©X«D TIMSI
OLD MONMOUTH.
HISTORICAL REMINISCENCES OF
OLD MOETMOUTH COUNTY NEW JERSEY.
Being a series of Historical Sketches relating to Old Monmouth County,
Now Monmouth and Ocean Counties, originally published in
the Monmouth Democrat, Freehold, N. J.
EDWIN SALTER.
Printed at the office of the Monmouth Democrat,
Freehold, N. J.
1874.
.*'♦.
'»,*
.A't
oilmTD a?xiv££3]s;
IN
VI
(f3
t
THE MONMOUTH PATENT.
As tills noted instrument, though famil-
iar to those who have made the early his-
tory of our State a special study, is not
readily accessible to some of our readers,
we copy it lu-re for convenient re'"eren('d
to all interested in the history of Old Mon-
mouth :
"To all whom these jiresents shall ceme:
T Richard Nicolis Esq, Oovernor under his
Royal Highness the Duke of York of all
his Territories in America, send greeting.
•' Whereas there i« a certain tract or par-
cel of land within this government, lying
and being near Sandy Point, upon the
Main ; which said parcel of land hath
been with my consent and approbation
bought by some of the inhabitants of
Giaves«nd upon Long Island of the
Sachems (chief proprietors thereof) who
before me liav«» acknowledged to have re
ceived satisfaction tor the same, to the
end that the said land may be planted,
mauuie'l and inhabited, and for divers
other good causes and consideia lions. 1
have tluHightfit to giv« confirm and grant
and by the>.e pr«sents do give confirm and
grant unto William Glrlding, Samiei,
SiMCER, RiCIIARU GrlHBONS,/ RiCHARD SxOfT,
.1 AMES GrOVER, JOIIV BowX, .loUN TlLTON,
NaTHAMEI. SVl.VESTER, Wl!,I,IA.\I ReaI'E,
Walter Clarke, Nicholas Davis, Obadiah
Holmes, patentees, and their associates,
thpir heirs, successors and assigns, all that
tract and part of the main land, beginning
at a certain place commonly called or
known by the name of Sandy Point and so
running along the bay West North West, till
it comes to the mouth of the Raritan
River, from thence going alon^ the said
river to th# wt-stermostpart of the certain
marsh land, which divides the river into
two parts, and from that part to run
in a direct Southwest line into the woods
twelve miles, and thence to turn away
south east and by south, until it falls into
the main ocean; together with all lands,
soils, rivers, creeks, harbors, mines, min-
erals (Rejal mines e:xcepted) quarries,
woods, meadows, pastures marshes, wat-
ers, lakes, fishings, hawkings, huntings
and fowling, and all other profits, commo-
dities and hereditaments to the said lands
and premises belonging and appertaining,
with their and every of their appurtenances
and ofevery part and parcel thereof, to have
axd to hold all and singular the said lands,
hereditaments and premises with their
and every of their appurtenances herebv
given and granted, or herein before men-
tioned to be given and granted to the only
proper use and behoof of the said paten-
tees and their associates, their heirs
successors and assigns forever, upon
such ternts and conditions as here-
after are expressed, that is to say,
OLD TfMKS TX OLD MONMorTif.
that the said patentees and their as-
sociates, their heirs or assigns slmll within
the space of three years, beginning from
the day of tlie date hereof, manure and
plant the aforesaid land and premises and
settle there one. hundred families at the
least; in consideration whereof I do
promise and grant that the said patentees
and their associates, their heirs, succt-ssors
and assigns, shall enjoy the said land and
premises, with their a[)i)urtenanees, for the
term of seven years next to come .iftor the
date of these presents, free from payment
of any rents, customs, excise, tax or lery
' whatsoever. But after the expiration of tlie
said term of seven years, the persons wlio
shall be in possession thereof, shall pay
after, the same rate which others witliin
this his Royal Highness' territories shall be
obliged unto. And the said patentees and
their associates, their heiis successors and
assigns sliall have free leave and liberty to
erect and budd tlieir towns and villages in
such places, as they in their discretionsshall
think most convenient, provided that they
associate themselves, and that the hjuses
of their towns and villages be not too far
distant and scattering one from another;
and also that they make such fortifica-
tions for their defence against an enemy
as may be needful.
'' And I do likewise grant unto the said
patentees and their associates, their heirs
successors and assigns, and unto any and
all other persons, who shall plant and in-
habit in any of the land aforesaid that
they shall have free liberty of conscience,
without any molestation or disturbance
whatsoever in their way of worship.
"And I do further grant unto tlie afore-
said patentees, their heirs, successors and
assigns, that they shall iiav3 liberty to
elect l)y the vote of the major part ol' the
inhabitants, five or seven other persons of
the ablest and discreetest of the said in-
habitants, or a greater number of them ( if
the patentees, their heirs, successors or as-
signs shall s«e cause ) to join with them,
and they together, oi- the major part of
them, shall have full power and authority,
to makesuch peculiar and ))rudentiul laws
and constitutions amongst tlie inhabitants
for the belter and more orderly governing
of them, as to them shall seem meet ; pro-
vi(h^d they be not rej)ugnant to the public
•aws of tlie government; and they shall
also have liberty to try all causes and ac
tions of debts and trespasses arising
amongst themselves to the valu« of /.en
pnuyirf.'i. without apnea], but tlipy mny I'c-
rait the hearing of all criminal matters to
the assizes of New York.
'•And furthermore 1 do pi'oinise and
grant unto the said patentees and, their
associates aforementioned their hfirs, suc-
cessors and assigns that tliey shall in all
things have equal privileges, freedom and
immunitit^s with any of his majesty's sub-
jects within this government, these paten
tees and tlu-ir associates, tlieir heirs, suc-
cessors and assigns rendering and paying
such dutii's and acknovrledgments ;is now
ar^, or hereafter shall be constituted and
established f)y the laws of this government,
under obedience of his iioyal Highnoss. his
heiri! iind success irs, provided they do ni>
way enfringe tlie jjrivileges above specified.
"Given under my hand and seal at Fort
James in New York in Manhattan Island
the 8th day of April, in the 17th year of
the reign of our sovereign lord Charles
the Second by tlie grace of God, of Eng-
land, Scotlantl, France and Ireland, King,
Defender of the Faith &c., and in the
year of our Lord dad 106.").
Richard Nicolls.
^'Entered in the o/'/ice of record in New York,
the day and year above written.
M.\TTiiiAs NicoM.s, Secretary.'"
About seven years after the date of the
above instrument, the following confirma-
tions to portions of it were agreed 'o by
Governor Cartertt and Council:
Nkw Jersev May liSth 1672.
rjpon the addres.s of James Grover, John
Bowne, Richard Hartshorne, Jonathan
Flolmes, patentees, and James Ashon and
John Hanse, a.%sociates, imj^owerea by 'the
patentees and a-ssociates of the towns of
Middlctown and Shrewsbuiy, unto the
Governor and Council for confirmation of
certain jirivileges granted unto them by
Colonel Richard Nicolls, as by patent un-
der his hand and seal bearing date the SUi
(Uiy of April Anno Domini (3ne thousand
si.v hundred sixty five, th" Governor and
Council do confirm unto thes:ud patentees
and associates, these particulars tollowing,
being their rights, contained in the afore
said patent, viz :
Imprimis: That the said patentees and
associates have full power, license and au-
thority to dispose of the said lands ex-
pressed in the said patent, as to them shall
seem meet.
11. That no ministerial power or cler-
gyman shall he imposed on among the in-
habitants of the said laiul. so as to enforce
any that are contrary mindi'il to (•(nitribtile
to their nnuntenance.
OLD TJMKS [.V OLD MONMOUTH.
ill. That all realises whatsoever ( crimi-
nals excepted ) sh-rfll first have a liearing
wiiiiin their cu^nizance, arxl that no ap-
jieals unto higher eourts where sentence
has been passed amongst them under tiie
value of ten pounds be admitted.
JV. That all crirninnls ,ind appeals
above the value of ten pounds, which are
to be referred unto the afore.'said iiighei'
courts, shall receive th«ir fletin-minalion
upon appeals to his Majesty, iioi to be
hindered.
' V. That for all eomniission officers
both civil and militaiy, the iiateutees, as
sociates and Freeholders, hav« liljerty to
present two for each office to the Governor
when they shall think fit, one of which the
(iovf-rnor is to (kimrimt^ionule to execute the
said office, and that they have liberty to
make peculiar prudential laws and consti-
tuti(tns amongst themselves according to
the tenor of the said patent.
Pii. Carteret.
.Tolm Kenney, Lordue Andress, 8amuel
Kdsall, Jolin Pike, John Biahop, Council.
The causes which induced the following
veiy material modification in the grants
;iu<l privileges to the Monmouth patentees
and their associates will be referred to
hereafter.
"Directions, instructions and ord"rs made
by the late L )rds Proprietors of the prov
ince of East New Jersey, to be observed by
the Governor, Council and inhabit.nls of
the said province, bearing date the 31st
day of July, Anno Domini, 1674, amonjjst
which there is as followeth, viz: as to in-
habitants of Nevisinks, considering tbeir
failhfulne.ss to thf Lords Pro[)rietors that
upon their petition, their tovrnshij) shall
be surveyed and shall be incorporated, and
to have equal privileges with other the
inhabitants of the Province, and that such
of them who were the pretemled patentees
and laid out money in purchasing 1 md
from the Indians, i^hall have in considera-
tion thereof five hundred acres of land to
each of tliem to be alloted by the Gov«r
nor and Council, in such places that it may
not 1)6 prejudicial to the rest of the inhab-
itants, and because there is much barren
land, after s n-vev taken, the Governor and
Council may give t'lem allowance."
OLD MONMOU'i'H DESCRIBED BY AN
ANCIENT WRITEIl.
.MlIJI)l,ET0W\, SlIRKH-SIil-RY AND I'RERHOI.D
I.N' 1708. — New Jersev a Paraui.«;e.
We copy the following from the cele-
brated but quite rare work ofOldmixon,
published in 1708. The Capitals, orthog-
raphy and italics are aI>out as in the origi-
nal.
After dosciibing Midillesex county, he
says : "We cross over the river fi'om Mid-
ddlesex into
Monmouth County ; Where we first meet
with Middleton a pretty Good Town con-
sisting of 100 Families and 30,000 Acres of
Ground on what they call here Out Plan-
tations. 'Tis about 10 or 12 miles over
Land, to the Northward of Shrewsbury
and 20 miles to the .Southward of Piscat-
tavvay. Not far off, theShoar winds itself
about like a TTook and being ?andy gives
N«me to all the Bay.
Shrewshury IS i\\e mo.st Southern Town of
the Province and reckon'd the chief Town
-of the Shire. It contains about IGO Fami
lies and 30.000 Acres of OmC Plantations,
belonging to its Division. 'Tis situated on
the Side of a fresh Water Stream, thence
Cidled Shrewsbury River, not far from
its Mouth. Between this Town and Mid-
dleton is an Iron Work but we flo not un-
derstand it has been any great Benefit to
the Proprietors. Col. Morris is building a
Church at the Falls. There's a new town
in the County called
Freehold, which has notbeenlaid outand
inhabited lo.,g. It does not contain as yet
abWvw 40 Families and as to its Om/! Planta-
tions we suppose they are much the ."iame
in nnmbei- with the rest and may count it
about .30,000 acres.
We have not <Iivided the counties into
Parishes and that for a good reason, there
l)eing none, nor indeed a Church in the
whole Province worth that Name. But
there are several Congrejrations of Church
of Kuf/land men as at Shrewsbury, Amhoy,
Elizabeth Town and Freehotd whose Minis-
ter is Mr. John Beak ; his Income is 6.51. a
year ; and a Church is building at Salem.
In another place Oldmixon in speaking
of the first settlers of New Jersey says :
" We must note that most of the first
English Inhabitants in this country (East
OLD TIMES I^^ OLD MONMOUTH.
and West Jersey) were Dessenters, and
most of them Quakers an<l Anabaptists.
These people are generally industrious ;
Be their Ifypocrisy to th«mselves it" they
are Hypocrites; but we must do them the
.Justice to own tliat they are the fittest to
inhabit a n«w discovered Country, as po- {
scssinji Industry, and shunning those pub- ,
lick Vices which beget Idleness an<l Want.
Their enemies drove great numbers of
th«m out of England, and the Jerseys had
their share of them. The People here are
for this l\eason Dissenters to this Day.
their being but two Church of England
Ministers in both Provinces ; and this
may be one reason why there are no
Parish Churches, which the Inhabitants
may be afraid to build, least it might be a
temjitation for more Orthodox Divines to
come among them.
"A gentleman asking one of theProprie-
taries ' If there were no Lawyers in the Jer-
seys^ ' Was answered ' No.'' And then
' If there were no Physicians f The Propri-
etor replied 'iVo' '■ Nor Parsdnaf adds
the Gentleman. ' No,' says the Proprie-
tor. Upon which the other crv'd ' What
a huppy placf ymist tJiis be and how loorthy the
name of Paradice !'' We do not perhaps
differ more from this gentleman than we'
agree with him."
Oldmixon derived his information of
New Jersey from two of the Proi)rietors
as will be seen by the following extract
from his preface :
" Mr Dockwra and Dr Cox were both so
kind as to inform him fully of the Jeiisevs
and Mr. Pen did him the same Favor for
Pennsylvania ; these three Gentlemen do-
ing him the Honor to admit him into
their Friendship."
OLD MONMOUTH UNDER THE
DUTCH.
Governor Parker, in his valuable address
before the New Jersey Historical Society,
produced the old town book of Middle-
town township, which gives the history of
this .section of East Jersey from 1667, to
1702. After tlie Dutch conqicest in 1673, it
was stated that little or nothing is recorded
in the town book during Ihoir biiof rule of
less than a year.
Your readers may remember tiiat the
Dutch had the sui)remacy in New York
and New Jorsev until 1664. when tlio
English conquered the Dutch. In 1673,
a war having agnin broken out between
England and Holland, a small Dutch
squadron was sent over and arrived at
Staten Island, July 30th. Captain Man
ning, the English officer temjiorarily in
command at New York, surrendered at
once without any effort to defend the
place and the Dutch again resumed sway
over New York, New Jersey and settle-
ments along the Delaware. They retained
it however only a few months, as by a
treaty made in February following, these
places were ceded back to England,
though the English appear not to have
taken formal possession until November
following. During this short time while
the Dutch were again in authority, em-
bracing the time that Governor Parker says
the Middletown township book records
but little or nothing, the following items
relating to Old Monmouth, are found
among the official records of the Dutch at
New York. The first is an order issued
shortly after their arrival ; the orthography
is given as we find it :
" The inhabitants of Middletovrn and
Shrewsbury, are hereby charged and re-
quired to senxl their deputies unto us on
Tuestlay morning next, for to tnat with us
upon articles of surrendering their said
towns under the obedience of their High
and Mighty Lords, the States General of
tlie saitl United Provinces, and his serene
Highness, the Prince of Orange, or by re-
fusall we shall be necetsitated to subdue
the placos thereunto by force of arms.
" Dated at New Orange this 12th day of
August. A. D. 1673.
"CORNELIS EVERTSF, Ir"
" J AC015 BeNCKES."
In compliance with the above order,
deputies from Shreivsbury. Middletown
and other places in East Jt-rsey, apjieareil
in court on tht» ISth of August, and upon
their verbal request the same privileges
were granted to them as to Dutch citizens.
" August 19th 1673. Mi<ldletown, Shrews-
bury and otiier towns in Achter Cod. to
name two deputies Ciich, who shall nunii-
nate three persons for .Schout and three
for Secretarys, ou» of whice said nominat-
ed per-ons l)y us shall be elected fur fach
town, three migestrates and for ilie six
towns, one .Schout, and une Secretary.
".lACor. Bknckes."
''CORN'EI.IS EVF.KTSE, Jr."
Achter Coll above mentioned, is said to
mean " beyond the hills," that is, beyond
Bergen Hiils. The [)utrl! in New York it
OLD TIMES IN OLD MOl^; MOUTH.
is stated sometimes called Old Monmouth
and other parts of East Jersey, beyond
Bergen Hills, by this name.
" August 23d, 1673. Middletown and
Shrewsbury, reported that they had nomi-
nated double the number of magistrates.
"August 24th, from the nominations
made by the inhabitants, the following
were selected and sworn, viz :
"John Hanoe (Hance?), Eliakim War-
del, Hugh Dyckman.
" Sept. 6th, 1673. Captain Knyff and
Captain Snell were sent to administer the
oath of allegiance to the citizens of the
various towns in East .Jersey to tlie
Dutch.
•' 14th of 7 ber, Captain KnyfF and Li«ut.
Snell having returned yesterday from
Aghter Coll, report that, pursuant to their
commission, they have administered the
oath of allegiance in the form herein before
set forth, under date of to the inhabi-
tants of the undersigned towns, who are
found to number as in the lists delivered
to Council.
" Elizabethtown 80 men ; 76 took o.ath, rest absent.
Newark 86 " 75 " "
Woodbridge 54'" , 53 "
Piscataway 43 " 43 " "
Middletowu 60 " 52 •' , "
Shrewsbury 68 " 38 '• 18 Quaker)'
promised allegiance, the rest absent."
The following officers of the militia,
elected, were sworn in by Captain Knylf
and Lieut. Snell, by order of the Council
of War, viz :
Middletown, Jonathan Hulmes. Cap-
tain ; Jolin Smith, Lieutenant ; Thomas
Whitlock, Ensign.
Shrewsbury, William Newman, Cajitain,
John Williamson, Lieutenant ; Nicies
Brown, Ensign.
''29th, 7 ber, 1673, Notice is this day sent
to the Magistrates of the towns, situated
at the Nevesin^s, near the sea coast,
which tiiey are ordered to publish to their
inhabitants, that on the first arrival of any
ship from sea, they shall give the Governor
the earliest possible information thereof.
"Sept. 7th, 1673, Whereas, the late chosen
Magistrates of Shoursbury, are found to be
Persons whoes religion Will NotiSufter them
to take on any oath, or administer the
same to others, whereof th«>y Can Not be
tit Persons for tliiit office, I have therefore
though fit to order that by ye sd inhabi-
tants of ye sd towne a New Nomination,
shall be made of four persons of true Pro-
testant Christian religion, oiit of which I
shall Elect two, and Continue one of ye
former for Magestrates off ye sd towne."
" Dated att ffort William hendrick, this
29th, 7 ber, 1673. A. Colve."
The date 7th ber, in the above extracts,
means September, and the persons in
Shoursbury [Shrewsbury] who could not
take the oath were Quakers.)
"March 8th, 1674, In council At fort Wil-
liam Hendrick :
" Read and considered the petition ot
Bartholomew Appelgadt, Thomas Appel-
gadt and Richard Saddler, requesting in
substance that they be allowed to purcliase
from the Indians, a tract of land, situated
about two lea!*nes on this side of Middle-
town, near the Nevesings, fit for settlement
of 6 or 8 families &c. Wherefore it was
ordered :
"The Petitionees request is allowed anil
granted on condition, that after the land
be purchased, they take out patents in
form for it and actually settle it within
the space of two years,' after having effect-
ed the purchase, on pain of forfeiture.
"April 18th, 1674, John Bound (Bowne?),
and Richard Hartshoorne, residing at
Middletown, both for themselves and
partners give notice that the land granted
to Bartholomew Applegadt, Tho. Apple-
gadt and Richard Sadler, in their petition
is included in tueir, the Petitioners patent,
requesting therefore that the said land
may be again denied to said Appelgadt.
" Ordered, That the petitioners shall
within six weeks fr®m this date, prove,
that the said land is inclu<led within their
patent, when further order shall be made
in the premises.
" April 19th, 1674, A certain proclama-
tion being delivered into Ueuncil from the
Magestrates of the Toune of Middletoune,
prohibiting all inhabitants from depart-
ing out of said toune, unless they give
bail to retui-n as soon as their business
will have been performed, or they be em-
ployed in public service &c., r^qtiesting
the Governers approval of the same, which
being read and considered, it is resolved
and ordered by the Governer General and
Council, that no inhabitant can be hinder-
ei changing his domicile, within the
Province unless arrested foi' lawful cause ;
however ordered that no one shall depart
from the toune of Middletoune, unless he
previously notifies the Magestrates of his
intention."'
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTIL
RANDOM REMINISCENCES
OF THE
EARLY HISTORY OF 01,1) MuNMuUTll.
The Whites Entering Sandy Hook.
The earli(^st accounts vve have of the
whites being in the vicinity of Monmouth
countv is contained in a letter of John de
Verazzano to Francis 1st, King of France.
Verazzano entered Sandy Hook -p 'he
spring of 1524 in the ship Dolphin. Un
his return to Europe, h« wrote a letter
dated July 8th, 1524, to the King, giving
an account of his voyage from Carolina to
New Foundl^nd. From this letter is ex-
tracted the following :
"After proceeding a hundred leagues,
we found a very pleasaUt situation among
some steep hills, tlirough which a very
large river, deep at its mouth, forces its
way to the sea; from the sea to the estua-
ry of the river any ship heavily laden
might pass with the helj^ of the tide, which
rises eight feet. But as we were riding at
good berth we would not ventuie up in
our vessel without a knowledge of its
mouth; therefore we took a b(iat, and en-
tering the river we found the country on
its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not
differing much from the others, being
drei^sed out with featliers of birds of vari
ous colors. They caite towards us with
evident delight, raising loud shouts of ad
mira'ion and showing us where we could
most securely land with our boat. We
passed up this river about half a league
when we found it formed a ra(»st beautiful
lake thrc'! leagues in circuit, upon which
they were rowing thirty or more of their
small l)oat« fr'^m one shore to the otner,
filled with multitudes who came to see us.
• All of a sudden, as is wont to hit|)p?n in
navigation, a violent contrary wind blew
in from th;- sea and forced us to return to
our ship, greatlv regretting to leave this
region which seemed so commodious an<l
delightful, and which we i»upp«>sed must
ahso contain great riches, as the hills show-
ed many indication? of minerals.'
fli.^torians generally concede that the
furpgoiui; is the first notice we have of the
whitfs entering Sandy Hook, visiting the
harbor of New Y rk or ln'ing in the vicin-
ity of ohl Monmouth.
ARRIVAL OF .SIR HENRY HUDSON.
In the year 1609, Sir Henry Hudson
vi-sited our coast in the yacht or ship Half
Moon, a vessel of about eighty tons bur-
then. About the last of August he enter-
ed the Delaware Bay, but finding th« nav-
igation dangerous he soon "left without
going ashote. After getiing out to sea ho
stood northeastwardly and after awhile
liauled in, atjd mads the land probably
not tar distant from Great Egg Harbor. —
T.'e journal or log book of this vessel was
kept by the mate, Alfred Juet. nnd as it
contains the first notices of Monmouth
county by the whites, remarks about the
coun ry, its inhabitants and productions,
first binding, ard other interesting matter,
an extract is herewith given, commencing
with September 2nd. 1609, when the Halt
Moon made land near Egg Harbor. The
same day, it will be seer, the ship passed
Barnegat Iiilel, and at nijiht anchored
near the beach within sight of the High-
lands.
Their first impres-^^ion of old Monmouth,
it will lie seen, was ^' that it is a very gnnd
land to full in with, and a pleasant land to i'e'cy"
an opinion which in the minds of our peo-
ple at the present day show thai good
sense and correr t judgment were not lack-^
ing in Sir llen'v Hudson and his fellow-
voyagers !
Extract from the Li-g-Bork of the Half Moon.
Sept. 2nd, 1609. — When the sun arose
we steered nor h again and saw land from
the west by north lo the northwest, all
alike, broken islands, and our soundings
were eleven fathoms and ten fathoms. —
T"ie course along the land we found to be
north east. l)v norili. From tiie land wjiich
we fiist had sight of until we came to si
great ^ake of waier, as vve could judge it
to be, {Barnegat Bay,) being drowned land
which mude il rise, Ike island'^, which was
in length tvn lengues. The m aith of the
lake [Ba ncgat Inlet) had mapy sh->als, and
the sea breaks upon them as il is cast out
of the mouMi of it. And f'om ihnl lHk<'
or bay the land lies north by e>;st, and vve
had a great stream out of the bay ; and
from t^^enc- our sounilings ^-as t<;.i fatii-
oms two leagues fVom land, .^t five o'clock
we anchored, being light wind, and rode
'in eight fathoms water ; the night wasfnir.
This night 1 found the land to haul the
com])ass eight degrees. Far to the north-
ward of lis we saw high hilLs (Highland f) ;
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
for the day befoio we found not above two
degrees of variation.
This is a very good land to fall in uiili,
and a pleasant land to see.
Sept. 3d — The morning misty until ten
o'clock ; then it cleared and the wind
came to the south southeast, so we weigh-
ed and stoo'd northward. 'I'he land is very
pleasant and high and bold to fall withal.
At three o'clock in the afternoon we cuine
to tin ee great rivers \ Narrows., Bockaway
Inlet and the Bariian ); so we stood along
the northward [Rockaway Inlet,) thintiing
to have gone in, but we I'ound it to have a
very sho'-il bar before it for we had but ten
feet water. Then we cast about to the
souihward and found two fathoms, thre*
fathoms and three and a quarter, till we
came to the so'iihein sideof theni; then
we had five and six fathoms and returned
in an hour and a half. 80 we . weighed
and \yenl in and rode in five fathoms, ooze
ground, and saw many salmons and mul-
lets and ra\K ve y iri-eat. The hei^jht is
40° 30^ {Latitude.)
First Landing tif the Whites in Old Monmouth.
Sept. 4th. — In the morning as soon as
the day was liglit, we saw that it was good
ri'iing farther up; so we .«<ent our boat to
sound, and foui.d that it was a very good
Ir-irbor and four or five fathoms, two cable
lengths from the shore. Then we weighed
and went in with our shij). Then our boui
went on land with our net to fish, and
caught ten gr«'at mullers of a foot and a
h:df long, a pla.ioe and a ray as great as
four men could liaul into the ship. 80 we
ti'inimed < ui' bo it and rode still all day. —
At night the wind ble-w hard ai the nortii-
west, and our anclior came home, and we
drove on sliore, but took no hurt, and
thank God, foi- the ground iss'iftsand and
ooze. 'I'liis day the people of tlie country
came aboard of us and seemed very glad
of our coming, and brought gre<-'n tobacco
leaves and gave us of it for knives and
beads. They go in deer skins, loose and
well dressed. They have yellow copper.
They desire clothes and are very civi! —
Ttiey have a, great store of maize or Indian
wheat, whereof 'hey make good bread. —
The country is full of great and tall o»ks.
Sept. .5ih. — In the morning, as soon as
the day was light, tlie wind ceased and the
■flo.^d came, "^o we heaved off the shij:)
again into five fathoms .'uid sent our boat
to sound the bay, and we found that there
was three fathoms hard by the southern
shore. Our men went on land then and
saw a great store of men, women and chil-
dren, who gave them tobacco at their com-
ing on lai d. So they went up into the
woods and saw a great store of very goodly
oaks and some curraVits, ( prohahly huckle-
berries). For one of them came on board
antl brought some dried, and gave me some,
which were sweet and good. This day
many of the people came on board, some
in mantles of feathers, and some in skins of
divers sorls of good fur.s. Some women
also came with hemp. 'They had red coi>
per tobacco pipes, and other things of cop-
per they did wear about their necks. At
night they went on land again, so we rode
very quiet but durst not trust them.
TIte First White Man Killed.
Sunday, Sept. 6th.— In the morning was
fair weather, and our master sent John
Colman, with four other men, in uur boat
over to the North side to sound the other
river ( AWj-om-'s ), being four leagues from
us. They found by the way shoal water,
being two ;athonis ; but at the north of
the river, eighteen and twenty fathoms,
and very good riding for ships, and a very
narrow river to the westward between two
islnnds ^ Staten Islaiul and Bergen Point.) —
T.ie land they told us, was as pleasant with
grass and flowers anil goodly trees as ever
they iiad seen, and here very sweet smells
came from them. So they went in two
leagues and saw an open sea ( Neivark Bag),
and returned, and as they came back they
♦vere set upon by two canoes, the one hav-
ing twelve men and the other fourteen
men. The night cume on and if began to
rain, so that their match went out; and
they had one man slain in the fight, which
was an EngMshman named John Colman.
with an arrow shot in his throat, and two
more hurt. It grew so dark that they
could not find the ship that night, but la-
bored ^o and fro on their oars. They had
so great a strain that their grapnel would
not liold them.
Sept. 7th. — Was fair, and by ten o'clock
they returned aboard the ship and brought,
our dead m-^n with them, whom we carried
on land and buried and named the point
after liis name, C'olman's Point Then we
hois' ed in oitr boat and raised her side
with Waist boards, for defence of our men.
So we rode still all night, having good re-
gard for our watch.
Sept. 8th. — Was very fair weather; we
rode still ver\ quietly. The people came
aboard of us and brought tobacco and In-
dian wheat, to exchange for knives and
beads and offered us no violence. So we
fitting up our boat did mark them to see
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
if they would make any show of the death
of our man, which they did not.'
Sept. 9th. — Fair weather. In the morn-
ing two great canoes came aboard full of
men ; the one with their bows and arrows,
and the other in show of buying knives, to
betray us; but we perceived their intent.
We took two of them to have kept them,
and put red coats on them, and would not
suffer the others to come near us. So they
went on land and iwo ■others came aboard
in a canoe ; we took tne one and let the
other go : but he which we had taken got
up and leaped overboard. Then we weigh-
ed and went off nito the chanriftl of the
river and aLchored there all night.
The foregoing is all of the log-book of
Juet that relates to Monmouth county. —
The next morning the Half Moon proceed-
ed up the North River, and on her return
passed out to sea without stopping.
In the extract given above, the words in
italics are not of course in the original,
but are underscored as explanatory
THE COMING OF THE WHITE MAN.
What the Indians thought of the Whites
and their ships. — The Natives Astonish-
ed. — The Man in Red and the Red Man.
— Fire Water and its F'irst Indian Vic-
tim.— The First In<lians Drunk, &c.
Af er Sir Henry Hudson's departure
from til* shores of Monmouth he j)ioceed-
ed towards Manhattan Island and thence
up the river now bearing his name. The
following traditionary account, the coming
of the Whites according to Heckwelder.
was handed down among both Delaware
and Iroquois Indians. It is not often we
meet in fact or fiction a more interesting
story than 'his plain, simple Indian tradi-
tion. After explaining that ihe Indian
chief:^ of old Monmouth County, notifiea
the chiefs on York or Manhattan Island,
and that the cniefs of the surrounding
country finally gathered at tlie last named
place to give a I'ormal reception, the tradi-
tion says :
A long time ago oetore men with a white
skin had ever been seen, some Indians
fishing iit a place wh>-re the sea widens,
espied something at a distance moving
upon the water. They hurried ashore,
colle(!led their neighbors, who togetlier
returned and viewed intently this aston-
ishing phenomenon. What it could be
baflHed conjecture. Some supposed it to
be a large fish or other animal, others that
it was a large house floating upon the se-\.
Perceiving it moving towards the land, the
spectators concluded that it would be
proper to send runners in different direc-
tions t* carry the news to their scattered
chiefs, that ihey might send off for the im-
mediate attendance of their wariiors. —
These arrived in numbers to beiiold the
sight, and perceivinti that it was actually
moving towards them, that it was coming
into the river or bay, ttiey conjectured
that It must be a remarkably large house
in which the ManiU& or Great Spirit was
coming to visit them. They were much
al'raid and yet under no apprehen?ion that
the Great Spirit would injure them. They
worshipped him. The chiefs now assem-
bled at New York Island and consulted in
what rrumuei' they should receive their
Manitto; meat was prepared (or a sncri
lice. The women were directed to prepare
their best victtials. Idols or images were
examined and put in order. A grand
dan.-e they thought would be pleasing,
and in addition to the sacrifice might ap-
pease him if hungry. The conjuror.s were
also set t'M work to determine what this
phenomenon portended and what the result
would be. To tlie conjurors, men, women
and children looked lor protection. Ut-
terly at a loss what to do, and distracted
alternately between hope and ftar, in the
confusion a grand dance commerced. —
Meantime fresh runners arrived, declaring
it to be a great house of various colors and
'uU of living creatures. It now appeared
tliat It was their Manitto, probably bring-
ing some new kind of game. Others ar-
riving df-chired ii positively full of people
of different color and dress from theirs,
ami that one appeared altogether in red.
( This was sujiposed to be Sir Henry Hud-
son.) This then must be the Manitto. —
They were lost in admiration, could not
imagine what the vessel was, whence it
came, or what all tliis portended. They
are now hailed from the vessel in a Ian
guage they could not understand. They
answered by a shout or yell in their way.
The house or large canoe as some call it,
stojas. A smaller cai1>oe comes on shore
with the red man in it; some stay by the
canoe to guard it. The thief and wise
men form a circb into which the red man
and two attendants enter. He salutes
them with friendly countenance, and they
return the salute nfier their manner. —
They are amazed at their color and dress,
()ldtimp:s in old monmoutii.
paiticuhu'ly with him, who glitteiing in
I'ed wore Bomething, perhaps lace and but-
tons, they could not comprehend. He
must be the great Manittu, they thought,
but why should he have a white skin ?
A large elegant Hockhack ( gourd, i. e.
l)ot(le, decanter, &c.,) is brought by one of
the supposed Manitlo's servants, from
which a substance is placed into smaller
cups or glasses and handed to tlie Manitto.
Me drinks, lias the irlasses refilled and
handed to the chief near him. He takes
it, smells it, and passes it to the next, who
does the same. The glass in this manner
is p.Tssed around the ciiMe and is about to
be returned to the red clothes man, when
one of the Indians, a great warrior, har-
angues them on ihe impropriety of return-
ing the cup unemptied. It was handed
to them, he said, by the Manitto, to drink
out of as he had. To follow his example
would please him — to reject might provoke
his wrath; and if no one else would he
would drink it himself, let what would fol-
low, for it were better tor one man to die,
than a whole nation to be destroyed. He
then took the glass, smelled it, again ad-
dressed them, bidding adieu, and drank
its contents. All eyes are now fixed upon
tlie first Indian in New York, who had
"tasted the poison, which has since effected
so signal a revolution in the condition of the
native Americans He soon began to stag-
ger. Thfl women cried, supposing him in
fits. He rolled on the ground ; they be-
moan his f-ile ; they thought him dying;
he fell asleep ; they at first thought he had
expired, but soon perceived he still breath-
ed ; he awoke, jumped up, and <leclared
he never felt more liappy. He asked for
more, and the whole assemljly imitating
him became intoxicated. While this m-
toxication lasted, the whites confaned
themselves to their vessels ; after it ceased,
the man with the red clothes returned
and distributed beads, axes, hoes and
stockings. They soon became familiar,
and conversed by sii/ns. The whites made
them understand that they would now
return home, but the next year they
would visit them again with presents, and
stay with them awhile; but as that they
could not live without eating, they should
then want a little land to sow seeds, in
order to raise herbs to put in their broth.
Accordingly a vessel arrived the season
following, when they were much rejoiced
to see each other; but the whites laughed
when they saw axes and hoes hanging as
ornaments to their breasts, and the stock-
ings used as tobacco pouches. The whites
now put handles in the axes and hoes and
cut down trees before their eyes, dug the
ground, and showed them the use of stock-
ings. Here, say the Indians, a general
laugh ensued — to think they had remain-
ed ignorant of the use of these things, and
had borne so long such heavy metals sus-
pended around tlieir necks. Familiarity
daily increasing between them and the
whites — the latter prepared to stay with
them — asking them only for so much land
as the hide of a bullock spread before them
would cover; they granted the, request. —
The whites then took a knife, and, begin-
ning at a plane on the hide, cut it up into
a rope not thicker than the finger of a lit-
tle child. They then took the rope and
drew it gently along in a circular form,
and took in a large piece of ground ; the
Indians were surprised at their superior
wit, but they did not contend with them
for a little ground, as they had enough. —
They lived contentedly together for a long
time, but the new comers from time to
time asked for more land, which was read-
ily obtained, and thus gradually proceeded
higher up the Makicannittuck [Hudson River),
lantil they began to believe they would
want all their country, which proved
eventually to be the case.
The name which the Indians first gave
to the whites was Woapsiel Lennape, which
signified white people. But in process of
time, when disagreeable events occurred
between them, the Indians laid aside this
name and called Lhem Sckwonnack — the
salt people — because they came across the
salt water ; and this name was always after
apjilied to the whites.
The foregoing traditions are said to have
been handed down among both Delaware
and Iroquois. It has also been said that
th^ Indian name for the Island upon which
New York is situated ( Manhattan ) is de-
rived from a word signifying '• the place
where we all got drunk together." Home
New York writers take umbrage in this
statement, and say the drunken scene oc-
curred up the river ; but the exact place
where it occurred is immaterial. Perhaps '
some may think the city has since that
time fairly earned that name ! Ancient
writers testify that the first Indians who
drank liquor generally became intoxicated
by one drink, by two at most.
The Delawares owned and were spread
over the whole country, from New York
Island to the Potomac. They say they
had a great many towns, among other
10
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
places a number on the Lennapewihittack
or Delaware river, and a great many in
Sheyichbi on that part of the country now
named Jersey. That a place named Chi-
cAoAacJ, now "Trenton, on the Lannape-
wihittuck a large Indian town had been
for many years together, where their great
chief resided. The Delawares say Chick-
ohacki is a place on the east side of the
Delaware river above Pbdadelphia, at or
near a great bend where the white people
have since built a town which they call
Trenton. Their old town was on a high
bluff, which was always tumbling down,
wherefore the town was called Chieho-
hacki, which is lumbling banks, or falling
banks.
When the Europeans first arrived at
York Island'the Great Unami, chief of the :
Turtle tribe, resided southward across a
large stream or where Amboy now is. —
That from this town a very long sand bar
(Sandy Hook) extended far into the sea.
That at Amboy and all the way up and
down their large rivers and bays and on
/?reat islands they had towns when the
Europeans first arrived, and 'that it was
their forefathers who first discovered the
Europeans on their travel, and wlio met
them on York Island after they landed.
SIR HENRY HUDSON'S VISIT 10 OLD
MONMOUTH. ■
A celebrated historian, in speaking of
Hudson's visit to Monmouth County and
vicinity in September, 1609, says :
'* For a vreek Hudson lingered in (he
U:)wer bay, admiring the goodly oaks
wliich garnished the neighboring shores,
and holding frequent intercourse with the
native savaiies of Monmouth, N. J. The
Half Moon visited in return by tiie wan-
dering Indians, who flocked on board the
strange vessel, clothed with niantles of
feathers and robes of furs and adorned
with rude copper necklaces. Meanwhik^.
a boat's crew was sent to sound the river
which opened to the northward. Passing
through the Narrows they found a noble
liarbor with very good riding for ships ; a
little further on they came to the Kills
between Staten Island and Bergen Neck —
a narrow river to the westward between
two islands. Thw lands on both sides
were as pleasant with grass and flowers
and goodly trees as ever they had seen.
and very sweet smells came from them.
Six miles up the river they came' to an
open sea, now known as Newark Bay. In
the evening, as the boat was returning to
the ship, the exploring party was set upon
by two canoes full of savages, and one of
the English sailors, named John Colman.
was killed by an arrow shot into his
throat. The next day Hudson buried,
upon an adjacent beach, the comrade who
had shared the dangers of his polar ad-
ventures, to become the first European
victim to an Indian weapon, in the placid
waters he had now reached. To coru
mem'orate the ev^nt, ■ Sandy Hook was
^ amed Colman's Point. The ship was
soon visited by canoes full of native war-
riors ; but Hudson, suspecting their good
faith, took two savages, put red coats on
them, while the rest were not suffered to
approach.'"
In regard to the place where Colman
was buried, most writers have taken it for
granted that it was Sandy Hook, and one
that it was Coney Island. But mere is
much plausibility in tiie fallowing, from a
paper published many years ago in the
Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical
Society :
" Dr. Strong, in his Histoi-y of Flalbusli.
supposes Colman's Point to be Coney Island^
and t4iat Colman had been corrupted into
Coney, but (in the opinion of the writer of
this paper), it is a point about seven miles
west ofS.»ndy Hook, called by the Indians
Mones-conk. and on Gordon's map called
Point Comfort. Hudson, on the fifihof
September, removed from his anchorage
in the Horse Shoe, not counting it safe to
remain there. A strong northwest wind
had the night previous brought home the
anchor and driven them ashore In the
morning, having got off without injury,
he sent the boat to sound the bay and
found three fathoms hard by the Southern
shore. If, then, he left the Horse Shoe, as
it is probaV)Ie, there is no such roadstead
as that described, with three fathoms hard
by the southern shore, untd we reach the
bay between Point Comfort and Brown's
Point, where the steaKiboatR now land.
The waters and a part of the shore in thi^
vicinity were called by tlie Indians Chin-
garora — pronounced Shingarora — a name
which ought by all means to have distin-
guished the flourishmg village .{idjaeent,
instead of the uncouth name of Keyport."
The paper f'lom which the foregoing ex-
tract was made, was furnished to the N. J.
Historical Society by the Rev. Mr. Mar-
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
11
cellus. well known to the older citizens of
Freehold, who took great interest in all
matters j^iertaining to the early history of
Old Monmouth, and whose decease was
not only regretted by an extensive circle
of person il friends, but by every peison
interested in the early history of our
state, cognizant of hi'' earnest efibrts to
rescue from oblivion the fading records of
the pioneers of Old Monmouth.
In commenting upon Hudson's first
landing, Mr. Marcelius says :
" The firsr interview with Hudson and
his crew presented an interestingspectacle
—a grand subject for a painter. The
Indians had never before seen a ship.
The complexion of the men, their dress,
language and manners, the sails nnd tack-
ling of the ship — the vastness of the vessel
itself — all was wonderful."
The fourth of September, 1609, is a
memorable day in the annals of our state,
as on that day, on the soil of Monmouth,
occurred the first landing ofwhitesin New
Jersey.
'i'vvo days before- this — that is, on Sep-
tember 2nd — Sir Henry Hudson sailed
near the inlet now known as Jiarnegat
Inlet. The loy: book of his ship speaks
of the sea breaking upon its 'shoals, and
from this it derive'* its name. The first
Dutch exjjlorers named it on their chart
'■ Barende-gat," meani^ig " breakers inlet,"
or an inlet with breakers. Barende-gat
was gradually corrupted to Barndegat,
Bardegf't, and finally to Barnegat.
RANDOM REMINISCENCES
OE THE
EARLY HISTORY OP ObD MONMOUTH.
TRAVELLING TWO CENTURjES AGO.
Distinguished Quakers Visit Old Mon-
mouth.
Crossing the State in Ancient Times — Per-
ilous Travelling — Indian Hotels and
Hospitalities — Singular Accident and
Remarkable Recovery— Friends' Meet-
ing, in Middletown and Shrewsbury —
Purgatory in Old Monmouth — Where
was it ? — Novel Life Preservers, &c.
It is dovibtful if any more ancient ac-
counts of travelling across New Jersey can
be found than the following, extracted
from the journals of John Burnyeate and
George Fox, distinguished members of the
Society of Friends ; in company with them
were Robert Withers, George Patison and
others, some of whoHi returned by the
same route a few months afterwards. —
These noted Quaker preachers left Mary-
land in the latter part of February, 1672,
and arrived at New Castle, Delaware,
about the first of March. From thence
Burnyeate gives the following account of
their journey across the State to Middle-
town : .
" We staid there (New Castle) that night,
and the next day we got over the river
(Delaware). When we got over we could
not get an Indian for a guide, and the
Dutchman we had hired would not go
without an Indian, so we were forced to
stay there that day. The next day we
rode about to seek an Indian, but could
get none to go ; but late in the evening
there came some from the other side ol
the town, and we hired one, and so began
our journeying early the next morning to
travel through the country, which is now
called New Jersey ; and we travelled we
supposed nearly forty miles. In the even-
ing we got to a few Indian wigwams, which
are their houses ; we saw no man nor wo
man, house nor dwelling, that day, for
there^welt no English in that country
then.
'' We lodged that night in an Indian
wigwam, and lay upon the ground as the
Indians themselves did, and the next day
we travelled through several of their towns,
and they were kind to use, and helped us
over the creeks with their canoes ; we
made our horses swim at the sides of the
canoes, and so travelled on. Towards
evening we got to an Indian town, and
when we had put our horses out to grass
we went to the Indian King's house, who
received us kindly, and showed us very
civil respect. But alas ! he was so poorly
provided, having got so little that day,
that most of us coi^ld neither get to eat or
drink "in his wigwam ; but it was because
he had it not — so we lay as well as he, up-
on the ground — only a mat under us, and
a piece of wood or any such thing under
our heads. Next morning early we jtook
12
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
horse and trav*llefl through several
Indian towns, and that night we lodged
in the woods ; and the next morning go^
to an English plantation, a town called
Middletown. in East Jersey, where there
was a plantation of English and several
Friends, and we came down with a Friend
to his house near the water-side, and he
carried us over in his boat and our horses
*.o Long Island.'"
Though Burnyeate says " there dw*lt
no English in that country then " it must
hot be inferreoi that the Europeans at this
time had no settlements in* West Jersey.
The settlements there were near the Del-
aware river ; Btirnyeate, Fox and their
companions had to travel inland some dis-
tance from the Delaware so as to be able
the more easily to cross the head of
streams which empty into that river.
These Friends were travelling in great
haste to get to a half yearly meeting at
Oyst«r Bay, L. I., " to settle som» difficul-
ties there, which was the cause of our hard
travelling." Crossing the State then in
three or four days was considered fast
travelling.
GEORGE FOX VISITS MIDDLETOWN
AND SHREW«r,URY.
The following is George Fox's account
of the same journey and also of his return
trip.
" We departed thence from New Castle,
Del., and got over ttie river not without
great danger of some of our lives. <iVhen
we were got over we were troubled to pro
cure guides ; which were hard to get and
very changeable. Then had we that
wilderi\ess to pass through since called
West Jersey not then inhabited by Eng-
lish ; so that we have travelled a whole
d<»y together without seeing man or wo-
man, house or dwelling place. Sometirnes
we lay in the woods by a fire and some-
t;me in the Indians' wigwams or houses.
We came one night to an Indian town
and lay at the king's house, who was a
very pretty man. Both he and his wife
received us very lovingly and liis attend-
ants (such as they were) were very respect-
ful to us. They laid us mats to lie on ;
but provision was very short with them,
having caught but little that day. At
another Indian town where we staid the
king came to us and he could speak some
English. I spoke to him much and als >
to his people, and they were very loving to
us. At length we came to Middletown, an
En^rlish plantation in East Jeisey, and
there were friend^ there, but we could not
stay to have a meotinL' at that time, being
so earnestly pres'-ed in our spirits to get to
the half yearly meeting of Friends of
Oyster Bay, Long Island, which was near
at hand. We went with a friend, Richard
Hartshorne, brother t -> Hugh Hartshorne.
the tipholster in Tondon, who received us
gladly to his liouse, where we refreshed
ourselves and then he carried us and our
horses in h'r- own boat over a great water,
which held us most part of the d.iy in get-
ting over, and set us upon Long Island.'"
From thence Fox proceedt-d to Graves-
end, L. I. In -lune tollr»wing he returned
to New Jersey. Of his return tri]> he
writes as follows :
" Being clear of this place we hired a
sloop and the wind serving set out for the
new country now called Jersey. Passing
down the bay by Conny Island, Naton Is-
land and Stratton Ish'.nd we came to
Richard Hartshornu at Middleton harbor
about bi-eak of day on the 27ih of sixth
month. Next day ve rode abo;it 'hirty
miles into that country tlirougli the woods
and over very l>ad bogs, on« worse than
all the rest, the descent into which wa-
so steep that we were fain to slide down
with our horses and then let th»m lie and
breathe themselves before thev go on.^ —
This place, the people of the place called
Purgatory. We got at length to Shrews-
bury in East Jer.5ey, and on First day had
a precious meeting there, to whi(;h Friends
and other people came far, and the bles>ed
presence of the Lord was with us. The
same week we had a men and women's
meeting out of most parts of New Jersey.
They are building a m<'eting place in the
midst <'f them, and there is a monthly and
a general raeeti..g set up, which will be of
great service in those parts, in keeping up
the gospel order and government of Christ
Jesus, of the increase of which thf^re is no
end, that they who are faithful may see
that all who profess the holy truth liv<^ in
pure religion and walk as hecometh the
gospel. While we were at .Shrewsbury an
accident befel which for a time was a great
exercise to us.
John Jay, a friend of Barbadoes who
came with us from Rhode Island and in-
tended to accompany us through the
woods to Maryland, being to try a horse,
got upon his back and the horse fell a run-
ning, cast him down upon his head and
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
13
broke his neck as the peaple said. Those
that were near him took him up as dead,
carried him a good way and hiid him on a
tree. I got to him as soon I could and feel-
ing liim, concluded he was dead. As I stood
pitying him and his family I took hold of
his hair and his head turned any way, his
neck was so limber. Whereupon I took
his head in both my hands and setting my
knees against the tree I raised his head
and perceived there was nothing out or
broken that way. Then I j^ut one hand
under his chin and the other behiud hio
head and raised his head two or three
times with all my strength and brought it
in. I soon perceived his neck began to
i;row stiff again and then he began to
rattle in his throat an ■ quietlj' after to
breathe. The people were amazed hui I
bade them have a .jood heart, be of good
faith and carry him into the house. They
did so and set him by the fire. I bid them
get tiim something warm to drink and put
him to bed. After he\had been in the
linuse a while he begifn to speak, but di i
not know where he had been. The next
day we passed away and he with us, pretty
well, about sixteen miles to a meeting at
Middletown through woods and' bogs and
over a river wliere we swam our houses
and got over ourselves upon a hollow tree.
Many hundred miles did lie travel with us
after this.
To this meeting came most of tb© people
of the town. A glorious meeting we had
and the truth was over all, blessed be the
gret Lord God forever. After the meeting
we went to Middletown harbor about five
miles, in order to take our long journey
next morning through the woods towards
Maryland, having hired Indians for our
guides. I determined to pass through the
woods on the other side of the Delaware
that we might head the creeks and rivers
;is much as possible. The ninth of seventh
month we set forward, passed through
many Indian towns and over some rivers
and bogs. When we had rid over forty
miis we made a fire at night and lay by it.
As we came among the Inians we declared
the day of the Lord to them. Next day
we travelled fifty miles as we computed,
and at night finding an old house, which
the Indians had forced th^ people to leave,
we raad« a fire and lay there at the head
of Delaware bay. The , ext day we swam
our horses over a river about a mile, at
twice, first to an Island called Upper Dini-
dock and thence to the main land, having
hired Indians to help us over in their
canoes."
The island called by Fox Upper Dmi-
denk is now known as Burlington Island;
it was formerly called Matinicunk, which
name Fox has misunderstood. He also
calls the Delaware river here Delaware
bay as he does in other places. By his
journal it would seem no whites at that
time lived at Burlington though a few
whites had lived there and in the vicinity
many years before.
It is impossible to read the accounts of
travelling at this early period without
being forcibly reminded of the contrast in
travelling ih«n and now. Many of the
Quaker preachers speak of crossing streams
in frail Indian canoes, with their horses
swimming by their side ; and one, the
fearless, zealous John Richardson, (so
noted among among other things for his
controversies with " the apostaie George
Keith") in substance recommends, in
travelling across New Jersey, " for safety,
travellers' horses should have long tails."
The reason for this singular suggestion
was that in crossing streams the frail
canoes were often capsized, and if the
traveller could not swim, he might prob-
ably preserve his life by grasping his
horse's taik Mr. Richardson describes how
one man's life was preserved by this
novel life preserver ; in this case the life-
preserver being the long tail of Mr. R.'s
own horse ; and in commenting upon it
he quaintly observes " that he always ap-
proved horses' tails being long in crossing
rivers."
Long before Fox and Burnyeate crossed
the state the whites, part'cularly the
Dutch, frequently crossed our state by In-
dian paths, in going to and fro between
the settlements on the Delaware and New
Amsterdam (New York), though they
have left but meagre accounts of their
journeyings, and their are strontr probabili-
ties that the Dutch from New Amsterdam,
after furs and searching for minerals,
crossed the state as far as Burlington Is-
land, Trenton, and points far up the Dela-
ware from forty to fifty years before the
trip of these Quaker preachers.
That their journeyings were not always
safe, is shown in the following extract of a
letter written by Jacob Alricks, Septem-
ber 20th, 1669 :
" The Indians have again killed three or
four Dutchmen, and no person can go
through ; one messenger who was eight
14
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
days out returned without accomplishing
his purpose."
The next day he writes :
I have sent off messenger after messen-
ger to the Manhattans overland, but no
one can get through, as the Indians there
have again killed four Dutchmen.
At the time of writing these letters
Alricks resided in Delaware, and they
were addressed to the Dutch authorities
at New York.
CONFISCATION IN THE REVOLUTION.
Loyalists of Frebhold, Middletown,
Shrewsbury, Upper Freehold and
Dover.
The sales of property in New Jersey ad-
judged to be confiscated during the war,
appear to have been in accordance witli the
act of the Legislature, April 18th, 1778,
entitled '' An Act for taking charge of or
leasing the real estates and for forfeiting
the persona! estates of certain fugitives and
offenders, <fec."
We give below a copy of an official ad
vertisement of property to l.s sold in old
Monmouth under this act. While among
the names are found some who were quite
noted for their services inider the British,
of whom mention is made in another chap-
ter, yet there are probably several, who,
because of conscientious scruples against
war and to avoid being drafted, left the
county and sought refuge in the British
lines on Long Island or New York. This
was probably the case in the township of
Shrewsbury where Quakers were quite nu-
merous. How the Quakers fared who
stayed at home and risked drafting may
be inferred from an extract, which we pro-
pose to give hereafter, describing drafting
in Burlington county.
During the course of the war it would
seem that almost every man in the county
capable of bearing arms, except Quakers,
took an active part in the fearful strife on
one side or the other.
As an evidence of how not only neigh-
bor was arrayed against neighbor but rela-
tive against relative, it is only necessary to
compare the names in this advertisement,
with the names given in the list of the
Monmouth militia. Not only are old fami-
lies represented on both sides, but in some
cases persons of the same name are promi-
nent on both sides ; for instance, Elisha
Laurence, mentioned below, was a Colonel
in the Loyalists, while anothei' Elisha Law-
rence, was a Lieutenant Colonel on the
American side.
Most of the persons mentioned below
were of the most honorable class of tories,
or loyalists, as they called themselves —
persons of education, wealth and standing,
and for that very reason their activities in
and advocacy of the British cause was very
injurious to the Americans, so much so
that it is said that at one time in the early
part of the war the Refugees gained the
ascendancy and had possession of Freehold
village for about a week or ten days and
we find that about Nov., 1776, General
Washington "found it necessary to detach
Colonel Forman of the New Jersey militia
to suppress an insurrection which threat,
ened to break out in Monmouth county,
where great numbers were well disposed
to the Royal cause."
'^Monmouth Cou7ity,ss: Whereas inqui-
sition havf been found and final judgment
entered thereon in favor of the State of
New Jersey against persons herein men-
tioned — Notice is hereby given that the
real and personal estates belonginu' to Sam-
uel Osburn, Thomas Leonard, Hendrick
Van Mater, John Throckmorton, Daniel
Van Mater, Jo'm Longstreet jr, Alexander'
Clark, Joseph Clayton, Israel Britton,
John Oweson, John Thompson, Thomas
Bills and Benzeor Hinkson, all of thf'
township of Freehold, will be sold at ^"ree-
hold Court House, beginning on Wednes-
day the 17th day of March next and con-
tinue from day to day until all are sold.
"ThomHs Crowel, George Taylor jr,
James Stillvell, John Mount, boatman.
Conrad Hendricks, Joseph Baley, John
Cottrell, Richard Cole, Samuel Smith,
John Bown, James Pew, Thomas Thorne,
Ezekiel Tilton, Joseph Taylor, John Til-
ton, of Middletown and William Smith of
Middlesex having lands in said 'own, will
be sold at public vendue, beginning on
Monday tin* 22nd day of March next at the
house of Cornelius Swart and continue from
dav to day until sold.
'* John Taylor and William Walton at
New York but having property in Shrews
bury, John Williams, Christopher Talman,
John Wartiell, Michael Price, James
Mount, John Williams, Jr., John Pintard,
Clayton Tilton, Samuel Cook, James
Boggs, James Curlis, Asael Chandler,
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
16
John Morris, William Price, Robert Mor-
ris, Peter Vannote, James Price, John and
Morford Taylor, John Hankinson, Timo-
thy Scobey, William Laurence, Peter War-
del, Oliver Talman, Richard Lippencott,
Josiah White, Benjamin WooUey, Eben-
ezer Wardell, Robert Stout, Nathaniel
Parker, John Hampton, Samuel Layton,
Jacob Harber, Samuel Layton, Jacob Em
mons, Britton White, Tobias Kiker and
Daniel Lafetter, (Lafetra?), late of the
township of Shrewsbury, and Garnadus
Beekman of New York, having property
in said township, will be sold at public
vendue, beginning on Monday the 29th of
March at Tinton Falls and continue from
day to day until ail are sold.
'* John Leonard, Grisbert Giberson, Sam-
uel Stillweli, Barzilla, Joseph, Thomas,
William and SamuelGrover, John Horner,
Fuller Horner, John Perine, William Gi-
berson, Jr., Mallakeath Giberson, John
Polhemus, Jr.. Benjamin Giberson, Sam-
uel Oakerson, EHsha Laurence and /Jotin
Laurence sons of John, late of Upper
Frei-hold and Isaac Allen late of Trenton,
will be sold at public vendue beginning on
Monday the 5th day of April next at
Walls Mills and continue until all are
soil.
" John Irons and David Smith, of the
township of Dover, will be sold ai Free-
hold Court House at the time of sales
there.
"The two emissions called in and bank
notes will be taken in pay. No.credit will
be given. The sale will begin at 9 o'clock
each day. Also deeds made to the pur-
cliasers agreeable to act of Assembly by
" Samuj^l Forman
" Joseph Laurence
" Kenneth Hankinson
" Commissioners.
" February 17th. 1779."
CAPTAIN WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM.
How American prisoners were treated by
the British at New York. H(>rrible con-
fession by the British Provost Marshal.
The following is copied from the Ameri-
can Apollo, February 17th, 1792. In it will
be found some startling confessions, show-
ing how hellish wag the treatment of our
ancestors who were confined as prisoners
in New York during the Revolution by
this fiend in human shape. It furnishes
another reason why our forefathers so de-
tested the British. It will amply repay
perusal. Captain Joshua Huddy, and
many other old Monmouth patriots, were
for a time in this villain's charge :
" The life, confession, and last dying words
of Captain William Cunningham, former-
ly British provost marshal in the city of
New York, who was executed in London
the lOth of August, 1791.
" I, William Cunningham, was born in
Dublin barracks in the year 1738. My
father was trumpeter to the Blue Dragoons,
and at the age of 8 years I was placed with
an officer as his servant, in which station
I continued until I was 16, and being a
great proficient in horsemanship, was tak-
en as an assistant to the riding master of
the troop, and in the year 1761 was made
sergeant of dragoons, but the peace com-
ing the year following, I was disbanded. —
Being bred to no profession, I took up
with a woman who kept a gin shop in a
blind alley near the Coal Quay ; but the
iiouse being searched for stolen goods and
my doxy taken to Newgate, I thought it
most prudent to decamp ; accordingly set
off for the North and arrived at Drogheda,
where in a few months <?fter 1 married the
daughter of an exciseman by whom 1 had
three sons.
" About the year 1772 we removed to
Newry where I commenced the profession
of scowbanker, which is the enticing of
mechanics and country people to ship
themselves for America on promises of
great advantage, and then artfully getting
an indenture upon them ; in consequence
of which, on their arrival in America, they
are sold or obliged to serve a term of years
for their passage. I embarked at Newry
in the ship Needham, for New York, and
arrived in that port the 4th day of August,
1774, with some indented servants I kid-
napped in Ireland, but who were liberated
in New York on account of the bad usage
they received from me during the passage.
In that city I used the profession ot break-
ing horses and teaching ladies and gentle-
men to ride, but rendering myself obnox-
ious to the citizens in their infant struggles
for freedom, I was obliged to fly on board
the Asia man of war, and from thence to
Boston, where my own opposition to the
measures pursued by the Americans in
suoport of their rights, was the first thing
that recommended me to General Gage ;
and when the war commenced I was ap-
pointed provost marshal to the royal army^
16
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
which phxced me in a situation to w^reak
my vengeance on the Americans. I shud-
der to think of the murders I have been acces-
sory to, both ivith and without orders from gov-
ernment, especially while in New York, during
which time there were more than two thousand
prisoners starved in the difi'erent churches by
stopping their rations, lohich I sold.
" There were also two hundred and sev-
enty-five American prisoners and obnox-
ious persons executed, out of which num-
ber there w«re only about one dozen pub-
lic «xecutions, which chiefly consisted of
British and Hessian deserters. The mode
of private executions was thus conducted :
A guard was disp'atched from the provost
about half after twelve at night to the
Barrack street, and the neighborhood of
the uj^per barracks, to order the people to
shut their window shutters and put out
their lights, forbidding them at the same
time to i)resume to look out of their win-
dows and doors on pain of death, aftc^r
which, the unfortunate prisoners were con-
ducted, gagged, just behind the upper bar-
racks and hung without ceremony and
there buried by the black pioneer of th@
provost.
'* At the end of the war I returned to
England with the army and settled in
Wales, as being a cheajier place of living
than in any of the populous cities, but
being at length persuaded to go to Lon
don, I entered so warmly into thy dissipa-
tion of the capital, that I soon found my
circumstances much embarrassed, to relieve
which I mortgaged my half pay to an army
agent, but that being soon expended, I
forged a draft for three hundred pounds
sterling on the board of ordnance, but be-
ing detected in presenting it for accept-
ance, I was apprehended, tried and con-
victed, and for that offence am here to
suffer an ignominious death.
"I beg the prayers of all good christians,
and also pardon and forgivness of God for
the many horrid murders I have been ac-
cessory to.
'' William Cunningham."
THE ATTACK ON TOMS RIVER.
Burning of the village. Capture of Cap-
tain Joshua Huddy. A day of horrors.
In giving an account of this affair we
shall first coi)y a brief statement from
Have's Collections, the editor of which
visited- the place in 1842 in search of his-
torical information relating to oiden times
in Old Monmouth:
" In the American Revolution, a rude
fort or blockhouse was erected a short dis-
tance north ol the bridge, at the village of
Toms River, on a hill about a hundred
yatds east of the road to Freehold, on
land now belonging to the heir.s of Elijah
Robbins, deceased. In the latter part of
the war, this blockhouse was attacked by
a superior force of the enemy. Its com-
mander. Captain Joshua Huddy, most gal-
lantly delended it until his ammunition
was expended and no alternative but sur-
render left After the little brave garrison
was in their power, it is said they deliber-
ately murdered^five men asking for quai-
ters. From thence Captain Huddy, Jus-
tice Randolph, and the remaining prison-
ers were taken to New York, where, suffer-
ing the various progressions of bai'barity
inflicted upon those destined to a violent
or lingering death, those two jzentlemen,
with a Mr. Fleming, were put into the
hold of a vessel. Captain Huddy was
ironed hand and foot, and shortly after
barbarously hanged on the shore of the
Highlands of Nave'sink."
During the war of the Revolution the
chief organ of the tories and Bfitish in
America was "Rivington's Royal Gazette,"
published in New York, of which paper
and its editor we may have occasion to
speak hereafter. Quite complete filfP of
tins paper are pr*'served in the librai'v of
the New York Historictl Society. The
following is its version of the attack on
Toms River:
" The 'tuthentic account of the expedi-
tion against the rebel past on 'i'oms River,
New Jersey, undpr the Honorable Board
of Associated Loyalists :
" On Wednesday the 20th inst ( March
1782,) Lieutenant Blanchard of the armed
whale boats, and about eighty men belong-
ing to them, with Captain Thomas and
Lieutenant Roberts, both of the late Bucks
county volunteers, and between thirty and
forty other refugee loyalists, the whole
und«r the command of Lieutenant Bianch-
ard, proceeded to Sandy Hook under the
convoy of Captain Stewart Ross, in the
armed brig Arrogant, where they were de-
tained by unfavorable winds until the 23d.
About 12 o'clock on that nighl, the party
landed near the mouth of Toms River and
marched to the blockhouse at the town of
Dover ( now Toms River ) and reached it
ju.-it at daylight. On their way they were
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
17
challenged and fired upon, and when they
came to th« works they found the rebels,
consisting of twenty-five or twenty-six
twelve months men and militia, apprized
of their coming and prepared for defence.
" The post into which they had thrown
themselves was six or seven feet high,
made with large logs with loop holes be-
tween and ft number of brass swivels on
the top, which was entirely open, nor was
there any way of entering but by climbing
over. They had, besidf^s swivels, muskets
with bayonets and long pikes for their de-
fence. Lieutenant Blanchard summoned
them to surrender, which they not only
refused, but bid the party defiance ; on
which he immediately ordered the place
to be stormed, which was accordingly
done, and though defended >with obstinacy,
was soon carried. The rebels had nine
men killed in the assault, and twelve made
prisoners, two of whom are. wounded. The
rest made their escape in the confusion. —
Among the killed was a major of the mili
ti^, two captains and one lieutenant. The
captain of the twelve months men station-
ed there, is amongst the prisoners, who
are all brought safe to town. On our side,
two were killed — Lieutenant Ire'iell of the
armed boatmen and Lieutenant Inslee of
the loyalists, both very brave officers, who
distinguished themselves on the attack
and whose loss is much lamented. Lieu-
tenant Roberts and five others are wound-
ed, but it is thought none of them are in a
dangerous way. ,
'' The Town, as it is called, consisting of
about a dozen houses, in which none but
a piratical set of banditti resided, together
w.th a grist and saw mill, wer«», with the
blockhouse burned to the ground, and an
iron canno:.i spiked and thrown into the
river. A fine large barge (called Hyler's
barge,) and another boat in which the
rebels used to make their excursions on
the coast, were brought off. Some other
attempts were intended te have been
made, but the appearance of bad weather,
and the situation of the wounded, being
without either surgeon or medicines, in-
duced the party to return to New York,
where they arrived on the twenty- fifth."
The attack on Toms River was made on
Sunday morning, March 24th, 1782. Cap-
tain Huddy received notice of the expect-
ed attack on the previous evening, and at
once notified the inhabitants ; sentinels
were carefully stationed, and towards
morning Captain Huddy sent a scouting
party to reconnoitre. This party missed
the British ; it is probable they went down
along the river, while the enemy, guided
by a refugee named William Dillon, cam6_
up the road near where" the Court House
now stands. The sentinels staiioned some
distance outside of the fort, on the ene-
my's approach, fired their guns to notify
the little garrison. Before reaching the
fort, the British were joined by a band of
refugees under Dg^en port, whose stamping
ground was in old Dover township; him-
self and men had cabins and caves in the
woods, by the he^id waters of Cedar Creek,
Toms River and other streams. No Tory
or Tory sympathizer was tolerated in the
village of Toms River, which was the only
reason that caused Rivington's Royal Ga-
zette to call its people " banditti.''
Upon the apjjroach of the British, the
Americans opened fire so effectually that
the British account acknowledges that
seven were killed or wounded, though the
damage inflicted upon them must have
been greater. A negro refugee killed, was
'eft by them outside of the fort for the
Americans to bury. On the side of the
Americans, among the casualities, were
Major John Cook, John Farr and James
Kinsley, killed ; Moses Robbins wounded
in the face; John Wainwright fought un-
til shot down with six or seven bullets in
him. From circumstantial evidr-nce it is
probable that Captain Ephraim Jenkins
was among the killed. Among the pris-
oners taken were Captain Joshua Huddy,
Daniel Randolph, Esq., and Jacob Flem-
ing. One of the guards named David im
lay, escaped and hid in a swamp until the
British left. Major Cooke ( at one time
of the 2nd regiment, Monmouth militia ),
it is said was killed outside the tort by a
negro.
All the houses in the village were burned
except two, one belonging to Aaron Buck
and the other to Mrs. Studson. Aaron
Buck was an active Whig, and one reason
why his house was spared was owing, it is
supposed, to the fact that his wife was a
neice of William Dillen, the refugee guide.
Mrs.Studson's husband, Lieutenant Joshua
Studson, had been murdered by the ref-
ugee Captain John Bacon, a short time
before, and the Britisli probably thought
injury enough had already been done to
her. Among the houses burned was one
belonging to Captain Ephraim Jenkins,
and also one in which Abiel Aikens lived
in which the first Methodist sermon at
Toms River was preached, by Rev Benja-
min Abbott, in 1778.
18
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
What a terrible day to the inhabitants
of Toms River was that memorable Sab-
bath I Probably not less than a hundred
women and children were rendered home
less ; the killed and wounded demanded
immediate attention ; husbands and fath-
ers were carried away captive, their house-
hold goods, provisions — their all destroyed.
Some families were entirely broken up, the
heads killed, mothers and chilren scattered,
never as families meeting again.
Memoranda relating to persons mentioned
IN the foregoing.
William Dillon, the refugee guide, had
once been tried and sentenced to death
at Freehold, but subsequently pardoned,
and the first we hear of him afterwards
was as pilot of a British Expendition, which
came from New York into old Cranberrj^
inlet, then open, opposite Toms River, to
recapture the ship " Love and Unity,"
which a short time previous had been
captured by the Americt.rjs.
Aaron Buck was an active member of
the militia. The Dillon whose daughter
he married was a much better man than
his brother, who acted as guide to the ref
ugees. Aaron Buck left two daughters
from whom have descended several re-
spectable shore families. One married
Judge Ebenezer Tucker, formerly mem-
ber of Congress, after whom Tuckerton, in
Burlington county, was named. The other
married John Rogers, of Dover township,
ancester of many, persons now residing in
Ocean county. It is said that after the
war Mr. Buck in a temi3orary fit of in-
sanity, committed suicide by hanging
himself on board his vessel at Toms River.
Daniel Randolph, who then resided at
Toms River, was well known throughout
old Monmouth. A tory witness on tha
ti'ial of Captain Richard LippencoU, in
New York, testified that " Esquire Daniel
Randolph, was a man of prominence and
influence among the Whig?." He was
soon afterwards exchanged for Captain
Clayton Tilton.
Captain Epliraim Jenkins was in com-
mand of a militia company during the
war. After the fight at the Block House,
his family was scattered and his children
oared for by strangers.
Abiel Aikons suffered severely during
the war. In his old age (1808), the Legis-
lature passed a law for his relief. He was
the earliest friend of Methodism in that
vicinity.
TOMS RIVER DURING THE REVO-
LUTION.
Toms River during the Revolution wat.
a place of considerable importance owing
chiefily to the fact thai old Cranberry In-
let, nearly opposite, was then open and
perhaps the best inlet on our coast, except
Little Egg Harbor. On this account it
was a favorite base of operations for Ameri-
can privateers on the lookout for British
merchant vessels carrying supplies to the
enemy at New York. In another chapter
are given some extracts from ancient
authorities, showing that Toms River and
vicinity was the scene of many stirring
incidents during the war. The village
was occupied by the Americans as a mili-
tary post probably during the greater part
of the Revolution. The soldiers state-
tioned here were sometimes twelve months
men, commanded by diflerent officers,
among whom it is supposed were Captains
Bigelow. Ephraim Jenkins, James Mott,
John Stout and Joshua Huddy. The
duties of the militia stationed at Toms
River, appear to have been to guard the
inhabitants against dej^redations from the
refugees; to check contraband trade by
way of Cranberry Inlet to New York, and
to aid our privateers who brought vessels
into old Cranberry Inlet.
A TERRIBLE DAY FOR THE REF-
UGEES.
Peace Declared — How th« news was re-
ceived by the ^riends of the *' Lost
Cause " — Confisciition, Banishment, Des-
pair.
f ivil wars have ever been noted for being
more terrible than those where one na-
tion was against another; as in the last
named case stranger meets stranger on the
battle field, while in civil wars oftimes,
neighbor is arrayed against neighbor,
father against son, brother against brother.
In the war of the Revolution it was the
lot of our ancestors to be compelled to un-
dergo the hardships of both at the same
time. They had not only to face the
armies which England landed upon our
soil but also thousands of native born
Americans, who from what they thought a
sense of duty, or for plunder or revenge,
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
19
rallied to th« cause of Kin.^ and crown. —
The number of Loyalists, that is, Ameri-
cans who aided the British, was much
larger than is generally supposed. Sabine
in his history of the Loyalists estimat^es
the number who took up arms to aid the
enemy at 25,000. The Loyalists them-
selves, in an address to the King, 1779,
claimad that " the Americans then in his
Majesty^ s service exceeded in number the troops
enlisted by Congress to oppose them, exclusive
of these who were in pri?ite ships of war."
In 1782 they stated that there were many
more Loyalists in the King's service than
troops in the Continental army. At the
close of the war they claimed that their
losses were £7,046,178, besides debts to the
amount of £2,354,135. Of their claims the
British Government in 1788 had liquidated
about £2,000,000.
Old Monmouth suffered during the war
to an extent hardly equalled, certainly not
surpassed by any other section of the coun-
try, and when the welcome news of peace
was announced the patriots of this as well
of every other section of the Union were
overjoyed beyond exp'ession. But the
news which brought gladness to their hearts,
was a terrible blow to the Refugees. It
was not only the announcement to them
that the cause for which they had so long
fought was irretrievably lost, but also that
they must forsake the land of their birth
and seek homes elsewhere, that there
property here would be confiscated and
that without money or friends they
must commence life anew on the cold
shores of Nova Scotia or elsewhere. The
following from an ancient authority, de-
scribes how the news of peace was received
by the Refugees in JSTew York :
'' When the news of peace was known,
the city of New York presented a scene
of distress not easily described; adherents
' to the Crown who wen- in the ai'my tore
the lappels from their coats and stamped
them under their ftet and exclaimed that
they were ruined ; others cried out that
they had sacrificed everything to prove
their loyalty and were now left to shift for
themselves without the friendship of
their King or country."
In September, previous to the final
evacuation of New York by the British,
upwards of 12,000 men, women and chil-
dreir embarked at the city and at Lone
and Staten Islands for Nova Scotia and the
Bahamas.
Some of these victims to civil war tried
to make merry at their doom by saying
that they were bound to a lovely country
whei'e there are nine months winter and
three months cold weather every year !
While others in their desperation would
have torn down their houses, and had they
not been prevented would have carried off
the bricks of which they were built.
Those who went north landed at Port
Roseway (now Shelburne) NovaScotiaand
at St. Johns, whpie many, utterly destitute,
were supplied with food at public charge
and were obliged to live in huts built of
bark and rough boards. A mong the ban-
ished ones were persons whose hearts and
hopes had been as true as Washington's,
for in the division of families, which every
where occurred and which formed oije of
the most distressing circumstances of the
conflict, their wives and daughters, who
although bound by the holiest ties to Loy-
alists, had given their sympathy to the
right from the beginning, and who now in
the triumph of the cause which had their
pi'ayers, went meekly — as woman ever
meets a sorrowful lot — in hopeless, inter-
minable exile.
(3^E0RiE KEITH, THE FOUNDEtt OF
FREEHOLD.
The following outline of the life of Rev.
George Keith is by William A. Whitehead
Esq. author of the History of East Jersey
Among those selected by the Proprieta-
ries in England to serve them in East Jer-
sey was George Keith, a native of Aber
deen, an eminent Quaker, although origi-
nally a Scotch Presbyterian ; and among
all whose namt^s subsequently became
widely known, his was one of those which
obtained the greatest renown. Those who
first welcomed him to the province as a
fellow helper in subduing the wilderness
could hardly have prefigured for him the
course which events opened to him in this
and the adjoining province of Pennsylva-
nia. The circumstances which probably
led to his acquaintance with the leading
Scotch Proprietaries was his having under
his charge in 1683 at a school which he
taught in Theobalds, a son of Robert Bar-
clay. He was appointed Surveyor General
on the 31st of July, 1684, but did|n6t reach
the province until the spring of the follow-
ing year. On the 9th of April he present-
ed his credentials to the Council of Pro-
prietors, but as the office to which he was
appointed was already filled by William
20
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Haige, under a oommission emanating
from Deputy Governor Eudyard, they
found themselves delicately situated, and
postponed the consideration of Mr.
Keith's commission until their next meet-
ing. It was unanimously agreed, however,
that he should have one of their houses
as directed by the Proprietors. (Thomas
Warne was directed to " clear out '" the
one he inhabited to make room for him.)
The Council at the appointed time were
urged by Keith to deci le in his favor, and
they finally desired both of the apjilicants
to appear before them on the 12th of June,
when the office, in consequence of tha ab-
sence of Ml'. Haige and the inability, from
some cause of his deputy. Miles Forster,
was declared vacant and Mr. Keith au-
thorized to take the oaths and assume the
duties.
Besides performing the general duties of
his office, for which he was well qualified,
being " an excellent surveyor," he ran the
division line between East and West Jer-
sey in 1687 ; but in 1689 he left the pro-
vince for Pennsylvania. Then residing at
Freehold, of which settlement he was the
founder, and where at the time of his re-
moval he had " a fine plantation," he was
induced by the solicitations of the Qua-
kers of Philadelphia to accept the super-
intendence of a school in that city for fifty
pounds, a house for his family, and what-
ever profits might accrue, with the prom-
ise of an increase to one hundred and
twenty pounds after the first year, the
poor to be taught gratis. This is the first
and only allusion to his family I have
noticed. He did not remain long in this
humble situation (vacating it the next
year) and we are warranted in attributing
its acceptance to other inducements morp,
likely to aftect a man of his character
than the pecuniary remuneration named.
Having been eminent as a preacher and
writer among the Quakers for several
years, he became a public speaker in their
religious assemblies in Philadelphia.
Possessing quick natui'al talents improvad
by considei'able literary attainments, he
was acute in argument and able in logical
disputations and discussions of nice dis
tinction in theological matters ; but hav-
ing great confidence in his own suj^erior
capacity he was apt to indulge in an over-
bearing disposition, not altogether in ac-
cordance with christian moderation and
charity.
These peculiarities of mind and temper-
ament naturally impelled him to assume
the part of a leader, and he soon, through
his talents and energy, gathered a party
inculcating plainness of garb and language
and other points of discipline ; there be-
ing in his opinion " too great slackness
therein." Connected with these religious
tenets were the political doctrines of the
abandoament of all forcible measures to
uphold secular or worldly government
and the emancipation of the negroes after
a reasonable term of service.
Although his opinions and views met
the approval of a large number of Friends,
occasioning a serious division in that be-
fore united body — father and son, husband
and wife, friend« and relatives who had
usually worshiped together, though still
professors of the same faith in the main,
being seen going to different places of wor-
ship, '• heats and bitterness " being engen-
dered, occasioning "many labors and watch-
ing, great circumspection and patience;" yet
as they did not meet with the general ac-
ceptation he expected, Keith became cap-
tious and indulged in censure and re-
proach, accusing some of the most es-
teemed and approved ministers with pro-
mulgating false doctrines — although it is
said the points he now condemned had
been strongly advocated in his writings —
and declaring those only who were asso-
ciated with him true Quakers.
He was charged with exercising an over-
bearing temper and an unchristian dispo-
sition of mind in disparaging manv of the
society, and at a meeting of ministers in
Phlladelj^hia in June, 1692, ''a declaration
or testimony of denial " was drawn up, in
which both he and his conduct were pub-
licly denounced.
From this decision Keith appealed to
the general meeting of Fri^^ncls, at Bur-
lington, and in the meanwhile wrote an
address to the Quakers in which, as on
different occasions verbally, he spok* in.
such disparaging, if not calumnious man-
ner of the Deputy Governor and other
functionaries, as to bring ui:)on him the
ire of the civil magistrates (themselves
Quakers) and he was in consequence pro-
claimed in the market place, by the com-
mon crier, a seditious person and an ene-
my to the King and Queen's government.
The general meeting confirming the
declaration of the ministers, the sei)ara-
tion became complete, but Keith continu-
ed preaching and writing in support of his
views and for the establishment of his fol-
lowers until early in 1694, when he appeal-
ed to the yearly meeting in London and
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
21
appeared there in person ; but his behav-
ior was such as led to the approval of the
proceedings against him and his authority
and influence were at an end.
This controversy occasioned mucVi dis-
turbance in the province of Pennsylvania
and many of the pamphlets to which it
gavw birth are yet extant.
Excited it would seem by the opposi-
tion he had met with, although for a time
he retained a considerable number of ad-
herents in England, and disgusted with
the society from which he had received so
little sympathy while aiming for its ad-
vancement in what he conceived the es-
sentials of true religion, Keith abjured the
doctrines of the Quakers and became a
zealous clergyman of the established
Church of England.
He officiated for some time in his mother
country, and in 1702 returned to America
as a Missionary of the " Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts ; sent out to travel through the
difFarent provinces for the purpose of in-
quiring into their true condition, their
wants in regard to their spiritual interests
and to arouse in the people a sens*^ of the
duties of religion."
His labors are said to have been very
successful, particularly in Pennsylvania,
New Jersey and New York to which he
devoted moi-e of his time than he did to
the other provinces — from his previous
acquaintance with the people. In the
first two especially a large number of
those Quakers who had adopted his views
in the dissensions of 1691 and 1692, be-
came converts to the doctrines and disci-
pline of the Church of England.
He retixrned to England by way of Vir-
ginia and received a benefice in Sussex,
worth one hundred and twenty pounds
per annum, where he continued until his
death to write against the doctrines of
the Quakers. Prund's History of Pennsyl-
vania says from well authenticated ac-
count it is asserted that he thus expressed
himself on his deatli bed : " I wish I had
died when I was a Quaker for then 1 am
sure it would have been well tor my soul."
SINGULAR INDIAN CLAIMS.
About the last remnant of Indians re-
maii^ing in our state, sold their lands to
thfi^hites about 1801, and the year fol-
loi'i,ing removed to New Stockbndge, near
O&v'^ida Lake, New York, from whence,
abo'yit 1824, they removed to Michigan,
where they purchased a tract of land of
the Menomonie mdians, on both sides of
the Fox river near Green Bay.
In 1832, the New Jersey tribe, reduced
to less than forty souls, delegated one of
their number named Barlliolomew .S. Cal-
vin, to visit Trenton and apply to our Leg-
islature for remuneration for hunting and
fishing privileges on unenclosed lands,
which they alleged had not been sold with
the land. Calvin was an aged man who
had been educated at Princeton, where he
was at the breaking out of the Revolution
when he joined the American army. Th-e
claim, so unusual, was met in a spirit of
kindness by our Legislature, who directed
the S!.aie Treasurer to pay to the agent of
the Indians, the sum of two thousand dol-
lars, thus satisfactorily and honorably ex-
tinguishing the last claim the Indians
brough'. against our state. Hon. Samuel
L. Southard, at the close of a speech made
at the time, said : "It was a proud fact in
the history of New Jersey, that every foot
of her soil had been obtained from the
Indians by fair and voluntary purchase
and transfer, a fact that no other st^te of
the Union, not even tlie land which bears
the name of Penn, can boast."
In 1678, a somewhat similar claim was
brought by the Indians, against Richard
Hartshorne, an early settler of old Mon-
mouth, who had previously bought of
them Sandy Hodk, and lands around the
Highlands. In that year, to prevent their
trespassing ujjon his lands, he iiad to pay
theto to relinquish their claims to hunt,
fish, fowl, and gather beach plums. The fol-
lowing it a copy of the agreement :
" The 8th of August, 1678. Whereas
the Indians pretend tjiat formerly, when
they sold all the land upon Sandy Hook,
they did not sell, or did except liberty to
plumbs, or to say the Indians should
have liberty to go an Sandy Hook, to get
get plumbs when they please, and to hunt
upon the land, and fish, and to take dry
trees that suited them for cannows. Now
know all men by these presents, that I,
Richard Kartshorne. of Portland, in tne
county of Monmbuih, in East Jersey, for
peace and quietness sake, and to the end
there may be no cause of trouble with the
Indians and that I may not for the future
have any trouble with them as formerly I
had, in their dogs killing my sheep, and
their hunting on my lands, and their fish-
ing, I have agreed as followeth :
"These presents witnesseth, that 1,
Vowavapon, Hendricks, the Indians sonn,
22
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
haying all the liberty and privileges of
pluming on Sandy Hook, hunting, fishing,
fowling, getting cannovvs &c., by these
presents, give, grant, bargain, sell, unto
Richard Hartshorwe, his heirs and assigns
forever, all the liberty and privilege of
pluming, fishing, fowling, and huHting,
and howsoever reserved and excepted by
the Indians for him, the said Richard
Hartshorne, his heirs and assigns, to have
hould, possess, and injoy forever, to say
that no Indian, or Indians, shall or hath
no pretense to lands or timber, or liberty,
privileges on no pretense whatsoever on
any part a parcell of land, belonging to
the said Kichard Hartshorne, to say Sandy
Hook or land adjoining to it, in considera-
tion the said Hnrtshorne, hath paid unto
the said Vowavapon, thirtee?.' shillings
money; and I the said Vowavapon, do
acknowledge to have received thirteen
shillings by these presents. Witness my
hand and seal.
''Vowavapon X his mark.
"Tocus X his mark.
" Signed, sealed and delivered in the
presence of John Stout."
THE RARITAN INDIANS.
An ancient work says that when the
wliites first came to this country, the
Raritans lived on the south side <if Raritan
bay and river, but they were flooded out
by a storm, previous to 1650, and then
removed to the north side. They after-
wards it is supposed mingled with the
Sa/ihicans or Wapingas, who finally left
the state and located on the east side of
the Hudson river, in New York state, near
Anthony's INose.
AN INDIAN DINNER— A SAVORY
DISH.
Bethsheba, tue Indian Queen.
The last remnant of the Indians who
frequented the lower part of old Mon-
mouth, had their principal settlement at a
place called Edgepelick or Edge Pillock
about three miles from Atsion in Burling-
ton county, from whence they removed to
Oneida Lake, New York, in 1802. Before
their removal, members of this tribe with
their families would visit the shore once a
year and spend some time fishing, oyster-
ing, making baskets, &c. The most noted
among the last Indians who regularly vis-
ited the shore were Charles Moluss, his
wife, and wife's sister, who bore the eu-
l^honious names of Bash and Suke, among
the ancient residents of old Stafford town-
ship, but in Little Egg Harbor, Burlington
county, where they also were frequent vis-
itors, Moluss' wife was known as Bathshe
ba, and considered as a kind of Indian
Queen, on account of the great respect
shovvn to her by her people and by the
Quakers of Burlington, becauseof herpos-
sessing more intelligence, and having amore
l>re.posessing personal appearance than the
rest of her tribe. At Tuckerton, when her
company visited there and put up their
teats, Bathsheba was generally invited to
make her home with some one of the
principal inhabitants of the jilace. At
Barnegat, her company generally camped
on the place now owned by Captain Timo-
thy Falkinburgh, wliere they were on
friendly terms with the whites and quite
disposed to be hospitable, but Bathsheba,
Indian Queen though she may hivve been,
occasionally prepared Indian delicacies for
the table which the whites seldom appre-
ciated. Some twenty years ago Eli Collins,
a well remembered aged citizen of Barne-
gat, told the writer of this, that when he
was K young man, one time he had been
out from Iiome all day, and on his wav
back, stopped at the hut of Moluss. His
wife Bash, or Bathsheba, was boiling some-
thing in a pot which sent forth a most de-
lightful odor to a hungry man, and he was
cordially invited to dine. As he had bees
without anything to eat all day he willing-
ly accepted the invitation ; but he soon
changed his determination when he found
the savory smelling dish was hop toad sovj) !
INDIAN PETER.
A Tradition oe Imlaystown.
About a century ago an Indian named
Peter, said to have been connected by re-
lationship and in business with the noted
Indian Tom, after whom some, we
think erroneously, considered Toms
River to be named, resided at Toms River,
but owing to an unfortunate habit of mix
ing too much whisky with his water,^. he
became unfortunate, and about the timp of
the war removed with his family to (the
OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.
23
vicinity of Imlaystown, wb©r« he built a
wigwam by a oond not far from the vil-
lage.
Shortly after he located here his wife
sickened and died. Peter dearly loved
his squaw, and was almost heart-broken
on account of the unlucky event. He
could not bear the idea of parting with his
wife, of putting her under ground out of
sight. For a day or two lie was inconsola-
ble and knew not what to do ; at length a
lucky idea occurred to him ; instead of
burying her where he never more could
see her, he would put a rope about her
neck and place her in the pond and daily
visit her. This idea he at once put into
execution, and as he daily visited her, it
somewhat assuaged his poignant grief. —
On one of his melancholy visits te the de-
parted partner of his bosom, he noticed
in the water around her a large number
of eels. To turn these eels to account was
a matterof importance to Peter, for though
he loved his wife yet he loved money too.
.So he caught the eels daily, and foraweek
or so visited the village regularly and
found a ready sale for them among the
villagers.
But at length the supply failed — his
novel eel trap gave out. A few days there-
after he was in the village and numerous
were the inquiries why he did not bring
any more of those good eels.
" Ah," said Peter very innocently, draw-
ing a long sigh, " me catch no more eels —
me squaw all gone — boo — hoo ! "
His grief and singular reply called for
an explanation, and he, thinking nothing
wrong, gave it.
The result was a general casting up of ac-
counts among the villagers, terrible anath-
emas upon the Indian, and a holy horror
of eels among that generation of Imlays-
town citizens, and even to this day it is
said some of their descendants would as
soon eat a sni.,ke as an eel.
(The above tradition we have no doubt
is substantially correct ; we derived it
froii; Hon. Charles Parker, for many years
State Treasurer, father of Gov. Parker,
who some sixty years ago, while at Toms
River, met with some of the disgusted pur-
chase! s of Indian Peter's eels.)
A BRAVE ^OUTH.
One fine morning in May, 1780, as the
family of David Forman, Sheriff of Mon-
mouth County, were at breakfast, a soldier
almost out of breath suddenly burst into
the room and stated, that as he and anoth-
er soldier were conducting to the Court
House two men taken up on suspicion at
Colt's Neck, they had knocked down his
comrade, seized his musket and escaped.
The Sheriff, on hearing this relation, im-
mediately mounted his horse and galloped
to the Court House to alarm the guard. —
His son Tunis Forman, a lad of about 17,
and small of his age, seized a musket load-
ed only with small shot to kill blackbirds
in the cornfields, and putting on a cart-
ridge box, dispatched his brother Samuel
(the late Dr. Samuel Forman of Freehold,)
upstairs for a bayonet, and then without
waiting for it, nurried off alone in the pur-
suit.
After running in a westerly direction
about a mile, he discovered the men sit-
ting on a fence, who on perceiving him
ran into a swamp. As the morning was
warm, he hasiily pulled off his coat and
shoes and dashed in after them, keeping
close upon them lor over a mile, when
they got out of the swamp and each climb-
ed into separate trees. As he came up
they discharged at him the musket taken
from the guard. The ball whistled over
his head. He felt for his bayonet, and at
that moment perceived that in his haste
it was left behind. He then pointed his
gun at the man with the musket, but
deemed it imprudent to fire, reflecting
even if he killed him, his comrade could
easily master such a stripling as himself.
He compelled the man to throw down his
musket bv threatening him with death if
he did not instantly comply. Then load-
ing the prize from his cartridge he forced
his prisoners down from the trees and
armed with his two loaded muskets, he
drove them toward the Court House, care-
ful however, to keep them far apart, to
prevent conversation. Passing by a spring
they requested permission to drink.
" No '' replied the intrepid boy, under-
standing their design. " You can do as
well without it as myself; you shall have
some by and by."
Soon after, his father, at the head ©f a
party of soldiers in ttie pursuit, galloped
past in the road within a short distance. —
Tunis hallooed, but the clattering of their
horses hoots drowned his voice. At length
he reached the village, and lodged his
jjrisoners in the county prison.
It was subsequently discovered that
these men, whose name was John and
Robert Smith, were brothers from near
24
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Philadelphia, that they had robbed and
murdered a Mr. Boyd, a collector of taxes
in Chester county, and when taken, were
on their wav to join the British. As ttiey
had been apprehended on suspiri<)n mere-
ly of buing refugees, no definite charge
could be brought against them. A few-
days after, Sheriff •'^ornian saw an adver-
tisement in a Pennsylvania paper df^scrib
ing them, with the facts above mentioned,
and a reward of $20,000 Continental mon-
ey offered for their appiehensi-^n. He, ac-
companied by his son, took them there,
where they were trie i and executed. On
entering Philadelphia young Tunis was
carried through the streets in triumph
upon the shoulders of the military. In
the latter part of the war this voung
man became very active, and was a pecu-
liar favorite of General David Forman. He
died not far from 1835. (The foregoing
account is as related by the late Dr. Sam
uel Formaai to Henry Howe, Esq.)
CAPTAIN JOSEPH COWARD.
In a Philadelphia work containing
Sketches of Revolutionary Heroos is found
ihe following notice of one of the patriots
of old Monmouth :
" Joseph Coward was a native of Mon-
mouth county, N. J. In view of his cogno-
men we may well exclaim, " What's in a
name, my Lord?"' He was a Coward; and
yet one of the bravest of the Revolutionary
Captains. He was a great terror to the
Refugees alias Tories. At the Battl'fe of
Monmouth and at several other places, his
undaunted courage was conspicuous. —
When the British fleet lay off vSandy Hook,
one of the supply ships ran loo near the
shore and stuck fast. Witli a few. Captain
Coward captured her in defiance of two
barges manned with superior numbers
that were sent to the rescue. At the clese
of the war he returned to his farm, became
the esteemed citizen and fully exemplified
the noble attributes of an honest man."
From his name we should not be sur-
prised if the above named liero was a rela-
tive of the late Captain Joseph Coward of
Toms River, formerly a member of the
Legislature, a gentleman much esteemed
and popular among his political opponents,
as well as friends.
A JERSEY BLUE AT THE BATTLE
OF GERMANTOWN.
Barkalow, of Old Moxmouth.
The following story which we find in an
old work is worth repeating:
" A Brave Fellow. — Among numerous
feats of valor performed by individuals of
the American Revolutionary army, none
has pleaded me more ihan the iollowing,
related by an eye witness.
" During the heat of the baltlir at Oer
mantown, while bullets flew thick as hail-
stones, one Barkalow, of Monmouth, N. J.,
was levelling his musket at the enemy
when the lock was carried away bv a bull.
Undismayed, he caught up the gun of a
comrade, just killed by his side, and taking
aim, a bullet entered ihe muzzle and twist-
ed the barrel round like acorkscrewl Still
undaunted, our hero immediately ivneel- d
down, unscrewed the whole lock from the
twisted barrel, screwed it on the barrel
from which the lock had been torn, and
blazed away at the enemy.
" Can ancient Sparta or modern Bririan
boast a more brilliant display o* cool, de-
liberate, unshtvken courage? Tliis hero is
still livinj,.'' — Niles Prin. Revolution, 1822
THE REDSTt'NE COUNTRY.
Old Monmouth Citizens Emigratixo WtsT.
At dift'erent times between fifty and a
hundred years a^jo, a large number of the
citizens of old Monmouth emigr iied to
what then was termed "'the Redstone
country." These emigrants left behind
numerous relatives, and among their de-
scendants are often heard inquiries as to
the precise locality of this '' Redstone
country." The origin of the name at the
present day seems somewhat singular.
The term " Redstone settlements " or
" Redstone country," was employed to de-
note most fthe country in Pennsylvania
and Virginia west of the mountains. The
name Redstone was ap})lied to a creek
which enters the Monongahela below
Brownsville, Pa., upon which was a settle-
ment calleii " Redstone Old Fort."
In thatMay coal, as an article of fuel,
was unknown. It is .stated that "the hills
aboun<led with bituminous coal ; and along
water courses where the earth had been
washed off, the coal was left exposed
which often caught fire ; these fires came
in contact with the suri'ounding earth and
OLD TIMES IX OLD MONMOUTH.
2r.
stones and gave them a red appearance —
indeed so much so that when pulverized
they were used in painting a vSpanish
brown color. Hence the name. Many of
these red banks are now visible, the most
prominent of whieh are in Redstone Creek,
Fayette county, Pa."
The last considerable exodus of citizens
of old Monmouth bound for the Redstone
(Country, occurred some fifty odd years ago.
Some of the emigrants from the county
who went previous to this time, experienc-
ed great hardships, a;nd at one time were
so seriously annoyed by the Indians that
they had to return until the troubles were
over. One native of old Monmouth named
Conovea' during the Indian troubles, be-
came quite noted for his skill and bravery
in meeting the savages, and his adventures
wei-e so thrilling that we shall try to find
place for them liereafter ; it will be seen
that he did no discredit to the county that
gave him birth.
INDIAN WILL.
An EccK.NTRic .\boriginai. ok Old Mov-
MOLTH.
In days gone by the singular character
and eccentric acts of the noted Indian
Will, formed the theme of many a fireside
story among our ancestors, many of which
are still well remembered by our older
citizens, especially those belonging to the
Society of Friends. Some of the incidents
given below, derived many years ago from
aged Friends, differ in some particulars,
but we give them as related to us now, in
hopes some of our readers can furnisn cor-
rections and additions. The first story
given below, was published some thirty
years ago, and as will be seen differs from
other versions.
"About the year 1670, the Indians sold
out the section of country near Eatontown
to Lewis Morris for a barrel of cider, and
emigrated to Crosswicks and Cranbury. —
One of them, called Indian AVill, remained
and dwelt in a wigwam between Tin ton
Falls and Swimming river. His tribe were
in consequence exasperated, and at vari-
ous times sent messengers to kill liim in
single combat ; but being a brave, athletic
man, he always came ofi conoueror. On a
certain occasion, while partaking of a
breakfast of suppawn and milk at Mr. Ea-
ton's with a silver spoon, he casually re-
marked that he knew where there were
plenty of such. They promised if he
would bring them they would give him a
red coat and a cocked hat. In a short
time he was arrayed in that dress ; and it
is said that the Batons suddenly became
wealthy. About 80 years since, in pulling
down an old mansion in Shrewsbury, in
which a maiden member of this family in
her lifetime had resided, a quantity o\ cob
dollars, supposed by the superstitious to
have been Kidd's money, were found con-
cealed in the cellar wall. This coin was
generally of a square or oblong shape, the
corners of wliich wore out the pockets.'" —
{Howe's Hist. Coll.)
A somewhat similar or a variation of the
above tradition, we have fi-equently heard
as follows :
'• India Will often visited th« family
of Derrick Longstreet at Manasquan, and
one time showed them some silver money
which excited their surprise ; they wished
to know where he got it, and wanted Will
to let them have it. Will refused to part
with it. but told them he had found it in
a trunk along tlie beacli, and there wa.s
plenty of yellow money beside ; but as the
yellow money was not as pretty as tlie
white, he didn't want that, and Longstreet
might have it. So Longstreet went with
him, and found the money in a trunk cov-
ere 1 over with tarpaulin buried in the
j sand ; Will kept the white money and
; Longstreet the yellow ( gold,) and this sat-
j isfactory division, made the Longstreets
quite wealthy."
It is very probable that Will found mon-
j ey along the beach, but whether it was
from some shipwrecked vessel, or had been
buried by pirates, is another question. —
However, the connection of Kidd's name
with the finding ol the money would indi-
cate that Will lived long after the year
mentioned in the first quoted tradition,
( 1670.) Kidd did not sail on his piratical
cruise until 1696. And from the tradition-
ary information the writer of this has been
able to obtain, Will must have lived many
years subsequent.
In personal appearance, Willis described
as having been stout, broad shouldered,
with prominent Indian cast of fentures
and rings in his ear-, and a good sized one
in his nose. The following are some of
the additional traditions related of him:
Among other things which Will had
done to excite the ill will of other Indians
iie was charged with killing his wife. Her
brother named Jacob, determined on re-
26
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
venge; so he pursued him and finding Will
unarmed, undertook to march him off cap-
tive. As they were going along, Will
espied a pine knot on the ground, and
managed to pick it up and suddenly dealt
Jacob a fatal blow, and as he dropped to
the ground, Will tauntingly exclaimed,
•'Jacob, look up at the sun — you'll never
see it again." Most of the old residents
who relate stories of Will, speak of his
finding honey at one time on the dead
bodv of an Indian he had previously killed,
but whether it was Jacob or some other is
not mentioned.
At one time, to make sure work of kill-
ing Will, four or five Indians started in
pursuit of him, and they succeeded in sur-
prising him so suddenly that he had no
chance for defence or fight, ffis captors
told him they were about to kill him and
he must at once prepare to die. He heard
his doom with Indian stoicism, and he had
only one favor to ask before he died, and
that was to be allowed to take a drink out
of his jug ot liquor which had just been
filled. So small a favor the captors could
not refuse. As Will's jug was full, it was
only common poUtene.--.s to ask them to
drink also. Now if his captors had a.nj'^
weakness it was for rum; so they grateful-
ly accepted his invitation. The drink
rendered them talkative, and they com-
menced reasoning with him upon the
enormitv of his offences. Tiie condemned
man admitted the justness of their re-
proaches, and begged to be allowed to take
another drink to drown the stings of con-
science ; the captors condescendingly join-
ed him again — indeed it would have been
cruel to refuse to drink with a man so soon
to die. This gone through with, they per-
suaded Will to make a full confession of
his misdeeds, and their magnitude so
aroused the indignation of his ca})tors,
that they had to take another drink to
enable them to do their duty becociingly.
Indeed, they took divers drinks, so over-
come were they by his harrowing tale; and
then they become so unmanned, that they
had to try to recuperate by sleep. Then
crafty Will, who had really dr.ink but lit-
tle, softly arose, found his hatchet, and
soon despatched his would-be captors.
It was a rule with Will not to waste any
ammunition, and therefore he was bound
to eat all the game he killed, but a buz-
zard which he once shot sorely trie<l him,
and it took two or three days starving, be-
fore he could stomach it. One time when<
alone upon the beach he was seized with a
fit of sickness and thought he was about
to die ; and not wishing his dead body to
lie exposed, he succeeded in digging a
shallow grave in which he lay for awhile,
but his sickness passed off and he crept
out and went on his way rejoicing. He
would never, in the latter years of his life,
kill a willet, as he said a willet once saved
his life. He said he was in a canoe one
dark night crossing tlie bay, somewhat the
worse for liquoi', and unconsciously about
to drift out the inlet into the ocean, when
a willet screamed, and the ])eculiar cry of
tiiis bird seemed to him to sound, " this
way. Will; this way. Will!'' and that w&y
Will went and reached the beach just in
time to save himself from certain death in
the breakers.
When after wild fowl he had a singular
vvav of talking to them in a low tone : —
" Come this way, my nice bird, Will won't
hurt you; Will won't hurt you!" If he
succeeded in killing one he would say :
'* You fool, you believe me eh ? Ah, Will
been so much with the whites he learned
to lie like a white man .'"
An old resident of the present county
of Ocean, says that " Indian Will some-
times travelled down along shore as far as
Barnegat Inlet and always attended by a
lot of big, lean, hungrj' looking dogs, to
help him fight off other Indians."
Near the mouth of Squan River is a
place known as " Will's Hole.'" There are
two versions <itf the origin of the name. —
One old gentleman living in the vicinity,
s-ays it was so called because Will was
drowned in it. The other version is that
Will drowned his wife here.
The following traditions of Indian Will
were told last summer by the venerable
Thomas Cook of Point Pleasant, recently
deceased, to a correspondent of the i\ew
York World. Though copied in this paper
at that time, yet in this connection they
will bear republishing :
Along the <hore of Squan river a small
inlet was pointed out to me which is known
a,s " Imiian Will's Hole.' Some three
quarters of .i century ago, an old Indian
chief made his home in the woods attached
to the Cook farm. He was a brawny,
muscular savage, peaceably inclined to-
wards the whites and suffered no molesta-
tion from them. Many of his people lived
around him, but he preferred to occupy
his cabin alone with his wife, while he
spent most of his time in hunting and
fishing.
But one day Indian Will brought home
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
27
a muskiat, which he ordered his spouse to
prepare for dinner. She obeyed, but when
it was placed upon the table, refused to
partake of it. " Very well," grunted the
noble red man, '• if you are too good to eat
m.iskrat you are too good to live with me."
And thereupon took her down to the little
bay spoken of, and caused her to sink so
ett'ectually that she has not yet come to
the surface.
Indian Will liad three brothers-in-hiw,
two of Tfhom resided on Long Island, and
when in course of time word reached ihem
of the manner in which the chief had "put
away " their sister, they went dawn to
Jersey to avenge her deatli. When they
reached Will's c?bin^ he sat inside eating
clam soup. Knowing their errand, he in-
vited them in to dinner, telling them that
lie vtould figlit it out with them as soon as
the meal was concluded. "'Barkis was
Vs'illin " and they gathered around the ab-
original board, complimentiniz the steam-
ing scHip wliich was placed before them,
ami scooped it into their capacious jaws in
the very felicity of sensuous enjoyment.
Before dinner was over Indian Will pre-
tended that he heard some one approach-
ing, and springng up hurried out of his
cabin as if to meet him. But the instant
lie was out of sight of the two visitors, he
caught up their two guns, which they had
left leaning up against the cabin in full
trust of his honor, and through the open
ilooi' shot both, the last redskin falling
dead as he was rushing out to close in with
his treacherous iiost.
In those days it was the custom of the
Indians to hold a yearly meeting or coun-
I'il at a place now known as Burrsville,
somewhat like a <lozen miles from this
point. It was here that Indian Will en
countered the third brother-in-law, and
they started homeward together having
no weapons with them, but carrying a jug
of whiskey. Deep in the gloomy recesses
of the pine woods, when his blood was in-
flamed with fire-water, this Indian told
th'' chief that he must: die as the death of
his relatives must be avenyed.
They halted and closed in the deadly
->truggle. Both were active and powerful
men and it was a fight unto death ; but
late in the evening Indian Will appeared
at liis cabin with no companion but his
whiskey jug. The next day he received
several visitors from his race who had been
at the Council the day before, aud who
had seen the two depart together. In
([uiring as to what had become of his com-
rade, he told them to search and they
would probably find out.
They took the back trail of the chief
and after an hour's tramping found the
dead body. The crushed skull and a
bloody pine knot near told the tale. Hence-
forth Indian Will was let alone and quiet-
ly died in his own cabin many years after.
I find that in the deed of the Cook farm,
this '' Indian Will's Hole" is recognized,
and its margin is given as one of the land-
marks."
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION-
PRINCIPLES INVOLVED.
Early Stand taken by the Citizens of Mon-
mouth. — Prooceedings of Meetings in
Different TowMships in 1774-5. — Free-
hold leads the State. — County Resolu-
tions. — An Admirable Document. — Pa-
triots Appeal to their Descendants. — " A
Faithful Record'' of 1774, audits Message
to 1873.
Historians of other States have always
conceded that the citizens of New Jersey
were among the earliest and most active
opponents of those tyrannical acts of Great
Britain which brought on the war, and fi-
nally resulted in separation. Large and
spirited public meetings were held in va-
rious parts of the State in 1774-5, to de-
nounce the obnoxious laws, and to organ-
ize for counsel and defence.
At this stage of affairs, sepiaration from
England had not been proposed, and most
of these meetings, while condemning the
acts of the British Ministry and Parlia-
ment, still expressed decided loyalty to
the King. Our ancestors warmly seconded
the stand taken by the people of Boston
and freely forwarded contributions to the
suffering inhabitants of that city.
We annex extracts from the proceed-
ings of some of these meetings in Old
Monmouth, as they exhibit the timely
zeal and firm and decided spirit of its citi-
zens, and also furnish the names of some
of the leading spirits who were prominent
in the early stages of political m ^vements
which brought on the Revolution. The
several counties of the State were request-
ed to send delegates to meet at New Bruns.
wick, July 21st, 1774, to consider what
28
OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.
action should be taken by the citizens oi
the Province ol New Jersey. This conven-
tion was geHeraliy spoken of as the " Pro-
vincial Congress of New Jersey, " and was
a different' body from the Legislature: in
several instances, however, the same per-
sons were members of both bodies. A
number of persons named in these pro-
ceedings were afterwards, during the war,
conspicuous in military or civil life, for
their services in behalf of their country in
legislative halls and on the field of battle.
For a year or two tbe citizens of the
county appear to have been about unani-
mous in their sentiments, but when finally
the subject of a separation from the moth-
er country was boldly advocated, there
was found to be a diversity of opinion, and
some who were among the most active in
the meetings'of 1774-5, earnestly opposed
the ijroposition, and eventually sided with
England in the later years of that memor-
able struggle. The fearful consequences
of this division, in which it would seem
almost every man capable of bearing arms
was comoelled to take sides, we have en-
deavored to give in other chnpters.
The citizens of Freehold had the honor,
we believe, of holding tlie first meeting in
New Jersey to denounce the tyrannical
acts of Great Britain — of inaugurating the
movements in our State which finally re-
sulted in Independence. The date of
their first meeting is June 6th, 1774; thft
earliest date of a meeting in any other
place tliat we have met with, is of a meet-
ing at Newark, June 11th, 1774.
The following is a copy of the Freehold
Proceedings :
howRR Freehold Resomitxoxs.
" Freehold June 6th 1774.
" Atameeting of the Freeholders and In-
habitants of the Township of Ldwer Free-
hold in the county of Monmouth in New
Jersey, on Monday the 6th day of June
1774 after notice given of the time place
and occasion of this meeting
'• Resolved That it is the unanimous o\nn-
ion of this meeting, that the cause in wliich
the inhabitants of the town of Boston are
now suflPering is the common cause of the
whole Continent of North America; and
that unless some general sj)irited measures,
lor the public safety be speedily entered
into there is just reason to fear that every
Province may in turn sliare the same fate
with them; and that therefore, it is higldy
incumbent on thom all to unite in some
effectual means to obtain a repeal of the
Boston Port Bill and any other that may
follow it, which shall be deemed subver-
sive of the rights and piivileges of free
burn Americans.
"And that it is the opiiijoti of this meet-
ing that in case it shall Ijtreafter a()pear
to be consistent with the general opinion
of the trading towns and the commercial
part ot our countrymen, that an entire
stoppage of importation and exportatioii
from and to Great Brit.'iin and the West
Indies, until the said Port Bill and other
Acts be repealed, will be conduijive to tbe
safety and preservation of North America
and her liberties, they will yield a cheerful
acquiesence in the ipeasure and 'Earnestly
reccommend the same to all their iM'cth-
ren in this Province.
•'Resolved, ?noreo?er That the inhabitants
of this township will jom in an Association
with the several towns in the county and
in conjuction with them, with the several
counties in the Province (if, as w^e
doubt not they see fit to accede to the
proposal ) in any measures that may ap-
pear best adapted to tiie wea! and safety
of North America and all her loyal sons.
'• Ordered That
John Anderson Esq Peter Fokman
Hendrick Smock John Forman
AsHER Holmes Capt Jno Covenhoven
and Dr. Nathaniel Scxjdder
be a committee for the township to join
those who may be elected for the neigh-
boring townships or counties to co.^stitute
a General Committee for any purposes
similar to those above mentioned; and
that the gentlemen so appointed do im-
mediately solicit a correspondence with
tlie adjacent towns."
( Dr. Scudder subsequently was a Colo-
nel in tlie First Regiment Monmouth
Militia, and killed October 15th, 1781. a>
described elsewhere.)
The following week the citizens of Essex
sent the following to the patriots of Mon-
mouth :
Essex to Mon.moi th.
" Elizabethtown -lune 13th 1774.
"Gentlemen: The alarming Measures
which have been lately taken to deprive
the Inhabitants of the American Cehnies
of their constitutional Rights and Privi-
leges, together with the late violent -itlacks
made u])on the rights and liberties of the
Colony of the Massachusetts Bay ( for as-
serting and endeavoring to maintain their
rights) manifestly intended lo crush them
without Mercv and thereby disunite and
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
29
wc-aken the Colonies, and at tlie same time
dare the.n to assert or own their Constitu-
tional Rights, Liberties or Properties, un-
der the Penalty of the like, and if jwssible,
worse treatment ; and ai the Assembly of
New Jersey are not like to meet in time
to answer the Design j^roposed, and the
neighboring Colonies are devising and ex-
pecting the immediate union of this Colo-
ny with them.
''Bunclry of the hjhabitantsof theCounty
of E^sex by Advertisements, convened a
general Meeting of said County at Newark
on Saturday last, when the said inhabi-
tants unanimously entered into certain
Kesolves and Declarations upon that occa-
sion, a copy of which you have enclosed.
We the Committee appointed by the said
Meeting, do earnestly request that i^ou
will immediately by Advertisements or
otherwise, call a general Meeting of your
County for the purposes aforesaid as soon
as possible, as we have intelligence that it
is most probable the General Congress of
the Colonies will be held the latter end of
July next. We think New Brunswick the
most suitable i)lace for the committee to
meet, and with submission to them desire
they will meet lis at New Brunswick on
Thursday July 21st next at 10 o'clock in
the morning, unless some other time and
place more suitable shall in the meantime
be agreed upon.
" VVe earnestly lequest your answer as
soon as possible.
'• Letters of this Tenor and Date we now
despatch to the other Counties in this Col-
ony. We are. Gentlemen,
" your most ob't servants
"Stephen Craxe Chairman
'' Hy order :
" To Messrs Edward Taylor, Richard Law-
rence Elisha Lawrence, John Taylor and
Henry Waddeli, and other Inliabilants ot
the County of Monmouth, Friends to the
liiiierties and Privileges of the American
Colonies."
( The above letter was directed to the
above named gentlemen " or to any body
else in Monmouth County.'")
Delegates IVdm the different townships
in the connty assembled at Fi'eohoiil, July
i9lh, and the result of their decision is
found in the following admirable docu-
ment. It is lengthy but will well repay
perusa'. In the closing paragraph they
trust that some fiithful record will trans-
mit the reasons which actuated them, to
til' ir posterity to whom they make a brief
but f>loquetit appeal. As they desired, this
record has been jjreserved, and as they
desired, we do what we can to place it be-
fore their descendants:
MoxMOUTH County Resolutioxs.
" On Tuesday July 19th 1774, a majority
of the Committees from the several town-
ships in the covinty of Monmouth of the
Colony of New Jersey met according to
appointment at the Court House at Free-
hold in said county ; and api)earing to
have been regularly chosen and constituted
by their respective townships, they unani-
mously agreed upon the propriety and ex-
pediency of electing a committee to repre-
sent the whole county at the approaching
Provincial Convention to be held at the
city of New Brunswick, for the necessary
purpose of constituting delegates from Ibis
Province to the general Congress of the
Colonies and for all other such important
purposes as siiall hereafter be found neces-
sary.
" They at the same time also recorded the
following Resolutions, Determinations and
Opinions, which they wish to be transmit-
ted to posterity as an ample testimony to
their lovalty to his British Majesty, of their
firm attacement to the principles of the
glorious Revolution and their fixed and
unalterable purpose, by every lawful
means in their power, to maintain and de-
fend themselves in the possession and en-
joyment of those inestima,ble civil and re-
ligious privileges which their forefathers,
at the expense of so much blood and treas-
ure, liave established and handed down
to them.
" 1st. In the names and behalf of their
constituents, the good and loyal inhabi-
tants of the county of Monmouth, in the
colony of New Jersey^ they do cheerfully
and publicly proclaim their unshaken al-
legiance to the person and government ot
his most gracious Majesty King George the
Third now on the British throne, and do
acknowledge^ themselves bound at all
times, and to the utmost exertion of their
power to maintain his dijznity and lawful
sovereignty in and over all his colonies in
America; and that it is their most fervent
desire and constant prayer that in a Prot-
estant succession, the descendants of the
illustrious House of Hanover, may con-
tinue to sway the British sceptre to the
latest posterity.
" 2d. They do highly esteem and prize
the happiness of being governed and hav-
ing their liberty and property secured to
them by so excellent a system of laws as
30
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
that of Great Britain, the best doubtless in
the universe ; and they will at all times
cheerfully obey and render every degree of
assistance in their power to the full and
just execution of them. But at t}«e fame
time will, with the greatest alacrity and
resolution oppose- any unwarrantable in-
novations in them or any additions to or
alterations in the grand system which may
appear unconstitutional, and consequently
inconsistent with the liberties and privi-
leges of the descendants ot free borit
American Britons.
" 3d. As there has been for ages past, a
most happy union and uninterrupted con-
nection between Great Britain and her
colonies in America, they conceive their
interests are now become so intimately
blended together and their mutual de
pendence upon each other to be at this
time so delicately great that they esteem
everything which has a tendency to alien-
ate affection or disunite them in any de-
gree, highly injurious to their common
happiness and directly calculated to pro-
duce a Eevolution, likelv in the end to
prove destructive to both ; they do there-
fore heartily disclaim every idea of that
spirit of independence which has, of late,
by some of our mistaken brethren on each
side of the Atlantic, been so groundlefsiy
and injuriously held up to thr.- attention of
the nation, as having through ambition,
])Ossessed tlie breasts of tlie Americans. —
And moreover they do devoutly bt-seech
the Supreme Disposer of all events, gra-
ciously to incline the heart of our Soverign
and all his Ministers, to a kind and im-
partial investigation ot the real sentiments
and disjjosition of his truly loyal American
subjects.
"4th. Notwithstanding many great men
xind able writers have employed their tal-
ents and pens in favor of the newly adopt-
ed mode of taxation in America, tliey are
J'et sensible of no convictive light being
thrown upon the subject; and therefore,
although so august a body as that of the
British Parliament is now actually endeav-
oring to enforce in a military way. tlie ex-
ecution of some distressing edicts upon the
capital of the Mas-^acliusetts colony, they
do freely and solemnly declare "that in
conscience they deem them, and all oth-
ers that are, or ever may be framed upon
tiie same principles, altogetlier unprece-
dented and unconstitutional, utterly in-
consistent wilh the true original intention
of Magna Charta, subversive of the just
rights of free born Englishmen, agreeable
and satisfactory only to the domestic and
foreign enemies of our nation, and conse-
quently pregnant with complicated ruin,
and tentling directly to the dissolution and
destruction of the Britisli Empire.
" 5tii. As they, on tlie one hand firmly
believe that the inhabitants of the Massa-
chusetts colony in general, and those of
the town of Boston in particular, are to all
intents and purposes as loyal subjects as
any in all his Majesty's widely extended
dominions ; and on the other, that (al-
though the present coercive and oppres.sive
measures against them may have taken
rise in some part from the grossest and
most cruel misrepresentat.on both of their
disposition and conduct ) the blockade of
that town is principally designed to lead
the way in an attempt to execute a dread-
ful deep laid plan for enslaving all Anipr-
icd. 'J'heyare therefore clearly of 0[)inion,
that the Bostonians are now eminently
sufi'ering in the common cause >.f Aim-ii-
can fretsdotn, and that their fate n:ay
probably pVove decisive to this very ex-
tensive continent and even to the whole
British nation ; and they do verily expect
that unle>s some generous ."^pii'lted meas-
ures for the public safety be speedily en-
tered into and steadily prosecuted, every
other colony will soon in turn feel the per-
nicious etiects of the same detestable re-
strictions. Whence tiiey earnestly entreat
every rank, denomination, society and
profession of their brethren, that,' laying
aside all bigotry and every party disposi
tion. tliey do now universally concur in
one- generous and vigorous etibrt for the
encouragement and support of their suf-
f'^ring friends, and in a resolute assertion
of their birth right, liberties and }>rivileges.
In consequence of vvliich t!?ey may reason-
ably expect a speedy repeal of ail the ar-
bitrary edicts re.>;pecting the MassHchusetts
government, and at the same time an ef-
fectual preclusion of any future attempts
of the kind from the enemies of our ha))-
l^y Constitution, either upon them or any
o< their American brethren.
"6th In case it shall hereafter appeiu- to
be consistent with t!ie result of the delib-
eration of the general Congress, that an
interruption or entire cassation of com-
mercial intercourse with Great Britain and
even ( jninful as it may be ) with the West
Indies, until such oppressive Acts \ e re-
]ii'aled and the liberties of America fully
restored, stated and assorted, wiH on this
deplorable emergency be really necessary
;intl conducive to the public good, they
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
31
promise a ready acquiesence in every mea-
sure ^nfi will recommend the same as far
as their ii;fluence extends.
" 7th. As a general Congress of Deputies
from the several American Colonies is pro-
posed to be held at Philadelphia soon in
iSeptember next, they ileclare their entire
approbation of the design and think it is
the only rational method of evading those
aggravated evils which threaten to involve
the whole continent in one general calam-
itous catastrophe. They are therelore met
this day, vested with due authority from
their respective constituents, to elect a
committee to represent this county of
Monmouth in any future necessary trans
actions respecting the cause of liberty and
especially to join the Provincial Conven-
tion soon to be held at New Brunswick,
for the purpose of nominating and consti-
tuting a number of Delegates, who in be-
half of this Colony ma, steadily attend to
said general Congress and faithfullv serve
the laboring cause of freedom and they
have consequently chosen and deputed the
following gentlemen to that important
trust viz ; y
Edward^'aylor John Anderson
John Tiiylor Dr Nathaniel Scudder
John Burrowes John Covenhoven u-
Joseph Holmes Josiah Holmes
Edward Williams James Crover
John Lawrence.
' Edward Taylor being constituted chair-
man and any five of them a sufficient
number to transact business. And they
do beseech, entreat, insti'uct and enjoin
them to give their voice at said Provincial
Convention, for no persons but such as
they in good conscience and from the best
information shall verily believe to be am-
ply quaiified fnr so int'^resting a depart-
ment; particularly that they be men high-
ly aj^proved for integrity, honesty and up
rightness, faithfully Httached to his Maj-
esty's person and lawful government, well
skilled in tiie principles of our excellent
constitution and steady assertors of all our
civil and religious liberties.
" 8th. As under the present operation of
the Boston Port Bill, thousantls of our re-
spected brethren in Ijuit town must neces
sarily be reduced to great distress, they
feel themselves affected with the sincorest
sympathy and most cordial-commiseration;
and as they expect, under God, that the
final deliverance of America will be owing,
in a great degree, to a continuance of their
virtuous struggle, they esteem themselves
bound in duty and in interest to afforl
them every assistance and alleviation in
their power ; and they do now in behalf
of their constituents, declare their readi-
ness to contribute to the relief of the suf-
fering poor in that town ; therefore they
request the several committees of the
country, when met, to take into serious
consideration the necessity and expedien-
cy of' forwarding under a sanction from
them, subscriptions through every part of
the Colony, for that truly humane and
laudable purpose ; and that a proper plan
be concerted for laying out the product of
such subscriptions to the best andvantage,
and afterwards transmitting it to Boston
in the safest and least expensive way.
"9th. As we are now by our Committees
in this, in conjunction with those of other
colonies, about to delegate to a number of
our countrymen a power equal to any
wherewith liuman nature alone was ever
invested ; and as we firmly resolve to ac-
quiesce in their deliberations, we do there-
fore earnestly entreat them, seriously and
conscientiously to weigh the inexpressible
importance of their arduous department,
and fervently to solicit that direction and
assistance m the discnarge of their trust,
which all the powers of humanity cannot
afford thesn ; and we do humbly and ear-
nestly beseech that God, in whose hand
are the hearts of all flesh and who ruleth
them at his pleasure, graciously to infuse
into the whole Congress a spirit of true
wisdom, prudence and just moderation ;
and to direct them to such unanimous and
happy conclusion as shall terminate in His
own honor and glory, the establishment
of the Protestant succession of the illus-
trious House of Hanover, the mutual weal
and advantage of Great Britain and all her
l^ominions and a just and permanent con-
firmation of i.ll the civil and religious lib-
erties of Araerica. And now lastly, under
tlie consideration of the bare possibility
that the enemies of our constitution may
y«>t succeed in ■x desperate triumph over
us in this age, we do earnestly ( should
this prove the case ) call upon all future
generations to renew the glorious struggle
for liberty as often as Heaven shall afford
them any probable means of success.
•' May this notification, by some faithful
record, be handed down to the yet unborn
descendants of Americans, that nothing
but the most fatal necessity could have
wrested the present inestimable enjoy-
ments from their ancestors. Let them
universally inculcate upon their beloved
offspring an investigation of those truths,
32
OLD TIMES IX OLD MONMOUTH.
respecting both civil and religious liberty,
which have been so clearly and fully stated
in this generation. May they be carefulh'
taught in all their schools-, and may they
never rest until, through Divine blessing
upon their efforts, true freedom and liber-
ty shall reign triumphant over the whole
Crlebe.
" Signed by order of the Committes,
'' Edward Taylor Chairman "
Boston Gratefully Acknowledges Mon-
mouth Contributions.
The patriots of Monmouth promptly
and freely contributed to the suffering in-
habitants of Boston. In forwarding their
first contribution "they entreated their
brethren not to give up, and if they
should want a iurther supjjly of bread to
let them know it."
On the 21st of October, 1774, a letter was
written on behalf of the Boston ians, to
the citizens of Monmouth, in whicli they
say: ^
" The kind and generous donations of
the County of Monmouth in the -Tersies
we are now to acknowledge and with
grateful hearfcB to thank you therefore,
having received from the Committee of
said county, per Captain Brown, eleven
hundred and forty (1140) bushels of rye
and fifty barrels of rye meal, for thesuffer-
ing poor of this town which shall be au-
plied to the purpose intended by the don-
ors ; and what further cheers our hearts,
is your kind assurances of a further sup-
ply, if necessary, to enable us to oppose
the cruel Parliamentary Acts, levelled not
only against this town, but our whole
Constitution."
" Committees of Observation and Inspec-
tion."
'• Freehold December 10th 1774.
" In pursuance of the recommendation of
the Continental Congress and for the pres-
ervation of American Freedom, a respect
able body of the freeholders of Freehold
townshij) met at the Court House and
unanimously elected the following gentle-
men to act as a Committee of Observation
and Inspection for said township :
.Tolin Anderson Hendrick Smock
John Forman John Covenhoven
Asher Holmes Dr. Nath'l Scudder
Teter Forman David Forman
Dr. T. Henderson.
" The committee were instructed by their
constituents to carry into e.xecution the
'several imjiortant and sahitniT measures
pointed out to them by the Continental
Congress and without favor or affection to
make all such diligent inquiry as shall be
found conducive to thd accomplishment
of the great necessary purposes held up to
the attention of Americans."
Upper Freehold, Dover and Middle-
town formed similar committees, and noti-
fied the Freehold committee.
Shi'ewsbury however failed to appohit a
committee. This may havf been owing
to the prevalence of Quaker principles in
the township. An attempt by the patri-
ots of Shrewsbury was made to have a
Committee appointed, as will be seen by
the following cojiy of an advertisement
put up in this township :
•' Advertisement.
"Shrewsbury January 2nd' 1775.
" Aiireeable to the Resolutions of the
late General Continental Congress — The
Inhabitants of the town of Slirewsbury,
more especially such as are properly qual-
ififcd for choosing Representatives to serve
in the Genend Assembly are hereby warn-
ed to meet at the house of Josiah Hal-
stead, in said Sh^-ewsbury, on '^esday the
17th of this instant January at noon, in
order to choose a Committee for the seve-
ral purposes as directed by thesai'l Con-
gress.
" As the method ordered by the Congress
seems to be the only peaceable method
the case will admit of, on failure of which
either confii'med Slavery or a civil war of
course succeeds ; the bare mention of
either of the two last is shocking to hu-
man nature, more particularly so to all
true friends of the English Constitution.
"Therefore it becomes the indispensable
duty of all such to use their utmost en-
deavors in favor of the first or peaceable
method, and suffer it not to miscarry or
fail of its salutary and much desired effects
by means of any sinister views or indo-
lence of theirs. Surely expectinir on the
one hand to be loaded with the curses
arising from sla'very to the latest posteri-
ty, or on the other band the guilt of
blood of thousand of their brethren and
fellow Christians to lay at their door and
to be jusily required at their hands.
"Think well of this before it be too late
and let not the |irecious moments pass."
A .number of the citizens of Shrewsbury
Hssemhled at the time and place mention-
ed in the advertisement but they failed to
appoint a committee." The following
-^iiows tho conclusion to which tb(^ meet-
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
33
ing came. It concludes more like a Qua-
ker Meeting epistle than a town meeting
resolve :
" Extract from a letter to a gentleman in
New York dated Shrewsbury N. J. Jan-
uary 18th 1775.
" In consequence of an anonymous ad-
vertisement fixed up in this place, giving
notice to freeholders and others, to meet
on Tuesday the 17th inst in order to
choose a Committee of Inspection etc, be-
tween thirty and forty of ^he most respect
able freeholders accordingly met and after
a few debates on the business of the day,
which were carried on vrith great decency
and moderation it was generally agreed
(there being only four or five dissenting
votes) that the appointment of a commit-
tee was not only useless, but they were
apprehensive would prove a means of dis-
turbing the peace and quietness which
had hitherto existed in the township, and
would continue to use their utmost en-
deavors to preserve and to gaurd against
running upon that rock on which, with
much concern, they beheld others, through
an inattentive rashness, daily splitting "
The Freehold Committee of Observation
and Inspection at a meeting held March
17th, 1775, took up the case of Shrewsbury
township, and after stating the subject in
a preamble they resolved that from and
after that day they would esteem and
treat the citizens of Shrewsbury as ene-
mies to their King and country and de-
serters of the common cause of Freedom ;
and would break off all dealings and con-
nections with taem " unless they shall
ttirn from the evil of their ways and testi-
fy their repentance by adopting the mea-
sures of Congress."
The New Jersey Provincial Legislature,
in May following, authorized other town-
shijis to appoint delegates for Shrewsbury,
but the same month the refractory town-
ship, as will be seen by the following,
chose delegates and also a committee of
Observation, and so the unpleasantness
ended.
Shrewsbury Falls Into Line.
"At a meeting f Freeholders and Inhab-
itants, of the township of Shrewsbtiry this
27th day of May 1775, the following per-
sons were by a great majority, chosen a
committee of observation for the said
town agreeable to the direction of the
General Continental Congress held at
Philadelphia September 5th 1774 viz.
Josiah Holmes John Little
Jos. Throckmorton Samuel Longstreet
Nicholas Van Brunt David Knott
Cor, Vanderveer Benjamin Dennis
Daniel Hendrickson Samuel Breese
Thomas Morford Garret Longstreet
Cornelius Lane.
I " Ordered : That Daniel Hendrick.son
and Nicholas Van Brtint, or eitherof them,
do attend t'ae Provincial Congress now
I setting at Trenton, with full power to rep-
resent there, this town of Shrewsbury.
And that Josiah Holmes, David Knott and
Samuel Breese be a sub committee to pre-
pare instructions for the Deputy or Depu-
ties who are to attend the Congress at
Trenton.
'• Josiah Holmes was unanimously chosen
chairman. Josiah Holmes.
'' Chairman and Town Clerk.'"
Freehold PxVTRiots Indignant. — Novel
Proceedings.
March 6th, 1775.
A Tory pamphlet entitled '• Free
Tho^ights on the Resolves of Congress by A
W. Farmer " was handed to the Freehold
Committee of Observation and Inspection
for their opinion. The committee declar-
ed it to be most pernicious and malignant
in its tendencies and calculated to sap the
foundation of American liberty. The
pamphlet was handed back to their con-
stituents who gave it a coat of tar and
turkey buzzards feathers, one person re-
marking that " although the feathers
were plucked from the mos^ stinking of
fowls, he thought it fell far short of being
a proper emblem of the authors odious-
ness to the friends of freedom and he
wished he had the pleasure of giving the
author a coat of the same material.'"
The pam^jhlet in its gorgeous attire was
then nailed to the pillory post.
The same committee severely denounc-
ed a Tory pamphlet written by James
Eivington, editor of Kivington's Eoyal Ga-
zette, the Tory paper, printed in New
York.
By the following resolves it will be seen
that the citizens of Upper Freehold favor-
ed arming the people if necessary, to op-
pose the tyrannical acts of Great Britain.
A striking illustration of the stirring
events of that perilous time is found in
the fact that before a year had elapsed
some of the prominent men in this meet-
ing were aiding Great Britain to the best
of their ability by voice, pen or sword :
34
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Upper Freehold Resolitions.
•' May 4th 1775. This day, agreeable to
previous notice a very considerable num-
ber of the principal inhabitants of tins
township met at Imlaystown.
"John Lawrence Es<i. in tlie chair; Wlien
the following resolves were unanimously
agreed to :
'' Resolved, I'liat it is our first wish to
live in unison with Great Britain, agree-
able to the principles of the Constitution ;
that we consider the unnatural civil war
which we are about to be forced into,
with anxiety and distress but that we are
determined to oppose the novel claim of
the Parliament of Great Britain to raise a
revenue in Amtrica and risk every possi-
ble consequence rather than to submit to
it.
•' Resolved. That it appears to this
meeting that there are a suflBcient num-
ber of arms for the people.
•' Resolved. Thatasum of money be now
raised to purchase what further quantity
of Powder and Ball may be necessary ;
and it is recommended that every man
capable of bearing arms enter into Com-
panies to train, and be prepared to march
at a minutes warning ; and it is (urther
recommended to the people that they do
not waste their powder in fowling and
hunting.
•' A subscription was opened tvnd one
hundred and sixty pounds instantly paid
into the hands of a person appointed for
that purpose. 'I'he officers of four com-
panies were then chosen and the meeting
bi'oke up in perfect unanimity.
" Emsiia Lawkrmk. Clerk.''
THE OUTLAWS OF THE 1 INES.
Among the most noted of these scoun-
drels may be mentioned Lewis Fenton,
Jacob Fagan, Thomas and Stephen Burke
alias Emmons, Ezekiel Williams, Richard
Bird, John Bacon, John Giberson, John
Wood, John Farnham, Jonathan and
Stephen West, DeBow aud Davenport.
Bird and Davenport appear to have op-
erated principally in old Dover township.
Giberson's head quarters appear tj have
been in the lower part of Burlington, from
whence he made occasional raids into Staf-
ford, then the southern township of Mon-
moutii county.
In speaking of the Pine Robbers, Howe's
Collections give several items derived
chiefly from tra<litionary sources, relating
to some of these notorious scoundrels.
We give their substance below. ap2)en':ling
occasional corrections and a large amount
of additional matter. The compiler of
the above named work derived his infor-
mation Irom aged citizens of the country
over three score years after the events re-
ferred to occurred. By comparing their
traditionary accounts with letters written
from Freehold and vicinity at the time, it
will be seen that they differ only in minor
details.
jn speaking of Howell township. Howe
says :
'• Superadded to the other liorrorsof the
Revolutionary war in this region, the pines
were infested with numerous robbers, who
had caves Vnu-rowed in the sides of sand
hills, near the margin of swamps, in llie
most secluded situations, which were cov-
ered with brush so as to be almost undis-
cernable. At dead of night these miscre-
ants would sally forth from their dens to
plunder, burn and murder. The inhsihi
tants, in constant terror, w>ie obliged tor
safety to carry their muskets w'tii them
into the fields, and even to the house oi
worship. At length, so numerous and au-
dacious had tliey become, that the state
government ofi'ei'ed large rewards for
their destruction, and they were hunted
and shot like wild beasts, when they weri^
almost entirely extirpated."'
The first of whom We shall speak i^
Lewis Fenton.
Fenton wa« originally a blacksmith, and
learned h-s trade at Freehold. On one
occasion he robbed a tailor's shop in that
township. Word was sent him that if he
did not restore the clothing within a week
he should be hunted and shot, [ntimida
ted by the tiireat, he returned the proper
ty accompanied by the following fiendish
note :
"I have returned your d — d rags.
In a short time I am coming to burn your
barns and houses, and roast vou all liice a
pack of kittens."
In August, 177'J, this villain, at the head
of his gang, attacked, at midnight, the
dwelling of Mr. Thomas Farr. in the vi-
cinity of Imlaystown. The iamily. con-
sisting of Mr. Farr and wife (both aged
persons) and their daughter, barricaded
the door with logs of wood. The assail-
ants first attemj'ted to beat in the door
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
35
with rails, but being unsucpssful, fired
through a volley of ball;, one of which
broke the leg of Mr. Farr. Then forning
an entrance at the back door, they mur-
dered his wife and dispatched him as he
lay helpless on the floor. His daughter,
though badly wounded, escaped, and the
gang, fearing she would alarm the neigh-
borhood, precipitately fled without wait-
ing to plunder.
After perpetrating many enormitir-;,
Feriton was shot, about two miles helow
Blue Ball, under the following cir<Mim-
stances :
Fenton and Burke beat and robbed a
young man named VanMater of his meal.
as he was going to mill. He escaped and
conveyed the information to Lfp's Legion,
th«n at th« Court Housr. A part^ staited
otFin a wagon in pursuit, consisting of the
Sergeant. VanMater and two soldiers.
The soldiers lay on the bottom of the
wiigon concealed under the straw, while
tlie sergeant, disguised :is a ountryman,
sat with VanMater on th« seat. To in-
oi'ease the deception, two or th)'ee pmpty
barrels were put m the wagon. On pass-
ing a low grpggery in the pines, Fenton
came out with ■> pistol in hand and com-
manded tliem to stop. Addressing Van-
Mater he said :
" You d d rascal ! I gave you such
a whippin.' I thought you would not dare
to show your head ;" then changing the
subject inquired, ' where are you going?"
" To the salt works," was the reply.
" Have you any brandy ?" rejoined the
robber
" Yes ! will you have some ?"'
A bottle was given him^ he put his foot
on the hub of the wagon, and was in the
act of drinking, when rlif sergeant touched
the foot of one of the soldiers, who arose
and shot him through th^ head. His
brains werp scattered over the side of the
w-agon. Burke, then in 'he woods, hear
ing the report and supposing it a signal
from his companion, discharged his rifle
in answer. The party went in pursuit,
but he escaped.
Careh^ssly throwing the body into the
wagon, they drove back furiously to the
Court House, where, on their arrival, they
.jerked out the corpse by the heels, as
though it had been that of some wild ani-
mal, with the ferocious exclamation :
" Here is a cordial for your tories and wood
robbers f^
In the above version it is stated that
Fenton's companion was Burke, but an-
cient papers published during the war say
it was DeBow. Of the two Burkes alias
Emmons, Th«mas and Stephen, we shall
have occasion to speak before concluding.
By the following extract it will he seen
that the brutal attack by Fenton and his
ganir on Thomas Farr and family, occurr-
ed in Juiy, instead of August, as stated in
the foregoing traditionally aitcouni fr,om
Howe :
'• July 31st, 1779.— Thomas Farr and
wife were murdered in the niL'ht near
Crosswicks Baptist meeting house, and
daughte- b;idly wounded by a gang sup-
posed to be under the lead of Lewis Fen-
ton. About the same time Fenton broke
into and robbed the house of one An-
drews, in M. n;nouth ('-ounty. Governor
Livingston offered £500, reward for Fen-
ton and £300, and £2-50 for persons assist-
ing him."
The Penn.sylvania Pacl<et (1779) gives a
notice of the attack on VanMater by Fen-
■on, which corresponds with the foliowing
from another ancient paper. .Sept. 29,
1779, probably written by a Freehold cor-
respondent :
" On Thursday last (September 23d,
1779), a Mr. V^inM.iter was knocked ofF
his horsf^ on the road near Longstreet's
Mills, in Monmouth County, by Lewis
Fenton and one De Bow, by whom he was
stabbed in the arm and otherwise much
abused, besides being robbed of his saddle.
In the meantime another person coming
up, which drew the attention of the rob-
bers, gave VanMater an opportunity to
escape. He wnt directly and informed
a Serjeant's gaurd of Major Lee'i; liglit dra-
goons, who were in the neighborhood, of
what had happened. The serjeant im-
mediately impi'esed a wagon r.nd horses
and 6rdered three of his men to secrete
themselves m it under some hay. Hav-
ing changed his clothes and procured a
guide, he made haste, thus equipped, to
the place where Fenton lay. On the ap-
proach of the wagon, Fenton (his compan-
ion being gone) rushed out to plunder it.
Upon demanding what they had in it. he
was answered a little wine :;nd spirit.
These articles he said he wanted, and
while advancing toward tlie wagon to
take possession of them, one of the sol-
diers, being previously informed who he
was, shot him through the head, which
killed him instantly on the spot. Thus
did this villain end his days, which it is
to be hoped will at least be a warning to
others, if not to induce them to throw
ot:i
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
themselves* on the rnerey of their Injured
country.'"
In the early part of September, 1779,
shortly before the VanMater affair, four of
Fenton's gang were captured by- the mdi-
tia and lodged in Freehold jail.
.Ij»lCOB Fagan.
F.iiXan, also a monster in wiekcdness,
was killed in Shrewsbury by n party of
militia under Mnjor Benjumin Denni.s.
The account here given, is from Mrs.
.\melia Coryel. a daughter of Mr. Denni'-',
living in JanUMvy, 1843, in Phi!adelph;a,
and who, as will be seen in the n;irration,
narrowly escii])ed death from the ruffians:
'' On Mond.iy in the autumn <^f 1778,
Fngnn, Bi^ke and Smith c;une to the
dwelling of Major Dennis, on the .soutli
side of Man;isquan river, four miles below
Howell Mills, to rob it of some plunder
captured from a British vessel. Fragan
had formerly been a ue-.w neigliboi-.
Smith, .in honest citizen, who liail j"ined
the otl>er tw", the most notorious lobbers
of their time, for the purpose of belrnying
them, prevailed upon th'jm 'o remain in
theii' lurking place while he entered the
house to ^iscertain if the v^aj' was clear.
On entering he appr'zed Mrs. Dennis of
her danger. Her daughter Amelia (after-
wards Mrs. Goryel), a girl of fourteen, hid
a pocket book contnining $80, in ;i bed-
tick, atid with her little brother hastily
retreated to a swamp near. Shf> had
scarcely left when they entered, searched
the house nnd the bed. but witliout suc-
cess.
"After tbri'atening Mrs. !)( nnis. and
ascertaining if she was unwilling to give in
tormsition where the treasure was conceal-
ed, one of tliein jtroposed to murder her.
•' No,'" replied his comrnd*- ; '' let the
d n rebel b h live. The counsel ot
the first prevailed. They took her to a
young cedar tree, and suspended her to it
by the neck with a bed cord. In her
struggles she got free and escaped.
Amelia, observing them from her hiding
place, just tlieii descried .John Holmes ap-
proachmg m her father's wagon over a rise
of ground two hundred y;'rds distant, and
r;in towards him. I'he robbers fired fit
lier; the bail whistled over her head and
buried itself in an oak. Holmes abandon-
ed the wagon and escaped to thf» woods.
They then plundeipd the wagon and went
off. '
"Thene.xtday Major Dennirf renicyve I
his family to Shrewsbury, under ])rotec
tion of the guar<
companions, an(
Smith stole from his
informed Dennis they
were coming th<* next evening to more
thoroughly search his dwelling, and pro-
j)Osed thai he and his comrades should be
waylaid at a place agreed upon. On
Wednes'lay evening the Miijor.with a par-
ty of militia, lay in ambush at the appoint-
ed s])ot. After a wiiile Smith drove by in
a wagon intended for the })luiider, and
Fagan and Burke came behind on foot.
At a given signal fro u Smith, which was
something siid to tiie horses, the militia
fired and the robbers disappeared. On
Saturday, some hunters in a groggt>ry.
made a bet that Fagan was killed.
Se .rch was made and his body was found
and buried. On Sunday, the event becom-
ing known, the peojde assembled, disin-
twrred the remains, and alter heaping in-
dignilie.-. upon it, enveloped it in a tarred
cloth Mud suspended it in chains, with i«in
l)ands .irnund it, from a large chestnut
tree about a mile from 'he Court House, on
the road to Colts Neck. There hung the
corpse in mid air, rocked to and fio by the
winds, a horrible warning to his comrades,
and a terror to travellers, until ' he birds
of prey i)icked '.he flesh from its bono.-
and the skeleton fell piecemeal to the
ground. Tradition affirms that the skull
was afterwards })lace<l .-gainst tl^e tree.
with a pipe in its mouth in derision.
'' Mrs Dennis, wife of M ijor Dennis, on
anotlier occasion came n^e^ir neing kiiled
by a par.y of Hessians, who entered her
dwelling, and alter rudely accosting hei'.
knocked her down with their muskeis and
left lier for dead, in the July succeeding
the <leath of Fagan, her husband was
shot by liie robi^ers Fen 'on and Emmons,
as he was travelling from Coryel's Ferry
to Shrewsbury. After the murder of her
husband, she married John liaaibert. act-
ing fjrovernor of New .leisev in 1802. She
died in 1835. ""
Fagan's death ab'ove referred to oc-
curred in September. 1778. An ancient
paper has a communication dated October
1st, 1778, which says :
" About ten days ago -Jacob Fagan, wlio
having previously headed a number of
villain.s in Monmouth county that have
committed divers robl)eries and were the
terror of travellers, was shot. Since
whicii his body lias been gibbeted on the
]iublic highvvav in that county, to deter
others from i>c-rpetrating the like detest-
able crimes."
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
37
THE OUTLAWS OF THE TINES.
Stephen Burke alias Emmon.s, Stephen-
West AND EZEKIEL WiLLIAMS.
The following is an extract from a let-
ter dated at Monmouth Court House, -Jan-
uary 29th, 1778 :
" The Tory pine robbers, who have
.their haunts and caves in the pines and
have been for some time past a terror to
the inhabitants of this county, have dur-
ing the course of the present week, met
with a very eminent disaster.
"On Tuesday evening last (January 26th)
Captain Benjamin Dennis, who lately
killed the infamous robber Fagan, with
a party of his militia, went in pursuit of
three of the most noted of ,the Pine Kob
hers and was so fortunate as to fall in
with them and kill them on the spot.
'I'heir names are Stephen Burke alias
Emmons, Stephen West and Ezekiel
Williams. Yesterday they were brought
up to this place and two of them it is said
will be hanged in chains. This signal
piece of service was effected through the
instrumentality of one John VanKirk
who was prevailed upon to associate with
them on purpose to discover thoir practi-
ces an"! to lead them into our hands. He
conducted himself with so much address
that the robbers and especially the three
above named, who were the leading vil-
lains, looked upon him as one of their
body, kejit him constantly with them and
eiitrusted him with all th.ur designs.
"VanKirk at proper seasons gave intelli-
gence of their movements to Captain Den-
nis who conducted himself accordingly,
'i'hey were on the eve of setting off for
New York to make sale of tiieir plunder,
when VanKirk informed Captain Dennis
of the time of their intended departure
(which was to have been on Tuesday
night last) and ot course they would take
to their boats. In consequence of which
and agreeable to the directions of Van-
Kirk. tlie captain and a small party of
his militia i)lanted themselves at Rock
Pond, near the sea shore, and shot Burke,
West and Williams in the manner above
related.
•'We were at first in hopes of keeping
VanKirk under the rose, but the secret is
out and of course he must fly the county,
for the Tories are so highly exasperated
against him that death will certainly be
his fate if he does not leave Monmouth
County. The Whigs are soliciting contri-
butions in his favor, and from what I have
already seen, have no doubt that they will
present him with a very handsome sum.
I question whether the destruction of the
British fleet could diffuse more universal
joy through the inhabitants ot Monmouth
than has the death of the above three
most egregious villains."
Refugee Version of the Death of Burke
a/zas Emmons, West and Williams.
William Courlies, of Shrewsbury, who
joined the British about the last of 1778,
testified before a British Court Martial in
answer to the question as to what he
knew respecting the deaths of Stephen
West, Stephen Emmons alias Burke, and
Ezekiel VVilliams, as follows :
" He (the deponent) was carried prison-
er to Monmouth in January, 1779, on the
'night of the 24th of that month. He saw
Captain Dennis of the itebel service bring
to Freehold Court House three dead bod-
ies ; that Ca[)tain Dennis being a neighbor
of his (the deponent's) he Jisked where
those men were killed. He replied, they
were killed on the shore, where they were
coining to join their regiments. Two of
them, he said, belonged to Colonel Morris'
corps, in General Skinner's brigade ; the
other had been enlisted in their service by
those two belonging to Colonel Morris'
corps. He said, also, he (Capt. Dennis)
had employed a man to assist them in
making their escape at a place where
he (Dennis) was to meet with them
on the shore, at which place he did meet
them ; that on coming to the spot he
(Dennis) surrounded them with his party;
that the men attempted to fire, and not
being able to discharge their pieces, begged
for quarters and claimed the benefit of be-
ing prisoners of war. He ordered them
to be fired on, and one of them by the
name of Williams fell ; that they were all
bayonetted by the party and brought to
Monmouth ; and that he (Dennis) receiv-
ed a sum of money for that action, either
from the Governor or General Washing-
ton ; which of the two he does not recol-
lect."
It is only necessary to say in connection
with the above by Courlies's own statement,
that at least two, if not all three, deserved
death by the usual rule of warfare. They
had evidently been noted for their ma-
rauding expeditions, as a reward was
offerei for them. They may have belong-
38
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
ed to Skinner's " Greens " (the Loyalist
organization of Jerseymen, so termed from
their uniforms), but they had been noted
for their frequent visits witliin the Amer-
ican lines, plundering, acting of course as
R])ies, and endeavoring to enlist men for
the British service within the patriot lines.
The third man we infer remained m hid-
ing places in the county, and when the
others came over from the British lines
would join them in their marauding expe-
ditions, and he was shot while trying to
join the enemy.
Jonathan West.
•' Jonathan West, another of this lawless
crew, in an affray with some of the inhab-
itants of Monmouth, was taken prisoner to
the Court House. His arm, being horribly
mangled, was amputated. He soon after
escaped to the pines and became more
desperate than before. He used the
stump of his arm to hold his gun. Some-"
time later he was again pursued, and on
refusing to surrender, was shot."
Five Men Condemned.
The following item was published i)e
cember, 1782:
" Five men were convicted at Mon-
mouth Court House of burglary, felony, &c.,
and sentenced to be hanged — three on
one Friday, the other two the next Fri-
day."
Three refugees named Farnham, Burge
and Patterson were executed at one time
at Freehold. Our impre.ssion is that they
are the three men referred to in the above
paragraph, and that the other two were re
prieved. We pre.sume that Farnham is
the same man who tried to shoot young
Russell (as mentioned in speaking of the
liussell outrage) while he was lying on the
floor supposed to be mortally wounded
but was prevented by Lippencott, who
knoci<ed uj) his musket.
ExEouTiox OF T110.MAS Burke and John
Wood.
The following is irom an ancient paper :
" July 22nd 177S. We learn that the
Court of Oyer and Terminer and (leneral
Jail delivery held in Monmouth in June
last, the following jiersoii.s were tried and
found guilty of burglary viz : Tlionias Em-
mons alias Bourke. Johti Wootl, Michael
Millery, Willia.m Dillon and Robert Mc-
MuUen. The two former were executed
on Fiiday last and the other three re-
fuieved. At the same time Ezekiel For-
man, John Polhemus and William Grover
were tried and convicted of hij;h treason
and are to be executed on the 18th of
August next.'"
William Dillon and Robert McMuUen,
mentioned above, were pardoned, but they
showed no appreciation for the favor, for
we find that shortly after, in September,
Dillon piloted a British expedition into
old Cranberry Inlet, opposite Toms River,
to endeavor to recapture the ship " Love
and Unity," which a short time before
had been made a prize of by the Ameri-
cans, the particulars of which will be giv-
en in s()eaking of privateering at Toms
River and other places in old Monmouth
during the war. When this expedition
arrived at the Inlet, Rob*rt McMullen,
who seems to have been on shore waiting
for them, siezed a small boat, hurrahed for
the British, and rowed off to join their
Executions at Freehold.
The late Dr. Samuel Forman stated that
no less than thirteen pine robbers, refu-
gees and raurdert^rs were executed at dif
ferent times on one gallows, wliich stood
near the tree where Fa^an was hung in
the vicinity of the Court House, and that
he assisted in the erection of the gallows.
We are not certain who the thirteen
were, but most of them are probably men-
tioned in the foregoing and other chap-
ters, if those hung in chains after lieiug
shot are included.
Stephen Edwards was executed at Free-
hold for being a spy. Thomas Emmons
alias Burke, John Wood, Farnham, Burge
and Patterson were hung for burghiry,
felony, &c. Ezekiei Forman, John Poihe-
mus and William Grover were sentenced
to be exccuteil, but wo have found no men-
tion of the sentence bt^ing carried into ef-
fect — but from circumstantial evidence ir.
is probable that they were reprieved.
Fagan was iiung in chains after being
shot, though not on the gallows. After
Stephen Burke, West and Williams were
shot and brought to Freehohf, the Ameri-
can account says the bodies of two of the
three were to be hung in chains.
In addition to executions, &c., al)ovo
mentioned, a refugee named James Pew,
ibrmerly of Middletown townshii), joined
the British and was taken })risoncr by the
Americans November lOtlr, 1779, ;ind con-
fined in Freehold jail, and five days after
was shot by James Tilley, who was acting
as sentry over him. It is probable that
Pew was shot in attempting to escape. It
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
39
is said that a coroner's jury condemned
Tilley, but after two or three days confine
ment he was discharged.
Davenport, the Refugee Leader of Dover.
The refugee leader Davenport appears
to have confined most of his operations
within the limits of the old township of
Dover, then in Monmouth, now in Ocean.
The rnilitia stationed at Toms River were
so active thi.t Davenport and his band o(
desperadoes had but little chance to do
serious mischief except by plundering
dwellings at a distance from the principal
settlements.
The most noted aflfliir in which Daven
port was concerned vvas in aiding the
British expedition which captured the
Block House at Toms River, and burned
the village March 24th, 1782. One account
of this affair says that Davenport vvas
wounded when attacking ihe Block House^
if so it must have been slightly ; as on tlie
first of June following helandedat Forked
River, ten miles below Toms River, with
eighty men, half white and iialf black, in
two barges. They first landed on the
nortli side of Forked River and plundered,
among others, the hou.ses ot Samuel
Woodmansee and hh brother who resided
on what are now known as the Jones' and
Holmes' places. They then proceeded
across the south branch to the place in
late years best known as " the Wright
place '" (formerly belonging to the father
of Caleb Wright, tlie nopular railroad
conductor) in which at this time livefl
Samuel Brown, an active member of the
old Moninout.h militia.
They plund.-red Mr. Brown's dwelling,
insulted his family, and burnt his salt
works and came new capturiig Mr. Brown
himself, who had barely time to escape in-
to the woods. They were particulnrly in-
Cv'-rnsed against him for his Jiciivity in the
patriotcause, he having, among other du-
ties, served a year at the military jjost at
Toms River.
After completing their work of destruc-
tion at Forked River, they proceeded
down Forked River to the mouth, when
one barge went up Barnegat bay, while
the other, witii Davenport himself, pro-
ceeded south to endeavor to destroy the
important salt works of Newlin's at Ware-
town, andotlK'r salt works along the bay.
Davenport expected to meet with no op-
position. av~! he supposed there were no
militij.1 near enough to check him. But
he had hardly jzot out of the mouth of
Forked River into the open bay when he
perceived a boat heading for him. His
crew advised him to return as they told
him the other boat must have some ad-
vantage or they would not venture to ap-
proach. Daven2wrt told them that they
could see the other boat was smaller and
had fewer men and he ridiculed their
fear. lie soon found, however, why it
was that the American boat, ventured to
attack them. Davenport's men had only
muskets with which to defend themselves;
the Americans had a cannon or swivel, and
when within proper distance, they fired it
with so effective an aim that Davenport
himself was killed at the first discharge,
and his boat damaged and upset by the
frightened crew. It happened that the
water where they were was only about
four feet deep*and his crew waded ashore,
landing near the mouth of Oyster Creek,
between Forked River and W^aretown, and
thus escaped, scattering themselves in va-
rious directions in tlie woods and swamps.
At Barnegat, some five miles south of
where Davenport was !:il!ed, lived many
Quakers who took no part in the war.
A day or so after Davenport's death
some of his crew in a starved condition
called on Ebenezer Collins and other
Quakers at Barnegat, begging for food,
which was given them, after which they
left for parts unknown.
Thus ended the career of Davenport
whose most noted exploit was in aiding a
foreign fee to murder men who were once
his neigtibors and friends, burn tlieir
houses, and turn their families adrift upon
the world.
Some distance back of Toms River is a
little stream called "Davenport's Branch,"
which some suppose derives its name from
Davenport's having places of concealment
in the vvo^da and swamps along its banks.
Richard Bird, the Potters Creek Outlaw.
This scoundrel, who was probaoly con-
nected with Davenport's gang, was very ob-
noxious lo the Americans on account of
the many outrages in which he was con-
cerned.
He was intimately acquainted with all
the roads and bye paths in the woods and
swamps' in Dover tovynship, and for a long
time he managed to elude the vigilence
of the militia. One day, however, he with
a companion was seen along the road, a
little south of Toms River, by someone,
who at once notified the militia, two or
three of whom immediately started in pur-
40
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
suit. Bird's comrade escaped by hiding
under a bridge over which the pursuers
passed, and Bird himself managed loelude
them till after dark. His pursuers had
heard that he occasionally visited a young
woman of low character who lived in a
lone cabin in the woods, and late in the
evening they approached the cabin, and
looking through the window saw Bird
seated in the lap of a young woman. One
of the militia fired through the window
and Bird dropped ott" the girl's lap on the
floor dead. The girl wa'< so little affected
by his death, that when the pursuers
burst open the door and entered the room
they found her busily engaged m rifling
his pockets. Bird appears to have made
his headquarters in the vicinity of the
village of Bayville, formerly Potters Creek,
in Dover township. •
Bird was a marrietl man, but when he
joined the refugees, his wife forsook him
and went to Toms River, where she resi-
ded many years after his death. While
he was pursuing his wicked career, she
bitterly denounced him, yet when she
heard of his death, she greatly grieved, so
much so that her neighbors expressed
their surprise, knowing the disgrace he
had been to her. The oimple minded
woman replied in substance, that it was
not the man she so much cared but he
often sent her a quarter of venison when
he had more than he could use, and she
should so miss such presents now !
A Bayville correspond,ent of the New
Jersey Courier mentions the death of a
relative of Dick Bird, a lady named Mi's.
Mercy Worth, who lived to the remark-
able age of 106 years, 6 months, and 24
days, who died March 'ith, 1873. Her
tatlier was one of Washington's soldieis
and served throughout the war. Her
mother was a sister of the notovious Ricli-
a/rd Bird, and moved away from Cedar
Creek, Lacy township, for fear that Bird
would be killed at her house, near which
he had a cave where he stayed at 'light,
which can still be seen.
CAFIWIN WILLIAM TOM.
A West Jersey PionerT — After whom was
Toms River named ? — The coming oi"
the English — Indian Justice — Discove-
ry of Toms River.
In regard to the origin ot the name of
Toms River, we have two distinct tradi-
tions ; one alleging that it was named
after a somewhat noted Indian, who once
lived in its vicinity ; the otlier attributes
it to a certain Captain William Tom, who
resideil on the Delaware two hundred
years ago, and who it is said jienetraied
through tije wilderness to the seashore, on
'\n exploring expedition, where he discov-
ered the stream now known as Toms Riv-
er ; upon his return he made such favor-
able representations of the land in its vi-
cinity, that settlers were induced to couit-
here and locate, and these settlers named
it Toms River, alter Mr. Tom, becaiise he
first brought it to the notice of the whites.
While the ivriter of this, after patient in-
vestigation acknowledges that he can find
nething that co?ie/i<siv6'(y settles the question,
yet he is strong in the belief that tiie place
derives its ntane from Mr. Tom, for the
following reasons : First, Though there
was a noted Indian residing at Toms Riv-
er a century ago, known as '"Indi-tn Tom,"
yet the phu:e is known to have borne the
name of Toms River when he was q'lite a
young man ; it is not reasonable to sup-
pose the place wae named after him when
he was scarce out of his teens. Second,
the position and business of Cajitain Wil-
liam Tom, was such as to render it ex-
tremely probably that the tradition relat-
ing to liim is correct. Much diftioulty li;is
been found in making researches in tliis
matter, as Capt. Tom was an active man
among our first settlers before our West
Jersey records begin, and information re-
garding him has to be sought for in tiie
older records of New York and New Castle,
Delaware. In his day 'outliern and West-
ern Jersey were under control of officials,
whose headquarters were at New Castle,
Del. ; these officials were appointed by the
authorities at New York. In his time
Capt. -lohn Carr appears to have be^-n the
highest official among the settlers on both
sides of the Delaware, acting as Commis-
sioner, &c. But at times it would seem
that (Japt. Tom was more relied upon in
managing public affairs by both the Gover-
nors at New York, and the early settlers
than any other man among them. In the
various [)Ositions which he iield, heap-
pe'irs to have unselfishly and untiringly
exerted himself for the best interests of
the settler? and the government.
He held at difierent times the position.-
of Commissary, Justice, Judge, Town
Clerk and Keei)ei of Official Records rela-
tiiiiito the settlements on bothsides of the
Delaware, collector of quit rents, Ac. As
collector of quit rents anil agent to sell
lands, his duties called him throughout
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
41
the .Southern half ®f our State, wherever
settlers were found, and in search of elig-
ible places for settlers to locate. And here
his duties seem to have been somewhat
-.inftilar to those performed for the rrojiri-
•^Aors by the late Francis W. Brinley> so
well remembered by oiu' citizens. We
Jind that Capt. Tom was continually trav-
eling to and fro in the performance of his
duties, was among the "first while men to
cross the State to New York, was on good
terms with the Indians, with whom he
■ •ontitmally must have mingled, and it is
not at all unlikely in the performance of
his duties, he crossed to the shore by In-
dian paths, so numerousand so frequented
by the red men in his time, and thus vis-
ited the stream now known as Toms River.
As no f>utline of Capt. Tom's life and
services has ever been i)ublished, we give
the substance of the facts found lelating
to him, not only because of its probable
bearing on the history of cld Monmouth,
and that our citizens may know who he
was, but also because it gives an interest-
ing c lapter in the history of our State. It
will be seen that lie was a prominent,
uusted and influential man before the
founding of Philadelphia, Salem or Bur-
biigton, or before any considerable settle-
ments existed in New Jersey. In looking
back to the past, it seems a long while to
Indian Tern's day, but Capt. William Tom
lived nearly a century before him. The
followin;; items are coUecteii from New
York, Pennsylvania and Deloware records.
C.\rT. William Tom came to this coun-
try with the English expedition under Sir
Robert Carre and Col. Richard NichoJls
which conquered the Dntcii at New Am
sterdam, (New York) August. 1664. Im-
mediately after the English had taken f 'r-
mal possession of New Yoi;k. two vessels,
the- •• Guinea " and the " William and
Nicholas,'" under command of Sir Robert
• "arre were despatched to attack the Dutch
settlements on the Delaware river. After
a feeble resistance the Dutch surrendered
about the first of October of the same year
(1664). Capt. Tom accompianied this ex-
pedition, and that he rendered valuable
•service there is evidence by an order is-
sued by Gov. Nicholls JuneSO, 1665, which
states that for William Tom's " good
services at Delaware," there shall be grant-
ed to him the lands of Peter Alricks, con-
fiscated for hostility to the English. Capt.
Tom remained in his majesty's service un-
til August 27, 1668; during the last two
years of this time he was Commissary on
the Delaware. He was discharged from
his majesty's service on the ground as is
alleged " of good behaviour." in the ear-
ly part of 1668, a servant of Mr. Tom's was
killed by some evil disposed Indians, who
it is said also killed one or more servants
of Peter Alricks at the same time. The
Indians genera,lly were dispu-ed to live on
amicable terms with the whites, and these
murders were the result \i would seem of
selling liquor lo the Indians, the majority
of whom seeing its evil effects, requested
the white authorities to prohibit the sale of
it among them. The perpetrators of these
outrages were not apjirehended, and be-
cause this was not done, Gov. Lovelace at-
tributes another murder two years later ;
he severely censured the authorities " for
to* much remissness in not avenging the
previous murder on Mr. Tom's servant,
Ac." •
On the 12th of August, 1669, Capt. Tom
was appointed collector of quit rents,
which wei'e imposed on all persons taking
up land along the Delaware river on both
sides.
This office he held for three years when
he resigne<L Its duties must have been of
considerable responsibility and labor, as it
involved the necessity of visiting all places
where settlers located from the Capes of
the Delaware to the Falls of the Delaware
(Trenton.) While engaged in this busi-
ness it is probable that as he travelled
from place to place he made it a point to
search for eligible places for new settlers
lo locate, and acted as agent for the sale
of lands .-Vt one time he acted as land
agent for John Fen wick the noted Salem
proprietor.
We find that Capt. Tom noi only stood
well in the estimation of Gov. NichoUs,
but also in th^ opinion of his successor,
Gov. Lovelace, who at the suggestion of
Capt. T. issued several orders relating to
affairs on the Delaware. Aug. 12, 1669,
Gov. Lovelace at request of Wm. Tom,
giants certain special favors to Finns and
others lemoving near New Castle, Del.
By his order '• permission on request of
Mr. Tom " was granted to families from
Maryland to settle in the same vicinity
" to the end that the said jJace may be in-
habited and mamired, it tending likewise
to the increase of the inabitants." An
order oi the same date is preserved, which
allows William Tom to kill and mark all
wild hogs in the woods near his land.
In 1671 an extraordinary council was con-
vened in New York on the occasion of the
42
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
arrival of William Tom and Peter Alricks,
just from the Delaware, with the parHcu-
lars of the Indians murdering two Cliris-
tians (Dutcli) near Burlington. Tliese
murders weie rommitted by two Indians
who were known and who resided at
" Suscunk," four miles eas' of Matinicoiik
or Burlington Island. Gov. Lovelace in a
letter to Capt. Tom dated ( )ctoder 6, ex-
presses great surpsiseat what he hasleai-n-
ed from Mr. Tom in regard to these mur-
derH. This letter gives stringent orders to
guard against evil disposed Indians in the
future, an<l from it we find that Burling-
ton Island was then occupied as a kind of
frontier military station. Tiov. Lovelace
" recommends a good work about Matitii-
conk house (on Burhngton Island) which
strengthened with a considerable guard
would make an admirable frontier." Vig-
oTous efforts were made to secure these
Indian murderers, and the result is se^n
in the following letter written by C.ipt.
Tom to Grov. Lovelace, Dec. 25th, 1671.
He says " that about 11 days :ince, Peter
.\lricks came from New York, and the
Indians desired t'> speak with us concern-
ing the murders, whereupon they sent
for me to Peter Rambo's. where comiui:
they faithfully ijromised within .^ix days
to bring in tlie murderers dead or alive •
whereupon they sent out two Indians to
ihe stoutest, to bring him in. not doubting
easily to take the other, he being an In°
dian of little courage ; but the feast In-
dian getting knowledge of the design of
the sachems, ran to advise his fellow, and
advised him 'o run or else they would
both be killed, who answered he was not
teady, but in the morning would gowitli
him to the Waquas, and advised him to
go to the next house for fear of suspicion,
wiiich lie did : and the two Indians, com-
ing to his house at night, the one being
his great friend, he asked him if lie would
Kill him, who answered /' No, but the
sacliems have ordered you to die;" wliei-^
upon he demanded ''what his brothers
said ;" who answered "they say the like.''
Then he. holding his hands" i>efore liis
eyes said " Kill me ;"' whereupon tiie In-
dian that comes with Cocker shot him
with two bullets in the breast, and gave
him two or three cuts with a bill on the
iiead and brought him flown to Wicaco,
from whence we shall carrs him tomorrow
to New Casile, there to hang him in cliains
for which we gave to th« Sachems tive
match coats which Mr. Alricks paid them.
When the other Indian .'lejid the sh(»t in !
the night, naked as he was, he ran into
the woods ; but this sachem promised to
bring the other alive, tor which we prom-
ised three match coats. The sachems
brought a good nifiny of their young men
with them, and there before us ihey open-
ly told them " Now they saw a beginning,
and all that did the like, .>liOuld be served
in the same manner." They promised it
any other murders were committed to
bring in the murderers. How to believe
them we knew not. but liie Sachems seem
to desire no war."
What official position Capt. Tom held
in these transactions is uncertain, but he
appears to have been more relied upoi.
than any olhwr man to settle difficultie>.
at til is time.
In 1673 Capt. Tom was aj>j)ointed one
of four appraisers to set a value on Tini-
cum Island in the Delaware. Jn 1 674 he
was app>ointed secretary or clar/c for the
town of New Castle, and lit:; apjieais to
have had charge of the public records for
several years In 1673 the Dutch regain-
ed iheir power in New York, New Jersev
and Delaware, but retained it onlv a few
montlis : after lliey were- again displaced
in 1674, (iov. Andross appointed Captain.-
Cantwell and Tom to take possession tor
the King's use, of the fort at New Castl*.
with the public: stores. I'liey \Tere author-
ized to provide for the settlement and re-
pose of the inhabitants at New Castle.
Whorekills ( Lewesjand other places."
In 1675 some sett'ers complainetl
against Capt. Tom for molesting them in
the enjoyment of meadow lands which ad-
joined their plantation.-^. Che setllei>
})robably .-uj)posed because they owned up-
lands, iliey s.iould also have the use of
meadow land without paying for the same.
'I'lie (jrovernor ordered a compromise. In
1676 he was .ijipointed one of the .fustice,-
of the Peace and a .ludge of the court.
He sat as one of the .Judges ,n an impor-
tant suit in which the defendant was John
Fen wick, the Salem Proprietor. .ludg-
ment was given against Fen wick, and :■.
warrant issued to take iiim dead oi alive.
Fenwick finding it useless to re.-^ist, gave
himseit ufi, and ^^•as .sent prisoner to Ne"
York.
Capt. Tom was reappointed justice and
judge in 1677. Tow.nrds the latter part of
this year complaint Wivs made that the
town lecords of New Castle were in confu-
sion, and Mr. I'om was ordered to arrange
and attest them. It is not improbal-le
that ill health prevented him trom com-
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
43
l)leting this task, as we find his death an-
nounced January 12, 1678, coupled with
the simple remark that, " his papers were
in confusion."
From the foregoing and other facts that
are preserved, it would appear that Wm.
Tom was about the most prominent, use-
ful and trustworthy man among the sett-
lers from the time of the coming of the
English to his decease, th-it he enjoyed the
confidence of Governors Nicholls, Lovelace
and Andross, that his varied duties were
performed with general satisfaction to
settlers, Indians and officials, and we
may safely infer that he did as much or
more than any other man in his day " to-
wards the settlement and repose of the
inhabitants" on both sides of the Dela-
ware. It IS no discredit to the name of
Toms River that it should be derived
from such a man.
In speaking of Capt. Tom's discovering
Toms River, we do not refer to its original
discovery, nor wish to convey the idea
that he wtis the first white man who visit-
ed it. The stream was discovered by nav-
igators fifty years before Capt. Tom came
to Ameiica. They simply • maiked the
stream on their charts without naming it.
The particulurs as far as is known of the
original discovery of Toms River, and
other places along our bay ar*' too lengthy
to be given here and may hereafter he fur
nished in another chapter. We will say,
however, before concluding, that the fact
that this river had been previously visited
by tlie Dutch, was probably not known to
Capt. Tom and the English in this day.
CAPTAIN JOHN BACON.
The Refugee Leader of Monmouth and
Burlington— An Outlaw's Career and its
Dreadful End.
This noteJ refugee leader, whose name
is so well remembered by old residents of
Monmouth, Ocean and Burlington, ap-
pears to have confined his operations
chiefly to the lower part of old Monmouth
county, between Cedar Creek in what is
now Ocean county and Tuckerton in Bur-
lington county. His efforts were mainly
directed to plundering the dwellings or all
well known, active members of the old
Monmouth militia. Many old residents
in the section where his operations were
carried on, consic^ered him one of the
most honorable partizan leaders opposed
to the patriot cause. Himself and men
were well acquainted with the roads and
paths through the forests of Burlington
and old Monmouth, and had numerous
hiding places, cabins, caves, &c., in the
woods and swamps, where they could re-
main until some trustworthy spy informed
them of a safe chance to venture out on
what was then termed a picarooninci expe-
diiion.
The following items, gleaned from vari-
ous sources, give the most prominent
events in which he was an actor. They
aid to give a more vivid idea of the perils
by which our ancestors were surrounded
at home, and of the character of the man
who, probably with the except'on of Lieu-
tenant James Moody, was about the most
effective refugee leader in our state.
In ancient i>apers we have found notices
of refugee raids in Burlington county, but
they do not give the names of the leaders.
It is probable that Bacon commanded
some of these expeditions as he was well
acquainted in Burlington, and his wife re-
sided at Pemberton in the latter part of
the war. About iSeptember, 1782, it is an-
nounced that a man, supposed to be a spy
of Bacon's, was shot in the woods near
Pemberton, by some of the inhabitants
who went out to hunt him ; and we find
that the citizens of Burlington were so
much exa.-peraied against him that they
organized expeditions to tbliow him in old
Monmouth.
Bacon Kills Lieutenant Joshua Studson.
The New Jersey Gazette, published at
Trenton during the later years of the Kev-
olutionary war, has a brief item to the ef-
fect that " Lieutenant Joshua Studson
was shot, December, 1780, by a refugee,
near the inlet opposite Toms River.''
Joshua Studson had been a lieutenant
in the Monmouth militia, and was also ap-
pointed lieutenant in the State troops in
Capt. Ephram Jenkins' company. Colonel
Holmes' battalion^ June 14, 1780. Here-
sided at Toms River.
The following particulars of his death
we believe to be substantially correct,
though derived from traditiontiry sources :
Three men named Collins, Webster and
Woodmansee, living in the lower part of
old Monmouth, hearing that farming pro-
duce WHS bringing exorbitant prices in
New York city among the British, loaded
a whole boat with truck from farms along
Barnegat bay, and proceeded to New York
by way of old "Cranberry inlet opposite
Toms River, which inlet though now
44
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
closed, was, during the war, the next best
to Egg Harbor, as square rigged vessels
(ships and brigs) occasionally entered it.
These men were not known as refugees
but undertook the trip merely to make
money. They arrived safely in New York,
sold out their produce, and were about re-
turning home when Captain John Bacon
called on them and insisted on taking
passage back with them. Much against
their will, they were forced to allow him to
come on board. They arrived safely out-
side the b'each near the inlet before sun-
down and lay there until after dark, being
afraid to venture in the bay during day-
light, in the meantime the patriotic citi-
zens of Toms River had got wind of the
proceedings of these men, and being de-
termined to put a stop to the contraband
trade, a small party under command of
Lieutenant Studson took a boat and cross-
ed over to the inlet and lay concealed be-
hind a point inside, close to the inlet.
After dark the whale boat came in, hut
no sooner had it rounded the point, than
to the consternation of those in it, they
saw the boat of lliemiliiia soclose by, that
there was no apparent chance of esca})e.
Lieutenant Studson stood up in his boat
and demanded theirimmediatesurrender.
The unfortunate speculators were unarm-
ed and m favor of yielding, but Bacon,
fearing that his life was already forfeited,
refused, and having his musket loaded,
suddenly fired it with so deadly an aim,
that the brave lieutenant instantly dropp-
ed dead in the boat. The sudden, unex-
pected firing and the death of Studson,
threw the militia into momentary confu-
sion, and before thev could decide how to
act, the whale boat was out of sight in the
darkness. The militia returned to Toms
River the same night and delivered the
body of the lieutenant to his wife, who
was overwhelmed with sorrow at his sud-
den and unexpected death.
The crew of the >vhale boat, knowing
It was not safe for them to remain at
home, after this aftair, Hed to to the Brit-
ish army, and were forced into service,
but were of little use as " they were sick
with the small pox, and suffered every-
thing but death,'' as one of them after-
wards said, during their brief stay with
the British. Taking advantage of one of
General Washington's proclamations offer-
ing protection to deserters from the Brit-
ish army, they were after \fards allowed to
return home.
Skirmish at Maxnahawkin.
A Patriot Killed^ — Sylvester Tilton, an old
Colts Neck citizen — His Wounding and
Revenge.
Anotlier affair, in which Bacon was a
prominent actor, was the skirmish at
Mannahawkin, in Ocean County, Decem-
ber 30tli, 1781. The militia of this place,
under command of Captain Reuben F.
Randoli)h, having heard that Bacon, with
his band, was on a raiding expedition and
would probably try to plunder some of
tiie patriots in that village, assembled at
the inn of Captain Randolph's, prepareil
to give them a reception. After waiting
until two or three o'clock in the morning,
they concluded it was a false alarm, and
so retired to rest, taking the precaution to
j)Ut out sentinels. Just before daylight
tiie Refugees came down the road from
the north on their way to West Creek.
The alarm was given and the militia hasti-
ly turned out but were compelled to re-
treat, as the refugees trad a much larger
force than they anticipated. As they were
retreating. Bacon's party fired and killed
one of the patriots named Lines Pangborn
and wounded another named Sylvester
'filton. The refugees did not stop to pur
sue the Americans but passed on south
toward* Wesi Creek.
In regard to the wounding of Sylvester
Ti'ton, it is a well attested fact, that the
ball went through him below one of his
shoulders, and that the surgeon passed a
silk handkerchief through his body, in
search of the ball. He recovered his
health and strength, much to the surprise
of all who knew how seriously he luul
been wounded. He was convinced that a
refugee named Brewer, one of Bacon's
gang, was the man who had wounded him.
and he always vowed to have satisfaction
if he could evei- find him. After the war
lie heard that Brewer was living in a cabin
in some remote place near the shore, and
he started on foot, one time, to find him.
As he was on his way, he met a man
named James Willetts. then quite anoted
and highly esteemed Quaker, of old Staf-
ford, wiio upon finding out Tilton's er-
rand, vainly endeavored to persuade him
to turn back. Finding ti^ would not
WilU-ts asked permission to go along, hop-
ing something would turn, up to make a
peaceable ending of the affair. Tilton
consented to his going but plumply told
the Quaker that if he interfered he would
flog him too.
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
45
Arriving at the house where Brewer was
Tilton suddenly opened the door and
rushed ;n upon him before ne could reach
his musket, which he always kept in the
room expecting such a visit
Tilton WHS a powerful man and he
<lragged Brewer to the door and gave iiim
a most unmerciful pummelling, and then
told him " You scoundrel ! you tried
to kill me once, and I have now settled
with you for it, and I want you now to
leave here and follow the rest of your
gang." Most of the refugees had then
gone to Nova Scotia.
After this affair Tilton removed to Colts
Neck, near Freehold, where we believe
his descendants yet live.
Hacon at Goodluck, Forked River and
Warltown. j
On one of iiis picarooning or raiding ex-
peditions, Bacon with fifteen or sixteen
men plundered tlie dwelling house of
John Holmes at Forked River, who then
lived at the mill known in late years as
Francis Cornelius' mill. The party camp-
ed in the woods, near the house, until
daylight and then came and demanded
money. Mr. Holmes was supposed to be
.-omewhat forehanded and they hoped to
have made a good haul. In the expecta-
tion of s'lch a visit, he had buried many
of his valuables in his garden. The refu-
gees pointed a bayonet to his breast and
threatened to kill him if the money was
not forthcoming. Mr. Holmes' wife hap-
pened to have some money about her,
which she delivered up and this seemed
to satisiy tiiem as far as money was con-
cerned ; tliey then ransacked the house
and took provisions and such other things
as they wanted.
An ancient paper says that about the
last of April, 1780, " the refugees attacked
the house of John Holmes. Upper Free-
hold, and robbed him of a large amount
of Continental money, a silver watch, gold
rin>;, silver buckles, pistols, clothing, &c."'
It is possible that th's refers to the same
affair— if so it occurred in old Dover town-
ship instead of Upper Freehold.
While a part of the gang remained at
the mill a detachment went over to (iood-
luck, about a mile distant, to plunder the
houses of two staunch patriots named John
Price and William Price, iwu brothers
who h;id lived in West Jersey during the
first part of the war, but for the last two
or three years of the struggle, had resided
at Goodluck. Tliese men had not onlv
been active in the field during most of tbe
war, but, to the extent of their abilities,
aided the families of those who suffered
at the hands of the enemy. When tlie
dwelling of Capt. Ephraim Jenkins, at
Toms River, was burned, and his family
scattered, as described in a previous chap-
ter, Lieut. John Price, (in after years, bet-
ter known as Major Price,) took one of
the children, a-girl, and gave her a home.
The activity of thp Prices made them
marked objects of refugee attentions.
bacon's party, at this time, entered the
houses of the Price-;, and took whatever
they could carry, though, we believe, Miese
patriots, like others in those dark days, kept
buried in gardens and fields many things
they feared the refugees mightcovet. We
liave heard from an aged resident of Good-
luck, a tradition of the visit of the refugees
to the house of an American Lieutenant,
at this village, and that the officer saw
them. just before they revcheii the house ;
he sprang uj) and grasped his lieutenant's
commission, which he valued highly, from
a high shelf, and sprang out of the back
door just in time to escape. We presume
this officer must have been Lieut. Price,
as we know of no other officer then resid-
ing at Goodluck. Among other things
found at Major Price's was a musket, fife
nnd drum, the two last of which c;ime near
causing trouble among the tories them-
selves, for as i hev marched back to Holmes'
Mill to rejoin Bacon, they used them for
I heir amusements with such effect, that
Bacon thought it was apartyof Americans
after him, and he arranged his men on
tlie mill hill, prepared to fire as soon as
the parry emerged from the woods. Un-
foi'tunately for justice, he saw who the
men were in time to stop fir'ng. The
Refugees then impressed Mr. Holmes'
team to carry of the plunder they had
gaihered, and forced his son William
Holmes to drive it ; they went on to Ware-
town and took possession for a short time
of a public house (of David Bennet's ? )
until they could find some safe way of
getting their plunder to one of theirsecret
rendezvous, one oi' which was supposed to
be at this time in Mannahawkin swamj).
Among other zealous Americans for
whom Bacon had strong antipathy were
Joseph Soper and his son Reuben, both
meml)ers of Captain Reuben F. Randolph's
militia comjiany. They lived about half
wav between Waretown and Barnegat at
a place known as "iSoper's Landing." His
attentions to the Sopers were so trequent
46
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
that they often had to sleep in the adja-
cent swamps along Lochiel brook.
Mr. Soper's son Reuben was murdered
by Bacon on Long Beach about a mile
south of Barnegat Inlet, the particulars of
which will be given hereafter.
At this time tiiere lived at Waretown
an Englii-hman, named William Wilson,
better known as " Bill Wilson,'' whoseems
to have acted as a kind of jaekall for Ba-
con to scent out bis prey for him. Mi'.
Soper was a vessel builder ; at one time
he had received pay for building a^ small
vessel. Wilson accidentally w.as a witness
to his receiving the money, but he did not
know the amount. After Wil?owh!id left,
Mr. Soper suspected he would inform Ba-
con, and so he divided his money into two
parcels ; a small amount in one jiarcel,
and th^ larger part in arother, and then
buried both lots in separate places not far
from the house. Sure enough, in a verv
short time, Bacon and his gang visited ihe
house, piloted by a man with a black silk
handkerchief over his face that he should
not be recoiinized. This man was gener-
ally believed to be Bill Wilson, though
strong efforts were made 'o make the So-
pers believe it was another man then re-
siding at Waretown. Mr. Soper at this
time, liad taken refuge in the swamp, and
the house was occupied only by women
and young children. When the refugees
entered they at once begfin behaving very
rudely and boisterously, flonrishing their
weapor;s in a menacing manner, jambing
bayonets in the ceiling, and other similar
acts to frighten the women. Their threats
compelled the women to lead them into
the gardon, to the spot where the smallest
amount of money was buried, when they
received which they seemed to be satisfied,
thinking it was all they had ; they then
returned to the house and made a dean
sweep as they had done several times be-
fore, of provisions and clothing, and such
other articles as they cculd carry. Among
other things taken by Bacon at this time
was one of Mr. Soper's shirts, which after-
wards served Bacon's winding sheet, as be
was subsequently killed witii it on. Bill
Wilson could never be fairly convicted of
actual comjtlicity in overt acts with the
refugees, but all who knew him were con-
vinced that he was a spy of Bacon's. It
was alleged that he was with Bacon at
Holmes' Mill's and at the Price's, atOood-
luck. After the war closed he remained
for some years in thevicinityof Waretown,
but he found it a very uncomfortable place
for him to live, for though no legal hold
could be taken of him, yet occasionally
some zealous whig, who had occasion to
hate refugees, would take him in hand on
a very slight pretext, and administer off-
hand justice. At one time at Lochiel
brook, below Waretown, Hezekiah Soper,
whose brother was killed by Bacon, gave
Wilson a soi:nd thrashing and then nearly
drowned him in the brook. At length,
finding the place did not agree with him,
he left Waretown, and moved over to the
North beach, a few miles above the inlet,
where he lived a lonesome, miserable life
until his death, which occurred some sixty
odd years ago.
The Massacre on Long Beach.
Bacon Kills Capt. Steelman, Reuben So-
per and Others — Murder of Sleeping
Men.
This was the most important affair m
which Bacon was engaged. The inhuman
massacre of sleeping men was in keeping
with the memorable affair at Chestnut
Neck, near Tuckerton, when Count Pu-
laski's guards were murdered by the Brit-
ish and Refugees.
The massacre at Long Beach took jjlace
about a mile south of Barnegat light house,
and there were we think more men killed
and wounded then than in any other ac-
tion in that part of Old Monmouth now
comprised within the limits of Ocean coun-
A tory paper gives the following version
of the affair ;
"A cuttei from Ostend, bound to St.
Thomas, ran aground on Barnegat Shoals,
October 25, 1782. The American galley
Alligator, Captain Steelman, from Cape
May, with tweniy-five men, plundered her
on Saturday night last of a quantity of
Hyson tea and other valuable articles, but
was attf.ckeid the same night by Caj)tain
John BMCon with nine men, in a small
boat called the Hero's Revenge, who kill-
ed Steelman and wounded the first lieu-
tenant, and all the party except four or
five were either killed or wounded.''
In this account the number of Steelman's
men is doubtless overestimated and Ba-
con's underestim'^ted. When the cutter
was stranded on the shoals, word was sent
across the bay to the main land for help
to aitl in saving tlie cargo, in consecjuence
of which a party of unarmed men, among
which were Joseph Soper and two of his
sons, proceeded to the beach to render
what assistance they (;ould. The party
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
47
worked hard while there to get the goods
through the surf on the beach. At night
they were tired and wet, and built fires,
around which they meant to sleep. It is
supposed that as soon as they were all
asleep that Bill Wilson who was there
arose up slyly, got a boat and rowed otf to
the main land to inform Bacon how mat-
ters stood.
THE LOYALISTS OF OLD MON-
MOUTH.
To fairly com})rehend the danjiers by
which our patriotic ancestors were sui"-
rounded during the early part of the
Revolution, it is necessary to remember
that those of its citizens v?ho openly or
secretly favored the enemy, were not a
mere handful of men, but ihey were num-
bered by hundreds, and among them were
men of all classes, from the highest to the
lowest ; clergymen, lawyers, physicians,
merchants, farmers, mechanics and labor-
ing men, and unprincipled men of no par
tioular profession oi' busine'^s, who rejoiced
at the opportunities given by the w,ar for
plunder, revenge and ofttimes murder.
The best class oftories were too honorable
to engage in midnight marauding expedi-
tions against their former friends and
neighbors, but cast their lot with the
British, most of them in the military rr-
ganiz'tion known as the " First Battalion
New Jersey Royal Volunteers," command-
ed by an ex-Sheritf of Monmouth county.
They rirt-ly committwd acts dishonorable
as soldiers, yet their former high standing
and influential positions served to exert
a most injurious influence on the patriot
cause among their former friends md ?c-
quaintances ; the example of such men
served to entice many to the ranks of the
enemy and to cause others secretly to
wish tliem well, or a least, to strive to re-
main neutral at a time when their country
most needed their services and in a coun-
ty wliich sufl^ered probably more severely
• luring the war than did any other in the
country. When (ve remember that our
patriotic ance.stors had to contend with
stich men, and with bands of marauding
refugees, and also lawless robbers scattered
through the pint's — ^all in addition to a
foreign foe, we cannot too highly extol the
determined, vigilant, ceaseless efforts, the
wisdom in planning, the skill and bravery
in execution, shown by those noble patriots
during the long, bloody and at times
seemingly hopeless struggle. Though we
may concede that some who deserted their
country were in some respects wise and
brave, yet they were no match for those
left behind.
As was the case in the late war for the
Union, the Revolution brought out from
obscurity men whose abilities were never
before known or suspected.
For the first year or two of the war our
ancestors were seriously annoyed by Tory
sympathizes who remained at home, some
of whom had sons, brothers or other rela-
tives in the British army. Some of these
remained at home because age or other
disability unfiitted them for field service.
These men for a time endeavored to in-
jttre the American cause by their insidious
wiles wherever and whenever opportunity
offered, when their acts came to the
knowledge of the whigs, fchey were at once
ordered to leave, while those who remained
quiet, though closely watched were rarely
molested.
Thotigh the names Loyalist or Royalist
would properly include all who favored the
cause of the Crown, yet they were often lim-
ited to the more honorable class who joined
the Royal Volunteer organization, todistin-
s;uish them from the small marauding
bands commonly known as Refugees. —
Among th« tnost prominent of these loy-
alists, were some noticed below ; it will be
seen they numbered among them men
of wealth, position, and learning; one suc-
ceeded in raising five hundred men to
follow him over to the enemy, and it is
not a little curious to find that from two
of these tories, descended certain men
who, in after years, nobly served our coun-
try in many a hard fought battle.
In this connection io is well to add, that
as an offset to the Tories who left Mon-
mouth and other parts of our state, to join
the enemy, there were a large number of
whigs, who came here and into other
decided patriotic counties, from Long and
Staten Islands, when the British took pos-
session of those places.
Another fact should not be lost sight of,
as it furnishes additional evidence of tne
peculiar troubles the patriots had to con-
tend against, and that is, that many lead-
ing men who sided with theui in this and
other counties of the state, during the first
year or two of the war eventually abandon-
ed them and went over to the Royalists.
Of some of these and their alleged reasons
we shall endeavor to speak in -another
chapter.
48
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
For much of the following we are en-
debted to Sabine, but we have added many
items from other sources which we deem
reliable.
Notices of Prominent Loyalists.
Thomas Crowell, of Middletown, joined
the Loyalists and was commissioned Cap-
tain. His property was confiscated and
advertised to be sold at the house of Cor-
nelius Swart in Middletown, March 22d,
1779. During the war Governor Franklin,
of the Refugee Board, ordered him to exe-
cute, without trial, a Monmouth officer,
probably one of tlie Smocks, but the
refugees who captured him protested so
earnestly that the order was not executed.
Lawrence Hartshoune, of Shrewsbury,
made himself so obnoxious as a Royalists,
that he was compelled to fly to New York.
He was a merchant and gave the British
valuable information.
John Taylor, formerly Slieriffof Mon-
mouth County, a gentleman of great
wealth was born in 1716. When Lord
Howe arrived in this country to offer terms
of reconciliation, he appointed Mr. Taylor
" His Majesty's Lord High Commissioner
of New Jersey." This office, as well as
the fact that all his children adhered to
the Crown, and were in the British army,
made him obnoxious to the whigs. He
was indeed once tried for his life but ac-
quitted. His property was applied to
public use, but not confiscated, since he
was paid for it in Continental money,
j'et such was the depreciation of that cur-
rency that payment was little better than
confiscation. He died at Perth Amboy,
in 1798, aged 82 years. His grandson was
the celebrated Commodore Bainbridge, his
daughter Mary having married Dr. Bain-
bridge, father of Commodore's William and
J«seph Bainbridge. A Dr. Absalom Bain-
bridge was surgeon in " Skinner's Greens,'"
the Royalist organization, elsewhere no-
ticed.
William Taylor, son of tlie above named
John Taylor, had his estates confiscated,
but after the war he purchased them
again. He was a lawyer by profession and
atone time Chief Justice of Jamaica. —
He died at Amboy 1806.
Colonel Taylor, of the New Jersey Roy-
alists who sent Stephen Edwards as a spy
into Monmouth, was from Middletown. —
it IS possible that he may have been one
of the Taylors whose property was con-
fiscated- and advertised to be sold at Mid-
dletown, March 22d, 1779. He may have
been a son of the John Taylor mentioned
above, as it seems he had more than one
son in the British service.
Rev. Samuel Cooke, D.D., of Shrewsbury,
Episcopal minister, was educated at Cain's
College, Cambridge, England, and came to
America as a missionary of the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts, in September, 1751, locating in
Shrewsbury a,^ successor of Rev. Thomas
Thompson, in the care of the churches in
Freehold. Middletown and Shrewsbury. —
The Revolution divided and dispersed his
flock. As a minister of the Church of
England he thought it his duty to con-
tinue his allegiance to the Crown, and
joined the British in New York. At the
Court Martial trial of Captain Richard
Lippencott, in New York, in June, 1782.
he was a witness and tilyled " Reverend
Samuel Cooke, c^erk, deputy chaplain to
the brigade of guards." His property we
believe was confiscated and advertised to
be sold at Tinton Falls, March 29th, 1779.
In 1785, he settled at Fredericktown,
New Brunswick, as rector of a church
there. In 1791. he was commissarj^ to the
Bishop of Nova Scotia. He was drowned
in crossing the river St. John, in a birchen
canoe, in 1795. His son who attempted
to save his life perished with him.
Thomas Leonard, a prominent citizen of
Freehold, was denounced by the patriot
committee for his Tory principles and
every friend of freedom advised to break off
all connection with him on that account.
He went to New York and after the war
went to St. John'*, New Brunswick.
Joseph Holmes, by adliering to the
Tories, lost £900. After the war he went to
Nova Scotia and settled at SJielburne.
Andrkw Bell, a name familiar to our
older citizens on account ol its frequent
recurrence in deeds relating to Proprietor
lands, joined tlie British army as secretary
to Sir Henry Clinton. A diary kept bj
him up to the battle of Monmouth is pre-
served in the library of the New Jersey
Historical Society. He died in 1843. —
Though we believe he was not a resident
of Monmouth yet he was well known and
influential throughout the county.
John Lawrence, of Monmouth county.
was born in 1709. He was a justice of the
court and a surveyor, and ran the division
line known as " Lawrence's line,'' between
East and West Jersey. Advanced in life
at the beginning of the Revolution he did
not bear arms, but accepted from the
enemy the important duty of granting
OLD TIxVlES IN OLD MONMOITTIL
49
British protections to such Americans as
he could induce to abjure the cause of
their country and swear allegiance to
Great Britain, for which he was arrested
by the Americans and confined in Bur-
lington jail for nine months. He died in
1794 aged 86 years. We propose to refer
to John and Elisha Lawrence, in giving
the proceedings of the patriot meetings in
Upper Freehold and elsewhere in the
county in 1774-5, and in oth^r chapters
Elish.! Lawrence, son of the above, was
horn in 1740 At the beginning of the
Revolution he was Slieriff of Monmouth
County ; he foon joined the British, and
raised by his own efforts chiefly, five hun-
nrea men whom he commanded, and was
commissioned by the British, Colonel of
the First Battalion, New Jersey Royal
Volunteers. He was taken prisoner on
Staten Island V;y Colonel Ogden under
General Sullivan in 1777. His property
was confiscated and advertised to be sold
at Wall's Mills, April 5th, 1779. At the
conclusion of the war he hft with the
British army, retained his rank as Colonel
and retired on half pay. He was awarded
by the British Government n large tract
of land in Nova Scotia, to which he re-
moved, but finally went back to England,
and from ihence to Cardigan, Wales,
where he died. He man led Mary Ash-
field, of New York.
John Lawrence, son of the above
named John, and brother of Elisha, was
born in 1747, graduated at Princeton Col-
lege, studied medicine in the Philadelphia
Medical College and became a physician
of repute. In 1776 he was arrested
by order of General Washington, and or-
dered by the Provincial Congress to re-
mam at Trenton on parole, but leave was
afterwards given him to remove to Morris-
town. As his father and brother held
office under the British, he was narrowly
watched. Fired at, after mucn annoyance
(says one account — apparently a Tory
one) by a party of militia, fie retired to
New York among the British, where he
practiced medicine and commanded a
company of volunteers for the defence
of the city. After the war in 1783, he re-
turned to Monmouth, where he lived un-
molested. He died at Trenton, April 29th,
1830. In the list of names of persons in
Upper Freehold whose property was con-
fiscated and advertised to be sold at Wall's
Mills, April 5th, 1779, are found the
names of "Elisha and John Lawrence,
son of John."
John Brown Lawrence was a member
of Council and a lawyer. Because of his
official relations to the Crown, he was ar-
rested and imprisoned in Burlington jail
for a long time on the charge of holdiui^
treasonable intercourse with the enemy
but was tried and aoqui.ted. He went to
Canada after the war, where he received
a large tract of land. Hi* son was the
celebrated Commodore Lawrence of
" Don't give up the shit) " fame, and Com-
modore Boggs, distinguished in the late
rebellion, was a descendan;.
Clayton Tilton, of Slirewsbury, joined
the loyalists and was commissioned as
Captain. He was captured by the Ameri-
cans in the spring ol 1782, about the same
time that Phil White was, and confined in
Freehold jail, but shortly exchanged for
Daniel Randolph, Esq, He probably went
to the British Provinces at the close of the
war, as mention is made of a certain Clay-
ton Tilton, a loyalist from New Jersey,
marrying the widow ot Thomas Green, at
Musquash, New Brunswick, shortly after
the war.
John Warueli., of Shrewsbury, an asso-
ciate judge of Monmouth, on account of
his tory proclivities, sought refuge within
the British lines. His property was con-
ficated and advertised to be sold at Tin ton
Falls, March 29th, 1779. He was a neigh-
bor and warm Iriend ot Captain Ricliaid
Lippencott.
Captain Richard Lippencott, the Refu-
gee who Hanged Captain Huddy.
This refugee who obtained such unen-
viable notoriety for hanging Captain Josh-
ua Huddy, was born in New Jersey in
1745, and died at Toronto, Canada, in 1826,
in his 82d year. At the breaking out of
the war he was a resident of Shrewsbury
township. Early in that mtmorablestrug-
gle he left Monmouth and went to New
York and expressed to the Board of Asso-
ciated Loyalists a desire for authority to
raise a company, which was given him by
the Board upon his signing the usual
articles requiring him to obey the orders
of Governor William Franklin, its Presi-
dent. On account of his activity in the
Royal service, his property was confiscated
and advertised to be sold at Tinton Falls,
March 29th, 1779. He appears to have
had many relatives among both the pa-
triots and loyalists. The character he bore
among tlie adherents of the Royal cause
is shown by the following extracts Dur-
ing the Briiish Court Martial trial held in
New York in June, 1782, to try him for
50
OLD TIMES I\ OLD MONMOUTH.
the murder of Captain .foshua Huddy,
Colonel John Morris, commander of the
second battalion of the brigade of New
Jersey Royal Volunteers, testified as fol-
lows:
" He had known the prisoner (Lippen-
cott) many years ; he always suppoited a
good cnaracter ever since deponent has
known him ; and he always endeavored
to serve the Government all in his power,
and that with propriety. Deponent has
never known him guilty of plundt^ring or
:iny action of that kind."
Jotin Wardell, late of Shrewsbury town-
ship, and formerly an associate judge of
Monmouth, testified that " he had been
acquainted with Lijjpencotl more than
•en years : that he was his neighbor and
was always looked upon as a peaceable,
inoflensive man.''
Rev. Dr. Samuel Cooke, the noted Epis-
copalian clergyman who settled in Shrews-
bury in 1751, where he remained until the
breaking out of the Revolution, and to
whom reference is made in other chapters,
at the time of Lippencott's trial was depu-
ty chaplain to the brigade of guards in the
British serv'ce ; upon being sworn he
said :
" He had not known Lippencott before
the rebellion, but has been acquainted
with him upwards of three years since
Lippencott has been within his Majesty's
lines. That lie has been particularly ac-
quainted with him. and has every reason
to think liis character stood as fair as that
of any refugee within his Majesty's lines."
After the Revolution, Lippencott went
to England to claim compensation for his
lost-es and services. He obtained the half
pay of CcXptain for life, and the grant of
300 acres of land at York, (now Toronto)
in Canada, upon wuich he settled about
1794. His only child, Esther Borden
Lippencott, married George Taylor Den
nison, and her son, George T. Dennison,
some twenty odd years ago, was a member
of the Canadian parliament. Sabine, in
the first edition of his history of the loyal-
ists, having made some remarks not very
complimentary to Captain Lippencott, his
grandson, George T. Dennison, addressed
liim a letter in which he endeavored to
defend the acts "itid character of his grand-
father. He says :
" Lippencott was naturally a person of
the most harmlesn and quiet disposition.
Philip White was half brother to his wife,
and Lippencott was exasperated by the
butchery of an innocent relative (Stephen
Edwards ? ) who, found on a visit to his
mother's house, was treated by Huddy as
a spy. The old man (Lippencott) was re-
spected by all who knew him in the coun-
try, rich and poor, and was so well known
to all old loyalists who settled there, that
persons came uninvited thirty or forty
miles to pay tribute to his memory : hun-
dreds still living will repudiate the unfa-
vorable character as a man and a siildier
given him by tlie American historian. —
He was true to his Sovereign both in prop-
erty and peril, and nobly maintained the
Lippencott family motto, " Si'cundus du-
husque rectus.^' Indeed the trutij is, as I
have always heard it declared by himself
and others, ihat he had the autkonty from
Sir Henry Clinton himsell to hang HudcJy
in retaliation for White.''
As to what Mr. Dennison says in regard
to the character of Lippencot' aft^^r the
war, it may be all quite true but it has
but little to do withtiie hanging ot Huddy
during the wai. Mr. Dennison is in error
in saying th^i-t Sir Henry Clinton authoriz-
ed the execution. On the contrary he
was so indignant at the act that he at <.nce
ordered LiiJ|H-ncott to be Court Mai tialed,
and Sparks, the historian, says tiiat while
in London, he; saw original letters from
Sir Henry Clinton and his succ<>ssor, Sir
Guy Carleton, expressing in the strongest
terms their indignation at Buddy's mur-
der. The fact probably is, that Mr. Den-
nison errs only in the ni.me of the person ;
it is probable that his grandfather •stated
that he had the autiiority of his superior
officer to hang Huddy, and from this Mr.
D. inferred that this suijerior officer was
Sir Henry Clinton. Who this superior offi-
cer really was will be seen by extracts we
shall hereafter give from official iiiitish
records, which show quite >:on(;lusivel}'
how far Lippencott was responsible foithe
murder of Huddy. It will be seen that
Lippencott was not the only guilty party ;
as to whom the most guilt should be at-
tached may be judgi.d from the evidence
produced on his trial.
The New Jersey Royal Vounteeks.
The following are the names of some of
the offitiers «f this noted organization,
composed mainly of Jerseymen, who aid-
ed the British during the Revolution. —
The commandini: officer was Cortland
Skinner, and his brigade was often called
"Skinner's Greens." The officers and
men were from different counties, chiefly
in East Jersey. Most of the Old Mon.
OLD TIMES IN (3LD MONMOUTH.
51
mouth Loyalists joined.the Fiist battalion
of this brigade.
Cortland Skinnkr, Brigadiek General.
First Battalion.
Elisha Lawrence, Colonel.
B. G. Skinner, " 1781.
Stephen Delancej', Lieut. Colonel.
Thomas Millidge, Major.
William Hutchinson, Captain.
Joseph Crowell, "
Jatnes Moody, Lieutenant.
John Woodward, "
James Brittain ''
Ozias Ausley, Ensign.
Joseph Brittain, ''
Second Battalion.
John Moi'ris, Colonel, Second battalion.
Isaac Allen, Lieut. Colonel " '•
Charles Harrison, Captain, " '*
Thomas Hunlock, " " "
John Combs, Lieutenant " "
Third Battalion.
Abraham Van Buskirk, Lieutenant
Colonel, Third battalion.
Robert Timpanv, Major, " "
PhilipCortiand(N.Y.') '' "
Jacob Van Buskirk, Capt. '' "
.lames Servanier, Lieut. " "
rhilipCortland, Jr., Ensign" "
John Van Orden, " '• "
The Ibllowing named were also officers
in this organization :
Elisha Skinner, Lieutenant Colonel,
John Barnes. Major, R. V. Stockton, Ma-
jor, Thomas Lawrence, Major, John Lee,
Captain, Peter Campbell, ditto, John Bar-
bara, ditto, Richard Cayfoid, ditto, Wil-
liam Chandler, ilitto, Daniel Cozens, ditto,
Keating, ditto. Lieutenants, Troup
and Fitz Randolph. Absalom Bainbridge,
Surgeon. Peter Myer, Ensign.
Lieutenant James Moouy.
In the above list of Loyalist officers will
1)6 noticed the name of .Times Moody,
Lieutenant in the First Battalion, in which
were so many former residents of Mon-
mouth. At the close of the war, Moody
went to England, and shortly after his ar-
rival there published a pam[)hlet entitled,
" Lieutenant James Moody's Narrative of
his Exertions and Sufferings in the cause
of the Government since the year 1770;
authenticate<l bv proper certificates. Lon-
don, 1783."
As this publication is rare, we propose
hereafter to extract the substance which
will be found to contain many things of
value to the historian, and of much inter-
est to the general reader. As a matter of
course he strives to depreciate the Ameri-
cans and their cause, and to exalt Tories
and Toryism to the best of his ability, and
on this particular account his narrative
deserves a place in our local history, for
to obtain a comprehensive view of life and
times in the Revolution it is necessary to
look at the causes and effects from a Tory
stand-point. As during the war all who
joined the Americans were not Avholly
good, so all who joined the British were
not wholly bad, and to one who is curious
to know what reasons werts offered for
their course by the more honorable Tories
and what versions they gave to scenes in
which they were actors, Lieutenant
Moody's narrative will have peculiar val-
ue. His career, it will be seen, furnishes
exciting incidents sufficient to form the
grou'.id work for half a dozen modern sen-
sational novels. He made many raids in-
to New Jersey, and on one expedition in-
to Monmouth it was alleged that he caused
the death of two Monmouth militiaofficers
under circumstances so contrary to the
usual rule of warfare, that when, afterward,
he was captured, he was sentenced to be
executed, but escaped almost miraculous-
ly-
THE FIRST SETTLERS IN OLD MON-
iMOUTH.
The Stout Famii,t.
Indians on the War Path — Firm Stand of
the Settlers — A League of Peace Never
Broken.
Among the first whites who permanent-
ly settled in old Monmouth, was Richard
Stout, who, with his own family and five
other families, it is said, located in Mid-
dletown in 1648. The history of the Stout
family, though familiar to those versed in
the ancient history of our state, yet is so
remarkable on account of the wonderful
preservation of the life of Mrs. Stout, and
of so much general interest because their
descendants in our county and elsewhere
are so numerous, and also because this
family were among the first Baptists in
New .Jersey, that it will bear rejjeating,
especially as it may prove new to many of
our readers. Tlie version of the remarka-
ble history of Penelope Stout, as given in
Benedict's History of the Baptists, is the
one most familiar to our older citizens
52
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
but believing that many of our readei's
may wish for preservation both this ver
sion and the one given in 1765, by Smith
in his history of New Jersey, we append
them with additional items from other
sources.
The ship in which Penelope came to
this country was wrecked on the coast of
Monmouth, some two hundred and fifty
years ago. The story of her remarkable
preservation was handed down by tradition,
in various parts of the state, for a century
and a half with little variation except that
some traditionary versions, at one time,
located the place of the shipwreck on the
Delaware.
The following version is the one pub-
lished by Smith in 1765 :
'' While New York was in the possession
of the Dutch, about the time of the Indian
war in New England, a Dutch shi]"*, com-
ing from Amsterdam, was stranded on
Sandy Hook, but the passengers got ashore
— among them was a young Dutchman
who hacl been sick most of the voyage ;
he was so bad "after landing that he could
not travel, and the other passengers, being
afraid of the Indians, would not stay until
he recovered ; his wife, however, would
not leave him, and the rest promised to
send for them as soon as they arrived at
New Amsterdam (New Yotk.) They had
not been gone long before a company of
Indians, coming to the water side, discov-
ered them on the beach, and hastening to
the spot, soon killed the man and cut and
mangled the woman in such a manner
that they left her for dead. She had
strength enough to crawl to some logs not
far distant, and getting into a hollow one
lived within it for several days, subsisting
in part by eating the excrescences that
grew from it. The Indians had left some
fire on the shore, which she kept together
for the warmth. Having remained in that
manner for some time, an old Indian and
a young one coming down to the beach
found her ; they were soon in high words,
which she afterwards understood was a
dispute ; the old Indian was for keeping
her alive, the other for dispatcliing her. —
After they had debated the point awhile,
the oldest Indian hastily took her up and
tossing her upon his shoulder, carried her
to a place near where Middletown now
stands, where he dressed her wounds and
soon cured her. After some time the Dutch
at New Amsterdam, hearing of a white
woman among the Indians, concluded who
it must bQ, and some of them came to Iier
relief ; the old man, her preserver, gave
h'r the ctioice to go or stay ; she chose to
go. A while after, marrying one Stout,
they lived together at Middletown among
other Dutch inhabittints. The old Indian
wlio saved her life used frequently to visit
her ; at one of his visits she observed him
to be more pensive than common, and sit-
ting down, he gave three heavy sighs ;
alter the last, she thought herself at liber-
ty to ask him what was the matter, lie
told her ho had something to tell her in
friendship, though at tlie risk of his own
life, which was that the Indians were that
night to kill all the whites, and he advised
her to go to New Amsterdam ; she asked
him how she could get off? He told her
he had provided a canoe at a place which
he named. Being gone from her she sent
for her husband out of the field, and dis-
covered the mattei" to him, who, not be-
lieving it, she told him the old man tiever
deceived her, and that siie with her children
would go ; accordingly at the place ap-
pointed thev found the canoeand paddled
off. When they were gone, the husband
began to consider the matter, and sending
for five or six of his neighbors, they set
vtpon their guard. About midnight they
heard the dismal warwhoop; presently
came up a company of Indians ; they first
expostulated and then told the Indians if
they persisted in their bloody designs, they
would sell their lives very dear. Their
arguments prevailed, the Indians desisted,
and entered into a league of i^eace, which
was kept without violati n. From this
womar, thus remarkably saved, is descend-
ed a numerous posterity of the name of
Stout, now inhabitants of New Jersey. At
that time there were supposed to be about
fifty families of white people, antl five
hundred Indians inhabiting ttiose parts."
The account of Penelope Stout, as given
in Benedict's History, is as follows :
" She was born in Amsterdam, in Hol-
land, about the year 1602 ; her father's
name was Vanprincis. She and her first
husband (whose name is not known) sail-
ed for New York (then New Amsterdam)
about the year 1620; the vessel was strand-
ed at Sandy Hook ; the crew got ashore
and marched towards New York ; but
Penelope's (for that was her name) hus-
band being hurt in the wreck, could not
march with them ; therefore, he and his
wife tarried in the woods ; they had not
been long in the place before the Indians
killed them both (as they thought) and
stripped them to the skin ; however, Pen-
OLD TIMES IN OLD MOXMOUTIL
53
elope came to, though hei" skull was frac-
tured an'd her left shoulder so hacked that
she could never use that arm like the oth-
er ; she was also cut across the abdomen
so that her bowels appeared ; these she
kept in with her hand ; she continued in
this situation for seven days, ta'? ing shel-
ter in a hollow tree, and eating the ex-
crescence of it ; the seventh day she saw
a deer passing by with arrows sticking in
it, and soon after two Indians appeared,
whom she was glad lo see, in hope they
would put her out of her misery ; accord
ingly, one made for lier to knock her on
the head ; but the other, who was an el-
derly man, prevented him ; and, throwing
his match coat about her, carried iier to
his wigAVam and cured her of her wounds
and bruises ; after that he took her to
New York and made a present of her to
her rountrymen, viz : an Indian [)resent,
expecting ten times the value in return.—
It vv^s in New York that one Richard
Stout mariied her ; lie was a native of
England, and of good family: she was now
in her 22!id year, and he in his40''h. !She
bore him seven sons and thrf>o daughters,
viz : Jr'nathan, John, Richard, James,
Peter, David, Benjamin, Mary, Sarah and
Alice ; the daughters married into the
families of the Bound?, Pikes, Throck-
mortons and Skeltons, and so lost the
name of Stout ; the sons inarrird into the
familiesofBullen, Crawford, Ashton.Truax,
!ic., and had many children. Themother
lived to the age of 110, and saw her oft-
spri-g multipli d into 502 in about 88
years.'"
Richard Stout, who married Penelope,
w.^s the son of John Stout, of Nottingham-
shire, in Eogland. His father interfered
in a love affair with a young woman be-
neath his rank, so he got angry and went
to sea in a man of war, and served seven
years. He was discharged at New York
(then "New Amsterdam) and lived tliere
some years, when he fell in with the Dutch
widow, whoia he afterwards married.
INDIAN CLAIMS IN OLD MON-
MOUTH AND VICINITY.
Confeience of Whites and Indians — Des-
cription of last lands claimed by Indians
— Names of leading Indians — Indians
satisfactorily paid for all their land —
Our ancesters as " doers ofjustice."
The last lands in Old Monmouth claimed
by the Indians were described in certain
p ipers, powers of attorney, (fee, presented
to a conference between the whites and
Indians held at Crosswicks, N, J., in Feb
ruary, 1758. For several years previou.s
the Indians had expressed much dissatis-
faction because they hud not received pay
for several tracts of land, some of them of
considerable ext'^nt in this and other
counties. When the ill feeling of the In-
dians became apparent, the Legislature
appointed commissioners to examine-into
the causes of dissatisfaction. Several con-
ferences were held at Crosswicl<s. Burling-
ton, Easton, Pa., &c. At the second con-
ference at Crosswicks the commissioners
on the part of the state were Andrew
Johnson and Richard Salter, of the Coun-
cil, and Charles Read, John Stevens, Wil-
iam Foster and Jacob Spicer.
The Indians were Teedyescunk, king of
the Delavvares ; George Hopaycock, of the
Susquehannas ; Andrew Wciolley, George
Wheelwright. Peepy, Joseph Cuish, Wil-
liam Lonlax, Gabriel Mitop, Zeb Conchee,
Bill Nevvs, John Pembolus, of the Cross-
wick Indians ; Moses Totsimy and Philip
of the Movmtain Indians; Tom Evans, of
the Rarilans ; Robert Kekott, Jabob
Mullis, Samuel Gosling of the Rancocus
Indians ; Thomas Store, Stephen Calviri,
John Pompsliire, Benjamin Gh'.us, Joseph
Woolley, Josiah Store, Isaac Still, James
Calvin, Peter Calvin, Derrick Quaquay,
Ebenezer Woolley, Sarah Store, widow of
Quaquahela of the Cranbury Indians ;
Abraham Lacques, Isaac Swanelea, South-
ern Indians.
John Porapshire acted as interpreter.
The Indians informed the Commissioners
that the lands they claimed could not by
them be described by lines very intelligi-
ble to persons not on the spot, as they
went to hollows and small brooks which
had no certain names, but that they had
described them as well as they could, and
they delivered lists of the tracts they es-
teemed unpurshased.as follows:
No. 1. A power of at'.orney from Ca-
poose and Telamen, to Moses Totamy, dated
I January 30lh, 1743-4, for lands 'on the
south and fouihvvest side of the south
branch of the Raritan river, joining there-
to, as explained by said power.
No. 2. A paper declarinti ilie lands
from the half wav, from the mouth of
Motetecunk to Toms River, from the heads
of the rivers, belong to Captain John,
Totamy Willockins; and from John
Eastels (Estells?) to Hookanetcunk on
Crosswicks ; then on a straight course to
Mount Holly and so up Rancocus creek
54
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
and along the said creek to Jarvis Pharo's
mill and so lo the sea. Pompshire and Ste-
phen Calvin say they are concerned in the
tract.
No. 3. A power of attorney to Twtamy
and Captain John, dated February 21st,
1747, from Tawlayenum, Tohokenum,
(jrooteleck, to sell lauds in Egg Harbor be-
tween Mount Holly and Crosswieks.
'fhey have a tract of land beginning at
the Old Ford by John Fowler's; then in
a line to Doctor's Creek, above but in sight
of Allentown ; then up the creek to the
lower end of Irnlaystown ; then in a line
to Cros.ewicks creek by Duke Horseman's;
then along said creek to the place of
beginning. Teedyscung an<l Totamy are
concerned in the above lands.
Then they said that from the mouth of
Squan to No. 2, belongs to Sarah Store,
to whom it was given by her husband, to
the heads of the branches, and so across
from one branch to the other.
Tom Store and Andrew WooUey, claim
a tract beetween Cranbury and Devil's
Brook, possessed by Josiah Davidson'ssons
that has two new houses built thereon, in
which is included the whole tract of the
late President Hamilton probably John
Hamilton, governor from 1736 ^o 1738) ; and
also Mr. Alexander's surveys where Thomas
Sowden lives ; he has sold part of this
aract to Holiinshead where McGee lives;
also has sold some to Josiah Davidson, to
Doore Marlet, John Wetherill and Jarans
Wilson. He claims lands from Cranbury
brook to trie cross roads lying on the
right hand of the road, and is claimed by
William Pidgeon ; James Wall and John
Story live upon one corner of it. They
also claim from the mouth of Squan to
the mouth of Shrewsbury, by the streams
of each to their heads and across from one
head to another. Also Vannole's place on
the west si<le of Squan river. Also a piece
at Topauemus bridge; in this piece Ben
Claus is concerned.
Tom Store and Andrew WooUey, also
claim a piece on the north aide of South
River — Polly Ritchies place.
Also a piece between Allentown and
Millstone brook, where Hockan Gapee
used to live, joining on the east side of the
post road to Aniboy, part of Dunstan's
tract.
Also Vance's place, adjoining Millstone
brook, on Amboy road, part of Fullerton's
tract.
Also a swamp near Gawen Watson's
place, belonging to llie Johnston -families
and the Furmans.
Jacob MuUis claims pine lands oa Edge
Pillock Branch and Goshen Neck
Branch, where Benjamin .Springer and
George Marpole"s mills stands and all
the lands between the head branches of
those creeks to whv-ne the waters join or
meet.
The Indiai.;s in gtmeral, claim their
settlements near Cianbury on Menolapan
river, near Falkner's tract, whereon many
Indians now live. Also a few acres below
the plantation of Robert Pearson's, on the
North side of Crosswieks creek.
Hiiving delivered these claims to the
Commissioners, the Indians present ex-
ecuted a power of attorney to Tom Store,
Moses Totamy, Stephen Calviw, Isaac Still
and John Pompshire, or the major part of
tliem, to transact all future business with
the state government respecting lands.
In 1757 the government had appro-
priated £1,600 to purchase a release of
Inciian claims; one lialf to be laid out in
purchasing a settlement for the Indians
on the south side of 'he Raritan, whereon
they might reside ; the other lialf to pur-
chase latent claims of back Indian^ not
resident in the province. At the confer-
ence at Eastoii, in Oclober, 1758, it was
decided to purchase a tract of land in
Evesham township, Burlington, containing
over 3,000 acres, for the Indians to locate
upon. There was there a saw mill and
cedar swamp and satisfactory hunting
ground. The Indians soon removed to
this reservation, named Brotherton ; in
removing their buildings tliey were assist-
ed by government. A house of worship
and several dwellings were soon put up.
In 1765, it is said, there were about sixty
persons settled there.
The remn;int of these Indians sold out
the tract and left the slate in 1802, as
elsewhere described. We believe they
left behind a lot of half breeds, who al'io
left the state some thirty years later.
HOW THE BRITISH REWARDED
THE TORIES.
Dazzling Promises and liovv they were ful
filled — Loyalists die broken hearted.
The following is from the Albany States-
man, Sept. 1820:
By the following extract from the pro-
ceedings of the British House ofCommons
June 19th, 1820, it will be seen that the
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
bh
Tories of the Revolution were but poorly
rewarded for their loyalty to England and
their base desertion of their own country.
It seems the most fortunate of them re-
ceived but seven shillings in the pound, of
what had been promised them, as a re-
muneration for their losses and treason-
able services. The conduct of the British
government towards these miserable be
ings v>'ho were dazzled with promises and
anticipations of princely wealth and
princely honors, furnishes a monitory les-
son of the wretched fate of the traitor.
Many of them, it is said, died oj broken hearts
conscious of their own degradation, ne-
glected and despised by those they had
served, and treated with scorn and re-
proach by their own countrymen. How
different was their lot from that of the
revolutionary patriot and soldier, who was
true to his country and whose motto was
'• Liberty or Death."'
American Loyalists.
A. vote of £9, 000 was proposed for Amer-
ican Loyylists.
Mr. Hume asked the Chancellor of the
Exchequer whether government meant to
take into consideration the claims of those
loyalists who had been resident in Ameri-
ca at the breaking out of the war, and
who had been assured by their govern-
ment that any losses they might sustain,
would be made good by this country ?
Whereas in violation of the public faith
they never had been remunerated.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer ad-
mitted that the people alluded to were a
most ineriiorioMS and unfortunate class of men,
but on the other liand, if the claims of in-
dividuals loere to he listened to by his majes-
ty's ministers, a dangerous precedent
would be established and a door opened
for their endlesss repetition.
Mr. Courtney observed that this claim
stood on tlie plighted faith of the country.
His conviction was, their case was quite
diflferent from that of all other claimants,
and was, at least, entitled to tlie serious
consideration of i)arliament — [Hear.)
Mr. Williams added his testimony to
that of the last speaker. It was consider-
ably moie than thirty years since the
claims accrued. Three fourths of the
claimants were dead, and many of them
of broken hearts.
Mr. Lockhart said that the American
loyalists had never received any compen-
i^ation for their losses. It was the mer-
chants trading to America who consented
to accept of £500,000 to b© distributed
amongst them by commissioners ; and
when the resident loyalists ajjplied to the
courts in America, they were met with
the plea of being attainted persons and
traitors to their counting.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said
the individuals in question had received
their fair proportion of the £500,000 from
the commissioners.
Mr. J. Smith said that they had receiv-
ed but seven or eight shillings in the pound of
their reduced debt or claim.
The resolution was postponed to the
following week.
EPISCOPALIANISM IN OLD MON-
MOUTH.
Pioneers of the Society. — Rev. Messrs.
Keith, Talbot and Inness — First Converts
to the Protestant Episcopal Church —
One Hundred and Seven*y Years Ago.
The most noted among the first clergy-
men of the Protestant Episcopal Church,
who held services in the county, was the
celebrated Rev. George Keith, an outline
of whose life has been given in an other chap-
ter. When he first located at Freehold
he was an active member of the Society of
Friends, as it would seem were others of
the first settlers. He left Freehold in
1689 and went to reside in Philadelphia. —
In 1694 he went to London and soon after
abjured the doctrines of the Quakers, and
became a zealous clergyman of the Church
of England. He officiated some time in
his mother country, and in 1702 he was
sent to America as a missionary o? the
" Society tor the Propagation of the Gos-
pel in Foreign Parts." He sailed from
England April 28, 1702, in the ship Cen-
turian bound for Boston. After his arri-
val he travelled and preached in various
parts of New England and New York, ac-
companied and assisted by the Rev. John
Talbot, who had been cliaplain of the ship,
and who, a few years later, located at Bur-
lington, JN. .[., in charge of the Protestant
Episcopal Society there. Mr. Keith ar-
rived at Amboy, and preached his first ser-
mon in NeAv Jersey in that place, October
3d, 1702. He saysthatamongthetiudience
were some old acquaintances, and some
had been Quakers but were come over to
the church, particularly Miles Forster and
John Barclay (brother to Robert Barclay,
who published the " Ajjology for Quakers."' )
After stopping a few days with Miles For-
ster, he left for Monmouth county, where
56
OLD TIMES I^[ OLD MONMOUTH.
he i^reached his first sermon, October 10,
1702. Of his tr.avels and services in Mon-
mouth we give his own account from his rare
and curious Httle work entitled " A Jour-
nal of Travel from New Hampshire to Car-
atuck, on the Continent of America, by
George Keith, A. M., late Missionary from
the Society for the Propagation of the Gos-
pel in Foreign Parts, and now Rector of
Edburton, in Sussex. London : printed by
Joseph Downing, for Brab. Aylmer at the
Three Pigeons over against the Royal Ex-
change, Cornhill, 1706."'
It will be noticed that he speaks of the
Quakers at Freehold holding meetings
separate from other Quakers. The cause
of this separation is explained in the chap-
ter giving an outline of his life.
01 his visit to Monmouth he says :
October 10, 1702.— We went to the
meeting of the Quakers at loponcmes in
Freehold in East Jersey, who used to keep
a separate meeting from the other Quakers
for their gross errors and joined witli me
and my friends in the separation about
1692 ; and it happened to be their yearly
meeting where divers came from West
Jei"sey and Pennsylvania. One of their
preachers prayed and preached before I
began. After he had done, I used some
Church Collects 1 bad by heart, in Prayer;
and after that I preached on Heb. 5 : 9.^
There was a considerable auditory of di-
vers sort*, some of the Cliurch, and some
Presbyterians, besides Quakers. They
heard me without interruption and the
meeting ended peaceably. Their two
speakers lodged in the same house with
me that evening at the house of Thomas
Boels, formerly a Quaker but now of the
church. I had some free discourse with
them about several weighty things. 1 told
them so far as they used their gifts to in-
struct the ignorant and reclaim the vile
errors of Quakerism, they were to be com-
mended ; but that they had taken upon
them to administer baptism and the Lord's
Supper to any, they were greatly to be
blamed, having no due ciill or ordination
so to do.
We met again next day and after that
I pi'ayed, using the same Collects as the
day before and preached on 1st Thes. 5 : 9
without any interruption, and the meeting
peaceably ended. 1 could blame nothing
in the matter of the second speaker, nor
in the former, except where he said m his
discourse " That they who were in Chrisi,need
not fear IJcliy I endeavored to clear the
matter in my discourse by distinguishing
between an absolute fear of hell, such as
wicked men ought to have and a condi-
tional fear which good men, even such
who are in Cin'ist, ought to have ; and
about this he and I had some private dis-
course also betwixt u.'^^, but he wasdissatis
fied and would not own that any who werein
Christ, ought to have any les? of hell, so much
as conditional.
Sunday, October 17th, 1702. I preached
at Middletown in East Jersej', where be-
fa)re sermon Mr. Talbot read the Church
Prayers, and I preached on Matt. 28: 19,20.
One main part of my sermon being to
prove Infant baptism to be included in the
Apostle's commission as well as that of
adult persons, their being several of the
audience who were Anfibapiists, who heard
me civilly vvithout interruption ; but most
of the .<iuditory were Church people orwoli
affected to the Church.
October 24th, 1702. I preached atShrews-
bury at a houKC near the Quaker Meeting
House, and it happened it was the time of
the Quaker Yearly Meeting at Shrewsbury.
My text was 2d Peter, 2:1,2. Th«ChurcIi
Prayers being read before sermon, we liad
a great congregation, generally well affect-
ed to the Church, and divers of them were
of the Church, and that day I sent some
lines in writing to the QuaReis at their
Yearly Meeting ; which Mr. Talbot did
read to them in their meeting, wherein I
desired them to give me a meeting with
them some day of that week before their
meethig was concluded; in which meeting
1 offered to detect great eri'ors in their
Author's books, and they should have full
liberty to answer what they had to say in
their vindication. But they altogether le-
fused my proposition, and several papers
l)assed betwixt us. In some of their pa-
pers they used gross reflections on the
Church of England as much as on me. —
We continued our meeting three days, as
the Quakers did theirs. And the second
day of our meeting at the . same house,
where we had formerly met, I detected
Quaker errors out of their printed books,
particularly out of the Folio Book of Ed-
ivard Burrou(jh''s Works^ collected and pub
lished by the Quakers after his death, and
did read (juotations to tiie Auditory, lay-
ing the pages optn before such as wore
willing to read them for their better satis-
faction, as some did read them.
(Mr. Keith here quotes what he consid-
ers some of their errors.)
October 26th. I preached again at
Shrewsbury, on Matt. 7 : 13. In these
OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.
57
meetings in Shrewsbury, Middletown and
Topsnemes, or where else in the Nethesiuks
(Nevisinks) Mr. Louis Morris and divers
others of the besl note in that county, fre-
quented the congregations and places
where we preaclied and did kindly enter-
tain us at their houses where we lodged as
we travelled too and again, particularly at
Mr. Morris, Mr. Inness, Mr, Johnson, Mr.
Boels and Mr. Read. Mr. Inness being in
Priest's orders often preached among them
and by preaching and conferences frequent-
ly with the (Quakers and other sorts of peo-
ple, as also by his pious conveisation, has
done much good among them and been
very instrumental to draw them off from
their errors and bring them over to the
Church.
Mr. Keith left Monmouth about the last
of October, 1702, for Burlington and else-
where. He returned in December, and
says :
December 20th, 1702. I preached at
Dr. Johnstons at Nethersinks, on Rev.
22:14.
Dec. 25th, Friday, being Christmas. I
preached at the house of Mr. Morris, on
Luke 21.10, 11. iVud after sermon divers
of the auditoiy received with us the Holy
sacrament ; both Mr. Morris and his wife,
and divers others. Mr. Talbot did admin-
ister it.
December 27th, Sunday. I preached at
Shrewsbury Town, near the Quaker Meet-
ing House, at a Planter's house, and had
a considerable auditory of Church people,
lately converted from Quakerism, with
divers others of the Church of best note in
that part of the country. My text was
Heb. 8.10, 11.
January 1st, 1703, Friday. I preached
at the house of Thomas Boels, in Freehold,
in East Jersey. My text was Isaiah 59.20,
21. Before sermon, after the Church
Prayers, I baptized all his children, two
sons and three daugliiers. He was for-
merly a Quaker, but is now come over to
the Church ; also a son of Samuel Dennis,
a late convert from Quakerism.
Jan. 3d, 1703. I preached again at his
house on the sanie text, and before sermon
Mr. Talbot baptized two persons belonging
to the family of John Read, formerly a
Quaker, but was lately come over to the
Cnurcli, with all his children, one son and
two daughters. His two daughters were
baptized by Mr. Talbot, October 20th,
1702 ; as also the same day was baptized
William Leads (Leeds?), and his sister
Mary Leads, late converts from Quakerism
to the Church. And some days before at
the house of John Read, Mr. Talbot .bap-
tized the wife of Alexander Neaper and
his three children. Both he and his wife
had been Quakers, but were come over to
the Church.
January 4th, 1703. I came to the house
of Robert Ray, in Freehold, in East Jer-
sey, accompanied with Thomas Boels, and
lodged at his house that night. At his
and his wife's desire, I baptized all his
children, some boys and some girls, in
number five. His wife is come over to the
Church, but he was not then come thor-
oughly out of Quakerism.
Mr. Keith after this proceeded to Bur-
lington, Philadelphia, and so on to Mary-
land, Virginia, and elsewhere ; in October,
1703, he returned to Monmouth, and of
his services here he adds in his journal
the following ;
" October 10th, 1703, Sunday. I preach-
ed at Toponemes, in Freehold, in East Jer-
sey, on Acts 24:12, and had considerable
auditory, divers of them late converts from
Quakerism to the Church. Mr. Inness
above mentioned, did read the Prayers. —
Mr. Talbot stayed to preach in several
places in Pennsylvania and West Jersey
tor some time.
October 17th. I preached at Shrews-
bury, near the Quaker Meeting House
there, on Psalms 103 : 17, 18.
October 24th. I preached again there,
on Heb. 8 : 10, 11, and Mr. Inness baptized
two men and a child.
On the 31st of October, Mr. Keith
preached at Amboy, after which he pro-
ceeded to New York and New England.
On tiis return he says :
January 9th, 1704. I preached at the
house of Dr. Johnston, in Neverthesinks,
on Psalms 119 : 5, 113, and had consider-
able auditory.
January 16th. I preached at Mr. Mor-
ris's house at the Falls of Shrewsbury, in
East Jersey, on 2 Cor. 5 : 17.
January 23d. I preached again at Mr.
Morris's house, on 2 Peter 1 : 5.
January 30th. I preached at the house
of Mr. Thomas Boels, in Freehold, in East
Jersey, - n 1 Cor.^15 : 58.
February 6th. I preached at the house
of Mr. John Read, in Freehold, East Jer-
sey, on Psalms 119 : 96.
After this Mr. Keith went to Burlington,
Philadelphia, and shortly sailed for Eng-
land.
58
OLD TLMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
LIEUT, JAMES MOODY, THE KEFU-
GEE PARTISAN.
A Daring Renegade — Raid in Monmouth
— Refugee Versions and Boasts — Death
of Captain Chadwick and Lieutenant
Hendrickson.
In the days of the Revohition, about the
most shrewd and effective partisan leader
in New Jersey, was James Moody. During
the war we do not believe there was a sin-
gle other Tory who was more noted
througout the State for his daring opera-
ations, than was he, and yet it is rare to
find his name in any general or local his-
tory of New Jersey.
In Howe's Historical Collections of New
Jersey, mention is made of a certain refu-
gee, said to have been named Bonnell
Moody, as having been active against the
whigs in Sussex county. We very much
doubt if ever there was a prominent refu-
gee of that name in our State ; we have
no doubt but James Mooiy was the man
referred to ; certain it is that some of the
deeds attributed to Bonnell Moody were
performed by James Moody. An interest-
ing account of James Moody's career in
New Jersey, was published shortly after
the war in London ; though dictated by
himself, and consequently more or less
one sided, yet it contains many things of
value to the historian and of interest to
the general reader. At some future time
we shall endeavor to give place to the sub-
stance of his narrative with the high
British endorsements it obtained, but for
the present we can only copy the substance
of so much of it as relates to one of his
raids in Monmouth. It will be seen that
where he strives to depreciate Americans
and laud the Tories to the best of his abil-
ity, yet he mentions some things worth
recording in our local history.
" June 10th, 1779, Lieutenant James
Moody requested a Tory friend named
Hutchinson, with six men and some guides,
to join him in a raid into Monmouth. —
Moody had besides sixteen men. 'J'hey
started from Sandy Hook ior Shrewsbury,
and managed to elude the Rebel guard,
and gained a place called tJie Falls (Tinton
Falls.) There tliey surprised and took
prisoners one Colonel, one Lieutenant
Colonel, one Major and two Captains, with
several other i)risoners of lesser note, and
without injury to private property, de-
stroying a considerable magiizine of pow-
der and arms. With these prisoners and
such public stores as they were able to
bring off, Mr. Hutchinson was charged,
whilst Moody brought up the rear with
his sixteen men to defend them. They
were as they expected, soon pursued by
double their n ember and soon overtaken.
Moody kept up a smart fire on his assail-
ants, checkin^!; and retarding them till
Hutchinson with his booty had got ahead
to a considerable distance. He then also
advanced for the next advantngeous posi-
tion, and thus proceeded from one good
spot to another, still covering the prison-
ers till they gained a situation on the
shore at Black Point where the enemy
could not flank him. But just at this time
the enemy was reinforced by ten men, so
they were near forty strong. Hutchinson
with one man crossed the inlet, behind
wliich he had taken shelter, and came to
Moody's assistance ; and now a warm en-
gagement ensued which lasted three quar-
ters of an hour. By this time all their
ammunition, amounting to 80 rounds was
exhausted, and ten men, only three of
whom were wounded, were in any capaci-
ty to follow a charge.
"The bayonet wasMoody's only resource,
and this the enemy could not withstand ;
they fled, leaving eleven of their number
killed or wounded. Unfortunately for
Moody, his small but gallant party could
not follow up the blow, being in a manner
utterly exhausted by a long harassed
march in hot weather. They found the
rebel Captain dead, and their Lieutenant
also exi^iring on th© field. There was
something peculiarly shocking and awful
in the death of the rebel captain. He was
shot by Moody whilst with the most bitter
oaths and threats of vengeance, after hav-
ing missed fire once, he was again leveling
his piece at him. Soon after the engage-
ment, one of the rebels came forward with
a handkerchief on a stick, and demanded
a parley. His signal was returned and a
truce agreed upon, the conditions of which
were, that they should have leave to take
care of their dead and wounded, while
Moody and his party were permitted to
return unmolested to the Biitish lines. —
None of Moody's men were mortally
wounded. The public stores which they
brought qway, besides those destroyed,
sold far upwards of £500, every shilling of
which was given by Moody to his men, as
a rewartl for meritorious."
From a subsequent paragraph in Moody's
narrative, it appears that the names of the
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
59
officers killed were Captain Chadwick and
. Lieutenant Hendrickson.
Moody was afterwards captured by the
Americans, and was to liave been hung
for the murder of Captain Chadwick, but
he managed almost miraculously to escape.
Some circumstances mentioned in dif-
ferent accounts of this raid, lead to a sus-
picion that Moody placed Captain Chad-
wick and Lieutenant Hyndrickson in the
rear of their company to prevent the firing
or the Americans upon them, and that
Chadwick and Hendrickson were shot in
attempting to escape or after escaping.
The following is an American version of
this raid from an ancient paper :
" A party of about fifty refugees landed
in Monmouth and marched to 'llnton
Falls undiscovered, where they surprised
and carried off Colonel Hendrickson, Col-
onel Wyckotf', Captain ChadwicK and Cap-
tain McKnight, witli several privates of
the militia, and drove off sheep and horned
cattle. AHout thirty of our militia hastily
collected and made some resistance, but
were repulsed with the loss of two men
killed, and ten wountled, the loss of the
enemy unknown."
Moody's Capture and Escape.
The following is Moody's own account
of his capture, imprisonment for the kill-
ing of Captain Chadwick and Lieutenant
Hendrickson, and escape. After referring
to a raid in which he had been engaged,
liis narrative states that while he was re
tracing his steps witli thirteen men to-
wards New York, on the 21st of July,
1780, Moody and llie greater part of his
men fell into the hands of General Wayne,
much to tlie joy of his captors, and to the
whigs of New Jersey. •' Moody is in tlie
toils at last," was the word far and near.
He was first sent to a place called the
Slote, thence to Stony Point, thence to
West Point, thence to Esopus, and thence
brick to West Point. Arnold who was
then plotting to surrender the latter post,
treated Moody with absolute barbarity,
for by his order he was placed in a dun-
geon excavated in a rock, the bottom of
which was ankle deep in water, mud and
filth. In this dismal hole the wretched
prisoner was fettered hand and foot, and
compelled to sleep on a door raised on
four stones above the disgusting mixtuie
and proffered food at which he revolted
which was brought to him in a wooden
bowl that was never washed, and that whs
encrusted with dougli, dirt and grease. —
I The irons upon his wrists were ragged on
the inner side and caused sores which gave
him great pain, while his legs became ir-
ritated and swollen. He implored Arnold
for relief, declaring that he preferred
death to sufferings so intense. Some days
after his second petition to be treated as
a prisoner of war, an officer came into his
prison and asked, "are you Moody, whose
name is a terror to all good men ?" Wlien
answered, the officer pointed to a gallows
near by, and said : "A swing upon that
you have long merited." Moody replied
thai he hoped to live to see him and a
' thousand other villains like him hanged
for being rebels. The fetters were exam-
ined but not removed. His case was at
last reported to General Washington, who
ordered the irons to be taken oft", and the
serving of wholesome provisions, with
' leave to purchase milk, vegetables, &c. —
' Soon the prisoner was transferred to the
: Chief's own camp, where the Adjutant
I General examined his limbs and shocked
at their condition, gave instant orders for
humane treatment. While Moody was re-
covering he felt himself much ac ease, ex-
pecting soon to be exchanged, when he
WMs unexpectedly told that in two day?, by
order of Dr. Livingston, he was to be
brought to trial ; the court-martial was to
be composed of picked men, and that
Moody was sure of conviction — that he
was charged with assassinating a Captain
Chadwick, and a Lieut. Hendrickson. —
These were the two officers who had fall-
en fairly in battle, near Black Point, in
Monmouth county, as elsewhere related.
The Ensign replied that lie felt himself
much at ease on that account, as it could
be sufficiently cleared up by their own
people who had been in and survived the
action, as well as by some of their officers,
who were at that time prisoners. He was
told that this would oe of little avail, as he
had been so obnoxious to the whiys, and
besides he had enlisted men in the State
for the King's service, and this, by their
laws, was death.
Moody says he affected an air of uncon-
cern at this information, but at the same
time he believed it was too serious and
important to him to disregard. He re-
solved therefore, from that moment, to
escape or perish in the attempt. His place
of confinement was near the centre of the
rtbelcamjj. A sentinel was placed with-
in the doors of his prison, and another
without, besides four others close around
and witliin a few yards of the place. Tiie
60
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTPI.
time now came on when he must either
make his attempt or forever lose the op-
portunity. On the night of September
17th, busy in ruminating on his project,
he had under pretence of being cold, got
a watch coat thrown across his shoulders,
tha+ he might better conceal from his un-
pleasant companion the ojierations he
meditated against his hand cuffs. While
he was racking his invention to find some
possible means of extricating himself from
his fetters, he happened to cast his eye on
a post fastened to the ground, through
which a hole had been bored by an auger,
and it occurred to him that it might be
possible, with the aid of this hoi?, to break
the bolt of his hand cuffs. Watching the
opportunity therefore from time to time
of the sentinel's looking another way, he
thrust the point of the bolt into the above
mentioned hole, and by cautiously exert-
ing his strength and gradually bending
the iron backwards and forwards he at
length broke it. Let the reader imagine
what his sensations were when he found
the manacles drop from his hands. He
sprang instantly past the inside sentinel,
and rushing on the next, with one hand
he seized his musket, and with the other
struck him to the ground. The sentinel
within and the four others who had been
placed by the fence surrounding the place
of his confinement, immediately gave the
alarm, and in a moment the cry was gen-
eral, "Moody is escaped from the provost!*'
It is impossible to describe the uj^roar
which now took place throughout the
camp. In a few minutes every man was in
a bustle, every man was looking for Moo-
dy, and multitudes passed by him on all
sides — little suspecting that the man they
saw deliberately marching along with a
musket on his shoulder, could be the fugi-
tive they were in quest of. The darkness
of the night which was also blustering and
drizzly, prevented any discrimination of
his person, and was indeed the great cir-
cumstance that rendered his escape possi-
ble. But no small difficulty still remained
to be surmounted. To i:)revent desertion,
which at that time was very frequent,
Washington had surrounded his camp
with a cliain of sentinels, posted at about
forty or fifty yards from each other ; Moo-
dy was unacquainted with their stations ;
to pass there undiscovered would certain-
ly'be i'atal. In this dilemna Providence
again befriended him. He had gained
their station without knowing it, when
luckily h® heard their watchword, "Look
sharj) to the chain — Moody is escaj^ed
from tlie Provost." From the sound of ■
their voices he ascertained the resj^ective
situations of the sentinels, and throwing
himself on his hands and knees, he was
happy enough to crawl through the vacant
space between two of them, unseen by
either. Judging that their line ofqursuit
would be towards the British army, he
made a detour into the woods on the op-
posite side. Through the woods he made
his way with as much sijeed as the dark-
ness of the night would permit, steering
his course alter the Indian manner by oc-
casional groping and feeling the white
oak ; on the south side thfi bark of this
tree is rough and unpleasant to the touch,
but on the north side is smooth ; hence it
serves the sagacious traveller of the woods
by night as well as by day, for his compass.
Through the dismal woods and swamps he
wandered until the night of the 21st, a
space of 56 hours, during which time he
had no other sustenance than a few beach
leaves, ( which of all the woods afforded,
were the least unpleasant to the taste, and
least pernicious to the health ), which he
chewecf and swallowed to abate the craA'-
ings of hunger. In every inhabited dis-
trict he knew there were friends of the
British, and he had learned where and
how to find them our, without endanger-
ing their safety, which was always the first
object of his concern. From some of their
ffood men he received minute information
how the pursuit was directed, and where
every guard was posted. Thus assisted he
eluded tiieir keenest vigilance, and at
length by God's blessings, to his unspeak-
able joy, he arrived safe at Paulus Hook
( Jersey City )."
PHIL WHITE, HIB CAPTURE AND
DEATH.
A correct version of the affair — Refugee
slanders refuted and vindicated— .affi-
davits of Aaron White and of Philip
White, guards — Statement of Gtneral
Forman, &c.
Though the death of the refugee Philip
White, generally called Phil White, is oc-
casionally referred to in modern historical
works, there are none which give complete
or correct accounts of the atfair. In the
brief statement given in Howe's Collec-
tions unjust imputations are cast upon
his guard, as will hereafter be seen. When
Captain Iluddy was so brutally murdered
by the Refugees near th« Highlands, it
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
61
will be remembered that a label was fast-
ened to his breast, the last sentence of
which was
Up goes Hxiddy for Philip White.
Though the Kefugees atone time assert-
ed that Captain Huddy had an agency in
the death of Phil White, yet this prepos-
terous charge was at once shown to be an
infamous falsehood, as when White was
killed, Captain Huddy was a prisoner, con-
fined in New YorK in the old Sugar House
( Duane's sugar house.) The British as-
serted that *' he had taken a certain Philip
White, cut off both his arms, broke his
legs, pulled out one of his eyes, damned
him and then bid him run.''
How much of this was true will be seen
by the conclusive evidence hereafter given,
before quoting which we will copy the
version of the affair given in Howe's (Jol-
lections, derived in 1842, from a tradition-
ary source :
" White, the Refugee, was a carpenter
and served his time in Shrewsbury. Six
days after Huddy was taken, he was sur-
prised by a party of militia light-horse,
near Snag Swamp, in the eastern part of
the township. After laying down his arms
in token of surrender, he took up his
musket and killed a Mr. Hendrickson. —
He was however, secured, and while being
taken to Freehold, was killed at Pyle's
Corner, thiee or four miles from there. —
He was under a guard of three men, the
father of one of whom was murdered at
Shrewsbury the year previous, by a band
of refugees, among whom was White, and
he was therefore highly exasperated
against the prisoner. Some accounts state
that he was killed while attempting to
escape ; others with mure probability that
they pricked him with their swords and
thus forcing him to run, cruelly murdered
him."
There are several errors in the foregoing
and it is to be regretted that the untrue
charge of wanton cruelty, should have
found its way into so use:ul a book. Cor-
rect versions of this affair are found in an-
cient pajiers, but for the present we will
give several affidavits taken at the time as
being tfie most conclusive evidence. Tliese
affidavits were forwarded to General
Washington, and by him transmitted to
Congress, April 20th, 1782.
Thess affidavits are of Aaron White,
taken prisoner with Phil White, and of
each of Phil White's guards. Before quot
ing them, we will say in regard to the
statement in the extract from Howe's Col-
lections that after Phil White had sun'en-
dered, " he took up his musket and killed
a Mr. Hendrickson," that as no allusion is
made to it in these affidavits, it may have
occurred at some previous time, and this
murder as well as his participation in the
murder of John Russell, and in other out-
rages, undoubtedly caused the patriots to
be anxious to capture him.
Deposition or Aaron White.
County of Monmouth, ss : Aaron White
being duly sworn* deposeth :
That he was taken prisoner with Philip
White; that the deponent left New York
in company with Philip White, Jeremiah
Bell, negro Moses, John Fennimore and
Robert Howell, on Thursday night, the
twenty-eighth of March last ; that they
sailed from New Y®rk to the Hook, where
they remained till next morning, being
Friday, the twenty-ninth ; that Phiiip
White and negro Moses were landed at
Long Branch that morning ; that the de-
ponent understood that Captain Joshua
Huddy was then a prisoner ; that on the
day following, being Saturday the thirtieth,
the deponent being ofi' in a boat with
Fennimore, and having observed that the
said Philip White and Moses had an en-
gagement with some of the troops on
shore, he ( the deponent ) went in a boat
to their lelief, meaning to take them off;
that when he came on shore he joined the
said Phiiip White and negro Moses, and
pursued one Thomas Berkley, with whom
they had been engaged ; that in their pur-
suit, the light horse came down, and the
deponent with the said Philip White
were made prisoners ; that they were put
under guard to be sent to Freehold for
confinement ; that on the way from Colt's
Neck to Freehold, between Daniel Grand-
io's and Samuel Leonard's, the deponent
was told by one of his guard, that Philip
White was running away ; that the depo-
nent looked back and saw the horsemen
in pursuit of something, but being about
half a mile distant, could not distinguish
after whom or what the pursuit was ; that
the field in whicii they were pursuing was
near the brook next to Mr, Leonard's, ad-
joining a wood ; that Lieutenant Rhea
and Georee Brindley left the deponent
under guard of two men, and ran their
iiorses hack towards the plac« the other
men were pursuing ; that the deponent
afterwards understood that it was Philip
White they were pursuing, and that he
was killed in the pursuit: that Captain
62
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Joshua Huddy was not one of the guard
or party, and the deponent understood
and verily believes, that he was then a
prisoner in New York ; and the deponent
further and lastly declares, that the above
is the truth as related without any fear,
threats or compulsion whatever.
Aaron White.
Sworn before me this 1,5th dav of April,
1782. ^ David Forman,
Justice of Peace, Monmouth County
That a clear idea of the order of the
principal events referred to in these affi-
davits may be obiained, we will here state
that Cajttain Joshua Huddy was taken
prisoner at Toms RiTer, on Sunday, March
24th, 1782; on Saturday, the 30th of
March, six days after, Phil White and
Aaron were taken jH'isoners by the Mon-
mouih militia; the same day (March 30th),
Philip White was killed, at which time
Captain Huddy wag confined in the sugar
house i^rison in New York, where he had
been put on Tuesday, March 26th, and
remained here and in provost jail, until
M'^nday, April 8th, when he was taken
on b®ard a sloop and put in irons, and
four days later, April 12th, 1782, he was
hanged near the Highlands; his body was
delivered to the Americans, sent to Free-
hold and buried with the honors of war. —
Three days after his death — -on the 15th
of April, these affidavits were taken while
the recollections of all the circumstances
referred to, were fresh in the minds of tiie
witnesses.
Statements of Phjl White's Giauds.
Phil White's guards were William Bor-
den, John North and John Russell, They
were probably at the time attached to
Captain John Walton'sjtrooi)|of light horse,
but Ivussell and perhaps the other two
had been in the regular Continental army
previously. Their statement of the de-
tails of Phil White's death are undoubted-
ly ^correct. We shall hereafter, in the
court martial trial at New York, of the
Refugee captain, Richard Lippincott, give
the Tory evidence, and it will be seen that
there was nothiiig offered to invalidate
the affidavits of the guards. The first
statement we give is the
AFFIDAVIT OF WiLMAM BoKDF.N.
County of Monmouth, ss : William Bor-
den, of full age, being duly sworn, depos-
eth :
That he with a certain John North, and
John Russell, were ordered to guard a cer-
tain L'hilip White, mentioned in an ad-
dress to his excellency. General Washing-
ton, to Freehold. That the guard was
ordered to shoot him if he attempted to
escape, of which the said Philip was in-
formed ; that on their way the said Philip
jumped off his horse, and on pas.^ing a
fence next to the woods, the deponent
fired and shot him through the body, the
bullet entering his back and coming out
of his right breast ; that the said Philip
at first fell, but recovered again, and at-
tempted to get into the woods about two
hundred yards distant ; that the deponent
having leaped the fence on horseback, in-
tercepted him in the way to the woods ;
upon which he turned and threw himself
into a bog, where the said John North
met him and gave him a stroke with his
sword ; that as the said Philip White turn-
ed, the deponent struck him with the butt
end of his carbine, and he still continued
to run till he was struck by the said John
North as aforesaid ; that this deponent,
three or four times called to him, " White
give up and yon shall have quarters yet."' That
Caj^tain Joshua Huddy was; not one of the
guard nor in coinj)any, but the deponent
understood, antl has no reason to doubt,
that he was then a prisoner in New York.
That the above hapjiened between Daniel
Grandin's and Samuel Leonard's in a field
adjoining tlie woods, and through which
the brook next to said Leonard's did run.
On Saturday, the 30th of March last.
Wii,i,iAM Bgrdex.
Sworn before me this 15th day of April,
1782. David Forman,
Judge of Court of Common Pleas Monmouth Co.
Affidavit of John North.
County of Monmouth, ss : John North
being duly sworn, deposeth and saith :
That he, the deponent, was one of a cer-
tain guard that had custody of Philip
Whit* mentioned in the memorial to his
excellency General Washington ; that the
said guar(l was ordered to conduct the
said Phili]) White from Long Branch
(the place at which he with one Aaron
White was token prisoner,) to Freehold;
that the said guard was ordered, if he at-
tempted to make his escape, to kill him ;
that they were both inf\)rmcd that if they
attempted to run they would be killed;
that on the way to Freehold, the said
Philip White went sideways off his horse
and ran to the fence next to the wood ;
that the deponent fired at liim but be-
lieves the bail did not t*ke place upon
him ; that William Borden, another of
the guard, fired at him also, about the
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
63
same instant of time, and shot l)im
through the body, the bullet entering his
back and passing out under his right
breast; that he fell upon his hands and
knees, but recovered himself and arose
and ran across a small field making for
the woods ; that the deponent left his
horse and dropped his gun and pursued
with his drawn sword ; that the deponent
overtook him in a bog, and as ho was
passing, gave him a stroke across tlie face
with his sword, upon which he fell and
cried he was a dead man ; that the said
William Korden several times called to
him saying : '* White, if you will give up
you shall have good quarters yet;" that
notwithstanding lie continued to run to
the last moment, when he was cut down
by this deponent as aforesaid ; and was
within three or four paces ot a fence,
which if he had passed, he would in all
j)robability have elfecled his escape, pro-
vided the gunshot should not have proved
i'aial ; that Captain Joshua Iluddy was
not one of the guard, it being notoriously
well known that he was then a prisoner
with the enemy. That the above haj)-
pened between Daniel Grandin's and
Samuel Leon 'rd's in a small field ; that
the brook nearest Leonard's runs through
the field ; that it was on Saturday the
thirtieth day of Marcli last.
John Noktii.
Sworn before me this i.5th April 1782.
David Forman,
Justice C. C. Pleas Monmouth Co.
Affidavit of John Russei.l.
Ceunty of Monmouth, ss : John Russell
of full age, being duly sworn deposeth :
That he was one of the guai'd appointed
to conduct Philip White and Aaron
White to Freehold ; that the deponent
was present at the timi; of the said Piiiiii)
White's attempt to make his escape; that-
lie has heard tire ;dhdavits of WiUiam
Borden and John North and knows every
circumstance therein mentioned to be
true ; and in addition informs that in
cour.se of their jnusuit after the said
White, he passed the said deponent, and
he, the deponent, gave him a sliglitwound
in the forehead, but he still continued to
run, although frequently desired to give
up and he should have good quarters ;
tliat this was the first blow he received ;
tliat it was entirely his '^■wn fau't ; that
he received a single stroke with a sword,
he runni'ig and refusing to submit to the
last minute; tliat Joshua Iluddy was then
a prisoner in New York : that this hap-
pened on Saturday the thirtieth of March
last. John Russeij,.
Sworn before me this i,5th April, 1782.
David Forman,
Justice of Peace Monmouth (Jo.
Second Affidavit of Wiij.iam Bordkn.
Four days after the foregoing affidavits
were taken, it was thouglit advisable to
take additional evidence, and William
Borden was again sworn, and deposed as
follows :
County of Monmouth, ss : William
Borden, of full age, being duly sworn,
saith :
That he, the deponent, was one of the
guard appointed to conduct Philip White,
a refugee piisoner, taken and killed as is
at large set forth under oath of this de-
ponent, taken the L'ith of April instant;
and farther this dei)onent saith that ^Ae
aforesaid Philip White re.eeivedno other wounds
to the knowledge or belief of this^depo-
nent than those set forth and described
in this deponent's oath as aforesaid ; that
the report said to be circulated in New
York, viz : that the said Philip White
had his arms cut off, and one of his (the
said White's) eyes pulled out and both
his legs broken, is false and without any
the least foundation ; for that he, the
aforesaid Philii) White, did not to this de-
ponent's knowledge or belief receive any
the least wound or hurt on either his
(ttje aforesaid Philip White's) arms or legs
neither was either of Ids (the aforesaid
Philip White's) eyes pulled out.
Lastly, this deponent saith, that he this
deponent was jiresent at the time the
aforesaid Philip White attempted to make
his escape ; was in pursuit of him, the
aforesaid Philip Whito, and was present at
the time that the aforesaid Philip White
was kdled •, that this deponent saw John
Kussfcll and John North carry and put his
(the aforesaid Philip White's) body in a
wagon and attended the wagon up to the
village of Freehold where his (the afore-
said Philip White's) body was the same
evening buried ; and further this depo-
nent saith not. WlI.MAM BoKIHCN.
Sworn before me this 19th April, 1782.
David Forman.
Certificate ofCai'Tain John Walton.
This may certify that the within depo-
nent, Williano Borden, has for several years
last past, resided a near neighbor to me ;
that.he was at the time the within men-
tioned Philip White was killedj a soldier
64
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
in my troop of horse ; and that during
my acquaintance with him, the deponent,
William Borden, he has on all occaaions
been reputed a manof strict veracity and
humanity.
Given under my hand this 19th April,
1782. JoHX Walto.v,
Captain Light Dragoons.
Certificate OF Judge David Forman.
This may certify that on Saturday the
30th of March, 1782, or thereabouts, I the
subscriber, was present at the village of
Freehold, when the body of Philip White
was brought up ; that I went to the wfigon
and saw the corpse ; the guard attending
showed me the gun shot wound on his
breast, pIso the cuts of a sword on his face.
At that time the corpse appeared to be
laid with as much decency as could be,
and without any appearance of wounds in
either of his arms or legs ; neither did I
ever hear that his (the aforesaid Philip
White's) arms had been cut off or his legs
broken, &c. until after the execution of
Captain Joshua Iluddy, viz.; on Saturday
the 13th of April instant, and then I
heard by a person from the British lines
that a rep irt prevailed there that the
aforesaid Philip White had been most
cruelly murdered by having Ips arms cut
off, liis legs broken, &c.
Given under my hand this 19th day of
April, 1782. " David Formax.
The foregoing affidavits and certificates
furnish a clear, satisfactory account of the
cause and manner of Phil White's death,
and completely exonerate his guard fiom
the charge of wanton cruelty toward him.
The probability is that Phil White sup-
posed if he was taUen to Freehold jail
that he would be tried and hanged for his
participation in the murder of the father
of John BuFsel, one of his guards, and for
other misdemeanors and so he determined
to try to escape and he made the effort at
a place where he thought the woods,
marsh, and brook would favor him and
impede the light horsemen.
The accounts published in ancient pa-
pers are substantially the same as given in
these affidavits. A month or so afterward
the British at New York made desperate
efforts to trump up evidence of wanton
cruelty aiiainst North, Borden and Russell,
the three guards, but that it signally
failed, will be seen by an abstract of the
second affidavit of Aaron White, taken
June 19th, about six weeks after Phil
White's 4eath. Aaron White, it will be
remembered, was taken prisoner at the
same time that Phil White was captured,
and his affidavit while at Freehold, has
already been given. It is probable that
Aaron White was exclianged a few days
after his first affidavit was taken, as we
find by a copy of an order from the Board
of Associated Ijoyalists that the officer in
charge of prisoners at New York was-
ordered to deliver up Daniel Randolph
and Jacob Fleming, two Americans cap-
tured at Toms River, with Captain Buddy,
to be exchanged for the refugee, Captain
Clayton Tilton and another refugee name
not specified; but it is stated on the trial
of Captain Richard Lippencott, tiiat they
were to be exchanged by Governoi Frank-
lin's order for Captain Clayton Tilton and
Aaron White. A British military com-
mission, of which Major General James
Paterson was president, was organized
in New York, to examine into the cir-
cumstances of Captain Huddy's death
and Captain Richard Lippf' icott's respon-
sibility therefore, a.id before this commis-
sion Aaron White testified substantially
as follows :
" That he was taken j^risoner by the
rebels at Long Branch ; that one of the
rebel militia named George Brindley told
him if they did not take Phil White,
that they would put him (deponent) to
death ; that after Philip White was taken,
he heard the said George Bridley swear
by God that Phil White should not go
alive to Freehold ; that the rebels stopped
at Colts Neck and changed guard; that
while at Colts Neck, Philip White told
him he was afraid the rebels would mur-
der him before they got to Freehold ;
that when they started from Colts Neck
he (deponent) was taken on ahead and
Philip White kept behind under a guard
of three men ; that these three men were
John Russell, John North and one Borden
who he had heard called three of as bad
persecuting fellows as any in the country ;
that it was his opinion the rebels intended
to murder Piiilip White ; that the sergeant
of the guard that had charge of Philip
White as far as Colts Neck, informed him
in Freehold jail that if Phil White had
not been removed from his caro lie would
not have been killed ; that General David
Forman with a lawyer came to him while
he was in jail at P'reehold and wanted
him to make affidavit that Phil White
was killed while endeavoring to escape ;
that ^le told General Forman that he
would die before he made such affidavit :
1
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
65
that after he escaped (was exchanged?)
from Freehold jail, his friends all unani-
mously told him that their opinion was
that Philip White was most cruelly and
inhumanly murdered ; that he did make
an affidavit before General Forman, re-
lating the circumstances of his leaving
New York, of the skirmish, of a light
horseman leaping over a fence and that
the people of Freehold told him that
Philip White was killed fairly ; that if
(■reneral Forman sent in any other affidavit
ii must have been forged."
The foregoing was the strongest evi-
dence the British and refugees could bring
against Phil White's guard, and it will be
seen that it amounts to but little and in
no particular does it sustain the charge of
wanton cruelty. It is a matter of pro
found satisfaction that the evidence pre-
served is so conclusive not only because it
exonerates the guards from the malicious
charges made against them, but also be-
cause many descendants of these guards
now live within the limits of old Mon-
mouth, as do also multitudes of descen-
dants of the four hundred citizens who
assembled at Freehold, on the 14th of
April, 1782, who inquired into and justi-
fied the acts of the guard.
The Refugees were very profuse at all
limes in their charges against the Mon-
mouth patrriots ; because the citizens of
old Monmouth would not remain quiet
and allow these precious scoundrels to
roam at will throughout the county, rob-
bing and murdering, they were denounced
as guilty of inhumanity, wanton cruelty,
persecution, &c.
The Refugees had a very simple way of
avoiding trouble from Monmouth patrriots
— they had only to refrain from attempt-
ing to commit outrages among them.
ATTACK ON THE RUSSELL FAMILY.
As this outrage was an unusually aggra-
vated one even for the Refugees, and as
mention of some of thw parties concerned
in it is made in other chapters detailing
other events during the Revolution, wti
give the particulars as derived from vari-
ous sources. The first extract is from Cei-
lings New Jersey Gazette :
'•On the 30th of April, 1780, a party of
negroes and refugees from Sandy Hook,
landed at Shrewsbury in order to plunder.
During their excursion, a Mr. Russell, who
attempted some resistance to their depre-
dations, was killed, and his giandchild
had five balls shot through him, but is yet
living. Captain Warner of the privateer
brig Elizabeth, was made prisoner by
these ruffians, but was released, by giving
them two half joes. This banditti also
took off several persons, among whom
were. Captain James Greene, and Ensign
John Morris of the militia."
The following statement is from Howe's
Collections : " Mr. Russell was an elderly
man, aged about 60 years ; as the party
entered his dwelling, which wai in th«
night, he fired and missed. William Gil-
ian, a native of Shrewsbury, their leader,
seized the old gentleman by the collar,
and was in the act of stabbing him in the
face and eyes with a bayonet, when the
fire blazed up and shedding a momentary
light upon the scene, enabled the younger
Russell who lay wounded on the floor, to
shoot Gilian. John Farnham, a native of
Middletown, thereupon aimed his musket
at the young man, but it was knocked up
by Lippincott who had married into the
family. The party then ^-ent off. The
child was accidentally wounded in the af-
fray."
The Lippincott above referred to, we
presume, was Captain Richard Lippincott,
who had command of the party which ex-
ecuted Captain Joshua Huddy. An out-
line of his life will be given elsewhere. In
regard to John Farnham, a refugee of this
name was afterwards captured, tried and
hung at Freehold — probably the same
m»n.
1'! the extract from Howe's Collections,
it will be noticed that a younger Russell is
referred to as being wounded and lying on
the floor. This was .John Russell, at this
time belonging to the Continental army,
at home on a furlough to see his wife and
parents. After the war, John Russell
removed to Cedar Creek, in Ocean county,
where he lived to quite an advanced age.
His account of the affair was substantially
as follows :
There were seven refugees, and he (John)
saw them through the window, and at one
time they got so that he told his father he
was sure they could kill four of them, and
he wished to fire, as he believed the otiier
three would run. His father persuaded
him not to fire, but to do so when they
broke into the house. When they broke
in, the father fired first, but missed his
aim ; he was then fired upon and killed.
John Russell then fired and killed the
man (Gilian) who shot his father. Dur-
ing the affray young Russell was shot in
66
OLD TIMES IX OLD MONMOUTH.
the side, and the scars of the wound were
visible until he die i. After being wound-
ed he fell on the floor and pretended to be
dead. The refugees then went to plunder-
ing the house. The mother and wife of
John were lying in a bed with the child ;
the child -.iwoke and asked, " Grandmoth-
er, what's the matter?'' A refugee pointed
Ins gun at it and fired and said " that's
what's the matter." Whether he really
intended to wound tlie child, or only to
frighten it, is uncertain, but the child, as
before stated, was badly wounded but
eventually recovered. As the refugees
were preparing to leave, one of the num-
ber pointed his musket at young Russell
as he lay on the floor, and was about firing,
saying he didn't believe he was dead yet,
whereupon another (Lippincott?) knocked
up his musket, saying it was a shame to
fire upon a dyin«,r man, and the load went
into the ceiling. After the refugees were
gone, John got up and had his wounds
dressed and exclaimed to his wife, "Ducky!
bring me a glass of whisky — I'll come out
all right yet." He did come out a!l right
and we have good reason to believe that
before the war ended he aided in visiting
merited retribution on the refugees for
their doings at this time. Among the
party was the notorious Phil White who
was killed near two vears later ( March
30tl., 1782.)
Of the seven refugees concerned in this
outrage, at least three are known to have
met with their just deserts, viz: Gilian,
killed at the tinje, Farnham, hanged at
Freehold, and Phil White, killed while at-
temptmir to escape from his guards between
Colts Neck and Freehold.
EXECUTION OF A SPY.
One affair which caused the most intense
excitement throughout old Monmouth, '
and elsewhere during the war of the Rev !
olution, was the arrest, trial and execution !
of a young man named Stephen Edwards,
on tne charge of being a spy for the Brit-
ish. Though reference to it is rarely met
with in our histories, yet there were but
few events in the county during the Rev-
olution, that created a greater sensation
than did this.
One of the officers who tried Edwaids,
and assisted at his execution, was Captain
Joshua Huddy, and this furnished one of
the excuses the refugees gave lor his in-
human murder near the Highlands some
three years after. On the trial of the ref-
ugee leader, Captain Richard Lippincott,
by a British Court Martial at New York,
in the summer of 1782, for bis participa-
tion in the hanging of Huddy, refugee wit-
nesses testified that even while Huddy
was a prisoner in their hands, and but a
few days before his death, he boldly ac-
knowlfdged his participation, and justified
it on the ground that he was found with
treasonable papers in his possession, which
conclusively proved him to be a spy. On
this trial, VViliiam Courlies, husbandtnan.
late of Monmouth, then one of the Asso-
ciated Loyalists ( as the refugees called
themselves,) testified —
"That in regard to the death of Stephen
Edwards, he ( Courlies ) then resided at
Shrewsbury, in Monmouth county. Ed-
wards was taken out of his bed at his own
house and carried to Freehold ; the follow-
ing day he was brought to some kind of a
trial, and the day following executed. —
The ott'ense alleged against him was said
to be his having some papers found in his
packet. Edwards bore an excellent gooil
character. Deponent heard there was
complaint made to General Washington
or tiie Governor, about Edwards' death,
but he cannot tell the result. General
Forman was one of the Judges who pre-
sided at Edwards' trial; Huddy was anoth-
er of the judges ; he had the information
from Huddy himself; did not recollect
heai'ing who the otlier judges were ; depo-
nent was not present at the execution of
Edwards, but was present at his burial. —
Understood Edwards was tried for treason
in consequence of papers found on his per-
son."
Captain Wm. Cunningham, who then
was the British Provost Marshal at New
York, and who by his own confession,
(which has been given,) just previous to his
execution in London, in 1791, wasas heart-
less a wretch as ever lived, testified on
this trial that he ( Cunningham ) told
Huddy while he was a prisoner in the pro-
vost, that he, the deponent, had he^rd
tliat Huddy had hanged a refug'.e on a
large oak near the Court House at Free-
hold, and deponent asked Huddy concern-
ing this rej)ort. Huddy^avowed, it saying:
"By God he did, and he slushed the rope
well, and that Colonel Forman assisted in
pulling the ro])e hand over hand " — that
was the very expression Huddy used.
John Tilton, carpenter, a refugee from
Monmouth, testified that when the refu-
gee party was putting Captain Huddy in
irons on board the sloop which conveyed
OLD TIMES IX ODL MONMOUTH.
67
him to the Highlands, " he, the deponent,
was present, and he asked Huddy if he
thought it was good usage to iron him.—
Huddy replied that he did not tliink it
was ; but as he expected to be exchanged
in a day or two, he did not mind the irons;
and Huddy also said he expected to have
the killing of deponent and many more
yet. Deponent then asked Huddy if he
expected to hang deponent as he had done
poor Stephen Edwards ? Huddy replied
that he did not hang Stephen Edwards, he
only tied the knot and greased the rope
that it might slip easily."
The foregoing give the strongest points
that we have been enabled to find against
Captain Huddy for his ])articipation in the
trial and execution of Edwards. It will
be seen that there was no attempt to dis-
prove the charge that Edwards was a spy.
From all the information tliat we have
been enabled to obtain, we are satisfied
that the following account of Stephen Ed-
wards arrest, trial and execution, from
" Howe's Collections" is substantially cor-
rect :
Stephen Edwards, a young man, in
the latter part of the war, leit his home in
Shrewsbury and joined the loyalists ( ref-
ugees ) in New York. From tlience he
was sent bv Colonel Taylor of the refugees,
a former resident of Middleiown, back to
Monmouth county, with written instruc-
tions to ascertain the force of the Ameri-
cans there. Intormation having been con-
veyed to the latter, Captain Jonathan For-
man of the cavalry, was ordered to search
for him. Suspecting he might be at his
father's residence half a mile below Eaton-
town, he entered at midnight with a party
of men, and found him in bed with his
wife, disguised in the night cap of a fe-
male.
"Who have you here?" said Forman.
'• A laboring woman," replied Mrs. Ed-
wirds.
The captain detected the disguise, and
on looking under the bed, saw Edwards'
clothing, whioh he examined, and in which
he found the papeis given him by Colonel
Taylor.
He then said " Edwards, I am sorry to
find you ! You see these j^apers ? You
have brought yourself into a very disagree-
able situation — you know thefateof spies!"
Edwards denied the allegation, remark-
ing that he was not such and could not so
be considered. •
This occurred on Saturday night. The
prisoner was taken to the Court House,
tried by a Court Martial next day, and ex-
ecuted at 10 o'clock on Monday morning.
Edwards' father and mother had com^^ up
that morning to ascertain the fate of their
son, and returned with the corpse. Ed-
wards was an amiable young man. The
Forman and Edwards families had been
on terms of intimate friendship, and the
agency of the members of the former in
the transaction, excited their deepest sym-
l^atkics for the fate of the unfortunate
prisoner.
The guilt of Edwards was conclusively
proven ; deep sympathy was felt for his
parents and wife, but the perils of the pa-
triots at this time were so great that prompt
and decisive action was necessary for their
own preservation.
Tiie foolhardiness of Edwards in keep-
ing treasonable papers about him was re-
markable. Some features of this affair will
remind the reader of the unfortunate Ma
jor Andre. It is probable that Edwards
was executed about September, 1778.
PRIVATEERING ON OUR COAST.
Toms River During the Revolution.
Prizes taken — Americans captured — An
enemy searching for. water loses his rum
— Old Cranberry Inlet, &c.
Toms River appears to have been occu-
pied by the Americans as a military post
daring the greater part of the Revolution.
The soldiers stationed here were generally
twelve months men, commanded by dif-
ferent officers, among whom may be men-
tioned. Captains Bigelow, Ephraim Jen-
kins, James Mott, John Stout and Joshua
Huddy. Captain Mott had command of a
company called the " Sixth company " of
Dover, and Captain Stout of the Seventh
company. The Fifth company was from
Stafford, and commanded by Capt. Reu-
ben F. Randolph. These companies all
belonged to the militia organization ef old
Monmouth.
The duties of the militia stationed at
Toms River, appear to have been to guard
the inhabitants against depredations from
the refugees ; to check contraband trade
by way of old Cranberry Inlet to New
Y"ork,and to aid ourj^rivateers who brought
prizes into the Inlet, which was a favorite
resort for New Jersey, New England and
other American privateers.
By the following extracts, it will be seen
that old Dover township was the scene of
many stirring incidents during the war.
68
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
About the 1st of April, 1778, the govern-
ment salt works near Toms River, were de-
strv>yed by a detachment of British under
Captain Robertson. One building they
alleged belonged to Congress and cost
£6,000 The salt works on our coast at
Manasquan, Shark River, Toms River,
Ba -negat and other places, were so impor-
tant lo the Americans during the war that
we propose to notice them in a separate
article.
May 22d, 1778, it is announced that a
British vessel with a cargo of fresh beef
and pork, was taken by Captain Anderson
and sixteen men in an armed boat, and
brought into Toms River.
In the early part of August following,
the British ship •' Love and Unity." with
a valuable cargo w.is brought into the In-
let : the cargo was saved but the ship was
subsequently retaken by a large Biitish
fo.'ce ^ the particulars of the capture and
recapture are as follows from ancient let-
te 's :
"August 12th, 1778. We learn th^at on
Thursday night, the British ship " Love
and Unity" trom Bristol, with 80 hhds of
loaf sugar, several thousand bottles London
po.'ter, and a large quantity of Bristol beer
and ale, besides many other valuable ar-
ticles, was designedly run ashore near
Toms River. Since which, by the assist-
arce of some of our militia, she has been
bio loijc mto a safe port and her cargo pro
per'y taken care of.'*
The cargo of this siiip was advertised to
be sold at Manasquan, on the 2r)th of Au-
gust, by John Stokes, U. S. Marslial. The
articles enumerated in the advertisement
show that the cargo must have been a very
valuable one. The Americans were not
qi'ue so lucky with the ship as with the
cargo, as will be seen by the following ex-
tract,
" Friday, September 18th, 1778. Two
British armed shijis and two brigs, came
close to the bar off Toms River (Cranbury)
Inlet, where they lay all night. Next
morning between seven nnd eight o'clock,
they sent seven armed boats into the In
let, and re-took the ship Washington for-
merly "Love and Unity '' which had been
taken by the Americans ; they also took
two sloops near the bar and captured most
of the crews.
The cajjtain of the ship and most of his
oflficers escaped to the main hmd in one of
the ship's boats. Alter they .;ot ashore a
man named Robert McMullen, who had
been condemned to death at Freehold but
afterwards pardoned, jumped into the boat,
hurrahing for the British, and rowed off
and joined them. Another refugee named
William Dillon, who had also been sen-
tenced to death at Freehold and pardon-
ed, joined this party of British as pilot."
By the following extract it will be seen
that the regenades McMullen and Dillon,
had been out of jail but a very few weeks,
when they aided the British in this expe-
dition :
"July 22d, 1778. We learn that at the
Court of Oyer and Terminer, held at Mon-
mouth in June last, the following parties
were tried and found guilty of burglary,
viz: Thomas Emmons alias Burke, John
Wood, Michael Millery, William Dillon
and Robert McMullen. The two former
were execute<l on Friday last, and the
other three rejjrieved."
McMullen probably had some connec-
tion with the expedition — perhajis to spy
out the whereabouts of the captured car-
go, as he would not have been in th^t vi-
cinity unless assured that a British force
was'at hand.
One tradition states that when he jump
ed into the boat he was flying for his life
— " that he was pursued by the Americans
and escaped by swimming his horse across
the river near its mouth to a point which
he called Goodluck Point to commemorate
his escape."
Goodluck Point near the mouth of Toms
River, tindoubtedly received its name
from some person flying for his life in the
above manner, and it is possible that it
might have been McMullen.
" On tbe 9t.h of December, 1778, it is an-
nounced that a British armed vessel, bound
from Halifax to New York, and richly
laden, came ashore neur Barnegat: The
crew, about sixty in number, surr»^ndered
themselves prisoners to our militia. Goods
to the amount of five thousand pounds
sterling were taken out of her by our citi
zens, and a number of prisoners sent to
Bordentown, at which place the balance of
prisoners were exp<^cted. About March,
1779, the sloop Success, came ashore in a
snow storm, at Barnegat. She had been
taken by Uie British brig Dihgence, and
was on her way to New York. She had a
valuable cargo of rum, molasses, coffee,
cocoa, <fec., on board. The Prize master
and three hands were made prisoners and
sent to Princeton. In the case of this ves-
sel and the 8ne previously mentioned it is
probable the Toms River militia aided, as
the name of Barnegat was freqtiently ap-
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
plied to the shore north of the inlet, both
on the beach and on the main land.
Feb. 8th, 1779, the sloop Fancy and
schooner Hope, with cargoes of pitch, tar
and salt are advertised for sale at Toms
River by the U. S. Marshal. They were
probabl}*. prize*!. The Major Van Emburg
mentioned in the following, belonged to
the 2d Reg. Middlesex militia; he was ta-
ken May 14, 1780.
On the 5th of June, 1780, an ancient pa-
per says: "On Sunday morning, Major
Van Emburg and pight or nine men from
West Jersey, on a fishing party, were svtr-
prised in bed at Toms River by the Refu-
gees, and put on board a vessel to be sent
prisoners to New York, but before the
vessel sailed they fortunately managed to
escape."
Toms River then did not seem quite as
desirable place for pleasure resort as it is
in the present day. History does not tell
us whether the Major was successful in
catching fish ; all we know is that he got
caught himself.
About the middle of December, 1780, a
British brig in the West India trade, was
captuivd and brought into Toms River. —
This bri^ was short of water and provisions
and mistaking the land for Long Island,
sent a boat and four men ashore to obtain
supplies. The militia hearing of it man-
ned two boats and went out and took her.
She had on board 150 hhds of rum and
spirits, which our ancestors pronounced
'• excellent,'' by which we conclude they
must have considered themselves compet-
ent judgies of the article! With the
British, rum must have been a necessity,
as in every prize taken from them rum
was an important part of the cargo.
The British brig Molly, was driven
ashore in a snow storm near Barnegat ;
her prize crew were taken prisoners by
the militia and sent to Philadelphia.
In December, 1780, Lieut. Joshua Stud-
son of Toms River, was sliot by tlie refu-
gee Bacon, inside of Cranberry inlet. The
particulars of this affair are given in a
notice of Bacon's career, and therefor it is
unnecessary to repeat them.
March 19, 1782. The privateer Dart,
Capt. Wm. Gray, of Salem, Mass., arrived
at Toms River with a prize sloop, taken
from the British galley Black Jack. The
next day he went with his boat and seven
men in pursuit of a British brig near the
bar. Unfortunately for Capt. G-ray, in
stead of taking a prize he was taken him-
self. For a long time after, tlie Toms Riv-
er people wondered what had become of
him. In August following they heard
from him. After getting outside the bar
he was taken prisoner, and carried to Hali-
fax, and subsequently released on parole.
He stated he was well treated while a
prisoner.
A few days after Capt. Gray was taken,
the British attacked and burned Toms
River. This was the last affair of any im-
portance occuring in the immediate vicini-
ty of Toms River during the war. But
south of Toms River several noted affairs
afterwards occurred. Davenport burned
the salt works at Forked River, and was
himself killed in June ; in October, Bacon
attacked and killed several men on the
beach south of Barnegat lighthouse ; in
December, occurred the skirmish at Cedar
Creek, where young Cooke was killed ; on
the 3d of April ibllowinjr, (1783,) Bacon
was killed near West Creek
A Rhode Isl.\nd Prize.
The original and following certificate is
in pressession of Ephraim P. Empson, Esq.,
of Colliers Mills:
Providence, Feb. 21, 1777.
This may certify that Messrs. Clark and
Nightingale and Captain William Rhodes
have purchased here at vendue, the
schooner Pope^s Head, which was taken by
the privateers Sally and Joseph (under
our command) and carried int« Cranberry
Inlet, in the Jersies, and there delivered
to the care of Mr. James Randolph by our
prize masters. James M.\ro.
John Fish.
Miscellaneous Items.
During the war tbere were interesting
everts occurring at Toms River, outside of
military and naval matters.
In January. 1778, t4ie sloop Two Friends,
Capt. Alex. Bonnett of Hispaniola, was
cast away near Barnegat, with 1,600 bags
of salt, 49 hhds molasses, also a lot of
rum, sugar. &c. Only 160 galls, rum
saved. The shore people went to their
assistance but one man was lost. The
Capt. of the Two Friends, Alex. Bonnett.
then shipped as a passenger in the sloop
Endeavor of Tom.=. River, for New York,
but sad to relate, while she lay at anchor
in the inlet, a storm at night parted the
cable and all on board were drowned in
the bay.
In December, 1778, Capt. Alexander of
the sloop Elizabeth of Baltimore, was
taken by the British, but he wj'S permitted
to leave in his small boat, and landed in
Toms River inlet.
70
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
It was during the war, in the year 1777,
that Rev. Benjamin Abbott, expounded
the then new principles of Methodism, to
the people of Toms River, first at tlie
house of Esquire Abiel Aikens, and then
at another place when "a Frenchman fell
to tlie floor, and never rose vxntil the Lord
converted his soul. Here (at Toms Riv-
er), we had a happy time," so sa.ys Abbott
in his journal.
During the war there was of course no
communication with New York, but the
people of Toms River had considerable
overland intercourse with West Jersey,
Philadelphia and Freehold.
THE REFUGEES.
Historians generally concede that no
state among the old thirteen suffered dur-
ing the war of the revolution more than
did New Jersey ; and it is generally ad-
mitted that no county in our State suffer-
ed more than did old Monmouth. In ad-
dition to the outrages to which the citizens
weie subjected from the regular British
army, they were continually harassed by
depredations committed by regularly or-
ganized bands of Refugees and also by
the lawless acts of a set of outcasts known
as " the Pine Woods Robbers," who
though pretending to be Royalists yet if
opportunity offered, robbed Royalists as
well as Americans.
The Refugees or Loyalists, as they call-
ed themselves, were renegade Americans,
regularly organized with officers commis-
sioned by the " Board of Associated Loy-
aliBts " at New York. Of- this body the
first president was Daniel Coxe, a Jersey-
man. It was organized in 1779, and its
objects were the exanjination of captured
Aracicans and suspected persons, and the
planning of Eieasures for procuring i itel-
ligence, and otherwise aiding the Royal
cause. Coxe wss appointed President
(said a Refugee) to deprive Iiim of the op-
portunity of speaking, as " he had the gift
of saying little with many words." Anoth-
er President of the Board was William
Franklin, a natural son of Benjamin
Fi'anklin, and the last Tory Governor of
New Jersey.
It is not probable that all who were
called Jersey Refugees where natives of
the state ; too many were it is true : but
the thrift and industry of the inhabitants
of old Modmouth, once the richest county
in the state, the advantageof deep swamps
for hiding, the proximity of Raritan Bay
and the seaboard rendering it convenient
to send plunder to New York, all formed
attractions to draw here villains from
other parts whose chief object was plun-
der, who scrupled at no crime to obtain
booty or to gratify revenge.
The character of some of these men is
clearly set forth in the following %xtracts,
the first from Whig and the other from
Tory authority.
Gov. Livingston, the able, fearless and
eloquent first patriot Governor of New
Jersey, in a message to the Legislature in
1777, says :
" The Royalists (Refugees) have plun-
dered friends as well as ibes : effects capa-
ble of division they have divided ; such as
were not they have destroyed. They have
vsii Ted on decrepid old age and upon de-
fenceless youth ; they have committed
hostilities against the professors of litera-
ture and against the ministers of religion ;
against public records and private monu-
ments, books of improvements a.nd papers
of curiosity, and against the arts and sci-
ences. They have butchered the woixnd-
ed when asking for quarter, mangled the
dead while weltering in their blood ; re-
fused to the dead their right of sepulture,
suffered prisoners to perish for want of
sustenance, violated the chastitj' of vro
men, disfigured private dwellings of taste
and elegance, and in their rage of impiety
and barbarism, profaned edifices dedica-
ted to Almighty God."
Strong and emphatic as is the foregoing
language of the patriotic Livingston, yet it
fails to jjortray the brutality . of some
wretches who pretended to be Refugee
Loyalists as clearly as the following brief
extract from the evidence of a Tory nam-
ed Galloway, of Pennsylvania, given un-
der oath before Parliament. At the breaK-
ing out of the Revolution, Galloway, a
Pennsylvanian of wealth and standing,
sided with the Whigs, but soon turned
Tory, and his property to the amount of
£40,000 was confiscated. Speaking of
Refugee outrages, he said :
" Respecting indiscriminate plunder it
is known to thousands. In respect to
rapes, a solemn inquiry was made and af-
fidavit taken by which it appears that no
less than twenty-three were committed in
one neighborhood in New Jersey, some of
them on married women, in presence of
their helpless husbands, and others on
daugliters while their unhappy parents
with unavailing tears and cries could only
deplore their savage brutality."
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
71
This was the evidence of as reliable a
man as ever sided with the Tories. In
corroboi-ation of the foregoing we might
instance, among other things, the burn-
ing of churches in Essex county, of ravish-
ment of women (one of them nearly sev-
enty years old), &c. And Jerseymen have
the mortification of knowing that wretch
es pretending to be natives of this state
disgraced the soil that gave them birth
by acts of brutality elsewhere, among
which may be mentioned the cold blood-
ed murder of the brave Col. Ledyard at
Fort Griswold, Conn., by a wretch known
as the " Jersey Refugee, Bromfield." Af-
ter the Americans had surrendered the
fort, Bromfield asked who commanded it.
The heroic Ledyard replied " I did, but
you do now," and he delivered his sword
to Bromfield. The cold blooded villain
took it and immediately stabbed Ledyard
to the heart.
That all the regularly organized Refu
gees or Loyalists as they called themselves
were not as hardened villains as above de-
scribed we shall endenvor to show here-
after. The best class of them were to©
honorable to engage in midnight marau-
ding expeditions against their former
friends and neighbors, but cast their lot
with the regular British army, most of
them in a military organization known as
the " First Battalion New Jersey Royal
Volunteers,'' of which aprominent officer
was an ex-sherifF of old Monmouth.
These New Jersey Royalists were some-
times termed " the Greens " and " Gene-
ral Skinner's Greens." General Skinner
was their most noted commander, of whom
a notice will be given hereafter, as also of
other prominent officers.
To give an idea of the troublous times in
which lived the citizens of old Monmouth,
the following extracts from various sour-
ces are furnished, before which, we give
the names of some of the officers of
The Monmouth Militia in the Revolution.
The following are some of the officers of
the militia of old Monmoutn during the
war:
First Regiment.
George Taylor, Colonel. (Deserted to the
enemy.)
Nathaniel ScudrJ^r, Lieutenant Colonel,
Colonel.
Asher Holmes, First Major, Colonel.
John Smock, Captain, Major, Lieuten-
ant Colonel, Colonel.
Thomas Seabrook, First Major, Lieuten-
ant Colonel.
Elisha Walton, Ensign, Captain, Second
Major, First Major.
Thomas Hunn, Captain, Second Major.
Kenneth Anderson, Adjutant.
David Rhea, jr.. Adjutant.
John Stilwell, Quartermaster.
John Campbell, Quartermaster.
Richard Hartshorne, Quartermaster.
Thomas Barber, Surgeon.
Jacob Hubbard, Surgeon.
John Scudder, Surgeon's Mate.
Second Regiment.
David Brearlf^y, Colonel.
Joseph Salter, Lieutenant Colonel.
•--Samuel Forman, Captain, Lieutenant
Colonel, Colonel.
Elisha Lawrence, jr., First Major, Lieu-
tenant Colonel.
William Montgomery. Captain, First
Major.
James Mott, Second Major.
John Cook, Captain, Second Major.
Third Regiment.
Samuel Breese, Colonel.
Daniel Hendrickson, Colonel.
Auke WikofF, Lieutenant Colonel, Colo
nel.
Dennis Denise, First-Major.
Hendrick VanBrunt, Lieutenant, Cap-
tain, Second Major.
Of the First Regiment the first Colonel
(Taylor) went over to the enemy ; its next
Colonel, Nathaniel Scudder, was kilied at
Black Point, Oct. 15th, 178L Asrier
Holmes appears to have been transferred
to a State Regiment.
A more extended list of officers and
privates in these and other organizations
will be furnished hereafter.
REFUGEE RAIDS IN OLD MON-
MOUTH.
" June 3d, 1778. We are informed that
on Wednesday morning last, a jiarty of
about seventy of the Greens from Sandy
Hook, landed near Major Kearney's ( near
Keyport ) headed the Mill Creek, Middle-
town Point, and marched to Mr. John
Burrows, made him prisoner, burnt his
mills and both his store houses, all valua-
ble buildings, besides a great deal of fur-
niture. They ?lsotook iJrisoners Lieuten-
ant Colonel Smock, Captain Christopher
Little, Mr. Joseph Wall, Capt. Joseph Co-
venhoven ( Conover ) and several other
persons, and killed Messrs. Pearce and
72
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Van Brockle, and wounded another man
mortally. Having completed this and
several other barbarities, they precipitate-
ly returned the same morning to give an
account of their abominable deeds to their
bloody employers. A number of these
gentry, we learn, u'ere formerly inhabi-
tants of that neighborhood."
April 26th, 1779. An expedition con-
sisting: of seven or eight hundred men un-
der Colonel Hyde, went to Middletown,
Red Bank, Tinton Falls, Shrewsbury and
other places, robbing and burning as they
went. They took Justice Covenhoven and
others, prisoners. Capt. Burrows and Col.
Holmes assembled our militia and killed
three and wounded fifteen of the enemy.
The enemy, however, succeeded in carry-
ing oft' horses, cattle and other plunder.
In May, two or three weeks after the
above atfair, some two or three hundred
Tories landed at Middletown on a ''pica
rooning'" ( plundering ) expedition, but
were repulsed before doing much harm.
June 9th, 1779. A party of about fifty
Refugees landed in Monmouth and march-
ed to Tinton Falls undiscovered, where
they surprised and carried off Col. Hen-
drickson. Col. Wyckoff", Capt. Chadwick
and Capt. McKnight, and several privates
of the militia, and drove off sheep and
horned cattle. About thirty of our mili-
tia hastily collected, made some resistance,
but were repulsed with t!ie loss of two
men killed and ten wounded, the enemy's
loss unknown.
April 1st, 1780. About this time the
Tories made another rakl to Tinton Falls,
ana took seven prisoners. Another party
took Mr. Bowne prisoner at Middletown,
who but three days before had been ex-
changed and had just got home.
About the last of April llie Refugees
attacked the house of John Holmes, Up-
per Freehold, and robbed him of a large
amount of continental money, a silver
watch, gold ring, silver buckles, pistols,
clothing, Sec.
June 1st, 1780. The noted Colonel Tye,
a mulatto, and formei'ly a slave in Mon-
mouth county, with his motley compa,ny
of about twenty blacks and whit^es carried
off' prisoners Captain Barney vSmock and
Gilbert Van Mater, spiked an iron cannon
and took four horse's. Their rendezvous
was at Sandy Hook.
The Attack on Captain Huudv at Colts
Neck.
Sept. 1780. It is perhaps proper to give
first tiie version of this affair as found in
Howe's Historical Collections of New Jer-
sey, as the compiler of that work probably
obtained his information from aged per-
sons living in 1842, when he visited the
locality.
After mentioning that the dwelling in
which Captain Huddy resided during the
war, was then owned by Thomas G. Haight,
Esq., and standing in a central part of
Colts Neck, he say> :
Huddy distinguished himself on various
occasions during the war, and became an
object of terror to the Tories. In the sum-
mer of 1780, a party of about 60 refugees,
commanded by Tye, a mulatto, one even-
ing attacked this dwelling. Huddy, as-
sisted only by a servant girl aged about
twenty years, defended it for some length
of time. Several muskets were fortunate-
ly left in the house by the guard generally
stationed there, but at this time absent. —
These she loaded, whil^ Huddy by appear-
ing at different windows and discharging
them, gave the impression that there were
many defenders. He vvovmded several
and at last, while setting fire to the house,
he shot their leader, Tye, in the wrist. —
Huddy finding the flames fast increasing,
agreed to surrender, provided they would
extinguish the fire.
It is said that the enemy on entering
were much exasperated at the feebleness
of the defenders, and could with difficulty
be restrained by their leader from butcher-
ing them on the spot. They were obliged
to leave, as the militia soon collected and
killed six on their retreat. They carried
off with Huddy several cattle and sheep
from the neighborhood, but lost them
fording the creeks. They embarked on
board their boats near Black Point between
Shrewsbury and Navisink rivers. As the
boats pushed off" from shore, Huddy jump-
ed overboard and was shot in the thigh as
was supposed by the militia, then in close
pursuit. He held up one of his hands to-
wards them exclaiming, " I am Huddy ! 1
am Huddy /" swam to the shore and es-
caped.
The name of the heroine who loaded the
muskets for Huddy. says the above writer,
was Lucretia Emmons, afterwards Mrs.
Chambers, and she died at Freehold about
20 years before his visit.
Titus or Col. Tye as he was commonly
called, usually commtinded a mongrel
crew of negroe.s and tories. He died ot
lockjaw, occasioned by the wound in his
wrist. He was a slave of John Corlies, and
was born and bred in the south part of
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
73
this township. He was an honorable,
brave, but headstrong man. Several acts
of generosity are remembered of hiai, and
he was justly more respected as an enemy
than many of his brethren of a fairer com-
plexion.
Marks of tue fire were plainly discerna-
ble when the above writer visited the
house in June, 1842, and on the eastern
end of the house were several bullet holes.
In a Philadelphia paper published at
the time, is a letter from Monmouth coun-
ty dated Sept. 9tli, 1780, which gives a
version of this afiiiir, stated to have been
on the authority of Captain Huddy him-
self. The following is the substance ot the
letter :
" There were 72 men attacked him at
his residence at Colts Neck. They were
under the command of Lieutenant Joseph
Parker and William Hewlett, and com
menced the attack about an hour before
day. They commenced staving a window
to pieces, which aroused Huddy ; the girl
helued him to defend himself. Mrs. Hud-
dy and another woman tried to persuade
him to surrender, as defense was usehss.
Tye, •' one of Lord Dunmore's crew," re
ceived a severe wound. After Huddy sur-
rendered, they plundered the house. The
tight lasted two hours. Six militia men
came near and fired and killed their com-
mander. Ensign Vincent and sixteen of
the State Regiment attacked the refugees
as they embarked, and wounded Huddy.
The firing made confusion in the boats,
and one overset and Huddy swam ashore.'"
The letter adds that the refugees made
a silent, shameful retreat, loaded with dis-
grace, and the Americans made quite mer-
ry over the fact that it took seventy-two
of the enemy two hours to take one man.
Oct. 15th. 1781 A i)arty of refugees
from Sandy Hook, landed at night at
Shrewsbury and marched undiscovered to
Colts Neck and took six prisoners. The
alarm reached the Court House about four
or five o'clock, P. M., and a number of in
habitants, among whom whs Dr. Nathaniel
Scudder, went in pursuit. They rode to
Black Point to try to recapture the six
Americans, and while firing from the bank
Dr. Scudder was killed.
Dr. Scudder was Colonel of the First
Regiment Monmouth Militia, and one of
the most prominent, active and useful
patriots of Monmouth, and his death whs
a severe loss to the Americans. He was
bviried with all the honors of war. Gen-
eral Forman's original order to Captain
Walton to bury Dr. Scudder with all the
honors of war. was presented to the New-
Jersey Historical Society in May, 1847, by
Mrs. Forman,
About the beginning of August. 1782
Richard Wilgus, an American, was shot
beiow A llentown, while on guard to prevent
contraband trade with the British.
February 8th, 1782. About fortv refu-
gees under Lieutenant Steelraan,' came
over Sandy Hook »o Pleasant V;dley. —
They took twenty horses and five sleighs
which they loaded with plunder ; they
also took several prisoners, viz; Hend'ick
Henderson and his two sons, Peter Coven-
hoven, Esq., ( Esq. Covenhoven or Cone
ver as the name is now called, was made
prisoner once before, in 1779, as before re-
lated,) Garret Hendrickson, Samuel B wne
and son and Jaques Denise. At Garret
Hendrickson's a young man named Wil-
liam Thompson got up slyly an'^ went and
informed Captain John Schenck, of Colo-
nel Holmes' regiment, who colh-cted ail
the men he could to pursue. They over-
took and attacked the refugees, and the
before mentioned VViiliam Thompson was
killed and William Cottrell wounded.
They however took twelve refugee prison-
ers, three of whom were wounded. But in
returning, they unexpectedly fell in with
a party of sixteen men under Stevenson,
and a sudden firing caused eight of the
prisoners to escape. But Captain Schenck
ordered his men to charge hayonet and
the tories surrendered. Captain Schenck
retook nineteen horses and five sheep, and
took twenty-one prisoners.
The first of the foregoing extracts relat-
ing to the raid of the British in Middle-
town township in 1778, and then landing
near Major Kearney's in the vicinity of
Keypo 1, is probably the affair referred to
in a tradition given in Howe's Historical
Collections, which we append, as it ex-
plains whv the refugees fled so precipitate-
ly. It will be noticed, however, that it
does not agree with the extract quoted as
to damage done, but we are inclineo to
believe tiiat t' e extract coj^ied from the
ancient paper (Collins' Gazette) is correct,
as it was written but a few days aVter the
affair took place.
"The proximitv of this part of Mon-
mouth county to New York, rendered it,
in the war of tfie Revolution, peculia'ly
liable to the incursions of the British
troops. Many of the inhabitants, although
secretly favorable to the American cause,
were obliged to feign allegiance to the
74
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
crown or lose their property by maraud-
ing parties of refugees from vessels lying
off Sandy Hook> Among those of this
description was Major Kearney, a resident
near the present site of Keyport. On one
occasion, a party of thirty or forty refugees
stopped at his dwelling on their way to
Middletown Point, where they intended
to burn a dwelling and some mills. Kear-
ney teigned gratification at their visit, and
falsely informed them that there were
probably some rebel troops at the Point,
in which case it would be dangerous to
march thither. He ordered his negro ser-
vant Jube tliither to make inquiry, at the
same time giving him secretly the cue to
act. In due length of time, Jube, who
had gone but a short distance, returned
and hastily entered the room where Kear-
ney and the refugees were, and exclaimed,
" (3h, Mafsa ! Massa I the rebels are at the
Point thick as blackberries! They have
just come down from the Court House and
say they are going to march down here
to-night." The ruse succeeded ; the ref-
ugees, alarmed, precipitately fled, retreat-
ed to their boats, leaving the Major to re-
joice at the success of the stratagem which
had saved the property of his friends from
destruction."
The probability is that the ruse prevent-
ed the refugees from doing as much dam-
age as they had intended, although they
remained long enough to inflict considera-
ble injury (is has been related.
CAPTAIN JOSHUA BUDDY, THE
HERO MARTYR OF OLD MONMOUTH.
Among the multitude of heroic men fur-
nished by our State in aid of the struggle
for independence, the name of Captain
Joshua Huddy should ever occupy a con
spicuous place in the memory of Jersey-
men. Yet when we recall his daring deeds,
his patriotic efforts and sacrifices and his
unfortunate end, it is doubtful if les« jus-
tice has been done to the services and
memory of any other hero of his day. —
Though the Continental Congress, as well
as General Washington and other noted
men testified their warm appreciation of
his services ; though his name at one time
was a household word, not only through-
out this country but at the courts of Eng-
land and France ; and though his unfor-
tunate death and its consequences, for a
time, caused the most intense excitement
on both sides of the Atlantic, yet in the
substance of the language of a report
adopted by Congress in 1837, " It is fear-
ful to state that after a lapse of fifty years,
wnile the services of others of so much less
merit have been made the theme of the
biographer and the poet, the memory of
Huddy has not been honored with an epi-
taph. His country, it would seem, has
outlived the recollection of his services,
and forgotten that suoh a victim was sac-
rificed tor American liberty."
Outline of Captain^ Huddy's Lite.
The following extracts from the archives
of the State Department of New Jersey,
were furnished in 1837 to a Congressional
committee at the request of the chairman,
by the late Governor Philemon Dickenson:
*' Joshua Huddy signs his name as Cap-
tain, to a petition from the militia officers
of the county of Monmouth, to the Legis-
lature, which is dated the 12th of May,
1777.
''Captain Joshua Huddy is appointed by
an act of the Legislature, passed Septem-
ber 24th, 1777, to the command of a com-
pany of artillery, to he raised from the mi-
litia of the State, and to continue in ser-
vice not exceeding one year.
"In the accounts of the paymaster of the
militia there is an entry of a payment
made on the 30th of July, 1778, to Captain
Joshua Huddy, of the artillery regiment
for services at Haddonfield, under Colonel
Holmes. In the same accounts a payment
is also made to Captain Huddy on the 1st
July, 1779, for the use ot his horses in the
artillery.
"I find a petition to the Legislature from
the people of Monmouth, dated December
10th, 1781, recommending Captain Joshua
Huddy as a proper person to command a
guard, to be stationed at'l^oms River. On
examining the minutes of both houses of
the Legislature, I find no action had on
this petition ; in fact there is no mention
of its being presented. The Legislature
adjourned on the 29th of December, and
did not meet again until May 15th, 1782.
Huddy was taken liy the tories at Toms
River, Sunday, March 2'4th, 1782, and it is
not unlikely ( as the Legislature had no
action on this petition ) he was ordered to
that post by tlie Council of Safety, which
exercised legislative potvers during the re-
cess of the LegisKture. The minutes of
the Council of Safety must be either lost
or destroyed, as thay cannot be found."
The above extracts were made and fur-
nislied to Governor Dickenson by George
C. Westcott, then secretary of State. ( In
the original is an error corrected above :
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
75
it says that Captain Huddy was taken
prisoner April 2d ; it should be March
24th.)
The details of the attack on Toms River
have been given.
Captain Huddy, with other prisoners,
was taken to Mew York and lodged in the
noted Sugar House prison, from whence
he was taken on Monday, April 1st, 1782,
to the prison of the Provost Guard in New
York, where he was cloFely confined 'until
Monday, April 8th, when he, with Daniel
Randolph and Jacob Fleming, ( both of
whom wfre taken prisoners witu Huddy
at Toms River, but soon exchanged for
two tories. named Captain Clayton Tilton
and Aaron White.) were taken on board a
sloop and ironed.
The following is a copy of the order to
the Commissary of Prison at New York, to
deliver him to the care of Captain Richard
Lippincott, of the Refugees, to be taken
on bo^rd the sloop :
New York, April 8th, 1782.
Sir : — Deliver to Capt. Ricliard Lippen-
cott the three following prisoners : Lieu-
tenant Joshua Huddy, D;iniel Randolph
and Jacob Fleming, to take down to the
Hook, to procure the exchange of Captain
Clayton Tilton and two other associated
loyalists.
By order of the Board of Directors of
Associated Loyalists.
S. S. Blowers, Secretary.
To Mr. Commissary Challoner.
Huddy, Randolph and Fleming were
kept in irons in the hold of the sloop, until
Tuesday evenirg, April 9th, when they
were transferred to *^heguardship at Sandy
Hook, where they were confined between
decks until Tuesday, April 12th, on the
morning of which day, Hud^y was taken
on shore by a party of refugees under com-
mand of Captain Richard Lippencott, and
at about ten o'clock executed. One refu-
gee account says the hangman was a ne-
gro. Captain Huddy executed his will
under the gallows, signing it on the barrel
from which he was a few moments after
launched into another world.
Captain Huddv's Will.
The following is a copy of the will of
Captain Huddy, signed by him under the
gallows :
" In the name of God, amen : I, Joshua
Huddy, of Middletown, in the county of
Monmouth, being of sound mind and-
memory, but expef^ting shortly to depart
this life, do declare this my lasst will and
testament :
"First : I commit my soul into the hands
of Almighty God, hoping he may receive
it in mercy ; and next I commit my body
to the earth. I do also appoint my trusty
friend, Samuel Forman, to be my lawful
executor, and after all my just debts are
paid, I desire that he do divide the rest of
my substance whether by book, debts,
notes or any effects whatever belonging to
me, equally between my two children,
Elizabeth and Martha Huddy.
"In witness whereof I have hereunto
sunned my name this twelfth day of April,
inthe year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and eighty-two.
"Joshua Huddv."
The will was written on half a sheet of
foolscap paper, on the back of which was
the following endorsement, evidently writ-
ten shortly after the will was executed :
'■ The will of Captain Joshua Huddy,
made and executed the same day the ref-
ugees murdered him, April 12th, 1782."
The will was found some years ago
among the papers of hie executor, the late
Colonel Samuel Forman. It was signed by
Captain Huddy, but was apparently writ-
ten by another person. Captain Huddy's
daughters subsequently became Elizabeth
Gieen and Martha Piatt — the last named
lived to an advanced age. In early life
she removed to Cincinnati, Ohio ; both
daughters we believe left descendants.
After Captain Huddy's inhuman murder
his body was left hanging until afternoon,
when the Americans came and took it to
Freehold, to the house of Captain James
Greene, where it was April 15th. He was
buried with the honors of war. His fun-
eral sermon was preached by the well re-
membered Rev. Dr. John Woodhull, pastor
of the First Presbyterian Church, Free-
hold.
CAPTAIN .JOSHUA HUDDY, THE
HERO MARTYR OF OLD MONMOUTH.
MEASURES FOR RETALIATION.
The execution of Huddy was regarded
by General Washington as a matter of so
much importance, that he directed that a
number of general officers of the army
should meet at West Point to decide on
what measures should be adopted. At this
council it was unanimously decided that
retaliation should be made, and that it
should be inflicted on an officer of equal
rank, and the designation should be made
by lot from among prisoners of war, unless
76
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOLTTIL
the British surrendered Captain Richard
Lippincott. A formal demand was made
for the surrender of Lippincott and refus-
ed, and in consequence on the 13th of
May, lots were cast among the British of-
ficers held as prisoners, ( at this time con-
fined at Lancaster, Pa.,) and the unfortu-
nate victim was Captain Charles Asgill,
( afterwards Sir Charles Asgiil ) of a noble
family, at this time but nineteen years old
He was among the prisoners captured at
Yorktown, Va.
The particulars of the casting of lots
and the events consequent upon the selec-
tion of Caj^tain Asgill, are of thrilling in-
terest, and excited so much attention at
the time that the celebrated Baron de
Grimm speaking of the affair being made
the ground work of a tiagedy brought out
in Pans, in 1789, says:
" The public prints all over Europe re-
sounded with tlie unhappy catasti-ophe
which for near eight months impended
over the life of this young officer. The
general curiosity in regai'd to the events
of the war yielded, if I may say so, to the
interest which young Asgill inspu'ed, and
tie first question asked of all vessels from
any port in North America, was always an
inquiry as to the fate of that young man.
It is know)i that Asgill was thrice con-
ducted to the foot of the gibbet, and tliat
thrice General Washington, who could not
bring himself to commit the crime of pol-
icy without a struggle, suspended his pun-
ishment; his humanity and justice mad?
him hope that the P^nglish general would
deliver over to him the author of the
crime Asgill was condemned to expiate.—
Sir Henry Clinton, either ill-advised or
insensible to the fate of young Asgill, per-
sisted in refusing to deliver up the barbar-
ous Lippincott. In vain the King of Eng-
land, at whose feet the unfortunate family
of AsgilU fell down, had given orders to
surrender up to the Americans the author
of a crime which dishonored the British
nation ; George the Third was not obeyed.
"In vain the States of Holland entreated
the United States of America the pardon
of the unhappy Asgill. The gibbet erected
in front of his prison did not cease to offer
to his eyes those dreadful preparations
more awful than deafih itself. In these
circumstances, and almost reduced to de
spair, the mother of the unfortunate vic-
tim bethought herself that the Minister of
a King armed against her own nation,
might succeed in obtaiviing . that which
was refused her own King. Madam Asgill
wrote to the French Minister, Count de
Vergennes, a letter, the eloquence of which,
independent of oratorical forms, is tliat of
all people and languages, because it de-
rives its power from the first and noblest
sentiment of our nature."
Before giving farther details of Captain
Asgills' case, his mother's letters, and the
course of the French court, of Gen, Wash-
ington and of the Continental Congress re-
lating to the affair, it would perhaps be
proper to return tu Captain Huddy and
recall the particulars of such of the events
of his life as have been preserved. The
following, a part of which at least will be
familiar to most of our readers, comes first
in order:
Buddy's Capture and Execution.
The next important affair in which we
find Captain Huddy engaged, was in the
defence of the military post at Toms Riv-
er. As we gave elsewhere a detailed ac-
count of t!ie attack of the British on tliis
post, burning of the village, massacre of
the men after asking for quarters, and oth-
er particulars relating to this affair, it is
not now necessary to repeal them, except
af tiiey are incidentally given in some im-
portant papers, which will be copied here-
after. These papers contain many authen-
tic, inteiesting particuliirs which should
be preserved by the citizens of Old Mo.i-
mouth. Before copying these, we quote
the following extracts from " Howe's Col-
lections :"
While Huddy was confined on board
the guardsliip, he was told by one of tlie
refugees, that he was. to be hanged. " for
he had taken a certain Philip White, a
refugee in Monmouth county, cut off both
his arms, broVe his legs, pulled out one of
his eyes, damned him and bid him run."
He answered, "It was impossible I could
have taken Philip White, I being' a pris-
oner in New York, closely confined, and
for many days before he was made a pris-
oner." .One or two of his., comrades cor-
roborated this slatenient. Four days after
( April 12th,) Huddy was taken, by 16 ref-
ugees under Capt. Lippencott, to Gravelly
Point, on the seashore , at the foot of Navi-
sink liills, about a mile north of the Iligli-
land lighthouse where he w^is deliberate-
ly^ executed. He met his fate with an. ex-
fo'S^grrliriary dejjree of firmness and sereni-
ty.. It is said he even executed his will
tender the gallows, up.6n the head of that
b.arrel from which he was to make his exit,
and in a hand writinsj fairer than usual. —
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
The following label was attached to his
breast :
" We, the refugees having long with
grief, beheld the cruel murders of our
brethren, and finding nothing but such
measures daily carrying into execution ;
we therefore determined not to suffer
without taking vengeance for tlie numer-
ous cruelties ; and thus begin, havmg
made u^e of Capt, Euddy as the first ob
ject to present to your view ; and further
determine to hang man for man while
there is a refugee living.
"Up (tObs Huddy for Philip White."
The gallows was formed of three rails,
and stood on the beach, close to the sea.
Tradition states that Capt. Lippincott, ob-
serving reluctance in some of his men to
take hold the rope, drew his sword and
swore he would run the first through, who
disobeyed orders. Three ol the party,
bringing their bayonets to the charge, de-
clared their determination to defend them-
selves — that Huddy was innocent of the
death of White, and that they would not
be concerned in the murder of an inno-
cent man.
Tiie British version of the execution of
Huddy will be given in the account of the
trial of the refugee Captain Richard Lip-
pincott.
CAPT. JOSHUA HUDDV, THE HERO
MARTYR 9F OLD MONMOUTH.
MEETING AT FREEHOLD.
As soon as the citizens of Old Monmouth
received information of the barbarous mur-
der of Capt. Huddy, a large meeting num-
bering some four hundred of the most re-
spectable citizens of the countv, assembled
at Freehold to take appropriate action. —
This meetinji; was held on the 14th of
April, one day before Huddy's burial, and
wiiile his corpse was lying at the Louse of
Capt. James Greene. This meeting con
sidered and approved the following ad-
dress :
To his Exc. llency George Washington,
Esq., Commander in Chief of the com-
bined Armies of America and France,
acting in N.-rtli America, &c., &c., &c.
Tiie inhabitants of the county of Mon-
mouth, being assembled on account of the
horrid and almost unparalleled murder of
Capt. Joshua Huddy, by the refugees from
New York, and as we presume by appro
bation, if not by the express command or
the British commander in chief. Sir Henry
Clinton ; hold it as our indispensable duty,
as well to the United States in general, as
ourselves in particular, to show to your ex-
cellency, that the aforesaid Captain Joshua
Huddy, late commanding the post at Toms
River, was after a brave and gallant de-
fence made a prisoner of war, together
with fifteen of his men, by a party of ref-
ugees from New York, on Sunday, the
24th of March, last past. That five of the
said Huddy's men were most inhumanly
murdered after the surrender ; that the
next day at night, to wit, on Monday, the
25th of March, aforesaid, the said Capt,
Huddy and the other prisoners who had
been spared from the bayonet, arrived at
New York, and were lodged in the main
gtxard, during that night ; thiit on Tuesday
morning, t,ie 26th of the same month, the
said Hviddy was removed from the main
guard to the sugar house, where he was
kept closely confined, until removed from
thence to the provost guard, on Monday,
April 1st, where he, the said Captain Hud-
dy, wasclosely confined, until Monday, the
8th of April, instant; when the said Cap-
tain Huddy, with two other prisoners, was
removed from the provost jail at New
York, on board of a sloop, then lying at
New York dock, was put in the hold of
said sloop in irons ; and then the said
Captain Huddy was told he was ordered
to be hanged, although the said Captain
Huddy had yiever been charged, or brought to
any kind of trial. That the said Captain
Huddy demanded to know upon what
charge he was to be hanged ; that a refu-
gee by the name of John Tilton, then told
him that he, ( the said Captain Huddy
meaning.) was to be hanged for that he
had taken a certain refugee by the name
of' Philip White, and that he, ( the said
Captain Huddy, meaning,) had, after car-
rying him, theaforesiid Philip White, five
or six miles, cut off his ( the aforesaid
Philip White's ) arms, broke both his legs,
^lulled otit one of his eyes, and most cruel-
ly murdered him, the aforesaid Philip
White; and further said, that he, the
aforesaid Captain Huddy, was ordered to
be hanged for the murder aforesaid; that
Cap". Huddy replied that he had never
taken the aforesaid Philip White prisoner ;
and further said, that he, the aforesaid
Philip White was killed after he, the said
Captain Huddy, was taken prisoner him-
self, and was closely confined at New York
at the time the said Philip White was kill-
ed. Which in fact, and in truth, was ex-
78
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
actly as the said Captain Huddy had relat-
ed; for he, the aforesaid Philip White, was
in New York, on Wednesday, the 27th of
March, last past, and did oii the night of
that day, sail from New York to Sandy
Hook, where he lay until Friday, the 29tli
of March ; that late tiie same night, he in
comjjany with Aaron White, .lolin Fenni-
more, negro Moses, John Worth ley, and
one Isaac, all refugees, weighed anchor for
Sandy Hook, and ran down to Long Branch,
in the townehip of Slirewsbnry ; tliai the
said Philip VVliite, ( so as aforesaid men-
tioned to have been killed by the said
Captain Huddy,) and the said negro Mo-
ses, landed on Long Branch, in Shrews-
bury afoiesaid, on Saturday morning, tiie
30th of March ; he, the said .loihua Hud-
py, being then a close prisoner in the su-
gar house at New York.
That he, the said Piiilip White, was
taken pr<so ler on the same 30th of March,
in the afternoon, and as a guard was con-
ducting him, the aaid Piiilip Wliite to jail,
the said Philip in attempting to escape,
was killed by his guard. That on Friday,
the twelfth instant, a party of refugees,
said to iiave been commanded by a Capt.
Richard Lippencott, brought the said Capt.
Huddy over to the Highlands of Middle-
town, lianged Inm at ten o'clock in the
forenoon of the same day, and left him
hanging until four o'clock in the after
noon, witii the paper herewith annexed
pinned upon his breast ; at which time a
parly of the inhabitants having been in-
formed of the cruel murder, went to the
place of his execution, and cut the unhap-
py victim from the gallows.
These bemg a state of induitable facts,
fully proven, we do, as of right we may,
look up to your excellency, as the person
in whom the sole power of avenging our
wrongs is lodged, and who has lull and
ample authority to bring a British officer
of the same rank to a similar end ; for
what man after this instance of the most
unjust and cruel murder, will presume to
say that any officer or citizen, wliom the
chance of war may put into the hands of
the enemy, will not suffer the same igno
minious death, on some such groundless
and similar pretence.
And we do with the fullest assurance
rely upon receiving effectual support Irom
your excellency, because,
First, the act of hanging any person
without any (even a pretended ) trial, is in
itself not only disallowed by all civilized
people, but is considered as barbarous in
the extreme, and most certainly demands
redress.
Secondly, because the law of nature and
of nations, points to retaliation as the only
measure which can, in such cases, give
any degree of security, that the practice
shall not become general.
Thirdly, because the honorable, the Con-
tinental Congress, did on the 30th day of
October, 1778, resolve in the following
words :
''We, therefore, the Congress of the
United States of America, do solemnly
declare and proclaim, that if our enemies
{)resume to execute their threats, or persist
m thei)' present career of barbarity, we
will take such exemplary vengeance as
shall deter others from a like conduct.—
We appeal to that God who searcheth the
hearts of men, for the rectitude of our in-
tentions, and in his holy presence declare,
that as we are not moved by any light and
iiasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so
through every possible change of fortune,
we will adhere to this, our determination."
Fourthly, because the minds of the peo-
ple are justly irritated, and if they have
not compensation through a public chan-
nel, they may, in vindicating themselves,
open to view a scene at which humanity
itself may shudder.
The al)Ove and within, was read to, con-
sidered of, and approved, by upwards of
four hundred respectable citizens.
Ordered hy them, that the Committee by
us appointed, do in our names sign it.
Ordered. That General Forman and Col.
Holmes be requested to wait on his excel-
lency, General Washington, with it, and
that they do wait his excellency's final
determination.
Monmouth, April 14, 1782.
John Covenhoven, Samuel Forman,
Thomas Seabrook, William Wilcocks,
Peter Forman, Asher Holmes,
Richard Cox, Llisha Walton,
Joseph Stillvvell, Stephen Fleming,
Barnes Smock, John Smock,
John Schanck. Thomas Cbadwick.
Accompanying the address is a copy of
the label ( elsewhere given ) fastened to
Huddy 's breast. The committee appoint-
ed to wait on General Washington, in ad-
dition to the foregoing address, furnished
him with the affidavits of Aaron White,
John North, William Borden and John
Russell, in relation to Philip White's case.
These have been given in speaking of Phil-
ip White. They also furnished the affida-
vit of Daniel Randolph, a copy of which will
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
79
begiven hereafter. When General Washing-
ton received their papers, he at once trans-
mitted them to the President of Congress,
with the following letter :
Head Quarter*, |
Newburgh, April 20, 1782. j
Sir : — The enclosed papers, which I have
the honor to transmit to your excellency,
contain a state of facts, with their testi-
monials, respecting the death of Captain
Joshua Huddy ; who after being a prison-
er sume days, with the enemy at New
York, was sent out with a party of refu
gees, and most cruelly and wantonly hang-
ed on the heights of Middletown.
This instance of barbarity, in my opin-
ion, calls loudly for retaliation ; previous
however, to adopting that measure, ami
for my own justification, in the judgment
of an impartial world, I have made a rep-
resentation by letter, (a copy ot which is
herein transmitted,) to Sir Henry Clititon,
and have demanded from him, the actual
perpetrators of this horrid a-^t.
If, by Sir Henry's refusal. I s-hould be
driven to an net of retaliation, a Bsitish
officer of equal rank must atone foi- the
death of the unfortunate Huddy.
Happy, if I find that my resolutions
meet the approbatinn of Congrcsf, I have
the honor to be, with the sentiments ot
sincere resuect and esteem, Youi' Excel
lency's inost obedient, and most humble
servant, (iEU. WASHINGTON.
His Excellency, the President of Con-
gress.
CAPT. JOSHUA HUDDY, THE HERO
MARTYR OF OLD MONMOUTH.
AFFIDAVIT OF DANIEL RANDOLPH
ESQ., OF TOMS RIVER.
vSt.\te of New Jersey, )
Monmouth County, J
Personally appeared before me, David
Forman, Esq.. Judge of the Court of Com-
mon Pleas, of the county aforesaid, Daniel
Randol[)h, Esq., o'" full age, who, being
duly sworn according to law, deposeth
and saith, that he, this deponent, did
reside at Toms River, in the county afore-
said ; that on Saturday nikdit of the 23d
of March, they, the inhabitants of Toms
River, aforesaid, were informed by Cap
tain Joshua Huddy, then commanding
the guard at that post, that he, the afore-
said Captain Joshua Huddy, had informa-
tion that a body of refugees were ap-
proaching to attack that iwst ; that this
deponent did join himself to the guard ;
that just as day befzan to appear on Sun-
day morning. Captain Huddy detached a
party of his guard to make a discovery,
where the enemy were, and to bring him
accounts; that as this deponent expects,
and believes the guard so sent out, as
aforesaid, entirely missed the enemy, for
that soon after, viz: before it was yet broad
dayliiiht, the enemy appeared in front of
their small and unfinished block liouse,
and immediatelv commenced an attack,
without any previous demand ot a surren-
der ; that Capt. Huddy, aforesaid, dia all
that a brave man could do, to defend him-
self against so tuiserior a number; that
after qtxarters were called f)r, and the
bluckhuuse surrendered, this deponent
saw a negro, one of tlie refugee party,
bayonet Major John Cooke, and he also
saw a r umber of the refugees, as aforesaid,
jump into the blockhouse, and heard them
say that they would bayonet them, but
this deponent did not see the deed done
to any other person but. Major John
Cooke. This deponent further saith, that <
the same day, viz : Sunday, the 24th day
of Mirch, they were carried on board the
refugees' boats, and arrived iit New York
the evening of the same day ; that he,
this deponent, Capt. Huddy, und the other
prisoners, were th it night lodged in the
main guard at New York ; that on Mon
day morning, the 25th pif March, afore-
said. Captain Huddy, this dejionent, and
the other prisoners, were carried and con-
fined in the sugar house, where they re-
mained close confined, until Monday, the
1st day of April ; that on Monday, the 1st
day of April, instant, afor-said, Capt,
Hudtly, this deponent, and tbe other
pritoriii^rs, aforesaid, were removed from
the sugar house, aforesaid, to the provost
guard at New York, aforesaid, and were
there closely coiifined, until Monday, the
8th of Api'il, instant, when this deponent,
Capt. Joshua Huddy. and a certain Jacob
Fleming, were taken out of the provost
guard, aforesaid, and carried immediitely
on board a sloop, put down in her hold,
and ironed ; the aforesaid Jost/ua Huddy
having irons on both feet and both hantls
And further, this deponent saith, that a
certain refugee, called John Tilton, told
the aforosaici Capt. Joshua Huddy, that
he, the aforesaid Joshua Huddy, was or-
dered to be hanged ; that the aforesaid
80
OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.
Capt. Huddy, then asked the aforesaid
John Tilton, what charge was brought
against him : that the aforesaid Tilton re-
plied, for that he, the aforesaid Capt. Hud-
dy, had taken a certain Phihp White
prisoner, and after carrying him, the afore-
said Philip White, six miles up in the
country, that he, the aforesaid Capt. Hud
dy, had cut off both his, (the aforesaid
Philip White's,) arms, broke both his, (the
aforesaid Philip White's,) legs, pulled out
one of the aforesaid Philip White's eyes,
and then had damned him, the aforesaid
Philip White, and bade him run ; that he,
the aforesaid Captain Huddy replied, and
said, he never had taken Philip White ;
and moreover said, that it was impossible
that he could have taken him, for that he,
the aforesaid White was taken and killed,
while he, the aforesaid Huddy, was a pris-
oner closely confined m New York. This
deponent further saith, that he, this de-
ponent, so said that the aforesaid White,
was taken and killed, while Capt. Huddy
was a prisoner, and therefore could not
possibly be chargeable ; upon which this
deponent was told that he, this deponent
should be hanged next ; further this de-
ponent saith that the aforesaid Capt. Hud-
dy, was frequently charged with the mur^-
der of the aforesaid Philii) White, in man-
ner and form aforesaid. This deponent
saith that he and Capt. Huddy were kept
in irons, on board the sloop aforesaid, un-
til they were put on board the guard ship
at Sandy Hook, which was done on Tues-
day evening, the 9th instant; that on
board this guard ship, this deponent. Cap-
tain Hviddy, and Jacob Fleming, were con-
fined between decks until Friday, the
12th instant; that on Friday, the 12tli inst.,
some men, strangers to this deponent,
came between decks and told him, the
said Capt. Huddy, to be prepared to be
hanged immediately, for having murdered
Philip White, as aforesaid, and took off
the said Cai>t. Huddy's irons ; that Capt.
Huddy again said he was not guilty of
having killed the albresaid White, and
should die innocent, and in a good cause ;
and with uncommon composure of mind
and fortitude, prepared himself for his end;
that they, then for the first time since the
capture of this deponent, and the said
Capt. Huddy, took the aforesaid Capt.
Huddy from this deponent. That about
noon of the same day, the aforesaid John
Tilton told tliis deponent, that he, the
aforesaid Capt. Joshua Huddy was hanged,
and further said he, that Capt. Hud-
dy died iviih the -firmness of a lion. Further,
this deponent saith, that the aforesaid
Capt. Joshua Huddy was never taken from
him, this deponent, until he was taken off
to be executed, and that he, the aforesaid
Captain Huddy, never was called to any
kind of trial, or allowed to make any de-
fence ; and lastly, this deponent saith, the
corpse of the said Cajjtain Joshua Huddy
is now at the house of Capt. James Greene,
and that he verily believes he came to his
death by being hanged.
DANIEL RANDOLPH.
Sworn before me, this 15th of April, 1782,
David Fokman, Judge of the C't of C. P.
A COUNCIL OF WAR.
The execution of Huddy was regarded
by tfie Commander-in-Chief as a matter of
such high import, that, in anticipation of
the action of Congress upon his letter, he
had directed that the general oflScers of
the army, and the officers commanding
brigades and regiments, should assemble
at West Point, and decide on what meas-
ures should be adopted. On the 19th day
of April, tha meeting was held at the
quarters of General Heath, when the fol-
lowing questions propounded by Wash-
ington were stated :
" Shall there be retaliation for the mur-
der of Huddy ?''
" On whom shall it be inflicted ?"
" How shall the victim be designated !"
General Heath in his Memoirs describes
the deliberations of the ofBcers as inde-
pendent of each other ; no conversation
was permitted between them on the ques-
tion submitted, but each one was to write
his own 0}iinion, seal it itp, and address it
to the Commander-in-Chief. By this i>ro-
cess, it was found the decision was unani-
mous that retaliation should take jjlace ;
that it should be inflicted on an officer of
equal rank ; and the designation should
be made by lot from among the prisoners
of war who had surrendered at discretion,
and not under convention or cai)itulation
This decision was approved by Washing-
ton, who gave immedifito information of
his intention to retaliate, to the British
Cammander, unless the perpetrator of the
bloody deed shotild be given uj) for execu-
tion.
No farther action for a time was taken,
that Sir Henry Clinton might have oppor-
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
' 81
tunity to decide upon Washington's de-
uaand.
In the meantime occurred the following
proceedings in Congress.
Proceedings in Congress, AjDril, 1782.
The letter of General Washington to
Congress, when received, was referred to
a Committee consisting of Mr. Boudinot,
Mr. Scott and Mr. Bee. The committee
reported on the 20th day of April, 1782,
and the following proceedings were then
had :
A letter of the 20th, from the Com-
mander-in-Chief, was read together with a
memorial from the inhabitants of the
county of Monmouth, in the State of New
Jersey, and sundry affidavits, respecting
the death of Capt. Joihua Huddy, who
after beini; a prisoner some days with the
enemy in New York, was sent out by a
party of refugees, and wns most cruelly
and wantonly hanged on the heights of
Middletown.
These papers being committed, and the
committee having reported thereon :
Resolved, That Congress having de-
liberately considered the matter and the
paper attending it, and being deeply im-
pressed with the necessity of convincing
the enemies of these United States, by the
most decided conduct, that the repetition
of their unprecedented and inhuman cru-
elties, so contrary to the laws of nations
and of war, will no longer be suffered with
impunity, do unanimously approve of the
firm and judicious conduct of the Com-
mander-in-Chief in his application to the
British Gen. of New York ; and do here-
by assure him, of their firmest support in
his fixed purpose of exemplary retalia-
tion.
General Washington to Sir Henry
Clinton.
Head-Quarters, ]
April 21st, 1782. j
Sir : — The enclosed representation from
the inhabitants of the county of Mon-
mouth, with testimonials to the facts,
(which can be corroborated by other un-
questionable evidence,) will bring before
your excellency, the most v.aiton, unpre-
cedented, and inhuman murder that ever
disgraced the arms of a civilised p' »ple,
I shall not, because I conceive it alto-
gether unnecessary, trouble your excel-
lency with any animadversions upon this
transaction. Candor obliges me to be ex-
plicit. To save the innocent, I demand
the guilty. Capt. Lippencott therefore, or
the officer who commanded, at the execu-
tion of Captain Huddy, must be given up:
or if that officer was of inferior rank to-
him, so many of the perpetrators as will,
according to the tariff of exchange, be
equivalent.
To do this, will mark the justice of your
excellency's character; on the fnilure of
it I shall feel myself justifiable in the
eyes of God and man, for the measure to
which I shall resort.
I beg your excellency to be pursuaded,
that it cannot be more disagreeable to you
to be addressed in this language, than it
is for me to offer it; but the subject re-
quii'cs frankness and decipion.
I have to request your speedy deter-
mination, as my resolution is suspended
but for your answer.
I have the honor to be, sir, your excel-
lency's most obedient servant.
GEO. WASHINGTON.
His Excellency, Sir Henry Clinton.
Sir Henry Clinton replied to Gen. Wash-
ington on the 25th of April. He express-
ed surprise at the strong language which
had been used. He refused to give up
the perpetrator of the murder, but inform-
ed the American commander, that he had
ordered a court martial to examine the
charge against Capt. Lippencott before
he received the letter. He did not pre
tend to justify the conduct of the loyalists,
and expressed his regret for the fate of
the sufferer. On the Ist of May, General
Robertson, who had succeeded Clinton,
reiterated the same sentiments which had
been previously expressed by his prede-
cessor, but still the culprit was protected
in New York ; and the American com-
mander replied, in the strongest terms,
that he had resolved upon retaliation, and
given orders that a British officer should
be designated to suffer. When Sir Guy
Carleton took comm-ehd of the British
forces, in May, he communicated to Gen-
eral Washington his intention to preserve
" the name of every Englishman from re-
proach, and to pursue every measure that
might tend to prevent these criminal ex-
cesses in individuals." He did not hesi-
tate '' to conr^emn the many unauthorized
acts of violence, which had been commit-
ted," and concluded that . he should do
every thing to mitigate the evils of war. —
Fiom these extracts, as well as the history
of that daj'', it is evident that the British
commander disavowed any participation
!0-
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
in the death of Huddy, on the part of the
British authorities. And it is said, by Dr.
Thatcher, that the British Government
were inclined to direct that Lippenctt
should be jriven up to Gen. Washington,
but were finally prevented by the influ-
ence of the American loyalists, (or refu-
gees. )
Baron de Grimm, in his celebrated
Memoris, states, wiihou^ any qualifications,
that George III gave orders '■'that the author
of a crime which dishonored the English nation,
.should be given up for pvnishme.nt,'" but he
was not obeyed. It is highly probably tliat
this statement is true ; the writer recorded
it in 1775, and from the advantageous posi-
tion he occupied, must be presumed to
have known the fact. (vol. iv. p. 272. )
The people of New Jersey were exas-
perated beyond measure at the bloody
catastrophe ; but when it was ascertained
that the murderer would not be surren-
dered or punished, their indignation
prompted the bold attemi>t to seize the
miscreant by force. To efiect this pur-
pose, Capt. Adam Hyler, of New Bruns-
wick, having ascertained that Lippencott
resided in Broad street. New York, with a
crew disguised as a British press gang,
left the Kills at dark, in a single boat, and
arrived at White Hill about nine o'clok.
Here he left the boat in charge of a few
men, and passed directly to Lipp^ncott's
house, where, on inquiry, it was ascertain-
ed he had gone to Cock Pit. (Naval Mag.
Nov., 1839.) The expedition of course
failed ; but the promptness with which it
was conducted, proves the devotion of the
brave men who were engaged to the com-
mon cause, and their execration of Huddy's
assassin.
(Capt. Adam I Tyler, above referred to,
is the one who commanded the barge
taken by the British at Toms River. In
their accounts they boasted, it will be re-
membered, of capturing "one of llyler's
barges." We hai'e accounts of a large
number of the exploits of Hylcr, in the
waters around Old Monmouth, which we
trust to find room for at some tiuie, for it
is rare to find, in hict or fiction, more skil-
fully planned and fearlessly executed
deeds than those performed by ('apt.
Adam Hyler and his heroic companioll^s. )
CASTlNd LOTS.
Exciting Scene— Captain Asgill the Vic-
tim — .\ffecting [ncidfMits— Courts of Eu-
roi)e Excited.
The demand for Lijopencott having been
refused. General Washingten, on the 4th
of May, directed Brigadier General Hogan
to designate by lot, from among the pris-
oners at either of the posts in Pennsylva-
nia or Maryland, a British Captain who
had been unconditionally surrendered ; as
it was ascertained that no such officer was
in his power, a second order was issued on
the thirteentn of May, extending the .se-
lection to the officers who had been made
prisoners by convention or capitulation. —
Under this last despatch, the British Cajv
tains, who had been captured at York-
town, were assembled at Lancaster, Penn-
sylvania, and the lot fell upon Captain As-
gill.
Charles Asgill was a Captain of the
guards, of a noble family, and at the time
he was designated to suffer, but ninetee»i
years of age. lie was captured at York-
town, confined during the winter of 1781-
82 at Winchester, in Virginia, and had
been removed but a short time to York,
Pennsylvania, when the lot was cast against
him. The officers from whom the victim
was to be selected, were ordered to Lan-
caster, and were there informed by Gener-
al Hogan the object for which thev were
assembled. Major Morgan, who was the
senior British otlicer at that place, remon-
strated, and used the following language :
"Ttiese gentlemen form but a small pro-
portion, out of the total number of Cap-
tains who became prisoners at Yorktown,
and I am sure, if time be afforded, there is
not one of their comrades who will not
hasten, even from England, for the pur-
pose of placing himself by their side, in so
trying an emergency, and staking his life
with theirs.'"
The (reneral, however, replied his orders
were peremptory, but feelingly remarked,
"when the lot has been declared on whom
this blow shall fall, then you may rely
upon it that every indulgence shall be
shown which you could e.xpect, or my
own feelings dictate.'' The ceremony is
minutely described by an eye witness, the
lale Gen. Graham, Lieutenant (Governor of
Sterling ( astle, who've manuscript is pub-
lished in the United Service Journal, Novem-
ber, I S;U. To use his language : "
"The excitement of the scene was now
ov<'r, and we gazed ui)on poor Asgill with
n liitterness and intensity of feeling, such
as defied control. He was barely nine-
teen vearsofago; livclv. bravi% Iiandsome:
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
83
an only son. as we all knew, and an espe
cial favorite with his comrades. To see
him as we did, at that moment, in the full
bloom of youth and beauiy, and to know
that his days, nay, his hours, were num-
bered — that was a demand upon the forti-
tude of those who loved him, suoli as they
could not meet. We lifted up our voices
and wept ; and while a warm pressure of
the hand was exchanged with each in his
turn, the object of so much commiseration
found it no easy matter, himself, to restrain
his tears. Nor, to do them justice, were
the Americans, either within or without
the house, inditterent spectators to the
drama. The Brigadier at once consented
to delay the removal of the victim till the
following morning ; and readily granted a
pass{)ort to enable an officer to set out on
the instant for New York."
Captain Asgill was conducted to Pliila-
delphia, and from thence was removed to
C'hatham. He was accompanied by his
friend, Major Gordon, who attended him
with the devotion of a parent to a cliild.
In the meanwhile the execution was
suspended, but every effort was exerted,
every plan that ingenuity could devise or
sympathy suggest, adopted to save tlie in-
nocent sufferer. Major Gordon appealed to
the French Minister, then in Pliiladelphia;
he wrote to the Count de Rochembeau,
and despatched messengers to numerous
influential Whigs throughout the Colo-
nies, to interest them in behalf of his
friend ; and so eloquent and importunate
were his appeala, that it is said by General
Graham, " thpt even tliefrtmily of Captain
Kuddv became themselves sup]>liants in
Asgill's favor.'" These untiring exertions,
unquestionably contributed to postpone
the fate of the victim, until the final and
successful intercession of the Fiench Court
obtained his release.
When Lady Asgill heard of the peril
whicli impended over her son, her husband
was exhausted by disease, and wliile the
effect of the intelligence was pent power-
fully up in her mind, it produced delirium
in tliat ot her daughter; under all tliese
embarrassments she applied to King
(leorge the III, wlio, it is said, ordered
the cause of this measure of retaliation,
the wretched Lippencott, to be delivered
up. wliich Clinton contrived to avoid. She
did not cease lier importunities, until she
had dictated ihe following letter to the
Count de Vergennes, who laid it before
the King and <,},ueen of France, and was
immediately directed to communicate with
General Washington, and implore the re-
lease of the sufferer. A letter, says the
Baron de Grimm, "the eloquence of which,
independent of oratorical forms, is that of
all people, and all languages, because it
derives its power from the first and noblest
sentiment of our nature."
Lady Asgill to Count de Vergennes.
Eloquent Pleadings of a Mother for the
Life of an only Son.
Sir : — If the politeness of the French
court will permit a stranger to address it,
it cannot be doubted but that she who
unites in herself all the more delicate sen-
sations with which an individual can be
penetrated, will be received favorably by a
nobleman who reflects honor not only on
his nation, but on human nature. The
subject on which I implore your assistance
is too heart-rending to be dwelt upon ;
most probably the public report has al-
ready reached you. This relieves me from
the burden of so mourniul a duty. My
son, my only son, dear to me as he is brave,
amiable as h3 is beloved, only nineteen
years of age, a prisoner of war, in conse-
quence of the capitulation of Yorktown, is
at present confined in America as an ob
ject of reprisals.
Shall the innocent suffer the fate of the
guilty ? Figure to yourself, sir, the situa-
tion of a family in these circumstances. —
Surrounded as I am with objects of dis-
tress, bowed down by fear and grief, words
are wanting to express what I feel, and to
paint such a scene of misery ; my husband
given over by his physicians some hours
before the arrival of this news, not in a
condition to be informed of it; my daugh-
ter attacked by a '"ever, accompanied with
delirium ; speaking of her brother in tones
of wildness and without an interval of rea-
son, unless it be to listen to some circum-
stances which may console her heart. Let
your sensibility, sir, paint to you my pro-
found, my inexpressible misery, and plead
in my favor. A word — a word from you,
like a voice from heaven, would liberate
us from desolation, from the last degree of
misfortune. I know how far General
VV'ashington reverences your character. —
Tell liim only that you wish my son re-
stored to liberty, and he will restore him
to his desponding family ; he will restore
him to happiness. The virtue and cour-
age of my son will justify this act of clem-
ency. His honor, cir, led him to America;
he was born to abundance, to independ-
84
• OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
ence, and to the happiest prospects. Per-
mit me once more to entreat the interfer-
ence of your high influence in favor of in-
nocence, and in the cause of justice, of
humanity. Despatch, sir, , a letter from
France to General Washington, and favor
me with a copy of it, that it may be trans-
mitted from hence. I feel the whole
weight of the liberty taken in presenting
this request; but I feel confident, whether
granted or not, that you will pity tlie dis-
tress by which it is suggested ; your hu-
manity will drop a tear on my fault and
blot it out forever.
May tiiat heaven which I implore, grant
that you may never need the consolation
which you have it in your power to bestow
on. Theresa Asgill.
A NOBLEMAN TELLS ASG ILL'S
STORY.
Excitement in Holland and throughout
Europe — The Gibbet— Asgill thrice con-
duced to it — Intense anxiety in Eurojje
to hear of his fate, &c.
The statement of Captain Asgill's case
would not be complete without tlie follow-
ing extract, which contains some interest-
ing facts not elsewhere given. It is from
Baron de Grimm, who was led to notice
the case on account of its b^inji made the
ground work of a tragedy called " Abdir,"
by de Sauvigny, represented in Paris in
January, 1780.
" You can well remember the general
interest which Sir Asgill inspired, a
young officer in the English guards, wlio
was made prisoner and condemned to
death by the Americans, in reprisal for
the death of Capt. Iluddy, who was hanged
by order of Capt. Lippencott. The public
prints all over Europe resounded with
the unhappy catastrophe, which for eight
months impenled over the life of tliis
young officer. The extreme grief of his
mother, the sort of delirium which cloud-
ed the mind of his sister, at hearing the
dredful fate which menaced tlie life of
her brother, interested every feeling mind
in the fate of that unfortunate family. The
general curiosity in regard to the events
of the war, yielded, if I may say so, to the
interest which young Asgill inspired, and
the first question asked of all vessels that
arrived from any port in North America,
was always an inquiry into the fate of that
young man. It is known that Asgill was
thrice conducted to the foot of the gibbet,
and that thrice Gen. WashingtoiT, who
could not bring himself to commit this
crime of policy without a great struggle,
suspended his punishment : his humanity
and justice made him hope that the P^n-
glish general would deliver over to him
the author of the crime Asgil was con-
demned to exj^iate. Sir Henry Clinton,
either ill advised or insensible to the fate
of young Asgill, persisted in refusing to
deliver up the barbarous Lippencott. In
vain the King of England, at whose feet
the unfortunate family fell down, had
given orders to su' render up to the Ameri-
cans the author of a crime which dishon-
ored the English nation : George the 3d,
was not obeyed. In vain the State of
Holland entreated the United States of
America the p.rdon of the unhappy As-
gill. The gibbet, erected in front of his
prison, did not cease to offer to his <ye«
those dreadful preparatives, more awful
ihan death itself. In these circumstances,
and almost reduced te despair, the mother
of the unfortunate victim beihonght her-
self that tlie Minister of a King, armed
against her own nation,, miglit succeed in
obtaining that which was refused to her
King, Madam Asgill wrote tothe Cnuntde
Vergennes a letter, the eloquence of vvhicli,
independent of oratorical forms, is that of
all people and languages, because it de-
rives its powe-r from the first and noblest
sentiment of our nature."
For seven months, the fate of this intei-
M esting young officer remained suspended,
when, cheitfly through the intercession of
the French Court, he was set at liberty. —
The following are the proceedings of Con-
gress directing his discharjje :
Till RSD.AV, Novembe'' 7th, 1782.
On the repoit of the Committee, con-
sisting of Mr. lUitledge, Mr. Osgood, Mr.
Montgoniery, Mr. Boudiirot, and Mr.
Duane, to whom were referred the ielter
of the 19th of August la'^t, from the Com-
mander-in-Chief, the report of a committee
thereon, and the motives of Mr. William
son and Mr. Kutledge; and also, another
letter^ (rom the Commander-in Chief, with
a copy of a letter to him from the Count
de Vergennes, dated July 29th last, inter-
ceeding for Capt. Asgill :
Resolved. That the Commander in-Chief
OLL) TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
be, and he hereby is directed, to set Cap-
tain Asgill at liberty?"
A copy of the foregoing proceedings and
resolutions was forwarded by Gen. Wash-
ington to Capt. Asgill, together with a let-
ter, given below, which exhibits the moral
excellence, the great and commanding at-
ribiites that always distinguished the
Father of liis Countrj\ "The decision of
Gen. Wiisliington in this delicate aftair,
tlie deep interest felt by the American
people for theyoiithfui sufferer, the pathet-
ic appeals of Lady Asgill to the Count de
Vergennes in behalf of her son, (in the
language of Congress, in 1837,) forms one
of the most impoitant and instructive
portions of revolutionary history.''
Gexerai. Washington to Captain Asgill.
SiK: — It affords me singular satisfaction
to liave it in my power to transmit to you
the enclosed copy of an act of Congress of
the 7th inst., by which you are reli^^ved
from the disHgreeable circumstances in
which you have been so long. Suppos-
ing that you would wish to go to New
York as soon as possible, I al-*o enclose a
passport for that pur])Ose. Your letter of
ihe 18th came regularly to my hands. I
beg of you to believe that my not answer-
ing it sooner did not proceed from inat
tention to you, or a want of feeling for
your situation- but I daily expected a de-
termination of your ca"se and I thought it
better to awa.t that, than to feed you witii
hopes tha"; miLdit in the end prove fruit-
less. You will attribute my detention of
thf enclosed letters, which have been in
my possession a fortnight, to the same
(viuse. I cannot take leave of you, sir,
without assuring y6u that, in vvhatever
light my asency in this unpleasant affair
may be viewed, I was never influenced
throughout the whole of it Uy sanguinary
motives, but what I conceived to be a
sense of duty, wliich loudly called upon
me to use measures, however disagreeable,
to prevent a repetition of those enormities
wliich liave been the subject of discussion ;
and that this important f^Ld is likely to b«
answered without the effusion of the blood
of an innocent person, is not a greater re-
lief to you that it is to me.
Sir, &c. George Wasuington.
Immediately after this letter released
him, Cuptain Asgill prejiartd himself to
return to England, arid in a short time
embaiked. The following letters from
his mother exhibi<^ a tone of high-wrought
gratitude that was worthy of her exalted
spirit :
Second Letter of Lady Asgill to Count de
Vergennes — Outpourings of a Grateful
HeaVt.
Exhausted by long suffering, overpow-
ered by an excess of unexpected happiness,
confined to my bed by weakness and lan-
guor, bent to the eartJi bj' what I have un-
dergone, my sensibility alone could supply
me with strength sufficient to address
you.
Condescend, sir, to accept this feeble
effort of my gratitude. It has been laid
at the feet of the Almighty ; and believe
me, it has been presented with the same
sincerity to you, sir, and to your illustrious
sovereigns. By their august and salutary
intervention, as by your own, a son is re-
stored to me, to whom my whole life was
attached. I have tlie sweet arsurance
that my vows for my protectors are heard
by the Heaven to whom they are ardently
offered. Yes, sir ; they will produce their
effect before the dreadful and last tribu-
nal, wtiere I indulge in the hope that we
shall both meet together — you to receive
the recompense of your virtues; myself,
that of my sufferings. I will raise my
voice to that imposing tribunal ; I will
call for those sacred registers in which
your humanity will be found recorded — I
j will pray that blessings may be showered
j on your head — upon him, who, availing
himself of the noblh'st privileges received
from God — a privilege no other tlian di-
vine — has changed misery into happiness,
has withdrawn the sword from the inno-
cent head, and restored the worthiest of
sons to the most tender and unfortunate
of mothers.
Condescend, sir, to accept this ju°t tri-
bute of gratitude due to your virtuous
sentiments. Preserve this tribute, and
may it go down to your posterity as a testi-
mony of your sublime and exemplary
beneficence to a stranger, whose nation
was at war with your own, but whose ten-
der aff ctions had not been destroyed by
war. May this tribute bear testimony to
my gratitude, long after the hand which
expresses it with the heart, which at this
moment only vibrates with the vivacity of
grateful sentiments, shall be reduced to
dust; even to the last day of my existence,
it shall beat but to offer you all the re-
spect and all the gratitude with which it
is penetrated. Thehesa Asgill.
86
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
LADY ASGILL TO MAJOR GORDON.
A Grateful Mother to a True and Tried
Friend of her Son.
Sir : — If distress liice mine has left any
expression but for grief, I sliould long
since addressed myself to you, for whom
my sense of gratitude makes all acknowl-
edgments poor indeed. Nor is this the
first attempt ; but you were too near the
object, of my anguish to enter into the
heart-piercing subject. I constantly pray-
ed to Heaven that he might not add to
his sufferings the knowledge of ours. He
had too much to feel on his own account,
and I could not have concealed the direful
efiect of his misfortune on bis family, to
whom he is as dear as he is worthy to be
so. Tnfit as I am at this time, by joy
almost as insupportable as the agony be-
fore, yet sir, acc-^-j^t this weak effort from
a heart deeply affected by your humanity
and exalted conduct, as Heuven knows it
has been torn by affliction. Believe me,
sir, it will only cease to think in the lust
moments of life, with the most grateful,
affectionate, and respectiul sentiments to
you. But a fortnight, since, I was sinking
under a wretchedness I could no longer
struggle with. Hope, resignation, had
almost forsaken me. I began to experi-
ence the greatf-st of all misfortunes— that
of being no longer able to bear them. —
Judge, sir, the transition the day after tlie
blessed change takes place. My son is
released; recovered; returned; arrived at
my gate; in iny arms. I see nim unsub-
dued in spirits, in health ; unreproached
by himself, a])proved by his country in ;
the bosom of tiis family, and without anx-
iety, but for the happiness of his friend;
without regret, but i'or having left him
behind. Your humane feelings that have
dictated your conduct, to him, injured and
innocent as he was, surely will participate
in our relief and joy. Be that pleasure
yours, sir, as well as every other blessing
that virtue like youis and Heaven can be-
stow. This prayer is offered U(> for you in
the heart of transport, as it was in the, bit-
terness of my anguish. My gratitude has
been soothed by the energy it has been
offered with. It has ascended to the
throne of mercy and is, f trust, accepted.
Unfit as 1 am, lor nothing but suscei)tibil-
ity so awakened as mine could enable me
to write; and exhaust<-d by too loni; anx-
iety ; confined at this time to a bed of
.sickness and !Mn<_'uor — vet T fould not
suffer .another interval to pass, without
this weak efrbrt. Let it convey to you sir.
the most heartfelt gratitude of my husband
and dav.ghters. You have the resjject
and esteem of all Europe, as an honor to
your country and to human nature, and
the most zealous friendship of, my dear
and worthy Major Gordon,
Your affectionate and obliged servant,
Theresa Asoill.
The fate of Captain Asgill, while it was
suspended in doubt, " tilled the public
i;)rints all over Europe witn anxious wishes
for his release ;" and in the year 1785,
when the excitement of a former period
had subsided, the story of this intenaed
reprisal was made the groundwork of a
tragic drama by the celebrated French
writer, M. de Sauvigny ; while in Ander-
son's History of the American War, pub
lished immediately after the peace, the
author has deemed the incidents so mem-
orable, that lie has given a portrait of the
young Asgill in the costume of the day.
While Captain Asgill's fatewa.s in doubt,
the Britisli instituted acourtmarti.il to try
Captain Lippencott, who was sui)pose(l to
be the principal agent in the murder of
liuddy. It will be seen, by extracts from
the evidence of witnesses, hereafter given,
that Governor Franklin, the President of
the Board of Associated Royalists, gave
veibal orders for the execution of Huddy,
and that he afterwaids basely endeavored
to throw the whole blanip on Lippencott.
When Franklin gave the verbal or<iers,
he designated Huddy as a proper subject
for retaliation, as he said Huddy had been
a chief prosecutor of refugees, and partic-
ularly instrumental in lianging '^tei)hen
Edwards, the refugee spy. Tlie decision
of the court, will be given hereafter. It
clenred Lippencott — perhai)s justly. If so,
Gov. William Franklin should huve been
hanged for Iluddy's murder. Sir Guy
Carle- ton, who was the British commander
at New York, wlien Lippencott was ac-
quitted, appeared disposed to do justly,
and assured Wa^^hington, "that notwiili-
standing tlie acquittal of Lippencott, he
repiobated the measure, and L'ave assur-
ance of i)rosecuting a further inquiry." —
Thanks to Sir Guy, he broke up tiiis Board
of A.ssociated Royalists The war was
about closing, and the necessities for retal-
iation about over; and hence the request
of the King and cineen of France, through
Count Verirenne.s, for the release of A*gill,
were favorably receiv(-d.
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Petition to CoNYiKESS of Martha Piatt,
Daughter of Captain Joshua Huddy,
Presented December 21st, 1836.
To the Congress of the United States : —
Your Moinorialist, Martha Piatt, now
residing in Cincinnati, State of Ohio,
Respectfully represents :
That she is the only surviving child of
Captain Joshua lluddy, who was inhuman-
ly put to death by a party of lories under
the imniedi-ite command of Captain Lip
pencott, in the month of April, 1782.
Her deceased father, ever ready at the
call of his country, had for from the com-
mencement of the revolutionary war, Irom
his devotion to the cause uf liberty, be-
come obnoxious to the enemy, lie was
nia''e a prisoner of war by the refugees, in
March, 1^72, while he commanded a block-
house in Monmouth county. N. J.:
having dei'ended that post with great
bravery, until his ammunition was entire-
ly expended. He was then taken to New
York, and detained in close confinement
for two or three weeks, when, without
form of trial, he was told that he was or-
dered to be hanged. In pursuance of this
lesolution, he was carried over to the New
Jersey shore, and executed, in a manner
so barbarous, that the anisals of savage
warfju-e do not present an instnnce of hu-
man sacrifice more wantonly cruel.
This act. so dishonorable to the British
character, (for Sir Heniy Clinton,- the
Commander-in-Chief, refused to give up
the perpetiator of the crin:!e), was not less
disastrous to the family of the iamented
patriot, who was not permitted to die a
soldiers' death, much less to enjoy the
last kinfl ulKces of those dear to him by
the stronge.-it eartidy ties. The first in-
telligence they received of his decease,
wa.s that he hid perished on the scaffold.
His widow left desolate, with two daugh-
ters of tender age, in common with the
highsouknl females of the revolution,
trusted in Providence, and hoped that the
country lor which her husband's life had
been sacrificed, would not fortiet her or
her children.
The subject of Captain Huddy's mur-
der, (for such is the appropriate name it
deserves,) was referred to the American
Congress by Gen. Washington, and the
mode of retaliaiion he adopted unanimous-
ly ap(..roved by that body ; and the people
of New Jersey, roused by the bloody deed
a sj)irif-stirring
!o vengeance, adilressed
memorial to the Commander-in-Chief, de-
tailins the facts, and requiring exemplary
as well as summary retributioii at his
hand. While in obedience to these claims,
a British officer was selected by lot, as the
victim of retaliation, and while the melan-
choly interest whicli youth and innocence
associated with the name of Captain Asgill,
excited the deep sympathy of the Ameri-
can people ; while the heart-rending ap-
peal ©f his noble mother to the Count de
Vergennes. in behalf of her devoted son,
induced the mediation of the French
Court to effect his release; the name and
fate of Capt. Huddy are only remembered
as .nmong the many instances of cruelty
incident to a state of war. And the wid-
ow and the children of that martyred
hero, have been left hitherto without the
least token of the gratitude of their coun-
try .
Your petitioner appeals to the .Justice
of Congress. Slie is now seventy years of
age: her mother is dead, and her sister
also ; she alone survives to feel anew the
horrors of that dreadful moment, when
she was told that she was fatherless, and
that her gallant sire m^t the death of
a malefactor; while his only crime wns
his ardent attachment to the cause of
American liberty. The gratitude of the
country has been long deferred, and
1 hough late, your petitioner asks, that in
common with the representatives of her
deceased sister, she may be allowed such
sum in moncv, and such quantities of land
as her father wouid h\ve been entitled to,
had he served unril the conclusion of the
revolutionary war.
She commits iier appeal to Congress in
the lull assurance that her claim will not
be disregarded. And as in duty bound,
i&c. Martha Piatt.
This petition was presented to Congress
December 21st, 1836, and referred to a
special convnittee, consisting of Mr. Storer,
ot Ohio; Mr. . Buchanan, of Penn.; Mr.
Hardan, of Ky. ; Mr. Elmore, ofS. C. ; and
Mr. Schenck, of N. J., in February follow-
iuL', reported a bill extenaing to the heii's
of Captain Huddy the benefits of existing
pension laws, the same as if he had been
in the regular army, and also granting
them six hundred acres of land, and also
paying the sum of twelve hundred dollars,
being the sum due Captain Huddy for
seven years' service as Captain of Artillery.
The report of this committee, adopted
by Congress Febiuary 14, 1837, is so ably
written, and contains such vivid pictures
0\A> 'I [.\IK8 IN OLD MONMOUTH.
of Old Monmouth during the war, and of
Captain Huddy's services and sacrifices
tiiHt it is well worth perusal and preserva-
tion, and we tlierefore append so much of
it as has not a' ready been quoted.
REPORT ADOPTED BY CONGRESS,
IN RELATION TO PETITION OF
MARTHA PIATT.
Huddy's services appreciated by Congress —
Graphic picture of affairs in Old Mon-
mouth ; — Is the nation grateful ? — Elo-
quent ext'acts.
Tlie memorialist is the only surviving
daughter of Captain Jushua Huddy of
New Jersey, who was a soldier of the war
of the revolution. Her father in 1776,
was an officer in the militia of his native
state, and in the autumn of 1777, was ap
pointed by the Legislature to command a
company of artillery, wlio were enlisted
for twelve months. In 1779. he was en-
gaged in the same duty ; and in 1781, the
people of Monmouth Couiity, having le-
oommeded him for the {)urpo.'e, he was se-
lected to command the post at Toms Riv-
er. While gallantly defedi.ing himself
against a superior force, he was there
taken prisoner in 1782. and reserved for
an ign minious death on the scaffold.
Tlie tours of duty thus detuiled, aro ex
tracted trom ofiici 1 records, as will ap-
pear by papfern attached to this report;
but the histoiy of the whole war 'n that
region, if it sliould be minutely described,
was a series of bold and haziudous efforts
to sustain the cause of liberty ; in all
which Capt. Huddy was eminently con-
spicuous. Brave, patriotic and persever-
ing, he perilled liis propel ty and his life
for his country, and at last perished in
her defence.
Perhaps the annals of ihe civilized
world do not present a more melancholy
spectacle than was exhibited in. New .Jer-
sey, while the British array, occupied tiie
city of New York. The people were all a
arms, their substance wasted by the enemy,
their farms unfilled their families, dispers- •
ed. In iiddition to the constant and har-
assing inroads of the Tiritisii, there was a
fhe within her very borders more watch-
ful and more relentless than the common
enemy. Traitors to American liberty filled
tlie land, willing to sacrifice their former
friends to gratify their malignant passions,
or to i)rove their loyalty to their King. —
These men combined together for the
avowed object of murder and plunder, |
were to be met at all points ; and it re-
quired the titmost energy, activity and ad-
dress to oppose them. Their movements
were sudden, and from their intimate
knowledge of the country their march was
often unknown until their object had been
effected. Hence, the most untiring vigi-
lance was required to counteract their
plans ; and Ccipt. Huddy became so zeal-
ously engaged as a partizan leader, that he
was more obnoxious to the tories that any
individual in the American service. To
tliese de.^perate men, it was then all im-
portant that one whcwii they so much
dreaded should be deprived of power toop-
pose them and no means were left unat-
tempted to effect their purDose.
(The report her^ proceeds to give an
account of Capt. Huddy's capture, impris-
onment and execution, which we have
given elsewhere, after which it says: )
The documents which the committee
have annexed to the report, minutely de-
scribe the horrid tragedy, and they for-
bear to sta e here the incidents which are
there recorded in the language of eye wit
nesses. riiere is sometlimg so revolting
in the mode a brave soldier was doomed
to die: something sofiendlikein the haste
to saci ifice Iiiiu without tlie parting fare-
well of Ids friends and the consolations of
religion that no age hovvever barbarous
can furnish a stronger 'nslance of refined,
deliberate cruelty. Yet, even here, th?
devoted sulfeier sustained his high ret u-
tatioii for moral firmness and heroic devo-
tion to liberty. Mr. Randolph testifies tlint
when the refugees were taking the irons
fiom Capt. Huddy, to conduct liim to the
gallows, the brave man sai<l that be sh<^uld
die innocent, and in a good cause; and
with uncommon composure and fortitude,
prepared himself for his end.' And to use
the* language ot one who assisted at the
execution, 'he met his fate with all the
firmness of a lion.' His executioner was a
negro.
The immediate agent in this oeed of
blood, was Richard Lippencott, .a native
of New .Jersey, and then a Captain in the
British service ; he was the instrument qi
a board of assoiiated loyalfvts in New-
York, at the head of wliich was William
Franklin, once the royal Governor of New
Jersey, and Sampson S. Blown s, formerly
of Boston. Secretary. The members of
this board, after the murder had taken
place, endeavored for a time to deny that
they had directed it: but the evidence ad
duced on the trial of the perpetrator as
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
89
well as on the subsequent publications of
the loyalists themselves, abundantly prove
that without the courage to act them-
selves they had the baseness to authorize
th*' deed to be committed and the mean-
ness to attempt the concealment of their
privitv to its perpetration.
Immediately after the murdei', the peo-
ple of Monmouth assembled and address
ed to General Washington the spirit-stir-
ring and oloquent memorial which he
afterwards communicated to Congress,
with the memorable correspondence which
he held on the same subject with 8ir Hen-
ry Clinton. These documents the com-
mittee annex, and would recommend their
persual, not only as an authentic narra-
tive of facts, (which are buL ,ittle known
at the present day,) but as proud exam-
ples of the lofiy patriotism which distin-
guished the men of llie revolution.
(The committee here recite Washing-
ton's measures for retaii;ition, and the
action of the Congress of 1782, given else
where, and then continue as follows : j
It is painful to state that after a lapse
of fifty years, while the story of Asgill's cap-
tivity has been made the theme of the
biographer and poet, the memory of the
murdered Huddy h^s not been honored
with an epitaph. His country it would
seem, has outlived the recolleciion of his
services and forgotten that such a victim
was sacrificed for American liberty. The
resolution of Congr^ ss, isdopted on the day
subsequent to the discharge of Asgill, and
which required thai, '"the British com-
mander should be called to fulfil his engage
meni to make further inquisition into the
murder of Capt. Huddy and to pursue it
with all the effect that a due legard of
justice will admit," is yet unfulfilled and
unrequited; and the only memorial *on
the public journals of America, gratitude
for the services of the livii.g and the chai-
acter of the dead are resolutions of retalia-
tion — none of sympathy or condolence.
The committee in the consideration of the
case, cannot account for i he silence of an
Americ.m Congress u])on a claim Uke this
present which the history of the revolution
so amply established. It is true, his repre
seiilatives have made no appeal until they
ottered their memorial at this session, but
it is believed the principles of natural
justice are independent of all such agency.
If their modesty has hitherio deterred
them, it is at least the gratifyint; evidence
tliat there is an American family who have
forborne to remind the Legislature of the
nation of its high duties and are contend-
ed to await the judgment of their country-
men, however tardy raay have been its
annoucement.
The children of Captain Huddy were
both females, and were left at an early age
to their mother's protection. She strug-
gled as did the highsouled women of the
revolution with the ordinary vicissitudes
of war, and sustained himself by the pros-
pect of future independence. When her
gallant husband was in the field, she knew
he was engaged in a holy cause and pre-
jiared hei>elf for whatever result might
occur ; bus when she found that she was
left desoeate and the father of her children
'• had been cruelly and wantonly murdered,
she thenceforward lived but for them. —
' These orphans after the return of peace
] were married : one of them with her
mother is dead ; the survivor, who is the
memorialist, at the advanced age of seven
I ty years, now resides in the west and asks,
ere she joins those who have already de-
parted, that the sufferings of her lathei
might be remembered and tiis services,
] even at this late day, requited by some
token of national gratitude.
As Captain Huddy was not in the regu-
lar army there is no one of the resolutions
of the old Congress that would include
i ^his case, were it a claim for military ser-
', vice merely. But when it ,is considered
that he was actively engaged from 1776
until 1782 in a most hazardous and import-
ant dutj', at a time when ordinary zeal
would have become cold and ordinary
courage crushed, when they regard hisex-
j pose, his position and his untimely death,
! the committee can not but conclude that
I the spirit of these resolutions should be
extended to your memorialist; and if
there is such an attribute as national grati-
tude, it should now be exerted.
-, The committee report the following res-
olutions for the consideration of the
House :
Resolved, That the Congress of the Unit-
ed States hold in high estimation and
grateful remembrance the servi(!e of Cap-
tain -Joshua Huddy, of New Jersey, in the
war of the revolution, and unites in the
opinion of the Continental Congress of
1782, that he was wantonly and inhuman-
ly sacrificed by the enemy while in the
heroic discharge of his duty.
Besolved, That in consideration of the
services rendered to his country by Cap-
t.iin Joshua Huddy, and in the perfor-
mance of which he was taken prisoner
90
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
and afteawards executed for no other
crime than his devotion to liberty, it is
tlie duty of Congress to appropriate to liis
children tiie same sums they woul i havt-
received liad their hither been a conlinen-
t il officer and had continued in llje service
until ilie close of the war ; and the wii.-le
henetit of ttie I'esoluiions ot 8ept» mber
19ih, 1777, and August 24ih, 1780, be ex-
tended to them.
To carry which resolutions into effect,
your cominitlee report a bill.
(The substance of this bill has already
been given.)
CAPTAIN ASGILL AND HI^ COM-
PANIOJNS.
Humorous Account of a Serious Affair.
In speaking of casting lots among |
British officers for the puipose o\' retail i- j
lion for tije murder of Captain .Joshua !
Huildy, extracts were quoted from British
writers who enUeavorfd to make <iut tliat [
Captam AsgilTs compani(jns acted very '
unselfishly and generously lowardo him, but
by the following extract il will be seen ;
that their conduct was tiothing to boast
of. It is from James Smith, one of lh>i i
authors of that celebiated woi k "Reject-
ed Address." Smith o.ca&iunally used lo
visit CoU)nel Greville, once a somewhat
noted ciiaracter in connection vvitli several
literary journals. Un one visit the Colonel
related ihe particulars ot what he term>-d
the most curious circumstance of .lis life.
He was taken prisoner iluiing the Ameri-
can Kevoluiion along with three other
officers of the same rank ; one evening
they were summoned into the presence of
General Washington, who announced to
them that the conduct of the British gov-
ernment in cotniemning one of his officers
(Cap'ain Hufldy) to death a- a rebel lom-
pelled him to make reprisals; ami that
much to his regiet he was unuer the ne-
neftsity oliequiring them to east lots with-
out delay, to decide which of them should
be hanged. They were then bowed out
and retuintd to their quarters. P'our sliji!-
of paper weie put into a hat and the short-
est was drawn by Captain Asgill. who ex-
claimed " 1 knew how ii would be, 1 never
won so much as a hit at backgiimmon in
my life." Greville said he then was se-
lected to set uv) with Captain A.-gill, under
pretext of cnmpani(.)nship, but in reality
to prevent Asgiil trom escaping and leav-
ing the honor of being har.g d lo be set-
tle<i between the reniaining tin eel
'"And whit," said Siiiitii, "d d ^ ou say
to c-'Uifort hui; ?"
'• Why I r. meinl)er saying to him, wiien
he left us, D — n ic, old fellow, nei'tr miiid ; "
but it may be doubled, added Smith,
whether Asgill drt w much comort Irom
the exhortation
This Colonel GrevilU was the one upon
whom Lo d Byron has coiiferre<i a not
very enviable noioriet} in the toJlowing
lines :
"Or lial at unee the patron and the [lile
Of vicu an I fi'llv, (irt-vilL- an 1 /irg\k-."
— Law Qiuirteili) Mjyazine London'
THE REMARKABLE TRIAL OF REV.
WILLIAM I'E.NWh-NT Full PERJUllY.
The remarkable trial of Rev. William
reiinent. of the old reiinent church, for
perjury, took [)Iace at I re litem in 1742 be-
fore Ciiief Ju tice Robei t Hunter Morris.
Tne indictment upon which Mr. reii-
nent was II ied was one of a series of in-
dictmenis all growing out ol the same tran-
saction — the alleged stealing ol a horse by
the Rev Ml. liowland ; and the iniiiv<dual
I who w^ s the cause ol all the w<jes and
perils whi h betel the unlortuiiate gentle-
men who Were supposed to be implicated,
was a no oiious si;oundit-l nailed lorn Bell,
I whose exploits would n^t suti' r l^y a com-
parison with thost- of Jonathan Wild or
• Jack SiK ppard. Hew s an iidepl in all
1 the arts ol fraud, ihelt, robbery and for
! gery. But his chief amusement consisted
m travelling from on« part of the country
j o another |)ersonating ditferenl Individ. j-
j als and as>uming.a vanely ol chiraciei's. —
i t>y turns he was a sailor, a merchant, a
\ lawjer, a doctor, a preaciier, and su.-tained
eacli cha act< r in such a way for a lime as
to impose on the uublio. I'he late Jmlge
Richaid S. Field, in a p.ii>er e id before
t e N, J. Hisioii ai Soc.ety m 1851, re
viewing the reports of this remaiKable
irial, furnishetl qu te a list of tne misueeils
this villian.
, By far the most bill iant of all Tom
Bell'o achievements v as unquestionably
1 hat out of which grew the indicimiiil of
Rev. William Tennen! for peijury. 1 1 so
happened that Bell oore a striking le-
seinulance to the Rev. Mr. Rowland, a
populai- jiieaiher (t the day, and a triend
and as-ociate of Whu field anil the Teii-
neiits.
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
91
One fvt'iiinfr B.Il made hi- (ippearaiice i
at a tavern in P iiu-elon (lri's^e<l in a daik
irrey t:oat. lli" there met John SiocUtoii, |
b.,<(]., fyther (if Richard Stocktt-.n, a sijjinr j
of ilie l)fclaration o\' Inde^ enth.'nce, wiio
coming up to him a> one accosted liim as [
the liev. Mr. Rowland and invited him to
Ills h use. Bell assured Inm that lie was
mistaken — thai his name was 'not Row-
land. Mr. Stockton acknowledj^ed ids
t-rrorand told him it pr ceedetl from the
verv close resenddance he hope to that
genlUman. This link was enough for Tom
Bell. It at once occurred to him that here
was a chance for phiying one of his tricks.
The Vf^rv next day he went into wli;it was
then the county of IJ ufiterdon and stopped
at a place where tlie Rev. Mr. Rowian<l
had occ sionally preached, hut wliere he
was not well kn iwn. Here he introduce d
liim>elf as Mr. Row'and, was invited to
the liouse i>\ ageiulcman in tlu neighlior
hood, and asked to preach on the fl low-
ing Sabhath. Fie coi .-enled to do so. and
notice to that ettect was accordlngis giv- ii.
When the day arrived lie acjompanied tlie
laihes to church in ih»^ faniiy wa<.on while
the master rode alongside, on a very fine
hoise. A* they app -ouclie i the chur.h,
Bell suddenly discovered that he had leli
his notes benird him and propo ed riding
back after them on the fine h rse. i his
was at once agree<i to and B II m mmed
tlif horse, rode back to the house, riflid
• lie desk of lii.i host nd took liis depart-
ure, leavin>i tlie assemided con-rt-g ition
to wonder wiia' had become of the Rev.
Mr. Rowland.
We UKiy imagine the sati-f iction which
Bell must have derived from this exploii.
Mr. Rowland was a noted pre ^cher ol great
punjzeniiy aiid pov\er, and thundered the
ttiiorsol the law again.-t ail iaipHiiilent
sinners. He wis caileil by the pro'essed
vvi s of the day '* JJel/ Fire liowlaiuW He
was literally a. tt-rior to evil doeis, and
therefore it may be [(resumed an object of
peculiar aveision to Tom liell. The idea
ilit-n of bringing such a man into disgracf
and at the .-■ame tune of pursuing his fa-
vorite occupation must have been doubly
pb-asing to him.
Rfv. Mr. Kowiuiid was at this tim^ ab-
sent Irom New Jersey. He had gone for
t he purpose ot preaching in Pennsylvania oi-
Mary hind in company vvitli Rev. Wm.
Teiinent and two pious laymen of the
county of Hunterdon by the names of
Jushu.i Andt r-on and Bt-nj''min Stevens,
membei's of a church coniigujus to the
one at whicliTotnBell proposed to officiate.
As soon as they returne<l Mr. Kovvladd
was cbaiged wilh tne lobbery of the hor-«e.
A I the next lerm of Oyer and Terminer for
Hunterdon county an indictment was pre-
fe red against him.
Great was th'^ excitement produced by
this event, owing in part to the peculiar
.-tate of the Colony at the time. Through
the labors of Mr. Whiifiehi and his as-
sociates, among whom were Me.ssrs. Ten-
neul and Rowland, a great revival of re-
ligion had taken ulace in the Pi evinces.
But there was a party in the Colony who
were very hcslilo to this religious move-
ment, who den 'unced its authors as fanat-
ics and enthusiasts, and some of whom did
not hesitate to braml ihem as hypocrites
and imposters. Conspicuous among this
par'y was the Chief Justice, Piobert H.
Morris, who what(^ver claim he may have
had to lesj) ct, was certainly not distin-
guished eiMier for religion or morality.
To such men this charge against Mr. Row-
land, one of til'- pieachei-^ who were turn-
iDii everything ujiside down, vvas ol course
Decision of great triumph and rejoicing,
and the most strenuous eti'ir's made to
procure his conviction. The grand jury
at first refu.-ed to find a bill aiiaiiist liim,
but they were reproved tiy the Court and
sent out again. Tiiey again returned with-
out an itidic: men t but the Court sent them
out a second lime with threats ot punish-
ment if they persislwd in iheir refusal, and
th^n tliey consented to find a true bill.
Thus Ml. Rowland was sulijected lo the
ignominy of a trial. A clear case was
made out on the part of the prosecution.
A large numlier of witnessts swore po.'=-
itively that he was the identical person
wiio hail c 'mmiiti'd the robbery. Un the
other hand, the defendants called as wit-
nesses, Me.Bsrs. Tenneni, Anderson and
Stevens, who testified that on the very
• ay on which the rot)bery vvas committed
they were in company with Mr. Rowland
at some pit ce in Pennsylvania or Ma-y-
'and, and. heaid him preach. An alibi
being thus clearly proved, the jury with-
out hesitation acquitted him.
But still the putdic mind was not satis-
fien. The person whose horse had been
stolen and whose house Iiad been robbed
was so convinced that Mr. Rowland was
th^ robber, and i-o many individuals had,
as thry supposed, seen him in [lossession
of the horse that it was resolved not to let
the matter drop. Messrs, rennent, An-
derson and Stevens weie tlierefure arraign-
92
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
ed before the Court of- Quarter Sessions, of
Hunterdon, u}>on the charjie of having
swo-n falsely upon the trial of Mr. Row-
land, and indictments were found against
each of them for peijuiy. 'Iluse indict-
ments were all removed to the .Su{)ren)p
Court. Anderson, conscious of his inno-
ct nee and unvviliing to be under tiie im-
putation of such a Clime, den)anded his
trial at the next term of Oyer and 'iVinii-
ner. What evidence he offered in his de-
fence does not appear, but he was con-
victed and condemned to stand one hour
on the Court House steps with a paper on
his breast whereon was written in large
letters, " This is for loilful and corrupt per-
jury."' Thetiials ofTennent and Sttn'ens
were postponed.
Ttnnent, we are told, being entirely un-
used to legal matters and knowing no per-
son by whom he could i»rove his inno-
cence, had no other resource but to sub-
mit himself to Divine will, and thinking
it not unlikely that he might be convicted,
had prepared a sermon to preach from the
pillory. True he employed Mr. John
Coxe, an eminent lawyer of the Province
to assist, and when he arrived at Trentftn
he found that William Smith one of the
most distinguished members of the New
York bar, who had voluntarily attended
on his belialf ; and Mr. Tennent's brother
Gilbert who was then pastor, of a church
in Philadelphia, had brought with him Mr.
.lohn Kinsey, an eminent lawyer of that
city, to aid in his defence. But what could
they do without evidence? When Mr.
Teiinent was desired by his counsel to call
on his witnesses that they might examine
them before going into Cour(, he declared
he knew no witnesses but God and his
conscience. His counsel assured him, that
however well founded this confidence
might be, and however important before a
ln-avenly tribunal, it would not avail him
in an earthly court. And they therefore
urged thai an application should be madf
to postpone the trial. But this he would
by no means consent to. They then in-
formed him they had discovered a flaw in
the indictment and proposed that advan-
tage should be taken of it. (Mr. Stevens
took advantage of this flaw and was clear
ed ) Mr. Tennent resisted with great ve-
hemence sf.ying it was another snare of
the devil, and before he would consent to
it he would suffer death. In the mean-
time the bell summoned them to theCourt.
While on the way to the Court House Mr.
Tennent is said to have met a man and
his wife who stopped and asked if his
name was Tennent. He said it was and
begged to know if they had any business
wiih him. They replied '' You know best."
They then ini'ormed him that they re-
sided in a certain j/lace in Pennsylvania
or Maryland, and that upon one occasion
he in company witti Itowland, Anderson
and Stevens, had lodged at their house:
that on the following day they had heard
him and fiowland preach : that some nights
before they lelt home, they had each of
them dreamed that Mr. Tennent was at
Tienlon in the greatest possilile distress,
and that it was in theii power, and in theirs
alone to relieve him ; tnat ihis dream was
twice repealed and in preci-ely the same
manner to each of them, and that it made
so derp an impression o i their minds that
they had at once set off upon a journey to
Trenton, and were there to know of him
what thev were to do. Mr. Tennent hand-
ed them over to his counsel, who to their
astonishment found that their testimony
was entirely satisfactory. Soon after, Mr.
.lolin Stockton, who mistook Tom Bell for
Rev. Mr. Rowland, a!f.o appeared and was
examined as a witness for Mr. 'fennent.
In short the evidence was so clear and con-
clusive, that notwithstanding the most
strenuous exertion of the Attorney Gen-
eral to procure a conviction, the jury with-
out hesitation acquitted Mr. Tennent.
MEMBERS OF THE NEW JERSEY
PROVINCIAF. ASSE.MBLY FliO.M
MONMOUTH COUNTY.
Fkom their First Session began November
10th, 1703, AT Perth Ambov, to the
Revolution.
In the list of members of the Assembly,
or " fiouse of Representatives of the Prpv-
ince of Nova Cesarea or New .Jersey," from
1703 to 1709, during which time there
were four sessions, the names of the coun-
ties to which they severally belonged are
not given. The records simply mention
that they are from East or West Jersey as
the case may be. Among the members
from East Jersey it is probable that the
following are from Monmouth County :
1st Assenilily, 1703, Obndiuh Bowiic, Uich'il Uartshorne,
n .„^, j Ricliurd Iliirtsl'orne. .lolin Bowne.
'^" ^'"*'1 Iliclinnl Salter, OI>adiiiIi Bowne.
,_-,_ J .John BowiiC, William Lawrence,
•*•' ' '^"''tLH wis Morris.
4tli " 1708-9, Gorshom Mott, Rlislia Lawrence.
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
93
Tm-
lAftjerithisi'Sessi'Oia' th^ nana^sn of. the
counties to ^^hicb the imembers belonged'
are. giveui. ;
5tb AiseniWy, 1709. Elieh<t Lawrence, Gershom Mott.
6th., 1 i"; ,1710, (3ers)iora Mutt, WiHiitm Lawrence.
7th .. " 1716, WilliMni Lawrence, ElisliaLawreuce.
8th" '^ 1T21, William Lawrence, Garret Schenck.'
9th,.' !' 1727, John Eaton, .James Grover. . •■ •,
10th •. " 1730, John Eaton, James Grover. . , . ,
11th, "■ ■ 1738, John Eaton, Cornelius Vandervere. ,
12th' " '<'> V740, John Eaton, Cornelius Vandervtre.
13tlii ' .!!',..ii')17.43, John Entou, Robert Lawrence.;
14th " " 1744, Joliii Eaton, K^-'liert Lawrence.
15tli' ' ' '• ' ' ' iVUS, John Eaton, Rol.ei-t Lawrenfe."'-" '"'
lekhii' '.' Mnl746, John Katon, Robert LnwroBcei> ^f/i
17th '.' \ ,|, 1749, John Eaton, Robert Lawrence.
18th' ," ' 't751, Robert Lawrence, James Holmes. .,
19th' i *' i!l I1764, Robert Lawrence, Jamos Ilohhes.' '
20^h " 1761, James Holmef,* lUcharu Lawrence.
21st " 1769, Robert IIartsli..rne, Edward Taylor.
23d " 1772, Ed-ward Taylor Richard Lawrence.
Robert Lawrence was speaker of the As-
sembly in 1746-7, and again fr6m 1754-
1758. . . I'll! ,r.nir<i
TtiE pROtlNCIAIj CoN'GRiSS 'Oi*' NeW -JERSE^.
The delejiates appointed by ih^ peyeral,
counties to take action in rejrard |to th^.
tyrannical acts of Great Britain, assemble^,
at New Brunswick, July 21vt, 1774, an<l
continued in s'^ssion thteedays.: Sevpnty-
two delegates were present. The fallowing
had been elected from Monmouth c-'>unfy
by a meeting held at Freehold C'pMilt,
House, Juiy 19th, viz: iijil
Edward Taylor, John Anderson, John Taylor. '
James Grover, John Lawrence, Dr. Nath'l Scudder.
.Fohn Burrowes, Joseph Holmes, .Josiali Holmes '
Edward Williams.
Edward Tsykr was appointed chairman
of thf delegation. Tlje Provincial Con-
gress elected feiephen Crane, of Essex,
Cliairman, and Jonathian D. Sargent, of
Somerset, clerk. . Resolutions were passed
similar in charactei' to those adopted by
the Monmoutii meeting, recently publish-
ed.
* James Holmes died and! Johni-.iAiirjdjer
soDi was chosen in his planeaioo oi miinAl
ii'Mi' — »_i_^;.>'('i 'If) *'i-^iiFiH>l')i
WASHINGTON AND LEE 1t' l"UE'
• ■ BATTLE O'f MONMOUlii, '' ' '
■ :■.; ■ ■■. , ; ■ • , : . ■ : ! ., i ^ • / i" • 1 1; >i: (ill
In the^bstttle of 'MoriWtiuV'h^hWn Ma'-
jor General Charles' Lee' htld v^i'jf ' h'^arfy
lost the dAy by ordering a retreat, it is' Ve
lated by Irving 'that WfishiiVgtbn '" gal
loped forward to stop the retreat, his in-
dignation kindling as l)e rode." "The
commander-in-chief soon encounterediLae
apjiroaching with the body of his? com-
mand in full retreat." "By this time"
says Irving he was thoroughly exaspera-
ted.
" What is the meaning of this sir? ' de»d
manded he, in the st(rne.st and evefa
fiercest tone as Lee rode up to him. Le¥,
stung by the manner more than by the >
words of demand, made an angry reply and
provoked still sharper expressions which;-
are variously vepoited., 7/ ./:!.'
The "yariotisly reported " expressions
are the swearing, iqoncerning' the quality
of 'which all the great historians inclu- ,
di^^gjlryingare^ilept^,.^ l,o)i;r.q...x-. oa e-i^v/
Oil ^;d iwii^T LA'FkYiiTTE sAli) ^'c^^' ■/"•"''* sJfl
I iioioi / n; . ,11 : - , , , '^.1 i;; J'ffj. •I'^l!
B^t, -t^e, Marquis. deLafayettej/VYh,en.j;ej;.'^
latjng .the circumstance toGovernor Tom.p-v
kins, Qf New York, in 1824, said that ' thi§. ,
wap., th,e only Vme .1 ,(jver , hieiud Genej:;.^!,,
Ws^ghingtoj); 3wea^', . Hie called Lee a,;
dqrr).7ied .pclffocm, and ;;W^as. in ft towering,
rf:ge. AiPPthpr w'itDes>|Said that Washiog-ij
ton. cried to Lj^e "in tj^ie devil's namj}, s^ij, j
go. back, to tl^e, front, or go to hell.'j j , ; ,,, , ,,.,
'1 '^ A' 'Profane ViiiGiNrAiN's VfiHsiioj^. "''' '•''
■(;').-, iiii,- l.i'ii ■'; /■-■-■;■;; ; /:MI jji'VrtC'jl'.
The late Gen^riil Charles Scott., of TJ?;v ,
ginia, wlio had himself a most inveterate
habit of swearing, being asked, after the
Revolutionary war, whether it was possi-
ble that thebe.lojvedi and admired Wash-
ington 6ver;8w'(brb^ii;eiplied ih ihifi; dhiinitJa-!;!
lalewaiy;: -..V/ h-a-i..-.' - i ' - !■ ;•.,l■
^' Yes sir, he did.once. It was at Mon-
mouth and on a dayr that • would luive
made;any man swear.' Yes sir, he svRore
that day Till the leaves shook in the trees^u
charming, delightful. Never have I enjoyed
such '.sweaiing. befoi*e or since. Sir, on:.
that memorable, day l^e s,wore,'Jikeian.aHriJ
gel from heaven. I" .;, ,iij i. : ■ i •1 ':'.■,- 1'*/
The foregoing would seem to . justifjfi!
General Lee's statement on his Court Marl";
tial trial, that he was ," discQccerted, ast.j
tonished and confounded','; b.y . IW asjbttingr, ,
ton's.^ordiS^eaid manner; ,;■ -ili 1:^ lijuri
I ^' '^#^^MV'-'Atichtri},t'6'i-!'rii^^]«MVi'f •'"'/'
, - fno>; :.'(!!■,: .1 ^-iil; ■.'■, -.: 'iini.siis 'jill
' -Says Weems, in his life of Washington;;//
■" As' Washington was advancing, to hja-
infijiitte aStOnisliment he met L«e retreaW/
ing »n<J the en?my pursuing. Wr. >\
I } Fov; God's sake,, General Z^ee,' Baid Wash-J
ingtoij, in gveAt warmth, Myhat ip tiie;;
ca\i;se of this ill tiniQd prujJence?' j "kIi.
' No' man sir,' replied Lee, ' Oan boastj.Ari
larj^f r poj'tion of tha.t rascaillyi virtue ftfcan-;
your Excellency. f ;;: ; il • 1 ir- f, ,;!,[--)'i
J D/trtiflg a,lGngf]jJ<e; a madmeun,! Washing-/;
ton rode up to his. troops, who at sight of 1
Mm rent the air with "God save gre:tt'
Washineton."
94
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
'' My brave fellows can you tight?" said
he.
They answered with three cheers.
" Then face about, my heroes, and
chaj'ge !"
This order was executed with infinite
spirit.
Rev. C. W. Upham's Account.
Upham in his life of Washington says :
" When General Washington met Lee
retreating at the battle of Monmouth he
was so exasperated as to lose control of
his feelings for a moment and in his an-
ger and indignation burst forth in violent
expressions of language and manner. —
Very harsh words were exchanged be-
tween him and Lee and a sharp corres
pondence ensued, which resulted in Was.h-
ington's putting Lee under arrest. He
was tried by Court Martial, convicted of
disobedience of orders, of misbehavior be-
fore the enemy in making an unnecessa-
ry and disorderly retreat, and of disrespect
to the Commander-in-Chief in the lettei^s
subsequently addressed to hun and sen-
tenced to be suspended for one year,"
Ax Old Citizen of Monmouth tells the
Stohv.
The late Dr. Samuel Forman, whose
father, David Forman and P.^ter Wikoff,
acted as guides to General Washington,
trave in 1842 the following version of what
transpired on this memorable occasion.
" The action commenced in the morn-
ing after breakfast, in the vicinity of Briar
Hill, distant a half or three quarters of a
mile beyond the Court House. From
thence the Americar^s under Lee slowly
retreated before the enemy ab ut three
miles to the vicinity of the Parsonage,
where a final stand was made and the
principal action fought. Here Washing-
ton met Lee in the field immediately
north of the dwelling, and ri(>ing up to
him, with astonishment asked "What is
the meaning of this?" Lee being some-
what confused and not distinctly under-
standing the question, replied : '' Sir ! sir !"
Washington the second time said "What
IS all that confusion for and retreat?" —
Lee replied " He saw no confusion but
arose from his orders -not being properly
obeyed." Washington mentioned that " he
had certain information that it was but a
strong covering party of the enemy." Lee
replied that " It might be .so, but they
were rather stronger tlian he was and that
lie did rot think it proper lo risk so
piMohi " or word- to that (^H'ect. W^'sll1^g-
ton said " You should not have underta-
ken it," and passed by him. Shortly after
Wa:shington again met him and asked " if
he would take command there ; if not, he
(Washington) would; if General Lee
would take command there, he would re-
turn to the main army and arrange it." —
Lee replied that *' nis Exellency had be-
fore given him the command there." —
Washington told him he expected he
would take proper measures for checking
the enemy there. Lee replied that iiis or-
ders should be obeyed and that he would
not be the first to leave the field ; and
Washington then rode away. Immediate
ly after this General Hamilton, in a great
heat, rode up to Lee and said " I will stay
here with you, my dear General, and die
with you; let us all die here rather than retreat.''
Other Historians.
Marshall, Bancroft and Sparks in their
lives of Washington merely s'ate in sub-
stance that " Washington spoke in ternis
of warmth, implying disippiobation of
Lee's conduct."
Mr. George H. Moore, librarian of the
New York Historical Society published in
1860 a small volume entitled •' The Trea-
son of Charles Lee, &c " which gives some
important facts in General Lee's career to
which we shall endeavor to refer hereaft-
er, but his work sto))s snort of the battle
.)f Monmoutii.
Gen. Washington rarely used profane
language, but. there is no doubt that he
did on this occasion, being exasperated at
Lee's conduct, which gave suspicion of
treachery. The charge of treason against
l,ee we shall endeavor to examine here-
after.
Our older readers remember the story
of the College Divinity Professor wlio al-
ways held up Washington as a model for
ills })Ui)iis in all tilings. One day he was
laboring to convince his scholars of- the
wickedness of profanity when one ot them
loseuD and said ; " Professor yi;u told us
to take Washington as an example in all
things and you know he swore terribly at
the battle of Monmouth." The Professor
WIS nonplussed, but finally stammered
'• Ahem? ah, well — if ever any body did
liave an excuse for swearing it was Wash-
ineton at the battle of Monmouth !
General Lee's Own Version.
General Lee, in his defence before the
('curt Martial, said :
" When I arrived first in hi-; (Washing-
ton's) ijr^^seuce, oonsoiou-^ (•(' having doiie
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
95
nothing which could draw ®n me the least
censure, but rather flattering myself with
his congratulation and applause. I confess
J was disconcerted, astonished and con
founded by the words and manner in
which bis Exellency accosted me. It was
so novel and unexpected from a man
whose discretion, humanity and decorum
I had from the first of our acquaintance
stood in admirauon of, that I was for some
time unable to make any coherent answer
to questions so abrupt and in agreat meas-
ure unintelligible. The terms I think
were these: ' I desire to know, sir, what
is the reason wiience arises this disorder
and confusion V" The manner in which he
expre.'sed them was much stronger und
more severe than the expressioiis them-
selves. When I recovered myself sufS-
ciently I answered that I saw or knew of
no confusion but which naturally arose
from disobedience of orders, contradictory
intelligence and the impertinence and pre-
suni]»tion of individuals who were invest-
ed with no authority, intruding themselves
in matters above their sphere ; That the re-
treat in the first instance uas contrary to my or-
ders and wishes.
Washington replied all this might be
true but he ought not have undertaken
the enterprise unless he intended to go
through with it."
EPLSCOPALlANlfsM IN OLD MON-
MOUTH.
Freehold. Middletown, Shrewsbury, Staf
ford, &c. Missionary Efforts from 1745 to
to 1751. Freehold Presbyterians and
Episcopalians — Strife in Good Works. —
Heathens (?) in the Pines. Rogerine
Baptists, &.G.
The following account of the missionary
efforts of Rev. Thomas Thompson in old
Monmouth, some cenliuy and a quarter
ago is worthy of preservation by all inter-
ested in the early religious history of the
county. We have seen it stated that but
two copies of Mr. Thompson's work were
to be found in America, one in the Con-
necticut Historical library and the other in
the Astor library at New York. In our
visits to the latter library in past years we
have been surprised to see the value pi .ced
upon this little old fashioned book by peo-
ple versed in the history of olden times in
Ameiica, and it is almost as well known
among them as Gabriel Thomas' History
of West Jersey, &c., published 1698, of
which the only known copy of the original
edition is in the Franklin Library, Phila-
delphia, a copy of which we hope to find
room for, before concluding these sketches.
Lately another copy of Mr. Thompson's
little book was discovered in an Episcopal
library in South Carolina, and placed in
the Congressional Library, at Washing-
ton.
In Mr. Thompson's account of his visit
it will be noticed that he sj^eaks disparag
ingly of the early settlers in the lower part
of the county. His zeal for the tenets of
this society by which he was employed,
seems to have led him to make animadver-
sions against the people there, which it
would appear were not entirely deserved
according to the testimony of ministers of
other denominations, which we may give
hereafter in sketches of the early history
of other societies. It will be noticed that
while he accuses them of great ignorance,
yet he acknowledges having many con-
ferences and disputes on religious topics
with them, which shows that they were
considerably posted in scriptural matters,
but undoubtedly opposed to the Church of
England.
Mr, Thompson's little work gives an ac-
count of his visi*^ to Monmouth and also to
Africa. We give all that relates to Old
Monmouth. His remarks about heathen-
ism in the pines is rather severe, when it
is remembered that it was made after his
visit to the negroes in Guinea, Africa. The
society he terms "Culvers" were Rogerine
Baptists, who were located some eleven
years at Waretown, Ocean county, and
then left and went to Schooley's Moun-
tains.
An Account of the Missionarv Voyages by
the Appointment of the Society for
the Propagation of the Gospel in
foreign parts. The one to New
Jersey in North America,
and then from Amer
ica, to the coast
of Guiney.
By Rev. Thomas Thompson, A. M., Vicar
OF Reculver, in Kent.
London ; printed for Benj. Dod at the
Bible and Key, in Ave Mary* Lane,
near St. Pauls.
MDCCLVIII.
In the spring ot the year 1745 I embarked
for America, being appointed Missionary
of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts upon recommen-
dation of my Reverend Tutor Dr. Thomas
Cartwright, late Archdeacon of Colchester
96
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
and a member of the Society, myself then
a Fellow of Christ's College Cambridge.
I went in a ship called the Albany, belong-
ing to New York which sailed from Graves-
end on the 8th day of May and providen-
tially escaping some inst'^nt dangers on the
passage, arrived at New York on the 29th
of August. The Sunday following I preach-
ed both Morning and Afternoon at the
Episcopal Church in that citv. whereof the
Eeverend Mr. Commissary Vesey had then
been rector more than forty years. On the
next Sunday I passed over to Elizabeth-
town in New Jersey on piy journey to
Monmouth County in the Eastern Division
where I was appointed to reside and have
the care of Churches in that county, being
also licensed thereto by the Right Rev-
erend the late Lord Bishop of London.
Being come to the place of my mission
I presented my credentials and was kindly
received and took the first opportunity of
waiting upon the governor Lewis Morris
Esq., at his seat at Kingsburg wiiich is in
the Western Division, and took the oath
of allegiance and supremacy and also the
abjuration oath and subscribed the Declara-
tion in presence of his Excellency.
Upon making inquiry into the state of
the churches within my District. 1 found
that the members were much disturbed
and in a very unsettled state, insomuch,
that some of them had thoughts of leaving
our communion and turning to the Dis
senters. The particular occasion of ttiis I
forbear to mention.
As I came to gather more information,
it presented to me, that many of those who
frequented the Church worship never had
been baptized ; .some heads of families and
several others of adult age, besides a num-
ber of young children and Infants.
1 perceived that it was not altogether
neglect, but there was something of princi
pie in the cause, that so many persons had
not received the sacred ordinance of bap
tism and others did not procure it to their
ciiildren. That part of the country abound-
ing in Quakers and Anabaptists, tlie inter-
course with these sects was of so bad in-
fluence, as had produced among tlie Church
people thus conforming with their teiiets
and example. However the main fault
was rather carelessness of the baptism and
a great deal was owing to prejudice res-
pecting the matter of god fathers and god
mothers.
I seriously declare that the reconciling
this order of the Church to the minds of
people in the American colonies, is of more
difficulty and trouble to the Missionary
than almost all their work and business
besides. And I am well assured that many
nf the Sectaries dislike nothing in the
Church so ciuch as that; and some I am
apt to think, do stand out from our Com-
munion purely upon that account and for
no other reairon.
I had many tedious arguments with my
people upon this head. I also made it the
subject of some of my discourses in the
pulpit, till by one means or other, I nt
length brought them to a better under-
standing thereof and to be in a good de-
gree satiii-fied with it.
After sometime they began to bring their
children to Baptism, and when some had
led the way, the rest followed, and pre-
sen ted those of their children which were
under years of maturity, to be received in-
to the Church and I christened thirteen
in one day. After this it went on regular-
ly. Parents had their children baptized as
soon after they were born as conveniently
could be done and one whole family, the
man (whose name was Joseph West) his
wife and nine children were baptized all
at one time.
By frequent exhortations to the elder
sort c.nd often calling upon them to con-
sider how they deferred a thing of that
consequence to their salvation. I prtvail-
ed with many to take upon themselves the
baptismal engagement, to whom 1 gave all
necessary instiuction both to inform their
understanding and prepare their minds
thereto.
The Churches which 1 served were well
filled every Sunday and divers families that
lived out of the county came to 3ivine
service from several miles distance and
were very constant devout attendants. —
Besides these some of the Dutch Church
often made a considerable addition to the
number of my hearers.
I had three churches immediately in my
charge, each of them situated in a ditl'er-
ent township, which had regular duty in
such proportion as were agreed upon and
subscribed to at a general vestry meeting
soon after my coming there. The names
of the townships ai'e F'reehold, Shrewsbury
and Middletown. I also officiated at Allen-
town in Upper Freehold while that church
was destitute of a minister, which was af-
terwards supplied by Mr. Michael lloudin,
a convert from the Church of Rome, and
a worthy clergyman, now the Society's
missionary. Tluse four townships com
prised the whole county althcntgli 40 or 50
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH,
97
miles in length and in some parts of it con-
siderably wide. 1 also did occasional duty
at other places as will be farther men-
tioned.
'iliis mission to Monmouth County had
been very eaily recommended to the So
ciety but was not presently established.
Dr. Humphrey's in his Historical account
makes mention '' that Colonel Morris, a
genllemaii of character and considerable
interest in New J(rsey (the same who was
afterwards governor of the province) did
in a letter in the year 1703 very earnestly
solicit Dr. Beveridge (late Bishop of St.
Asaph, a member of the Society) to send
a missionary to Mun mouth county in East
•Jersey where a considerable body of ( hurch
people had formed themselves into a gath
ered church and had promisea all the belp
their narrow circumstances could afford
their minister. The Society were noi then
able to support a missionary there, but the
Reverend Alexander Innis, hapjiening to
be in those parts took the care of that peo-
ple upon him. After a worLiiy discharge
of his functions he died ;" and by his last
will and testament appointed ten acres oi
land lying in Middletown to the service of
God, whicli is the ground whereon the
church now stands. Since that Mr. Wil-
liam Leeds became a benefactor to the
church by making over his house and plan-
tation to the society for the use and habi-
tation of a missijuarv to be appointed to
preach the gospel to the inhabitants of
Middletown and Shrewsbury.
As to the church buildings I have found
them all much out of condition, especially
the church at Middletown, which was be-
gun to be built, but the year before I came
there, and had nothing done on the inside,
not even a floor laid. So that we had no
place for the present to assemble in Divine
worship, only an old house which had
formerly been a meeting house
I had now a great and very diflBoult task
of it to bring people to the communion.
They that were conformable to this sacred
ordinance were in very small numbers.
Many persons of 50 or 60 years of age and
.someolder had never addressed themselves
to it. In this case it appeared to me that
their will was less in fault than their judg-
ment, which hung so much on the side of
fear, that it overbalanced the sense of du-
ty. 1 took all possible pains to satisfy their
scruples, gave them frequent opportiini-
ties of the communion, ami by the blessing
of God gained most of the ancient people,
besides many others, who gave due and de-
vout attention to it ever after.
That i might lay a good foundation for
the children and build them up in sound
christian principles I began to catechize ;
at first onlv asking questions in the Church
catechism, but after a while I changed the
method with them, so as still to keep the
words of the catechism but raised other
questions to the several clauses and mat-
ters contained therein to trv what they un-
derstood of it ; and by this means led them
further into the sense and meaning of every
part of it.
The number of my catechumens began
now to increase and several of riper years
presented themse'lves with a teeming ear-
nestness to receive the benefit of this in-
struction. So I carried it further and put
Lewis' Exposition into their hands and ap-
pointed them a day about once a month to
come to the Court House and say the parts
which I Set them to get by heart, and this
course I continued till some of them could
recite it from end to end.
There were others willing and desirous
to be put forward in the way of godly,
knowledge who had not so good memories.
To these 1 propounded two or three ques-
tions at a time upon some point of doc
trine which ihey were to prepare them-
selves to answer the next meeting and to
have the Scripture proofs written down to
be then also produced. To this they ap-
23lied themselves with great industry and
gave extraordinarv instances of their good
understanding as well as diligence.
When the others had no more of Lewis's
catechism to learn 1 made them repeat the
Thirty Nine Articles of religion and then
taught them to divide these into questions
and answers, and they gave me in month-
ly the texts they had collected in proof of
them.
In the interim I was not unconcerned
for the poor negroes who wanted enlight-
ening more than any, and therefore sjjake
to their Masters and Mistresses to be at
the pains to teach them the Catechism.
And thus was taken good care of in some
pious families and I catechized them in the
Church a certain Sunday, and sometimes
at home and after due instruction, those
whom I had good assurance of I received
to baptism, and such afterwards as be-
haved well I admitted to the communion.
Speaking here of negroes I will mention
the case of one in whom it pleased God to
give an example of his influencing favor
under circumstances of a condemned crim-
98
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
inal. This man was a servant at a place
called Crosswicks, to a Quaker and had
been convicted of a rape. He after his ap-
prehension, and also at his trial did seem
to be a very hardened wretch. According
to the strictness of the laws, a negro is to
be executed immediately after sentence;
but the Judges were pleased to be so far
favorable as to allow him the space of a
fortnight to be prepared for death ; which
Christian indulgence gave me an opportu-
nity to perform those offices to him which
by the blessing of God and with the assist-
ance of a neighboring clergyman, worked
upon him by degrees, and at length brought
him to a true repentance. For some time
he held in a very obstinate temper, but
when it begun that I could get anything
from him, I found he was not wholly ig-
norant in the principles of Christianity ;
and as he became more disposed to seri-
ousness, bis readiness of apprehension and
ajitness to learn made it easy to supply to
him the further knowledge of religion,
which, if he had considered sooner, might
have prevented his coming to that untime-
ly end. (^ne particular in my dealing with
him I shall speak of, as it may suggest a
useful hint to those whose office may call
them upon a like occasion and which prac-
tice I can from other experience recom-
mend.
I took out of the Psalms such verses as
are proper to a penitent sinner; which I
made him repeat verse by verse after me,
every now and then bidding him raise up
his mind and thoughts to Heaven and con-
sider that Ne was speaking to Almighty
God. By this means putting the best words
of devotioiv into his mouth, the most per-
tinent to his use; also holding up his at-
tention ; calling him to awe and reverence
the poo»" criminal was drawn out into a
sort of involuntary confession of his guilt
and the sense of his soul soon correspond-
ed with what his tongue uttered and he
felt in himself, those affections which
worked duly and properly after they had
thus been excited. Being thorousihly in-
structed and grounded in tbe christian
faith and there being no room to doubt the
sincerity of his repentance, tlu'ee days be-
fore his execution 1 baptized him and on
that day gave him the communion.
In the year 1746 tbe Churcii at Middle-
town which had stood useless, being, as
I have before mentioned, only a shell of a
building, had now a floor laid and was oth-
erwise made fit to have divine worship per-
i'ormed in it. The congregation of this
church was but small and as the service
could not be nftener than once a month,
it was morally impossible to increase the
number much, especially as there was a
weekly meeting of Anabaptists in that
town, so that it was the most I covdd pro-
pose to prevent those that were of the
church from being drawn away by dissent-
ers.
After necessity had been answered its de-
mand in the fitting up of one church, ex-
pediency came next to be consulted for the
finishing another, viz; : St. Peters in the
township of Freehold, which had been
built many years but was never quite com-
pleted. The ground on which the church
stands was the gift of one Mr. Thomas
Boel, who had been a Quaker, but was
brought over with many others of that per-
suasion by Mr. George Keith, one of tlie
Society's first Missionaries, who himself
had been one of that people but became a
very zealous member and diligent servant
of the church and was a person well learned.
After his return from abroad he had the
living of Edburton in Sussex and jDublished
his journal of missionary travel.
The situation of St. Peteis clmrch at To
poncmes, whicli is distant from any town, is
however convenient enough to tlie congre-
gation and WMS resorted to by mai y fami-
lie? in Middlesex county living within tlie
several districts of Cranberry, Machepo-
neck, and South River ; their missionary,
my friend and brother Mr. Skinner gladly
remitting to me thecare of them, which he
could not well attend to by reason of a
wide and often dangerous Ferry over tlie
RaritMn which divides Middlesex county.
I was therefore uilling to give them idl
Dossible attendance and did often meet
them and baptize theii- child'-en and ap-
pointed certain days to preach at ilioso
places and there also catechize.
At a town called Middletown Point I
preached divers times, the place being re-
mote and few of tlie settlers having any
way for convenience of coming to church.
The inhabitants of Freehold t(Mvnshii>,
were at least half of them Presbyterian.
Tiie church people and these interspersed
among each other, had liyed less in cliarity
and orotherly love than as becomes church-
es. But they began on both sides to think
less of the thiius in which the.' differed in
opinion than of tliose in which theyagreed.
And when bickering and di.'<puting were
laid down, which was done at hisf^ with tiie
full consent of botli ])arties, another strife
arose from a better spiiit in tho way oV
(ILD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
99
peace, to provoke love and to do good works, in
which neither side was less lorward than
the other.
Ti)e Church of Enirland worship had at
Shrewshury been provided lor by the build-
ing ot'a church, before there was any other
in the county ; but this church was now
too small for the numerous congregation.
People of all sorts resorted thither and of
the Quaker which are agreit body in th;<t
township, there were several who made no
scruple of being present at divine service
and were not too piecise to uncover their
heads in the house of God.
I went sometimes to a place called Man
asquan almost twenty miles distant from
my habitation where, and at Shark River,
wliich is in that neighborhood some
church families were settled who were glad
of all opportunities for the exercise of Ke-
ligion. I baptized at Manasquan two Ne-
gro brethren, both servants to Mr. Samuel
Osborne an eminent and very worthy mem-
ber of the church, in vvhosn family they
had been taught good cliristtan orincii)les.
The honest nien were so gratified th'it each
of them otTered me a Spanish dollar in ac-
knowledat-ient and would liave thought
themselves more obliged if I had not re-
fused their ])resents.
From Manasquan for twenty miles furth
er on in the country, is all one pine forest.
1 traveled thiough tiiis desert four times
to a place called Barnegat, and thence to
Mannahawkin, ahnost sixty miles from
home and preached at places where no
foot of minister had ever come. On'y at
Munnahawkin. one Mr. Neill, a dissenting
minister, who is now a presbyter of the
Church of England (then living at Great
Eijg Harbor) visited Mannahawkin.
In tliis section I had my views of heath-
enism ju-t ^!S thorouglily as 1 have ever
since beheld it. The inliabitants are thinly
scattered in regions of solid wood. Some
are decent peof)le who had lived in better
places, but those who weie born and bred
here, have neither religion nor manners
and do not know to much as a letter in a
book.
As Quakerism is the name under wliich
all those in America shade themselves that
have been brought up to none, but vvculd
be thought to be of some religion ; so these
poor people call themselves Quakers, but
they have no meetings and many of them
make no distinction of days, neither observ-
ing Lords Day nor the Sabbath ; only some
New England families were then lately set-
tled 1 liere who Wf-re filled Culvers and had
a form and manner of their own vrhich
they held too sacred (though perhaps rath
er it was too monstrous) to be communica-
ted and did not admit others into their as-
semblies. As for those who had removed
thither from other parts of the country,
they seemed very sensible of the unhappi-
ness of their situation, living where they
had no opportunity for the worship of God
nor for the christian education of their
children. I would have taken this difficult
journey oitener, finding that some good
might be done among them but having too
much duty to attend to in other parts of
my mission I could not do it.
As people were desirous of having a
Schoolmaster and spoke of making up
among themselves a competency for one, I
proposed it to Mr. Christopher Robert
Reynolds, the Society's schoolmaster at
Shrewsbury ; and those parts being within
that township, it was not inconsistent with
his appointment. He was willing to go and
set up school there, and accordingly went
down and taught a year, employing his dil-
igence to good effect.
But his employers living so far asunder
that they could not send their children to
school all at one place, he was obliged to
be often shifting and to go from one house
to another, which was such a fatigue and
labor to him, being in years and an infirm
man. that he was not able to continue it
and returned to Shrewsbury his former
station.
In my journeying through this part®f
the country I had many conferences
and disputes with the people. Some of
them were willing to see their errors and
others were as obstinate in defending theirs.
And though ign-'irantmindsand prejudiced
cannot easily be made to aj^prehend the
nature and necessity of the christian ordi-
nances yet it pleased God that I brought
some to a true sense of them and I gained
a few to the communion, and baptized, be
sides children seventeen grown persons, of
wliich number was Nicholas Wainright
nearly 80 years of age.
I had now seen a great change in the
state o* my mission within the space of
three years, through the grace of God ren-
dering my labors effectual to a good end ;
in particular as to the peace and unison
which the church members, after having
been much at variance among themselves,
were now returned to, and the ceasing an-
imosities betwixt them and those of other
societies ; for these I account the most val-
uable success that attended mv ministry.
100
OLD TIxMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
After this the churches continued to
flourish and in the latter end of the year
1750, having then been above five years in
America upon this mission, I wrote to the
venerable and honorable society a letter
requesting of them to ^jrant me a mission
to the coast of Guiney, that I might go to
make a trial with th* natives and see what
hopes there would be of introducing among
them tCe christian religion. The summer
following 1 received an answer to that let-
ter from the Rev. Dr. Bearcroft, acquaint-
ing me that the Society had concluded to
support me in the design of that voyage
and would appoint another missionary in
my stead for Monmouth county. And the
next September Mr Samuel Cook of Cai-
us college anived with his proper creden-
tials and I delivered up my charge to liim.
Having took my If ave of the congrega-
tion I set out on the 13th of November
1751 for New York, from thence to go
ujjon my voyage to Africa, and at Elizabeth-
town waited on Governor Jonathan Bel-
cher Esq., who succeeded Colonel Morris,
to pay my respects to him before I left the
province.
November 24th 1751 I preached both in
the morning and the afternoon in the Eng-
lish church in New YorK of which Rever-
end Mr- Barclay is the worthy Rector and
the next day went on board a brigantine
called the '' Prince George," Captain Wil-
liam Williams, bound for the coast of
Africa.
METHODISM IN OLD MONMOUTH.
The Pioneers of the Society — Bishop As-
bury at Freehold, Allentown, Long
Branch, Squan, Kettle Creek, Goodluck
&c — Rev. Benjamin Abbott's visit dur-
ing the Revolution.
We have reason to believe that the pio-
neers of Methodi.'^m visited the county
within a very few years after the principles
of the society were first proclaimed in
America, and that occasionally some
preacher would hold forth in some of our
churches, school house's or private houses
as early as 1774. Some uncertainty exists
as to where the first i)reachers held ser-
vices in the county, owing to the fact that
the early heroes of Methodism were not
always very precise in giving the names of
places where they preached, dates and
other particulars interesting to the histo-
rian of the present day. The most com-
plete and satisfactory journal is that of the
faithful, zealous, untiring Bishop Francis
Asbury, which is the more remarkable as
i":, is doubtful ii'any minister of any denom-
ination ever perlormed as much labor as
he did in travelling and 2:)reaching. We
append extracts fiom his journal relating
to his labois in Monmouth. But other
: preachers had preceeded him. Rev. Wil-
1 liam Walters the first Methodist travelling
preachf rof American birth wasstalioned in
our state inl774, and hemay have visited our
couiity, though he makes no mention of it
in his journal. That earnest, self sacrific-
ing minister of the gospel. Rev. Benjamin
Abbott visitCvl old Monmouth in 1778. Mr.
Abbott in hia journal speaks of preaching
at various places in that part of old Mon-
mouth now composed VTithin the limits of
Ocean county, among which were Manna-
hawkin, Waretown. Goodluck and Toms
River. But after leaving Tftns River, he
omits to name places ; he merely uses such
expressions as " at my next appointment,
&c.," without naming wiiere it was. H<-
probably preaclied at Freehold and other
places within the limits of tlie present
county of Monmoutlj. At some future time
we shall endeavor to rind room for so much
of his journal as may relate to old Mon-
mouth.
Though it is somewhat uncertain who
were the first Methodist preachers in the
county, yet the prol)abilities aie that some,
if not all the following named p>ersons
preached here before Abbott's visit in 1778,
viz: Captain Thomas Webb, Reverends
Philip Gatch, Caleb B, Pedicord, William
Watterw, .John King, Daniel Ruff and Wil-
liam Duke.
Rev. John Atkinson in his " Memorials
of Methodism in iSew Jersey," says:
" The Methodist Society of Monmouth
(Freehold ?) must have been formed at an
early period, probably about 1780, as in
that year Job Throckmorton of Freehold
Was converged under the ministry of Rev.
Richard Garietson and became a member
of th-d Society. He was one of the first
membera in that region. The Methodists
were much persecuted there at that time.
His house was a home for preachers, and
very likely Asbury was entertainetl at his
dwelling duiinghis visits to Freehold. —
Everitt, Freeborn Garretson, Ezekiel Coop-
er, Ware, and others were accustomed to
stop at his house. He was accustomed to
relate incidents of Rev. Benjamin Abbott's
powerful ministry, one of which is as fol-
lows :
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
101
"On one occasion meeting was held in the
woods, and after Freeborn Garretson had
preached, Abbott arose and 'ooked around
over the congregation very significantly,
and exclaimed : " Lord, begin the work ;
Lord, begin the work noic! i^ord, begin the
work just there! pointing at the same time
towards a man who was standing beside fi
tree, and the man fell as suddenly as if he
had been shot and cried aloud for mercy."'
In 1786 Trenton circuil probably in-
cluded Trenton, Pemberton, Mount Holly,
Burlington and M'^nmouth, Reverends
Robert Sparks and Kobert Cann preachers.
In 1787 Rev. Ez-kiel Cooper and Rev. Na-
thaniel R. Mills were the preachers. In
1788 Rev's John Merrick, Tiiomas Morrell
and Jettus Johnson were the preachers.
Bishop Asbury in Old Monmouth. — Ex- \
TRACTS FROM HIS JoURNAL.
.September 14th 1782. I came to New
Mills (now. Pemberton in Burlington coun-
ty). I passed through Monmouth in Up
per and Lower Fre-eiiold ; here lived that
old saint of God, William Tennent, who
went to his reward a few years ago. j
Friday September 9tli 1785. Heard Mr. 1
VVoodhuU jJi'eacli a funeral discourse on
•• Lord thou hast made my days as a hand-
breadth." In my judgment he spoke 1
well. I
(The Mr. Wood hull above referred to by
Mr. Asbury, was probably the Rev. -John
WoodhuU, I). D., who succeeded Rev. Mr.
Tennent at the old Tennent Cliurch, and
who died Nov. 22d, 1824, aged 80 years.)
Saturday September 10th, 1785. I had
liberty in preaching: to the people ol' Mon-
mouth on Joshua 24-17 and felt much for
the souls present. (Freehold then was
often called Monmouth and Monmouth
Court House.)
Friday September 22nd, 1786. We
dinefl at Amboy and reached Monmouth
at night.
September 23rd, 1786. I preaclied life
and love at Leonards* The people here
appear very lifeless. I had lately been
much tried and much blessed.
Tuesday September 26tt>, 1786. I had
many to hear me at Potter's Church, but
the people were insensible antl unf?elini.'.
(This Potter's Cliurch was at Goodluck
in Ocean County, and buili by a benevo
|pnt resident of that place named Thomas
Potter. Its singular history will be given
in sjjeaking of the Universalists' society.)
From Goodluck, Bishop Asbury pro-
ceeded to Batsto, Burlington county. In
October, 1790, he preached at ("rosswicks,
AUentown and Cranbury. Of his next
visit to this county he says :
Monday September 5th, 1791. I rode
through much rain to Monmouth, N, J.,
wbere I preached to a considerable con-
gregation on " The just shall live by faith ;
but if any man draw back, my soul shall
have no pleasure in him." There is some
stir among the people ; at Lon^ Branch
within eighteen months, as I am informed,
nearly fifty souls have professed conver-
sion.
Sept. 6th, 1791. I found the Lord had
not left himself without witnesses at Kettle
Creek.
Sept. 7th, 1791. AtP s Church (Pot-
ter's Church?) I learn some were offended.
Blessed be God, my soul was kept in great
peace.
From there Mr. Asbury proceeded to
Little Egg Harbor,
October 28th, 1795. We came to Mon-
mouth ; we would have gone to Shrews-
bury but time and our horses failed us. 1
learn that the ancient spirit of faith and
prayer is taking place below. I was shock-
ed at the brutality of some men ^vho were
fighting; one gouged out the other's eye ;
the father and son then both beset him
again, cut oft' his ears and nose and beat
him almost to death ; the father and son
were tried for a breach of the peace and
roundly fined ; and now the man that has
lost his nose is come upon them for dam-
age. I have often thought that there are
some things practiced in the Jersie's which
are more brutish and diabolical than in
any cth-sr of the states ; there is nothing
of this kind in New England ; they learn
civility there at least
We rode twenty miles to Em ley's Church
where the great revival of religion was
some years ago. I felt a little of the old
good spirit there still.
May 30th, 1806. I preached at Lower
Freeliold. I came home with Simon Pyle.
Ah ! what a death there i.s in the Leonard
family.
May 1st, 1806. 1 breakfasted with Throck-
morton ; his loss is his gain — he has lost
his birthright as a citizens of the state but
he has the blessing of God on his soul
Sunday April 23rd, 1809. I preached at
Tuckerton ; my subject was 2 Cor. 4-2. In
the afternoon I preached again. On Mod-
day I preached at Waretown. I staid
awhile with Samuel Brown and came to
102
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Thomas Chnmberlain's ; I was eompellen
t)y uncomfortable feeling to go to rest at
six o'clock. At David WoodmanseV (Good-
luck ?) on Tuesday I preached on 2nd Tim.
2—15. On Wednesday after a rain I set
out for Polhemus' chapel (Polliemus Mills)
where I preached. My friends were ex-
ceedingly kind and T was very sicK. I
rose unwell on Thursday and took medi-
cine and set out foi'iSquan river. My host
here, Derrick I^ongstreet, has been married
twenty-four years : his wife once had twins
and she has made him the father of six
teen children all of whom are sound and
well. I had a noble cont^regation here of
women and children ; the mrn were gen-
erally gone from the neighborhood, either
to the waters or to work. I was seriously
unwell. On Friday at Newman's at Shark
river I had women not a few. I suited my
subject to my hearers and preached from
Luke 10. 44-42. Ah ! how many Marthas'
and how few Mary*- ! In the afternoon I
spoke again at P. White's. We have meet-
ings twice a day and sometimes at night,
and the prospects are pleasing. The weath-
er is severely cold.
Sunday, September 80th, 1809. At Long
Branch my subject was Acts 3-26. It was
given me to speak in strong words, words
of God and from God At 3 o'clock I
preached in the Episcopal church at
Shrewsbury. I came home with John
Throckmorton.
Monday, May 10th 1813. 1 preached at
Allentown, nearly two hours and haOi gra-
cious access to God and to tiuili. We lodged
with John Hughes. I am filled with God.
Rev. William Mills — An Old Monmoith
Preacher; a Hero of the war and a
Soldier of the Cross.
The following sketch of Mi'. Mills is by
Rev. George A. Raybold, author of Metho-
dism in We.'-t Jersey, whose ministrations
in Monmouth county some forty odd years
ago are so favorabh remembered by many
of our older citizens.
"Mr. Mills was a native of Monmouth,
of Quaker descent. The fire oT i»atriotic
feeling irduced him, Quaker as he was, in
1776, to enter the American army in which
he became an officer. He was taken pris-
onei' by the British and was st nt, ai'ter h<f.
ing changed from one vessel to another,
to the West Ii.di(s. At length he was
carried to Euroi)e, from whence at the
close of the war, he returned home and
again settled in New lersey. About the
year 1792 the Melhodi,-t preacheis came
into the region of country where he re-
sided. His wife solicited him to hear them,
but he resisted : stating his belief that he
had been so wicked his day of grace was
past. By a remarkable dream he was at
length convinced tliat there was mercy for
him. He tlie i attended the means of
grace, until as besought the Lord with all
his heart, lie soon found mercy and peace
through faith in Jesus. He became a mem-
ber of the first clays formed in tlie vicinity
of Shrewsburj in Monmouth. Soon after
he found the Lord, he began to exliort
other.'j and was aj)pointeel cia^s leader; and
in the spring of 1799 he wa^ received into
the travelling connexior,. His lal'Ois as nn
itinerant began on Milford circuit, Dela-
! ware, from whence he was se-nt to various
places and finally returned to Jers-ey. In
1813 he was sent to Freehold, the place of
j his nativity and the first field of his Chris-
! tian efforts. The soldier who had faced
death at the cannon's mouth on the land
{ and on tlie sea, now, as liis end api)roached
in reality felt no fear. He had a i^resenti-
ment oi his death and told his wife that
'" death seemed to follow him everywhere.'"
His zeal for God and labors for the salvi-
tion of ^ouls increase<l. 'i'lie last tim- he
leit home he gave his wife sundry direc-
tions and advices in case he should die.
He started as well as usual, and filled all
I his appointments, i)reaehing most fervent-
i Iv until a short lime l)efore his death. Ou
the 4th of December he left Long Branch,
met class, and then returned to Mr. Lii>-
jjencott's at the Branch. On Sunday morn-
j ing he went into a room in Mr. Lippen-
I colt's to prepare for the service in the
church, which was to commence at half
j past ten o'clock. The congregation was
then collecting and the family, thinking
1 he stayed too long in the chamber sent in
to know the cause and found him fallen in
a fit of apoplexy, almost deprived of sense.
After a time he revived a little and on be-
ing asked if they should send for medicai
aid, he replied, " The Lord is the best phy-
sician." At about twelve o'clock the stu
por and other unfavorable .symptoms re-
turned ; he lingered until about six the
next morniif^' and then peacefully depart-
ed for a worhl of rest. Thus suddenlv fell
into tlie arms ot death anotlier faithful
minister of the gospel ; a zealous, faithful
and acceptable preacber; an Israelite, in-
det»d, in whom there was no guile; long
however has he lived in the atfectionate
remembrance of the i)eople of West Jer-
sey, who knew him well."
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
103
In the year 1812, the year previous to
Mr. Mills being sent to preach in Freehold
circuit, the number of members embraced
in the charge was seven hundred and thir-
ty-six.
MONMOUTH COUNTY-
ESTABLISHED.
-WHEN
OFi'lCIALS ONE HUNDRKD AND NINETY YEARS
AGO.
The name Monmouth was officially giv-
en to the county Marcli 7th, 1683, as will
be seen by the following extracts:
" Att a Council! held the 7th day of the
mo-1 called March 168s *****
^' A bill sent downe from the Deputyes
for devideing liie p'vince into County es
read and agreed vtno." — Journal oj Proceed-
ings oj Gov. d- Counci/, 1682 — 1703.
The following is an extract from the
bill referred to:
•'At a General Assembly begun and
liolden at Elizabethtown in this Province
of East New Jersey, tbe first day of the
Montii called Marcli Anno Domini 1682
and in the Five and Thirtieth year of the
reign of King Cliailes tlie Sec^ond, over
England &e, and there continueil by sev-
eral adjournments thereof until the twenty
eight day ot tlie said Month (if March, f<>r
the public Weale of this Province was
Enacted as follows:
*** *** ***
" IV. An Act to divide (he Province into
Four Counties. — Having taken into consid-
eration the necessity of dividing the Prov-
ince into respective C unties lor the bet-
ter governing and settling Courls in the
same : —
"5(; it Ei'Qcted, by this Gem-ral Assembly,
ainl the Authority '.hereof, that this Piov
ince be divided into fair couniies as fol-
luweth : (Here loUows the bounds of Ber-
gen, Essex, and Middlesex, after which
the bounds of Monmouth are given as fol-
lows :)
'• Monmouth Counti/ to begin at the West-
ward BouiKts ot Middlesex county, con
taiiiing Middletown and Shrewsbury and
so extend Westward, Sv)uthward, bmX
Northward to ihe extream Bounds of the
Pi-ovince. Provided this distinction of
the Province into ( ounties, do not extend
to the iiifiingemeiit of any Libei'ty in any
Charter already granted." — Leaminci and
Spicer.
The Legal and the Historical Year —
Discrepancies Explained.
In the foregoing may be noticed an ap-
parent discrepancy in giving the year
when the act referred to was passed. —
Some authorities give the date as March,
1683; the "Journal of the Proceedings of
the Governor and Council of the Province
of East New Jersey, from 1682 to 1703,"
\ gives the date as March 168|, which leaves
I the general reader in doubt as to which
year is meant — 16S2 or 1683; and " Learn-
ing & Spicer's Grants and Concessions,"
published in 1752, exj^ressly snys the act
I was passed in March, 1682. This appar-
ent discrepancy is explained by the fact
I that at that time the English legal year
j commenced March 2.5lh ; hence the legal
year 1682 began March 25th, 1682, and
I ended March 24th, 1683. (See Leaming
and Spicer, p 74 ;) and all acts passed in
I 1683 previous to March 25th, would be
; dated the legal year 1682. In the Journal
i of the Proceedings of the Legislature
' from 1682 to 1703, before referred to, two
dates are given in such a manner that it
' would seem quite puzzling were it not for
this explanation. On page 32 the date of
the meeting of the Co ncil is March 24th,
! 168|. As March 25th, was Sunday the
next daily session was March 26th, when
the ye^r is given as 1683. \fi ancient
records when a date is given with what
seems a fraction at the righthand, as in
the case above mentioned, 168f, the mean-
ing is tliat the upper figure gives the le-
gal year and the lower one the historical
year.
Origin of the Name of the County.
The name Monmouth was given to the
county throutrh the influence ot Col. Lewis
Morris who at the beginning of this ses-
sion (March 1st,) was said to have been
•' Elected for Shrewsbury " as a De[)uty,
but his place declared vacant, probably
because he had been selected by the Gov-
ernor as a member of the council at that
time.
Colonel Morris had purchased a large
tract of land, in what wa- af'erwurds
known as Monmouth County, October
25th, 1676, said to contain 3540 acres,
whereupon he located, as described in
168t), "his iron mills, his Manors, and
divers other liuildings for his servants and
dependants: together with 60 or 70 ne-
groes about the Mill and IIust)<indiy. I'o
this plantiition he gave the name of Tm-
tern (corrupted afterwards toTinton) after
104
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
an estate which had belonged to the fami-
ly in Monmouthshire, England, and from
h m Monmouth county received its
name."
Col. Lewis Morris, Josepli Parker, Peter
Tilton and John Hance of Siirewsbury ;
and John Bowiie and Jolm Throgmorton
(Tlirockmorton ?) of Middletown. Riciiard
Grardnei' was elected Cleric of the County
Courts, Richard Ilartsiioine Ilitrh Sheritf.
and Richard Lippencott coioner. Rich-
ard Ilartshorne tendered his resignation
as .Sheriff the following May, but il was
not accepted ; he appears to have refused
to sei've still, and May 31st Eliakim War-
dell of iShiewsbuy was elected.
In tjie act erecting County Courts it is
enacted that "the Judge or Justices of
the respective sessions of the County
Courts shall be the Justices of the Peace
of tlie said respective counties or three of
them at least." Col. Morris was probably
presiding judge. The following year tlu'
same justices were reelected, with the ad-
dition of James Grover of Middletown.
Two or three days after the passage of
the acts establishing the two Courts above
leferred to the General Assembly passed
" A Bill to settle the Court of Common
Right," whicii was ''the .Sujiream Court of
this Province," to which actions or suits
from lower Courts, the debts or damages of
which were five pounds or upwards, could
be removed, and which had power to
" Correct Errors in Judgement and reverse
the same if there be just cause for the
same." Uf this Court the first members
from Monmouth were Col. Lewis Morris
(The learned, indefiUigable correspond-
ing .Secretary of tlie ^ew Jersey Historical
.Society, Hon. Wm. A. Whitehead, to
whom our state is indebted more than to
any other person for effoits to preserve
the fading records of the i)ast history of
New Jersey, and to whom we have been
indebted for several items in these chap
ters, a few years ago published a sketch of
Col. Morris's life to which we may refer
hereafter.)
As to the probability of some ot the
prominent early settlers favoring Col.
Morris's propositon to name the county
Monmouth, because of a friendly feeling
for the Duke of Monmouth, beheaded a
few years later, we shall endeavor to speak
hereai'ter.
COURTS ESTAULISIIED AM) OFFICF.KS API'OlNTfcD.
On the 13th of March, 1G83, two acts
were passed under the following titles :
'•An Act to erect a Court of small Causes "
and ''An Act to Erect County Couits." —
The Couit for the trial of small causes was
to \>e held in every township the first
Wednesday of every month, and to have
juiisdiction for " deteimening small
CJiuses and debts under foity shillings."
The act establishing County Courts fix-
efl the following times and places for ses-
sions in Morimouth, viz :
"The County of Monmouth, their ses-
sions to be the fouith Tuesday in March
in the public meeting house at Middle-
town yearly. The fouith Tuesday in June
in the public meeting house at ."Shrews-
bury yearly. The fourth Tuesday in Sep-
tember in tlie public meeting house at
Middleiewn, and the fourth Tuesday in
December in the public meeting house in
.Shrewsbury."
The next day after the passage of the
above acts (on March 14th, 1683.) Lewis
Morr's, jr., was elected by the Council
•' high Sheriff for the succeeding yeare
from tne 25th of this Listant Month."
which he probably declined, as Richard
Plartshorne was confirmed for the same
office some ten days subsequently.
The following were the first Justices of
the Peace apjtointed for Monmouth Coun-
ty (March 24th, 1683), viz:
(by virtue of being a member of the Coun-
cil) and John Bowne.
During the same> session (March, 1683),
the following persons were authorized " to
make and settle highways, ))assages, land-
ings, bridges and ferries" in the county,
viz :
The .Surveyor-General .Samuel Groome,
Col. Lewis Morris, Capt. John Bound,
Richard Hartshoino, John Hance, Joseph
Parker, Lewis Morris, jun.
Among the members of "The General
Assembly of the Pi'ovince of East New-
Jersey" which met at Elizabethtown
Marcli 1st, 1683, were, from Monmouth,
Colonel Lewis Morris of the Council, and
Richard Hartshoine, lolin Bowne, Joseph
Parker and John ILince, Deputies.
When Monmouth County was establish-
ed its i)opulation was supposed to be be-
tween nine hundred and one thousand. —
.Secretary Nicholls (of N. Y.) estimated
the po])ulation in 1682 of .Shrewsbury at
four hundred inhabitants ; and Middle-
town one hundred families whicli woidd
probably be al)out five hundreil inhabi-
tan ts.
OLD TIMKS IN OLD MONMOUTH.
105
An Act for the Militia — First Offi-
cers IN Monmouth.
An act with the above title was passed
De-cember 1st, 1683, and December 3d it
was ordered for the better settling and ex-
ercise of the Militia under its provisions
•'that there bee one Major, and so many
Capiaines Com'issionated in each County
as there be inhabitants to make up Cora
panyes." For the County of Monmouth
Captain John Bound was commissioned
MHJor, and for Middletown James Grover
Lieutenant, Safety Grover Ensign. For
Shrewsbury, John Slocomb Ciiptain, Geo.
Stowlett Lieutenant, and Lewis Morris En-
sign.
The Act for the Militia ordered that ev-
ery male person between the ages of six-
teen and sixty should be provided with
aims, equipments, ammunition, &c., at his
own expense under penalty of prescribed
fines for each article not provided. A Ser-
jeant and corporal were authorized " to
view arms every quarter or as often as the
officer shall see cause." It was enacted that
there should be four training or muster-
ing days in a year, " two in the Spring
and two in the Fall of the Leaf," under
prescribed penalties.
CuiEF Eanger of Monmoutu.
December 3d, 1683, Captain John Slo-
comb was appointed "Chief Kanger " for
Monmouth County. The duty of this offi-
cer is thus described :
" f^orasmuch as many abuses are and
have been committed within this Province,
in the taking up, marking, selling and dis-
posing of horses, mares and geldings * *
be it enacted that there shall be one per-
son appointed for eacli County who shall
take up and receive all strays, register the
same <&c." The Chief Ranger was author-
ized to employ as many deputies as he
thought proper. The importers of all cat-
tle and horses were required lo furnish
the Ranger witii a description of each
head imported, and all drovers were re
quired to do the same The fees and pen-
alties under the act must have made the
oflBce of the Ranger of considerable im-
portance.
How Taxes were Levied — Assembly
men's Salaries.
The following persons were appointed
to make assessment of taxes in Monmouth
under an act passed Dec. 5th, 1683, viz :
Captain John Bound, John Throgmor-
ton (Throckmorton ?) Peter Tilton, John
Hance, Judah Allen and Joseph Parker.
This act " for defraying the public char-
ges of this Province," enacted that fifty
pounds be raised to defray public charges
as follows : Bergen eleven pounds, Essex
fourteen pounds, Middlesex ten pounds,
Monmouth fifteen pounds. By this it
would seem that even at this early date
Monmouth v^as considered the richest
county in East Jersey.
The taxes were to be paid in wheat at
four shillings and sixpence the bushel;
summer wheat at four shillings the bush-
el ; Indian corn at two shillings and six-
pence the bushel ; and good merchantable
pork at fifty shillings the barrel. Henry
Lyon of Essex was appointed Treasurer of
the Province to whom the tax was to be
handed for the purpose of paying the
clerks of the Council and Deputies four
shillings each per day and ten pounds for
transcribing the laws.
In addition to the above tax each town
was required to pay its own Deputy to the
General Assembly at the ra^e of four shil-
lings per day ; the year previous the rate
of pay for the Deputies had been three
shillings each, and as many of the towns
had failed to pay their lepresentativt s
then, provisions v/ere inserted in tnis act
to enforce the assessing and collecting the
arrearages.
A fair idea of how far a member of the
Assembly's per diem would go then to-
wards meeting his expenses is gained by
noticing the 'j)rices fixed for grain in the
bill. The first year his per diem would
buy a little over a bushel of corn ; the sec-
ond year a bushel of summer wheat. If
he expended it for pork it would buy six-
teen pounds.
THE BAPTIST CHURCH AT MIDDLE-
TOWN.
The First Baptist Church in New Jersey.
Its Members, Pastors, Trials and
Triumphs.
Thefollowing sketch of the noted church
is from " Morgan Edwards, Materials, &c.,
of the State," published in 1792, with ad-
ditions by Rev. David Benedict of Rhode
Island, t.nd published in his History of the
Baptists, sixty years ago, (1813.)
" This is the oldest Baptist church in
the State ; it is thus distin^iuished for the
village where the meeting house stands in
a township of the same name, and county
of Monmouth, about seventy-nine miles
E. N. E. from Philadelphia. The meeting
106
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
house is forfy-two feet by thirty-two, erect-
ed on the lot where the old place of wor-
ship stood."
For the origin of this churcli, we must
look back to the year 1667, for that was
I he year when Middletown was purchased
fiom the Indians by 12 men and 24 asso-
ciates. Their names are in the town
book. Of them the following were Bap-
tists:—
Richard Stout, Willium riieesenmii, William Layton,
John Stout, Jolui Wilson, Wm. Compton,
.lames Grover, Walter Hall, .Tames Ashtoii,
.7on'than Brown, John fox. John Brown,
Qliadiah Holmes, Jonathau Holmes, Thos Whitlock,
John Biickmaii, George Mount, Ja-i. Grover, jr.
Jt IS probable tliat some of the above
had wives and children of their own way
of thinking; however the forenamed 18
men ai)23ear to have been the constituents
of the church at Middletown. and the
winter rf 1668 the time.
flow matters went on among these peo-
ple, for a period of twenty-four years, viz.,
from the constitution to 1712, cannot be
known. But in the year 1711, a variance
arose in the church, insomuch that one j
party excommunicated the other and
imposed silence on two gifted brothers
that priached to them, viz , John Bray and
John Okison. Wearied witli their situa-
tion, they agreed to refer matters to a
council congregated fi'om neighboring
churches. The council met May 12th.
1712. It consisted of Kev. Messrs Timothy
Brooks, of Cohansey : Abel Morgan and
Joseph Wood, of Penn^pek ; and Elisha
Thomas, of Welsh Tract; with six elders,
viz : Nicholas Johnson, James James,
Grifiith Mills, Edward Church, William
Bettridge and John Manners. Their ad-
vice was— "To bury tlie proceedings in ob-
livion and erase therfcoids of them ;"
accordingly four leaves aie torn out of the
church bock. " To continue the silence
imposed on John Bray and John Okison,
the preceding year." One would think by
this that these two brethren were the
cause of the disturbance. " To sign a
covenant relative to their future conduct ;"
accordingly 42 did sign and 26 refused;
nevertheless most of the non -signers came
in afterwards: but the first 42 were de-
clared to be the church that should be
owned by sister churches. "That Messrs.
Abel Morgan, Sen., and John Burrows,
should supply the pul{>it till the next
yearly meeting, and the members should
kee[) their j)liices and not waudcr in otJuT
societies," for at this time there wav ,i
Presbyterian congregation at Middletown,
and mixed communion in vogue.
The first who preached at Middletown
was Mr. John Bown, ofwhomwecan learn
no more than he was not ordained, and
that it was he who gave the lot on which
the first meeting house was built. Cotem-
porary witli liini was Mr. Ashton, of whom
menMon will be made hereaft«:r, and after
him rose the foiementioned Bray and Oki-
son, neither of whom were ordained and
the latter disowned. Mr. George Eagles-
field was another unordained preacher;
but the first that may be styled pastor
was —
Rev. James Ashton. — He probably was
ordained by Rev. Thomas Killingsworth,
at the time the church was constituted in
1688 ; for Killingsworth assisted at the
constitution, which gave rise to the tradi-
tion that he was the first minister. Mr.
Ashton's successor was —
Rev. John Barrowes. — He was born at
Tannton, Somersetshire, Englandj and
there ordained ; arrived at Philadelph a in
the month of November, 1711, and from
thence came toMiddletown in 1713, wl ere
he died at a good old age. Mr. Barrowes
is said to have been a happy compound of
gravity and facetiousress ; the one made
the people stand in awe of him. while the
other produced familiarity. As be was
travelling one day a young man passed by
him at full speed, and in passing Mr. Bar-
rowes : said " If you would consider where
you are going you would slacken your
pace." He went on but presently turned
back to inquire into the meaning of that
passing salute. Mr. Barrowes reasoned
with him on the folly and dangers of
horse-racing (to which the youth was hast-
ening ;) he gave great attention to the re-
proof. This encouraged Mr. B."rrowes to
proceed to more serious matters. The is-
sue was a serious conveisatir.n. Here was
a bow drawn at venture and a sinner
shot flying! Mr. Barrc wes'was succeed( d
by-
Rev. a bei, Morgan, A. M — He was born
in Welsh Tract, April 13th. 1713, had his
learning at an acad'^my kept by Rev.
Thomas P^vans in Pencadcr: ordained at
Welsh Tract in 1734, became pastor in
1748; died there November 24th, 1785.—
He was never married, the reason it is
supposed that none of his attention and
attendance might be taken off his mother,
who lived with him and wlnmi he honor-
('(1 1(1 an uncommi n degree Mr. Morgan
wiis a man ol sound leaniiiii: aiul solid
OLD TIME8 IN OLD MONMOUTH.
10 7
judgement; he has given specimens of
both in his public disputes and publica-
tions, for it appears that he held two pub-
lic disjiutes on the subject of baptism. —
The first was at Kingswood, to which he
was challenged by Rev. fSamuel Plarker, a
Presbyterian minister. The other was at
Cape May in 1743, with the Rev. (after-
wards) Dr. Samuel Finley, President of
Princeton College. Mr. Morgan's success-
or was —
Rev Samuel Morgan. — He was born in
Welsh Tract August 23d, 1750; called to
the ministry in Virginia; ordained at Mid-
dleiovvn November 29th, 1785, at which
time lio took on him the care of the
chuich. No account of Mr, Morgan's
death has been obiained. This ancient
church has for its pastor (1813) Mr. Ben-
jamin Bennett, It was once well endowed
but a considerable part of its tempurali-
ties were sunk by that sacrilegious thing
(as Edwards calls it) Congress money. —
What are its present posessions I have not
learned.
PHILIP FRKNEAU, THE POPULAR
POET OF THE REVOLUTION.
An Ancient Monmouth Journal.
Inthelibrary oftho New York Historical
Society is preserved a copy of an ancient
journal published in Monmouth county,
-vhich presents quite a contrast with the
papers published in the county at the pres-
ent time. This jom^nal was called " The
New Jersey Chronicle,'''' and was published
at " Mount Pleasant, near Middletown
Point." The first number was issued May
2nd, 1795 and continued weekly for a year
when it suspended for want of sup^^ort.
This Chronicle was quite a curious affiiir.
It was printed by the author, Philip Fre-
neau himself, who had mustered a medley
of types for the purpose. The first num-
ber wa^' of the humble dimensions of eight
small quarto ])ages of seven inches by
eight. This spirited little paper was soon
enlarged, but typographically, at least, it
always appeared of a somewhat sickly con-
stitution.
The office types however wer<» well em-
ployed in printing, this year, 1795, a new
and comprehensive edition of Freneau's
poems, in an octavo volume of 456 pages
to which we shall re'er before concluding.
Its typographical execution is admirable
for its day and speaks well for tlie pioneer
printing press of Monmouth countj.
^voxa one sketch of Freneau's we ex-
tract the following :
Outline of his Life.
FTulip Freneau, the popular poet of the
days of the Revolution, who cheered the
hearts of the citizens by his ready rhymes
in behalf of the good cause, and opposition
to its foes, while patriots were struggling
for independence, was born in Frankfort
street, in New York city, January 2nd, 1752.
The family was of French Hugenot des-
cent. Pierre Freneau the father of Philip
and of Peter Freneau, distinguished in the
history of South Carolina, bought an es-
tate ot a thousand acres at Mount Pleas-
ant, Monmouth county. New Jersey, a fam-
ily inheritance which his son afterwards
occupied, and where he wrote many of his
poems. Boih the father and grandfather
of Philip Freneau are buried in a vault in
Trinity Churchyard, New York, by the side
of their family relations.
Of the boyhood ot Philip Freneau we
know little, but we may infer from the po-
sition of his family and his subsequent at
taininents, that he was well instructed at
the schools of the city, for we find him, in
1767, a student at Princeton College, N, J.,
where he graduated with credit after the
usual four years course, in 1771. He be-
gan early the practice of versification ; for
in his sophomore year, at the age of seven-
teen, he composed a rhymed poem of de-
cided promise, entitled "The Poetical His-
tory of the Prophet Jonah," which appeal's
at the head of his first general collection
of poems. Other compositions in various
metres, on classical and historical themes,
preseived in the same volume, were writ-
ten during his collegiate course.
It was a creditable year for the institu-
tion when he graduated, for in his class
weie James Madison, afterwards President,
and other men ot note.
The commencement exercises at Prince-
ton, in 1771 were of unusual interest. It
was in the Presidency of that eminent jja-
triot John Witlier.-^poon, who, though born
in Scotland, was proving himself, by his
enlightened sagacity and ievotion to free-
dom, an '' American of the Ameiicans."
Tlie political indrpendence of the country,
though not yet formally proclaimed, was
ripening in Massachusetts and elsewhere,
to its great Ueclaration and invincible re-
solve. The young patriots of 'Princeton,
on a spot destined to be^'ome memorable
in the struggle, were already animated by
the kindling promise of the future. Hugh
108
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Henry Brackenridge, a graduate with Fre-
neau, afterwards a celebrated Judge and
author, and Freneau, had already developed
a taste for poetry, and they united, for
their commencement exercise, in the com-
position of a dialogue : '' A Poem on the
Rising Glory of America," which they pro-
nounced together, sounding in animated
blank verse, the achievements of coloniza-
tion in the pnst and the visionary grandeur
of empire liereafter. This joint poem was
published in Philadelphia, in 1772. The
portion written by Fieneau opens the col-
lection of his poems published in 1865 by
W. J. Middleton, New York.
The next information we have of Fre-
neau is gathered from the dates of the
poems which he contributed to the jour-
nals publislied by Hu^h Gaine and Ander-
son, in New York, in 1775. They exhibit
his interest in the important military af-
fairs of the year in Boston and are found
in the work above named.
In a poem of this year, '" Mac Sniggen,"
a satire on some hostile poetaster, he ex-
presses a desire to cross the Atlantic :
" Long have I sat on this disast'rous shore,
And sighing, sought to gain a passage o'er
To Europe's towns, where, as our travellers say,
Poets may flourish, or perhaps they may ;"
An inclination for foreign travel, which
was gratified in 1776, bj'^ a voyage to the
West Indies, where he appears to have i-e-
mained some time in a mercantile capaci-
ty, visiting Jamaica and the Danish island
of Santa Cruz. Several of his most strik-
ing poems, as the " Hoiise of Night," and
the " Beauties of Santa Cruz," were writ-
ten on these visits.
In 1779, Freneau was engaged as a lead-
ing contributor to " The United States
Magazine : A Repository of History, Poli-
tics and Literature," edited by his college
friend and fellow patriot, Hugh Henry
Brackenridge, and published by Francis
Bailey, Philadelphia. It was issued month-
ly from January to December, when its
discontinuance was announced " until an
established peace and a fixed value of the
monev shall render it convenient or pos-
sible to take it up again." The volume
forms a most interesting memorial, in its
literary as well as historical matter, of this
important year of the war. Freneau wrote
much for it in prose and verse and with
equal spirit m both.
His poem on "SantaCruz," in this mag-
azine, is prefaced by an interesting prose
pescription of the island. In it occurs a
noticeable testimony of the author on the
subject of negro slavery.
Freneau has also recorded his detesta-
tion of the cruelties of West India slavery
in verse, in the poem, a terrific picture of
slave life, addressed " To Sir Toby, a sugar
planter in the interior parts of Jamaica:"
" If there exists a Hell — the case is clear —
Sir Tob3''s slaves enjoy that portion here."
In another poem " On the Emigration
to America, and Peopling the Western
Country," published in his volume of 1795,
Freneau comes nearer home, in the decla-
ration of his opinions on this subject, when
he writes : —
" come the time and haste the day,
When man shall man no longer crush,
When reason shall enforce her sway,
Nor these fair regions raise our blush,
Where still the African complains,
And mourns his yet unbroken chiiins."
In after life, when the poet himself, un-
der the mild system of Northern .servitude,
became the owner of slaves in New Jersey,
he uniformly treated them with kindness,
manumitted them in advance of the Eman-
cipation Act in tlie State, and sui)ported
on the farm those of them who were not
able to take care of themselves. One of
these, a veteran mammy, proud of having
opened the door in her day to General
Washington and been addressed by him
in a word or two on that important occa
sion, long survived the poet.
In the year following the publication of
the Magazine, Freneau, having embarked
as passenger in a merchant vessel from
Philadelphia, on another voyage to the
West Indies, was captured by a British
cruiser off the Capes of the Delaware and
carried with the prize to New York. There
he was confined, on his ari'ival, in the Scor-
pion, one of the hulks lying in the harbor
used as prison-ships. The cruel treatment
which he experienced on board, with the
aggravated horrors of foul air and other
privations, speedily threw him into a fever,
when he was transferred to the host)ital
ship. Hunter, which proved 8imj)ly an ex-
change of one. species of suffering for anoth-
er more aggravated. How long Fieneau
was confined in this hideous prison we are
not informed, nor by what influences he
gaiiied his discharge. He carried with him.
however, on his escape, a burning memory
of the severities and indignities he had en-
dured, which he gave expression to in one
of the most characteristic of his poetical
productions, " The British Prison Ship,"
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
109
which was published by Francis Bailey,
Philadelphia, 1781.
Freneau now became a frequent contrib-
utor of patriotic odes and occasional poems,
celebratinj; the incidents of the war, to
" The Freeman's Journal " of Phihidelphia.
Literature was, however, not then a profit-
able occupation : and Government, which
had exhausted its resources in keeping an
array in the field, had scant opportunity
of rewarding its champions. The poet,
looking to other means of subsistence, re-
turned to liis seafaring and mercantile hab
its and became known by his voyages to
the West Indies as "Captain Freneau."
He still however, kept up the use of the
pen. In 1783, besides his poetical contrib-yj'
utions to the newspapers, including several
New Years Addresses, written for the car-
riers of rhe Philadelphiajourna's, a spcies
of rhyming for which he had great facility,
we find him publishing in that city a trans-
lation of the Iravel? of M. Abbe Robin, the
chaplain of Count Rochambeau, giving an
account of the progress of the French ar
my from Newport to Yorktown. In 1784
Freneau was at the island of Jamaica, writ-
ing a poetical description of Port Royal.
The first collection of his poetical writ-
ings wiiich he made, entitled " The Poems
of Philip Freneau, written chiefly during
the iate War," was published by Francis
Biiley "at Yorrick's Head, in Market
street, " Philadelphia, in 1786. It is pre-
faced by a brief " Advertisement" signed
by the publisher, in which he states the
pieces now joUecied had been left in his
hands by the author more than a year pre-
viously, with permission to publish them
wh-never he Ihougat proper.
The success of this volume led to t:he
publication, by Mr. Bailey, of another col-
lection of Freneau's writings in 1788. It
is entitled *'The Miscellai eous Works of
Mr. Philip Freneau, containing his Essays
and Additional Poems." This volume, as
not uncommon even with works of very
limited extent in that early period of the
nation, was published by subscription.
Among the subscribers were DeWitt Clin-
ton, Edward Livingston and other distin-
guished citizens of New York ; Matthew
Carey, David llittenhouse, John Parke A.
M., and others el' Plii'.ndelphia ; thirty cop-
ies were taken in Maryland ; but the larg-
est number was contributed tiy South Car-
olina, that State supplying tivo hundred
and fifty, or more than half the entire list.
Captain Freneau was well known and high-
ly appreciated at Charleston, which he fre-
quently visited in the course of his mer-
cantile adventures to the West Indies, and
where his younger brother, Peter, who sub-
sequently edited a political journal in that
city, and was in intimate correspondence
with President Jefferson, was already es-
tablished as an influential citizen.
After several years spent in voyaging,
we find Freneau again in active literary
employment in 1791, as editor of the " Dai-
ly Advertiser," a journal printed in JN'pw
York, the superintendence of which he
presently exchanged for that of the *' Na-
tional Gazette," at Philadelphia, the first
number of which appeared under his direc-
tion in October of the same year. He was
employed at the same time by Jefferson,
the fSecretary of State, — the seat of govern-
ment being th^n at Philadelphia, — as
translating clerk in the State Dei^artment,
with a salary of two hundred and fifty dol-
lars a year. It was a time of fierce p®liti-
cal excitement, when the newly framed
Constitution, not yet fully established in
its working, was exposed to the fierce crit-
icism of its adversaries ; while popular opin-
ion was greatly excited by the rising tu-
mult of ideas generated in the French Rev-
olution. In this strife of parties Freneau
was an active partisan of the new French
ideas, was a supporter of Genet, the minis-
ter who sought to entangle the country in
the great European struggle, and, as might
be expected, was an unsparing assailant of
the policy of Washington, whose character
he had heretofore eulogized. Washington
was annoyed, and Hamilton attacked Jef-
ferson for his oflBcial support of the ti'oub-
lesome editor. Jefferson replied that he
had befriended Freneau as a man of gen-
ius ; but that he had never written for his
pajjer. It is unquestionably true, however,
that Freneau's political writings, at this
time, had Jefferson's warmest sympathy.
The "Gazette " came to an end with its
second volume and second year, in 1793,
after which Freneau became a resident of
New Jersey. He had still, however, an in-
clination to editorial life, and we accord
ingly find him, in the spring of 1795, pub-
lishing at Mount Pleasant, near Middle-
town Point, a new journal entitled "The
Jersey Ciironicle," before alluded to.
The same year from his jirei-s at Mount
Pleasant he "issued a volume of his poems
entitled " Poenis, written between the
years 1768 and 1794, by Philip Freneau, of
New Jersey." There are other edUions of
his poems, but this one is so rare that it is
highly priz?d by antiquarians. In a late
110
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
catalogue of a London bookseller It is ad
vertised for sale, price £ 3.10 s. The last
copy we have heard of for sale in this coun-
try was one in a Washiniiton antiquarian
bookstore for which the dealer asked some
forty odd dollars, and finally got down to
thirty-fiv^f, for a small octavo volume of 456
pages !
In 1797 he edited and aided in piinlinj;
and publishing in New York, a miscellane-
ous periodical entitled "'''he Time Piece
and Literary Companion."' It was primed
in quarto form and appealed three times a
week. In 1799 he published in Philadel-
phia a thin octavo volume of " Letters on
various subjects, cfcc." under the nom de
plume of " Robert Slender, A M."
For some years after this we have no par-
ticular account of his occupation, but he
appears to have resided still in New Jer-
s«y, penning occasional verses on topics
suggested by the day. In 1809 he published
the fourth collection of his writings enti-
tled ''Poems published during ilie Ameri-
can Revolution," &c.
( Remainder of the article on Freneau
next week. )
Freneau lived to commemorate ihe in-
dents of the second war wiii Great Britain
in 1812. He wrote various poems celebra
ting the naval actions of Hull, Porter,
Macdonough and others. His traditionary
hatred of England survives in these and
other compositions which he puolished in
New York, in 1815, in two small volumes
entitled " A Collection of Poems on Ameri-
can Ati'iiirs and a variety of other subjects.
<{rc." A distinguished writer says in re-
viewing this volume: " He depicts land
battles and naval figlits with much anima-
tion and gay coloring ; and being himself
an old sun of Neptune, he is never at a
loss for appropriate circumstance and ex-
pressive diction, when the scene lies at
sea."
After witnessing and chronicling in his
verse the conflicts of two wars, Freneau
had yet many years of life before him. —
They were mostly passed in rural retire
ment at Mount Pleasant. He occasionally
visited New York, keeping up acquaint-
ance with the leaders of the Democratic
party. ILs appearance and conservation
at this time has been grai)hically described
by the late Dr. -John W. Francis, in whom
the genius and history of Freneau excited
the warmest interest, and which was pub
lished in the " Cyclopedia of American
Literature."
" I had, says Dr. Francis, when very
young, read the poetry of Freneau. and as
we instinctively became attached to the
writers who first captivate our imagina-
tions, it was with much zest that 1 formed
a jjersonal ucqu.iintaince with tiie Revolu-
tionary bard. He was at that time about
seventy-six years old, when he first intro-
duced iiimselfto nin in my lil)rary. I gave
him an earnest welcome. He was some-
what below the ordinary height; in per-
son thin ytt muscular; with a f^rm step
though a little inclined to stoop ; Ins coun-
tenance wore traces of care, yet lightened
with intelligence as he spoke ; he was mild
in enunciation, neithor rapid nor slow, but
clear, distinct and emphatic. His forehead
was rather lieyond the medium elevation ;
hi^ eyes a dark gray, occui^ying a socket
deeper than common ; his hair must have
once been beautiful ; it was now thinned
and of an iron gray. He was free of all
ambitious displays; his habitual expression
was pensive. His divss might have passed
for that of a farmer. New York, the city
of his birth was liis most interesting theme;
his collegiate career with Madison, next.
His story of manj of his occasional poems
was quite romantic. As he had at com-
mand types and a printing press, when an
incident of moment in the Revolution oc-
curred, he would retire for composition, or
find she'ter under the shade of some tree,
indite his lyrics, repair to the press, set up
his types and issue his productions. There
was no difficulty in versification with him.
I (old him what 1 had heard Jeffrey, the
Scotch reviewer, say of his writings, that
i}>e time would arrive when his i)oetry
like that of Hudilras, would command a
commentator like Grey. It is remarkable
how tenaciously Freneau V)reserved the
acquisitions of his eaily classical studies,
notwithstanding he had for many years, in
the after i)0ition of his life, been occupied
in [nusuitb so entirely alien to l)ooks.- -
There is no portrait of the patriot Freneau;
he always firmly declined the painters art
and would brook no "counterfeit present-
ment." {Ot/clopedia of Amc7: Lit.)
The aversion of Freneau to sitting for
his portrait, noticed by Dr. Frrncis, was
one of his peculiarities, for which it is not
easy to ^suggest a sufficient explanation.
As an author he was careful of the preser-
vation of his fame. Certainly the cause
was not to be found in any unfavorable
' impression his likeness might create, for
, he was, as accurately described by Dr.
I Francis, of an inleresting appearance in
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Ill
rge. In youth he was regarded as hand-
some. His brother Peter was renowned
in South Carolina for his personal beauty.
But whatever the motive, Freneau reso-
lutely declined to have his portrait painted.
He was once waited upon by the arlist,
Rembrandt Peale. with a request for this
purpose, by a body of gentlemen in Phila-
delphia ; but he was inexorable on the sub-
ject. On another occasion, the elder Jar-
vis, with a view of securing his likeness,
was smuggled into a co-ner of the room at
a dinner party at Dr. Hosack's, to which
tiie poet had been invited ; but the latter
detected the design and arrested its ac-
complishment. In la*^^e years, the neglect
has been in a measure repaired. The por-
trait prefixed to the volume of his " poems
vvitii a memoir by Evert A. Duyckinck,"'
published in 1865. was sketclied by an ar-
tist, at the suggestion and dictates of sev-
ei'al members of the poet's family, who re-
tained the most vivid recollection of his
personal appear mce. It was pronounced
b,' them a lair representation of tiie man
in the maturity of his physical powers,
previous to the inroads of old age. His
daughter, Mrs. Leadbeater, and his grand-
son and adopted son, Mr. Philip L. Fre-
neau, of New York, were amoiig tliose who
pronounced it a salisfactc>ry likeness.
The poems of Philip Freneau, if we may
be allowed here to repeat an estimate of
his powers from a sketch written some
years ago, represent his times, the war of
wit and verse no less than of sword and
stratagem of the Revolution : and he su-
peradds to this material ahumorous, home-
ly simplicity, peculiarly his own, in which
he paints the life of village rustics, with
their local manners fresh about them ; of
days when tavern <ielights were to be free-
ly spoken of, before temjierance societies
and Maine laws were thought of; when
men went to prison at the summons of in-
exorable creditors, and when Connecticut
deacons rushed out of meeting to arrest
and waylay the jiassing Sunday traveller.
When these liumois of the day were ex-
hausted, and the imi^ulses of patriotism
were gratified in s^ng ; when he had paid
his respects to Rivington and Hugh Gaiiie.
he solaced himself with remoter themes ;
in the version of an ode of Horace, a vis-
ionary meditation on the antiquities of
America or a sentimental effusion on the
lives of Sapplio. These show the fine tact
and delicate handling of Freneau, who de
serves mud more consider;ition in this re-
spect from critics than he has received. A
writer from whom the fastidious Campbell
in his best day thought it worth while to
borrow an entire line, is worth looking in-
to. It is from Freneau's Indian Burying
Ground, the last image of that fine vision-
ary stanza :
" By midnight moons, o'er moistening dews,
In vestments for the chase arrayed,
The hunter still the deer pursues,
The hunter and the deer — a shade."
Campbell has given the line a rich set-
ting in the lovelorn fantasy of O'Conor's
Child :
" Bright as the bow that spans he tstorm
In Erin's yellow vesture clad,
A son of light — a lovely form,
He comes and makes her glad ;
N( w on the grass green turf he sits,
His tassell'd horn beside him laid,
Now o'er the hills in chase he flits
The hunter and (he deer a shade."
There is also a line of Hir Walter Scott
which has its prototype in Freneau. In
the introduction to the third cants of 31ar-
rrdon, in the apostrophe to the Duke of
Brunswick, we read —
"' Lamented chief! — not thine the power
To save in that presumptuous hour,
When Prussia hurried to the field,
And snatched the spear but left the shield."
In Freneau's poem on the heroes of Eu-
taw, we have this stanza:
" They saw tlieir injured country's woe;
The flaming town, the wasted field;
Then rushed to meet the insulting foe
They took Ihe spear — but left the shield."
An anecdote which the late Henry Bre-
voort was accustomed to relate of his visit
to Scott, affords assurance that the poet
was really indebted to Freneau, and that
he would not on a proper occasion, have
hesitated to acknowledge the obligation.
Mr. Brevoort was asked by Scott respect-
ing the authorsliip of certain verses in the
battle of Eutaw, which he had seen in a
m;igazine, and had by heart, and which he
knew were American. He was told that
they were by Freneau, when he remarked
" The poem is as fine a thing as there is
of the kind in the language." Scott also
piaised one oi the Indian poems.
We might add to these instances that in
1790 Freneau, in his poetical correspond-
ence between Nanny, the Philadelphia
Housekeeper, and Nabby her friend, in New
York, upon the subject of the removal of
Congress to the former city, hit upon some
of the peculiar pleasantry of Moore's Epis-
tles in verse, of the present century.
"Freneau surprises us often by his neat-
ness of execution and skill in versification.
112
OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.
He handles a triple-rhymed stanza in the
octosyllabic measure particularly well. His
appreciation of nature is tender and sym-
pathetic,— one of tlie pure spriniis which
fed the more boisterous curr'^nt of his hu-
mor when he came out nmong men, to deal
with quackery, pretence and injustice. But
wliat is. jierhaps, most worthy of notice in
Freneau is his originality, the instinct with
wliich his genius marked out a path for it-
self, in those days when most writers were
languidly leaning upon the old foreign
school of Pope and Darwin. He was not
afraid of home things and incidents. Deal-
ing with facts, realites, and the lifeiround
him, wherever he was. his writings have
still an interest where the vague expres-
sions of other poets are forgotten. It is
not to be denied, however, that Freneau
was sometimes careless. He thought and
wrote with improvidence. His jests are
sometimes misdirected ; and his verses are
unequal in execution. Yet it is not too
much lo predict, that, through the genu-
ine nature of some of his productions and
the historic incidents of others, all that he
wrote will yet be called for and find favor
in numerous editions" — Oychpediaqf Amer.
Literature
Thi
twenty years ago
filled, nn edition o^ his poems having been
published in 1865. the only publication of
any of his poems since 1815.
FRENEAU'S FAMILY.
Philip Freneau left a family of four
daughters, all of whom were living in 1865.
The mother of Gcjvernor Seymour 'f New
York ( Mary, the daughter lof General Jon-
athan Forman ) was a niece of Mrs. Philip
the poet's father. Mrs. Freneau survived
her husband many years, retaining in her
latter days much of the most interesting
memories of llie days of the Revokition.
The remains of Mrs. Freneau repose,
with those of her husband, in the family
burial ground at Mount Pleasant, N. J. A
monument to the poet's memory, within a
few years has been erected on the spot.
Freneau lived nearly to the completion
of his eightieth year. He lost his life, De
cember 18th, 1833, " by exposure and Ci)ld
while going on foot in the night during a
snow storm to his residence near Free-
hold."
The Monmouth Inquirer thus announced
his death :
" Mr. Freneau wa-s in the village and
started, toward evening, to go home, about
two miles. In attempting to go across he
appears to have got lost and mired in a
bog meadow, where his lifeless corpse was
discovered yesterday morning. Captain
Freneau was a staunch Whig in the time
of the Revolution, a good soldier and a
warm patriot. The productions of his pen
animated his countrymen in the darkest
days of '76 and the effusions of his muse
cheered the desponding soldier as he
prediction was ventured nearly I '"»gl\t the battles of freedom.''
It is in a measure ful- i ^ '^^ ^''H^ of the Monmouth journal
says one writer, "will remain hreneaus
highest distinct ion He was tlie popular
poet of the Revolution."
The following extract from a brief no-
tice by Anna Maria Woodhull, of Freneau,
is from the Monmouth Democrat of May
29th, 1873 :
'' He first saw the light in the city of
New Yojk and was graduated at New Jer-
sey College. For some time a resident of
f^reneau, the wife of the poet.. Tiie Fre- j Monmouth, he was frequentlj' the guest of
neaus, through the second marriage of the the late Col. Elias Conover, grandfatiier of
poet's mothei', are connected with the
Kearney family of New Jersey. Philip
Freneau married at about the age of thir-
ty Miss Eleanor F(^rman, daughter of 8am
uel Forman, a wealthy citizen of New Jer-
sey. General Jonathan Forman and De
William H. Conover, Sr., of Freehold. At
the time of his deatli he owned and occu-
pied the house now belonging to Mr. John
Buck situated about two miles below the
town. He was a great attmirer ot Shakes-
peare. I own an old copy, formerly in his
nise Forman. who were much engaged in : possession (Theobolds, London, 1772.) vvhich
military affairs in the State during the Rev- I prize highly ; also an autograph bold and
olution, were iier brothers. David I'orman free, dated 1781."
also in military life was her cousin. This In his volume of poems before referred
lady, wlio shared her husband's talent for j to, jninted and published by himself at
poetry, corresponding with liim, for several ; Mount Pleasant in tliis County, lie gives
years before their marriage, in verse, was j vivid local descriptions of a Monmouth
of marked character ahd intelligence. She i county printing office in the olden time,
was devotedly attached to the Episcopal
Church, which the family attended, having
left the French Church in the lifetime of
and of other local matters which deserve
preservation in our local iiistory, and in
another chajiter we jiurpose quoting them
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
113
and also afew'otlier pieces as specimens
of liis style and as giving his sentiments on
[politics, temperance and religion and oili-
er subjects.
The most recent volume of his poems
was published in 1865 by W. J. Middletun,
New York, with an introductory memon-
by Evert A. Duyckiiick, to which we are
indebted for many of the facts in the fore-
going outline of his life. Though this vol-
ume only gives his poems relating to the
Revolution yet the fine liRentss of the po-
et prefixed make it a work which would be
highly prized by many of our readers.
in the collection of his poems published
in 1809, we find the list ofsubscribers which
he procured for it headed by the names of
James Madison then President, and 'i'hom-
as Jefferson ; and in Monmouth County we
find the following subscribers, viz : Middle-
lown : Jehu Patterson, Esq., Capt Hen-
drick Hendrickson, James Mott, Esq., Col.
Jarrntt Stillwell, (Japt. Isaac Van Dorn,
Capt. Jenise Hendrickson, B. Gen. Rich-
ard Poole. Middletown Point : Cornelius
P. Vanderhoi)f, Esq., Dr. William Reynolds,
Capt. John Hall. Near Middletown Point,
.lolin Van Pelt, Merchant. Peter Johnson,
William Walton. Ailentown, Richard
Stout, Merchant, Freehold, John Quay,
Esq., Mr. David Cook. Monmouth, Hon.
James Co.x.
OLD MONMOUTH DURING THE
REVOLUTION
Historians generally concede that no
state among the old thirteen suffered dur-
ing the war more than did New Jersey ;
and it is generally admitted that no coun
ty in our state .- uttered more than did old
Monmouth. In addition to liie outrages
to which the citizens were subjected fiom
the regular British army, tliey were con-
tinually harassed by depredations com-
mitted by regularly organized bands of
Refugees, and also by ilie still more law-
less acts of a set of outcasts known as the
Pine Woof's Robbers, who, though pre
tending to be Tories, yet, if opportunity of-
fered, robSed Tories as well ns vVhigs.
'i'he Refugees, or Loyalists as they call-
ed themselves, were generally native born
Americans wlio sided with the British,
regularly organized, with officers commis-
sioned by the Board of Associated loyal-
ists at New Vork, of which body th« Presi-
dent was William Franklin, the last Tory
governor of New Jersey, an illegitimate
son of Dr. Benjamin Franklin. The Ref-
ugees had a strongly foitified settlement
at Sandy Hook, the lighthouse there de-
fended with cannon and British vessels of
war always lying in the vicinity. From
this settlement or "Refugees' town," as it
was sometimes called, these marauders
would sally forth to plunder and murder
in the a(ijoining county. To show the
perils by which the citizens of old Mon-
mouth were surrounded and the outrages
to which they were subjected, we append
some extracts chiefly from ancient papers,
which thi)ugh plain and unvarnished yet
will give a vivid idea of life and times in
this county in the dark days of the Revo-
tion.
Refugee R-^ids in Old Monmouth. — Phom-
iNENT Patriots Robbed, Captured and
Murdered.
"June 3d 1778. We are informed that
on Wednesday morning last, a party of
about seventy of the Greens from Sandy
Hook, lanaed near Major Kearney's (near
Kejport,) headed the Mill Creek, Middle-
town Point, and marched to Mr. John
Burrows, made him pris.)ner, burnt his
mills and both his store houses — all valua-
ble buildings, besides a great deal of his
furniture. They also took prisoners, Lieu-
tenant Colonel Smock, Captain Christo-
pher Liiile, Mr. Joseph Wall, Capain Jo-
seph Cuvenhoven (Conover) and several
other persons, and killed Messrs Pearce
and Van Brock le and wounded anotiier
man mortally. Having completed this
ami several other barbarities they precip-
itately returned the same morning to
give an account of their abominable deeds
to taeir bloody employers. A number of
these gently, we barn, were formerly in-
habitants of that neigliborhood."
The '• Greei'S " above mentioned, it is
said, were Re'ugee or Loyalist Jerseyman
who joined the British. Their organiza-
tion was sometimes called " the New Jer-
sey Royal Volunteers" under command
of General Cortlandt Skinner, of whom
some farther particulars may be given
hereafter.
" Ajaril 26th, 1779. An e.xi)edition con-
sisting of seven or sight -hundred men un-
der Co!. Hyde went to Middletown, Red
Bank, Tinton Falls, Shrewsbury and oth-
er places, robbing and burning as they
went. They took Justice Covenhoven
and others prisoners. Captain Burrows
and Colonel Holmes assembled our mili-
tia and killed three and wounded fifteen
of the enemy. The enemy however sue-
114
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
ceeded in carrying off horses, cattle and
other plunder."
In the above extract the name of Jus-
tice " Covenlioven ■' is mentioned. The
names of difterent membeis of the Coven-
hoven family are frequently met with in
ancient papers and records among those
who favored the patriot cause. Since that
time the name has gradually changed
from Covenhoven to Conovei'.
In May, two or three weeks after the
above atiair, some two or three hundrtd
Tories landed at Middletown, on what
was then termed a ''picarooning'' expe-
dition. The term "picaroon" originally
meanmg a plunderer or pirate, seems to
have been used in that riay to convey
about the same idea that '' raider " did in
the late Rebellion.
•' June 9th, 1779. A party of about fif-
ty Refugees, landed in Monmouth and
marched to Tinton Falls undiscovered,
where they surprised and cairitd oft" Colo-
nel Hendrickson, Colonel Wyckoff", Cap-
tain Chadwick and Captain McKuight,
with several jirivates of the militia, and
drove off sheep and horned cattle. About
thirty of our mililitt hastily collected,
made some resistance but were repulsed
with ihe lo?s of two men killed and ten
wounded, the enemy's loss unknown.
April 1st, 1780. About this time, the
Tories made another raid to Tinton Falls,
and took off seven prisoners. Another
party took Mr. Bowne prisoner at Mid-
dletown, who, but three days before, had
been exchanged, and had just got home.
About the last of April, the refugees at-
tacked the house of John Holmes, U[)per
Freehold, and robbed him of a large
amount of continental money, a silver
watch, gold ring, silver buckles, pistols,
clothing, <fec.
June 1st, 1780. The noted Colonel Tye,
(a mulatto formerly a slave in Monmouth
Co.) with his motley company of about
twenty blacks and whites, carried off' pris-
oners Capt. Barney Smock, antl Gilbert
Van Mater, spiked an iron cannon and
took four horses. Their rendezvous was
a^ Sandy Hook
Shortly after this Colonel Tye aided in
the attack on Capt. Joshua Huddy, at hs
house at Colts Neck. The particulars of
this affair, we purpose publishing in a
sketcli of Captain Huddy. Colonel Tye. (or
Titus, fo.-merly a slave belonging to John
Corlies,) though guilty of having a skin
darker than our own, yet was generally ac-
knowledged to be about the most honora-
ble, brave, generous and determined of the
refugee leaders. Like our forefathers, he
fought for his liberty, which our ancestors
unfortuiiately refuseil to give him.
October 15, 1781. A party of refugees:
from Sundy Hook landed at night, at
Shrewsbury, and marched undiscovered to
Coil's Neck, and took six pri.-oners. The
alarm reached the Court House about four
or five o'clock, P. M., and u number of in-
habitants, among whom was Dr. Nathanitl
Scudder, went in pursuit. They rode to
! Black Point to ti't to recapture the six
[ Americans, ar d while firing from the bank
i Dr. Scudder was killed. Dr. Scudder was
one of the most prominent, active and use-
ful patriots of Monmouth, and bis death
was a serious loss to the Americans.
About the beginning of August, 1782,
Richard VVilgus, an American, was shot be-
low Allentown. while on guard to prevent
contraband trade wiih the Britisii.
I February 8lh, 1782. About forty refu-
I gees under Lieut. Steelman, came via San-
1 dy Hook to Pleasant Valley. They took
! twenty horses and five sleiglis. which they
j loaded with plunder ; they also took s'evei-
j al jirisoners, viz: Hendrick Hendrickson
and his two sons, Peter Covenhoven, or
Conover as the name is now called, was
' made prisoner onc« before in 1779, as be-
fore related,) Garret Hendrickson, Samuel
Bowne and son, anct Jamrs Denise. At
i Garret Hendiickson's a young man named
I WilliHiii Tliompsp/n. got up siyiy and went
oft' and informed Ciipt. John Schenck, of
I Col. Holmes' rfgiment, who collected all
the men he could to pursue. They over-
! took and attacked the refugees, and the
; before mentioned William Thomi>?on was
j killed and Mr. Cottrel wounded. They
I however took twelve refugees prisoners,
three of whom were wounded. But in re-
turning, they unexpectedly fell in with a
I party of sixteen men under Stevenson, and
a sudden firing caused eight ot the priso-
ners to escape. But Crip'. Scbenck ordered
liis men to charge bayonet, and the tories
surrendered. Chj)!. Schenck took nine
teen horses and five sleighs, and took twen-
ty-one prisoners.
The first of the foregoing extracts, rela
ting to a raid of the British in Middletown
township, in J778, and landing near Ma-
jor Kearneys, in the vicinity o: Keyport, is
probably the affair referred to in a tradi-
tion given in Howes collections, which we
give below, as it explains why the Refu-
gees floxl so precipitately. It will be no-
ticed, however, that the tradition does not
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
115
agree with extract quoted as to damage
done ; but we have no doubt but that the
statement copied from the ancient paper
(Collins Gaxette) is correct, as it was writ-
ten but a few days after the affair took
place.
" Theproximity of this part of Monmouth
county to New York rendered it, in the
war of the Revolution, peculiarly liable to
the incursions of the British troops. Many
of the inhabitants, although secretly favor-
able to the American cause, were obliged
to feign allegiance to the crown, or lose
then' property by marauding parties of the
refugees, fi'om vessels generally lying oti'
Sandy Hook. Among those of this descrip-
tion was Major Kearney, a resident near
the present site of Keyport. On one occas-
ion a party of thirty or f.^rty refugees
stopped at his dwelling on their way to
Middletown Point, where they intended
to burn a dwelling and some mills. Kear-
ney feigned uratification at their visit, and
talsely informed them there were probably
some rebel troops at the Point, in which
case it would be dangerous for them to
march thither. He ordered his negro ser-
vant, Jube. thither to make inquiry, at the
same time secrelly giving him the cue how
to act. In due length of time Jube, who
had gone but a short distance, returned
and hastily entered the room where Kear-
ney and the Refugees were, and exclaimed :
" Oh Massa ! Massa ! the rebels are at the
Point thicic as blackberries I They nave
just come down from the Court house and
say they are going to march down here
to night. The ruse succeeded ; the Refu-
gees, alarmed, precipitately retreated to
their boats, leaving the Major to rejoice at
the stratagem whicli had saved the proper-
ty of his friends from destruction."
The i)robabiiity is that therusre prevent
ed the Refugees from doing as much dam-
age as they had intended, although they
remained long enougli to inflict, considera-
ble injury, as has been related.
ATTACK ON THE RUSSEL FAMILY.
As the outrage was an unusually aggra-
vated one, even for Refugees, and as it
will be necessary to refer to some of the
parties concerned in it hereafter, to ex-
plain other events, we give the particulars
as deiived from various sources. The first
extract is from Collin's New Jersey Ga-
zette : —
"On the 30th of April, 1780, a party of
negroes and refugees from Sandy Hook
landed at Shrevvsburj', in order to plun-
der. During their excursion a Mr. Rus-
sell, who attempted some resistance to
their depreciations, was killed, and his
grandchild had five balls shot through
him, but is yet living. Captain Warner, of
the i^rivateer brig Elizabeth, was made
prisoner by these ruffians, but was releas-
ed by giving them two half joes. This
banditti also took ofi' several persons,
among whom were Capt. James Green
and Ensign John Morris, of the Militia."
The annexed additional particulars are
from Hove's collections — " Mr. Russell
was an elderly man, aged about 60 years ;
as the party entered his dwelling, which
was in the night, he fired and missed. —
William Gilian, a native of Shrewsbury,
their leader, seized the old gentleman by
tiie collar, and w-as in the act of stabbing
him in the face and eyes with a bayonet,
when the fire blazed up, and shedding a
momentary light upon the scene, enabled
the younger ffussell, who lay wounded on
the floor, to shoot Gilian. John Farnham,
(A Refugee named Farnham was after-
wards captured, tried and hung at Free-
hold — we presume it was the same man,)
a native of Middletown, thereupon aimed
his musket at the young man, but it was
knocked up by Lipi)incott, who had mar-
ried into the family. The party then went
off. The child was accidentally wounded
in the affray."
The Lippencott above referred to vvas,
during the late years of the war, quite a
noted refugee leader — the same Captain
Richard Lippencott who executed Cap-
tain Joshua Huddy. (A New York pub-
lication entitled " Tales and traditions of
New York, says that Capt. Lippencott was
among the Refugees who attacked and
burned Toms River.) It will be noticed
that a younger Russell is referred to as
having been vvounded and lying on the
floor. This was Joim Russell, a very ac-
tive member of the Militia, who at the
time of this outrage was at home on a fur-
lough with his parents and wife. This
John Russell alter the war removed to Ce-
dar Creek, in Ocean County, where he
lived to quite an advanced age. His ac-
count of the affair is as follows :
There were seven refugees and he
(John) saw them through the window,
and at one time they got so near that he
told his father he was sure they could kill
four of them and wished to fire, as be be-
lieved the other three would run. His
father persuaded him not to fire, but to
do so when they broke into the house. —
116
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
When they broke in the father fired first
but missed his aim ; he was then fi-ed up-
on and killed. John Russell fired and
killed the man who shot his father. John
Russell was shot in the side (the scars of
the wound were visible until he died ) —
After being wounded he fell on the floor
and pretended that he was dead. The
refugees then went to plundering the
house. The mother and wife of John
were lying in a bed with the child : the
child awoke and asked: ''Grandmother
wnat's the matter?" A refugee pointed
his gun at it and fired and said " that's
what's the matter." Whether he really
intended to wound the child, or only to
frighten it, is uncertain, but the child was,
as before stated, badly wounded, but event
ually recoveiad.
As the refugees were preparing to leave,
one of the number pointed his musket at
young Russell, as he lay on the floor, and
was about firing, saying he didn't believe
he was dead yet; whereupon another
knocked his musket up, saying it was a
shame to fire upon a dying man, and the
load went into the ceiling. After the ref-
ugees were gone, John got up, had his
wounds attended to, and exclaimed to his
wife : " Ducky I I'll come out all right
yet." He did come out all right, and we
have good reason to believe before the
wai» ended he aided in visiting severe ret-
ribution on the Refugees, for their doings
at this lime. Among this party of Refu-
gees was the notorious Phil White.
THE CAPTURE AND DEATH OF THE REFUGEE,
FHIL WHITE.
A correct version of the A^air. Slanders re-
futed and Patriots Vindicated. Affidavits of
Aaron White, of Philip Whitens guards;
Statements of Gen. Forman, &c.
Though the death of the refugee Philip
W.hite, (commonly called Phil White) is
occasionally referred to in modern works,
there are none which give complete or
correct accounts of the affair. In the
brief statement given in Howe's collec-
tions, unjust imputations are cast ujion his
guard, as will hereafter be seen.
When Capt. Muddy was so brutally mur-
dered by the Refugees near the High-
land?, it will be remembered that a label
was fastened to his breast, the last sen-
tence of which was
" Up goes Htuldy for Philp White.'"
Though the refugees at one time assert
ed that Capt. Huddy had an agency in
the death of Phil. White, yet this prejws-
terous charge was at once shown to be an
infamous falsehood, as when White was
killed, Capt. Huddy wns a prisoner, con-
fined in the old sugar house. New York,
(Duane's sugar house). The British assert-
ed that " he had taken a certain Philip
White, cut off both his arms, broke his
legs, pulled out one of his eyes, damned
him and then hid him run." How much
of this was true wdl be seen by conclu-
sive evidence given below, before quoting,
which we will give a version of the affair
as given in Howe's collection, from a tra-
ditionary .source.
. " While, the Refugee, was a carpenter,
and served his time in Shrewsbury. Six
days after Huddy was taken, he was sur-
prised by a party of militia ligiithorse,
near Snag Swamp, in the eastern part of
the township. After laying down his arms
in token of surrender, he took up his mus-
ket and killed a Mr. Hendrickson. He
was however secured, and while being tak-
en to Freehold, was killed at Pyle's Cor-
ner, three miles from there. He Wis un-
der a guard ot three men, the father of
whom was murdered at Shrewsbury the
year ^Ji'evious, by a band of reufugees,
amon^ whom was White, and he was
therefore highly exasperated against the
prisoner. Some accounts state that he
was killed while attempting to escape:
others with more probability that they
pricked him with their swords and thus
to run and cruelly murdered.
There are several errors in the forego-
ing and it is to be especially regretted
that the untrue chargeof wanton cruelty,
contained at the close of this extract,
.-hould have found a place in so useful a
book as the one containing it. Correct
versions of this affair are found in ancient
papers, but for the present we will give
several affidavits talcen at the time as be-
ing the most conclusive evidence. These
affidavits were forvvarded to Gen. Wash-
ington, and by him transmitted to Con-
gress, April 20Lh, 1782.
These affidavits are of Aaron White,
who was taken prisoner with Phil. White,
and of each of the three guards.
Deposition of Aaron White.
County of Monmouth, ss : — Aaron White
being duly sworn, deposeth :
That he was taken pri-soner with Philip
White, that the deponent left New York
in company with Philip White, Jeremiah
Bell, negro Moses, Jolin Feanimore and
Robert Howell, on Thursday night, the
OLD TIMES m OLD MOIXMOUTIJ,
117
28th day of March last ; that they sailed
from New York to the Hook, where they
remained until morning, beinjj Friday ;
that the deponent understood that Capt.
Huddy was then a prisoner ; that on the
day following, being Saturday, the 30th,
the deponent being off in a boat with Fen-
nimore, and having observed that the said
Philip White and Moses had an engage-
ment with some of tlie troops on shore,
he, the deponent, went in a boat to their
relief, meaning to take them off; that
when he came on shore he joined the said
Philip White and negro Moses, and pur-
sued one Thomas Berkley, with whom
they had been engaged ; that in pursuit,
the light horse came down, and the depo-
nent with the said Philip White were
made prisoners, that they were put under
guard to be sent to Freehold for confine-
ment ; that on the way from Colt's Neck
to Freehold, between Daniel Grandin's
and Samuel Leonard's the deponent was
told by one of his guards that Philip
White was running away ; that the depo-
nent looked back and saw the horsemen
in pursuit of something, but being about
half a mile distant, could not distinguish
alter whom or what the pursuit was; that
the field in which they were pursuing was
near the brook next to Mr. Leonard's ad-
joining a wood ; that Lieut. Rhea and
George Brindley left the deponent under
guard of two men and ran their horses
back towards the place the other men
were pursuing ; that the deponent after-
wards understood that it is was Philip
White they were pursuing, and that he
was killed in the pursuit ; that Joshua
Huddy was not one ot the guard or party,
and the deponent understood and verily
believes that he was then a prisoner in
New York; and the deponent further and
lastly declares, that the above is the truth
as related without any fear, threats or
compulsion whatever.
Aaron White.
Sworn before me this 15th of April, 1782-
David Forman,
Justice of the Peace, Monmouth County.
That a clear idea of the order of the
principal events referred to in these affi-
davits may be obtained, we will here state
that Capt. Joshua Huddy was taken pris-
oner by the British at Toms River, on
Sunday, March 24th, 1782 ; on Saturday,
the 30th of March, six days after, Phil.
White and Aaron, were taken prisoners
by the Monmouth militia the same day
(March 30th,) Philip White was killed, at
which time Capt. Huddy was confined in
the sugar house prison at New York,
where he had been put on Tuesday, March
27ih, and remained until Monday, April
Hth, when he was taken on board a sloop
and put in irons, and four days later — on
the 12th of April, 1782 — he was hung near
the Highlands; his body was delivered to
the Americans, sent to Freehold, and
buried with the honors of war. Three
days after his death — on the 15th of April,
these affidavits were taken, while the re-
collections of all the circumstances refer-
redto were fresh in the minds of the wit-
ness.
ORIGIN OF FAMILY NAMES.
A surname is an additional name added
to a proper or given name for the sake of
distinction, and so called because original
ly written over the other name instead of
after it, from the French /S'«rno?rt, probably
derived from the Latin '' Super nomen,"
signifying above the name.
Surnames have originated in various
ways. Some are derived from the names
of places; others from offices and profes-
sions, from personal peculiarities ; from
the (christian or proper name of the fath-
er; from the performance of certain ac-
tions; from objects in the animal, mineral
and vegetable world, and from accidental
circumstances of every varied character.
According to Camden, surnames began
to be taken up in France about the year
1000, and in England about the time of
the Conquest (1066) or a very little be-
fore.
Local names form the largest cla&s of
our surnames. First among these are
those which are national, expressing the
country whence the person first bearing
(he name came, as English, Scott, French,
Ireland, Britain, Fleming (from Flanders)
Gaskin, (from Gascony), &c. Names were
taken from almost every county, town
and hamlet, as Cheshire, Chester, Hull,
Ross, Kent, Cunningham, Huntingdon,
Preston, Compton, etc., so that local names
of this class may number many thousands.
For instance, a person whose native place
was Chester, might remove to another
place the inhabitants of which, to distin-
guish him, would give him the surname of
Chester, originally prefixing it with " o/,"
frequently shortened to " O " or '' .4," sig-
nifying/>-#?n or at, as John of Chester, John
0' Chester ; J ohn atKirby, John A'Kirby.
118
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
The prefixes after a time were dropped
and the names descended to children as
simply Chester and Kirby.
Besides these we have a great number of
locid surnames which are general and de-
scriptive of the nature or situation of the
residence of the persons upon whom they
were bestowed, as Hill, Wood. Dale, Park,
<fec. The prefix xU or AUe was generally
used before these names as Joh}^ At Hill,
meaning John at the hill or John who
lived at the hill; James At Well, John At
Wood, now Atwell and Atwood. In this
way men took surnames from rivers and
trees from residing at or near them, as
Beck, Gill, Grant, Beach, Bush. Ash,
Thorn.
Surnames derived from Christian or bap-
tismal names are probably next in num
ber to the local surnames; some of these
are probably the most ancient of all sur-
names, many of them varied by prefixes
and suflSxes. Of this class we have first,
the names terminating in son, which vi\s
added to the name of the father ; John the
son of William, was called John, William's
son — John Williamson ; Johnson, John's
son ; T}»ompson, Thomas' son ; tSimpson, Si-
mon's son; Wilson, Will's son.
The Welsh merely appended "5," in
stead of son, as Edwards, son of Edward ;
Davis, son of David ; Jones, son of John ;
Hughes, son of Hugh ; Williams, son of Wil
liam, &c.
Then we have surnames formed from ab-
breviated names, pet names and nick-
names, as Watson the son of Wat or Wal-
ter : Watts, signifying the same; Dobson,
son of Dob or Robert.
A great many surnames are formed of
abbreviated and nurs'=i ngmes with the ad
dition of the diminutive terminations ette,
kin, cock or cox. all of which signify " lit-
tle" or "child." From the termination
ette we have such names as Willet, wliich
meani. little Will, or son of Will ; IJallct..
Little Hal or Henry. P^rom kin or kin^s
we have Wilkins, Sirapkins, Atkins, Hig-
gins, Hawkins, Dobbins. From cock ov cox
we have Wilcox, Simeox, &c..
Some surnnines have the prefix Fi'z, of
Norman wigin, signifying son. as Fiiz Clar-
ence, son of Clarence, Fitzgerald, son of Ger-
ald. Fitz was applied to sons both legiti-
mate and illegitimate.
The Welsh in like manner prefixed Ap
to denote son, as Jhwid ^\p Hoiuell, David
son of Howeli; Evan A]> lihi/s, Evan son of
Rhys or Reese ; liichnrd Ap Evan, Richard
son of Evan ; John Ap Hugh, John son of
Hugh. These names are now abbreviated
into Powell, Price, Bevan, Pugh.
The affix " Ing " is of Teutonic origin,
denoting progeny ; Whiting inei\.ns, fair off-
spring ; Browning, the dark or brown cnild,
etc. Xe^ of Anglo Saxon origin means lit-
tle, as Burtlett, little Bart or Bartholomew ;
Willctt, little Will.
The prefixes " Mac " and " " found in
Irish names signify the first, son, the lat-
ter grandson or descendant. DonneiTs
son would be called Mac Donnell; the
grandson or descendant would be called
O'Donnell; Mac iNeall, the son of Neal ;
O'Neal, the grandson of Neal.
Names of trades, occupations and pur-
j suits are next in number, as Smith. Car-
))enter, Taylor, Barker, Barber, Brewer,
Sherman (a shearman, one who shears
■ cloth), Naylor (nailmaker). Tucker (a ful.
I ler), etc. John the Smith was shortened
I to John Smith, Peter the Carjienter, to
Peter Carpenter, &c.
j Many surnames are derived from offi-
cial names, both civil and ecclesiasti-
cal. Among these may be mentioned
King, Earl, Knight. Pope, Bishop, Bailey.
Marshall, Cliambcrlain, Priest, etc.
Personal characteristics have given ori-
gin to another class of surnames descrip-
tive of mental or bodily peculiarities. —
Among these are the names of color and
complexion, as Black, Brown, White,
Gray, Dunn (brown); and from the color
of the hair. Whitehead, Fairfax (fair
hair), Swartz (bJack), P'airchild, Black-
man, etc.
Among those which indicate the men
tal or moral qualities are such as Good-
man, Wise, Wiley, Meek, Moody, Bliss,
Gay, Sage, Joy.
Among those derived from bodily pecu-
liarity and from feats of personal strength
or courege are Strong, Mickle, liittle.
Long, Armstrong, Turnbuli, etc.
A few surnames aie derived from ani-
mals, fishes and birds, generally for the
reason given hereafter.
Of surnames derived from animals may
be mentioned Wolf, Lion, Fox, Hare,
RoC; &c. I-i'rom Wild boar comes Wilbur:
from Little Wolf or lAipellas comes Lovel :
Todd means fix in Scotch ; and from EOer
or Eafcr, a boar, is derived Everard, Ever-
itt, Everingham. P^verton, &ic. Oliphant is
from elephant.
Among the names of fishes and birds
taken as family names may be mentioned,
Pike. Salmon, Burt, Ba.ss. Fish, etc ; l>ove.
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
119
Finch, Peacock, Swan, Jay, Wildgoose
(Wilgus), Heron, Sic.
The mineral and vegetable kingdom
have contributed their full quota, as in-
stance Garnett, Jewell, Steel, Irons, Stone,
Flint, Pine, Rose, Thorn, Burch,etc.
One reason why persons received as sur-
names the names of animals, fishes, birds,
flowers, &G, was because in ancient times
in England, not only innkeepers but
tradesmen and mechanics of all kinds put
on the signs over their doors a representa-
tion of something to attract attention and
as a distinguishing mark of their [ilaoe of
business, as Wild hoars, Elephants, Bulls,
Swans, Peacocks, Dolphins, Cranes, Grif-
fins, Guns, Bells, Pots, Pitcaers, &c., which
gave rise to the surnames of those who
put them up or to some of their employes.
Camden says " that he was told by them
who said they spake of knowledge, that
many names that seem unfitting for men,
as of brutish beasts, etc., came from the
very signs of the houses where they inliab-
ited. That some, in late time, dwelling
at the sign of the Dolphin, Bull, White-
horse, Racket, Peacocke, etc., were com-
monly called Thnnas at the Dolphin, Will at
the Bull, George at the Whilehorse, Rohin at
the Racket, which names, as many others
of the like sort, with omitting at, became
afterward hereditary to their children."
A few surnames have originated in nick-
names, epithets of contempt and ridicule,
imposed for personal peculiarities, habits,
qualities, incidents or accidents which hap-
pened to their original bearers, as Doolit-
lle, Bragg, Trollope, Silliman, &c.
The foregoing gives the princijDal sour-
ces from which the greater part of our
surnames are derived, but many names
yet remain, the origin of which are not ac-
counted for, hut all surnames must have been
originally significant. The best authorities
as to the origin and meaning of surnames
are Lover, Camden and Arthur, the work
of the last named being the most conven
lent and accessible.
We give bel ];v the meaning and origin
of many familxar surnames as accepted by
some authorities. In a few instances
there is a difference of opinion among
those who have investigated the subject.
At some future time we shall endeavor to
find room for a more complete list of sur-
names and quote different authorities —
In some cases where different opinions
are given as to the origin of surnames
each may be correct owing to the fact
that many names now common may have
had different origins.
SURNAMES- THEIR ORIGIN AND
MEANING.
Acheson, Atcheson. (Cornish British).
An inscription or memorial.
Ackerman. (Saxon). From Acker, oak-
en, made of oak, and man. Signifying
the brave, firm, unyielding man.
Acton. (Saxon). Oak-town or oak hill,
Agnew. (Norman French). From the
town of Agneau, in Normandy, whence the
family originated. Agneau, in Normandy
French signifies lambs.
Ackers, Aikens, Akers, Akms &c. (Sax-
on). Qx^ni^y oaken ov place o^ oaks, ov oak
man, a man firm and unyielding as an
oak.
Allen, Allan. This name is derived, by
one authority from the Sclavonic Aland, a
woltdog or hound. Camden thinks it is a
corruption of Aelimus, which signifies sun-
bright. In the Gaelic, Aluinn signifies ex-
ceedingly fair, handsome, elegant, lovely.
Irish, Alun, fair beautiful. The Gaelic and
Irish derivations are probably correct.
Anderson. Son of Andrew.
Armstrong. A name given for strength
in battle.
Austin. (Latin) A contraction of Augus-
tine, from Augustinus, imperial, royal,
great, renowned.
Bailey. A name of office.
Barculo, Barkalow. From the town
Boiculoor Borkulo in Holland.
Barnes. A distinguished family of Sot-
terly, Suffolk county, England. Beam, a
city in France. Barnyz, (Cornish Br.) a
judge.
diminutive of Bartholo-
ittle Bart, or son of Bar-
Bartlett. A
mew, meanmg
tholomew.
Barton. (Saxon). Local. From a town in
Lincolnshire, England, meaning a corn
town or barley village, from here, barley,
and tonixu inclosure, house or village. In
Devonshire Barton is applied to any free-
hold estate not possessed of manorial
privileges.
Bates. (Anglo Saxon) Contention.
Bauer. (German). Farmer.
Baxter. (Anglo Saxon). Baker. Sir
Walter Scott says that in Scotland it also
meant a baker's lad.
Beadle. A name of office; an officer be-
longing to a university or parish.
Bedell. The same as Beadla, of which
it is a corruption.
120
OLD TIMES ^IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Beers. From Beer, a town in Dorsetshire,
England, so called from here, grain, bar-
ley; a fruitful place.
Bell. A name taken from the sign of an
inn or shop. " John at the Bell " became
"John Bell."
Bennett. A contraction or corruption
of Benedict, from Benedictus, blessed.
Blair. A cleared plain or battle field.
Blake. A corruption of Ap Lake, son of
Lake.
Bogart (Dutch) From boomgard, an or-
chard.
Bond. The father or head of a family,
whence husband, a contraction of house
bond.
Bonnal. (Cornish British). The house
on the cliff. (See Burnell).
Bowen. (Welsh). A corruption of Ap
Oiven, son of Owen.
Bovvne. (Cornish Br.) Signifies ready,
active, nimble.
Bowman. A military name ; one who
used a bow; an archer.
Bowers. A shady recess ; a cottage. The
German Bauer is sometimes corrupted to
Bower.
Bowyer. One who used or made bows.
Bradshaw. A broad wood or grove. One
who lived near a wide grove.
Breese. (Welsh). A contraction of Ap
JRecse, son of Ree?e.
Brewer, Brewster. A brewer of malt li-
quor.
Brick. A corruption of Breek, signify-
ing broken, a gap.
Britton, Brittain. A native of Britain.
Brower. From the Dutch Brouer, a
brewer.
Bryan, Brian Brien. Nobly descended ;
also one who is fair spoken, wordy, spe-
cious.
Bunnell. A corruption of Bonhill, a par-
ish in the county of Dumbarton, Scot-
land.
Burden, Borden. Louver says the sur-
name Burden is probably a corruption of
bourdov., a pilgrim's staff. It may also be de-
rived from two Saxon words Bo^(r and den
signifying a house in the valley.
Chadwich. Cottage by the harbor.
Clayton. The Clay hill.
Cole. An abbreviation of Nicholas,
common among the Dutch.
Connell, Connelly. From Celtic and
Gaelic, co?(a/, love, friendship.
Conway. From a river of this name in
Wales.
Coombs. (Cornish Br.) A place betvreen i
hills, a valley ; in the Welsh Coom. I
Courtney. From a town in France,
Courtenay fifty-six miles south of Paris. —
The name signifies '' The court near the
river."'
Cox. From cock or cox, little, a term of
endearment. The word was sometimes
used to denote a leader or chief man. In
West Jersey, some two centuries ago, Pe-
ter, Lacey, and Laurence Cock were prom-
inent settlers ; their descendants general-
ly now spell the name Cox.
Crawforl. From Crawford in Lancashire,
Scotland, which some say derived its name
from cru bloody and ford, a pass — bloody
ford.
Crowell. From a town in England by
that name.
Curtis. An abbreviation of courteous.
Dennis. A corruption of the Greek name
Dionysius, divine mind.
Dunn. Gaelic, a heap, hill, mount, fort-
ress. Saxon, brown, of a dark color, swar-
thy.
Dunning. Brown offspring, Child of
Dunn.
ErricV, Herrick. '' There is a tradition "
says Dean Swift *' that the ancient family
of Ericks or Herricks derive their lineage
from Erick the Forester, a great command-
er who rai'^ed an army to oppose the inva-
sion of William the Conquerer."
Errickson. Son of Eric. The old settlers
of Monmouth of this name were probably
of Swedish descent and first settled in
West Jersey. Eric Errickson came over
with the first Swedish settlers (1638?) A
census of Swedes taken in 1693 gives the
names of Joran Ericson, one child, Mats
Errickson, three children, Eric Errickson,
one child. An old tradition says that the
first of the family who came to New Jer-
sey, descended from Eric, king of Sweden.
Ervvin, Irwin. Welsh Erivyn, very fair,
white beautiful.
Elvans. The Welsh for John, same as
Johns, meaning son of Evan or son of
John.
French. One who came from France.
Goudy, Gowdy. From Gouda, ■i. town in
Holland.
Gordon. A strong man, a hero, a giant.
Harris, Harrison. .Son of Henry.
Hartshorne. The horn ot a hart or male
deer ; an emblem or sign over a shop or
inn, wlience the name "Will at the Harts-
horn."
Havens. From haven, a harbor. One
who lived near a haven.
Henderson, Hendrickson. Son of Hen-
ry or Hendrick.
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
121
Herbert. (Saxon) From Here., a sol-
dier, and beorht, bright — meaning an ex-
pert soldier, famous in war.
Higgins. Little Hugh, or son of Hugh.
Hilyard. Anciently Hildheard, Hild in
Saxon is a hero or heroine, and heard, a
pastor or keeper.
Hodges. Hodge was a nickname of Rog-
er, and Hodges mean son of Hodge.
Hoffman. (Dutch) From Hoof Jam, a
captain or head man, Hofman, from Hof, a
court — the man of the court.
Holman. A corruption of Allemand, a
German, that is a mixture of all men, AUe
mann.
Holmes. From Holm, a river, island or
meadow; also cultivated rising ground.
Hume, Hulmes. Same as above.
Hood. (Saxon) I'rom hovd', the wood.
Hooper. A cooper.
Hopkins. Little Robert or son of Rob-
ert.
Hunn. A native of Hungary.
Irving, Irvine. From a river and town
of same name in Ayrshire, Scotland.
Jeffrey. Corrupted from Geoffrey or
Godfrey, from theGerman, signifying God's
peace orjoyful peace. This name was borne
by the chief of the royal house of Plantag
enet.
.Jenkins. From Jenks or John ; son of
John.
Jennings. Same as Jenkins,
Kemble, Kimlile. A corruption of Camp
bell, which family claims to be able to trace
its lineage to the fifth century. Cam meant
crooked, and bevl, mouth — the man whose
mouth inclined a little on one side.
Laird. The same as Lord.
Lane. (Gaelic) A plain ; a narrow way.
Lawrence. Flourishing, spreading, from
Laurus, the laurel tree. Sir Robert Lau:
rence of Ashton Hall, Lancashire, England,
accompanied Richard I. to the Holy Land
119L
Leonard. The disposition of a lion. Li-
on hearted.
Lippencot. German. A town on the
coast; one who lived on the coast — from
leben to dwell, and ccte side or coast.
Lloyd. (Welsh) Grey or brown.
Lowe. A hill.
Martin. Warlike, a chief man, a warrior.
Moore. (Gaelic) Great, chief, tall, mighty,
proud.
Morgan. One born by the sea.
Morris. (Welsh) A hero, a brave man.
Norris. A North king ; the third king
at arms.
Osborn. From hus, a house, and beam,
a child — a family child or adopted child.
Owen. The ^ood offspring, good child.
Palmer. A pilgrim from the Holy Land;
so called because he carried a palm branch
as a pledge of his having been to Palffstine.
Pancoast, Pancost. A corruption of Pt:rt-
Lecost, a name probably given to a child
born on Pentecost day.
Pangburn, Pangbourn. A town in Berk-
shire, England.
Parker. The keeper of a park.
Powell. The son of Howell, which is from
Cornish British Houl, the sun.
Potter. One who makes earthen vessels.
Price. The son of Rice or Reese, from
Ap Ilice.
Quackerboss. A thicket, a grove, moun-
tain ash.
Randolph, Randall. Fair help. Good
help.
Reeves. From liccve, a bailiff", provost, or
steward.
Reynolds. Sincere or pure love ; a strong,
firm hold.
Rice, Reese. A brave, impetuous man.
Roger. One who keeps the peace ; strong
counsel.
Rogers. Son of Roger.
Russell. Red haired, or somewhat red-
dish.
Schenck, An inn or public house, from
the German schenhe.
Sherman. One who shears cloth.
Smith. The most common of all sur-
names. The name is derived from the An-
glo Saxon Smilan, to strike or smite.
"From wlienee comes Smith, all be he knigVit or
squire,
But from the Smith thut fo'i geth a*, the fire?"
Verstegan.
Among the Highland class, the smith
ranked third in dignity to the chief, from
his skill in fabricating military weapons
and his dexterity in using them. In Wales
there were three sciences which a tenant
could not teach his son without consent of
his lord. Scholarship, Bardism and Smithcraft.
This last was considered one of the liberal
sciences, and the term hi.d a more com-
prehensive sense than we now give it. The
smith was required to have different
branches of knowledge which are now prac-
ticed separately, such as raising the ore,
converting it into metal, etc. It originally
applied to all mechanical workmen wheth-
er in metal, wood or other materials.
The name John ^Smith is s > common
that it almost ceases to be a distinctive
name. One writer contends, in an amus-
122
OLI) TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
ing article, that the name Smith is not
only common in Great Britain and Ameri-
ca, hut among all the nations of the earth.
He insists that the Hehrew name ot'Sheni
(Noah's son) was thus corrupted: Shem,
.■Shemit, Shmit, Smith. A Philadelphia
humorous writer, after asserting that Shem
in Hebrew is the origin of vSmith, says the
name John Smith is found in other nations
one and indivisible Thus, Latin, Johannes
Stnithius ; Italian, Giovanni Smithi ; Span-
ish, Juan Smithas ; Dutch, Hans Schmidt;
French, Jean Smeets ; Russian, Jonloff
Skmittowski ; Polish, Ivan Schmittiwcls.ii ;
Cliinese, Jahon Shimmitt ; Icelandis, Jahne
Smilhson ; Welsh, Jihon Schmidd ; Tus-
carora. Ton Qu Smittiu ; Mexican, Jontli
F. Smitti.
Snyder. (German) Schneider, a tailor.
Stanton. From s/an a stone and (on, a
hill or town.
Stewart. Malcolm III, king of Scotland,
created Walter, ihe son ot Fleance and
grandson of Banquo, Lord High Steward
of Scotland, from which office his family
afterwards took, and retained the name of
Stewart, and from ihence descended the
royal family of Stuart.
Stockton. A town in Durham, England.
Stokes. A parish in Buckinghamshire,
England.
Stryker. (Danish.) From .?^r/(/i', to strike,
to roam, to travel ; hence a worker at a
trade, a traveller.
Sutphen. (Dutch.) Originally Van
Zutphen, that is, from the city of Zutphen
in Germany.
Taggart. (Welsh.) A meeting house.
Tunison. Probably son of Tennis or
Tunis.
Throckmorton. A corruption of .1^ Rock-
moor-toii-n, " a town on a rock in a moor,"'
in the vale of Eversham, Warwickshire,
England.
Thwaite. A piece of ground cleared of
VTOod.
Tice. (Dutch.) A familiar abbreviation
of Matihi.as.
Tilton. Derived from Tilton, a village
in England, probably an ancient [)lace of
tilling or tents. TU(, Saxon, a tent.
Todd. 7W, a Scotch word for fox.
Townsend. One who lived at the end of
tlie town.
Truax. (Cornish Br. ) 'i'he place on the
waters.
Van Cleve. From the city of ('leve or
Cleves in Westphalia, Germany.
Vanderreer. From the ferry.
Voorhees. (Dutch.) From voorhius the
fore room or best room of a house, or from
vflor Hess, b«fore the town of Hess.
Walton The name of several villages
in England, from ■wahl, a wood, and ii^n a
town or village.
Watson ami Watts. Son of Walter.
Worden, Werden. From Wchr, a forti-
fication and dm, a hill ; a town in Nether-
lands called Woerdon.
Westervelt. The west field.
Woodruff. The governor or keeper of
a wood, a forester.
Woodward. Wood-ward, a forest keeper
or officer who hud charge of a park or for-
est, and took charge of all offences eom-
naitted.
Woolley. From Wohlley, uncultivated
lands, hills without woods.
Worth. (Saxon.) A court, farm, place.
THE DEATH OF BAC(JN.
'•John Bacon was a notorious refugee
who had committed many depredations
along the shores of Monmouth and Bur-
lington counties. After having been a tei-
ror to tlie people of this section for some
lime, John '^tevvart, of Arnevtown, (after-
wards Ciiptain Stewart), resolved if possi-
ble to take him. There had been a rewa.rd
of fifty pounds sterling offered by the (Jov-
ernor and Council for his capture, dead or
alive. A short time previous, in an engage-
ment at Cedar Creek Biidge, Bacon and Ins
company liad discomfited a considerable
body of State troops, killing a brother of
Joel Cook, of (book's Mills, (now Cooks-
town), Burlington county, which excited
much alarm amt exasperated the whole
country. On the occasion of his arrest, Cap-
tain Stewart took with him Joel Cook, John
Brown, Thomas Smith, John Jones, and
another person whose name is not recol-
lected, and started in pursuit, well armed.
They traversed the shore and found Bacon
separated from his men at the public house
or cabin of William Rose, between West
Creek and C'lamtown (nov/ Tuckerton), in
Burlington County, 'i'he night was very
dark, and Smith being in advance ol the
party, approached the house, and discov-
ered through the window a man sitting
with a gun between his knees. He imme-
diately informed his companions. On ar-
riving at the house. Captain Stewart
opened the door and presenting his mus-
ket demanded a surrender. The fellow
sprang to his feel, and cocking his gun was
OLD TIMES I^: OLD MONMOUTH.
123
in the act of bringing it round to the breast
of Stewart, when the latter, instead of dis-
charging his piece, closed in with him and
succeeded after a scufHe in bringing him
to the floor. He then avowed himself to be
.John Bacon, and asked for quarter, wlii h
was at once readily granted to him by Stew
art. Tliey arose from tlie floor, and Stew-
art (still retaining his hold on Bycon)
called to Cook, who, when he discovered
the supposed murderer of his brother, be-
came exasperated, and stepping back gave
Bacon a bayonet thrust unknown to Stew-
art or his companions. Bacon appeared
faint and fell. After a sliort time he re-
covered and attempted to escape by the
back door. Slewirt pushed a table against
it. Bacon hurled itaws^yand struck Stew
art to the floor, opened liie door, and ajiain
attempted to pass out; hut was shot by
Stewart (who liad regained his feet) while
in the act. Tlie ball passed through his
body, tlirougii a part of the building, and
struck the breast of Cook, who had taken
a position at the back door to prevent
egress. Cook's companions were ignorant
of the fact that he iuid given Bacon the
bayonet wound, and would scarcely credit
him when he so informed tiiem on their
way home. They examined Bacon's body
at Mount Misery, an i the woumis made
l)y both bayonet and ball were obvious,
'riiey brought his dead body to Jacobstown,
Burlington county, and were in the act of
burying it in the public highway, near the
village in the presence of many citizens
who had collected on the occasion, when
Bacon's tirother appeared among them and
after much entreaty succeeded in obtain-
ing his body for private burial."
This affair took place on Thursday eve-
ning, April 3rd, ]78;j.
As there have been some tlisputesin tra-
ditionary accounts as to the exact manner
of Bacon's death, we have been at much
trouble to get at the truth. Some old resi-
dents of the vicinity where he was killed
are, positive that he was siiot down after
asking for quarter. They say that Captain
Stewart's party suddenly opened the door
and pointetl a muskei at Bacon, who in-
stantly rooe up and held a table before him
and begged for quarter, but the musket
was fired, and the ball went through the
table and killed him. But after much pa-
tient investigation and inquiry we be.ieve
this story is untrue, and that the correct
version is about as Governor Fort has giv-
en it. We are sorry to add, however, tliat
the party lreatei.1 the body with unjusliiia-
ble indignity. As soon as Bacon was killed
his body was thrown into a wagon with his
head over the tail-board, and the party
drove for home that same night. Young
Cook seemed quite " carried away " to
tiiink he had avenged his brother's death,
and at tiie inns at Mannahawkin and
Mount Misery, insisted on treating Bacon
with liquor, fastening open his mouth
while he poured liquor into it. The de-
scendants of British sym[)athisers have
charged the jiarty with much cru'^lty, but
the only foundations are the indignities of-
fered to his body ; and even there we can
find some palliation for it, when we consid-
er the excitement bordering on frenzy, of
young Cook.
In addition to what has been qu'^ted
from Governor Fort regarding Bacon's buri-
al, we have heard it stated that in accord-
ance with an ancient custom with great
criminals, the intention was to bury Bacon
at tiie forks of some public roads, with a
stake driven througli the body ; but his
brother's arrival changed their plan. This
brother of Bacon's was generally respected
where he was known.
The writer of this is under impression
that before the war Bacon's home was in
Burlington county, though he occasionally
worked in Stafford township, in Ocean
county, and he has been told that Bacon
left a wife and two sons at Pemberton ;
that his widow married a man named Mor-
ris, and that the two sons emigrated VVest,
and bec-ime respectable and useful citi
zens.
It is but just to add that among old resi-
dents, generally of the Society of Friends,
who though symj)athizing with the Ameri-
cans, yet were non-combatants, that Bacon
was held to be among the most honorable
of the refuj^ee leade-s. They fay that ex-
cept calling for a meal's victuals for him-
self and men in passing, he never molested
the persons or property of any but Ameri-
cans in the militia service.
Before closing, we will say that, although
our State Council of Safety had declared
Bacon an outlaw, and offered a reward for
him dead f)r alive, yet it is probable that if
he had been taken alive and delivered to
the civil authorities he would have been
liberated in purstiance of the treaty with
Engb.nd.
Hetfield, a much worse man than Bacon,
many years after the war, had the impu-
dence to return to Essex county (to en-
deavor to secure some property there),
when he was arrested for his misdeeds dur-
124
OLD TIxMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
ing the Revolution •, but the judge decided
he must be liberated in pursuance of the
treaty with England. Most of the old resi-
dents in ?]ssex well remember the intense
excitement and indignation raised by the
return and liberation of liiis scoundrel.
The refugee leaders in our State — Het-
field, Bacon, Lippincott, Davenport, Moody
and others— all doubtless held commis-
sions from the " Board of Associated Loy-
alists," of which the President was Wil-
liam Franklin, the last Britisli Governor
of j^ew Jersey.
CAPT. ADAM HYLER,
The daring Privateer of the waters in
AND AROUND — Ol.D MoNMOUTH.
It is rare to find in fact or fiction, more
daring exploits recorded than those per-
formed chiefly in the waters around old
Monmouth, by Captain Adam Hyler. who
resided at New Brunswick during the lat-
ter part of the Kevolutionary war. From
some unaccountable cause, the heroic
deeds of this man have received but little
notice from historians ; indeed, we remem-
ber of but one modere work that makes
any allusion to them, and that gives only
two or three of the items published below.
Capt. Hyler's operations were carried on
in Raritan bay, and along our coast as far
down as Egg Harbor — chiefly, however, in
the first named place. Though he some-
times used sail craft, yet he generally de-
pended upon whale boats or large barges,
rowed by skillful crews. These barges
were generally kept at New Brunswick,
but some were at times concealed in small
streams emptying into Raritan bay and
river, which place was then reached by
old Cranberry Inlet.
Though the Refugee band which had
its headquarters at the settlement on
Sandy Hook, around the lighthouse, gave
great annovance to the patriots of Mon-
mouth, yet their operations were much
circumscribed by the efforts of Capt. Ply-
.ler and his brave compatriots, who serious-
ly interfered with the vessels of the refu-
gees, as well as of the British, and when
opportunity offered as will hereafter be
seen, hesitated not to attack their settle-
ment, and even the lighthouse fort itself.
The refugees would sometimes boast of
successful midnight marauding expedi-
tions into the adjacent country, but the
bold, skillful exploits of Ilylcr, far eclipsed
their best planned efforts.
A clear idea of Capt. Hylers manner of
harassing the enemy is given in the fol-
lowing extracts, copied from various an-
cient I'appi's ]-)ublished at the time. They
serve to aid in completing the picture of
life and times in and around Old Mon-
mouth during tiie Revolution.
"October 7th, 1781. On Friday last.
Capt. Adam Hyler, from New Brunswick,
with one gun boat and two whale boats,
within a quarter of a mile of the guard
ship at Sandy Hook, attacked five vessels,
and after a smart conflict of fifteen minu-
tes carried them. Two of them were
armed, one mounting four six poundors,
and one six swivels, and one three pound-
er. The hands made their escape with
their long boats, and took refu.ye in a
small fort, in which were mounted twelve
swivel guns, from which they kept up v
constant firing; notwithstanding which
he boarded them all without the loss of a
man. On board one of them was 250
bushels of wheat and a quantity of cheese
belonging to Capt. Lippencott, bound to
New ^ork. He took from them fifty
bushels of wheat, a quantity of cheese
several swivels, a number of fusees, one.
cask of powder and some dry goods; and
stripped them of their sails and rigging —
not being able to bring the vessels into
port, in consequence of a contrary wind
and tide. After which he set fire to all
save one, on board"of which was a woman
and four small children, which prevented
her from sharing a similar fate."
On the 13th of October, a week or ten
days after the above mentioned afrair.
Capt. Hyler with one gunboat and two
whale boats, boarded a sloop and two
schooners, which all hands, except two.
had previously left, and which lay under
the cover of the light house fort at Sandy
Hook, and brought them all off; but the
sloop being a dull sailor, and being much
annoyed from a galley lying near Staten
island, she was set on fire about three
miles from the fort. One of the schooners
running aground by accident, was stripped
and left ; tlie other a remarkably fine fast
sailing Virginia built pilot, mounted with
one four pounder was brought, with two
prisoners, safely oflf.
On the 24th of the same month, he start-
ed with one gunboat to surprise' the '• refu-
gee town " at Sandy Hook. He landed
within three quarters of a mile of the light
house, but found the refugees were out in
Monmouth County on a plundering expe-
dition. He however fell in with six noted
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
I2r.
villains who he brought off and lodged in
a safe place. A subsequent notice of Capt.
Hyler, says that at one time he captured
the Captain of the guard at the light house,
with all liis men, but whetiier it was at this
or some other time, is not staled.
Nov. 14th, 1781. On Saturday night,
Capt. Hyler, with a gunboat and a small
party of men went to the Narrows, where
he captured a ship with fourteen iiands,
and brought her off with the intention of
running her up the Raritan river, but near
the mouth she unluckily got aground, and
as the enemy approached in force, lie was
obliged to set her on fire. She was loaded
with rum and porlc ; several hogsheads of
the form<-r he got out and brought off with
the prisoners.''
This ship captured was probably " The
Father's D-^sire," as twenty hogs.heads of
rum and thirty barrels of pork -.vere adver-
tised by the U. S. Marshal to be sold a few
days after ; which the advertisement states
were taken from a ship of this name by
Captain Hyler.
" On the 15th of December. Capt. Hyler,
who commands seven or eight stout whale
boats, manned with near one hundred men,
at the Narrows, fell in with two refugee
sloops trading to Shrewsbury, one of them
comm mded by the noted villain, ' Shore
Stephens,' and liad on board £600 in spe-
cie, besides a considerable quantity of dry
goods ; the other had similar articles, also
sugar, rum. etc. They were taken to New
Brunswick."
The many daring exploits of Capt. Hy-
ler, following so close one after another,
aroused the Biitish at New York, and
they fitted out an expedition with the de-
termination of destroying his boats, and
if p>>ssible, capturing him. 'I'he following
account of this expedition is derived
chiefly from Philadelphia papers, of the
date of January 15th and 16th, 1782:
•' A party of the British lately (about
January 9th) made an incursion to New
Brunswick with the design, it is said, of
carrying off the boats of the celebi'ated
partizan, Capt. Adam Hyler. They land-
ed at New Brunswick and plundered two
houses, but were gallantly opposed by the
neighboring militi i. and the enemy were
driven off with some loss. Farther ac-
counts say there were some 200 refugees
and British, and that they suoceeded in
destroying the whale boats. No Ameri-
cans were killed, but five were wounded
and six taken prisoners. Several tories
were killed — four known to be, and sev-
eral wei-e seen to be carried off. The
British made the attack about 5 o'clock,
A. M., just before daylight, and the Ameri-
can account says the expedition was well
planned, and that the Tories held the
town for about an hour. The British reg
ulars were detachments from the 40th
and 42d regiments, under command of
Capt. Beck with, in six boats, and they
took away all of Hyler's boats. The Brit-
ish alleged that Captain Hyler was a de-
serter from the Royalists."
It is probable that at this time, besides
his boats at New Brunswick, Capt, Hyler
had others concealed elsewhere, as we find
early in the following spring he was at
work as usual, i'pparently, but little in-
convenienced by the loss of the boats
taken by the British, though he may have
built some in the meantime. In March
following, when the British attacked and
burned Toms River, they boasted of hav-
ing captured there a fine large barge, be-
longing to Capt. Hyler.
In April, 1782, Capt. Hyler, in an open
boat, boarded and took a large cutter,
almost ready for .sea, lying near Sandy
Hook, and near the Lion man-of-war, 64
guns. This cutler mounted twelve 18
pounders, and was commanded by one
Wliile. formerly of Philadelphia, but
turned apostate. Hyler blew up the ves-
sel, which was designed as a cruiser, and
took forty prisoners. Another account
says the number of prisoners was fifty, and
the cutter's armament was six 18 pounders
and ten 9 pounders. At the same time he
took a sloop which was ransomed for £400.
Tlie Captain of the cutter gives an amus-
ing account of the way Hyler captured his
vessel, which will be found hereafter.
"On the 25th of May, 1782. Capt. Hyler,
with his armed boats, being in Shrewsbury
river, a party of British troops, consisting
of twenty-five men, under Capt. Shaak,
was detaclied to intercept him in the gut.
Hyler discovered them, and landed thir-
teen men, with orders to charge; when
four of the enemy were killed or wounded,
and the Capt. and eight men taken prison-
ers. By the firing of a gun it was ^up-
posed others were killed, as they were
seen to fall. Just before this affair, Capt.
Hyler had met with a hurt, or otherwise he
probably would not have let a man es
cape."
On the 2d of July, Captain Hyler, assist-
ed by Captain Stoiy, another brave par-
tizan, in New York bay, with two whale
boats, boarded and took the schooner Skip
120
OLD TIMES [N OLD MON MOUTH.
Jack, carrying six guns, besides swivels,
and burned her at noon, in sight of the
guard-sliip, and took tlie captain and nine
or ten men prisoners. About, the same
time he also took three or four trading
vessels, loaded with calves, sheep, &c.
These were probably about the last ex-
ploits in which Captain Hyler was en-
gaged, as we find no farther mention of
his name in ancient papers until the an-
nouncement of his death, some two months
after. He died at New Brunswick, on the
6th of September. 1782.
The following from an ancient paper
gives a graphic account of his manner of
conducting his operations. It was original-
ly published June 19th, 1782 :
" The exertions of the celebrated water
partizan. Captain Adam Hyler, have been
a considerable annoyance to the wood
shallops, trading vessels, and plundering
pirates of the enemy about Sandy Hook,
Long Island, and Staten Island, for sev-
eral months past. You have heard that
his effort to take an eighteen gun cutter
was crowned with success. It was indeed
a bold and hazardous attempt, considering
how well she was provided against being
boarded. He was, however, compelled to
blow her up, after securing his prisoners
and a few articles on board. His surpris-
ing a captain of the guard, at the light-
house, with all his men, a short time ago,
was a handsome affair, and gained him
much credit. He has none but picked
and tried men ; the person who discovers
the least symptom of fear or diffidence, be
he who he will, is immediately turned on
shore, and never suffered to enter again. —
In the next place, they are taught to be
particularly expert at tlie oar, and to row
with such silence and dexerity as not to
be heard at the smallest distance, even
though three or four boats be together,
and go at the rate of twelve miles an hour.
" Their captin-es are made chiefly by
surprise or stratagem; and most o^ the
crews that have hitherto been take by
tliesft boats declare they never knew any-
thing of an enemy bemg at hand till they
saw the pistol or cut lass at their throats.
"There was a droll instance of this some
weeks ago, as one of the prisoners, a
shrewd, sensible fellow, and late captain
of one of the captured vessels, relates it
himself. Said he, ' 1 was on deck with
three or four men, on a very pleasant «ven-
ing, with our sentinel fixfd. Our vessel
was at anchor near Siindv [look, and the
Lion man-ofwar about one quarter of a
mile distant. It was calm and clear, and
we were all admiring the beautiful and
splendid appearance of the full moon
which was then three or four hours above
the horizon. While we were thus atten-
tively contemplating the serene luminary,
we suddenly henrd several pistols dis-
charged into the cabin, and turning
around, perceived at our elbows a number
of armed people, fallen as it were from
the clouds, who ordered us to ' surrender
in a moment, or we were dead men !" Up-
on this we were turned into the hold and
the hatches barred over us. The firing,
howeviM', had alarmed the man-of-war,
who hailed us, and desired to know wiiat
was tiie matter. As we were not in a sit-
uation to aiswer, at least so far as to be
heard. Captain Hyler was kind enough to
do so for us, telling them through the
speaking trumpet that ' all was well.' —
After which, unfortunately for us, they
made no fartiier inquiry.' "
After the notorious refugee, Lippencott,
had barbarously murdered Captain Joshua
Huddy, near the Highlands, General
Washington was anxious to have the mur-
derer secured. He had been demanded
of the British General, and his surrender
refused. Captain Hyler was deierniined
to take Lippencott. On inquiry he found
that he resided in a well known house, in
Broad street. New York. Dressed and
equipped like a man-of-war press gang, he
left the Kills, with one boat, after dark,
and arrived at Wliitehall about nine
o'clock. Here he left his boat in charge
of three men, and passed to the residence
of Lippencott, where he inquir'=d for him
and found that he was absent, having gone
to a cock pit. Thus failing in his object
he returned to his boat, with his press gang,
and left Whitehall, but finding a sloop ly-
ing at anchor off the battery, from the
West Indies, laden with rum, he took her,
cut her cal)le, «et her sails, and with a
north-east wind sailed to Elizebethtown
loint, and before daylij;ht had landed
from her and secured forty hogsheads of
rum. He then burned the sloop to pre-
vent her re-capture. — (This again furni.whes
tiie groundwork of a very interesting story,
published originally in Major Noah's New
York Sunday Times, and afterwards re-
published by tlie author, ill a book entitled
" Tales and Traditions of New York." —
The writer however, occasionally blends
fiction with facts, which, though perhaps
servinir to increase the interest of his sto-
OLD TIMES IN OLD xMON MOUTH.
12:
ries, yet renders his work unreliable as a
matter of history).
The writer of this has been unable to
find any notice of Captain Hyler previous
to 1771. The occasion of this probably is
that he was in the British service in the
early part of the war, but being convinced
of the unjustness of the cause in which he
was engaged, he left them and joined the
Americans. The British at New Bruns-
wick, as before stated, charged him with
being a deserter, and the Tory paper pub-
lished in New York (Rivington's Royal
Gazette), Jan. 12, 1782, says : " This Hyler
is, a deserter from the royal service, and
ever since his defection has proved too
successful an enterprizer in his various
descents upon'our vicinities."
The fact of Captain Hyler's having been
formerly in the British service, increases
our admiration for his bold operations. —
Had he been taken by the British, he
probably would have received a deserter's
puiaishment.
The writer of this has had occasion to
make a thorough examination of the origi-
nal pay rolls of all vessels of war in the ser-
vice of our government in the war of 1812,
and previous, which rolls are now preserved
in the Treasury Department at Wash-
ington. In looking over the rolls contain-
ing the list of officers and men serving un-
der Commodore Perry and other noted
heroes on the lakes is to be found the
name of an under officer named Adam
Hyler, who faithfully served throughout
that war, who was evidently named after
and probably a near relative of the Captain
Adam Hyler of Revolutionary fame.
OTHER PRIVATEERS.
Captain Storer.
The following is from an ancient paper
published in 1782, just previous to the close
of the war.
" We learn that the brave Captain Stor-
er, commissioned as a private boat of-war
under the State, and who promises to be
the genuine successor of the late Captain
Hyler. has given a recent instance of his
valor and conduct in capturing one of the
enemy's vessels. He went in two boats
through the British fleet in the Narrows,
and boarded a vessel under the flag staff
battery. He captured the vessel without
alarm She was a sloop in the Engineers
department of H. B. M. service, and was
carried away safely.''
Captain William Marriner.
Captain Marriner lived in New Bruns-
wick during the war. From notice of him
in ancient papers, we find he was another
brave enterprising partizan, as the follow-
ing extracts will show, The first is from
a letter dated June i7th, 1778.
I " William Marriner, a volunteer, with
eleven men and Lieutenant John Sohenck,
of our militia, went last Saturday evening
\ from Middletown Point to Long Island, in
I order to take a few prisoners from Flat-
bush, and returned with Major MoncriefF
and Mr. Theopiiilus Bacho (tlie worshipful
I Mayor and Tormentor-General, David
I Matthews, Esq., wiio has inflicted on our
, prisoners the most unheard of cruelties,
- and who was the principal object of the
j expedition, being unfortunately in the
j city,)with four slaves, and brought them
I to Princeton, to be delivered to his excel-
( lency the Governor. Mr. Marriner with
! his party left Middletown Point on Satur-
; day evening, and returned at six o'clock
{ next morning, having traveled by land
j and water above fifty miles, and be-
haved with greatest prudence and brav-
ery."
'J'he following is from an official naval
work in the Library of Congress :
" The privateer Biacksnake was captur-
ed by the British, but in April, 1780, Cap-
tain William Marriner, with nine men in
a whale boat, retook her. Captain Mar-
! riner then put to sea in his prize, and cap-
tured the Morning Star, of 6 swivels and
; 33 men, after a sharp resistance, in which
I slie lost three killed and five wounded ;
he carried both prizes into Egg Harbor."
After the war Captain Marriner removed
to Harlem, where he lived many years.
The Paniel Matthews alove spoken of
was the Tory Mayor of New York, during
the Revolution, and noted for his enmity
to all favoring the Americans.
Captain Jackson.
"December I8th, 1782. — Capt. Jackson
of the Greyhound, in the evening of Sun-
day, last week, with much address, cap-
tured witnin the Hook, the Schooner Dol-
phin and sloop Diamond, bound from New
York to Halifax, and brought them into
Egg Harbor. These vessels were both
condemned to the claimants, and the sale
amounted to £10,200.
Successful Exploit.
In the following item from the Packet,
.Ian. 1779, tio names are mentioned.
128
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
"Some Jerseymen went in row boats to
Sandy Hook and took four sloops, one of
which was armed. They burned three
and took one; also nineteen prisoners.
The share of prize money per man, was
£400."
PASSAGES IN THE RELIGIOUS HIS-
TORY OF OLD MONMOUTH.
The Universalists — Origin of the Socie-
ty IN America.
THE POTTER CHURCH.
A Free Church in the Olden Time — A Ref-
uge for Methodism in its Dark Days —
The Cradle of Universalism in America
— Its Benevolent Founder and Remark-
able Incidents in liis Life.
A singular and interesting chapter in
the religious history of our State, and one
but little known outside of members of
the Universalist society, relates to a church
formerly called " the Potter church,"
built not far from 1760 to 1765, at Good-
luck, in that part of old Monmouth now
confined within the limits of Ocean coun-
ty, by a benevolent resident of that vilUxge
named Thomas Potter. Before building
the church, Potter had been in the custom
of opening his house to travelling preach-
ers of all persuasions ; and, after a while,
to accommodate them, he built this church
free for all denominations. His object is
best expressed in his own words : " As I
firmly believe that all mankind are equal-
ly dear to Almighty God, they .shall all be
equally welcome to preach in this house
which I have built." After it was built, it
was used by traveling ministers of the
Presbyterian, Baptist, Quaker, Methodist
and other societies, and in it was preached
the first Universalist sermon ever delivered
in America. The Methodist society in
New Jersey owe a debt of gratitude to
Thomas Potter for always openinii his
church to the noble pioneers of Method-
ism in tlie dark days of its history, when
Methodism not only met with opposition
from other societies on account of differ
ence in religious sentiments, but also,
when during tlie Revolution, their ene-
mies most unwarranti^bly slandered them
by charging them with being in sympathy
with Great Britain. Though these slan-
ders had the eftect of rendering the heroes
of Methodism so unpopular that they
could hardly obtain a hearing in most
parts of this State, as well as in other
States, yet the Potter church was always
open to them, and so often used by them,
that some Methodist writers at the present
day who have found the name of this
church frequently mentioned in the jour
nals of these pioneers, have concluded it
must have be«n a Methodist church,
though where it was situated, and why it
was so called, they have been unable to
divine. Among the preachers well known
in the annals of Methodism who preached
in it, were Benjamin Abbott and Bishop
Asbury ; and in it was married James Ster-
ling, the most earnest, effective layman
the society had in its early struggles in
New Jersey.
The most satisfactory account of Thom-
as Potter and his church is given by Rev.
Jolin Murray, who preached in it the first
Universalist sermon ever delivered in
America, under circumstances so very sin-
gular that his narrative forms an interest-
ing as well as important part of our church
history. As Murreiy''s Journal is rarely to
be met with except occasionally among
some of his own denomination, we give the
substance of his account, though, before
giving it, it is necessary to say a few words
in regard to Mr. Murray himself.
The Rev. John Murray, the first preach-
er of Universalism in America, sailed from
England for New York, July 21fet, 1770. —
When he left England though a warm ad-
vocate of the principles of that society, yet
he was not a regular preacher and had but
little idea then of becoming one in Amer-
ica. During a thick fog in the early part
of the month of September, the brig
" Hand in Hand," in which he was act-
ing as supercargo, struck on the outer bar
of old Cranbeiry Inlet ( now closed ) near-
ly opposite Totas River ; she soon passed
over and was held by her anchors from go-
ing on shore. Here she remained several
days before she could be got off. While
lying here the provisions of the brig were
exhausted, and after locking up the ves-
sel, all hands proceeded in a boat across
the bay to the main in search of susten-
ance. Being unacquainted with tlie main,
they spent a great part of the day before
they could efJectuate their purpose, after
which, it being late, they proceeded to a
tavern to stay all night. Mr. Murray'^
mind appears to have been much exercised
by eventful scenes in his previous life and
to have longed to get somewhere where
the busy cares of the world would not dis-
turb his meditations ; and hence as soon
as the boatmen arrived at the tavern he
OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.
129
left them for a' solitary walk through the
dark pine grove. " Here," said l)e, I was
as much alone as I could wish and my
heart exclaimed, Uh that I had in this wil-
derness the lodging of a poor wayfaring
man ; some cave, some grot, some place
where I might tinish my days in calm re-
uose.'' As he thus passed along musing,
he unexpectedly reached a small log house
where he saw a girl cleaning tish ; he re-
quested her to sell him some. She had
none to spare, but told him he could get
all he wanted at the nex' house. "What,
this?" said Mr. Murray pointing to one he
could just discern through the woods. —
The girl told him no, that was a meeting
house. He was much surprised to find a
meeting house there in the woods. He
was directed to pass on by the meeting
house and at the next house he would
find fish. He went on as directed and
came to the door near which was a large
pile of fish of various sorts, and standing
by was a tall man, rough in appearance
and evidently advanced in years. "Pray
sir," said Mr Murray, " will you have the
goodness te sell me one of those fish ?" —
" No sir," was the abrupt reply of the old
gentleman. "That is strange," replied
Mr. Murray, "when you have so many
fish, lo refuse me a single one!"
"I did not refuse you a fish, sir; you are
welcome to as many as you please, but I
do not sell the article; I do not sell fish,
sir, I have them for taking up and you
may obtain them the same way." Mr.
Murray tlianked him ; the old man then
inquired what he wanted of tliem, and was
told he wished them for supper for the
mariners at the tavern. The old man of-
iVred to send the fish over for him. and
urged Mr. Murray to tarry with him thai
nighi. Mr. Murray consented to return
after visiting the crew at the public house.
This old gentleman was Thomas Potter. —
Mr. Murray says he was astonished to see
so much genuine politeness and hospitali-
ty under so rough an exterior, but his as-
tonishment was greatly increased on his
return. The old man's room was prepared,
his fire briglit and his heart opened. —
" Come," said he, " my friend, I am glad
you have returned, I have longed to see
you, I have been expecting you a long
ti"'e." Expecting him ! Mr. Murray was
amazed, and asked what he meant. Mr.
Potter replied, " 1 must answer in my own
way ; I am a poor ignorant man, I know
how neither to read or write ; I was
born in tiiese woods and worked on these
grounds until I became a man, when I
went on coasting voyages from here to New
York ; I was then about getting married,
but in going to New York once I was
pressed on board of a man-of-war and tak-
en in Admiral Wa.iren's ship to Cape Bre-
ton. 1 never drank any rum, so they saved
my allowance ; but 1 would not bear an
affront, so if any of the officers struck me
I struck them again, but the admiral took
my part and called me his new-light man.
When I reached Louisburg 1 ran away and
traveled barefooted through the country
and almost naked lo New York, where I
was known and supplied with clothes and
money, and soon returned home, when T
found my girl aiarried. This rendered me
unhappy, but I recovered my tranquility
and married her sister. I settled down to
work 9,'nd got forward quite fast ; con-
structed a saw mill, possessed myself of
thi^ farm and five hundred acres of adjoin-
ing land. I entered into navigation, own
a sloop and have now got together a fair
estate. I am, as I said, unable to read or
write, but I am capable of reflection ; the
sacred Scriptures liave been often read to
me, from which 1 gathered that there is a
great and good Being who has preserved
and protected me througli innumerable
dangers, and to whom we are all indebted
for all we enjoy ; and as He has given me
a house of my own I conceived I could do
no lets than to open it to the stranger, let
him be who he would ; and especially if a
traveling minister parsed this way he al-
ways received an invitation to put up at
my house and hold his meetings here.
" 1 continued in this piaclice for more
than seven years, and illiterate as I was I
used to converse with them, and was fond
of asking them questions. They pro-
nounced me an odd mortal, declaring
themselves it a loss what to make of me ;
while I continued to affirm that I had but
one hope ; 1 believed that Jesus Christ
sufiered death for my transgressions, and
this alone was sufficient for me. At length
my wife grew weary of having meetings
held in her house, and I determined to
build a house for the worship of God. I
had no children, and 1 knew that I was
beholden to Almighty God for everything
which 1 possessed, and it seemed right I
should appropriate a part of what He be-
stowed (or his service. My neighbors of-
fered their assistance, ' But no,' said I,
' God has triven me enough to do this work
without your aid, and as he has put it in
my heart to do so, so I will do.' 'And
130
OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.
who,' it was asked, ' will be your preach-
er ?' I answered, God will send me a
preacher, and of a very different stamp ]
from those who have heretofore preached
in my house. The preachers we have '
heard are perpetually contradicting them-
selves ; but that God who has put it into
my heart to build this house, will send one
who shall deliver unto me his own truth ;
who shall speak of Jesus Christ and his
salvation. When the house was finished
I received an application from the Bap-
tists, and I told them it they could make
it appear that God Almif;;hty was a Bap-
tist, I should give them the building at
once. The Quakers and Presbyterians re-
ceived similar answers. No, said I, as I
firmly believe that ail mankind are equal-
ly dear to Almighty God, they shall all be
equally welcome to preach in this house
which I have built. My neighbors assured
me I should never see a preacher whose
sentiments corresponded with my own,
but I uniformly replied I assuredly would.
I engaged for the first year with a man
whom I greatly disliked; we parted, and
for some years we have had no stated min-
ister. My friends often asked me, ' where
is the preache/ of whom you spoke ?' and
my constant reply, ' he will by and by
make his appearance." The moment, sir,
1 saw your vessel on shore it seemed as if
a voice had audibly sounded in my ears,
' There, Potter, in that vessel, castaway on
that shore, is the preacher you have so long
been expecting.' I heard the voice and
believed the report, and when you came
up to my door and asked for the fish the
same voice seemed to repeal, ' Potter, this
is the man — this is the person whom I have
sent to preach in your house I'"
As may be supposed Murray was im-
measurably astonished at Mr. Potter's nar-
rative, but yet had not the least idea that
his wish could ever be realized. He asked
him what he could discern in his appear-
ance to lead him to mistake him for a
preacher. ' What,' said Potter, ' «ould I
discern when you were in the vessel that
could induce this conclusion? Sir, it is not
what I saw or see, but what I feel which
produces in my mind full conviction.' —
Murray replied that he must be deceived,
as lie should never preach in that place or
anywhere else.
'' Have you never preached — can you
say you never preached ?"
" I cannot, but I never intend to preach
airaiu."
" Has not God lifted up the light of His
countenance upon you? Has he not shown
you the truth ?"
'' I trust he has.''
'' Then how dare you hide this truth ? —
Do men light a candle and put it under a
bushel. If God has shown you His salva-
tion why should you not show it to your
fellow men. But 1 know that you will, 1
am sure that God Almighty has sent you
to us for this purpose. I am not deceived,
sir, I am sure I am not deceived."
Murray was much agitated when this
man thus spoke on, and began to wonder
whether or no God who ordains all things,
had not ordained that this should come to
pass, but his heart trembled, he tells us,
at the idea. He endeavored, he says, to
quiet his own fears and to silence the warm
hearted old man by informing him he was
supercargo of the vessel, that jsroperty to
a large amount was entrusted to his care,
and that the moment the wind changed
he was under solemn obligations to de-
part.
" The wind will never change," said Pot-
ter, " until you have delivered to us in that
meeting house a message trom God."
Murray still resolutely determined nev-
er to enter any pulpit as a pieachtr, but
being much agitated in mind asked to be
shown to bed after he had prayed with
the family. When they parted for the
night, his kind host solemnly requested
him to think of what he said.
" Alas, says Murray, he need not have
made this request; it was impossible to
banish it from my mind; when I entered
my chamber and shut the door, 1 burst in-
to tears ; I felt as if the hand of God was
in the events which had brought me to
this place, and I prayed most ardently
that God would assist and direct nie by
his counsel."
So much exercised was he in mind that
he spent the greater part of the night in
praying and weeping, " dreading more
than death, he says, supposing death to
be an object of dread, the idea ot engaging
as a public character." In his writings he
gives the substances of his meditations and
prayers on that memorable night. In the
morning his good iViend renewed his solici-
tations : " Will you speak to me and my
neighbors of the things which belong to,
our peace ?"
Murray seeing only thick woods, the tav-
ern across the fields excepted, requested
to know what he meant by neigh Ikh's.
OLD TIMES IN OLD MOxN MOUTH.
131
" O, sir, we assemble a large congrega-
tion whenever the meeting house is open-
ed ; indeed when my father first settled
here he was obliged to go twenty miles to
grind a bushel of corn, but now there are
more than seven hundred inhabitants
within that distance.''
Murray still could not be prevailed up
on to yield, but Potter insisted and seemed
positive the wind would not change until
he had spoken to the people. Tlius urged,
Murray began to waver and at length he
tells us he '' implored God, who sometimes
condescends to indulge individuals with
tokens of his approbation, graciously to in-
dulge me upon tiiis important occasion,
and that if it was His will that I should
obtain my soul's desire by passing through
life as a private individual, if such was not
his will that I should engage as^ a preacher
of the ministry, He would vouchsafe to
grant me a wind as might bear me from
this shore before another Sabbath. I de-
termined to take the changing of the wind
for an answer."
But the wind changed not, and towards
the close of the Saturday afternoon he re-
luctantly gave his consent to preaching
the next day, and Mr. Potter immediately
despatched his men on horse back to noti-
fy the neighbors, which they were to con-
tinue to do until ten o'clock in the even-
ing. Mr. Murray apj^ears to iiave had but
little rest that night, thinking over the re-
sponsibilities of the avocation he was so
unexpectedly about to be engaged in, and
of what lie should say and how he sliould
address the people ; but the passage
" Take no thought what ye shall say," etc.,
appears to have greatly relieved his mjnd.
Sunday morning they proceeded to the
church. Potter very joyful and Murray
uneasy, distrusting his own abilities to re-
alize the singularly high formed expecta-
tions of his kind host. The church at that
day is described as being " neat and con-
v.enient, with a pulpit rather after the
Quaker mode, with but one new pew and
that a large square one just below the pul-
pit in which sat the venerable Potter and
his family and visiting strangers ; the rest
of the seats were constructed with backs,
roomy and even elegant." As Murray was
preaching Potter looked up into the pul-
pit, his eyes sparkling with pleasure, seem-
ingly completely happy at the fulfillment
of what he firmly believed a promise long
deferred. We have no record of the sub-
stance of this, the first Universalist ser-
mon in America, nor of its impression up-
on any of the hearers save one — that one
Thomas Potter himself, appears to have
had all his expectations realized, and up-
on their return home overwhelmed Mur-
ray with his frank, warm-hearted congrat-
ulations ; and soon visitors poured in. —
Siiid Potter to them " This is the happiest
day of my life ; there, neighbors, there is
the minister God has sent me." Murray
was so overcome by the old man's enthu-
siastic demonstrations that he retired to
his room and tells us he '* prostrated him-
self at the throne of grace, and besought
God to take him and do with him what
he pleased."
After a while he returned to the compa-
ny and found the boatmen with them, who
wished him to go on board immediately,
as the wind was fair. So he was compelled
to leave. His host was loth to part with
him and exacted a promise from him to
return, which he soon did, and preached
often in the Potter church and other vil-
lages. The first place he visited during
this stay was Toms River. He relates two
or three interestin:; scenes occurring here,
in explaining to individuals his peculiar
religious views. The next village he visit-
ed was probably Mannahawkin, for though
he does not mention the name, yet he
speaks of a Baptist preacher and church,
of a family of Pangburns, &c., and there
was then a Bapti**! churcli at that village,
and the Pangburn family were then prom-
inent members of it. (Lines Pangburn was
a delegate from the Mannahawkin Baptist
church to the Baptist General Association,
in 1771. A man named Lines Pangburn
was afterward killed by refugees at Man-
nahawkin — probably the same one.)
For many years, and thouijh travelling
in various parts of the United States, yet
as long as Thomas Potter lived, his house
at Goodluck was considered by Murri-y as
his home. At length, after being away
some time upon a religious mission, he re-
turned and found that liis good old friend
was dead ; his letter describing this visit,
recounting some of the scenes of Potter's
life, his traits of character, his own feel-
ings, etc., is full of tender feeling and sin-
cere grief, admirably expressed, and the
substance of the discourse which he
preached on that occasion, in that memor-
able old chapel, is a touching specimen of
Murray's eloquence. A brief extract will
serve to liive an idea of Muri'ay's style and
of his feelings towards his departed friend.
His text was " For ye are bought with a
price ; therefore glorify God in your body
132
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
and in your spirit which are God's." To-
wards the close of his discourse, pointing
towards Potter's grave which could be seen
from where lie stood, he says :
" Through yonder open casement I be-
hold the grave of a man, the recollection
of whom swells my heart with gratitude,
and fills my eyes with tears. There sleeps
the sacred dust of him who well under
stood the advantages resulting from the
public worsliip of God. There rests the
ashes of him who glorified God in his body,
and in his spirit, which he well knew were
the Lord's. He believed he was bought
with a price, and therefore he declared that
all tliat he had and all tliat he was, were
righteouslv due to God, who created and
purchased him with a price, all price be-
yond. There rests the precious dust of
the friend of strangers, whose hospitable
doors were ever open to the destitute, and
him who had none to relieve his suffer-
ings ; his dust reposes close to this edifice,
itself a monument of his piety. Dear,
faithful man, when last I stood in this
place, he was present among the assemblj'^
of the people. I marked his glistening
eye ; it always glistened at the emphatic
name of Jesus. Even now, I behold in
imagination, his venerable countenance,
benignity is seated on his brow, his mind,
apparently open and confiding, tranquili-
ty reposeth upon his features, every vary-
ing emotion evincing faith in that endur-
ing peace which passeth understnnding. —
Let us, my friends, imitate his philanthro-
py, his charity, his piety. I may never
meet you again until we unite to swell the
loud hallelujahs before the throne of God.
But to hear of your faith, of your persever-
ance, of your works of charity, of your
brotherly love, will heighten my enjoy-
ments and soothe my sorrows, even to the
verge of mortal i)ilgrimage.''
Potter in his will left the church to Mur-
ray. The clause in his will reads, as given
in Murray's life, as follows:
" The house was built by me for the
worsliip of God ; it is my will that God be
worshipped in it still, and for this purpose
f wiil that ray ever dear friend, John Mur-
ray, preacher of the gospel, j^ossess it, hav-
ing the sole direction, disposal and man
agement of said house and one acre of
land upon which it stands and by which
it is surrounded."
It was Mr. Murray's desire as well as Mr.
Potter's, that the church should be kept
free to all denominations for the worship
of God. In his sermon just quoted he
says : " Thomas Potter built this house
that God might be worshipped without in-
terruption, that he might be worshipped
by all whom he stiould vouchsafe to send.
This elegant bouse, my friends, the first
friends who hailed my arrival in this coun-
try, this house with its a<]joining grove is
yours. The faitliful founder bequeathed
it to me that none of you may be deprived
of it," and in Mr. Murray's will he express-
ly left it free to all denominations.
This church property is now under the
control of the Methodists, the Universal-
ists, though manifesting little or no dispo-
sition to dispute their claim, yet contend
that its sale was through "the mismanage-
ment of the executor to satisfy illegal
claims, tfcc." The Unlversalists held an
interesting conference at the church, Mav
l.'itli, 1833, which was attended by many
of their leading preachers and laymen,
and while there erected the tombstone
over Potter's grave, which yet marks the
spot where he was buried. The ceremony
WPS quite impressive. Rev. A. C. Thomas
delivering an appropriate discourse, after
which a hymn corauosed for the occasion.
was sung among other exercises. This
conference, while there, adopted a circular
letterto their churches generally, in which,
among other things they say : " We have
been on a mission of love and gratitude,
liave assembled in the ancient house of
our Fathers, have convened around the
grave of the venerated Potter, and dropped
a tear of grateful remembrance on the
spot where repose his ashes, etc.," and
then earnestly invite their brethren from
the East and from the West, from the
North and from the South to unite with
thera "in an annual pilgrimage to this
sacred spot — this Holy Land, in order that
we may all receive a little of the Godlike
spirit of benevolence which warmed the
soul of that man of God, and friend of man,
Thomas Potter.
Their earnest and feeling appeal to their
brethren to make this annual pilgrimage,'
however, has met with a very feeble re-
sponse, though since the time that John
Murray delivered his first sermon in Sep-
tember, 1770, the churclies of his follow-
ers have increased to perha2)s twelve hun-
dred, yet only once in a long while does
one of their members make this pilgrim-
age to this 'Holy Land ;' when they do
and express a desire to preach, the doors
are thrown open to them, and as long as
the trustees are thus liberal to them as
well as other denominations, they cer-
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
133
tainly can have no occasion to question
the title.
The substance of the foregoing account
is derived from Everett's life of Murray
and from writings of Murray himself. The
warm unqualified endorsementof the char-
acter of Murray, as a man, by such noble
hearted men as General Greene of Revolu-
tionary fame, and others who knew him,
well show that implicit reliance can be
placed upon his statements. In 1832. the
Rev. A. C. Thomas visited Toms River and
Goodluck, and in both places found per-
sona who had listened to Murray in their
youth, and cherished the faith they heard
from him, and he conversed with several
who remember having heard the circum-
stances related by Murray of his first meet-
ing with Potter, corroborating Murray's
statements.
Before dismisising the subject it may not
be amiss to add that one tradition of the
origin of the name of Goodluck, as applied
to this village, is that when Murray was
looking for provisions on his first arrival,
and finding Potter so kind and open heart-
ed, and the magnificent groves of pine so
suited to his meditative mind, he exclaim-
ed : 'Good Luck !' that 1 have found such
a place and such a man. (There is anoth-
er tradition of the name of Goodluck Point,
near Toms River, which is different from
the origin of Goodluck villnge.)
An old gentleman broutrhc up in the vi-
cinity of the church, whose father was a
neighbor and friend of Thomas Potter,
stated that he often heard his father re-
late Potter's story of the naming of the
place on this account; that in relation to
Potter being carried off by a man of-war,
he was gone so long the neighbors thought,
him dead, and the girl to whom he Wdn to
be married, thinking so also, she had mar-
ried another man just before his return ;
that Potter often told his neighbors, after
he built the church, that God would send
a minister after his own heart, and that in
Murray he found fulfilled hi.s long defer-
red expectations.
The Centenary of Universalism.
The one hundredth anniversary of the
introduction of Universalism into the Uni-
ted States was celebrated by a large con
vocation of clergy and members of the So-
ciety at Gloucester Mass., in September,
1870; and the week following, on Sept.
28th, memorial exercises conducted by that
father in the church, Rev. Abel C. Thom-
as, of Philadelphia, was held at the old
Potter Church at Goodluck. The exer-
cises consisted of praying, singing, address
by Mr. Ballou, of Philadelphia, &c., afteF
which the congregation were dismissed
until one o'clock, when the grave of Mr.
Potter the founder, of the church, was dec-
orated with appropriate cei'emonies. For-
ty years ago Rev. A. C Thomas caused a
wooden fence to be put around Potter's
grave ; on the centenary occasion this was
removed and a neat iron fence substituted.
The following letter from Rev. A. C.
Thomas, to the Editor of the New .Jersey'
Courier, giving some interesting details of
the celebrations at Gloucester and Good-
luck, and also items in the rise and pro-
gress of the Society, is worthy a place in
the history of the church :
Thomas Potter and .John Murray.
Mr. Editor: — In behsdfof many Univer-
salists, I thank you for your iate fair and
liberal article respecting Thomas Potter, of
Good Luck, and the Rev. John Murray. —
We expect no man to endorse liie state-
ments of the latter, as recorded in his au
tobiography ; nor the traditional accounts
of his remarkable interview with the for-
mer; but we are happy to know that the
time has arrived for a truly catholic repre-
sentation of our history as a people, as il-
lustrated recently in your columns.
In one item you were misinformed. We
had no expectations of large '"delegations"
of our members at the late celebration in
Goodluck. Our centenary bad been at-
tended the week previously in Gloucester,
Mass., the number present being variously
estimated from ten thousand to fifteen
thousand, including two hundred and fif-
ty out of our six hundred and fifty clergy-
men. It was the date of the stated annual
session of our General Convention, and
was appointed to be held in Gloucester
under the following circumstances.
In i770 a Mr. Gregory, presumably a
mariner, brought from London to Glou-
cester a book written by Rev. .James Relly,
in advocacy and defence of the doctrireof
the restoration of all souls, in the Lord's
own time and way. This book was passed
from hand to hand, and made happy con-
verts of a number of influential, religious
people.
It would require no great stretch of the
imagination to date the landing of that
booK on the 28th of September, of the year
named ; and on that day Rev. John Mur-
ray, a disciple of Relly (in the sense that
Relly was a disciple of Christ) landed on
134
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
the coast of New Jersey, as narrated in
yo.ur recent article.
After an extended missionary service in
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and New Eng-
land,, Murray was for the second time in
Boston in 1774. Having heard of him as
a dis.-iple of Relly, the Gloucester people
sent for him. He accepted the invitation,
the visit being a meeting of tlie lines of
providence in the case. Here he after-
wards settled as pastor, his meetings for
Wor.-^hip being held in private houses uniil
1788. In that year a meeting house was
erected, and a more pretensions one in
1805. The old building was then sold
and devoted to secular uses in the villagf.
Ten years later it was removed to a farm
about two miles distant, and since that
time has been used as a hay-barn.
In 1804 Murray removed to Boston, and
his successor in Gioucester, Rev. Thomas
Jones, for forty-two years was minister of
the parish, dying in 1846.
During the session of our General Con
v'>ntion last week, we had a memorial ser
vice at ihe old church barn, and also at
the grave of Father Jones, the latter be-
ing marked by a huge granite obelisk ni
the Cemetery.
The late great convocation in Glouces-
ter antediited the landing of Murray by
the space of one week; and a few of us
determined to spend the exact centenary
at Goodluck. This was what took us
there ; and there, precisely one hundred
years from the landing of Murray, we held
a memorial service in the old church, and
also at the grave of Thomas Potter — the
order being substantially the same that we
had used in Gloucester. The only change
was in this : " We strew this evergreen
and these flowers in memory and honor of
Thomas Potter, the friend and patron of
John Murray, our early preacher of Uni-
versalism in America."
After a brief address V)y the Rev. Abel
C. Tljomas, who conducted the services,
the following hymn was sung, and the ser-
vice proceeded in the ordei' given below.
Whilst far and wide thy scattered sheep.
Great Shepherd, iu tlie desert stray,
Thy lore by som* is thought to sleep,
Unheedful of the wanderer's way.
But truth declams tliey shall be found.
Wherever uow they darkling roam,
Thy love shall through the desert sound,
.^.nd summon every wanderer home.
Upon the darkened wavs of sin,
Instead of terror's sword and flame,
Shall love de«(-;ind — for love can win
Far more than terror can reclaim
And they shall turn their wandering feet,
By grace redeemed, by love controlled,
Till all at last in Edeu meet.
One happy, universal fold.
All the ends of the world shall remem-
ber and turn unto the Lord, and all the
kindreds of the nations siiall worship be-
fore thee :
For the kingdom is the Lord's and he is thf
Governor among the nations.
Send forth ihy light and thy truth, O
Lord ; let them lead us and bring us to
thy holy hill, and to thy tabernacles, even
unto God our exceedingjoy.
Tl'ou wilt show us the path, of life : in thy
presence is fulness of joy : at thy right hand
there are pleasures for evermore.
How amiable are thy tabernajles, O
Lord of Hosts ! My soul longeth, yea.
even fain eth for the courts of the Lord:
My heart and my flesh crieth out for the liv-
ing God,
As the sparrow findeth a house, and the
swallow a nest for herself where she may
hide her young, so let me dwell at thine
altars. O Lord of Hosts, my King and my
God.
Blessed are they -who divell in thy house : they
will be still praising thee.
A day in thy courts is better than a
thousand elsewhere : I had raiher be a
door-keeper in the house ot my God than
to dwell in tlie tents of ungodliness.
O Lord of Hosts, blessed is the man that
iriisteth in thee.
Thy perfection is higher than heaven :
what can we do to celebrate tliy praise ?
It is deeper than hell : what can we know
of thy fatliomless love ?
We praise thee, O God : we acknowledge thee
to be the Lord.
All the earth doth worship thee, the
Father everlasting. To thee ail angels cry
aloud, the heavens and all the powers
tlierein. To thee, cherubim and seraphim
continually do cry.
Holy, holy, holy Lord of Sabatth I heaven
and earth are full of the majesty of thy glory !
The illustrious procession of the patri-
archs praise thee :
The jubilant assembly of the prophets
praise thee :
The glorious company of the apostles
praise thee :
The noble army of martyrs praise thee :
The Holy ('hurcli throughout all the
world doih acknowledge thee, the Father
of an infinite majesty :
Also thy well-beloved and consecrated Son
and. the Holy Ghost the Comforter.
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
135
O God, the King of Glory, help thy ser-
vants whom thou hast redeemed by the
hand of thy mighty power :
Make them to be numbered with thy saints in
glory everlasting.
Lord, save thy people and bless thy
heritage : govern and lift them up for-
ever.
Day by day we manifest thee ; and we worship
thy name ever ; world without end.
Vouchsafe, Lord, to keep us evermore
without sin. All our trust is in thee.
Lord, in thee have I trusted : Let me nev-
er be confounded.
It is nothing wonderful that the occa-
sion should have special attractions for me.
After the final visit of Mui -ay to Good-
luck (it was I believe in 1790) no Unive;-
salist clergyman had been there until my
first visit in 1832— being accompanied by
Richard Norton and James Ely, of Hights-
town. I was again there, accompanied by
several friends, in May 1833 — at which
date we erected a plain headstone at the
grave of Potter, and engaged Benjamin
Stout (then owner of the Potter farm) to
erect a paling fenc3. This was removed a
few weeks since, and a beautiful and sub-
stantial iron one substituted, by an organ-
ization known as theGoodluok Association.
This Association also recently bought an
acre of wooded ground adjacent to the
meeting house as a sort of perpetual me-
morial.
We have no present thought of estab-
lishing a worshiping assembly in that vi-
cinity, and the courteous treatment re-
ceived from all the neighbors, and fro.n
the Rev. Mr. Johnson, Methodist minister
in charge, gives us assurance that the door
of the old meeting house will not be closed
against us for an occasional service in
years to come.
Truly yours, Abel C. Thomas.
Philadelphia, Sept. 30, 1770.
WHO WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR CAPT
BUDDY'S MURDER?
Monmouth Refugees in New York and
Board of Associated Loyalists' action. —
Captain Richard Lippencott's Trial, &c.
Captain Joshua Huddy, Daniel Ran-
dolph, Esq., and Jacob Fleming, it may be
remembered, were made prisoners by the
British, at Toms River, March 24th, 1782.
While they were in the custody of the
British at New York, the Americans on
the 30th of the same month, captured
Philip White, Aaron White and other ref-
ugees as elsewhere described, and also cap-
tured at or about the same time Captain
Clayton Tilton. Aaron White, Tilton and
pi'obably the others, except Phil White
killed in attempting to escape, were taken
to Freehold and lodged in the jail. Til-
ton and Aaron White were subsequently
exchanged for Randolph and Fleming, be-
fore which it will be seen, by the follow-
ing extracts, that while the Board of Asso-
ciated Loyalists,* in their official capacity
ordered Huddy to be delivered to the cus-
tody of Lippencott for the ostensible pur-
pose of having him exchanged for Tilton,
yet that this was only a pretext ; that the
real object was to have him executed and
that without any form of trial. The fol-
lowing is a copy of the order on the com-
missary of prisoners.
New York, April 8th, 1782.
Sir : Deliver to Captain Richard Lip-
pencott the three following prisoners : —
Lieutenant Joshua Huddy. Daniel Ran-
dolph, and Jacob Fleming to take them
to the Hook [Sandy Hook) to procure the
exchange of Captain Clayton Tilton and
two other associated loyalists.
By order of the board of directors of as-
sociated loyalists.
S. S. Blowers, Secretary.
Mr. Commissary Challoner.
On the trial of Lippencott, Walter Chal-
loner the commissary of business testified
in substance as follows :
" He never knew anything of Joshua
Iluddy's being to be delivered to Lippen-
cott, till Lippencott brought the order. —
In going from deponent's house to the pro-
vost with Lippencott, he told deponent
that the three prisoners, whom that order
concerned, were intended to be exchanged
for Philip White, Captaiia Tilton and an-
other White. In their conversation in go-
ing to the provost, Capt. Lippencott told
deponent that if White was murdered as
reported, they intended to execute Hud-
dy for him."
It will hereafter be seen that at this
time Lippencott knew that Phil White
was really dead.
The Secretary of the Board of Associated
Loyalists, S. S. Biowers. gave his testimony
which, as far as it goes seems to palliate
the action of that body. His evidence refers
to what transpired before the Board in its
official capacity and it may be substantial-
ly true so far as his knowledge extended
but that it did not give all the facts relat-
136
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
ing to the order for Huddy to be delivered
to Lippencott will be seen by the testimo-
ny of other witnesses. This iSeoretary, Mr.
Blowers, stood high among the loyahsts. —
He was* a graduate of Harvard (Jolletje. —
After the war he went to Halifax and was
appointed Attorney General, electedSpeak-
er of the House of Assembly, and in 1797
appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court.
According to Mr. Blowers' testimony,
Lippencott appeared before the Board on
the 8th of April and stated that Captain
Tilton was a prisoner at Freehold and he
was afraid the Americans would liang him
unless hi- could have some prisoner to hold
for Tilton 's security ; he proposed to have
Huddy delivered to him and also two oth-
ers named Randolph and Fleming. He
wished to take these three men to Sandy
Hook and to offer Huildy for Tilton, and
if that offer did not answer, to give all
three to procure his exchange ; but if the
first offer was accepted, then to give Ran-
dolph and Fleming for two other Loyalists.
The order was thereupon given him as the
Co.araissary of prisoners for Huddy, Ran-
dolph and Fleming. The next day, April
9th, Lippencott again appeared before the
Board and proposed to make an expedi-
tion into the Jerseys with a view to
Force Freehold Jail
with a pprty of about thirty loyalists and
rescue Clayton Tilton, or if that was found
impracticable, to seize General Forman,
that he might by one of these means, pro-
cure the release of Tilton, and he request-
ed a requisition for men, ammunition and
provisions for the expedition. The propo-
sal was agreed to. While the necessary or-
ders were being made out, Lippencott took
a paper from his pocket, and went towards
Governor Franklin and said, "this is the
paper we mean to take down with us." —
This paper it would seem, was the label
afterwards fastened to Huddy's breast
wlien he was hung. The secretary said
that Governor Franklin only looked at the
pa2)er but did not read it, that Mr. Stew-
art, another member of the Board, tried to
read it by looking over h'ranklin's shoul-
der and that Daniel Coxe. of N. J., also of
the Board and its first president, hastily
said "we have nothing to do with that pa-
per; Captain Lippencott, keep your paper
to yourself."
From the evidence of Mr. Blowers and
more particularly from that of other wit-
nesses it is plainly evident that the mem-
bers of the Board were acquainted with
the nature of the contents of the paper al-
though they did not choose to recognize
it in their official capacity.
Captain Thomas Crowell, a refugee from
Middletown, testified in substance as fol-
lows :
" In consequence of several loyalists
having been executed in Monmouth, de-
ponent obtained from the commandant,
thi'ough Governor Franklin, orders to re-
ceive three prisoners and follow such di-
rections as deponent might give with re-
spect to their confinement. That it was
proposed to have executed one of them by
way of retaliation, the Board of Directors
having promisfd deponent that orders
should be given for that purpose ; but
some dispute intervening among loyalists
who had taken those prisoners, the order
was not given, nor did tiie execution take
place ; but deponent in consequence of
the declaration made by the Board, >!ated
December 28th, 1780, should have thought
himself justifiable in executing one of
those prisoners, even had he received only
a verbal order from the Board, having nev-
er seen any prohibition against the decla-
ration alluded to."
HuDor's Murder Suggested.
Samuel Taylor, a refugee from New Jer-
sey, probably from Shrewsbury, in his tes-
timony said :
" Early in April he waited on Governor
Franklin and informed him that the Amer-
icans had taken Captain Tilton and Philip
White and had murdered the latter in a
cruel manner, and requested the Governor
to give an order for ttie delivery of Joshua
Huddy and Randolph in order to exchange
the latter for Tilton and execute Huddy
in retaliation for White. The Governor
replied that he ivouhJ give the necessary orders,
if he thought the deponent would execute Huddy /
to which deponent replied ' he need not
fear that.' After the prisoners were re-
moved to the provost, deponent waited on
Governor Franklin who told him lie wuuld
give the desired orders ; and as deponent
was ordered on another service, the Gov-
ernor asked what officer he thought should
command the party to go out and execute
Huddy. Deponent answered, he thought
C.M'TAi.v Lippencott a Proper Person to
Execute Huddy,
and deponent believed he would under-
take it. The Governor then told him he
wished Captain Lippencott would call, at
the Board room next day at 2 P. M ; in
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
187
consequence of deponent's telling this to
Lippencott, the latter accordingly attend-
ed at the appointed time and place ; but
the directors would not give Cf ptain Lip-
pencott the order unless deponent was
sent for by the Board ; that when he asked
for the order to be given to Captain Lip-
pencott, a member of the Board said he
should have it ; that in the course of the
conversation with Grovernor Franklin, the
governor told hwi that they were not only to hang
Huddy, but that if the rebels banged any
other in retaliation for him, they (the loy-
alists) should continue retaliating, by hang-
ing man for man, and if necessary he
would give up all the prisoners taken at
Toms River for the purpose. Deponent
said as to Governor Franklin's powers, the
Associated Loyalists looked upon him as their
commanding officer and felt bound to obey his or-
ders whether verbal or ivritten ; that he consid-
ered. F)-^iklin^s orders for executing Iduddy, law-
ful orders, which if not obeyed would have
been censurable by a Court Martial, and
if the orders had been given to deponent
he would have thought himself anstverab^e
for disobeying them."
Governor Franklin Wants Huddy
Hanged.
At this point in the trial, the prisoner,
Captain Lippencott, asked the witness
Taylor " Did he ever hear Governor Frank-
lin say that they should not have Huddy
unless they would execute him ?" To
which Taylor replied :
" On asking for Huddy, Governor Frank-
lin said to deponent, 'Will you execute
him when you take him out?' He re-
plied he would or would not have made
application for him ; and Governor Frank-
lin then said 'You shall have him.'
Another refugee from Monmouth, Mof-
fat (Morlord?) Taylor of Shrewsbury in his
testimony said :
" Deponent was with Governor Frank-
lin on ihe subject of executing Huddy,
that Governor Franklin said Randolph
and Fleming were to be kept as hostages
to be exchanged for Captain Tilton and
Aaron White and that Huddy ivas to he execu-
ted/or Philip White, and if Huddy was not
executed, he had be*^ter be left in jail, as
one prisoner by the name of Smock had
been taken out of jail to be executed but
was not, which occurrence gave cause to
the rebels to think the loyalists were afraid
of them and dared not hurt them. Depo-
nent told Governor Franklin he had no
commission, upon which Franklin said
that Captain Lippencott had a commission
and told deponent to go to him and he
dared say that Lippencott would be fond
of the job. Deponent then went to Lip-
pencott and toki him that Governor Frank-
lin had appointed deponent to call on him
and ask if he was willing to go. After that
Lippencott went to Governor Franklin and
deponent had nothing farther to do with
it."
The above witness rtfeis to a Smock
having been taken out of jail to be execu-
ted. Captain Barnes Smock and Lieuten-
ant Henry Smock of Monmouth, were cap;
tured by the British in September 1870
the officer referred to was probably the first
n.'imed and he may have been the ofilcer
referred to in the evidence of Captain
Thomas Ciowell .'dready quoted.
The Hanging of Huddy.
Captain Huddy, Randolph and Fleming
were taken by Lippencott and his party
on board a sloop on the 9th of April, and
sailed for Sandy Hook, where they found
the British man of war, Brittania, on board
of which they lodged the prisoners a day
or two after. Early on the 12th, Lippencott
came for Huddy, and showed Captain Mor-
ris, of the J5?7tom'a, two papers, one being
the label which was afterwards fastened to
Huddy 's breast. Captain Morris asked
Lippencott what he intended to do with
Huddy. Lippencott replied that he intend-
ed to put the orders of the Board of Refu-
gees in execution which was to hang Hud-
dy. Lippencott borrowed a rope from
Captain Morris and then proceeded on his
infamous mission.
Timothy Brooks, a Pennsylvania Refu-
gee, who was one of Lippencott's party
when Huddy was hanged, testified that
he saw Huddy hanged and that he was ex-
ecuted by a negro, that Lippencott shook
hands with Huddy as he (Huddy) was
standing on the barrel, by Huddy's re-
quest ; that on the 9th of April he heard
that Governor Franklin had ordered Hud-
dy to be hanged ; the party which hanged
Huddy consisted of twenty-three, counting
Captain Lippencott, exclusive of the pris-
oner. Among the number was a Mr. Tilton
who seme said was an officer. This Tilton
was John Tilton, a refugee from Middle-
town, Monmouth, who testified that he
called on Governor Franklin, before Hud-
dy was delivered to Lippencott, and Frank-
lin said Joshua Huddy must be executed
or the loyalist prisoners would all be hang-
ed ; that when the party was putting Huddy
in irons on board the sloop, he was present
138
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
and he asked him if he thought it good
usage to iron him. Huddy replied " he did
not think it was ; but as he was about to
be exchanged in a day or two lie did not
mind being in irons." This Til ton wit-
nessed the hanging of Huddy and return-
ed to the Brittania about noon and report-
ed that " Huddy died with the firmness of
a lion."
GrENERAL WASHINGTON ENDORSES THE DeCIS
ION OF Freehold Patriots.
The Freehold patriots heard of the exe-
cution of Huddy the day that it occurred
and that it was done without any form or
pretense of a trial. They at once institu-
ted a thorough investigation of the circum-
stances attending it, and of the pretexts
plead in justification. The evidence pro-
duced, published in the chapter relating
to Phil White, his capture, attempt to es-
cape anil manner of death, show that the
alleged cruelties were absolute fabrications.
General FoVman and Colonel Holmes were
requested to wait on and present the evi-
dence to General Washington who consid-
ered it a matter of so much importance
that on the 19th of Ai)ril he convened a
board of officers to take it into considera-
tion ; this board after mature deliberation
decided that retaliation should be made
by selecting an officer of equal rank unless
Lippencott was given up. The next day
General Washington wrote a letter to Con-
gress informing them that he deemed the
murder of Huddy so barbarous as to re-
quire retaliation and trusts that his deci-
sion will meet the approval of that body
(which was subsequently given) ; and the
day following (April 21st) he wrote to Sir
Henry Clinton demanding that Lippencott
should be given up
Sir Henry Clinton replied to General
Washington on the 25th of April. He re-
fused to give uf) the perpetrator of the
murder, but informed the American com-
mander that he had ordered a court mariiai
to examine the charge against Lippencott before
his letter was received. He did not pretend
to .justify the conduct of the loyalists and
expressed his regret for the fate of the suf-
ferer.
On the trial of Lippencott, which took
place in June, the main points at issue
were : " Was the execution of Captain
Huddy justifiable ;" and " Did Captain
Lippencott execute Huddy on his own re-
sponsibility or did he do it by orders of the
Loyalist Board."
Decision of the British Court Martial.
The following is a copy of the decision
of the Court :
" The court having considered the evi-
dence for and against the prisoner Cap-
tain Richard Lippencott, together with
what he had to offer for defence ; and it
appearing that (although Joshua Huddy
was executed without proper autliority)
what the prisoner d'd in the matter was
not the effect of malice or ill will, but pro-
ceeded fiorp a conviction that it was his
duty to obey the orders of the Board of
Directors of Associated Loyalists, and his
not doubting their having full authority
to give such orders, the court are of opin
ion that he, the prisoner, Captain Richard
Lippencott is noi ^wito/ of the murder laid
to his charge, and do therefore acquit
him."
This decision not only virtually admits
that the execution of Huddy was r^urder,
but throws the blame on the Board of As-
sociated Loyalists at the head of which
was Governor William Franklin. The ev
idence we have already quoted will show
the grounds upon which they based their
decision. It is worthy of note that before
the trial was concluded Governor Frank-
lin left New York and sailed for England
and so avoi'^'ed any investigation of his
conduct that might have been contempla-
ted.
Sir Guy Carleton took command of the
British forces in New York in May, and
he evidently l:;oked upon the Board with
less favor than had Clinton. In a letter
to General Washington, immediately after
his assuming cummand, he expressed his
intention to preserve " the name of Eng-
lishmen from reproach and to pursue eve-
ry measure that might tend to prevent
these criminal excesses in individuals." —
He did not hesitate to condemn the many
unauthorized acts of violence which had
been committed, and concluded that he
should do everything to mitigate the evils
of war. As one proof of his sincerity he
at once broke up the Board of Associated
Loyalists.
Gn the 13th of May, the lot was ordered
by General Washington which resulte'l in
the selection of Captain Asgill to be held
as hostage for Lippencott.
Lu'I'kncott's Own Defense on the Trial.
After Lippencott was arrested and con-
fined in the Provost jail he had frequent
conversations with Captain William Cun-
ningham, the Provost Marshal, about the
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
139
execution of Huddy. Cunningham, ex-
pecting to be called upon as a witness at
the trial, noted down Lippencott's state-
ments and after submitting them to Lip-
pencott, he made deposition on the 10th
of May as follows :
" He heard Captain Lippencott say that
Governor Franklin often said there was no
way of stopping the rebels from massacre-
ing ♦^he refugees but by retaliation, and he
wanted one Mason to be the object. Cap-
tain Lippencott said he would be the man
who would cause it to be done, it the Gov-
ernor would give him an order in writing,
so that he might stand fair in the eyes of
his exct^ll<*ncy the commander-in-chief. —
Governor Franklin replied that he could
give no written order, but would answer
the consequences to the commander-in-
chief, as it was the only way of putting a
stop to the rebels hanging and murdering
the loyal refugees. And he farther he .rd
Captain Lippencott say that he bad been
told some time ago, by two refugees, that,
the honorable board would give up Gap-
tain Huddy and two other prisoners ; and
that Huddy should be executed for Philip
White, and the other two should be exe-
cuted for Captain Tilton and another for
Aaron White (supposing Tilton and White
had been executed by the rebels ; if not
they were to be offered in exchange for
them. That ( aptain Lippencott waited
on the hou'irable board with a label that
was intended to be fixed on Huddy's
breast, and gave it into the hands of the
Governor and asked him if he thought
that vTould do, or something to that effect.
Mr. Cox, who was present, made answer,
and said Captain Lipp«^ncott ought to have
kept that to himself; Captain Lippencott
answered, he never did anything but what
was done above board. The Governor
read it and tlien gave it to another of the
board to read ; and when Captain Lippen-
cott was going, the Governor wished him
luck or success, or words to that effect. —
He further says Captain Lippencott seem-
ed a little affected _when deponent gave
him a copy of his crime, and expressed a
seeming surprise, by saying, " ila I is this
the way the board is going to leave me !"
or words to that purpose.
He further saith, before Lippeacott was
made a prisoner, he (Lippencott) told him
the board sent him near thre» sheets of
paper written, the contents of which were
to acquit the board of knowing anything
of Huddy's death, and that he (Lippen-
cott) should take it entirely on himself.
and sign the paper and send it to the
board ; which he believed he should have
done, but deponent making him prisoner
at the time he was copying it had hindered
him from so doing."
It will be noticed, that Lippencott as-
serted that Governor Franklin promised
him if he would execute Huddy without
a written order that he (Gov. Franklin)
would answer the consequences to the Bri-
tish commander in-chief, and this asser-
tion is substantiated by the evidence of
others. How Franklin performed his
promise will be seen by the following.
Cowardly Act of the Loyalist Board.
In the affidavit of Captain Cunningham,
reference is made to a certain paper sent
by the Board of Loyalists to Lippencott
to sign ; the purport of the paper being to
exonerate the Board from all responsi-
bility, for the murder of Huddy, Cunning-
ham was such an unmitigated scoundrel,
as proven by his own confession given in
another chapter, that but little credence
would be attached to his affidavit but for
the fact that it is corroborated by other
reliable evidence. The paper referred to
was produced before the Court which tried
Lippencott. It was written by Mr. Alex-
ander, one of the Board, at the office of the
Board, at the instigation of the members.
We give the whole of this paper, remark-
able as showing the cowardice and duplici-
ty of the Board and their efforts to sacri-
fice the man they had used as a tool, to
save themselves. It was to have been sent
to Governor Franklin as the chief of the
Board.
'' Sir : — In compliance with the orders
of the honorable board of directors, vre
beg leave to communicate to your excel-
lency, for their information, an account of
the proceedings of the loyalists from Mon-
mouth on the late expedition for the re-
lief of Captain Clayton Tilton and two oth-
er loyalists, then prisoners with the rebels
in that county.
Being frustrated m the design of bring-
ing off Captain Tilton by force and our of
fers For exchange rejected, we dreaded
that he was reserved for a fate similar to
that our associate Philip White had suffer-
ed, who was taken at the same time with
Captain Tiltoti, and inhumanly and wan-
tonly murdered by the guard who were
conveying him to Monmouth jail. This
recent instance of cruelty, added to the
many daring acts of the same nature'
which have been perpetrated with impuni-
ty by a set of vindictive rebels, well known
140
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
by the name of the Monmouth Retaliators,
associated and headed by one General For-
man (whose horrid acts of cruelty have
gained him universally the name of Black
David,) fired our party with an indigna-
tion only to be felt by men who for a
series of years have beheld many of their
friends and neighbors butchered in cold
blood under the usurjDed form of law, and
often without that ceremony, for no other
crime than that of maintaining their alle-
giance bo their government under which
they were born, and which the rebels au
daciously call treason against the Stat-s. —
We thought it high time to convince the
rebels we would no longer tamely submit
to such glaring acts of barbarity ; and
though we lament the necessity to which
we have been driven, to begin a retalia-
tion of intolerable cruelties long contin-
ued and often repeated, yet we are con-
vinced that we could not have saved the
life of Captain Tilton by any other means.
"We therefore pitched upon Joshua Huddy
as a proper subject for retaliation, becauso
he was not only well known to have been
a very active and cruel persecutor of our
friends, but h;id not been ashamed to bonst
of his having been instrumental in hang-
ing Stephen Edwards, a worthy lo^. alist,
and the first of our brethren who fell a
maityr to republican fury in Monmouth
County. Huddy was the man who tied
the knot and put the rope about the neck
of that inoffensive sufferer. This fact will
appear by two affidavits which we have
the honor to enclose.
It IS true in this instance we have acted
without the orders or knowledge of the
honorable board ; but we hope, when they
are pleased to take into consideration the
motives which induced us to take this
step, and that Huddy was executed in the
county where so many acts of cruelty have
been committed on liefugees, they will
not think our conduct reprehensible, more
especially when your excellency peruses
the Tollowing state of facts. [The facts al-
luded to are not found in the originals.) Many
of the above facts are ascertained by affl
davits ; and such as are not are too notor-
ious to be denied even by General Forman
himself, the most persecuting rebel in the
country. By a strange fatality, the loyal
ists are the only people that have been
treated as rebels, during this unhappy
war ; and we are constrained by our suffer-
ings to declare that no efforts have been
made by the Government, under whose
protection we wish to live, to save our
brethren from ignominious deaths. It is
our fixed determination, however repug-
nant to our feelings (having on all occa-
sions treated our prisoners with tender-
ness, and often indulge them with paroles
which they have frequently violated) that
should the rebels, to answer their malig-
nant purposes, continue to punish the loy-
alists, under their usual distinction of pris-
oners of state from prisoners of war, they
shall feel a. severe retaliation in every m-
stance — the just vengeance due to such
enormities. Blood shall flow for blood, or
the loyalists will perish in the attempt.
We have the honor to be on behalf of
the associated loyalists of Monmouth
County, your excellency's most obedient
servants."
This paper prepared by the Board for
Lippencott to sign, it will te seen by ref-
erence to the evidenceof different witness-
es already quoted, was false in every es-
sential particular. While it is true that
the written order to get Huddy out of the
Provost jail, into the charge of Lijjpencott
makes the preteit that it was to have him
exchanged for Tilton, yet the real object
as expressed by verbal orders of Governor
Franklin was to have him taken within
the limits of Monmoutli and there execu-
ted. They were not frustrated in any at-
tempt to bring off' Tilton by force, for if
any such attempt had been made it would
have been shown on the trial, nor whs any
attempt to have him exchanged mention-
ed. It was not Lippencott who suggest*>d
the hiinging of Huddy — he was only a tool,
perhaps too willing, of Governor Franklin
and his associates. There was no reason
to fear tliat " Tilton was reserved for a
fate similar to Phil White's;" no evidence
was produced to show that the Monmouth
patriots considered him other than a pris-
oner of war captured under usual circum-
stances and to be held for exchange. Gen-
eral Forman, or Black David as they j)re-
ferred calling him, and his associates never
executed a refugee unless under circum-
stances justifiable by the rules of warfare,
as has already been shown in other chap-
ters. Tiie Pine Robbers, Fagan, Fenton,
i5urke and others of that class met their
fate for burglary, murder and other crimes,
for committing what Sir Guy Carleton
called "unauthorized acts of violence"
and wha' he pointedly condemned. Ste-
phen Edwards came into the American
lines as a spy ; treasonable papers were
found in his i:)08session ; so positive was
the proof against him that one of the
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
141
warmest friends of his family, who would
have been glad of any pretext to save him,
was compelled to vote for his condemna-
tion.
l^ut the most noticeable falsehood which
the Board asked Lippencott to sign was
that he "had acted without the knowledge
or consent of the Board I"
On this pohit, in addition to the evi-
dence already quoted, we copy the testi-
mony of Henry Steptiensen, a surgeon in
the British legion, relating a conversation
between hi'msell' and two membeis of ihe
Board that took place at the office of Riv-
ingtoti's B<^yal Gazette^ the Toiy paper at
New York. Mr. Stephenson was asked :
" Did he recollect a conversation be-
tween himself and several other gentle
men. at Mr Rivington's (soon Jifler the
ciinfinernent of the }. risoner for the crime
now charged against him) respeciing a pa-
per that was sent to the prisoner by some
one of the honorable board of directors, to
be signed by the prisoner, assigning rea
suns for the execution of the said Joshua
Buddy; and was deponent then censur-
ing a part of said paper whicli expressed
the execution of Buddy to be without the
knowledge of the Board ? During the con-
versation, did Messrs. Stewart and Alex-
ander, both members of the Board, come
into Mr. Rivington's and what further cou-
veisation passed on the sulgect?"
Suigeon Stephenson deposed in answer
as follows :
" Yes, he recollects a conversation. He
was at Mr. Rivingt.jn's one evening, some
little time after the prisoner wa.-i confined
in the piovo«t, and wms mentioning to
some gentlemen that a report had pre-
vailed in town that tht^ board of directors
had drawn up an instrument in writing,
which they wi.-hed Captain Lippencott to
sign, purporting that Captain Buddy was
executed without tneif knowledge or con-
sent. Just at the time they were talking
on the subject Mr. Alexander and Mr.
Stewart, two of the board, came in ; and
after mentioning the above report, depo-
nent put the following question to them :
' First, Did you gentlemen send such an
instrument in writing to Captain Lippen-
cott to sign or not? They replied, there
had been a paper sent to him but thai
Cajjtain Lippencott might alter it as he
thought proper, or words to that effect. —
Mr. Alexander particularly mentioned
that he had objected to the words " with-
out their knowledge or consent," being in-
serted. The second question was * Though
Huddy was executed, was it not done by
your knowledge and consent or approba-
tion.' They assented and said it was."
The office of Rivington's Royal Gttzetie
was quite a noted resort for British officers
and it is evidei.t they criiicised pretty free-
ly the action of the Board. Both Alexan-
der and Stewart had personal knowledge
of the falsity of the statement " without
knowledge or consent of the board," as
when, on the 8th of April, Lippencott ap-
peared before the Board in response to
(jov. Franklin's request to contjent to take
conamand of a party to hnng Huddy, both
of these men were present and fully talked
over the matter. Mr. Al-xander objected
to putting in the words but was overruled
by the other members, who quieted his
scruples by telling him Lippencott could
alter it if he chose. They well knew the
fearful predicament into whicli they had
got Lippencott.
This paper was gotten up by the Board
to shield themselves, because, to their sur-
lirise, no sooner was the news of Huddy 's
execution heard in New York than the
regular British officers generally de-
nounced it as •' a reproach to the name of
Englishmen," and a desire was expressed
to have an investigation to find out the
real author or authors to hold responsible.
Alarmed at the threatening aspect of af-
fairs they drew up this paper to be signed
by Lippencott. It would seem as though
they thought as Lippencott found iiis ac-
tion so severely denounced by (he regular
British and that they were arrayed again,st
him, that he would want to retain the ac-
tive friendship of the Board to stand be-
tween him and the regular British author-
ities, and that to secure ttieir active servi-
ces in his behalf he would probably con-
sent to sign this paper. And their calcu-
lation pioved c rrect, for he had com-
menced copying it off when he was arrest-
ed. The truth then flashed upon him
that the Board to save themselves wanted
to sacrifice him, and then he determined
to let matters take their course and simply
look out for himself, and, as he expressed
i;," to have the saddle put on the right
h'Tse."
An idea of the feeling among the regu-
lar British officers in regard to Huddy 's
death may be inferred from the testimony
of Surgeon Stephenson, but it was most
emphatically shown by the action of Sir
Henry Clinton himself, who was so indig-
nant at the barbarous murder of Huddy
142
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
that he had ordered Lippencott's trial by
Court Martial before he received General
Washington's letter demanding his surren-
der. Tiiere is good reason to believe that
Sir Henry thought the reallv guilty party
was the Board of Associated Loyalists, and
especially its head, Governor Franklin,
who so cowardly fled to England leaving
both Lippencott and Asgill to their fates ;
and Clinton's successor. Sir Guy Carleton,
was so satisfied of the disgraceful conduct
of the Board that he broke it up
As before stated, the decorum of the
court martial virtually threw the blame of
Buddy's murder on Governor Franklin
and his associates, and this decision was
subsequently endorsed by competent Amer-
ican authority, as will be seen by the fal-
lowing extract from a report made to Con-
gress in 1837 by a select committee of that
body which had thoioughly investigated
the wiiole subject :
*' The immediate agent in (his deed of
blood was Richard Lippencott, a native of
New -Jersey and then a captain in the
British service. He was the instrument of
a board of associated loyalists in New
York, at the head of which was William
Franklin, once Royal governor of New
Jersey. The members of this body, after
the murder bad taken place, endeavored
for a time to deny that they had directed
it; but the evidence adduced on the trial
of the perpetrator, as well as subsequent
publications of the, loyalists themselves,
abundantly prove that, without the cour-
age to act themselves, they had the base
nes^ to authorize the deed to be commit-
ced, and the meanness to attempt the con-
cealment of their privity to its perpetra-
tion."
A BOY TRIED FOR MURDER.
The State against Aaron, a Slave of Levi
Solomon's.
The defendant, Aaron, a black boy about
eleven years of age, was indicted in the
Court of Oypr and Terminer of Monmouth
in October, 1817, for the murder of Ste-
phen Connelly, a child little more than two
years old. The indictment in the usual
form charged the prisoner with the mur-
der on the 26th of August, 1817, by throw-
ing the child into a well. It appeared in
evidence that the prisoner was born in
July, 1806, was of ordinary size and in the
opinion of some witnesses, possessed com-
mon capacity and intelligence; by the tes-
timony of others he was more cunning
and smarter in his play than usual for boys
of his age. Stephen Connelly was a stout
healthy child, and on the 26th of August,
in the after part of the day, was found in
a well about 18 or 19 feet deep, having a
curb two and a half feet high, so that he
could reach the top with his hands, and it
was in such a state that all the witnesses
thought it impossible for hitn to get over
it. The well was in a cornfield and or-
chard about one hundred rods from two
public roads and the sam*^ distance from
the house in which Stephen lived. The
corn was so high and thick that a i>erson
at the well could not be seen except by
looking along the rows. It was in the
nyighborhood of a numlj^r of houses.
Stephen was sfen playing in the road
with I he prisoner a short time before he
was missed by the family ; and when they
were searching for him tiie pris iner was
up in a cl.erry tree. Being asked if he iiad
seen him, he said, '• yes, he i« gone up
the road;" being told to come down fud
help look for him, he looked along the
road and called aloud three or four times
but did not get down. After the body whs
found and taken out of the well, he came
up and seeing it lying there he said, "so
you've found Stephen." Theie was yet
nothing in his manner whicti excited at-
tention or suspicion. That night he went
to bed earlier than usual, and without his
supjier. The next morning he told a \ oun^'
lad, an apprentice to his master that he
saw Stephen fall into the well ; and that
he was ten or twelve paces off; thai he
went up and sav Stephen splash the water
and then went to pick apples wiiich iiis
master had directed him to do. Being
a'ked why he did not tell it he gave no
answer. On his trial (May, 1818) the pric-
oner was defended by Garret D. Wall, L.
H. Stockton and Joseph W. Scott. For
the state appeared R. Stockton, jr.. Depu-
ty Attorney General and R. Stockton.
His counsel objected to any evidence of
his confessions as improper and incompe-
tent, he being under the age of twelve
years. After argumen* the court admit-
ted the confessions in evidence. It then
appeared that at the coroner'.* inquest the
prisoner was summoned; at first he ap-
peared terrified Imt soon became composed.
He then repeated the story he had told
before, adding that Stephen climbed over
the curb and fell in ; and that he did not
tell anybody for fear they would think he
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
143
did it. He was very closely pressed by the
jury with questions as to his own guilt and
told that he had better tell the whole
truth to them. He steadily denied doing
the act. After examining him some time,
the jury went to the well that he might
shew them how Stephen got over. He
shewed them. His master and one of the
jurors then took him aside and asked him
about it. He then told them he had done
it; that Stephen went to the well and put
his hands on the curb and he took hold of
his legs and threw him over ; that he
gasped and caught his breath and made
the water splash as he fell ; and that he
(prisoner) being frightened, ran away to
picking apples ; that he denied it before
because he was afraid they would send
him to jail. He repeated the same thing
to the whole jury. He was urged and
questioned closely but all the witnesses
denied that either promises or threats or
improper contrivnnces were used to induce
him to make the confession, but he was
frequently and constantly told to tell the
truth and that would be best for him. He
seemed to understand what he was about
and to understand his answers.
He continued for three or four weeks
to make the same confession to the
gaoler and many other persons ; and
then he began to deny the fact and con-
tinued the denial until the time of trial. —
When he Brst denied, the gaolor asked
him why he had owned it before; he said
that one of the jurymen told him the dev-
il would get him if he denied it, but if
he confessed it he would not be sent to
jail. This was explicitly denied by the ju-
ror referred to ; he was further asked who
had been to see him, and he replied his
master but that he did not tell him to
deny it.
At the time of his first confession, and
frequently afterwards, he gave as a rea-^on
for the act that he did it to spite the fath-
er of Stephen because he had driven him
out of the shop and threatened to whip
him ; at other times he said he said he had
no reason for it.
The case was ably argued and the court
gave a minute charge to the jury who
found the prisoner guilty.
A motion was th^n made for a new trial,
it being desired by the court that the
opening of the Supreme Court of N. J., at
bar upon several legal questions (given in
Ist Southard reports) might be known. —
The trial took place in May, 1818. In Sep-
tember following it was taken up by the
Supreme Court and its decision on the va-
rious points was made by Chief Justice
Kirkpatrick. In regard to the liability of
minors under fourteen years of age to
punishment, the Chief Justice quoted va-
rious authorities from which the Court de-
cided that upon this naked confession of
Aaron's he could not be cjnvicted of a
capital offence — "that the confession is a
simple, naked confession, disclosing no
fact, pregnant with no circumstances to
give it authority or in any way to corrobo-
rate it. It did not even lead to the dis-
covery of the body of tlie deceased, for it
was found before ; it opens no proof of
malice or hatred or ill will against the
child but rather to the contrary; it is a
mere naked confession of an infant under
the age of eleven years obtained by some
degree of pressure, at least, after a firm
denirtl and as such (I speak with great de-
ference to the learning of the Court which
tried the cause) I should incline to think
it ought not to have been admitted as evi-
dence ; and if admitted that it ought not
to have been the ground of conviction."
A new trial was granted at which the
prisoner was discharged ; and we have been
told by an old gentleman, a regular attend
ant of the Freehold Courts in that day,
that it WHS believed the boy was afterwards
sold as a slave in the West Indies,
THE INLETS OF OLD MONMOUTH
Old Cranberry Inlet.
A century ago Cranberry Inlet, nearly
opposite Toms River, was one of the best
inlets on the Jersey coast. The question
as to the exact year when it was opened
was brought before one of our courts a few,
years ago in a suit involving title to land
in the vicinity, but no decisive information
was elicited upon the trial. It is probable,
however, that it broke through about
1750. It is laid down on Lewis Evans's map,
1755, and Jeffrey's (English) map, same
year, and on the latter and other maps it
is called New Inlet. On Jeffrey's map
Toms River is called Goose Creek, and Bar-
negat Bay is called Flat Bay Sound. Cran-
berry Inlet closed about the year 1812,
though for several years previous it had
commenced filling up, gradually shoaling
more and more each year until it was fi-
nally closed up. During the Revolution-
ary war it was a place of considerable im-
portance as it afforded conveniences to
144
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
our privateers on the lookout for Briti3h
vessels bound in and out of New York. —
Though we have no exact account of the
depth of water on the bar, yet in its best
days it must have been equal to the best
inlets nov on our coast, as we find that
loaded, square-rigged vessels occasionally
entered it. David Mapes, the much es-
tet^m^r? and noted colored Quaker of Tuck-
erton, when a boy, resided in this vicinity,
and was empli>yed by Solomon Wardell
to tend cattle on the beach when the inlet
broke through. He slept in a cabin and
one morning on awakening was surprised
to see that the sea had broUon across the
beach during the night.
(In a pr(^vious article relating to Capt,
Adam Hyler, bv the accidentallv omission
of one line in the copy it was made to ap-
pear that Cranberry Inlet opened into
Raritan Bay. Though most of our reade''^
wculd infer it was from a tyi)ographical
error yet it reminded us that a brief no-
tice of this Inlet, so frequently referred to
in Revolutionary limes, but now among
the things of the past, should be given to
explain events related in previous chap
ters referring to ii.)
Attempts to Open New Inlets.
The closing of Cranberry Inlet caused
great inconvenience to persons along Bar-
iiegat Bay engaged in the coasting trade
as it compelled vessels from the upper
part of the bay to sail several miles out of
their way to Barnegat Inlet to get to sea.
.^ibout the )ear 1821 an attempt to open
a new inlet near the head ot the bay was
made by a man named Michael Urtley. —
He worked at it off and on for several
years and spent considerable money in the
undertaking ; at length, one day a large
company of men volunteered to aid him
in completing the enterprise. In the
evening after finishing it, Mr. Oi tley and
his friends had quite a merry time in cel-
ebrating the completion ol' the work. But
great was their disappointment the follow-
ing morning to find that the running of the
tide which they had supposed would work
the inlet deeper, had on the contrary
raised a bulkhead of sand wufficiently large
to close it up, and the result was the inlet
was closed much more expeditiously than
it was opened.
Many supposed that if an effort was
made to open an inlet farther down the
bay in the vicinity of old Cranberry, it
would prove more successful. Acting up-
on this supposition, another eftbrt was
made to open on© about opposite Toms
River. The work was completed July 4th,
1847, by some two or three hundred men
under the direction of Anthony Ivins, jr.
In this undertaking, care was taken to let
in the water when it was high tide in the
bay and low water outside ; but this enter-
prise also proved a failure as it filled up
about as soon as Urtley's.
?'")',' Shrewsbury lifLiiTi'
Shrewsbury inlet was open ih 1778; it
closed again about 1800 ; again opened
about 1830 ; and again closed about 1847.
Just before the closing of the inlet at this
time, the writer of this was engaged in the
coasting trade and one time in sailing
down the beach noticed a little steamer,
called the Cricket, from New York, wrecked
on tlie bar. This wreck seemed to hasten
the closing of the inlet by gathering tli,e
sand around it as it washed in and out.
Barnegat Inlet.
This inlet has always been open from
our earliest accounts. It was first noticed
by a Dutch navigator, probably Capt. Mey
in the celebrated little yacht Restless in
1614, who on account of its dangerous bai-
Called it '' Baiendegal," which mean«
l)re«kers inlet or an inlet with breakers. —
Ti.e character of the inlet has ^dways been
the same as at present except during the
few years when Cranberry was open when
it was much shoaler than before or since.
It has shifted up and down ihe beach two
or three miles and is still shifting and
changing. A few yes^rs ago it washed down
tlie old lighthouse built in 1834 and now
exhibits a decided inclination to wash
down the new one.
Long Branch in 1819. — Bathers at Fault.
The company at thi.^ salubrious retreat
is represented to be very numerous and
respectable this season. The New York
Advocate says ttiere is a kind of military or
naval regulation there which strangers of-
ten contravene from ignorance; that is
when the stipulated time for ladies bath-
ing arrives, a white flag is hoisted upon
the bank, when' it is high treason for a
gentlemen to b<" seen ther« ; and when the
established lime for gentlemen arrives, the
red fliag is run up vyhich is sometimes done
by mistake and produces rather ludicrous
misunderstandings A wag lately hoisted
both flags together wnich cieated some
awful squinting and no little confusion. —
(Niles' Register, 1819. Sup., p. 159.)
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
145
Townships in Monmouth-
tablished,
-Wben Es-
When the county of Monmouth was es-
tablished in 1683 it was divided into two
townships, Middletown and Shrewsbury.
Stafford wa« established in 1749. Upper
Freehold, Freehold and Dover were de-
fined by an act passed June 25, 1767, to
take effect in March of the following year.
Howell was established in 1801 and Mill-
stone in 1844; Jackson, now in Ocean
county in 1844 ; Plumsted, now in Ocean,
in 1845, and Union, now also in Ocean, in
1847; Atlantic, in 1847; Raritan, Marl-
boro and Manalapan in 1848; Ocean, 1849;
Wall, 1851 ; Holmdel and Matavan in
1857.
The First Temperance Socieiy in the U. S.
Old Monmouth has the honor of organ-
izing the first Temperance Society in the
country, which was established at Allen-
town in 1805 and called " The Sober So
cietv," and was composed of fifty-eifiht
members. (Newark Daili/ Adv. and Hist.
Rcc. 1859).
A Valuable Monmouth Dog.
In the Journal of a Quaker named
James Craft, published in Historical Rec-
ord, Oct., 1851, it is said :
" 1780, 2nd mo. 20th : Money very plen
ty. £300 given for a dog in Monmouth.''
COL. JONATHAN FORMAN AND
DAtJGHTER.
The following is from the Utica N. Y.
Observer, 1859.
*' Died, at her residence in Utica, Sept.
16th, 1859, Mrs. Mary Ledyard Seymour,
wife of the late Hon. Henry Seymour. She
was the daughter of Col Jonathan Forman.
and was born at Monmouth, New Jer.sey,
Feb. 18th, 1785. Her father at the ag'^ of
19, left Princeton College tojoin the Amer
ican army. He entered it as a lieutenant,
and served during the war, rising to tlie
rank of colonel. The mother of Mr-. Sey-
mour was a niece of Col. Ledyard who was
in command of Fort Griswold, opposite
New London, Conn., a't the time of its
capture by the British. She aided in tak
ing care of the wounded of that massacre,
by which nineteen of her relatives per
ished. When Mrs. Seymour was about
twelve years old she removed to Cazeno
vid, in Madison county, at that time a
"frontier settlement." There was then
no carriage road west of Whitestown, and
in many places they were obliged to use
axes to make their way in that direction.
It is said that the carriage of Col. Forman
was the first conveyance of the kind that
passed beyond the site of Whitestown.
He drove to Chittenango and the family
went thence to Cazenovia on horseback. —
Her parents died many years ago, but her
uncle, Major Samuel S. Forman, of Syra-
cuse, still lives, in his 96th year. Miss For-
man was married to Mr Seymour at Caze-
novia on the 1st of January, 1807. Mr.
Seymour was then a merchant in the town
of Pompey, Onondago County. He con-
tinued in business there, exercising a wide
and beneficial influence in that county un-
til 1819, when he removed "vith his family
to Utica. His subsequent honorable and
useful career is known to the people of
the State. He died in August, 1837, at his
dwelling in Whitesboro street, in this
city, where Mrs. Seymour has ever since
resided."
Mrs. Seymour above mentioned, a na-
tive of Monmouth, was the mother of Gov.
Horatio Seymour, of JN. Y., and a niece ol
Philip Freneau, the poet of the Revolu-
tion. Col. Ledyard above referred to, was
brutally murdered by a renegade New Jer-
sey refugee, named Bromfield. After the
Americans nad surrendered the fort,
Bromfield asked who commanded it. The
brave Ledyard replied, " I did but you do
now," and handed his sword to Bromfield.
The villain took it and immediately
stabbed Ledyard to the heart.
About the time Col. Forman left for
New York, many families of old Mon-
mouth emigrated to the western part of
that state to what they then termed " the
Genesee country."
THE TILTON FAMILY.
Among the twelve original patentees of
old Monmouth is found the name of John
Tilton, and members of this family were
among the first English settlers who loca-
ted here. The earliest mention we have
found of the Tilton family is in the Lynn,
Mass., records which speak of John Tilton
and William Tilton as'being therein 1640.
About the time of their arrival the Puri-
tans of New England were much exercised
by the advent am®ng them of the Bap-
tists and strong efforts were made by the
Puritans to get rid of them. At this time
in Lynn the most noted, influential per-
son among the Baptists was Lady Debo-
rah Moodie, afterwards long and favorably
146
OLD TIMKS IN OLD MONMOUTH.
known among the original settlers of Long
Island. Among nthers who were inclined
to adhere to the Baptists with Lady Moo-
die was Mrs. Tilton, as will be seen by the
following extract from the Lynn records
of the date of December 12th, 1642. which
we give literally with its quaint wording
and peculiar orthography :
The Lady Deborah Moodie, Mrs. King,
and the wife of John Tilton were present-
ed for hooldinge that liie baptising of in-
fants was noe ordinance of God.''
The proceedings against them resulted
in their leaving Lynn, and the next year,
(1643,) we find mention of Lady Moodie,
the Tiltons, William Goulding, Samuel
Spicer, and others at Graveseiid, Long Is-
land, founding the settlement from which
afterwards came many persons to Old
Monmouth. For a long time, John Til
ton was a prominent man at Gravesend,
enjoying the respect of the English and
the confidence ot the Dutch authorities at
New York or New Amsterdam as it was
then called, and holding official positions
until the appearance, in 1657, of the Quak-
ers among the Gravesend settlers. No
sooner did the Quakers begin to promul-
gate their views than the Dutch authori-
ties issued severe edicts against ihem and
all who harbored " those abominable im-
postors, runaways and strolling people
called Quakers." The following year John
Tilton was fined £12 Flemish money for
harboring a Quaker woman. From that
time forward both Tilton and his wife
seem t > have strongly sympathized with
the persecuted sect and soon cast their lot
among them altogether, whicli greatly ex-
cited the ire of the Dutch and especially
of old Governor Peter Stuyvef^ant. On the
5th of October, 1662, John T\\Um and
Mary his wife were summoned before the
Governor and his council, at New Amster-
dam, (New York,) charged with having
entertained Quakers and frequenting their
conventicles. Tiiey we*-e condemned and
ordered to leave the province before the
20th of November following, under pain
of corporal punishment. It is supposed
that through the efforts of Lady Moodie,
who had great influence with Governor
Stuyvesant, that the sentence was either
reversed or changed to the payment of a
fine. The following derived from the rec-
ord of their trial is a curiosity in these
days of religious toleration, especially to
Jerseymen whose state has the proud dis-
nction of never having allowed religious
persecution within its borders. From the
record it appears that
" Goody Tilton, (Mrs. Tilton,) was not
so much condemned for assisting at con-
venticles as for having, like a sorceress^ gone
from door to door to lure and seduce the people,
yea even young girls, to join the Quakers^
On the 19lh of September, 1662, John
Tilton was fined, as the record asiys, for per-
mitting Quakers to quake at his house at
Gravesend. Many other persons were
prosecuted at this time by the Dutch on
similar charges, among whom were the
Bownes, Spicers, Townsends. Holmesesand
others, ancestors of numerous Jersey fam
ilies of these names. Some of these fami-
lies had been persecuted by the Puritans
of New England, to escape which they
came to Long Island. Here, being again
persecuted by the Dutch, they seem to
have determined to seek some place where
they could worship God as they pleased. —
The lands in Monmouth county impressed
them so favorably that the following year
(1663) they made large purchases of the
Indians, which greatly excited the indig-
nation of the Dutch at New Amsterdam,
who laid claim to the land asserting that
they had bought thy best of it of the In-
dians ten or twelve years before. The de-
tails of the controversy which ensued and
the arguments advanced by both sides are
too lengthy to introduce in this place. —
Suffice it to say that some of the difficul-
ties were ended by the conquest of the
Dutch by the English the following year.
In 1665 John Tilton and eleven associates
obtained from Gov. Richard Nicholls the
celebrated document known as " the Mon-
mouth Patent," which has been published
in another chapter, which guaranteed lib-
erty of conscience to all settlers.
After the conquest of the Dutch by the
English, though we have met with no pos-
itive information on the point, yet we are
inclined to believe that John*Tilion found,
by the change, that he could remain at
Long Island without molestation, he pre-
ferred to end his days there and leave his
share in his Monmouth purchases to his
children. He died at Gravesend, L. I., in
1688; his wife died a few years before, in
1683. His will dated 15th of 7th month
1687 was recorded at Brooklyn, L. L,
April 3d, 1G88, in "Book of Records Vol. 1,
page 108. This will shows he left two sons
named John and Thomas, and daughters
named Sarah, who married John Painter,
Abigail who married Scott, Esther,
who married Samuel Spicer, and Mary,
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
147
who married Carman. In his will he
left a lot of land at Graveaend to his exe-
cutors, to be used as a graveyard for them
and their successors, and '* for all friends
of the everlasting truth of the Gospel as
occasion serves, fwrever, to bury there dead
therein."
OLD MONMOUTH THih PIONEER OF
RELIGIOUS TOLERATION.
Every citizen of old Monmouth has just
cause to be proud of the fact that the orig-
inal patentees were among the first in
America to iiuarantee toleration to all set-
tlers in religious matters. In Rhode Is-
land while Roger Williams advocated '* a
free, full and absolute liberty of con-
science " it is charged that Roman Catho-
lics were excepted in the charter of 1663.
The much vaunted toleration act of Mary-
land limited toleration to *'all who be
lieved in Jesus Christ." William Penn
did not arrive in America until October,
1682, nearly eiguteen years after the Mon-
mouth patentees declared that every set-
tler should have Free Liberty of Con-
science WITHOUT ANY MOLiiSTATION OR DIS-
TURBANCE WHATSOEVER IN THE WAY OE THEIR
WORSHIP.
THE ROGERINE BAPTISTS.
A Singular Religious Socik.ty in Old
Monmouth.
About the year 1737 a society of Roger-
ine Baptists, or Quaker Baptists as they
were then called, located at Waretown,
now in Ocean county. I' rom various no-
tices of the history of ihis singular sect
and how a society came to be located in
Old Monmouth, we extract the following :
This society was founded by John Rog
ers, about 1674. His followers baptized by
immersion ; the Lord's supper they admin-
istered in the evening with its ancient ap-
pendages. They did not believe in the
sanctity of the Sabbath ; they believed
that since the death of Christ all days
were holy alike ; they used no medicines
nor employed doctors or surgeons; would
not say grace at meals; all prayers to be
said mentally except when the spirit of
prayer compelled the use of voice ; they
said " all unscriptural parts of religious
worship are idols," and all good christians
should exert thexuselves against idols, &c.
Among the idols they placed the observ-
ance of the Sabbath, Infant baptism, &c.
The Sabbath they called the New England
idol and the methods they took to demol-
ish this idol were as follows : They would
on Sundays try to be at some manual la-
bor near meeting houses or in the way of
people going to and from church. They
would take work into meeting houses, the
women knitting, the men whittling and
making splints for baskets, and every now
and then contradicting the preachers. —
"This was seeking persecution," says one
writer, "and they received plenty of it, in-
somuch that the New Englanders left some
of them neither liberty, property nor
whole skins."
John Rogers, the founder of the sect,
who, it is said, was as churlish and contra
ry to all men as Diogenes, preached over
forty years, and died in 1721. The occa-
sion of his death was singular. The small
pox was raging terribly in Buston and
spread an alarm to all the country around.
Rogers was confident that he could mingle
with ttie diseased and that the strength
of his faith would preserve him safe from
the mortal contagion. Accordingly he
was presumptuous enough to travel one
hundred miles to Boston to bring his faith
to th« test; the result was that he caught
the contagion, came home and died with
it, the disease also spreading in his family
and among his neighbors. This event one
would think would have somewhat shaken
the faith of his followers but on the con-
trary it seemed to increase their zeal.
In 1725, a company of Rogeiines were
taken up on the Sabbath in Norwich,
Conn., while on their way from their place
of residence to Lebanf)n ; they were treat
ed with much abuse and many of them
whipped in a most unmerciful manner. —
This occasioned Gov. Jenks, of Rhode Is-
land, to write spiritefily against their per-
secutors, and also to condemn the Roger-
ines for their provoking, disorderly con-
duct.
One family of the Rogerines was named
Colver or Culver, (Ed ward's History spells
the name one way and Governor Jenks
the other). This family consisted of John
Colver and his wife, who were a part of the
company which was treated so rudely at
Norwich, and five sons and five daughters,
who, with their families, made up the
the number of twenty-one souls. In the
year 1734, this large family removed from
New London, Conn., and settled in New
Jersey. The first place they pitched upon
for a residenca, was on the east side of
148
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
Schooley's Mountain, in Morris county. —
They continued here about three years
and then went in a body to Waretovvn,
then in Monmouth but now in Ocean coun-
ty. VVliile here tliey had their meetings
in a school house, and tlieir peculiar man-
ner of conducting services was quite'anov
elty to other settlers in the vicinity. As
in England, during the meeting tlie wo-
men would be engaged in knitting or sew-
ing, and the men in making axe handles,
basket splints or engaged in other work,
but we hear of no attempt to disturb oth-
er societies.
They continued at Waretown about elev-
en years, and then went back to Morris
county ;>nd settled on the west side of the
mountain from which they had removed.
In 1790 they were reduced to two old per-
sons whose names were Thomas Colver
and Sarah Mann ; but the posterity of
John Colver. it is said, is yet quite numer-
ous in Morris county. Abraham Waeir
from whom the village of Waretown de-
rives its name, tradition says was a mem-
ber of tlie Rogerine Society. When the
main body of the society left, he remained
behind, and became quite a prominent
business man, generally esteemed ; he
died in 1768. and his descendants removed
to Squan and vicinity near the head of
Barnegat bay.
Before concluding this notice of the
Rogerine;-, it should be stated that anoth-
er thing in their creed was that it was noi
necessary to have marriages performed by
ministers or legal officers ; they held that
it was only necessary for the man and wo-
man to exchange vows of marriage to
make the ceremony binding, A zealous
Rogerine once took to himself a wife in
this simple manner, and then to tantalize
Governor Saltonstall called on him to in
form him they had married themselves
without aid of church or state, and that
they intended to live together as husband
and wife without their sanction. " What,"
said the Governor, in apparent indignation,
" do you take this woman for your wife?"
" Yes, I most certainly do," replied the
man. " And do you tal<e this man for your
husband?" said he to the woman. The
woman replied in the affirmative. "Then,"
said the wily old governor, " in the name
of the Commonwealth I pronounce you hus-
band and wife — whom God hath joined to-
gether let no man put asunder ? You are
now married according to both law and
gospel."
The couple retired much chagrined at
the unexpected way the Governor had
turned the tables upon them, despite their
boasting.
THE WAR OF 1812.
Scenes on our Coast.
During the last war with England the
vigilance of the British cuisers on our
coast seriously injured the business of New
Jersey coiisting vessels. Commodore Hardy
in his flag ship the " Ramillies," a 74 gun
ship, had command of the British blockad-
ing vessels on our coast. Most accounts,
written and traditional, concede that he
was one of the most honorable, high-mind-
ed men in the British service, entirely dif-
ferent from the infamous Admiral Cock-
burn, who commanded the blockading
squadron farthersouth. Commodore Hardy
rarely took private property except con-
traband of war without offering compensa-
tion. Most of the coasters in the southern
part of Old Monmouth, along Barnegat bay,
were engaged in the lumber business and
the stoppage of their trade was seriously
felt. Occasionally son e bold fortunate cap
tain would manage to run the blockade and
reach New York and be well repaid for
his I'isk, but others who tried the experi-
ment or were preparing to, were not quite
so fortunate.
On the 31st of March, 1812. Commodore
Hardy, in the Ramillies, came close to Bar-
negat Inlet and sent in two long barges
loaded with armed men after two Ameri-
can vessels Iving in the inlet waiting a
chance to slip out. They first boarded the
schooner Greyhound, Capt. Jesse Rogers,
of Potters CreeK, and attempted to take
her out but she grounded and the enemy
fired her and both vessel and cargo were
burned up. They then set fire to a sloop
belonging to Waretown, owned by Captain
Jonathan Winner, Hezekiah Soper and
Timothy Soper ; this vessel was saved, how-
ever, as signals were unexpectedly fired
from the sliip which caused the barges has-
tily to leave for the ship that she might
start in pursuit of some vessel seen at sea.
As soon as the barges left, the Americans
went on board the sloop and extinguistied
the fire. While the British were in the In-
let a party landed on the beach wear the
present lighthouse and killed some four-
teen or fifteen head of cattle belonging to
Jeremiah Spragg and John Allen. The
owners were away but the British left word
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
149
if thejr presented their bill to Commodore
Hardyjhe would settle it, but they were too
patriotic to do anything that savored of
furnishing supplies to the enemy. In some
instances on the New Jersey coast wheie
cattle and other things bad been taken by
Hardy and word left that he would p.ij for
tliem, the owners though! themselves jus-
tifiable in going off to his ship and getting
the money, as the supplies were not fur-
nished voluntarily but taken by foice.
The appearance of the Ramiliies at this
time at Barnegat Inlet created much ex-
citerapnt in the villages along the bay. —
At Waretown, tor fear tliat tlie baigea
might land and commit excesses like those
which disgraced the operations of Cock
burn, ibe women and ciiildren, and valu-
ables easily carried weri'^ sent to a hamlet
in the (voods a tew milefi west of the place.
At Forked River the late Hon. Charles
Parker (father of Gov Parker) had just
completed a large building foi a dweUmg,
store house, &c., at- the upper landing.
The roof of thi*! building wis crowded with
spectaiors, who, th^. ugh six or seven miles
distant, had a fair view of tlie sliip, burn-
ing vessel and movemen;s of tiie enemy.
At another time the schooner President,
Captain Amos Birdsall, of Waretown,
bound to New YorK, was tak-^n by Comnio-
dore Hardy, who at once commenoed tak-
ing from the schooner her spars, deck
plank, &c. Captain Birdsall had lib ity to
leave with his crew, in a y^fwl, whenever he
pleas' d, but on account of high winds he
was detained a day or two, when he suc-
ceeded in getting on board a fishing smack
and thu^ got home. Before he left, his
schooner's masts had bten s^iwed into plank
by the British.
The sloop Elizabetli, Captain Thomas
Bunnell, of Forked River, was captured by
barges sent in Barnegat Inlet; she was
towed out to sea, but the British shortly af-
ter lost her on Long Island. She was owned
by William Piatt and Thomas Bunnell.—-
At another time Captain Bunnell was cap-
tured by the British and detained some
time and then put on board a neutral
(Spanish?) ship and finally reached N< w
York.
The sloop Traveller, Captain Asa Grant,
■vas fired by the British but the fire was
extinguished before much damage was
done. Tlie sloop Maria and another sloop
not remembered were chased ashore near
Squan Inlet.
An Amusing Stratagem.
The noted Commodore Percival, who
died a few years ago, familiarly named
" Mad Jack Percival,'' in the early part of
his naval career was the hero of an adven-
ture on the coast of Monmouth which is
thus described by a paper published in
New York at the time:
"On Sunday morning, July 4, 1813, the
fishing smack Yankee was borrowed by
Commodore Lewis, who has command of
the American flotilla stationed at Sand}
Hook, for the purposa of taking by strata-
gem ihe sloop Eagle, tender to the Poic-
tiers 74, cruising off and on Sandy Hook,
which succeeded to a ciiarm. A calf, a
sheep and a goose were- purchased and se-
cured on deck. T:iirty men, well armed,
were seceted in the cabin and forepeak.
Thus prepared the Yankee stood out o"^'
Mosquito r'ove as if going on a fishing icip
to the Banks; ^hreemen only lieing on
deck dressed in fisherman's upparel with
buff caps on. The Eagle on perceiving the
smack immediately gave chase, and after
coming up with her and finding she had
live -iock onboard ordered her to go down
to the Commodore, thfn five miles distant.
Thehelmsman ot the ^mackanswe'-ed" Ay I
ay, sir!" and appfirenfly put up the helm
for tliai purpose which brought liim along-
side the Eagle not three yards distant. The
watchword Lawr'.nce was then given when
she armed men rushed on deck from their
hi(Jing places and poured into her a volley
uf musketrv wnicli struck the ciew witii
dismay and drove them so precipitately
irio the hoid that they had not time to
strike tiie flag. Seeing the enemy's deck
clear, .Sailing-master Percival, who com-
m-vnded the expedition, ordered the men
to cease from firing ; upon wtuch one oi i he
men came out the hold and stiuck the
E<gle's colors. They liad on board a thirty-
two pound brass liowitzer loaded with can-
ister shot, but so sudden was the surprise
tliey had not time to discharge it. The
crew of the Eagle consisted of H. Morris,
master's mate of the Poictiers, W. Price,
midshipman, and 11 seamen and marmes.
Mr. Morris was killed, Mr. Price mortally
wounded, and one marine killed, and one
wounded. The Eagh with the prisoners ar
rived off the Battery in the afternoon and
landed the prisoners at Whitehall, amid
the shouts and plaudits of thousands of
spectators assembled at the Battery 'o cel-
ebrate the anniversary of independence. —
Mr. Morris was buried at Sandy Hook with
150
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
military honors. Mr. Price was carried to
New York, where on Thursday he died;
and was buried with military ceremonies
in St. Paul's churchyard."
A traditionary version of this aifair, which
we have heard from old citizens, says that
Percival wished to make his boat appear
as a market boat, that he placed one of
his men on a seat close to the bulwark dis-
guised as an old Quakerish looking farmer,
with broad brimmed hat and long staff in
hand, while he looked like an ignorant
boor at the wheel and by his answers made
the British think he was half-witted. When
ordered to drop along side under threat of
being fired into, he made a silly reply to
the effect '• You had better not try it, lor
Dad's big molasses jug is on deck and if
you broke that he would make you sorrv
for it."
THE LAWRENCE FAMILY.
The Lawrence family claim to be de-
scended from Sir Robert Lawrence, oS Ash-
ton Hall, Lancastershire, England, who
went to Palestine during the Crusades wilh
Richard Coeur de Leon, and parti f>ipated in
the siege of St. Jean de Acre, in the year
1119, and was the first to plant the banner
of the cross on the battlements of the town
for which he was knighted. A grandson
of Sir Robert Lawrence, named Sir James
Lawrence, married into the Washington
family, having been united to Matilda
Washington in the reign of Henry III. —
General George Washington's half brother
Lawrence, was so named on account of his
relationship to this family.
Tlie first Lawrences who came to Amer-
ica were two brothers, John, aged 17 years,
and William, aged 12 years, and also Mary
Lawrence, aged nine years, wlio embarked
in the barque Planter, April 2nd, 1635 ; her
passengers were chiefly from St Albans,
Hertfordshire, England. Another brother
named Thomas, came over in 1655, twenty
years- later. The greater portion of the
Lawrences in America are descended from
William, the second brother.
The first Lawrence who settled within
the limits of Old Monmouth, whose name
the writer has met with, was Elisha, a son
of William. Elisha commenced business
as a merchant, in the latter part of the
seven tee»ith century, at Cheesequakes, on
the south side of the Raritan, but his store
having been pillaged by the crew of a
French privateer, iie removed to Upper
Freehold then a wilderness. He repre-
sented the county in the provincial Assem-
bly in 1708 — 9. His residence was called
Chestnut Grove. He was born in 1666,
and died May 27tii, 1724. He married
Lucy Stout and had children as follows ;
sons, Joseph, Elisha and John, and daugh- /
ters, Hannah, who married Richard Salter,/^
Hilizabeth, who married Joseph Salter, Sa-
rah, who married John Ember and Rebec-
ca, who married a New Yorker named
Watson. The second son, Elisha, had a
son named John Brown Lawrence, who
was the father of tlie celebrated Commo-
dore Lawrence of " Don't give up the
ship" fame, and grandfather of Commo-
dore Boggs, who so distinguished himself
in the Varuna in passing the forts below
New Orleans during the late rebellion.
The genealogy of the Lawrence family
has been traced out and published with
more or less completeness in several works,
the most extensive of which is one devo-
tf d to giving the history and genealogy of
the family, jiublished by T. Law rence, New
York, in 1858. In the present article it
is impracticable to give the genealogy of
all the Lawrences in old Monmouth, but
we append that of one branch, members
of which were quite noted in the Revolu
tionary history of tlie county as will be
seen by reference to sketches of them in
chapters previously published.
As ab >v*^ stated, the first, named Elisha,
had a son named Jphn, wlio ran the noted
Lawrence's line between East and West
Jersey, v/ho was born 1708. This John
mitrried Mary, daughter of William Harts-
horne, and had children as follows; John,
a physician, who died unmarried ; Helena
who married James Holmes, merchant,
New York ; Lucy, wno married Rev. Hen
ry Waddell, of New York, and who was
installed pastor of the Episcopal church,
at Shrewsbury, in 1788 ; Elizabeth, who
mariied William LeCompte of Georgia;
Mary and Sarah who died single, and Eli-
sha, who married Mary Ashfield, of New
York, and who was Sheriff of Monmouth
county at the breaking out.of the Revolu-
tion.
The Hendricksons.
This family is of Dutch origin, and mem-
bers of it were among the first whites who
can»e to New Amsterdam, (now New
York). Captain Cornells Hendrickson,
(says our account,) was the first navigator
who set foot on tht- soil of Pennsylvania
and West Jersey, and probably the first
white man who set foot in that part of
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
151
old Monmouth now comprised within the
limits of Ocean. About the latter part of
1614 he cruised along the New Jersey-
coast making explorations in the celebra-
ted little yacht " Onrest " (Restless) the
first vessel built in New York. He re-
turned to Holland, in 1616, to give an ac-
count of his discoveries.
Of the Hendricksons who settled in this
country among the first comers, were Rut-
ger and Legar, who settled up the Hud-
son river at Rensaelters-wyck, 1630; Cor-
nells, who was there in 1642 : another Cor-
nells came over in the ship Gilded Beaver
and landed at New York in May, 1658. —
Gerrit came from Scrool, in Holland, in
the ship St. Jean Baptiste, and landed
May, 1661 Alfred came from Maersen.
in the ship " Fox " May, 1662. Hendrick
came from Westphalia in the ship Rose-
tree, March, 1663.
Some of the family at a very early day
settled in old Monmouth, and during the
Revolution many of them were in the ser-
vice of their country in various capacities,
meeting with the usual vicissitudes of war.
This family ajjpear to be great sticklers
for handing down old family names. —
Among the first comers over two hundred
years ago and from that time on down
through the Revolution to the present
wherever Hendricksons have been or may
be, there are found the Cornelius's, Ger-
rits, Alberts and Hendricks or Henrys.
The Randolph Family.
The ancient name of this family, so nu-
merous in New Jersey and elsewhere, was
Fitz Randolph, for which reason members
retain at the present day the letter F as
the initial of a middle name. They are
said to be descended from Edward Fitz
Randolph who came when a lad with his
parents to Barnstable, Massachusetts, in
the year 1630. The following items relat-
ing to him are from New England author
ities.
In a manuscript of the Rev. John Lo-
throp, the first pastor of the churches at
Barnstable and Scituate, the names of own-
ers of dwellings which were built when he
arrived, and also those built shortly after
are given. From his manuscript, copied
in a modern New England work, the fol-
lowing items are extracted :
" The Houses in ye planta — [manuscript
obliterated. )
Scituate,
Att my comeing hither, onely these
wch was aboute the end of Sept. 1634." —
After naming those which were already
built on his arrival, he says the 36th one,
built in 1636, was occupied by " the young
Master Edward Fittsrandolfe."
From the church records of Barnstable
and Scituate are derived the following
items relating to the founder of this fami-
ly in America.
''Married. Edward Fittsrandolfe to Eliz- v
abeth Blossome, May 10th, 1637."
Miss Blossome was a daughter of '■• Wid-
ow Blossome " whose name is frequently
mentioned in Old Plymouth colony rec-
ords as far back as 1632.
" Edward Fitts surrandolfe joyned
(church) May 14th, 1637. Our Brother
Fittsrandolfe's wife joyned August 27th.
1643.
Baptized : Nathaniell son of Edward *
Fittsrandolfe, Aug. 9th, 1640. Died Na-
thanniell son ot Edward Fitts Randolfe,
December 10th, 1640. Baptized ISathan-
iell son ot Edward Fittsrandolfe, May 15th,
1642. Baptized Mary daughter of Edward
Fittsrandolfe, October 6th, 1644. Baptized
Hannah daughter of above, April 23d,
1648. Btptized Margaret, daughter of
above, June 2nd, 1650. Baptized John,
son of above, Jan. 2nd, 1652.
"Mary Fitzrandle, daughter above named
married Samuel Hincley, 1668."
The last named Nalhanniell became
quite a conspicuous man in after ye.^rs. —
It is said that descendants of Edward Fitz
Randolph went to Piscataqua, New Hamp-
shire, and from thence removed to Piscat-
aqua, New Jersey, and from thence de-
scendants went to Monmouth and else-
where. Bennington F. Randolpli, Esq ,
formerly of Freehold, the late Judge Jo-
seph F. Randolph, formerly M. C, and
Senator Theodore F. Randolph, are. we be
lieve, descendants of Edward Fitz Ran-
dolph.
By the exM'acts quoted above, it will be
seen that the old Puritan pastor was sore-
ly puzzled as to the proper mode of spell-
ing the name Fitz Randolph, but we cer
tainly must give him credit for noting
down minute particulars.
We have been informed that quite a
complete history of the Fitz Randolph
family has been preserved by some de-
scendants in Philadelphia, especially by
Hon. Ross Snowden, a prominent mem-
of the Pennsylvania Historical Society.
152
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
LONG BRANCH.
Who first Brought it into Notice.
The earliest mention of Long Branch as
a watering place in any historical work
that the writer of this has found, is in
Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, publish-
ed in 1830, as follows :
" This place, before the Revolution, was
owned by Colonel White, a British officer,
and an inhabitant of New York. The
small house which he occupied as a sum-
mer residence was existing among a clump
of houses owned by Renshaw, in 1830. —
In consequence of the war the place was
confiscated. The house was first used as a
boarding house by Eliiston Perot of Phil-
adelphia in 1788. At that time the whole
premises were in charge of one old woman
left to keep the place from injury. Of her
Mr. Perot begged an asylum for himself
and family, which was granted, provided
he could get beds and bedding from oth-
ers. Being pleased with the place he re-
peated his visit there three successive
years, taking some friends with him. In
1790-1, Mr. McKnight, of Monmouth, no
ticing the likmg shown for the place
deemed it a good speculation to buy it. —
He bought the whole premises containing
one hundred acres for £700 and then got
Mr. Perot and others to loan him two
thousand dollars to improve it. He then
opened it for a watering place and before
his death it was supposed he had made
forty thousand dollars by the investment.
The estate was sold to Rehshaw tor $13,-
000."
In the foregoing extract Watson says
the property originally belonged to a Brit-
ish officer named White, whose property
was confiscated during the Revolution. —
We cannot now recall the name of but
four loyalists of the name who belonged
to or held property in old Monmouth, viz :
Philip, who was killr d by his guards in at
tempting to escape on the way to Free-
hold ; Aaron, (brother of Philip) and John,
both of whom went to the British Provin-
ces at the close of the war. and Josiah
White, of old Shrewsbury township, whose
property was confiscated and advertised to
be sold at Tintou Falls, March 29th, 1779.
The last named may be the one referred
to as we have found no mention of the con-
fiscation of property of others.
According to Watson it would seem
>t
Elliston Pbrot was the Founder
of Long Branch as a watering place. The
Perot family has been a prominent one in
Philadelphia annals. During the Revolu
tion the Perot mansion at Germantown
was used by Lord Howe as* a residence,
and after the war. while General Wash-
ington was president, he also occupied it
for a time during the prevalence of the
yellow fever in the city in 1793. Members
of this family have alwajs been patrons of
some of our New Jersey watering places.
The Last Indian Claimants.
At a conference between the whites and
Indians held at Crosswicks, N. J., in Feb-
ruary, 1758, two Indians known by the
whites as Tom Store and Andrew WooUey
claimed the land " from the mouth of
Squan river to the mouth of Shrewsbury,
by the streams of each to their heads and
across from one head to another." This
claim was satisfactorily settled at a subse-
quent conference held at Easton, Pa., in
October of the same year. These Indians
belonged to a band of the Delawares then
known as the Cranbury Indians; their
principal settlement was about two miles
northeast of the present village of Cranbu-
ry and was established through the instru-
mentality of the celebrated Rev. David
Bralnerd, and by him called Bethel. The
Indians came here in 1746 from Crossv/icks
'' to be away from bad whites." At the
above mentioned Crosswicks conference,
several delegates, beside Tom Store and
Andrew Woolley, attended from the Cran
bury Indians with papers, claims, powers
of attorney, &c., for themseives and the
rest of the band, all of which were settled
to the satisfaction of the Indians.
History and Traditions of Long Branch.
The following extracts are from the New
York Gazette, Morris' Guide, and other au-
thorities, to which some comments are
added :
" The nomenclature of popular resorts
has become » matter of acknowledged in-
terest. Various surmises — some ol them
absurd, all incorrect — havegonethe rounds
as to the origin of Long Branch, among
them an hypothesis in a traveler's direc-
tory, that it was termed longest branch or
route from that point on the seashore to
Amboy."
From the best sources we find a tradition
generally credited among the best informed
descendants of old settlers, that a party of
Indians whose grounds lay back of this
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
153
portion of the coast, visited tlie shore in
tlie fall of 1734. So well pleased were ttie
red men with this inaugural visit to the
seaside, that like many of their modern
white brethren, they became habitues of
the place, still adhering to the original
camping ground, a location near the pres-
ent Clarendon* Hotel — the nearest to the
depot. Here they made tiieir annual pil-
grimage for fishing, &c., and welcoming,
after a long nurch, the termination of the
land, called the place " Land's End ;" this
became a general term for the extent of
waste which tliey gradually explored, and
on which they established otlier campinti
grounds, such as Squan beach, &g., and
the original spot was designated as "Laud's
End at the Long Branch," a small stream
branching from the I'Souih Shrousbury
(Shrewsbury) River and extending for a
considerable distance nearly parallel with
the coast. This stream still m'^'mders
through the vicinity of the depots and
supplies an abundance of ice during the
winter. The locality was thus designated
by the abbreviated term Long Branch,
A few years thereafter settlers bought
crown lands for twenty shillin</s per acre,
and to protect their dwellings from the
winter winds upon the coast, located them
a short distance from the shore, pursuing
the double calling of farmers and fisher-
men. They opened the Burlington path-
way to Monmouth Court House and at-
tracted other settlers, thus establishing old
Long Branch village, one and a half miles
from the beach, and within a radius of this
<listance embracing a population of over
three thousand. A portion of this village
just beyond the toll gate, is still quaintly
termed " the pole" — from a liberty pole
having been constantly renewed at this
point with patriotic devotion since 1812.
That portion which the wealthier citizens
have erected for summer resorts is natu-
rally termed " the shore," the nearest spot
Branchville, the South Shrewsbury river
landing Branchport, three quarters of a
mile from the village, beside Rockville on
the south and Loyalton on the west. —
Guests at the beach still ao over to " the
Pole" for purchases, in which a greater va-
riety is desirable than can be found at the
shore. Here is the red post office, though
for greater convenience a branch shore
post office has been established.
When the old settlers at the "Pole"
had opened the Burlington pathway to
Monmouth Court House, intersecting a
road to Burlington, communication was
then opened with this point of the Atlan-
tic coast, possessing advantages as a salu-
brious seaside resort far superior to any
other. We are credibly informed that no
other portion of this coast commands a
bluflf of more than from half a mile to a
mile extent, while Long Branch has a con-
tinuous range of five miles of bluff, which
extends over a rolling country of increas-
ing elevations back to Monmouth Court
House at Freehold, a distance of seven-
teen miles. At the early period indicated,
Phihtdelphians availed themselves of the
opportunity thus presented to drive over
the new road and enjoy the luxuries of a
sea bath, but there being no inns tor many
miles they were compelled to return a long
distance on their way homeward for a
nights entertainment. A Mr. Bennett
proved himself the man for the times by
erecting a small building for the accom-
dations of these summer visitors, and up-
on a site a. little east of the present Metro-
politan Hotel; the exact ground has long
since been confiscated by old Neptune and
is now available only for bathing purposes.
This, by the way, is in the vicinity of the
Indians' first camping ground in 1734. The
next man of enterprise of whom- we have
an account was named McKnight ; he
built a hotel about a mile down the beach
beyoiid Pitman's. It was called Bath, or
Green's hotel. This was destroyed by fire
a few years ago.
To the above readable article, which we
find credited to the New York Oazette a
few years ago, and which was copied into
many papers in our State, we take excep-
tions on one or two points. The writer evi-
dentlv had not read the account of Watson,
who had been familiar with the habitues
of Long Branch forty or fifty years before.
And we believe the Indians had visited
the place long before 1734 ; in fact before
the time the whites had any knowledge of
the locality. Long before this the fierce,
warlike Mohawks of New Yoi k, the terror
of N^w Jersey Indians, occasionally made
inroads into our State, conquering and
plundering the red men within our bor-
ders, who were no match for them When
anticipating their raids, our West Jersey
Indians would send their squaws and chil-
dren to the sea shore for safety j and it is
probable thatSquan received its name from
this fact, being probably derived from the
Indian.words *S'(/Maw, oj- Squaw's place. The
Indians who visited Long Branch in 1734
were probably from Crosswicks, and after
1746 the Cranbury Indians frequented this
154
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
section and laid claim to it as elsewhere
stated.
Origin of Name — The Great Wrestling
Match.
" Long Branch takes its name from a
brook, a branch of the South Shrewsbury
river, which runs in a direct line north-
w.^rd with the coast. It is of little use ex-
cept for gathering ice for the hotels and
cottages
Tradition points loan Indian fishery, es-
tablished inl734, as the first occupation of
this place, which was style'l at that time
' Land's End.' A legend tells us that in
those early time.-; four men. named Slocum,
Parker, Wardell and Hulett came from
Khode Island in quest of land, 'i'hey found
the Indians friendly but not disposed to
sell. It was proposed by the Yankees that
a wrestling match should be made up be-
tween one Indian and one of the whites,
to be decided by the best in thre«- rounds.
If the champion of the white hian won,
they were to have as much laud as a man
could walk around in a day ; if otherwise
they were to leave peaceably .John Slocum
was selected for the stiuggle — e, man of
great proportions, athletic and of great
strength,, courage and inflexibility of pur-
pose. Great preparations were made to wit-
ness the encounter. The chosen Indian
wrestler practiced continually for the
event. The day lonji expected proved cloud-
less and auspicious. The spot chosen was
the present Fish Landing. A circle was
formed and the Indian champion, elated,
confident and greased from head to foot,
api^eared. Slocum advanced cuoly and the
struggle began ; it was long and doubtful ;
finally Slocum threw his antagonist but in
an instant the Indian was again on his
feet. A murmur ran through the circle. —
Again the Indian made a violent effort and
both fell. Another murmur was lieard. —
Silence prevailed as they came together
again, broken only by the roaring of the
surf. A long struggle. Slocum inured to
toil, hardy and rugged, proved too mucli
for the Indian and threw him, to the in-
tense disappointment of the Indians and
undisguised joy of the whites. The terms
were then all arrange 1. .John Slocum had
two brothers and they located that part of
Long Branch leaching from the shore to
Turtle Mill brook, embracing all lands ly
ing north of the main road, from the sea
to Eatontown, between these two points,
to the south of Shrewsbury, except Fresh
Pond and Snag Swamp, which was located
by one of the Wardell family. A consider-
able portion of these lands continued in
the possession of the Slocums until thirty
nr forty years ago. All are now gone into
other hands. The Parkers placed them-
selves on Rumson's Neck. Hulett lived for
a time at Horse Neck but afterwards left
this region. Indian warrants, it is said, still
exist in the county conveying these lands
io the white owners.
After some years a few hardy settlers
fi'om neighboring provinces purchased
lands from the agents of the Crown at the
rate of twenty shillings per acre, deeds for
v,'hich, it is stated, are in existence over
the signature of King George III or his
agents."
A notice of Long Branch in 1819, from a
paper published at the time, has been giv-
en in a previous article. Probably the most
noted Indian in this section of Old Mon-
mouth was the celebrated Indian Will, of
whom a number of traditions were pub-
lished in the Democrat, June 5th, 1873. He
was well known at Eatontown, Long Branch
and vicinity, at Squan and along the coast
down as far as Barnegat. A tradition in
Howe's Collections says the Indians in this
section sold out their lands to Lewis Mor-
ris in 1670, but Indian Will refused to
leave. The probability is that this tradition
has confounded two transactions. Indian
Will, according to the best traditionary ati-
thoritjf, lived near a century later and the
Indian sale of land with which his name
has been connected was probably the one
originating at a conference held at Cross-
wicks in February, 1758, and concluded at
Eastern Pennsylvania in the same year,
particulars of which were given in the ar-
ticle headed " Indian Claims in Old Mon
mouth," in the Democrat of July 24, 1873.
NEW JERSEY WATERING PLACES-
THEIR ORIGIN.
The first seaside resorts in New Jersey
in all probability were Long Beach in
Monmouth, and Tuckers' Beach in Little
Egg Harbor. The first named place, now
in (>cean county, is opposite to the vil-
lages of Barnegat and Mannahawkin and
(he latter opposite Tuckerton. Of these
places Watson's Annals of Philadelphia
says :
" We think Long Beach and Tucker's
Beach in point of earliest attraction as a
seaside resort for Philadelphians must
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
J55
claim the precedence. They had their
visitors and distant admirers long before
Squan and Deal and even Long Branch
itself had got their several fame. To those
■''•ho chiefly desire to restore languid
frames and to find their nerves braced and
firmer strung, nothing can equal the in-
vigorating surf and general air. * * *
LoiiiT Branch — last but greatest in fame —
because the fashionables who rule all
things have made it so, is still inferior as
a surf to those qbove named."
Before the Revolution, Philadelphians
and others from a distance, vrho visited
Long and Tucker beaches, went in old
fashioned shore wagons on their return
trips from the city and took with them
their stoves, bhvnkets, &c. Some people
on the beaches began to make provisions
to receive these transient boarders and so
origiiinted tliis business in New Jersey in
which now annually is spent such an im-
m«n?^e amount of money. The shore wag-
ons carted fish and oysters to Philadelphia,
Trenton and other places over a hundred
years ago, and these p'-imitive convey-
nnces on their return trips were first used
to convey health or pleasure seekers to
our earliest seaside resorts. What a con-
trast between then and now — between an
oyster vv.tgon and a palace car 1
Long Brancli comes next in order being
first known as a watering place about
1788.
Cape May began to be known as a wat-
ering phice about 1813. Athmtic City was
founded some forty years la+er, about the
time of the completion of the Camden and
Atlantic Railroad.
The forego'ng watering places from
Long Brancii to Cape May. it is said, were
all hiouglit into notice by Philadelpliians.
A Sea Shore correspondent says :
'•The first seaside health or pleasure
seekers from Philadelphia would present
quite a contrast with the great majority of
visitors at our watering places at the pres-
ent day in their methods of enjoying
themselves. At home, being citizens of
property and siandmy they W(;ul(i of
course conform to the customs of city life
in dress and other matters, but at the sea-
shore they often adopted the common
fisherman cl"tlie-< -iind enjoyed tlicmselves
by fishing, oystering, bathing, &c., unre-
strained by fashionable conventionalities.
From the shore villages, the inhabitants
young and'old would often get up " beacli
parties" to have a good time bathuig in
the surf during tlie day, and enjoying
themselves by plays and dancer in the
erenin^r, and it was no uncommon thing
to se;> the visitors from the city mixing in
witli their sports, evidently enjoying and
being benefitted by them. Some twenty
years ago I frequently met, at one of our
sertside resorts a prcmiinent young Phila-
delphia merchant whom I especially no-
ticed because an ancestor of his first
brought Long Branch into notice and his
method of enjoying himself was similar to
our first shore visitors. He had his own
fishing boat and pleasure yacht ; at times
in red flannel shirt and fisherman clothes
he would engage in fishing, oystering, <fec.,
and he was an expert in handling his
yacht whether by himself, racing with
otiier boats, or taking rural parties on
pleasure excursions. He evidently en-
joyed himself in these healthful methods
of passing away his time, reminding me of
the celebrated Prince Murat's manner of
spending his time in the same locality
some forty or fifty years before."
Captain Molly Pitcher.
Her bravery at Fort Clinton and Monmouth —
Her Sad End.
From various articles relating to this
noted woman the following are selected :
" Tlie story of a woman who rendered
essential service to the Americans in the
battle of Monmouth is founded on fact. —
Sde was a female of masculine mould, and
dressed in a mongrel suit, with the petti-
coats of her own sex and an artilleryman's
coat, cocked hat and feathers. The anec-
dote usually related is as follows : Before
the armies engaged in general action, two
of the advanced batteries commenced a
severe fire against each other. As the heat
was excessive, Molly, who was the wife of
a cannonier, constantly ran to bring her
hust)and water from a neighboi'ing spring.
While passing to his post she saw him fall
and on hastening to his assistance, found
iiim dead. At tlie same moment she
heard an oflBcer order tlie cannon to be re-
moved from its place, comi>laining he
could not fill his post with as brave a man
as had been killed. " No,'" said the in-
irepid Moliy, fixing her eyes upon the of-
ficer, " tde cannon i-hall not be removed
i'or the want of someone to serve it ; since
my brave husband is no more, I will use
my utmost exertious to avenge his death.''
Tlie activity and courage with which she
performed the office of cannonier during
the action, attracted the attention of all
156
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
who witnessed it, and finally of Washing-
ton himself, who afterward gave her the
rank of lieutenant and granted her half-
pay during life. She wore an epaulette
and was called ever after Captain Molly.
( Hoioe's Collections.)
LossiNG in his Field Book of the Revo-
lution thus mentions Molly Pitcher :
" She was a sturdy young camp follower
only twenty two years of age and in devo-
tion to her husband, who was a cannonier,
she illustrated the character of her coun-
trywomen of the Emerald Isle. In the
action (Battle of Monmouth) while her
husband was managing one of the field
pieces, she constantly brought him water
from a spring near by. A shot from the
enemy killed him at his post; and the
officer in command, having no one compe-
tent to fill his place, ordered the piece to
be withdrawn. Molly saw her husband
fall as she came from the spring and also
heard the order. She dropped her bucket,
seized the rammer and vowed that she
would fill the place of her husband at the
gun and avenge his death. She performed
the duty with a skill and courage which
attracted the attention of all who saw her.
On the following morning, covered with
dirt and blood, General Greene presented
her to General Washington, who admiring
her bravery, conferred upon her the com-
mission of Sergeant. By his recommenda-
tion her name was placed upon th* list of
half pay officers for life. She left the ar-
my soon after the Battle of Monmouth
and died near Fort Montgomery among
the Hudson Highlands. She usually went
by the name of Captain Molly. Th© ven-
erable widow of General Hamilton, who
died in 1854, told me she had often seen
Captain Molly. She described her as a
stout, red-haired, freckled-faced young
Irish woman with a handsome, piercing
eye. The French officers, charmed by
the story of her bravery, made her many
presents. She would sometimes pass along
the French lines with her cocked hat and
get it almost filled with crowns."
The same writer visited the locality of
Forts Montgomery and Clinton on the
Hudson, where Molly Pitcher ended her
days and there found old residents who
" remembered the famous Irish woman
called Captain Molly, the wife of acanon-
ier who worked a field piece at the battle
of Monmouth on the death of her hus-
band. She generally dressed in the petti-
coats of her sex with an artilleryman's
coat over. She was in Fort Clinton with
her husband when it was attacked in 1,^77.
When the Americans retreated from the
fort, as the enemy scaled the ramparts her
husband dropped his match and fled.
MoLLEY caught it up, touched off the piece
and then scampered off. It was the last
gun the Americans fired in the fort. Mrs.
Rose remembered her as Dirty Kate, living
between Fort Montgomery and Butter-
milk Falls, at the close of the war, where
she died a horrible death from syphilitic
disease. Washington h^d hoaored her
with a lieutenant's commission for her
bravery in the field of Monmouth nearly
nine months after the battle, when review-
ing its events."
IS AN OYSTER A WILD ANIMAL OR
A TAME ONE?
This question to many may appear ab
surd but it has been broached in lawsuits
in our state involving business enterprises
to the amount of some thousands oi dol-
lars yearly. It originated in the question
whether or not a man had an exclusive
right to oysters which he had planted. —
The first case carried up to the New Jersey
Supreme Court relating to planted oysters
began in old Shrewsbury township about
seventy years ago. A man named Lever-
son sued two men named Shepard and
Lay ton for the larceny of 1,000 oysters
which he had planted in North river,
Shrewsbury township. The case came be-
fore Esquire Tiebout who gave judgment
for the plaintiff, three dollars. The de-
fendants' appealed to the Monmouth Com-
mon Pleas where the Justice's decision
was confirmed. The case was then car-
ried to the Supreme Court and tried in
1808. The decision, however, was con-
fined to one point, that of planting where
there is a natural growth : " Action does
not lie for taking oysters claimed as plant-
ed by him in a common navigable stream,
in which others were found." The court
seemed to consider the throwing of oyster
plants where there is a natural growth, as
an abandonment, and compared it to a
man "who should take a deer in a forest
and be simpleton enough to let it go again
in the same forest, saying, ' this is my deer
and no man shall touch it;' it would never
be asked by the next taker what was the
intention of the simpleton ; the very act
of letting it go was an abandonment."
The question of the right to planted oys-
ters was again brought before the Supreme
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
157
Court in 1821, m the noted case of Arnold
vs Mundy, on an appeal in a case from
Perth Amboy; but this suit hinged mainly
on title to lands under water, the plaintiff
having purchased from th© East Jersey
Proprietors some forty odd acres of land
under water on which was the oyster bed.
Just fifty years after the laws relating to
planted oysters had been first discussed in
Monmouth, the subject was finally and
clearly settled by the Supreme Court. On
an appeal from Cape May, tried in 1858, it
was charged that Thomas Taylor had sto-
len oysters to the value of eighteen dollars
from George Hildreth. This time the ques-
tion of the right to oysters planted where
there was no natural growtfi was reached
and decided. As regards the questiorr
whether an oyster is a wild animal or a
tame one the inference from the trial is
that an oyster from a natural growth bed
is a wild animal and one from a bed plant-
ed where there was no natural growtii, is
•I tame one! The counsel for the defend-
ant ('I'aylor) plead thai " oysters being an-
imals fene natures (of a v^ild nature — wild
!<nimals) there can be no propter ty in them
unless they be dead or reclaimed or tamed
or in the actual power or possession of the
claimant."
The Chief Justice in giving the opinion
of the Court said :
"The principle (advanced by defend-
ant's counsel) as api^lied to animals ferm
naturcB is not questioned. But oysters,
though usually included in that descrip
tion of aniroals, do not come within the
reason or operation of the rule. The own-
er has the same absolute property in them
that he has ir) inanimate tilings or domes-
tic animals. Like dor. estic animals they
continue perpetually in his occupation
and will not stray from his house or per-
son. Unlike finimals/ero; naiwro;, they do
not require to be reclinmed and made tame
by art, industry or education, nor to be
c >nfined in order to be within the imme-
diate power of the owner. If at liberty,
*hey have neither the inclination nor
power to escape. For the purpo.^es of the
present inquiry they are obviously more
nearly allied to tame animals than to wild
ones, and perhaps more nearly allied to in-
animate objects than to animals of either
de.scription. The indictment could not
aver that the oysters were dead, for they
would then be of no value ; nor that they
were reclaimed or tamed for in this sense
they were never wild and were not capa-
ble of domestication ; nor that they were
confined for that vvould be absurd."
It was the decision of the court that
"The owner has the same absolute pi'op-
erty in oysters that he has \xi inanimate
things or domestic animals, and the rule
tliat applies to animals fer<B naiurce does
not apply to them," and that an indict-
ment would lie for stealing oysters plant-
ed in a public or navigable river where
oysters do not grow naturally, and the
spot designated by stakes or otherwise.
Alleged Infringements of Oyster Laws.
The Newark Evening Courier of Decem-
ber 21st, 1874, contained an interesting
article relating to the oyster trade of New-
ark Bay, Staten Island Sound, Perth and
South Amboy, &c., during the year 1874,
from tvhich we extract the following :
" The great beds at, the mouth of the
Raritan river, now retained and staked by
private individuals|for their own use, are
ou(- mile and a half long and one mile wide,
riiey were what is termed a natural bed
up to forty years ago, and were first taken
possession of by a company from Perth
Amboy. Tiiey were held by this company
without color of law for about five years,
when the people interested in the oyster
business compelled this monopoly to relin-
quish iheir claims on the beds, but in re-
turn they severally staked them off for
their own use, and still retain them to the
exclusion uf citizens of their own and oth-
er counties without the least shadow of
law. Il is thought that tliis question, to-
gether with a law looking to the better
preservation of oysters in the beds, will re-
ceive the attention of tlie Legislature."
We siiould suppose the law in this case
had been clearly settled by the Supreme
Court, wldch those interested can find
■stated at length in 1st Halsled, case of Ar-
nold vs Mundy, and 3d Dutfher, State vs
Thomas Taylor. '^
COLONEL MONCKTON AND THE
ROYAL GRENADIERS AT TilE
BATTLE OF MONMOUTH.
Lieutenant Colonel Honorable H. Monck-
ten, generally called Colonel Monckton,
according to both written and traditionary
accounts was one of the most honorable of-
ficers in the service of the British — accom-
plished, brave, of splendid personal appear-
ance and of irreproachable moral charac
ter. He was in the battle of Long Island
158
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
in August 1776, when he was shot through
the body and lay for many weeks at the
point of death. He recovered and for his
gallantry on that occasion was promoted
from the 5th Company, 2d Grenadiers, to
be Lieutenant Colonel and was in com-
mand of the battalion at the battle of Mon-
mouth, in which the 1st and 2n<l Rojal
Grenadiers bore a consi)icuous part and in
a charge, the heroic Monckton and the
greater part of the officers of the genadiers,
the flower of the Britisli army, fell from a
terrible fire from the Americans under
General Wayne, The spoi where Colonel
Monckton was killed is said to be about
eight rods north-east of the old parsonage
»nd he was buried about six feet from the
west end of the church. About thirty years
ago a board was set up to mark his grave
by William R. Wilson, a native of Scotland,
who will long and favorably be remem
beredby hundreds of citizens of Monmouth
and Ocean as a successful teac.ier and for
his many good qualities of head and heart.
He died ;>t Forked River, in Ocean county,
about nineteen years ago, and the respect
retained for him by his old scholars near
the battle ground, and elsewhere in Mon-
mouth, was evidenced by tiie fact of their
sending for his body and giving it a suita-
ble final resting place in the vicinity of his
first labors in this county. Mr. Wilson, or
" Dominie Wilsen " as he was familiarly
called on account of his once having been
a clergyman, deserves a more extended no-
tice than we have space for in the present
article.
On the board prepared and set up by
Mr. Wilson was inscribed
HIC JACET
Col. Monkton
KILLED 28 June
1778
W. R. W.
Mr. W. may have been induced to put
up the board by noticing that in the rem-
iniscences of the battle published by Hen-
ry Howe, who visited the ground in 1S42,
attention was called to the fact that no
monument marked the grave.
In 1850, Benson J. Lossing visited the
battle ground and made a sketch of the
head board which was given in his valua-
ble work, the Field Book of the Revolu-
tion, and it is also given in a late number
of the American Historical Record Mr.
Lossing says that when he visited tiie grave
" the only monument that marked the spot
was a plain board painted red, mufih weath-
er worn, on which was drawn in black let-
ters the inscription seen in the picture giv
en. The board had been set up some years
before by a Scotch school master named
William Wilson, who taught the young
people m the school house upon the green
near the old Meeting House," In speaking
of Col. M'-'nckton he says : " At the head
of his grenadiers on the field of Monmouth,
he kept them silent until they were with-
in a few rods of the Americans, when wav-
ing his sword he shouted '' Forward to tlie
charge !" Our General VVayne was on his
front. At the same moment "Mad Antho-
ny " gave a signal to fire. A terrible volley
poured destruction upon Monckton's gren-
adiers and almost every Brili»h officer fell.
Amongst litem was their brave leader. —
Over his body the comf)atants fought des-
perately until the Americans secured it
and bore it to the rear.'"
Captain Wilson and Dominie Wilson.
The Grenadier Flag.
A writer in the American Historical Rec-
ord, June, 1874, referring to the above no-
tice says it reminds liim " of the relics of
the Royal Grenadiers and of their gallant
Colonel which are still in existence; and I
was struck with the coincidence in name
of the Scotch schoolmaster, William Wil-
son, who set up the board that marks the
Colonel's grave, with that of the Irish Cap-
lain, William Wilson, by the rifles of whos''
company Monckton fell. On the parlor ta-
ble of Captain William Wilson Potter, of
Bellefonte, Pennsylvania, a great grandson
of General James Potter, of the Revolu-
tion, may be seen any day for tlie asking,
the flag of the Royal Grenadiers, captured
on thefield of Monmouth, by his (materni'l)
grandfather, the late Judge William Wil-
son, of Chillisquaque Mills, Northumber-
land county, Pennsylvania. The ground or -
main surface is lemon or light-yellow
heavy corded silk, five feet four inclies by
four feet eight inches. The device at the
upper right coiner is twenty inches square,
and is that of the English Union which dis
tinguishes the Royal a.andard of Great
Britain. It is composed of the cross of St.
George, to denote England, and St. An-
drews cross in the Ibrm of an X to denote
Scotland, ''lie field of the device is blue,
the central stripes (cross of St. George)
red, the margnial ones white. The flag has
the apptarance of having b; en wrenche<l
from its staff, and has a few blood stains on
the device, otherwise it looks as bright and
new as if it ha<l just come from the gentle
OLD TLV1K8 IN OLD MONMOUTH.
159
fingers that made it, although ninety-six
years have rolled away since its golden
folds drooped in the sultry air of that June
day battle."
The following is an account of that part
of the engagement relating to
The Charge of the (Grenadiers,
After General Lee's retreat was checked
by General Washington in person, the lat-
ter formed a new lin« for his advanced
troops, and put Lee again in command
General Washington then rode back to the
main army and formed it on an eminence,
with a road in the rear and a morass in
front. The left was commanded by Lord
Stirling with a detacliment ot artillery ;
LaFavette with Wavne was [)osted in the
centre, partly in an orchard and partly
sheltered by a barn ; General Greene was
on the ri<;'ht with his artillery under Gen-
eral Knox, pos ed on commi'nding ground.
Geneinl Lee maintained his advanced po-
sition as long Hs lie could, himself coming
oifwitii his rear across a road whicli trav-
ersed the morass in front of Stirling's
troops. The British followed sharp, and
met^iiiiii with a warm reception, endeav
ored to turn the left flank but were driven
back; they tien tried the rijjht, hut were
met by General Greene's forces and heavy
discharges from Knox's artillery, which
not only checked them but, raked the
whole length of the columns in front of
the U f t wing. Then came a determined
effort to break 'he centre maintained by
General Wayne and the Pennsylvania
rej^imenti; and the Royal Grenadiers, the
flower of the British army, were ordered to
do it. Tliey advanced several times, cross-
ing a hedge- row in front of the morass and
were driven back. Col. Moncton, their
commander, then made a speech to his
men (the troops ai the parsonage and
those in the orchanl heard his ringing
voice above the storm oi battle), and
forming the Grenadiers in solid col-
umn, advanced to the charge like
troops on parade ; the men marching
witli such precision that a ball from Combs
Hill enfihding a platoon isarmed every
man.
Wayne ordered his men to reserve their
fire, and the British came on in silence
within a few rod.'*, when Moncton waved
his sword above his h^ad and ordered his
grenadiers to charge. Simultaneously
Wayne ordered iiis men to fire and a ter-
rible volley laid low the first ranks and
most of the officers. The colors were in
advance to the right with the Colonel and
they went down with him. Captain Wil-
liam Wilson and his company who were
on the right of the Ist Pennsylvania regi-
ment, (Colonel James Chambers) made a
rush for the colors and the body of the
Colonel. The Grenadiers fought desper-
ately and a hand to hand struggle ensued,
but the Pennsylvanians secured his body
and the colors; the Grenadiers gave way,
and the whole British army fell back to
Lee's position in the morning. They de-
camped so quietly in the night that Gen-
eral Poor, who lay near them with orders
to recommence the battle in the morning,
was not aware of their departure.
The following reminiscences, published
by Howe were mainly derived from the
late venerable Dr. Samuel Forman, who
was on the battle field tbe day after the
action.
The advanced corps of Americans under
Wayne was on high ground close by a barn
about twelve rods back of the parsonage,
while a park of artillery were on Combs
Hill, a height commanding that ot the
enemy. The British grenadiers several
times crossed the fence and advanced
toward the barn, but were as often
driven back by the fire of the troops
stationed there and the artillery from
Combs Hill. At length < ol. Moncton
made to ihem a spirited address which was
distinctly heard by the Americans at the
barn and parsonage, distant only twenty
or thirty rods. They then advanced in
beautiful order as though on parade. As
they appeared within a few reds of the
barn, Wayne ordered his men to pick off
the officers. * * * The spot near
where Col. Monkton was killed is (1842)
marked by an oak stump about eight rods
northeast ot the parsonage. * * * 'Phe
most desperate part of the conflict was in
the vicinity of where Monkton fell. There
the British grenadiers lay in heaps like
sheaves on a harvest field. Our informant
states that they dragged the corjjses by
the lieels to shallow pits dug for the
purpose and slightly covered them with
earth; he saw thirteen buried in one hole.
For many years after, their graves were
indicated by the luxuriance of the vegeta-
tion. Among the enemy's dead was a
sergeant of the grenadiers, designated as
the '' high sergeant." He was the tallest
man in the Briti.sli army, measuring seven
leet four inches in height.
The day was unusually hot even for the
season and both armies suffered severely;
1(30
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
the British more than the Americans, be-
cause of their woollen uniforms and bur-
dened with their knapsacks and accoutre-
ments, while the latter where divested of
their packs and superfluous clothing. The
tongues of great numbers were so swollen
as to render them incapable of speaking.
Many of both armies perished solely from
heat and after the battle were seen dead
upon the field, ivithout mark or wound,
under trees and bende the rivulet, where
they had crawled for shade and water.
The countenances of the dead became so
blackened as to render it impossible to re-
cognize individuals. Several houses m
Freehold were filled with the wounded of
the enemy, left on their retreat in care of
their surireons and nurses. Every room in
the Court Hoase was filled. Tliey lay on
the floor on straw, and the supphoation of
the wounded and the moans of the dying
presented a scene of woe. As fast as they
died, their corpses were promiscuously
thrown into a pit on thesiteof the present
(1842) residence of Dr. Throckmorton, and
slightly covered with earth.
In aiJdition to the above statements of
Dr. FoRMAN regarding the heat of ihe day,
we remember on our first visit to the bat-
tle ground forty od(? years ago being told
by an old gentleman residing in the vicin-
ity, while describing the battle, that both
the British and Americans were so over-
come by the heat, and were suffering so
much from thirst, that as they approached
the stream, the troops of both armies, re-
iiardless of discipline, broke from their
ranks and rushed to the hrook to quench
their thirst at the same time, and but a
little distance apart. Many were unable
to resunoe their places in the ranks and
we.'e found dead as above related. Of the
British it is stated that fifty nine perished
from the heat.
VISITORS AT THE BATTLE GROUND.
" If there's a hule in all your coats
I rede you tent it ;
A chield'8 among you taking notes,
And faith ho'll prent it."
So said the poet Burns in reference to
Captain Grose, noted for his peregrinations
through Scotland collecting antiquities of
the kingdom, and we have been forcibly
reminded of liis lines in reading various
comments made by visitors to the Mon-
mouth battle ground. These commants
are in the main very favorable to the citi-
zens of old Monmouth, but occasionally we
meet with an unpalatable note.
The .author of the Field Book of the
Revolution says :
•' I visited the battle ground of Mon-
mouth towaid the close of September, 1850,
and had the good fortune to be favored
with the company of Doctor John Wood-
hull, of Freehold, in my ramble over that
interesting locality. Dr. Woodhull is the
son of the beloved minister of that name
who succeeded Rev. William Tennent in
the pastoral care of the congregation that
worshipped in the Freehold meeting house,
and who, for forty hix consecutive years.
preached and prayed in that venerated
chapel. Dr. VVoodhull was born in the
parsonage yet upon ihe battleground, and
is so familiar with every localitv and event
connei^ted with tiie conflict, that I felt as
it' traversing the battle field with an actor
in the scene.*'
Mr. Lossiiig next speaks of a heavy storm
which compelled him to take shelter in
the old Tennent church ; resting his port-
folio on the high back of an old pew he
sketched a picture of the neat monument
erected to the memory of Rev. John Wood-
hull, D. D., who died Nov. 22nd, 1824, aged
80 years. He next refers to Rev. William
Tennent who was pastor of that flock for
forty-three years, and gives an outline of
his life, and then says :
'' When tl)e storm :< bated we left the
church and proceeded to the battleground.
The old parsonage is in the present pos-
session of Mr. William T. Sutphen, who
has allowed the parlor and study of Ten-
nent and Woodhull to be uised as a depos
iiory of giain and of agricultural imple-
ments! The careless neglect which per-
mits a mansion so hallowed by religion
and patriotic events to fall into ruin, is ac-
tual desecration and much to bn repre-
hended and de|)lored. The windows are
destroyed, the roof is falling into the
chambers ; and in a lew years not a ves-
tige will be left of that venerable mem'^n-
to of the Jield of Monmouth.
" We visited the spot where Monckton
fell; the place of the causeway across the
morass (now a small bridge upon the main
road); and after taking a general view
of the "vhole ground of conflict and sketch-
ing a picture, returned to Freehold.
" It had been to me a day of rarest inter-
est and pleasure, notwithstanding the in-
clement weather ; for no battle field in our
country has stronger claims to the rever-
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTn.
161
ence of the American heart than that of
the plains of Monmouth, * * *
" The men nnd women of the Revolution
but a few years since, numerous in the
neigliboihood of Freehold, have passed
away, but the narrative of their trials dur-
ing the war have left abiding re'cords of
patriotism upon the hearts of their de
scendants. 1 listened to many tales con-
cerning the Pine Robbers and other des-
peradoes of tlie time, who kept the people
of Monmouth county in a state of contin-
ual alarm. Many noble deeds of daring
were achieved by the tillers of the soil,
and their mothers, wives and sisters ; and
while the field o[ Monmouth attested the
bravery and endurance of American sol-
diers, the inhabitants whose households
were disturbed on that memorable Sabbath
morning by ihe bugle and the cannon
peal, exhibited in their daily course the
loftiest patriotism and manly courage. We
will leave the task of recording the acts of
their heroism to the pen of the local his
torian."
The following item we find published in
a magazine over a year ago: -'Attention
has lately been called to the condition of
the grave of Col Monckton, in the burial
ground of the Fre(-liold Meeting House in
Monmouth Co., N. J. It should be prop-
erly cared for, for Monckton, though a
foeman to the Americans when he fell
mortally wounded at the battle of Mon-
mouth, was a gallant officer, and a man of
irreproachable moral character."'
OUR GOOD LOOKING GRAND-
MO r HERS.
Why Jersey Ladies ake so Attractive.
All histories of Revolutionary times con-
cede that in patriotism our forefathers
were not excelled by the people of any
otlier state. From ihe following extracts
it will be seen that daring the last century
the women also of New Jersey were held
in high repute by people in other states.- -
Jerseymen of the present day very well
know tiiat the ladies of our state now are
hard to excel in beauty, intelligence, amia-
bility, industry and other deservable qual-
ities. And it is gratifying to know that
their maternal ancestors obtained such
marked commendation from competent
judge? in other states.
Guthrie's Geography, published by the
celebrated Matthew Carey in 1795, says :
'* There is at least as great a number of
industrious, discreet, amiable, genteel and
handsomfc women in New Jersey in pro-
portion to the number of its inhabitants as
in any one of the thirteen states."
Winterbottom'sGeograi^hy, published in
New York the following year, quotes the
above extract, but the author thinking
such compliments unusual in such a work
prefaces his quotation with the remark
that " It is not the business of the geogra-
pher to compliment the ladies, nor would
we be thought to do so when we say that
there are in New Jersey as great a number
of industrious, discreet, &c."
Morse's Geography, published in New
York by the father of tbe celebrated Pro-
fessor-Morse, quotes and endorses the re-
marks of both of the above writers, and
adds that " the ladies of New Jersey are
as well educated and intelligent as the la-
dies of any other state." We will take
the liberty here of expressing our gratifi-
cation that Morse quoted the most of his
complimentary remarks from other writ-
ers ; had he expressed them in his own
language we might reasonably fear as
bungling work as he made in describing
Albany and its inhabitants. In an early
edition of his geography, which we found
in the library of the New York Geographi-
cal and Statistical Society, he says :
"There are over six hundred houses in
Albany, and the population is over ten
thousand mostly of the gothic style of
architecture with their gable ends turned
to the streets."
Ten thousand people of the gothic style
of architecture with their gable ends
turned to the street would have presented
a remarkable spectacle. He probably
meant this description to apply to the
houses and not the people.
Among more ancient writers who de-
scribed the jieople of New Jersey was Ga-
briel Thomas, who published a work in
1698, describing Pennsylvania and West
Jersey, but one copy of which is known to
be in existence. From this copy, in the
Philadelphia Franklin Library, we extract
the following, relating to the inhabitants
of Pennsylvania and New Jersey :
" The men are all industrious and
healthy, the children born here are beau-
tiful, without spot or blemish, and every
married lady has a baby in her laj), or one
— " Ahem I well, these old writers have
sometimes such a blunt way of expressing
themselves, that a bashful man feels rather
dubious about the propriety of quoting ex-
162
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
actly the conclusion of the sentence, but it
substantially means " tliat they jiresent ex-
ternal evidence of soon being able to have
one to tend."
From the foregoing it will be seen that
it is perfectly natural that Jersey ladies
should be fascinating; they take after their
mothers and female ancestors ; like them
they are " industrious, discreet, amiable,
genteel, handsome and intelligent." But
these complimentary expressions are left
out of modern geographies, not because
they are inappropriate, but doubtless out
of respect to ladies of other states and to
the men of this; for if they were now pub-
lished in our text books, men from other
states might flock here for partners to the
aggravation of the girls they left behind
them, and of the young men of New Jer-
sey, who would naturally object to such in-
roads for such a purpose.
Our Ancestors of English Origin. — The
BEST BLOOD OF NeW EnGLAND.
The following complimentary remarks
about our first white settlers of English or-
igin are from Watson's Annals ot Philadel-
phia :
''The vicinity of Philadelphia to New
Jersey has had the etieci to contribute a
great deal of Jersey ])Opulation to the city
and a good race of citizens they make. —
They may be considered as a people much
formed from the best Yankee hlood. All
along the seaboard, the first settlers there,
"IS their names show, came from New Eng
land in colonial times. In the Revolution
the Governor of Pennsylvania (Reed) was
from JNew Jersey; so too Attorney General
Sargent and Commissary General Boudi-
nit. Not long since, all ihe officers of the
Mayor's Court, Mayor, Recorder, prosecut-
ing officers and even the crier were Jersey
born."
The First White Opinion of Old Mon-
mouth.
On the 2nd day of Spptember, 1609, Sn-
Henry Hudson in the ship Half Moon,
cruised along the shore of the county, and
at night anchored not far from Long
Branch. His journal or log book was kept
by his mate, Alfred Just. After describ-
ing the coast, &c., at the close of the duy's
record, he says :
" This is a very good land to fall in with,
and a pleasant land to see."
This is the most ancient opinion of the
county to be lound expressed by a white
person, and one in which all its citizens
will agree as correct and applicable at the
present day.
CONGRESSIONAL REPRESENTA-
TIVES.
By an act of Congress approved June,
1842, all members of Congress were re
quired to be elected by Congressional Dis-
tricts. Under that law the following per-
sons have been elected to Congress to rep-
resent the districts to which Monmouth
has belonged.
Second Congressional District.
•28th Congress 1843-4 George Svkes of Burlington Co.
29 •' 1845-6
30 " 1847-8 William A. Newell Monmouth "
31 '• 1849-50 " " " "
32 •' 1851-2 Charles Skelton Mercer " '
.33 " 1853-4 " " " "
34 •' 1855-6 George R. Fobbing " "
35 " 1857-8 " " " "
.36 " 1859-60 J. L. N. Stratton, Burlington "
37 " 1861-2 " "
38 " 1863-4 William A. Newell, Monmouth "
39 " 1865-6 George Middleton " "
40 " 1867-8 Charles Haight " "
41 " 1869-70 " " " "
42 " 1871-2 Samuel C. Porker, Burlington '
Third Congressional District.
1873-4 Amos Clark, Jr., Middlesex
1876-6 Miles Ross "
It is a coincidence that since the Dis-
trict law of Congress passed, the Demo-
crats have elected nine members and their
opponents just nine including Samuel G.
Wright elected, but who died before tak-
ing his seat.
Congressional Memoranda.
Among those who were natives of, or
have represented Old Monmouth in the
National councils, may be mentioned the
following :
Db. Nathaniel Scudder.
Dr. Scudder was a delegate to the Con-
tinental Congress from New Jersey from
1777 to 1779, ani was one of ttic signers of
the articles of Confederation. He was the
son of Col. Jacob Scudder of Monmouth
Court House, born May 10th. 1733. After
graduating at Princeton College in 1751,
he gave his attention to the practice of
medicine. At the outbreak of the Revo-
lution he was commissioned Lieutenant
Colonel, First Regiment ; Colonel same
regiment Nov. 28th. 1776. Delegate to
Congress 1777-9. He was killed by the
Refugees, Oct 16th, 1781, at Black Poini
(Shark River?) He was at the time en-
gaged in conversation with General David
Forman and it is supposed the shot was
aimed at the latter. General Forman at-
OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.
163
tributed his marvelous escape to an invol-
untary step backward which became " the
raos,ifortv,nate step in all his life,"
An interesting outline of Dr. Scudder's
life was published in the Monaiouth Dem-
ocrat, May 29th, 1873, by Anna Maria
Woodhull.
John Anderson Scudder, M. D.,
Was a represt^ntative in Congress from
New Jersey for the unexpired term of
James Cox who died in 1810. He was the
eldest son of Dr. Nathaniel Scudder, above
mentioned. He was born March 22nd,
1759; served as Surgeon's m.-ite in the Rev
olutionary army ; was a member of the As-
sembly for several years and finally re-
moved to Kentucky.
■ General James Cox.
James Cox was a native of Monmouth
County, born in 1753 ; served several years
as a member of the Legislature, and was
Speaker of the Assembly ; commanded a
company of militia in the Revolution and
was at the battles of German town and Mon-
mouth ; was subsequently a Brigadier Gen-
eral of militia. Was a representative in
Congress 1809-10. Died September 12th,
1810.
Rev. Benjamin Bennett.
Born in 1762, was a Baptist minister and
a Representative in Congress from 1815 to
1819. He died at Middletown, N. J., Oc-
tober 8tli, 1840.
Garret D. Wall
was born in Monmouth county, March
10th, 1783 ; licensed attorney in 1804 and
as counsellor in 1807. Appointed clerk
of the Supreme Court in 1812, holding
the position for five years ; command-
ed a volunteer company at the defence of
Sandy Hook in the war of 1812, and was
Quarter Master Genernl of the State from
1815 to 1827. In 1827 he was elected to
the General Assembly ; in 1829 was ap-
pointed United States District Attorney
for New Jersey and tlie same year was
elected Governor of the State by the Leg-
islature but he deciiued the appointment.
General Wall was elected a member of the
United States Senate to serve from 1835 to
1841. In 1843 his health was impaired by
a stroke of paralysis, but in 1848 he was
appointed Judge of the Court of Errors
anc}' Appeals, which oflRce he occupied un-
til ins death at Burlington, N. J,, Nov.
'i2, 1850.
His son. Colonel James W. Wall, born in
Trenton, was elected Senator in 1863 to fill
an unexpired term.
John C. Ten Evck,
was born at Freehold, March 12th, 1814. —
In 1839 was appointed Prosecutor of the
Pleas for Burlington county, holding the
position for (en years; was a member of
the Convention to frame a new state con-
stitution in 1844, and was elected United
States Senator in 1859 to serve six years.
Daniel B. Ryall
was born at Trenton, Jan. 30th, 1798. —
Came to Freehold to practice law in 1820,
where he remained in practice 35 years. —
He was a member of the State Legislature
for three years, and Speaker of the House
for the same time. He was Representative
in Congress from 1839 to 1841. He died
at Freehold, Dec. 17th, 1864.
Samuel G. Wright was elected a mem-
ber of Congress in the fall of 1844 but died
July 30, 1845, before taking his seat. He
was born in 1787, and filed n^ar Allen-
town (at Harrison's Hill ?)
James H. Imlay was a representative in
Congress from 1797 to 1801. We have
found no record of his nativity but pre-
sume he was from Monmouth. He grad-
uated at Princeton in 178G, and was for a
time a tutor in that college.
William L Dayton w;is born at Basken-
ridge, Somerset County, Febiuary 17th,
1807; graduated at Princeton in 1825, prac-
ticed law in Freehold many years, was ap-
pointed Judge of the Supreme Court in
1838 ; and appointed in 1842 to fill vacan-
cy caused by death o' Samuel L. Southard,
and again in 1845 serving to 1851 United
States Senator. In 1857 was Attorney
General of the State; appointed Minister
to France by President Lincoln in 1861,
and died in Paris at Hotel d« Louvre Dec.
1st. 1864. The most laudatory notice of
him published in the Paris papers was
written by John Slidell, the Rebel Com-
missioner whom Judge Dayton for three
years had earnestly opposed.
TVNews
OpenLibrary