avesta.
Water, 105 , (primeval),
49
Zerah, 286.
158, 174, 176, (of life),
Z$r AmMti, 10, 47.
214, 2l6 f , 100, n. ;
Xenophon a 299.
Zeus, 74 1 , 130, 147, 157,
257, ii. , (water realm),
Xerxes, 75 , (tomb of), 279,
258, 312 ; 41, 11. 5 53,
8, 45, 70, 144.
Xisuthros, 52, i83 4 , 245,
n. , 94, n.
"Way, The," 146.
252 1 , 262, 267.
Zeus-Belus, sanctuary of,
We, 171.
307
Week, 65, 198 f.
Yahveh, 13 f., n.
Zion= heavenly mountain,
Week-days, 44.
Yang, 167.
122, 11.
Well -Underworld, 13*,
Yang- Yin, 167, 231
Zodiac, 8, 9, 10 ff , 28, 42,
n. ; (wells of Jacob),
Yan|amu, 342, 72 ff., u.
56, 57, 63, 97!, 146*,
44, ii
Yao, 12, 56
162, 179, 307 ; (Jacob's
Wep-wamet, 92
Yarimuta, 73, u.
blessing), 77 ff., u.; ( =
Wessobrunner prayer, 172,
Yasna, 116*.
cycle), 82 1 , 11.
I87 1 .
Ya'u, 14, u.
Zopharsemm (watchers),
Westland, 314 ff.
Ya'u-bi'di, 219, n
I 5 6.
Wife (secondary), 35 f , n
Ya'udi, 220, u.
Zoroaster (Zarathustra),
Wilderness (descit), 117,
Year of the raging serpent,
Si 2 , 77, 161, 163, 230,
n. , 269, ii,
253-
242^244; 276,11.5311,
Will, 171.
Year-god, 121 ; 182, n. ;
ii.
Windows of heaven, 191.
253.il
ZCi, ioo 2 , 102, 183
PRINTED 0V NMJLL AND CO., LTD , EDINBURGH
MAP OF CANAANiixlhe A^VRNAPERIOD
about 1450 B.C.
Drawn by A.Billorbeck
for A Jormias.Da.s Alle Testament iiti Liclitc d.
Alien Orients"
Scale 1 5.00OjQOOu-T- r , -, ^..r-r^EngUhleb
//?<
