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RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE OLIVE BRAKCH.

Extract of a letter from James JMadi son, Esq. President of the United States,

Washington, January 28, 1815.

" I have not been able as yet to do more than glance at the plan of the work,
and run over a few of its pages. The course adopted of assembling authentic
and striking facts, and addressing them impartially and independently, but with
becoming emphasis, to the attention of the public, was best fitted to render it
a valuable and seasonable service : and it appears that the success of your la-
boui-s will well reward the laudable views with which it was undertaken."

Extract of a letter from Thomas Jefferson, Esq. ex-president of the United States.

Monticello, Feb, 9, 1815.
" I thank you for the copy of the Olive Branch you have been so kind as to
send me. Many extracts froiu it which I had seen in the newspapers, had ex-
cited a wish to procure it. A cursory view over the work has confirmed the
opinion excited by the extracts, that it will do great good."

Extract of a letter from TV. Sampson, Esq.

New York, Feb. 15, 1815.
" I have read your Olive Branch ; and I can now express my sincere satisfac-
tion. I must offer you my best compliments upon a production, which breathes
the sentiments of pure and manly patriotism."

Extract of a letter from Orchard Cook, Esq.

Wiscasset, Me, April 2, 1815.
" Permit me to offer you my thanks for j^our incomparable work, the Olive
Branch. You can hardly imagine how much it is admired, and how much good

it is doing."

Extract of a letter from A". Biddle, Esq. a member of the Senate of Pennsylvania, a

decided Federalist.
" Mr. Biddle takes this opportunity of expressing to Mr. Carey the satisfac-
tion which he has derived from reading his manly appeal from the passions to
the reason of contending parties." Dec. 2, 1814.

Extract of a letter from the Hon. Wm. Eustis, Esq. noiv minister of the United

States, in Holland.

Boston, Nov. 16, 1814.
" The Olive Branch is certainly calculated to do great good. It bears, a3
you observe, the marks of rapidity : — but it is the rapid, rectilineal course of
an enhghtened mind, directed by strong common sense."

Extract of a letter from a literary Gentleman in Baltimore.

Nov. 20, 1814.
" Accept my sincere and hearty thanks for the Olive Branch. So far as my
opinion goes, it is the best timed and most masterly performance I ever saw."

Extract of a letter from Richard Rush, Esq. now J\Tinistcr Pleidpotentiary of the
United Stales at the Court of St. James's.

' Washington, April 28, 1815.
" R. R. has been fi-ee to declare upon all occasions, aiid the sentiment is now
still further strengthened, that he thinks the country owes Mr. C a very large
debt for the patriotic, the zealous, and the intelligent efforts of liis pen during
the late strug-gle ; for his energetic, spii'ited, yet candid defence of public prin-
ciples and public measures; for his just exposition of our institutions; for his
discriminating and indefatigable selection of authentic documents illustrative of
our history, and the forcible, perspicuous, and unanswerable commentai-ies
which he has superinduced upon them. R. R. places, at a very high rate, the
.share which Mr. Carey's publications have had in serving to rescue us from dan-
ger, and to secure our triumphs ; and he anticipates in the mass of truth which
they have diffused throughout the Union, effects from them of further and
more lasting benefit."

" There is perhaps no book extant, that in so small a compass contains so
great a quantity of momentous political truth. Like the two-edged sword, said
to have been wielded by the angel of light against " Satan and his angels," it
dispels and puts to flight an army of error and falsehood."— ?feeA^/«/ Re^ster,
vol. vii. page 371.
A

RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE OUVE BRANCH.

Extract of a letter from Phillip Freneau, Esq.

Mount Pleasant, October 30, 1815.
« Your Olive Branch has excited much attention, wherever people will at all
read. According to an old saying, it is worth its weight in gold ; and .since
the pubUcation ofThomas Paine's Common Sense, I know nothing that has is-
sued from the American press, of equal solid utility."

Extract of a letter from James J. Wilson, Esq. Member of the United States' Senate.
•' Trenton, June 21, 1815.

" I consider your work not only as a gi-eat present acquisition, but as likely
to produce good effects for a long time to come."

Extract of a letter from Benjamin Austin, Esq.

•' Boston, Oct. 24, 1815.

" T consider the Olive Branch as the most lucid pubUcation that has appear-
ed since the violence of party has plunged the pubhc mind into a chaos of po-

litical eiTor."

Extract of a letter from the author of the British Spy.

Richmond, Nov. 1, 1815.
" I consider the Olive Branch as valuable in a higli degree, and all that I
have heard speak of it in this quarter, express themselves in the warmest
terms of approbation."

Extract of a letter from Jesse Moore, Esq. Presiding Judge of the B. C. Pennsyl-
vania.

Meadville, September 29, 1815.
• « I have no hesitation in saying that by writing and publishing the OliVe
-Branch, yo^i have been a benefactor to the public ; and that in this opinion,
after the present mists of party spirit sliall have evaporated, a very great pro-
portion of the candid, honest, and intelligent men of every pai-ty will at length

concur."

Extract of a letter from Dr. James Tilton.

Wilmington, Oct. 10, 1815.
*' All that I hear of the Olive Branch, indicates that it passes with the same
eclat among the people that Common Sense did in the Revolution."

From " Liberty Hall," a Cincinatii JVe-uispaper.
« The Olive Branch, published by M. Carey, of Philadelphia, has perhaps
been tbe most popular and useful publication ever printed in America. It will
hereafter be a matter of record of the most important transactions and docu-
ments resulting from the war, and the causes that led to it."

Extract from the Western Herald, Jidy 1815.
" The Author of the Olive Branch deserves the thanks and gratitude of the
nation. We have no hesitation in saviug that every man who can afford to buy
a single book more tlian the Holy Scriptures, ought to buy the Olive Branch."

Extract of a letter from Jonathan Roberts, Esq member of the Senate of the United

States.
« Your labours have contributed more than those of any other person, to re-
move the mists of prciudice and misrepresentation. You have not only la-
boured successfully to "present a clear view of the conduct of both sides— but
you have promulgated your writings with such diligence and success as to dou-
ble your merits."

iMter from Mahlon Dickerson, Esq. late Governor of the state of Xe^v Jersey.

" Trenton, Dec. 5, 1817.

" T will thank vou to .set me down as a subscriber to your eighth edition of
the Olive Tiranch. I have but two editions of that work— but should have had
all, could I have procured them immediately on their first coming out.

" Be assured no man thinks more highly of this work than 1 do. It is so com-
pletely and peculiarly yours, thai I should have discovered the author on read-
ing four pages. Indeed, while reading it, I think I hear your voice, and see
your manner."

THE

OLIYE BRANCH:

OR,

FAULTS ON BOTH SIDES,

FEDERAL AXD DEMOCRATIC.

A SERIOUS APPEAL ON THE NECESSITY

MUTUAL FORGIVENESS AND HARMONY.

BY MfCAREY.

TENTH EDITION, IMPROVED.

" Paction is the madness of the many for the benefit of the few."

" Frenzied be the head — palsied be the hand — that attempts to destroy thf"
union." Gen. Eaton

" Truths would you teach — or save a sinking land :
" All fear — none aid you — and few understand." Pope.

" Every kingdom divided against itself, is brought to DESOLATION."

Matt xii. 2,1

" In dissensione nulla salus co7isJjicitur." Cxsar.

" If we pay a proper regard to truth, we shall find it necessary not only to
condemn our friends upon some occasions, and commend our enemies, but also
to commend and condemn the same persons, as different circumstances may re-
quire ; for as it is not to be imagined, that those who are engaged in great af-
fairs, should always be pursuing false or mistaken measures ; so neither is it
probable that their condcut can be at all times exempt from eiTOr." Polybivf.

PHILADELPHIA :
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY M. CAREY AND SON

JVo. 126, Chesnnt Street.

June 1, 1818.

Extract from Governor Strangle Speech, 17th January, 1806.

" Changes in the constitution ol government are more injurious than in the
Sj-stcm of laws : even a sSnall innovation maij deatroy its pri?ici plea. The tramers
of the constitution had before ihem not only the forms which had been prefer-
red by tlie several states ; but those also, which, before that time, hatl been de-
vised in other ages and nations. And Ihougli the repeated experiments which
have since talcen place in Europe, may suggest matter for warning, they atiord
nothing for imitation. If, notwithstanding, it is found by experience, that the
consutution ojicrates very unequally, or the construction of any partis doubt-
ful, amendments may be necessary to alter or explain it. But it is in vain to
expect tliut all ivill Oe satisfied. — Free governments admit of an endless variety of
modifications; When the constitution was estabhshed, perhaps no man that
became subject to it was perfectly pleased with every part. Jt was the result
of mutual concession : and such, indeed, must always be the case, when a form
of govcrmnent is voluntarily accepted by a community.

" In the minds of some men, there seems to be a restlessness, ivMch renders them
dissatisfied with any uniform course of things, and makes them eager in the pursuit
of novelty. They abound in projects, and are ever meditating some fanciful clumge
in the plan of government, which their imaginations represent as useful. But men
of great ambition are still more dangerous ; they commonly make the fairest pretences
to principles, though Ihey are actuated only by self-interest. If the constitution or
laws of their country present obstacles to the accomplishment of their -wishes, they
employ every artifce to alter or abolish them ; and if individuals oppose their at-
tempts, they are equally artfid and solicitous to destroy their influence and re^ider
them odious to their fellow citizens.

" b'ew men, even in a prosperous community, are fully satisfied with their
condition. A great part are easily induced to believe, tliat there is something
wrong in the government or laws, which might be rectified to their advantage.
They therefore readily embrace any specious proposal to effect an alteration.
The crafty and ambitious knoiu hoiu to avail tliemselves of this disposition to change,
and encourage their followers to expect that the amendments they propose will per-
fectly suit their case, and produce the very blessings they wish : in this way they
not only eii'cct tlieir immediate object, but acquire an influence which enables
them afterwards to accomplish the most disastrous innovations. Sucli persons
encourage hopes that can 7iever be realized, and excite complaints which tlie
most wise and benevolent administration is unable to remove.

" Our forms of government are, doubtless, like all other human institutions,
impert'ect ; but they will insure the blessings of freedom to the citizens, and
preserve their ti'anepiillity, as long as they are virtuous ; and no constitution
that has been or can be formed will secui'e those blessings to a depraved and
vicious people."

Extract from the Answer of the Massachusetts Senate to the above Speech.

" We shall look with a still more cautious eye upon every innovation attempt-
ed to be made upon our national constitution. The integrity, experience, and
extensive information discovered by the illustrious characters, who framed that
valuable instrument, and the series of public prospei'ity enjoyed under it, enti-
tle it to our higiicst veneration; its excellence appears witli still greater lustre,
when compared with the ephemeral constitutions of many nations which have
flitted across the eye in rajiid succession, and then sunk into total oblivion.
We are not insensible, tliat our form of government must be imperfect, as was
the nature of its autliors : but we recollect, at the same time, that any proposed
alteration, under the mime of amendment, is liable to the same imperfections.

" Believing, therefore, that the princ'plvs fthe constitution are as well adjusted
as human infi-mity will permit, and that a ^'rall innovation may essentially peiTert
its original tendency, we shall exert ourselves to preserve it in its pi'esent form,
except in cases where its operation shall be foiuid extremely unequal and op-
pressive."

-i'

I THIS BOOK,

(AS A MARK OF GRATITUDE FOR

INESTIMABLE BLESSINGS ENJOYED, IN

LIBERTY OF PERSON, LIBERTY OF PROPERTY, AND LIBERTY

OF OPINIONS,

TO A DEGREE NEVER EXCEEDED IN THE WORLD,)

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

TO A BELOVED BUT BLEEDING COUNTRY,

TORN IN PIECES

FACTIOUS, DESPERATE, CON\^ULSIVE, AND RUINOUS
STRUGGLES FOR POWER.

IT IS LIKEWISE DEDICATED TO THOSE

MILLIONS OF HUMAN BEINGS,

WHO NEITHER HOLD NOR SEEK OFFICE ;

BUT WHO ARE MADE THE INSTRUMENTS OF THOSE

WHO DO SEEK THEM :

AND WHO, WHILE A FOREIGN ENEMY PRESSES

AT THEIR DOORS,

ARE ENFEEBLED AND KEPT FROM UNION,

TO GRATIFY THE AMBITION OF

A FEW MEN,

(NOT ONE IN FIVE THOUSAND OF THE WHOLE COMMUNITY)

WHO HAVE BROUGHT

TO THE VERY VERGE OF DESTRUCTION,

THE FAIREST PROSPECT

EVER VOUCHSAFED BY HEAVEN TO ANY NATION.

BY THE .iUTHOR.
Philad. J^ov. 8, 1814.

O, B. 2

GO, OLITE BRANCH,

INTO A COMMUNITY, WHICH, DRUGGED INTO
A DEATH-LIKE STUPOR,
WITH UNPARALLELED APATHY BEHOLDS
THE
PILLARS OF THE GOVERNMENT TEARING AWAY-.
THE NATION
NEARLY PROSTRATE AT THE FEET OF A RUTHLESS FOE ,
ANARCHY RAPIDLY APPROACHING;
A NUMBER OF AMBITIOUS LEADERS, REGARDLESS

OF THE
COMMON DANGER,
STRUGGLING TO SEIZE UPON THE GOVERNMENT,

AND
- APPARENTLY DETERMINED THE COUNTRY SHALL GO TO

PERDITION,

UNLESS THEY CAN POSSESS THEMSELVES OF POWER ,

AND, WITH THIS VIEW, OPPOSING AND DEFEATING

EVERY MEASURE,

CALCULATED TO INSURE SALVATION

APPEAL TO THE PATRIOTISM,
THE HONOUR, THE FEELING, THE SELF-INTEREST OF YOUR

READERS,
TO SAVE A NOBLE NATION FROM RUIN,
Fftilad. Jan. 4, 18l5.

PREFACE

TO THE FIRST EDITION.

Philadelphia^ Nov. 8, 1814.*

This work is submitted to the public with an uncommon de-
gree of solicitude and anxiety. The subject it embraces, and the
objects it has in view, are of inexpressible magnitude. The for-
mer is the present critical situation of the United States, with
the causes that have led to that situation ; the latter, the mitiga-
tion of party rage and rancour, and the restoration of harmony.

It is no longer doubtful that a conspiracy exists in New Eng-
land, among a few of the most wealthy and influential citizens,
to effect a dissolution of the union, at every hazard, and to form
a separate confederacy. This has been believed by some of our
citizens for years, and strenuously denied \)y others, deceived by
the mask the conspirators wore, and by their hollow professions.
But it requires more than Bceotian stupidity and dulness, to he-
sitate on the subject, after the late extraordinary proceedings,
which cannot possibly have any other object.

Eighteen years have elapsed since this dangerous project was
first promulgated-! From that period to the present, it has never
been out of view. The end and the means were equally unholy
and pernicious. Falsehood, deception, and calumny, in turn,
have been employed to aid the design. The passions of the ci-
tizens have been kept in a constant state of the most extravagant
excitement. Every act of the government has been placed in
the most revolting point of view. And to the public function-
aries have been unceasingly ascribed the most odious objects,
pursued by the most detestable means.

About two-thirds of the papers published in the eastern states,
are opposed to the present administration. They are all ex-parte.
A single number of the Centinel, Repertory, Boston Gazette,
He. rarely appears free from abuse of the administration. And
I am pretty well convinced that attempts at vindication are
hardly ever admitted. The object steadily and invariably pur-

* The reader is requested, in reading the different Prefaces, to pay particu-
lar attention to their dates.

f In a series of essays, published under the signature of Pelham,in the Con>
necticut Courant, 1796.

10 PRErACK TO THE ITRST LDITIOK.

sued, is to run down the incumbents in office at all events. To
this ooject every thing is made subservient, and every means of
effecting it is regarded as lawful.

On the injustice, the cruelty of this procedure, it is needless
to descant. It is treating the highest public functionaries of the
country, chosen by the unbiassed suffrages of a free people, with
more cruelty and injustice than we should display towards the
veriest rascal in society. Were he accused of any crime what-
ever, his defence would be patiently heard before sentence would
be pronounced. But our first magistrate, and other public offi-
cers, are accused, tried, and condemned, without a possibility of
defence.

This is a great and deplorable evil — an evil so inveterate, as
to render a remedy almost hopeless. It is hardly possible for any
government to stand against such an unjust system, which is
pregnant with the most awful consequences to society.

It will be said that there are many newspapers devoted to the
defence of the administration, as well as to destroy it. This
does not remove the difficulty. Such are the folly and madness
of the times, that the mass of our citizens confine themselves to
those papers calculated to strengthen their prejudices. They
rarely read defences, if any appear.

And thus it is not surprising that those prejudices daily be-
come more violent, and more extensive in their operation — and
that through the address and industry of artful men, some of
our citizens, otherwise highly estimable, are prepared to de-
stroy that constitution, to whose abuse and perversion they
ascribe all thrjse sufferings which have really flowed from the
rapacity and injustice of the belligerents.

Besides the party in New England, who are determined on a
separation of the states for their own aggrandizement — there is
one in the middle states equally dangerous. They are daily en-
gaged in preparing the public mind for seizing the reins of go-
vernment by violence, and expelling the public functionaries.

With these gentlemen, it is a favourite idea, to send " the
president to Elba,'' and supply his place with one of their own
friends, and thus save the people the necessity of another elec-
tion. Mr. Barent Gardenier, of New York, editor of the Cou-
rier, and a few violent men in congress, are the most active of
this party. All their talents and industry are devoted to this
vile purpose.

Blood and murder — lanterns and guillotines apart, this is as
revolutionary, as disorganizing, as jacobiniral a project as any of
those conceived by Danton, Legendre, Marat, Petion, or Ro-
bespierre, in the earlv stages of the French revolution. And,
reader, " lay 7iot thefiaUer'rng unction to your soul^"^ that we shall,
in this event, escape bloodshed. It is as impossible that such

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION, It

a flagitious project should be carried into operation, without
rivers of blood being shed, as that ) ou could tear away the foun-
dations on which a mighty edifice rests, without the edifice it-
self crumbling to ruins ; or remove the dykes which oppose the
violence of rushing torrents, and not have the circumjacent
country overflowed.

A favourite phrase with Mr. Gardenier is, that " the present
administration must come doxvn.^'' This is quite explicit. ^ It is
impossible to mistake the intention, or the mode of effecting it.
The latter is very simple. History furnishes numerous exam-
ples. It is the mode by which, after the Rubicon was passed,
Julius Caesar rose to power on the ruins of the commonwealth ;
by which Cromwell expelled the Rump parliament, and seized
the reins of government ; and, to come to a later period, it is the
mode whereby Bonaparte made himself master of the destinies
of France.

But, Mr. Gardenier, we are not ripe for this project yet. Can
you, or can general Robert Wharton, (Mayor of Philadelphia)
who has given the toast — " James Madison, on the island of
Elba" — can you, I say, be mad enough to believe, that the hardy
yeomanry of New York, New Jersey, or Pennsylvania, will al-
low any band of desperadoes with impunity to tear the highest
public functionaries of the nation from their seats — men chosen
in strict conformity with the terms of the social compact ?

If you flatter yourselves with any such pleasing delusions,
awake, and shake off" the mighty error. Rely upon it, that those
who may make the sacrilegious attempt, will, with their deluded
followers, suffer condign punishment as traitors.

For a considerable time past, the United States have exhibited
a spectacle of the most extraordinar}- kind, and almost unique in
the history of the world.

Our constitution has probably but one material defect. It
wants a due degree of energy, particularly pending war. If it
were free from this, it might endure as many ages as the Spar-
tan or Roman government.

This defect must be a subject of deep and serious regret to
all good men, not merely our cotemporaries or countrymen, but
to those in future times and distant countries, who may feel an
interest in the happiness of their fellow men. In perusing his-
tory, we lament the errors of our ancestors — ours will be a sub-
ject of lamentation to posterity.

This serious defect in the frame of our government, renders it
the imperious duty of all good citizens to uphold and support it
with all their energy. But, all considerations of duty apart,
tneye selfishness ought to prompt those who have any interest in

12 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.

the welfare of the country, who may lose, but cannot gain by con-
vulsions, and tumults, and confusion, and anarchy, with all their
efforts to uphold the government which protects them in the en-
joyment of all the blessings of life.

It is, however, awful to relate, that a large proportion of the
wealthiest men in the community have been as sedulously em-
ployed in tearing down the pillars of the government^ — in throwing
every obstacle and difficulty and embarrassment in the way of its
administrators, as if it were equally oppressive with that of Al-
giers or Turkey, or as if they could derive advantage from anar-
chy. Should they be cursed with final success in their endea-
vours, they and their posterity will long mourn the consequences.

The national vessel is on rocks and quicksands, and in danger
of shipwreck. There is, moreover, a larger and more formidable
vessel prepari'.ig all possible means for her destruction. But, in-
stead of efforts to extricate her, the crew are distracted by a dis-
pute how she came into that situation. The grand and only ob-
ject with a part of them is to seize the helm — and, rather than
not succeed, they are resolved she shall run the risque of going to
perdition. This party swears that all our difficulties and dangers
are owing to the imbecility, the corruption, the madness, the
folly of the pilot, whom they threaten with " a halter," or to put
him ashore " on the island of Elba." The others swear with
equal vehemence, that the refractory, turbulent, and factious spi-
rit of the mutinous pai't of the crew has run the vessel aground.
They are, accordingly, determined to defend the pilot. A few
individuals, who see that both parties have contributed to pro-
duce this calamitous event, in vain hold out " the Olive Branch^''
and implore them to suspend all enquiry into the cause of the
danger till the ship is extricated. But it is in vain. While the
parties are more and more inflamed against each other, the ves-
sel bilges on a sharp rock — down she goes — pilot — and support-
ers — and mutineers — and peace makers — all in one common de-
struction !

This, I am fearful, will be our fate. But it may be prevented.
All that is necessary is that a few influential men in the different
states unite — bury the hatchet — and lay aside all minor conside-
rations while the vessel of state is in danger. This policy is so
obviously just, that one hundred individuals throughout the
union setting the example, would have sufficient influence to ac-
complish the blessed object of saving their country.

Will the Clarksons,-the Rays, the Ludlows, theRemsens, the
Ogdens, the Pearsalls, the Lenoxes, the Harrisons, the Lawren-
ces, the M'Cormicks, of New York-— the Willings, the Fran-
cises, the Norrises, the Biddies, the Latimers, the Tilghmans,
the Wains, the Ralstons, the Lewises, of Philadelphia — theGil-
mors, the Olivers, the Sterets, the Howards, the Smiths, the

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 13

Bryces, the Grahams, the Cookes, of Baltimore — and other such
estimable federalists throughout the union, continue to regard
with apathy the dangers of their countrj^, and not make a bold
and decisive stand to rescue her ? No. It cannot be. Heaven
has not, I hope, so far blotted us out of its favourable remem-
brance, as to abandon us to such a frightful destiny. It will, I
hope, at this late hour, interpose for our salvation, and dispel
the horrible mists of passion and prejudice — of madness and
folly — which intercept from ovir view the abyss that yawns be-
fore us, ready to swallow us up in remediless destruction.

In England, the opposition to the ministry is always violent,
and, like the opposition here, is too generally directed against
all the measures of governmejit^ whether meritorious or other-
wise. But there is in parliament a substantial country party^
which occasionally votes with the minister, and occasionally
with the opposition — supporting or opposing measures as con-
science dictates.

It is a most unfortunate fact, that in congress the number of
members of this description is very s?nall. That body may be
generally classed into federalists and democrats, who too fre-
quently vote in solid colums.* There are, I grant, laudable ex-
ceptions. But they are too rare.

This is one of the worst features in the situation of the coun-
try. The indiscriminate adherence to party, and uniform sup-
port of party arrangements, encourage the leaders to proceed to
extremities^ and to adopt violent and pernicious measures, which
the good sense of their followers may reprobate, but from Avhich
they have not fortitude enough to -withhold their support. This
has been in all countries the most frightful of the consequences
of the unholy and deleterious spirit of faction. Men, originally
of the purest hearts and best intentions, are, by this ignis fatiius^
gradually corrupted, and led step by step to unite in acts, at
which they would, at the commencement of their career, have
recoiled with horror and affright. I believe it is a sound politi-
cal maxim, that a thoroughgoing party-man cannot he a perfectly
honest politician ; for there perhaps never yet was a party free
from errors and crimes, more or less gross, in exact proportion
to the folly or the wickedness of its leaders.

The Jews, besieged by Titus, within the walls of their metro-
polis, availed themselves of the cessation of the hostile attacks
of their external enemies, to glut their vengeance, and malice,
and factious spirit, by butchering each other — and thus both par-
ties fell an easy prey to the invaders. To this deplorable pitch of
madness, xve have not yet arrived. But that we have hitherto es-
caped this calamity, is not for want of industry on the part of
those who are unceasingly employed as incendiaries in blowing

* This state of thing-s has-materially changed since the war. Party spirit in
Congress has very nearly subsided. May, 1818.

14 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.

up the flames of discord, and preparing us for similar scene-s»
The cool, and calm, and temperate part of the community, ap-
pear torpid and languid, and take no steps to avert the awful ca-
tastrophe. Let them awake from their slumbers soon ; or, at no
distant day, the evil may be i-emediless, and they will in vain
mourn over their folly.

I believe Mr. Madison perfectly upright ; that his administra-
tion of the government has been conducted with as pure inten-
tions, as ever actuated a first magistrate of any country ; and
that lord Chatham, or the great Sully, would have found it a
very arduous task to manage the helm under the difficulties, ex-
ternal and internal, that he has had to contend with. But were
it a question that I'elated wholly to Mr. Madison or his admi-
nistration, I should never have trespassed on the public. — Were
Mr. Madison as patriotic as Curtius, or the Decii, as just as
Aristides — and as immaculate as an archangel — nay, were all
the heroes and statesmen of the revolution restored to life, and
entrusted with the administration — I should consider their ho-
nour, their interests, their happiness, or their safety, as dust in
the balance, compared with the salvation of eight millions of
people.

It is difficult to conceive an object more worthy of the efforts
of an ardent mind. A review of history will convince any rea-
sonable or candid person, that there probably never was, and in-
dubitably there is not at present, a more interesting portion of
the human species, than the inhabitants of the United States.
There never was a nation in which all the solid blessings and
comforts of life were more fully enjoyed than they are here,
and were secured by such slender sacrifices. I am not so blind
an admirer, as to presume that the nation has no defects. 1 here
never was a nation or individual free from them. But take all
the leading points that give assurance of happiness, and afford
the necessary indications of respectability ; and at no period can
there be found a nation standing on more elevated ground.

The former points of difference between the federalists and
democrats have, for the present, lost all their importance. They
are merged in objects of incomparably higher moment. Evils of
incalculable magnitude menace us. A powerful enemy, flushed
with success, and with superabundant means of annoyance, ho-
vers on our coasts ; and, through his formidable navy, can inflict
on us deep and lasting injury. And what is pregnant with more
terror by far, instead of aiding to extricate us from this perilous
situation, the opportunity of a season of difficulty and danger is
seized on to attempt the dissolution of the union ; tO raise up
hostile and jarring confederacies ; and to destroy the hopes man-
kind have formed of our noble governmental experiment.

To dispute about the minor points that have divided the par-
ties heretofore, is madness. How superlative would be the folly

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. l5

and absurdity of two men, who were fighting about the interior
decorations and arrangements of an edifice, regardless of the
operations of two others, one of whom was undermining and
preparing to blow it up in the air, and the other providing a
torch to set it on fire ? A strait jacket would be loo slender a re-
straint for them. Such are the folly and madness of those demo-
crats and federalists who continue their warfare about the mode
of administering the government, or the persons by whom it
shall be administered, at a time when the government itself is in
danger of being destroyed root and branch.

The plan of this work requires some short explanation. I be-
lieve the country to be in imminent danger of a convulsion,
whereof the human mind cannot calculate the consequences.
The nation is divided into two hostile parties, whose animosity
towards each other is daily increased by inflammatory publica-
tions. Each charges the other with the guilt of having pro-
duced the present alarming state of affairs. In private life, when
two individuals quarrel, and each believes the other wholly in
the wrong, a reconciliation is hardly practicable. But when
they can be convinced that the errors are mutual— as is almost
universally the case — they open their eai-s to the voice of reason,
and are v/illing to meet each other half way. A maxim sound
in private affairs, is rarely unsound in public life. While a vio-
lent federalist believes all the evils of the present state of things
have arisen from the guilt of the administration, nothing less will
satisfy him than hurling Mr. Madison from the seat of govern-
ment, and " sending him to Elba.'" While, on the other hand, a
violent democrat persuades himself that all our dangers have ari-
sen from the difficulties and embarrassments constantly and stea-
dily thrown in the way of the administration by the federalists,
he is utterly averse to any compromise. — Each looks down upon
the other with scorn and hatred, as the Pharisee in the Gospel,
upon the publican. I have endeavoured to prove, and I believe I
have fully proved, that each party has a heavy debt of error, and
folly, and guilt, to answer for to its injured country, and to pos-
terity — and, as I have stated in the body of this work, that mu-
tual forgiveness is no more than an act of justice — and can lay
no claim to the character of liberality on either side.

But even supposing for a moment — what probably hardly ever
occurred since the world was formed — that the error is all on
one side, is it less insane in the other to increase the diffi-
culty of extrication — to refuse its aid— to embarrass those who Mt>-.
have the management of affairs ? My house is on fire. Instead
of calling for aid — or providing fire-engines — or endeavouring
to smother the flames — I institute an inquiry how it took fire— «
whether by accident or design — and if bv design, who was the

O.B.

t6 PREFACE TO THE TIRST EDITION.

incendiary ; and further undertake to punish him on the spot for
his wickedness! a most wise and wonderful procedure — and just
on a level with the wisdom, and patriotism, and public spirit of
those sapient members of congress, who spend days in making
long speeches upon the cause of the war, and the errors of its
management — every idea whereof has been a hundred, perhaps
a thousand times repeated in the newspapers — instead of meeting
the pressing and imperious necessity of the emergency.

I claim but one merit in this production, and that is by no
means inconsiderable. It is, that with a perfect knowledge of the
furious, remorseless, never-dying, and cut-throat hostility, w ith
which Faction has in all ages persecuted those who have dared
oppose her — and perfectly satisfied, that with us she is an impla-
cable, as malignant, and as inexorable a monster as she has
ever been, I have dared, nevertheless, to state the truth, regard-
less of the consequences. I was, it is true, reluctant. I should by
far have preferred, for the remainder of my life, steering clear
of the quicksands of politics. None of the questions that have
heretofore divided parties in this country, could have induced
me to venture upon the tempestuous ocean. But at a crisis like
the present, neutrality would be guilt. The question now is be-
tween the friends of social order, and jacobins, who are endea-
vouring to destroy the whole fabric of government, with the
slender chance of building it up again — between peace and har-
mony on one side, and civil war and anarchy on the other. A
lamentable delusion prevails. 1 he community shut their eyes
against the truth on the subject. But this is the real state of the
case, or I am as grossly deceived as ever was human being.
And unless some of our influential men exert themselves to al-
lay the storm, a few short months will change doubt into aw-
ful and dreadful certainty.

While I was deliberating about the sacrifice which such a
publication as this requires, one serious and affecting considera-
tion removed my doubts, and decided my conduct. Seeing
thousands of the flower of our population — to whom the spring of
life just opens with all its joys, and pleasures, and enchantments —
prepared in the tented field to risk, or, if necessary, sacrifice
their lives for their country's welfare ; I thought it would be
baseness in me, whose sun has long passed the meridian, and on
whom the attractions of life have ceased to operate with their
early fascinations, to have declined any risk that might arise from
the effort to ward off the patricidal stroke aimed at a country to
which I owe such heavy obligations. With this view of the sub-
ject, I could not decide otherwise than I have done.

On the execution of the work it behoves me to offer a few
remarks. I know it is very considerably imperfect. It is hard-

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. ti

ly possible to prepare any literary production under greater dis-
advantages than have attended the Olive Branch. A large por-
tion of it is, therefore, crude, and indigested, and without order.
Were it a treatise on morals, religion, history, or science, which
could not suffer by the delay necessary to mature and niethodize
it, 1 should be unpardonable, and deserve the severest castiga-
tion of criticism, for presenting it to the public in this unfinished
state. But the exigencies of the times are so pressing, that
were it delayed till I could digest it properly, it might be wholly
out of season.

It would be unjust were I not to acknowledge the numerous
and weighty obligations I owe to "• The "Weekly Register,"
edited by H. Niles, the best periodical work ever published in
America, from which I have drawn a large portion of the facts
and documents I have employed. I venture to assert that no
American library can be complete without this woi'k.

I have carefully studied to be correct in point of fact and
argument. But the circumstances under which I have written,
render it probable that I may have fallen into errors. I shall
therefore regard it as a most particular favour, if any gentleman
who discovers them, however minute, will frankly point them
out, and they shall be most cheerfully corrected. If of sufficient
importance, I shall make a public acknowledgment in the news-
papers. If the cause I espouse cannot be supported by truth,
candour, and fair argument, may it perish, never to find another
advocate !

PLAN OF AN UNION SOCIETY.

" Above all things hold dear your national union. Accustom yourselves to
estimate its infinite value to your individual and national happiness. Look on
it as the palladium of your tranquillity at home ; of your peace abroad ; of
your safety ; of yom* prosperity ; and even of that liberty which you so highly
prize " wasuington's farewell address.

WHEREAS many disaffected citizens have long laboured
to prepare the public mind for a dissolution of the union, and
the formation of separate confederacies ; and whereas they have
at length publicly and daringly avowed their flagitious designs ;
and whereas the experience of all history to the present time
affords the most complete proof that such dissolutions of exist-
ing forms of government, and the formation of new ones, have
almost invariably produced bloody civil wars, the greatest curse
that ever afflicted mankind ; and whereas the present form of
the general government, if duly supported by our citizens, is
calculated to produce as high a degree of happiness as has ever
fallen to the lot of any nation ; and whereas the separate con-
federacies, contemplated as substitutes for the present general

18 PREFACE TO THE ITRST EDITION*

confederacy, even if it were possible to establish them peace-
ably, would be pregnant with interminable future wars, such as
have almost constantly prevailed between neighbouring states,
with rival interests, real or supposed ; and would hold out every
possible inducement, and every desirable facility, to foreign na-
tions, to array each against the other, and thus subjugate the
whole, or at least render them dependent upon, or subservient
to those foreign nations ; and whereas, finally, it would be ab-
solute madness to throw away the incalculable blessings we
enjoy, for the mere chance of bettering our condition, and still
more for the absolute certainty of rendering it much worse :

Therefore resolved^ that we the subscribers do associate un-
der the title of THE WASHINGTON UNION SOCIETY,
of which the following is the

' CONSTITUTION.

I. We solemnly pledge ourselves to support by every ho-
nourable and legal means in our power, the existing form of the
general government.

II. That we will use our utmost endeavours to counteract,
as far as in our power, all plots for the dissolution of the union.

III. That we will correspond and cheerfully co-operate with
all individuals, and bodies of men, in all parts of the union, who
have the same views with us on the object embraced in the se-
cond article, however they may differ from us on other political
topics.

IV. That the officers of the society shall be a president, vice-
president, secretary, treasurer, committee of correspondence,
and committee of elections.

V. That it shall be the duty of the committee of correspon-
dence, to invite the good citizens of this state, and of the other
states, to form similar societies, and to correspond with them ;
to investigate and expose to public abhorrence, the various plans
that have been adopted from time to time, to effect the parri-
cidal purpose of dissolving the union ; to place in the strongest
point of light the advantages of our blessed form of govern-
ment, with the tremendous consequences of civil war, and (the
inevitable result of a separation) our being instruments in the
hands of the great powers of Europe, to annoy, ravage, depo-
pulate, slaughter, and destroy each other.

PREFACE

TO THE SECOND EDITION.

Philadelphia^ January A^^ 1815.

THE unequivocal and decided approbation with which the
former edition of this work has been favoured by respectable
men of both the hostile parties that divide this country, I regard
as among the most grateful circumstances of my life. Its nu-
merous defects — its want of method — and the great imperfec-
tion of its style and manner — were, I presume, regarded as
atoned for by its obvious and undeniable object — the object of
contributing my feeble efforts towards allaying the effervescence,
the turbulence, the animosity that pervade the community, and
are pregnant with such alarming consequences.

Of the time that has elapsed since its first appearance, I have
availed myself, to amplify — to methodize — and to improve it.
And although I am very far indeed from presuming it to be
perfect, yet I hope it will be found more entitled to patronage
than it was in its original deshabille.

It embraces a very convulsed period of our history ; and has
been written under no common disadvantages. I have laboured
under a great deficiency of various materials and documents,
which no exertions have enabled me to procure — and it has been
begun, carried on, and completed in moments constantly sub-
ject to those interruptions inevitable in the pressure of business.
To suppose, then, it were perfect, would argue a degree of in-
sanity which the fondest and most doting delirium of paternal
vanity could hardly palliate. It would be a case unparalleled
in the annals of literature. The world has had numerous in-
stances of men of most splendid talents — of laborious research,
with abundant materials and documents — enjoying full leisure
to do justice to their subjects — and employing years for the
purpose — yet falling into egregious errors. It could not then
be expected that a work embracing such a variety of objects,
and written under such disadvantages as I have stated, should
be free from them. But the reader may rest assured that what-
ever they may be, they have not resulted from design. They
are the offspring of slenderness of talents — deficiency of mate-
rials — inadvertence — or that bias to which all men are subject,
in a greater or less degree, when treating on subjects wherein

20 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

they feel deeply interested : of the latter, however, I have la-
boured to divest myself.

Had I written with any view to literary reputation, the work
would have made a totally different appearance. Instead of
presenting the reader with so many documents verbatim, I
should, as is usual with other writers, have given abstracts of
them in my own words — and thus formed a regular connected
narrative of events, far more agreeable to read than the work
in its present form, and rather easier to write ; for the reader
may rest assured, that I have frequently written three pages in less
time than I employed in the search for a document, which does
not occupy a single page, and whereof I could have readily given
an analysis ; and long laborious researches for a document or
newspaper paragraph or essay, have not unfrequently been wholly
in vain.

But though a thirst for literary reputation is far from illaud-
able — and though it inspires to great exertions, it has not had
the slightest influence on me in this case. It would have been
utterly unavailing to counteract the loathing, the abhorrence I
felt at entering into political discussion, or for making myself
once more an object of newspaper abuse, of which few men in
private life have been honoured with a greater share.

No. I appeal to heaven for the truth of what I now declare.
I soared to higher objects, far beyond such narrow views. I
believed — I still believe — that a dissolution of the union is con-
templated by a few ambitious and wicked men ; that in the state
of excitement to which the public mind is raised, and which is
hourly increasing by the most profligate disregard of truth and
of the welfare of the country — and by the utmost prostitution of
talents — a mere trifle would suffice to produce a convulsion —
(as, when you have collected together a quantity of highly com-
bustible materials, a single spark suffices to produce a conflagra-
tion) — that a dissolution of the union would infallibly produce a
civil war ; that in the event of a civil war, there would be a
straggle throughout the country for ascendency, wherein would
be perpetrated atrocities similar to those which disgraced the
French revolution ; that even if we escaped a civil war, or, (if
we did not) after its termination, and the establishment of sep-
arate confederacies, the country would be cm^sed with a con-
stant border war, fomented by the nations of Europe, to
whom we should be a sport and a prey ; and that, in one word,
a nation most highly favoured by heaven, is on the very verge
of perdition.

These views may be erroneous. Would to heaven they were !
They diff'er from those of most of my friends. The mass of the
community do not accord with them. But they are unalterably
impressed upon my mind, and I cannot shake them off. They

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 21

are all supported by the instructive but neglected voice of his-
tory. I possess not the happy faculty with which so many are
endowed, to believe an event will not take place, because I
hope and pray it may not. I am disposed to envy those who
are thus gifted. It diminishes the hours ot suffering. In a life
so chequered as ours, this is some advantage. But it has, like
all other blessings, a counterpoising evil. When we disbelieve
in the approach of danger, we make no preparations to repel it.

"With these impressions, I preferred risking any consequences,
however pernicious to myself, that might arise from the present
work, to a state of torpor and inactivity — to perishing without
an effort. In a sanguine moment, I indulged the flattering, the
fond, (pray heaven it may not be the delusive) hope that my ef-
forts might be so far crowned with success, as to make me the
happy, the blessed instrument of arousing even one, two, or
three active influential citizens from the morbid, the lethargic
slumber, into which the community has been so fatally lulled ;
that these might arouse others ; and that thus the potent spells
might be dissolved, which, in a manner vmexampled in the his-
tory of the world, make us regard with stupid, torpid apathy
and indifference, the actual bankruptcy of our government (pro-
duced by a most daring conspiracy) — the impending destruc-
tion of our glorious constitution, the v/ork of Washington,
Franklin, Livingston, Hamilton, &c. the depreciation of every
species of property — and the approaching ruin of our country.
Should heaven thus bless me, die afterwards when I may, I shall
not have lived in vain. Should I fail, on my tombstone shall be
engraven, " magnis excidit ausisj*^

I offer these great and solemn truths to the consideration of
all who have an interest in the welfare of this country.

I. A separation of the states ca7inot be effected rvithoiit an hn-
?nediate CIVIL, a7id almost con^?/2wa/ BORDER WAR ; and
must inevitably place us at the mercy of England, and make this
country the sport of the European powers ot all future times,

II. As well might we expect to re-unite, without a flaw, the
fragments of an elegant porcelain vase, shattered to pieces, as
to restore the union, if dissolved but for one hour.

III. A period of war, and invasion, and danger, is utterly un-
fit for repairing or amending a constitution. Nothing but con-
vulsion can arise out of the attempt.

IV. General Washington, in his legacy, one of the noblest
efforts of human wisdom, impressively urged his countrymen
to frown indignantly upon any attempt to impair or dissolve the
union.

V. To hostile European powers a dissolution would be of
immense and incalculable advantage.

22 PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION.

VI. It would be inexpressible folly and madness to reject the
policy dictated by Washington, and follow that which would be
dictated by those powers of Europe who regard our prosperity
with jealousy ; to abandon the maxims of our most devoted
friend for those of our most deadly enemies.

PREFACE

TO THE FOURTH EDITION.*

Philadelphia^ April 10, 1815.

I COMMENCE this preface, with feelings very different indeed
from those by which I was actuated, when I penned the former
ones. Prospects, public and private, have wonderfully im-
proved. A revolution, immense, striking, glorious, and de-
lightful, has taken place in the affairs of our blessed country, for
which we cannot be sufficiently grateful to heaven. We have
rot — I say emphatically, we have not — merited the change. I
could assign various satisfactory reasons in proof of this opinion,
extraordinary as it may seem. I waive them. It is unnecessary
to enter into the recapitulation. But whatever may have been
our past merits or demerits, I hope our prosperity is now fixed
on a basis as firm as the rock of Gibraltar.

In the present tranquillized state of the public mind, when the
fears and solicitudes excited by the late alarming state of affairs
have subsided, it will be difficult for the reader to justify, or
even to account for, the warmth which many parts of this work
display. It is therefore but justice to myself, to give a rapid
sketch of the scenes through which we have passed, in order to
account for the excitement of mind so obvious to every reader
in the perusal of some of the chapters.

The government had been nearly reduced to bankruptcy,
and unable to raise money to discharge the most imperious
engagements. There was no general circulating medium in
the country. The banks from New-York to New-Orleans, in-
clusively, had, with perhaps one or two exceptions, suspended
the payment of specie. The bank notes of Philadelphia and
New -York were depreciated in Boston from 15 to 25 per cent,
below par. And every feature in our political affairs wore an
equally awful aspect. Whether the causes I have assigned in
chapterLII. really produced this state of things or not, is imma-
terial. Be the cause what it may, the fact existed. Want of
money had partially suspended the recruiting service. And

• The thh'd edition, of 1250 copies, was printed in Boston.

i'REFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION". 23

the pacification of Europe had quadrupled the disposable force
of our enemy, and in the same degree increased our danger,
and the necessity for energy and vigilance.

Under these circumstances, congress was convened on the
19th of September, nearly two months earlier than the period
fixed by law, in order to make provision for such an exti-aordi-
nary emergency. The state of the nation was fully detailed in
various executive communications, which called, imperiously
called, for energy and decision.

Rarely has a legislative body had more important duties to
fulfil, or a more glorious opportunity of signalizing itself, and
laying claim to the public gratitude. Rarely have stronger mo-
tives existed, to arouse every spark of public spirit or patriot-
ism that had lain dormant in the heart. And I venture to as-
sert, there hardly ever was a legislature that more completely
disappointed pviblic expectation — that more egregiously tailed of
its dutv.

The imbecility, the folly, the vacillation, the want of system,
of energy, and of decision, displayed by the majority — and
the unyielding, stubborn, violent, and factious opposition of
the minoritv, to all the ineasures for which the occasion so
loudly called — have affixed an indelible stain on the memory
of the thirteenth congress. It will be long remembered with
emotions neither of gratitude nor respect. No where, I am
pei'suaded, in the annals of legislation, is there to be found an
instance of precious time more astonishingly wasted. It had
been in session nearly five months when the news of peace ar-
rived — and had but three weeks to sit. The spring, the season
of hostilitv and depredation, was rapidly approaching. And
what had it done to serve or save its country ? What provision
had it made of men or money ? Little or none. Nearly all the
measures adapted to the emergency that had been brought for-
ward in congress, had been defeated.*

That this state of public affairs was calculated to excite
warmth of feeling, and to call forth a strong expression of
that warmth, must be obvious — and will not merely account
for, but justify the high-wrought passages to be found in the
work, which, under other circumstances, might perhaps be in-
defensible.

* I have asserted elsewhere, that England presents much to admire and
copy. In this point she is transcendently superior to us. Had the British
parliament been called in such a crisis as existed last September in tins coun-
try, all the effective preparations necessary to breast the storm, would have
been made in one week. Some of the declamatoiy speeclies, of two or three
days long, occupied as much time as that parliament uould have required to
raise fifty millions of money, and to provide means fur embodying an army of
50,000 m'en.

O. H. 4^

24 PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION.

It will be asked, what good purpose can the re-publication ot
this work answer at present? Is it not, it will be said, fur better
to bury the hatchet, and to consign these things to oblivion, than
to keep alive animosity and discord ?

Were the tendency of the Olive Branch to keep alive discord,
I should unhesitatingly consign it to the flames. But I utterly
disbelieve this can be the consequence. I cannot admit that a
fair detail of the mutual follies and wickedness of the two par-
ties, has a tendency to perpetuate hostility between them. It
is contrary to reason, common sense, and the universal experi-
ence of mankind.

Peace, or harmony, or conciliation, is not to be hoped for,
while both parties clothe themselves in the deceptions mantle
of self-righteousness — while they not only believe themselves
immaculate, but their opponents " monsters unredeemed by any
virtue.^''* Nothing but a serious, solemn, and deep-rooted con-
viction on both sides, of egregious misconduct, can lead to that
temper of mind which is necessary to produce a mild, concilia-
ting spirit. While each acts the part of the self-approving pha-
risee, we might with equal chance of success attempt to unite
fire and water — light and darkness — virtue and vice, as to re-
concile them. But when both regard themselves in their true
light, as offenders against their duties to their country, they will
be disposed to forgive, that they may be forgiven. This idea,
which is the basis whereon this work rests, cannot be too often
repeated, and inculcated on the public mind.

I fondly hope the Olive Branch will have other uses — that it
may serve as a beacon to other times than ours. When a navi-
gator discovers new shoals, and rocks, and quicksands, he marks
them on his chart, to admonish future navigators to be on their
guard, and to shun the destruction to which ignorance might
lead.

This strongly applies to our case. By an extraordinary mix-
ture of folly and wickedness, we had run the vessel of state on
rocks, and quicksands, and breakers, where she was in immi-
nent danger of perishing. We had brought to the verge of per-
dition the noblest form of government, and the most free and
happy people, that the sun ever beheld. But, thanks to heaven
—not to our virtue,| our public spirit, or our liberality — we

* .Ifonstra nulla virtute redempta.

•j-The illustrious heroes of the western countrj' — our gallant navy — several
of our generals and armies on the linos — the citizens of Baltimore and of Sto-
nington — the garrison at Crany island — and the people of some other places —
are obviously exempt from this censure. And never was there greater energy
displayed than in New York, in making preparations for the warm reception
of an enemy. But when we consider the violence of the eastern states against
the rulers chosen by the people, the torpor and indifference of the mighty
state of Pennsylvania, and of other portions of tiie union, we must heave a
fljgh, and draw a' veil over past scenes

preface" TO THE FOURTH EDITION. 25

have escaped. We have arrived safe in port. I have endeavour-
ed to delineate a chart of the most formidable of the rocks on
which our vessel was striking, to serve as a guide to future state
pilots. I trust the chart cannot be examined attentively without
benefit. It establishes an important, but most awful political
maxim, that during the prevalence of the destructive, and de-
vouring, and execrable spirit of faction, men, otherwise good
and respectable, will too frequently sacrifice, without scruple or
remorse, the most vital interests of their country, under the dic-
tates, and to promote the views, of violent and ambitious lead-
ers ! What a terrific subject for contemplation !

The publication of this book has estalolished one point, of con-
siderable importance to the truth of history, and to the happi-
ness of mankind ; that it is not quite so dangerous, as has been
supposed, for a writer to draw a portrait of his cotemporaries —
provided the features be faithfully and impartially delineated.
It has been too generally presumed to be utterly unsafe to write
of our own times with truth. With this idea I was impressed
when I first engaged in the work. And it required no common
stimulus to inspire me with the hardihood the undertaking re-
quired.

But the event has falsified the anticipation. Without any of
the advantages that office, or rank, or connexions afford, I have
dared publicly to stigmatize faction, and jacobinism, and disor-
ganization — as well as factious men, and jacobins, and disorga-
nizers — by their proper names, without distinction of party.
And the reliance I placed upon the good sense of the public has
not been disappointed. My efforts have been received by a
large proportion of the good and great men of the nation with a
favour and kindness, which fill my heart with the most exqui-
site pleasure — and amply repay my trouble and my risk—the
sacrifice of my business and of my enjoyments, during the pro-
gress of the work — and hold out encouragement to political
writers to shun that slavish and dishonourable devotion to party,
whereby truth is sacrificed, and history made a mere tissue of
fables. If no other effect had been produced by this book, I
should not have written in vain.

The advantages of cotemporaneous writing are numerous and
weighty. When the passing events are recorded and comment-
ed on, while they are, as it were, spread before our eyes, it only
requires honesty of intention to make the portrait a tolerable
likeness. But when we treat on occurrences of " years that are
past and gone," it is like tracing the features of a deceased
friend from memory. The great and leading outlines may be
correct — but in filling up the drawing, many of the n^pst impor-
tant characteristics must escape.

^& PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION.

It may not be improper to warn the reader, that I am at-
tached to, and in general approve of the political views and
most part (not the whole by any means) of the conduct of that
party which was stigmatized as antifederal, before the adoption
of the federal constitution, and is now styled democratic or
republican. We were called anti federalists, because we were
eager to have the federal constitution amended previous to its
ratification, doubting the practicability of amendment after-
wards. We were wild and extravagant enough to see despo-
tism in many of its features ; and were so fatuitous and blind
as not to have the slightest idea of danger from the state go-
vernments. We have lived to see our miserable infatuation,
and to deprecate and deplore its consequences.

My reason for this explicit avowal is, to induce the reader to
receive my opinions ancl inferences with the caution which is
necessary, from the probability of my being under the influence
of that bias, which, more or less, every man feels towards the
party to which he is attached ; and which, notwithstanding I
have sedulously endeavoured to guard against its influence,
may have occasionallv led me astray. To no human being has
heaven deigned to impart infallibility : and it would be almost
a miracle, if, in such a wide scope as I have taken, I were not
sometimes warped by passion or prejudice.

But to this it is proper to add, that I believe no man ever
•wrote a book of this extent, and embracing such a variety of
subjects, who made lighter demands on the complaisance or
credulity of his readers than I have done. For as the subjects
I have discussed are of incalculable moment — as the happiness
or misery of unborn millions, as well as of this generation, de-
pends on the course we steer — as that course must be materially
affected by the correctness or error of the views we may take
of our past system of conduct — and as I have dared to cite
before the bar of the public, men of high standing — great ta-
lents — great wealth — and powerful influetice — I have judged it
proper to support, as far as in my power, and to a degree hardly
ever exceeded, all the important facts, by documents of undeni-
able authority. Many of my readers will probably believe that
I have gone unnecessary lengths in this respect. But I trust I
have not. It is at all events far better to produce too much
evidence than too little.

Were every line of my own writing in this work annihilated,
the documents, which are its bones, and sijiews, and muscles,
would be amply adequate to establish the positions I meant to
prove.

The strong style I have used in treating of the conduct of
the eastern federalists, will be censured. But it may be de-
fended on impregnable ground. In all their lucubrations on the
motives of the war — the proceedings of the administration —

PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION. 27

and the conduct of their opponents — they uniformly employ the
most unqualified terms of reprobation and condemnation. To
sheer, downright wickedness, all the errors and misfortunes that
have occurred, are ascribed. There is not the slightest shade
of allowance made for human imperfection. A deep, wicked,
and desperate conspiracy to destroy commerce is assumed as
the leading motive of government. And all its measures are
charged to, and accounted for by, this absurd, this unfounded,
this contemptible, this often-refuted allegation.

Those who shew no mercy, and hardly any justice, have no
right to complain, if they are themselves treated with strict and
unrelenting justice. " \Vith what measure ye mete, it shall be
measured to you again."

I have in the appendix, commencing with chapter 60, consi-
derably extended the subjects of this work.

The pacific policy which our local situation affords us rea-
son to hope we may safely pursue, and which our interest die
tates, has induced me to review the restrictive system, and to
point out its decisive effects on the prosperity of England. It
is a most potent weapon — and, had not faction deprived it of its
efficacy, would have insured us complete justice, and averted
the horrors of warfare. To the defeat of this mild, but power-
ful instrument, we may justly charge all the carnage and the ex-
pense of the war.

An efficient and safe mode of defence, whereby foreign ag-
gressions may be prevented, and internal tranquillity preserved,
is the greatest desideratum in our political system. It is the
key-stone of the arch of our freedom and happiness. I have
therefore gone most copiously into the consideration of the
subject. — The authority I have produced is irresistible. Nei-
ther Pringle, nor Cullen, nor Sydenham, on medicine — nor La-
voisier, nor Chaptal, nor Davie, on chemistry — nor Luther, nor
Calvin, nor Wesley, among their respective followers, on reli-
gion — are superior authority to general Washington on militia
service. I have therefore availed myself of his testimony, to an
extent which nothing but the immense magnitude of the subject
could j ustify.

I have, likewise, in the appendix analized a small pamphlet,
which I published last November, entitled " A calm address to
the people of the eastern states," wherein I have given a full
view of the very erroneous opinions entertained respecting the
slave representation; and I think fully proved, that notwith-
standing the unceasing outcry and clamour on this subject in
the eastern states, from the organization of the government,
those states have uniformly had more than their share of influ-
ence in the legislature of the union, without having any regard

28 PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION.

to the slave population. In the course of this investigation I
have made two curious discoveries — one, that New- York and
Delaware have each a slave representative — and the other, that
Massachusetts, although she has no slaves, has a representative
of her black population.

Before I dismiss the work from my hands, feeling the soli-
citude of a parent for his offspring, I cannot refrain from once
more requesting the reader, when he discovers any errors of
style or matter — any deficiency or redundancy — or, in a word,
any thing to censure, that he will bear in mind the disadvan-
tages under which I have written — in hours stolen from sleep^
and during the pressure of a business which in no common de-
gree requires all the energies of body and mind ; that I have
in my various editions, and in the public papers, solicited the
suggestion of errors, which, if pointed out, I promised to cor-
rect ; — and that I have also in the papers, and privately, in vain
solicited communications from those who could and ought to
have afforded them.

On subjects that have employed so many thousand pens and
tongues, much novelty cannot be expected. It is possible that
there is not a new idea in the whole work. All that Dr. Frank-
lin or Patrick Henry could claim in the investigation of topics
so long hacknied, is merely the arrangement.

. I fondly flatter myself that in this work will be found mate-
rials for a complete defence of the American nation in its in-
tercourse with England. I am grossly deceived, if the mild,
forbearing, pacific system pursued by this country for so many
years, amidst such grievous, such outrageous, such contumelious
provocations, will not universally receive, as it deserves, the
praise — and the oppressive and injurious conduct of England to
us, the censure — of all Christendom.

It would be gross injustice to suppose, that I wish to perpet-
uate the hatred between the two nations. It is very far from
my intention. It is the interest of the United States, and will
be their policy, if treated with common decency or justice, to
cultivate peace with all the world. And I am much deceived,
if a plain and candid exposure of the vexatious, harassing, in-
sulting, and lawless policy pursued by the successive ministers
of England, from the year 1793, will not be the best means of
preventing a recurrence of such impolitic and unjust conduct.
They have deeply injured us. But the injury they inflicted on
the vital interests of their own nation, has far exceeded what we
have suffered.

PREFACE

f TO THE SIXTH EDITION.*

Philadelphia^ September 6^ 181j.

Once more, and probably for the last time, I offer the
" Olive Branch," to my fellow citizens ; improved and enlarged
as far as in my power. I feel grateful for the kindness and in-
dulgence extended to its imperfections.

Of the origin and progress of a work, which has succeeded so
far beyond all human expectations, I may, perhaps, be permit-
ted, without incurring the charge of vanity, to give a brief ac-
count. Should the detail be really chargeable to that source,
(iio man can judge correctly of himself) I hope it will be re-
garded as a venial failing.

Early in September, 1814, I was under as great a depression
of mind, about the state of affairs, public and private, as any
man ever experienced. A deep and awful gloom pervaded the
thinking part of the community ! Thick clouds and darkness
covered the horizon ! The keenest eye could not behold, and
could hardly anticipate a single spark of sunshine ! Washing-
ton had been taken — and its public buildings destroyed with
Gothic barbarity ! Alexandria had been pillaged and plundered !
Hampton had suffered rape and rapine ! Baltimore was menaced
with signal vengeance, and pointed out for military execution,
in papers published by citizens of the United States ! ! ! I ! !
Philadelphia and New York were held in a state of the most
alarming suspense, and in daily expectation of a hostile visit —
and of perhaps sharing the fate of Washington and Alexandria !
And a proclamation by admira Cockbum had been received by
our government, wherein he stated that he had received orders
to desolate such parts of our country as were assailable.

At this awful moment, the horrible, the disorganizing, the
Jacobinical idea was not unfrequently advanced in our coffee-
house, in our streets, and in our newspapers, that the war hav-
ing been begun by the democrats, they must carry it on;|
that they had no right to call on the federalists for assistance,
which the latter ought not to afford ; that if the democrats
compromitted the honour and the interests of their countrs, by
a dishonourable peace, the federalists should take the power

* The ^Kddlebury Edition, of 1920 copies, is the Fifth.

f See the contents of the 75th chapter, for ample details in full proof of this
allegation

130 PREFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION.

out of their hands, and then contend for the violated honour and
dignity of the country ; that the British could not, nor, consist-
ently with a regard to their honour, ought they to, treat with
Mr. Madison, who should be compelled to resign ; with a vast
variety of the same patriotic doctrines, which wei-e publicly pro-
mulgated in some of our newspapers. At the same time, a few
desperate men were preparing to add to the general distress and
difficulty by a dissolution of the union.*

I was appalled at this horrible and factious violence of some
of the leaders of the federalists ; and equally so at the odious im-
becility and inactivity of the democrats. As the government,
chosen by the free voice of a large majority of the nation, did
not exercise the energy and decision, that were requisite to con-
troul and coerce the refractory minority, it appeared far better
to make a change, than let the country become a prey to a foreign
enemy — or be torn in pieces by internal discord, which seemed
the only alternative. A frightful and sorrowful alternative !
But the violence of party and faction seemed to force it on the
country.

With a mind, harrowed up with these terrific considerations,
I sat down to write, on the 6th of September. On a careful ex-
amination of " the whole ground,'' the least of the mighty evils
before the nation, appeai'ed to be, to submit to swallow the bitter
pill presented, and make a radical change in the administration
— so as to hold out inducements to the federalists to unite their
exertions to rescue the country from impending ruin. This ra-
dical change, I thought, ought to be introduced by resignation
on the part of the incumbents.

This confession will excite different emotions. Some readers
will smile at the arrogance of daring to suggest such a plan.
Others will abuse the imbecility of the proposal, to give an inch
of ground. '•' He jests at scars who never felt a wound^^ And
no man who cannot most distinctly and clearly place before his
eyes, the gloomy and frightful prospect, then in view, is capa-
ble of forming a correct judgment on the subject. But I feel
the most perfect indifference, as to the opinion that may be en-

* It may serve to dis])lay the high fever of the public mind, to annex an ar-
rogant, and almost treasonable resolution offei'ed in the house of representa-
tives of Massachusetts, about four weeks after this period, viz. Oct. 5, 1814, by
Mr. I, aw of Lyman, which was, however, withdi'awn the next da\', as premature
at that time.

" llesolved, that a committee be appointed to confer with all the new
*' England States, and see if they will agree to appoint a committee to join
"them, and repair to tlie city of Washington immediately, then and there per-
"sonally to make known to the president, the general opinion of all the New
" England States in regard to the present war, and tlie manner in which it has
" bee'n conducted ; and inform him that he MUST EITHElt RESIGN HIS
"OFFICE AS PRESIDENT, or remove those ttmiisters and their oncers, yeho
" have by their nefarious pla?is mined the nation .'.' ! .' ! J"

PREFACE To THE SIXTH EEHTION. 31

tertained. I merely state the fact, neither caring for, nor ex-
pecting praise, and equally remote from the deprecation of cen-
sure.

That evening I wrote twelve or fourteen pages, containing a
brief review of our past proceedings — reflections on our actual
situation — with hints for the proposed new arrangements.

However great my despondence, I felt dissatisfied with what
I had committed to paper. I laid it aside — and did not resume
it for ten or twelve days. In the interim the glorious news
arrived, of the complete defeat of the enemy at Baltimore — of
the immortal M'Donough's victory on lake Champlain — of the
discomfiture and flight of Gen. Prevost's Wellingtonians, at and
from Plattsburg. These wonderful successes made a total change
in the face of affairs. By this time my spirits revived. I re-
jected my embryo work, and flattered myself into the opinion,
that a candid appeal to men of integrity of both parties, might
produce a beneficial eff"ect ; that a few might be aroused, and
rouse others ; that at all events, it was worth the trial ; that in
such a noble undertaking as an attempt to rescue the country,
from what I regarded as impending anarchy, even a failure
would be honourable — and success would be glorious and emi-
nently beneficial.

I therefore destroyed what I had written, and began the work
anew, on its present plan, about the 18th of September. I had a
large stock of public documents — I borrowed some — and with
these, and the Weekly Register, amid all the hurry and bustle
of business, in the leisure hours of six weeks, I patched up the
first crude and indigested edition. It was published on the ninth
of November.

I ought to have observed, that when it was about two-thirds
printed, I was struck with astonishment at my Quixotism and
folly, in expecting to make an impression on a community, torn
in pieces by faction ; a prey to the most violent passions ; and
labouring under the most awful degree of delusion. My heart
sunk within me at my presumption : and, the reader may rest
assured, I was on the point of converting the sheets into waste
paper. This ague fit went off" in a day or two ; and I determin-
ed to give the work a fair experiment.

The edition was small — only 500 copies. Two motives dic-
tated this limited scale. I knew the work must necessarily be
very imperfect, from the disadvantages under which it was
written : and I determined, if it met with success, to have an
opportunity to improve and extend it : moreover, from the al-
most universal failure of political publications, I was far indeed
from being sanguine in the hope of success.

My expectations of sale lay principally at Washington. I
sent one hundred copies there, as a sort of breakfast, calculating
O. B. o

32 PREFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION;

upon a speedy sale of them, and an order for more. There were
above two hundred legislators there, and twice as many visit-
ors ; and I supposed that whatever might be the demerits of the
execution, the importance of the topics discussed, would insure
the sale of a large part of the edition ; more particularly, as I
had already received a highly flattering approbation of the work
from the late vice-president, and other gentlemen, to whom I
had sent copies by mail.

The result disappointed those calculations ; and, had I been
actuated by the vanity of authorship, would have sufficiently
mortified it ; for when I had, in Philadelphia, New-York, and
Baltimore, disposed of the remaining four hundred, and wrote
down to Mr. Weightman, at AVashington, to enquire into the
success of the work, I learned that four of the hundred had
been stolen on the road — that fifty-nine remained unsold — and
that thirty-seven copies had fullif satis fed the curiosity of a
president^ three secretaries^ thirty-six senators^ one hundred and
eighty-two representatives^ one or two hundred clerks^ the whole
of the population of the metropolis of the United States^ and all
its 7iumerous visitors f It is probable, that in such circumstan-
ces, so great a degree of miserable apathy and indifference, on
topics of such magnitude, never before existed. I ordered back
the remaining fifty-nine.

A new edition was, however, called for, notwithstanding the
discouraging coldness and culpable indifference of the members
of the government. I used all possible expedition, and pub"
lished, on the 11th of January, one thousand copies.

The success of this edition exceeded that of the first. In five
weeks there were not twenty copies unsold. And a day or two
previous to the blessed, thrice-blessed news of peace, foreseeing
the demand would require another edition, I contracted with a
printer, to execute a third. When the joyful tidings came, I
thought the public would no longer feel any interest in the
work, and for a time abandoned the idea of republication. But
I was mistaken. The demand increased. I printed a new edi-
tion, which was published on the 13th of April, and was sold
out in about three months, except a few copies in Georgetown,
and elsewhere.

As the eastern states were the scene, where such a work was
most necessary, I was very desirous of giving it a circulation
there. I saw, that to afford it a fair chance, it ought to be print-
ed in Boston ; for otherwise only a few hundred at most, of my
editions, would ever reach that quarter : and no person there
being interested in the disposal of them, the effects of the book
would be greatly circumscribed. I therefore offered the editors
of the Chronicle, the Patriot, the Yankee, my friend Mr. Caleb
Bingham, and Mr. A. Dunlap, the gratuitous privilege of print-

PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION. 33

ing an edition, jointly ; merely on condition of presenting ten
per cent, of the copies to persons unable to purchase. The two
first, and Mr. B. declined ; they probably doubted the success
of the enterprise. The editors of the Yankee, and Mr. Dunlap,
jointly printed an edition, which, although it did not appear till
after the peace, has been some time wholly sold off.

Were the spirit of persecution in possession of as sovereign
authority over the axe, or the gibbet, as formerly ; I should most
indubitably be destroyed, for the very strong and unpalatable
truths in this book, if I had " as manif lives as a cat^'> or " as
one Plutarch is said to have had.'''' But thank heaven, those
days are past. The spirit, however, remains. But it can only
sate its malice, by slander and abuse of a man's character ; and
by attempts to destroy his business, or his prospects in life. But
to a man who has passed fifty-five, with a constitution never very
good, and now considerably impaired, it is not very important
what befals him, in the short remainder of life. When tender
women, some of them pregnant, have freely gone to the stake, or
to the gibbet, for dogmas, which they could not understand ; it
does not require a very extraordinary degree of heroism, for a
man of my age, to run any risques, of person or character, that
may attend a bold appeal to the good sense of the nation, with a
view to acquire the benediction, pronounced in the declaration,
" Blessed are the peace makers."

*** It would be ung-enerous not to acknowledge the obligation I am under
to sundry gentlemen, tor documents of various kinds. Richard Hush, Cesar A.
Rodney, Joseph Nourse, Adam Seybert, and Benjamin Homans, Esq'rs. have
been uncommonly kind and attentive. Whatever they have had in their pow-
er, they have furnished. To Mr. Duponccau's pamphlets I have had free ac-
cess. From Mr. Blnns I have liad various newspapers highly serviceable. And
Mr. Andrew Dunlap, late of Boston, now of Cincinatti, furnished me with the
chief pai-t of tlie extracts from the Boston papers. I'hese gentlemen, and
others whose names I need not mention, will, I hope, accept this public testi'
mony of my gratitude.

PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION.

Philadelphia, Dec. 18, 1815.

LITTLE more than thirteen months have elapsed since the
iirst appearance of this work, and, contrary to all my calcula-
tions, a seventh edition has been called for. The reader will, I
trust, do me the justice to believe that I am fully sensible of the
public indulgence.

Regarding myself bound to render the Book as perfect as in
my power, I have availed myself of all the information and do-
cuments I could collect, and made a number of corrections and
alterations, as I have done in the former editions.

To this edition I have added some new chapters, at the close,
on subjects whose importance will probably justify me in pre-
senting,them to the view of my fellow-citizenp.

PREFACE

TO THE EIGHTH EDITION.

Philadelphia^ July 1, 181 T.

THE very great public favour and indulgence extended to the
Olive Branch, enables me to lay it for the eighth time before my
fellow citizens, in a little more than two years and a half from
its first appearance.

The contemplation of this work affords three sources of as
high gratification as can be enjoyed by a rational being, actuated
by liberal or public-spirited motives : — the satisfaction, whereof
nothing can deprive me, of having employed the slender talents
I possess, in the most sincere and ardent efforts to serve this
country ; — the belief, founded on the concurring opinions of
numbers of our best citizens, of both parties, that those efforts
havenotbeen wholly unsuccessful; and, finally, the general appre-
ciation of those efforts and their results, to their utmost extent —
and probably far beyond it. Greater good fortune cannot attend
any intellectual production. It is a truly rich reward, and far
exceeds all the calculations, that could have been previously
formed by the most extravagantly sanguine temper.

To this Edition various additions have been made.* They
are written in the same independent style as the former part of
the work. I feel as little disposed as ever to sacrifice the cause
of truth at the shrine of party or faction.

A respectable gentleman, of federal politics, has given as his
opinion, that though I struck both parties severely, yet I struck
the federalists with the right hand, and the democrats with the
left — and, as a man can strike harder with the right hand than
with the left, that I was more severe upon the former than the
latter.

If this be true, as it probably is, a satisfactory reason can be
given for it, whollv free from any sinister intention. Recent or
passing events, whether pleasurable or distressing, make far
more impression than those of remote date, although greater in
magnitude. This is a trait in the human character, that cannot
have escaped the observation of the most superficial. It is there-
fore perfectly natural, that as the great sin of federalism — a sedi-
tious and dangerous opposition to government, Avhich occupies
so much of this Book — was in actual operation while I was writ-
ing, it should have been the subject of more severe animadver-

• The last ten chapters.

PREFACE TO THE TENTH EDITION. 35

sion, than the sins of the democrats, which, though very great,
were, in general, inferior in magnitude, and more remote in point
of time.

Moreover, I was strongly impressed with the opinion, and
acted under its influence, that the course pursued by the leaders
of the federalists, in which they were blindly and submissively
followed by the mass of the party, led directly to anarchy, insur-
rection, and civil war, with all their horrors. This opinion re-
mains unchanged. It has been the subject of serious and deli-
berate reflexion. And the more 1 reflect on it, the more thorough
is my conviction. I am far from believing that such was the in-
tention of the party generally, or even of their leaders. But I
repeat, what I have frequently stated in this Book, that when
popular violence is once loosed from the restraints of law and
constitution. Omniscience alone can foretell the event, and Om-
nipotence alone set bounds to the devastation. Thousands of
horrible pages of the dreary and sickening history of mankind,
bear the most overwhelming testimony to this all-important
truth.

M. CAREY.

PREFACE

TO THE TENTH EDITION.*

Philadelphia, 3fay 25, 1818.

TO this Edition no additions are made. A number of cor-
rections, most of them of no very great importance, appeared
requsite, and have accordingly been adopted.

• The ninth Editionj of 1000 copies, was published in Winchester last sum-
mer.

contp:nts.

Chap. Pag'e.

1. Crisis of afiairs of the United States. Dangers of parties and factions.
Similarity of our situation to that of France, Italy, and England, previous to
their civil wars, ...-.-. 37

2. Errors of the Democratic Party. Federal Constitution. Opposition to

a Navy. Alien and Sedition Law. Jay's Treaty, - . . 46

3. Monroe and Pinkney's Treaty with England. Separation of the States.
Treasonable Publications. Embargo. Non-intercourse, - - 53

4. Bank of the United States. Miserable Policy not to renew the Charter, 58

5. Armistice proposed by Admiral Warren, - - - - 59

6. Appointment of Mr. Gallatin as Minister to treat with Great Britain.
Negociation at Gottenburg. Itecent neglect of due preparations, - 63

7. General Wilkinson and General Hampton. Proceedings of Congress.
Lamentable torpor, delay, and indecision. Neglect of Public Opinion, 67

8. Captm'e of Washington. Causes. Mismanagement. Fort Washington.
Trial of Captain Dyson. E.xtraordinary Sentence. Loans. Injury of Pubjic
Credit. Retrospection, - - - - - - - 7Cy

9. The Federalists. Federal Convention and Constitution. Complainta
of want of Energy in the Constitution. Disorganizers and Jacobins. Alien
and Sedition Laws, - ..... 81

10. British Orders in Council, November, 1793. Enforcement of the
Rule of 1756, ........ 84

11. Extracts from the Boston Memorial to Congress, - - 88

12. Extracts from the New York Memorial, - . - 89

13. Extracts from the Memoi'ial of the Merchants of Philadelphia, 91

14. Extracts from the Baltimore Memorial, , - . - 93

15. Extracts from the Memorials of Newhaven and Newburyport, 95

16. Extracts from the Memorial of the Merchants of Salem, Ms. . 96

17. Reflections on the Memorials. Uniform call for Redress. Uniform
Pledge of Support, - . . , . . - 99

18. Characterof Merchants, by Edmund Burke. Illiberal and unfounded.
Merchants as various in character as other classes of men, - - 101

19. British Depredations brought on the tapis in the Senate of the Uni-
ted States. Condemnatory Resolutions passed, . . - 106

20. Attack on tlie Chesapeake. Proclamations iuterdicting our har-
bours to the British, - ..... 108

21. Blockade of the Coast from the Elbe to Brest. Berlin Decree, - 115

22. Orders in Council of November 11, 1807. Milan Decree, . 117

23. Tiie Orders in Council of November 11, 1807, defended by Ameri-
cans. Founded on the untenable plea of American acquiescence in the
Berlin Decree. Enquiry into their Causes and ConsequenceSjby A. Baring,
Esq., .M.P. ........ 122

24. Embargo. Situation of American Commerce. Factious clamour. Em-
bargo a wise, prudent, and necessary measure, ... 129

25. Enqtiiiy into the Constitutionality of the Act for Enforcing the Em-
bargo. Compared with acts passed during the pi-esidency of General Wash-
ington and John Adams, - - - . . . 136

26. Patriotic Procedings, ..... 141

27. John Ileniy's Mission to the Eastern States. Instmctions from the
Governor General of British America, ..... 143

28. Embargo Repealed. British and French vessels interdicted from en-
tering our harbours. Importations from both countries prohibited, - 158

29. Embargo recommended to Congress by Merchants of New York, 160

CONTENTS.

Chap. Page.

30. The Erskine Arrangement. A liberal and magTianimous procedure.
Loudly applauded by all Parties. Rejected by England. Wonderful in-
consistency, ....--. 162

31. Impressment of American seamen. Plea of James Madison. Of John
Quincy Adams. Of William Cobbett. Of Weekly Register, - _ - 180

32. Impressment during the administration of General Washington. Let-
ter from T. Jefferson to T. Pickering. From Mr. Jay From T. Pickering.
From RufusKing, .-..--- 184

33. Impressment during the administration of Mr. Adams. Letter from
Rufus King. From Silus Talbot. Fi'om Timothy Pickering. Instructions of
Judge Marshall to Rufus King, - - - - - 186

34. Mr. Liston's Projet of a Convention respecting Deserters. Objected
to by Mr. Pickering, Mr. Stoddart, Mi-. Wolcott, and Mr. M'Henry. Re-
jected, ........ 193

35. Horrors of impressment, as submitted to Congress, by Timothy Pick-
ering, secretary of state, .-..-- 195

36. Impressment during the administration of Mr. Jefferson. Letter from
Rufus King. Arrangement with Lord St. Vincent rejected by Mr. King, 196

37. Documents on Impressment continued, ... 200

38. Subject of Impressment concluded, . - - . 206

39. An apology for an egregious error committed by the writer, on the
subject of preparation for war. The whole session one continued series of
preparations. Nineteen acts bearing strong notes of martial arrangement, 217

40 Reproaches of the minority against the imbecility of the majority.
Pernicious consequences of newspaper misrepresentation. British deceiv-
ed by their friends, ...... 220

41. War proceedings in Congress. Yeas and Nays. Inexplicable conduct, 224

42. Declaration of War. Violently opposed, ... 227

43. Peace Party. Composed of warlike materials. Repeated clamour for
war, - - - _ 229

44. Inquiry into the Justice of the War, . - . . 236

45. Consideration of the Orders in Council continued. Strong and im-
equivocal reprobation of them by James Lloyd and James Bayard, Esqrs.
and Governor Griswold. Extract of a letter from Harrison Gray Otis, Esq. 242

46. Inquiry into the Justice of the War continued, - 25i3

47. Turbulence of Boston. Boston acts on Massachusetts. Massachu-
setts acts on the other Eastern States. Jealousies and Discord sedulously
excited. Hatefld Picture of the Southern States, - - - 253"

48. Arrogance of the Claims of the Eastern States. Statistical Tables.
Comparison of the exports of the several states, ... 259

49. Comparison of the exports, foreign and domestic, of the different
states, from 1791 to 1813. Glance at tonnage, ... 268

50. Another source of excitement among the citizens of the Eastern
States. Duties on imports. Statistics. Southern States pay very nearly as
much as the Eastern. Wonderful Delusion, ... - 275

51. Fallacy of the opinion of any hostility in the Southern against the
Eastern States. Commercial and agricultural States mutually dependent

on, and beneficial to each other, ..... 279

52. Money the sinews of war. Associations to prevent the success of the
Loans. Efforts to bankrupt the government, ... 285

53. Smuggling earned to excess in Boston. Specie abundant there. Op-
pressive drutls on New York. Arrangements between persons in Canada
and in Boston, ....... 292

54. Subject continued. Brief statement of facts, - - 300

55. Massachusetts compared with Tennessee. The blind leading the
blind. Profits of trade 50 per cent. ! Road to Ruin, - - 302

56. Pulpit Politics. Prostitution of the Sacred Functions. Massacre on
board the Ocean. An Anthology of Sedition, ... 305

57. Parlies change Name and Character. Jacobins. Definition. Unholy
Struggle for Power, the cause of all our difficulties, - - 312

Contents;

Chap. . Page-

58. lUiberality of Prejudices against Foreigners. Ungrateful on the part

of America. Irishmen and Frenchmen peculiar objects of disUke, - 314

59. Address to the Federalists of the United States, - . 321

APPENDIX. No. I.

60. Orders in Council. Restrictive System. Impolicy of the British Mi-
Jiistiy. Abstract of the Examinations before the House of Commons. Ruin-
ous Effects of the PoUcy of Great Britsun on tlie vital interests of that Na-
tion, . - 329

61. England said to be struggling for her Existence. This no palliation

©f her outrages on neutral Nations Attack on Copenhagen, - 341

62. The clamour raised by the Eastern States on the subject of Repre-
sentation, unfounded. The result of factious delusion, - * - 346

63. Statistics continued. Slave Representation fairly stated, - 348

64. Inquiry into the charge against tlie Southern States of destroying
Commerce to promote Manufactures, . - - . - 354

6.5. iMilitia Defence. System of Classification proposed in Congi'ess. Re-
jected. Awful outcry, ...... 355

66. Right of Society to coerce, and duty of citizens to afford. Military
Service, ......-- 358

67. Power of Congress to call out the Militia. The usual mode of draft-
ing oppressive, unequal, and unjust, .... 363

68. Inefficiency of Militia generally. Extravagantly expensive. General
Washington's testimony on the subject full and complete, - - 367

69. Conscription or Classification of the Militia to fill up the Army, the
Hkost impartial and efficacious mode. A measui'c of the Amei'ican Revolu-
tion. Plan borrowed by France. General Knox's Plan, - - S77

70. Gerrymanderism. Derivation of this queer name. Political Legerde-
main. A grand discovery how to enable a minority to rule the majority.
Joint and concurrent votes. General ticket, .... 383

71. State of Representation in Massachusetts. Wretched System of Re-
presentation in Maryland an I Virginia. Rotten Boroughs, - - 387

72. A Wonderful Contrast. " Let every soul be subject to the higher
powers." — Rev. Dr. Morse — Rev. Dr. Parish — Rev. Dr. Osgood. Invoca-
tion to War. Governor Oilman, - - - - 390

73. View of the prosperity of the United States, during the various ad-
ministrations. Mighty errors prevalent on this topic, - - 396

74' Miscellaneous Facts and Observations, .... 411

APPENDIX. No. II.

75. Separation of the States. Civil War. Cromwehsm, - - 421

76. Abuse of the Freedom of the Press. Attacks on Monarchs and Na-
tions of Europe, ....... 430

77. Shall we soon have another war ? The vulnerable part of Gi-eat Bri-
tain. The late war. Defective Legislation. American Seamen, - 435

78. Congi'essional Caucuses for President and Vice-President, - 439

APPENDIX. No. m.

79. Western insurrection, - . - - - - 455

80. Blue lights; Congress, - - - - - 407

81. Faction. A most tremendous scourge, . - . - 463

82. Rejection of Monroe and Pinkney's treaty, ... 469

83. Hartford Convention, .-...- 473

84. Freedom of the seas. Prophets. Sedition, ... 477

85. Self-created Societies, - - - - - - 480

86. American magnanimity, generosity, and public spirit, - 486

87. Miscellaneous articles, ...»,» 490

88. Conscription. Impressment, - ~ • - - 495

THe

POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH.

CHAPTER I.

Crisis of the affairs of the United States. Dangers of parties
and factions. Similarity of our situation to that of France^
Italy ^ and England^ previous to their civil wars.

IN the year 1814, the situation of the United States was
highly critical. Party and faction, the bane and destruction of
the ancient republics,* were earned to such an extravagant ex-
tent, as to endanger the public tranquillity — and menace us with
civil war, the greastest scourge that ever afflicted mankind. Un-
ceasing efforts were used to excite our citizens to open resis-
tance of the government.! The principal scenes of these disor-
ders lay in the eastern states ; but in almost every portion of the
union, persons were constantly employed in inflaming the public
mind, and preparing it for commotions. f Thousands and tens
of thousands of our citizens, upright, honest, and honourable in
private life, were so deluded by the madness of party and faction
as to believe, that the defeat, the disgrace, anrl the disasters of our
armies:}: — the destruction of public credit \ — (as leading to the

• An idea has been propaj^ated by superficial writers, and generally be-
lieved by superficial readers, that parly and fiiction are peculiar to republics.
Never was there a greater error. Tl-ere is hardly a body of men, how small
or insignificant soever, that is not dij^tuibed more or less by party and faction.
Within the last ten years, one half, at least, of the Religious Congregations in
Philadelphia, have been distracted by discord and faction, which, in various
instances, have been carried to the extreme length of absolute separation.
And, to mount iiigher, who can forget the violent factions at the commence-
ment of the reign of George III, when England was on the very verge of in-
surrection ? and let me add the religious crusade of lord George Gordon,
which was the offspring of faction, and terminated in enkindling thirty-six
fires at once in London : of wliich city the mob had undisturbed possession
for several days. All the felons, and other tenants of the prisons, had their
chains knocked off, and were let loose once more to prey on the public. Du-
ring the sixteenth century, France was as much harassed and distressed by
{action as any republic, ancient or modern, has ever been. The enumeration
were endless. Let this slight sketch suffice.

t These topics will be fully discussed in specific chapters at the close of
tills work.

\ To some this will seem impossible. It certainly appears incredible. But
many things appears incredible, wluch are nevertheless true- And it is capa-
ble of the most complet? judicial juoof, that gentlemen, highly estimable in

SB POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH [chaf. 1.

expulsion from their stations of the highest public functionaries
duly chosen by the people) — were all " a consummation devout-
ly to be wished"— and the certain means ol procuring a speedy
and honourable peace, which we could not fail to obtain from the
magnanimity of Great Britain, provided we removed those pub-
blic officers, whom, according to them, she had so much reason
to execrate.

The uniform voice of history in vain proclaimed the generosi-
tycf nations towards each other tobe a nunenti'y ; that the terms
of a treaty are more or less favourable or injurious in propor-
tion to the relative strength, and energy, and means of annoyance;
or defence, of the parties ; that powerful nations have almost al-
ways taken advantage of the feet>leness of their adversaries ; and
that the, certain road to a speedy and honourable peace has
throughout all ages been to wage war with the utmost decision
tmd effect.

Were history wholly silent on this topic, the inherent propen-
sities of human nature, properly explored, would satisfy every
rational mind of the soundness of these political maxims. They
are fair deductions of reason and common sense, to which the
universal experience of mankind bears testimony. Every nation,
in its periods of debility, has been obliged occasionally to submit
to injustice. Every nation, possessing the power to perpetrate in-
justice, has more or les;* availed itself of the opportunity.

The fears of civil war were regarded as visionary — as the
wild effusions of a disordered brain. They werafelt by a small
minority. And, were the correctness of opinions to be tested
by the numbers who entertained them, they must have appeared
most miserably erroneous. But this conclusion is unwarranted
by history. It has been a thousand times asserted, and will be
as often repeated, that the people of the United States were too
enlightened to commit such a fatal error, knowing too well the
value of the blessings they enjoyed, to sacrifice them so absurd-
ly. Such a delusion was pardonable a few years previous to
that period. But our then recent, stupendous follies ought to
have wholly dispelled it. We had, in many cases, displayed as
much insanity as the history of the world exibits in any of its
pages.

private life, have thanked God most fervently for the disgraceful capture of
our armies* Others liave prayed to God that our soldiers who entered Cana-
da might be slaughtered. This is one of the many strange and unaccountable
instances in which our history is utterly unlike those of the other nations of
the earth. It is really a sui generis. I feel pretty confident that no man of cha-
racter or worth in England or France, ever rejoices at the disgrace or disas-
ters of his country. But I blush to tell it, the disgrace of our armies has
been repeatedly a subject of as much exultation in our coffee-houses and our
newspapers, as in the city of London. I could name individuals of the ut-
most worth in all the social relations, except that which they bear to their coun-
try, whose satisfaction at the distresses and embarrassments of our govern-
ment, has at least equalled that of lord Castlereagh.

CHAP. 1] DANGERS OF FACTIONS. 39

Danger is not diminished by shutting our eyes against its ap-
proach, or by denying its existt nee. This would be a cheap
price to pay tor security. But it is not to be purchased thus.
And those who seriously weigh the causes that led to the civil
wars which desolated France, under the house of Valois; Eng-
land under Charles I ; and Italy for entire centuries, with hard-
,ly any intermission ; will be convinced that our security was by
no means so well founded as was generally supposed. In num-
berless points of view, our situation and our proceedings bore a
very strong analogy to those of the three nations to which I have
referred, immediately previous to their respective civil wars.
Whoever reads with due attention Davila's history of France,
Machiavel's of Florence, or Clarendon's of the rebellion under
Charles I. will be astonished at the near resemblance.*

The difference between the state of the country a few years
previous, and at the period under review, was indubitably far
greater than from where we then stood to insurrection, and sepa-
ration, and civil war. While thrre were so many combustible
materials scattered abroad, and such unceasing pains taken to in-
flame the public mind, very trivial accidents might have enkind-
led a conflagration. — Once unhinge a government — once let
loose mankind from the restraints of law and constitution— an.d
the human mind cannot readily calculate the terrible result.

It was said, that those who had for years urged the propriety,
and necessity, and advantages to the eastern states, of a dissolu-
tion of the union, did not intend to proceed thus far ; and that
they held out these threats in terrorem to awe the administration.
There is the strongest possible reason to believe that this was a
pernicious, a fatal error — and that the leaders of the malcontents
were perfectly serious in their views of a separation. How of-
ten had the churches echoed with the insurrectional, the trea-
sonable, the fanatical, the rebellious cry, " WHERE IS OUR
MOSES ? Where is the rod of his miracles P Where is our
Aaron ? Have we no Moses to lead us out of the land of Egypt ?'"\
Fatuity itself could not mistake the meaning of this species of
declamation. But even were the leaders merely threatening, it
afforded us no security against the ruinous result. Those who

• The divisions, and distractions, and factions, that prevailed among, aud
the bulclieries alternately perpetrated on each other by, the contending fac-
tions in the Grecian and Italian republics, are ably and instructively detailed
in the defence of the American Constitutions bythe ex-president John Adams.
This work has not had the fate it merited. It has been laid aside, and is ai-
most forgotten. Yet there is no work extant which contains more useful les-
sons for an American — none in which the horrors of faction are more forcibly
displayed — aone that our statesmen and politicians ought to study more care-
fully. A few exceptionable passages, selected here and there, have been
employed for the purpose of decrying it, and with too much success. But
there never yet was a human production that might not be condemned to
the flames by the same mode of trial.

t See the sermons of the reverend Messrs. Osgood, Parish, are Gardiner,

40 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 1.

raise the storm of civil commotions, possess not the power at
pleasure to allay its violence — lo say with effect, " thus far shalt
thou go, and no farther.'' This theory was iully exemplified in
the civil wars of England betwen Charles I. and his parliament,
and likewise in the French revolution. The latier, of which
nearly all the early leaders perished in jails and on scaffolds, is a
very strong case. Very few of those distinguished and illustri-
ous men contemplated a recourse to arms. They hoped tor a
bloodless triumph over tyranny. But they were borne down
and destroyed by violent and sanguinary men, or rather mon-
sters, whom their proceedings released from restraint, but
whom their utmost efforts could not check or controul.

Never had brighter prospects shone on a nation than those
that shone on the United States. Never had a nation been more
highly blest. Never had the security of person and propertv— -
of liberty, civil and religious — been attained by such easy sacri-
fices. Never had the weight of government pressed more light-
ly. It was not felt. Never had the fondest theories of philoso-
phers and lovers of mankind, been more completely realized.

Our situation was ver}- analagous to that of a youth who inhe-
rits a large estate, and, unacquainted with the difficulty ol its ac-
quisition, cannot form an estimate of its value. This can only be
done by a due consideration of the condition of those destitute
of the advantages of fortune. He becomes a prodigal. He la-
vishes away his treasures. He only then begins to appreciate
them, when they are irretrievablv squandered. This was pre-
cisely our case. We had not sufiiciently compared our situation
with that of the mass of mankind. We had not taken a full view
of the glorious, the inestimable advantages we possessed. We
had the most noble inheritance that ever fell to the lot of a nation,
and had not duly appreciated our happiness. We had jeopardi-
zed it most wantonly and fatuitously. We were on the verge of
its total loss. A little further progress iu folly and madness, and
we should have been undone. We had, by rapid strides, ap-
proached the banks of the Rubicon. Whether we should ])lunge
ifn, and ford the stream, or, struck with a due sense of our errors
and our danger, make a retrograde movement, and regain the
elysium whence we started, was in the womb of time. Heaven
directed us to the blessed alternative ! Beyond the stream verges
a dreary desert, where anarchy and civil war hold their terrific
reign, with all their long train of horrors, and where the devious
paths lead directly to ruthless despotism.

It was time therefore to make a solemn pause — to retrace
our steps — and, since we refused to profit by the sad experience
of other ages and nations, to avail ourselves of our own. By
honest endeavours — by abating the odious violence of party spi-
rit — by mutual compromise — by rending asunder the odious,
the degrading, the pernicious yoke of the violent men whose in.

x^Hxv. 1.] SEDITIOUS PUBLICATIONS. 41

fluence and prosperity depended on public commotions — we
might happily regain the ground we had lost — we might dispel
the delusion that was leading us to temporal perdition.

To vindicate myself from the charge of folly, in those gloomy
apprehensions and anticipations, I submit to the reader a few
specimens of the unceasing efforts which for years iiad been
made to enkindle the flames of civil war. That wc were not in-
volved in it, is not justly chargeable to the want of a due degree
of labour and industry. Never was more activity displayed —
never was a cause more sedulously or ably advocated. And
never was there less scruple about the meaijs, provided the end
could be accomplished.

"On or before the fourth of July, if James Madison is not out of ofiice, a
ne%<jforvi of govermnent iviU be in operation in the eastern section of the tcnion. —
Instantly cifer, the contest in many of the states wiU be, whether to adhere to the old,
or join the new government. Like every thing else foretold years ago, and which
is verified every day, this warning will be also ridiculed as visionary. Be it
so. But Mr. Madison cannot complete his term of service, if tlie war con-
tinues. — It is not possible ; and if he knew human nature, he would see it."*

" Is there a federalist, a patriot in America, who conceives it his duty to
shed his blood for Bonaparte, for Madison, for Jefferson, and that HOST OF
RUFFIANS in Congresa, who have set tlieir faces against US for years, and
spirited up the brutal part of the populace to destroy us? Not one —
Shall we then any longer be held in slavery, and driven to desperate poverty,
by such a graceless faction ? Heaven forbid. "f

" If at the present Tnoineni, no symptotns of civil viar appear, THEY CER-
TAINLY WILL SOON, unless the courage of the i\iar party fail them^."

" A CIVIL WAR becomes as certain as the events that happen according to
the inewn laivs and established course of nature-"^

*' If we would preserve the liberties, by that struggle [the American re-
volution] so dearly purchased, the call for RESISTANCE a^^ainn the usur-
pations of our own government is as urgent as it wasformerly against those of our
■mother country"^

" It the impending negociation with Great Britian is defeated by Insidious
artifice ; if the friendly and conciliatory proposals of tlie enemy should not,
from French subserviency, or views of sectional ambition, be met throughout
with a spirit of moderation and sincerity, so as to terminate the infamous
Avar which is scattering its horrors around us, and arrest tlie calamities and
distress of a disgraced country, it is necessary to apprise you that such conduct
'will be no longer borne with. The injured States will be compelled, by every motive
of duty, interest and honour ,- by one manly exertion of the:r strength to dash into
atoms the bonds of tyrdnny. It will then be too late to retract. The die will be
cast — Frei dom preserved.''^

" A SEPARATION OF THE ST ATES w////!'e an inevitable result. Motives

numerous ana urgent will deviaiid that measure. Js they originate in oppression,

the oppressors inust be responsible for the momentous and contingent events, arising

from the DISSOLUTION OF THb. PRESENT CONFEDERACY, cmdthe

"erection of SEPARATE GOVERNMENTS. It will be their work. While

• Federal Republican, November 7, 1814. f Bo'ston Gazette.

I Sermon by David Osgood, D. D. Pastor of the church of Medford, de-
livered June 26, 1812, page 9. •§ Idem, page 15."

II Discourse dehvered before the lieutenant governor, the council, and the.
two houses composing the legislature of the commonweallh of Massachu-
hetts, May 31, 1809. By David Osgood, D. D. p. 25.

% " Northern grievances, set forth in a letter to James Madison, by a
Nortli American." Published May, 1814, and circulated with great indus-
ti'v, throughout the Eastern states and New York. P. 4.

42 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. L

posterity will admire the independent spirit of {lie Eastei-n section of our
country, and with sentiments of {gratitude, enjoy the fruits of their firmness
and wisdom, the descendants of the South and West will have reason to
curse the infatuation and folly of your councils"*

" B dd and resolute, when they ste/i forth in the sacred cause ofjreedom and in-
dependence, the northern people will secure their object. No obstacle can hnpede
them. No force can withstand thc'r powerful arm. The most numerous armies
noill melt before their vianly strength Does not the pag'e of history instruct you,
that the feeble debility of tiie South never could face the vig'orous activity of
the North ? Do not the events of past ajjes remind you of the valuable truth,
that a sit-.gle spark of Northern liberty, especially when enlightened by congenial
commerce, will explode a whoJe atmosphere of sultry Southern de&potism? You
well know the termination of the expedition of Xerxes, with his hundreds
of thousands, against the Greeks ! The commercial Athenians taught the
debilitated tyrant of Asia, on the plains of Marathon, and at the straits of
Salamis, of what exertions feedom is capable, when roused by oppression.
The hardy Macedonians not only defeated and dispersed countless hordes
of Southern effeminacy, but traversed their country at pleasure "f

" When such are tiie effects of oppression upon men resolved not to siib<^
mit, as displayed in the North and South of Europe, and in all ages of the
world, do you flatter yourself with its producing a different operation in this
eountry ? Do you think the energies of Northern freemen are to be tamely
smothered ? Do you imagine they will allow themselves to be trampled upon
■with impunity? And by whom? The Southern and Western states! by men
whose united efforts are not sufficient to keep in order their own enslaved
population, and defend their own frontiers ? by warriors whose repeated at-
tempts at invasion of a neighbouring province, have been disgracefully foiled
by a handful of disciplined troops! by generals, monuments of arrogance
and folly ! by councils the essence of corruption, imbecility and madness !

" The aggregate strength of the South and West, if brought against the North,
toould be driven into the ocean, or bad to their own sultry wilds ; and they might
ihink themsehes fortunate if they escaped other punishment than a defeat, which
their temerity would merit. While the one would Strive to enslave, the other
would fight for freedom. Wliile the councils of the one would be distracted
with discordant interests ; the decisions of the other would be directed by
one soul. Beware ! Pause ! before you take the fatal p!unge."|

"You have carried your oppressions to the utmost stretch. We will no
longer submit. Restore the Constitution to its purity. Give us security for
the future, indemnity for the past. Abolish every tyrannical law. Make an
immediate and honourable peace. Revive our commerce. Increase our navy.
Protect our seamen. Unless you fomply with these just demands, without delay,
we will withdraw from the Union, scatter to the viinds the bonds of tyranny, and
transmit to posterity that Liberty purchased by the H evolution,"^

"Americans! PREPARE YOUR ARMS : you will soon be called to use
them. VVe must use them for tlie emperor of France, OR FOR OUR-
SELVES. It is but an individual who now points to this ambiguous alterna-
tive But Mr. Madisa.! and tiis cabal may rest assured, there is in the hearts
of many thousands in this abused and almost ruined countiy, a sentiment and
energy to illuiitrate the distinction when his madness shall call it into action."j|

" Old Mas.'ac'.usett.f is as terrible to the Am.erican, now, as she wag to the Brit-
ish cabinet in 177i> ; lor America, too, has her Butes and her Norths. Let then
the comviercial states breast tjiemsehes to the shock, and know^thattotliemsclves
they must look for safety. All party bickerings must be sacrificed on the al-
tar of patriotism. Tiicn, and not till i'.en, shall they huotible the pride and ambi-
tion cf Virginia, whose sirrngth lies in their weakness ; and chastise the insolence of
those tnadvien of Kentucky and Tenne:>ee, who aspire to the government of these
states, atifl threaten Hj ■.nxohe the country in all the liorror^ ofwar."^

• Idem, page 9. f Idem, page 1?. \ Ide.m, page 12.

§ Idem, page 15. jj Boston Repertory.

•f New York Com.nnercial Advertiser.

CHAf. 1.] CONSEQUENCES OF FACTION. 43

The language of the writers is plain and unequivocal. It ad-
mits of no mistake or misconstructivn. That they intended to
produce insurrection and dissolution of the union, unless they
and their friends were enabled to seize upon the government, re-
gardless of the frightful consequei ces, it would require consum-
mate impudence to deny ; it would be folly, or insanity to dis-
believe. What might ultimately be their success, it was impos-
sible to foresee. Every thing depended on the course pursued
by those who had an interest in the public welfare. If they were
not wanting to themselves and to their country, we were sure to
rise triumphant over our difficulties and embarrassments. But
if the then prevailing wonderful apathy continued ; if we slug-
gishly remained with our arms folded, while our situation be-
came daily more awful and alarming ; ruin was inevitable. We
should have afforded one of the most striking instances in histo-
ry, of premature decay and decrepitude. The Lord in his
mercy has averted such an awful iate !

Reliance was placed by those who denied the existence of the
danger here described, upon the sober character of the nation.
They regarded that character as a guarantee against civil war.
I was well aware of this circumstance. I allowed it a due share
of influence and importance. But the strong inference drawn
from it, was unwarranted by history. And let it be observed,
once for all, that in government, or politics, the only unerring
guide is history, to the neglect of whose lessons may be ascribed
more than two thirds of our errors and follies.

The Athenians were a polished and refined people. No na-
tion, in ancient times, ever excelled them in these respects. Yet
thiy were occasionally seduced into the most frightful cruelties
by their demagogues, their Cleons and other enrages. They
often massacred their prisoners in cold blood, and long after the^
were taken. And the proscriptions and butcheries the adverse
parties perpetrated on each other, wiicn they p;a3Cfd the ascen-
dency, are frightful subjects of reflection, and to us hold out
most invaluable warnings.

No nation of modern Europe excelled France, few equalled
her—- in courtesy — in mildness— in urbanity. And yet never
did mankind exhibit themselves under a more hideous aspect-—
never did they change nature more completely with wolves, ty-
gers, and hyaenas, than the French have dene under Marat,
Danton, Couthon, and Robespierre. These are axvful lesaona^
to xvh'ich those xvho xvcre lending their cid to tear down the pil-
lars of government^ paid no tiHention.

Man is the same every where, under the same excitements.
We have our Cleons, and our Couthons, and our Dantons, and
our Marats, and our Rol^spierres, and our Cron^A dls, who on-
Iv required suitable occasions to have given scope to their fero-
city. JVIild and gentle as is the American character generally.

44 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [cha». 1.

the revolution in this country exhihitecf, in various places, where
the parties were rancorously embittered against each other, many
terrifying scenes. Prisoners were often hung up without trial
by the parti zans on both sides. Men and women were treach-
erously shot down in their houses*. And not unfrequently,
private malice, to sate its rage, disguised itself under the cloak
of public spirit. Let us ponder well on those circumstances.
They are fraught with important admonitions.

To apply a remedy to any evil, moral or physical, it is indis-
pensably necessary to explore its nature — to ascertain its causes
— and to trace its consequences. Any other procedure arises
from error and folly, and is pregnant with defeat and disappoint-
ment.

With this view, and in the state of affairs just described, I re-
spectfully solicited the public attention. I took a rapid retro-
spective glance at the folly and guilt, which the factious and dis-
cordant state of our country had generated. As far as in my
power, I divested myself of party bias, and treated the sub-
ject as if it belonged to another age or nation., Whatever er-
rors I fell into, arose not from sinister intention : they were
chargeable to inadvertence and human imperfection. On my
freedom from partiality, I felt the more reliance, from my un-
alterable conviction, that both the hostile parties that divide this
country, and who regard each other with so much hatred and
jealousy, had largely contributed towards the misfortunes that
had befallen us — the melancholy change that had taken place in
our situation — and the dangers that threatened us. It was im-
possible for a candid mind to review the scenes through which
we had passed for some years, without a thorough conviction,
that each had been guilty of most egregious errors and follies,
and occasionally of worse than error or folly ; and that when-
ever the interests of the tuition and the interests of the party came
in collision^ the former had been too frequently sacrificed,] by both
federalists and democrats^ to the latter. No man who has any
public spirit, can take a review of our history without feeling the
deepest regret at the extent of the mischief this miserable sys-
tem of conduct has produced. It has defeated many of the no-
blest plans that the wisdom of the country has ever devised, and
has prevailed to at least as great an extent here, as in almost any
other country, or at anv other period of time. When the pre-
sent generation sits for its picture to the iiistorian, it will form a
strong contrast to that which is past and gone. The errors or
follies, however, of cither party would have produced but little
injury comparatively, had not those of the other conspired to
give them malignity and effect.

• See Ramsay's History of the Revolution in South Carolina.

t This is one of Uie most lamentable and humiliating facts in our history.

CHAP. 2.] PARTY HOSTILITY. -^ ,

From this exposition of my views, it was obvious I should
steer a course very different from the generality of writers on
political topics. With hardly a single exception, their object is,
having espoused a party, to justify its supporters, and emblazon
their acts, whether right or wrong ; and, if need be,

"To make the worse appear the better cause."

In pursuit of this object, their own partizans are all angels of
light, — whose sublime and magnificent plans of policy are cal-
culated to produce a political millennium ; and their opponents,
demons incarnate, intent on the destruction of the best interests
ot the country. These portraits are equally unjust and incor-
rect. One is all beauty, with little resemblance to the pretended
original — the other a hideous caricature equally foreign from
honour, truth, and justice. ^=^:— -- ' -

Among the frightful consequences resulting from this odious
practice, a plain and palpable one presents itself. These hor-
rible portraits engendered a satanical spirit ot hatred, malice,
and abhorrence in the parties towards each other. Citizens of
adverse opinions, whose views were perfectly pure and public
spirited, were to each other objects of distrust and jealousy.
They attached all possible guilt and wickedness — politicalat least
— to their opponents- — and then detested the hobgoblins which
they had themselves created.

Society is not thus constituted. The mass of mankind of all
parties, and in all ages, have meant well, except in periods of
great depravity and corruption. And little more is necessary to
produce harmony between them, than to understand each other
correctly. But hostility is excited and perpetuated by the in-
trigues and management of demagogues, whose influence and
consequence dscjiend on fomenting discord, and who would sink
into insignificance in times of tranq.iiUity. Mankind, as I have
feinted, abhor each other, not for real existing differences, but for
phantoms, the production of heated imaginations. Experience
has frequently evinced, that the very plans of policy which par-
ties out of power have reprobated and denounced as pernicious,
they have pursued themselves as soon as they had vanquished
their opponents, and seized on their places. And I believe
every man of reflection will acknowlefige, that if the federalists
had retained the administration in their hands, they would have
advocated the rights of their country as firmly as their succes-
sors have done ; and would probably hare adopted measures to
resist the arrogant and destructive claims of England, similar to
those, for which they have so strenuously, though not very hon-
ourably or consistently, opposed the present administration.

This is not mere supposition. It is historical fact. It will
be seen in the sequel of this work, that the federalists took as
high ground on the subject of impressment, and as firmly and

O. B. 8

46 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 2.

patriotically resisted the unjust, the daring, the degrading pre-
tensions of England, as Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison have
done. Yet the resistance of the two latter presidents to this
atrocious violence, has been among the strongest accusations al-
ledged against them by their political adversaries. It is impos-
sible to reflect on these topics without sighing over human weak-
ness and folly. Federalism has in these transactions suffered a
stain never to be effaced.

CHAPTER II.

Erfors of the Democratic Party. Federal Constitution. Oppo-
sition to a Navy* Alien and Sedition Law . y ay'' s Treaty »

In pursuance of my plan, I proceed to a review of those errors
of the democratic party, which contributed to change the pros-
pects of this country, and to darken the political horizon ; and
I trust it will appear that I have not done them injustice in
charging a large portion of the folly and guilt of the late state of
affairs to their account.

Federal Constitution.

In the convention that formed the federal constitution, the de-
mocratic party sowed the seeds of a premature dissolution of
that instrument, and of the American confederacy. Regarding
society more as it ought' to be, than as it has ever been, or is
ever likely to be ; seduced by theories more plausible than solid
• — applying to a free elective government, deriving all its powers
and authorities from the voice of the people, maxims, and ap-
prehensions, and precautions, calculated for the meridian ot
monarchy, they directed all their efforts, and all their views, to-
wards guarding against oppression from the federal government.
Whatever of authority or power, they divested it of, to bestow
on the state governments, or reserve to the people, was regarded
as an important advantage. Against the federal government
their fears and terrors were wholly directed. This was the hor-
rible monster, which they laboured to cripple and chain down,
to prevent its ravages. — The state governments they regarded
Avith the utmost complacence, as the public protectors against
this dreadful enemy of liberty. Had they succeeded in all their
views, they would have deprived the general government of
nearly all its efficiency. Alas ! litde did they suppose that our
grand danger would arise from the usurpations of the state gov-
ernments, some of which have since most awfully and treasonably
jeopardized the union. Unfortunately, this party was too suc-
cessful in the convention. Its energy and ardent zeal produ-
ced a constitution, which, however admirably calculated for a
period of peace, has been found incompetent in war to call forth,
at once and decisively, the energies of the nation, and the ad-

c«AP. 2.} NAVY. 47

ministration of which has been repeatedly bearded, baffled, and
thwarted by the state governments. Had the real federahsts in
the convention succeeded, and made the general governmtnt
somewhat more energetic — and endowed it with a small degree
of power more than it pos;sesses — it might endure for centuries.
What fate at present awaits it, is not in human wisdom to foresee.
I fervently pray, with the celebrated father Paul, esto perpetua.
This error of the democratic party arose from want of du- re-
gard to the history of republics, and from a profound study of
those political writers who had written under monarchial go-
vernments, and whose views were wholly directed to guard
against the danger of tyranny flowing from the overweening re-
gal power, especially when possessed by men of powerful talents,
and great ambition. The theories whence they derived their
views of government were splendid and sublime — the produc-
tions of men of great public spirit, and regard for the general
welfare and happiness — and, had they been duly attempered by
maxims drawn from experience, would have been of inestimable

value.

Establishment of a small Navy.
The steady and factious opposition made by the democratic
party, to the establishment of a small navy, adequate at least to
the protection of our own coasts, has by the event been proved
most wretched and miserable policy. It arose, as well from a
spirit of hostility towards the party in power, as from a sordid
and contemptible spirit of economy, which has in many instances
disgraced and dishonoured this party, who have frequently pro-
ved themselves, to use a very trite but very expressive proverb,
'' penny wise — pound foolish." When we analyse the boasted
spirit of economy, to which the opposition to a navy may be in
part ascribed, we shall find it arises from two sources ; the one,
men of narrow minds carrying into public, the huckstering habits
of private life : the other, a base spirit of courting popularity
by husbanding the public treasure, even on occasions when liber-
ality is true economv, which as frequently occur in public affairs
as in private life. IJoth motives are equally contemptible ; but
the latter is more pernicious, and produces the most ruinous con-
sequences. It starves and smothers public undertakings, and
public spirit ; and often defrauds illustrious men of their due re-
wards. It is the characteristic vice of our times, and of our
nation; and ought to be hunted down by every man who has a
real regard for the honour and interest of his country. To this
vile spirit we must ascribe the never enough-to-be-despised de-
bate, whether Eaton, the glorious and immortal hero of Derne*,

* This is among- the most illustrious events in American military affairs
by land, when all the circumstances of the case are taken into view. Who
can reflect without amazement and admiration, on the heroism of the gallant
band, that under this intrepid chief, pierced through the frijfhtful deaart, and

4g rOLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 2.

should be rewarded with a sword or a medal ! a debate which
brought down on the congress in which it took place, the con-
tempt of every magnanimous and liberal man in the nation ; a
debate which would have disgraced the common council of the
most petty borough in the union. To this spirit it is due, that
votes of thanks, and swords, and urns, and other cheap modes of
displaying our gratitude, have tranquillized our minds, and de-
ceived us into the opinion, that we have paid the boundless debt
due to the Hulls, the Bainbridges, the Decaturs, the Perrys, the
Porters, the Macdonoughs, the Joneses, the Kipleys, the Browns,
the Scotts, the Cofl'ees, the Carrolls, the Macombs,the Jacksons,
and the other heroes, whose glory will live as long as pul)lic spi-
rit, consummate talents, and distinguished bravery command the
veneration of mankind.

The modest, the unassuming, the youthjTul Perry rescued a
whole frontier, men, women, and children from the murderous
tomahawk. Macdonough rescued another, and prevented the
enemy from establishing his winter quarters far within our terri-
tory. And Jackson achieved for himself and his country im-
mortal honour, by an exploit certainly never exceeded, perhaps
never equalled. He preserved one of the most important keys
and emporiums of the country, from the power of the enemy, by
the most consummate prudence, talents, and bravery. The in-
terest of the property he saved from depredation, is probably
above Sr50,000 per annum. Yet it is doubtful vvhether there is
gratitude enough in our public bodies, who hold the purse strings
of the nation, or in the individuals whose property has been pre-
served, to make him any adequate return*. I hope and pray I
may be deceived. I deprecate being correct in this calculation.
But I have fearful misgivings on the subject.

To enable us to form an estimate of the immense debt we owe
our illustrious heroes, it is only necessary to call to recollection,
the prostration of the public mind, and the degradation of the
national character in the early part of the war, when our opera-
tions on land were "one continued stream" of disgraces and dis-
asters ; and when but for the exploits of Hull and a few others
on the ocean, the name of an American would have been a pass-
port to shame and disgrace. The national character was sup-
ported throughout the war by out little navy, whose exploits may
challenge comparison with any of the most signal acts of hero-
shook a powerful usurper's throne to'the centre. The inauspiciotis interfe-
rence that dashed the glorious prize to the earth, just as Eaton had stretched
out his hand, and was ready to seize it without the smallest danger of an
unfavourable result, is liighly to be regretted. The State of Massaclnisetts
acquired a liigh degree of honour by its liberality to the warrior of Derne,
on whom it bestowed ten tiuiusand acres of land as a mark of its esteem and
admiration. This act of generosity, by the contrast, made the miserable
conduct of Congress appear worthy of additional contempt.
* The event has realised these, anticipations.

CHAP. 2] NAVY. 49

ism recorded in histor}'. And on land, towards the close, it was
nobly retrieved by the heroes whose names I have given, and
others who nobly grace their country's annals. And is it pos-
sible that congress will not give some substantial proof of the
nation's gratitude for benefits so far beyond all price !

In very few instances, hitherto, have congress or the people
of the United States discharged their duty' in this respect, or
displayed a suitable degree of gratitude. Of votes of thanks
they have been abundantly liberal. These cost nothing. A few
swords and medals too have been awarded. But of all the be-
nefactors of their country — those men -who have preserved it
from the bottomless abysses of disgrace and dishonour into -which
it zvas precipitously falling — who have given it a rank among the
nations of the earth, there is hardly one on whom the nation has
bestowed a reward worthy of it or him.

The debt due to the illustrious men with whose names I have
honoured my page, and others, who have trod the same path of
glory, cannot easily be discharged, even on the ground of mere
calculation of pecuniary advantage to the nation, exclusive of the
elevation of its character.

If England, whom in this respect we ought to aspire to emu-
late, gave 500,000 sterling to her Wellingtons and Nelsons,
let the United States give some solid and substantial proof of
their gratitude, to their illustrious heroes. Such extravagant re-
wards as the British parliament voted " the great lord" as he
has been styled, are not here contemplated. But the gift ought
to be worthy of the donor and acceptor ; ought to operate as a
reward to the meritorious, and a stimulus to excite others to
emulation.

This is in some degree a digression. But I hope the feelings
of my readers will be sufficiently in unison with these sentiments,
not to require an apology. I therefore make none. I return to
the navy.

I feel confident, that the nation has lost five hundred times as
much through the want of a small navy, as that navy would have
cost. Numbers of instances have occurred, of valuable mer-
chantmen having been captured by petty pickaroons, with one or
two guns. Our ports have been insulted and outraged, and the
ships and cargoes of our merchants plundered by privateers and
sloops of war, v/hich a few armed vessels would have forced to
keep a respectful distance. There is none of the points on
which the two hostile parties have differed, wherein the demo-
crats have been so far below their adversaries in consulting the
real, the permanent honour and interest of the country, as the es-
tablishment of a naval force. The policy of the federalists in
this respect was dignified and honourable j that of the democrats
miserably contracted.

So POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chaf. 2.

Alien arid Sedition Laws^ and Eight per cent. Loans.

The factious clamour excited against the sedition and alien
laws, and against the eight per cent, loan,— -which clamour was
the principal means of changing the administration, and taking
it from the hands of the federalists, to place it in those of the de-
mocrats — may be justly reckoned among the sins of the latter
party. A candid review of the so-styled sedition law, at the
present hour, when the public ferment to which it gave rise has
wholly subsided, will satisfy any reasonable man, that so far from
being an outrageous infringement of liberty, as was asserted, it
was a measure not merely defensible, but absolutely necessary
and indispensable towards the support of government*. To en-
able the reader to judge for himself, without the trouble of refer-
ring to a volume of the laws, I annex the document itself.

" Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled, That if any persons shall
wilawfully combine or conspire together, with intent to oppose any measure or mea-
sures of the government of the United States, which are or shall be directed by the
proper authoriiy, or to impede the operation of any law of the United States, or to
intimidate or prevent any person holding a place or office in or under the
government of tlie United States, from undertaking, performing-, or executing
his trust, or duty ; and if any person or persons, with intent as aforesaid, shall
counsel, advise, or attempt to procure any insurrection, riot, unlawful assem-
bly, or combination, whether such conspiracy, threatening, counsel, advice,
or attempt shall have the proposed effect or not, he or they shall be deemed
guil y of a high misdemeanour ; and on conviction, before any court of the
United States, having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not ex-
ceeding five tiiousand dollars, and by imprisonment during a term not less
than six months, nor exceeding five years ; and further, at the discretion of
the court may be holden to find sureties for his or their good behaviour in
such sum, and for such time, as the said court may direct.

" Sec 2. And be it further enacted. That If any person shall write, print,
utter or publish, or shall cause or procure to be written, printed, uttered, or
published, or shall knowingly and willingly assist or aid in writing, printing,
uttering or publishing any y<//^e, scandalous and malicious writing or writings
against the government of the United States, or either house of the Congress of the
United States, or the President of the United States, with intent to defame the
said government, or either house of the Congress, or the said President, or
to bring them, or either of them, into contempt or disrepute ; or to excite
against them, or either or any of them, the hatred of the good people of the
United States, or to stir up sedition within the United States ; or to excite
any unlawful combinations therein, for opposing or resisting any law of the
United States, or any act of the president of the United States, done in pur-
suance of any such law, or of the powers in him vested by the constitution of
the United States ; or to resist, oppose, or defeat any such law or act ; or to
aid, encourage, or abet any hostile designs of any foreign natio7i against the United

• It is but justice to avow that the writer of this book was as ardent in his
opposition to, and as much alarmed at the probable consequences of, the alien
and sedition laws, as any man in the community. As it requires an extraor-
dinary degree of corporeal sanity to resist the effects of a violent epidemical
disorder, so it requires great strength of mind to keep out of the vortex of
factious contagion, when prevalent with those whose opinions are generally
congenial with our own. Of this strength of mind the \jrriter was destitute
in common with a large portion of his fellow citizens.

PHAP. 2.] SEDITION LAW. Si

States, their people or government ; then such person, being thereof convicted
before any court of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, shall be
punished by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by imprisonment
not exceeding two years.

"Sec 3, And be it further enacted and declared. That if any person shall be
prosecuted under this act, for writing or publishing any libel as aforesaid, it
shall be lavifuljor the defendant, upon the trial of the cause, to give in evidence, in
his defence, the truth of the matter contained in the publication charged as a libel'
And the jury who shall try the cause, shall have a right to determine the law
and the fact, under the direction of the court, as in other cases."

The fate of this law holds out an all-important lesson on fac-
tion and party spirit. Laudable and necessary as it was, and
guarded, as far as a law can be guarded, against abuse, the op-
position to it was as violent, and it excited as much horror and
indignation, as if it had wholly destroyed the liberty of the press,
and " left not a trace behind,''^ And in this senseless and dis-
graceful clamour, were engaged vast numbers of the best and
most intelligent members of the community. The Alien and
Sedition Laws were made the subject of an elegant, but violent
and inflammatory report, agreed to by the legislature of Virgi-
nia, as respectable and enlightened a deliberative body as any in
the United States, or perhaps in the world. But they were bit-
ten by the mad dog of fiiction in common with so large a portion
of their fellow-citizens, and were seized with the prevalent dis-
order. They regarded the two obnoxious laws as inroads upon
public liberty, which required to be repelled with the utmost
firmness.

It would be uncandid not to state, that the trials under this act,
for libels against the president, and, as far as my recollection
serves me, against some of the other public functionaries, were
managed with very considerable rigour; and, from the abuse of
the law, tended to give an appearance of propriety and justice to
the clamour against it. The cases of Thomas Cooper and IVIat-
thew Lyon, Esqrs. who were both treated with remarkable se-
verity, excited a high degree of sympathy in the public mind. I
am convinced, that under all the circumstances, a jury could not
be found in London to pronounce a verdict of " guilty" against
either of them. Of the two cases, it may be justly said, summum
jus summa injuria. But the censure did not attach to the law.
It lay at the door of the juries.

I have little to offer respecting the alien law. It was undoubt-
edly liable to strong objections. It invested the president with
{)owcrs liable to great abuse. But it certainly never warranted
the awful outcry that was raised against it. To enable the rea-
der, however, to form his own opinion — and, if mine be errone-
ous, to reject it altogether, I annex the most obnoxious clause of
the act.

" S EC. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America, tn Congress assembled, That it shall be lawful for the Pre-
sjdent of the United States, at any time during the continuance of this act, to
order all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of

1^ POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 2.

the United States, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned
in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, to
depart out of the territory of the United States, within sucii time as sliall be
expressed in such order ; which order shall be served on such alien, by de-
livering him a copy thereof, or leaving tlie same at his usual abode, and re-
turned to the office of the secretary of state, by the marshal or other person to
wliom the same shall be du'ected. And mease any alien, so ordered to depart,
shall be found at large within the United States after the time limited in such
order for liis departure, and not having obtained a license from the president
to reside therein ; or, having obtained such license, shall not have conformed
thereto ; every such alien shall, on conviction thereof, be imprisoned for a
term not exceeding three years, and shall never afier be admitted to become
a citizen of the United States. Provided akuays, und be it further enacted, That
if any alien, so ordered to depart, shall prove to the satisfaction of the presi-
dent, by evidence to be taken before such person or persons as the president
shall direct, who are for that purpose hereby authorised to administer oaths,
that no injury or danger to the United States will arise from suffering- such
alien to reside therein, the president may grant a license to such alien to re-
main within the United Slates, for such time as he shall judge proper,andat
such place as he may designate. And the president may also require of
such alien to enter into a bond to the United States, in such penal sum as he
may direct, with one or more sufficient sureties to the satisfaction of the per-
son authorised by the president to take the same, conditioned for the good
behaviour of such alien during his residence in the United States, and not
violating his license ; which license the president may revoke, whenever he
shall think proper." ^uiy 6, 1798. ; ■..

The eight per cent, loan remains. It was united with, and
increased the clamour against, the alien and sedition laws ; and
these unpopular measures, as I have already observed, precipi-
tated the federalists from power. Yet we have since found that
their successors, the democrats, have themselves given about
eight per cent, on some of their loans. This would afford a glo-
rious triumph to federalism over her inveterate rival, democra-
cy, were it not that the annals of the former can furnish many
instances of similar inconsistencv and departure from professions.
And it is a melancholy truth, that the histories of all the parties
and factions which, since government was first instituted, have
cursed and scourged mankind by their senseless, envenomed,
and implacable hostilities, are replete with instances of errors
equally disgraceful and dishonourable. A history of the inad-
ness, the folly and depravity of party and faction, is a grand de-
sideratum.

yay''s Treaty.

The violent opposition to this instrument, which pervaded the
union, and greatly disturbed the administration of general Wash-
ington, was a highly factious procedure on the part of the demo-
crats, who were led away by objections, plausible, but unsub-
stantial — hardly any of which have been realized. This affair
evinces the danger of yielding to the sudden impulses of national
feeling, which bear down every thing before them, and which
wholly overpower the reason and understanding of even the wise
and the good, who, on such occasions, are only on a level with
the uninformed and uncultivated part of the community. Nearly
all the predictions respecting this treaty have been the sooth-say-

CHAP. 3.] TREATY WITH ENGLAND. 53

ings of false prophets ; of men, some led astray by their preju-
dices — others by perturbed imaginations, and of some who sought
to make this instrument a ladder to mount to the gratification of
their ambition. Such of them as have been realized, have been
more than counterbalanced by the solid advantages resultingfrom
the adjustment oi the difterences between the two nations.

CHAPTER III.

Monroe and Pinkney's Treaty with England. Separation of the
States. Treasonable publications. Embargo. Non-intercourse.

-. Of the errors of Air. Jefferson's administration, I shall con-
fine myself to three, denoting two very opposite extremes of
character — the one highly bold and daring — the other displaying
an equal degree of feebleness.

Monroe and Pinkneifs Treaty xvith England.

Two ministers, appointed by Mr. Jeiferson, had negociated a
treaty with England, the best they could obtain. It had been
transmitted to him in due form. Without consulting the Senate,
the co-ordinate branch of the treaty-making power, he, on his
own responsibility, rejected it, and transmitted to these ministers
instructions to begin the negociation anew. This was a mighty
jind a fatal error.* It mav be doubted whether it were not a vio-
lation, at least of the spirit of the constitution. It was, at all
eventSi a case that probably did not enter into the conceptions of
the framers of that instrument. If it had, it is likely they would
have provided against its occurrence.

A culm reflection on this sul)ject can hardly fail to convince
the reader, that to this source may probably be traced nearly all
our late diihculties. Had this treaty been submitted to the se-
nate, they would, in all likelihood, have ratified the chief parts
of it ; and, as had been the case with Jay's treaty, have referred
the obnoxious clauses to a new discussion. Our disputes with
England would have been thus compromised— and our party di-
visions could never have been excited to such a height as to en-
danger the peace and security of the country.

The rejection of this treaty has been ascribed to Mr. Jeffer-
son's desire of a cause of war with England. This is radically
wrong. From the commencement of the French revolution, En-
gland afibrded this country constant grmmd for war, in the im-
pressment of our seamen, and the predator) proceedings against
our commerce. But a pregn.mt proof of the utter fallacy of this
accusation arises out of the attack of the Leopard on the Chesa-

* it lias been attempted to justify this procedure, by the circumstance, that
the neg-ociators had violated one explicit item of Mr. Jefferson's instructions;
to conclude no treaty witiiout a specific article guarding' against impress-
ments. This is no iustification. It is barely a palliation.
O. B. 9

^ POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 3^

peake. This circumstance decides the question forever. Had
Mr. Jefferson been desirous of war with England, nothing nnore
was necessary than to have convened congress immediately after
that event, during the extraordinary fermentation of the pubhc
mind which it created. All parties were then clamorous for, and
would have heartily united in support of, a war with Great Bri-
tain. And war would certainly have been declared by coiigress
almost unanimously. But with a desire of peace, deservmg of
the highest praise, and of the gratitude of his country, which he
has never received, he deferred convening congress about four
months, within which period the public ferment had subsided.
This important fact has been wholly overlooked in the f^ictious
discussions that have taken place respecting his administration ;
so true it is, that in times of turbulence, reason raises her voice
in vain. It is drowned in the obstreperous brawlmgs of noisy

factionists. .

The same regard for justice which leads to this vindication,
demands an unqualified censure of the very extraordinary and
unprecedented measure of rejecting the treaty on his own re-
sponsibility.

Besides the want of an explicit clause on the sabject ot im-
pressment, the friends of Mr. Jefferson assign another plea to
justify him for the rejection of this treaty. After it had been
agreed upon by the British commissioners, and those of the Uni-
ted States, a rider was arinexed to it by the former, intended to
give the treaty-sanction to the celebrated orders in council, which,
even then, it would appear, were in contemplation.

To enable the reader to decide correctly, I annex the rider.

Note of the British Commissioners, accompanying Monroe ana

Pinkneijs Treaty.

London, Dec 31, 1806.

«• The undersized, Henry Richard Vassal, lord Holland, and William lord
Auckland, plenipotentiaries of his Britannic majesty, have the honour to m-
form James Monroe, and Wdliam Pinkney, commissioners extraordinary and
plenipotentiaries of the United States of America, that they are now ready
to proceed to the signature of the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation,
on the articles of which they have mutually agreed. • , ^ i,

•' But at the same time they have it in command from his majesty to call
the attention of the commissioners of the United States, to some extraordi-
nary proceedings which have lately taken place on the continent of Europe,
and to communicate to them officially the sentiments of his majesty s govern-

"'^"Viie^proSedings alluded to are certain declarations and orders of the
French government, issued at Berlin, on the twenty-first of Novemher last.
"In those orders, the French g«veniment seeks to justify or palliate its own
uniust pretensions, by imputing to Great Britain, principles which she never
professed, and practices which never existed. His majesty is accused of a
systematic and general disregard of the law of nations, recognized by cm-
lised states, and more particularly of an unwarrantable extension of the right
of blockade. Whereas his majesty may conjidtntly appeal to the 'world on his urn.
form respect to neutral rights, and his general and scrupulous adherence to the lanv
of nation^, without condescending to contrast his conduct m these particulars

CHAP. 3.] BRITISH NOTE. 55

with that of his enemy ; and with regard to the only specified charge, it is
notorious that he has never declared any ports to be in a state </f bhclade, loith'Mt
allotting to that object a force suffcient to make the entrance into them vianifestiy
dangerous.

" By such allegations, unfounded as they are, the enemy attempts to jus-
tify his pretensions of confiscating- as lawful prize, all produce of English in-
dustry or manufacture, though it be the property of neutrals ; of excluding
from his harbours every neutral vessel, which has touched at any port of liis
majesty's dominions, though employed in an innocent commerce ; and (^f de-
claring Great Britain to be in a state of blockade, though his own naval ports
and arsenals are actually blockaded! and he is unable to station any naval
force, whatever, before any port of the united kingdom.

'* Such principles are in themselves extravagant and repugnant to the law
of nations ; and the pretensions founded on them, though professedly direct-
ed solely against Great Britam, tend to alter the practice of war among civi-
lised nations, and utterly to subvert the rights and independence of neutral powers.
The undersigned cannot, therefore, believe, that the enemy will ever serious-
ly attempt to enforce such a system. If he should, they are confident that
the good sense of the American government will perceive the fatal conse-
quences of such pretensions to neutral commerce; and thist its spirit and
regard to national honour will prevent its acquiescence in such palpable vio-
lations of its rights, and injurious encroachments on its interests.

" If, however, the enemy should carry these threats into execution ; and
if neutral nations, contrary to all ex|)cct aliens, should acquiesce in such usur-
pations ; his majesty might probably be compelled, however reluctantly, to
retaliate in his just defence, and to adopt, in regard to the commerce of neu-
tral nations with his enemies, the same measures, which those nations shall
have permitted to be enforced against their commerce with his subjects.
The commissioners of the United States will therefore feel, that at a mo-
ment when /;/* majesty ajid all neutral nations ate threatened luith such an exten-
sion of the belligerent pretensions of his enemies, he cannot enter into the stipu-
lations of the present treaty, without explanation from the United States of
their intentions, or a reservation on the part of hisjnajesty in the case above
mentioned, if it should ever occur.

" The undersigned, considermgthat the distance of the American govern-
ment, renders any immediate explanation on this subject impossible, and ani-
mated by a desire of forwarding the beneficial work in which they arc en-
gaged, are authorised by his majesty to conclude the treaty without delay.
They proceed to the signature under the full persuasion thut before the
treaty shall be returned from America, with the ratification of the United
States, the enemy will either have formally abandoned, or tacitly relinquish-
ed, his unjust pretensions ; or that the government of the United Slates, by
its conduct or assurances, will have given security to his majesty that it will
not subiTiit to such innovations in the established system of maritime law :
and the undersigned have presented this note from an anxious, wish that it
should be clearly understood on both sides, that without such an abandonment
on the part of the enemy, or such conduct on the part of the United States,
HIS MAJESTY WILL NOT CONSIDER HIMSELF BOUND, BY THE
PRESENT SIGNATURE OF HIS COMMISSIONERS, TO RATIFY
THIS TREATY, OR PRECLUDED FROM ADOPTING SUCH MEA-
SURES AS MAY SEEM NECESSARY FOR COUNTERACTING THE
DESIGNS OF HIS ENEMY.

" The undersigned cannot conclude, without expressing their satisfaction
on the prospect of accomplishing an object so important to tlie interests and
friendly connection of both nations, and their just sense of the conciliatory
disposition, manifested by the commissioners of the United States, during
the whole course of tUe negoclation."

fSi^nedJ VASSAL HOLLAND.

To James Monroe, &c. &c. 8(,c. AUCKLAND.

William Pinkney, 8cc. &c. &.c.

However exceptionable the terms of this note may be, I can-
not persuade myself that it justifies the rejection of the treaty

56 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. S.

without consulting the senate. Men of powerful minds defend
the procedure. I'heir arguments appear unsound. — To the rea-
der's judgment the subject is submitted.

Sfparation of the States.
The next error of Mr. Jefferson's administration involves a
very great neglect of duty* During nearly the vvliAle of that pe-
riod, the insurrectional and treasonable doctrine of a separation
of the states, was publicly advocated in some of the gazettes to
the eastward, and, wonderful and shameful to tell, preached trom
the pulpit.* 'I'hese publications and sermons, having a direct
tendency to the destruction of social order, and the introduction
of civil war, demanded the severe animadversion ol the law oflfi-
cers of the government. It was the incumbent duty of the Pre-
sident to have had ihe laws put in force, in order to repress the
offences, and to punish the offenders. And if there were no law
to reach the offence, he ought to have submitted the case to con-
gress, for the purpose of supplying the defect. A re-enactment
and enforcement of the sedition law were imperiously required.
And the good sense of the nation would have supported a mea-
sure which the public welfare rendered so necessary. It may be
fairly averred that there is no country in the world but the United
States, in which an open attempt to subvert the government, and
tear down the pillars of society, would have escaped condign
punishment. Every society ought to possess within itself, and
rigorously to exercise, whenever occasions call for it, the funda-
mental principle of self-preservation.

It is impossible to censure too highly the error here adverted
to. The jeopardy in which the nation was lately placed, when
our nearest and dearest interests were in the most imminent dan-
ger, may be fairly ascribed to this most fatal and pernicious mis-
conduct. In every science, there are some great, leading truths
which cannot be controverted. And in political economy there
is no maxim more indubitable than this, that treason never was,,
and probably never -will be propitiated by forbearance. Since the
world was formed, never did a conspiracy meet with the same
degree of impunity. Our " Palinurus slept at the helm.'' The
mutineers had full scope for their activity. They made their ar-
rangements at leisure, as undisturbedly as if they were engaged
in promoting the salvation of the state. To whatever cause this
neglect may be ascribed, whether to torpor, inactivity, or reliance
on the good sense of the nation, it casts an indelible stain on the
administration of Mr. Jefferson.

The last of the errors of that administration which I shall no-
tice, arises from its neglect of enforcing

The Embargo.,
Which was a most efficient weapon for procuring redress from
England. Its effects upon her colonies by privations ot the ne-

* See Chapter 55,

CHAP. 3] EMBARGO. ST

eessarics of life — and upon her trade and naval power, by with-
holding supplies ot raw materials and naval stores, were very
considerable. And had it been duly enforced, as the duty of
the chief magistrate required, it could hardl}- have faile/. to im-
pel the British to relinquish those pretensions, which so highly
and perniciou^y infringed our rights. But it was openly and
flagitiously violated : and of course its intended operation on En-
gland utterly counteracted It became almost a mere paper pop
gun. Its effects on this country v/ere highly pernicious. While
it curtailed the trade and profits of the fair trader, it enabled
smugglers, and those who set the laws of their country at defi-
ance—whose god was gain, to make rapid and unhallowed for-
tunes. In a word it sacrificed the interests of some of the best,
to those of the very worst members of the community. In pro-
portion as a citizen held the laws sacred— -in proportion as he ho-
nestly yielded them obedience — in the same proportion did he
sacrifice his interest. And by this political arithmetic, in pro-
portion as he disregarded the law — in proportion as he sacrificed
the public interest to his thirst of gain — in the same proportion
did he aggrandize himself. The export trade, which was frau-
dulently carried on to a considerable extent, was wholly in the
hands of persons of the latter description. Their vessels, laden
with abundant supplies for the British colonies, were very conve-
niently driven to sea by north west winds, ^^nd forced into the
West Indies-.

It has been said, in vindication of Mr. Jefferson, that he had
not sufficient power to enforce the execution of the law. This is
utterly incorrect. His powers were amply adequate for this pur-
pose. But even if this defence were valid, it does not exonerate
him from the high degree of censure attached to this dereliction
of duty. He ought, in that case, to have stated the defect to con-
gress, who had power of applying, and undoubtedly at his requi-
sition would have applied a remedy.

Besides the non-enforcement of the embargo act, there was a
radical error committed by the government in continuing it so
long. Its inadequacy, to effect the purpose its friends had con-
templated, was fully established. And, this object being unat-
tained, its effect was to punish ourselves for the lawless proceed-
ings of others. It ought to have been considered principally as
a preparation for war.

The measure substituted for the embargo, that is, the non-in-
tercourse with both belligerents, has been generally regarded by
the democrats, as a feeble one : and the tenth congress, which
made the change, has been on that ground stigmatized by them
almost universally, as imbecile and contemptible. This is a most
egregious error. It is inconceivable how it could have found
such general credence. The non-intercourse law was as bold,
as manly, and as energetic a measure as the annals of Christen-

58 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 4.

dom can produce for a century. An infant nation, with five or six
frigates, and a number of gun-boats, forbids the entrance into her
ports, under penalty of confiscation, to the vessels of the two
most powerful nations in the world ; the one absolute by land —
the other by sea, the latter owning a thousand vessels of war !
and this is, forsooth, a measure dictated by imbecility ! The hu-
man mind can hardly conceive a greater instance of folly.

CHAPTER IV.

Bank of the United States. 3Iiserable policy not tp renew the

Charter.

Among the great sins of the democratic party, during Mr.
Madison's administration, must be numbered the non-renewal of
the charter of the Bank of the United States. This circumstance
injuriously affected the credit and character of this country
abroad — produced a great degree of stagnation, distress, and dif-
ficulty at home — and was among the causes of the late embar-
rassments and difficulties of the pecuniary concerns of the coun-
try. — Had this bank been in existence, its capital might readily
at any time have been increased by congress, ten, twenty, or
thirty millions, so as to aid the government most effectually, and
support the national credit.

To the renewal of the charter there were various objections
offered, on the ground of inexpediency : but these had not much
influence — nor were they entertained by many of the members.
The grand difficulty arose from the idea so steadily maintained
by most of the democratic party, that the constitution imparts no
power to grant charters of incorporation. Many of the members
who on this ground voted in the negative, most unequivocally
admitted the expediency of the renewal of the charter.

This constitutional objection had been obviated, it would ap-
pear, unanswerably. All the departments of the government, le-
gislative, executive, and judiciary, had recognized theinstitutioi^
at various times during the twenty years of its existence.

The courts of different states^ and of the United States^ had
sustained various suits brought by the bank in its corporate ca-
pacity— ^hy which, so far as depends upon the judiciary, it had
had the seal of constitutionality stamped on it. This was a very
serious, important, and decisive circumstance.

In addition to this, a democratic legislature of the United
States had given it a most solemn sanction. In March, 1804,
an a"ct had passed, authorising the institution to establish branch-
es in the territories of the United States, which power was not
embraced by the original charter. This act -was passed without
a division, when nearly all the members were present, and when
the democrats had an overwhelming- majority in co7igress. No

CHAP. 5.] ARMISTICE. i9

eonstitutional objection could have been then suggested ; for had
any of the members believed the measure unconstitutional, they
would indubitably have called for the yeas and nays, in order to
record their dissent.

The act was signed by Nathaniel Macon, speaker of the house
of representatives ; Jesse Franklin, president of the senate; and
Thomas Jefferson, president of the United States.

These cases, with others which might be cited, produced this
dilemma. They either, as I have stated, afforded a complete
recognition of the constitutionality of the charter, or a gross, pal-
pable violation of the constitution, by the three several grand de-
partments of the government.

I presume it cannot be doubted, that if a charter of incorpo-
ration be unconstitutional, every extension of the powers of the
corporate body must be equally unconstitutional.

It therefore irresistibly follows, that every member of con-
gress who voted for the act of March, 1804, and afterAvards vo-
ted against a renewai of the charter, merely on the ground of
unconstitutionality, was guilty of a manifest, if not a criminal
iijconsistency.*

A circumstance connected with this transaction, rendered the
impropriety of the rejection of the application for a renewal of
the charter, still more striking and palpable. The government
till the year 1803 held 2200 shares of the stock, which it sold
to Sir Francis ^Paring at 45 per cent, advance, whereby it
made a clear profit of §399,600 beyond their par value. Those
who purchased of Mr. Baring, and held the stock till the disso-
lution of the bank, lost all this sum, exclusive of a considerable
difference between the dividends and legal interest on the pur-
chase money. They could never have entertained any doubt of
the continuance of the charter. They must have conceived it to
be as permanent as that of the bank of England. Had they sup-
posed otherwise, they would not have bought at so great an ad-
vance. And it would not be easy to satisfy the candid and im-
partial, that our government could with propriety or justice,
make such profit of their ignorance and their confidence in its
integrity and fairness,

CHAPTER V.

Armistice proposed by Admiral Warren,

The next of the errors of Mr. Madison's administration, that
I notice, is the rejection of the armistice offered by admiral
Warren, on the 12th of September, 1812, nearly three months
after the declaration of war.

• For further details on the subject, the reader is referred to " Seven let-
ters to Dr. Seybert on the renewal of the charter of the Bank of the United
States." By M, C.

99 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 5.

Never, probably, was war more jnst. Never had a country
more patiently borne the most humiliating accumulation ot out-
rage and injury than the United States had done. Her charac-
ter had in consequence depreciated in the estimation of mankind.
She was universally presumed to be so lost in the sordid pursuit
of gain, as to be callous to outrage, to insult, and to contumely.
She appeared to have forfeited all regard to national honour
and dignity. Her mendicant ambassadors had been, for years,
in vain suing for justice and forbearance at the portals of St.
James's palace. The pusillanimity of the government had be-
come to the federalists a theme of reproach against their antago-
nists — to the democrats, of shame and mortification. And it was
a bve-word among the opposers of the administration, that it
" could not be kicked into war." This reproachful expression
was used even in congress by Mr. Josiah Quincey, and was quite
common out of doors. It is impossible to forget the torrents of re-
proaches heaped upon the cabinet at Washington on this grouud.
The pusillanimity and cowardice of the administration furnished
an inexhaustible fund of rhetorical embellishments to flowery
speeches innumerable.

The declaration of war was therefore indubitably as just as
any similar document from the days of Nimrod. The expediency
of it was, however, not equally clear. The risk was immense.
It was putting to hazard the vital interests of eight millions of
people, on the very uncertain chances of war. ^Yet 1 do not pre-
tend to decide the question of expediency irf the negative ; for
let it be observed, that every argument against this war would
apply with nearly equal force against resistance to any degree of
insult, outrage, and injury from England ; as the chief arguments
against its expediency were predicated upon the immense naval
force of that nation, and her consequent means of inflicting in-
calculable injury upon the United States: and whatever cogency
there might be in these arguments, would equally exist, let the
injuries sustained be what they might.

But whatever might be the justice, necessity, or policy of the
war, it was a great error, when the orders in council were re-
pealed, and an armistice offered by the British government, not
to accept it. Negociations for the removal of the rest of our
grievances might have taken place j and would undoubtedly have
been conducted under more favourable auspices, than those that
preceded them ; for England having discovered that she had cal-
culated too far on our passiveness, v/ould have been far more
disposed to do us justice.

Unfortunately, the proposition was rejected.*

* Candour and justice to Mr. Madison require that I should state, that he
offered to agree to an armistice with sir John Borlase Warren, on condition
that the practice of impressment should be suspended during the neg'ociation

jca&y. 5.] IiMPRESSMENT. 61

When the preceding article was written, I had not sufficiently-
examined the celebrated repeal, as it is styled, of the orders in

From the letter of the Secretary of State to sir Jolin on this subject, I annex
an extract —

"The claim of the British g-overnment is to take from the merchant %'essels
of other countries, British subjects. In the practice, tiie commanders of Brit-
ish ships of war often take from the merchant vessels of the United States,
American citizens. If the United States prohibit the employ^nent of British sub-
jects in their service, and enforce the prohibition by suitable regulations and penal-
ties, the motive to the practice is taken away. It is in tiiis mode that the presi-
dent IS willing to accommodate this important controversy with the British,
g-overnment : and it cannot be conceived on what ground the arrangement
can be refused.

"A suspension of the practice of impressment, pending the armistice, seems
to be a necessary consequence. It cannot be presumed, while the parties are
engaged in a negociation to adjust amicably this important diflerence, that
the United States would admit tlie right, or acquiesce in the practice, of the
opposite party; or that Great Britain would be unwilling to restrain her crui-
sers from a practice which would have the strongest tendency to defeat the
negociation. It is presumable, that both parties would enter into the nego-
ciation with a sincere desire to give it effect. For this purpose, it is neces-
sary, that a clear and distinct understanding be first obtained between them,
of the accommodation which each is prepared to make. If t lie British govern*
tnent is viiUing to suspend the practice of iinpressmcnt from American vessels, on
consideration that the United States will exclude British seamen from their service,
the regulations by ivhich the compromise should be carried into effect, would be
solely the object of negociation' The armistice would be of short duration. If
the parties agreed, peace would be the result. If the negociation failed,
each would be restored to its former state, and to all its pretensions by re*
curring to war.

•' The president desires that the war wtiich exists between the two coun-
tries should be terminated on such conditions as may secure a solid and dura-
ble peace. To ac*omplish this grand object, it is necessary that the great
subject of impressment be satisfactorily arranged. He is willing that Great
Britain shoulu be secured against the e'cils of which she complains He seeks on the
other hand, that the citizens of the United States should be protected against
a practice, which, while it degrades the nation, dtpriixes them of their rights as
freemen, takes them by force frovi their families and country into a foreign service,
to fight the battles of a foreign power, perhaps against their own kindred and country.'"*

These proposals were perfectly fair and honourable ; and it is to be la-
mented that sir J. B. Warren's powers were not extensive enough to allow
him to accept them : but as they were not thus extensive, it is equally to be
lamented that the suspension of impressment was insis'.ed on.

As this is a most important feature in our public proceedings, it is proper
to state further, that so sincerely desirous was Mr. Madison to close the
breach, that on the twenty-sixth of June, 1812, bniy eight days after tiie de-
.ciarationof war, he authorised Mr. Russel to make tiie same proposition to
the government of Great Britain- The communication was made to lord
Castlereagh by Mr. Russel, in the following woids ;

London, August 24, 1812.

"As an inducement to Great Britain, to discontinue the practice of im-
pressment from American vessels, I am authorised to give assurance, that a
law shall be passed (to be reciprocal) to prohibit the employment of British
seamen, in the public or commercial service of tlie United States.

" It is sincerely believed, that such aii arrangement would prove more ef-
ficacious in secui-ing to Great Britain her seamen, than the practice of im-
pressment, so derogatory to the sovereign attributes of the United States,
ajid so incompatible with the personal rights of her citizens."

This proposition was rejected.

• Message of the President to Congress, November 4, 1812,

O. B. 10

62 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 5.

council, which is very different indeed, from what I had conceiv-
ed it. It is liable to strong objections, which I believe have
never been fully stated, and of which the public are noi probably
aware. To enable the reader to form a correct opinion on a
point of such great magnitude, independent of .any impression
to be made bv my statement, I annex the paragraph of the instru-
ment to which I allude, and which I am confident never was ge-
nerally understood or attended to*

•' His royal liig-hness is hereby pleased to declare, in the name and on the
behalf of his majesty, that notliing- in tiiis present order contained, shall he
understood to preclude his roval highness the prince regent, IF CIRCUM-
STANCES SHALL SO REQUIRE," [mark these words, reader— "j/'aV-

cuTnstances shall so require,'*'] '^Jiom restoring, after reasonable notice, the orders
of the seventh of January, 1807", and the twenty-sixth of April, 1809, or any part
thereof, to their full effect : OR, from taking such other ineasures of retaliation
against the enemy, as may appear to his royal highness to be just and necessary ."

This is a most extraordinary, unprecedented, and indefensible
clause. The prince regent has received an authenticated docu-
ment, containing the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees, on
which he deems himself bound to repeal the orders in council.
But in the instrument which he issues on the subject, he express-
ly reserves the right of restoring those orders, " if circumstances
shall so require.''^ On these " circumstances''' he, of course, is to
decide. These " circumstances'^ are wholly independent of" re-
taliation ,•" provision being made in the subsequent part of the
paragraph expressly for "■' retaliation'' in a distinct clause. It
therefore appears that the orders in council were, in strict tech-
nical language, never repealed. They were merely suspended
till "circumstances should require" their revival.

No candid reader can, I presume, deny that the above is fair
reasoning. This, therefore, cannot be regarded as a " repeal^"*
in the sense in which this nation had a right to expect the orders
in council to be " repealed^"* according to the British pledge, to
proceed pari passu with the repeal of the French decrees. The
orders in council might have been " restored^' in one month af-
ter the date of this instrument, according to its tenor, " if cir-
cumstances should have so required^'' without our government
having anv just reason to complain of breach of faith on the part
of that of Great Britain. There never was a public document
more cautiously worded. And had it arrived here previous to
the declaration of war, this country would have been perfectly
warranted in refusing to regard it as " a repeal^ To meet and
to fulfil the idea held out in the previous pledges of the British
government, the repeal ought to have been unconditional, except
the reservation of a right to renew the orders in council in the
one specific case of the revival of the French decrees.

It is a remarkable fact respecting this repeal, that in the de-
bates upon it in the British parliament, the mighty wrongs in-

CHAP. 6.] MR. GALLATIN. 63

flicted by the orders In council upon this country formed hardly
any part of the reasons whereon the adoption of the measure was
urged. Even Mr. Brougham, the powerful opponent of the or-
ders, and the mover of the address for their "re/^m/," founded
his arguments, in his published speech, wholly on the injurious
effects experienced in England by t!ie loss of our trade. It is
true, he once glances at the injustice of the orders, but it is very
slightly and altogether incidentally. He does not boldly and
magnanimously expose them to reprobation on the ground of
their violation of our rights, as Mr. Barmg had done in his ce-
lebrated pamphlet.

But as the president admitted the instrume7it to be a repeal^ It
was, I repeat, to be deeply regretted, that he did not accept the
armistice, and trust to subsequent negociation for redress on the
subject of impressment, flis admission of it iff that point of
light, precluded him from employing the solid objection to which
it was liable.

CHAPTER VI.

Appointment of 3Ir. Gallatin as minister to treat with Great Bri-
tain. Negociation at Gottenburg. Recent neglect of due pre-
parations.

The appointment of Mr. Gallatin as minister to treat with the
court of St. James's was a very considerable error. This gen-
tleman has had the reputation, probably .with justice, of being
one of the ablest financiers in this country. For twelve years,
he had presided over the financial concerns of the nation, during
which period, moderate talents' were adequate to the duties of
that station. But a crisis had arrived when the abilities of a
Colbert, or a Sullv, or a Ximenes, might be necessary ; and most
injudiciously and indefensibly he was then despatched to another
hemisphere ; and his duties devolved ad interim on another offi-
cer, whose proper official duties require all his time and all his
talents.

This measure was highly preposterous. It was incorrect in
the president to confer, it was equally incorrect in the secretary
to receive, the appointment. It was the less defensible, from the
circumstance, that nearly all the democrats in the United States
had, in 1T94, utterly disapproved of, and declaimed against, the
appointment, by general Washington, of judge Jay, to negociate
a treatv with Great Britain, pending his continuance as a judge.
It is moreover obvious, that the absence of one judge cannot pro-
duce any material inconvenience ; as there are always others to
supply his place. But there are high and responsible duties at-
tached to the office of secretary of the treasury, which can never,
without very great impropriety, be devolved on a deputy. I
pass over all but the transcendent one of remitting fines and for-

6i POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 6^

feitures, too high a power probably to he trusted to any Indivi-
dual whatever, not excepting even the secretary himselt.*

Negociation at Gottenburg,

At a period when it was of immense importance to the United
States to close the war as speedily as possible, the president had
the alternative of London or Gottenburg as the scene ot nego-
ciation. We had been unfortunate by land, through treason,
incapacity, or some other c:iuse. It was our interest to accele-
rate — it was that of the British to procrastinate the negociations.
The chances from clelay were much in their favour. War is,
moreover, a component part of their system. Ours is calculated
for peace. These observations acquired treble force from a re-
flection on the disafTection of the eastern portion of the union, and
its aversion to_ the war. Of course, we ought to have shunned
whatever might produce delay. It was therefore most extraor-
dinary and unaccountable, that the president should have chosen
Gottenburg in preference to London, under all the obvious de-
lays resulting from the necessity that would probably arise, or
be pretended, to consult the court of St. James's, by the minis-
ters of that court. It appears almost as absurd as it would be
to choose the Havanna, or Port Royal, were the negociations to
be conducted on this side of the Atlantic. This was the more
erroneous, from the consideration that the fate of large portions
of our territory, and the lives of hundreds of valuable citizens,
might depend upon the delay of a single day.

Shortly after the annunciation of the choice of Gottenburg,
there was a paragraph published here, extracted from a London
newspaper, stating that twenty mails were then actually due
from that place at London, owing to the continued prevalence
of adverse winds. This was an unanswerable proof, if any were
necessary, of the impropriety of the choice of Gottenburg.

Neglect of due preparations for the defence of the country after
the downfall of Bonaparte.

Under this head, the president and the heads of departments
were still more culpable than under any of the former ones.

From the period of the downfall of Bonaparte, and the com-
plete triumph of Great Britain and her allies, it was obvious to
the meanest capacity, that her powers of annoyance had increas-
ed prodigiously. The immense forces raised to aid the coali-
tion against France were liberated from all employment but
against us. And of the disposition of England to continue the
war, we had the most convincing indications. The British
newspapers were replete with denunciations of vengeance against

* See the luminous essays on this subject by W. B. Giles, esq, which are
I'feplete with, the most convincing- and UHanswerable arguments.

CHAP.«.5 SUPINENESS. 6j^

US, and with statements of immense preparations for our chas-
tisement. And to crown the whole — to remove all possible
doubt on the subject— to deprive us and our rulers of all plea in
justification of our torpor, apathy, and neglect, the lords of the
admiralty published an address to the navy, stating, as a reason
for not discharging so many seamen as the return of peace in
Europe might have warranted, that the war existing with this
country for the maritime rights of the British Empire, rendered
such a measure improper. I annex a short extract from the ad-
dress :

London, April, 30, 1814.
•' The lords commissioners of the admiralty regret that the unjust and i/n-
provoked aggression of the AMERICAN GOVERNMENT, in declaring war
.upon this country, after all the causes of its original complaint had been revio'oedp
does not permit them to reduce the fleet at once to a peace establistiment-
But as the question now at issue in this war, is the inaintenance of those mari-
time rights, vihi$h are the sure foundation of our national glory, their lordships
look with confidence to that part of the fleet which it may be still necessary
to keep in commission, for a continuance of that spirit of discipline and gal-
lantry, which has raised the British navy to its present pre-eminence."

"J. W. CROKER."

Notwithstanding these symptoms of an impending hurricane,
an extraordinary delusion almost universally prevailed through-
out the nation, of which it is hardly possible to produce a parallel.
Numbers of our most enlightened citizens, knowing that the res-
toration of peace in Europe had removed all the ostensible causes
of war, and placing full reliance upon the magnanimity of Great
Britain, predicated all their arrangements on a speedy and hon-
ourable peace. Purchases and sales of property to an incalcula-
ble amount, were made under this soothing expectation. And
we were lulled into a state of the most perfect security, as if all
our dangers had utterly subsided— the temple of Janus were
about to be closed — and every man were to convert his sword
into a plough-share.

To such a degree was this infatuation carried, that authentic
information of the sailing of hostile armaments produced no ef-
fect to diminish it. We were gravely told, that it was quite in
character for nations to assume an energetic and formidable atti-
tude pending negociations ; that the expense to England of send-
ing these armaments was inconsiderable ; that they would be re-
called as soon as a treaty was signed ; and, in fine, that she was
too magnanimous to take advantage of the existing state of things
— with an endless variety of arguments and assertions^ equally
profound^ convincing^ and cogent.

There were infinite pains taken by the friends of England in
this country, to foster and extend this delusion. Their efforts
were crowned with the most complete success. The nation fell
into the snare with a degree of cullibility that afforded a practical
commentary on our pretensions to illumination, superior to the
rest of the world.

•66 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 6.

These deceits were varied with an address and industrj, wor-
thy of a better cause. They assumed every shape, from an hum-
ble six-penny paragraph, extracted from a London papt-r, to an
important public document. Extracts of letters innumerable,
from " eminent merchants'' in London, Liverpool, and Glas-
gow, to merchants oi equal eminence in Boston, New York, Phil-
adelphia, and Baltimore, were published with most confident as-
surances of the immediate appointment of commissioners, to ne-
gociate with ours, on terms comporting with the magnanimity of
England, and perfectly honourable to the United States. Letters
were said likewise to have been received from Mr. Gallatin,,
full of assurances of peace, which Great Britain would grant on
terms more favourable than when she was pressed by the power
of Bonaparte. All these tales, how wild or extravagant soever,
were greedily caught at and believed by our citizens, as they
flattered and coincided with their ardent desire of peace. So
justly sings the poet,

" What we wish to be true, we are fond to believe."

Several times we were deluded with information that Admiral
Cochrane had received despatches announcing an approaching
armistice, and his consequent recal from the American station.
In a word, no pains were spared to lull us into a most profound
sleep ; and the opiates operated most powerfully.

During all this deceitful calm, through which every man of
discernment might readily and unerringly foresee the approaches
of a fearful storm — as every indication from England, deserving
of credit, portended a long, a desperate, and a vindictive warfare;
the government of the United States took no measures to dis-
pel the delusion. In vain the public looked to Washington for
information on the prospect of affairs. All was there profoundly
silent. Government must have had all the information on the
subject that was in this country: and it was their incumbent duty
to have disseminated abroad the result of their intelligence, that
the public might regulate their proceedings, and predicate their
measures on rational and prudential calculations. But this im-
perious duty was, I venture to assert, utterl}' neglected. There
was not a line of official communication on the subject. And
nothing appeared in the National Intelligencer which strongly
marked either a probability of peace, or a continuance of the
war. As far, however, as conclusions could be drawn from this
semi-official paper, they warranted much more the hope of a re-
storation of peace, than fear of the contrary.

This conduct, on the part of the administration, was to the last
degree culpable. It was a dereliction of duty that exposed our
citizens to ruinous consequences. The Philadelphians were
among the most deluded portion of the people of the United
States. There were no preparations made for defence except
the embodying a number of volunteer corps, very inefficient in-

cwAp. 7.^ PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. &

deed to protect us. And I shudder to think what might have
been the consequences, had the enemy assailed us while we were
thus napping in a state of stupid and most irrational security.

The crash of the conflagration at Washington, awaked us out
of our slumbers, and dispelled the delusion. — We were then
aroused to a full sense of our dangerous situation, and of the folly
and supineness that had caused it. We went manfully to work
— and in a few weeks made such preparations as renewed public
confidence, and promised fair to enable us to repel the enemy,
should he make his appearance.

CHAPTER Vir.

General Wilkhisoii and General Hampton. Proceedings of Con-
gress. Lamentable torpor^ delay y and indecision. Neglect of
public opinion.

In military affairs, when combined operations are undertaken,
it is indispensably necessary, in order to insure success, that a
good understanding should prevail between the commanders who
are to co-operate. A want of due attention to this obvious dic-
tate of prudence and common sense, has caused the failure,
among various nations, of expeditions of the utmost importance.
It is one of those plain rules, which can hardly escape the dis-
cernment of a man of even mediocre capacity.

Nevertheless, the northern campaign of 1813, was intrusted
to Gen. Wilkinson, and Gen. Hampton, between whom existed
a high degree of hostility, which was sufficiently well known, to
have pointed out the absurdity of the procedure. The issue of
the campaign was disastrous. And it is not improbable that a
large portion, perhaps the whole of the disaster, arose from the
neglect of a rule so very rational, that it is astonishing how it
could have been overlooked.

Proceedings of Congress,

Among the grievous sins of the ruling party, I know of none
much more culpable than the shocking and miserable mode in
which the proceedings of Congress were managed during the ses-
sion of 1814-15. Whatever was the urgency of the public bu-
siness, how ruinous soever might be delay, it was utterly impos-
sible to inspire that body with a due degree of energy or promp-
titude. Week after week, and month after month, passed over—
and the public anxiously, but in vain, expected remedies to be
applied to the disorders of the state. To a most culpable spirit
of procrastination, and the miserable itch of speaking, this
wretched waste of time and neglect of the public embarrassments
mav be fairly ascribed.

Two or three powerful orators on each side take a comprehen-
sive view of a subject. They exhaust it completely. They arc

68 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 7,

followed by a crowd of speakers^ who are unable to throw any
new or important light on it — and whose speeches stand in the
same relation to those of the early orators, that a hash warmed
over a second or third time does to the original noble sirloin, of
whose fragments it is formed. And thus is the money of the
nation expended, and its hopes frustrated, merely that Mr. A,
and Mr. B, and Mr. C, and Mr. D, may have opportunities of
making long speeches to prove to their constituents how wisely
they have selected representatives !

I have not before me the debates of the British parliament —
and therefore cannot with full confidence state what is actually
their mode of proceeding. But it is strongly impressed on my
mind, that they generally decide on questions at one sitting.—
This at least I can aver with the utmost certainty, that many of
the most momentous questions, involving the interests of
80,000,000 of people,* have been thus decided, after a debate
from three o'clock in the afternoon, till three or four in the morn-
ing. And in the debates on these subjects, some of the greatest
men in Europe have displayed their talents on both sides — Ers-
kine, and Fox, and Grey — Pitt, and Burke, and Wyndham.—
Whereas one of our speechifiers will sometimes occupy eight,
ten, or twelve hours, sometimes two days, with a single speech.

A large portion of the people of this country have taken oppo-
site sides respecting England, her manners, and her customs.—-
One party admires and copies — the other censures and despises
almost every thing British — I'hey are both in equal error. En-
gland presents much to admire and imitate — much to censure
and avoid. It is highly desirable we should imitate her in the
management of her parliamentary proceedings.

As respects the business of Congress, a decisive remedy ought
to be applied. The debates ought to be limited within reasona-
ble bounds. When they have been sufficiendy extended, they
ought to be terminated by the previous question, notwithstanding
the clamour and outcry of the minority. And whenever the
emergency of the case requires promptitude, the sitting ought to
be continued till the subject is decided, unless its comphcation
and difficulty may render an adjournment necessary.

What a lamentable prospect the country exhibited at the mo-
ment these lines were written ! It was the sixth of December.
Congress had been in session nearly three months. — They found
the credit of the government laid prostrate — the seaboard expo-
sed to depredation — the pay of the army in arrears — and every
thing in a situation that was calculated to excite energy and de-
cision among a nation of Sybarites. And what was the result?
There had probably been one or two hundred flowery speeches

• Including' its East India possessions, the above is the number of the sm1>
jects of the British empire.

CHAP. 7.] PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. 69"

made — amendments and postponements innumerable — and only
two important acts passed — one for borrowing three millions of
dollars — and the other for buying or building twenty schooners.

To those who were actuated by a sincere regard for the wel-
fare and safety of their country, these proceedings were a source
of the most poignant uneasiness. They were utterly unaccount-
able, and irreconcilable with the plainest dic.tates of reason and
common sense. Laying aside all considerations of public spirit
or patriotism, a due regard to personal interest and personal
safety, ought to have prescribed a totally different line of con-
duct.

The majority, imbecile and feeble, endeavoured to shelter
themselves by censuring the factious and turbulent minority who
made these long speeches for the purpose of embarrassing them,
and protracting their debates and proceedings. This plea cannot
bear examination. Were it valid, a minority of six or eight
persons, possessed of the faculty of making " lo7ig talks.^^'* might
at all times totally baffle a majority, and paralize the operations of
government. Suppose each member of the minority to make a
speech of a day or two on every subject that arose for discus-
sion — allow a reasonable time for replication to the majority

and the whole year would be inadequate for that portion of bu-
siness which the British parliament would with ease despatch in
a month.

Besides the procrastination arising from the displays of ora-
tory which I have stated, there is another source of delay,
equally injurious. Private and trifling business obtrudes itself
on the attention of congress, and occupies a large portion of the
time which is loudly called for by the important affairs of the
nation. The former ought never to be allowed to interfere inju-
riously with the important concerns of the nation.

Here I must notice one particular case, of the most extraordi-
nary kind that ever occupied the attention of a public body.—
Never was there a greater mockery of a deliberative assembly,
A stud horse, called Romulus, belonging to a Mr. David Dar-

din, was impressed by a continental officer, in the year 1781.

Having been valued at 750 pounds specie, General Greene, dis-
gusted by the extravagance of the price, returned him. He was

afterwards impressed by another officer, and never returned.

The widow of the owner, Mrs. Amy Dardin, has been a very
assiduous applicant to congress for remuneration from that pe-
riod ; and the subject has, at various sessions, occupied a large
portion of the time of that body. The wages of congress during
the time of the debates, would, I am persuaded, purchase horses
lor the best appointed regiment of dragoons in Christendom.—
A worthy member from Virginia used to ride Romulus into
congress in great state, every year during his life. He is now
no more. Who has been appointed " master of the horse" in
O. B. 11

70 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH- [chaf. 7.

his place, I cannot state. But that he has a successor, is be-
yond a doubt ; tor Dardin's horse was curvetting and prancing
as usual, even during the late very important session.

A gentleman to whom I mentioned this circumstance, informs
me, that in the year 1802 and 1803, there were two pamphlets
published on this sul)ject, at the expense of the nation, for the
use of the mcmbem^ the cost of which would perhaps have paid
for the horse.

To render this procedure more culpable, as well as more far-
cical, the senate of the United States was on the 7th or 8th or
9th of February, 1815, when every moment of its time was in-
expressibly invaluable, gravely debating a bill for the remunera-
tion of Mrs. Dardin ! And it was then within a month of the
close of its session — and had made no provision for the defence
of our cities, liable to hourly destruction, nor for the restoration
of public credit ! The mind is lost in the most profound asto-
nishment and indignation at the contemplation of such a futile,
such a puerile mode of managing public business. The annals
©f legislation can hardly produce any parallel.

One of the two things. The claim is just or unjust. If the
former, it is disgraceful and dishonourable not to have discharg-
ed it. If otherwise, it is truly insufferable to have the public
taxed by such importunity.

Neglect of public Opinion*

Of all the errors of the two administrations of Mr. Jefferson
and Mr. Madison, the least criminal, but probably the most per-
nicious in its results, is, the indifference they have displayed to-
wards the unfounded allegations whereby they were borne down,
and their reputation and usefulness destroyed. This may have
arisen from an absurd reliance on the good sense of the public — -
or on the rectitude of their own intentions — perhaps from their
indolence or inattention. It was probably founded, if it arose
from either of the two first motives, upon a trite, but fallacious
maxim, which antiquity hath bequeathed us— "Truth is great,
and will prevail." Millions of times has this captivating maxim
been pronounced ; and it is almost universally admitted as in-
controvertible. Yet the history of the world in almost every
page bears testimony to its fallacy. Truth, unaided by indus-
try, and activity, and energy, combats at very unequal odds
against falsehood, supported by these auxiliaries. That truth,
" other things being equal," is an overmatch for falsehood, I
freely grant. But the friends of the former, if they rely wholly
on its intrinsic merits, and do not exercise a due degree of vigi-
lance, will be miserably deceived in their calculations.

A supposed case in point. A matron is charged with having
been seen entering a brothel in the face of day, with a notorious
seducer. The story spreads. It is universally believed. Her

CHAP. 7] PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. U

character is destroyed. She is shunned as contaminatory. Six
months afterwards, she produces a host of unexceptionable wit-
nesses to prove an alibi. They establish, incontrovenibly, that
at the time stated, and for months before and after, she was in
China, or Japan. It is in vain. Her character is gone. The
waters of the Atlantic would not purif\' her. She pa\ s for her
neglect and folly, the mighty forfeit of a destroyed reputation.

Thus has it been with the administrations of Mr. Jefferson
and Mr. Madison. They have been charged with criminal con-
duct, frequently of the most flagrant kind. The charges have
been passed over in silence for a considerable time. Not being
denied, they were presumed to be admitted. And in fact, how
can the public determine, whether silence under accusation arises
from conscious guilt, a reliance upon conscious rectitude, or aa
absurd and criminal neglect of public opinion ?

I say," a criminal neg-iect o/' public opinion.'''' This declara-
don is not lightly hazarded. The character of a public officer is
in some sort public property. A private person may perhaps
allow his to be destroyed, without inflicting misfortune on any
person but himself. But the destruction ot that of a public offi-
cer is really a public injury — as it materially impairs, if it does
not destroy, his usefulness.

There is in the history of General Washington, a circumstance
which appears a departure from the sound, masculine good sense
that almost universally presided over his conduct. During the
revolutionary war, some of the British emissaries published a
collection of letters ascribed to him, which were partly genuine,
but interpolated with forgeries, and partly letters altoge;her for-
ged. They were calculated to inspire strong doubts of his devo-
tion to, and confidence in, the revolution. They were edited by
a masterly pen.

The attack was unavailing. The attachment to, and confi-
dence in, the general, were unimpaired. The pamphlet sunk
into oblivion.

In the year 1795, during the discussion excited by Jay's trea-
ty, it was reprinted as a genuine collection, and had an extensive
circulation, in order to depreciate the character of the general.
He did not at the time notice it. He allowed it to tske its
course, apparendy indifferent as to the consequences. But at
the close of his public functions, he recorded in the office of the
secretary of state a formal denunciation of the forgery. This
procedure was higldy injudicious. If the pamphlet were enti-
tled to any animadversion, the proper period was that of its re-
publication, and when of course it would produce all the injury
that could result from it to his public character.

The instances of neglects of this kind on the part of Mr. Jef-
ferson and Mr. Madison, are numberless. I shall only instance
two. A charge was alleged against the former, of having sent

72 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [cha?. 7.

two millions of dollars to France^^for some secret and sinister
purpose, which I cannot now recollect. It had been in universal
circulation throughout the union, without any formal or satisfac-
tory contradiction, for many months. At length, after it had
done all the mischief it was calculated to produce, an authentic
documental disproof crept out, exactly like the lady's alibi^ and
with the same effect.

One other instance, and I have done with this part of my sub-
ject. The offer of the Russian mediation was made by M.
Daschkoff in March, 1813. Mr. Pickering shordy afterwards
published in Boston, a series of letters on the subject, which
were republished in almost every town and city of the United
States. He openly and unqualifiedly asserted that the whole
transaction was a fraud and imposture — solely calculated to de-
lude the citizens into subscriptions for the pending loan. — He
denied the offer of a mediation altogether, and boldly referred to
M. Daschkoff and Dr. Logan, to prove his statements correct.
If ever an accusation demanded attention and disproval, this was
of that description. It was advanced under his own signature,
by a man who had held high official stations, and who possessed
very considerable standing with the opposers of the government.
But the same fatal and unpardonable neglect prevailed as in so
many other instances. The allegation was allowed to produce
its full effect without any other attempt at counteraction, than
a few anonymous paragraphs of denial.

To render this error more palpable, a motion was made in the
senate of the United States, on the 2d of June, 1813, for a d.s-
closure of the correspondence. Of this motion to bring the real
state of the affair before the public, the government ought to
have gladly availed iiself. But it was rejected.

At length, when the affair had in some measure sunk into ob-
livion, on the 18th of January, 1814, a motion was carried in the
house of Representatives of the United States, for the publica-
tion of the correspondence on the subject. It then appeared
that the accusation was calumnious and unfounded— and that the
transaction reflected a high degree of credit as well on the potent
monarch, who took so warm an interest in our affairs, as on our
government, for its prompt acceptance of the offer of mediation.
But the disclosure was too late to counteract any ot the perni-
cious effects that had resulted from the calumny. Many per-
sons to this day believe the whole transaction to have been a de-*
ception.

CHAT. 8.] CAPTURE OF "WASHINGTON. 7^

CHAPTER VIII.

Capture of Washington. Causes. Mismanagement, Fort-^
Washington. Trial of Captain Dyson. Extraordinary Sen-
tence. Loans. Injury of Public Credit. Retrospection.

Capture of Washington.

On the 24th of August, 1814, the capital of the United States
was taken by the enemy. His force was by no means of such
magnitude as would have prevented the disaster from being ac-
companied by disgrace. Had it been overwhelming, the loss
might have excited regret, but we should have been spated mor-
tification and dishonour. But as it stands a subject for historical
record, the loss, although very great, is undeserving of consider-
ation. Placed beside the disgrace, it sinks into insignificance
like a molehill beside a mountain.

The force of the enemy is variously stated. The highest es-
timate is 6,000. Dr. Catlett, who had a favourable opportuni-
ty of ascertaming with precision, states it at 3,540. Every per-
son with whom I have conversed, that saw them, has been of
opinion that they were so jaded with their march, and so dispi*
rited, that, had suitable preparations been made, they might
have been easily defeated, and probably captured.

They landed at Benedict, on the 18th of August, and proceed-
ed in a tolerably regular course towards Washington, which was
the only object worthy of their attention. They were six days
on their march. And there was hardly any preparation for their
reception, till three or four days before their arrival at that city.
The secretary at war ridiculed the idea of their attacking Wash-
ington, till within three days of the battle of Bladensburg.

One obvious plan of defence, which would have struck the
mind of a mere tyro in military affairs, was to have garrisoned
the capitol and the president's house, with as powerful a force as
could have conveniently operated there. The strength of these
two buildings would have enabled the garrisons to withstand any
assault, and defend themselves, until troops could have been col-
lected to encounter the enemv.

It is not for me to decide on whom the censure ought to fall —
on the president — the secretary at war — on the district general,
Winder — or on the whole together. But let that point be de-
termined as it may, it cannot be denied, that nothing but the
most culpable neglect could have led to the results that took
place— —results which could not fail to prove injurious to the
national character in Europe, and which, had not the news
of the exploits of the brave and illustrious Macdonough and Ma-
comb, arrived there cotemporaneouslv ^vith the account of this
disgraceful disaster, would have materially and perniciously af-
fected the negociation at Gheisti

74 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 8.

When the preceding strictures were written, I had not seen
the Keport ol the Committee appointed to investigate the sub-
ject, which I have recently examined with attention. It is clear-
ly established by the documents annexed to this report, that the
disasters arose from a series of the most extraordinary and un-
accountable mismanagement. I shall enumerate a few of the in-
stances in brief.

Let me previously observe, that a cabinet council was held at
Washington, on the 1st of July, wherein it was resolved to esta-
blish a new military district, to comprise the cities of Washing-
ton, Baltimore, and the adjacent country. The command of it
was given to general Winder, who had explicit directions to
make preparations to repel the enemy, should he make any at-
tempt on the seat of government, which the council judged high-
ly probable.

Among the errors committed, the following are the most pro-
minent:

1. There was no attempt to fortify those parts of the country
calculated for defence, although General Van Ness, on behalf of
the citizens of the District of Columbia, had made repeated and
earnest applications to the secretary at war on the subject, and
although the latter had as repeatedly promised to pay attention
to their requests.

2. There was not the slightest effort to arrest the progress of
the enemy, from the time of his debarkation till the day of the
battle of Bladensburg, although the country through which he
passed was admirably calculated for the purpose.

3. There was no camp formed equidistantly between Balti-
more and Washington, so as to be able to cover and protect
either or both places.

4. The troops from Baltimore were not ordered out in due
season. Had the orders been, as most indubitably they ought
to have been, issued at least on the debarkation of the enemy,
these troops would have arrived in proper time — been fit for du-
ty — and rescued the country from the disgrace and misfortune it
experienced.

5. The orders for the Baltimore troops to march, were recei-
ved in Baltimore on Saturday the 20th of August. They took
up the line of march the next day, Sunday the 21st. On that
evening' they received an order from General Winder^ by express^
TO HALT UNTIL FURTHER ORDERS ! Next day, they had renew-
ed orders to march with full speed to Bladensburg. — Those to
general Stansbury were received at 10 A. M. and those to colo-
nel Sterrett at 2 P. M. The former reached Bladensburg on
the 22d at night — the latter on the 23d at night. The fatal de-
lay arising from the orders to halt, was among the principal
causes of the disaster. Colonel Sterrett's corps arrived on the
ground jaded, fatigued, and harassed. They had but little rest

CHAP. 8.] CAPTURE OF WASHINGTON. ?4

the night previous to the battle, owing to some false alarms, and
were in every respect unfit for being led into the engagement.

6. Colonel Young's brigade, by order of general Winder, was
stationed at a distance from the field of battle, where it remained
inactive during the whole time of the engagement, although with-
in hearing of the report of the cannon.

7. An efficient corps of 600 infantry, and 100 cavalry, under
colonel Miner, arrived at Washington on the evening preceding
the battle. The colonel applied to general Armstrong for arms,
and was directed to report hirnseifthe next morning 1 1 ! to co-
lonel Carberry, who had the care of the arsenal. This gentle-
man sptnt the night at his country seat, and was not to be found
in the morning, although invaluable hours were spent in search-
ing for him. At length an order for arms was procured from ge-
neral Winder. Even then delay occurred, from the scrupulosi-
ty of colonel CarBerry's deputy in counting the flints— and fur-
ther delay in giving receipt for them. The consequence was,
that this corps, which would, almost to a certainty, have decided
the fate of the day in fiivour of its country, began its march so
late, as to have no share whatever in the action, and met the re-
treating army after its defeat ! ! !

8. Had a stand been made in Washington, and the whole
force, even discomfited as it was, been collected together, there
is no doubt but the loss might have been retrieved. But there
was not the slightest eflfort of the kind made. The retreat was
conducted in a disorderly manner, and as much like a flight as
could be.

Throughout this work, in all important cases, I do not merely
refer to my authorities, as is usually done. I quote as well as
refer to them. I am desirous of silencing incredulity herself.
In pursuance of this plan, I submit a few short extracts from the
documents published by Congress, on which the preceding views
are founded.

Extracts from the letter of general Van Ness, to the cominittee of Congress, ap'
pointed to inquire into the causes of the capture of Washington, dated November
23, 1814.

" About the opening' of the present campaign, I pressed again upon the
secretary the subject generally of our defence ; suggesting, in addition to the
occlusion of the river, the convenience sxxd importance of a central catnp, in-
termediate befween Baltimore, Annapolis, Washington, Alexandria, Georgetoitin,
and the neighbouring towns and country. And in frequent interviews (in num-
ber, to be sure, very much increased by the importunate applications and
solicitations to me, of both the civil and military branches of the community,
whose confidence in the secretary appeared, at an early period, at best wa-
vering, if not declining) sometimes official, at other times not so, which I
had with him, as the campaign progressed, I did not fail to repeat the sug-
gestion. I still received assurances, generally verbal, favourable, accompa-
nied by an otherwise apparent indifference, and confidence in our security.""

* Report, page 28r.

76 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 8.

" Thus liad the campaign prog-ressed, without any visible steps towards
■vVorks af defence, either permanent or temporary, either on the land or wa-
ter side (I never having heard of a spade or an axe being struck in any such opera-
tion) Of t'.iwards formiiij^ a rendezvous or camp of regular troops in the neigh-
bourhood, to the great anxiety-, inquietude, and alarjn of the district and surround-
ing country ; the secretary generally tr- ating with indifference at Least, if not idth
levity, the idea of an attack by the enemy."*

"In August last, when the increased and reinforced fleet, with the troops,
ascended the Chesapeake, and were known, from authentic information, to
have entered the Patuxent, I called on secretary Armstrong again ; and ex-
pressed, as usual, my apprehensions, arismg from want of means and prepa-
rations ; addmg, that from the known naval and reputed land force of the
enemy, he probably meant to strike a serious blow. His reply was, "Oh
yes ! by G-d, they would not come viith such a fleet 'without meaning to strike som.e-
where': but they certainly will not come here. What the d — I will they do here ?"
iSfc. After remarking that I differed very much from him, as to the proba-
ble interest they felt in destroying or capturing our seat of government, and
that I believed a visit to this place would, for several reasons, be a fa\ ourite
object with them, he observed, " no, no ! Baltimore i^ the place, sir ; that
13 of so much more consequence."!

" I continued to see general Winder occasionally as before, and to be as-
tonished at the apparent sluggishness or procrastination in tlie preparation
for the reception of the enemy, who was on his advance. I recollect well,
that even after he had, according to authentic and undoubted information, as-
cended to the head of the ship navigation of the Patuxent, and iiad, for about
twenty-four hours, been debarking on the hither bank of that river, and
marching his troops to their encampment ou the heights of Benedict (about
forty miles from this on the usual route) general W in answer to an enqui-
ry of mine, whether he had ordered on any troops from Baltimore, and whe-
ther he thought they would be here in time, said, THAT THEY WERE
ORDERED ON; AND THAT ALL HIS FEAR WAS, THAT THEY
WOULD BE HERE TOO SOON. Expressing to liim my astonishment at
the appreliension, lie said he thought it very probable that the enemy would
suddenly turn about, and make a blow at Baltimore.' '|

Extract from General Stansbury's Report.

"The men under my command were worn down, and nearly exhausted
from long and forced marches, want of food, and watching. They had been t
nuith very little intermission, under arms, and inarching, from, the time of their de-
parturefrom Bahiniore, with but little sleep, bad provisions, and but little oppor-
tunity to cook. They certainly were not in a situation to g-o into battle; but
my orders were positive ; and I was determined to obey them.

" Before, and during the action, I did not see any of the force I was led to ex-
pect would support me- I understood since, they were on their way to my as^
sistance, and I presume exertions were made to bring them up."§

Extract from. Colonel Miner's Report.

" I took up my line of march, and arrived at the capitol between sunset
and dark, [ Aug . 23.] and imnaediately made my way to the president, and
reported my arrival ; when he referred me to general Armstrong, to whom I
repaired, and informed him as to the strength of the troops, as well as to the
want of arms, ammunition, &c. which made it as late as early candle-light ;
when I was informed by that gentleman, the arms, &c. could not be had
that night, and directed to report viyself next morning to colonel Carberry, who
would furnish me with ariris, he. wliich gentleman, from early ntxt morn-
ing, I diligently sought for, until a late hour in the forenoon, without being
able to find him, and tiien went in search of general Winder, whom I found
near the Eastern Brancli ; when he gave an order to the armourer for the
munitions wanting, with orders to return to the capitol, there to wait further
. orders."^

* Report, page 288. f Idem, page 292. \ Idem, page 295.

§ Idem, page 185. i{ idem, page 231.

cHiAP. 8] CAPTURE OF WASHINGTON. 77

Extract from the Report of Doctor Catlctt.

"Respecting the condition of the enemy's troops, I was informed by several
of the Hritisli officers, that just previous to their reaching Rludcnsburp- (with
excessive fatig-ue or entire exhaustion) they -luere dropping off in considerubk num-
bers ; that in the action, it was on/i/ bij tlie most exlraordinuvy exertio7is that the
main body cotdd be goaded on. Altlioug'h I observed some of their flankers at
times advance on the run a small distance, these were said to be only the most
active of their light companies of, and attaclied to, their eig-htj fifth regiment,
commanded by lieutenant-colonel Thornton, acting as brigadier ; tliey appeared
to me to halt, as if exhausted -with futigite, at or near the place where the .firing
ceased on our part, about a mile and a half on this side of Bladeiisburg, about two
o'clock, P. M."*

Extract from the Report of the Committee of congress on the capture of Wash-
ington.

" Our forces at this time at tlie Old Fields, are variously estimated, with no
material diflerence, at about tin-ee thousand men, in the following corps: about
four hundred horse, under the command of the following- of!ii ers : lieutenant-
colonel Lavall, colonel Tilman, captains Cakh\'ell, Thornton, Herbert, Williams,
&c : four hundred regular tro()])s, under the coniniand of lieutenant-colonel
Scott, viz thii-ty-sixth, thirty-eighth, and captain Morgan's company of the
twelfth infantry ; six hundred marines and flotilla men under commodore Barney
and captain Miller, with five pieces of heavy artillery ; two eighteen pounders
and three twelve poundei-s : one thousand eight hundred militia and volunteers,
general Smith's brigade of (ieoi-getown and city militia, and Mar\land militia
under colonel Kramer, of which there were two companies of artilhrv imder
captain Burch and major Peter, with six six pounders eacli, making aii aggre-
gate of three thousand two hundred, with seventeen pieces of artijlery. "^ The
enemy tvas -without cavalry, and had c-wo small field pieces and one ho-a-itzer,xlra~vn
by men ; and the -whole country ivell calculated for defence, skinnisldng, and to im-
pede the march of an euemy."\

" The march of our army to the city was extremely rapid and precipitate :
and orders were occasionally given to captains of companies to hurry on the
men, who were extremely fatigued and exjiausted before the camping ground
was reached, near the Eastern Branch bridge, witliin the district of (.'ohnnbia."^:

" Colonel George Miner, with his reg'iment of ^'irg•inia militia, composed of
six htmdred infantry and one hundred cavalry, arrived at the city of AVashing-
ton in the twilight of the evening of tlie tweiUy third; he called on the president
who referred him to the secretary of war for orders ; the secretary i? formed him
that anns could not be had that night ; but gave orders to report himself to colonel
Cc.rberry, early in the morning, lolio -n'ould furnisii him -with arms and ammunition,
as he was charged with that duly by general Winder. From early in the morninc^
till late in the forenoon, colonel Miner souglit colonel Carberry diligenth , but
he could not be f)und. He rode to head quarters, and obtained an order from
general Winder upon the ai-senal for armSj &c ; and marched to the place with
his regiment, and its care he found committed to a young man, whose cauAion
in giving out arms. Sec. very much delayed tlic arming and supplying this vegi-
ment."'§

" The distance from Benedict to the city of Washington, by Bladensburg, is
upwards of fifty miles. T/ie enemy was without baggage-wagoivs or means of
transportation ,- his troops vtuch exhausted with fatigue ,- many coinpelled to gidt
the ranks, and extraordinary exertions used to keep others in motion ,■ and, as if
imahle to pursue our forces, remained on tlie battle ground : the enemy's advance
reached the city about eight o'clock in tlic evening-, the battle having ended
about two o'clock, or before."!]

" The enemy, on the evening of the twenty -fifth, made the greatest exertions
to leave the city of Washington. Tliey htid about forty indifferent looking hor-

* Report, page 311. j Idem, page 21. \ Idem, page 23.

§ Idem, page 26. IJ Idem, pa^e Si.

O. B. 12 '

rS POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH, [chap. 8-

ses, ten or twelve carts and wagons, one ox-cart, one coach and several gigs.
These were sent to Bladensburg to move oft" the wounded. A drove of sixty or
seventy cattle preceded this party. Arriving at Bladensburg, the British sur-
geon was ordered to select the wounded who could walk ; the forty horses -were
mounted by those -who cojild ride ; the carts and ivugons loaded; and iipivards of
ninety ivounded left behind. About twelve o'clock at night the British army pass-
ed through Badensburg ; and parties continued until morning, and stragglers
imtil after mid-day. The retreat of the. enemy to his shipping was precipitate and
appare7itly under an alarm : and it is supposed that it was known to him that
our forces had marched to Montgomery court-house."*

" Ou the twelfth of July, general Winder was authorised, in case of menaced
or actual invasion, to call into service the whole quota of Maryland. On the
seventeenth general Winder was authorised to call into actual service not less
than two nor more than three thousand of the drafts sissigned to his command,
to form a permanent force to be stationed in some central position between Bal-
timore and the city of W^ashington. On the same day, seventeenth of July,
general Windci- was authorised to call on tlie state of Pennsylvania for five thou-
sand men ; on Virginia, two thousand ; on the mihtia of the district of Colum-
bia, in a disposable state, two thousand ; together with the six tliousand from
Maryland, making an aggregate force of fifteen thousand drafted militia, three
thousand of wliich were anthorisedto be called into actual service ; the residue
in case of actual or menaced invasion, besides the regular troops estimated at one
thousand, making sixteen thousand, independent of marines and flotilla-men-
This was the measure of defence contemplated for the military district No. 10,
and the measures taken by the war department up to the seventeenth of July
in execution of it."f

Destruction of Fort Washington.

One extraordinary circumstance attended this disastrous affair,
which deserves to be laid before the public. Fort Washington
was commanded by captain Dyson, when the British took the city
of Washington. He had received orders from general Wnider,
should the enemy come into his rear, to blow up the fort, and
retreat with his garrison. The enemy came. His orders were
clear and explicit. He obeyed them — as it appears he was in
duty bound.

For this act, he was brought to trial — and sentenced to be dis-
missed the service.

I am not a military man, and know nothing of military affairs.
I am therefore liable to error when I pronounce opinions on them.
But with due deference to the court martial, whereof " briga-
dier general Smith, of the militia of the District of Columbia,
was president," I cannot but believe captain Dyson's case to be
peculiarly severe : and judging on plain principles of reason and
common sense, the sentence appears unjust.

Extract from the report of general Winder.

" I sent, by major Hite, directions to the commanding officer at fort Wash-
ington, to advance a guard up to the main road upon all the r»ads leading to
the fort ; and in the event of his being taken in the rear of the fort by the enemy, to
blowup the fort, and retire across the river. "%

* Report, page 36. f Idem, page 38. t Idem, page 172.

CHAP. 8.] MILITARY MOVEIVfENTS. 79

I wish to have it understood that I have no personal know-
ledge of general Armstrong, general Winder, or captain Dyson
— nor do I believe I have ever seen any of them.

Departure of general Izard from Plattsburg.

One of the most extraordinary measures of the war — a mea-
sure utterly indefensible, — has, as far as I know, almost wholly
escaped censure. It affords one among ten thousand instances,
to prove how seldom approbation or censure is meted out with
due regard to justice.

General Izard had an army of about 8000 regulars in the
neighbourhood of Plattsburg. General Prevost, at no very great
distance, had the command of about 14,000 troops, principally
veterans. While the eyes of the nation were directed towards
that quarter, and every man interested for the honour, the hap-
piness, the independence of his country, was tremblingly alive to
the future, and filled with the most awful forebodings of a ruin-
ous result, from the fearful odds against our little army, amaze-
ment and terror filled every breast, to find that 5 or 6000 of our
troops, under the general who had directed his utmost energy' to
train them to service, and to acquire their confidence, were or-
dered to a remote situation, on an unimportant expedition, in
which no laurels were, or probably could be, acquired. Thus
was a most invaluable frontier exposed to all the horrors of de-
solation.

The annals of warfare present no instance of greater fatuity.
It is difficult to conjecture what could have been the object con-
templated by this wonderful movement. But whatever it might
have been, had the utmost success crowned the undertaking, it
could not possibly have compensated for the issue which was to
have been rationally calculated on at Plattsburg.

The result, however, was highlv glorious to .the nation. No-
thing could have been more fortunate. But this does not dimi-
nish an iota of the censure due to the measvux. — The character
of an action, good or bad, is not affected, except with the ca-
naille,* by its success, whether prosperous or the reverse. Many
of the wisest schemes ever devised have failed of success. Many
of the most absurd and ridiculous have prospered. But every
man whose approbation is worthy of regard, commends or re-
probates a measure according to the wisdom or folly displayed
in planning it.

Had general Izard's army remained at Plattsburg, and aided
in the discomfiture of governor Prevost, the triumph of the Uni-
ted States at the Saranac would not have been so transcendently
great. Its removal, therefore, how absurd soever, is a subject

* It may be proper to state, that the true distinction of the Canaille, is not
dress, or station. It is mind. There are men worth ten thousand a year, who
are of the canaille.

80 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. Lciiap. 8,

of the most serious rejoicing-. It has added immensely to the
laurels the nation acquired in the war.

Loans.

The last and perhaps the most grievous and unpardonable er-
ror of the democratic party — an error, pregnant with baleful con-
sequences to the finances and crLclit of the country, was, their de-
pending on loans, for the support of the war, and deferring the
imposition of taxes adequate to erect the superstructure of public
credit upon. This arose from the miserable, the despicable, the
pernicious dread of forfeiting popularity, and losing the reins of
government — a dread often the parent of the most destructive
measures. The consequence of this highly reprehensible error
was, that the loans were made to very considerable loss, and that
the public credit of the nation was most lamentably impaired.

I H WE now gone through a review of the principal errors
and follies, the neglects and the mismanagements of the demo-
cratic party. I have detailed and canvassed them with the bold-
ness of a freeman. I have followed the sound advice of Othello :

" Nought extenuate — noi* aught set down in malice."

On many of these points I am greatly at variance with men of
powerful talents belonging to this party. Some of my facts and
opinions have been controverted by a critic of considerable acu-
men, in one of the daily papers. I have re-examined the vari-
ous subjects embraced in this volume ; and, where I have found
cause to change my opinion, I have unhesitatingly clone so. My
object is truth. I have pursued it steadil)' — and, as far as I can
judge of myself, without undue bias. But I well know how dif-
ficult it is for human weakness to divest itself of prejudice ancl
partiality. To the candid reader, I submit the decision.

This detail of misconduct has been a painful task. Far more
agreeable would it have been, to have descanted on the merits
and talents of the president and other public functionaries. To
a man of a liberal mind it is infinitely more agi'eeable to bestow
the meed of praise, than to deal out censure. But a rough truth
is preferable to a smooth falsehood. And whatever chance we
have of arriving at the haven of peace and happiness depends
upon a fair and candid examination of ourselves, which must in-
falHbly result in a conviction, that, so great have been the errors,
the follies, and the madness on both sides, mutual forgiveness
requires no effort of generosity — it is merely an act of simple
justice.

Before I quit this branch of my subject, it is but proper to
observe, that it is hardly possil)le to conceive of a more difficult
and arduous situation than that in which Mr. Jefferson and Mr.

dais. 9.] FEDERAL CONVENTIOxV. -81

Madison have been placed. They have had to struggle with
two belligerents, one supremely powerful by land, and on that
element holding in awe the chief part of the civilized world —
the other equally powerful by sea : — and each, in his rage against
the other, violating the clearest and most indisputable rights of
neutrals, and inflicting upon us, in a time of pretended peace,
nearly as much injurv as if we were arrayed among the belliger-
ents. And the divisions and distractions of the country, with
the formidable opposition of a powerful party, embracing all the
governments of the eastern states and a considerable portion of
the citizens of the rest of the union, must have caused the admi-
nistration infinitely more embarrassment and difiiculty than the
two belligerents together. The federalists, as I shall show more
fully in the sequel, after goading the government into resistance,
and vilifying it for not procuring redress, thwarted, opposed,
and rendered nugatory everv rational effort made to accomplish
the very object they professed to seek — a degree of madness and
folly never-enough-to-be-deplored.

CHAPTER IX.

The federalists. Federal convention and constittttion. Complaints
of want of energ-Tj in the constitution. Disorganizers and
jfacobins. Alien and sedition laxvs.

Having thus taken what I hope will be allowed to be a can-
did view of the errors and misconduct of the democratic party,
it remains to render the same justice to their opponents. And
I feel confident, it will appear that the latter have at least as
much need to solicit forgiveness of their injured country, as the
former. In the career of madness and folly which the nation
has run, they have acted a conspicuous part, and may fairly
dispute the palm with their competitors.

In the federal convention, this partv made every possible exer-
tion to increase the energy, and add to the authority, of the ge-
neral government, and to endow it with powers at the expense
of the state governments and the citizens at large. Bearing
strongly in mind the disorders and convulsions of some of the
very ill-balanced republics of Greece and Italy, their sole object
of dread appeared to be the inroads of anarchy. And as man-
kind too generally find it difficult to steer the middle course,
their apprehensions of the Scylla of anarchy effectually blinded
them to the dangers of the Charybdis of despotism. Had they
possessed a complete ascendency in the convention, it is proba-
ble they would have fallen into the opposite extreme to that
which decided the tenor of the constitution.

This party was divided. A small but very active division
was composed of monarchists, who utterly disbelieved in the
efficacy or security Qf the republican form of government, espe-

S2 rOUTlCAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 9.

cially in a tcrritorry so extensive, as that of the United States,
and embracing so numerous a population as, at no distant pe-
riod, was to be taken into the calculation. l"he remainder were
genuine republicans, men of enlightened views, and a high de-
gree of public spirit and patriotism. 'I'hey dilfered as widely
from the monarchic part of that body, as from the democratic.
It is unfortunate that their counsels did not prevail. For in
government, as in almost all other human concerns, safety lies
in middle courses. Violent and impassioned men lead them-
selves, and it is not wonderful they lead others, astray. This
portion of the federal party advocated an energetic, but a repub-
lican form of government, which, on all proper occasions, might
be able to command and call forth the force of the nation.

The following letter sheds considerable light on the views of
Alexander Hamilton, who took a distinguished part in, and had
a decisive influence on, the proceedings of that respectable
body. — It is obvious that a president during good behaviour,
which appears by this document to have been a favourite fea-
ture with Mr. Hamilton, could hardly be considered other than

a president for life.

New YonK, Sept. 16, 1803.

Mt hear sin, I will make no apology for my delay in answering your inquiiy
some time since made, because I could offer none which would satisfy myself.
I pray you only to believe, that it proceeded from any thing rather than want
of respect or regard. I shall now comply with your i-equest-

" The highest-toned propositions which I made in the convention were for
a president, senate, and judges, dtn-iiiq- good behaviour ,■ a house of representa-
tives for three years. Though I would have enlarged the legislative power
of the general government, yet I never contemplated the abolition of the state
governments. But on the contrary, they were, in some particulars, constitu-
ents part of my plan.

" This plan was, in my conception, conformably with the strict theory of a
government purely republican ; the essential criteria of which are, that the prin-
cipal organs of the executive and legislative departments be elected by the peo-
ple, and hold their offices by a responsible and temporary or defeasible nature,

" .\ vote was taken on the proposition respecting the executive. Five states
were in favour of it; among these Virginia; and though, from the manner of
voting by delegations, individuals were not distinguished ; it was morally
certain, from the known situation of the Virginia members (six in number,
two of them. Mason and Ilandolph, professing popular doctrines) that Madison
must have concurred in the vote of Virginia. Thus, if 1 sinned against repub-
licanism, .Mr. .Madison is not less guilty.

" I may truly then say, that I never proposed either a president or senate for
life ; and tliat I neither recommended nor meditated the annihilation of the
state governments.

" And I may add, that in the course of the discussions in the convention,
neither the propositions thrown out for debate, nor even those voted in the
earlier stages of deliberation, were considered as evidences of a definite opi-
nion in tlie proposer or voter. Tt appeared to be in some sort vmderstood, that,
with a view to free investigation, experimental propositions might be made,
which were to be received merely as suggestions for consideration. Accord-
ingly it is a fact, that my final opinion was against an executive during good be-
haviour, on account of tlie increased danger to the public tranquiUity incident
to the election of a magistrate of his degree of permanency. In the plan of a
constitution which I drew up, while the convention was sitting, and which I

cHAF. 9.3 FEDERAL CONVENTION. 83

communicated to Mr. Madison about the close of it. perhaps a day or two after,
the office of president has no longer duration than for three years.

" This plan was predicated upon these bases : 1. That the political principles
of the people of this country would endure nothing but a republ.can govern-
ment. 2. That in the actual situation of the countrj', it was itself right and pro-
per that the republican theory should have a fair and full trial. 3. That, to
such a trial it was essential that the government should be so constructed as to
give it all the energy and stability reconcilable with the principles of that the-
ory. These were the genuine sentiments of my heart : and upon them 1 acted,

" I sincerely hope that it may not hereafter be discovererl, that through
want of sufficient attention to the last idea, the experiment of rcpubhcan go-
vernment, even in this country, has not been as complete, as satisfactory, and
as decisive as could be wished.

Very truly, he.

A. HAMILTON.

Timothy Pickerisg, Esq.

In the conflict of opinions in the convention, a spirit of com-
promise was imperiously necessary in order to secure success
to its labours. The tenacity of some leading men, of adverse
opinions, had nearly rendered the effort abortive. According
to Luther Martin, Esq. one of the Maryland delegates, the con-
vention was several times on the verge of adjournment, without
fulfilling the object of its appointment. But the good fortune
of the nation prevailed : and after a session of about four
months, the constitution was finally agreed upon, submitted to
public discussion, and joyfully accepted by the American people.

The federal party immediately assumed the reins, and admi-
nistered the government for twelve years. During this period,
its want of sufficient energy, and its danger from the state go-
vernments, were frequent subjects of impassioned complaint.
Every man who opposed the measures of the administration,
of what kind soever they were, or from whatever motives, was
stigmatized as a disorganizer and a jacobin. The last term in-
volved the utmost extent of human atrocity. A jacobin was,
in fact, an enemy to social order — to the rights of property — to
religion — to morals — and ripe for rapine and spoil.

As far as laws can apply a remedy to the alleged feebleness
of the general government, the reigning party sedulously endea-
voured to remove the defect. They fenced round the constitut-
ed authorities, as I have stated, with an alien and sedition law.
By the former, they could banish from our shores obnoxious
foreigners whose period of probation had not expired. By the
latter, every libel against the government, and every unlawful at-
tempt to oppose its measures, were subject to punishment, more
or less severe, in proportion to their magnitude.

The alien law, I believe, was never carried into operation. It
was held in terrorem over several active and influential foreign-
ers, who, in the language of the day, were rank jacobins, and
of course enemies of Ciod and man. But the case was far dif-
ferent with the sedition law. Several individuals could bear

84 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 10.

testimony, from experience, to the severity with which its sanc-
tions were enforced. Some cases occurred, of a tragi-comical
kind, particularly one in New- Jersey, in which a culprit was fovmd
guilty and punished, under this law, for the simple wish that the
wadding of a gun, discharged on a festival day, had made an in-
road into, or singed the posteriors of Mr. Adams, then president
of the United States.

But every thing in this sublunary world is liable to revolution.
This is proverbially the case with power in a republican govern-
ment. The people of the United States changed their rulers.
By the regular course of election, they withdrew the reins froni
the federalists, to place them in the hands of the democrats.

This was a most unexpected revolution to the former. It
wholly changed their views of the government. It has been as-
serted in England, that a tory in place, becomes a whig when
out of place — and that a whig when provided with a place, be-
comes a tory. And it is painful to state that too many among
us act the same farce. The government, which, administered
by themselves, was regarded as miserably feeble and inefficient,
became, on its transition, arbitrary and despotic ; notwithstand-
ing that among the earliest acts of the new incumbents, was the
repeal not merely of the alien and sedition laws, but of the most
obnoxious and oppressive taxes !

Under the effects of these new and improved political views,
a most virulent warfare was begun against their successors.
The gazettes patronized by, and devoted to, federalism, were
unceasing in their efforts to degrade, disgrace, and defame the
administration. All its errors were industriously magnified,
and ascribed to the most perverse and wicked motives. Allega-
tions wholly unfounded, and utterly improbable, were reiterated
in regular succession. An almost constant and unvarying op-
position was maintained to all its measures : and hardly ever was
a substitute proposed for any of them. Not the slightest allow-
ance was made for the unprecedented and convulsed state of the
world. And never were more ardour and energy displayed in
a struggle between two hostile nations, than the opposition mani-
fested in their attacks upon the administration. The awful, la-
mentable, and ruinous consequences of this warfare, and its de-
struction of the vital interests of the nation, will fully appear in
the sequel.

CHAPTER X.

British ovckrs in council, November^ 1793. Enforcement of the

ride of 1756,

As the difficulties and dangers of our country arose principal-
ly from the belligerent invasions of our rights, I shall ccmimence.
the consideration of them with the British order of 1793.

CHAP. 10.] ORDER IN COUNCIL- 85

At that period, during the administration of general Wash-
ington, the following order was clandestinely issued by the Brit-
ish privy council : —

•' George R. Additional instruction, to all ships of war, privateers, 8cc.
" That they shall stop and detain all ships laden with goods, the produce of
any colony belonging to France, or carrying provisions or other supplies for
the use of such colonies ; and shall bring the same, with their cargoes, to le-
gal adjudication in our courts of admiralty.

" By iiis majesty's command.

Signed, " Henry Dundas."

Nov. 6, 1793.

This order, a most lawless invasion of our rights, almost un-
precedented ki extent, was incapable of pleading in its defence the
right of retaliation, subsequently so hacknied and worn so thread-
bare. In a few weeks it swept the seas of our commerce. Hun-
dreds of our vessels were captured : and many of our merchants,
who had no more anticipation of such depredations, than of an
attack on their vessels by the Chinese, were absolutely reduced
to bankruptcy. The annals of Europe for the preceding century
furnish no measure more unjustifiable.

The circumstances attending it very highly aggravated the out-
rage. It was issued so clandestinely, and with such an extraor-
dinary degree of secrecy, that the first account of its existence
reached the London exchange, with the details of the captures it
authorized and occasioned. And the American minister at the
court of St. James's, was unable to procure a copy of it till the
25th of December.

This lawless procedure excited universal indignation through-
out the United States. There was a general clamour for war
among all parties. Several very violent measures were moved
and debated in congress — among the rest, the sequestration of all
British property in the United States, for the purpose of indem-
nifying our merchants. This was the project of Jonathan Dayton,
of New Jersey, a leading federalist.

While Congress was engaged in debating on various modes of
procuring redress, the president arrested its career, by the nomi-
nation of Judge Jay as minister extraordinary, to seek redress
from the British government.

This mission eventuated in the celebrated treaty which bears
that minister's name, against which, volumes of denunciations
were published by the democrats, with numberless gloomy and
terrific predictions, on nearly the whole of which, as I have al-
ready stated, time has stamped the seal of false prophecy.

From this period till the year 1805, the collisions between the
two nations were inconsiderable.

The United States were in a most enviable state of prosperity
in the years 1800, 1, 2, 3,4, 5, and 6. No nation ever enjoyed
greater happiness. The commerce of the country, and particu-
larly its exports, had most wonderfully increased.

O. B. 13

8& POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 10.

During the first four years of general Washington's adminis-
tration, the whole value of the exports from this country, foreign
and domestic, was about 100,000,000 dollars; whereas during the
years 1803, 4, 5, and 6, they were more than treble that amount.

Exports.

Foreign.

Domestic.

Total.

1803

13,594,00'J

42,206,000

55,800.000

1804

36,231,000

41,468,000

77,699.000

1805

53,179,000

42,387,000

95,566,000

1806

60,283,000

41,253,000

101,536,000

163,287,000

167,314,000

330,601,000

The foreign articles were principally productions of the cola«
nies of the enemies of Great Britain. Their amount excited her
jealousy in a high degree, and led her, in the summer of 1805, to
adopt the rule of the war of 1756, which rendered illegal any
commerce carried on during war, by a neutral, with the colonies
of a beUigerent, which had not been permitted during peace.
This rule was furtively carried into operation, without any pre-
vious notice, whereby our vessels and property to an immense
amount were seized — carried into British ports — tried and con-
demned.

A circumstance attended this measure, which greatly aggra-
vated its atrocious injustice. It was in direct hostility with pre-
vious decisions of the British courts of admiralty, which had le-
galized, in the clearest and most explicit manner, the trade now-
proscribed and subjected to condemnation.

In order to display the gross impropriety of this procedure of
the British government, and its utter inconsistency with their
preceding conduct and decisions, I annex a statement of the re-
port of the king's advocate, on an application made to him in
March, 1801, at the instance ofRufusKing, Esq. our minister
at the court of St. James's, on certain cases wherein the rule of
1756 was attempted to be enforced.

" It is now distinctly understood, and has been repeatedly so decided by the
*' hicrh court of appeals, that THE PROnUGE OF THE COLONIES OF
" xilE EXEMY MAY BK IMPOIITED BY A NKUTR.\L INTO HIS OWN
"COI'NTRY, AND MAY BE EXPORTED FROM THENCE, EVEN TO
"THE MOTHER COUNTRY OF SUCH COLONY; AND IN LIKE MAN-
" NER THE PRODUCE AND MANUFACTURES OF 1HE MOTHER
"COUNTRY MAY, IN THIS CIRCUITOUS MODE, LEGALLY FIND
"THEIR WAY TO THE COLONIES. The direct trade, however, be-
*' tween the mother country and its colonies, has not, I appi-ehend, been recog-
"nised as legal, either by his majcaly's government, or by his tribunals.

" What is a direct trade, or what amounts to an intermediate importation
*' into the neutral country, may sometimes be a qtiostion of some difficulty. A
*' general definition of either, applicable to all cases, cannot well be laid down.
*' The question must depend upon the particular circumstances of each case.
" Perhaps the mere touching in the neutral country, to take fresh clearances,
" may properly be considered as a fraudulent evasion, and is in effect the di-
^' rect trade ; bnt the high court of admiralty has expressly decided (and I see

CHAP. 10.] MERCANTILE ALARMS, SJ*

"no reason to expect that the court of appeals will vary the rule) that landing
", the goods and paying the duties in the neutral country breaks the continuity of the
*^ voyage; and is such an importation as legalises the trade, although the goods he
" re-shipped in tlie same vessel, and on account of the same neutral proprietors, and
" 6e forwarded for sale to the tnotker country or the colony,"

*' An extract from this report, containing the foregoing pas-
" sage, was transmitted by the duke of Portland, in a letter of the
" thirtieth of March, 1801, to the lords commissioners of the ad-
'* miralty. The duke's letter concludes thus : " in order, there-
" fore, to put a stop to the inconveniences arising from these erro-
*' neous sentences of the vice admiralty courts, I have the honour
*' to signify to your lordships the king's pleasure, that a communi-
" cation of the doctrine laid down in the said report should be im-
*' mediately made by your lordships to the several judges presi-
" ding in them, setting forth what is held to be the law upon the
" subject by the superior tribunals, for their future guidance and
" direction.''*

The depredations above stated, excited universal indignation
throughout the United States. The mercantile part of the com-
munity were exasperated to the utmost degree. The adminis-
tration was stigmatized as equally regardless of the honour and
interest of the nation, for not resisting these pretensions and pro-
curing redress for the depredations. A recurrence to the ga-
zettes of that period will fully prove that the federal party was
then clamorous for war, if redress could not be procured for
grievances incomparably less than those that finally provoked
the late declaration of war. But it may be said, with some de-
gree of truth, that newspapers are an equivocal criterion of the
public opinion. This I well know, and freely admit : and there-
fore I shall lay before the reader other and most unerring proofs
of the mercantile temper of this period.

Meetings of the merchants were held in almost all the com-
mercial towns and cities in the United States. The subject was
eloquently discussed. Strong memorials were agreed upon,
urging the president and congress to adopt such measures as
might be necessary to procure redress. In these memorials,
which were couched in the most emphatical language, the pre-
tensions of England were considered as akin to actual piracyf
— as opening the door to the most flagrant frauds and imposi-
tions — as unworthy of a great and magnanimous people — and as
derogatory to our reputation and honour as an independent na-
tion. The administration was in the most impassioned style in-
voked to resist such pretensions ; and the memorialists generally
pledged themselves most solemnly to support it in the attempt. As

• Letter from Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney to lord Howick, dated August
20, 1R06.

t " It cannot become the intep^rity of a great nation, to prey upon the unpro'
i^cted property of a friendly power." Boston Memorial.

8S POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 11.

I shall devote a separate chapter [the 18th] to the consideration
of the policy of the mercantile portion of the nation, I shall not
here inquire how far these pledges were redeemed.

These memorials are immensely important in the formation
of a correct estimate of the policy of our government. I shall,
therefore, make very copious extracts from them. They are
most precious documents, and present " a round, unvarnished
tale" of the outrages experienced by American commerce, and
the extravagant pretensions, as well as the lawless depredations
of Great Britain.

CHAPTER XI.

Extracts from the Boston Memorial to Congress,

The Boston merchants, after glancing at the vexations, insults,
and barbarities, suffered from France and Spain, pass on to the
consideration of the grievances inflicted by the British. They
state that,

" It is their obiect in the present memorial, to confine Uieir animadversions
to THE MORE ALARMING, BECAUSE MORE NUMEROUS AND EX-
TENSIVE DETENTIONS AND CONDEMNATIONS OF AMERICAN
VESSELS BY GREAT BRITAIN, aud to adveit to the principles recently
ai'owed, and adopted by her courts relative to neutral trade in articles of colo-
nial produce ; — principles, which, if admitted, or practised upon in all the lati-
tude, which may fairlv be inferred to be intended, would be destructive of the
navigation, and V.AmCKl.'LX IMPAIR THE MOST LUCRATIVE COM-
MERCE OF OUR COUNTRY : principles that had been virtually abandoned
subsequently to their avowal, even during an intermediate and inveterate war, and
during tl>e prosecution of a trade luhich is noiv interdicted and alleged to be illegal,
hut which trade was at that time sanctioned by the promulgated decisions of
her courts, and by an official communication from one of the highest organs of
the very government, which is now attempting to destroy it, and with its sup-
pression to ANNIHILATE, OR GREATLY DIMINISH THE COM-
MERCE OF NEUTRAL NATIONS.

"There is great cause to apprehend, that the British government means to
set up as a principle, that slie has a right to interdict all commerce by neutrals,
to the ports of her enemies, which ports had not been opened previously to tlie
commencement of hostilities ; — that if she permits a trade with them in any
degree, she has a right to prescribe the limits of it ; to investigate the inten-
tion of the parties prosecuting it; and if such intention be not the actual dis-
position of the property in the neutral country, to consider the merchandize,
even after the importation into such country, after having been landed therein,
warehoused, and the duties paid on it, as only in the stage of a continued and
direct voyage from the colony to the mother country, or vice versa ; and therefore
illegal, and liable to condemnation.

"Unless the present disposition of the British admiralty courts, and navy
officers, can be counteracted and removed, a widcly-dispersed and unprotected
commerce, extending to every region of the globe, will only serve TO IN-
VITE DEPREDATION, TO BANKRUPT OURSELVES, AND ENRICH
OTHERS, UNTIL SUCH COMMERCE BE SWEPT FROM THE FACE
OF THE OCEAN, and leave nothing in its stead, but sentiments of hostility
and acts of contention.

" A tacit submission to pretensions thus lofty and comprehensive, but which
*our memorialists trust are most of them untenable, would, they conceive, be
AN ABANDONMENT OF RIGHTS OPENLY RECOGNIZED AND A

8HAP. 12.] NEW YORK MEMORIAL. 89

DEREUCTiON OF THE MOST IMPOltTANT COMMERCIAL INTERESTS
OF OUR COUNTRY.

" Reason, and the most powerful considerations of equitv, enjoin it as a
DUTY ON THE UNITED STATES TO OPPOSE THESE PRETENSIOXS ;
for circumstanced as these states are, possessing an immensely extended and
fertile territory, proclucinii- mostly the necessaries of life, which, with the mer-
chandise obtained from abroad by the industry and enterprise of her citizens,
she is obliged to barter, or furnish in payment for impoitaiions of foreign pro-
duce or manufactures; it behoves her strenuously to contend for the right of an
open commerce in Innocent articles between oilier nations that are willing to ac-
cord it, and herself; for if the right be not both claimed and admitted, scarce-
ly any of the European powers can in future be engaged in warfare without
making the United States, in opposition both to her ettbrts and wishes,
EITHER A VICTIM, OR PARI Y IN THE CONTEST.

" As to the inquisitorial right of search into the ownership of neutral prop-
erty set up by Great Brltam, and the doctrine appended to it, that a neutral im-
porter shall not again export his goods, but that they shall be first alienated
and passed into the nossession of others — your mfmorialists believe them to be
UNSOUND IN POINT OF PUINCIPLE.'OFFENSiVE IN PRACTICE. ;AND
NUGATORY IN EFFECT.

" At any rate, whether the doctrine were soiuul or not, or whether It inju-
red Great Britain or not, it cannot become the integrity and magnanimity of a
great and powerful nation, at once, and without notice, to reverse her rule of
conduct towards other states, and TO PREY UPON THE UNPROTECT-
ED PROPERTY OF A FRIENDLYI^VYER, the extension of whose com-
merce had been invited by the formal avowal of her intentions, and prosecuted,
under a reliance on her good faith, and from the confidence reposed, that her
courts, uniform to their principles, would never be infiuenccd by the time-
serving politics of the moment

"In all events, fully relying that the subject of our differences with Great
Britain will rtceive the due comideration rf govermnent ; and that such measures
will in consequence be promptty adopted, as will tend to DISSEMBARRASS
OUR COMMERCE, ASSERT OUR RIGHTS. AND SUPPORT THE DIGNI-
TY OF THE UNITED STATES,

"Your memorialists have the honour to remain, in behalf of their constitu-
ents and themselves, most respectfully,

James Lloyd, jr. David Green, John Cofiin Jones,

Arnold Welles, George Cabot, Thomas H. Perkins,

David Sears,
Boston, January 20, 1805.

CHAPTER XII.

Extracts from the Ntxv Tork memorml.

"They have been suddenly confounded by unexpected intelligence of the
arrestation, on the high seas, (f a Iwge portio7i 'f their property,^ ivhich had been
embarked nx-ith the most unsuspecting cc>'Jidtnce. The feelings of your memorial-
ists are not only excited by the losses whicii they have actually sustained, in
consequence of a measure insusceptible of previous calculation, but, also, from
the state of uncertainty in which they are placed with respect to future com-
mercial operations.

" In the recent decision, which prohibits an importer of colonial produce
from exporting it to Europe, they perceive with concern, either a nugatory
and vexatious regulation, or a meditated blow at what they deem an incontes-
tible and v,,! liable right.

" If the arrival ol'a ship in the country to which it belongs ; the landing of
the cargo ; the inspection of the custom house ; the payment or security of du-
ties ; do not terminate a voyage, then we confess our ignorance on a point,
which, never having been before questioned, has been assumed by us as an
acknowledged truth. If the entry forexponation; the embarkation of merchan-
Ojse : th." re-inspectiou of the custom house ; the bond for securing a delivery

90 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 12.

in a foreign country ; and a public clearance, do not indicate tlie commence-
ment of a new voyage ; then we are yet to learn the meaning of tlie expres-
sion.

" But these embarrassments, though perplexing and vexatious, are not those
which principally occasion our solicitude ; we are compelled to consider the
late decisions of the British tribunals as preliminary steps towards a system of
controlling the importations and exportationsof colonial productions, and there-
by ANNIHILATING THE MOST LUCRATIVE BRANCHES OF OUR
COMMERCE. If we owed this trade solely to the favour of Great Britain, still
we might ask, what urgent motive, what imperious necessity, required that
the favour shf)uld be resumed at a period ichen our commerce tuas spread over the
ocean, and wlien a cliange so essential might destroy its security, and subject
us to incalculable losses. We deny, however, that the rights of commerce,
as claimed by us, are to be deemed favours ; on the contrary, if the law of na-
tions is other than a temporary rule, prescribed by an arbitrary wdl, and en-
forced by power, then we appeal to its most universal and inviolable principle
in our defence. This principle is, that the goods of a neutral, consisting of
articles, not contraband of war» in a neutral vessel, employed in a direct trade
between neutral countries and ports of a belligerent country, not invested or
blockaded, are protected.

" Wliatever theoretical opinions may heretofore have been advanced, there
has existed no such practical rule [as that of 1756] which, under the unpa-
rallelled circumstances of the present war, MUST INFALLIBLY DES-
TROY THE COMMERCE OF THIS COUNTRY.

•• With these preliminary facts in view, we request permission to detail
some of the most important consequences of the assumed rule, that neutrals
may be restrained in time of war to their accustomed tr.ade in time of peace.
Tlie injustice of such a rule, in relation to the United States, will be most
manifest; the individuals employed in commerce would not alone be affect-
ed : all the internal relations of our country would be disturbed ; the inte-
rests of those districts which are most remote from our principal ports, would.,
in proportion to their dependence on foreign supplies, be most severely de-
pressed.

*' If Great Britain permits commerce betzveen her subjects and the colonies of
her eneiriies, may we not, with the consent of those colonies, participate In the
same commerce ? If our commerce with the enemies of Great Britain may
now be confined to the system established in time of peace, may we not ap-
prehend that the principle will be retaliated in respect to our commerce with
the colonies of Great Britain ? In that case, WHAT CAN ENSUE BUT
WAR, PILLAGE, AND DEVASTATION?

*' Tiiese are not imaginary suppositions. They illustrate the most important
principles of our commerce. They evince the necessity of a circuitous trade,
to enable us to realize the greatvalue of exports of our own native productions,
by which, alone, we acquire the power to liquidate the balance against us, in
our commerce with Great Britain : they demonstrate, that the position against
which we contend, is not a rule of the law of nations. THE LAW OF
NATIONS ORDAINS NO RULE, WHICH IS UNEQUAL AND UN-
JUST.

" It is, however, with much sin-prise, tliat we have recently discovered, that
the very circumbtances ui)on which our hopes of security were reposed, have
been urged as arguments to jiistlfv an invasion of our rights ; and that HAV-
ING TOTALLY SUPPRESSED THE EXTERNAL COMMERCE OF
HER ENEMIBS, GKEAT BRITAIN IS NOW COUNSELLED TO AP-
PROPRIATE TO HERSELF THAT OF HER FRIENDS.

We wish only for justice : and believing that a commercial nation which
disreg.irds justice, thereby undermines the cit.-idel of her power: we rely on
the effect of mutual interests and wishes in promoting a coi-dial explanation
and fair adjustment of every cause of misunderstanding ; in particular we re-
ly on the government of our country, THAT OUR RIGHTS WILL- NOT
BE ABANDONED, and tJiat NO ARGUMENT IN FAVOUR OF AN
USURPATION WILL EVER BE DERIVED FROM OUR ACQUIES.
CENCE.

CHAP. 13.] PHILADELPHIA MEMORIAL. 9l

*' Your mernorialists conclude with remarking, that they deem the present si-
tuation of public affairs to be peculiarly critical and perilous ; and such as requires
all the prudence, the ■wisdom, and the energy of the government, SUPPORTED BY
THE CO-OPERATION OF ALL GOOD CITIZENS. By mutual exertions,
under the benign influence of providence upon this hitherto favoured nation,
we hope the clouds which threaten to obscure its prosperity may be dispelled.
AND WE FLEDGE OUR UNITED SUPPORT IN FAVOUR OF ALL THE
MEASURES ADOPTED TO VINDICATE AND SECURE THE JUST
RIGHTS OF OUR COUNTRY."
Nei\} York, Dec. 28, 1805.

Signed on behalf of the merchants, by
Joim Broome, chairman,
Isaac Lawrence, Eben. Stevens, ElishaCoit, Edmond Seaman,

Henry J. WyckoflT, Wm. W. Woolsey, Sml. A. Lawrence, Thomas Farmer,
GoeletHoyt, Chis- M'Evers, jr. George Griswold, Charles Wright,

James Arden, William Codman, W. Henderson, Wm. Clarkson,

James Maxwell, Oliver Wolcott, William Bayard, Jolm B. Murray,
W. Edgar, Thos. Carpenter, Rensselaer Havens,Rob«rt Lenox,

John De Peysler, G. M. Woolsey, James Scott, Henry Post,

Jolm B. Coles, Daniel Ludlow, John Kane, Archibald Gracie,

Leiferi Lefterts, William Lovet, John Franklin, Gulian Ludlow,
John Murray, Benjamin Bailey, John Taylor, P. Shermerhorn,

J. R. Livingston, W. Van Zandt, D. M. Clarkson, John P. Mumfordi
Benj. G. Minlurn, I. Clason, Samuel Russel, John Clendining,

CHAPTER XIII.

Extracts from the memorial of the Merchants of Philadelphuu
I PROCEED to state the sentiments of the merchants of the
great city of Philadelphia, on this invasion of their rights and
those of the nation. We shall see that they felt the same sense
of injustice of these measures, with their brethren of Boston and
New York ; made the same strong requisition for protection ;
and gave an equal pledge of full support.

" A jealousy of our enterprise and prosperity, has excited a design of checUng the
commercial growth of our country, the fruit of which has been an attempt to in.
novate upon ancient and approved principles, and introduce unheard-of arti-
<;les and provisions into the code of public law.

«' It becomes your memorialists to state, that the pressure of these evils has
."■reatly increased, and that others, of even superior magnitude, have arisen,
which assume a most alarming and distressing form. What were considered
irregularities, insusceptible of prevention, have, by continuance and success,
strengthened into REGULAR AND SYSTEMATIC PLUNDER. What
were regarded as mischiefs incident to a state of war, temporary though not
remediless, are vindicated upon the ground of rigiit ; and their practice is re-
iterated under the authority of government, and receives the solemn sanction
of law.

" They moreover foresee, in the prevalence of the principles, and the con.
tinuance ol" the practices alluded to, nothing but THE RUIN OF INDIVI-
DUALS, THE DESTRUCTION OF THEIR COMMERCE, AND THE DE-
GRADATION OF THEIR COUNTRY.

" Could the judgment or even the charity of your memorialists see, m the
new doctrines of the British court, nothing but the revival and enforcement
of an ancient and established principle, which friendship had relaxed, or fa-
vour permitted to slumber, they might regret the departed good, but could
impute no injustice to the hand tiiat withdrew it. Tliey are struck, however,
with.the novelty of these doctrines ; their unequivocal hostility to neutral interests
and rights ; their inconsistency with former declarations of their ministrj, and deci-
sions oi' tUmv courts, and with the extraordinary time aiul manner of their an-
nunciation.

92 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [cha?. 1.3.

" Tlie effect of : his novel principle upon neutral interests is of the most se-
rious and aU min.. character. IT GOES TO NOTHING SHORT OF THE
DESTRUCTION OF NP:UTR AL COMMERCE ; and from the well-known
neutral situation and ciiaracter of the United States, to notldng short of iriflict-
ing a most deep aivl deadly ivound upon their trade

" But your memorialists cannot but consider, that this principle has. not the
weight of a consistent and uniform support by the government which professes
to upliold it. In 1801, the declaration of its ministry and the decisions of its
courts, were unequivocally, "that the produce of tlie colonies of the enemy
may be imported by a neutral into liis own coimtry, and be re-exported from
thence, even to the mother country of such colony ;" and also, " that landing
the goods, and paying the duties in tlie neutral country, breaks the continuity
of the voyage, and is such an importation as legalises the trade, although the
goods be re-shipped in llie same vessel, and on account of the same neutral
proprietors, and forwarded for sale to t!»e mother country." In 1805, it is de-
cided, that landing and paying the duties does not break the continuity of
the voyage ; and the course of trade pointed out to tlie neutral, four years be-
fore, as legal and safe, is now unsatisfactory to tlie belligerent, and ATTEND-
ED INFALLIBLY WITH CONFISCATION. What clear and immutable
principle of the law of nations, can that be, your memorialists would ask,
which is supported bvthe high court of admiralty, and avowed by the ministry
in 1801. and which is prostr;ued by the ministry and the iiigh court of appeals
in 1805 ? Such a principle viust be considered as rather partaking of the shifting
character of convenience, than of that of permanent right und established Unu.^

" Tlie time and manner of announcmg it accord with the principle itself.
At a moment when mercantile enterprise, coniiding in the explanations on
this point given by the Briii.sh ministry to our ambassador, is strained to the
utmost, a new decision of the court of appeals is announced, and EVERY
SAIL IS STRETCriEU i O COLLECT THE UNWARY AMERICANS, AVHO
ARE UNSUSPECTINGLY CONFIDING IN WHAT WAS THE LAW Ol'
NATIONS.

•' In the principles they have here submitted to your consideration, they
feel all the confidence of justice, and all the tenacity of truth. TO SURREN-
DER THEM, THEY CONCEIVE, WOULD DKnOG\TE FRO.M THE
JIATIONAL CHARACTER AND INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED
STATES. FROM THE JUSTICE OF GOVERNMENT THEY HOPE FOR
THEIR AVOWAL; FROM THE SPIRIT OF GOVEllNMENT THEY
HOPE FOR rilEIli DEFENCE ; AND FROM THE BLESSING OF HEA-
VEN THEY HOPE FOlt THEIR ESTABLISHMENT-

" As c'lizens, they claim protection ; and they conceive that the claim is en-
forced by the consideration, that from their industry and enterprise is collect-
ed a revenue which no nation has been able to equal, without a correspondent
expense for the protection of the means.

" To preserve peace with all nations, is admitted, without reserve, to be both
the interest and the policy of the United States. They therefore presume to
suggest, that every measure, not inconsistent with the honour of the nation, by
which the great objects of redress and security may be attained, should first
be used. IF SUCH MEASURES PROVE INEFFECTUAL, WHATEVER
MAY BE THE SACRIFICE ON THEIR PART, IT WILL BE MET WITH
SUBMISSION."

Thos- Fitzsimons, chairman,
John Craig, .lac. Gerard Koch, Wm. Montgomery, George Latimer,

W. Sims, Thos. W. Francis, \braliamlvinuing. Chandler Price,

Robert Ralston, Tiiomas English, Philip Nicklin, L. Clapier,
James Yard, Joseph S. Lewis, Thomas AUlbone, Daniel W. Coxe,

Robert Wain, Manuel Eyre,

R. E- Hobart, Secretary.

The preceding list embraces decided men of both the hostile
partite, and of various nations — Americans, English, Irish,
French, and Dutch.

•CSAP. 14] BALTIMORE MEMORIAL. ^3

CHAPTER XIV.

Extracts froyn the Baltimore Memorial.

The memorial of the merchants of Baltimore is more diffuse
and argumentative than any of the preceding. It is a most mas-
terly composition, and may be regarded as a complete and un-
answerable defence of neutral rights against belligerent preten-
sions and encroachments. Its maxims ought to be committed to
memory by every statesman, in all those countries, whose inter-
est it is to preserve a neutral situation.

" It would not be desired that the state of thing-.s which Great Britain had
herself prescribed, and which use and habit had rendered familiar and intelligi-
ble to all, should be disturbed by oppressive innovations ; far less that these in-
novations sliould, by atiirannical retrospection, be made X.o iusi\iy the seizure and
<-onfiscation of their property, committed to the high seas, under the protection of
the existing rule, and without -uariiing of the intended change. In tliis their just
hope, your memorialists have been fatally disappointed. THEIR VESSELS
AND EFFECTS TO A LARGE AMOUNT, HAVE LATELY BEEN CAPTU-
RED BY THE COMMISSIONED CRUISElfS OF GREAT BRITAIN, upon
the foundation of NEW PRINCIPLES SUDDENLY INVENTED, and applied
to this habitual traffic ; and suggested and promulgated, for the hrst time, by
sentences of condemnation ; bv whicli. iincvoida/jle iiynorance has been considered
as criminal, and AN HONOUltABLE CONFIDENCE IN THE .TUSTICE OF A
FRIENDLY NATION, PURSUED WITH PEIVALTY AND FORFEITURE.

" Your memorialists are in no situation to state the precise nature of the
rules to which their most important interests have been sacrificed : and it is
not the least of their complaiHts against them, that they are undefined and unde-
finable; equivocal in their form, and t/ieft instruments of oppression, by reason of
their ambiguity.

" Wlien we see a powerful state, in possession of a commei-ce, of which the
world aftbrds no ex?^n\y\iis, endeavoring to interpolate into tlie laws of nations ca-
suistical niceties andwaytuard distinctions, which forbid a citizen of another inde-
pendent commercial country to export from that country what imquestionably belongs
to him, only because he imported it himself, and yet allow liim to sell a right of
exporting it to another ; which prohibit an end, because it arises out of one
intention, but permit it when it arises out of two ; wliich, dividing an act into
stages, searcli into the mind for a correspondent division of it in the contem-
plation of its autlior, and detemiine its innocence or criminahty accordingly ;
which, not denying that the property acquired in an authorised traffic by neu-
tral nations from belligerents, may become incorporated into the national stock,
and, under the slielter of its neutral character, tlius superinduced, and still
preserved, be afterwards transported to every cjuarter of the globe, reject the
only epoch, wliicli can distinctly mark the incorporation, and point out none
other in its place ; which, proposing to fix with accuracy and precision, the Une
of demarcation, beyond which neutrals are trespassers upon the wide domain
of belligei'ent riglits, involve every thing in darkness and confusion; there can
be but one opinion as to the purpose which all tliis is to accomplish.

"Your memorialists object, in the strongest terras, against this new criterion
of legality, because of its inevitable tendency to injustice; because of its pecu-
liar capacity to embarrass with seizure, and ruin with confiscation, the whole of our
trade with F.urope in the surplus of our colonial importations.

" For the loss and damage which capture brings along with it, British courts of
prize grant no adequate indemnity. Redress to anv extent is difficult ; to a com-
petent extent impossible. And even the costs which an iniquitous seizure com-
pels a neutral merchant to incur, in the defence of his violated rights, before
their own tribunals, are seldom decreed, and never paid.

" The reasons upon which Great Britain assumes to herself a right to intei'-
dict the independent nations of the earth, a commercial intercourse with the
colonies of her enemies (out of the relaxation of which pfetended right has

O. B. 14

94 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 14.

arisen the distinction in her courts, between the American trade from the co-
lonies to the United States, and from tlie same colonies to Europe) will, we
are confidently persuaded, BE REPELLED WITH FIRMNESS AND EF-
FECT B\ OUR GOVERNMENT.

" Shf forbids us from transporting in our vessels, as in peace we could, the pro-
perty of her enemies ; enforces against us a ligorous list of contraband : dams up the
great channels of our ordinary trade ,- abridges, trammels, and obstructs what she
permits us to prosecute ,- and t/ien refers us to our accustomed traffic in time of peace
for the criterion of our commercial' rights, IN ORDER TO JUSTIFY THE CON-
SUMMATION OF THAT RUIN, WITH WHICH OUR LAWFUL COM-
MERCE IS MENACED BY HER MAXLMS AND HER CONDUCT.

" Tiie petnicious qualities of this doctrine are enhanced and aggravated, as
from its nature might be expected, by the fact that GREAT BRITAIN
GIVES NO NOTICE OF THE TIME WHEN, OR THE CIRCUMSTANCES
IN WHICH, SHE MEANS TO APPLY, AND ENFORCE IT. Her orders of
the sixth of November, 1793, by which the seas were swept of our vessels and
efiects, -vere for the first time, announced by tJie ships ofiuar, and pnvateers, by
ivliich they luere carried into execution.

" The late decisions of her coiu'ts, which are in the true spirit of this doc-
trine, and are calculated to restore it in practice, to that high tone of severity,
whicli milder decisions had almost concealed from the world, came upon us
by surprise. And the captures, of which the Dutch complained, in the seven
years war, were preceded by no warning. THUS IS THIS PRINCIPLE
MOST ItAPACIOUS AND OPPRESSH'E IN ALL ITS BEARINGS. Harsh
and mysterious in itself, it has always been, and ever must be, used to betray
neutral merchants into a ti'ade, supposed to be lawful, and then to give them
up to pillage and niin.

" But there can be no security ivhile a malignant and deceitful principle like
this hangs over us. It is just what the belligerent chooses to make it, lurking,
unseen, and uufelt, or visible, active, and noxious. It may come abroad when
least expected : and the moment of confidence may be the moment of de-
struction.

It may sleep for a time ; bitt no man knows -when it is to atuake, to shed its banefid
influence upon the commerce of the world. It clothes itself, from season to season,
in what ma}' be called relaxations, but again, witliout any previous intimation to
the deluded citizens of the neutrid powers, these relaxations are suddenly
laid aside, either in the whole, or in part, and the work of confiscation commences.
Nearly ten months of the late war had elapsed before it announced itself at all :
and when it did so, it was in its most formidable shape, and in its fullest power
and expansion.

" Your memoriahsts feel themselves bound to state, that, according to au-
tlientic information lately received, the government of Great Britain does, at
this moment, ^ra;;* licences to neutral vessels taking in a proportion oftlieir cargoes
there, to proceed on trading voyages to the colonies of Spain, from which she woidd
exclude us ; upon the condition, that the return cargoes shall be earned to Great Bri-
tain, to S7oell the gains of her merchants, a?id to give her a monopoly of the commerce
of the world. This great belligerent right, then, upon which so much has been
supposed to depend, sinks into an article of barter. It is used, not as a hostile in-
strument wielded by a warlike state, by which her enemies are to be wounded,
or their colonies subdued, but as the selfish means of commercial aggrandize-
ment, for the ivipoverishment and nan of her friends i as an engine by which Great
Britain is to be lifted vip to a vast height of prosperity, and the trade of neutrals
crippled, and crushed, and de.itrayed. Such acts are a most intelligible commen-
tary upon the jirinciple in question. They show that it is a hollow and fallaci-
ous principle, susceptible of the worst abuse, and incapable of a just and honour-
able application. They slicw that in the hands of a great maritime state, it is
not, in its ostensible character of a weapon of hostility, that it is prized ; but ra-
ther as one of the means of establishing an unbounded monopoly, by which every
entei-prise calculated to promote national wealth and power, shall be made to
begin and end in Great Britain alone. Such acts may well be considered as pro-
nouncing the condemnation of the principle against which we contend, as with-
drawing from it the only pretext, upon wluchit was possible to rest it. Great

CHAP. 15] NEWBURYPORT MEMORIAL. 97

Britain does not pretend that this principle has any wan-ant in the opinion of
writers on public law. She does not pretend, and cannot pretend, that it derives
any countenance from the conduct of otlier nations. She is confessedhf solitary
in the use of this invention, bij ivhich RAPACITY IS SYSTEM ATISED, and A
STATE OF NEUTRALITY AND WAR ARE MADE SUBS'l ANTIAlLY
THE SAME. In this absence of all otlier authority, her courts have made an
appeal to her own early example, for the justification of her own recent practice.
Your memoraiists join in that appeal, as afiorduig' the most conclusive and au-
thoritative reprobation of the practice, wliich it is intended to support by it.

"The solemn renunciation of the principle in question, in the face of the
whole world, by her highest tribunal in matters of prize, reiterated in a succes-
.sion of decrees, down to the year 1786, and afterwards, is powerfully confiiTned
by the acquiescence of Great Britain, durmg tiie iirst, most important, and ac-
tive period of the late war, in tlie free and unlimited prosecution, by neutrals,
of the whole colony trade of France. She did, indeed, at last, prohibit tliat trade,
by an instruction, UNPRECEDENTED IN THE ANNALS OF MARITIME
DEPREDATIONS ; but the revival of her discarded rule was characterized with
such circumstances of iniouity and violence, as rather to heighten, by the efl'ect
of contrast, the veneration of mankind for the past justice of her tribunals.
The world has not forgotten the instruction to which we allude, or the enormi-
ties by which its true character was developed. Produced in mystery, at a
moment when universal confidence in the integrity of her government had
brought upon the ocean, a prey of vast vahie and importance ; sent abroad to
the different naval stations with such studied secrecy that it would almost seem
to have been intended to make an experiment, HOW FAR LAW AND HO-
NOUR COULD BE OUTRAGED BY A NATION PROVERBIAL FOR RE-
SPECTING BOTH : the heralds by whom it was first announced were the
commanders of her commissioned cruisers, who at the same instant carried it
into effect, with every circumstance of aggravation, if, of such an act, there can
be any aggravation. Upon such conduct there was but one sentiment It was
condemned by reason and justice. It was condemned by that law which flows
from, and is founded upon "them. IT WAS CONDEMNED AND WILL FOR-
EVER CONTINUE TO BE CONDEMNED BY THE UNIVERSAL VOICE
OF TIIE CIVILIZED W^ORLD."

Thomas Tenant, Henry i'ayson, Benjamin WiUiams, John Donnel,

William Wilson, William Lorman, Luke Tiernan, T. Swan,

William Taylor, T. Hollingsworth, Joseph Sterret, Robert Gilmor,

George Stiles, Steuart Brown, James Calhoun, J.A.Buchanan,

John Collins, Samuel Sterret, Alexander M'Kim, David Stewart,

Hugh Thompson, William Patterson, Mark Pringle, Samuel Taylor,

John Sherlock, John Strieker,

Baltimore, January 21, 1806.

This list, like that signed to the Philadelphia memorial, em-
braces federalists and democrats indiscriminately — as well as
citizens of various nations.

CHAPTER XV.

Extracts from the 3Iemorials of Newhaven and Ncxvbiiry port.

Extracts from the memorial of the chamber of commerce of JVe'ivhaven.
"Your memoraiists cannot behold without surprise and regret, a powerful
and respectable nation, bending the principles of the common law of nations, to
answer political purposes, and introducing a versatile policy into the solemn
adjudications of her courts. WE HOLD IT TO BE EXTREMELY IMPOR-
TANT THAT ALL NATIONS SHOULD COMBINE AGAINST SUCH INNO-
VATIONS UPON THEIR RIGHTS; and, in particular, that the United States,
whose geographical position gives them the best chance of maintaining neutral-
ity, during wars in Europe, SHOULD FIRMLY RESIST EVERY ENCROACH-
MENT UPON THE RICH rS OF NEUTRAL COMMERCK.

(/6 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [iuAP. 16

"With these impressions of the necessity o^ measures for defending our com-
mercial rights, which slnill be firm, but temperate, and bold, yet marked with
a spirit of conciliation, your memorialists cordiallyunite with tlieir fellow-citi-
zens of other commercial towns, in expressing tlieir sentiments freely to the le-
g.slative and executive authorities of their country ; with assurances of their
disposition TO GIVE AID AND SUPPORT TO EVERY MEASUREf)F GOV-
EiiNMENT CALCULATED TO ACCOMPLISH THIS BIPORTANT OB-
JECT."

Signed by order,

HENRY DAG GET,
J^fevihaven, February 7, 1806. President of the Chamber of Commerce.

Extracts from the memorial of the merchants of Keivburyport.

** In many cases our vessels and cargoes have been captured, tried and con-
demned in courts of law, under unusual and alarming pretences, ivhich,if peivnit-
ted to continue, THREATEN THE RUIN OF OUR COMMERCIAL INTER-
ESTS.

"So far from obtaining' redress of our grievances by the ordinary modes an4
processes of law, we have in most cases been subject to heavy costs, and suffer-
ed embarrassing and distressing detention of propertj^ even where no pretence
could be found to authorise the seizure of it.

"Having sustained these losses and injuries in the prosecution of our lawful
commerce, and in the exercise of our just rights, we rely with confidence on the
wisdom, firmness, and justice of our government, to obtain for us that compen-
sation, and to grcmt to us that protection, ivhich A REGARD TO THE HONOUR
OF OUR COUNTRY, no less than the rights of our citizens must dictate and re-
quire.

Eben. Stockcr, Stephen Howard, Edward Tappan,")

John Pearson, Wilham Bartlet, Moses Howard, C Committee.

JK'etvburijport, December, 1805. "William Faris, _)

The same outrages having been experienced by the citizens of
Newhaven and Newburypoit as by those of other parts of the
union, we of course find the same style of complaint — the same
call for redress — the same pledge of support — in one caseexpli.
citly expressed, in the other unequivocally implied.

CHAPTER XVI.

Extracts from the Memorial of the merchants of Salem, Ms.

" Your memoralists have witnessed -udth unhesitating approbation the disbositioji
to 7ieutraltttf, patronised by the general government, at\imes when national wrongs
have been pressed with peculiar aggravations, and seemed to point to summan-
redress^ Fn-mness and moderation have happily secured all the advantages of
successful war, and the sober appeal of reason carried conviction to foreig-n na-
tions. °

"Your memorialists, liowever, liave witnessed, with deep regret and deep
anxiety, that to some of their tribunals they can no longer appeJl for safety
.JVe~.v interpretations nj old ndes, and new glosses on ancient doctrines, have been
arravcd to controul the circuitof neutral commerce, and restrain, if not annihil-
ate. Its most beneficial operations. Their surprise has been the greater because
the 7wt,on icho has adopted tliem, is one from ivhom ~.ve had a ri^ht to exbect the
wost conciliatory conduct ; since witli her, ultimate!}' centre the proceedi of our
lucTiIl^er''' ''*' P"'"''''^''' *^^ greatest portion of her staple manu

"The interest.* of Gre.it Britain and the United States, seem in this respect
mutual. We consume the products of her industry ; and give her, in return,
besides large sums of money, rem mateinals by -.ohich she may l^-y new coniribu-
tmrs. bimdanty of manners and Jiabits, of language ajid education, have addei?

CHAP. 16.] SALEM MEMORIAL. 95

artificial inducements for intercourse, and gained for her among us a respect
not sliglitly to be viewed, or inconsiderately forfeited. On all occasions the Uni-
ted Stales have exhibited to-xards her an amicable interest, and a just, it may be ad'
ded, a generous polici/. If, therefore, we had favours to ask or receive, our
claims have been peculiarly strong upon her ; because we have been emphafi-
cally the sinews of her opulence. But it is believed that the United States ne-
ver asked of any nation more than justice, and are wiUing to be bound by the
estabUshed rules of commerce. Your memorialists therefore express deep re-
gret, because a confidence has been shaken which may not easily be restored ;
and deep anxiety, because the principles alluded to, if conceded, MUST
EVENTUALLY PROSTRATE OUR TRADE, OR LEAVE IT AT THE
ARBITRARY DISCRETIOX OF BELLIGER EJK'TS. Whether peace or
war prevail, the baneful influence will every where be felt ; and in the latter
predicament, we shall, as neutrals, share the mischiefs of it without the chances

of benefit. *

" The principle, recently established by Great Britain, is, as your memorialists
understand it, that it is not competent for (i neidrcd to carry on, in war, any trade,
ivhich he is not accustomed to do in peace ; and that he shall not be pa-mitted to ef.
feet that in a circuitous, which is inldbited in a direct trade : as corollaries from
'this principle, she insists that the colonial trade exercised by neutrals, shall
not extend beyond the accustomed peace estabhshment ; and that whenever the
neutral imports into his own country colonial produce with the intention to
tranship it to the mother countiy, if a direct intercourse be interdicted in peace,
the circuity of the route shall not protect the property from confiscation. It
seems admitted that such circuitous route, with such intention, is not consider-
ed as evidence of enemy's property, confiscable within ordinary rules; but
as a distinct, substantial, and condemnatory principle, independent both in ef-
ficacy and application. For it yields not to the most clear proof of neutral pro-
perty, or innocent though misdirected conduct. The unaccustomed trade, or
the importation with specific intentions, are tlie tests by which every voyage is
to be tried.

" In another view, the rule appears to your memorialists as not less untenable
and unjust. It is stated, as a part of it, that if colonial produce be imported by
any person with an intention to tranship it on his own account to the mother
country, it is subject to confiscation. But if importedfor the purpose of general
commerce, and thrown into the market for general transhipment, it is within
the exception. To distinguish hctw e&n general and particular intentions, and to
separate things so subtle'in their own natures, and almost incapable of proof, for
the purposes'of national decisions, seems a. refl?ie merit reserved for the present age.
The foundation of this modern doctrine is laid in this principle, that the neutral
has no right, by an extension of his trade, to afibrd supplies to the belligerent
to ward off tlie blows of his enemy, and to oppose for a longer period the do-
minion of his force. But to this your memorialists deem it a conclusive answer,
that the proposition proves too much ; that, if true, it is a foundation for a far
more broad and sweeping principle ; that every commerce -with the belligerent is
inhibited to neutrals ; for every commerce assists hirain resistance, and diminishes his
necessities. A doctrine thus comprehensive, has never yet been avowed, and it
is presumed never will be. Yet such must be the logical conclusion ; and it
shews in-esistibly tlie absurdity of the assumed premises.

« The accustomed, as well as the unaccustomed trade, is within the terms, and
must stand or fall together. Either the doctrine is unsound, AjXD ASSUJMEJi
AS A MERE PRETEXT FOR PREDATORY SEIZURES; or neutrals
have no rights as such ; and must endure the calamities inflicted by bellige-
rents in a contest in which tliey liave no voice, and in which they can reap only
injury.

" Other considerations add force to the preceding remarks. It is well knowa
that in time of war neutrals cannot carry on even their accustomed trade in its
full extent. They are prohibited from trading in contraband goods, and to
blookaded ports. Variations necessarily arise in the relations of the hostile
pavers, wliich the neutrsil ought to possess 9, right to tura to lus profit, as an

98 I'OLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [cuap.1&.

indemnity for the obstructions of liis old trade. These obstructions are of a
very serious nature. "When exercised in tlie mildest form, they produce OP-
PRESSIVE SEAIiCHESAJVD DELAYS, EXPEJ^TSIVE LITIGATIOJ^T,
AKD OFTEjXA total F. UL URE OF AM OTHER WISE L UCRA TIVE
VOYAGE. Reason would therefore seem to declare, that for the hazai-ds of
this nature, the benefits arising to neutrals from war, are not more than a just
equivalent.

" It is somewhat singular, that a belligerent should invite a trade idth itself,
luhich it declares fruiidulent ivith its enemtj ,■ and should lift the arm of poiuer to
crush the neutral, whose conduct is criminal oidij when it ceases to be partial !

" Such are tlie remai-ks your memorialists respectfully submit upon the rule
considered in Itself. On this examination they confess it appears to them, fun-
damentally incorrect. It subjects commerce to fluctuating decisions ; over-
throws the ordinary mles of evidence ; and places an immense power to be
■wielded at the uncontroulable discretion of magistrates appointed by a single
paity.

" It therefore wants all the discriminative features of a fundamental proposi-
tion of the law of nations ; uniformity, precision and general applicability. It
would, in their opinion, if established, create greater evils than it professes to
redress, by perpetuating strife, destroying tlie emoluments of trade, embaiTass-
ing commercial intercourse, and LETTIM^G LOOSE THE PASSIOMS TO
P^REY OX THE MISERIES, AJVD PLUA'BER THE PROPERTY OF
THE LY.VOCE.YT. It would subject neutrals to hazards nearly as perilous
as tliose of actual hostilities j and independent of its influence in stimulating to
revenge and retahation, IT WOULD TRAjYSFER THE BEJVEFITS OF
PEACE TOAA'Y VICTORIOUS USURPER OF THE OCEAJV.

" It is conced'Cd by the British Civilians that during tlie American revohitlon,
the doctrine was ientirely intermitted, and tlie commerce of neutrals was pur-
sued according to the ancient code. Many cases of tills period might be cited
from the admiralty records, which overthrow the rule, and expressly vindicate
tlie opposite, if precedents are to decide, the judgments of a tribunal esta-
bhshed in Great Uritain under her sole appointment, and acting with open
powers, must surely, wlien acquiescence creates tlie law, complete the renun-
ciation of the contested rule.

"It is not tlie least singularity attending the conduct of the present war,
that Great Britain has licensed her sid}jects in a trade -which she declares fraudu-
lent in others ; that she admits them unmolested to supply her enemy with means of
resistance, when she declares confiscation is the penally of neutral succo%ir. Were
the rule ever so just In Itself, it certainly demands relaxation, when the bellige-
rent partakes the profit, and connives at the breach. If its foundation be the
unlawfulness of aflbrding assistance to a distressed enemy, surely it ought not to
be enforced when that assistance Is an authorised object of speculation with the
distressing belhgerent.

"It is our pride to believe that the American merchants, with very few ex-
ceptions, arc as distinguished for good faith as any on earth. The imputation
thrown on them is a naked pretence to repel the odium of vexatious Injuries,
and excuse violations of law, which cannot be justified.

" Your memorialists wish to take no part in the contests which now convulse
the world ; but acting with impartiality towards all nations, to reap the fruits of
u just neutrality. If, however, conciliation cannot effect the piu'pose of justice,
und Aj\' APPEAL TO ARMS be the last and necessary protection of honour,
they feel no disposition to decline tlie common danger, or shrink from the
common contribution.

" Relying on the wisdom and fiminess of the general government in this be-
half, they feel no hesitation to PLEDGE THEIR LIVES and PROPER-
TIES in support of the measures ivluch maybe adopted to vindicate the public rights^
and redress t/ie public wrongs.'"

John Hathorne, Joseph Snivigue, Jonathan Mason, 7 p v.

B. Crowninshield, jr, Joseph White, jr. Joseph Story, 5 t^ommiuee.^
Sakm, January 20, 1806,

CHAP. 17.] REFLECTIONS, 99

CHAPTER XVII.

Rejlections on the memorials. Uniform call for redress. Uni-
form pledge of support-

A re-perusal of these important, these invahiable documents
is recommended to the reader. Without bearing in mind their
contents, it is impossible to form a correct estimate of the policy
of this nation, or of the merits and demerits of the two parties,
whose senseless, envenomed, and infuriated hostility was, of late,
rapidly sending to perdition the noblest country, the happiest
people, and the best form of government in the world.

We must not forget for an instant, the cause of these impas-
sioned complaints, these invocations for redress, these pledges
of support. This is the most important item in the aflair. It
was simply the right to re-export the productions of the colonies
of the enemies of Great Britain — a right which, however clear
and indefeasible, was wholly unessential to the prosperty of oWc
country. We might have abandoned it without the sacrifice 6*f
an iota of the happiness of our citizens, or the real honour of
the nation. . j^^;>\^-

No man of decency can deny, after the perusal of these docu-
ments, that the mercantile citizens of the United States urged—
it would not be extravagant to say, goaded — the government into
a resistance of the high-handed and oppressive pretensions and
outrages of Great Britain. Every paragraph establishes this im-
portant fact. The expression of the public sentiment on this sub-
ject was nearly simultaneous from Newburyport to Baltimore.

That they calculated upon war, as the dernier resort, is obvi-
ous from the phraseology. It cannot be inisunderstood. When
the Boston merchants express their reliance, that

" Such measures will be promptly adopted, as will tend to disembaiTass com-
merce, ASSERT OUR RIGHTS, and support the dignity of the United States,"
it would be absurd and ridiculous to svtppose these measures
were to be limited to mere negociation, the utter inefficacy of
which had been so often experienced. A child would spurn at
the idea of " asserting the rights and supporting the digjiity of
the United States^^ by negociation alone. This had already
proved a feeble resource, and might have been protracted for a
century, without " asserting''' any of " our rights.''^ Their
views were not so limited. No. War, war, war. must indu-
bitably have been in their contemplation, should negociation
have an unfavourable issue.

Can any man of common sense doubt, can any man of charac-
ter deny, that the merchants of Philadelphia calculated on
WAR, when, after having suggested,

" That every measure not inconsistent with the honour and interests of the
nation, by which the great objects of redress and security might be attained,
should be first tried ,"
they add

" If such measures should prove ineffectual, ■\vhatever may be the sacrifice
'^in their part, it will be met with submission ?"

100 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [caxp. 17.

When the merchants of Newburypoit

" Rely with confidence on the FIRMNT^SS and JUSTICE of the governmentj
lo obtain for them compensation and protection,"

they must have been insane, if they did not calculate upon WAR
as the ultima ratio. These are the worthy citizens who stand
recorded in the annals of their country, as having since patrioti-
callij pledged themselves to resist their own government,
" EVEN UNTO BLOOD."*

And who can pretend, that the merchants of Newhaven, when
they called upon the government
" FiiTnly to resist every encroachment upon the rights of neutral nations,"

did not calculate upon war? And did they not most solemnly
pledge themselves to support war, should it eventually be de-
clared, when they tendered the

" Assurances of their disposition to give aid and support to EVERY MEA-
SURE calculated to accomplish this important object ?"

And when the New York merchants declared their

« Reliance upon the government of their country, that their rights would not
be abandoned,"

and that the crisis required

."AuTHE ENEiiGT, OS wcU as the prudence and wisdom of the government,"

ean there be found a man who will pretend that war was not
calculated .on, unless other means might be found to accomplish
the end in view ? It cannot be.

And is there not a clear and explicit pledge to be found at the
close of their memorial —

" We pledge our united support in favour of all the measures adopted to vin-
dicate and secure the just rights of our country."

I am credibly informed that there arc subscribed to this me-
morial, names of persons who lately prayed, fervently and open-
ly, for the destruction of the armies of the United States invad-
ing Canada! Most wonderful consistency and patriotism !

But the merchants of Salem are more explicit on the subject
of war than most of their mercantile brethren elsewhere. They
leave no room for inference or supposition. They most unam-
biguously declare their views.

" If, however, conciliation cannot effect the purpose, and AN APPEAL TO
ARMS be the lust and necessary protection of honour, they feel no disposition
to decUne the common danger, or shrink from the common contribution."

And was there ever, since the world was formed, a more so-
lemn pledge given, than the one with which they close their me-
morial, and which I here repeat —

" Relying on the wisdom and firmness of the general government, in this be-
half, they feel no hesitation, to pledge their lives and properties in support of

• This monstrous expression was contained in one of their addresses to the
state legislature! in 1814.

COAF.

18] CHARACTER OF MERCHANTS. lO.l

the measures which may be adopted to VINDICATE THE PUBLIC RIGHTS,
AND REDRESS THE PUBLIC WRONGS."

In the next" chapter, I shall investigate the question, how far
these pledges were redeemed.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Character of merchants by Edmund Burke. IlUbercd and wir
founded. Merchants as various in character as other classes

of men.

Edmund Burke has left on record a most unfavourable cha-
racter of merchants, which has been a thousand times quoted to
their disparagement. He has, if my memory do not deceive me,
asserted, that they have no national attachment or patriotism —
that their ledger is their Bible — and gold their God.

1 his character is unfounded and illiberal. All sweeping de-
nunciations of entire classes are unjust. The merchants are
as various in their characters as any other description of men.
There are among them numbers of persons of the highest re-
spectability — great patriotism — a high sense of honour — great
liberality--and possessing all the other virtues than can adorn
the human character. There are likewise some as base and vile
as the others are excellent.

There is nothing in mercantile aftairs, or commerce, that has
a tendency to deteriorate those who follow the profession. It is
inconceivable how it should be otherwise. The large scale on
which cmmeyce is conducted, is calculated to expand, not to
illiberalize the mind.

Moreover, a considerable portion of the merchants having en-
joyed the advantages of the best education, must, from that cir-
cumstance alone, have a fair chance of not meriting the denun-
ciation of Edmund Burke.

That the American merchants are, in general, shrewd, intel-
ligent, and penetrating, cannot be denied. They are, in these
respects, at least on a level with the merchants of any other
country.

It must, however, be acknowledged, that in the course they
have steered from the commencement of the year 1806, when
the preceding memorials were presented to Congress, till the
declaration of war, and during its continuance, they have been
as lamentably blind to their own vital interests, to the highest
interests of their country, and to their duty as citizens, as if
they were almost altogether deficient of the reasoning faculty.

Thev have inflicted incalculable injury on themselves an J their
country. Indeed, so intimately in this case were the interests of
both connected, that they were, necessarily and equally, affected
by the same wound. I hope to make this appear to their con^
viction, and that of the public.
O. B. 15

10;2 POLITICAL OLm: BRANCH, [chat. 18.

The reader has seen that the mercantile part of the communi-
ty felt the highest indignation in 180G, at the pretensions of En-
gland to limit the American trade in the colonial productions of
her enemies ; that they very strongly remonstrated with the go-
vernment to resist those pretensions; and that they pledged
themselves to their country and to the xvorld^ to support what-
ever measures might be necessary to obtain redress — obviously^
evidently^ and undeniably contemplating' even zmr with all its
horrors. I propose to examine how their practice correspond-
ed with their professions and pledges.

The pacific measures adopted to effect the object of their de-
sires were — a prohibition of the importation of some of the most
important of the manufactures of Gi-eat Britain — an embargo,
when the injuries we experienced from that nation had vastly in-
creased — and non-intercourse.

Did the American merchants redeem their pledge ? Did they
preserve their faith ? Did they support the government in all or
anv of these measures ?

No. They indubitably did not. There is not a candid fe-
deralist from New-Hampshire to Georgia, that will assert that
the merchants, as a corps, supported the government in any of
these measures. I say distinctly, as a corps. There were illus^
trious exceptions. But their fidelity in redeeming the pledge
was unavailing. // was forfeited by the corps — completely for-^
feited.

The clear, indisputable, and melancholy fact is, that after
having impelled and goaded the administration into ineasures
to procure redress, they not merely withheld their support from
those measures, but actually, as far as depended on them, pre-
vented their success. They hung hostilely on the skirts of the
government, and defeated the embargo, non-intercourse, and all
the other restrictive measures.

I have thus far considered the point in respect to their duty
as citizens, their plighted faith, and the obligation they thereby
incurred to support the government in measures which had ari-
sen out of their memorials, remonstrances, and solemn pledges.

I now enter on the consideration of their conduct, as it de-
monstrates an unparalleled blindness towards their own interests,
and those of their country.

"Whatever misjudging prejudice, or faction, devotion to Eng-
land, or hostility to France, may pretend, the solemn fact is, that
the United States were most grievously outraged and injured
b)' Great Britain. The violence or excesses of France, enor-
mous, and iniquitous, and indefensible as they were, afforded no
justification to those of her enemy. " Retaliation," in the words
of Mr. Bayard and Mr. Lloyd,^ " was A MERE PRE-

• In a subsequent chapter, I sliall quote the senthneats of these gentlemen at
full leneth.

CHAP. 18.] MERCANTILE PROCEEDINGS. K)3

TENCE." If A. rob me of my hcrt^ it does notfolloxv that B has
a right to retaliate on HIM, by robbing ME of my coat or
ivaistcoat. And still less, if A threaten to rob me, but has not
the power to do it, has B a right to retaliate on him by robbing
me. France pretended to blockade England, and seize neutral
vessels bound there — but was unable to effect her purpose through
her destitution of naval power. England retaliated on France
by SEIZING OUR VESSELS bound to that country; and persevered
in that lawless course for entire years, having depredated on the
United States to the amount of many millions, and with every
species of aggravation, of which such an outrage is susceptible
—and, forsooth, all zvas perpetrated to punish France, xvhom she
was at the same tiine supply ing- ivith our productions herself! ! !
There is not in the history of the world any conduct more gross
or less defensible.

When we are laid in our graves, and our factions and con-
vulsions have sunk into oblivion, posterity will pass a heavy sen-
tence of condemnation upon these odious, these oppressive, these
scandalous transactions.

That America has been the aggrieved nation, and England
■wholly the aggressor, is palpable from one circumstance. In all
the diplomatic intercourse that has taken place between the cabi-
net of St. James's and that at Washington, the former has hard-
ly ever made the slightest complaint of injustice against the lat-
ter, except occasionally oi partiality towards France as a pallia-'
tion of British violence. This, if it mean any thing, must cer-
tainly mean that xve bore French depredation, insult, and outrage,^
more patiently than English outrage, insult, and depredation. If
it have any other meaning, I shali be gratified to have it demon-
strated.

But we inflicted on France one solid, substantial, important,
and most destructive injury, froin which England wholly es-
caped. From 1793 to 1812, we uniformly submitted to the vio-
lation of our neutrality, to the material benefit of one belligerent
and extreme disadvantage of the other. Our commercial marine
rvas a constant nursery for Great Britain, to supply hernavy
■with seamen to annoy and distress her enemy.

This was an unceasing cause of w^r against us by France. It
was in direct hostility with fundamental principles of the law of
nations. It was affording a most decisive and all-important aid
to one belligerent for the destruction of the other, to an enor-
mous extent, unparalleled in the histoiy of Europe.

It results, from the premises, that from the declaration of war
between France and England, the latter power constandy made
inroads upon us — ^and we as constantly sought redress — and that
our principal grievances were the atrocious outrages practised on
our seamen, and the reiterated and intolerable infringement of
our commercial rights and privileges.

104 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANDU, [coAi'. 18.

Under this view of the case, the correctness of which will not,
I trust, be disputed, what course ought an enlightened body of
merchants to steer?

Suppose them patriotic, public-spirited, and magnanimous; a
regard to the national honour and interest would impel them to
uphold the government of their own country in a struggle against
the lawless outrages of a foreign nation. But even suppose
them base, sordid, selfish, avaricious, and without a single spark
of patriotism, public spirit, or liberality, ought not their very
selfishness dictate the same course? How could they lail to see
that every edort to harass, to ci-ipple, to embarrass their own
government, was an eftbrt towards enabling the foi-eign and agr
gressing nation, to triumph over their country, and to enforce
its claims, to the manifest and immense injury of their own most
vital interests ? the latuity of a lad who had been but six weeks
in a counting-house, and did not at once perceive the cogency of
these arguments would be pitiable. This point is clear and plain
in theory. But it does not rest on theory. We have a strong
and practical illustration of it by our own melancholy experience ;
an illustration which the merchants of this country will long have
to deplore. By the Jacobinical, seditious, and disorganizing
combinations to oppose the measures calculated to procure re-
dress, England was enabled to enforce the orders in council for
four years and a half; whereby, during sixteen months, she in-
terdicted our trade with all Europe except Sweden and her own
dependencies : that is to say, she forbade us to trade with about
one hundred and thirty millions of the people of Europe. — For the
remainder of the time, when she somewhat relaxed her orders,
she proscribed our trade zvith at least ffty rnillions.

Never has the sun in his course beheld such transcendent,
such lamentable, such irreparable folly as the merchants of the
United States have been guilty of in this instance. Throughout
the whole of the arduous conflict between the United States and
Great Britain, they invariably thwarted^ and harassed^ and em-
barrassed their 07vn /^-overnment. They have defended the go-
vernment of Britain throughout — and as constantly laboured, in
the face of reason, justice', and common sense, to put their own
nation in the wrong. And for what end ? to serve the purposes of
party ; to enable a few ambitious fuen^ rvho ivere out ofo^ice^ and
panted to /^et in, to accomplish this object I I !
• I once more wish to qualify these observations. There were
here, as in a former case, noble exceptions among the mer-
( hants, citizens who displayed the most exalted patriotism,
rhese exceptions do not invalidate the rule. I consider the
merchants as a corps (for it is thus onlv^ they can be considered
in t;ii3. discussion) and as their operations on the government
and nation were felt — and more particularly, as they acted in the
eastern States.

CHAP. 18] MERCANTILE PROCEEDINGS. 105

Any one of the three pacific measures adopted by this govern-
ment, had it been duly supported by the mercantile interest,
would have obliged Great Britain to redress our wrongs, and
very speedily. We should then have enjoyed an unshackled
commerce. And had our merchants, either from patriotism or
selfishness, submitted to a short temporary privation of business,
they xvoidd have been repaid by a tenfold harvest of most lucra-
tive commerce. But faction led them astray. 'They rendered
wholly nugatory all the measures adopted to guard their inte-
rests, and to extort justice for their wrongs. Great Britain was
thus encouraged to proceed in her aggressions. This led to a
wasting war. To the hostile opposition of the mercantile class,
therefore, we may fairly ascribe its ravages.

In all the wild, frantic, and fatuitous career of faction — from
the earliest records of time to the present day, I believe there is
no parallel case. Never did an intelligent, enlightened, and re-
spectable body of men, make so immense, so wanton, so irreco-
verable a sacrifice of their dearest interests, and so completely
in hostility with the dictates of reason and common sense.

If Belzebub or Lucifer held the reins of government^ policij
and self-interest zvotdd dictate that in all contests with foreign
nations^ he ought to be supported^ unless most manifestly and egre.
giously unjust. Public spirit and selfishness equcdly combine to
enforce this precept,

Hoxv transcendently superior Great B7-itain torvers over us in
this respect ! What a sublime lesson she holds out — what a noble
example she offers us to follow I

She is torn by faction like America. There is a constant strug-
gle between the incumbents in office, and those who pant after
the seats they fill. But whenever the honour or vital interest
of the nation is at stake, party in ti great measure dies away, or,
at least, becomes incapable of injuring the common cause — all
unite under the national standard — and, till the end in view is ac-
complished, distinctions are almost wholly lost in one common
designation, supporters of their country's interests and honour.

Not so in America. It is a fatal truth, that at the moment,
when this page was written, [September 1814] when not merely
our interest, and our honour, but even our very salvation was jeo-
pardized, yacf?o« raged in many places with unabated violence ;
and wicked men were incessantly employed in exciting our citi-
zens to imbrue their hands in the blood of their countrymen,* in-
stead of preparing to oppose a vindictive enemy. May the God
of peace and love dispel the clouds that impend over us — banish
our discords — and once more unite us in the bonds of harmony
and charity towards each other. Amen.

* This was the inevltnble tendency, although not the declared purpose, of a
very considerable nuniber of the publications in certain newspapers.

106 POLH ICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 19

CHAPTER XIX.

British Depredations brought on the tapis in the Sejiate of the
United States. Condemnatorij Resolutions passed.

In consequence of the presentation of the mercantile memo-
rials, the Senate of the United States took the subject into their
most serious consideration; and passed the following Resolu-
tion, on the 10th Feb. 1806.

" Re-solved, that the capture and condemnation, under orders of the British
poveriiincnt, iind adjudications of their courts of admiralty, of American vcs-
fccls antl tlicir cari^ocs, on tlie pretext of their being employed in a trade with
the enemies of Great Britain prohibited in time of peace, is AN UNFROVO-
KFI) \t;t;RKSSION Ll'ON THE PROPERTY OF THE CITIZENS OF THE
UNITED S FATES ; A VIOLATION OF THEIR NEUTRAL RIGHTS ; AND
AN ENCROACHMENT UPON THEIR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE."*

I hope the reader will attentively peruse this resolution. It
is clear and explicit. It solemnly protests against the revival of
the exploded rule of the war of 1756, as

" An encroachment upon the national independence, and a violation of our
neutral rights."

Stronger language could not be well used. What renders it
peculiarly remarkable, is, that it was carried by an unanimous vote
of the Senate^ 28 members present. But secondly and chiefly, I
beg it may be borne in remembrance, that among the senators
who thus voted, are to be found Messrs. PICKERING, Hill-
house, Bayard and Tracy.

Another resolution, passed February 14, stands in these
words : —

" l{esolved, that the president of the United States be requested to DEMAND
the restoration of the projjerty of their citizens captured and condemned on
the pretext of its beinff emplnncd in a trade wit/i the enanifs of Great Jiritaiv, prO'
hibited in time of peace ,- and tlie indemnification of such American citizens for their
loHtea and (Uimages sustained by these captures and condemnations ; and to en-
ter into such aiTangements with the British government, on these and all other
difl'irenccs between the two nations, (and particularly respecting the IM-
PRESSMENT OF AMEHIC.AN SEAMEN) as may be consistent with the hon-
our and interests of the United States, and manifest their earnest desire, iox
thcmselvcB and tlieir citizens, of that justice to wluch they are entitled."!

There was a division upon this resolution. It was carried by
twenty airirmative, against six negative votes. Messrs. PICK-
ED I Xd, Hillhouse, Bayard, and Tracy were in the affirmative,
as on the former resolution.

To ol)tain redress from Great Britain, four modes presented
tliemseUes — negociation — non-intercouse — embargo — or war.

The first in order required to be first essayed. Accordingly,
the administration entered upon negociation, and, to attach more
solemnity to it, Mr. "NVm. Pinkney was ajipointed minister extra-
ordinary, and united with Mr, Monroe, then resident at the
court of St. James's.

• Journal of the Senate for 1806— page 126. f Idem, page 131.

CHAP. 19] COMMERCIAL RESTRICTIONS. lOT

To give the negociation a greater likelihood of success, an act
was passed,* making a strong appeal to the interest of Great
Britain. This act prohibited the importation into the United.
States, of a variety of her most important manufactures, viz.

" All articles of which leather is the material of chief value.

"All ailicles of which silk is the material of chief value.

" All articles of which hemp or flax is the material of chief value.

" All articles of v.'liich tin or brass is the material of chief value, tin in .sheets
excepted.

" Woolen cloths, whose invoice prices shall exceed five shillings sterling pel-
square yard.

" Woolen hosiery of all kinds. *

" Window glass, and all the manufactures of glass.

" Silver and plated wares.

" Paper of every description.

" Nails and Spikes.

•' Mats and cloathing ready made.

*' Milhnery of all kinds,

" Playing- cards.

" Beer, ale, and porter ; and pictures and prints."

This act was passed on the 18th day of April, 1806, and, a^ has
been shown, in compliance with t^e remonstrances of the mer-
chants, as a means of inducing England to abandon her unjust
pretensions, and cease her depredations. And with a laudable
view to afford her time to weigh its consequences, and to pre-
vent a rupture between the two nations, its operation was not to
commence till the 15th of the following November, a period of
seven months. Thus reluctant was our government to have re-
course to extremities, notwithstanding the grievous provocations
that had been offered. It is impossible to conceive a more leni-
ent mode of proceeding, or one reflecting more credit on the
forbearance of an injured and insulted nation.

Still further to evince the wish of our rulers to preserve peace,
the operation of this act was, in December 1806, suspended till
the 1st of July 1807:1 and moreover, the president was author-
ised, " if in his judgment the public good should require it, to
suspend it still farther till the second Monday of December in
the*, same year."

Here let us pause a moment. The United States had suffer-
ed depredations on their commerce to an enormous amount, by
the revival of a pretended rule of the law of nations, which had,
at a former period, been clearly and distinctly abandoned, and
of which revival no previous notice had been given. And in-
stead of having recourse to reprisals, or to a declaration of war,
either of which would have been perfectly just, they adopted the
mild measure of restraining the commerce of the aggressor, in
order to make it his interest to do them justice. Never was great-
er forbearance shown — ^never was forbearance worse requited.

* Idem, page 220. f Laws of tlie United States, vol. vi, page 80.

108 POUTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chat. 20-

CHAPTER XX.

Attack on the Chesapeake. Proclamation hiterdktlng our har-
bours to the British.

While the depredations sustained by our merchants were yet
under discussion, a tragical affair occurred, which still further
unfortunately embroiled the two nations.

The Chesapeake, capt. Gordon, sailed from Norfolk on the
22d of June, 1807. The Leopard, of 50 guns, which was moored
near her, weighed anchor shortly afterwards. She soon over-
took tlie Chesapeake, and demanded four sailors, three of whom
had deserted from the British frigate Melampus. The fourth
was said to have deserted from a British merchant vessel. Com-
modore Barron, who was on board, refused to deliver the;ti;and
in consequence, the Leopard commenced an attack upon the
American frigate, which was wholly unprepared for resistance.
Three men were killed, and sixteen wounded ; among the latter
was the commodore, who struck his flag, and surrendered the
vessel. Captain Humphreys, of the Leopard, sent an officer on
board the Chesapeake, who seized four of her crew, William
Ware, Daniel Martin, John Strachan, and John Wilson.

Of these four persons, one was brought to trial at Halifax,
and, being found guilty of desertion, was hanged. One died in
confinement. The other two were retained in bondage till June
13th, 1812, a few days previous to the declaration of war, when
they were restored to freedom onboard the Chesapeake, at Boston.

This outrage excited the utmost indignation throughout the
United States, and for a time united all parties in the common
clamour for reparation of the insult and injury, or for war. The
federalists were as ardent in their denunciations of the lawless
violence, as the democrats.

I have already stated the prudence of the then president, Mr.
Jefferson. The attack took place on the 22d of June — and he
delayed the extra meeting of congress till the 26th of October,
to afford time for the effervescence of the public to subside. — =
This wise measure preserved the country from war.

But to guard against a repetition of these outrages and others
which we had suffered within our own jurisdiction from British
vessels of war, the president issued the follov/ing proclamation
forbidding them the entrance into our ports and harbours.

PROCLAMATION.

During the wars, which, for some time, have unhappily prevailed among
the powers of Kiirope, the United States of America, firm in their principles of
peace, have endeuvoured by justice, by a regular discharge of all their national
and social duties, and by every friendly office their situation has admitted, to
maintain with all the belligerents their accustomed relations of friendship,
hospitality, and commercial intercourse. Taking no part in the questions
which animate the powers against each other, nor pernutting thepiselves to

ottAP. 20.] PROCLAMATION. 10$

entertain a wish but for the restoration of [general peace, they have observed
with good fiiith the neutrality they assumed : and they beheve that no instance
of a departure from its duties can be justly imputed to them by any nation. A
free use of their harbours and waters, the means of refitting and of refresh-
ment, of succour to their sick and sutlering, have, at all times, and on equal
principles, been extended to all, and this too amidst a constant recurrence of
acts of insubordination to the laws, of violence to the persons, and ol' tres-
passes on the property of our citizens, committed by officers of one of the belli-
gerent parties received among us. In truth, these abuses of the laws of hospi-
tality have, with few exceptions, become habitual to the commandei's of the
British armed vessels hovering on our coasts, and frequenting our harbours.
They have been the subject of repeated representations to their government.
Assurances have been given that proper orders should i-estrain them within the
limits of the rights of, and of the respect due to, a friendly nation -. but those or-
ders and assurances have been without effect ; no instance of punishment for .past
wrongs has taken place. At length, a deed, transcending all we have hithertp
seen or suffered, brings the public sensibility to a serious crisis, and our for-
bearance to a necessary pause. A frigate of the United States, trusting to a
state of peace, and leaving her harbour on a distant service, has been surprized
and attacked by a British vessel of superior force — one of a squadron then lying
in our waters, and covering tlie transaction; and has been disabled from service,
with the loss of a number of men killed and wounded. — This enormity was not
only without provocation or justifiable cause, but was committed with the avow-
ed purpose of taking l)y force, from a ship of war of the United States, a part
of her crew; and that no circumstance might be wanting to mark its character,
it had been previously ascertained, that the sjamen demanded were native citi-
zens of the United States. Having effected his purpose, he returned to an-
chor with his squadron within our jurisdiction. Hospitality under such cir-
cumstances ceases to be a duty ; and a continuance of it, with such unconti-ol-
led abuses, would tend only, by multiplying- injvu-ies and irritations, to bring
on a rupture between the two nations. This extreme resort is equidly opposed
to the interest of both, as it is to assurances of the most friendly dispositions on
the part of the Britisli government, in the midst of which this outrage has been
committed. In this liglit, the subject cannot but present itself to that govern-
ment, and strengthen the motives to an honourable reparation of the wrong
which has been done, and to that cfiectual controul of its naval commanders,
which alone can justify the government of the United States in the exercise of
those hospitalities it is now constrained to discontinue.

In consideration of these circumstances, and of the right of every nation to re-
gulate its own police, to provide for its peace and for the safety of its citizens,
and consequently to refuse the admission of armed vessels into its harbours or
waters, either in such numbers or of such descriptions, as are inconsistent with
these, or witli the maintenance of the authority of the laws, I have thought
proper, in pursuance of the authorities especially given by law, to issue this my
proclamation, hereby requiring all armed vessels Iiearing commission under the
government of Great Britain, now witiiin the harljours or waters of the United
States, immediately and without any delay, to depart from the same ; and in-
terdicting the entrance of all the said harbours and waters to the said armed
vessels, and to all othere bearing commissions under the authority of the British
government.

And if the said vessels, or any of them, shall fail to depart as aforesaid, or if
they or any others, so intei-dicted, shall hereafter enter the harbours or waters
aforesaid, 1 do in that case forbid all intercourse with them or any of them, theii'
officers and crews ; and do prohibit all supplies and aid from being furnished to
them or any of them.

And 1 do declare and make known, that if any person from, or within the
jurisdiction and limits of the United States, shall aiford any aid to any such ves-
sel, contrary to the prohibition contained in tins proclamation, either in refit-
ting any such vessel, or in furnishing her, her officers, or crew, with supplies of
any kind, or in any manner whatsoever ; or if any pilots shall assi.st in navigating
any of the said armed vessels, unless it be for the purpose of carrying them,
O, B. 16

110 rOLITiCAL 0LI\T: branch. [cuap. 20.

in tlie first instance, bcvond the limits and jurisdiction of the United States,
or unless it be in the case of a vesscJ forced by distress, or charged with pub-
lic despatches as hereinafter provided for, such person or persons shall, on
coin iction, softer all tlie pains and penalties by the laws provided for such of-
IbllCeS,

And 1 do herebv enjoin and require all persons bearing office, civil or mdita-
ry, within or under the autliority of tiie United States, and all others, citizens or
inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, witii vigilance and promptitude to
exert their respective authorities, and to be aiding and assisting to tlie carrying
this proclumatioii, and every part thereof into full eil'ect.

l'n)\ i<kd ntvcrtlieless, that if any such vessel sluill be forced into the harbours
or waters of tlie United States by distress, by the dangers of the sea, or by the
pursuit of an enemy, or shall enter them charged with despatches or business
from their government, or shall be a public packet for the coiivcyance of letters
or dispatches, the connnanding officer, immediately reporting his vessel to the
collector of the district, stating the object or causes of entering the .said har-
bours or waters, and conforming himself to the regulations in that case prescri-
bed under the autliority of tlie laws, shall be allowed the benefit of such regu-
lations respecting repairs, supplies, stay, intercourse and departure, as shall be
permitted under the same a\ithority.

In testimony whereof, 1 have ca\iscdthe seal, &.c.

tJiven at Washington the second day of July, one thousand eight
hundred and seven, and of the Independence of the United States
the thirty first. By the president,

James Madison, Secretary of State. TH. JEFFERSON.

At this distance of time, it is hardly possible to realize the in-
dignation, the abhorrence, the resentment, iniiversally excited by
the outrageous conduct of captain Humphreys. It pervaded
every quarter of the union, -without exception. All party dis-
tinctions were lost for the moment. Federalists and democrats,
foreigners and natives, all miited in the strongest call upon the
government to procure redress for the outrage. War was con-
templated throughout the union : and there was hardly a meet-
ing held, of which the members did not most solemnly pledge
thcmstlves to support the constituted atithorities in whatever
measures might be requisite for the defence of the national rights-
and national honour.

To enable the reader to form some idea of the fervid state of
the public mind, I submit the following extracts to his perusal.
They are fair specimens of the universal sentiment on this in-
teresting topic.

Ej-tract from the proceedings of the citizens of Richmond, July 1, 18071
" Tli-solved, That while we deprecate the horrors of war, and approve all hon-
Ourabh- means of averting them, we possess the lirm hope that the government
of the United States iiilL avenge this utipavaUeled outrage xulth the spirit -wldch be-
comes the nation, -M^iX which the nation feels ; believing as we do, that however
unecpial may be our naval strength, our enemies have nevertheless vulnerable
points within our reach, through which we may strike them vitally."

Ej tract from the proceedings of the citizens of M'est Chester, July 4, 1807.
" Resolved vnanimously, Tiiat we shall consider the government of Great Bri-
tain as h.'iving forfeited all claim to the friendship and hospitality of the govern-
ment and pe()|)le ()f the United States, until ample and proper satisfaction be
made ; and in conformity tlierewith, we do solemnly pledge ourselves to main-
tain tlie strict oliservance of tlie proclamation of the president of the United
y talcs, by every means in our power."

CHAP. 20.3 ATTACK ON THE CHESAPEAKE. Ill

" Resolved, That we shall, at all times, be prepared to encounter all hazards, to
viaintain the riqhts and indepe)idciice of our country -with our lives and our fortunes ,'
and thut we will support the administration of the general government hi every
proper measure which it may adopt, in the alternative of a coerced retribution
of our wrongs, or in calling forth the energy and resources of the people at this
important crisis."

Extract from the proceedings of the citizens of Le^tdstotvn, July 10, 1807.

" Resolved unanimously. That the repealed aggressions and violations committed
by Greet Britain against all neAitral nations in general, and particularly against tlie
persons aiul privileges of oi{r citizens, as a free ami independent people, have
excited in us a just abhorrence and indignation ; tliat tlie late outrage by the
Leopard ship of war against the Chesapeake, we consider as a prerHeditated in-
sult to our government and national character, and wearnig so barbarous an as-
pect, that lor^er patience would degrade the name of Americans.

" liesoived unanimously. That if upon the meeting of Congress, it shall be
found neccss.ary to resort to hostile measures against (ireat Britain for the at-
tainment of justice, we idll ciu-erfuUg submit to any deprivations or hardships at-
tendant on a state of war ,- and we will make every exertion to perfect ourselves
in tile military art," and equip ourselves to oppose the base and cc^vardly ene-
my of our country."

Extract from the proceedings of the citizens of Alexandria, June 27,1807.

" Resolved that the tyrannic conduct of the British nation on the ocean has
justly rendered her odious among all civilized powers.

" Resolved, That we view the late savage and dastardly outragl commilted by
the Leopard British ship of war on the United Stales frigate Chesapeake, with due-
indignation."

Extract from the proceedings of the citizens of Wilmington, Delaware, July 4, 1807,
the venerable John Dickinson, in the chair.
" Resolved, That we view witli the strongest sentiments of indignation and ab-
horrence the late unprovoked, lawless, and ferocious attack, made by the British ship
of war Leopard upon the frigate Chesapeake, and the daring insult offered thereby
to the flag, the gDvernment, and the people of the United States."

Extract from the proceedings of the citizens of Baltimore, June 20, 1807.

" Resolved unanimously, Tliat we view witii indignation ami horror the wan-
ton attack lately made upon the Chesapeake frigate by the British ship of war,
Leop.ard, by which many of our fellow citizens have been killed and wounded,
and the government and flag of our country most grossly insulted.

" Resolved unanimously. That we will with our lives and fortunes support the
government in all such measures as they may adopt on this momentous occasion, to
obtain redress and satisfaction for the outrage aforesaid."

Extract from the proceedings of the citizens of Philadelphia, Jidy 1, 1807, Joseph

llnjikinson, esq. Secretary.*

"Resolved, That the conduct of Great Britain towards the United States, has
been too often marked by hostility, injustice, and oppression ; and that the out-
rage committed by the Leopard, one of the ships of war, under the express or-
ders of one of the admirals, upon the Chesapeake, a frigate belonging to the
United States, is an act of such consummate violence anil wrong, and of so barbar-
ous and murderous a character, that it would debase and degrade any nation, and
much more so, a nation of freemen, to submit to it.

"Resolved, That we will support the administration of tlie gener.al govern-
ment in all and every measure which may be adopted by them, to avenge the
wrongs our country has sufiered from Great Britain, and to compel the most
rigid retribution ; and that to attain a full measure of justice from her, we
piedge ourselves to make any sacrifices, and to encounter any hazards.

* To readers at a distance from Philadelphia, it may not be amiss to state;
that Mr. Hopkinson is and has always been as decided a federalist as Ilavrisoli
Gray Otis, Timothy Pickering, or Josiah Quiii'cy, BsqrSt ^ . -

112 POLITICAL OLtVE ERAKCIL [chap. 20.

" Resolved, That by the laws and usages of nations, a national ship is always
exemiJt and free from examinations or search, by any foreign vessel or power.

Resolved, 'I'liat this premeditated ovtra^e is considered as tantamount to a de-
claration of war on the part of Great Britain, and as evincive of an hreconalable

host Hi til to this nation. r-.u tt •

" liesolved. That we entertain a confidence, that the government of the Uni-
ted States u-illutlopt the most decisive and vifforous measures to obtain reparation
for the injuries and wrongs sustained from the government of Great Britain.'

Extract from the proceedings of the citizens of Pittsburg, Juhj 10, 1807.

"Resolved, That the late outrageous and hostile co^^uct ot the ofhcers ot
tlie Hritish navy, to tlie flag of the United States on the coast of Virginia, has
excited our highest indignation.

" Resohed, Tliat it istiic duty of every American to aid the government ot
our country in all measures having a tendency to protect its best interests, its
honour and independence."

Extract from the proceedings of the citizens ofjYorfolk, June 24.

"Resolved unanimouslv, That we view the unprovoked, piratical, savage,
and assasin-like attack upon tlie Chesapeake with tliat horror and detestation
which should alwavs attend a violation of the faitli of nations and the laws of
war ; and we pledge our lives and our proi>erty to co-operate with the govern-
ment in any measures which they may adopt, whether of vengeance or retaha-
tion."

Extract from an address of a committee appointed in J^orfolk, to their fellow Citi-
zens, dated Juli/ 11, 1807.

" The la.st deed of savage ferocity, unparalleled even in the naval annals of
Britain, awakened the sentiment of abhorrence in every breast. Every voice
•was louil in its cull for reparation, commensurate to the insult ; British insolence
and barbarity had reached the ne plus ultra. They had the unl)lusliing effron-
tery to claini the rights of hospitality, while their hands were crimsoned and
smoaking with tlie blood of your countrymen; even at the instant they had de-
clared war in sight of those sliorcs from which, not many years past, their dis-
comfited and recreant myrmidons were driven with disgrace; in sight of those
monuments, which fill your breasts with a iioly and aspiring admiration for the
valour and trium[jhs ofyour forefathers. The nation was unexpectedly plunged
into war, and yourselves the first exjiosed to its ruthless blast. The choice of
tame submission or resistance was forced on your consideration: with one voice
you declared that your ancestors had wrested tlieir rights, their hberties and
independence from the suiFocating grasp of British tyranny, by the sword ;and
that you, their posterity, had resolved with it to defend and to perpetuate the
hallowed patrimony."

Ej-tract from the proceeding.'; of the citizens ofA'e-iu York, Jnbj 2, 1807.
" liesolved, Tliat we consider the dastardly and unprovoked attack made oil
the United States armed ship Chesajjeake, by his Britannic majesty's ship,
the Leopard, to be a violation of our national rights, as atrocious as it is unpre-
cedented."

Last in the long list, let me take the liberty of offering to the
M-orkl the sentiments of the citizens of Boston, in town meeting,
held in the court-house.

mstnn, July 10, 1807.

" Resolved unanimously. That the late aggression, committed by a British
ship of war on a frigate of the I'nited States, for the avowed purpose of taking
Irom licr by force a part of iier crew, was a wanton outrage ui)on the persons
and Ihcs of our citizens, and a direct attack on our national sovereignty andin-
(lepcndence ; that the spirited conduct of our fellow citizens at Norfolk on this
occasion, before the orders of government could be obtained, was highly ho-
nourable to themscb es and to the nation.

" Resolved unanimously, That the firm, dignified, and temperate policy adopted
hy our executive at t/tis momentous crisis is entitled to our most cordial approbation
and support.

tHAP. 20.] ATTACK ON THE CHESAPEAKE. 113

" Resolved unanimously, That with all our personal influence and exertions
we will aid and assist the constituted authorities in carrying the proclamation of
the president of the United States, in every particular, into full and effectual
execution."

Besides the above meeting, there was another held in Boston^
at Faneuil Hall, on the 16th of July, .1807, at which John Coffin
Jones, esq. acted as moderator. John Quincy Adams, Harrison
Gray Otis, Wm. Eustis, Christopher Gore^ Charles Jones, John
C. Jones^ Thomas H. Perkins^ Jonathan Mason^ and John War-
ren, esqrs. were appointed a committee to prepare a report,
.which contained the following resolutions —

" Resolved, that we consider the unprovoked attack made on the United
States' anned ship Chesapeake, by the British ship of war Leopard, a wanton
outrage upon the lives of our fellow citizens, a direct violation of our national
Jionour, and an infringement of our national rights and sovereignty.

" Resolved, that we most sincerely approve the proclamation, and the firm and
dispassionate course of policy pursued by the president of the United States : and
we will cordially unite with our fellow citizens in affording effectual support
to such measures as our government may further adopt, in the present crisis of
our affairs."

To those unacquainted with the solemnity and regularity of
the proceedings in Boston town meetings, it may not be impro-
per to state, that there is probably no town in the world whose
public meetings are conducted with more propriety and decorum
— and that these resolutions are as full and as fair an expres-
sion of the sentiments of the citizens of the town as evef was
given.

I have already offered a few reflections on the charge of
French influence, so universally alleged against Mr. Jeflerson,
and so generally believed by the federalists throvighotit the union.
At the period of passing these resolves, he had been in office six
years and four months, out of eight years of his presidency.
And, behold, the town of Boston, after so long an experience of
his conduct in this dignified and arduous office, passes on him in
a report expressly drawn up by Harrison Gray Otis, Christopher
Gore, and other gentlemen of the sjime description, the highest
encomiums for his "y?rwz aJid dispassionate course of policy^'''' at a
crisis of the utmost delicacy. What a contrast — what a contra-
diction between this panegyric and the never-ending abuse, the
remorseless virulence, with which he has been assailed from that
period to the present, in that town, by men, the major part of
whom were probably at the meeting, and concurred in this vote
of approbation ! Alas ! alas ! what a poor, miserable, contempti-
ble, senseless animal is man ! To how little purpose is he endow-
ed with that proud, distinctive faculty, called reason, of which
he makes so little use !

It is due to justice, and to the spirit of impartiality which I
have studiously laboured to preserve throughout this work, to
state, that previous to the sailing of the Chesapeake, Mr. Ha-

114 POUTICAL OLIVE BRANCH/ [chap. 20

milton, the British consul at Norfolk, had made repeated official
demands of tiiese four seamen, which demands were repelled by
the officers on hoard the Chesapeake, with the concurrence and
approbation of the cabinet at Washington. This refusal led to
the orders issued by admiral Bex'keley, then at Halifax, to captain
Humphreys, to take the men by force.

It is also due to justice, to state, that as these men had entered
voluntarily on board the Chesapeake — and as Great Britain
steadily refuses to surrender foreigners who enter her vessels
voluntariK- — the claim made for these four sailors was not justi-
fied or warranted by her own practice.

The following account of three of the four men thus seized,
is extracted from a letter written by commodore Barron, to the
secretary of the navy, and dated April, 7th, 1807. It arose
from the requisition of the British consul at Norfolk, for their
delivery.

" William Ware, pressed from on board the brig Neptune, captain Crafts, by
the British frigate Mclampus, in the bay of Biscay, has served on board the said
frigate fifteen months.

" William Ware is a native American, born on Pipe creek, Frederick county,
state of MaryUnd, at Brace's mills, and served his time at said mills. He also
lived at Ellicott's mills, near Baltimore, and drove a wagon several years be-
tween Hagcrstown and Baltimore. He also served eighteen months on board
the United States' frigate Chesapeake, under the command of commodore Mor-
ris and captain James Barron. He is an Tndian looking man.

" Daniel Martin was pressed at the same time and place. He is a native of
Westport, in Mussachusotts, about thirty miles to the Eastward of Newport,
Khoile-Island ; sc'rvcd his time out of New-York with captain MaiTowby, in the
C:Je<lonia; refers to Mr. Benjamin Davis, merchant, and Mr. Benjamin Corce,
of Westport. He is a coloured man.

" John Strachan, born on the eastern shore of Maryland, Queen Ann's county,

between Centerville and Qucen's-town ; refers to Mr. John Price, and

Pratt, esq. on Kent island, who know his relations. Strachan sailed in the brig
Martha Bland, captain Wyvill, from New York to Dublin, and from thence to
Liverpool. He there left the brig, and shipped on board an English Guineaman.
He was pressed on board the Melampus, ott' cape Finisterre. To better his
situation he consented to enter, being determined to make his escape when
opportunity offered He served on board tlie frigate two years. He is a white
man, about five feet seven inches high.

" William Ware and John Strachan have protections. Daniel Martin says he
lost his, after leaving the frigate."

AVhile the American mind was festering under the atrocious
outrage perpetrated by captain Humphreys, the British govern-
ment issued a proclamation, directing the search for, and seizure
of British, subjects on board merchant vessels, of which I sub-
join the two principal paragraphs.

" For the better execution of the purposes of this our roy.il proclamation, we
rio authorise and command all captains, masters, and others commanding our
ships and vessels of war, to stop and make stay of all and every such person or
persons (being our natural born subjects) as shall endeavour to transport or en-
tcf themselves into tlu' si rvice of any foreign state, contrary to the intent and
command of lliis our royal proclamation ; and to seize upon, take, and bring
away all such persons aforesaid, who shall be found to be employed or serving
m any foreign mcrcbwit ship or vessel as aforesaid : but v\-e do striptly enjoin on

<;hap. 21.] BLOCKADE. 115

all such our captains, masters, and others, that they do pei-mit no man to go on
board such ships and vessels belonging to states at amity vvitli us, for the pur-
pose of seizing upon, taking, and bringing away, sucii persons as aforesaid, for
whose discreet and oi'derly demeanour, tlie said captains cannot answer ; and
that they do take especial care that no uiinecessari/ violence be done or ottered
to the vessel, or to the remainder of the crew, from out of which such persons
shall be taken.

•' And in case of their receiving information of any such person or persons
being employed, or serving on board any ship of war belonging to such foreign
state, being a state at amity with us, we do authorise and command our cap-
tains, masters, and others commanding our sliips of war, to require of the captain
or commander of nucli foreign ship of -war, that lie do forthwith release and discharge
such person or persons, being our natural-born subject or subjects ; and if such
release and discharge sliall be refused, then to transmit information of such re-
fusal to the commander in cliief of the squadron under whose orders such cap-
tains or commanders shall be then serving; which information the said com-
mander in chief is hereby strictly du'ected and enjoined to transmit, witli the
least possible delay, to our minister residing at the seat of government of that
state to which tiie said foreign ship of war shall belong, to demand reparation
for the injury done to us by tiie unuan-antable detention of our natural-born
subjects in the service of a foreign state."

CHAPTER XXI.

Blockade of the Coast from the Elbe to Brest. Berlin Decree.

Instead of redressing the grievances of which our merchants
so loudly, and so eloquently, and so justly complained, the Bin-
tish government, on the 16th of May, 1806, under the adminis-
tration of the celebrated Charles James Fox, issued a proclama-
tion, blockading the coast of Germany, Holland, and France,
from the Elbe to Brest, extending to about eight htindred miles.
There never was an adequate force stationed to effect a legal
blockade of a third part of the coast included within the procla-
mation.

The French government, exasperated at this offensive and un-
justifiable measure, retaliated on Great Britain by the notorious
Berlin decree, whereby the whole of the British dominions were
declared to be in a state of blockade, although a single French
vessel of war hardly dared to shew itself on the seas ! ! !

Imperial Decree declaring the British Isles in a state of blockade*

Imperial Camp, Berlin, J^ovember 21, 1806.
Napoleon, emperor of the French, and king of Italy, considering:

1. Tliat England does not admit the right of nations, as universally acknow-
ledged by all civilized people ;

2. That she declares as an enemy every individual belonging to an enemy
state ; and in consequence makes prisoners of war, not only of the crews of
tuvnerf vessels, but those also oi merchant vessels, and even the supercargoes of
clie same ;

3. That she extends or applies to merchant vessels, to articles of commerce,
and to the property of individuals, the right of conquest, which can only be ap-
plied or extended to what belongs to an enemy state ;

4. That she extends to ports not fortified, to harbours and mouths of rivers,
the right of blockade, which, according to reason and the usages of civilized
nations, is applicable only to strong or fortified ports ;

5. That she declares places blockaded, before which she has not a single ves-

116 POUTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. "^..

scl of war; although a place ought not to be considered blockaded, but when
it is so invested as that no .approach to it can be made without imminent haz-
ard ; that she declares even places blockaded which her united forces would be
incapable of doing, such as entire coasts, and a whole empire;

6. That this unequalled abuse of tlie right of blockade has no other object
than to interrupt the communication of difierent nations, and to extend the
commerce and industry of England upon the ruin of tiiose of the continent ;

7. That this being the evident design of England, whoever deals on the con-
tinent in English merchandise favours that design, and becomes an accomplice ;

8. That this conduct in England (wortliy only of the first ages of barbarism)
has benefited her to tlie detriment of other nations ;

9. That it being right to opi^ose to /an enemy the same arms she makes use
of; to combat as she does ; when all ideas of justice, and every liberal senti-
ment (the result of civilization among men) are disregarded :

Wc have resolved to enforce against England the usages wliich she has con-
secrated in her maritime code.

The present decree shall be considered as the fundamental law of the em-
pire, until England has acknowledged that the rights of war are the same on
land as at sea ; that they cannot be extended to any private property whatever,
nor to persons wlio are not military; and until the right of blbckading be re-
strained to fortified places actually invested by competent forces.

Article 1. The British islands are in a state of blockade.

2. All commerce and correspondence with them is prohibited. Consequently,
all letters or packets written in England, or to an Englishman, loritien in the
English language, shall not be despatched from the post-offices ; and shall be
seized.

3. Every individual, a subject of Great Britain, of whatever rank or condi-
tion, who is found in countnes occupied by our troops or those of our alhes,
shall be made prisoner of war.

4. Every warehouse, all merchandise or property whatever, belonging to an
Englishman, are declared good prize.

5. One half of the proceeds of merchandise declared to be good prize, ancj
forfeited as in tlie preceding articles, shall go to indemnify merchants who have
«jufl"ered losses by the English cruisei-s.

6. No vessel coming directly from England or her colonies, or having been
there since the publication of this decree, shall be admitted into any port.

7. Every vessel that, by a false declaration, contravenes the foregoing dispo-
sition, shall be seized, and the ship and cargo confiscated as English property.

8. [This article states, that the councils of prizes at Paris and at Milan, shall
have recognisance of what may arise in the empire and in Italy under the pre-
sent decree.]

9. Communications of this decree shall be made to the kings of Spain, Na-
ples, Holland, Etruria, and to our other allies, whose subjects, as well as ours,
are victims of the injuries and barbarity of the English maritime code.

10. Our ministers of foreign relations, &c. are charged with the execution of
the present decree. NAPOLEON.

Extravagant as this decree appears, it is capable of some de-
fence ; a defence not void of plausibility. It was promulgated
to retaliate the blockade of a great extent of coast, of which, as
I have stated, two thirds were not invested by any force what-
ever. And it cannot be denied that if the blockade of a single
port three miles in extent, much more a long line of coast, with-
out a force to sujiport it, be legal, the blockade of the British do-
minions, or even of a whole continent, without a force, is like-
■wise legal. And on this principle, captain Boyle's celebrated
blockade of the British dominions, was quite as legal and de-
fensible, as the blockade, during our late war, of such ports of
the United States as had no naval force stationed befox-e them.

cfeAP.22.] MILAN DECREE. llf

So far as respected American vessels, the Berlin decree was
not enforced for twelve months. This is a most important fact,
and is not asserted lightly. It stands on respectable authority,
to which no objection can lie. This authority is Alexander
Baring, esq. member of the British house of commons.

" JVb condemnation of an .American vessel had er'er taken place under it ,- and
so little did the Frencli privateers interfere witli the trade of America with this
country, that the insurance on it has been very little higher than in time of pro-
found peace ,- while that of the American trade with tlie continent of Europe
has at tlie same time been doubled, and even trebled, by the conduct of our
cruisers."*

Besides the above authority, I annex an official proof of my
position : —

Paris, JVovember 12, 1807.

Sir, It was not till yesterday that I received from Mr. Skipwith a copy of the
decree of the council of prizes, in the case of the Horizon. This is the first un-
friendly decision of that body under the decree of the t-wenty-frst of J\''ovember,
1806. ^In this case, and on tlie petition of the defendant, the court has recom-
mended the restoration of the xvhole cargo. I did not, however, think proper
to join in asking as a favour, what I believed myself entitled to as a right. I
subjoin a copy of my note to the minister of foreign affairs.

And I am, sir, &,c.

Mr. Madison, &c. JOHN ARMSTRONG,

CHAPTER XXII.

Orders in Council of November li?A, 1807. Milan Decree.

As a retaliation for the preceding Berlin decree, were issued
the British orders in council of Nov. 11, 1807, whereby all neu-
tral vessels bound to France, or her dependencies, or to any port
from which British vessels were excluded — and further, all ves-
sels furnished with French consular certificates of the origin of
the cargoes, were declared liable to seizure and condemnation.
This measure, so destructive to the rights and interests of the
United States, was predicated upon our acquiescence in the Ber-
lin decree of November, 1806, twelve months anterior, although-
that decree, as I have stated, had not been enforced against our
commerce, and of course we had had no right to remonstrate
against it. There did not, therefore, exist any appearance of that
acquiescence which could have warranted this high-handed out-
rage.

To enable the reader to judge correctly on the subject of these
celebrated orders, I annex a copy of them entire.

At the Court of the ^teen's Palace, the 11th of November, ^ 1807,
present, the King's most excellent Majesty in Council.

Whereas certain orders, establishing an unprecedented system of warfare
against this kingdom, and aimed especially at the destruction of its commerce
and resources, were some time since issued by the government of France, by

• " Inquiry into the causes and consequences of the orders in council ; and an
examination of the conduct of Great Britain towards the neutral commerce of
America. By Alexander Baring, esq. M. P." London, published Februar)^,
1808. Re-piiblished in Philadelphia, by Bradford and laskeep.
O. B, 17

118

POLITICAL OLIVE BHANCH. chap. 22.}

wliicli the Rritish islands were declared to be in a state of blockade ; thereby
subjecting to capture and condemnation all vessels with their cargoes, which
should continue to trade with his majesty's dominions :

" And whereas by the same orders, all trading in English merchandise is pro-
hibited : and every article of merchandise belonging to England, or coming
from her colonies", or of her mainifacture, is declared lawful prize.

" And whereas the nations in alliance with France, and under her controul,
were required to gi\e, and liave given, and do give, effect to such orders:

" And w hereas iiis majesty's order of the seventh of January last, has not an-
swered the desired purpose, either of compelling the enemy to recall those or-
ders, or of inducing neutral nations to interpose, with effect, to obtain their re-
vocation ; but, on tlie contrary, the same have been recently enforced with in-
creased rigour :

" And whereas his majesty, under these circumstances, finds himself compel-
led to take further measures for asserting and vindicating his just rights, and
for supporting that maritime power whicli the exertions and valour of his peo-
])le have, under the blessing of providence, enabled him to establish and main-
tain, and tlie maintenance of which is not more essential to the safety and
prosperity of his majesty's dominions, than it is to the protection of such states
as still retain their independence, and to the general intercourse and happiness
of mankind.

" His majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of his privy coun-
cil, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that all the ports and places of France
'and her allies, or nfanij other countri/ at war with his iiiajesti/, and all other ports
or places in Europe, from which, altlwnE^h not at war with his majestii, the British
flag is excluded, and all ports or places in the colonies belonging to his inajesty^n
enemies, shall, from henceforth, be subject to the same restrictions in point of
trade and navigation, with the exceptions hereinafter mentioned, as if the same
were actually blockaded by his majesty's naval forces, in the most strict and
rigorous manner. And it is hcrel)y farther ordered and declared, that all trade
in articles which arc of liie produce or manufacture of tile said countries or colo-
nies, shall be deemed and considered to be unlawful ; and that every vessel
trading from or to the saiil countries or colonics, together with goods and merchan-
dise on board, and all articles of the produce or manufacture of the said countries or
colonies, s/iall be captured and condemned as prize tn tlic captors.

" But although liis majesty would be fully justified, by the circumstances and
considerations above recited, in estal)lishing such a system of restrictions with
respect to all the countries and colonies of his enemies without exception or
qualification ; yet his majesty, being nevertheless desirous not to subject neu-
trals to any gifater inconvenience tlian is absolutely inseparable from the car-
rying into elfect his majesty's just detei-mination to counteract the designs of
his enemies, and to i-etort upon tliemselves the consequences of their owu
violence and injustice ; and being yet willing to hope that it may be possible
(consistently with that object) still to allow to neutrals the opportunity of fur-
nishing themselves with colonial produce for their own consumption and sup-
ph'; and even to leave open, for the present, SUCH TRADE WITH HIS MA-

JKS rv's f:\kmies as shall he CAuiar-D ox duiectly with the

TOUTS or ins MUESTY'S dominions, oh of his allies, in the man-
ner hcrciuafter mentioned ;

•' His majesty is tlierefore pleased farther to order, and it is hereby ordered,
that nothing iierein contained shall extend to subject to capture or condemna-
tion any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging to any countiy not de-
clared by this order to be subjected to the restrictions incident to a state of
blockade, which .sliall iiave cleared out with such cargo from some port or
place of tiic country to which she belongs, either in Euro])e or Ameiic.i, or
from some free port in his majesty's colonies, under circumstances in which
such trade from sucii free port is permitted, direct to some port or place in the
colonies of Ids majestifs enemies, or from those colonies direct to the country to
which such vessel belongs, or to some free port in his majesty's colonies, in such
•cases and with 8>ich articles, as it may be lawfid to Import into such free port ;
^or to any vessel, or cai-go of any vessel, belonging to any country not at war

,CHAP. 22.3 ORDER IN COUNCIL. 119

Vith his majesty, which have cleared out from some port or place in this king-
dom, or from Gibraltar or Malta, under such regulations as his majesty may
think fit to prescribe, or from any port belonging to his majesty's allies, and
shall be proceeding direct to the port specified in the clearance ; nor to any
vessel, or the cai'go of any vessel, belonging to any country not at war with his
majesty, which shall be coming from any port or place in Europe, which is de-
clared by this order to be subject to the restrictions incident to a state of block-
ade, DESTINED TO SOME PORT OR PLACE IN EUROPE BELONGING
TO HIS MAJESTY, and which shall be on her voyage direct thereto ; but
these exceptions are not to be understood as excepting from capture or confis-
cation any vessel or goods whicli may be liable thereto in respect of having en-
tered or departed from any port or place actually blockaded by his majesty's
squadrons or ships of war, or for being enemies' property, or for any other
cause than the contravention of this present order.

" And the commanders of his majesty's ships of war and privateei-s, and other
vessels acting under his majesty's commission, shall be, and are hereby in-
structed, to warn any vessel which shall have commenced her voyage prior
to any notice of this order, and shall be destined to any port of France, or of
her allies, or of any other country at war with his majesty, or to any port or
place fi'om which the liritish flag, as aforesaid, is exclude. 1, or to any colony
belonging to his majesty's enemies, and which shall not have cleared out as is
herein before allowed, to discontinue her voyage, and to proceed to some port
or place in this kingdom, or to Gibraltar or Malta. And any vessel whichj
after having been so warned, or after a reasonable time shall have been afford-
ed for the arrival of information of this his majesty's order to any port or place
from which she sailed, or which, after having notice of this order, shall be
found in the prosecution of any voyage contraiy to tiie restrictions contained
in this order, shall be captured, and, together with her cargo, condemned as
lawful prize to the captors.

" And whereas countries not engaged in the war, have acquiesced in the or-
ders of France, prohibiting all trade in any articles the produce or manufacture
of his majesty's dominions; and the merchants of those countries have given
countenance and effect to those prohibitions, by accepting from persons styl-
ing themselves commercial agents of tlie enemy, resident at neutral ports, cer-
tain documents termed " certificates of origin," being certificates obtained at the
ports of shipment, declaring that the articles of tlie cargo are not of the produce or
mamfactiire of his majesty's dominions, or to that effect.

" And whereas this expedient has been directed by France, and submitted to
by such mercliants, as part of the new sy.stem of warfare directed against the
trade of this kingdom, and is tlie most effectual instrument of accomplishing the
same ; and it is therefore essentially necessary to resist it.

" His majesty is tlierefore pleased, by and with the advice of his privy coun-
cil, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that if any vessel, after reasonable time
shall have been afforded for receiving notice of tliis his majesty's order, at the
port or place from which suclt vessel shall have cleared out, shall be found car-
ri/ing ami such certif.cate or document as aforesaid, or any document referring to or
(mtherJicating the same, such vessel shall be adjudged lawful prize to the captors,
together with the goods laden therein, belonging to the person or persons by
whom, or on whose behalf, any such document was put on board.

" And the right honovirable the lords commissoners of his majesty's treasury,
his majesty's principal secretaries of state, tlie lords commissioners of the ad-
miralty, and the judges of the high court of admiralty, and courts of vice-admi-
ralty, are to take the necessary measures herein, as to them shall respectively
appertain.

W. FAWKENER."

The preceding orders were assigned by Napoleon as a reason
for, and justification of, the Milan decree, of which, although it
somewhat deranges the chronological order of the work, I here
submit a copy. But I prefer grouping these three documents
together, for the ease and convenience of the reader.

12»

POUTICAL OUVE BRANCH. [chap. 22.

IMPERIAL DECREE.

Jiejoinder to his Britanmc majestifs Order iix Cmmcil, of the llth Mvemher,\^07 .
M our Royal Palace at Milan, December 17, 1807.
"Napoleon, emperor of the French, king of Italy, protector of the RhenisU

confcdenition. . . , ^ ^i n^u

« ObservinK the measures adopted by the British government on the 11th
November last, bv which vessels beloni^ing to neutral, friendly,or even powers
tlic aUies of Kngland, are made liable not only to be searched by English
cruizcre, but to be compulsorily detained in England, and to have a tax laid
on tbom of so nuicli per cent, on tlie cargo, to be regulated by the British le-
gislature. , ■ ,• u- f
" Obsen iiig that Ijy these acts the British government denationalises ships ot
every nation in Europe; that it is not competentfor any government to detract
from its own independence and rights; all the sovereigns of Europe having m
tnisl tlic sovereignties and independence of the flag ; that if by an unpardon-
able weakness, and vhlcli in the eyes of posterity woiddbe an indelible staui,
8uch a tvranny were allowed to be estabhshed into principles, and consecrated
by usage, the English would avail themselves of it to assert it as a right, as
thev have availedthemselves of tiic tolerance of governments to establish the
Infamous principle, that the flag of a nation does not cover goods, and to give
to tlicir right of blockade an arbitrary extension, which infringes on the sove-
reignly of every state ; we have decreed and do decree as follows :

" 1. Every ship, to whatever nation it may belong, that shall have submitted
to be searched by an English ship, or to a voyage to England, or shall have paid
any tax wiiatsoever to the English government, is thereby, and for that alone,
declared to be denationalised ."iohiivc forfeited the protection of its king; and
to have become English property.

" 11. Whether the ships tlius dcnntionaUscd hy the arbitrary measures of the
English g()\ CI mnent, enter into our ports, or those of our aUies, or whether
they fall into the hands of our ships of war, or of our privateers, they are de-
clared to be good and lawful prize.

" HI. The British islands are declared to be in a state of blockade, both by
land and sea. Every ship of whatever nation, or whatsoever the nature of its
cargo may be, that sails from the ])orts of England, or those of the English colo-
nics, and of the countries occupied by English troops, and proceeding to Eng-
land or to the Englisli colonies, or to countries occupied by English troops, is
gooil and lawful prize, as contraiy to the present decree ; and may be captured
bv our ships of w ar, or our privateers, and adjudged to the captor.

' " I\'. These measures, which are resorted to only in just retaliation of the
barbarous system adopted hy Kngland, which assimilates its legislation to that
of Algiers, shall cease to luive an}' elVect with respect to all nations who shall
have the firmness lo compel the English government to respect their flag.
They shall continue to be rigorously in force as long as that government does
not return to the principle of the law of nations which regulates the relations
of civilised states in a state of war. The provisions of thf present decree
bhall be ul)rog:ited anil null in fact, as soon as the English abide again by the
principles of the law of nations, which are also the principles of justice and
honour

" All our ministers are charged with the execution of the present decree,
which shall be inserted in tlie bulletin of the laws.

NAPOLEON."

On the 25th of November, 1807, an additional order in coun-
cil was issued, and on the 25th of March 1808, an act of par-
liament passed, oi both whereof the object was to permit a trade
between neutral nations (the only neutral nations then were the
United States and Sweden) and France and her dependencies,
on the condition that the vessels enq-as^-ed in it should enter some
British port, PAY A TRANSIT DUTY, and take out a li-

CHAP. 22.] TRANSIT DUTY. 121

cence ! And the British government affected to regard this ar-
rangement as a favour conferred on neutrals ! ! ! This was
fairly capping the climax.

It may not be unsatisfactory to the reader^ to state the duties
thus laid on the exports of the United States by a foreign na"
tion. Well might Mr. Baring declare —

" It is immaterial whether it be a tax on stamps, or on cotton. This ques-
tion has been the subject of a long and bloody war."

Goods allowed to be bonded.

Barilla ... 10s per cwt. or - - g 2 22

Bark (Peruvian) '. - 6s —

Cochineal - - - 7s —

Cocoa nuts ... 20s — . . -

Coffee - - . 28s— - -

Ginger - - - 7s —

Gum Arabic, and Senegal - 10s — - - -

Hemp ... 15s — ...

Hides (raw) - - 3s per hide

Jalap ... Q(i per lb.

Indigo - - - 2s —

Iron (in bars) - - 6Gs — per cwt.

Pimento . . - . "id per lb.

Pitch ... 4s 4rZ per 31 1-2 gal.

Quicksilver - - . Is per lb. .

Rhubarb ■ . . - 2s —

Rice ... 2s per cwt.

Rum and Spirits single . 8d per gal.

Do. over proof - . Is 4J -

Sugar (brown or Muscovado) 10s per cwt.

Do. (white or clayed) - 14s per cwt.

Tallow - - - 7s— .

Tar . - - 4s 4J per 31 1-2 gal.

Tobacco - - . Id 1-2 per lb. -

Turpentine (common) - 3s 6d per cwt.

Wine - - . 120s per 252 gals.

Wood (mahogany) - - 20s per ton

Cotton - - - Wperlb.

Timber - . . 2rs per 50 c. feet -

Masts, &c. 6 inches under 8 Ss per piece . - *• '

8 12 10s —

12 and upwards 27s — . . -

Goods not alloiued to be boniled, and upon which the home consumption duties must

be paid on importatio7i.

Anchors 40 percent on the value

Annatto - - . 48s M per cwt.

Argol - - . 5s —

Ashes ... lOs — ...

Oak bark - - . 2s 6d -

Bread - -. 4s —

Butter - . . 20s— -

Cable and Cordage - . 18s — ...

Wheat - - - 10s per qr.

Wheat meal and Flour - 5s per cwt.

Stock-fish - - - 2s6rfperl20

Other Fish ... 4s per cwt.

Seed Oil - . . 210s per 252 gals.

JPo"k - - - 17s 6d per cwt. - - 3 92

Flax-seed - - - is- 6J per 56 lb. - - 33

1 35

1 57

4 44

6 28

1 57

2 22

3 33

13 32

2 22

3 11

1 57

26 64

4 44

5 98

1 11

2 22

5 98

10 65

1 11

2 22

4 44

4 00

2 22

1 11

46 62

132 POLITICAL OLIVE BKANCH. [chap.Sox

Prize ^oods prohibited. Goods not enumerated, but which may be used in
Great llritaiii ; on the present duties, 40 per cent.

A letier from y/<j^Aiow, ////^/if.v an^/ i>w/tca«, of Liverpool, dated m the be-
giniunj^ of April, 18U8, has tliis paruj^raph :

" TJiesc duties to attach to the cai-goes of all vessels hoimd from the United
Slaten iv those ports on the continent, nvhich arc under the iiijiuence of France, and
an-ive in this country, in compliance -with the orders in council of the eleventh of
J^'ovembei-."

.? Simopsis of part of the effects of these duties.

" A cart^o of cotton, of 100 bales, of 300 lbs. each, which is about the com-
mon weight, paving 9d sterling per lb. in England, would amount to the pre-
cise s\im of 50,000 dollars. The same cargo of cotton at 14 1-2 cents,* the aver-
age price for fine Louisiana cotton, would not cost at New Orleans more than
43,5U0 dollars. Thus the exporter would have to pay 6,500 dollars in London,
as a duty for Ubcrty to proceed to the continent, more than the original cost —
to this might be added the various other charges of tonnage, &c. amounting to
about 2000 dollars more.

" A cargo of tobacco may be said to consist of 400 hogsheads — ^for the sake of
round numbers, we will suppose each hogshead to weigh only 1000 lbs. and
the account stands thus— 400,000 lbs. Tobacco, at Id 1-2 sterUng
der pound is 2,500/. sterling, or §11,100 00

Tonnage, at 12s per ton on 400 tons, is 240/. sterling, or 1,065 00

"Light money and various other charges and attendant expenses,

would amount to 800 00

^ Amount of tribute on a cargo 12,965 00

*• Of the 80,000 hogsheads sve geuerally exported, but about 12,000 were
consumed in the British islands. The rest went to the continent. Put them, as
before, at 1000 lbs. each, and what is the amount of tribute on this single article ■'
68,C»0O hogsheads tobacco, weighing each lUOO lbs. is 68,000,000
lbs. at Id l-2d .sterling per pound, is 425,000/. or gl,998,000 00

170 ships' toiuKigc, &c. at 2000 dollars each 34u,000 00

" .\mount of annual lnl)utc on tobacco 2,338,000 00

" A siiip would carry about from 3000 to 3500 barrels of floiU' ; say foy the sake
of calculation, 6000 cwt.

" 6,000 cwt. at 5s sterling per cwt. amounts to 1,500/., or ^6,660 00

" Tonnage and charges, as above 1,865 00

•* Amount of tribute on one cargo of flour 8,225 00

"A siiip load offish would cost about 3,500 or 4,000 dollars, including the
duties and chargcs."f

CHAPTER XXIII.

Tfir orders in Council., of November 11, 1807, defended by Ame-
ricans. Founded on the untenable plea of American acquies-
cence 1)1 the Berlin Decree. Enquiry into the causes and
consequences., by A. Baring., Esq. M. P.

Pi-KNir. lot's as were the orders in coixncil to the most vital in-
terests of the United States — degrading as was the condition of
paying a transit duty in English ports — and unjust and unfound-
ed as was the allegation on which these orders were predicated,

* This was written previous to the late war, and states the prices in 1807.
t For all these statements and calculalioiis I am indebted to Niles's Weekly
Register, vol. 3, page 79.

CHAP. 23.) BARING'S ENQUIRY. 1^3

there were defenders of them in this country— Americans bom.
Among the number were men in high and elevated stations,
possessing a great degree of pviblic confidence and pohtical in-
fluence. It is a most singular fact, that the cause of England
has been far more ably supported in our congressional debates,
and in our political speculations and essays, than in London it-
self. No man of character or standing in society in that city, or
in the British parliament, has attempted to deny the magnitude of
our wrongs. The ministry and their friends have palliated their
proceedings by the miserable plea of necessity — and of retalia-
tion — a plea that Barbarossa, or Koulikan, or Bonaparte, could
with equal justice advance. But such respectable men as the
Koscoes, the Whitbreads, the Barings, have bestowed on the
outrageous measures of their government, the most unqualified
reprobation. I have it not in my power at present to refer to the
debates in parliament. But I perfectly well recollect, and such of
my readers as have access to them will see at once, that the rec-
titude of the conduct of our government, and its mild endea-
vours to procure redress, have received the most unequivocal
encomiums from some of the most illustrious characters in
Great Britain.

The respectability of Mr. Alexander Baring is a matter of
public notoriety throughout the commercial world. There is no
man in England more attached to the honour and interests of
his country. His testimony has been, as I have said, uniformly
borne in our favour, and against the enormous injustice of the
orders in council — and as it cannot fail to have a weight propor-
tioned to his talents, integrity, and character, I shall very freely
quote from such an unexceptionable source.

The orders in council of Nov. 11, 1807, were, as we have
seen, predicated upon the pretence of our acquiescence in the
Berlin decree. Mr. Baring having stated the fact,* that this
decree had not been put into operation against our commerce,
and that therefore, we had no right to remonstrate against it,
proceeds,

"Unless, therefore, his majesty's ministers have some information of which
the public are not possessed, and which contradicts the very clear evidence the
public do possess, we must conclude that the assertion in the ordei-s in council
that America had been guilty of that acquiescence in the decrees of France,
which was to draw down, and has drawn down upon her, our menaced retalia,-
tion, is totally void of foundation.'"\

The fallacy of the allegatioti of an acquiescence in the Berlin
decree having been proved, Mr. Baring thus accounts for the
Milan decree, which was the offspring of the orders in council
of November 11, 180r.

" If what has been stated, be coiTect, that our orders in council are not jus-
tified, by any previous provocation, they must be evidently acts of original ag-
gression; and France retaliated much in the same manner and with the same

* See page 117, f Baring's Enquiry, page 70.

124 rOUTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 23.

right as we ovirselves should have done, had the BerUn decree been rigidly
executed.'"

The following masterly analysis of 'the orders in council is
taken from Mr. Baring's " Enquiry."

" Jll trade directly from Amenca to every port and country at war tvith Great
Britain, or from -u-hich the Brilish fag is excluded, is totally prohibited. In thin
general prohibition, every port of Europe, with the exception at present of Sweden,
it intituled : and no distinction whatever is made between the domestic produce of
America, and that of the colonies, re-exported from tiience ! ! !

" 'I'lie trade from America to the colonies of all nations, remains unaltered by
the present oi'der. America may export the produce of her own country, but that
of no other, to Sweden.

•• Witli tiie above exception, all articles, whether of domestic or colonial pro-
duce exported by America to l-Auope, ipust be landed in this country [England]
from whence it is intended to permit tiieir exportation, under such regulations
as shall be hereafter determined.

" By these regnilations it is understood that duties are to be imposed on all ar-
ticles so re-exported. But it is intimated that an exception will be made m fa-
vour of such as are the produce of the United States, cotton excepted.

" Anv vessel, the cargo whereof shall be accompanied with certificates of
French'consuls abroad, of its origin, shall, together witli its cargo, be hable to
seizure and condemnation."!

It is proper here to make a solemn pause. The subject de-
serves the deepest, the most serious reflection. Let us examine
this sketch, drawn by a masterly hand, beyond the reach of sus-
picion. Let us consider the despotic, the lawless claims it asserts
— the prostrate, the base, the despicable state in which it places
the commerce and the rights of a sovereign, an independent, an
unoffending nation — a nation whose trade was of incalculable
importance to the power thus daring to legislate for her, and de-
.stroy her dearest rights of sovereignty. When all this is fair-
ly and dulv weighed, let us correctly appreciate the conduct oi
so many Americans, who have asserted with a zeal worthy of a
good cause, that England " has really done our commerce no es-
sential injury!"-}: The annals of the world can produce nothing
more indefensible — nothing more astonishing.

The end proposed by the British government in this stupen-
dous project of usurpation, is thus ably sketched.

" 7/ie Jlmeiicans are to brin^^ to this country all the produce of their own, and
all that of onr enrwit's' colonies, which they export to Europe. We are here to
form a grand emporium of the costly produce nf Asia and America, which is to
be dispensctl to the different countries of Kurope, under such regulations as
we may think proper, I suppose, according to their good behaviour. Taxes
are to be raisrd from the consumers on the continent ; and they are to be contrived
with such judicious skill :Lsto secure our own West India planters a preference
over tliose of Culia and Mailinique."§

" 'I'lie American mercliant, witli the best intentions of trading legally, can-
not always know what this country permits ; for we admit that upholding a ge-
neral principle which we never enforce, we may and do vary our pei-missions to
neutrals under it as we please. Supposing him in this respect not liable to er-
ror, he is exposed to unjust decisions in our vice admiralty courts — a danger of

• Baring's Enquiry, page 70. f Idem, page 12. t Mr. Pickering's letter
to governor Sullivan, page 1,2. § Bai-ing's Enquiry, page 16.

dHAp. 23] BARING'S INQUIRY. 125

no common magnitude, if we are to believe the assertion of lord Hawkesbury
in the iiouse of commons, tlie 29th of April, 1801, that of 318 appeals from these
courts, only 35 of the condemnations were cQufrmed."*

What a hideotis picture of the rapacity and piratical proceed-
ings ol the British privateers is here exhibited! It is not unfair
to suppose, that of the number of vessels captured and brought
in for adjudication, one-fourth were cleared in the West Indies.
Admitting this calculation, the whole number of captures em-
braced in the statement of lord Hawkesbury, was probably 420,
of which about 100 were cleared in the West Indies — 283 un-
justly condemned there, and afterwards cleared in Great Britain
— and only 35 really and bona fide lawful prize — so that it ap-
pears, that of every twelve vessels brought in for trial, eleven
were unjustly captured !

" If we liad maintained and defended this doctrine boldly and fairly against
all nations, good arguments in favour of it coLdd not he wanting. But wlien we
have uniformly yielded it, and indeed forborne to claim it, can it be consistent
either -with magtianimitti or good puUcy, to brinq- it forward now, liKCAUSE THE
ONLY REMAINING 'neutral HAS A DEFENCELESS COMMERCE ? If
aiich cowardly injustice is to be one of our resources in these trying times, when eleva-
tion of sentiment and of national character are more than ever wanted, the means and
sirengtli of this powerfid empire arc inde/'J strangely 7nisiinderstood.'"'\

This is the language of a dignified character — language wor-
thy of Athens or Rome when their glory was at its zenith. Hap.
py would it have been for Great Britain — it would have placed
her character on a towering eminence, had her statesmen, instead
of the course of lawless depredation they pursued, been actuated
by such elevated sentiments.

"This decision [in tlie case of the Essex, Orme,] although the distinction
was not made to catch the common eye, was well known to embrace the whole
foreign trade of America, excepting that in her own produce. It circulated ra-
pidly among our cruizers and privateers ; and in the course of a fortnight the seas
were cleared of every American ship they coidd find,w\\\ch. now crowded our ports
for trial ; and our West India merchants were gratified by neutral insurance and
freights being at least doubled by this ingenious discovery. "Ij

" This decision laid the fouiadation of all the complaints of America of our
vexatious measiu-es against lier trade, as it introduced a totally new line of con-
duct towards it; and that change produced the non-importation act, at which we affect
so much indignGtio7i.'''if

" Nor was the injury to the Americans confined to the application of these
new and vexatious principles ; for our privateers, apprehending little danger
of being made answerable for their erroi", wei'e not disposed to make nice dis-
tinctions ; but detained and sent in every vessel they met with, under the most fri-
volous pretences; in wldch they were also encowaged by tiie expectation of actual
■war. Of the extent to whicli this was carried, some idea may be formed, when
it is stated, that cargoes, wholly of American produce, and of the produce of
neutral countries trading with America, were captured, and even brought to
trial."§

" The owners of privateers are in the daily practice of bringing in valuable
cargoes, and offering immediately to release them for one or two hundred giuneas.
Tliey sometimes require a much larger sum. The London merchant is either

* Baring's Enquiry, page 43. f Idem, page 47. H Idem, page SO.

?• Idem, page 51. § I'Jem, pages 57 add 58.

O. B. 18

126

POLITICAL OLn-E BRANCH. [chap. 23.

obU^edto acquiesce in THIS INIQUITOUS llOBBEllY, or let his correspon-
dent siitrer the more expensive vexations wliich it is unfortunately in the
power of lliose people to infiict."* , . , c

•■ The measures resorleil to by America, under these circumstances of pro-
vocation, M'ere ccrUiinly of the »m7</f.s'/ .v/>.'c/V'.v of IwstiUl,j, and such as evidmthj
,ho.L'ed a desire of jHcue. A law was passed prohibitin.^• the importation ot ccr^
tan\ articles of Bnlisli manufacture ; by which a demonstration of commercial
w aifare was certainly intemled. But it is such as every independent natioii,
even in lime of peace, has a ri^ht to resort to without giving offence ; and it
the comnurce of America were to be materially interrupted, a reduction of
her iniport.itii.n of European articles became indispensable. This law, after
dilli. rent suspensions, is not yet repealed. Of its wisdom, as a commercial mea-
sure, there niav be doubts; but as an aimoi/ance of our trade, for the purpose of
enfurcinir a respect for theirs, ive have no right to complain of it.]''

" U" we had treated the commerce of America w ith sincerity, instead of mo-
lesiinj? it, as we liav.- seen, BY A liKPETlTION OF THE MOST UlSGRACK-
FL'L CIIK'AXE, that commerce would have suffered less, and our own ends
would have been answered. Such an apijeal to the good sense of that country,
would certainly have been less likely to produce war than the sophistry witli
which they have been treated, and of wliich every man in it must detest the
follv.'N

"■/or so extensive an infmf to a countrr,, AVHOSE RIGHT OF INDEPEN-
DENT SOVEREIGNTY WAS A lOLATED, AND WHOSE COMMERCE
WAS DESTKOVEl) BY THIS PROCEEDING, it would have been in vain
to search lor autliorities or precetlents any where."§

We have seen that French consular certificates of the origin
ot the cargo of a vessel, by the orders in council, subjected both
vessel and cargo to condemnation. On the iniquity of this fea-
ture of the orders, Mr. Baring remarks : —

*' We ill many cases require foreign articles, imported into this country, to
be accompanied by certificates fnmi our consuls abroad. Nothing can, there-
fore, be more frlvoKnis than the assertion of our right to complain of the ac-
quiescence of American merchants in tlic regulations of France respecting cer-
tificates of origin.^

I hope the reader will attend to the consequences of this fea-
ture o( the orders in council. Let it never be forgotten. It is
wcniliy of being borne in eternal remembrance. If they had no
other oilious teature, this -would be sufficient to disgrace them,
uikI their authors and abettors. Suppose Mr. George Cabot,
lilr. Janies Lloyd, jun. Timothy Pickering, Commodore Dale,
or any other citi/.en of tlie United States, to send a vessel to
sea, owned by himself, manned with American sailors, and
loaded with American productions — l>ound for the solitaiy
corner of Europe, Sweden, which was not interdicted by the
orders in council — suppose her provided with a French consular
certilitate of the origin of the cargo: and finally, to close oui
supjjositions, suppose her carried into London by a British pri-
vateer, and brought before Sir William Scott for adjudication.
She would most assuredly be condemned for an infringement
OF THE LAW OF NATIONS, in being' provided xvith a French
consular cerOjhate ! 1 1 What an awful mockery of justice in

• Barinp's Enquiry, i)age 58. f Idem, page 59. 4 Idem, page 3
^ Idem, page 64. \ Idem, page dOi.

CHAP. 23.] BARING'S ENQUIRY. 127

those who prescribed — what a shameful prostration and baseness
of mind in those who preached submission to — such a lawless
regulation, calculated to '' prei/ upon the unprotected property of
a friendly power. ^'^

" The comprehensive nature of the injury which America must suffer from
our system, by leaving no class of its population unaffected by it, atfurds little
hope'of the uiterfereiice of any for the preservation of peace. The great in-
terest which a countiy still possessing the means of independence, should feel
in the preservation of ours, -d-ill be lost in the more immediate and perceptible coii-
seguencen of our foUy and injnstice."j[

"■ The new orders were of a description to produce a revolution in the whole
commerce of the world; and a total derangement of those mutual rights and
relations by which civilized nations have hitherto been connected.''^:

" It must be evident from the whole tenor of our proceedmgs, that commer-
cial interest has been our moving principle throughout ; that every demmistru-
tion of the slightest hostilitu on the other side, has onginatsd in our attempts to ad-
vance that interest in violating' the rights and interests of others ,- and that if -wc
are at last called upon to take up arms, it is on our part a quarrel about sugar and
coffee, and not in support of national honour."^

"" The consequences of such a state of things mvst produce ruin to every class
and description of persons in America: and they are so obvious, so inevitable,
that one cannot avoid thinking, that they must have occurred to the framei-s of
this new system."'!

" To make this limitation of neutral trade a part of the lawof nations, it is not
sufficient that it should be asserted by one power. It must likewise be admit-
ted by others ; which is so far from having been the case, that in all our discus-
sions "about neutral riglits, wc have not only never obtained from any nation a
recognition of this rule, but it aoes not even appear to have been at any time se-
riously insisted upon."\\

" What can then be the object of holding up this rule [of 1756] as the palla-
dium of our maritime rights, or why has it lain so long dormant ? instead of
America being accused of a disposition to encroachment hostile to our dignity,
in refusing to admit into the law of nations, a principle whicli has neither been
admitted by or enforced toivards others, are we not rather ourselves wanting to
our own dignity in proclaiming a law wliich we have never ventured to defend;
in setting iip a right, which, by our own treaties with foreign nations, we have
ourselves encouraged them to trample im i"'**

" It would have been highly interesting to know how many instances [of
fraudulent ownership] had been discovered ; as by pointing tlu-m out to our
government, redress miglit have been obtained by application to that of Ame-
rica, wiiose strict attention to the character of her flag has always been re
markable."tt

" I must say, and I speak from considerable experience, tliat the character
of tlie great body of merchants in America, httle deserves the unjust insinua-
tions in which writers on this subject have indulged." tt

" During a considerable part of the last and present war, we have indeed re-
spected tlie rights of those not concerned in it. But the conduct even op' France
can furnish fe~cv stronger proofs of a disregard of them, and of more fnvolous pre-
tences by which they have been invaded, than may be found in our conduct in 1805,
and still more in the recent measures which we have tieen considering."^^

"If our commercial treaties with Portugal are to be held up, as they have
been, to the admiration of statesmen, we cannot fail to admire the liberal policy
of .\merica towards the produce of our industry, when we consider the large
balance which she annually pays us, and our illiberal jealou.sy of her intercourse
with other countries, from which alone tliat balance can be paid."111[

* See Boston Memorial, page 89. f Enquiry, page 78. + Idem, page 10.
§ Idem, page 79. 1 idem, page 18. || Idem, page 22. ** Idem, page 23.
ft Idem, page 32. it Wem, page36. ■§§ Mem, page 71- 111 Idem, page 88.

128 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 23.

" If my former observations produce, as I think they must, a conviction that
the trade and propsrtvso sported witii, belone;' to an honest neutral, there can
be no doubt tliut OIU CONDUCT TOUAWDS IF DESEHVKS THE NAME
OF THE MOST UNQUAUFIEL) INJLS IICE."*

I solemnly invoke the reader to re-peruse these extracts, with
all the attention whicli their importance requires. They are
overwhelming and unanswerable. They stamp with the seal of
condemnation the orders in council, their British framers, and
American apologists. Never was testimony more cogent. And
never did power more completely forget and trample upon right
and justice, than in this instance did the British ministry.

The reader who compares the style and substance of the me-
morials, with Mr. Baring's essay, will find that coincidence,
that eogencv, that irresistible conviction which result from truth
and lionourable principles. The American merchants, eloquent-
ly and convincingly pleading for the rights of their country, and
their own personal interests, unjustly assailed — speak nearly the
same language, and make use of the same arguments, as Mr.
Baring, when he sought to save his country from the disgrace
and dishonour of employing her transcendent naval power to
overwhelm and prey upon the commerce of an unoffending-
neutral, merely because that neutral was not in a state to defend
lierself.

I trust that no apology can be necessary for these copious ex-
tracts on this all-important topic. The high standing and cha-
racter of the writer, as I have already observed, and take the
lil)erty to repeat, entitle his sentiments to peculiar attention.
Moreover, as an English merchant, interest, were he swayed
by such a consideration, would have led him to advocate the
or lers in council. But he had too high a regard for the honour
of his country, to wish it to be sacrificed to paltry and sordid
consiilerations of interest.

After the reader has with the deep attention the subject de-
scr\es, perused the above eloquent defence of American rights
— exposure of our wrongs — and appeal to the honour and justice
of (ireat Britain, writteti by a high-spirited and noble-minded
Englishman, let him ])onder for a moment on the conduct of
those Ainericans who have devoted their talents, their industry,
anddieir influence, to defend the outrageous proceedings of Great
Britain, and to place their own coimtry uniformly in the wrong.

What ;i humiliating contrast ! — Mr.' Baring pleading the cause
of the injured Ignited States in London — and Mr. Pickering and
hundreds of other Americans pleading in Boston, New York,
Philadelphia, and elsewhere, against their own country, and in
deO-nce of British inroads and British violence !

The contemplation iills the mind with astonishment ! Notwith-
standing the evidence is so full\- before us, as to be irresistible,

• Enquiry, page 57.

CHAP. 24] EMBARGO. 139

it is not easy to believe that such an awful delusion could have
ever existed, and to such an extravagant extent.

It would be difficult, perhaps impossible, to find in historv any
parallel case. Enlightened American merchants, alas ! so lar
blinded bv party and faction, as to use their utmost endeavours
to prevent the government of their country from procuring re-
dress of intolerable grievances which bore so heavily on them-
selves i

CHAPTER XXIV.

Embargo. Situation of American Commerce. Factious clamour.
Embargo a wise^ prudent, and Jiecessary measure.

I NOW proceed to consider the subject of the embargo, which,
was one of the most potent instruments employed to exasperate
and inflame the passions of the people of the eastern states, and
which actually prepared a portion of them for open resistance to
the government.

The justice and propriety of every measure depend on the
circumstances that accompany and induce it — the motives that
lead to its adoption — and the consequences it is calculated to
produce. Eet us apply these tests to the embargo.

The reader has had the decrees and orders in council laid be-
fore him in extenso. He has seen the exposition of the injustice
of the latter by Mr. Baring. And he has had an opportunity
himself of calculating the effects of both decrees and orders.

From a calm consideration of these docviments, and of their
inevitable operation on our trade, it is perfectly obvious, that had
our vessels sailed in December, lo07, and January, February',
March, April, and May, 1808, as freelv as they had formerly
done, they would have universally fallen sacrifices ; those bound
for France and her dependencies, to British — and those bound
for the British dominions, to French cruisers.

This would have produced an almost universal bankruptcy
among our insurance offices and merchants. The plunder of
our ships and cargoes, and the captivity of our seamen, would
have augmented the resources of the belligerents, and enfeebled
ourselves. The only real question was, whether our vessels
should remain at our wdiarves, the property of our merchants, or
be carried to France and England, the prey of privateers. But
for the embargo, there would have been such a calamitous scene
produced as has rarely occurred in any nation. We should have
suff"ered all the worst consequences of war, without any of its com-
pensatory advantages. Our merchants would have once more
made the " welkin ring" with their complaints of injury — their
eloquent appeals to the law of nations — their clamours for redress
—-their reproaches of the government for its supineness — and

13U ipOLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH, [chap. 24.

their solemn* pledges of support. We should have again had
to negociate in vain for reparation. And we should have been
ultimately goaded into war, after having been defeated in our
endeavours to escape it, and deprived of the most efficient means
for its prosecution.

It has been said that the Berlin decree not having been car-
ried into operation against American vessels ; and our govern-
ment not having received an authentic copy of the orders in
council ; therefore it was not justified in the recommendation of
the embargo. And thus that degree of vigilance and care of the
interests of his country and of the property of the merchaiJts,
which entitled Mr. Jefferson to a monument from the mercan-
tile interest, has been made the ground-work of the most serious
accusation !

There is no measure of the general govermricnt from its first
organization to the present hour, more strcmgly marked with
wisdom, with foresight, and with attention to duty, than this re-
commendation. There is, nevertheless, no measure that has gen-
erated more factious or senseless clamour — more envenomed,
prejudice — more unblushing misrepresentation.

The atrocious case of the Horizon, which was the first in-
stance wherein the Berlin decree was carried into efl'ect against
American vessels, had previously occuned. Of this case Mr.
Armstrong had transmitted an account in a letter dated Nov.
12, 1807, of which I have submitted a copy to the reader.f
This letter and the documents accompanying it, established, be-
yond a possibility of doubt, the extreme danger of our commerce
from French depredation, and French courts of admiralty.

Of the determination of the British government to meet the
Berlin decree with measures of equal violence, undoubted inform-
ation had been received by our administration in private letters,
and even in the public papers. The recommendation of the em-
bargo took place on the 18th of December, 1807: and on the
7)wrnhiif of that daij^ previous to tlie delivery of the presidents
viessu(^x\ there had been published in the National Intelligencer
the folbxving paragraph from a London paper.

London, JVoveinber 10.
" A proclamation is now, we understand, in readiness for his majesty's signa-
ture, declaring France and the whole of her vassal kingdoms in a state of siege,
and f)rri/ii/)ilhiif allintercnirse luith her or them — and all eiitravce of vessels into her
or Ihrir har/>oi,r.i, EXCKPI" OF SUCH AS HAVE CLEARED LAST FROM A
BRi'l'lSH POUT, EITHER HOME OR FOliElGN."

Various private letters to the same effect, had been received
by different citizens. Thus, between the two nations, our com-
merce was completely cut up by the roots. The only part of

• T had written " hollow and deceptions." Rut I struck the words out — how
properly the reader will decide. 1 am doubtful myself of the correctness of
the alteration.

t See page 117.

CHAP. 24] e:mbargo. 131

Europe, except her own dominions and dependencies, with
which Great Britain allowed us to trade, was Sweden. And the
Milan decree, by an extravagance of despotism, folly, and wick-
edness, never exceeded in the annals of piracy and rapine, re-
garded every neutral vessel, that had been searched by a British
cruiser, as ipso facto denationalised^ and liable to capture, bound
whence or where she might The mind is lost in astonishment
at this ne phis ultra of wickedness, madness, and rapine. It was
punishing as criminal, an act perfectly innocent — wholly unavoid-
able — and in which the party punished had been merely passive !

Under these circumstances, what prudent merchant would
send a vessel to sea — liable to capture Avhatever might be her
destination ? For even if bound to Sweden, or any other comer
of Europe, (if any such there were) not embraced in the scope
of decrees and orders in council, she might be searched by an
English privateer, and thus be subject to capture by the next
French one that should overhaul her.

What course had a government to steer, which, bound to
watch over the interests of its constituents, w'as sincerely dis-
posed to perform that duty faithfully ? Let any man not tram-
melled by faction or inveterate prejudice, calmlv consider this
question, and I feel most perfectly satisfied, he will reply — the
alternative was, war against both nations — or a general embargo.

Notwithstanding this plain state of the case — notwithstanding
the imperious necessity of the measure — there was, as I have
stated, no act of the federal government, since its first organiza-
tion, that excited so much outcry or clamour. It was the sub-
ject of incessant abuse in all the federal papers from New-Hamp-
shire to Georgia, and from the Mississippi to the Atlantic. It
has been ten thousand times reiterated, that it was unnecessarily
oppressive — that it was wicked and tj'rannical — dictated by Na-
poleon — a sacrifice of the dearest interests of the nation — and, to
cap the climax, unconstitutional.

In times of faction, the public possesses a wonderful faculty
of swallowing the most monstrous and improbable falsehoods. It
was almost universally believed to the eastward, that the em.
bargo was the result of a combination hetxveen the Southern and
Western States^ to ruin the Eastern ! ! I I have repeatedly heard
this asserted by men otherwise of sound minds and cultivated
understandings, and whose veracity convinced me that they did
not attempt deception, but were themselves deceived. This ex-
travagJJnt idea proceeds upon the miserable and fatuitous suppo-
sition, that the merchant, whose vessels remain unemployed at
the wharves, will in consequence be ruined ; but that the agri-
culturist, whose wheat, flour, rice, cotton, naval stores, &c. stag-
nate on his hands, will thereby suffer no injury^ or rather derive
advantage, although they fall 'in value 30, 40, 50, or 60 per cent,
'Tis passing strange !

132 POLITIOAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 24.

Never was there a more factious or unfounded clamour excit-
ed. Never, I repeat, was a publit measure more loudly called
for by existinij circumstances, never one better timed, and never
one that would have produced more salutary consequences, had
not f;iction deprived it of its clHcacy.

With the knowledge Mr. Jefferson possessed, of the mighty
dangers impendmg over our commerce, he would have justly me-
rited impeachment for a dereliction of his duty, had he not re-
commended an embargo for its protection.

INIr. Pickering was the earliest, most ardent, and most zeal-
ous opponent of the embargo. After having in vain exerted
himself in the senate to prevent its passing, he laboured, and un-
fortuniitelv with too much success, to excite a strenuous and se-
tlitious opposition to it in his own state, and in the other Eastern
States. He wrote a long, elaborate, and impassioned letter against
it to the governor of Massachusetts, in which he endeavoured
to pro\'e the measure wholly unnecessary — dictated by France —
and adopted purely through hostility to England, who, he un-
qualifiedly asserted, " had done our conrmerce no essential in-

ji»*T-''

'f o form a correct idea of the embargo, it must be considered

in two points of view, wholly distinct — one, its original enaction
— the other, its long duration. The latter may have been, and
I believe was, an error. But I should not hesitate at this mo-
ment, to submit the decision of the question to governor Strong,
Kut'us King, George Cabot, or James Lloyd, jun. whether an
embargo was not an indjspensible measure, at a period when all
Europe, except Sweden, was declared in a state of blockade?

The embargo was laid on the 23d of December, 1807. Mr.
Pickering's letter Avas dated Feb. 16, ! 808, Avhen it hadnot been
two months in operation ; of course its denunciations must have
been levelled against the enaction of the law — and had no re-
ference whatever to its duration.

To enable the reader to form a correct estimate of the sound,
ncss of Mr. Pickering's denunciation of this measure, let it be
observed, that at the date of his letter, full and authentic infor-
mu/ion tuul arrived in this conntrij^ of the enforcement of the Ber-
lin decree^ of the enaction of the orders in council, and of the
Milan decree.

I deem it therefore highly proper to place IMr. Pickering's
deehu-ations in contrast with each other — and likewise with the
real state of affairs. The reader will then be enabled to decide
the question correctly himself.

Let me explain the four succeeding columns. The first con-
tains a sketch of the British depredations on American com-
merce, as stated in the mercantile memorials of 1805-6 — the se-
cond Mr. Baring's view of the effects of the orders in council
—the third, the resoUuion of the Senate, Feb. 10, 1806, on which

CHAP. 25.] BRITISH DEPREDATIONS. l^S

Mr. Pickering voted i?i the affirmative — ajid the fourth^ Mr>
Fickering's vindication of England^ Feb. 16, 1808.

The three first paragraphs of the first column are from the Bos-
ton Memorial, signed by James Lloyd, George Cabot, 8ic. These
g-ntlcmen are responsible for the truth or falsehood of the alle-
gations, in which the British government is almost in terms
charged with absolute piracy : for, according to these gentlemen,
it was '•'■ preying upon the unprotected property of a friendhj
poxver^'' which is but a mild form of expression for piracy.

1805—6. 1808. Mr. Picker- Mr. Picker-
MEMORIALS. MR. BARING. ing, Feb. ing, Feb.
10, 1806. 16, 1808.

"WE confine ■ourselves "Ml trade direct iy from _

to the more alarming, be- America to every port ami " The cap- " Tliese

cause more exlendve deten- country at war -mth Great ture and con- facts demon-
tions and condemnations of Britain, or from -which the dcmnation stratc, thatal-
Jimerican vessels by Great British f/asi- is excluded, is under orders tliough Eng-
Uritain."* _ totally prohibited. /« //«s of the British land with her

"New vessels, o\\t\\e\Y general prohibition, every government, thousand
first passage from the Uni- part of Europe ivith the ex- andadjudica- ships of war,
ted States to Europe, are ception of Sweden, is inch/.- tions of their could have
arrested, carried out of ded .■ and no f/Zstoirt/on courts of ad- destroyed
theircourse,andinjurious- Wia/erer is made bet\ifeen mivAty, of A- ouv com-
!y detained under the vex- <Ae domestic produce o/' merican ves- merce SHE
atious pretence of a con- America, and that of the sels and their HAS REAL-
tinuity of voyage from the co/o?j«>s, re-exported from cargoes, on LY DONE
country or colony of a bel- i(/i«?ce."* the pretext IT NO ES-

rigerent."* "It would probably be oftheirbei7ig SENTlAL

" It cannot become the no exaggeration to' say employed in INJURY."*

magnanimity ofa great and that uptvards of three a trade with

powerful nation, to prey fourths of aU the merchants, t\\e enemies * I.etter

upon the unprotected pro- seamen, &c. engaged m of Great Bri- from the hon.
perty of a friendly power."* commerce or navigation m tain, prohi- Timothy

" Having totally sup- America, ttave, at sometime bited in time Pickei-ing,
pressed the external com- or other, suffered from acts of peace, is senator from
merce of her enemies, of our cruizers, which to an unprovok- the state of
Great Britain is novj conn- i\\einhii.ve appeared wn- ed aggression Ma^ss. to his
selled to appropriate to her- just, andwhich frequently upon the pro- excellency
self that of her fricnds."-f mu.st have been so. They perty of the James Sulli-

" This novel principle read, it is true, of the power citizens of the van, govern-
goesto nothing short of the of France.— BUT THEY United States or of the said
destruction of neutral com- FEEL EVERY DAY — a violation state dated
merce.":\: THAT OF BRITAIN."! <if their neu- Feljruary 16

" Every sail is stretched " By attempting to con- tral rights— 1808, page
to collect the unwary Ameri- fu\e\\\e^YMVo\>ean\\-aAe of and an ew- 11.
cans,who are unsuspecting- America to Great Britain, cioachmmt
ly confdiiig in what was hy i\ie a\o\ya\ of an \\\\.en- upon their na-
ihe law of nations."^ ti'on to tax that trade on its tional inde-

♦' Our vessels and ef- passage to the continent, pendence."*

fects, to a large amount, we are returning to those

have lately been captured principle.^, to which, even as * Resohi-
by her commissioned crui- « colo?iy, she xvuuld not sub- tion agreed
zers, upon t!ie foundation mit. It is immaterial, wheth- to by the se-

: — nate of the U.

* Boston memorial. * Baring's Examination, States— Feb.

f New York memorial. page"l2. 10, 1806. See

% Philadelphia memorial, f Idem, page 74, pas-e 106-

O. B, 19

134 POUTICAL OLIVE BKANXH [c«ap. 24

of new principles, sud- er it be a tax on stamps, or
denlv invented."t on cotton 'I'liis question

"'i'lie revivalofhcrdis- has been ulrcady the sub-
cardcd rule was character- jcct of a loiiic und bloody
ized ivitn such circiimstan- war ; and it can hardly be
CCS of hiii/tiiti/ and violence supposi:d that Amencu
asratherto heighten by the will now submit to a di-
contrast the veneration of rect attack on her sover-
niankind for tiie past jus- eign and independent
tice of iier tribunals.'"* rights.""

f Baltimore memorial. * Baring's Examination,

page 76.

It is not for me, to reconcile Mr. Pickering's sentiments* to
each other — nor to the tenor of the Memorials — nor to Mr. Bar-
ing's correct view of the orders in council. Let it be observed,
let it never be forgotten, that the " unprovoked aggression" of
1306, remained unredressed at the date of the letter to governor
Sullivan, February 1808. And, further, to this ^"^ nnpro'ookcd
aggression'''' of 1806, the orders in council had been added in
1807, which more than quintupled the original outrage. But
even independent of this extravagant addition, it is out of my
power, bv all the rules of logic at my command, to satisfy my
mind how '•^ the capture and conde^nnation of our vessels'''' — under
false '■'■pretexts^'' and, as appears by the memorials of the mer-
chants, to a most enormous amoimt — " the unprovoked aggression
vpon the property of our citizens'''' — " the violatioji of our neutral
rights'''' — and " the encroachment upon our national independence''''
can be made to accord with the broad, the sweeping, the un-
qualified assertion that Great Britain has " really do7ie our cojh-
vierce no essential injurij.''''

To be serious. The subject requires seriousness and sobrie-
ty. Is not this a most astonishing and never-enough-to-be-la-
mented instance of the horrible delusion in which strong party
passions involve those who submit to their guidance ? Can light
and darkness — vice and virtue — seraphs and demons — be more
opposite to each other thati these assertions ? Would it not have
been a most awftil inconsistency had they both been cotempora-
ncous — or had the state of affairs, at the period of making the
second, been exactly what it was at the period of making the first?
Bat nliat an immense aggravation does this inconsistency re-
ceive from the consideration, that in Feb. 1808, the first griev-

• Some of the friends of Mr. Pickering, in order to destroy the efTect of the
inconsisteiiry of these sontlmcnls, have asserted, that he did not make tlie de-
claration that " England liad done our commerce no essential injury." 1 dare
^Ir. Pickering thus publicly and explicitly in the face of this nation to deny it
himself 1 pledge rnysclf to prove it incontrovertibly. But he never will dare a
denial. His letter, from which the extract has been made, containing this highly
erroneous declaration, is in the Boston Centincl, edited bv Benjamin Russel,
for March 12, 1808, and in the C;azette of the United Slates, edited by Enos
Bronson, for the 14th of said month and year.

CHAP. 24] ORDER IN COUNCIL. 135

ances had been unredressed, and others, as I have stated, incom-
parably more mtolerable, been added? Ihe orders in council
were, in outrage, injustice, and infraction of our rights of sov-
ereignty, as far beyond the enforcement ol the rule of 1756,
which was the ground of complaint in 1806, as wanton murder
is beyond mere assault and battery.

Never was I more deceived in my life, than I am at this mo-
nient, if every candid, unbiassed reader do not agree with me,
that the opposition to the operation of the embargo, was factious,
disorganizing, absurd, and impolitic in the extreme ; and that
those who rendered the law nugatory and unavailing have a high
crime to answer for to their injured country.

To avoid the pressure of the embargo, and to hold out induce-
ments to our citizens to violate it, and to despatch their vessels
clandestinely, the following most extraordinary order in council
was published by the British government.

George R.
Instructions to the commanders of our ships of war and priva-
teers. Given at our court at Windsor^ the 11th day of April^
1808, in the 48th year of our reign.

Our will and pleasure is, that you do not interrupt any neutral vessel laden
with lumber and provisions, and going' to any of our colonies, islands, or settle-
ments in the West Indies, or Soutli America, to ivhomsuever the property may
appear to belong, and noticithstanding such vessel may not have regular clearances
and documents on board ! ! ! And in case any vessel shall be met with, and being
on her due course to the alleged port of destination, an endorsement sliall be
made on one or* more of the principal papers of such vessel, specifying tlie des-
tination alleged, and the place where the vessel was so visited. And in case any
vessel so laden sh;dl arrive and deliver her cargo at any of our colonies, islands,
or settlements aforesaid, sucli vessel shall be permitted to receive her freight,
and to depai-t, either in ballast, or with any goods that may be legally exported
in such vessel, and to proceed to any unblocicaded port ; notwithstanding the
present hostilities, or any future hostilities which may take place. And a pass-
port for siich vessels may be granted by the governor, or other person, having the
cMef civil command of such colony, island, or settlement .'

G. R.

This astonishing document demands the most particular and
pointed attention. — The ministers who prostituted the name of
their sovereign by subscribing it to such an instrument, merit,
and must receive the reprobation of every highminded English-
man, who feels for the honour or dignity of his native country.
The world has never seen such another instrument. And I hope
there never will be a second instance of the kind. This order
alone was adequate cause of war. This at least is certain, that
many wars have been declared upon infinitely less provocation.
What ! one of the most potent monarchs in the world, rather than
do justice to an unoffending nation, on which for fourteen years,
his ministers had perpetrated the most flagrant outrages, invites,
and tempts, and affords facilities to its citizens, to violate the
laws of their country, and openly pursue the infamous trade of
smuggling!

136

POLITICAL OLIV'E BRANCH. [chap. 25.

- The subject affords an ample field for, and invites to, copious
comments. But I lorlxar. I leave it to the calm consideration
of the candid reader, whether Englishman or American.

CHAPTER XXV.

Enquinj into the ConstmtionaUtij of the Act for enforcing the

Embargo. Compared with acts passed during the presidencij

of gen. IVashington and John Adams.

The original embargo act had been openly and flagrantly vio-
lated, I'he public prints in Boston had audaciously and sedi-
tiously invited the citizens to set it at defiance. The British
govci'nnK nt hud alao, as we have seen, added the allurement of
its powerful invitation. Such an invitation was unnecessary.
There are ahva\s to be found in every community, men who will
seek the shortest road to fortune, whether through the dark paths
of smuggling, or otherwise. These men united their obstreper-
ous bruwlings, with the clamour raised by those whose grand ob-
ject was to harass the government, for the chance of regaining
the power they had lost. Thus the odium deserved by the
crime of smuggling, was transferred to an act calculated to pre-
serve the property of the merchants from belligerent depreda-
tion; an act, be it never forgotten, which was the mildest mode
of procuring that redress for which the mercantile part of the
community had so loudly clamoured — and in the pursuit of
which, they had so solemnly pledged themselves to support the
government ! ! !

To prevent these evasions, an act was passed to enforce the
embargo. 'Ibis was necessaril)- more strict and severe in its
provisions than the original act. Meetings were held in various
parts of the United States, denouncing the latter as oppressive
and unconstitutional. A very numerous and respectable one
was held in the city of Philadelphia, attended by a large propor-
tion of the merchants, and a great number of other citizens. Of
this meeting Commodore Truxton was chairman. Sundr)^ re-
solutions Were passed, which embraced the essence of all the ob-
jecti(jns raised against it throughout the union. I shall assume
these resolutions as a text to reason upon, and shall endeavour
to re iute the ol)jections.

During tiic administration ofGenei-al Washington, an embar-
go act had been passed by Congress. And during his admin-
istratii«i, and that of Mr. Adams, various other acts had been
passed, embracing prohil)itory and penal clauses, of a tenor simi-
lar to those of the embargo law. No federalist will pretend that
anv of those acts were unconstitutional. Some of their clauses
wer? far more exceptionable than those of Mr. Jefferson's em-
bargo act. If, therefore, the latter contain no provision what-
ever, which is not substantially to be found in those passed dur-

OHAP. 25.]

EMBARGO. 137

ing the administration of the two first presidents, I presume
that there is not a candid federahst in the union who will hesi-
tate to admit, that the clamour against the former, as unconsti-
tutional, was truly " factious, disorganizing, seditious, and Jaco-
binical."

The 9th, 10th and 11th sections were the most rigorous, the
most obnoxious ; and, of course, were selected by the Philadel-
phia meeting, as proper subjects for denunciation. I shall there-
fore fairly collate them with the corresponding sections of the
former embargo and other acts, passed during the reign of fede-
ralism, to enable the reader to form his opinion :

Proceedings of a meetijig of the Citizens of Philadelphia, Commodore Triactim in

the Chair.
« Resolved, That we consider the late act of Congress, commonly called "The
enforcing law," to be a direct invasion of the established principles of civil li-
berty, and of tlie express provisions of the constitution ; as arbitrary and severe
to a degree unnecessary, even to accomplish the objects for which the law is
professed to have been enacted ; as creating an enormous and dangerous aug-
mentation of executive influence and power ; and as unnecessarily exposing
the citizens to the miseries of civil discord and military execution.

" Resolved, That the 9th section of this act, which authorises a ministerial
officer, without j!)roce.9s of law, to seize goods at his discretion, under a pre-
tence that he believes they are intended for exportation, or apparently on the
way for the territories of a foreign power, is, in our opinion, a breach of the
fourth article of the amendments to the constitution, which provides "that the
right of the people to be seciu-e in their persons, houses, papers, and effects,
against unreasonable searciies and seizures, shall not be violated :" and of the
fifth article of the amendments, which declares, " that no man shall be deprived
of life, hberty or property, but by due process of law."

♦ENFORCING LAW.' PRECEDENTS

Signed by Jeffeuson. Signed by Washington and Apams.

1. ' That the collectors of 1. ' That every collector, naval officer, and suf-

all the districts of the United veyor, or other person espedalltj appointed by either

States, shall be, and they o/^/iem for that purpose, shall have full power and

are hereby authorised, to authority to e?;to- Am/ s/m^ or resseZ, in wluch they

take into their custody specie, shall have reason to suspect any goods, wares or

or any articles of domestic merchandise subject to duty, shall'be concealed,

growth, produce or manu- and therein to search for, seize, and secure any

facture, fomid on board of such goods, wares, and merchandise,' he — See

any ship or vessel, boat, or act of 31st July, 1789, section 24. Act of 4th

ether ~.vater craft, when there August, 1790, section 48.

is reason to believe that they ' That it shall be the duty of the several offi-

are intended for exportation : cers of the customs to make seizure of and secure

2. ' Or when in vessels, any ship or vessel, goods, wares or merchandise
carts, wagons, sleighs, or which shall be liable to seizure by virtue of this
any other carriage ; or in act, as well without, as within their respective dis-
any manner appareyitly- on tricts' — See section 26 and 50 of the same act. —
their way towards the terri- See also, act of the 2d March, 1799, sect. 68, 70.
tory of a foreign nation, or ' That it shall be lawful for any officer of the
the vicinity thereof, or to- revenue, to go on board of any ship or vessel^
wards a place where such whether she shall be within or without his dis-
articles are intended to be trict ; and the same to inspect, search, and exa-
exported : mine ; and if it shall appear, that any breach of

3. 'And not to permit the lavt^s of the United States has been committed,
such articles to be removed, he. to make seizure of the same.' — See act of
until, bond with sufficient 18th February, 1793, section 27.

sureties shall have been gi- ' That any of the aforesaid articles (arms and

ven for the landing, or the ammunition) excepting such of tUera as may coji-

13«

POLITICAL OUVE BRANCH.

[chap. 25.

delivei-y of the same in
stime place of the United
States, where, in tJie opinion
of tlie collector, there shall
not be any danger of such
articles being exported.' —
Laws United SUtcs, vol. IX.
page 192, section 9, of the
actto enforce the embai'go.*

stitute a part of the equipment of any vessel,
which, during the continuanca of this prohibition,
shall be found on board of any vessel in any ri-
ver, port, bay, or harbour, within the territories
of the United States, -.vith an intent to be exported
from the United States to any foreign country,
shall be forfeited,' &c. — See act of 22d May,
1794, section 2.

'That all goods, wares, andmerchandise brought
into the United States by Umd, contraiy to this
act, shall be forfeited, together w ith the carriages,
horses, and oxen, that shall be employed in cann-
ing the same ; provided that nothing herein shall
be construed to extend to household furniture
and clothing, belonging to any person or persons,
actually coming into any part of the United
States, for the purpose of becommg an inhabi-
tant, or inhabitants thereof — See act of 4tii of
August, 1790, section 70.

* Tliat it shall be lawful for the President of the
United States, to give instructions to the com-
manders of the pubhc armed ships of the United
States, to stop and examine any sliip or vessel of
the United States on the high seas, which there
may be reason to suspect to be engaged in any
traffic, or commerce contrary to the true tenor
hereof,' &c.— Act of 9lh February, 1799, sec»
tion 5.

Commodore TruxtuvLS Third Resolution,

" Resolved, That the tenth section is contrary to the spirit of the constitution,
inasmuch as it invests in the president a legislative authority by giving to his
insti-uctions, in certain cases, the force of law."

'EM FORCING LAW.*

' The powers given to the
collectors, either by this or
any other act, respecting
tiie embargo, to refuse per-
mission to put any cargo on
board any vessel, boat or
other water craft; to detain
any vessel, or to take into
their custody any articles
for the purpose of prevent-
ing violations of the embar-
g[o, shall be exercised in con-
formity luith such instruc-
tions, us the Jrresidenl may
give, and such general rules
as he may prescribe for that

purpose, MAITE IN PURSUANCE
OF THE POWERS AFORESAID ;

which instructions and ge-
neral rules, tlie collectors
shall be bound to obey.' —
Idemj section 10.

PRECEDENTS,

TJnder Washington and Jldams.
'That tlie President of the United States be,
and he hereby is authorised and empowered,
wfienever in his opiiiion the public safety shall so re~
quire, TO L.\Y AN EMBARGO on all ships and
vessels in the ports of the United States, or tlie
ships and vessels of any foreign nations, under such
regulations as the circumstances of the case may
require ; and to continue or revoke the same,
whenever he shall tliink proper. And the pre-
sident IS HEREBY FULLY AUTHORISED TO GIVE ALI.
SUCH ORDERS TO THE OFFICERS OF THE UNITED
STATES AS MAY BE NECESSARY _0 CARRY THE SAME

INTO FULL EFFECT.' — See act of 4th June, 1794,
section 1'.

' That an embargo be laid on all ships and ves-
sels in tlie ports of the United States, whether
already cleared out or not, bound to any foreign
port or place, except ships or vessels under the
immediate direction of the president of the Uni-
ted States. And that the president op thb

UNITED STATES BE AUTHORISED TO RIVE SUCH IN-
STRUCTIONS TO THE REVENUE OFFICERS OF THE
UNITED STATES, AS SHALE APPEAR BEST ADAPTED
FOR C.4.HRYING THE SAID RESOLUTION INTO FULL EF-

rECT,' Resolve of tlie twenty -sixth of March, 1792.

CHAP. 25,] EMBARGO. 139

♦ That the president of the United States be,
and he is hereby authorised, to direct the revenue
officers, and the officers commanding' forts and re-
Temie cutters, to aid in the .execution of the health
2a-vs of the states, respectively, in s^ach manner as
may appear to him necessary' ' Act of the twenty-
seventh of May, 1796.

'That it shall be lawful for the president of the '
United States, if he shall deem it expedient and
consistent with the interest of the United States,
by his order; to remit and discontinue, for the
time being, the restraints and prohibitions afore-
said, either \vith respect to tlie French Republic,
, or to any island, &c. with which a commercial in-

tercourse may be safely renew'ed ; and also to re-
voke mch orders, w-henever, in Ms opinion, the in-
terest of the United States shall so require.' Act
of the ninth of February, 1799, section 4.

' That it shall be lawful for the president of
the United States at any time during the continu-
ance of this act, to order all such aliens, as he
shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of
the United States, or shall have reasonable ground
to suspect, as concerned in any treasonable or se-
cret machinations against the government there-
of, to depart out of the teiTitories of the United
States, within such times as shall be expressed in
such order.' Act of the twenty-fifih of June,
1798, section 1.

' And all marshals and other officers of the
United States, are required to execute all pre-
cepts and orders of the president of the United
States, issued in pursuance or by virtue of this
act. ' Idem, section 4.

Commodore Truxtuii' s fourth resohitioji.
" Resolved, That the eleventli section of the act violates a political and ci%'il
right, more sacred than any constitution, in authorising the military to fire upon
the people, without the sanction or interposition of the civil authority. The
principle contained in this section, ifmucli further extended, might wi»h com-
petent force, convert our government into an absolute despotism."

«ENFORC[NG LAW.' PRECEDENTS,

*It shall be lawful for the Under fVashington and Adams.
president of the United ' In every case arising under this act, it shall
States, or such other person be lawfid for the president of the United States,
as he shall have empoxvered or such other person as he shall have empowered for
for that purpose, to employ i/m^/i^r/iosp, to employ such part of the land or
such part of the land or na- naval forces of the United States, or of the militia
val forces, or militia of the thereof, as shall Oe judged necessary, for the pur-
United States, or of the ter- pose of takiiig possession of and detaining any such
ritories thereof, as may be ship, or vessel, with her prize, or prizes, if any,
judged necessary, in confor- in order to the execution of the penalties of tliis
mity witli the provisions of act and to the restoring of such prize or prizes,
this and other acts respect- in the cases in wliich restoration shall have been
ing the embargo, for the adjudged ; and also for the purpose of pr executing
purpose of prez'enting the il- the carrying on of any such expedition or enterprise
legal departure of any ship or from the territories of the United States, against
vessel, or of detaining, ta- the territories, or dominions of a foreign prince,
king possession of, and keep- or state, with whom the United States are at
ing in custody and guarding peace.' Act of the fifth of June, 1794, section 7.
any specie or article of do- ' That whenever the laws of the United States
mestic growth, produce, or shall be opposed, or the execution thereof ob-

UO POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. chap. 25.]

manufacture ; and also, for structed in any state, by combinations too power-
tlie purpose of prcventbig ful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of
■and suppressing uiu/ armed or judicial proceeding, or by tlie powers vested in
Hotous assemblage n't -piivson^ the marshal by this act [the same powers in exe-
rcsistlng the custom house o£i- cuting the laws of the United States as sheriffs
cevs in the exercise of their possess for executing the state laws] it shaU be
duties, or m any manner op- lawful for the president ot the United States to
posing the execution of the call forth the mihtia of such state, or of any otiier
laws laying an embargo, or state, or states, us may be necessary, to suppress
otherwise violating, or as- such combinations, and to cause the laws to be
Hsting and abetting zdola- duly executed,' &c. Act of the twenty-fourth of
tions of the same.' Idem, May, 1792.

section 11* ' Provided, that whenever it may be necessary

in the judgment of the president, to use the mili-
tary force hereby directed to be called forth, the
president shall, forthwith, by proclamation, com-
mand such insurgents to disperse, and retire
peaceably to their respective abodes, witliiu a
limited time.' Ibid, section 3.

To the candour of the reader I freely appeal. Let him care-
fully compare these various sections together. Let him more
particularly observe, that by the act of June 4, 1 794, congress
actually vested the president with the poxver of L.AYING AN
EMBARGO, " whenever^ in his opinion., the public safety
should require it ;" which was, so far as respects this important
branch of legislation, an actual surrender of the legislative pozver
into the hands of the executive magistrate — and that they likewise
conferred on him authority " to give such orders as might be
necessary to carry into effect.^'* the law which he had of his own
mere ?notion., the "■ legislative power to enact.'''' When he has duly
pondered on these circumstances — when he has fully ascertain-
ed that Mr. Jefferson's embargo act in no instance exceeded,
and in many fell far short of, the rigour of former laws — will
he not be lost in amazement, how it was possible so to excite the
public passions, respecting this necessarv measure, as to actually
endanger the permanence of the union? for it is an indubitable
fact that instirrection and rebellion were threatened, and very
probably intended — and it has been repeatedly asserted, and is
confidently believed, that the tenth congress, through apprehen-
sion of that issue alone, repealed the embargo act.

I have reason to believe, that the legislature of Massachusetts
actually passed an act making the enforcement of some of the
provisions of the embargo law criminal, and attaching to it cer-
tain penalties. It is out of my power to procure the act, or to
state its details.

* The whole of this comparison of these acts, is taken from a pamphlet, pub-
lished in Philadclpliia, in 1809, and entitled "Tlie Constitutionality of the Em-
bargo Laws, established by Precedent" — By Alexander James Dallas, Esq. It
ought to be stated as an awfnl fact, to shew the violence of faction, that this
cogent pamphlet produced not the smallest effect on tlie feverish state of the
public mind.

CHAP. 26.] PATRIOTIC PROCEEDINGS, 141

CHAPTER XXVI.

Patriotic Proceedings.^
I ANNEX a few specimens of the style and substance of the
resolutions and legislative remarks upon the embargo — in order
to satisfy the reader that I have not exaggerated the deplorable
and disgraceful phrenzy of the public mind.

Extract from the resolutions of the toivn of Gloucester, January 12th, 1809.

" Resolved, That we will mutually watch and protect what little property we
have still left ; that we will use all hrufal means, ' to arrest the disturbers and
breakers of tlie peace,' or such others as may, {under pretence of authority from
^■overnmeiit) 'go armed by nig'ht,' or utter any menaces, or threatening speeches,
to the fear and ten-or of the good people of this town ; and that we will ever
hold in abhorrence pimps, and spies, and night-walkers, who strive to fatten
on the spoils of their suffering fellow citizens.

" Resolved, That to our state government lue look for counsel, protection, and re^
lief, at this auful period of general calamity."

Extract from the resolutions of the town of Bath, December27, 1808.

" Resolved, That we have hitherto borne with silence the severe pressure
of these ruinous laws [embargo laws ;] and although we now deem it our iluty
to speak with Jirmness and decision our detestation of them, and the policy xvhick
gave rise to them, we will still keep down tlie spirit of indignation which swells
within us at the endurance of them ; and will conduct toward the national go-
vernment and its several officers with suitable deference and moderation ; that
we do, however, despair of obtaining any redress of these grievances, from
that government, wliile its principal offices are filled as at present ; and that
our only hope is, that the state governments, by their remonstrances and reso-
lutions, may have more influence in effecting this object, than the petitions and
memorials of individuals and towns.

" Resolved, therefore. That a respectful address be forwarded in the name of
the people of tliis town to the legislature of this commonwealth, stating to them
the wrongs and grievances we already suffer, and the fearful apprehensions
we experience, of speedily iiaving our calamity increased by the addition of
still more restrictive and arbitrary laws ; expressing to them our approbation
of the measures they have alreadj' adopted upon this important subject, and
requesting them to take such other immediate steps for relieving the people,
either by themselves alone, or in concert ivith other commercial states, as the ex=
traordinary circumstances of our sitiiation may require."

Extract from the memorial of the toivn of Boston to the legislature of JMassachur

setts, January 25, 1809.
" The inhabitants of the town of Boston, in town meeting assembled, respect-
fully represent — That they are constrained to apply to your honourable body,
as the immediate guardians of their rights and liberties, for yowv interposition to
procure for them relief from the grievances which they now suffer, under the
operation of the laws of the general government, abolishing foreign commerce,
and subjecting the coasting trade to embarrassments which threaten its anni-
hilation. Our hope and consolation rest with the legislature of our state, to
■whom it is competent to devise means of relief against the tmconstilutiojial measures
ef the general government ,- that your power is adequate to this object is evident
from the organization of the confederacy.^*

* The factious, and seditious, and Jacobinical proceedings in the eastern
states in the year 1809, that shook the government to its centre, were paraded
in many of the federal papers throughout the union with great solemnity,
headed with the words "PATRIOTIC PROCEEDINGS," in staring capitals.
It is truly lamentable to reflect on the extravagant lengths to which the spirit
of party leads its followers. Never was the word " patnotic" more grossly
misapplied.

O. B. 20

1:4.3 f OLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH [chap. 26-.

F.xtmctfrom the prnceedings of the town of Topsfield, January 15, 1809.

"Resolved, Tliatsiich has been (Hir suffering, and so gi-eat is our alarm, occa-
sioned by the extraordinary measures lately adopted, that we shall never be con-
tented until we are secured from a repetition of the same evils. That a bare
repeal of the obnoxious acts oug-ht not, therefore, to satisfy a free and prudent
people, any more than the repeal of the British stamp act sileTiced the patriots,
of that day; that there ought to be a solemn renunciation of the right thus as-
sumed ; and it is the opinion of this assembly, that legal and constitutional mea-
sures should be adopted for that purpose.

"This assembly declare it as their deliberate opinion, that there exists NO,
CAUSE OF WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN ; that such a war would be un-
just, unnecessary, and extremely to be deplored ; that tlie removal of the em-
bargo will not necessarily involve us in war ; but should this be the alternative,
it ought to be a war with France, and not with Great Britiin.

"Inhabiting apart of the union the most engaged in foreign commerce, they
think themselves qualified to accide upon its risks, and the nature and extent
of the injuries to which it is exposed ; and it is their firm belief, that our com-
merce, unrestrained by self destroying measures, miglit find tnany sources of
profitable employment, iiitlunU intcrferinff in aiiii decree iidth those principles of
maritime laic, w'/iic/i GREAT BRITAIN deems essential to her existence, and
lohich in an eventfid moment like the present she -mil NEVER VIELD.

" And this assembly cannot refrain from expressing their conviction, that
neither the honour nor the permanent interests of the United States recjuire
that we sliould drive Great Britain, if it were in our power, to the surrender of
those claims so essential to her in the mig-hlij conflict in xvJuch she is at present en-
gaged ; a co/i/lict interesting to humanity, to morals, to religion, and the last strug-
gle of liberty.'"

Extract from a circidar handbill, puhlisJied at JVeivbiiryport.

"You have reposed confidence in a COWARD [Jefferson] and leaned on a
broken staff" too long. The day of political probation is fi\st verging to a close;
when the fate of America will be decided; and laurels, bought with the price of
freemen's blood, will grace the brows of the Gallic tyrant. I^ct every man who
holds the name of America dear to him, stretch out his hand, and put this ac-
cursed thing, the EMBARGO, from him. Be resolute : act like the sons of
liberty, of GOD, and of your country ; nerve your arms with VENGEANCE
against the DESPOT who would wrest the inestimable gem of your indepen-
dence from you ; and you shall be conquerors .'

" Give ear no longer to the syren voice of democracy and Jeffersonian liberty.
It is a cursed delusion, adopted by traitors, and recommended by sycophants.

"Jefferson; a man, who with the DAGGER of j!^o/)jjZ«r co«/V/e»ce first gave
the stab to your liberties."

Extract from the proceedings of the town of .lugusta in JMcdne, Jamiary 16, 1809.

'• The awfid crisis has arrived, when it becomes necessary for the friends of
our independence, to make a firm and decided stand ; when it becomes all-im-
portant to throw aside minor considerations, and unite for the common good ;
and when a sense of common danger draws us together to meet the approach-
ing" storm.

" ^^■ith submission almost amounting to criminal apath)', we have silffered
privations and restrictions never before expected of, or endured by, a free people.
Now, tliat even the means of subsi.stence is at hazard, and the sacred asylum of
our dwellings is no longer held inviolable ; silence woidd be crime, and resis-
tance -would become a virtue of the first 7)uignitude .' ! !

" Resolved, that the restrictions and impositions on our trade and commerce.,,
are too great and ruinous any longer to be borne ; and that the general dis-
tress of our country demands immediate relief."

" We know if the embargo be not removed, our citizens will ere long set its
penalties and restrictions at defiance. It behoves us to speak ; for strike we
must, if speaking does not answer." Boston Repertoru.

" It is better to suffer tlic AjMFUTATION of a Limb, than to lose tlfe
AVIIOLE BODV. We must prepare for the operation. Wherefore then is AVt;'

CHAP. 27.] HENRY'S MISSION. X43

EnglaTid Asleep ' wherefore does she SUBMIT to the oppression of enemies in
the South ? Have we no jMoses, who ib inspired by the God of our lathers, and
ivilUeud tts out of Egypt ?" Buston Gazette.

" This perpetual embargo being unconstitutional, every man w ill perceive
that he is not bound to regard it, but may send his jjroduce or merchandise to a
foreign market in the same manner us if the government had never undertaken
to prohibit it! If the petitions do wot produce a relaxation or removal of the
embargo, the people ought to iminedialeli/ assume a higher tone.

" The government of JIassac/iusctts has also a duty to perfoi-m. The state is
Btill sovereign and independent." . Boston Centinel, September 10, 1808.

Extract from the speech of Mr. HiUhonse, in the senate of the United States, on the

bill for enforcing the embargo.
" In my mind the present crisis excites the most serious apprehensions. A
storm seems to be gathering which portends not a tempest on the ocean, but domes-
tic convuhions ! However painful tiie task, a sense of duty colls upon me to
raise my voice, and use my utmost exei-tions to prevent the passing of this bill.
I feel myself bound in conscience to declare, lest tJie blood of those ~.vho should
fall in the execution of this measure may lie on my head, that I consider this to be an
act which directs a mortal blow at the liberties of my country ; an act containing tin-
constitutional provisions, to which I'HE PEOPLE ARE NOT BOUND TO SUB-
MIT, and to which, in my opinion, they will not submit."* Boston Centinel,

Jan. 12, 1809.

This speech requires the most serious reflection. A senator
of the United States — whose age ought to have secured him from
the heyday of passion and violence, and taught him sc^briety and
gravity, in his place invites and encourages his f« How citizens
to insurrection and rebellion ! And the law to which he excites
resistance is not so rigorous, as laws which, I believe, he had
concurred to frame : for I am persuaded he was in congress when
those laws to which I have referred, were passed.

A large volume might be filled with similar " patriotic pro-
ceedings," as they were then styled, which threatened the peace
of the nation wnth destruction. No pains had been spared to
fan the flame. The public mind, by incessant appeals to the
passions, had been excited to a species of delirium and madness.
And such was the awful and disgraceful delusion, that the suf-
ferings of the country by the lawless proceedings of the bellige-
rents, were unjustly ascribed to the very measures of the govern-
ment, calcttlated to enforce redr^^ss ! Greater insanity can hardly
be conceived.

CHAPTER XXVIL

yohn Henry's Mission to the Eastern States. Instructions frojn
the Governor General of British America.
Contemporaneously with the ''patriotic proceedings,'^ of
which I have presented the reader with a slight sketch in the
preceding chapter, a most extraordinary circumstance occurred
in Canada. Sir James li. Craig, governor general of the British
provinces in North America, employed a certain John Henry

* For the preceding extracts I am indebted to a papiplilet, styled " Things
;js they are," by H. Niles.

144 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 27.

on a mission to the Eastern States, to ascertain the views of the
malcontents, and how far, if they obtained " a decided injluence^''
they would " exert that injluence to bring about a separation
from the general union.'''' Also " how far ^ in such an cvent^ they
xvould look to JLngland for assistance^ or be disposed to enter into
a connection xv'ith us'''' [the people of Canada.]

This is a most important feature in the history of our era. I
annex the correspondence between Sir James and Mr. Henry,
without comment.

No. I.

JWr, lit/land, secretary to Sir James Craig, late governor general of the British

proxrinces in JVbrth America, to JYlr. Henry,

[Most secret and confidential.]

.Quebec, 26th January, 1809.

My dear sir — The extraordinary sitiialion of things at this time in the neigh-
bouring states has suggested to the governor in chief, the idea of employing you
on a secret and confidential mission to Boston, provided an arrangement can be
made to meet the important end in vievi^, without throwing an absolute obstacle
in the way of your professional pursuits. The information and political observa-
tions heretofore received from you were transmitted by his excellency to the secretary
of state, who has expressed his particular approbation of them ,• and there is no
doiibt that your able execution of such a mission as I have suggested, would give
tjou a claim not only on the governor general, but on his majesty's ministers, which
might eventu illy contribute to your advantage. You will have the goodness,
therefore, to acquaint me, for his excellency's information, whether you could
make it convenient to engage in a mission of this nature, and what pecuniary
assistance would be requisite to enable you to undertake it without injury to
yourself.

At present it is necessary for me to add, that the governor would furnish you
with a cypher for carrying on your cori-espondence ; and that in case the lead-
ing party in any of the states wished to open a communication with tliis go-
vernment, their views might be communicated through you.

I am, with great truth and regard, my dear sir, your most faithful, humble
servant,

(Signed) HERMAN W. RYLAND.

John Henry, Esq.

No. II.

Montreal, Jain/ary 31, 1809.

I have to acknowledge the favour of your letter of the 26th inst. written by
the desire of his excellency the governor in chief; and hasten to express,
through you, to his excellency, my readiness to comply with his wishes.

I need not add how very flattering it is to receive from his excellency the
assurance of the approbation of his majesty's secretary of state for the very
humble service that I may have rendered.

If the nature of the services in which I am to be engaged require no other
disbursements than for my individual expenses, I do not apprehend that these
can exceed my private resources.

I shall be ready to take my departure before my insti-uctions can be made
out.

I have the honour to be, 8tc. J, H'x.

H. W. Ryland, Esq. Sec. &c.

No. III.

General Instructions from sir J. H. Craig, to Mr. Henry,

Quebec, 6th February, 1809. ,
Sir — As you have so readily undertaken the service wliich I have suggested
to you as being likely to be attended with much benefit to the public interests,
1 am to request that with your earnest conveniency you will proceed to Boston,

CHAP. 27.] HENRY'S mSSION. 145

The principal object that I recommend to your attention, is the endeavour
to obtain the most accurate information of the true state of affairs in that part
of the union, which, from its wealth, the number of its inhabitants, and the
known intelligence and ability of several of its lead ng men, must naturally
possess a very considerable influence over, and will indeed probably lead, the
other eastern states of America in the part they may take at this important
crisis.

I shall not pretend to point out to you the mode by which you will be the
most likely to obtain this important information. Your own judgment, and the
connections which you may have in the town, must be your guide.

I tliink it however necessary to put you on your guard against the sangulne-
ness of an aspiring party. The federalists, as I understand, have at all times
discovered a leaning to this disposition ; and their being under its particular in-
fluence at this moment, is the more to be expected, from their having no ill-
founded ground for their hopes of being nearer the attainment of their object than
they have been for some years past.

In the general terms which I have made use of in describing the object
which I recommend to your attention, it is scarcely necessary, that I should ob-
serve, I include the state of the pubhc opinion, both with regard to their inter-
nal politics, and to the probability of a war with England ; the comparative
strength of the two great parties into which the countiy is divided ; and the
views and designs of that which may ultimately prevail.

It has been supposed that if the federalists of the eastern states should be
successful in obtaining that decided influence, which may enable them to di-
rect the public opinion, it is not improbable, that rather than submit to a con-
tinuance of the difficulties and distress to which they are now subject, they will
exert that influence to bring about a separation from the general union. The
earliest information on this subject may be of great consequence to our gov-
ernment ; as it may also be, that it should be informed ho-ivfar, in such an event,
they -would look to England for assistance, or be disposed to enter into a connection
with us.

Although it would be highly inexpedient that you should in any manner ap-
pear as an avowed agent ; yet if you could contrive to obtain an intimacy with
any of the leading party, it may not be improper that you should insinuate,
though with great caution, that if they should luish to enter into any communication
ivith our government through me, you are authorized to receive any such, andiuill
safely transmit it to me : and as it may not be impossible that they should require
some document by which they may be assured, that you are really in the situ-
ation in which you represent yourself, / enclose a credential to be produced in
that vieiv. But I most particularly ^njoin and direct, that you do not make use
of this paper, unless a desire to that purpose should be expressed ; and 7<??/ess
you see good groiind for expecting that the doing so may lead to a more confidential
communicatioii, than you can otherwise look for.

I request to hear from you as frequently as possible : and as letters addressed
to me might excite suspicion, it may be as well that you put them under cover

to Mr. . And as even the addressing letters always to the same person

might attract notice, I recommend your sometimes addressing your packets to
the chief justice here, or occasionally, though seldom, to Mr. Kyland ; but never
with the addition of his official description.

I am, sii', you most obedient, humble servant,

(Signed) J. H. CRAIG.

John Henry, Esq.

No. ly.

Credential from sir Jatnes Craig to Jifr. Henry.
(Copy.) [seal.]

The bearer, Mr. JohnHenry, is employed by me : and full confidence may be
placed in him for any communication which any person may wish to make to
me on the business committed to him. In faith of which I have given him this, un.^
dcr my hand and seal at Quebec, tlie 6th day of February, 1809.

(Signed) ' ' J. H. CRAIG,

146 POUTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [cuap. ?r.

No. V.

To his excellency the Governor General, &c. in aiis-^er to his letter of insttmcliom.

Montreah Fcbniary 10, 1809.
Sir — I have the honour to acknowledg'c the receipt of your excellency's let-
ter of instructions, the letter of credence, and tlie cypher for carrying- on my
correspondence. 1 have bestowed much pains upon the cypher ; and am, not-
witlistanding- this, deficient in some points which mig-ht enable me to under-
stand it clearly. 1 liavC compared the example with my own exemphficatiou
of the cypher, and find a difl'erence in the results; and as the present moment
seems favourable to the interference of his majesty's g-overnment in the mea-
sures pursued by the federal party in the northern stales, and more especially
as the asseml)ly of Massachusetts is now in session, I think it better to set for-
ward immediately, tlian wait for any further explanation of the means of car-
rying on a secret correspondence ; which the frequency of sufe private convey-
ances to Canada will render almost wholly vnmecessary. Sliould it, however, be
necessary at any time, I take leave to sug.tfest that the index alone furnishes a
Very safe and simple mode. In it there is a number for every letter in the al-
phabet, and particular numbers for particular phrases ; so that when 1 do not
find in the index the particular word I want, I can spell it with the fig'ures
which stand opposite to the fetters. For example, if I want to say tliat "troops
are at Albany," I find under the letter " t" that number ffteen stands for
*' troops," and number one hundred and. twentij-five for " Albany." The inter-
vening- words " are c[i" I supply by figures corresponding- with the letters in
tliese words.

I have the honour to be. Sec. J, II't.

No. yi.

, Burlington, Vermont, Feb. 14, 1809.

Sir — I have remained here two days, in order fully to ascertain the prog-ress
o{ the arrivirfemcnls heretofore made for the organization of an efficient o/jponition tn'
the general government, as well as to become acquainted withtlie oiiinions of the
leading people, relative to the measures of that party which has the ascenden-
cy in the national coimciis.

On the sul)ject of the embargo laws there seems b»it one opinion ; namely,
that they are minecessarii, ojyprensive, and vnc'jn>itittitiona!. It must also be ob-
served, tliat the execution of them is so invidious as to attract towards the offi-
rers of government the enmity of the people, which is of course tran.sferable to
tlie government itself; so that in case the state of Massachusetts slioukl 'ake
any bold step towards resisting the execution of these la\^■s, it is hig'hly proba-
ble that it may calculate iqjou tlie hearty co-operation of the people of Vermont,

I learn tliat the .governor of this state is now visiting' tlie towns in the north-
ern section of it ; and makes no secret of his determination, as commander in chief
of the miUtia, to refn.se obedience to any command from the general government \chich
ran tend to inten-j/pt the good understanding that prevails between the citizens of
Vermont and his majesty's subjects in Canada. It is further intimated, that in
csiiie of a. war, he 'ivill iise his influence to preserve the state neutral; and resist,
with all the force he can command, any attempt to make it a party. I need
)iot add, that if these resolutions are carried into effect, the utate of Vermont mnij
be considered as an ally of Great Britain.

To what extent the sentiments whicli prevail in this quarter exist in the
neighbouring states, or even in tlie eastern' section of this state, I am notable
to conjecture. I can only say, with certainty, that the leading men of the federal
party act in concert ; and, therefore, infer that a common sentiment pervades
the whole body throughout New England.

I have seen a letter from a gentleman now at Washington, to his friend in this
place: and as its contents may serve to throw some light on passing events
there,! shall send either the original or a copy with this despatch. The writer
of the letter is a man of character and veracity ; and whether competent or not
to form correct opinions himself, is probal)ly within the reach of all the know-
ledge that can be obtained by tlie ])arty to wjiich he belongs. It appears by his
statement, that there is a very formidable majority in congress on the side of the
administration ; notwithstanding- wliich, there is every reason to hope, tliat tlia

cfeAP.27. HENRY'S MISSIOX. 147

northern states in their distinct capacity idll unite and resist by force a tvar -with
Great Britain. In what mode this resistance will first show itself, is probably
not yet determined upon ; and may in some measure depend upon the reliance
that the leading- men njay place upon assurances of support from liis majesty's
representatives in Canada ; and as I shall be on the spot to tender this, ivhenever
the moment arrives that it can be done ~Mth effect, there is no doubt tliat ail tlieir
measures may be made subordinate to tlie intentions of /us m(ijesty''s government.
Great pains are taken by the men of talents and intelligence, to confirm t/ie fears
of the common people, as to the concuiTence of t/ie .tout hern democrats in the projects
of France ; and every thing tends to encourage the belief, that the dissolution oft/ie
confederacy ~mII be accelerated by that spirit -which now actuates both political
parties.

I am, &c. ■ A. B.

No. VIT.

fl iudsor, Vermont, February 19, 1809.
Sir — My last was written at Burlmg1;on, the principal town in tlie northern
part of the state of Vermont. I am now at the principal town in tlie easterrj
section.

l"he fallacy of men's opinions, when they act under the Influence of sensibi-
lity, and are strongly excited by tliose hopes which always animate a rising- par-
ty, leads me to doubt the correctness of the opinion which I received in tlie
nortliern section of this state ; which, from its contiguity to Canada, and neces-
sary intercourse witli Montreal, has a strong interest in promoting a good un-
derstanding with his majesty's government. Tlierefore, since my dc parture from
Burlington, I have sought every favourable occasion of conversing- with the de-
mocrats on the probable result of the policy adopted by the general govern-
ment. The diflerence of opinion is thus expressed.

The federal party declare, that in the event of a war, the state of Vermont tnll
treat separately for itself -Mth Great Britain ; and support, to the utmost, tlie
stipulations into which it may enter, without any regard to the policy of the
general government. The democrats on the otlier hand assert, that, in such a
case as that contemplated, the people would nearly be divided into equal num-
bers; one of which would support the government, if it could be done without
involving the people in a civil war: but at all events would risk every thing
in preference to a coalition with Great Britain. This difference of opinion is not
to be wholly ascribed to the prejudices of party. The people in the eastern
section of Vermont are not operated upon by the same hopes and fears as those
on the borders of the British colony. They are not dependent upon Montreal for
tlie sale of their produce, nor the supply of foreign commodities. Tliey are not
apprehensive of any serious dangers or inconvenience from a state of war : and
altliough tliey admit that the governor, council, and three-fourths of the repre-
sentation in congress are of the federal party, yet they do not believe that tlie
state would stand alone and resist the national government. They do not, how-
ever, deny, that should the state of Vennont continue to be represented as it is
at present, it would in all probaliility unite with tlic neighbouring states in any
serious plan of resistance to a war, which it might seem expedient to adopt.
This I think is the safer opinion for you to rely on; if, indeed, reliance ought to
be placed on any measure depending upon the will of the rabble, wdiich is ever
changing, and mivst ever be marked with ignorance, caprice, and inconstancy.
As the crisis approaches, the difficulty of deciding upon an hazardous alterna-
tive will increase. And unfortunately there is not in Vermont any man of com-
manding talents, capable of attracting general confidence ,- of inliislng into the
people his own spirit ; and, amidst the confusion "of conflicting opinions, dan-
gers and conimotion, competent to lead in tlie path of duty or safety. The go-
vernor is an industrious, prudent man, and has more personal influence than
any otlier. But his abilities are not suited to the situation in which a civil war
would place him.

I am, &c. A. B.

No. VIII.
Amherst, .A'eiv Hampshire, February 23, 1809.
Sir— A gentleman going direct to Canada, affords a safe and fiivourable op,
portunity of giving you some further account of mv progress. I will not make

148 POLITICAL OLIVE BRAXCII. [<5hap. 27.

use of the post-offices, when I can avoid it; because private occasions super-
cede tlie necessity of writing in cypher And the contempt of decency and
principle, which forms part of the morals of the subaltern otHcers of a demo-
cracy, would incline tliem to break a seal with the same indifl'erence that they
break their words, wlien either curiosity or interest is to be indulged.

I have not had sutiicicnt time nor evidence, to enable me io form any opinio7i
for myself, of the lengths to which the federal party will carry opposition to the
national government in the event of a war. MucJi may be inferred from the
result of the elections of governors, which within two months will be made in
the states of Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Khode Island. From all I
know, and all 1 can learn of the general government, I am not apprehensive of
an immediate war. The eml^argo is the favourite measure. And it is probable
that other means will be employed to excite England to commit some act of
hostility, for the sole purpose of placing the responsibility of war on that coun-
try. This I most particularly recommend to the consideration of ministers. The
dread of opposition, and the loss of popularity, will certainly keep the ruling
party at Washington inactive. They will risk any thing but the loss of power ;
and tliey are well aware that their power would pass away with the first cala-
mity which their measures might bring upon the common people (from whom
that power emanates) unless indeed they could find a sufficient excuse in the
conduct of Great Britain. This impression cannot be too deeply felt by his
majesty's ministers ; nor too widely spread throughout the British nation. It
will furnish a sure guide in every policy that may be adopted towards the Uni-
ted States.

I have the honour to be, &c. A. B.

-So. IX.

Boston,March 5, 1809,

Sir — It does not yet appear necessary that I should discover to any person
the purpose of my visit to Boston ; nor is it probable that I shall be compelled,
for the sake of gaining more knowledge of the arrangements of the federal
party in these states, to avow myself as a regular authorised agent of the Bri-
tish g-overnment, even with those individuals who would feel equally bound
with myself to preserve, witli the utmost inscrutability, so important a secret
from the public eye.

/ have suffcieiit means of information to enable me to judge of the proper period
for offering the co-operation of Gi'eat Britaiit, and opening a correspondence be-
tween the governor general of British Jlmerica and those individuals, ivho, from
the part they take in the opposition to the national government, or the influence they
may possess in any neiv order of things, that may grow out of the present differences,
should be qualified to act in behalf of the northern states. An apprehension of
any such state of things, as is presupposed by these remarks, begms to subside ;
since it has appeared, by the conduct of the general g-overnment, that it is se-
riously alarmed at the menacing attitude of the northern states. But although
it is believed that there is no probability of an immediate war, yet no doubts
are entertained that Mr. Madison will fall on some new expedients to bring
about hostilities. What these may be, can only be deduced from what appears
to be practicable. A non-intercourse with ling-land and France will probably su-
percede the embargo ; which, by opening with the rest of Europe a partial le-
gitimate commerce, and affording strong temptations to that which is illegal,
will expose the vessels to capture, detention, and embarrassment; will justify
the present policy ; and produce such a degree of irritation and resentment, as
will enable the government of this country to throw the whole blame and re-
sponsit)ility of war from its shoulders upon those of the British ministry.
If in this, the party attaclicd to France should calculate with correctness, and
the commerce of New England should greatly suffer; the merchants being in-
jured and discouraged, would not only acquiesce in the restrictive system, but
even submit to war. On the other hand, should the small traffic permitted by a
non-intercourse law be lucrative and uninterrupted, the people would be clamo-
rous for more, and soon compel the government to restore the friendly relations be-
tween the two coimtries. While I offer my opinion on this subject, I cannot but
express a strong hope, that, if any terms should be proposed by either govern-

CHAP. 27.] HENRY'S MISSION. U9

ment, to which the other might think proper to accede, that A PRINCIPAL
IMOTWE TO THE ADJUSTMENT OF DIFFERENCES SHOULD BE UN-
DERSTOOD TO ARISE FROM THE AMICABLE DISPOSITION OF THE
EASTERN STATES, PARTICULARLY OF THE STATE OF MASSACHU.
SETTS. THIS, AS IT WOULD INCRBASE THE POPULARITY OF THE
FRIENDS OF GREAT BRITAIN, COULD NOT FAIL TO PROMOTE HER
INTERESTS. If it could not be done formally and officially, nor in a correspon-
dence between ministers, still perhaps the administration in the parliament of
Great Britain might take that ground : and the suggestion would find its way
into the papers both in England and America.

It cannot be too frequently repeated, that this country can only be governed
and directed by the influence of opinion : as there is nothing permanent in its
political institutions ; nor are the populace, imder any circumstances, to be re-
lied on, when measures become inconvenient and burdensome. I will soon
write again, and am, &c. A. B.

No.X.

Boston, March 7, 1809.

Sir — I have already given a decided opinion that a declaration of war is not to
be expected ; but, contrary to all reasonable calculation, should the congress
possess spirit and independence enough to place their popularity in jeopardy
by so strong a measure, THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS WILL
GIVE THE TONE TO THE NEIGHBOURING STATES; WILL DECLARE
ITSELF PERMANENT UNTIL A NEW ELECTION OF MEMBERS ; IN-
VITE A CONGRESS, TO BE COMPOSED OF DELEGATES FROM THE
FEDERAL STATES, AND ERECT A SEPARATE GOVERNMENT FOR
THEIR COMMON DEFENCE AND COMMON HTTtREST.

This congress would probably begin by abrogating the offensive laws, and
adopting a plan for the maintenance of the power and authority thus assumed.
T/ieif luoidd by audi an act be in a conditioyi to make or receive proposals from Great
Britain; and I should seize the first moment to open a correspondence with
your excellency. Scarce any other aid would be necessary, and perhaps none
required, than a few vessels of war from the Halifax station, to protect the ma-
ritime towns from the little navy which is at the disposal of the national gov-
ernment. What permanent connection between Great Britain and this section
of the republic would grow out of a civil commotion, such as might be ex-
pected, no person is prepared to decide. But it seems that a strict alliance
must result of necessity. At present the opposition party confine their calcu-
lations merely to resistance ; and I can assure you that at this moment they do
not freely entertain the project of withdrawing the eastern states from the
union, finding it a very unpopular topic; although a course of events, such as I
have idready mentioned, would inevitably produce an incurable alienation of
the New England from the southern states. The truth is, the common people
have so long regarded the constitution of the United States with complacency,
that they are now only disposed in this quarter to treat it like a truant mistress,
whom they would for a time put away on a separate maintenance, but, without
farther and greater provocation, would not absolutely repudiate.

In all I have written, I have been careful not to make any impression anala-
gous to the enthusiastic confidence entertained by the opposition, nor to the
"hopes and expectations that animate the friends of an alliance between the
northern states and Great Britain. I have abstracted myself from all the sym-
pathies these are calculated to inspire ; because, notwithstanding that I feel
the utmost confidence in the integrity of intention of the leading characters in
this political drama, I cannot forget th.at they derive their power from a giddy,
inconstant multitude ; who, unless, in the instance under consideration, they
form an exception to all general rules and experience, will act inconsistently
and absurdly.

lam, &c. A. B.

No. XL

■ Boston, March 10, 1809.
Sir — In my letter No. 9, I took the liberty to express jfny opinion of the
probable effect of the non-intercourse law intended to be enacted ; and of tha
O. B. 21

150 POLITICAL OUVE BRANCH. [chap. 27.

mode by which Great Britain may defeat the real intention of the American
government in passing- it. But as tlio sort of impunity recommended mlg-ht, in
its application to every species of commerce that would be carrie i on, be
deemed by Great Britiiin a greater evil than war itself, a middle course might
easily be adopted, which would tleprive France of the benefit resulting from
an intercourse witli America, without, in any great degree, irritating the mari-
time states.

The higii price of all American produce in France furnishes a temptation
which iiuTcantile avarice will be unable to resist. The consequence is obvious.
But if instead of condemning the vessels and cargoes wliicii may \j<- arrested in
pursuing this jiroliibited commerce, they should be conipcllod 1f) go into a
British port, and there permitted to sell them, 1 think the friends of England in
these states would not utter a complaint. Indeed, I have no doubt, that if, m
the prosecution of a lawful voyage, the British cruizers should treat American
ships in tills man;icr, their owners woidd, in the present state of the European
markets, tbink themselves very fortunate ; as it would save them the trouble
and expense of landing them in a neutral port, and from thence re-shipping
them to England, now the best market in Europe for the produce of this coun-
try. The government of the United States would probably complain, and Bona-
parte become peremptory ; but even that would only tend to render the op>
position in tlie northern states more resolute, and accelerate the dissolution of
the confederacy. The generosity and justice of Great Britain would be extoll-
ed, and the commercial states exult in the success of individuals over a govern-
ment inimical to commerce, and to whose measures they can no longer submit
with patient acquiescence. A. B.

No. XII.

Boston, March \^, 1809.

Sir — You will perceive, from the accounts that will reach you in the public
papers both from Wasjiington and Massachusetts, that the federalists of the
northern states have succeeded in making the congress believe, that with such
an opposition as they would make to the general government, a war must be
confined to tlieir own territory, and might be even too much for that govern-
ment to sustain. The consequence is, that after all the parade and menaces
with which the ses.sion commenced, it has been suflered to end without carry-
ing into ell'ectany of the plans of the administration, except the interdiction of
commercial intercourse with England and France — an event.that was anticipa-
ted in my former letters.

Under what new cii-cumstances the congress will meet in May, will depend
on the state elections, and the changes that may in the meantime take place in
Europe. With regard to Great Britain, she can scarce mistake her true policy
in relation to America. If peace be the object, every act which can irritate
the maritime states ought to be avoided ; because the prevailing disposition of
these will g'enerally be sufficient to kee]) the government from hazarding any
hostile measures. If a war bettucen America and France be a grand desidvratnm,
something more must be done ; an indulgc7U conciliutory policy must be adopted,
which will leave the democrats witliout a j)retezt for hostilities ; and Bonajiarte,
whose passions are too hot for delay, will, probably, compel this government
to decide which of the two great belligerents is to be its enemy. To bring
about a .separ(itio7i r>f tbe states, imder ditilinct and indepeniknt governmevts, is an
nffair of more uncertainty ; and, horjcver desirable, cannot be effected but by a sc-
Ties of acts andlom^ cmtinued policy, tending to irritate the southern, and cojiciliaie
the noi-thern fieo/jle. The former are an agricultural, the latter a commercial
people Tlie mode of cheering and depressing either, is too ol>vious to require
illustration. I'llis, I am av.ai'c, is an object of nnuh interest in Great Britain ;
as it wovlil forever secure the inteq'ritt) of hfs viaieslii\s possessions on tlie continent^
and MAKE THE nVO tlOVEUNMEN IS, OU W HATEVEB NUMBER THE
PRESENT CONFEDERACY MIGHT FORM INTO, AS USEFUL AND AS
MUCH SUBJECT TO THE INFLUENCE OF GREAT BRITAIN, AS HER
COLONIES CAN BE RENDERED. * But it is an object only to be attained by

* This sentence speaks volumes against the policy of those mis.guided and
dn.ngcrous citizensj who have becy so zealous for th<j destruction of the union.

CHAP. 27.] HEXRY'S MISSIOX. ISi

slow and circumspect progression ; and requires for its consummation more at-
tention to the attairs which agitate and excite parties in this country, than Great
Britain has yet bestowed upon it. An unpopular war; that is, a war produced
by the hatre'd and prejudices of one party, but against the consent of the othcc
party, can :ilone produce a sudden separation of any section of this country from
the common head.

At all events, it cannot be necessary to the preservation of peace, that Great
Britain should make any great concessions at tiie present moment; more espe-
cial! if as the more important changes that occur in Europe, might rejulerit inconve-
nient for her to adhere to anij stipulations in favour of neutral maritime nations.

Although the non-intercourse law aflords but a partial relief to the people
of this country from the evils of that entire suspension of commerce to which
they have reluctantly submitted for some time past, 1 lament the repeal of the
embargo ,- because it was calculated to accelerate the p'^ogress of these states to-uiards
a revolution that ivould have put an cm! to the only republic that remains, to prove
that a government founded on political equalilij can exist in a season of trial and
dijicultij, or if: calculated to insure either security or happiness to a people.

I am, &c. A. B.

No. XIII.

Boston, March 20, 1S09.

Sir — ^The last week of this month and the first of April will be occupied in the
election of governors and other executive officers in the New Enghmd states.

The federal cancfidate in New Hanipsliire is already elected by a majority of
about a thousand votes. His competitor was a 7nan of large fortune, extensive
connections, and inoffensive manners. These account for the smallness of tlie
majoiity.

in Connecticut, no change is necessary : and none is to be apprehended.

In Rhode Island, it is of no consequence of what party the governor is a
member : as he has neither civil nor military power, being merely president of
the council.

In Massachusetts, it is cei-tain that the federal candidate will succeed.

A few weeks will be sufficient in order to determine the relative strength of
parties, and convince Mr. Madison that a war with Great Britain is not a mea..
sure upon which he dare venture. Since the plan of an organised opposition
to the projects of Mr. Jefferson was put into operation, the whole of the New-
England states have transferred their political power to his pohtical enemies :
and the reason that he has .still so many adliereuts is, that those who consider
the only true policy of America to consist in the cultivation, of peace, have still
great confidence, that nothing- can force him (or his successor who acts up to
))is system, or rather is governed by it) to consent to war. They consider all
the menaces aiul "dreadfiil note of preparation" to be a mere finesse, intended
only to obtain concessions from England on cheap terms. From every sort of
evidence, I confess I am myself of the same opinion ; and am fulli/ persuaded
that the farce ivhich has been acting at tVashington -will terminate in full proof of
the imbecility and spiritless temper of the actors. A war attempted without tiie con-
currence of both parties, and the general consent of the northern states, which
constitute the bone and muscle of the countrv, must commence without hope,
and end in disgrace. IT SHOULD, THEREFORE, BE THE PECULIAR
CARE OF GREAT BRITAIN TO FOSTER DIVISIONS BEIVVEEN THE
NORTH AND SOUTH ; and by succeeding in this, she may carry into effect
her oiun projects in Europe, with a total disregard of the resentment of the demo-
crats of this country.

I am, See A. B.

No. XIV.

Boston, Jpril 13, 1809.
Sir — I send to Mr. R. a pamphlet entitled "Suppressed Documents." The
j-iotes and comments were written by the gentleman who has written the " ana-
lysis," which I sent by a former conveyance. These w^orks have greatly con-
tributed to excite the fears of the men of talents and property ; who \\o-w prefer-
the choice uf maintaining their party by open resistance and final separation, to an
alliance wth France, and a war with England. S"o that $hould the government

152 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 27

unexpectedly, and contrary to all reasonable calculation, attempt to involve the
countrv in a'measure of tliat nature, 1 am convinced (now that the elections
have ail terminated favourably) that rione of the JVew England states toordd be a
party in it. But, as 1 have repeatedly written, the general g-overnment does not
seriously entert^n any such desire or intention. Had the majority in the New
Eng-land states continued to approve of the pubhc measures, it is extremely
probable that Great Britain would now have to choose between war and con-
cession. But the aspect of things in this respect is changed ; and a war would
produce an incurable alienation of the eastern states, and bring the whole coun-
try in subordination to the interest of England, -whose navy ivould prescribe and
enforce t/ie terms upon -which the commercial stales should carry, and the agricultu-
ral states export, their surplus produce. All this is as well known to the demo-
crats as to the other \ih.Tiy. Therefore they will avoid a war, at least until the
whole nation is unanimous for it. Still, when we consider of what materials the
government is formed, it is impossible to speak with any certainty of their mea-
sures. The past administration in every transaction presents to the mind only
a muddy commixture of folly, weakness, and duplicity. The spell, by which
the nations of Europe have been rendered inert and inefficient when they at-
tempted ta shake it ofl', has stretched its shadow across the Atlantic, and made a
majority of the people of these states alike blind to duty and to their interests.

I am, &c. A. B,

No. XV.

Boston, .Dpril 26, 1809,

Sir — Since my letter No. 14, I have had but little to communicate.

I have not yet been able to ascertain with sufficient accui-acy the relative
strength of the two parties in the legislative bodies in New England.

In all the states, however, governors have been elected out of the fedei'ai
party ; and even the southern papers indicate an unexpected augmentation of
federal members in the next congress.

The cori'espondence between Erskine and the secretary of state at Wash-
ington, you Will have seen before this can reach you. It has given much satis-
faction to the federal party here ; because it promises an exemption from the
evil they most feared (a war with England) and justifies their partiality towards
Great Britain, which, they maintain, was founded upon a full conviction of her
justice and sincere disposition to presei"ve peace. Even the democrats affect
to be satisfied with it ; because, as they insist, it proves the efficacy of the re-
strictive system of Mr. Jefferson.

But the gTcat benefit that will proba1)ly result from it, will be, that Bonaparte
maybe induced to force this country from her neutral position. Baffled in his
attempt to exchide from this continent the manufactures of Great Britain, he
will most likely confiscate all American property in his dominions and depen-
dencies, and declare war. Nothing could more than tliis contribute to give in-
fluence and stability to the British party. The invidious occurrences of the re-
bellion -ivould be forgotten in the resentment of the people against France ; and they
would be- soon weaned from that attachment to her which is founded on the aid
that was rendered to separate from the mother country.

While Great Britain waits for this natural, I might say necessary result of
the negociation, would it not be extremely inexpedient to conclude a treaty with
the \mcrican government ? Every sort of evidence and experience pi-ove, tliat
tlie democrats consider their political ascendency in a great measure dependent
upon tiie hostile spirit tliat they can keep alive towards Great Britain ; and re-
cent events demonstrate that tlieir conduct will be predicated upon that convic-
tion. It is therefore not to be expected that they will meet witli corresponding-
feelings a sincere disposition on the part of England to adjust all matters in dis-
pute. They are at heart mortified and disappointed to find, that Great Britain
has been in advance of the French government, in taking advantage of the pro-
visional clauses of the non-intercourse law. And if they show any spirit at the
next session of congress towards France, it will be only because they will find
Bonaparte deaf to intreaty, and insensible of past favours : or that they may
think it safer to float with tlie tide of public feelings which will set strongly
against iiim, unless he ktcp pari passu with England in a concUiatory polic}'.

CHAP. 27.] HENRY'S MISSION, 15.;

When I began my letter, 1 intended to make some obsenations in relation
to the boundary line — [Here ten or twelve lines of the manuscript are erased.]

I am, &c. A. B.

No. XVI.

Sosto7j, May 6, 1809.

Sir — Although the recent changes that have occurred, quiet all apprehen-
sions of \vai', and consequently lessen all hope of a separation of (he states, I
think it necessary to transmit by the mail of each week a sketch of passing-
events.

On local politics I have nothing to add ; and as the parade that is made in the
National InteUigencer, of the sincere disposition of Air. Madison to presen'e
amicable relations with Great Britain, is in my opinion calculated to awaken
vigilance and distrust rather than inspire coniidence, I shall (having nothing
more important to write about) take leave to examine his motives. I am not
surprised at his conditional removal of the non-intercourse law with respect to
Great Britain, because it was made incumbent on him by the act of congress;
but the observations made on his friendly dispositions towards Great Britain
are a matter of no little astonishment. The whole tenor of his political life
directly and unequivocally conti-adicts them. His speech on the British treaty
in '95 — his attempt to pass a law for the confiscation of " British debts" and
British property — his commercial resolutions, grounded apparently on an idea
of making America usefid as a colony to France — his conduct while secretary
of state — all fonn an assemblage of probabilities tending to convince me at
least that he does not seriously desire a treaty in which the rights and preten-
sions of Great Britain would be fairly recognized. It seems impossible that
he should at once divest himself of his habitual animosity and that pride of
opinion, which his present situation enables him to indulge ; but above all, that
he should deprive his friends and supporters of tlie benefit of those prejudices
which have been carefully fostei'ed in the minds of the common people towards
England, and which have so materiall}' contributed to invigorate and augment
the democratic party. Whatever his real motives may be, it is in this stage of
the affair harmless enough to inquu'e into the cause of the apparent change.
He pi-obably acts under a conviction, that in the present temper of the eastern
states, a war could not fail to produce a dissolution of the union ; or he may
have profited by the mistake of his predecessor; and is inclined to seize the
present opportunity to prove to the world that he is determined t» be the
president of a nation rather than the head of a faction ; or he has probably-
gone thus far to remove the impression on the mind of many, that he was un-
der the influence of France, in orner that he may with a better grace and on
more tenable grounds quarrel with Great Britain in the progress of negociating
a treaty. Whatever his motives may be, I am very certain his party will not
support him in any manly and generous policy. Weak men are sure to tem-
porize when great events call upon them for decision ; and are sluggish and
inert at the moment when the worst of evils is inactivity. This is the charac-
ter of the democrats in the northern states. Of those of the south I know but
little,

A.B.

No. xvn.

Boston, May 25, 1809.

Sir, My last was under date of the 6th instant.

The unexpected change wliich has taken place in the feelings of political
men in this country, in consequence of Mr. Madison's prompt acceptance of the
friendly prv:)posals of Great Britain, has caused a teniporaiy suspension of thes-
conflict of parties ; and they both regard him with equal wonder and distrust.
They all ascribe iiis conduct to various motives ; but none believe him to be in
earnest.

The state of New York has returned to the assembly a majority of federal
members. All this proves that an anti-commercial faction cannot rule the cora-
n-iercial states. Two months ago the state of New York was not ranked among-
the states that would adopt the policy of that of Massachusetts ; and any favour-
able change was exceedingly problematical.

154 rOUTlCAL OLITfc BRA^•CII. [chaf. 27.

I beg leave to suggest tiiat in the present state of things in this coimtns my
presence can contribute very little to the interest of Great Britain. If Mr.
Erskinc be sanctioned in all he has conceded, by his majesty's ministers, it is
unnecessar}^ for me, as indeed it would be unavaiUng, to make any attempt to
cany into eVi'ect the original pvn-poses of my mission. While I think it to be my
duty to give this intimation to 3 ou, 1 beg it may be understood that I consider
myself entirely at the disposal of liis majesty's government.

I am, he. A. C

No. XVIII.

Mr. Eyland to Mr. J. Heivij, May 1, 1809.

My dear sir — The news we have received this day from the United States
V'ill, I imagine, soon bring 3 ou back to us: and if you arrive at Montreal by the
middle of June, 1 shall probably have the pleasure of meeting you there, as I
am "oinirup with .sir James and a large suite. The last letters recei%-ed from 3^ou
are to tile thirteenth of Apnl ; and the whole are now transcribing for the pur-
pose of being sent home, where they cannot fail of doin^ yon great credit; and
I most sincerehi hope that they may eventually contribute to your permanent advan-
taife. It is not necessary to repeat the assurances that no effort within tlie com-
pa.ss of my power shall be wanting to this end.

lam cruelly out of f;pirits at the idea of old England truckling to such a debased
and accursed srovernment as that of the United States.

(Signed) H. W. R.

J. Henry, Esq. Boston.

No. XIX.

Mr. liyland to Mr. Ilewy, dated May 4, 1809.
Mv dear sir — -You must consider the short letter I wrote you by the last post
as altogether unofficial : but I am now to intimate to you, in a more formal man-
ner, our hope of your speedy return ; as the object of your journey seems, for
the present at least, to be at an end. We have London news by way of the i-iver
up to the si.Kth of March, which tallies to a day with what we have received by
the way of the states.

(Signed) H. W. R.

No. XX,

Montreal, Jnne\2, 1809.

Sir — I have the hotiour to inform your excellency, that I received, througij.,
Mr. Secretary Ryland, your excellency's commands to return to Canada ; and
after tlie delays incident to this season of the year in a journey from Boston,
an-ived here j'esterdaN'.

Your excellency will have seen by the papers of the latest dates from the
United States, that a formidable opposition is already organized in congress to
the late measures of Mr. Madison ; and it is very evident that if he be sincere
in his professions of attacliment to Great Britain, his party will abandon him.
Sixty one members have already voted against a resolution to approve of what
he has done ; and I have no doubt the rest of the democratic party will follow
the example, as soon as they recover from the astonishment into which his ap-
parent defection has thrown them.

The present hopes of the federalists are founded on the probability of a war
with I' ranee ; but, at all events, this party is strong and well organized enough
to prevent a war with Kngland. It would now be superfluous to trouble your
excellency with an account of the nature and extent of the an-angements made
by the federal party to resist any attempts of tlie govermnent unfavourable to Great
Britain. They were such as do great credit to their ability and principles ; and,
while a judicious policy is observed by Great Britain, secure her interests in
America from decay. My fear of inducing a false security on the part of his
majesty's goveniment, in tlieir efficiency and eventual success, may have inclin-
edme to refrain from doing them that justice in my former letters, which I
willingly express.

^ (Signed) JOHN HENRY.

CHAP. 2r.l HENRY'S mSSION. 155

No. XXI.

vlf)'. Henry's memonal to lord Liverpool, enclosed in a letter to J\Ir. Peel, of the loth

of June, 1811, -idtli a copif of that letter.
The undersig^ned most respectfully submits the Ibllowing statement and me-
morial to the earl of Liverpool.

Loii£^ before and during the administration of your lordship's predecessor,
the undersig-ned bestowed much personal attention to the state of parties, and
to die political measures in the United States of America.
[Here is an erasure of about four lines.]

Soon after the affair of the Chesapeake frig-ate, when his majesty's governor
general of British America had reason to believe that the two countries would
be involved in a war, and had submitted to his majestij\ ministers ike arrange-
ments of the English party in the United States for an efficient resistance to the
general government, lohith would probably terminate in a separation of the north-
ern states from the general confederacy, he applied to the undersigned, to un-
dertake a mission to Boston, -where, the -uhole concerns of the opposition -were
■managed. The object of the mission was to promote and encourage the federal
party to resist the measures of the general government ; to offer assurances of aid
and support from his majesty's government of Canada; and to open a communi-
cation between the leading men engaged in that opposition and the governor
general, upon such a footing as circumstances might sugg-cst ; and finally to
render the plans then in contemplation subservient to the views of his majes-
ty's government.*

The undersigned undertook the mission which lasted from the month of
January to the month of June inclusive, during which period

those public acts and legislative resolutions of the assem-
blies of Massachusetts and Connecticut were passed, which kept the general
government of the United States in check, and deterred it from carrying into
execution the measures of hostihty with which Great Britain was menaced.

For his sernce on the occasion herein recited, and the loss of time and ex-
penses incurred, the undersigned neither sought nor received any compensa-
tion ; but trusted to the known justice and liberality of his majesty's govern-
ment for the reward of services which could not, he humbly conceives, be esti-
mated in pounds, shillings and pence. On the patronage and support which
v.as promised in the letter of sir J Craig under date of the twenty -third of
January, 1809, (wherein he gives an assurance " that the former correspon-
dence and political information transmitted by the undersigned had met with
the particular approbation of his majesty's secretary of state, and that his exe-
cution of the mission, proposed to be undertaken in that letter, would give him
a claim not only on the governor general but on his majesty's ministers") the
undersigned has relied, and now most respectfully claims, in whatever mode
the earl of Liverpool may be pleased to adopt.

The imdersigned most respectfully takes this occasion to state, that sir J.
Craig promised him an employment in Canada, worth upwards of one tliousand
pounds a year, by his letter (herewith transmitted) under date of the thirteenth
of September, 1809, which, he has ju.st learned, has, in consequence of his ab-
sence, been given to another person The undersigned abstains from comment-
ing on this transaction ; and respectfully suggests that the appointment of judge
advocate general of the province of Lower Canada, with a salary of five hun-
dred pounds a year, or a consulate in the United States, sine ctira, would be
considered by him a hberal discharge of any obligation that his majesty's gov-
ernment may entertain in relation to his service.

Copy of a letter to JMr. Peel, enclosing the foregoing.

Sir — I take the liberty of enclosing to you a memorial addressed to the earl
of Liverpool ; and beg you will have the goodness either to examine the docu-
ments in your office, or those in my own possession, touching the e.xtent and
legitimacy of my claims.

Mr. IJyland, the secretary of sir J. Craig, is now in London ; and, from his
official knowledge of the transactions and facts alluded to in the memorial, can
^ive any information required on the subject J. H,

June 13, 1811.

* Vide the de^spatches of sir James Craig in June, 1808,

J56 POLITICAL OUVB BIIANCH. (chap. Sf.

No. XXII.

Letter of the Rt. hon. the earl of Liverpool, by his secretary R. Peel, esq. re

cognising Mr. Henry's services, &c.

Doivning Street, June 28, 1811.

Sir I have not failed to lay before the earl of Liverpool, the memorial, to-
gether with its several enclosures, wliich was delivered to me a few days since,
by general Loft, at vour desu-e.

His lordship has directed me to acquaint you, that he has referred to the
correspondence in this office, of the yeai- 1808, and finds two letters from sir
James Craig, dated the tenth of April, and the fiftli of May, transmitting the
correspondence that has passed during your residence in the northern states
of America, and expressing his coniidence in your abiUty and judgment ; but
lord Liverpool has not discovered any wish on tlie part of sir James Craig, that
your claims for compensation should be referred to this country ; nor, indeed,
is allusion made to any kind of arrangement or agreement that had been made
by that officer with you.

Under these circumstances, and had not sir James Craig detemiined on his
immechate return to England, it would have been lord Liverpool's wish to
have refen-ed your memorial to him, as being better able to ajjpreciate the
ability and success with which you executed a mission, undertaken at his de-
sire. ' Lord Liverpool will, however, transmit it to sir James Craig's successor
in the government, and an assurance, that, from the recommendations he has
received in your favour, and the opinion he has formed on your coiTespondence«
he is convinced that the public service will be benefited by your active emilr'
p]o\-ment in a public situation.

Lord Liverpool wdl also feel himself bound to give the same assurance to
the Marquis Wellesle}', if there is any probabdity th;.tit will advance the sue-
cess of the application vvliich you have made to his lordship.
I am, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

(Signed) ROBERT PEEL.

John Heiiry, esq. 27, Lekester-square.

No. XXIU.

CSIr. Henry to Mr. Peel, September 24, 1811. J\'o other annver than a dispatch
to sir George Prevost, and the letter marked XXIV.

London, 4th Septembfr, 1811.
Sir I have just now learned the ultimate decision of my lord Wellesley re-
lative to the appointment which I was desirous to obtain ; and find that the
subsisting relations between tlie two countries, forbid the creating a new office
in the United States, such as 1 was sohcitous to obtain. In this state of things
I have not a moment to lose in returning to Canada, and have taken my passage
in the last and only ship that sails for Quebec this season. As I have no time to
enter de novo into explanations with the gentleman who is in your office, and
as I have received assurances from you, in addhion to the letter of my lord
Liverpool, of the 27th of June, that "'his lordship would recommend me to the
governor of Canada, for the first vacant situation that I would accept," I beg
the favour of you to advise me how I am to get that recommendation, without
loss of time.

I have the honour to be, 8ic. J- H-

Jtobert Peel, esq. &c. &c. &c.

No. XXIV

Copij of a letter ivritten by Lord Liverpool, to sir George Prevost, furnished by
the under secretary of state. Original in the despatch to the governor general.

Downing street, 16th Sept. 1811.
Sir — Mr. Henry, who will have the honour of deUvering this letter, is the
gentleman who addressed to me the memorial, a copy of which I herewith
transmit, and to whom tlie accompanying letter from Mr. Peel was written by
my direction.

In compliance with his request, I now fulfil the assurance which I have given,
of stating to you my opinion of the ability and judgment which Mr. Henry has
manifested on the occasion mentioned in his memorial ; an,d of the benefit tho

tSHAP. 2r.] HENRY'S \nSSlON, 157

public service might deiive from his active employment m any public situation
in which you should tWnk proper to place him.

LIVERPOOL.
To Sir George Prevost, Bart. &c. &c.

No. XXV.
J\fr. lit/land to JUr. Henry.

Tuesday evening, Jidy 2d, 1811,

Dear Henry — It gives me real pleasure to find that the apprehensions I had
formed with respect to the fulfilment of your expectations, are likely to prove
erroneous. As every thing which passed relative to your mission was in WTit-
ing, I think you will do well in submitting to Mr. Peel all the original papers.
I, myself, could give no other information relative to the subject than what they
contain ; as you and I had no opportunity of any verbal commimication con-
cerning it, till after your mission terminated. I never wrote you ,a letter ia
tlie g-overnor's name, which had not previously been submitted to his coiTce-
tion.

The impression I had received of your character and abilities made me anxi-
ous to serve you, even before I had tlie pleasure of a personal acquaintance
with you ; and the same desire lias operated on me ever since. I am, therefore,
entitled to hope, that any opinion which I may have given, as to your best
mode of obtaining employment imder g'overnment, will be received with tha
same candour that gave rise to it. I tliink you will do well to persevere as you
propose. I have no doubt that every letter from you which sir James sent home,
will be found in Mr. Peel's ofiice ; as the established practice there, is, to bind
the despatches and enclosures yearly up togetlicr.

H. W. RYLAND.
John Henry, esq.

No. XXVI.
Jllr. Henry^s memorial to Lord Liverpool, enclosed in Lord Liverpool's despatch.

To tlie right honourable the Earl of Liverpool, tlie undersigned most respectfully

submits tlie folloiuing memorial.

Long before and during the administration of your lordship's predecessor, the
undersigned bestowed mucii personal attention to the state of parties and po-
litical measures in the United States of America, and had an opportunity*
[^Here an erasure of ten or t-melvc lines'] and to unite [^1n erasure liere of t7i>o
or three lines] the infoi'mation transmitted by the undersigned to Sir James
Craig, and by him to lord Castlereagh, met xuith his lordship's approbation,^ and
when the hostile preparations in the United States suggested to Sir James
Craig the necessity of making corresponding arrangements of precaution and
defence, for the secui'ity of his majesty's colonies, he applied to the under-
signed, to take a secret and confidential mission to the northern states to

the party already mentioned ; to direct their operations^
and transmit regular information of the same, and to endeavour to render their
plans subservient to the interest of Great Britain.% The undersigned readily un-
dertook the mission, and spent five months in the active and zealous discharge
of the duties connected with it. [An ei-asure here of twenty or t-iuenty-five^
Unes%] which deterred the general government from the purpose already men«
tioned, and from a coalition with France,^ while the information which he trans-
mitted to sir James Craig, probably saved the trouble and expense of arming
the Canadian militia. All this, the vmdersig'ned performed without ever showing
lus commission or appearing as an authorised agent — from a thorough convic-

* See the letter of Mr. Ileniy addressed to the secretaiy of sir James Craig,
and by him transmitted to Lord in the month of April, 1808.

f See document No. 22, herewith submitted.

i-- See docvnnent No. 22 and 23, herewith submitted.

§ See letter No. 1. of the series transmitted by sir J- Craig, tg the colonial
department, under date February 14, 1809.

1 See the remainder of the afox'esaid letter.
O. B. 22-

158 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap, 2S.

tlon that a discovery of his mission would furnish the French party with the
means of destroying the Influence of the party adhering to Great Britain in
every quarter of 'America, and enable the general government to go to war up-
on popular and tenable ground.

In the application of sir James Craig to the undersigned to undertake the
mission aforesaid, he says " the iv formation and political observations received
from you heretofore -zvere all transmitted to the secretarij of state, ivho has expressed
his particular approbation of them ,- and there is no doubt thap yow able execution of
such a mission as I have above si/gffestcd, ivould give you a claim not only on the go-
vernor general (of British America), but on his majesty's ministers" &c.

The undersigned being now in England on his private aflfairs, and on the eve
of departure for America, most humbly and respectfully submits his claims,
under the stipulations aforesaid, to the earl of Liverpool, in the confident ex-
pectation that his lordship will treat them with that justice, andliberahty, which,
upon investigation, they may be found to merit.

It may not be superfluous to add, that the undersigned has never received m
any shape whatever any compensation or patronage for the services he has ren-
dered. This fact, Mr. Ryland, the secretary of sir James Craig, now in London,
can vouch ; as well as for the truth of all the matters set forth in this memorial.
I have the honoui-, &c.

(Signed) J. HENRY.

27, Leicester-square, June 23, 1811.

CHAPTER XXVIIL

Emban^o repealed. British and French vessels interdicted from
entering our harbours. Importations frojn both countries pro-
hibited. Invitation held out to both to cease their outrages on
our commerce.

The claiTiour excited against the embargo — the tumultuous
proceedings in the eastern states — its inefficacy to answer the
purpose intended, arising partly from the factious and disorga-
nizing, and Jacobinical opposition it met with, and partly from
the imbecility of Mr. Jefferson's administration, in not duly en-
forcing it, as already statedf — all combined to produce its re-
peal, which took place on the first of March, 1809.

As a pacific measure, in lieu of the embargo, to induce the
beUigercnts to respect our rights, and to cease their depreda-
tions, under pretence of retaliation upon each other, the act
commonly styled the non-intercourse act, was passed, of which
I annex those sections containing its leading features.

An act to interdict the Commercial Intercourse betiveen the Uni-
ted States and Great Britain and France^ and their dependen-
cies ; and for other purposes.

Be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of
America in congress assembled, I'hat from and after the passage of this act, the
entrance of tlie harbours and waters of the United States, and of the territories
thereof, be, and the same is hereby interdicted to ail public ships and vessels be-
longing to Great Britain or France, excepting vessels only which may be forced
in bv distress, or which are charged with despatches or business from the go-
vernment to which they belong, and also packets having no cargo or merchan-
dise on board. And if any public ship or vessel as aforesaid, not being included
in tlie exception above mentioned, shall enter any harbour or waters within the
jurisdiction of the United States, or the territories thereof, it shall be lawful

• See document No. 1, herewith submitted. f See page 56.

CHAP. 28.] NON-INTERCOimSE. 159

for the president of the United States, or such other person as he shall have
empowered for that purpose, to employ such part of the land and naval forces,
or of the militia of the United States, or the territories thereof, as he shall
deem necessarv, to compel such ship or vessel to depart.

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted. That from and after the twentieth day of
May next, the entrance of the harbours and waters of the United States, and
the territories thereof be, and ^Ae same is hereby interdicted to all ships or vessels
saili7ig under the fag of Great Britain or Fiance, or oivnedin -whole or in part by
any citizens or S7cbjects of either ; vessels hired, chartered or employed by the
government of either country, for the sole purpose of carrying letters or des-
patches, and also vessels forced in by stress or by the dangers of the sea, only
excepted. And if any ship or vessel sailing- under the flag of Great Britain or
Prance, or owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of eithei-, and not
excepted as aforesaid, shall, after the twentieth day of May next, arrive eitlier
with or without a cargo, within the limits of the United States, or of tlie territo-
ries thereof, such ship or vessel, together with the cargo, if any, which may be
found on board, shall be forfeited ; and may be seized and condemned in any
court of the United States or the territories thereof, having competent juris-
diction : and aU and every act and acts heretofore passed, which shall be with-
in the purview of this act, shall be, and the same are hereby repealed.

Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That from and after the twentieth day of
May next, it shall not be lawful to import into the United States or the terri-
tories thereof, any goods, wares, or merchandise whatever, from any port or place
situated in Great Britain or Ireland, or from any of the colonies or dependencies
of Great Britain ; nor fi-om any poi-t or place situated in France, or in any of
her colonies or dependencies, nor from any port or place in the actual posses-
sion of either Great Britain or France. Nor shall it be lawful to import into the
United States, or the ten-itories thereof, from any foreign port or place what-
ever, any goods, wares, or merchandise whatever, being of the growth, pro-
duce, or manufacture of France, or of any of her colonics or dependencies ; or
being of the growth, produce, or manufacture of Great Britain, or Ireland, or of
any of the colonies or dependencies of Great Britain ; or being of the growth,
produce, or manufacture of any place or country in the actual possession of either
France or Great Britain : provided, that nothing herein contained shall be con-
strued to afi'ect the cargoes of ships wholly owned by a citizen or citizens of
the United States, which had cleared from any port beyond the Cape of Good
Hope, prior to the twenty-second day of December, one thousand eight hun-
dred and seven, or which had depart'ed for such port by permission of the pre-
sident, under the acts supplementary to the act layhig an embargo on all ships
and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States.

Sec. 11. Andbe it further enacted, That the president of the United States be,
and he hereby is authorised, in case either France or Great Britain shall so
revoke or modify her edicts, as that they shall cease to violate the 7ieiitral coinmerce
of the United States, to declare the same by proclamation ,■ after which the trade of
the United States, suspended by this act, and by the act layi7ig an embargo on all
ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and the several
acts supplementary thereto, may be renewed with the nation so doing : provi-
ded, that all penalties and forfeitures which shall have been previously incurr-
ed, by virtue of this or of any other act, the operation of which shall so cease
and determine, shall be recovered and distributed, in hke manner as if the same
bad continued in full force and virtue : and vessels bound thereafter to any fo-
reign port or place, with which commercial intercourse shall by virtue of this
section be again permitted, shall give bond to the United States with approved
security, in double the value of the vessel and cargo, that they shall not proceed
to any foreign port, nor trade with any country other than those with which
commercial intercourse shall have be'en or may be permitted by tliis act.
Enacted Marchl, 1809.

I have already stated, that this law was preposterously and
absurdly denounced, as feeble and imbecile, by ninety-nine out
€)f every hundred democrats, in the United States. An impar.

160 POLITICAL OLIVE RUANCII. [chap. 29-

tial view of it will prove the folly of this denunciation. It
evinces a deep sense of the grievous injuries the nation had sus-
tained from the belligerents — a sincere wish to return to the re-
lations of peace and friendship with either or both — and an ar-
dent desire to try every rational mode of procuring redress pre-
vious to a recourse to the horrors of war.

It held out in one hand prohibition and penalty for wrongs in-
flicted—in the other "• the Olive Branch" — an invitation to, and
premium for, a mere return to justice — a mere cessation ol un-
provoked hostility. The statute books of all the nations of
Christendom may be searched in vain, for a law entitled to more
unequivocal applause — and rarely has a law been more generally
censured.

The federalists reprobated this act as well as the democrats —
and with equal folly and madness — but on totally different
grounds. They regarded it, forsooth, as too violent a measure
— as calculated to produce war — or, in foct, absurdly enough, as
a species of warfare !

" Sir, the bill before you is ivar. It is to suspend all intercoiirse, to put an
f^nH to ^\ the relatinm of amity. What is that 6v^< war? ^ITzr of the \yorst
kind ; ivur under the ilisgiiise of ]so>f-iNTi:Kcoi usk ; no power, having national
feeling's, or regard to national character, will SUBMIT to mch COERCION."*

" It [non-intercoiu'se] is cowardly ; for it is a base attempt to bring on a ivar
•with Great Britain. It is FRENCH in every feature. It is intended as a mea-
sure of hostility ajainst Great Britain. "\

CHAPTER XXIX.:^

Bmbargo once more. Recommended to Congress by a respectable
body of merchants in Nexv-Tork.

This shall be a short chapter. Three minutes will be suffi-
cient to glance it over. I hope, however, it will not be the least
interesting in the book.

The embargo, we have seen, was enacted in December, 1807,
to preserve the property of the American merchants from depre-
dation under French decrees and British orders in council — and
likewise to coerce the belligerents, through regard to their own
interests, to cease violating our rights.

The merchants, and their friends universally, throughout the
nation, reprobated this measure. Independent of its pretended
unconstitutionality, it was denounced as t3'rannical, and oppres-
sive, and unjust towards our fellow citizens — as feeble, and im-
becile, and inefficient towards those nations whose insults and
outrages it was intended to prevent. •

* ^Ir. Ilillhouse's speech on the non-intercourse bill before the senate, Feb-
ruary 22, 1809.

f Boston Uopertoiy.

i This chapter is out of its chronological order ; but its immediate connec-
tion with tliG subject of the preceding one, has induced me to place it here.

CHAP. 29.] NEW YORK MEMORIAL. 161

That these sentiments pervaded the mercantile part of the
community in 1807-8, I presmne no man of character will dare
deny.

Consistency is commendable. Let us enquire how far the
merchants practised it. On the 15th of June, 1812, a memorial
was presented to Congress, from certain merchants in New-
York, praying for a continuance of the embargo, and the re-
strictive system generally !

You are amazed, reader. You can hardly believe me. You
are persuaded that I am not serious — that I am putting your
credulity to a severe trial.

You are " all in the wrong." I am as perfectly serious as I
have ever been. And to remove all doubt on the sul^iject, be-
hold the memorial — and behold also the names of the signers —
forty-two federalists and sixteen democrats. Yes — deny it, who
can. Here are forty-two federal merchants, invoking congress
to continue the much-abused " restrictive system.;'' us likely to
extort justice frorn Great Britain,

MEMORUL.

To the honourable the senate mid house of representatives of the United Slates of
America in congress assembled, the memorial of the subscribers, merchants and
others, inhabitants of the cittj of JVew-York, respcctfnUij sheweth:

That your memorialists feci, in common witli the rest of their fellow citizens,
an anxious solicitude for the honour and interests of tlieir country, and an equal
detennination to assert and maintain them.

That your memorialists believe that A CONTINUATION OF THE RE-
STRICf IVE MEASURES NOW IN OPERATION, WILL PRODUCE ALL
THE BENEFITS, WHILE IT PREVENTS THE CALAMITIES OF WAR;
that when the British ministry become convinced tliat a trade with the United
States cannot be i-enewed, but by the repeal of the orders in council, the distress
of their merchants and manufacturers, and their inabihtij to support their armies in
Spain and Portugal, 7vill probablu compel them to that measure !

Your memorialists beg' leave to remark, that such effects are even now visible ;
and it may be reasonably hoped, tliat a continuance of the embargo and non-
importation laws a few months beyond the fourth day of .Inly next, WILL EF-
FECT A COMPLETE ANO BLOODLESS TRIUMPH OF OUR RIGHTS.

Your memorialists therefore respectfulUi solicit of your honourable body, the
passage of a law continidng the embargo, and giving- to the president of the Uni-
ted States power to discontinue the whole of the restrictive system on the re-
scinding' of the British orders in council.

The conduct of France in burning our ships, in sequestrating our property
entering her ports, expecting protection in consequence of the promised re-
peal of the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the delay in completing a treaty
with the American minister, has excited great sensation ; and we hope and
trust will call forth from your honourable body such retaliatory measures as
may be best calculated to procure justice.

John Jacob Astor, John T. Lawrence, Amasa Jackson,

Samuel Adams, Joseph W. Totten, William J. Robinson,

Howland and Grinnel, Isaac Schermerhorn, Joseph Strong,

E. Slosson, Alexander Rude n, Abrahams. Hallot,

Israel fJibbs, Joseph Otis, Joshua Jones,

Isaac Clason, Lewis Hartman, Frederic Gii-aud, jim.

John Slidell, Garrett Stornj, Robert Roberts,

162 POUTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 30.

John K. Townsend, George Bement, John Crookes,

Andrew Ogden, & Co. S. A. Rich, Hugh M'Cormick,

Thomas Storm, Abraham Smith, John Depeyster,

Amos Butler, Tiiomas IL Smith, jr. Gilbert Haight,

Ebenezer Bumll, Andrew Foster, James Lovett,

Isaac Heyer, Jacob Barker, Leftert Lefierts,

Ralpli Bulkley, William Lovett, Augustus \yynkoop,

Samuel Bell, William Edgar, jr. John W Gale,

John F. Delaplaine, Samuel Stillweil, Thomas Rich,

Peter Stagg, Jacob P. Giraud, Samuel Marshall,

David Taylor, John Hone, Elbert Herring.

WilUam Adee, John Kane,
JVew York, June 1, 1812.

A member of congress, Mr. Taylor, stated that he was in-
formed there were on that list the names of two presidents of
banks, three presidents of insurance companies, thirteen directors
of banks, besides other names of '•'■ pre-eminent standing in the
commercial xvorld.'''' Ponder, I beseech you, reader, on these
things. They demand the most sober and serious considera-
tion. The embargo, and the restrictive system generally, after
having been defeated and rendered nugatory by mercantile op-
position, are uow, by the merchants themselves, proclaimed to
the world as likely to effect" a bloodless triumph of our rights .''*
What a severe satire on themselves ; what a strong panegyric
on their opponents — this short sentence contains !

CHAPTER XXX.

The Erskine arrangement. A most liberal and magnanimous
procedure^ probably never exceeded. Loudhj applauded by all
parties. Rejected by England.

Never was there a measure of more fairness and candour,
than the arrangement made by our goveiTiment with Mr. Er-
skine. The annals of diplomacy may be ransacked in vain to
produce a negociation more deserving of encomium, or more
honourable to both parties. In forty-four days after Mr. Ma-
dison's inauguration, Mr. Erskine made candid overtures to our
government for an accommodation of the existing differences
between the two nations. They were received with a proper
spirit of frankness, and with a promptitude never exceeded. The
overtures were dated on the 17th of April — the reply the same
day — Mr. Erskine's second letter, and the reply of the secretary
of state on the 1 8th. And, both parties being sincerely desirous
of a reconciliation, an equitable arrangement was adjusted in
two days, that is to say, on the 19th, whereby neither the honour
nor the interest of either nation was compromitted. Friendly
intercourse between them was once more restored. Never was
a negociation conducted on more liberal or candid principles.
It was manly and magnanimous — and affords one of the very-
few instances in which diplomacy was divested of her usual at-
tendants, chicane and fraud.

•HAP. 30.] ERSKINE'S ARRANGEMENT. 163

To enable the reader to form a correct opinion on this subject,
I annex the whole of the correspondence between our govern-
ment and the British minister. It will then appear that the trans-
action can hardly be too highly eulogised.

(No. I.)

MB. EKSKIJfE TO MR. SMITH.

Washington, 17th April, 1809.

« Sir — I have the honour to hifonn you, that I have received his majesty's
commands to represent to the government of tlie United States, that his ma-
jesty is animated by the most sincere desire for an adjustment of the differ-
ences, which have unhappily so long prevailed between the two coimtries, the
recapitulation of which might have a tendency to impede, if not prevent an
am'cable understanding.

" It having been repi'Csented to his majesty's government, that the congress
of the United States, in their proceedings at the opening of the last session,
had evinced an intention of passing certain laws, which would place the rela-
tions of Great Britain with the United States upon an equal footing-, in all res-
pects, with other belligerent powers, I have accordingly received his majesty's
commands, in the event of such laws taking place, to offer, on the part of his
maiesty, an honourable reparation for the aggression, committed by a British
naval officer, in the attack on the United States' ft'igate Chesapeake.

" Considenng the act, passed by the congress of the United States on the
first of March, (usually tei-med the non-intercourse act) as having produced
a state of equality, in the relations of the two belligerent powers, with respect
to the United States, I have to submit, conformably to instmctions, for the con-
sideration of the American government, such terms of satisfaction and reparation,
as, his majesty is induced to believe, will be accepted, in the same spirit of con-
ciliation, with which they are proposed.

" In addition to the prompt disavowal made by his majesty, on being appriz-
ed of the unauthorised act committed by his naval officer, whose recal, as a mark
of the king's displeasure, from an highly important and honourable command, im-
mediately ensued, his majesty is wilhng to restore tlie men forcibly taken out
of the Chesapeake, and, if acceptable to the American government, to make a
suitable provision for the unfortunate sufferers on that occasion.

" I have the honour to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and consi-
deration, sir, your most obedient, humble servant.

The hon. Robert Smith, esq. secretary of State, &c.

« D. M. ERSKINE.

(No. II.)

MH. SMITH TO MB. ERSKINE.

Department of State, April 17, 1809.

«« Sir — I have laid before the president your note in which you have, in the
name and by the order of his Britannic majesty, declared that his Britannic
majesty is desirous of making an honourable reparation for the aggression com-
mitted by a British naval officer in the attack on the United States' frigate the
Chesapeake ; that, in addition to his prompt disavowal of the act, his majes-
^, as a mark of his displeasure, did immediately recall the offending officer
from a highly important and honourable command ; and that he is willing to
restore the men forcibly taken out of the Chesapeake ; and, if acceptable to
the American government, to make a suitable provision for the unfortunate suf-
ferers on that occasion.

" The government of the United States havhig, at all times, entertained
a sincere desire for an adjustment of the differences, which have so long and
so unhappily subsisted between the two countries, the president cannot but i-e-
ceive with pleasure, assurances, that his Britannic majesty is animated by the
same disposition ; and that he is ready, in confonnity to this disposition, to make
atonement for the insult and aggression, committed by one of liis naval officers
i\\ the attack on the United States' frigate, the Chesapeake.^

164 POLITICAL OUVE BRANCH. [chap. 30,

" As it appears, at the same time, tliat, in making this offer, his Britannic
majesty derives a motive from the equality, now existing' in the relations of the
United States, with t)ic two belligerent powers, the president owes it to the
occasion, and to himself, to let it be understood, that this equality is a result
incident to a state of things, growing out of distinct considerations.

" With this explanation, as rccjuisite as it is frank, 1 am authorised to inform
you, that the president acce])ts of the note delivered by you, in the name and
by the (u-der of his Britannic majesty; and will consider the same, with tlie
«-*ngagcmcnt contained therein, wiien fulhlled, as a satisfaction for tlie insult
an(l injury of which he has complained. But 1 have it in express charge from
the president, to state, that whiJe he forbears to insist on a further punishment
of the oftcnding officer, he is not the less sensible of the justice and utility of
such an example, nor the less persuaded tluit it would best comport with what
is due from his Britannic majesty to his own honour.

" 1 have tlie honour to be, with the highest respect and consideration, sir,
your most obedient servant,

" R. SMITH."
T/ie honourable David M. Eirskine, esq. envoy extraordinary and minister plenipo-
tentiary of his Britannic majesty.

(No. III.)

MR. EUSKINE TO MR. SMITH.

Washington, Jlpril, 18, 1809.

" Sir — I have the honour of informing you, that his majesty, having been
■{persuaded that the honourable reparation which he has caused to be tendered
for the unauthorised attack upon the Amei-ican frigate Chesapeake, would be
accepted by the government of the United States in the same spirit of conci-
liation, with which it was proposed, has instructed me to express his satisfac-
tion, sliould such a happy termination of that aflair take place ; not only as hav-
ing removed a painful cause of difference, but as aftbrding a fair prospect of a
complete and cordial understanding being re-cstabhshed between tlie two
countries.

" The favour.able change in the relations of his majesty with the United
States, which has been produced by the act (usually termed the non-intercourse
act) passed in the last session of congress, was also anticipated by his majesty ;
and has encouraged a furtiier hope, that the re -consideration of the existing
differences might lead to their .satisfactory adjustment.

" On these grounds and expectations, 1 am instructed to communicate to the
American government, his majesty's determination of sending to the United
States an envoy extraordinary, invested with full powers to conclude a treaty
on all the points of the relations between the two countries.

" [n the mean time, with a view to contribute to the attainment of so desira-
ble an object; his majesty would be willing to withdraw his orders in council
of January and November, 180r, so far as respects the United States, in the
persuasion that the president of the United States would issue a proclamation
for the renewal of the intercourse with Great IJritain ; and that whatever dif-
ference of opinion should arise in the interpretation of the terms of such an
agreement will be removed in the proposed negociation.

" I have the honour to be, with sentiments of the highest consideration and
esteem, sir, your most obedient humble servant,

" D. M. ERSKINE. '

" Honourabk Hubert Smith, &c. &c. &c.^'

(No. IV.)

MB. SMITH TO MB. EUSKINP,

Department of State, JprillS, 1S09.
" Sir — The note which T had the honour of receiving from you this da}', [ lost
no time in laying bef()re the president, who biing sineerel} desirous of a satis-
factory adjustment of the dHlcrences unhap]/dy existing between Great Britain
and the United States, iias authorised me to assure you, that he v\ ill meet, with
ft disposition correspondent witli that of his Britannic majesty, the determin.a-
tion of his majesty to send to the United States a special envoy, invested with

CHAP. 30.] ERSKINE'S ARRANGEAffiNT. 165

full powers to conclude a treaty on all the points of the relations between the
two countries.

"I am further authorised to assure you, that in case his Britannic majesty
should, in the mean time, withdraw his orders in council of January and No-
vembei', 1807, so far as respects the United States, the president will not failto
issue a proclamation by virtue of the authority, and for the purposes specified
in the eleventh section of the statute, commonly called the non-intercoui-seact.
J have the honour, &c. Sep.

R. SMITH."

(No. V.)

MR. EHSKINE TO MH. SMITH.

IVasMngioii, April 19, 1809.
" Sir — In consequence of the acceptance, by the president, as stated in your
letter dated the eig-hteenth Instant, of the proposals made by me on the part
of his majesty, in my letter of the same day, for the renewal of the intercourse
between the i-espective countries, I .am authorised to declare, that his majesty's
orders in Council of January and November, 1807, will have been withdrawn as
respects the United States, on the tenth day of June next. I h.ave the honour
to be, &c. &c.

D. M. ERSpNE."

HunouraLle Robert Smith, &c. &c.

(No. \l.)

MH. SMITH TO MH. EHSKTN-E.

-Depart iiwnt of State, April 19, 1809.
« Sir — Having' laid befpre the president your note of this day, containing an
assurance, that liis Britannic majesty will, on the tenth day of June next, have
wididrawn his orders in council of January and Novem.ber, 1807, as far as re-
.spects the United States, I have the honour of informing- you, that the president
will accordingly, and in pursuance of the eleventh section of the statute, com-
monly called'the non-intercourse act, issue a proclamation, so that the trade of
the United States with Great Britain may on the saine day be renewed, in the
manner provided in tlie said section. I have the honour. Sec. &c.

^ R. SMITH."

BT THE PRESIDENT OF THE UXITEn STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

"Whereas it is provided by the eleventh section of the act of congress, en-
titled " An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United
States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies ; and for other
purposes ;" that " in case cither France or Great Britain shall so revoke or
modify her edicts as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of
the United States," the president is authorised to declare the same by pro-
clamation ; after which the trade suspended by the said act, and by an act
Laying an embargo on all sliips and vessels in the ports and harbom's of the
United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, may be renewed
with the nation so doing. And whereas the honourable David Montague
Erskine, his Britannic majestv's envoy extraordinary, and minister plenipoten-
tiary, has, by the order and in the name of his sovereign, declared to this go-
vernment, that the British orders in council of January and November, 1807,
will have been withdrawn as respects the Uwited States, on the tenth day of
.Time next : Now, therefore, I James Madisox, President of the United States,
do hereby proclaim, that the orders in council aforesaid will have been with-
drawn oil the said tenth day of June next : after which day the trade of tlie
United States with Great Britain, as suspended by the act of congress above
mentioned, and an act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports
and harbours of the United States, and the several acts supplementary there-
to, may be renewed.

O. B, 23

165 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH, [chap. 30.

" Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at Wash-
ini^ton, the nineteenth duv of April, in the year of our Lord one
I. s thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the Independence of the-
United States, tlie thirty tliird."
By the President, JAMES MADISON.

R. SMITH, Secretary of State.

Never was a measure more loudly or unanimously applaud-
ed. Parties agix-ed in their encomiums on the act and the ac-
tors, who hardly ever before or since, accorded on any subject.
The federalists cannot have forgotten — if they have, history will
not forget — that they repeatedly asserted, in the most confident
terms, that England had been at all times ready to do us justice ;
— that it had been in the power of Mr. Jefferson, at any period
of his administration, to have procured equally fair and honour-
able terms ; and that nothing but his profligate devotion to
France, and deadly hostility to England, had prevented an
equitable adjustment of all our differences. Mr. Madison was
hailed as a truly American president. He was invited to federal
entertainments — claimed as a federalist and a Washingtonian — ■
and halcyon days of peace and plenty were augured under his
administration, which was indubitably to usher in a political
millennium. The farce was carried on to such an extent by the
federalists, that the democrats grew jealous. They Avere fearful
of losing the attachment of the president, whose election they
had made such exertions to secure.

In an evil hour for the United States and Great Britain, this
honourable arrangement was fatuitously and dishonourably re-
jected by the British ministry ; and thus the two countries were
once more involved in the most vexatious discussions.

So far as respects the administration of Mr. Madison, this
affair affords the most indubitable evidence of the utter falsehood
of the charge of French Influence,* with which the wide welkin
has rung, and which has been, and is, as firmly believed by hun-

* In every age, and every nation, there has been, and is some slang preva-
lent, by whicli the people are besotted, bereft of their reason, and led " to
plsty such pranks before high licaven, as make e'en angels weep." Who is ig-
norant of the magical effects in Great Britain of the cry, " the church is in dan-
ger," whereby tlie severities and restrictions vuider which the protestant dis-
senters groaned for about one hundred and fifty years, were firmly riveted on
tliem. The charge of "French infuence'" in the United States has been so often
reiterated, and so generally believed, that it appears to thousands of our citi-
zens both impertinent and absin-d to doubt its existence. But there never has
been the sliadow of ])roof of its existence alleged. And I feel perfectly confi-
dent, that there are thousands of Englishmen in various parts of the United
States, pari-icularly in our sea-ports, any one of whom takes a more active part
in our ])olitics, and has more influence on our afl'airs, than any twenty French-
men. Talleyrand's oliscrvation on this subject is perfectly just. "In every
part of America through which I have travelled, I have not fovuid a single En-
glishman, who did not feel himself to be an American ; nor a single French-
man who did not find himself a stranger."*

There are Frenchmen in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, who have
been naturalised ten, twenty, and even thirty years, who do not interfere so

• Memoir on the Commercitd Relations of the United States with England'
page 18.

CHAP. 30.] ERSKINE'S ARRANGEMENT. 167

dreds of thousands of our citizens, as any portion of " holy writ."
Had there been the shghtest particle of that noxious influence in
our cabinet, it could not have failed to prevent such a rapid
movement as healing the long-enduring and cankered breaches
between the two countries in two days.

Never in the annals of mankind, did a rooted, inveterate, and
contemptible prejudice exist, so completely, so unanswenibly
borne down by a strong and irrefutal^le fact, as in this case is
the accusation of French influence : and yet no more attention
has been paid to the strong and irresistible fact, than if it had
not the slightest bearing whatever on the subject. 'Ihroughout
the whole of Mr. Madison's administration, this senseless, ab-
surd, and Jacobinical cry of" French influence" has disturbed the
harmony of the country — endangered its peace — and produced
the most magical effects, on " the most enlightened nation in the
world."

The conduct of the federalists respecting this celelDrated
instrument, was to the last degree inconsistent and indefensi-
ble—

They were, after it was agreed upon, as I have stated, unani-
mous and loud in their applause of England, for her magnani-
mity in off'ering, and of Mr. Madison, for his patriotism and
public spirit in accepting, the terms proposed by Mr. Erskine.
The force of the language was exhausted, in panegyrical strains.
All the praises of Mr. Madison were accompanied by direct ot
insinuated abuse of his predecessor. The two presidents appear-
ed like the two ends of a scale-beam. In proportion as one rose,
the other sunk. Mr. Madison was elevated among the celes-
tials — Mr. Jeff'erson precipitated among the infernals. There
was hardly one of the party from New Hampshire to Georgia,
who did not assert, that had Mr. Jeff'erson been disposed, he
might have made an arrangement on as favourable terms at any
time during his administration — for England had been at all
times equally inclined to do us justice.

But when England rejected this arrangement— when she gave
the lie direct to all their asseverations of her willingness to ad-
just the diff"erences between the two countries, on fair and hon-
ouralile principles— they still defended her. They assailed, and
abused, and vilified, and degraded their own -government. And
Mr. Madison, who had been placed among the stars of heaven,
sunk down at once below the horizon into pitchy darkness, with
his predecessor. And for what ? Had he committed any crime
to waiTant this change of opinion ? No. Had he altered the

much in our politics as English, Scotch, and Irishmen frequently do within the
first month after their arrival. I have never, in thirty years, known three
Frenchmen in Philadelphia who took an active part in our politics. Many ot
them rarely exercise the elective franchise.

165 POIJTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 30.

system of conduct which had been so highly extolled ? No. His
only crime was, that England broke the faith her minister had so
solemnly pledged to him^and to this cruelhj-injured and outraged
country ! ! J ! ! ! Alas ! alas ! poor human nature !

To establish fully wliat I have asserted, I annex extracts
from the federal papers and speeches, published before and af-
ter the fatal, the monstrous, the absurd rejection of this arrange-
ment.

" We owe it to !Mr. Madison and his cabinet to say, and we do it with pride
and pleasure, that tliey liave come forward with a degree of promptitude and
manhness which reflects much honour on the7n and the country. Mr. Madison lias
now done ~^i}IuLt .Mr. Jefferson irns requested by the Jiritish government to do in- the
note a]>pendedto the treaty returned by him. Mr. Madison is now effectually re-
sisting the French decrees, by a total non-intercourse with that country ; and
this c!ountry will thank him for it to tlie latest generation." United States Ga-
zette, Apri'l 24, 1809.

" The candour, liberality, and .'sincerity displayed in those documents, are alike
honourable to the two governments." Poulson's American Daily Advertiser, April
22, 18U9.

" The non-intercourse with France, which congress threatened, Nov. 22,
1808, and i-eally enacted March 1st, 1809, takes place on 20th May next — this
measure against France pi-oduced what no measure against England alone could
obtain. England -ivas to be ivoii ivith signs of justice and impartiality ; and yielded
to these considerations -what she tvovld not yield either to threats or force." Boston
Repertory, May 9, 1809.

" Nothing here said is designed to reflect on Mr. Madison as the president of
the United States. In the first act is which he has beex called upox he has
BEHAVED with WISDOM. JMuy he go on so. Mr. Madison thus far has in fact acted
ministerially ; that is, pursuant to an act of congTcss, or the generally expressed
voices of his countrymen." Idem.

" We will not stop to enquire whether the spirited and vigorous measures of
New England — their determined public declarations that they would not sub-
mit to an unnecessaiy and destructive war, has induced the administration to
listen to the same terms which Great Jiritain has always been ready to offer, and to
'ii'hich we have unifor7nly contended s/w was sincerely disposed." Boston Gazette,
April 1809.

"That Mr. Madison does not wish to embroil us with England, we are now
thoroughly convinced ; while he continues to pursue an honest and impartial policy,
where he makes one enemy, he will gain a dozen friends." Baltimore Federal
Republican, as quoted l)y the Philadelphia Gazette, June 22, 1809.

" Scarcely was .Mr. Madison seated in the chair of state, when, contrary to all
our expectations, but agreeably to our wishes, he gave the lie to all his election-
eering advocates ,- abandoned jiractically and in the face ef the world the policy
and course of the sage ; and concluded with Mr. Erskine an agreement, which,
knocking the ignominious ha/id-cnffs from our hands, unmooring our ships, rejoicing
our hearts, and elevating ojir hopes, drew from the union (the jacobins excepted)
an niifcigneil burst of heart-cheering applause. JWzri- statesman did an act more
popidar or more conducir^e to the true and permanent interest of his country." Phila-
delphia Gazette, June 23, 1809.

"The public documents which we this day have the satisfaction of laying be-
fore our readers are of a Jiighly pleasing and interesting character. The note of
Mr. Ei-skinc furnishes satistactoiy evidence of a real disposition on the part of
liis government to adjust, on permanent principles, the long subsisting" differ-
ences vvitii this counti-y ; and Mr. Smith's answer to that note evinces a candour
and promptitude ccjually honourable to the views and wishes of the American
administration. IVhile both parties are governed by this spirit of confidence in
the assurances of each other, we can foresee no possible circumstance to impede

CHAP. 30.] RRSKINE'S ARRANGEMENT. 169

their anivlng at a full, liberal, and advantageous accommodation." Philadel-
phia Gazette, June 19, 1809.

" We sincerely trust that an enlightened administration will continue by its
measures of prudence, economy, and wisdom, to increase the mortification and
rage of men, aliens to the true interests and honour of our country." lb.

On the second of May, 1809, Mr. Randolph moved in the
house of Representatives of the United States, the following
resolution —

" Resolved, That the promptitude and frankness with which the President
of the United States has met the overtures of the government of Great Bri-
tain towai'ds a restoration of harmony and free commercial intercourse between
the two nations, meet the approbation of this house."

This occasioned a long debate, in which the federalists were
universally in favour of the motion. Mr. Barent Gardenier was
among the most ardent eulogists of Mr. Madison. There ap-
peared to be no bounds to his applause.

" This. tree from which we expected to gather only the fi-uit of bitterness
and son-ow, is ah-eady yielding us fruit far different — gladness and unspeakable
joy. To speak in the language of the resolution, ' the promptitude andf-cmkness
■with -ivhich the presideiit has met the ovei'titres of Great Britain,' while tliey re-
ceive the applause and gratitude of the nation, caU not less imperiously for an
unequivocal expression of them by this house.

" I must say that I do like the words ' promptitude a?idfraiih)iess." The
compliment they convey is highly merited, as I sliall endeavour to prove.

" For bringing about this state of things, I yield my hearty approbation to the
president of the United States ,- and I beheve that when none of us could see
the end of our troubles, the president was seci-etly conducting us to the late
happy results.

" But at last that state of things ORIGINALLY PROPOSED BY GREAT
BRITAIN, has been brought al)out, both as it regards the equality contended
for, and as regards the assurance of resistance desired. The proclamation lac-
ing removed, a fair adjustment could meet with no impediment from that
cause. And it is a melancholy fact, in this respect there never tvould have been an
impediment, if this government had been idlUng to do originally ivhat it has at last
consented to do.

" It is for the promptitude and frankness with which the president met this
overture, that I thank him most cordially in behalf of my country. I approve
it most heai-tily.

" And it is now in proof before us, as I have always said and contended, that
NOTHING -ivas -zvanting but a proper spirit of conciliation — nothing but fair and
honourable dealing on the part o/THlS country, to bring to a happy issue all the
fictitious differences bet-iveen this country and Great liritain ,- and that is now ac-
knowledged to be ti-ue, for saying which, I have been so much censured— cen-
sured, because it suited the purposes of some people, to attribute to me a con-
fidence in the justice of the British government, wliich did not become an
American citizen.

" The president, veiy properly relying on tlie assurances of the British
minister, that the edicts of Great Britain -would have been -ivithdra-ivn, on or be-
fore the 20th of June then next, autliorised a renewal of intercoiu'se after that
day."

The governor of Massachusetts, in his speech to the legisla-
ture, unites his praises vnth those of Mr. Gardenier —

" We have great reason to indulge the hope of realizing those views [arising
from a revival of commerce] from the prompt and amicable disposition, with
V hich it is imderstood tlie present fcderi^l administration met the conciliatory

170 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [cH£t: 30.

overtures of Great Britain — a disposition which is entitled to, and -will certainly re-
ceive the heartij approbation of every one who sincerely loves the peace and prospe-
rity of the nation."

The senate and house of representatives re-echo this encomi-
astic strain :

« The present administration of the general government has had the insdom
To discern, and the patriotism to commence, a course of policy respecting our com-
merce and foreign relations, w hicli is calculated to promote the prospeiity, and
to secure the peace and independence of our country."

" The prompt acceptance by the federal administration of the concihatory
overtures of Cireat JJritain, which opened the door for the removal of those
"Tic-, ous embarrassments by which the industry and enterprize of our citizens^
have been so long puralized, tneets the approbation, and ivill ensure the support oj
t/tis cemmo7itvealth."

Messrs. Wagner and Hanson chimed in with the general

strain of approbation, which was carried to the utmost extent,

in order, by the contrast, to blacken the character of the former

administration.

" Sophistry is busily at work in the democratic papers, to show that the ac-
commodation with England is the residt of the democratic plans — that is to say,
of the embargo and non-intercourse law. If this could be made to appear, it
A\ ould so f\r\absolve their autJiors from the ruin and sufferings imposed by
those laws, as to prove that they had some effect. But the common sense of
the people is proof against the delusion ; who are persuaded that what was so
easily effected in April last, might have been done long before, and the nation
been thereby saved from the humiliation of retiring from the exercise of its
rights upon the ocean, as well as the immense loss it has suflrered,and continues
to sustain in the decay and depreciation of its produce. Eveiy reflecting mind
feels this at once ; nor does it require any chcuitous arg-ument to be convinced,
that ft persevering and ardent opposition to these democratic Jtiggles, and not a vo-
luntary abandonment of them, broke the embargo, and placed France and Great
Britain jipon that equal footing, which the latter unifobmly declared would

INDUCE lIEll TO COMPROMISE. *

" Sincere and general as has been the joy spread by the return of a good un-
derstanding with England, will be the indignation, which at no distant day, a
calm review of the snares which have been laid to entrap our peace, and extinguish^
our prosperity, will unavoidably inspire. The current of the disapprobation of
this conspiracy is not at a stand. It has much greater progress to make ; nor
will it stop until it places an insuperable bar against even the aspiring party
which, till latcl}-, has lorded it without opposition over the state of Maryland."*

I shall add to these extracts the sentiments of Mr. Coleman,
editor of the New- York Evening Post, which are as strong and
decisive as any of the others.

" Look at the files of this paper for a twelve month. You wiU find it insisted
upon that Great Britain wished for an adjustment of differences, and would come
to an accommodation the moment we gave her a chance to do so, by placing h'^r on an
equal fooling with Fraiice.— Mr. Erskine very promptly begins, by stating, on
our government's placing England on a footing with France, England will make
. reparation — just precisely what i have said a hundred times over in this

PAPER, SHE WOULD VERY GLADLY DO.

« The first part of the second resolution accompanying the report of the com-
mittee of foreign relations, contemplated SiU arrangement by which the respec-
tive belligerents would be placed in a state of equality as to the exclusion of

* Federal Republican, July 4, 1809.

CHAP. 30.] EBSIvINE'S ARRANGEMENT. 171

their ships of war from our harbours. This report, was sent to England; and
iiiimeiliutcly the British minister dih-^cted Mr. Erskinc to make the propositions
which have hitely been acceded to and published, provided any measure ivas
adopted w liich would place Great Britain in a state of equahty with her enetnies,
as to the admission or exclusion of her ships of war from our harboui>s. The
NON-ixTEivCOURSE ACT w.'.s OF THIS NATURi,. Mr. Erskiuc stated the intentions of
las government, and an agreement has been made."*

""Well may die merchants of Alexandria rejoice at Mr. Madison's retw^ to
the good old priuciple of F£;deiiai.is>i. Let the crazu professors of Jeffersonism
give themselves up to weeping and wailing, and all the afflicting stings of jea-
lousy and mortification. The federahsts WILL pay homage to Mr. Madison,
while he continues to pursue the course he has taken."f t

Relying on the good faith of Great Britain,our government
immediately removed the restrictions on her commerce; re-
stored the intercourse between the two nations to the state in
which it had been previous to the misunderstanding ; and natu-
rally expected to be met on the same fair and honourable ground
by the other contracting party. But other counsels fatally pre-
vailed at St. James's. The solemn contract made by its minis-
ter plenipotentiary was rejected on the ground of his having
" exceeded his instructions."

Had Mr. Erskine made a wanton sacrifice of the honour and
interests of his country — the rejection of his arrangement might
be palliated, perhaps justified. But no man who has any i-egard
to his character, will pretend this to have been the case. Both
were equally secured. And to prevent any difficulty in the
adjustment of the dispute — to evince more fully Mr. Madison's
sincere wish for harmony, the thorny and difficidt subject of im-
pressment was laid aside for future negociation.

" But Mr. Erskine exceeded his instructions." What, in
the name of heaven, I ask, must have been the instructions that
did not warrant an envoy extraordinary to propose or ratify
such an arrangement ; so simple, so fair, and so honourable ?

But admitting for a moment, that Mr. Erskine exceeded his
instructions — or let us even suppose that he had made this ar-
rangement of his own mere motion, without any instructions
Avhatever — what reasonable objection could be made to it?
Could the most partial friend of England, if actuated by ho-
nourable views, require better terms ?

Let us analyse this arrangement — let us state the quid pro
quo —

To America it offered

1. A repeal of the orders in council —

2. Atonement for the outrage on the Chesapeake.

* New York Evening Post, April 26, 1809.
t Federal Republican.

i The mass of tlie extracts in this chapter are chiefly taken from " Tilings as
tliey are."

l/;2 POLITICAL OUVE BRANCH. [coap. 5©-

To England

1. A restoration of all the immense advantages of the most
valuable commerce in the world —

2. A continuation of the suspension of intercourse between
the United States and France.

I freely appeal at this moment to George Cabot, James
Lloyd, jr. governor Strong, Timothy Pickering, Alexander
Contee Hanson, or to Lord Castlereagh, to decide whether there
Avere anv thing in these terms that could warrant the government
of a mighty nation to break the faith pledged by its minister —
and to attach shame, disgrace, and dishonour to that minister in
the eyes of his own nation and of the whole world ? Neither of
these gentlemen will dare to aver that there was.

The reader who has perused with attention the Erskine ar-
rangement, and considered the advantageous terms it insured to
Jingland, will be struck with surprise at its rejection. He will
naturally ask, by what ill-starred and fatal councils were the
British ministry influenced? This is a question not easily an-
swered. I shall attempt a solution.

A recurrence to the 26th chapter of this Avork, will show
the tumultuous, disorganizing, and Jacobinical proceedings that
occurred in Massachusetts in the early part of the year 1809.
Open resistance to the embargo was advocated in the news pa-
pers — preached from the pulpit — plainly menaced in the legisla-
ture — and publicly proclaimed in inflammatory resolutions of
town meetings.

Intelligence of these disgraceful, these Jacobinical proceedings
reached England contemporaneously with the account of Mr.
Erskine's arrangement. It is highly probable that the British mi«
nistry deceived themselves into the opinion that our government
would be obliged to abandon the restrictive system altogether ;
that they would then be able to enforce the orders in council,
without losing the advantages of our trade; and that these consi-
derations induced them to reject the arrangement.

This I offer roeix-ly as a conjecture. That it is plausible can-
not be denied. But in our times there will probably be no op-
portunity of fully ascertaining how far it is correct.

Another reason has been assigned. It is said that George
III. was irritated at the implied censure of his government re-
specting the conduct of admiral Berkeley, which, it is asserted,
so far wounded his feelings as to induce him to reject the ar-
rangement. Many of our citizens have defended the rejection on
this groimd. Let us calmly and boldly investigate the affair.

The United States are in a state of profound peace. One of
their frigates leaves port. She expects no attack. She is therefore
xmprepared for resistance. She is followed by a vessel of superior
force, belonging to a friendly power. This vessel has just en-
joyed the hospitalities of our ports. She overtakes our frigate

CHAP. 30. ERSKINE'S ARRANGFAfENT. 173

She imperiously demands four seamen, said to be British. Bri-
tish or Americans, they had entered vokintarily. And let it be
borne in remembrance, the demand is made by a nation which
holds in bondage, thousands of our citizens, who, in the pursuit
of their lawful vocations, have been seized by force and violence,
and often with bloodshed and desjjerate wounds. And further
let it be also borne in i-emembrance, the demand is made by a
nation which has proclaimed, as an irrevocable law to
ALL THE WORLD, that s/ie xvUl hold^ at every hazard^ those sea-
men^ natives of whatsoever country they may be^ xvho enter her
service voluntarily.^ The demand is repelled. Our frigate is
attacked. Our unresisting citizens are cruelly murdered ! ! ! The
decks of the vessel flow with blood ! ! She is taken. The crew
is overhauled. Fovir of them are outrageously seized, and made
prisoners. One is ignominiously hanged ! ! The other three, ful-
ly proved to be impressed Americans, are held in bondage — '• —

I can go no farther My pen refuses its office Does not

this blood cry to heaven for vengeance on the murderers? Can
the foul stain be effaced but with blood ? " Whoso sheddeth
man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed."

But, reader, I was wrong. My feelings led me astray. The
atonement was worthy of the justice of the monarch whose sub-
jects perpetrated — worthy of the nation which suffered — the hor- .
rible outrage. For " Admiral Berkley xvas recalled from a high-
ly important and honourable command^ as a mark of the king's
displeasure! !''''] But let it be added, he was recalled to be
placed on a better station. — He was removed from Halifax to be
stationed at Lisbon:}: — And this was the only mark of displeasure
he ever experienced. In 1810, he was promoted from the rank
of vice-admiral to that of admiral. He is now lord high admiral
of Portugal.

To be serious. Every man of a correct mind and sound prin-
ciples felt that his Britannic majesty owed it to himself to have
displayed his disapprobation of the foul deed in some decisive
mode. The offender ought to have been severely punished.
And therefore it is impossible not to approve the dignified but
mild style in which the president treats the transaction :—

" I am authorised to inform you, that the president accepts of the note de-
livered by you, in the name and by the order of his Britannic majesty ; and will
consider the same, with the engag-ement contained therein, wheii fulfilled, as a
satisfaction for the insult and injury of-vhich he has complained. But I have it in
express charge from the president to state, that while he forbears to insist on a
further punishment of the offending officer, he is not the less sensible of tlie jus-

* This reason, a complete sic volo, sic jubeo — stat pro ratione voluntas — ha^j
been repeatedly assigned, to justify a refusal of the surrender of natives of
America, held in bondage on board British vessels of war, when chiimed by
the proper agents of our government.

t See Mr. Erskine' letter No. 1.

+ The outrage was committed in June. He did not leave Halifax till De-
cember.

O. B. 24

174 POLITICAL OLH^ BRANai. [chap. 30.

tice and utility of such an example, nor the less persuaded that it -would best com-
port loith what is due from his Britanync majesty to his oion honour.'*

To enable us to form a correct idea of this transaction, let us
suppose th^t commodore Barron had anchored in Portsmoiith
or Plymouth — that twenty of his sailors had voluntarily entered
on board a British frigate — that he had demanded them — had
followed the frigate to sea — attacked her — killed part of her crew
— seized as many as he judged proper — and, finally, to cap the
climax, hanged one of them. What would be the result ? Ven-
geance ! vengeance ! would have been the cry from the Orkneys
to the Land's End — and nothing would appease the insulted
digiiity of England, but Copenhagenizing New-York, or Bal-
timore, or Philadelphia, or Charleston.

" My dear sir, one of my oxen has gored one of your cows."
" Well to be sure, you will make reparation — you will send me
a cow in the place of the one I have lost. To that you cannot
make any objections." "It is all very right. But hold, I mis-
took. It is all the other way. It was your ox that gored 7ny
coiv.''^ So, so, we'll see about it. Call some other time."
" Mv good sir — this is not very correct. The business would
have been soon settled^ had you been as zviUing to do justice to
others., as to receive it frojn them.^'>

Since the above was written, I have consulted Mr. Canning's
despatches to Mr. Erskine, by which it appears that the British
government calculated on Mr. Erskine's adjusting the differ-
ences between the two nations on the following basis :

Extract of a letter from Mr. Canning, secretary, to the honourable David J\I. Ers-
kine, dated Foreign Office, January 23, 1809.

" 1. That the Amei'ican g-ovcrnment is prepared in the event of his majesty's
consenting to withdi-aw the orders in council of January and November, 1807,
to withdraw contemporaneously on its part the interdiction of its harbours to
ships of war, and all non-intercourse and non-importation acts, so far as re-
spects Great Britain ; leaving them in force with respect to France, and the
powers wliich adopt or act imder her decrees.

♦' 2. (VVliat is of the utmost importance, as precluding- a new source of mis-
understanding wliich might arise after the adjustment of the other questions)
THAT \MEllICA IS WK.LING TO IJENOUNCE, DURING THE PRE-
SENT AVAR, THE PRETENSIONS OF CARRYING ON, IN TIME OF
WAR, ALL TRADE WITH THE ENEMIES' COLONIES, FROM WHICH
SHE WAS EXCLUDED DURING PEA(;E ! ! !

" 3. Great Britain, for the purpose of secm-ing the operation of the embargo,
and of the bona fide intention of America to prevent her citizens from trading
with France, and the powers adopting and acting luider the French decrees, IS
TO BE CONSIDERED AS BEING AT LIBERTY TO CAPTURE ALL SUCH
AMERICAN \ ESSELS AS MAY BE FOUND A I'TEMPTING TO TRADE
WITH THE PORTS OF ANY OF THESE POWERS!!! without which sc-
surity for Ihe oljservance of the embargo, the raising of it nominally with re-
spect to Great Britain alone, would, in fact, raise it with respect to all the
world.

" On these conditions his majesty -luould consent to ■ivithdraio the orders in council
of January and JVovember, 1807, so far as respects Jlmeiica."

tHAr. 30,] EnSKINE'S ARRANGEilENT. 175

Let us examine this most precious document with all the at-
tention its importance demands. Let us weigh its every line —
its every word. Let us see what justice^ what fair dealing it
meted out to this injured, this insulted, this plundered nation.
Let us see how far the advocates of English libei^ality and Eng-
lish justice are borne out in their commendations of England,
and their intemperate abuse of their own government.

The orders in council, existing at the date of the Erskine ar-
rangement, blockaded France, Holland, and a part of Italy ;
containing a population of about fifty millions of people.

By Mr. Canning's instructions to Mr. Erskine, these orders
were to be rescinded on three conditions —

1. Taking off all restrictions from the English commerce.

2. " Renouncing, during the existing war, all trade with the
enemies' colonies from which we were excluded in time of
peace:" in other words, assenting by treaty to the unjust and
exploded rule of 1756.

3. Allowing the British to capture our vessels bound to
France and her dependencies; which, reader, is neither

MORE NOR LESS, THAN WEAVING THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL INTO

A TREATY— and giving our own solemn sanction to the extra-
vagant pretensions of Great Britain to limit our trade, which
pretensions we had steadily resisted.

Stupendous injustice ! — Never befoi^e were such revolting
propositions made to any nation, not absolutely subjugated.
What ! Make a treaty by which we should let loose upon our
defenceless commerce, the whole host of the thousand public
ships of w:ar, and hundreds of privateers, of the greatest naval
power in the world ! The mind is lost in astonishment at such
an unparalleled requisition.

But gross, and insulting, and outrageous as was this proposi-
tion — destructive as its acceptance would have been to the vi-
tal interests of this countrv — there was, I believe, no federal
printer from New Hampshire to Georgia, that expressed a sin-
gle word of censure of the conduct of England for her daring
and insulting demands, or for her breach of the contract. No.
England was uniformly right— their own government as uni-
formly wrong. It seemed impossible for England to commit any
act, or make any demand that would not be justified —

Let me establish these allegations —

" It having been shewn, that the plea of ig-norance is inadmissible in the case
of the Erskine an-angement ; that it was the secretary's duty to know the pow-
er of the minister before he proceeded to act upon it ; that to act upon an un-
known power, is to act without power : it follows that our administration, if
they understood their business, must have been aware that they -ivere negociating
■with an unmUliorised individual ,- unauthorised quoad hoc, as to this particular
subject; with one tuho had shotvn no authority for the pjirpose. Consequently
they had no reason to rely on, nor to expect, a fulfilment of the compact by the
British government, knotving, as they did, that it had been agreed upon ivithout

176 POLITICAL OLIVE BRA^XIL [chap. 30.

anv adequate information of tlie terms having- been authorized by that govern-
ment." United States Gazette, Dec. 11, 1809.

" No expression has escaped any member of the British cabinet, eitlier in par-
liament or elsewhere, making indecorous insinuations against the United States,
or manifesting a temper unfriendly to conciliation. On the contrary they have
declared a wish to renew amicable negociodon ; having named a minister for
that purpose ; and, with at least appai-ent sincerity, have expressed their fears
that this unfortunate en-or of Mr. Erskine may increase the difficulties of a
jriendly arrangement between the two countries." United States' Gazette,
October 5, 1809.

" By letters from well-informed men in England, we are assured that tJiC con-
duct of Mr. JLrskine is condemned by all parties in t/iat country ,■ that the temper
of the pubhc is far beyond that of the ministry. A very general opinion pre-
vails there, that it will be very difficult to keep any terms with this country:
that ive are governed by men devoted to the interests of France, who are deterniineu
to insist on terms from England ivhich never can he obtained//.'" Boston Palla-
dium, August 11, 1809.

" It is a tiTitli which the wisest and best patriots of America have long and
seriously deplored, that the past administration had furnished no symptom of im-
partiality between the two belligerents, \)r<i\\o\xs to the act inhibiting the enti-ance
of our ports to the armed vessels of the one as well as of the other. In that spi-
rit which Mr. Smith still retains, and now laboui's to revive in the bosom of
others, hostility to Kngland and tame subserviency to France, are known to have
been its characteristic features / / / The facts are in tlie possession of every
man ; which prove that the feelings of the g-reat body of the people, not their
leaders, preserved us from a war in which a complete success would have rivet-
ed chains on ourselves." United States' Gazette, October 18, 1809.

" For our part, we have had but one opinion from the commencement of this mys-
terious affair ; and we have made bold to express it. It Is, that JMr. Erskine
acted contrary to his instructions // / and that secretary Smith knew what these
instructions were / / .''' Ibid.

" In short, Mr. Erskine surrendered every thing, and got nothing in return / .' .'"
Jbid.

" The people have been flagrantly deceived, and grossly alrused / / / The matter
rests between J\lr. Erskine and our administration / / / VVherever the blame shall
attach, it is for the people to apply or originate the remedy." Federal Republi-
can, July 31.

Mr. Hanson states, that " 3Ir. Erskine surrendered every
thing ^ and got nothing m retxirnl'''' What a stupendous disre-
gard of fact is embraced in these few words ! It is impossible to
exceed it. What did he surrender ? Merely the odious, the un-
just orders in council ! And did he receive nothing in return ?
Was the immense trade of the United States nothing ? Was it
nothing to perpetuate the non-intercourse with France, till she
rescinded her piratical decrees ? I aver in the face of this na-
tion, and defy Mr. Hanson to controvert the fact, that England
gained immensely — and that she surrendered nothing but what
justice ought to have induced her to have surrendered long be-
fore, of her own accord.

" He [Mr. Erskine] also declares that the British government have undoubt-
edly a right to disavow the agreement ; and they have dnne every thing that be-
came an honourable nation to prevent evil consequences arising to the citizens of
this country from trusting to the terms of the agreement being fulfilled." Uni-
ted States' Gazette, October 5, 1809.

"It will be observed that this show of words, and thee negative statements,
after all, by the president, serve only to make the public beheve, that he had no
•reason to apprehend a disavowal. He is not hardy enough to say, that under the
circumstances of the case, the British gover7iment was bound to abide by Ev-

CHAP. 30.] ERSKINE'S ARRANGEMENT. 177

skiiie's act ,- or that they conducted perfidiously in disavowing it. Yet this as-
persion, one of the most injurious and provoking' that can be thrown upon a na-
tion, has been uttered, and incessantly repeated, for several months, in every
democratic paper in the union." United States' Gazette, December 20, 1809.

" If, as asserted by Mr. Erskine, his powers were communicated to our cabi-
net in substance ; if the heads of departments did early communicate to the
leading- members of both branches of their own politics, the incompetenci! of fas
powers, and the probability of the rejection of the agreement by Great Britain ,-
then that adjustment, so far from being a proof of a disposition to make peace and
settle our differences, IS THE STRONGEST EVIDENCE OF A HOSTILE
TEMPER : because Mr. Madison knew, that tlie revulsion and the disappoint-
ment occasioned by it among our citizens, would excite new clamours, and
would break to pieces that formidable phalanx of men, who, durir.g our em-
bai-rassments, had learned to speak and think more favourably, and of course-
more justly, of Great Britain." United States' Gazette, December 9, 1809. _

" If such has been his aim (and perhaps a deeper pohtician does not exist)
it has been completely attained. His own party are again roused to a war
pitch. Even some federalists are open in their censure of Great Britain for DOING
HER DUTY TO HERSELF, and exercising a right we have always claimed
and received ; and other federalists doubt, and are in favour of waiting to hear
Mr. Erskine's explanation, and STILL PROPOSE TO PLACE AN ILL DE-
SERVED CONFIDENCE IN MR. MADISON." Ibid.

On this last paragraph I shall make but one observation, to
which I request attention. It is, that according to the United
States' Gazette, it was, in December, " the duty'' of England
*' TO HERSELF," to reject an arrangement which the same Ga-
zette in April stated she had repeaUdlij in vain pressed o?i Mr,
yefferson ! ! !

Now, my dear reader, whoever you be, that have come thus
far with me, let me solemnly invoke you, in the name of the liv-
ing God, to make a pause here. As you value your beloved
country — as you prize its honour — its happiness — your own
welfare — the happiness, the welfare of your posterity — review
this whole subject. I must once more bring it before your eyes.

A British envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary
informs our government that he has orders to propose aB ar.
rangement of two or three leading points of difference between
the two countries, preparatory to a treaty. His overtures arc
accepted. An arrangement is made. It is highly advantageous
to both nations, but more particularly to that of the envoy.
There is not the slightest sacrifice of its honour or interest. Af-
ter this arrangement is completed, we are assured a thousand
times that England had been always ready to arrange our differ-
ences on these very terms. The United States' Gazette, and other
opposition newspapers, expressly state that " she had repeated-
ly requested Mr. Jefferson to do the same thing." — And yet,
when the compact is rejected, these same papers assert that the
envoy extraordinary had no power to make the convention — de-
fend England for the breach of her engagement — and, as I have
already stated, transfer the odium to their own government ! ! !
No powers of language are adequate to express the astonish-
ment, the indignation this procedure excites.

178

POLITICAL OUM^ BRANCBf.

[chap, 30,

To facilitate a comparison of the astonishing, the never-
enoiigh-to.be-lamented contradictions of opinion that were pro-
mulgated on this subject, by the same persons, for the purpose
of poisoning the public mind, I place in opposite columns some
of the statements that preceded, and those that followed the re-
jection of the Erskine arrangement. The human mind cannot
conceive any thing more completely inconsistent.

BEFORE REJECTION.

*' As to the revocation of the ordet^s
in council it is merely necessary to ob-
serve, that the terms, which our go-
vernment has 7io-iv accepted, inig-ht have
been obtained at anij time past \ THEY
WERE ALWAYS IN OUR POWER."
Federal Republican, May 3, 1809.

" Let Mr. Erskine's overture for an
accommodation be viewed in whatever
]ig"htitmay suit democratic ingenuity to
place it, and they will find that tlie de-
lusion so long kept up is effectually dis-
sipated ; their diabolical schemes com-
pletely frustrated.

" Great Britain, in the tnie spirit of
amitv, is ivilling- to meet us." Idem.

" To the honour of England, and the
confusion of French spies, and convict
fugitives from the British dominions,
her ministry seized the first favourable
moment to make lionourable reparation
for the insult offered our flag, and to
negociate a commercial treaty." Idem,
April 25.

"The autliority vested in Mr. Ers-
kine to offer the terms to this govern-
ment which have been acceded to, was
merely provisional, and was not to be
exercised unless the anticipated change
in our political relations, on which they
were predicated, should take place.
Mr. Erskine has since received /)o,w7ive
iTistructions from liis government to
make the arrangement already conclu-
ded. Tliese 7iew instructions, whicli mani-
fest'the earnest desire of England to heal
the differences between the two coun-
tries, are occasioned by a knowledge
that the non-intercourse law had ac-
tually passed, placing the belligerents
on a fairfootingof impartiality. In spite
of all the intrigues and deceptions of
the French ])arty, we are convinced
that a happy termination will be put to
our disputes witli England."

Fed. Rep. June 17.

"It was the policy of Mr. .Jefferson
to keep alive in the midst of our peo-

AFTER REJECTION.

" What was but a few days ago a
doubtful point, is now settled by the
publication of Mr. Erskine's instruc-
tions. Sufficient information has been
received, to convince all candid per-
sons, that the rancour with which the
English cabinet has been pui'sued,
and the violent abuse with which it
has been assailed, \va.s undeserved.
We do not entertain a doubt, when all
the circumstances shall have been dis-
closed, that it -will appear that secretary
Smith actually sa-u) Erskin^s instruc-
tions ; and that the arrangement loas
7nade, merely as an experiment. We
feel confident that the thing will be
put upon this footing. //' then the
United States will be idtimately inju-
red by this act, they -zaill Judge xvhere
the blame lies."

Fed. Rep. July 27, 1809.

" Our cabinet, certainly not a littie
interested in strengthening tjie cause
of democracj', have prevailed upon
Mr. Erskine to do an act which has
extricated their party from the most
embarrassing and difficult situation
that it was possible for them to be
placed in, which they [the cabinet]
knew would not be ratified : they at a
single dash, rid themselves of all tlie
obnoxious measures which brought so
much ridicule and disgrace upon their
party, and have contrived for a time,
to heap odium upon England. In the
next place by seeming to improve the
first opj)ort\mity of an aiTangement
with England, they disproved to ap-
pearance the charge of animosity to
England and partiality for France.

" These were the important advan-
tages which Mr. Secretary Smith flat-
tered himself would be the fruit of
his cunning. By eff'ecting an arrange-
ment which he knew was unauthori-
sed on the part of Mr. Erskine, and
would necessarily be rejected by the
British government ; he calculated

CHAP. 30.]

ERSIONE'S ARR.\^GEMENT.

179

AFTER Ri:jECTIO>f .

that the administration would be ren-
dered greatly popular, and the resent-
ment of the people proportionably
augmented against England, whenever
the chsavowal should he received.
Whenever it shall be made to appear
that the nation has been deceived, the
trick will recoil upon the Secretary
and his party with tenfold effect. The
American people cannot bear knavery
and imposition. If they discover that a
fi'aud has been practised upon them at;
home, the attempt to raise a clamouP
against others, will be found but a poor
protection to their popularity." Idem.

" Those who were most violent at
first in calumniating England, are now"
willing at leat to suspend their decis-
ion, if not to admit that oiir o-wn cabi-
net in some measure will participate in
>L'. Erskine's blame."

Fed. Rep. Aug. 2, 1809.

" Every one acknowledges, that had
our executive concluded the arrange-
ment of April last, with Mr. Erskine,
knowing that he was unauthorised, the
whole responsibihty for the conse-
quences, however serious, would have
rested upon themselves. It has been
maintained by the editor of this Gazette,
and is now demonstrated by the indubi-
table authorities, adduced by Mr. Da-
na, that to have do7ie so ivithoiit knoivinsr
that he was authorised, was equally un-
■warrantable, and left the administration
no ground on luhich to claim a ratification
oftlie proceeding by the British goveni'
ment. It is proved beyond a doubt,
that i/ie government might, -cithjiist as
rmich propriety, have cajoled -zvith gener-
al Smith, or any other individual ; con-
eluded a convention ,• proceeded to carry
it into execution on their part : and then
raised a clamour against the government
of Great Britain, and accused them of
perfidy and breach of faith for not recog-
nizing and fulfilling the stipidations.^'
Idem. Dec. 28, 1809.

A folio volume might be filled with such frothy, elaborate,
and anti- American defences of the British, and inculpations of
the United States' government. But I feel satisfied that I have
produced enough ; that none but the wilfully blind can deny, that
no cause could ever boast of more ardent, more zealous, or more
industrious advocates than the cause of Great Britain has expe-
rienced in Boston, New-York, and Philadelphia; and that there

BEFORE REJECTION.

pie a perpetual irritation against the
government of Great Britain ; we ai"e
happy to find that Mr. Madison has
more libei'al views.

Fed. Rep. June 10, 1809.
" Peace with England The 7iiar
party and French partizans are throxvn
into complete confusio7i. The perseve-
rance of the Eastern States, aided by
the returning sense of a formidable
body of the people to the Southward,
have DRIVEN AD]VnXISTRATION
FROM ITS GROUND. Since Mr.
Jefferson has retired in disgrace into
private life, his successor has been com-
pelled to abandon the ndnous policy un-
der ivhich the country has so long suf-
fered. With the magnanimity and
frankness characteristic of a great and
enlightened nation, England made a
second attempt to renew the terms of
amity and peace between the two nations.
The particulars of the correspondence
between Mr. Erskine and the secreta-
ry of state are given in this day's pa-
per. It proves what we have so of-
ten repeated, and which has ever been,
stubbornly denied by the democrats,
that Gh'eat Britain was always infiuen-
ced by a sincere desire to accommodate
herwifortnnate differences with America.
The preservation of the country has
gi'own out of the efforts of tlie minori-
ty of congi'ess."

Idem, April 21, 1809.
" We shall not stop to inqiare whe-
ther the spirited and vigorous measures
of New England — their determined
pubhc declarations that they would
not submit to an imnecessary and de-
structive war, have induced the admin-
istration to listen to the same terms which
Great Britain has always been ready to
offer, and to which xve have -uniformly con-
tended she was sincereht disposed."

Boston Gaz. April, 1809.

180 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 31,

never was an administration pursued with more remorseless vi-
rulence, and with less semblance of justice, than Mr. Madison's
has been in this instance.

After the reader has carefully perused those wretched attempts
to palliate the miserable folly and madness of the British minis-
try in the rejection of such an advantageous and honourable ar-
rangement of the differences between the two nations, and to
transfer from that ministry the high degree of odium it so justly
deserved, to the administration of the American government, I
beg he will attentively examine the following view of the sub-
ject, taken from Bell's Weekly Messenger, of which the truth
and candour are entitled to the highest approbation :

" But the point of fact is, that the disavowal of Air. Erskine's act is of a
piece with tlie general conduct of England towards America. Whenever cir-
cumstances have in any way admitted it, our tone towards America has always
been insulting-, and our conduct every thing but friendly. Every new hope on
the continent ; every straw to the drowning expectations of Europe has but
aggi-avated this unworthy sentiment. In our prosperity we have bullied Ame-
rica; and when things are not so well with us, vve^have vented our strife in in-
jurious language and unworthy conduct towards her. Whilst there were any
hopes in Spain, America could get nothing direct ft-om us. But disappointment
brought us to our senses, and the negociation was renewed. TJie coalition
war on the continent has since broke out, and we begin to repent of our con-
descension.

" In this manner has the American negociation been on and off, during some
j'eai's. — Our demands rising with our liopesand prosperity ,_and our moderation
co-existent with our disappointment."*

CHAPTER XXXI.

Impressment of American seamen. Plea of James Madison. Of
John S^d?icfj Adams. Of Win. Cobbett. Of Weekly Register.

AN idea is very prevalent, that the impressment of our sea-
men bv the British vessels of war is a grievance of little mo-
ment, to which the malice entertained by our administration
against England, has attached an importance of which it is utter-
ly undeserving. Hundreds of thousands of our citizens have
been duped into the belief, that this item of grievance was creat-
ed under Mr. Jefferson, or at least incalculably exaggerated by
him and his successor. Never was there a more egregious error.
Never was fraud more successful in propagating — never was fa-
tuitous credulity more deceived in believing — a tale as foreign
from the truth as Erebus is from Heaven.

Mr. Madison has been ten thousand times cursed for his
folly and wickedness in involving this country in war for the
purpose of securing a few seamen, said to be vagabond English,
Irish, and Scotchmen, the scum of the earth, from the claims ot
their lawful prince. It has been asserted that few or none of the
natives of this country are impressed — that when such an acci-

* The chief part of the cxti-acts in this chapter are taken from " Things as
they are," written and published by II. Niles, editor of the Weekly Register,

cEiP. 31.] nrPRESSMENT. 181

dent takes place^ redress is easily had — and further, that Eng-
land is, and has at all times been, ready to make any arrange-
ment whereby our sailors may be guarded against impressment,
provided she can be secured against the loss ol hers.

These assertions are utterly false. From the commencement
of the war of the French revolution, to the late declaration of
hostilities, this has been a constant, unceasing subject of recla-
mation and complaint to the British government, as well under
the administrations of General Washington and Mr. Adams, as
imder those of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. And disgrace-
ful, dishonourable, and infamous, would it have been to any of
the presidents, had they been deaf to the complaints, and callous
to the sufferings, of the American slaves, stolen by force and
fraud from their families, and freedom, and favoured country,
to perish, fighting the battles of their enslavers.

" The practice has no parallel, either for atrocity or extent, in
any thing of modern times, but the business of negro stealing
on the coast of unfortunate Africa."*

I submit to the reader the following eloquent and unanswer-
able pleas against this nefarious practice. They so far transcend
anv thing I could myself write on the subject, that I shall de-
serve thanks for sparing my own, and substituting these lucub-
rations.

From the instructions of James Madison, esq. secretary of state, to James Moiiroe,
esq. minister plenipotentiary at the court of London.

" Were it allowable that British subjects should be taken out of American
vessels on the high seas, it mig-ht at least be required that7/)e proof of t/ieir al-
le^iance slmddlieon t/w British side. This ob\-ious and just rule is however re-
versed. And every seaman on board, though going- from an American port,
sailing under an Arnerican flag, and sometimes even speaking an idiom proving
him riot to be a British subject, is presumed to be such, unless proved to be an
American citizen. It may be safely affirmed, that iliisis an outrage luhich has no
precedent, and which Great Britain -would be among the last nations in tlie world to
suffer, if offered to her own subjects, and her own flag.

" Great Britain has the less to say on the subject, as it is in direct contradic-
tion to t/ie principles on ivliich she proceeds in other cases. Whilst she claims and
seizes on the high seas, her own subjects voluntai-ily serving in American ves-
sels, she has constantly given, when she could gi\e, as a reason for not dis-
charging from her service American citizens, that tliey had voluntarily engaged
in it. Nay more, whilst she impresses her own subjects from the American
service, although they have been settled, and married, and naturalized in the
United States, sl\e constantly refuses to release from her's, American seamen
pressed into it, whenever she can give for a reason, that they are either settled,
or married, within her dominions. "Thus, when the voluntary consent of the indi-
vidual favours her pretensions, s/ie pleads the validity of that consent, When the
voluntary consent of the individual stands in the way of her pretensions, it goes for
notliing. When marriage or residence can be pleaded in her favour, she avails
herself of the plea. Wlien marriage, residence, and naturalization are against
her, no respect whatever is paid to either. SJie takes, by force, her own subjects
■^voluntarily serving in our vessels. She keeps by force American citizens involuU'
iarily serving in her's. More flagrant inconsistencies caimot be imagined.'''

* Weekly Register.
O. B. 55

182 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 31.

Never, since the world was formed, was there a stronger, or
more irresistible train of argument, or collection of facts, than
in the preceding paragraph. Never were flagrant injustice, out-
rage, and violence more completely established, and eternally
shut out from the possibility of defence.

From a letter of John Q. Adains, esq. to JI. G. Olis, esq-
"The impressed American citizens, however, upon duly authenticated proof,
are delivered up. Indeed ! how unreasonable then were complaint ! how et-
fectiiai a remedy for the wrongs ! an American vessel, bound to an European
port, has two, three, or four native Americans impressed by a British man of
war, bound to the East or West Indies. "When tlie American captain arrives
at ills port of destination, he makes his protest, and sends it to the nearest Ame-
rican minister or consul. When he returns home, he transmits ttie duplicate of
his protest to the Secretary of State. In process of time, the names of the im-
pressed men, and of the ship into whicli tliey have been impressed, tire receiv-
ed by the agent in London. He makes his demand that the men may be de-
livered up — the lords of the admiralty, after a considerable time for enquiry
and advisement, return for answer, that the ship is on a foreign station, and their
lordships can therefore take nt further steps in the matter — or, that the ship has
been taken, and that the men have been received in exchang-e for French pri-
soners — or, that they had no protections (tlie impressing' officers often havmg
taken them from the men) — or, that the men -were probably British subjects ,■ or,
that they had entered, and taken the bounty ; (to which the officers know how
to reduce them) — or, thai they have been married, or settled in Englajid. In all
these, cases, witliout further ceremony, their dischai'ge is refused. Sometimes,
then' lordships, in a vein of humour, inform the agent that the man has been
disc'iarged as unserviceable. Sometimes, in a sterner tone, they say he is an
impostor. Or, periiaps by way of consolation to his relatives and friends, they
report that he has fallen in battle, against nations in amity tvith his country.
Sometimes the\- coolly return, that there is no such man onboard the ship : and
\vhat has become of him, the agonies of a wife and children in his native land
may be left to conjecture. When all these and many other apologies for re-
fusal fail, tlie native American seaman is discharged — and when, by the charita-
ble aid of his government, he has found his way home, he comes to be inform-
ed, that all is as it should be — that thejiiimber of his fellow sufferers is small — that
it ivas impossible to distiiiguish him from an Englishman — arid that he -was delivered
vp, on duly authenticated proof."

Extract from Cubbett''s Register.

" Our ships of war, when they meet an American vessel at sea, board her,
and take out of her by force, any seamen, whom our officei-s assert to be British
subjects. There is no rule by which they are bound. They act at discretion ;
and the consequence is, that great numbers of native Americans have been im-
pressed, and great numbers of them are 7iow in our navy. The total number so
held at any one time cannot, perhaps, be ascertained ; hnt from a statement pub -
lished in America, it appears that ,TTr. Lyman, the late consul here, .stated the num-
ber, about two years ago, at FOURTEEN THOUSAND. That many of these
mat have died on board our ships — that many have been wounded — that many
have been killed in action — and that many have been worn out in the service, there
can be no doubt. Some obtain their release through the application of the
American consul here : and of these the sufferings have in many instances been
very great. There have been instances where men have thus got free after
having been flogged through tlie fleet for desertion.

" But it has been asked, whether we are not to take our sailors where we find
them ? To which America answers, yes ; but take only your own : " take,"
said Mr. Lyman, " your whole pound of flesh ,• hut not a drop of blood" She says
that she wishes not to have in her ships any British sailors : and she is willing
to give them up, whenever the fact of their being British sailors can be proved.
Lettiicm, she says, he brought before any magistrate, or any pubhc civil autho-
ritj', in any one of your own ports, at home or abroad; and she is williu|f to

CHAP. 31.] IMPRESSMENT. 183

abide by the decision. But, let hot men be seized in her ships upon the high
seas (and sometimes at the mouths of her own rivers) where there is no body-
to judge between the parties, and -ivhere the Brttish officer- going on board is at
once ACCUSER, WITNESS, JUDGE, and CAPTOR !"

From JViles's (Veeklii JRegister, vol. 3, page 303.
"If the most dignified officer in the naval service of our enemy were to plun-
der neutral vessels of a a box of cod-fs/i, or a bale of cotton, on suspicion that it
was even enemy's property, it might cost him his whole fortune, with an igno-
minious dismissal. The law of nations allows him to send in the vessel for adju-
dication : and it becomes him to prove the fact he suspected. If he fail in this,
he is often mulcted in heavy damages by the courts of law of his own countrj-.
But in the business of man-stealing, he is Judge andjurij — he takes when and where
he pleases, and is irresponsible for his conduct. If complaint be made, he silences
it by the broad plea, " that his majesty wanted men .■" and if the man stolen is re-
stored to liberty after years of dangers and servitude, without one cent for his
hazard and toils, tliere are knaves who produce his case in evidence of " British
inagnanimity .'"

After the reader has carefully perused the preceding argu-
ments, I request he will read and compare the sentiments of JVIr.
Pickering on the subject of impressment at two different periods,
the first when he was secretary of state, and the second when he
was senator of the United States.

Mr. Pickering, 1796, Mr. Pickering, 1808.

" IVie British naval officers often im- " The evil we complain of arises

press SWEDES, DANES, and OTHER from the impossibility of always distin-

FOREIGNERS, from the vessels of the gjdshing the persons of two nations who

Z7..5?«/tfs. THEY HAVE EVEN SOME- a few years since were one people,

TIMES IMPRESSED FRENCHMEN! who exhibit the same manners, speak

If there should be time to make out tlie same language, and possess similar

the copy of a protest lately received, featiu-es.f

it siiall be enclosed, describing the *' The British ships of war, agreea-

impress of A DANE and A PORTU- bly to a right claimed and exercised

GUESE. Tliis surely is an abuse easy for ages; a right claimed and exercised

to coi-rect. They cannot pretend an in- dui'ing the whole of the adminlsti-ations

ability to distingidsh these foreigners of Washington, of Adams, and of Jef-

from their own subjects. They may ruith ferson, continue to take soHje q/" Me £?•/-

as much reasonrob the American vessels tish seamen found on board our merchant

of the property or merchandise nf the vessels,, and with them a small sumber

Swedes, Danes, or Portuguese, as seize of ours, froivi the ijipossibilitt op

and detain in their service the subjects of distinguishing EjfGLisHMEjr from ci-

those nations fouiul on board American tizens of the United States."}"

resse/s The president is extremely anx- "It is perfectly well known that

ious to have this business of impress Great Britain desires to obtaijs

placed on a reasonable footing."* only her own subjects.^-

I cannot allow these extracts to pass without imploring the
reader to ponder well on their contents — to compare them to-
gether carefully. — The history of the human race, from the earli-
est records of time, furnishes no stronger instance of contradic-
tion, or inconsistency. Mr. Pickering, when his station as se-
cretary of state, rendered it a duty to defend the rights of his
country, clearly and explicitly asserts, that the British impressed

* Letter from Timothy Pickering, esq. secretary of state, to Rufus King, esq.
minister at the court of London, dated October 26, 1796.

t Letter from Timothy Pickei'ing, to honourable James Sullivan, governor of
Massachusetts, February 1808, page 13.

184 POLITICAL OLIVE BRAKCH. [chap. 32.

Swedes, Danes, Portuguese, and even Frenchmen, from on
board our vessels. Afterwards, to answer the purposes of faction,
he states, in direct contradiction to facts of the utmost notorie-
ty, that they impressed Americans merely through " the impos-
sibility of distinguishing them from their own subjects !" What
an awful perversion of facts !

chaptp:r XXXII.

Impressment during the admi?iistration ofgerieral Washmgton.

Extract of a letter from T. Jefferson, esq. secretary of state, to Thomas Pincknetj,
ininister plenipotentiary of the United States at London,

Department of State, June 11, 1792,
«' The peculiar custom in Eng-land of impressing seamen on every appcaranc'e
of war, will occasionally expose our seamen to peculiar oppressions and vexa-
tions. It will be expedient that you take proper opportunities, in the mean
time, of conferring with tlie minister on this subject, in order to form some ar-
ran""ement for the protection of our seamen on those occasions. We entirely
reject the mode which was the subject of conversation between Mr. Morris and
him ; which was, that our seamen should carry about them certificates of their
citizenship. This is a condition nevei- yet snhmitted to by any nation; one, with
\Vhich seamen would never have the precaution to comply ; tlie casualties of
their calling would expose them to the constant destruction or loss of this pa-
per evidence ; and thus the British government tuoidd be annedivith legal authority
to impress the ivhole of our seanmi. The simplest rule will be, that the vessel
being American, shall be evidence that the seamen on board of her are such.
If they apprehend that our vessels might thus become asylums for the fugitives
of their own nation from impress gangs, the number of men to be protected by
a vessel may be limited by her tonnage ; and one or two officers only be per-
mitted to enter the vessel in order to examine tlie number ; but na press g-aTig
should be allowed ever to go on board an American vessel, till after it shall be found
that there are more than the stipidated mimher on board, nor till after the master
;5hall liave refused to deliver the supernumeraries (to be named by himself) to the
press officer who has come on board for that purpose ; and even then the Ame-
rican consul shall be called in. In order to urge a settlement of this point before
u new occasion may arise, it may not be amiss to draw their attention to the
Jjeadiar irritation excited on tlie last occasion, and the difficvlty of avoiding our
■makiiis- immediate reprisals on their seamen here. You will be so good as to com-
municate to me what shall pas» on this subject, and it may be an article of con-
vention to be entered into either there or liere."

Fro7n the same to the same.

October 12, 1792.
"1 enclose you a copy of a letter from Messrs. Blow andMclhaddo, mer-
chants, of Virginia, complaining of the taking away of their sailors, on the coast
of Africa, by the commander of a British armed vessel. So many instances of
this kind have happened, that it is quite necessary their government should ex-
plain themselves on the subject, and be led to disavow and punish such conduct.
t leave to your discretion to endeavour to obtain this satisfaction by such friend-
ly discussions as may be most likely to produce the desired efiect, and secure
to our commerce that protection against British violence, which it has never
cxpei-ienced from anv other nation. No law forbids the seaman of any nation,
TO engage in time of "peace, on board a foreign vessel : no law authorises such
seaman "to break his contract, nor the armed vessels of his nation to interpose
force for his rescue."

From the same to the same.

J\''ovember 6, 1792,

" T enclose you now the copy of a letter from Mr. Pintard, our consul at

Madeira, exhibiting another attempt at the practice on which 1 wrote to youin

CHAP. 32.] IMI^RESSMENT. 183

my last, made by captain Hargood, of the British frigate Hyxna, to take seamen
from on board an American vessel bound to the East Indies It is unnecessary
todevelope to you the inconveniencies of this conduct, and the impossibility of
letting it go on. 1 hope ijou -will be able to make the British ministry sentsible qf
the ■necessity of punishing the past and preventing the future."

Extract of a note from Mr. Jay, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary
of the United iS'tates at London, to lord Grenville, secretary of foreign affairs^

dated

London, July 30, 1809.

" The undersigned finds it also to be his duty to present, that tlie in-egulari-
ties before mentioned extend not only to the capture and condemnation of
American vessels and propei-ty, and to unusual and personal severities, but even
to the impressment of Jjmerican citizens, to serve on board of armed vessels. He
forbears to dwell on the injuries done to those unfortunate individuals, or on the emo-
tions -which they must naturally excite, either in the bi easts of the nation to -which they
belong, or of the just and humane of every country. His reliance on the justice and
benevolence of his majesty, leads him to indulge a pleasing expectation, that
orders will be given, that Americans so circumstanced be immediately hbera-
ted, and that persons honoured with liis majesty's commissions do in future ab-
stain from similar violences.

" It is with cordial satisfaction that the undersigned reflects on the impres-
sions whicli such an equitable and conciliatory measure would make on the peo-
ple of the United States, and how naturally they would inspire and cherish those
sentiments and dispositions which never fail to preserve as well as to produce
respect, esteem, and friendship."

Extract from the instmctions giveji by Timothy Pickering, esq. secretary of state,
to Bufus King, esq. minister at the court of London.

June 8, 1796.

The long arid fndtless attempts that have been made to protect Jmerican sea-
men from British impresses, prove that the subject is in its nature difficult.

"The simplest rule would be, that the vessel being American, should be evi-
dence that the seamen are such. But it will be an important point gained, if, on
the high seas, our flag can protect those of whatever nation, who sail under it.
And for this, humanity, as well as interest, powerfully plead. Merchant vessels
carry no more hands than their safety renders necessary. To -withdraxu any of them
«n the ocean, is to expose both lives and property to destruction. We have a right
then to expect, that the British government will make no difficulty in acceding-
to this very interesting provision. And the same motives should operate with
nearly equal force, to procure for us the like exemption in all the British colo-
nies, but especially in the West Indies. In the latter the consequence of an im-
press is the detention of the vessel. By the detention, the vessel is injured or destroy-
ed by theioorms, and the remiiant of the crew exposed to the fatal diseases of the cli-
mate. Hence a longer detention ensues. The voyage becomes unprofitable to
the merchant; and humanity deplores the loss of many valuable lives. But tliere
is another cogent reason for an exemption from impresses in the British co-
lonies—that THE PRACTICE WILL BE, AS IT HAS ALWAYS BEEN, SUB-
JECT TO MONSTROUS ABUSES ; and the supreme power is so remote, that
THE EVILS BECOME IRREMEDIABLE, BEFORE REDRESS CAN EVEN
BE SOUGHT FOR.

" To guai-d against abuses on the part of American citizens, every master of
a vessel, on his arrival in any port of the British colonies, maybe required to
report his, crew, at the proper office. If, afterwards, any addition be made to
them by British subjects, these may be taken away. In the ports of Great Bri-
tain and Ireland, the im]5ress of British subjects, found on board of our vessels,
must doubtless be admitted. Rut this should be controlled by regulations to
prevent InsuUs and injuries, and to administer prompt veYic^ -where American
citizens f which ivill assuredly happen J shall be mistaken for JJritish subjects.

" The7'e are three classes of men, concerning whom there can be no dijficidty. 1.
JVative Amtrican citizens. 2. American citizens, ivherever bom, who xvere such
at the definitive treaty of peace. 3. Foreigners, other than British subjects, sail-

18S

POLITlfcAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 33.

mo- in Jmerican vessels, and whose persons ought to be as sacred, as it respects the
British, as those of native citi-em. The 4tli class consists of British born sub-
iects, but who, or many of whom, may have become citizens subsequent to the
treaty of peace, or who hereafter may be admitted to the rights of citizens. It
is this class alone, about which any pretence of riglit to impress can be made.^
With regard to these, it luav be attempted to protect them, as well m tmie ot
war as of i^eace, in the following cases : First, when they shall have served in
American vessels, public or private, for the same term in wiiich foreigners
servin"'in British vessels would acquire the rights of British subjects, which is
understood to be three vears ; or secondly, if so much cannot be obtained, vvhen
those persons, originally British subjects, shall have resided five years in the
United States, and been formally admitted to the rights of citizens, according

to our laws. . .

"It must often happen that sailors will lose their certificates; provision
should therelbrc be made for the admission of other reasonable proof of their
citizensliip, such as their own oaths, with those of the masters, iViates, or other
creditable witnesses. The rolls of the crews, or shipping papers, may also be
authenticated bv the collectors of the customs; an I then they ought to be ad-
mitted as of cqiial validity witli the individual cexlificates."

From the same to the same.

September 10. 1796.

« I enclose a letter from Francis S. Taylor, deputy collector of Norfolk, re-
specting four impressed seamen. It appears to be written with candour, and
merits attention. If, as the captain of the Prevoyante (Wemyss) says, the dig-
nitv of the British government will not permit an enquiry on board their ships
for American seamen, their doom is fijced for the war ,- and thus THE RIGHTS
OF AN INDEPENDENT NATION ARE TO BE SACRIFICED TO BRI-
TISH DIGNITY. Justice requii'es that such cnqviiries and examinations be
made; because, otherwise, the hberatlon of our seamen will be impossible. For
the British goveimment, then, to make professions of respect to the rights of our citi-
zens, a>id willingness to release them, and yet deny the only means of ascertaining
those rights, is an insulting tantalism.

^' If the Britisii. government have any regard to our rights, any respect for our
nation, and place any value on our friendship, tliey will even facilitate to ns the means
of releasing our oppressed citizens. The subject of our impressed seamen makes
a part of our instructions ; but the president now renews his desire that their
relief may engage your special attention."

CHAPTER XXXIII.

Impressment during' the admimstration of Mr. Adams. Letter
from Ritfus King. From Silas Talbot. From Timothy Pick,
ering. Instructions of fudge 3Iarshall to Rufus King.

I NOW proceed, in chronological order, to state the views of
our government upon — the remonstrances of our public officers
against — and the redress afforded or refused in— the odious out-
rage of impressment, during the administration of Mr. Adams.

I begin with Rufus King, esq. whose name, from the grotmd
he now takes in politics, is a tower of strength on this stibject.

" The subject [of impressment] in all its details, has come under my obsen-a-
tion ; and its importance, 1 confess, is much greater than 1 had supposed it-
Instead of a few, and these in many instances equivocal cases, I have, since the
month of July last, made apphcation for the discharge from British men of war,
of two hundred and seventy-one seamen, who, stating themselves to be Ameri-
cans, have claimed my interference : of this number eighty-six have by the ad-
miralty been ordered to be discharged : thirty -seven more have been detained

CHAP. 33] IMPRESSMENT. 187

as British subjects, or as American volunteers, or for want of proof that they
are Americans ; and to my apphcations for the discharge of the remaining- one
hundred and forty -eiglit, I have received no answer ; the ships on board of
wliich these seamen were detained, having-, in many instances, sailed before an
examination was made, in consequence of my apphcations.

"It is certain, that some of those who have applied to me, are not American
citizens. BUT THE EXCEPTIONS AKE IN MY OPINION FEW ; and the
evidence, exclusive of certificates, has been such as in most cases to satistV me
that THE APPLICANTS WERE REAL A:\IERICANS, who had been forced
into the British service ; and who with singular constancy have generally per-
severed in refusing pay and bounty, though in many instances they have been
in service moi-e than two years.
Timothy Pickering, esq. Hecretarij of State. RUFUS KING.

To this document, I most earnestly invite and invoke the at-
tention of the American nation, and of all the people of Christ-
endom. It affords the most conclusive defence of the strong
ground taken on this subject by the administration ; and sets the
seal of eternal contradiction on the assertion, so often repeated,
that the poor, miserable, enslaved, and by-his-country-abandon-
ed sailor — the pride — the glorv — the bulwark of that ungrate-
ful country — is " readibj surrendered^ vchen impressed by mis-
take.'''' Let no man ever dare again to hazard the assertion. It
is not true. It never was true.

Mr. King tells a plain story. He applied for the emancipa-
tion of 271 American slaves, forced to fight for their enslavers.
Not quite a third were discharged : and more than one half of
the whole number were debarred of any chance of redress, by
a plain and simple process ; the vessels, on board of which they
were, having " in many instances sailed before an examination
was had in consequence of his application."

Extract of a letter from Silas Talbot, esq.

Kingston, Julij 4, 1797.
" Admiral Sir Hyde Pai-ker, having gained information, that my application
to the civil authority of this island, to obtain the release of such American citi-
zens as were found to be detained on board his majesty's sliips of war, had been
attended with some success, he immediately issued a general order to all cap-
tains and commanders of ships and vessels of war, directing them not to obei;
any -lurit of habeas corpus, nor suffer any men to leave their ships in coiiseqnence
of any such writ. Since the above-mentioned order was issued, writs have been
obtained against captain Elphinstone, of the Ttu-tar frigate, to produce three
Americans, named in the writ, before the chief justice ; and against captain
Foster, of the Albicore, to produce four ; and also, against captain Otway, of
the Ceres frigate, to produce twenty Americans, in like manner before the
chief justice. All those writs were served: but none of them was obeyed.
Attachments against the said captains have been ordered by the court : and a
writ of attachment against captain Otway was taken out fifteen days since. But
the marshall has not been able, as he says, to serve it on captain Otway : and
from all tliat I can learn, there is not any probability that he will serve the writ :
so that the laws in tlds island, it seems, cannot be administered for the relief of
American citizens, who are held in British slaveri/ ,• manv of whom, as thexj write
me from on board captain Otway's ship, HAVE BEEN BROUGHT TO THE
GANGWAY, AND WHIPPED, FOR WRITING TO THEIR AGENT TO
GET THEM DISCHARGED !"

SILAS nVLBOT.
Timothy Pickering, esq. Secretary of State.

1S8 POIJTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. , [chaf, 33.

Here again we find what redress the American slave had to
expect. He was brought to the gangway, and ignominiously
SCOURGED for daring to try to have his case taken into the
cognizance of the American agent for the relief of impressed
seamen ! ! !

Extract of a letter from the Secretary of State.

August 15, 1797*
" If any naval officer shall have committed such an outrage on any American
seamen, as to BRING THEM TO THE GANGWAY, as you mention, or to in-
flict any kind of pumshment on them, especially for seeking opportunities to
inform you of their situation, for the purpose of obtaining the just relief to which
they are entitled, pray endeavour to get proofs of the fact, that I may make it
the subject of a special representation to the British goveriunent."

Silas Talbot, esq. TIMOTHY I'lCKERING.

Extract of a Letter from the Same.

Trenton, October 3, 1797.

"Lord Grenville's observations on the act of congress for the reUef and pro-
tection of American seamen, present difliculties which demand consideration
at the ensuing session. But your reasoning in your letter to his lordship of tlie
thirtietii of last November, is conclusive against tlie British pretences to retain
real American seamen who are married in their dominions, or who have vo-
luntarily entered on board British vessels. It behoves the honour and faith of the
British government, to adhere to their principle on natural allegiance luholly, or to
renounce it wholly : and an answer on this point would have become his lord-
ship's candour.

"I consider colonel Talbot's agency in the West Indies to be no longer very
important. The rigid conduct of admiral sir Hyde Parker (who from the begin-
ning has thrown obstacles in the way) leaves but Utile room to get our seamen re-
leased. The opp')sition of the officers in general, induced colonel Talbot to
take out writs of habeas corpus at Jamaica, by which, directly or in their con-
sequences, he obtained the discharge of nearly ffi y seamen. But admiral Parker
has for some tmie past forbidden his officers to pay any attention to such lurits .■
and colonel Talbot informed me that some of our seamen have been punished for at-
tempting to send letters to hinj to inform of their situation.

"Mr. Liston assured me, that the British officers have orders not to impress
any American seamen, and of course not to retain against their will any already
impressed : but if they persist in obstructing every c/ianncl of information and
proof of tlicir citizenship, such orders are, and ivill continue deceptive."

iinfns King, esq. TIMOTHY PICKERING.

Extract of a letter from Rufus King, esq.

London, .March 15, 1799.

" I mentioned our dissatisfaction with the continuation of the practice of
taking out of our ships, met on the main ocean, such of their crews as did not
possess certificates of American citizenship; denying, as I have often done, in
former conferences, upon the same subject, any right on the part of Great Bri-
tain, upon which the practice could be founded ; and suggesting that our ships
of tear, by permission of our government, might -with equal right, pursue the same
practice toward their merchantmen .•

" Tliat not only seamen who spoke the English language, and who were
evidentlv English or American subjects, but also ALL DANISH, SWEDISH,
AND OTHER FOREIGN SEAMEN, WHO COULD NOT RECEIVE AME-
RICAN PROTECTIONS, WERE INDISCRIMINATELY TAKEN FROM
THEIR \ OLUNTARV SERVICE IN OUR NEUTRAL EMPLOY, and forced
into the war in the naval service of Great Britain :

« That on this subiect WE HAD AGAIN AND AGAIN OFFERED TO CONV
CUR IN A CONVENTION, WHICH WE THOUGHT PRACTICABLE TO
BE FORMED, AND WHICH SHOULD SETTLE THESE QUESTIONS IN
A MANNER THAF WOULD BE SATISFACTORY FOR ENGLAND AND
SAFE FOR US.

CHAP. 23.] IMPRESSMENT. 189

" That to decline such a convention, and to persist in a practice which we
were persuaded could not be vindicated, especially to the extent it was carried,
seemed less equitable and moderate than we had a rig-ht to expect :

" Lord Grenville stated no precise principle upon which he supposed this
practice could be justified : aud the conversation upon this point, like many-
others upon the same subject, ended without a prospect of satisfaction. The
French and Spaniarck, and everij other nation, might pursue the same conduct as
rightfully us G-reat Britain does. With respect /c//or«;g« seamen in our employ,
this government has, if I recollect, yielded the point, though their oivn officers C07i.
tinuc the practice. AVe are assured all Americans sliall be discharged on appH-
cation for that purpose, and that orders to this effect have been given to their
naval commanders; but tfus is far short of satisfaction ; mdeeJ, TO ACQl lESCE
IX IT, IS TO GIVE UP THE RIGHT." RUFUS IvING.

Thomas Pickering, esq. secretary of state.

I beg the reader will most carefully and attentively re-peruse
the second and third paragraphs of the preceding document.

The second confirms the statement made by Mr. Pickering,
when secretary of state, that Danes, Swedes and other foreigners,
were impressed out of our vessels — and utterly contradicts and
disproves his recent declaration, that the impressment of our
seamen arose from the difficulty of discriminating between an
Englishman and an American. What a farcical procedure it
Avould be, to seize by mistake upon Danes, and Swedes, and
Portuguese, as Englishmen!

But the fact established by the third paragragh is still more
important. It is, that this country " had again and again offered
to settle these questions in a manner that would be satisfactory
for England and safe for the United States :" and further, that
" England had declined such a convention." And yet, Mr.
Pickering has confidently stated the contrary, in direct opposi-
tion to the fact, and to his own knowledge and experience. — I
request attention to his declaration on this subject : —

" Our government well know, that Great Britain is perfectly ivilling to adopt
any arrangement that can be devised that -vill secure to her service the seamai who
are her own subjects, and at the same time, exempt ours from impressment."*

" JV man who regards the tndh, will question the disposition of the British go-
rernment to adopt any arrangement that will secure to Great Britaiyi the service of
her own subjects."\

These facts and assertions scorn the aid of comment. The
dullest and most Boeotian reader must be struck with the aston-
ishing contradiction and inconsistency they display. ^

With Mr. Pickering I am almost wholly unacquainted. He
is far advanced . in years — and has held the highest and most
confidential offices. " He has been honoured with the regard and
esteem of the party to which he belongs, of whom he is consi-
dered as one of the leaders. He has asserted of himself,

• Letter of the honourable Timothy Pickering to his excellency James Sulli-
van, governor of Massachusetts, February 16, 1808, page 1-3.

•j- Idem, page 8.
O. B. 26

190 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 33,

" I may claim some share of attention and credit ; that share which is due to
the man who defies the world to point, in the whole course of a long^ and pub-
lic nie, at one instance of deception ; at a single departure from tiiith."*

He and his friends are called on to reconcile the above state-
ments with the facts of the case. It will give pleasure if he
can, at the close of his long career, jitstify himself on this point
to his own conscience, and to his own comitry, before whose
bar he is thus solemnly cited.

One other observation, and I distniss this letter. — Mr. King
explicitly states, and with perfect justice, that to acquiesce in
the idea that the surrender of our seamen is a satisfaction for the
injury, is to admit the right of impressment, against which he
most zealously and patriotically contended.

Extract from a report of Timothy Pickefing, esq. secretary of state, to Cons^ress.

December 9, 1799.
" Admiral Parker paid no attention to tlie agent's' application on behalf of
our impressed seamen ; the admiral having determined, and informed the agent
of the dctenmination, that no proofs would be regarded by him, luiless specially
presented by the American government through the British minister ; nor then,
but in the single case of native Americans. Under this determination there wiE
be detained, not only the subjects of his Bi-itannic majesty, naturalised since the
peace of 1783 ; but all who, born elsewhere, were tlicn resident in, and had
become citizens of the United States ; also, all foreigners, as GERMANS,
SWEDES, DANES, PORTUGUESE, AND ITALIANS, who voluntarily serve
in the vessels of the United States. And it is a fact that SUCH FOREIGNERS
HAVE FREQUENTLY BEEN IMPRESSED ; although their language and
other circumstances demoustrate THAT THEY WERE' NOT BRITISH SUB-
JECTS."

Here again we have Timothy Pickering, secretary of state,
versus Timothy Pickering, senator of the United States. As
secretary, he bears the strongest testimony on the subject of the
latitudinarian principles on w)iich impressment is conducted.

The subject strikes me in a new point of light. An Ameri-
can vessel is met at sea by a British frigate, — The crew are
brought trembling before that right reverend and worshipful
magistrate, the lieutenant. All who cannot speak plain English
are seized ; — as, being French, Germans, Danes, Italians, or
Hottentots, they cannot be natives of the United States, and are
not therefore entitled to protection from our flag. This scruti-
ny is soon over. Another then takes place. And of those who
speak plain English, he seizes as many as he supposes, or pre-
tends to suppose, to be British sul^jects ! ! ! And yet we huve
men in elevated stations who defend this practice ! Would to
God that every n\an, how high, or how proud, or how exalted
soever he be, who is an advocate for impressment, were himself
impressed and enslaved on board a British man of war, with
hard biscuit and junk beef for food, and a cat-o'-nine tails to

* Letter of the honourable Timothy Pickering to his excellency James Sulli-
van, governor of Massachusetts, Februaiy 16, 1808, page 13,

CKAP. 33.] »rPRESS:SIENT. 191

his back, to punish his refractory spirit, in case he dared to com-
plain !

Extract of a letter from John Marshall, esq. secretary of state, to Rufiis King, esq.
minister plcnipotentiarii of the United States at London, dated

Dppartment of State, September 20, 1800.

"The Impressment of our seamen is an injuVv of very serious magnitude,
which deeply afFects the feeling's and the honour of the nation.

" This valuable class of men is composed of natives and foreigners, who en-
g^ge voluntarily in our service.

"No rig-ht has been asserted to impress the natives of America. Tet they are
impressed; they are dragged on board f British ships ofivar, luith evidence of citi-
zenship in their hands, and forced by violence there to serve, until conclusive testi-
rnonials of tlieir birth can be obtained. These must most generally be sought for
on this side of the Atlantic. Inthe mean time, ACl'LNOWLEDGED VIOLENCE
IS PRACTISED ON A CITIZEN OF THE UNITED STATES, BY COMPEL-
LING HIM TO ENGAGE AND CONTINUE IX FOREIGN SERVICE. Al-
though the lords of tlie admiraltv uniformly direct their discharge on tlie pror
chiction of this testimony ; YET MANY MUST PERISH, UNRELIEVED,
AND ALL ARE DETAINED A CONSIDERABLE TIME, IN LAWLESS AND
INJURIOUS CONFINEMENT.

" It is the duty, as well as the right, of a friendly nation, to require that
measuresbe taken by the British government to prevent the continued repe-
tition of such violence by its agents. 'I'his can onlv be done bv punishing and
frowning- on those who perpe\rate it. THE MERE RELEASE OF THE IN-
JURED? AFTER A LONG COURSE OF SERVING AND SUFFERING, IS
NO COMPENSATION FOR THE PAST, AND NO SECURITY FOR THE
FUTUIJE. It is impossible not to believe that the decisive Intei-ference of the
government in tliis respect, would prevent a practice, the continuance of which
must inevitably produce discord between two nations, wliich ought to be the
friends of each otlier.

" Those seamen v/ho were born in a foreign cormtry, and have been adopted
by this, were either the sul:)jects of Britain or some ofn.er power.

" •' The right to impress those who were Briti.sh subjects has been asserted ;
and the right to impress those of every other nation has not been disclaimed.

" A'either the one practice nor the other can be justified.

" With the naturahzation of foreigners, no other nation can interfere, fur-
ther than the rights of that other are affected. The rights of Britain are cer-
tainly not affected by the naturahzation of other than British subjects. Conse-
quently, those persons, who, according to our laws, are citizens, must be so
considered by Britain, and every other power not having a conflicting ciaunto

"THE "united STATES, THEREFORE, REQUHIE POSITIVELY,
TH\T THEIR SEAMEN WHO ARE NOT BRITISH SUBJECTS, WHE-
THER BORN IN AMERICA OR ELSEWHERE, SHALL BE EXEAIPT
• FROM IMPRESSMENT.

" The case of British subjects, whether naturahzed or not, is more question-
able ; but the right even to impress them is denied. The practice of the British
government itself, may certainly, in a controversy with that government, be
relied on The privileges it claims and exercises, may certainly be ceded to
others. To deny this would be to deny the equality of nations, and to make
it a question of power and not of right. .

"If the practice of the British government may be quoted, that practice is
to maintain and defend in their sea-service all those, of any nation, who have
voluntarily engaged in it, or who, according to their laws, have become British

subjects. , . , ^ , ^. -

" AUen seamen, not British subjects, engaged in our merchant sen-nce, ougM
to be equally exempt with citizens from impressments ; we have a right to en.
ea^e them, and have a right to, and an Interest in, their persons, to the extent
of the service contracted to be performed. Britain ^^«« ''"^t^^'^f ^..i(p Pn^°
theirpevsonsoriothdrservice. TO TEAR THEM, THEN, FROM OUR POS^

192 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 33.

SESSION IS AT THE SAIME TIIVIE AN INSULT AND AN INJLTRY. IT
IS AN ACT OF VIOLENCE FOR WHICH THERE EXISTS , NO PALUA-
TI\E.

"We know well that the difficulty of distinguishing- between native Ameri-
cans and British subjects, has been used with respect to natives, as an apology
for the injuries complained of. It is not pretended that this apology can be ex-
tended to the case of foreigners ; and with respect to nati\ es, we doubt the ex-
istence of the difficulty alleged. We know well that among tliat class of peo-
ple called seanien, we can readily distinguish between a native American, and
a person i-aised to manhood in Great Britain or Ireland ; and we do not perceive
any reason why the capacity of making this distinction should not be possessed
in tlie same degree by one nation as by the other.

" If therefore no regulation can be formed which shall effisctually secure all
Seamen on board American merchantmen, we have a right to expect from the
justice of the British government, from its regard for the friendship of the Uni-
ted States and its own honour, that it will manifest the sincerity of its wishes to
redress this offence, by punishing those who commit it.

"We hope, however, tiiat an arrangement may be entered into, satisfactory
and beneficial to both paities. The article which appears to have been trans-
mitted by my predecessor, while it satisfies this country, will probably restore
to the naval service of Great Britain a greater number of seamen than will be
lost by it. Should we even be mistaken in this calculation, yet the difference
cannot be put into competition with the mischief which may result from the ir-
ritation justly excited by this practice, throughout the United States. The ex-
tent and justice of the resentment it produces, may be estimated in Britain by
inquiring what impressions would be made on them by similar conduct on the
pait of this government.

'• Should we impress from the merchant service of Britain not only Americans
but foreigners, and even British subjects, how long would such a course of in-
jury unredressed be permitted to pass unrevenged!" How long would the go-
vernment be content with unsuccessful remonstrance ? I beUeve, sir, that only
the most prompt correction of, or compensation for, the abuse, would be ad-
mitted *s satisfaction in such a case.

"If the principles of tliis government forbid it to retaliate by impressments,
there is yet another mode which might be resorted to. We might authorise
our ships of war, though not to impress, yet to recruit sailors on board British
merchantmen. Such are the inducements to enter into our naval service, that
we believe even this practice would very seriously affect the navigation of Bri-
tain, How, sir, would it be received by the British nation I"

" Is it not more advisable to desist from, and to take effectual measures to
prevent an acknow ledged wrong, than by perseverance in that wrong, to excite
against themselves the ivell founded resentment of America, and force our govern-
■nient into measures ivMch may possibly terminate in open rupture .?"

JOHN MARSHALL.

To this able, eloquent, and acute defence of the rights of our
oppressed and outraged sailors, and of our insulted sovereignty,
the most pointed and particular attention of the reader is re-
quested. The elevated rank and respectable standing of the wri-
ter, entitle it to the utmost weight and influence. It sets the seal
of reprobation on the impressment of the free citizens of a friend-
ly neutral nation, by armed bands in the service of a belligerent :
the most flagitious outrage ever perpetrated in a time of preten-
ded peace.

Extract of a letter from Hiifas King, esq. to the secretary of state, dated London ,

February 23, 1801.
"The progress which had I)cen made in our negociation with this govcvn-
itient, v/as such as must have brought it to a speedy conclusion, had not a

. UAi*. 3-1..] f IMPRESSMENT. 193

change taken place in the department of foreign utT;iirs ; that the result wonld
in the main have been satisfactory, is more than I am authorised to saj-, al-
thougli 1 flattered myself with the hope that it w ould be so. Lord Hawkesbury
assures me that he will give to the several subjects, which have been pretty
fully discussed, an early iuid impartial consideration ; and I am in hopes that
lord Vincent will likewise be inchned to attend to our reiterated remon-
strances against the impressment of our seamen, and the vexations of our
trade. KUFUS IvlNG."

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Mr. Lhtoii's projet of a convention respecting deserters. Ob-
jected to hij Mr. Pickering^ Mr. Stoddart^ 3Ir. Wollcott^ and
Mr. 31'' Henry. Rejected.

In the year 1800, Mr. Listen, the British minister, submit-
ted to Mr. Adams, president of the United States, a projet of a
treaty for the mutual delivery of deserters, of which 1 annex
the seventh and ninth articles, being those which alone bear on
the subject of impressment.

7. "It is, however, understood, that this stipulation is not to extend to autho-
rise either of the parties to demand the delivery of any sailors, subjects or
citizens belonging to the other party, who have been enipio} ed on board the
vessels of either of the respective nations, and who have, in time of war or
threatened hostility, voluntarily entered into the service of their own sovereign
or nation, or have beat compelled to enter therein, according- to the laws and prac-
tice prevailing' in the ttvo coiintries respectively.

9. " It IS, however, understood, that no stipulation in this additional article
bhall be consUued to empower the civil or military officers of either of the
contracting parties forcibly to enter into the public ships of war ,- or into tlie
forts, garrisons or posts of the other party ; or to use violence to the pei-sonsof
the land or sea officers of the respective nations, with a view to compel the de-
iiverj- of such persons as may have deserted from the naval or military service
of either party as aforesaid ."

This projet which was intended to sanction impressment on
board private vessels, by the exception of " public ships of war,"
was submitted to the heads of departments, and to the attorney
general, for their opinions, which I subjoin.

From Timothy Pickering, esq. secretary of state, to Jlfr. Adams.

Febniary20, 1800.
" The secretary has the honour to lay before the president Mr. Liston's note
of the fourth of February, together with his projet of a treaty for the recipro-
cal deliverv of deserters ; which appears to the secretani -iitterhi inadmissib'r,
UNLESS IT WOULD PUT AN END TO LMPllESSMENTS— which Mr.
Listen seemed to imagine — widle the smeiuh paragraph of Ms projet eorpresshi
recog-nizes the right of impressing JSrilUsh subjects, and co?isequenth/ American ciii.
zens as at present. TIMOTHY PICKERING."

B. Stoddart, esq. secretary of the navy, to the president

February 26, ISOO .
" The secretary of the navy is clearly of opinion, that it is better to have no
article, and meet all consequences, than not to enumerate merchant vessels on the
high seas, among the things not to be entered in search of deserters."

Oliver IVolcott, esq. secretary of the treasury, to the president.

Af>riJ'26,lS0O.
" The projet of a treaty proposed by the minister of his Britannic majesty,
for the reciprocal delivery of deserters from the land and naval service, does

POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH [chap. 34.

not svjfficiently provide against tJie impressment of American seamen ; and is there-
fore deemed inadmissible.'"

As a substitute for Mr. Liston's seventh article, Mr. Picker-
ing proposed the following :

" It is, however, understood, that nothing- in these stipulations shall be con-
strued to empower the civil, military, or naval officers of'either of the contract-
ing- parties, forcibly to enter into the territory, forts, posts, or vessels of the
other party — or to use violence to the persons of the commanders or the offi-
cers of the forts, posts, or vessels of the other party, with a view to compel the
delivery of such persons as sliall desert as aforesaid."

This article was intended fully to secure from impressment,
even in our private as well as public vessels, not merely our own
citizens, but also the subjects of Great Britain ; in a word, to
put an end entirely to the practice of impressment on board our
vessels.

Mr. Wolcott, secretary of the treasury, proposed a substitute
for the article objected to, still more clearly and explicitly anni-
hilating the pretensions of England to impress seamen of any
. description on board our vessels.

" It is, however, understood, that nothing in the foregoing stipulations shall
be construed to empower the civil or any other officers, of either party, forcibly
to enter the forts, posts, or any other place within or under the juriscliction of
the other party ; nor to empower the naval commanders or other officers of
either party forcibl}' to enter any public or p"ivate vessels of the other party,
on the high seas, with a view to compel the deli\'ery of any person whatever ;
on the contrary, it is expressly declared to be the understanding of the contract-
ing parties, that the mutual restorations of persons claimed as deserters, shall
only be made by the free and voluntary consent of the mihtary officers employ-
ed in the land service, or tlie commanders of the public or private ships or
vessels of the two parties, or in pursuance of the decisions of the courts, judges,
or other competent civil officers of the two nations, in all cases arising within
their respective jurisdictions. O. WOLCOTT."

James M' Henry , secretary of -war, to the president.

War Department, April 16, 1800.

" The secretary thinks the projet of Mr. Liston may be substantially ac-
cepted, except the 7th article, which seems to provide that the United States
shall not demand the delivery of any sailors, although their citizens, if they
have been employed in British vessels, and who have in time of war, or threat-
ened hostilities, voluntarily entered into the British service, or have been com-
pelled to enter therein, according to the law and practice prevailing in Great
Britain. This article is very inaccurately expressed ; for it says, "employed or
entered into the service of their own sovereign or nation, or have been com-
pelled to enter therein," &c. If this article mea7is, -what it is appreJiendedit does,
it is wholly inadmissible. It establishes a principle reprobated by this country.
The countcr-projet of the secretary of state, in substance, meets the secreta-
ry's approbation ; but it is submitted, whether the adoption of part of the draft
by the secretary of the treasury, will not improve it.

'^ All which is respectfliUy submitted, JAMES M'HENRY."

Apnim, 1800.
*'The attorney general hanng read and considered the letter of the, secretary
of state, and the j^rojet of an ai-ticle drawn by the secretary of the treasury, on
the subject of deserters, which are proposed to be sent to the Britisli minister
here, expresses liis entire approbation of the same. CHARLES LEE."

CHAF. 35.] OIPRESSjMENT. 19a

CHAPTER XXXV,

Horrors of Impressment^ as submitted to congress^ by Tmothtj
Pickerings secretary of state.

To afford a specimen of the treatment of some of the impress-
ed American seamen, whose cases it has become fashionable to
treat with indifference, and whose awful sufferings have been
palliated or denied, I submit extracts from authentic documents
on the subject. It will incontrovertibly appear that the horrors
of this odious and execrable business of impressment have been
quintupled by the odious and execrable manner in which it has
been conducted.

Extract from the deposition of Eliphalet Ladd, second mate on board the Thomas
and Sarah, of Philadelphia, and a native of E3eeter,J\"eiv Hampshire, annexed to
a report submitted to congress by Timothy Pickering, esq. secretary of state.

Kingston, June 19, 1799.
Eliphalet Ladd maketh oath, that on Wednesday, the 12th inst. he came on
shore with two seamen belong-ing to said ship, named John Edes, and Israel
Randol, in order to land a boat load of staves ; that a press gang came up,
and laid hold of John Edes ; that one of the press gang, named Moody, -vith a
broad sword cut this deponent on the forehead, and made a -voiind of three inches ! !
They tlien took deponent, together with Edes, and conducted them in different
boats on board the Brunswick man of war ; that the boat on board of which
Edes was, made the ship some little time before that the deponent was in ; and
on deponent's neai-ing the ship, he heard the cries of a man flogging ! ! ! and
on going up the side of the Brunswick, he perceived Edes, who was ciying ;
and adcb-esslng himself to the first lieutenant, a Mr. Hams, saying, here is a
man who can attest to what I have told you. The lieutenant then laying hold
of deponent by the arm, said, go along on the quarter deck, you damned rascal
you ! ! ! which deponent accordingly did ; that all the impressed men were
then examined, and aftei-wards ordered by the heutenant into the waist ; that
when they got there, Edes pulled off his shirt, and SHOWED DEPONENT
HIS BACK, WHICH WAS BRUISED FROM HIS SHOULDERS TO HIS
HIPS ! ! ! He then informed, he had just been whipped -with ropes' ends, as depo-
nent was going up the ship's sides, by the boatswain and his mates, by orders
of the lieutenant ; that deponent remained on board the Brunswick all that
day and the next night, during ivhich no surgical or medical assistance -vas gii'en
to the ivound he had received on /lis head, nor to the bridses of tlie said Edes, vho,
during the night, called out sevei^al times from extreme pain ; and the next morning
was barely able to move himself; that between nine and ten o'clock the next
morning, the whole of the impressed men were again ordered on the quarter
deck, and stationed, except deponent and Edes ; that while tlie examination
was going on, the captain of the Thomas and Sarah was coming on board, but
was prevented by the lieutenant, who ordered the centinel to keep him off;
that at about eleven o'clock the captain of the Bnmswick came on board; and
at three o'clock deponent was discharged, but Edes retained.

" ELIPHALET LADD."
Sworn before

William Savage, justice of the peace, &c.

Further extract from the preceding report of Timothy Pickering, esq. secretary of

state, to congress.
Richard Carter, of the Pomona, of Portsmouth, impressed at the same time
with Ladd and Edes, among other items of his deposition, swore, " he was
violently forced into a boat, and STRUCK TWICE, WITH A DRAWN CUT-
LASS, by oiie of the press gang; and that two men with pistols placed
•ver this deponent, who loaded their pistols in the presence of this deponent, a-nd
threatened to blow out his brains if he attempted to move or speak .- and then, tliey

1% POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 36,

carried this deponent, and John Edes, one of tlie seamen of the ship Thomas
and Sarah, an American citizen, whom they had also seized, on board the said
Brunswick : this deponent and the said John Edes were ordered to go on the
quarter deck, where Mr. Harris, the first lieutenant of the said ship, abused
this deponent and said John Edes ; and gave them in charge to the master of
said ship, while he went to look for the boatswain's mate; and soon after re-
turned with the boatswain's mate, whom he ordered to take this deponent and
the said John Edes, and to beat them ; in obedience to which orders, t/ie said
Joh7i Edes and this deponent -were sevei^ely beaten, particularli/ this deponent, the
doatsu'uin's mate doubling a rope of about three inches and a half thick, and
BEATING THIS DEPONENT WITH GREAT VIOLENCE OVER THE
HEAD, FACE, NECK, SHOULDERS, BACK AND STOMACH, UNTIL HE
HAD TIRED HLVISELF ! ! ! and then he gave the same rope to one of the ma-
riners of the said ship Bninswick ,■ and he also severely beat this deponent in tlie
same maimer ! ! and tliis deponent saith, he received iiptvards of a hniidred blows / /
and -was thereby greatly bndsed, and his face cut, and his stomach, as -well inter-
nally as externally, mjured, so that deponait brought np a quantity of blood for se-
veral daifs.

" Sworn before me, WILLIAM SAVAGE."

To avoid prolixity, I have omitted the residue of this depo"
sitioii. The deponent was hberated by habeas corpus.

Annexed to this deposition is that of the physician, who at-
tended Richard Carter, who declared, that

" Fi'om the situation in which he found the said Carter, he verily believed
he had been very severely beaten some days previous, his blood being very
much extravasated . and from the appearance of the bruises, it must have been
done with a thick rope."

It is difficult to find terms to pour out the abhorrence and in-
dignation excited by the abominable scenes depicted in these
depositions and narratives. Language fails in the attempt.
Shame, disgrace, dishonour, and infamy, will attend the coun-
cils and counsellors of America, for the base submission to such
monstrous cruelty. The outrage ought to have been met at the
threshold. — Atonement to the sufferers ought to have been made
at the public expense, that is, as far as such horrible injuries can
be atoned for — and demand made for the re-payment of the
money thus employed. If not complied with, full and complete
retaliation ought to have taken place.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

Impressment during' the ad^ninistration of Mr, 'Jefferson. Let-
ter from Riifiis King. Arrangement with lord St. Vincent
rejected by Mr. King.

Letter from Rnfus King, esq. to the secretary of state.

JVew York, July, 1803.
" Sir — As soon as the war ajipearedto me unavoidable, I thought it advisable
to renew the attempt to form an an-angement with the British government for
the protection of our seamen. Witii this view I had several conferences, botlx
with lord HawkcsbuVy and Mr. Adchngton, who avowed a sincere disposition
to do whatever might be in their power to prevent the dissatisfaction on this
subject, that had so frequently manifested itself during the late war : imth very
candid professions, I, however, found several objections, in discussing the projet
with the first lord of tlie admiralty. Lord Hawkesbury having promised to sign

CHAP. 36.] IMPRESSMENT, 19?

any agreement upon the subject that I should condude with lord St. Vincent.
1 endeavoured to quality and remove the objections he oHered lo our projet :
and finally, the day before I left London, lord St. Vincent consented to the fol-
lowing regulations :

" 1. No seaman or seafaring person shall, vpon the high seas, cmd -Mihont the
junsdiction of either partij, he demanded or taken out of any siiip or vessel be-
longing to the citizens or subjects of one of the parties, by the public or private
armed ships ormeii ofivar, belonging to or in tlie service of the other party ; and
Strict orders shall be given for the due observance of this engagement.

"2. Each pai-ty will prohibit its citizens or subjects from clandestinely cnn-
ciealing or carrying away from the temtories or colonial possessions of the
other, any seaman belonging to the other party.

" 3. These regulations shall be in force for hve years, and no longer.

" On parting with his lordship, I engaged to draw up, in tlie form of a con-
vention, and send him these articles, in the course of the evening, who promis-
ed to forward them, with his approbation, to lord Hawkesbury. I accordingly
prepared and sent the draft to his lordship, who sent me a letter in the course
of the night, stating that on further reflection he was of opinion, that the narro7ii
sees should be expressly excepted, they having been, as his lordship remarked,
immemoriallv coiisideredto be within the dominions of Great Britain ; that with
this correction he had sent the proposed convention to lord Hawkesbury, who,
his lordship presumed, would not sign it before he should have consulted the
judge of the high court of admiralty, sir A\'illiam Scott.

" As I had supposed, from the tenor of my conferences with lord St. Vincent,
that the doctrine of the mare clauswn woidd not be revived against us on this
occasion, but that England would be content with the limited jurisdiction or
dominion over the seas, adjacent to her territories, which is assigned by the law
of nations to other states, I was not a little disappointed on receiving this com-
munication; and after weighing well the nature of the principle, and the disad-
vantages of its admission, I concluded to abandon the negociation rather than to ac-
quiesce in the doctrine it proposed to establish.

" I regret, not to have been able to put this business on a satisfactory footing,
knowing, as 1 do, its very great importance to botli parties. But I flatter my-
self that I have not misjudged the interests of our country, in refusing to sanc-
tion a principle that miglit be productive of more extensive exits than those it was oni'
aim to prevent. RUFUS KING."

This is a most important document, and must never for an
instant be overlooked in forming a decision on the question of
impressment. Mr. King was united with, and a leader among
those men who were lately hunting down Mr. Madison, and
preparing the way for anarchy and civil war : and the chief pre-
tence was the stand Mr. Madison made against impressment.
Nevertheless, we find that he took higher ground himself — and
that it is indisputably true, that more than one half of the mi-
series of our poor, oppressed, and enslaved seamen, are charge-
able to his account. And whatever may be the maledictions
which his friends are showering down upon Mr. Madison, a
double portion of them has been richly earned by Mr. King.
For it appears, that had he been so disposed, he might have res.
cued our sailors from the horrors of impressment, every where
but on the narrow seas, which would have greatly abridged their
sufferings, as well as our complaints against (ireat Britain. And
yet, lately, with a most wonderful and hideous degree of incon-
sistency, he has, as I have stated, been persecuting and trying
to crush ]Mr. Madison for the attempt to protect our seamen, in
O. B. 27

198 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chat. 36.

whose favour he himself formerly displayed such a high degree
of solicitude !

To evince how universal has been the indignation of our mer-
cantile citizens against the oppression of, and cruelties perpe-
trated upon, our seamen, I annex impressive extracts from do-
cuments on the subject.

Extract ft om a memorial to consTC'm, nf the inhabitants ofSaIem,Jainiary20,\^Q6'
" Your memorialists are sorry, that other instances of hostile conduct have
been manifested by Great Britain, less direct in their natvire, but not less dero-
gatory from our sovereignty than those enumerated. THE IMPRESS MENT
OF OUR SEAME>f, nntivillistniuUng clear proofs of citiienship, the violation of
bur jurisdiclion by capture at the moutlis of our harbours, and insulting- treat-
ment of our ships on the ocean, are subjects worthy of tlie serious considera-
tion of our national councils, and will, we have no doubt, receive an eai-lj-,
prompt, and decisive atttention."

Signed in behalf of the inhabitants, by their authority,
John Hathorne, Joseph Sjn-ague, Jonatlian Mason,

Benjamin Crowninshield, jun. Joseph White, jun. Joseph Story.

Extract from a memorial of c general meeting of the merchants of J\"ew York, Hc'

cemher 26, li^.
" But it is not on account of oui- pecupifliy-Iosses alone tliat we complairr.
The constancy and valour of the seamen of the United States are justly themes
of patriotic exultation. From tlieir connexion with us, -mc consider their cause as
our cause ; their rights as our rights ,- their interests as our interests. Our feelings
are indignant attlie recital of their -^vrongs."

John Jacob Astor, Samuel Bell, Abraham Smithy Joshua Jones,

Samuel Adams, J. F. Delaplalne, Thomas H.Smith, jun. Fred. Giraud,juT».
HowlandSc Gi'innel, Peter Stagg, Andrew Foster, Robert Roberts,

E. Slossom, David Taylor, Jacob Barker, John Crookes,

Israel Gibbs, Wm. Adee, WiUiam Lovett, HughM'Cormick,

Isaac Clason, John T. Lawrence, Wm. Edgar, jun. John Depevster,

John Slidell, Joseph W. Totten, Samuel Stihvell, Gilbert Haight,

JoliiiK. Townsend, I. Schermerhorn, Jacob P. Giraud, James Lovett,

And. Ogden ?c Co. Alexander Ruden, Jolm Hone, Left'ert Lefferts,

Thomas Storm, Joseph Otis, John Kane, Aug. Wynkoop,

Amos Butler, Lewis Hartman, Amasa Jackson, Jolui W. Gale,

Ebenezer B\irrlll, Gan-et Storm, Wm. J. Robinson, Thomas Rich,

Isaac Hcjer, George Bement, Joseph Strong, Samuel Mar.shall,

Ralph Bulkley, S. A. Rich, Abraham S. Hallet, Elbert Hernng.

This beautiful piece of composition does equal honour to the
head and heart of the writer. But many of these subscribers
have violated their engagements. They have not i-edeemed the
solemn pledge that accompanied this morceau. They have most
indubitably done all in their power to fasten the horrors of im.
pressment, with adamantine chains, on those illustrious men,
" whose cause — whose rights — whose interests — they considered
as their own cause — their own rights — their own interests."
For no man beyond the rank of an ideot, can doubt, that every
step taken to cripple the government — which game they lately
played on a large scale — was a step towards laying the nation,
tied neck and heels, at the feet of England, to prescribe what
terms she pleased, and of course to perpetuate the miseries of
impressment.

uHAP. 36.] IMPRESSMENT. 199

Extract from the memorial of the nierchatits of Philadelphia to Congress, December

1805.
" That our seamen should be exposed to the MEANEST INSULTS, AND
MOST WANTON CRUELTIES, and tlie fruits of our industry and enterprise
fall a prey to the proflig-ate, cannot but excite both feeling and indignation, and
call loudly for the aid and protection of government."

T. Fitszimons, L. Clapier, W. Montgomery, Thomas English,

AV. Suns, Manuel Eyre, George L.atimer, Philip Nickhn,

J. Gerard Koch, John Craig, Daniel W. Coxe, Chandler Price,

.Joseph S. Lewis, Robert Ralston, Ab. Kinlzing, Robert Wain,

Thomas Allibone, Th. W. Francis, James Yard, R.E. Hobart, secy

Some of the gentlemen who signed this petition, stand in pre-
cisely the same situation as some of the signers of New- York.
The observations made on those — of course apply to these.

Extract from the memoriul of the meixhants of Baltimore, dated Jannarij 21, 1805.

" Your memorialists w ill- not trespass upon your time with a recital of the
various acts by which our coasts and even our ports and harbours liave been
converted into scenes of violence and depredation ; and our gallant coimlrijmen
oppressed and persecuted."

Thomas Tenant, William Patterson, Steuart Brown, WiUiam Taylor,

John Donnel, .lolm Sherlock, David Stewart, Robert Gilmor,

Luke Tiernan, Henry Payson, Mark Pringle, James Calhoun,

T. Hollingswortli, William "NVilson, John Strieker, Samuel Steret,

George Stiles, T. Swan, Benj.amin Williams, Hugh Thompson,

J.A.Buchanan, Joseph Steret, William Lorman, Samuel Taylor.
Alexander M'Kim,

Extract from a memorial to Congress of the merchants of JVeivhaven, agreed to

Febniari/ 7, 1806.

"In regard to THE IMPRESSMENT OF AMERICAN SEAMEN, your
memorialists feel in common with their fellow citizens, a lively indignation at
the abuses of power often exercised by Biilish oflicers upon American citizens.
We have full confidence that the government of the United States will adopt
and pursue such ineasvu'es for restraining these injurious proceedings .as the
honour and interests of the United States may require."

After the murder of captain Pearce, entering the port of New-
York, by captain Whitby, of the Leander, within the jurisdic-
tion of the United States, there were meetings held in various
parts of the country, to express their abhorrence of the outrage.
On the 26th of April, 1806, at the Tontine Coffee House in
New- York, there was a numerous and very respectable meeting
of federalists, who appointed l^i/fus Kin^, Ebenezer Stevens,
Oliver Wolcott, William W. W^oolsey, and William Hender-
son, to draw up and report a set of resolutions for the occasion.
In their report, which Avas unanimously agreed to, was the fol-
lowing philippic against the administration, for permitting IM-
PRESSMENT among other grievances.

" Resolved, That the suftering foreign armed ships to station themselves off
our harbour, and there to stop, search, and capture our vessels — to IMPRESS,
WOUND, AND MURDER OUR CITIZENS, is a gross and criminal neglect
of the highest duties of government ; and that an administration which pa-
tiently pei'mits the same, is not entiiled iv the conjidence of a brave and free peo'
pic.

" Resolved, That the murder of John Pearce, one of our fellow citizens, by
a shot from a British ship of war, at the entrance of our harboui-, and within
half a mile of the shore, while he w»4 engaged in peaceably navigating a coasts

30O POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 37

ing vessel, laden with provisions for our market, is an act that excites our de-
testation and abhorrence ; and calls upon our government for the adoption of
prompt and vigorous measures to prevent a repetition of such wanton and in-
human conduct, and so flagrant a violation of our sovereignty."

Some of my readers may not know — but it is perfectly pro-
per that all should know, that captain Whitby was brought to
trial in England, and honourably acquitted^ notwithstanding the
most undeniable evidence of the crime was dispatched to Eng-
land at the expense of our government. For the murder of
Pearce, no atonement has ever been made. It still cries shame
and disgrace on his passive countrymen.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

Documents on impressment continued.

Deposition of Isaac Clark.

" I Isaac Clark, of Salem, in the county of Essex, and commonwealth of Mas-
sachusetts, on solemn oath declare, that I Vk^as born in the town of Randolph,
in the county of Norfolk; have sailed out of Salem aforesaid, about seven
years ; that on the 14th of June, 1809, I was impressed and forcibly taken from
the ship Jane, of Norfolk, by the sailing master (his name was Car) of his ma-
jesty's ship Porcupine, Robert Elliot, commander. I had a protection from
the custom-house in Salem, which I showed to captain Elhot; he swore that I
7t'as an Englishman ; tore my protecUo7i to pieces before my eyes, and thre^u it
overboard, and ordered me go to work. I told him I did not belong to his flag,
and 1 would do no work luider it. He then ordered my legs to be put in irons,
and THE NEXT MORNING ORDERED THE MASTER AT ARMS TO
TAKE ME ON DECK, AND GIVE ME TWO DOZEN LASHES : after re-
ceiv:ng them, he ordered him to keep me in irons, and give me one biscuit
and one pint of water for twenty four hours. After keeping me in this situa-
tion one week, I was brought on deck, and asked by captain Elliot, if I would
go to my duty. On my refusing, he ordered me to strip, tied me up a second
time, and gave me txvo dozen more, and kept me on the same allowance another
week — then ordering me on deck again, asked if I would go to work. I still
persisted that I was an American ; and that he had no right to command my
ser\ ices, and I would do no work on board his ship. He told me he would
' punish me until I was willing to work ; and gave jne the third tivo dozen lashes,
ordered a very heavy chain put round my neck fsuch as they had used to sling the
loiver yardj fastened to a ring bolt in the deck, and that no person, except the
master at arms, should speak to me, or give me any thing to eat or drink, but
one biscuit ancl a pint of water for twenty four hours, until I would go to work.
I was kept in this situation nine weeks, when, being exhausted by hunger and
thirst, I was obliged to yield. After being on board the ship more than two
years and a half, and being ivoundedin an actionxvith a French frigate, I was sent
to the hospital. When partially recovered, I was sent on board the Impregna-
ble, 98 gun ship. My wound growing worse, J was returned to the hospital, when
the AuK-rican consul received a copy of my protection from Salem, and procur-
ed my discharge on the 29th day of April last. There were seven impressed
AmericiJis on board the Porcupine, three of whom entered.

ISAAC CLARK.
Essex, ss. Dec. 23, 1812,

"Then Isaac Clark personally appeared, and made solemn oath that the facts
in the foregoing declaration, by him made and subscribed, were true in all
their parts — before

JOHN PUNCHARD, 7 Justices of the peace and of
M. TOWNSEND, $ the quorum.

«HAP. 37".] LVIPRESSMENT. 201

From Com. Rogers to the Secretary of the JVavy.

U. S. Frigate President, Boston, Jan. 14, 1813.

"Sir — Herewith you will receive two muster books, of his Britanuic mujes-
ty's vessels Moselle and Sappho, found on board the British packet Swallow'

" As the British have always denied that they detained on board their ships
of war, American citizens, knowing' them to be such, I send you the enclosed,
as a public document of their own, to prove how ill such an assertion accords
with their practice.

" It will appear by these two muster books, that as late as August last, abovt
an eighth part of the Moselle and Sappho' s crexus were Americans ,■ consequentl}^
if there is only a quarter of that proportion on board their other vessels, that
they have an infinitely greater number of Americans in their service than any
American has yet an idea of.

" Any further comment of mine on this subject, I consider unnecessaiy ; as
the documents speak too plain for themselves.

JOHN RODGERS.

" The hon. Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy."

Extract of a letter from Commodore Porter to J\I. Carey, dated

Washing-ton, July 13, 1815.
" After closing my letter of this morning, I received yours of yesterday : and,
as the only means ofprocui-ing the information required, have consulted Com-
nvodore Rodgers, who informs me, that there appeared on the muster books of
the Moselle and Sappho, tlie naines of from thirty five to forty men, who wcvc
reported to the admiralty office, as impressed American seamen. The places
of their nativity are also noted. The complement of men for each of the ves'-
sels was about 160. With respect, &c.

DAVID PORTER.

"I Beekman Ver Plank Hoffman, of the town of Poughkeepsie, do certify,
that I am a heutenant in the United States' navy ; that I was a lieutenant on
board the Constitution in the action and capture of the Java ; and was sent on
board that vessel ; and after the crew were removed, set her on fire, and blew
her up.

" Among the crew of the Java, THIRTEEN IMPRESSED AMERICAN
SEAMEN were found, three of whom had entered the British service, and were
left : the other ten were liberated as Americans."

Poughkeepsie, April 16, 1813. B. V. HOFFMAN.

" Richard Thompson, being sworn, saith, that he is a native of New Paltz
opposite Poughkeepsie ; that lie sailed from Wilmington about the twenty-
eighth of April, 1810, on board the brig W^arren, William Kelly, captain, for
Coi'k On the homeward passage, in September following, he was imjiressed
and taken on board the Peacock, a Britisii sloop of war, and comjjclled to do
his duty ; that while on board that vessel, he made many unsuccessful attempts
to write to his friends, to inform them of liis situation. He further saith, that
after he had heai-d of the war, himself and two other impressed American
seamen who were on board the Peacock, went aft to the captain ; claimed to
be considered as American prisoners of war ; and refused to do duty any lon-
ger.

"We were ordered off the quarter deck, and the captain called for the mas-
ter at anns, and ordered us to be put in irons. We were then kept in irons
about twenty-four hours, when we were taken out, brought to the gangway,
STRIPPED OF OUR CLOTHES, TIED AND WHIPPED, EACH ONE DO-
ZEN AND A HALF LASHES, AND PUT TO DUTY.

" He further saith, that he was kept on board the Peacock, and did duty till
the action with the Hornet. After the Hornet hoisted American colours, he and
the other impressed Americans again went to the captain of the Peacock, and
asked to be sent below ; said it was an American ship ; and that they did not
wish to figlit against their country. Tiie captain ordered us to our quarters ;
called midshipman Stone to do his duty ; and if we did not do our duty, TO
3L0W OUR BRAINS OUT; "aye, aye !" was answered by Stone, who then

202 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chai-. 37.

held a pistol at my breast, and ordered us to our places. We then continued at
our places, and were compelled to fight till the Peacock struck ; and we were
liberated after about two years and eight months."

his
Poughkeepsie, April 17, 1813. RICHARP >^THOAIPSON.

mark.
Head over and siguedl JOSEPH HARRIS.
in the presence of > JOHN FRIAR.

Extract from the log book of a7i officer on board his majesty's ship Guerriere, in the

action -with the Constitution.
"The Guerriere was a frigate of one thousand and eighty tons hurden,taken
f'rom the French in 1806 ; and liad three hundred and two men and boys be-
longing to her. There ivere ten American seamen on board, who had belonged
to her for some years. But as the declaration of war against Great Britain was
not known when she sailed, there had been no opportunity of discharging
them ; and captain Dacres considering it as unjust to compel a native of the
United States to fight against his countrjinen, granted tliem permission to quit
their quaiters, and go below."

Captain Dacres, in his address to the court martial by which
he was tried, states this fact in the following terms :

" What considerably lueakened my quarters ivas pei^mitiing the Americans be-
longing to t/ie ship, to quit their quarters on the enemy hoisting tlie colours of
that nation, wliicli, though it deprived me of the men, I thouglit it was my

duty."

Boston, February 6, 1813.

" Died at Boston, on the third instant, on board the frigate President, God-
frey Hyer, seaman, aged forty -seven. The deceased was a native of Rliode-
Island," and was one of the numerous instances of impressment, which have been
the cause of complaint against the English. He was taken on board an Ameri-
can merchant sliip, and though he never voluntarily entered their service, he
was detained from his country and InsivienAs fourteen years, during which time
he was present at seventeen engagements, and gained the reputation of a good
seaman and a brave man.

" He at length found means to escape ; and on his return to the United
States, he immediately shipped on board the President, where he continued uu-
til hia decease ; his conduct receiving tiie marked ajiprobation of his comman-
der and the other officers of the frigate. He was interred on Thursday lust at
Charlestown ; his funeral was attended by a heutcnant, eight midshipmen, all
the petty officers, and fifty seamen of the ship ; and the ceremonies were per-
formed by the chaplain in a manner highly solemn and impressive."

From the Jioston Patriot,

"My brother John Cand, of Woolwich, in the district of Maine, was prest
onboard his majesty's frigate Macedonian, on the tenth of .June, 1810, from
the ship Mount Hope, of Wiscasset, and was killed on boiml the :Macedonian,
in the battle witli the United States, commodore Decatur. A disconsolate wife
and child are in mouriiiiig and in sorrow, for the loss of a husband and parent,
on whom they were dependent." JOSEPH CAND.

"I John Nichols, a native of Durham, state of Massachusetts, relate and say,
that I sailed from Portland in the ship Franklin, commanded by James Marks,
as chief mate, bound to Liverpool, where we arrived the seventh day of Febru-
ary, 1809. The same day I was taken by a press gang, coming from my board-
ing house to the ship, and carried by them to the rendezvous, Cooper's Row,
and detained one night. The next morning I gave the heutenant my protec-
tion, and at tlie same time stated to him I was chief mate of the ship ; also
captain Marks and Mr. Porter, supercargo, came, and were refused admittance.

" I then asked the heutenant for my pi'otection •• he answered, I-zvill give it
to you with a hell to it,-'" 'dnd i7n}nediately t07-e it zip before my face, and sent me
onboard the guard ship Princess, where I remained one week, and was then
sent round to Plymouth on board tlie Salvado;- guard sliip ; remained tliere onQ

CHAP. 37.] lilPRESSMENT. 203

month, after which I was drafted on board the Abovikir, seventy -four, where I
remained three years and fourteen days.

" When tiie war broke out, 1 determined to give myself up a prisoner of war,
let the consequence be what it would. Consequently on the twenty-eighth of
October, I went to the captain, and gave myself up as a prisoner of war, and
refused to do any more duty. Then he told me, I was an Englishman, and if I
would not do duty, be would flog me ; and ordered me in irons, and kept me in
irons twenty-four hours, after which I was taken to the gangwa)-, and received
one dozen with the cat on my bare bach.

" The captain then asked me if I would go to duty. I told him no : I would
sooner die first. He then put me in irons agtiin for twenty -four hours, and /wa«
once more brovght to the gang-way, and received as before with the siune questions,
and answer as preceded ; and the same -ivas repeated four days successively, and /
received four dozen on mif bare back.

" After the fourth day I was a prisoner at large. The twenty-sixth day of
December I was sent to prison without my clothes, they being refused me by
the captain, after abusing me in the most insulting manner; and all I ever re-
ceived for my servitude was fourteen pounds. During impressment, I have
used my best endeavours to escape."

;/7toess, Jeduthan Upton. JOHN NICHOLS.

From the Salem Register, July, 1813.
Captain Upton has furnished us with a fist of 128 American seamen, who
had been impressed on board British ships of war, and delivered up as pri-
soners of war, with the places of their nativity, the ships they were discharged
from, the time they have served, and the number of Am.ericans left on board
the different ships'^ at the time of their discharge. These were on board one
prison ship, the San Antonio. Besides these, there were on board the Chatham
prison sliip, thi-ee hundred and twenty men, 7vho have been delivered tip in similar
circumstances. Many of these poor fellows have been detained more than fif-
teen years : and about forty of the one hundred and twenty eight on board the
San Antonio belong to this state."

To the Editors of the JVafional Intelligencer.
" In 'the montli of February, 1797, I belonged to the ship Fidelity, captain
Charles Weems, lying in the harbour of St Pierre's, Martinique. About one
o'clock Sunday morning, I was awakened by a noise on the deck, and on going
up found the ship in possession of a press gang. In a few minutes all hands
were forced out, and ordered into their boat, and in a hea\y shower of rain
conveyed on board the Ceres frigate. We were ordered on the gun deck
until day light, by which time about eighty Americans ivere collected.

" Soon after sunrise, the ship's crew were ordered into the cabin to be over-
havded. Each was questioned as to his name, &c. when I was called on for my
place of birth, and answered, J\l'evj castle, Belaivare. The captain affected not
to hear the last ; but said, " aye, J\"e-wcastle ,- he's a collier ; the very man. I
warrant him a sailor. Send him down to the doctor." Upon which a petty
officer, whom I recognized as one of the press gang, made answer, " sir, I know
this fello-iv. He is a schoolmate of mine, ami his name is Kelly. He was born in Bel-
fast. And, Tom, you know me well enough ,- so don't sham yankee any more.'''
« I thought," says the captain, " he was a countryman of our own; but an
Irishman's all one — take him away."

" The next was a Prussian, who had shipped in Hamburgh, as a carpenter of
the Fidelity, in September, 1796. He affected, when questioned, not to under-
stand English, but answered in Dutch. Upon which the captain laughed, and
said, " This is no yankee. Send him down, and let the quarter-master pit him in
the mess with the other Dutchmen : they will iinderstand him, and the boats^vain will
learn liim to tcdk English." He was accordingly kept.

" I was afterwards discharged by an order from Admiral Harvey, on the ap-
plication of Mr. Craig, at that time American agent or vice-consul. I further
observed that full one-third of her crew ivere impressed Americans."

JOHN DAVIS, of Abel.
^Vrtw Yard, Oct. 12, 1813.

204 POUTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 37.

Copy of a letter from commodore Decatur to the secretary of the navy.

U. S. ship United States, JK'ew London, MarchlS, 1814.

" Sir — I have the honour to forward to you enclosed, a despatch received by
me from captain Capel, the commanding officer of the British squadron before
this port, written in reply to an application of mine, for the release of an Ame-
rican seaman, detained against his will on board the frigate Statira.

" Hiram Thaj er, born in the town of Greenwich, in the commonwealth of
Massachusetts, was impressed into the naval service of Great Britain, in the
montli of August, 1803, and detained ever since.

" About six years ago, wiicn the Statira was put in commission, he was trans-
ferred 10 her ; and lias been constantly on board her to this day.

" 1 am informed, and in fact it was stated by captain Stackpole to lieutenant
Hamilton, v ho was charged with the flag, that the late general Lyman, our
consid at London, made application to the lords commissioners for the discharge
of Thayer ; but they were not satisfied with the evidence of his nativity.

" John Thayer, the father of Hiram, assures me that the certificate of the se-
lectmen, the town clerk, and the minister of Greenwich, were forwarded some
time ago to Mr. Mitchell, the resident agent for American prisoners of war at
Halifax; but does not know why he was not released then.

" The son has written to the fatlier, and infomied him, that on representing^
his case to captain Stackpole, he told him, "if theyfellin -with an American man
ofivar, and he did not do his diitif, HE SHOULD BE TIED TO THE MAST,
AND SHOT AT LIKE A DOG."

" On Monday the 14th inst. John Thayer requested me to allow him a flag,
to go oif to the enemy, and ask for the release of his son. This 1 granted at
once, and addressed a note to captain Capel, stating that I felt persuaded that
the application of the father, fiirnished as he was with conclusive evidence df
the nativity and. identity of the son, would induce an immediate order for his
discharge.

" The reply is enclosed. The son descried his father at a distance in the
boat, and told the lieutenant of the Statira that it was his father ; and I imder-
stand the feelings manifested by the old man, on receiving the hand of his son,
proved, beyond all other evidence, the pi-operty he had in him. There was
not a doubt left on the mind of a single British officer, of Hiram Thayer's being-
an American citizen. And yet he is detained, not as a prisoner of war, but
COMPELLED, UNDER THE MOST CRUEL THREATS, TO SERVE
THE ENl^xMIES OF HIS COUNTRY.

" Thayer has so recommended himself by his sobriety, industry, and seaman-
ship, as to be appointed a boatswain's mate, and is now serving in that capacity
in the Statira ; and he says there is due to him from the British government
about two hundred and fifty pounds sterling. He has also assured his father that
he has always refused to receive any bounty or advance, lest he might affin-d
some pretext for denying him his discharge whenever a proper apphcation
should be made for it.

f " I am, sir, with the highest consideration, your most obedient humble ser-
vant, STEPHEN DECATUR."

Extract from captain CapeVs letter, enclosed.
" On board his B. M. slap La Hog^iie, offJVexv London, March 14, 1814.
« Sir, — I regret that it is not in my power to comply with your request in or-
dering the son of Mr. .lohn Thayer to be discharged from his majesty's ship
Statira. But I will forward your application to the commander in chief, by the
earliest opportunity, and I have no doubt he will order his immediate dis-
charge. I am, &c. THOMAS CAPEL, Captain," &.c.

Extract of a letter from commodore Decatur to the secretary of the Jiavy.

JVew London, May\7th,lSlA:
" The enclosed. No. 2, is the copy of a note addressed to captain Capel of
his B. M. ship La Hogue, on the subject of Barnard O'Brien, a native citizen of
the United States. In the boat that bore the flag of tJUCe to tlie La Hogue,
the father of tlie man in qviestion went.

quAP. 37.] mPRESSMENT, 205

" Captain Capel would not permit him to see liis Son. He directed my officer
to inform me that he would answer my despatch the next day ; since when I
have not heard from him."

Lettm^ to captain Capel.
" Sir — At Uie solicitation of Mr. Barnard O'Brien, whose son is now on board
his Britannic majc sty's sliip La Hoguf , under your command, I have granted a
flag- of truce, conducted by lieutenant Hamilton, with perniiss.on for Mr. < >'Brien
to attend it. His object is to effect the liberation of his son, a native citizen of
the United States. He bears with him a copy of the record of the town ofGro-
ton in the state of Connecticut, signed by the town clerk and selectmen, as also
a certificate from a number of respectable men in Groton, proving his nativity.
With these documents 1 cannot doubt that he will effect the purpose of hi^
Visit. (Signed) ' STEPHEX DECATUR."

«' Sir — We, the undersigned, take the liberty to solicit your assistance in be-
jialf of Mr. Barnard O'Brien, in obtaining his son's release from the British ship
La Hogue, off New-London.

" We are well acquainted with the young man, and know him to be an Ame-
rican born citizen. His letter to his father, dated on board the La Hogue, the
24th of March, is sufficient proof of his being on board (which letter will be
shown you.) If you can give any assistance in obtaining his release, either by
letting Mr. O'Brien go to the ship by a flag of truce, or in any other way, it will
be considered a particular favour confen-ed on, sir, your most obedient ser\ants,
. Gerald Galley, Geo. A. SuUeman, Nath. Kimball,

Ro. S. Avery, .Tns. Tuttle, F^rastus T. Smith.

" P. S. The young man's name is Barnard O'Brien, son of Barnard O'Brien^
and his wife Elizabeth O'Brien. He was born in the town of Groton, January
19th, 1785. Extract from the records of the toiv7i of Groton.

A true copy, certified per Amos A. JViles, to-uin clerku
" I certify that Amos A. Niles is town clerk for Groton, and that I believe the
above certificate to be a tme and correct record of Bai-nard O'Brien's birth. I
do also certify, that I have known the said Barnard O'Brien from his youtli.
Bated Groton, April 7th, 1814.

NOVES BARBER, Selectman for Groton.

■UNITED STATES OF A5rERICA.

State ofJMaryland — to tvit.
I, John Gill, Notary Public, by lettei-s patent, under the g-reat seal of the
state of Maryland, commissioned and duly quahfied, residing in the city of
Baltimore, in tiie state aforesaid, do hereby certify, attest, and make known,
tliat on the day of the date hereof, before me pei-sonally appeared, Jas. M'Quillan,
7naster and John Wilkinson, chief mate of the sliip Strafford, of Baltimore, owned"
by Messrs. Von Kapff and Brune, of the city of Baltimore, merchants, and made
oath in due form of law, Tiiat while the said ship Strafford lay at anchor In the
river Jade, say on the twenty -seventh of June, 1810, she was boarded by a boat
from his Britannic majesty's brig of war Pincher, commanded by Samuel Bur-
gess, which boat contained an officer and six men; that soon after they came on
board, they impressed deponent Wilkinson, and the ship Strafford's carpenter,
John Williamson ; and took them on board said brig- of war Pincher, where de-
ponent Wilkinson was detained two months and twenty -two days, and then sent
on board the Strafford ; but John Wilhamson was detained on boai-d her, and
as deponents believe, still remains there, although said Wilkinson and said
Williamson liad regular protections from the custom house at Baltimore ; and
deponent Wilkinson further made oath, that at the time he was taken on board
said brig, he was sick, and continued sick for some time, notwithstanding which
they attempted to compel him to do ship's duty, which he refused to do ;
when, on the 9th Jidy, eighteen hundred and ten, thev took him and TIED HIM
TO THE GANGWAY, AND FLOGGED HIM SEVERELY, GRTXQ HIM
EIGHTEEN LASHES ; after which he w:is threatened to be given DOUBLE
AS MLTCH if he would not peiforni duty on board said brig ; and after some
time (as he under.stands by the entreaties of captain M'Quillan and the Ame-
rican consul at Bremen) he was sent onboard said ship Strafford, as before
O. B. 28

206 POtlTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. fcHAP. 3§.

stated, pay on Monday the 17th September, 1810. Of which an act having been
of me requested, I have granted these presents to serve and avail as need and
occasion may require.

In testimony wliereof, the said deponents have hereunto subscribed their
names, and I, the said Notar), have hereunto set my hand and affixed my nota-
rial seal, the nineteenth day of March, in the year of our Lord one tliousand
eight hunch-cd and eleven. JOHN GILL, Not. Pub.

James M'Quillax,

John Wilkinsov.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

Subject of Impressment concluded.

I HAVK now, as nearly in chronological order as possible,
brought this odious, this detestable subject, to the last act of the
drama.

Some of the actors, who stood on high ground in the opening
of the piece, sink far below par in this act. They stand in con-
spicuous stations, and possess great influence on our destinies
and those of our posterity. I regard it therefore as an impe-
rious duty to canvass their conduct fully and completely, and to
cite them to the bar of the public, which I thus do in the most
solemn manner.

Two of the gentlemen to whom I refer, are Timothy Pick-
ering and Rufus King, esqrs. whose opinions and conduct on
this important topic, have been, at different periods, in as di-
rect hostility with each other, as day and night — truth and false-
hood.

The reader has seen how laudably, how zealously, how patri-
otically both these gentlemen, on the subject of impressment,
formerly contended for and defended the rights of their country
— as well as opposed and struggled against the exorbitant and
inadmissible claims of England.

But they were lately united with the Olises, the Blakes, the
Hansons, and the Websters, who appeared determined to " put
down" — yes, reader, " put down" is the word— it is strong,
significant, and unequivocal — I say, " to put doxvnthe admbiistra-
tion'''' lor strenuously insisting on those rights, — for attempting
to shield the seaman from the iron grasp of his enslaver.

This is a clear case. I state it in brief. Either Messrs. Pick-
ering and King were extravagant in their demands formerly,
and endangered the peace of their country by preferring exorbi-
tant and unjust claims on a nation, " the bidxvark of our holy re-
ligion^'' — " strugglhig for our salvation^'' — and '■'■fighting the
battles of Christendovi against Antichrist and his host^'' — or they
were faithless to that country of late, and were using their ut-
most endeavours, for factious purposes, to defeat her in the ef-
fort to procure simple justice. There is no other alternative.
Let them choose for themselves. Let the public ratify or reject
the choice, I merely state the case.

CHAP. 38.] IMPRESSIVIENT. 2,Q7

Nevei' was there a more striking or revolting instance of the
deleterious spirit of faction — and of its power to deaden all the
finer and more honourable feelings of human nature, than this
question exhibits. It is disgraceful and humdiating to the hu-
man species. High-minded American merchants — possessed of
immense fortunes — enjoying in profusion all the luxuries and
delicacies this world affords — and owing these manifold bless-
ings to the labours, the skill, and the industry of our sailors—
but ungratefully regardless of the agents by whom diey procure
them, and blinded by party spirit, regarded with calm and
stone-hearted apathy the miseries of impressment. They were
not merely indifferent to the sufferings of the unfortunate sea-
men, " purloined by men stealers^'' from all their humble bless-
ings, and dragging out a miserable existence, in slavery of the
most galling kind, with a rope's end ready to punish them for
murmuring out their sorrows. No. They were not, I repeat,
merely indifferent. They threw themselves into the scale of
their enemies. They derided the idea of struggling for the se-
curity of a few sailors, whom, in the face of heaven and earth,
and in direct contradiction to the truth, they stvled vagabonds
from England, Ireland, and Scotland, whom our government
was wickedly protecting at the hazard of the ruin of their coun-
try ! Almighty father ! To what an ebb is man capable of de-
scending ! Let us suppose for a moment that the illustrious
Hull, Jones, Perry, Porter, Decatur, M'Donough;, or any other
of that constellation of heroes, who have bound their country's
brows with a wreath of imperishable glory, had been pressed by
a Cockburn, their proud spirits subjected to his tender mercies,
and crushed by the galling chain and the rope's end ! What a
scene for a painter — what a subject for contemplation— what a
never-dying disgrace to those whose counsels would persuade
the nation to submit to such degradation !

There is one strong and striking point of view in which the
subject of impressment may be considered, and which really
renders the tame acquiescence in it, which was lately contended
for, pregnant with awful results. England has impressed from
our sh'ips^ Danes^ Swedes, and Italians, as well as tiative /bne.
ricans. WE HAVE SUBMITTED TO IT. And Mr. Pick-
ering-, Mr, King, governor Strong, H. G. Otis, £s?c. plead in
favour of submission. If this be just, what right, I demand,
have we to prevent all belligerents whatever, and at all times,
from copying the example ? Suppose France, Spain, and Italy,
at war. Are not the cruisers of each nation justified in search-
ing our vessels for the subjects of the powers to which they re-
spectively belong, and as fully entitled to enslave the Danes^
Portuguese, Swedes, and Englishmen on board, as the British
cruizers are to enslave Frenchynen, Spaniards, Danes and Por^
tuguese f This is a horrible view of the subject, and must

208 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap, 38.

curdle the blood in the veins of every man possessed of Ame-
rican feeling. There is no calculating the extent or the enormity
of the evil.

I must resume this topic. It is too important to be dismis-
sed in a single paragraph. It deserves volumes. Would to
heaven an abler pen were engaged in the discussion.

That British officers have been in the constant habit of im-
pressing, v/ithout any scruple, and that they regard it as their
right to impress, Danes, Portuguese, Frenchmen, Italians, and
all other foreigners found on board our vessels, is true, or
Timothy Pickering,* Rufus King,f and Judge Marshal,:|: have
disgraced and dishonoured themselves by asserting most awtul
falsehoods. To their evidence on the subject, which is detailed
above, I refer the reader.

If Great Britain have a right to impress Frenchmen, or Spa-
niards, or Dutchmen, on board our vessels, France, Spain, and
Holland, have an equal right to impress Englishmen. Nothing
can be more clear. Let us proceed.

The British captains assert that they find it difficult or impos-
sible to discriminate between Englishmen and Americans. It
must be far more difficult for French captains. And they will
be still more excusable for any jmstakes — and for enslaving
Americans instead of Englishmen. What a frightful fate has
faction prepared for our ill-starred sea-faring citizens !

I have stated that Messrs. Pickering, King, Strong, &:c.
*' contended for submission to impressment." This requires
explanation. They did not, it is true, iji xvords^ contend for
impressment. But this was the inevitable result of their late
course of proceeding ; for, as I have already stated, and beg to
repeat, they laboured most indefatigably to destroy the present
administration, principally for the stand made to put an end to
impressment; and the consequence of the violent opposition
made to the government on the subject, has been to oblige it to
postpone the discussion of that important question, which may
probably lead to a future war.

A committee of the legislature of Massachusetts was appoint-
ed, at a late session, to enquire into the affair of impressment.
The object of the appointment was to damn the character of the
administration, by diminishing the enormity of this high-handed
offence, against which the Levitical law pronounced the sentence
of death : —

" He that stealeth a man — and selleth him — or if he be found
in his hand^ he shall be put to death.'''*

It is painful to state — but it is my duty to state to the world
— that this committee by no means did justice to the subject.
They acted with most palpable partiality. They reported—

.' See page 190. f See pag-e 188. * See page 191, ,,

CHAP. 38.] IMPRESSMENT. 209

wonderful to tell — impossible to believe — that at the commence-
ment of the war, the number of impressed Americans belonging
to the great commercial state of Massachusetts, on board Brit-
ish vessels of war, was " only eleven I //''* — Yes — reader — it
is really eleven — I have read it six times over, to convince my-
self that I was not mistaken. But it is absolutely true, that a
committee of the legislature of Massachusetts did report to that
body, that at the commencement of the war, THERE WERE
BUT " ELEVEN" IMPRESSED MASSACHUSETTS'
SAILORS on board the vessels of his Britannic majesty.

Now, reader, let me request you to consult the preceding doc-
uments carefully — and observe

1. That there were ten Americans on board the Guerriere^ at
the time of her engagement with the Constitution. This is es-
tablished by the log book of one of her officers. §

2. That there ruere thirteen Americans on board the yava^j
when she Avas captured by Bainbridge.^;

3. That there were on board the Moselle and Sappho, as ap-
pears by the muster-books of those vessels, at least thirty-five
impressed Americans.\\

4. That these plain facts stand on such ground as neither
Timothy Pickering, Rufus King, governor Strong, George
Cabot, Harrison Gray Otis, Daniel Webster, or A. C. Han-
son will dare to dispute. I hereby publicly challenge them to
a denial.

5. That I have thus clearly and indisputably established, that
on board of four vessels there were 10, and 13, and 35 Ameri-
can slaves, being an average of fourteen to each.

6. That there are about 500 British vessels constantly in com-
mission.

7. That an average of fourteen amounts to 7000 on board the
British fleet.

8. That this statement corresponds pretty nearly with the re-
cords of the secretary of state's office.

And then, reader, decide what judgment must be passed on
the committee, when they gravely state, that there were on

* Road to Ruin, Xo. IV.

§ See page 202. f See lieutenant Hoffman's certificate, page 201.

i: It would be unfaii' and uncandid not to state, that commodore Bainbi'idge
deposed on the twentieth of February, 1813, before a committee of the housLt
of representatives of the state of Massacliusctts, that there was but one im-
])ressed American on board the Java, when he captured her. This statement
he qualified in a subsequent communication, and, as far as I understand the lat-
ter, admits that there were two more. But if we wholly omit the Java, in con-
sequence of the stupendous contradiction between the ceitificate of lieutenant
Van Hoffman and the deposition of commodore Bainbridge, it will not mate-
rially affect the above calculation. There will remain about forty-five im-
pressed American eamen on board three British me.n of war.

|} See coiiynoclore Porter's letter, page 201.

210 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 38,

board the British vessels of war onltj eleven natives of Massa-
chusetts ! ! ! It makes one sick to reflect on such obliquity of
mind, and such monstrous perversion of fact.

It is, however, true, that this committee, though the world
is grossly deceived by the form of expression in the report,
have a salvo to prevent establishing against them the charge of
falsehood. They state, that these are the results, " as far as
their enquiries zvent.^'' But this saving clause escapes the mass
of readers. They fasten on the strong allegation, that " the ad-
ministx-ation continued the war, on account of impressed sea-
men ; and that there were only eleven natives of Massachusetts
impressed.'''' All the rest escapes notice.

'"'' As far as their enquiries xvenf is a very equivocal expres-
sion. They may have stopped at the threshold — or they may
have gone half way — or they may have gone through the busi-
ness completely. That their enquiries did not go very far, is,
however, pretty certain.

The words " American slaves^"* will startle some delicate
enrs. This strong expression is nevertheless correct. When
an Algerine corsair attacks one of our vessels, and seizes it and
the crew, the latter are justly regarded as slaves. Tet their case
is far better than that of the Americans iiyipressed by British
cruisers. The Algerine slaves work for task-masters. So do
the British slaves. The Algerine slaves are flogged if they re-
fuse " to do their duty." So are the British. The Algerine
slaves have wretched fare. So have the British. Thus far they
are on a parallel. But here the parallel ceases. The Algerine
slave is never forced to jeopardize his life in battle — -he is never
forced to point a gun that may slaughter his countrymen. But
this the British slave must do, or " be tied to the mast, and
SHOT AT LIKE A DOG ! !!"* Is he not then the most
miserable of slaves ?|

When the preceding chapter was written, I had not seen the
Report of the Committee of the House of Representatives of
Massachusetts, to which I have referred. I own a set of the
Examiner, published by Barent Gardenier, of New- York, con-
taining the Road to Ruin, ascribed to John Lowell, which quotes
this report, and from which alone I knew of its contents, or even
of its existence. I subjoin Mr. Lowell's quotations—

"I find, from indlsputal)le documents furnished by the Rev. Mr. Tag-gart,
member of (Congress from this state, that the whole number of American sea-
men said to be detained at the beginning of tlie war, on board British vessels,
did not exceed three hundred.

* See commodore Decatm"'s letter, page 204.

■j- The idea which is dilated on in this paragraph must have been suggested by
a perusal of tlie Weekly Register, vol. III. page 349. Of this I was not awai'e
wlien I wrote it. I have recently made the discovery in the examination of that
irivaluable work.

CHAP. 38.] IlVfPRESSMENT. 211

** I find by the investigation of a committee of our own house of representa-
tives, that the number belonging to this state, so detained, did not exceed, so

far as their enquiries tvejit, eleven me?i."*

On the fourth of July, 1815, I received the Report itself
from Boston : and I should ill deserve the confidence that has
been reposed in my work, did I not avail myself of the oppor-
tunity thus afforded me, to lay an abstract of some of its clocu>-
ments before the reader.

Extract from the deposition of John Eldridge.

" I reside in Yarmouth in the county of Barnstable. I have been the master
of a vessel about seventeen years, within the last twenty -four years; and have
had on board my vessels from seven to sixteen men ; on an average about eight
or nine. About the year 1803, while I was lying at Trinidad, in the sloop
Stork, one of my men, while on shore, had quitted his boat, and was taken up
by the press g'ang. His name was William Boynton, and he was, as he told me,
an American. The next day I was informed by the officer of the press gang,
that the man was taken, and immediately upon my application on boaixl the
ship where he was placed, he was returned to me, with some money he had
about him. He had left his protection on board the vessel at the time when he
was taken.

" In 1810, while I was at Martinique, a Portuguese boy named Joseph Friay,
belong-ing to my vessel, was impressed from tlie vessel ; he was detained two
days : but upon my apphcation he was discharged ; he had no protection, nor
any indenture of apprenticeship : he was a servant to my mate."

Extract from the deposition of WiUiam Parsons.
" I reside in Boston, and have been engaged in commerce and navigation
about thirty years. I have employed in my vessels, annually, upon an average,
about fifty seamen, until the time of the embargo. I have no recollection of aiw
of my seamen being impressed for the last tiventy years, except in one instance."

Extract from the deposition of Caleb Loring.

"I reside in Boston. I have been engaged in commerce and navigation be-
tween eighteen and nineteen years. 1 have employed upon an average, annu-
ally, about forty seamen in foreign trade.

" I recollect, at present, but one instance of any of my seamen being iinpresscd
by the British; in July, 1809, two seamen, belonging to the ship Hugh John-
son, while she was lying at Palermo, were taken from her by a British man of
war; I do not knovvtheir names — one of them was an Englishman, the other was
an American."

Extract from the deposition of Jilosvs To~n}ise7id, esq.

" I, Moses Townsend, of Salem, in the county of Essex, esquire, do depose
and say — that I have been engaged in commerce and navigation for about thir-
ty years, and was master of a ship about twenty years. I have usually had crews
of ten and twelve men, upon an average. I never had any men impressed from
any of the vessels under my command, except once while I was at Bristol, in
England. On that occasion, I had three or four men impressed, belonging to
the ship Liglit Horse, under my command ; tliey were taken in the evening,
and upon my application through the American consul, they were released the'
next day."

Extract from the deposition of Joseph JMndge.

" I, Joseph Mudge, of Lynn, in the county of Essex, mariner, do depose and
say — ^that I have followed the occupation of a mariner for about twentv vears,
and have been master from the first of January 1800 (except about four months
of the year 1812, while I was mate of a vessel, in order to get a passage to
tlie United States from abroad.)

"I have had seamen frequently taken from me by British cruizers ; but ne-
ver had any man that 1 knew to be an American, taken from me, that was not
released upon my application."

* Road to Ruin, No. 4, from the Boston Centinch See Examiner, vol. I. p. 10.

212 VOLITICAL OUVE BRANCH, [chap. 38.

Extract from the deposition ofJlndreiv Ilarraden.
" I, Andrew Harraden, of Salem, in tlie county of Essex, mariner, depose and
say — that 1 have followed the occupation of a mariner about thirty-two years,
of which 1 ha\e been master from the year 1791 to this time, excepting two
voyages performed during that period / have vevei- had any neamen impressed
from my vessels, exce/H in one instance. In the year 1802, while at Cape Francois,
in the nwnth of August, a man by the name of George Randall, of Boston, was
taken from my vessel by a French press-master and his gang, and carried on
board a French frigate lying at that port. On ap])lication to the commandant of
tile port, he was released the next morning. J\'one of my men were ever taken
or detained by the English."

Deposition of J^'ahnm JMitchell.
I, Nahum Mitchell, of Bridgewater, in the county of Plymouth, depose and
say — that 1 was liorn, and have always lived, in Bridgewater. I have never heard
of any cases of i)ersons impressed from that town. There never was any man of
the name of William Robinson within my knowledge impressed from that place.
1 have been a selectman five years ; but not within ten years past.

Feb. 16, 1813. Suffolk, ss. NAHUM MITCHELL.

Sworn before me, Alexander Towxseijd, justice of the peace.

Deposition of William Orne.

1, ^^'illiam Orne, of Salem, in the county of Essex, merchant, depose and
say,

That during the last twenty years, I have employed, upon an average, about
sixty men annually, in my vessels. The only cases of impressment from my
vessels, that I know of, are the following :

In 1803, the ship Essex, Joseph Orne, master, being bound from Salem to
Amsterdam, had a man, by the name of James Newhall, on board, who was
impressetl on the passage. Newdiall said he was born in Windsor, in Connecti-
cut ; and at the time of h.is being taken, told the captain of my ship, that he
had forgotten to take out his protection from America : and the captain de-
sired me to send it out to the consul, in London.

I wrote to the selectmen of Windsor, who answered me, tliat there was no
such man belonged to either of the towns of Windsor or East Windsor. Not
long after, the man returned to Salem, and was found to be a British subject.

In 1810, John Hanson, a Swede, was taken out of my brig Industry ; he had
no American protection, but had a Swedish document. He soon after returned
to Salem, and 1 have paid him off. WILLIAM ORNE.

SUFFOLK, ss. Sworn to before me, \

Boston, February 19, 1813. James Savage, justice of the peace.

Deposition of John Tucker.

I, John Tucker, of Gloucester, in the county of Essex, do depose and say,

That I have been master of a vessel for about forty-seven years, and until the
last seven years. I never had any men impi'cssed from any of my vessels.
About the year 1796, while I was lying at St. Pierre's, Martinique, an English
oihcer from one of the frigates there, demanded a sight of the protections of
my men ; as the laws of my country, as he said, made it necessary that my men
sliould have them. I told him, I knew of no such law, having been absent
about twelve months from my country. He told me, he should take my men
on board for examination. I followed them on board ; they were detained
about an hov.r, and then discharged.

1 know of no case of impressment from the town of Gloucester, except the
following :

A relation of mine, by the name of Aaron Burnham, has been in the British
service about two years, and says he was impressed on shore in a British port;
lie has written home frequently, but has never expressed any desire to be dis-
charged, that I have heard of. His father and I are very near neighbours ; and
1 have frecjuently conversed with him, when he has informed me of receiving
his son's letters. Hut he never stated that his son was desirous of returning.

Daniel Parsons and Ignatius Parsons, 1 have heard, were on board the Britisk
navy ; but 1 hu'.e no knowledge of their having been unpresscd.

CHAP

38.] IMPRESSAreNT. 213

About the 3'aar 1796 (it was before our seamen took protections) while I was
at Amsterdam, three of my men, viz. Jonathan Cook, John Medley, and John

, an Englishman, requested a discharg'e from my vessel, and entered on

board an English merchant ship, at that place. They went to Lisbon ; and
while there, were impressed on shore by some British ship. Cook has since
been home, and is now again in the British merchant service. I have never
heard of Medley since. He has left a family in Gloucester : but they have nev-
er apphed, to my knowledge, for a discharge. Cook and Medley were both

Benjamin Oakes, of Gloucester, was taken about two years ago, as I have un-
derstood, and that it was for the want of a jn-otection ; a protection has been
sent out to him, at Halifax : and he has not yet rctui-ned.

Nathaniel Riggs, of Gloucester, was on board a British ship, into which he
had entered and'served, and received his wages and prize money. He has been
at home four or five years. JOHN TUCKER.

Boston, February 18, 1813.

Deposition of Israel Thorndike.
I, Israel Thorndike, of Boston, in the county of Suffolk, esquire, despose and
sav.

That I have for a considerable part of the time, for ten or twelve years past,
(excepting the time of the embargo) usually employed, on an average, more
than two hundred seamen annually, on board my own vessels, and those which
I have had under freight and charter. The average of the length of the voy-
ages, I should tliink, was about sLx to eight mojiths; not exceecUng eight
months.

I have not had more than six or seven men, to my recollection, impressed
from my vessels, and those vessels employed by me, during that pei-iod. I can-
not no\v recollect the names of the men ; from the ship Alexander Hodgdon,
two or three men were taken about the year 1805 or 1806. They were, as I un-
derstood from the captain, all foreigners. I think they were shipped in Leg-
horn ; and I think they were impressed on a voyage from that place to the East
Indies. I do not know whether they had any protections or documents, or not ;
and have not since heard of them-

The brig Hector had one man impressed from her, off the isle of Prance,
about 1803 or 1804. He was, as I was informed by the captain, a Frenchman ;
and I am inclined to believe, he was shipped at Beverly ; but do not know
whether he had a protection or not, nor have I heard of him smce.

The brig , Swanzev, master, lost one man in Liverpool, about 1809. His

name was Neptune, an African, and he had there entered into the British ser-
vice, while in a state of intoxication, as I was informed by the supercargo. The
man had formerly been a servant in my family. 1 have not since heard of him.
The brig Gilpin 'had two men taken from her, while on her voyage to Russia, in
1811, as I was informed by my clerks, who had tlieir information from the cap-
lain. These two men were both foreigners, as I have been informed. I have
heard nothing of them since ; nor do 1 know whether they had any protections

Gr not.

Daniel Parker, a British subject, who had a wife and family m Beverly, was
impressed from one of my vessels, about twenty years since, in the Downs, or
some other port of England. He was, as I was infonned, requested by an offi-
cer of my vessel, at the time when he was taken, to declare that he was an
American ; but said he would not deny his covmtry, and surrendered himself.
This information I had from the captain of my vessel, the Fabius. He has since
returned to his family in Beverly. I think he returned about twelve, or fifteen
years since. I have no recollection of any other cases of impressment from any

other vessel in which I haff a concern.

ISRAEL THORNDIKE.

Tlie fl'/iosiiion of Edward Lander.
I, Edward Lander, of Salem, in the county of Essex, merchant, depose and

say, , ,

That while I was in Leith, in the year 1811, in October, two men belonging
to the Rachel, owned bv the honourable WilUam Gray, were taken fi'om the ves-
O. B. ■ 29

214 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 3^-

sel by an English boat. Their names were Israel Foster and Tuck, of Be-
verly, in Miissacliusetts. Foster was released the next day, or the day after,
and returned iiome in the same vessel. The other was put on board the Dia-
dem, sixty four, which went to sea before the application reached her. At the
request of the captain of the Rachel, I wrote a letter to the American consul at
London (Mr. Lyman) whicli captain Mattinly (master of the Rachel) signed and
forwarded. The letter was written the day after the men were taken, but be-
fore die return of the man who was released, as I have stated above.

I have understood, since my return to this country, that Tuck effected his
escape at Spithcad, by means of a waterman, in about one month after his im-
pressment. They were both Americans, and had protections.

EDWARD LANDER.

February 18, 1813.

The deposition of Asa T. J\re7vhall.
I, Asa T. Ncwhall, of Lynnfield, in the county of Essex, esquire, depose and

say,

That I know of no cases of impressed seamen belonging to Lynnfield, except
the following : Andrew Mansfield, of Lyjmfield, sailed from Boston about four-
teen years ago ; and was impressed (on his first voyage) and detained onboard a
British man of war. His brother, Isaac, being on board the same vessel from
which he was impressed, gave the information to liis mother on liis return.
Soon after which, his mother forwarded documents for his release. He told me
that he was shifted into several fhfferent vessels, which, he said, he supposed
was tlie reason why he did not receive his documents sooner.

After being some time under impressment, and in order to obtain better treat-
ment, he entered ; not having any prospect of being soon released ; after he
had entered, and two or tliree years after his impressment, evidence of his be-
ing an American reached the ship he was in. His release was refused, on ac-
count of his having entered. He remained in the British service about seven
years; at tlie end of which time he was discharged, and received his wages;
he returned liome soon after.

Amos Newhall, of Lynnfield, saUed from Boston, about nine years since, and
has since been seen on board a British man of war, as I have understood fronj
liis brother ; but whether he was impressed or not, his friends do not know.

Suffolk, s. s. ASA T. NEWHALL.

JSoston, Fcbruarij 27, 1813.

Extract from the deposition of Josiah Ome.

" I, Josiah Orne, of Salem, in the county of Essex, mariner, depose and say —
that I have been master of a vessel about twenty-seven years.

•' I never had any men impressed from the vessels under my command by the Eng-
jisfi — except in one instance — that was in 1801."

Extract from JWithaniel Hooper'' s deposition.
"1, Nathaniel Hooper, of Marblehead, merchant, do depose and say — that I
have been engaged in commerce and navigation with my father and brothers
for about nineteen years past ; and for about seven years previous to tlie em-
bargo, we employed usually upon an average about fifty seamen in our vessels.
We have never had any men impressedfrom any of our vessels, that tue knoiv »/."

Extract from Benjamin T. Reed' s deposition.
" I, Benjamin T. Reed, of Marblehead, in the county of Essex, merchant, de-
pose and say — that I have, with my brother, Iieen engaged in trade and naviga-
tion for about eighteen years past. Before the embargo, we usually employed
two vessels annually, the crews of which would be from twelve to fifteen men
— we never liad any men impressed from our vessefc previous to the embargo,
lo my recollection."

Thert'. are various other depositions annexed to the Report,
the tenor i.nd tendency whereof are generally of a similar cha-
racter to the above.

-cSap. 38:) IMPRESSMENT. 215

The contradiction and inconsistency between these documents,
and those I have produced in the preceding chapters, are so
strong, so striking, and so utterly unaccountable, as to make us
stand aghast with astonishment. To reconcile them in any sU .pe
or mode is totally impossible. Were we to place full and im-
plicit reliance upon the depositions just quoted, it wouid almost
appear that impressment had been a matter of little or no con-
sequence ; and that it had been most extravagantly exaggerated,
to delude and deceive the public mind. But then what becomes
of the strong and precise statements of Silas Talbot,^ of kulus
King,! of Timothy Pickering,^ of judge Marshall,^ of commo-
dore Rodgers,^ &c. witnesses who cannot possibly be suspected
of anti- Anglican partialities, views, or prejudices i

If the prevailing opinions of the great extent of impressment
be unfounded, and if deception or delusion have been attempted,
these gentlemen must have concurred in it, as well as their poli-
tical antagonists ; for their testimony is among the most conclu-
sive that has been produced on the subject.

The statement of commodore Rodgcrs, respecting the muster
books of the Moselle and Sappho, is the most recent document
on the subject, and is beyond the reach of suspicion.

To the reader I unhesitatingly submit the subject. Let him,
whether Federalist or Democrat, honestly raise the scales of
truth and justice — let him impartially weigh the evidence on
both sides : and let him decide according to the credibility of
these warring and irreconcilable documents.

In addition to the information contained in the preceding
pages, I have now before me a most powerful document on the
subject of impressment. It is

" A statement of applications made to the British g-overnment on 1538 cases
of impressed seamen, claiming to be citizens of the United States, from the ele-
venth of March, 1803, till the thirty -first of Aug-ust, 1804 ; by George Erving',
agent of the United States for the relief and protection of their seamen."

I subjoin an abstract :
Number of applications, - - - • 1538

Of which are duplicates of former ones, - 306

Original applications, ^ _ _ _ 1232

1538

Refused to be discharged, having no documents.
Ordered to be discharged, - - -

Said not to be on board the ships specified.
Refused to be discharged, said to have taken the

bounty, and entered, - - - - 120

Said to be married in England, r - 17

1062
*.^eepagel8'7. fSeepag^elSS. t See page^l90. §See page 191. f Seepage201.

216 POLITICAL OLIVE BIlANCH. [ohai-. 38.

Brought forward, . . - - lu62

Said to have deserted, - - - - . 13

Said to have been drowned, or died, - - 2

Ships, on board of which stated not in commission, 3

Refused to be discharged, said to be British subjects, 49

Refused to be discharged, said to be prisoners of war, 2

Do not appear to have been impressed, - - 6

On board ships stated to be on a foreign station, 22

Ships lost, on board of which were stated to be - 6

Refused to he discharged^ doctunents being insiifficient^ viz.

1. i''rotections from consuls and vice-consuls, - 88

2. Notarial affidavits made in the United States, 15

3. Notarial affidavits made in England, - - 27

4. Collectors' protections, - - - 41

5. Discharges granted from King's ships, they being
American citizens, - - - . 4

6. Of different descriptions, and which were kept by

the impress officers, - - _ 35

7. Applications yet unanswered, - - 163

1538

This abstract deserves to be read and examined over and over.
Every line of it claims the deepest and most serious considera-
tion. It appears that in less than eighteen months, twelve hun-
dred and thirty-two persons were impressed out of American
vessels, exclusive of the very great number, who, we may rea-
sonably conclude, had no means of conveying their applications
for redress to the proper organ. An entire volume might be
written as a commentary on this memorial of British outrage
and injustice, and of American disgrace and dishonour.

The first item is hideous. Three hundred and eighty-three
impressed Americans were doomed to remediless slavery, be.
cause they were not branded with the mark U. S. or provided
with a badge, a pass, a license, or certificate ! Suppose commo-
dore Perry, or commodore Macdonough, or commodore Por-
ter, had impressed three hundred and eighty-three men from on
board of British vessels, under pretence of their being Ameri-
cans — (and has the Almighty given any right to a British cap-
tain or commodore beyond what he has vested in an American
captain or commodore ?) and suppose Mr. Merry, Mr. Liston,
Francis James Jackson, Mr. Rose, or Mr. Foster, had demand-
ed them — and that our secretary of state had peremptorily re-
fused to surrender them, because they had not the regular brand
of G. R. or a proper certificate or protection, would (irtat Bri-
tain have submitted to the slow process of further demanding
and waiting for redress ? Indubitably not.

One hundred and five were doomed to slavery, by a removal
from the vessels by which they were impressed, to others. An

CHAP. 39.] WAR PREPARATIONS. '2X7

easy and summary process, by which the doors of redress are
eternally barred with adamantine fastenings.

One hundred and twenty of these sufferers were withheld
because they had taken the bounty, or voluntarily entered ! In
forming an estimate of the justice of this plea, we must not lose
sight of the subsequent cruel tragedy acted by order of commo-
dore Berkley, on board the Chesapeake, in order to seize men
who had voluntarily entered on board that vessel. If this be
not — give 7io right — take no zvrong — I cannot divine what dor
serves the title.

I am tired of this vile, this odious, this detestable subject. It
excites to loathing and abhorrence. I must draw to a close.
But there is one more point that I must touch upon — and that
is, that of the whole number of fifteen hundred and thirty-eight,
there are only forty-nine asserted to be British subjects ! The
American, who, after these statements, can advocate the atro-
cious practice of impressment, mus''t be utterly lost to a sense of
justice for his countrymen, or regard to the national rights or
national honour.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

An apology for on egregious error committed by the zurifer, 07i
the subject of preparation for rvar. The xvhole session one
continued series of preparations. Nineteen acts bearing-
strong notes of martial arrangement,

I DEEM it indispensably necessary to correct a most egregious
error into which I was betrayed by the haste in which my first
edition was compiled and written. I therein enumerated, among
the errors of Mr. Madison's administration, the neglect to make
due preparation for the war, " previous to the commencement
of hostilities.'' I deeply regret to have cast such a superficial
glance at the subject; to have allowed myself to be so grossly
deceived ; and to have contributed to lead my reader astray*
There were ample preparations made, as may be seen by the
following list of acts passed during that session of congress, to-
wards the close of which war was declared.

Previous to the declaration of xvar.

1. An act for completing the existing militaiy establishment.
December 24, 1811.

2. An act to raise an additional m.ilitary force. This act pro-
vided for raising ten regiments of infantry, tv/o regiments of
artillery, and one regiment of dragoons, to be enlisted for five
years, unless sooner discharged. The infantry amounted to
about 20,000 men — the artillery to 4000 — and the cavalry to
1000. Jan. 11, 1812.

3. An act authorising the purchase of ordnance and ordnance
stores, camp equipage, and other quarter-master's stores and
small arms. Jan. 11, 1812.

218 POLITICAL OLIVe BRANCif . [chap. 39.

4. An act authorising the president of the United States to
accept and authorise certain volunteer militia corps, not to ex-
ceed 50,000 men. For this purpose there was an appropriation
of 1,000,000 dollars. Feb. 6, 1812.

5. An act appropriating 108,772 dollars for the expenses inci-
dent to six companies of mounted rangers. Feb. 20, 1812.

6. An act making appropriations for the support of the mili-
tary establishment of the United States for 1812, viz.

For the pay of the army - - - 869,968

Forage ----- 104,624

Subsistence ----- 685,000

Clothing ----- 293,804

Bounties and premiums - . - 70,000

Medical department - - - 50,000

Ordnance and ordnance stores - - 1,135,000

Fortifications ... - 296,049

For the quarter-master's department - - 735,000

For the purchase of horses - - - 150,000

Contingencies ----- 50,000

Indian department - - - - 164,000

Militia of Louisiana, &c.

32,000

Passed February 21, 1812.

S4,635,445

7. An act making appropriations

for the support

of an addi-

tional military force :

For pay - - .

1,406,857

Forage . - -

154,435

Subsistence

1,074,097

Clothing

863,244

Bounties and premiums

442,260

Horses for dragoons

282,000

Quarter-master's departm£nt -

- .

408,760

Medical department,

125,000

- Contingencies - - -

- >

355,911

Passed February 21, 1812. S5,l 12,564

8. An act making appropriations for the support of the navy

of the United States, for 1812.

Pay and subsistence - - - - Si, 123, 341

Provisions ----- 559J57

Medicines ----- 40,000

Repairs of vessels - - _ « 315,000

Freight, store-rent, &c, - - - 115,(^00

Navy yards, &c. - - - - 60,000

Ordnance and ordnance stores - - • . 280,000

Saltpetre, sulphur, &c. - - - 180,000

Pay and subsistence of marine corps - - 154,346

CHAP. 39.1 WAR PREPARATIONS. 219

Clothing for marine corps - - - 49,281

Military stores for do. _ - . 1,777

Medicines, &c. . - - - 3,501

Quarter-master's stores - - , . 20,000

Passed February 24, 1812. 2,902,003

9. An act making a further appropriation for the defence of
our maritime frontier. This act appropriated for the purpose
8500,000. Passed March 10, 1812.

10. An act for a loan of gl 1,000,000 for defraying the above
expenses. Passed March 14, 1812.

11. An act concerning the naval establishment, for repairing
the frigates Constellation, Chesapeake, and Adams. For this
purpose there was appropriated S300,000.

By this act there was an appropriation made of S200,000 an-
nually, for three years, for the purchase of a stock of timber for
ship-building. The first appropriation was for rebuilding the
frigates Philadelphia, General Green, New- York, and Boston,
Passed March 30, 1812.

12. An act in addition to the act to raise an additional mili-
tary force. Passed March 30, 1812.

13. An act to authorise a detachment from the militia of the
United States, to the amount of 100,000 men. This act con-
tained a clause appropriating one million of dollars towards de-
fraying the expenses to accrue under it. Passed April 10, 1812.

14. An act for the organization of a corps of artificers. Pas-
sed April 23, 1812.

15. An act for the better regulation of the ordnance. Passed
May 14, 1812.

Subsequent to the declaration of war,

16. An act for the more perfect organization of the army of
the United States. Passed June 26, 1812.

1 7. An act making a further appropriation for the defence of
the maritime frontier, and for the support of the army of the
United States. Passed July 5, 1812.

18. An act making additional appropriations for the military
establishment, and for the Indian department. Passed July 6,
1842.

19. An act making further provision for the army of the Uni-
ted States. Passed July 6, 1812.

It therefore appears, that nearly the whole session was spent
in making preparation for hostility — for offensive and defensive
operations. I shall not easily forgive myself the very extraor-
dinary error, of which I have acknowledged myself guilty on
this subject. I shall regard it as a monition as long as I live,
against precipitate decision. And may I take the liberty of
hinting to the reader, whoever he be, that he may derive a use-

220 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 40.

fill lesson from the fact ? If, with the attention I have been in
the habit of paying to public aftairs — i-eadin^ two or three news-
papers every day — and perfectly convinced of the justice of the
war — I have nevertheless fallen into such a palpable, such a
monstrous error, on so plain a point — if I have brought so un-
just an accusation against the congress which declared war —
how dilBcult may it be for persons remote from opportunities of
judging correctly, and liable to be misled by interested or fac-
tious men, to form accurate opinions ?

A further and most convincing proof of the magnitude of the
error which I committed, is to be found in the circumstance,
that on the 12th of July, 1812, only twenty-four days after the
declaration of war, general Hull, at the head of two thousand
five hundred men, well appointed, had penetrated into Canada:
and, had the same talents and bravery that displayed themselves
at Yorktown, Chippewa, Bridgewater, the Sarenac, New-
Orleans, and other places, presided over their movements, there
is no doubt that in the first campaign, the whole of Upper (.an-
ada, and perhaps Lower Canada, with the exception of Quebec,
might have been subdued. This army had 3750 muskets, 36
pieces of cannon, 1080 rounds of fixed ammunition for the can-
non, 200 tons of cannon ball, 150 tons of lead, 75,000 musket
cartridges made up, &c, &c. &c,*

CHAPTER XL.

Rep7-oachcs of the minority against the imbecility of the 7)iajority*
Pernicious consequences of newspaper misrepresentation. Bri-
tish deceived by their friends.

While the serious preparations detailed in the preceding
chapter were going forward, the federal printers throughout the
union were pretty generally and zealously employed in ridicul-
ing the idea of war — persuading the public that all these mea-
sures were illusory, and intended to intimidate the British min-
istry — and that our government possessed neither the courage
nor the means to venture on hostility.

I have already quoted the notorious declaration made by se-
veral members of congress, particularly Mr. Josiah Quincy,that
*' the majority could not he kicked into rvar.''^

This course of proceeding is not easily accounted for. It
must have had some motive. And it requires an extraordinary
degree of charity to ascribe it to a motive either laudable, or in
fact not highly sinister or patriotic.

Suppose, for a moment, that our rulers did not really mean
war — that they were actually destitute of the means of carrying
it on — that they were " too cowardly to be kicked into if — was it

* See Weekly Register, vol. 3. page 93!;

CHAP. 40.] NEWSPAPER MISREPRESENTATION. 221

wise, was it prudent, was it honourable, was it politic, to blazon
our deficiencies to the world — to assure England that she might
safely, and with impunity, continue the perpetration of her out-
rages on an unoffending neutral, because that neutral could not
be kicked into war to resist those outrages ? Surely not.

In pursuance of the plan I have followed throughout this
work, of establishing all points of importance bv intiisputable
evidence, I subjoin a few of the paragraphs to which I refer.
The two first are of a date much earlier than the declaration of
war — and prove how long this system had been pursued. They
will satisfy the most incredulous reader.

Smoke / Smoke !

*' Our correspondent sng-gests, in the event of certain measures already
taken by the executive faihug', then to augment the force by new levies — or by
forming ten corps of 1200 men each, to be selected from the militia of a certain
age of the several states, who may volunteer for such coi-ps during the war. It
is to us a most astonishing and inconceivable thing", that on reading the above,
any man should be alarmed, and think our government are about to take deci-
sive steps. Will our administration never be understood? Shall we forever be
the dupes of a contemptible farce, which has been exliibiting for years, to
make people wonder and stare ? My life on it, our executive has no more idea
of declaring war than my grandmother." Boston Repertory, January 9, 1810.

" Our government ivill not make ivar on Great Britain ,- but m ill keep up a
constant irritation on some pretence or other, for the sake of maintaining their
influence as a party. The more tlie public suffer, the more iriitable they will
be ; and government will trust to their address to direct that irritability against
Great Britain." Boston Repertory, April 17, 1810.

"The 25,000 men bill passed congress — and in this city [New York] the
sensation produced by it was not lialf equal to tliat which was caused by the
governor's notice of banks. Mr. G;dlatin recommended a whiskey tax, &c. and
every body laughed to think what a queer thing it was for a man, who had
figured so much in the whiskey insurrection, to be tlie author of such a mea-
sure. The New York Gazette, however, still graced its columns, and we too
sometimes, with " for Live i-pool — for London," &c &c. The committee of Vv-ays
and means at last come out witli their Pandora's box of taxes. Yet nobodii dreams
of -war. Tlie mechanics, the banks, nay the insurance offices go on as usual,
iast of all the loan for 11,000,000 of dollars — Still no alteration of the public pulse
— no concern by friend or foe of administration. All is well ! In the name of
wonder, how or why is all this ! Exposed as the city of New York is, wliy this
secui'lty, this apathy ? Are all the proceedings of government a farce, and that
so palpable a one, as to be undei-stood by the most stupid ? Or what is tlie rea-
son that not the slightest anxiety is felt by ourselves ? if government is in ear-
nest, why have they not, why do they not proceed more rapidly ? IVhy is ow
shipping permitted to run into certain capture? Either the government is m stfalse
and hiipocritical, or tlie people out of their senses?" New York Evening Post,
Feb. 1812.

" When I see such a palpable failure in all the means, natural and necessary,
for carrying on the wax* — when I see the exposure of your sea-board — when I
see the actual military force, instead of being increased in efficiency, in fact
reducing, neitlier promises, nor asseverations, nor oaths, shall make me believe that
you -ivill go to war at the end of ninety days. Opposuit natttra. Nature has de-
cided again.st you. Instead of that feast of war, to which we were invited, at
the beginning of the session, we have served up to us the old dish of restrictions
There is no need of prophecy to tell the result. At the end of ninety days, you
will find that your preparation is not sufficient. The horrors of war will be
preached up very assiduously during our recess. Familiarity with em'uargo will
diminish its di-ead. The restrictive system becomes identified with some per-
O. B. 30

222 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [vaxv. 40.

sonal, local, paltry interest. The navigating states are sacrificed ; and the
spirit and character of the country are prostrated in the dust, by fear or by
avarice." Mr. Quiucey's speecii oii the embargo, April 3, lbl2.

" The project of attacking Canada is now given up. Some other plan is to
be devised." Philadelphia Gazette, January 30, 1812.

" They [tlie leaders of congix-ss] have already gone far enough in war. They
are conscious tliev cannot commence, prosecute, and terminate a war ; that the
hands wliich begin will never hnish it. They shnnkfrom it. They already stag-
ger under the lueight.

" They are frightened as the aspect becomes a little serious, and wish to go home
and think of it." Philadelphia Gazette, January 2U, 18i2.

" If \ ou think a vote to raise 25,UU0 men, looks like war, qniet your appre-
hensions. Vou do not understand wliat is here called management. THKRE
WILL, AS I BB'.IEVE, BE NO WAR. The xvar whoop, the orders in council,
the wm-importation, and pri'sidential caucusing will vanish before summer." —
Baltiinore FedenU Gazette, as quoted in the Piiiladelphia Gazette, January 13,
1812.

•' 1 tell A ou James Madison will not dare to march a man to Canada with the
avowed spirit of warfare — not a man, sir — no — not one — in our present defence-
less state. So no more of this dream.'" Philadelphia Gazette, Jan. 27, 1812.

" We are firmlv persuaded, that the majority in congress do riot mean to de-
clare war at present ,- 'ITIAT THEY DARE NOT ; and that all their threats are
but contemptible vapouring, which will die away like the vapourings of a drunk-
en man, l)efore theyrse." Boston Repertory, Dec. 24, 1811.

" There will be much talk and little business this session. WAR IS OUT
OF THE QUESTION. But it was determined in caucus last Sunday evening,
to look big, and keep a stiff tipper lip." Philadelphia Gazette, November 9,
1811.

" It is amazingly mal-a-propos, and moreover very vexatious, that while our
centinels of pubhc Uberty are legislating away in "The full tide of successful
experiment" at Washington, their well laid plans are failing every where; the
two main sinews of their darlivq; war, appear to be most miserably lelaxed. NEI-
THER MEN ARE TO BE HAD— NOR MONEY TO PAY THEM." Alex-
andria Gazette, as quoted in tiie Philadelphia Gazette, May 14, 1812.

This paragraph was published only five weeks before the de-
claration of war. It was, with hundreds of others of siinilar
character, calculated to keep up the delusion to the last, at home
and abroad.

During the period when those paragraphs were publishing in
our Gazettes, I felt the most serious uneasiness on the subject.
I believed their effect wotild be to produce war. I repeatedly-
expressed my fears on the subject, and was convinced that they
would delude England into a belief, that she might laugh our
efforts to scorn — and that she would persevere in her obnoxious
course till we were finally " kicked into -warP Among other
gentlemen to whom I communicated my apprehensions on this
subject, were James Milnor, Adam Seybert, and William An-
derson, csqrs. then representatives in Congress from this state.
It was in the gallery of the house of representatives, and, as far
as I recollect, early in May, 1812.

The efforts to spread this delusion were not confined to this
side of the Atlantic. No. The same industry was empl. yed
in letters to correspondents in England and Ireland, which made
their appearance in the public papers in those kingdoms. Never
was more ,<pplication employed on any subject — and never was
application more unholy or pernicious.

CHAP. 40.] NEWSPAPER MISREPRESENTATION. 223

I submit to the reader, an extract from one of those letters.
It is a fair speci.ien of hundreds which really appear to have
been dictated by the most serious apprehensions lest the British
should relax^ and lest we might thus escape war.

From the Londonderry Journal, June 16, 1812.

Extract of a letter to a gentleman in this place, dated

Philadelphia, May 8, 1812.
*' You will perceive by the copy of a bill wiiich I enclose, that we Americans
are " at our (Urty work again.''' But / advise yon not to be alanned at the violence
of our proceedings Jf'e shall coiitimie to bluster. This is our characteristic. And
■we li'ould do more, if -we cotdd. But it is not in our poiver. We have not a dol~
lar in t/ie treasitry — no army deserving the name of one — and are actually ivlihout
a navy. Added to this, not a moiety of the loan of eleven millions will ever be pro-
cured."

I wish the reader, before he closes this chapter, to weigh well
its contents. Let him dive into the most profound recesses of the
human heart. Let him try to discover the main spring that
dictated paragraphs and letters, fraught with such ruinous con-
sequejices to both nations.

The effect of this vile course of proceeding was highly per-
nicious in two points of view, widely different from each other.
It fatally held out every possible encouragement to the British
ministry to persevere in the career of depredation on American
commerce, and in their utter disregard to, and violation of, the
rights and the sovereignty of the United States. It was, more-
over, calculated to goad, and I have no doubt did contribute to
goad, our rulers into war.

Reader, let me illustrate this point by a plain case which oc-
curs in our streets every day. Two boys have a quarrel — but
are not very willing to come to an open rupture, lest their eyes,
and noses, and mouths, should suffer violence in the affray.
Some of the humane spectators pat them on the backs, and try
to persuade each that his antagonist "■ cannot be kicked into xvar''"'
— at the same time appealing to his pride to resent the- insult.
This laudable course seldom fails of success. The united in-
fluence of regard for his own honour, and reliance on his an-
tagonist's cowardice, excites the courage of one or both just to
the point of aggression. This was the horrible result between
the United States and England, of a procedure which never can
be too highly censured.

I could pursue this subject to a very great extent. It admits
of a wide field of investigation : but I leave it with the reader.
I have barely erected a finger post to direct his career.

I am fully persuaded that Great Britain did not desire actual
war with the United States Had her ministers really believed
the alternative to be, war, or a repeal of the orders in council,
they would, in all probability, have repealed them in season. But
their friends on this side of the Atlantic most cruelly deceived

224 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 41.

them. Every clay's experience proves that one indiscreet^ im-
p7-udent^ or injudicious, friend does more injury than three ene-
7nies. The friends of England in this country have afforded
undeniable proofs of the correctness of the maxim. The writers
whom I have quoted above, and others of similar character, have
inflicted on her more injury than ten times the number of the
most violent anti- Anglicans in the country.

CHAPTER XLI.

War proceedings in congress. T'e as and nays. hicxpUcable conduct.

This, rc;ader, is a dry and dull chapter. It is little more than
reiteratt d lists of nanies. It cannot afford much entertainment.
But ii you have fairlv travelled with me thus far, I deprecate
your passincr over these few pages. What they may want in
entertainment, I hope they will compensate in instruction.

When the vote was finally taken on the declaration of war^
there were forty-nine members in the negative, whose names
are subjoined —

Nays — Messrs. Baker, Bartlett, Bleecker, Boyd, Breckenridg'e, Bris-ham,
Champion, Chittenden, Cooke, Davenport, Ely, Rmolt, Fitch, Gold, Coldsbo-
roug-h,' Hufty, Jackson, Kc y. Law, Lewis. Maxwell, M'Bryde, Metcalf, IVVi'nor,
Mitchill, Mostly, Newbold, Pearson, Pitkin, Potter, Quincy, Kandol()h, Reed,
Ridg-ely, Rodman, Saminons, Stanford, Stewart, Stow, Sturges, Sullivan, Tag-
jart, I'alrnadge, Tallman, Tracy, Van Cortlandt. Wheaton, White, Wilson. — 49.

» I annex a statement of the votes on various measures prepa-
ratory to war. Tlie names of those who finally voted against
the war, are in Italic.

December, 16, 1811.

" The question was taken on the following resolution :

•' That it is expedient to authorise the President, under proper regulations,
to accept the service of any number of volunteers, not exceeding fitty thousand;
to be organized, trained, and held in readiness to act on such service as the
exigencies of government may require .

" And decided thus :

" Yeas — Alston, Archer, Aver}-, Bacon, Baker, Bard, Bartlett, Bassett, Bibb,
Pl.ackledgc, Jilcecker, Blount, Boyd, Breckeiiridge, Brown, Ikirwell, Butler,
Calhoun, Cheeves, Chittendtn, Cochran, Clopton, Cooke, Condit, Ci-av.ford,
Davis, Dawson, Desb.a, Dinsmoor, EmoU, Findley, Fisk, Fitch, Franklin. Ghol-
son. Gold, Gohkborongh, Coodwyn, . Green, Grundy, B. Hall, O. Hall, Hawes,
Harper, hfufuj, Hyneman, Johnson, Kent, King, Lacock, Lefevrc, Little, Living-
ston,. Lowndes, Lyle, Macon, Mux-well, Moore, JIP Bri/de, M'Coy, M'Kec,
M'Kini, Af'tvaJf, Mlwtr, Mitcldll, Morgan, MoiTOW, J/osf'/'j/, Nelson, JVe-whold,
Newton, Onnsby, Paulding, Pearson, Pickens, Piper, Pitkin, Pond, Porter,
Qmncij, Peed, Ridgelii, llinggold, Ilhea, Roane, Roberts, Rodman, Sage. Sam-
W071S, Seaver, Sevier, Seybert, Shaw, ShefFey, Smilie, G.Smith, Sto-r, Strong,
Stdlivan, Tahnadge, 'railman, Tracy, Troup, Turner, Van Cortlandt, White,
Whitehill, Wilhams, Widgery, Wilson, Winn, Wrlglit. — 113.

" Navs — Messrs. Bigclow, Urigham, Champion, Davenport, Ely, Gray, Jack-
son, La-v, Le-ivis, Potter, Randolph, J. Smith, Stanford, Sturges, Taggart,
'Wheaton — 16.

cpAP.41.] WAR PROCEEDINGS. 225

Same day.

" The question was next taken on the foui-th resolution of the committee on
foreign relations, in tlie following words :

" 'I'liat the President be authorised to order out from time to time, such de-
tachments of tile militia, as in his opinion the public service may require ;

" And decided as follows :

« Yeas — Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Archer, Avery, Bacon, Bakei; Bard,
Bartlett, Basset, Bibb, Blackledge, Bleecker, Blount, Boifd, BrecLenridge,
Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Cheeves, Chittenden, Coclu-an, Clopton,
Cooke, Condit, Crawford, Davis, Dawson, Desha, Dinsmoor, Earle, Emott,
Findley, Fisk, Fitch, Franklin, Gliolson, Gold, Goldsborough, Goodwin, Gray,
Green, Gmndy, B. Hall, (5. Hall, Harper, Hawes, Hufty, Hyneman, Johnson,
Kent, Iving, Lacock, Lefevre, Lewis, Little, Livingston, Lowndes, Lyle, Ma-
con, Maxwell, Moore, M' Bride, M'Coy, M'Kee, M'lvim, Metcalf, Mihiui; Mit-
chill, Morgan, Moitow, Mo^ely, Nelson, j\'e~,vbold, Newton, Ormsby, Paukhng-,
Pearson, Pickens, Piper, Pitkin, Pond, Porter, Potter, Qidncy, Randolph, Reed,
Ridgeley, Ringgold, Rhea, Roane, Roberts, Rodman, G. Smitli, J. Smith, Stan-
ford, Strong, Sullivan, Tabnadge, Tallman, Tracy, Troup, Tiu-ner, Van Cort-
landt, Wlieaton, White, VVliiteiull, WilUams, Widgery, Wilson, Winn, Wriglit.
—120.

" Nays. Messi's. Bigelow, Brigham, Champion, Davenport, Jackson, Latu,
Stnrges, Taggart. — 8.

Same day.

" The question was taken on the fifth resolution, in the words following :

" That all the vessels not now in sei'vice belonging to the navy, and worthy
of repair, be immediately fitted up and put in commission,

" And carried as follows :

" Yeas. Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Archer, Avery, Bacon, Baker, Bard,
Bartlett, Basset, Bigelow, Blackledge, Bleecker, Blount, Brcckenridge, Brig-
ham, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Champion, Cheeves, Chittenden, Cochran, Clop-
ton, Coo^'e, Condit, Crawford, Davis, Dawson, Desha, Dinsmoor, Earle, Ely,
Emott, Findley, Fitch, Frankhn, Gholson, Gold, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Green,
Grundy, B. Hall, O. Hall, Harper, Hawes, Hyneman, Jackson, Johnson, Kent,
King, Lacock, Law, Lefevre, Little, Livingston, Lowndes, Lyle, Maxwell,
Moore, M' liryde, M'Coy, M'Kim, Metcalf, Milnor, Mi f chill, Morgan, Morrow,
Mosely, Nelson, jYewbold, Newton, Ormsby, Paulding, Pearson, Pickens, Piper,
Pitkin, Pond, Porter, Quincy, Reed, Ridgeley, Ringgold, Rhea, Roane, Roberts,
Sage, Sammons, Seaver, Seyier, Seybert, Shaw, G. Smith, Strong, Stnrges, Sul-
livan, Taggart, Tabnadge, Tallman, Tracy, I'roup, Turner, Van Cortlandt,
fVheaion, White, Widgery, Wi/sw;, Winn, Wright. — 111.

" Nays. Messrs, Bibb, Boyd, Brown, Gray, Hufty, Lewis, Macon, Potter,
Randolph, Rodman, Shefi'ey, Srailie, Stanford, Whitehill, Williams. — 15..

December 19, 1811.

" The question was taken on the following resolution, and carried.

" That it is expedient to permit our merchant vessels, owned exclusively by
resident citizens, and commanded and navigated solely by citizens, to arm un-
der proper regulations to be prescribed by law, in seU-defence against all un-
lawfid proceedings towards them on the high seas.

"Yeas. Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Avery, Bacon, Baker, Basset, Bibb,
Bigelow. Blackledge, Bleecker, Breckenridge, Brigham, Biitler, f'allioun.
Champion, Clieeves, Chittendai, Clopton, Cooke, Condit, Crawford, Davenport,
Davis, Dawson, Desha, Dinsmoor, Ely, Findley, Fitch^ Franklin, Gholson, Gold,
Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Green, Grundy, B. Hall, O. Mall, Harper, Hawes, Hyne-
man, Jackson, Johnson, King, Lacock, Lnntu, l.efevre. Little, Livingston, Lyie,
Maxwell, Moore, JVtBryde, M'Coy, Metcaf, Milnor, Morgan, Mosely, Nelson,
JVewbold, Newton. Ornisby, Paulding, Pearson, Pickens, Piper, Pitkin, PJea-
santS; Pond, Porter, Pearson, Quincy, Jieed, Rir'geley, Ringgold, Rhea, Koane,
Sago, Sammons, Seaver, Sevier, Shaw. Kmilie, J. Smith, Stuw, Stnrges, Taggart,
TaU):i'2n. Tjyjc!/, Troup, Turner, Van Cortlandt, Whenton, White, Widgery, Wil-_
son, Bartlett, Potter.— 97.

226 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 41.

" Nays. Messrs. Archer, B:irtl, Blount, Boyd, Brown, Cochran, Hitfty, Kent,
Lowndes, Macon, M'Kee, M'Kiin, Mitchill, Morrow, Roberts, Rodman, SheH'ey,
Stanford, iSte^vart, Whitehill, Williams, Wright — 22."

" January 6, 1812.

" The house took up the bill for raising an additional military force, which
finally passed, 94 to 34. The yeas and nays were as follows :

" Yeas Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Arclier, Avery, Bacon, Bard, Bartlett,
Basset, Bibb, Blackledge, Bleecker, Blount, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun,
Cheeves, Clay, Cocliraii, Ciopton, Condit, Crawford, Davis, Dawson, Desha,
Dinsmoor, Earle, Emott, Kuicilcv , Fisk, Franklui, Gholson, Gold. Green, Grundy,
R Hall, O. Hull, Hurper, Hawes, Hyneman, Johnson, Kent, King, Lacock, Le-
fevre. Little, Livingston, Lowndes, Lyle, Maxivell, Moore, M'Coy, M'Kee,
M'Kim, Mctculf, Milnor, Mitchill, Morgan, Morrow, Nelson, New, Newton,
Ormsby, Vaulding, Pickens, Piper, Pond, Porter, Quincy, Reed, Ringgold, Rhea,
Roane, Roberts, Sage, Samnwns, Seaver, Sevier, Seybert, Shaw, G. Sujith, J.
Smith, Strong, Sultivmi, Tallman, Talliaferro, Tracy, Troup, Turner, Van Cort-
landt, Williams, Widgery, Wmn, Wright — 94.

" Nays. Messrs. Bigelow, Boyd, Breckenridge, Brigham, Champion, Chitten-
tlen, Davenport, Ely, Fitch, Hufty, Jackson, Key, Law, Lexvis, Macon, JVVBryde,
Mosdy, JVexvbold, 'Pearwn, Pitkin, Potter, Randolph, Rodman, Sheffey, Smilie,
Stanford, Stewart, Stoxv, Stiirges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Wheaton, White, Wilson
—34.

" January 20, 1812.

" The engrossed bill concerning the naval establishment was read the third
time and passed. The yeas and nays on its passage were as follows :

"Yeas. Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Basset, Blackledge, Breckcnridge, Bur-
well, Butler, Calhoun, Cheeves, CIdttenden, Condit, Davenport, Davis, Dins-
moor, Ely, Emott, I'indley, Fisk, Fitch, Frankhn, Gholson, Goodwin, Green,
Harper, Hawes, Hyneman, King, Little, Livingston, Lowndes, Maxwell, .Moore,
JWBryde, M'Coy,'.M'Kim, Milnor, Mitchill, Nelson, Newton, Pitkin, Pleasants,
Pond, Potter, Richardson, Ringgold, Rhea, Seybert, Shefiey, G. Smith, J,
Smith, Stewart, Sioxu, Sturges, Taggart, Talliaferro, Tracy, Troup, Turner,
Van Cortlandt, Wheaton, White, Wilson, Winn, Wright — 65.

" Nays. Messrs. Bacon, Bibb, Boyd, Brown, Cochran, Crawford, Desha, O.
Hall, Hufty, Johnson, Lacock, Lyle, Macon, M'Kee, Metcalf, Morgan, Mitchill,
New, JV«f6oW, Piper, Roane, Roberts, Rodman, Sage, Seaver, Shaw, Smihe,
Sanford, Strong, M'illiams — 30.

" February 19, 1812.

" The engrossed bill for authorising a loan of eleven millions of dollars, was
read the th'irtl time, and the question was put " shall the bill pass its third
reading."

" Yeas. Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Archer, Bacon, Bard, Basset, Bibb,
Bleecker, Boyd, Bi-own, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Cheeves, Clay, Cochran,
Condit, Crawford, Davis, Dawson, Desha, Dinsmoor, Earl, Emott, Findley, Fisk,
Franklin, Gholson, Gold, Goodwyn, Green, Grundy, B. Hall, O. Hall, Harper,
Hawes, Hufty, Johnson, Kent,' King, Lacock, Lefevre, Little, Livingston,
Lowndes, Lyle, Macon, Maocwell, Moore, M'Coy, M'Kim, Metcalf, Mitchill,
Morgan, Morrow, Nelson, New, Newbold, Newton, Ormsby, Pickens, Piper,
Pleasants, Pond, Porter, Potter, Quincy, Reed, Richardson, Ringgold, Rhea,
Roane, Roberts, Sage, Sammons, Seaver, Sevier, Seybert, Shaw, Smilie, G.
Smith, J. Smith, Stow, Strong, Tracy, Troup, Tui-ner, Van Cortlandt, Whiteliill,
Widgery, Winn, Wright— 92.

" Nays. Messrs. ^aArer', Bigelow, Breckenndge, Brigham, Champion, Chitten.-
den, Davenpnrt, Fitch, Goldsborough, Gray, Jackson, Law, J^ewis, Milnor, Mose-
ly, Pearson, Pitkin, Randolph, Ridgeley, Rodman, Sheffey, Stewart, Sturges, Tag-
gart, Tallmadge, IVheaton, White, fVikon — 29.'

I 'J

CHIP. 42.] DECLARATION OF WAR. 227

I hope the reader has fully examined those dry lists, and has
his mind prepared for the reflections I have to submit upon
them.

No man will deny that a public functionary who acts witla
gross and manifest inconsistency in his political career, especially
in matters of the highest possible importance to his constituents,
forfeits their confidence. Of course it is extremely dangerous
to submit to his guidance.

The war was either just or unjust.

Every man who believed it unjust, and who voted for a series
of measures leading to it, betrayed his trust.

Every man who voted for the measures leading to war; who
opposed it after it was declared ; and who, as far as in his power,
thwarted the measures adopted to carry it on, was guilty of a
gross, manifest, and palpable inconsistency — and in either one or
other course betrayed his trust.

That these positions are correct cannot be denied. I proceed
to apply them — and shall single out an individual to make the
case more striking.

Josiah Quincy voted, as we have seen, jTor a set of measures y
all predicated upon an approaching zvar. He voted for the loan
to raise the money necessary to give ejffect to those measures. He,
and forty-eight other 7neml>ers^ xvho had generally votedwith him.
for all these preparatory measures^ voted against the rear itself
And further^ they did not merely vote against the rvar^ but thirty-
four of them published a most inflammatory protest^ addressed to
their constituents^ to excite them to oppose it. This protest, and
other violent measures, were fatally but too successful.

I annex the names of the protestors.

Messrs. Brigham, Big-elow, M'Bride, Breckenridge, Baker, Bleecker, Cham-
pion, Chittenden, Davenport, Emett, Ely, Fitch, Gold, Goldsborough, .Tackson,
Key, Lewis, Law, Mosely, Milnor, Potter, Pearson, Pitkin, Quincy, Reed,
Ridgeley, Sullivan, Stewart, Sturges, Tallmadge, Taggart, White, Wilson,
Wheaton.

The whole of the annals of legislation, from the first organiza-
tion of deliberative bodies to this hour, cannot produce a more
sinister^ dark^ or mysterious policy. These gentlemen, particu-
larly Mr. Quincy, who has been so conspicuous in his opposition
to the war, are most solemnly cited before the bar of the public,
and called upon to explain the motives of their conduct to that
country, which was brought to the jaws of perdition by the op-
position which they excited against a war that they countenanc-
ed in almost every stage but the last.

CHAPTER XLII.

Declaration of war. Violently opposed.

At length, on the 18th of June, 18i2, v^ar was declared
.against Great Britain in due form, after a session of above seven

228 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 42.

months, and the most ardent debates. The final vote was carried
in the senate by 19 to 13 — and in the house of representatives by
79 to 49 : affirmatives in both houses 98, negatives 62 ; that is,
more than three to two, in both houses united.*

War then became the law of the land. It was the paramount
duty of all good citizens to submit to it. Even those who doubt-
ed its justice or expediency, and who had opposed its adoption,
were bound to acquiesce : for the first principle of all republican
government, — and of all government founded on reason and jus-
tice, is, that the will of the majority, fairly and constitutionally
expressed, is the supreme law. To this supreme law the minori-
ty is sacredly bound to submit. Any other doctrine is Jacobin-
ical, and disorganizing, and seditious. It has a direct tendency
to overthrow all government, and introduce anarchy and civil
war. If it were lawful for the minority, in the unparalleled mode
they adopted, to oppose or paralize the government, and defeat
its measures, on the pretext that they were unjust, such pre-
texts can never be wanting. And I aver, that it xvoiild he full as
just^ as rig'hteous^ as legal^ and as constitutional^ for Mr. Holmes^
at the head of the minority in Massachusetts^ to besiege governor
Strong^-in his hoiise^ and coerce him to retire from office^ as it
XV as for- tilt Kings^ the Websters^ the Hansons^ and the Gores ^ to
besiege president Madison at Washington.

While the federalists held the reins of government, they in-
culcated these maxims with great energy and eflPect. The least
opposition to law excited their utmost indignation and abhor-
rence. The vocabulary of vituperation was exhausted to brand
it and its perpetrators with infamy. But to enforce rules which
operate to our advantage, when we have power, and to submit
to those rules, when they operate against us, are widely different.
And the federalists, as I have already remarked, abandoned,
when in the minority, the wise and salutary maxims of political
economy which they had so eloquently preached when they were
the majority.

And they were not satisfied with mere preaching. They had
occasional recourse to violence. A band of Philadelphia volun-
teers, during the western insurrection, seized a printer at Read-
ing in his own house, by force and violence, and scourged him
in the market-place for a libel, not the twentieth part as virulent
as those that are at present daily published with impunity.

War is undoubtedly a tremendous evil. It can never be suf-
ficiently deplored. It ought to be avoided by all honourable
means. And the four successive administrations of the United

* A very en-oneous idea has been promulg-ated, and found a too easy Ijelief,
that tlie war was carried by a small and contemptible majority. How utterly
unfounded it is, appears by the above statement. Measures of g^reat importance
are rarely carried by lar^e majorities.

CHAP. 43.] PEACE PARTY. '229

States government, from the commencement of the French re-
volution, till i812, deserve great credit for the laudiible efforts
they made to avoid wai% amidst such a variety of provocations.
But there are situations which present greater evils than war as
an alternative. This nation was precisely in such a situation.
We had borne almost every species of outrage, insult, and de-
predation. All our efforts to procure redress or justice had
been in vain. And the uniform voice of history proves that the
base submission of nations to such atrocities as were perpetrated
upon us, inevitably produces a loss of national character, as well
as of the respect and esteem of other nations — and mvites to
further outrages and depredation, till the alternati\e finally be-
comes, a loss of independence, or resistance with means and con-
fidence impaired. The questions respecting the late war with
Great Britain are, whether it was warranted by the conduct of
that nation — and whether, after having been duly declared by
the constituted authorities, it was not the incumbent duty of the
whole nation to have united in support of it. The first of these
questions is of so much importance that I shall devote to it the
44th, 45th and 46th chapters entire. I have already sufficiently
discussed the second in the beginning of the present chapter.

From the hour of the declaration of war, a steady, systemati-
cal, and energetical opposition was regularly organized against
it. The measure itself, and its authors and abettors, were de-
nounced with the utmost virulence and intemperance. The war
was, however, at first opposed almost altogether on the ground
of inexpediency, and the want of preparation. Afterwards its
opposers rose in their denunciations. They asserted it was un-
holy — wicked — base — perfidious — unjust — cruel — and corrupt.
Every m^ who in any degree co-operated in it, or gave aid to
carry it on — was loaded with execration. It was pronounced in
one of our daily papers to be " the most wicked and vmjust war
that ever was waged." The utter disregard of truth and of the
moral sense of the reader, which such a declaration betrays, is
calculated to excite the utmost astonishment. Can this war for
an instant be compared to the atrocious and perfidious war
waged by Bonaparte against Spain — to the treacherous war of
England against Denmark, begun by a most lawless and unpre-
cedented attack upon the shipping and capital of an unoffending
neutral ? I pass over thousands of other instances. And the
assertion just quoted is so far from being true, that it is the very
reverse of truth ; for probably no nation ever boi'e injustice and
depredation so long without resistance.

CHAPTER XLIII.

Peace party. Composed of warlike materials. Repeated clamour

for xvar.
Immediately after the declaration of war, there was a party-
formed, called the "Peace Party," which combined nearly th©
O. B. 31

230

POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH.

[chap. 43.

whole of the federalists throughout the union. Their object
was, to expose the war— the administration— the congress who
declared it— and all who supported it, to reprobation— and to
force the government to make peace.

This party embraced various descriptions of persons, all en-
listed under the banners of federalism, whom it may not be im-
proper to enumerate.

First, those who were clamorous for war with England in
1793, for her depredations on our commerce.

Secondly, those who declared and supported the war against
France in ir98. ^

Thirdly, those who were vociferous for war against Spain in
1803, when she interdicted us from the right of deposit at New-
Orleans.

_ Fourthly, those who in 180J-6, urged the government to r^
sist the aggressions of England, and to make the alternative-^
redress ofxvroyigs^ or WAR.

Fifthly, those who, after the attack upon the Chesapeake in
180r, were clamorous for war, as the only mode in which satis-
iaction could be had for such an outrageous insult.

To enable the reader to make a fair comparison of the several
degrees of complaint at these several periods of time, I annex a
synoptical view of them.

1793

Clamour

for war

with

England.

Cause.

Depre-
dations
on com-
merce.

1798

War

with

France.

Cause.

Depre-
dations
on com-
merce.
Ambas-
sadors
insulted.
Vile at-
tempt
to extort
money.

1803

1806

Clamour [ciam
for war

with
Spain.

Cause.

Prohibi-

tion of
the right
of depo-
sit atNew
Orleans,

our
for war
with G.
Britain.

Cause.

Enforce-
ment of
the ride
of 1756.
Impress-
ment,

1807

1812

Clamour
for war
with G.
Britain.

Causef

Attack '
on the
Chesa-
peake.
Impress-
ment.

MV&v witli Great Britain.

Causes.

Impressment.

American vessels, owweo
by american citizens, laden'
with amebicabt phoductions,
and navigated by american
seamen, liable to seizure

AND CONnEMNATION,(/'6o?i7J<//b?-

Fra?ice, Holland, or the north of
Italy. In othei- icords, the trade
of the United States -with fifty
millions of the people of Eur ops
{interdicted.

I hope the reader will pay particular attention to this table.
Let him for a moment, whether federalist or democrat, divest
himself of all prejudice on this subject. Let him suppose him-
self called to decide upon events of a former age or a distant
country. Let him compare the different grievances together,
and I trust he must acknowledge that those of 1812, very far
outweighed all the others combined.

CHAP. 43.] CLAMOUR FOR WAR. 231

Let us first consider the case of the suspension of the right
of deposit at New Orleans. On that occasion the federal party
in congress and out of doors were loud in their clamour for war,
ivithout even allowing time for making an attempt to procure
redress by negociation, A motion was made in congress for rais-
ing 50,000 men to sail dftwn the Mississippi, in order to chastise
the insolence of the Spaniards. The government was upbraided
for its pusillanimity in not vindicating the national honour. The
cry then was — " millions for defence^ not a cent for tribute.^"*

Extract of a letter from the seat of government to a friend in Massachusetts.

" Mississippi river is the common highway to the people of the western
countiy, on which they must pass with their produce to market. They never
■utill suffer this highivay to be obstructed or shut up. The free navigation of this
river must be preserved to that portion of the American people, or THE AMERI-
CAN EMPIRE MUST BE DISMEMBERED. If -we had a Washington at the
head of our government, I should expect firm, decisive measures would up07i this
pccasion be pursued; that a miUtary force sufficient to take JVew Orleans, would
immediately and without delay be assembled at the JVatches, in the Mississippi
territory ; that upon the refusal of the Spanish government, upon demand, to
fulfil the' treaty, that army, thus assembled, should immediately proceed down
the river, and take possession of J\'exu Orleans. But I apprehend 7io such vigor-
ous measures ivill be adopted by our present executive. From the reduction of
the army last year, what regular troops have we remaimng to be employed in
that service ?" Boston Centinel, January 19, 1803.

♦' Notwithstanding the H»/A7a«r/water measures the administration has thought
proper to adopt respecting the " Occlusion" of the port of A'ew Orleans ,- the
Language of the people on the occlusion is directly the reverse." Boston Cen-
tinel, February 16, 1803.

Extract of a letter from Washingt07i.

" We disapprove the timid and time-serving measures which our government
has adopted relative to the violation of our treaty with Spain. The states
which border on the OMo and Mississippi are most immediately interested in
what the president calls the " occlusion" of the port of New Orleans. On the
fourteenth, Mr. Ross, of Pennsylvaitia, made a most able and animated speech
in the senate, in which he described in striking colours, the situation of the
western country, and urged tlie necessity of taking effectual measures for their re-
lief, and in support of national honour. After having spoken more than an hour,
Mr. Ross informed the senate, that he had prepared several resolutions on the
subject, which he asked leave to submit. The democrats immediately moved
that the galleries should be cleared. Mr. Ross then declared, that if the dis-
cussion -was to be secret, he shoidd not offer the resolutions, or make any further
cbservations on the subject. The galleries were, however, cleared, b) the ma,
I'ority, and the senate soon adjourned. It is understood that a grand caucus
was held that evening : and the majority dreading the effect such proceedings
might have on the public mind, the next morning it was determined in senate,
that the discussion should be pubhc." Boston Centinel, March 2, 1803,

" Nothing is more contagious than example. The meek ami loxdy spirit
wliich influences the conduct of the executive towards Spain, has infected even
the armed force on the frontier ; and the pioneers of their country, WHOSE
SWORDS OUGHT TO LEAP FROM THEIR SCABBARDS TO RESENT
ITS INJURIES, are now seen to catch at every appearance, however evanes-
cent, to promote the reign of humility. Even general Wilkinson, who, one
would suppose, would be trembUngly alive to his country's honour, and proud
of an opportunity to stimulate it to spirited measures; assumes the dulcet note,
and with aviditv dispatches an express to inform governor Claiborne, not that
the Spanish government had restored the United States to their right by treaty:
but truly " that the govenimcnt has given permission for the depot of all

232 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 43.

kinds of provisions in New Orleans, on paying six per cent duty ! .'" And tlii.s
information, sius the able and ind(.fatigal)le editor of the Evening Post, is intro-
duced by tiie words, THE PORT OF NKW ORLEANS OPEN, in larg'e capitals,
by way of exultation at tliis joyotis event."' Boston Centincl, April 13, 1803.

" The president of the United Slates, in liis late letters to the executives of
the individual states, on the subject of the organization of the mihtia ; speaking
of the Spanisli conduct at New Orleans, says^ " Jtigkts the most essential to our
welfare have been violated, and an infraction of treaty committed ~<vithout colour or
pretext." Tliis being the acknowledged state of things, let the world judge,
•whether the national honour -will he more Justly vindicated, and violated rights re-
dressed, hy the muiukiuli appeal which has been made to Spanish faith and justice,
and French generosity and management ; by the degrading solicitation for
purchased justice, or the disgracefid proffer of a bribe : or whether these ends
tvould not more readily be obUiined by the execution of the manly and spirited mea-
sures recommended by the eloquence of .Morris, and the patriotism and sound under-
standing of Ross and the other federalists in congress ; posterity will judge."
Boston Centinel, April 13, 1S03.

" While li-e deplore the rveakness and pusillanimity of our governmait, -ve sin-
cerely congratida-te our western brethren on the favourable change in their situa-
tion ; and fervently pray for its long continuance. How far we may attribute
this change to the spirited conduct of the federal members in congress, cannot at
present be fully ascertained. Wc have no hesitation, however, in believing
that it has at least persuaded, if not entirely originated these measures." Cen-
tinel, Ai;ril 27, 1803.

" Since the adopt-on of the federal constitution, no subject has more forcibly
affected the feelings of the citizens of the Unitetl States, than the "occlusion"
of tlie port of .V«ti Or/cfi/js by the Spanish [or French] government. It is a
subject to which the attention of the reader cannot too frequently be called.
The president of the L^nited States lias not hesitated officially to declare, that
by this measure "rights the most essential to the welfare of the American jyeople
have been violated, and an infraction of the treaty committed iixithout- colour or pre-
text" Tlie spii'it of the people has been alive to the injury; and was ready to
make any saci-itice to redress the wrong: but because the federalists in congress
felt the full glow of this spirit, and took the lead in proposing the necessary measures
to give it rjlicacy ; rather than they should derive any honour from their success,
the administi'ation having the power, substituted A PUSILLANIMOUS NE-
GOCIATIONj and degrading entreaty, for that spirit of action which manly ■
resentment for violated rights and broken faith, so loudly and so justly called
for." Boston Centinel, June 15, 1803.

Lojdsiana purchased-

" The question will ever be, was the mode of getting the territory the best,
the cheapest, the most honnurahle for our nation ? Is the way of negociating cash
in hand, as cheap or honourable as that J\ir. Hoss recommended ? We could have
hcul it for nothing." Centinel, July 2, 1803.

" All that we wanted on the river JTississippi was a place of deposit ; that our
treaty with Spain gives. It was basely withdrawn : our high-spirited rulci's
are asked to assert our rights. O, no ; eighty thousand mihtia are to be held
ready to defend our turnips, and feed the pigs and cattle. BUT TO TAKE
OUR RIGHT, TO SEIZE WHAT TREATIES GIVE, AND FRAUD WITH-
HOLDS ; THIS IS NO'l' TIIEIli FORTE.

" A great man lias been heard to say, that war in any case was wrong : and on
the question being put whether he would think it wrong to go to war if our
country was invaded by a foreign army, that even then some other way might be
found out. This is our honour's keeper, whomwc have elected in the strange
hope that he will guard it better than his own.

" Certainly the .lacobins do not need a conqueror to make them s/ot'es. They
are slaves in soul, whom even our liberty cannot raise ; slaves more fascinated
with a master's livery than their own rights : yet they expect this base language
will inake them ])0])ular." Centinel, July 9, 1803.

" AM ADMINISTRATION SO FEEBLE AND DESPICABLE, by what it
can and what it cannot do, would have sunl^ under tlie competition witli France :

CUAP.43.] CLAMOUR FOU WAK. 233

and a hostile neighbour on the Mississippi would have in two jeais been our
master. Conscious of their povei-tij of spirit andof means, such an administra-
tion \\ ould have resorted to tlie ordinary expedient of tlie bmf, to yield part of
their wealth to save the remainder." Centinel, July 27, 1803.

" Like true Spaniels, we are the most servile to those ivko inost insjiH ia: We
receive back our right as a gi-eat favour, and pay tribute for that which tlic des-
poiler could no longer vvithliold. The free navigation of tiic Mississippi, and
a place of deposit on its shores, was our right: the privation of wliich a wi-ong:
and A FREE AXD ENTIRE RESTORATION, OR A FORCIBLE RECOVE-
RY OF IT SHOULD HAVE BEEN THE REilEUV. True patriotism, thank
God, still glows, still blazes, like a seraph in England. Here it smells of alien.
But Great Britain must save the unwilling world, to save herself." Centinel,
Aug. 13, 1803.

" There is no condition of disgrace granted below ours. In the lowest deep
there is a lower deep. Our nation had better not exist at all, tJiuJi exist bij suffer-
ance and under tribute.'" Centinel, Aug. 23, 1803.

Who could possibly suppose that the prececUng extracts are
from the Boston Centinel, owned and edited by major Benjamin
Russell, who was lately so ardent, so zealous, so benignant a
'•''friend oy j&eac^," and who was among the prime leaders of
those '■'■friends ofpeace,^* whose pacific proceedings nearly over-
turned the government, spread bankruptcy in every direction,
ruined thousands and tens of thousands of the best citizens in
the country, and almost laid us prostrate at the feet of a vindic-
tive and powerful enemy ? The expense of w^ar was of late with
major Russell one of its chief objections. But in 1803, he was
so heroically disposed that he urged war as '•' the cheapest and
most honourable," mode of recovering our rights.

Extract from j\Tr. Rosses speech, delivered in the Senate, on his otvn motion to take
forcible possession of JVew Orleans. Febrnary 16, 1803.
"Why not put a force at his (the president's) disposal, with which he can
■ strike ? "With which he can have a pledge for your future well-being' ' Whea
the Atlantic coast is willing, shall their security be lost by your votes ? Are you
sure that you will ever again find the same disposition ? Can you i-ecall the de-
cisive moment that may. happen in a month after your adjournment ? Hereto-
fore you have distrusted the Atlantic stales ; now, when they offer to pledge
themselves, meet them, and close with the proposal. If the resolutions are too
strong, new model them ; if the measures are not adequate, propose otlier and
more effectual measures. But as you value the best interests of the Western
country, and the union with the Atlantic, seize the present occasion of securing
it forever. For the present is only a question of !\ow much power tlie execu-
tive shall have for the attainment of this great end : and no man desirous of the
end ought to reiuse the necessary means for attaining:jit.. Your votes decide
the direction this senate will take. And I devoutly wish it may be one we shall
Vever repent."

Extract from the speech of Goin^erneur .Morris in the Senate the same daif.
" Yes, sir, we wish for peace ; but how is that blessing to be preserved ? I
shall repeat here a sentiment I have often had occasion to express : In nvj opinion,
there is nothing worth fighting for but nc.lional honour ,- fur in. the national honour
is involved the national independence. I know that a state may find itself in sucli
unpropitious circumstances, that ];)rudence may force a wise government to^
conceal the sense of indignity ; but the insidt should be engraved on tables ot
brass, with a pencil of steel : and when that time and chance which happen to
all, shall bring forward the favourable moment, then let the avcng'ing arm
stiike home. It is by avowing and niaintaining this stern pi-inciple of honour,
that peace caji be preserved. He will feel with me, that our national honour ii

234 ' POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 43.

the best security for our peace ajid prosperity ,- that it involves at once our wealth
and ovir power; and in this view of the subject I must contradict a sentiment
which fell from my honourable colleague (Mr. Clinton). He tells us, that the
principle of this country is peace and commerce. Sir, the avowal of such a
pi-inciple will leave us neither commerce nor peace. It invites others to prey
on that commerce which we will not protect, and share the wealth we dare not
defend. But let it be known, that you stand ready to sacrifice the last man
and the last shilling in defence of national honour, and those who ivould have as-
saulted it, will beware of you."

The cause of complaint in 180G, was much greater than in
1803. But it bears no comparison with the grievances in 1812.
In 1806, besides the lawless depredations on our vessels at sea,
without notice, we were interdicted merely from trading with
the colonies of the French and Spaniards, on other terms than
they permitted in time of peace. How far this was inferior to
the grievances that led to war, wiU appear in the next chapter.

Let us see how consistent major Russel was on the point of
peace and war in 1806.

" The disputes between this country and England, so long attended with ri-
gour on her part, and injury on ours, will not admit of much longer vain com-
plamts and harsh recriminations. They must terminate shortly in the silence ofv>ar,
or peace.

" At the renewal of the present war, we had proceeded for some time with
all the ardour and zeal of good fortujie. We have been stopped again in our ca-
reer by the renewal of harsh and vexatious i-estrictions on the part of England.
She has again appealed to principles wliich we cannot admit, and claimed as
rights, what we cannot grant her even as an indulgence. In the exercise of
these assumed rights, we find a serious source of complaint; for it has cost us
much. It is, however, nothing novel. It is but a renewal of tlie injuries we
complained of in 1793." Boston Centinel, February 15, 1806.

" They [the democrats in congress] dare not resist all aggressions alike, and^
assume the part of spirited impartiality as a magnanimous policy requires. If
war is called for by the insulted honour of our country ; if the cup of concilia-
tion is drained to the dregs, as they declare it to be, LET WAR BE DECLAR-
ED ; LET AN EMBARGO BE LAID ; adequate funds provided ; the strong
arm of defence nerved and extended; and a powerful navy ordered. In these
measures the whole country, from Georgia to Maine, convinced of the necessi-
t)', will be united." Boston Centinel, February 12, 1806.

" I do not believe we sliall have war with any nation- Hiit our peace idll he
at the expense of our spirit." Boston Centinel, March 8, 1806.

" Our ministers in Europe ; may they never hesitate to PREFER WAR to
dishonour and tribute." Toast drank at the artillery election. From the Bos-
ton Centinel, June 4, 1806.

" From Washington, January 23, 1806.

" Fear, prejudice, or some other dastardly principle, is continually crossing
the path of our rulers : and the loud call of our country, its commerce, and
spoiled merchants, for energetic measiu-es, is unheard, or disregarded. My
fears are, that the president's Ttiessage -mU only be supported by ruindy debates, or
pen and ink reports.

" Mr. Randolph, I am told, has very much injured his health by the exertions
he is said here to have made during the time the house was in conclave. He has
not attended the house for several days, and is sick. From one quarter or an-
other, the proceedings of the house, when in secret session, are leaking out.
My inquiries lead me to believe, that, in the spirited measures which Randolph
proposed for supporting the presidents confidential message, he was joined by

CHAP. 43.] CLAMOUR FOR WAR. 235

every federalist in the house ; by a majority of the Virginia representation, and
some others ; but that he was in the minority ,- and further, that he was opposed
by all the New England democrats to a man ! !" Boston Centinel, Feb. 5, 1806.
•' Our seamen are impressed ; they are captured ; they are imprisoned ; they
are treated with almost every kind of indignity, while pursuing their lawful
business in a regular manner. How long must this be borne ? Has our govern-
ment yet to learn, that 7io nation ever was or everioill be respected abroad, but in
proportion as it exacts respect by punisMng -wanton insults upon its dignity, and
-wanton depredation vpon the property of its citizens; that its doing justice to
other nations cannot secure it respect, unless it has both abihty and disposi-
tion to enforce measures of justice from them ; and that constant firmness of
national attitude and conduct prevents insuUs, while pusillanimity invites them.."
New Hampshire Gazette, July 31, 1805.

« TO WHOM IT SUITS.

"Look at the situation of our sea-coast, defenceless, a prey to picaroons, pri-
vateers, and armed vessels of all nations. Our ports blockaded, our coasters
and shipping robbed, our forts insulted, our harbours converted into private
depots, where the very vessels which rob and disgrace us, are supplied with
provisions, stores, and God knows what ; and where, it is more than probable,
they have their agents, confederates, or co-partners. See the powers of Europe
acting towards America, as if it were meant to insult her, or rather, indeed,
sporting with her tameness in the eyes of the looking-on world. Disagreeing,
fighting, and at enmity with each ether, in every thing else, in this one thing
they perfectly agree, in treating America with indignity, insult, and deluding
co?itempt.

"Are you yet aware, sir, when it will end ? Are you sure that, if neglected,
it will not amount to a height too great to be reached without strainings that
may produce fatal convulsions in the state ? For God's sake, for the honour of
your country-, for your own credit, rouse ,• let loose the spirit of the country ,- let
loose its money bags ,• and save its honour ,- the nation luill one andallsiipport you.^^
New Hampsliire Gazette, January 31, 1805.

In 1 807, the cause of complaint was still less substantial than
in either of the other instances.

Not to tire the reader with proofs of the public clamours for
war at this period, I deem it abundantly sufficient to refer him
to the twentieth chapter of this work, wherein he will find evi-
dence to satisfy the most incredulous.

Any man who was a partisan of war in the above cases, and
reprobates the late war as unjust and unnecessary, betrays a most
awful degree of inconsistency. And yet it is an indisputable
fact, that the most violent, the most clamorous, the most Jaco-
binical, and the most seditious, among the late " Friends of
Peace^'' were among the most strenuous advocates for, and
" Friends of War^'' on the former occasions.

The Boston Centinel, after the declaration of hostilities, re-
garded war as the most frightful of all possible evils. But this
was not always its view of the subject. Within a fortnight after
laying the embargo, that measure was pronounced more formi-
dable than war itselif.

" The embargo, which the government has just laid, is of a new and alarming,
nature. War, great as the evil is, has less terror, and -will produce less irdsery than
an embargo on such t)rincit>\es" Boston Centinel, January 2, 1808.

^5S POLITICAL OUYE BRANCH. [chap. 44.

CHAPTER XLIV.

hiquiry into the justice of the War.

Those who were unacquainted with the causes that led to the
late war, might, from the publications that have appeared against
it, believe that the United States were wholly the aggressors —
that England had been a tame and submissive sufferer of degra-
dation, outrage, and insult — and that our rulers had been wan-
tonly led, by inordinate and accursed ambition, to engage in a
ruinous and destructive war, in order to enrich themselves — ■
squander away the public treasure — and impo\'erish the nation.
They were, it' would appear, actuated by as unholy motives as
ever impelled Attila, Genghis Khan, or Bonaparte, to perpetrate
outrage and cruelty to the utmost extent of their power.

These allegations were made in the strongest language in the
public papers in London. The prince regent appealed to the
world, that Great Britain had not been the aggressor in the war.
And, as we have seen, the lords of the admiralty asserted that
■war was declared " after all the grievances of this country had
been removed.''''

The federal papers re-echoed and magnified the accusations
of the British writers ; and succeeded so far as to inflame a
large portion of the public with the most frantic exaspertition
against the rulers of their choice, whom they suspected of hav-
ing abused their confidence.

Governors of states in their addresses, as well as senates and
houses of representatives in their replies, took the same ground ;
and assumed it as incontrovertible that guilt, and profligacy, and
corruption, were the parents of the declaration of war.

The house of representatives of Massachusetts, regardless o£
the holy rule, '■'■Judge not^ lest ye be judged^'' in the most un-
qualified manner, with an utter destitution of the least semblance
of charity, asserted, that

" The real cause of war must be traced to the first systematical abandonment
of the policy of Washington, and llie friends and framers of tlic constitution ;
to implacable animosity against those men, and their universal exclusion from
all concern in the government of the country; to the. influence of worthless
foreigners over the press, and the deliberations of the government in all its
branches : to jealousy of the commercial states,*- fear of their pou<er, contempt of their
pwsuits, and ignorance of tlieir true cliaractrv and importance ,- to the cupidity of
certain states for the wilderness reserved for the miserable aborigines ; to a vi-
olent passion for conquest," &c.

With ecfual candour^ the senate of the state, not to be outdone
by the other legislative branch, declared that

" 7/ie tvnr was founded in falsehood, declared -luithont necessitii, audits real ob-
ject was extent of territory by unjust conquests, and to aid the late t^'ant of JBw*
rope in his views of agg:-andiaement."

* The absurdity and total want of fouiidalion of these allegations I shall fully
estabhsh in a subsequent chapter.

fttAP. 44.3 DEFENCE OF THE WAR. 23^

In these awful accusations, there is no allowance for human
imperfection — or error in judgment — or difference in opinion.
They are preferred in the strongest form which our language
admits, and involve the highest possible degree of turpitude.

If these allegations be true, the president who recommended
war, and the legislature of the United States which declared it,
betrayed their trust, and are base, abandoned, and wicked. If
they be false, the legislature of Massachusetts are base, abandon-
ed and wicked. There is no alternative. One or other description
of persons must sink in the estimation of contemporaries and
posterity.

Let us examine the case. Let us investigate the truth. If
our rulers be thus base — thus abandoned— thus wicked — thus
corrupt — let them be devoted to the detestation they have so
richly earned. But if the allegations be false — if the war were
just — if the nation drank the chalice of outrage, insult, injur)',
and depredation, to the last dregs, before she had recourse to
arms, let us, at every hazard, cling to our rulers — to our form of
government — to the national honour — to the national interest.

The conduct of Great Britain to this country for a series of
years, had been a constant succession of insult, aggression, and
depredation. Our harbovirs had been insulted and outraged — •
our commerce had been most wantonly spoliated — our citizens
had been enslaved, scourged, and slaughtered, fighting the bat-
tles of those who held them in cruel bondage. We had, in a
word, experienced numberless and most wanton injuries and out-
rages of various kinds. But the two most prominent causes of
war, assigned by the president in that message which recom-
mended, and by the committee in the report which contained, a
declaration of hostilities, were impressment and the orders in
council. If those causes really existed, the war could not have
been '•'•founded in falsehood.'''' I shall proceed to the examination
of both topics. But I previously quote the words of the mes-
sage and of the report. On the subject of impressment, the pre-
sident declares,

" The practice is so far from affectin,^ British subjects alone, that, under the
pretext of searching- for those, THOUSANDS OF AMERICAN CITIZENS,
under the safeguard of pubhc hiw, and their national flag-, have been torn from
their country, and every thing- dear to them ; have been dragged on board
ships of war of a foreign nation ; and exposed, under the severities of their dis-
cipline, to be exiled to the most distant and deadly climes ; to risk their lives
in the battles of their oppressors ; and to be the melancholy instruments of ta-
king away those of their own brethren."

And the committee, on the same topic, state,

" We will now proceed to other wrongs which have been more severely felt.

Amongtheseis THE IMPRESSMENT OF OUR SEAMEN, a practice which

has been unceasingly maintained by Great Britain in the wars to wliich she has

been a party since our revolution, i'oitr committee cannot convey in adequate

O. B. 32

238 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 4*.

terms the deep serise which they entertain of the injustice and oppression of this pro-
ceeding-. Under the pretext of impressing- British seamen, our fellow-citizens
are seized 171 British ports, on the high seas, and in every other quarter to which
the British power extends ; are taken on board British men of war, and com-
pelled to serve there as Britisli subjects. In this mode our citizens are wan-
tonly snatched from their country and their families ; deprived of their hberty ;
doomed to an ignominious and slavish bondage ; compelled to fight the battles
of a foreign country, and often perish in them. Our flag has given them no pro-
tection : it has been unceasingly violated, and our vessels exposed to danger by
tlie loss of the men taken from them. Your committee need not remark, that
while the practice is continued, IT IS IMPOSSIBLE FOR THE UNITED
STATES TO CONSIDER THEMSELVES AN INDEPENDENT NATION.
Every new case is a proof of their degradation. Its continuance is the more un-
justifiatjle, because i/u; United States have repeatedly proposed to the British gov-
ernment an arreingernent -U'hich luonld secure to it the controul of its own people. An
exemption of the citizens of the United States from tliis degrading oppression,
and their flag from violation, is all that they have sought."

On the orders in council, the president observes,

" Under pretended blockades, without the presence of an adequate force, and
sometimes without the practicability of applying one, OUR COMMERCE HAS
BEEN PLUNDERED IN EVERY SEA. The great staples of our country have
been cut oft" from their legitimate markets : and a destructive blow aimed at our
agricultural and maritime interests. In aggi-avation of these predatory measures,
they have been considered as in force from the date of their notifcatioji ,- a retro-
spective eflTect being thus added, as has been done in other important cases, to
the unlawfulness of the course pursued. And to i-ender the outrage the more
signal, tliese mock blockades have been reiterated and enforced in the face of
official communications from the British government, declaring, as the true
definition of a legal blockade, " that particular ports must be actually invested,
and previous warning given to vessels bound to them, not to enter."

" Not content with these occasional expedients for laying waste our neutral
trade, the cabinet of Great Britain resorted, at length, to the sweeping system
of blockades, under the name of orders in council, which has been moulded
and managed, as might best suit its political views, its commercial jealousies,
or the avidity of British cruisers."

And the committee states,

By the last orders in council of the 11th of November, 1807,
" The British government declared direct and positive war against the United
States. TIte dominion of the ocean was completely usurped by it ; all commeixe for-
bidden ; and every flag driven from it, or subjected to capture and condemna-
tion, which did not subserve the policy of the British government, by paying it
a tribute and sailing under its sanction. From this period the United States have
incurred the heaviest and most mortifying humiliations. Tiiey have borne the calami-
ties of war without retorting them on its authors."

I shall discuss each item separately.

1. Orders hi Council.

To repel the charge that the " rvar xv as founded hi falsehood^''
so far as respects this item, it would be sufficient to establish
their existence on the day war was declared. This is obvious.
For if they existed, then the war could not be '■'■founded hi false-
hood.''^ But I shall not rest satisfied with this alone.

War was declared at Washington on the 18th of June, 1812.
The repeal, as it is called, of the orders in council, took place
on the 22d of that month in London. It is clear, therefore, that
the charge of "■falsehood'''' here is utterly unfounded.

.«BAP. 44.] Defence of the war. 239

By an official statement presented to congress by the secretary
of state, on the 6th of July, 1812, it appears that the British
captures, prior to the orders in council, were 528, and subse-
quent thereto, 389.

It is difficult to form an estimate of these vessels. I am no
merchant, and have no adequate data to guide me. I have en-
quired of mercantile characters, and have been told, that from
the great value of the cottons, tobaccoes, &c. of the outward car-
goes to France, and the silks, brandies, &c. of the homeward
cargoes, 30 or 40,000 dollars would be a fair average. But I will
suppose 25,000 dollars for vessel and cargo, which, I presume, is
moderate. This extends to the enormous amount of

13,200,000 dollars,
depredated previous to the orders in council ; and

9,7-25,000 dollars,
during the existence of those orders ; for the latter of w^hich
there is not the least chance of redress.

But the sum, of which our citizens were despoiled, by no
means constitutes the w^hole of the grievance. The enormous
limitation and restriction of the trade of a sovereign and inde-
pendent nation, was at least of equal magnitude, in point of out-
rage, with the pecuniary loss ; for it is a sacred and indisputable
truth, that from November 11, 1807, till the day war was de-
clared, American ships^ owned hi] American merchants^ navigat-
ed by American stamen^ and laden xvith A^nericoji productions^
"Were liable to seizure and condenination, if bound to France, Hol-
land, or the northern part of Italy : and for about trveiity months
of that period, they were subject to capture and condemnation if
bound to any part xvhatever of Europe except the British domi-
nions.

I implore the reader by all that is candid, to consider this sin-
gle sentence. Let him read it once more carefully. It is a fair
statement of the relative situation of the two countries. The
commerce of the United States xvith nearly one-third of the popU'
lation of Europe xuas subject to condeinnatioii ! Let him lay his
hand on his heart, and answer the question, was not this ade-
quate cause for war ? Was not this a greater grievance than the
sixpenny tax on tea, which led to the American Revolution ?
Have not more than nine-tenths of all the wars that have ever
existed been declared for less causes? We xvere forbidden by
Great Britaiji, under penalty of confiscation, to carry on trade
•with about fifty millions of the inhabitants of Europe. And yet,
we are gravely told, that " the war was founded in falsehood ! ! !"
Wonderful, wonderful delusion ! !

At that period England herself carried onxvith France and her
dependencies, under licenses, the very trade which she rendered
illegal xvhen carried on by the United States 1 1 ! And several Ame-;

240 POLITICAL OLIYE BRANCH. [chap. 44-

rican vessels, bound for France, and taken bij British cruizers,
were actually, without breaking Indk, taken into French ports by
the captors, or those zvho purchasedfrom them ! ! !

Having presented the reader with a short specimen of the
denunciations of the war, I lay before him some opinions of a
directly contrary tendency.

The first authority is highly exalted and respectable. It is no
less than the emperor Alexander. This monarch, in the very
commendable offer of his mediation, declares, that

" His majenty takes pleasure in (foitig- justice to the ivisdom of the United States .-
and is convinced that it has done all that it conld, to avoid this ii/pture."

The next authority is governor Plumer, of New-Hampshire,
who in a short speech to the legislature of that state, Nov. 18,
1812, states that Great Britain

" Has for a series of j'ears by her conduct evinced a deadly hostility to out
national rights, to our commerce, peace, and prosperity. She has ivantonly im-
pressed thousands of our nnnffending seamen ; immured them within the tvalls of
her floating castles ,- held them in servitude for ari unlimited period, often for life ;
and compelled them to fight, not only with nations with whom we are at peace,
but to turn their ai-ms against their own country. She has violated the rights
find peace of our coasts,- loanlonly shed tlie blood of our citizens in our harbours ;
and instead of punishing, has rewarded her guilty officers. Under pretended
blockades, unaccompanied by the presence of an adequate force, she has un-
iustly deprived us of a market for the products of our industry ; and, by her
orders in council, has, to a great extent, s~uept our commerce from tlte ocean .- thus
assuming a right to regvdate our foreign trade in war, and laying a foundation
to prescribe law for us in time of peace. She has pei^mitted her subjects publicly to
forge and vend our ships' papers, to carry on a commerce with thatycry enemy
from whose pons she interdicted our trade. Whilst her accredited minister, un-
der the mask of friendship, was treating with our government, her spies were
endeavouring to ahcnate our citizens, subvert our government, and dismember
the union of the states."

The senate of Massachusetts, June 26, 1812, agreed upon,
an address to the people of that state, of which I subjoin three
paragraphs —

"We will not enter into a detail of the injuries inflicted on us, nor of the
flimsy pretexts by which Great Britain has endeavoured to justify her outrages.
It is sufficient to say, that slie no longer pi-etends to disguise her ambitious de-
signs, under pretence of retaliation on her enemy. She asserts her right to un-
bounded dominion, only because slie assumes unbounded power. She annexes
conditions to the repeal of her orders in council, whicli she knows we have no
right to require of her enemy ; which she knows are impossible ; thus adding
insult to injury ; thus adding mockery to her long train of perpetrated inju-
ries. With the boldness of the highwayman, she has, at last, stripped the inask from
violence, and vindicates her aggressions on the only plea of tyrants, that of whim
and convenience.

" It was not sufficient that we were remote from European politics, and
courted peace tnider every sacrifice ; acquiesced inminorinjuries; remonstrated
against those of a deeper dye ; forbore until forbearance became piisillanimiiy ;
and finally retired from the scene of controversy, with the delusive hope that a
spirit of moderation might succeed that of violence and rapine. We were hunt-
ed on the ocean. <')ur properly was seized upon by the convulsive grasp of our
now open and acknowledged enemy, and our citizms forced into a cmel andig-
vominioiis vassalage. And when we retired, we were pursued to the thresliok!
of our territory ; outrages of an enormous cast, perpetrated in our baj's and har-

CHAP. 44.] DEFENCE OF THE WAR. 241

bours ; the tomahawk of the savage uplifted against the parent, the wife, the
infant, on our frontiers ; and spies and incendiaries sent into the bosom of our
country, to plot the dismemberment of our union, and involve us in all the hor-
rors of a civil war.

" The constituted authorities of the United States in congress assembled,
submitting the justice of their cause to the God of battles, have at length de-
clared war against this implacable foe ; a war for the liberty of our citizens ,■ a
■war for our national sovereigntij andindepemlence ,- a xoar for our republican form
of government against the machinations of despotism."

On the 26th of December, 1811, the legislature of Ohio pub-
lished a resolution and address on the subject of our foreign re-
lations, in which they pledged themselves to a full support of
the government, in the event of a declaration of war. This
pledge they have nobly redeemed. I submit one paragraph of
the address.

" The conduct of Great Britain towards this country is a gross departure from
the known and established laws of nations. Our rights, as well those derived
through the immemorial usages of nations, as those secured by compact, have
been outraged without acknowledgment ; even without remorse. Solemn sti-
pulations by treaty, and imphed engagements, have given place to views of an
oven-eaching, selfish, and depraved policy. Life, liberty, and property, have been
the sport of measures, unjust, cruel, and ivithout a parallel. The flag of freedom
and of impartial neutrality has been wantonly insulted. Tears of the ividoxvs
and orphatis of murdered Jlmericans have floiued in vain. Our countrj'men have
been torn from the embrace of liberty and plenty. The cords of conjugal, filial,
fraternal, and paternal affection, have been broken. Almost every sea and ocean
buoys upon its surface the victims of capture and impressment. Vain is every ef-
fort and sacrifice for an honourable state of safety and tranquillity. Mission
has followed mission ; remonstrance has succeeded remonstrance ; forbearance
has stepped on the heels of forbearance, till the mind revolts at the thought of
a prolonged endurance."

The senate of Maryland, on the 22d of Dec. 1812, passed a
set of resolutions, approving of the war, from which I subjoin an
extract.

" Whenever the pursuit of a pacific policy is rendered utterly inconsistent
with the national interest, prosperity and happiness, by tlie tinprovoked in-
juries and la-wless outrages of foreign power ,- whenever those rights* are assail-
ed, without the full and perfect enjoyment of which a nation can no longer
claim the character and attributes of sovereignty and independence ; whenever
the right of a free people to navigate the common highway of nations, for the
purpose of transporting to, and vending the surplus products of their soil and
industry at, a foreign market, is attempted to be controlled and subjected to
Such arbitrary rides and regulations as the jealousy or injustice of a foreign
power may tliink proper to prescribe ; whenever their citizens, in the exercise
ff t/ieir ordinary occupations, and labounng to obtain the means of subsistence for
themselves and their families, are torn by the ruthless hand of violence from their
country, their connections, and their home,- whenever the tender ties of pai'entand^
child, of husband and wife, are wholly disregarded by the inexorable owelty oj
the u feeling Oppressor, who, usurping the liigh prerogative of beaven, and anti-
cipating the dread office of death, convei-ts those sacred relations into a prema-
lure orphanage and widowhood ; not that orphanage and widowhood which
"spring from the grave," unless the footing dungeons into ivhich they are cast,
and compelled to fight the battles of their oppressors, may be compared to the atvjul
and gloomy mansions of the tomb ; whenever injuries and oppressions, such as
these, are inflicted by a foreign power, upon the persons .'ir.il Tjrcpert.es of our
citizens, and aji appeal ta^ the justice of such po-wer to obtoiu redress, proves wholltf
useless and unavailing ; in such cases, as it is the duty of those to whom the sa-

2*42 POLITICAL OLIVE BHANCH. [chap. 45,

cred trust of protecting- the rig-lits ot'the citizens and the honour of the nation,
is confided, to take such measures as the exigency of the case may require, to
protect the one, and vindicate the other : Therelbre

" Resolved, that the war -waged by the United Slates against Great Britain, is
just, necessary, and politic ; and ouglit to be supported by the united strength and re-
sources of the nation, imtil the grand object is obtained for which it was declared."

CHAPTER XLV.

Consideration of the orders i7i Council continued. Strong and
unequivocal reprobation of them by James Lloyd and James
Bayard., Esqrs. and Goverjior Griszvold. Extract of a letter
from Harrison Gray Otis^ Esq.

I MIGHT have dismissed this part of my subject with the last
chapter. But as it is ot vital importance — as Great Britain and
the United States are at issue on, it in the face of an anxious
and enquiring world, whose judgment we await on the subject —
I judge it advisable to enter into it more fully.

The only defence ever attempted of these outrageous pro-
ceedings is on the principle of " retaliation.'"* This is complete-
ly invalidated by Mr. Baring, supra page 117. It is also unequi-
vocally abandoned by the most prominent and influential leaders
of the federal party.

James Lloyd, Esq. senator of the United States for the state
of Massachusetts, a most decided federalist, a steady, undeviat-
ing, and zealous opposer of the administration and of all its
measures, has pronounced sentence of condemnation in the most
unequivocal terms, upon the pretence of retaliation, in a speech
delivered in senate on the 28th of February, 1812.

*' ^7irf how is it possible, that a third and neiitral party can make itself a fair ob-
ject of retaliation, for measures which it did not counsel ; which it did not approve ;
which militate strongly with its interests ; which it is and ever has been aiixiously
desirous to remove ,- 7vhich it has resisted by every means in its power, that it
thought expedient to use, and of these means the government of the neutral country
ought to be sole judge ; which it has endeavoured to get rid of even at a great
sacrifice ! how is it possible that a neutral country, thus conducting, can make itself
a fair object of retaliation for measures which it did 7iot originate; which it could
not prevent, and cannot controul .' Thus, sir, to my view the ORDERS IN COUN-
CIL ARE WHOLLY UNJUSTIFIABLE, LET THEM BE BOTTOMED
EITHER ON THE PRINCIPLE OF RETALIATION, OR OF SELF-PRE-
SERVATION."

From Mr. Lloyd's authority on this topic I presume there
will be no appeal. There cannot be. His decision is final.
But I am not confined to Mr. Lloyd. Mi*. Baj'ard, a gentleman
of equal standing, a quondam senator of the United States from
the state of Delaware, one of our late commissioners at Ghent,
also a decided federalist, pronounced the same sentence on
them — in a speech delivered in the senate of the United States,
October 31,1811.

" They were adopted as a measure of retaliation, though they never deserved
that character. He had always considered the Berlin a^id Milan decrees used as^

CHAP. 45.] ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 243

a mere pretext. Those decrees were vain and empty denunciations in relation
to England. The plain design of the British government was to deprive France of
the benefits of external commerce, UNLESS TilE PROFITS OF IT WERE TO
BE DiVlDED WITH HERSELF. This is fully proved by the license trade.
Britain carries on the very trade she denies to neutrals, and having engrossed the
■whole to herself, she excludes neutrals from a participation.

" I am amo'nff the last men in the senate who would justify or defend the or-
ders in council! THEY VIOLATE THE PLAINEST RIGHTS OF THE NA-
TION. The ground of retaliation ivas never more than a pretext, and their plain
object is to depnve France of neutral trade. It never was contended, nor does
Britain now contend, that she would be justified by the laws or usag-es of na-
tions, to interdict our commerce with her enemy. She COVERS HER INJUS-
TICE WITH THE CLOAK OF RETALIATION, and insists that she has a right
to retort upon her enemy tlie evils of his own policy. This is a doctrine to luhich
I am not disposed to agree. IT IS DESTRUCTIVE TO NEUTRALS. It makes
them the prey of the belligerents.

"IT IS A DOCTRINE WHICH WE MUST RESIST."

In addition to the authority of Messrs. Lloyd and Bayard, I
beg leave to adduce that of the late governor of Connecticut,
Roger Griswold, esq. which, though not quite so unequivocal,
is sufficiently strong to satisfy every candid reader.

On the 10th of October, 1811, eight months previous to the
declaration of war, governor Griswold, in an address to the le-
gislature of the state, drew a strong portrait of the injustice of
the belligerents towards us, and of the necessity of abandoning
the pacific policy which our government had pursued, and
adopting vigorous and decisive measures to enforce respect for
our rights.

" It has been our misfortune to pursue a policy, which has rendered us con-
temptible in the eyes of foreign nations ; and we are treated as a people, who
are ready to submit to every indignity, which interest or caprice imposes upon
tis. It cannot, however, be too late to retrieve the natio7ial honour : and we
ouglit to expect that our public councils will find, that a manly, impartial, and
decided course of measures has now become indlspensible ; such a cour.^e as shall
satisfy foreign nations, that whilst we desire peace, we have THE MEANS AND
THE SPIRIT TO REPEL AGGRESSIONS. The interests of the United
States undoubtedly require a secure and honorable peace. But the only
guarantee which ought or can with safety be relied on for this object, is a suffi-
cient organised force, and SPIRIT TO USE IT WITH EFFECT, when no other
honourable means of redress can be resorted to. The extensive resources, aid-
ed by the geographical situation of our country, have furnished every necessary
means for defending our territoiy and our commerce : and WE ARE FALSE
TO OURSELVES, WHEN EITHER [i, e. our ten-itory or our commerce] IS
INVADED WITH IMPUNITY."

No dispassionate reader can deny that governor Griswold in
this speech makes very strong and unequivocal declarations of
the necessity of vigorous, and decisive, that is to say, of war-
like measures. It is impossible otherwise to interpret the im-
pressive style in which he invokes the " spirit to use the organ-
ized force xvith effecV — and the declaration that "• xve are false
to ourselves tuhen we allow our commerce or our territory to be
invaded with impunity.''''

On the 12th of May, 1812, only five weeks before the declara-
tion of war, the legislature of Connecticut met again. Governor

244 POLITICAL OUVE BRANCH. [chap. 45.

Griswold addressed them once more on the same subject. He
explicitly declared, that

" The last six moiiths do not appear to have produced any change in the hostile
aggressions of foreign nations on the commerce of the United States."

And after referring to, and justly reprobating the burning of
our vessels by the French, he emphatically adds,

" Such, however, has been the character of doth, that NO CIRCUMSTANCE
CAN JUSTIFY A PREFERENCE TO EITHER."

I beg the reader will give these documents a due degree of
consideration. It appears that governor Griswold, on the 10th
of October, 1811, unequivocally pronounced an opinion, that the
aggressions of Great Britain and France were of such a nature
as to warrant resistance by war. He denounced the pacific poli-
cy we had pursued, as rendering us " contemptible in the eyes of
foreign nations^'*'' who, in consequence, regarded us '•'■as a people
ready to submit to every indignity -which interest or caprice
might impose upon usj"* He called upon the government to
change its system, and to convince foreign nations, that " rve
have the means and the spirit to resent foreign aggressions ;" —
and finally declared " ive are fake to ourselves., rvhen we stiver
our commerce or our territory to be invaded with impunity.''''
Seven months afterwards, he reviewed these declarations, and
stated that " no circumstance could justify a preference to 'either''^
France or England, both had so grossly outraged our rights.
And yet, reader, what must be your astonishment to be told,
that this same governor Griswold, immediately after the war
was declared, which his speech appears to have urged, arrayed
himself among, and was a leader of, the '•'■friends of peace ^'' who
denounced the war as inexpedient, and wicked, and unjust, and
unholy ! ! !

I might have rested the cause on the united testimony of Mr.
Lloyd and Mr. Bayard, and governor Griswold. They are
fully sufficient for my purpose. No candid or honest man can
resist them. They, with concurring voice, establish the
strong, the decisive fact, that there was ample and adequate cause
of war. But regarding the subject as of immense and vital im-
portance, I am determined " to make assurance doubly sure^^''
I therefore solemnly cite before the public another evidence, still
more powerful, still more overwhelming, to prove that the war
was not founded in falsehood — that it was both just and righte-
pus.

This evidence is the honorable Harrison Gray Otis, esq.
a gentleman of considerable talents, great wealth, high standing,
and most powerful influence in the state of Massachusetts, who
has acted a very conspicuous and important part in the extraor--
dinary events of our era. He was formerly a senator of the
United States — recently a member of the legislature of Massa-

CHAP. 45.] DEFENCE OP THE WAR. 245

chusetts — one of the principal movers of the appointment of, and
a delegate to, the Hartford Convention ; (which legislature and
convention denounced the war as unjust, and wicked, and profli-
gate) — and finally, one of the " ambassadors'''' to Washington, to
negociate with the president on the part of Massachusetts. It is
hardly necessary to add — but I shall be pardoned, I trust, for
adding, that there is not in the United States a more uniform,
undeviating, and zealous opposer of thfe party in power — a more
decided antigallican — or a citizen less disposed to censure Eng-
land or her measures unjustly, than Mr. Otis.

This gentleman, on the 14th of Januaiy, 1812, addressed to a
friend in London, a letter on the relations of the two nations —
which displays no small share of public spirit, and breathes a
most fervent desire for the repeal of the orders in council, in
order to remove the indignation and abhorrence they excited in
the United States.

This letter was published in London ; and, had not the coun-
sellors of his Britannic majesty been most fatally and egregious-
ly misguided, would have produced an immediate and decisive
effect, and saved the two countries from the horrors of warfare.

Extract of a letter from IIamfi07i Gray Otis, esq. to a friend in London, dated

Boston, Jcmuary 14, 1812.

" You will perceive by the papers, that our government profess the intention
to assume a very warhke attitude ; and that the sentiment of indignation throvg/i'
out the country at the continnation of the orders in council, IS LOUD AND UNI-'
VERSAL FROM BOTH PARTIES ! The motives which induce your govern-
ment to continue them, are quite incomprehensible to the BEST FRIENDS of
Great Britcdn in this cowUry ,■ and THE EFFECT WILL BE TO MAKE
EVERY MAN ODIOUS WHO DARES TO EXPRESS A WISH FOR YOUR
SUCCESS AND PROSPERITY ; a sentiment still common to our best men, bnt
■ii'hich an adherence to this system ivill impair and destroy.

" It is too true, that the repeal of the Berlin and ISTilan decrees has been less
formal than it shoidd have been ,- and that our administration have become wil-
ling dupes to the insidious policy of Napoleon.

"But luhy should your government mind that? MHiy should they not embrace
any pretence for restoring harmony between our two countries, especially as it
will, of consequence, be followed by hostility on the part of France ? Napoleon
will' renew his outrages the moment we are friends ; and Ulc natural ties xohich
cement Great Britain and America, -will be draim closer. On the contrary, the
scrupulous adherence of your cabinet to an empty punctilio, will too probably
wdte the ivhole country in opposition to your nation, and sever, for generations,
perhaps for ever, interests ivldch have the most natural affinity, and men who
ouglit to feel and love like brethren."

Let us canvass this precious document attentively. It is
fraught with meaning, and flashes conviction. Every sentence
is of vital importance. Mr. Otis states, that " the sentiment of
ind'igJiat'ion against the orders in coimdl was loud and universal
from both parties,'''' This declaration from such a quarter is
overwhelming— it is irresistible. It proves the strong sense
universally prevalent, of the outrage and injustice of those or-
ders. The concurrence of both parties, who so rarely agree in
any point, demands particuh.r attention. And surely Mr, Otis
O. B. 3.3

246 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 45.

himself, or Mr. Pickering, or Mr. King, will not deny that it is
fair to infer that he must have regarded the orders in council as
unjust, and wicked, and oppressive, and piratical, and utterly in-
defensible, when he candidly confesses, that a continuance of
them would '"'■produce the effect to render every man odious zvho
dared to express a wish for the success and prosperity'''' of Great
Britain.

Mr. Otis deprecated a war with England as one of the
mightiest evils. He appears to have regarded these orders as not
merely cause of war — but as likely to produce war, if continued.

What language shall I use, reader, to fix your attention to this
most solemn part of my subject ? Mr. Otis is so thoroughly
impressed with a conviction of the injustice of the orders in
council, that he explicitly states to his correspondent, that the
*' sentiment of ind'^gnatioji throughout the country^'' at their con-
tinuance, " is loud and universal from both parties^'' and that
*' the effect of their continuance zvill be to render odious every
man who dares to express a wish for the success and prosperity
of England'''' — and further, that " an adherence to an empty punc-
tilio will sever the txvo nations perhaps for ever.'''' Let it be ob-
served that these declarations were made January 14, 1812,
only five months before the declaration of war — and further, that
no alteration or mitigation of the rigour or injustice of those
orders had taken place when war was declared. When these
points are duly weighed, let the reader consider that this same
Harrison Gray Otis was one of the prime ipovers of a seditious,
I might say, a treasonable opposition to the war, on the ground
of its having been " profligate and unjust." It is impossible
for language to do justice to the astonishment these reflections
are calculated to excite. Mr. Otis was a most influential mem-
ber of the senate of Massachusetts, in February, 1814, when a
report of both houses declared, that " the war, so fertile in ca-
lamities, xvas waged zvith the worst possible viervs, and carried
on in the worst possible maJiner^ form'vig an union of xveakness
and wickedness^ winch defies for a parallel the annals of the
xuorld! r

Here I close this part of the discussion. It were superfluous
to add a line. The reader will have no difiiculty to decide.

On the 18th of December, 1S08, a vote was taken in the
house of representatives of the United States, on the following
resolution :

" liesrdveil. That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights,
lionour and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France.

" And decide d in the affirmative as follows; yeas, one hundred and eigh-
teen, nays, two.

" Yeas. Messrs. Alexander, W. Alston, L. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Baker,
Bassctt, Blacklcdi^i . Blake, Blount, Boijil, Boyle, Brown, Bnrwell, Butler, Ca:l-
boun, Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Clay, Clopton, Culpepper, Cutts, Daveu'

«HAP. 45] DEFENCE OF THE WAR. 247

port, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durell, Elliott, Ely, Findley, Fisk, Fraiiklin, Gard-
ner, Garnet, Gholson, Goodvvyn, Gray, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Holland,
Hoimes, Howard, Hunipiireys, Isley^ J. G. Jackson, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins,
Johnson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lewis, Lloyd, Ma-
con, Marion, Masters, M'Creery, Milnor, D. Montgomery, J. Montgoniery, N.
R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, Jno. Morrow, Mosely, ISliimford, Nelson,
JVdwioW, Newton, Nicholas, Pitkin, Porter, Quincy, 7?««f7o/;;A, Rea, Rhea, J.
Richards, M. Richards. Rvissel, Sav, Seaver, Shaw, Sloan, Smelt, Smike, J. K.
Smita, J. Smith, Southafd, Stanfo^^d, Stedman, Storer, Stnrges, Taggart, Tal-
madge, Taylor, Thomson, Trigg', Troup, Ipham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt^
Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Verplank, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, Williams,
A. Wilson, N. Wilson, Winn.— 118.
" Nays, Messrs. Gardenier, Hoge. — 2."

This is a vote of immense importance in the decision of the
question which I have been discussing. One hundred and eigh-
teen members, out of one hundred and twenty, have recorded
their deliberate opinion, that " to submit to the ed:cts of Great
Britain and France'''' would be '•'■ a sacrifice of the rights^ honour y
and independence'''' of the United States.

Our government had used every peaceable means that could be
devised, to induce Great Britain to revoke her orders in council,
to which, according to those gentlemen, we could not submit,
ys'Mhowt'-^ a sacrifice of our rights^ honour^ and independence.'''*
But every effort had been in vain. The orders in council re-
mained unrevoked.

Yet nineteen of these gentlemen, thus solemnly pledged, and
committed, voted against the war, as unjust and wicked; and
spared no pains to excite a seditious, a treasonable opposition to
it, on the pretext of that injustice and wickedness!

Can the human mind conceive a stronger and more indefen-
sible contradiction than this ? It is impossible.

The war was in resistance of the orders in council, and, ac-
cording to these gendemen, was, of course, a war to prevent " a
sacrifice of the rights, honour, and independence of the United
States." And if ever war can be just and holy, it surely is then
just and holy, when it is waged in defence of ^' the rights, ho-
nour, and independence of a nation."

I cannot allow myself to believe, that I shall have a single
reader who will doubt or deny the correctness of this inference.
It is irresistible. These gentlemen ari fairly committed in the
face of their country and of all Christendom.

It may be said, and has been said ten thousand times, that
the same pledge was given on the subject of the French decrees j
and that war ought to have been declared against one natior as
well as the other. To this there are two replies. One, that the
French government did repeal its decrees, although in a very
ungracious and uncourteous manner. But ungracious, and un-
courteous, and indecorous, as it was, thetj xvere repealed. That
this was the fact, I appeal to Mr. Otis. He has completely set-
tled this point for ever. On the 14th of January, 1812, as we

248 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 45.

have seen, in a confidential letter to a friend, he declared, not
that the decrees were unrepealed — but that " the repeal was k.ss
formal than it should have been.'''' The reader who does not find
that this is a decisive admission that they were actually repeal-
ed, must be wilfully blind. The other reply embraces an impor-
tant fact. When the question of war against Great Britain was
under discussion in congress, Mr. M'Kee, of Kentucky, moved
for a declaration of rvar against France as well as her enemij.
This motion, on a division of the house, was negatived by a
very large majority. Ten members only* voted in the affirma-
tive, of whom seven were democrats, and but three federalists !
All the other federalists voted in the negative ! This for ever closes
the clamour on the subject of the propriety of declaring war
against France.

Here I make a solemn pause. The orders in council were, as
we have seen, one of the most prominent grounds of war. I have
established their existence and their flagitious injustice at the
time of that declaration. Yet the senate of Massachusetts has
declared that " the war rv as founded in falsehood ! ! /"

When I stated the enormous transit duty the British minis-
ters attempted to collect for permission to trade with France^ I
mentioned, that to such an extravagant length was their violation
of neutral rights and of our independent sovereignty carr'ed,
that, wonderful to tell, they affected to consider the permission
to trade on those tenns, as a special favour I Lest the reader
might doubt or disbelieve this astonishing, this monstrous, this
dishonourable, this unparalleled fact, I give him the most un-
equivocal authority ; the celebrated Francis James Jackson.
This gentleman, in a letter to the secretary of state, dated Octo-
ber 11, 1811, expressly states —

" The option g-iven to nnitrah to trade with the enemies of Great Britain, through
British ports, ON PAYMENT OF A TRANSIT DUTY, was originally devised
and intended as a MITIGATION ofivhat is certainly more correct, biit more rigid
inprinci/jfe: THE TOTAL AND UNQUALIFIED INTERDICTION OF ALL
TRADE WITH THE ENEMY ! ! !"

There is one point of view in which the pretensions of Eng-
land ought to be considered, to show their palpable and shock-
ing injustice, their utter disregard of the rights of this nation,
and their total departure from the most solemn professions pre-
viously made.

By these professions, England had pledged herself to repeal
the orders in council as soon as the Berlin and Milan decrees
were repealed, so far as those decrees affected our intercourse
with England. We had no right to demand of France to go fur-

* See this fact stated in the speech of Mr. Oay, speaker of the house of re-
presentatives of the United States, January 8, 1813. Weekly Reg-ister, vol.
iii. page 37%

CHAP. 45.] DEFENCE OP THE WAR. 249

ther than this in her repeal. It woiild have been the most arro-
gant presumption for our government to have prescribed to
France any regulation of such parts of her trade as we were not
interested in. Yet England did require a repeal of her decrees
affecting her trade with other nations, as a sine qua non to the re-
peal of the ordei-s affecting the trade of the United States.

This has been repeatedly denied, and with the utmost confi-
dence. But denial is not disproof. And tmfortunately for the
friends of England, the fact has become a matter of historical
record. It is to be found in a document of the most indisputable
authenticity. On the 10th of June, 1812, only eight days before
the declaration of war, Mr. Foster, the British minister at
Washington, wrote a letter to our government, in which this
idea is distinctly and unequivocally avowed, in the following
words :

" I have no hesitation, sir, in saying-, that Great Britain, as the case has hi-
therto stood, never did, nor ever could e?igage, nvithovt the grossest injustice to her-
self and her allies, as -well as to other nenlral nations, to repeal Iter orders, as af-
fecting- America cdone, leaving them in force against other states, upon a condition
that France xuoidd except, singly and speciallij, America from the operation of her
decrees."

Whatever reprobation the system, here avowed, loudly calls
for on the ground of its gross and flagrant injustice, we must
approve the candour of Mr. Foster, which clothes it in all its
genuine and intrinsic deformity, and holds it up to the abhor-
rence of the fair and upright part of mankind of all nations.

England at this time stood pledged to this countiy, by re-
peated declarations, promulgated with the utmost solemnity, to
proceed pari passii^ with France. But notwithstanding these
solemn pledges, so often reiterated, she at last fairly comes out
with an explicit declaration, that the repeal of the decrees, as af-
fecting America, was to produce no effect on the orders in coun-
cil, as affecting this country. That is, as plainly as can be, that
unless we could prevail on France to cease the operation of her
decrees upon British trade generally, we had no reason to hope
for a relaxation of the rigour and injustice of her orders in
council. This is a new explanation of a pari passu., and would
of itself, had it stood alone, have afforded a full justification of
the declaration of hostilities.

No man who has the least regard to his character — who is not
deprived by faction and party violence of the moral sense— can,
after a perusal of the preceding observations and facts, hesitate
what sentence to pronounce on the accusation, that " the xvar
-was founded in falsehood,''''

250 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [gHap. 4&.

CHAPTER XLVI.

Enquiry into the justice of the xvar continued.
Impressment,

Of the enormity of this horrible grievance, which cries to
heaven for vengeance^ I have given such copious details, in
chapters 31 to 38, that I need not enter deeply into it here.

That it was ample and adequate cause of war, no man can de-
ny, who re-ids the letter from commodore Porter, page 201 —
and the extract from the log book of the Guerriere, page 202 —
whereby it is indisputably established that there was no less
than the enormous number of forty five American impressed
seamen on board three British vessels.

I must once more beg leave to introduce to the reader, James
Lloyd, Esq. When I shelter myself under such authority as
Messrs. Otis, Pickering, Lloyd, Griswold, &c, I deem myself
impregnable.

Extract of a letter from the honourable James Lloyd to the honourable Mr. Perkins.
" If Great Mritain did claim and exercifte the right to impress into her service,
the real, bona fide, native citizens of the United States, an intermi?iable ivar xvith
her, or ivith all the nations of the earth fif it coidd not be othentdse prevented J
might be alike jnst, necessary, and commendable. The ocean, for the use of the
g^eat family of mankind, should own no chartered privileges. In a time of
neutrality, while abstainini^ from injury to others, it should be as free as air, to
aU who navigate it : and the IMPRESSMENT OF A NATIVE AMERICAN
CITIZEN, innocent of crime, and owing elsewhere no primary or paramount alle-
giance, and prosecuting a lawful commerce, in a vessel of his oimi coimtry, is, as it
respects the individual, and as it regards an infringement of rights. \S GROSS A
VIOLATION AS IF HE WERE ARRESTED, TORN AND TRANSPORTED
INTO SLAVERY FROM HIS PATERNAL ROOF OR DOMESTIC ALTAR."
Boston Centinel, March 6, 1813.

The mind glows with animation on reading these noble, these
dignified, these manly sentiments, worthy of the most illustrious
heroes of the revolution ! What a wonderful contrast between
them and the groveling report of the committee of the legisla-
ture of Massachusetts ! This single extract were sufficient to
justify the war, had there been no other ground than impress-
ment alone.

•From the commencement of the French revolutionary war,
tin the declaration of hostilities took place, our vessels were ar-
rested wherever met with by British vessels of war — the crews
overhauled, — and the British captains seized and enslaved whom
they pleased — as they were, in the strong language of Cobbett
— " CAPTORS, ACCUSERS, WITNESSES, AND
JUDGES."

England would have made war against all the nations of Eu-
rope in succession, had they dared to impress her seamen. And
what right had she to claim a religious veneration for her flag,
when she was in the daily practice of violating ours in the gros-
sest manner ?

CSIAP, 46.3 DEFENCE OP THE WAR. 2^

I request the reader's attention to this subject. Mr. Lloyd
unites '■'- the claim'''' and " the exercise.'''' The former is unim-
portant in itself, and docs not aftect the question. Suppose
England were to '■''claim a righf to all our vessels — to our ter-
ritory — to our persons — it is no cause of war. But the moment
she attempts " to exercise the right" to seize any of them, resis-
tance becomes a duty.

It thus appears, that the expression " claim" is mere verbiage.
I do by no means believe it was employed to delude the reader.
But I do aver that such is its effect.

" The exercise'''' then " by Great Britain^ of the right to im-
press into her service the real bona fide native citizens of the
U>!ited States^ xvouW'' by the explicit and unexceptionable de-
claration of James Lloyd, '■'■ justify an interminable war' with

her:'

The question, reader, is thus reduced within a narrow com-
pass. It only remains to be ascertained whether " she exerci-
sed" the execrable '' right of impressment" of " real bona fide
citizens" or not. If she did, the war, according to Mr. Lloyd,
was just. To prove the fact beyond the possibility of doubt, I
call in very high authority. I will give up for a moment my
own calculation of TOOO — the secretary's statement of 6700—
and even lord Castlereagh's admission of 1600.* I will rely
upon the committee of the legislature of Massachusetts, and
upon the reverend Mr. Taggart, member of congress from that

state.

The latter admits there were three hundred impressed Amer-
ican seamen on board the British navy on the declaration of war.
And a committee of the house of representatives of Massachu-
setts, " as for as their inquiries xvenf admit that there were
eleven impressed natives of the state on board that navy.

I proceed logically. As " the exercise of the right" of im-
pressing the "real bona fide native citizens of the United States
into the service of Great Britain, would justify an interminable
war rvith her or all the nations of the earth^'' — and as we have
clearly established that there were, at all events, 300 native citi-
zens of the United States so impressed — it follows that Mr.
Lloyd must justify the late war — and will not dare to assert that
it was *'■ founded in falsehood.'''' Q. E. D.

Before I close the subject, I beg leave to introduce higher
personages on the stage.

The prince regent has publickly declared, that " it is known
to the world that this country, [Great Britain] was not the ag-
gressor in this war :"

* Loi-d Castlcreagh, In the British parliament, I am assured and confidently
believe admitted this number.

252 pm.lfTriAT, Dr.TVP- T^TJAKOH. [caAp.46.

And the lords of the admiralty, in their proclamation, dated
April, 1814, (see page 65,) express their regi'et on the subject of
*' the unprovoked aggression of the American government in de-
claring -war after all the causes of its original complaint had been
removed.''''

To enter the lists against such formidable antagonists, is
really bold and daring. But I hope I have proved, that the war
was not " foimded in falsehood ;" — that Great Britain was noto-
riously " the aggressor ;" and that none of " the original causes
of complaint had been removed" previous to the declaration of
war.

Just as this page was going to press, I met with an impor-
tant document, which bears powerfully and unanswerably on this
topic. It is entitled

" An abstract of the returns or lists received from general Lyman, of Ameri-
can seamen and citizens, who have been impressed and held on board his Bri-
tannic majesty's ships of war, from the first of October, 1807, till the thirty-
first of March, 1809."

The whole number of impressed men included in these re-
turns, is - - - - - 873

Of whom were discharged - - _ 287

Applications unanswered _ - - _ i03

In ships on foreign stations - - - .48

Deserted - - • - - - 32

British subjects - - - - - - 98

Having voluntarily entered - - - - 34

Married in England or Ireland - - -7

The remaining 264 were refused to be discharged on various
gi'ounds, of irregularity of documents, &c. &c. — But let it be
borne in eternal remembrance, that of the xvhole nu7nber^ 873,
there -were only 98 xvho were detaiyied as British subjects I !

This single document is of itself abundantly sufficient to brand
with infamy, beyond the power of appeal or justification, the
odious practice of impressment. Eight hundred and seventy-
three persons, sailing under the American flag, which ought to
have insured them full and complete protection, are seized with
every circumstance of outrage, oppression, injury, and injustice,
as British subjects — are torn from their friends and families
and country — are compelled to fight the battles of Great Britain,
at the risque of being slaughtered by her enemies — they are sub-
ject to the most ignominious punishment, if they dare refuse to
serve ; and yet, good heavens ! what an abomination ! when
their cases are fully investigated, it is found that only 98 of
them are asserted to be — though they rvere all stolen wider pre-
tence that they rvere — British subjects .' !

I make a solemn appeal on this subject — not to the United
States — not to the British nation — not to France — but to the
whole world — and boldly aver, and dare contradiction, that no

CHAP. 47] TURBLT.ENCE OF BOSTON, 253

nation ever perpetrated such atrocious, such horrible, such law=
less violence on another nation, in a state of pretended peace
and friendship ; and that no nation, with equal means of defence
and offence, ever before submitted to such humiliation, such de-
gradation, as Great Britain heaped on the United States.

CHAPTER XLVII.

Turbulence of Boston. Boston acts on Massachusetts. 3Iassa'-
chusetts acts on the other eastern states, jfealousies and discord
sedulously excited. Hateful picture of the southern states.

Boston, the metropolis of Massachusetts, has been for along
period, and more particularly since the close of the reign of fe-
deralism, the seat of discontent, complaint, and turbulence. She
has been herself restless and uneasy — and has spread restlessness
and uneasiness throughout the union. She has thwarted, ha>
rassed, and embarrassed the general government, incomparably
more than all the other states together.

Whatever difficulty or distress arose from the extraordinary
circumstances of the times — and great difficulty and distress
were inevitable — was aggravated and magnified to the highest
degree, for the purpose of inflaming the public passions. The
leaders in tliis business were clamorous, when we were at peace
iu 1793, and in 1806, for war against England, on account of
her depredations on their commerce, and in 1807, on account
of the attack on the Chesapeake. They were equally clamorous,
as w^e have seen, in 1803, for w^ar against Spain, on account of
the interruption of the right of deposit at New Orleans, and
denounced, in the most virulent style, the imbecility and cow-
ardice of the government. Yet from the moment when war
was declared, they clamoured for peace, and reprobated the war
as wicked, unjust, and unnecessary, although the causes of war
were incomparablv greater in 1812, than in 1793, or 1806, or
1807.* They made everv possible effort to raise obstructions
and difficulties, in the prosecution of the war ; and yet repro-
hated the administration for their imbecility in carrying it on.
They reduced the government to bankruptcy, as I trust I shall
prove ; and reproached it for its necessities and embarrassments.
In a word, all their movements have had but one object, to en-
feeble and distract the government, for the purpose of regaining
their lost authority. This object has been too successfully at-
tained.

With a population of only 33,000 inhabitants, and a com-
merce quite insignificant, compared with that of New York,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, or Charleston, Boston has, by manage-
ment and address, acquired a degree of influence beyond all
proportion greater than her due share — greater in fact than the

* See chapters 43 and 44.

O. B. 34

254 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. ' [chap, 47.

above four cities combined — a degree of influence which has
been exercised in such a manner as to become dangerous to
public and private property and happiness, and to the peace and
permanence of the union. It brought us to the very verge of
its dissolution, and nearly to the awful consequence — a civii
war.

The movers of this mighty piece of machinery — this lever
that puts into convulsive motion the whole of our political fa-
bric, are few in number. But several of them are possessed ot
inordinate wealth — considerable talents — great energy — and
overgrown influence. They afford a signal proof how much a
few men may effect by energy and concert, more especially when
they ai"e not very scrupulous about the means of accomplishing
their ends. A northern confederacy has been the object for a
number of years. They have repeatedly advocated in the pub-
lic prints a separation of the states, on account of a pretended
discordance of views and interests of the different sections.

This project of separation was formed shortly after the adop-
tion of the federal constitution. Whether it was ventured be-
fore the public, earlier than 1796, I know not. But of its pro-
mulgation in that year, there is the most indubitable evidence.
A most elaborate set of papers, under the signature of Pelham,
was then published in the city of Hartford, in Connecticut, the
joint production of an association oT men of the first talents and
influence in the state. They appeared in the Connecticut Cou-
rant, published by Hudson and Goodwin, two eminent printers,
of, I believe, considerable revolutionary standing. There were
then none of the long catalogue of grievances, which, since that
period, have been fabricated to justify the recent attempts to
dissolve the union. General Washington was president ; John
Adams, an eastern citizen, vice-president. There was no
French influence — no Virginia dynasty — no embargo — no non-
intercourse — no terrapin policy — no democratic madness — no
war. — In fine, every feature in the affairs of the country was
precisely according to their fondest wishes.

To sow discord, jealousy, and hostility between the different
sections of the union, was the first and grand step in their ca-
reer, in order to accomplish the favourite object of a separation
of the states.

In fact, without this efficient instrument, all their efforts would
have been utterly unavailing. It would have been impossible,
had the honest yeomanry of the eastern states continued to re-
gard their southern fellow citizens as friends and brethren, hav-
ing one common interest in the promotion of the general wel-
fare, to make them instruments in the hands of those who in-
tended to employ them to operate the unholy work of destroy-
ing the noble, the august, the splendid fabric of our union and
unparalleled form of government.

CHAP. 47.3 iLLIBERALITY. 255

For eighteen years, therefore, the most unceasing endeavour.s
have been used to poison the minds of the people of the eastern
states towards, and to alienate them from, their fellow citizens
of the southern. The people of the latter section have been
pourtrayed as demons incarnate, destitute of all the good quali-
ties that dignify or adorn human nature — that acquire esteem or
regard — that entitle to respect and veneration. Nothing can
exceed the virulence of these caricatures, some of which would
have suited the ferocious inhabitants of New-Zealand, i-ather
than a civilized or polished nation.

To illustrate, and remove all doubt on, this subject, I subjoin
an extract from Pelham's essays, No. I.

" Negroes are, in all respects, except in regard to life and death, the cattle

of the citizens of the southern states. Jfthey were good fur food, the probability
is, that even the poiver of destroying their lii^es ivould be enjoyed by their owners,
as fully as it is over the lives of their cattle. It camwt be, that their laius prohibit
the owners from killing their slaves, because those slaves are human beings, or be-
cause it is a moral evil to destroy them. If that were the case, how can they jus-
tify their being treated, in all other respects, like brutes ? for it is in this point
of view alone, that negroes in the southern states are considered in fact as dif-
ferent from cattle. They are bought and sold ; they are fed or kept hungry ;
they al'e clothed, or i-educed to nakedness ; they are beaten, turned out to the
fury of the elements, and torn from their dearest connections, with as little re^
morse as if they were beasts of the fehV

Never was there a more infamous or unfounded caricature
than this — never one more disgraceful to its author. It may
not be amiss to state, and it enhances ten-fold the tiu^pitude of
the writer, that at the period when it was written, there were
many slaves in Connecticut, who were subject to every one of the
disadvantages that attended the southern slaves.

Its vile character is further greatly aggravated by the con-
sideration that a large portion of these very negroes, and their
ancestors, had been purchased, and rent from their hotnes and
families, by citizens of the eastern states, who were actually at
that moment, and long afterwards, engaged in the Slave Trade,

I add a few more extracts from Pelham : — ■

" We have reached a critical period in our political existence. The ques-
tion must soon be decided, whether we shall contimte a nation, at the expense
even of our union, or sink with the present mass of difficulty into confusion and
slavery.

" Many advantages were supposed to be secured, and many evils avoided,
by an union of the states. I shall not deny that the supposition was well
founded. But at that time those advantages and those evils were magnified
to a far greater size, than either would be if the question was at this moment
to be settled.

" The northern states can subsist as a nation, a republic, without any connec-
tion with the ■■southern. It cannot be contested, that if the southern states were
possesssed of the same political ideas, an union would be still more desirable
than a separation. But when it becomes a serious question, whether we sliall
give up our government, or part with the states south of the Potomac, no man
north of that river, whose heart is not thoroughly democratic, can hesitate what
decision to make.

" I shall in the future papers consider some of the great events which w^ll
lead to a separation of the United States f show the importance of retaining

256 POLITICAL OUVE BRANCH. [chaf. 4".

their present conslitution, even at the expense of a separation ; emleayonr to
prove the imposdbilitij of an union for any long period in future, both from the
moral and political habits of the citizens of the southern states,- and finally ex-
amine carefully to see whether rve have not alreadi/ approached to the era when
they must be divided.""

It is impossible for a man of intelligence and candour to read
these extracts without feeling a decided conviction that the
writer and his friends Avere determined to use all their endea.
vours to dissolve the union, and endanger civil war and all its
horrors, in order to promote their personal views. This aifords
a complete clue to all the seditious proceedings that have occur-
red since that period — the unceasing efforts to excite the public
mind to that feverish state of discord, jealousy, and exaspera-
tion, which was necessary to prepare it for convulsion. The
parties interested would, on the stage of a separate confederacy,
perform the brilliant parts of kings and princes, generals, and
generalissimos — whereas on the grand stage of a general union,
embracing all the states, they are obliged to sustain characters
of perhaps a second or third rate. " Better to rule in hcll^ than
obey in heaven.''''

The unholy spirit that inspired the Avriter of the above ex-
tracts has been, from that hour to the present, incessantly em-
ployed to excite hostility between the different sections of the
union. To such horrible lengths has tiiis spirit been carried,
that many paragraphs have occasionally appeared in the Boston
papers, intended, and well calculated to excite the negroes of
the southern states to rise and massacre their masters. This
will undoubtedly appear incredible to the reader. It is never-
theless sacredly "true. It is a species of turpitude and baseness,
of which the world has produced fcAv examples.

Thus some progress was made. But it was inconsiderable.
"While the yeomanry of the eastern states were enriched by a
beneficial commerce with the southern, they did not leel dis-
posed to quarrel with them for their supposed want of a due
degree of piety or morality.

A deeper game was requisite to be played, or all the pains
taken so far, would have been wholly fruitless. This was sedu-
lously undertaken. The press literally groaned Vvith efforts to
prove five points, wholly destitute of foundation.

First, that the eastern states were supereminently commercial.
Secondly, That the states south of the Susquehanna were
whoUv agricultural.

Thirdlv, That there is a natural and inevitable hostility be-
tween commercial and agricultural states.

Fourthly, That this hostility has uniformly pervaded the
whole southern section of the union. And

Fifthly, That all the measures of congress were dictnted by
this hostility ; and were actually intended to ruin the comtr.er-
cial, meaning the eastern states.

CHAP. 47.] DELUSION. 25T

I do not assert that these miserable, contemptible, and decep-
tions positions were ever laid down in regular foi-m, as theses to
argue upon. But I do aver, that they form the basis of three
fourths of all the essays, paragraphs, squibs, and crackers, that
have appeared in the Boston papers against the administration for
many years past. " The Koad to Ruin," ascribed to John
Lowell, now before me, is remarkable for its virulence, its acri-
mony, its intemperance, and for the talents of the -v^riter. fie
undoubtedly places his subject in the strongest point of light pos-
sible for such a subject. But if you extract from his essays,
the assumption of these positions, all the rest is a mere caput
mortimm — all " sound and fury." On these topics the changes
are rung in endless succession. The same observation will ap-
ply, and with equal force, to hundreds, perhaps thousands of es-
says and paragraphs, written on the same topic.

Never was the — gutta non vi^ sed saepe cadendo — more com-
pletely verified. These positions, however absurd, however ex-
travagant, however ridiculous they appear in their naked form,
have, by dint of incessant repetition, made such an impression
upon the minds of a large portion of the people of the eastern
states, that they are as thoroughly convinced of their truth, as of
any problem in Euclid.

Boston having acted upon and inflamed Massachusetts, that
state acted upon, and put in movement the rest of the eastern
states, more particularly Connecticut and Rhode Island. New
Hampshire and Vermont are but partially infected w ith the tur-
bulent and Jacobinical spirit that predominates in Massachusetts.

It thus happens, that a people proverbially orderly, quiet, so-
ber, and rational, were actually so highly excited as to be ripe
for revolution, and ready to overturn the whole system of social
order. A conspiracy was formed, which, as I have stated, and
as cannot be too often repeated, promised fair to produce a con-
vulsion — a disfsolut'ion of the union — and a civil rvar, unless the
seduced people of that section of the union could be recovered
from the fatal delusion they laboured under, and restored to their
reason.

I shall very briefly, and without much attention to order or
regularitv, consider these positions. They are not entitled to a
serious refutation, but merely as they have been made the in-
struments of producing so much mischief.

Before I touch upon the commercial points, I shall offer a few
observations on the high and exalted pretensions of the people of
the eastern states, to superior morality and religion, over the rest
of the union. There has not been, it is true, quite so much pa-
rade with these exclusive claims as on the subject of commerce.
Perhaps the reason is that there was no political purpose to be
answered by them. But that the people of that section of the

258 rOLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [cBAr.4r.

union are in general thoroughly persuaded that they very far
excel the rest of the nation in both religion and morals, no man
who has been conversant with them can deny. This folly of
self righteousness, of exalting ourselves above others, is too gc"
neral all over the world ; but no where more prevalent, or to
greater extent, than in the eastern states. To pretend to insti-
tute a comparison between the religion and morals of the people
of Boston and those of Philadelphia, New York, or Baltimore,
would be considered as extravagant and absurd, as a comparison
of the most licentious votary of Venus, with a spotless vestal. —
The Rev. Jedidiah Morse has in some degree devoted his geo-
graphy to, and disgraced it by, the perpetuation of this vile pre-
judice. Almost every page that respects his own section of the
union is higlily encomiastic. He colours with the flattering-
tints of a partial and enamoured friend. But when once he pas-
ses the Susquehannah, what a hideous reverse ! — Almost every
thing is there frightful caricature. Society is at alow and me-
lancholy ebb, -and all his most sombre tints are employed in the
description, in order to elevate, by the contrast, his favourite
Elysium, the eastern states. He dips his pen in gall when he
has to pourtray the manners, or habits, or religion, of Virginia
or Maryland, either of the Carolinas or Georgia, or the western
country.

I should enter far into the consideration of this procedure of
Mr. Morse, but that it has been ably discussed by a superior
pen. The editor of die Port Folio, hi mseit a decided federalist,
reprobates, and pronounces a just and eternal condemnation on
the illiberality of thus making a school, or indeed any other book,
a vehicle to excite animosities between fellow citizens of differ-
ent portions of the same nation.

The character of the eastern states for morality has been vari-
ous at various times. Not long since, it was at a very low ebb
indeed. It is within the memory of those over whose chin no
razor has ever mowed a harvest, that Yankee and sharper were
regarded as nearly synonimous. And this was not among the
low and illiberal, the base and vulgar. It pervaded all ranks of
society. In the middle and southern states, traders were uni-
versally very much on their guard against " Yankee tricks,^'
when dealing with those of the eastern.

They now arrogate to themselves (and, for party purposes,
their claims are sometimes admitted by their political friends
here) to be, as I have stated, a superior order to their fellow-
citizens. — They look down upon the people of the southern states
with as much contempt, and with the same foundation, as did
the Pharisee of old on the despised Publican.

Both of those views are grossly erroneous. They never, as
a people, merited the opprobrium under which they formerly la-

MAP. 48.] -DELUSION, 259

boured. There were, it is true, many worthless miscreants
among them, who, on their migration to the other states, were
guilty of base tricks, which, by an illiberality disgraceful to our
species, but nevertheless very common, were charged to the ac-
count of the entire people of the eastern states, and brought them
under a most undeserved odium.

I feel a pride and pleasure in doing justice to the yeomanry
of the eastern states. They will not suffer on a comparison with
the same class of men in any part of the world. 1 hey are up-
right, sober, orderly and regular — shrewd, intelligent, and well
informed — and I believe there is not a greater degree of genuine
native urbanity among the yeomanry of any country under the
canopy of Heaven. And it is lainentable and unaccountable how
they have allowed themselves to be so egregiously duped as they
have been. I have known them long : and my respect for them,
has gradually increased in proportion as my knowledge of them
has extended. But I shall never admit any exclusive or super-
eminent claim to the virtues which I know they possess. And
I have no hesitation in averring, that although Boston, or Hart-
ford, or Newhaven, may exhibit rather more appearance of reli-
gion and piety, than New York, or Philadelphia, or Baltimore,
yet the latter cities possess as much of the reality. It would
astonish and frighten many of the pious people in New York or
Philadelphia, to be informed — but they may nevertheless rely
«])on the information as indubitably true — that a large portion
of the clergy in the town of Boston, are absolute Unitarians ;
and scout the idea of the divinity of Jesus Christ as com.pletely
and explicitly as ever Dr. Priestly did. This is a digression.
I did not intend to introduce it. Bvit since it is here, let it re-
main. And let me add, that the present principal of Harvard
College was known to be an Unitarian when he was elected. — -
This fact establishes the very great extent and prevalence of the
doctrine.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

Arrogance of the Claims of the Eastern States on the subject of
Commerce. Statistical Tables. Comparison of the Exports
of the several States.

The high and sounding pretensions of the eastern states on
the subject of commerce have been almost universally admitted.
No person has ever thought it worth while to examine into the
actual state of the facts. It has been presumed, that on a point
where falsehood and deception could be so easily detected, such
confident assertions would not be hazarded, unless they rested on
a. strong foundation. And in drawing the line of demarcation
between the eastern states and the rest of the union, in the minds
of the mass of the community, all to the north and east of the line

260

POLITICAL OLIVfi BRANCIL

[chap. 48.

was regarded as devoted exclusively to commerce — all to the
south and west, chiefly to agriculture.

It is hardly possible to conceive a greater mistake. The rea-
der will be astonished at the view I shall lay before him. I
have been inexpressibly surprised myself at the developement,
and even now can hardly credit my own statements. They are
nevertheless indisputable.

TABLE A.

Table of Exports from the United States, of FOREIGJ^' and DOMESTIC pro-

ductions and manufactures, from 17!

51 to 1802.

Carefully extracted from the

treasury returns.

. J^fassac/iusetts.

JMaruland.

S. Carolina.

JVe^u-York.

Pennsylvania.

1791

§2,519,000

2,239,000

2,693,000

2,505,000

3,436,000

1792

2,888,000

2,623,000

2,428,000

2,535,000

3,820,000

1793

3,755,000

.'^ ,665,000 .

. 3,191,000

2,932,000

6,958,000

1794

5,292,000

5,686,000

3,867,000

5,442,000

6,643,000

1795

7,117,000

5,811,000

5,998,000

10,304,000

11,518,000

1796

9,949,000

9,201,000

7,620,000

12,208,000

17,513,000

1797

7,502,000

9,811,000

6,505,000

13,308,000

11,446,000

1798

8,639,000

12,746,000

6,994,000

14,300,000

8,915,000

1799

11,421,000

16,299,000

8,729,000

18,719,000

12,431,000

1800

11,326,000

12,264,000

10,663,000

14,045,000

11,949,000

1801

14,870,000

12,767,000

14,304,000

19,851,000

17,438,000

1802

13,492,000
98,770,000

7,914,000

10,639,000

13,792.000

12,677,000

101,026,000

83,631,000

129,941,000

124,744,000

Connecticut.

Virginia.

Rhode Island. Gcorifia,

JV*. Harnpsliire.

1791

g710,000

3,131,000

470,000

491,000

142,000

1792

879,000

3,552,000

698,000

459,000

181,000

1793

770,000

2,987,000

616,000

520,000

198,000

1794

812,000

3,321,000

954,000

263,000

153,000

1795

819,000

3,490,000

1,222,000

695,000

229,000

1796

1,452,000

5,268,000

1,589,000

950,000

378,000

1797

814,000

4,908,000

975,000

644,000

275,000

1798

763,000

6,113,000

947,000

961,000

361,000

1799

1,143,000

6,292,000

1,055,000

1,396,000

361,000

1800

1,114,000

4,430,000

1,322,000

1,174,000

431,000

1801

1,446,000

5,655,000

1,832,000

1,755,000

555,000

1802

1,606,000

3,978,000

2,433,000

1,854,000

565,000

12,328,000

53,125,000

14,113,000
Una. M

11,162,000

3,829,000

Vermont.

»V. Caro

'.w Jersey,

Delaware.

1791

524,000

26,000

119,000

1792

527

',000

23,000

133,000

1793

365,000

54,000

93,000

1794

321,000

58,000

207,000

1795

49:;

>000

130,000

158,000

1796

671,000

59,000

201,000

1797

540,000

18,000

98,000

1798

53}

%000

61,000

183,000

1799

20,000

485,000

9,000

297,000

1800

57,000

769,000

2,000

418,000

1801

57,000

874,000

25,000

662,000

1802

31,000

659,000

26,000

440,000

165,000

6,764,000

491;000

3,009,000

•HAP. 48*1 STATISTICS. 261

N. B. In the preceding and succeeding tables of exports, the figures below
thousands are uniformly omitted, as not material to the calculation— and afiect-
ing equally both sides of tlie question.

Comparative views of the exports from the different states^ of
foreign and domestic articles^ from 17^1 to 1802, inclusively.
See 'I'able A.

I. Maryland exported more than eight times as much as Con-
necticut; more than seven times as much as Rhode Island; two
per cent, more than " the great commercial state*' of Massachu-
setts ; and very nearly as much as Massachusetts, New-Hamp-
shire and Vermont united.

Maryland 101,026,000

Massachusetts ------ 98,770,000

New Hampshire ----- 3,829,000

Vermont 165,000

102,764,000

Connecticut ... - - - 12,328.000

Rhode Island " 14,11^,000

II. Marvland exported above tiuo hundred andthirtij per cent.

more than New Hampshire^ Vermont^ Connecticut^ and Rhode

Is/and.

Maryland „■ 101.026,000

New Hampshire ... - o,829,000

Veimont ....-- 165,000

Connecticut .... - 12,o28,000

l^^-^^l^l-'l ''^''''''' 30,435,000

III. South Carolina exported nearly six times as much as
Rhode Island ; nearly seven times as much as Connecticut ;
above twenty times as much as New Hampshire ; 500 times
as much as Vermont ; and OJie hundred and seventy per cent,
viore than those four states.

Soutl. Carolina 83,631,000

New Hampshire io^;Q'nnn '

Connecticut " h'^To'^nn

Rhode Island ^^'llt'^S^.

^'-™«"^ _'.!!fi'30,435,000

IV. Virginia exported seventy-three per cent, more than the
four minor eastern states.

Virginia -.----- 53,125,000

N. Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, and R. Island. See No. 2. 30,435,000

V. Virginia and South Carolina exported eight per cent, more
than the five " great commercial eastern states ! ! .'"

Virginia ----- -53,125,000

Smith firolina 83,631,000

bouth Laioiina .136,756,000

Massachusetts 98,770,000

New Hampshire, Vermont, &c. See No. 2. » ^!!:^^f^i29 2Q5,00Q

O. B. 35

262

POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH.

[chap. 48.

VI. North Carolina exported seventy per cent, more than
New Hampshire and Vermont.

North Carolina 5,764,000

New Hampshire 3,829,000

Vermont

165,000

3,994,000
VII. Georgia exported nearly as much as Connecticut.

Georgia - 12,162,000

Connecticut - 12,328,000

VIII. The five southern states exported nearly twice as much
as the five great commercial eastern states ! ! !

Maryland - - - - - - 101,026,000

Virginia 53,125,000

6,764,000
83,631,000
12,162,000

North Carolina ....

South Carolina . - . - .

Georgia .... -

256,708,000

Five eastern states. See No. 5. . - - - - 129,205,000

IX. Pennsylvania alone exported nearly as much as the " five
great commercial eastern states."

Peinis3'h

rania

124,744,000

Five eastern states. See

: No. 5.

129,205,000

TABLE B.

FOREIGJV PRODUCTIOjYS and ,

MAJS'UFACTURES exhoi

'ted from the

United Statfufrom 1803 to 1813. Carefully taken from the treasury returns.

jMassachusetts.

J\'ev>-¥ork:

Pennsylvcmia.

iS'. Carolina.

JMaryland.

1803

§3,369,000

3,191,000

3,504,000

947,000

1,371,000

1804

10,591,000

8,580,000

6,851,000

2,309,000

5,213,000

1805

13,738,000

15.384,000

9,397,000

3,108,000

7,450,000

1806

14,577,000

13,709,000

13,809,000

2,946,000

10,919,000

1807

13,926,000

16,400,000

12,055,000

3,783,000

10,282,000

1808

3,619,000

3,243,000

2,946,000

260,000

1,956,000

1809

6,119,000

4,232,000

4,810,000

385,000

4,056,000

1810

7,251,000

6,313,000

6,241,000

408,000

3,213,000

1811 ■

5,192,000

3,518,000

3,865,000

210,000

3,820,000

1812

2,648,000

2,358,000

1,313,000

11,000

1,929,000

1813

294,000

1,124,000

327,000

53,000

1,005,000

81,324,000
Connecticut. .

78,052,000

65,118,000

14,420,000

50,214,000

Rhode Island.

Virginia.

Georgia. JV. Hampshire.

1803

§10,000

611,000

151,000

25,000

51,000

1804

29,000

817,000

395,000

74,000

262,000

1805

90,000

1,506,000

660,000

43,000

218,000

1806

193,000

1,142,000

428,000

383,000

1807

105,000

915,000

367,000

34,000

314,000

1808

15,000

102,000

18,000

2,000

1809

11,000

626,000

107,000

85,000

1810

5,000

456,000

189,000

3,000

9,000

1811

38,000

626,000

23,000

11,000

53,000

1812

150,000

17,000

9,000

1813

5,000

2,000

501,000 6,953,000 2,355,000

190,000 1,386,000

6HAP. 48.]

STATISTICS.

S63

Vermont.

JV. Carolina.

JYev) Jersey.

Delanvare.

1803

27,000

26,000

240,000

1804

55,000

9,000

517,000

1805

67,000

12,000

280,000

1806

102,000

3,000

7,000

374,000

1807

55,000

4,000

5,000

151,000

1808

25,000

8,000

70,000

1809

49,000

50,000

41,000

1810

26,000

2,000

37,000

40,000

1811

538,000

4,000

1812

131,000

1813

1,000

1,075,000

61,000

107,000

1,713,000

Comparative views of foreign articles, exported from 1803 to 1813. See precediiiff

Table B.

I. Maryland exported above seven times as much as Rliode
Island ; thirty-five times as much as New Hampshire ; forty-
five times as much as Vermont ; one hundred times as much as
Connecticut ; and above five times as much as the four minor
eastern states.

Maryland ... 50,214,000

Connecticut - - - - 501,000

Rhode Island - - - 6,953,000

New Hampshire - - - 1,386,000

Vermont . - - , . 1,075,000

9,915,000

II. South Carolina exported nearly twice as much as Con-
necticut and Rhode Island ; above ten times as much as New
Hampshire ; and above 40 per cent more than the four minor
eastern states.

South Carolina - - ' - - - - 14,420,000

Connecticut -_...- 501,000

Rhode Island - - - - - ' 6,953,000

7,454,000

New Hampshire .... - 1,386,000

Vermont, New Hampshire, Connecticut and Rhode Island. No I. 9,915,000

III. Maryland and South Carolina exported nearly eighty
per cent, of the amount exported by Massachusetts and Connec-
ticut.

Mainland . . - . . 50,214,000

South Carolina - , - - - 14,420,000

Connecticut . - . - - 501,000

Massachusetts ...» - 81,324,000

-64,634,000

-81,825,000

IV. Virginia exported almost five times as much as Connec-
ticut ; and above twenty per cent, more than Connecticut and
New Hampshire.

Virginia - - - - ' - 2,355,000

Coiuiecticut - - - - - 501,000

New Hampshire .... 1,386,000

.^—-^ 1,887,000

364

POUTICAL OLIVE BRANCH.

[chap. 48.

TABLE C.

DOMESTIC PJiOBUCTWjYS and

JLi.VUFJCTURES exported from the

Uiiited States from 1803 to 181o. CarefuUy extracted from the treasury returns.

Ji^Tussachusetts.

S. Carolina. ,

Man/land.

JVe-itr- York. Pennsvlvania.

1803

g 5,399,000

6,863,000

3,707,000

7,626,000

4,021,000

1804

6,303,000

5,142,000

3,938,000

7,501,000

4,178,000

1805

5,697,000

5,957,000

3,408,000

8,098,000

4,365,000

1806

6,621,000

6,797,000

3,661,000

8,053,000

3,765,000

1807

6,185,000

7,129,000

4,016,000

9,957,000

4,809,000

1808

1,5U8,000

1,404,000

764,000

2,362,000

1,066,000

1809

6,022,000

2,861,000

2,570,000

8,348,000

4,238,000

1810

5,761,000

4,881,000

3,275,000

10,928,000

4,751,000

1811

6,042,000

4,650,000

4,553,000

8,747,000

5,694,000

1812

3,935,000

2,1/24,000

3,956,000

6,603,000

4,660,000

1813

1,513,000

2,815,000

2,782,000

7,060,000

3,249,000

54,986,000
Virgiiua.

50,523,000 .

36,630,000

85,283,000

44,796,000

Connecticut.

Georgia.

R. Island. J\r.

, Hampshire.

1803

^5,949,000

1,238,000

2,345,000

664,000

443,000

1804

5,394,000

1,486,000

2,003,000

917,000

453,000

1805

4,945,000

1,353,000

2,351,000

1,065,000

389,000

1806

4,626,000

1,522,000

82,000

949,000

411,000

1807

4,393,000

1,519,000

3,710,000

741,000

365,000

1808

508,000

397,000

24,000

139,000

122,000

1809

2,786,000

655,000

1,082,000

658,000

201,000

1810

4,632,000

762,000

2,234,000

874,000

225,000

1811

4,798,000

994,000

2,557,000

944,000

315,000

1812

2,983,000

720,000

1,066,000

604,000

194,000

1813

1,819,000

968,000

1,094,000

234,000

29,000

42,833,000
Vermont. JV. Ca

11,614,000 1

18,548,000

7,789,000

3,147,000

rolina. JV. .Jersey. Delaware. A'. Orleans.

Columbia.

1803

§89,000 926.000 21,000

187,000

1,412,000

1804

135,000 919,000 24,000

180,000

1,392,000

1,157,000

1805

101,000 767

',000 20,000

77,000

2,338,000

1,135,000

1806

91,000 786,000 26,000

125,000

2,357,000

1.091,000

1807

148,000 740,000 36,000

77,000

3,161,000

1,363,000

1808

83,000 117,000 12,000

38,000

537,000

281,000

1809

125,000 322,000 269,000

96,000

344,000

681,000

1810

406,000 401,000 392,000

79,000

1,753,000

984,000

1811

32,000 79::

i,000 1,000

76,000

2,501,000

2,060,000

1812

7,000 489,000 4,000

29,000

1,012,000

1,593,000

1813

79c

i,000 10,000

133,000

1,013,000

1,387,000

1,217,000 7,055,000 815,000 1,097,000 16,408,000 13,144,000

Comparative views of domestic articles., exported from 1803 t9
1813. See preceding Table C.

I. South Carolina exported within eight per cent, of the
whole amount exported by Massachusetts ; nearly seven times
as much as Rhode Island ; above four times as much as Con-
necticut ; and above twice as much as the four minor eastern
states.

CHAP. 48.] STATISTICS. 265

South Carolina 50,523,000

Massachusetts ..---- 54,£>8a,000

New Hampshh-e .... - 3,147,000

Vemiont - . - - - 1,217,000

Connecticut - - - > - - " 11,614,000

Rhode Island - - - - •- 7,789,000

-23,767,000

II. Virginia and Maryland exported more than all the eastern
states.

Virgioia - ■- - ' - - - 42,833,000

Maryland .... 36,63(.,000

79,463,000

Massachusetts - - - - - - 54,985,100

N. Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, 23,767,000

78,752,000

III. North Carolina exported almost seventy.five per cent,
more than New Hampshire and Vermont, and nearly as much as
Rhode Island.

North Carolina - .... 7,055,000

NewHampsliire - . . , - 3,147,000

Vermont - - .... 1,217,000

4,364,000

Rhode Island 7,789,000

IV. North Carolina and Georgia exported more than the four
minor eastern states.

North Carolina - .... 7,055,000

Georgia 18,548,000

25,603,000

New Hampshire, Vemiont, Connecticut, &c- (No. 1.) 23,767,000

V. Georgia exported nearly twenty per cent, more than Con-
necticut, New Hampshire, and Vermont.

Georgia - 18,548,000

Connecticut .... - 11,614,000

New Hampshire ..... 3,147,000

Vermont ..... 1,217,000

-15,978,000

VI. The district of Columbia mid the state of Georgia export-
ed thirty per cent, more than New Hampshire^ Fertnont^ Connect
ticut and Rhode Island.

Columbia ..... 13,144,000

Georgia - - .... 18,548,000

^ 31,692,000

N. Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, and R. Island (No. 1.) 23,767,000

VII.' Virginia^ Maryland^ and South Carolina exported above
sixty per ceiit. more than the eastern states.

Virginia 42,833,000

Maiyknd 36,630,000

South Carohna 50,523,000

129,986,000

Fire eastern states (in No. 2.) - - - 78,752,000

266 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [cbap. 48,

VIII. The district of Columbia^ of ten miles square^ exported
more than New Hampshire^ Vermont^ and Rhode Island.

New Hampshire . - . - - 3,147,000

Vermont ..-.-- 1,217,400

Khocle Island 7,789,000

12,153,000

IX. The state of Virginia exported above half as much as the
five easteiTi states,

Virginia .-.--. - 42,833,000

The five eastern states (See No. 2.) - - - 78,752,000

X. Virginia exported nearly as much, and South Carolina
fourteen per cent, more, than Pennsylvania.

Virginia 42,833,000

South Carolina .... . - - - 50,523,000

Pennsylvania - - - - - - 44,796,000

XI. Virginia exported five hundred and fifty per cent, more
than Rhode Island ; — 'three hundred and fifty per cent, more
than Connecticut ; and almost a thousand per cent, more than
New Hampshire and Vermont.

Virginia 42,833,000

Rhode Island - 7,789,000

Connecticut --...- 11,614,000

New Hampshire -----. 3,147,000

Vermont 1,217,000

4,364,000

XII. The district of Columbia and Virginia exported more
than Massachusetts I

Columbia 13,144,000

Virginia ------ 42,833,000

55,977,000

Massachusetts - . - . . 54,986,000

XIII. The district of Columbia exported ten per cent, more
than that great state wherein the Hartford Convention sat to
regulate cominerce !

Columbia - - - - 13,144,000

Connecticut .... - 11,614,000

XIV. South Carolina and Georgia exported more than Massa-
chusetts^ Rhode Island^ New Hampshire^ and Vermont 1 J .'

South Carolina - . . - 50,523,000

Georgia - - - . . 18,548,000

69,071,008

Massachusetts . - . , - 54,986,000

Rhode Island - .... 7,789,000

New Hampsliire - . . - . 3,147,000

Vermont . -^ . . . 1,217,000

67,139,000

CHAP. 48.] STATISTICS. 267

XV. South Carolina exported above 250 per cent, more than
Connecticut ; above five hundred per cent, more than Rhode Is-
land ; and above one hundred and fifty per cent, more than both
these states.

South Carolina - '- - - - 50,523,000

Connecticut .... - 11,614,000

Rhode Island ..... 7,789,000

19,403,000

XVI. Maryland exported above fifty per cent more than the
four minor eastern states.

Maryland - ..... 36,630,000

Four minor eastern states (No. 1.) - - - - 23,767,000

XVII. North Carolina and Georgia exported more than the
four minor eastern states.

North Carolina - . . . . 7,055,000

Georg-ia ...... 18,548,000

25,603,000

Four minor eastern states (No. 1.) - . - 23,767,000

XVIII. South Carolina, Columbia, and New-Orlean?, export-
ed more than the five eastern states.

South Carolina - - . 50,5-3,000

Columbia - - . - 13,144,000

New Orleans - - . - 16,408,000

80,075,000

Five eastern states (No. 2.) - - 78,752,u00

XIX. The five southern states, the district of Columbia, and
New Orleans, exported above tAvo hundred and thirty per cent,
more than the five eastera states, and within ten per cent, as much
as the middle and eastern states.

Virginia, Maryland, and South Carolina (No. 7.) 129,986,000

North Carolina - - . 7,055,000

Georgia - . , . 18,548,000

Columbia - . - 13,144,000

New Orleans - - . 16,408,000

Five eastern states (No. 2.) - - 78,752,000

New-York - - . 85,283,000

Pennsylvania - - - 44,796,000

185,141,000

208,831,000

XX. New Orleans exported above twelve times as much as
Vermont ; above twice as much as Rhode Island ; nearly 50 per
cent, more than Connecticut ; above three times as much as New
Hampshire ; and more than New Hampshire, Vermont, and
Connecticut.

New Orleans - .... 16,408,000

New Hampshire ■. - - 3,147,000

Vermont . . . 1,217,000

Connecticut - . - 11,614,000

15,978,000

Khode Island - - - 7,789,000

268 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 48.

The reader must be tired of this investigation. "What idea
must the world form of the arrogance and deception of the pre-
tensions on the one side — and, on the other, of the folly and
weakness of the rest of the union, to have so long suffered them
to pass without detection and exposure.

The naked fact is, that the demagogues in the eastern states,
not satisfied with deriving all the benefits from the southern sec-
tion of the union, that they would from so many wealthy colo-
nies — with making princely fortunes by the carriage and expor-
tation of its bulky and valuable productions — and supphing it
with their own manufactures, and the manufactures and pro-
ductions of Europe, and the East and West Indies, to an enor-
mous amount, and at an immense profit — have unifc rmly treat-
ed it with outrage, insult, and injury. And, regardless of their
vital interests, the eastern states lately courted their own de-
struction, by allowing a few restless, turbulent men to lead them
blindfolded towards a separation, pregnant xvith their certain
ruin. Whenever that event takes place^ they sink to their native
ijisignifcance.

If a separation Avere desirable to any part of the imion, it would
be to the middle and southern states, particularly the latter,
which have been so long harassed with the complaints, the rest-
lessness, the turbulence, and the ingratitude of the eastern states,
that their patience has been taxed almost beyond endurance.
'■'' JesJiurun waxed fat^ ajid kicked.'''' And he will be severely
punished for his kicking, in the event of a dissolution of the
union.

It ought to be observed, that a very large portion of the ex-
ports from the eastern, consists of the productions of the
southern states, first transported to Boston and other ports,
coastwise. So that even the comparisons I have made, which are
so mortal to the pretessions of the eastern states, place them on
far better ground than they really deserve. For example — sup-
pose, among the exports of these states, two millions of dollars*
worth of cotton, One million of dollars' worth of flour, one miL
lion (>f dollars' worth of naval stores, all drawn from the south-
ern and middle states — ^they appear four millions of dollars
stronger on the face of the argument, than they are in fact and
in truth. And there is no doubt that this is the case to a vast
extent.

CHAPTER XLIX.

Compariso?! of the expoi-ts^ foreign and domestic ^of the different
states^ from 1791 to 1813. Glance at tonnage.

To enable the reader to form a fair comparison between the
commerce of the different states, I annex a synoptical view of

CBAP. 49.3

STATISTICS.

269

the whole of our exports from the organization of the federal
government till the close of 1813. He will see, at a sino-le
glance, how very erroneous are the opinions that have hitherto
prevailed on the subject; and how high even the foreign com-
merce of the southern states soars over that of the boasted
^^ commercial states^''

General total of exports of foreign and domestic productions from tlie year 1791 to

1813, inclusive.

JMassachusetts.

JMaryland.

S. Carolina.

JVe^v-York.

Pennsylvania.

98,770,000

101,026,000

83,631,000

129,941,000

124,744,000

81,r>24,000

50,214,000

14,420,000

78,052,000

65,118,000

€

54,986,000

36,630,000

50,523,000

85,283,000

44,796,000-

g235,080,000 187,870,000 148,574,000 293,276,000 234,658,000

B
G

A
B

Virginia. Connecticut.

53,125,000 12,328,000

2,355,000 501,000

42,833,000 11,614,000

Georgia. Rhode Island. A*. Ifam/jsliire.

12,162,000 14,113,000 3,829,000

190,000 6,953,000 1,386,000

18,548,000 7.789,000 3,147,000

98,313,000 24,443,000 30,900,000 28,855,000

8,362,000

vV Carolina. Vermont. JVeiu .Jersey. JV'. Orleans. Columbia. Delaware

6,764,000 165,000 491,000 3,009,000

61,000 1,075,000 107,000 1,713,000

7,055,000 1,217,000 815,000 16,408,000 13,144,000 1,097,000

§13,880,000 2,457,000 1,413,000 16,408,000 13,144,000 5,819,000

EXPLANATION.

The first line, A, is taken from the table A, page 260. It contains the whole
amount of the exports of foreign and domestic articles, from 1791 till 1802, in-
clusive .

The second line, B, is taken from the table B, page 262-3. It contains the
whole of the foreign articles exported from 1802 till 1813, inclusive.

The third line, C, is taken from the table C, page 264. It contains all the do-
mestic articles exported from 1802 till 1813.

Eastern sectioji.

Middle section.

So-uthern

section.

Mass. 235,080,000

N. Jersey 1,413,000

Maryland

187,870,000

N. Ham. 8,362,000

Delaware 5,819,000

Virginia

98,313,000

Vermont 2,457,000

N. York 293,276,000

N. Carolina

13,880,000

R. Island 28,855,000

Penn. 234,658,000

S. Carolina

148,574,000

Connec. 24,443,000

Georgia

30,900,000

N. Orleans

16,408,000

Columbia

13,144,000

^299,197,000 535,166,000 509,089,000 <

I cannot allow these tables to pass without requesting atten-
tion to them in the most particular manner. As they throw an
immense flood of light on a subject niost egregiously misunder-
stood, and on which the most ruinous errors have prevailed, it
behoves the reader to test his opinions by them, and lay aside
the prejudices and misconceptions, if any, which he may have
formed on these topics,

O. B, 36

270 POUTICAL OLIVE BRANClt [chap. 49.

All the late confusion, the tendency to disorganize the coun-
try, to overturn the government, and to introduce civil war,
arose from the errors prevailing on the subject of commerce,*
of which the eastern states pretended to be, and were absurdly
and ridiculously believed, the exclusive guardians and protec-
tors. It is now clearly and indisputably established, that the
commerce of the eastern is very far indeed inferior to that of
the southern states. It appears, beyond the possibility of doubt
or denial, that the five eastern states, since the formation of
the government, have exported of foreign and domestic articles,
including an hnmetise amount of southern productions, only
about

229,000,000 dollars,

of which a vast proportion was of foreign productions ; but that
the southern states have in the same period exported to foreign
countries no less a sum than

509,000,000 dollars,
priyicipally of their oxvn productions and manufactures, exclu-
sive of the prodigious amount of their cotton, tobacco, rice, naval
stores, &c. expoited by the eastern states. The southern section
of the vmion, which has been so cruelly, so wickedly, so unjustly
vilified and calumniated for its hostility to commerce, is there-
fore actually more interested in its preservation than the eastern
states, in the proportion of pve to three. There is no instance
to be found, of so palpable, so gross, so unfounded a calumny,
resting on such a sandy foundation, so open to detection, and so
pregnant with most ruinous consequences, having remained so
long without investigation.

From a view of the preceding tables, it appears that the com-
merce of four of the eastern states is to the last degree insigni-
ficant, compared with that of the southern states, as will appear
on the following comparisons : —

I. Virginia, since the organization of the government, has ex-
ported above four times as mvich as Connecticut ; considerably
more than three times as mucli as Rhode Island ; twelve times
as much as New Hampshire ; forty times as much as Vermont ;
and above fifty per cent, more than those four states.

Virg-inla .... 98,313,009

Connecticut - - - 24,443,000

Rhode Isliuul - - . . 28,855,000

New H;impshire - - - 8,362,000

Vermont - . . - 2,457,000

64,117,009

* The history of the world hardly presents an instance of greater delusion
or deception than prevailed on this subject

CHAP. 49.] STATISTICS. 271 *

II. Maryland has exported nearly eight times as much as
Connecticut ; above six times as much as Rhode Island ; twen-
ty-three times as much as New Hampshire; almost eighty times
as much as Vermont ; and almost three times as much as the
four minor states.

Marvland 187,870,000

Connecticut 24,443,000

Rhode Island ..... 28,855,000

New Hampshire .... - 8,362,000

Vermont - ... 2,457,000

64,117,000

III. North Carolina has exported almost thirty per cent, more
than New Hampshire and Vermont.

North Carolina - . - - - ^ 13,880,000

New Hampshire .... - 8,362,000

Vermont - - .... 2,457,0u0

10,819,000

IV. Georgia has exported considerably more than Connecti-
cut or Rhode Island ; and almost three times as much as New-
Hampshire and Vermont.

Georgia 30,900,000

Connecticut ..... 24,443,000

Rhode Island ..... 28,855,000

New Hampshire ..... 8,362,000

Vermont ------ 2,457,000

10,819,000

V. South Carolina has exported above five times as much as
Rhode Island; above six times as much as Connecticut; and
one hundred and fifty per cent, more than the four minor east-
ern states.

South Carolina 148,574,000

Rhode Island - .... \ 28,855,000

Connecticut - 24,443,000

Four minor eastern states (see No. 1.) - - 64,117,000

VI. New Orleans and the district of Columbia have exported
more of domestic productions^ in eleven years, than either Con-
necticut or Rhode Island in twenty-three, of foreign and do-
mestic.

New Orleans, In eleven years - - i 16,408,000

Columbia, do. do. - '". i 13,114,000

29,522,000

Connecticut, in twenty-three years . - - 24,443,000

Rhode Island, do. do. ' - - - * 28,855,000

VII. New Orleans has exported nearly twice as much in ele-
ven years, as New Hampshire in tvventy-three.

New Hampshire, twenty-three yeai-s - * ' * , r'^n^'ma

New Orleans, eleven years IM^a.^uu

VIII. Virginia, 3Iaryland, and Columbia, have exported more
than the whole five eastern states ! ! ! I .' I

272 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. C^hap. 49

Maryland 187,8/0,000

Virginia 98,313,000

Columbia 13,144,000

299,327,000! ! '.

Five eastern stales .... 299', 192^000 !![-

IX. The southern states have exported seventy-Jive per cent^

more than the Jive eastern ! ! !

Southern states 509,089,000!!'.

Eastern states 209,197,000!!!

Since the preceding pages were written, I have examined an
interesting work, entitled, '' A geographical and statistical view
of Massachusetts proper, by Rodolphus Dickinson, published
anno 1813." It greatly elucidates the subject I have been dis-
cussing ; and places the unsoundness of the high commercial
claims of Massachusetts in nearly as strong a point of light as
any of the documents I have given.

"The exports in 1809 from Boston and Charlestown, of American produc-
tions and manufactures, were 4,009,029 dollars, of which the value of rice, cot-
ton, flour, tobacco, staves, and naval stores, being principally the produce of the
southern states, was 2,294,lo9 dollars."

The writer adds,

" This, it is presumed, bears a relative proportion in amount, to the exports
of other years." Page 79.

It thus appears, that although Boston has disturbed the tran-
quillity of the United States by her impassioned complaints on
the subject of commerce, and the injury it has sustained by the
hostility of the southern states, she is indebted to those states
for considerably more than half of the American articles she ex-
ports. She moreover finds an invaluable market with them for
the chief part of her immense foreign importations, and for her
valtiflble manufactures.

It really makes one's heart ache with vexation, to find that
such mighty, such ruinous errors prevailed on those important
topics — errors that generated the most baleful passions, which
were hourly increased by artificial excitements, and which
threatened us with the most awful consequences.

The reader must not be surprised at the frequent repetition
of this sentiment. For " out of the abundance of the heart the
mouth speaketh ;" — and having been convinced that this was be-
yond all comparison the most awful danger that threatened us,
it is not to be wondered at, that it engrosses so large a space in
this book.

I shall conclude this topic with one observation, that there
has rarely, perhaps never, occurred an instance of one nation
more highly indebted to another than the eastern states are to
the southern, and yet making such a very miserable and un-
grateful return.

(iHu. 49.] STATISTICS; 573

I imagined that in the preceding chapters I had fully ex-
liausted the comparison of the commercial importance of the
several sections of the United States. I had, at all events con-
vinced every man whose mind was open to conviction, that the
arrogant claims on this subject, of the eastern states, were utterly
unfounded ; and that the middle and southern sections had as
much more interest in the protection of commerce than their
eastern brethren, as the merchant who loads a wagon, with
10,000 dollars worth of goods, has more interest in the inter-
course between the seller and the consumer, than the oWner of
the wagon.

But I find I did not do full justice to the subject. A new
view of it has been presented to the public by the indefatigable
editor of the Weekly Register, which far transcends the views
I took. But even Mr. Niles has not pursued the argument to
the full extent of which it is susceptible.

The exports of cotton from the port of Savannah alone, frofti
the 20th of March till the 30th of June, 1815, a period of three
jnonths and ten days, were

Sea Island, 21,000 bales, each 300 lbs. at 33 1-3

cents, . . . _ 2,100,000

Upland, 55,582 bales, each 300 lbs. at twenty

cents, - - _ . 3,334,000

5,434,000
Supposing all the other articles to amount to 1 ,066,000

6,500,000
and also supposing the exports of the remaining eight months
and twenty days to amount to only half that sum, it is at the rate
ef nearly 10,000,000 dollars for the year.

A review of the tables in page 267, will show that the whole
of the exports, of every kind, foreign and domestic, from the
state of Massachusetts, for twenty three years, were only
235,000,000 dollars, which is an average of about 10,000,000 per
annum, whereof considerably more than half was foreign. It
therefore follows, that the do7nestic exports of the single port of
Savannah this year, [1815] will equal the average of the exports
of every Ymd^ foreign aiid do7nestic^ from the mighty^ the power-
ful^ the commercicd state of Massachusetts^ from the time of the
organization of the government till the close of the year 1813! ! !

Tonnage.

The eastern states, which maintained such arrogant commer-
cial claims, on the ground of their exports and imports, likewise
preferred high pretensions on their transcendant superiority in
point of shipping. These towering claims are unfounded, al-

274 POLITICAL OLIVE BR.iNCH. [chap. 49

though not hi the same degree with the others. Let the reader
decide. I have before me a statement of the tonnage of the
United States for two years, from which I submit a few ex-
tracts, in order to inter these pretensions in the same grave with
the rest.

Tonnage of 1805 1810

Boston, 133,257 149,121

New York, 243,533 268,541

Philadelphia, 121,443 125,258

Baltimore, 102,434 103,444

Pordand, 33,007 32,599

Portsmouth, 27,719 28,820

Bath, 23,033 20,344

Newburyport, 36,574 39,100

Salem, 4^:^,53,7 41,462

Norfolk, 90,943 48,643

Charleston, 40,819 52,888

Thus it appears, that in the year 1810, the tonnage of Norfolk,
as well as of Charleston, was considerably superior to that of
any port in the eastern or middle states, except Boston, New-
York, and Philadelphia; and that the tonnage of Baltimore was
more than double that of any port in the eastern states, except
Boston.

The aggregate tonnage of Vermont, New-Hamp-
shire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, in tons

1811, was 108,000

That of the city of Baltimore in the same year

was - 103,000

that is, the tonnage of the single port of Baltimore, was very
nearly equal to the whole amount of the tonnage of these four
states, which have made svich a clamour on the subject of com-
merce. The tonnage of the whole district of Maryland for that
year was 143,000 tons, being an excess of 35,000 tons, or nearly
one third more than those states ! ! !*

The clearances from the port of Savannah, exclusive of coast-
erSy for April, May, and June, 1815, were 191, and the entries,
also exclusive of coasters^ were 205. — Whereas the foreign en-
tries into the port of Boston for five months, March, April, May,
June, and July, 1815, were only 212 — and the foreign clearances
only 270. That is, I beg peculiar attention to this point, the
foreign entries into Savannah, in three months^ were 203, and
into Boston in five months^ only 212 ! What a developement of
the relative commerce of both ports ! how utterly beyond all
expectation or calculation ! What a strong proof of the arro-
gance and folly of the towering pretensions of the " Nation of
New England ! ! !"

» See AVeekly llegigter, Vol. VIIJ, pa^e 370, to which I am indebted for
these facts.

CHAP. 50.] DUTIES ON IMPORTS. 27S

CHAPTER L.

Another source of excitement among- the citizens of t/ie eastern
states. Duties on imports. Statistics. Southern states pay
very nearly as much impost as the eastern. Wonderful de-
lusion.

Those demagogues whose unceasing efforts were employed
to excite the passions of the yeomanry ot the eastern states, and
prepare them for insurrection and a dissolution of the union, rai-
sed a great clamour on the subject of the enormous amount of
duties paid by those states, and the insignificance of the suras
paid by the southern section of the nation. Tliey thence infer-
red the injustice and the inequality of the union, and its oppres-
sive operation upon the former section.

This item of complaint is, if possible, more fallacious than the
one discussed in the preceding chapters. The disadvantage is
all on the other side of the question. The eastern states import
largely from Europe, and from the East and West Indies, for
the supply of the southern states. The former, it is true, bond
or pay the duties in the first instance. This appears to give
them a wonderful superiority in the table of chities. But it
can hardly be necessary to inform the reader, that the merchant
who bonds the duties, is not the actual payer of them. Mr. Ed-
ward Thomson, of this city, has imported, during this year,
[1815] and of course will pay duties on, goods to the amount of
probably above 2,000,000 of dollars. His consumption of duti-
able articles is probably not 2000 dollars. Who can be so igno-
rant as to pretend, that the government is beholden to him for
the amount of the duties ! They are paid by the farmers of
Chester, and Bucks, and Lancaster, and Delaware, and Berks
counties, and of the southern and western states, &c. &c. The
duties are added by the merchant to the first cost, with a profit
on both — and the ultimate consumer is the real payer.

The eastern states have thus levied taxes not merely on Mary-
land, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Crcorgia, but eveti
on Pennsylvania ; for strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless
true, that notwithstanding the immense wealth, the ardent enter-
prize, and the great commercial advantages of Philadelphia, im-
moderate quantities of East India and Chinese goods have been
consigned for sale here, from Boston, Salem, and other eastern
ports.

But even, independent of the importation of the eastern for
the southern states, the facts are unfairly stated. If the former
actually consumed all the foreign articles they import, the duties
they pay, compared with those paid by the southern states, will
not warrant their holding the high, and arrogant, and insulting
tone they have always assumed.

2r6

POOTICAL OLIVE BRANCH.

[cHAJP. 5.0.

To enable the reader to form a correct opinion on the subject,
I annex a set of tables of the

Net amount of the duties paid by the different states from the
year 1791 to 1812, inclusive^ taken from the records of the trea-
sury department^ and submitted to congress by Joseph Nourse^
esq, register of the treasury.

J^Tetv Hampshire

Vermont. Connecticut.

R. Island-

1791

53,000

206,000

146,000

1792

41,000

142,000

46,000

1793

44,000

154,000

133,000

1794

38,000

]

1,000

171,000

89,000

1795

44,000

155,000

244,000

1796

53,000

1,000 ■

141,000

137,000

1797

27,000

115,000

276,000

1798

72,000

1,000

127,000

104,000

1799

99,000

2,000

289,000

260,000

1800

142,000

2,000

169,000

393,000

1801

133,000

328,000

284,000

1802

119,000

262,000

178,000

1803

122,000

1,000

301,000

266,000

1804

108,000

348,000

421,000

1805

109,009

354,000

349,000

1806

117,000

325,000

361,000

1807

99,000

314,000

123,000

1808

19,000

197,000

270,000

1809

39,000

3,000

129,000

35,000

1810

53,000

3,000

157,000

435,000

1811

62,000

5,000

240,000

318,000

1812

122,000

116,000
147,000

829,000

452,000

1,715,000

5,453,000

5,420,000

Jifassachnsetts,.

J\'eio-York.

Pennnylvania . JMarylmul.

Virginia.

1791

977,000

1,564,000

1,491,000

641,000

851,000

1792

678,000

1,169,000

1,096,000

449,000

474,000

1793

950,000

1,195,000

1,804,000

869,000

388,000

1794

1,004,000

1,860,000

1,473,000

795,000

389,000

1795

1,415,000

2,000,000

2,271,000

523,000

396,000

1796

1,334,000

2,158,000

2,012,000

761,000'

598,000

1797

1,372,000

2,059,000

1,743,000

1,145,000

606,000

1798

1,168,000

l,743,OoO

1,029,000

885,000

629,000

1799

1,607,000

2,373,000

1,259,000

1,161,000

896,000

1800

1,974,000

2,741,000

1,350,000

623,000

644,000

1801

2,929,000

3,810,000

2,123,000

1,001,000

746,000

1802

1,525,000

2,490,000

1,410,000

634,000

689,000

1803

2,490,000

3,524,000

1,655,000

936,000

713,000

1804

4,630,000

3,872,000

2,609,000

1,538,000

902,000

1805

3,308,000

4,882,000

2,300,000

1,130,000

805,000

1806.

3,524,000

4,875,000

3,017,000

1,446,000

620,000

1807

3,576,000

4,926,000

3,162,000

1,633,000

506,000

1808

1,184,000

2,764,000

1,647,000

588,000

110,000

1809

1,384,000

2,981,000

1,405,000

155,000

257,000

1810

2,774,000

4,419,000

2,539,000

928,000

461,000

1811

1,816,000

1,979,000

1,840,000

722,000

195,000

1812

2,719,000

2,890,000

2,090,000
41,325,000

1,782,000

690,000

44,338,000

62,274,000

20,345,000

12,565,000

en ST. 50]

DUTIES ON

IMPORTS.

277

*. Carolina.

S. Carolina.

Georgia.

Columbia.

JS". Orleanif-

1791

§115,000

538,000

91,000

1792

78,000

360,000

53,000

1793

63,000

359,000

35,000

1794

78,000

651,000

87,000

1795

99,000

710,000

54,000

1796

68,000

56,000

31,000

1797

105,000

700,000

62,000

1798

120,000

239,000

1799

154,000

858,000

1800

126,000

1,159,000

1801

125,000

1,002,000

663,000

94,000

1802

252,000

280,000

211,000

133,000

1803

159,000

646,000

182,000

143,000

1804

186,000

718,1 JOO

180,000

128,000

279,000

1805

165,000

843,000

95,000

119,000

342,000

1806

202,000

871,000

183,000

137,000

361,000

1807

196,000

735,000

-589,000

123,000

480,000

1808

16,000

225,000

35,000

20,000

77,000

1809

65,000

377,000

6,000

60,000

134,000

1810

58,000

567,000

134,000

50,000

244,000

1811

44,000

338,000

56,000

45,000

148,000

1812

47,000

433,000

260,000

80,000

137,000

2,621,000

12,665,000

2,907,000

1,132,000

2,202,000

In these tables, as in those of exports, there is no account taken of any sums
below one thousand dollars. This operates equally on botli sides, and cannot
affect the comparison, which is the object in view.

From the foregoing tables, the following results appear.

I. The southern states have paid nearly as large an amount of
duties to the government, as the eastern.

Maryland - - - 20,345,000

Virginia ' - - ■ 12,565,000

North Carolina - - - 2,621,000

South Carohn* - • - 12,665,000

Georgia - ^ ' 2,907,000

Columbia - - - 1,132,000

Orleans - - - 2,202,000

54,437,000

Massachusetts 44,338,000

New Hampshire - - - 1,715,000

Vermont - - 147,000

Connecticut - - - 5,463,000

Rhode Island - - - 5,420,000

■ 12,745,000

57,083,000

II. The single state of South Carolina paid very nearly as
much duties as the four minor eastern states.

South Carolina

Four minor eastern states (see No. 1.)

12,665,000
12,745,000

III. New Orleans paid twenty per cent, more in nine years,
than New Hampshire and Vermont in twenty -txuo.
Orleans .... 2,402,000

New Hampshire - - 1,715,000

Vermont - - - 147,000

- -__ 3,862,000

O. B. 37

SKS- POLITICAL OLtVE BRANCH. [chaj. 50.

IV. Virginia alone paid very nearly as much as the four mi-
nor eastern states.

Vir^nia - . . . . 12,565,000

Four minor eastern stotes (see No. 1.) - - 12,745,000

V. New York and Pennsylvania paid nearly ninety per cent,
more than the five eastern states.

New York - - - 62,274,000

Pennsylvania - - - 41,325,000

103,599,000

rive eastern states (see No. 1.) - - - 57,083,000

VI. South Carolina paid more than twice the amount of du-
ties paid by either Connecticut or Rhode Island ; seven times
as much as New Hampshire ; and ninety times as much as Ver-
mont.

South Carolina

•

12,665,000

Connecticut

•

5,463,000

Rhode Island

• •*

5,420,000

New Hampshire

1,715,000

.Vermonl

147,000

Synopsis of duties paid fro 771 1791 to 1812 i7iclusive.

Eastern section.

JMiddle sectio?i.

Southern section.

Mass. 44,338,000

N. Jersey 259,000

Mar}' land

20,345,000

N. Hamp. 1,715,000

Delaware 1,223,000

Virginia

12,565,000

Vermont 147,000

N. York 62,274,000

N. Carolina

2,621,000

Connect. 5,463,000

Pennsylvania 41,325,000

S. Carolina

12,665,000

R. Island 5,420,000

Georg-ia

2,907,000

Columbia

1,132,000

Orleans

2,202,000

§57,083,000 S105,081,000 §54,437,000

Those who consider the very expensive habits of the plaij-
fers of Virginia and South Carolina, and the immense amount
of foreign goods received in those states from the eastern ones,
as well as from New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, and
how very large a proportion of the foreign merchandize import-
ed by Massachusetts, is exported to the other states, can hardly
doubt, that Virginia and South Carolina actually consume each
as large an amount of dutiable articles, and of course in fact real-
ly pay as much duties, as that state. A due consideration of
the great number of coasters, which, in time of peace, are con-
stantly plying from the ports of the eastern and middle to those
of the southern states, will afford a strong support to this
opinion. A very large proportion of the cargoes of the coasters
bound to the southern ports consists of imported goods which
have paid duties ; and the residue generally of articles of do-
mestic manufacture. The return cargoes are all of raw mate-
rials for manufactures, or articles of the highest value for
exportation to Europe and elsewhere. It is not easy to con-
ceive of a more advantageous commerce for the mother coun-

PHAP. 51.} GQMIVIERCIAL VIEWS. 3^9

tries, as, in this case, the middle and eastern states may be just-
ly styled. I repeat it, and hope the solemn truth will be borne
in constant remembrance, that the southern states are virtually
colonies to those states whose demagogues have never ceased
slandering and vilifying them.

I dismiss this part of my subject, I hope for ever. I trust
that the assertion of the commercial superiority of the eastern
states, will never again be urged on this community.

CHAPTER LI.

Fallacy of the ophiion of any hostility in the southern^ against
the eastern states. Commercial and agricultural states miL-
tually dependent on^ and beneficial to each other.

Having, I hope, completely settled the question of the com-
parative pretensions of the different sections of the union to
commercial pre-eminence, I proceed to consider the positions,
which assert the necessary hostility between an agricultural sec-
tion of a country and a commercial one — the actual existence of
that hostility in the southern states — and its baneful influence on
the measures of congress.

On these fallacious positions, the changes have been rung in
endless succession, not merely by a crowd of anonymous wri-
ters, but even public bodies whose stations entitle them to re-
spect, have disgraced themselves by their dissemination. The
lucubrations on this subject, published in Boston alone, would
fill folio volumes. Throughout the whole, confident and un-
founded assertion is substituted in the place of fact, reason, and
argument.

To enable the reader to form an idea of the errors prevalent:
on this topic, I annex a few extracts.

" They have seeyi at first an ill-concealed, but at last an open aiid itndisgtdsed
iealoiitti of the -ivealth and poicer of the commercial states, operatijig in CONTI-
NUAL EFFORTS TO EMBARRASS AND DESTROY THAT COMMERCE,
WHICH IS THEIR UFE AND SUPPORT."

- This is the language of a report to the legislature of Massa-
chusetts, made by a joint committee of both houses, Feb. 11,
1814, on which was founded the most inflammatory appeal to
the citizens of the eastern states. This report asserted the pro-
priety, justice, and necessity of forcible resistance to the mea-
sures of the general government, adding

" The question is not a question of poiver or right with this legislature, but
ditime or expediency."

The committee proceed —

" There exists in all parts of this commonwealth, a fear, and in many a set?
tied belief, that the course of foreign and domestic policy pursued by the govern-
ment of the United States, for several years past, has its foundation in a DELI-
BERATE INTENTION TO IMPAIR, IF NOT TO DESTROY, TILVT FREE

.:.;^1v

"Xm

280 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. (chAp, St.

SPIRIT AND EXERCISE OF COMMERCE, which, aided by the habits, man-
ners, and institutions of our ancestors, and the blessings of divine providence,
have been the principal source of the freedom, wealth, and general prosperity
of this recently happy and flourishing people.

" These opinions are not confined to the maritime borders of the state, whose
interests are more immediately affected, and whose inhabitants have daily be-
fore their eyes perishing ships, deserted warehouses, and starving mechanics
and labourers : but are loudly responded from the interior, where the people
generally sjTnpathise in the present distress of their brethren on the sea-coast,
and wisely foresee, in their ruin, their own approaching wretchedness."

The committee continue —

•'The memorialists see, in this deplorable descent from national greatness,
A DETERMINATION TO HARASS AND ANNHllLATE THAT SPIRIT
OF COMMERCE which has ever been the handmaid of civil and religious
liberty -, and to break the free spirit of this people bi/ depriving- them of their civil
employment, and thus forcing the sons of commerce to populate and enrich the
wilderness, for tlie benefit of those whose avarice has contributed largely to the
war now desolating the country."

This is the strain and style in which this miserable, this hack-
nied, this destrvictive prejudice has been a hundred thousand
times repeated, without even the shadow of foundation. Al-
though these extracts are abundandy sufficient for my purpose,
yet I judge it not intiproper to make a short addition from the
address of the Hartford convention.

" Events may prove, that the causes of om- calamities are deep and perma-
nent. They may be found to proceed, not merely from the blindness of pre-
judice, pride of opinion, violence of party spirit, or the confusion of the times :
but they may be traced to implacable combinations of individuals, or states, to mO'
nopolise po~.t'ei^ and office, AND TO TRAMPLE WITHOUT REMORSE UPON
THE RIGHTS AND INlERESTS OF THE COMMERCIAL SECTIONS OF
THE UNION.

" The administration, after a long perseverance in plaiis to baffie every effort of
commercial enterprise, had fatally succeeded in their attempts, at the epoch of
the war."

The convention enter into an enumeration of the causes which
have led to the public distress, and close the catalogue, with

" Lastly and principally, a visionary and supei-ficial theory in regard to com-
merce, ACCOMPANIED BY A REAL HATRED, BUT A FEIGNED REGARD
TO ITS INTERESTS, and a ruinous perseverance in efforts to render it an
instrument of coercion and war."

Never since faction first disturbed the peace of mankind, and
made this earth a suitable abode for demons incarnate, did she
employ a more hollow, fallacious, or unfounded pretext, to jus-
tify her lawless proceedings, than is here to be combated. It is
not merely untrue. It is the reverse of truth. It has not even
the shadow of plausibility.

In all this wretched effort to excite the hostility of fellow citi-
zens against each other — to prepare the inhabitants of one sec-
tion of the country to imbrue their hands in the blood of those
of another — to renew in this holy, this blessed land, the horrors
f)f the French revolution — to enable American Marats, and
Dantons, and Legendres, and Robespierres, to rule us with a

CHAP. 51. COMMERCIAL \TEWg. 281

rod T)f iron — an all.important and overwhelming fact is -withheld
from sight — a fact which destroys the whole of this miserable
declamation as completely as ever the broad glare of the torch
of truth dispelled the Cimmerian darkness of error and delusion.
This mighty fact escaped my attention in all the former editions
of this book. It is, that all the measures which are assumed as
full proof of hostility to commerce, and charged to the debit of
the southern states, have been supported by the powerful com-
mercial states of Pemisylvania and New York ; steadily andun-
deviatingly by the former, and by the latter with very few and
slight exceptions. And further, that a considerable part of
them have been supported by respectable portions of the repre-
sentatives in congress, from New Hampshire^ Vermont, Rhode
Island, and even Massachusetts ; for the three first states were,
till lately, frequently represented almost wholly by democrats,
who very generally advocated the measures herein reprobated.
And it is further to be remarked, that the great commercial ci-
ties of the union have been very generally represented by citi-
zens who have given their full aid and support to the measures
in question. Until lately, the majority for or against the admi_
nistration, even in Massachusetts, rarely exceeded two or three
thousand. The election for governor in that state in 1812, was
contested with great ardour. The friends and the enemies of
the administration made the utmost exertions to call forth their
whole strength — and the votes were, for

Caleb Strong - - - 52,696

Elbridge Gerry - - > 51,326

And it is well known that Mr. Sullivan and Mr. Gerry, the de-
mocratic candidates, were elected four or five times Avithin a
space of ten years, which embraced nearly the whole of the mea-
sures thus violently denounced. And I presume, no man of
candour will deny, that the struggle between the different candi-
dates, on those occasions, was as fair and unerring a criterion
of the voice of the state on the approval or reprobation of the
measures of the general government, as if the votes had been
taken for president of the United States.

Let us for a moment suppose, for sake of argument, that the
eastern states are, as they pretend to be, exclusively commercial
•= — and that the southern are exclusively agricultural. This is
placing the case in the most advantageous point of light its
friends could desire. Could there be any stronger bond of af-
finity between two nations, or two sections of the same nation,
than the mutual wants which this supposed case implies ? The
agricultural portion would have imperious necessity for the
ships, the seamen, and the capital of the commercial portion, for
the purchase and transportation of her superfluous productions.
And the navigation and capital of the commercial portion would

2B2 POLITICAL OLIVE BRAKCH. [chap. 61

find all the advantages they could require in the transportation
and sale of the productions of the other.

The agricultural portion, as I have already stated, would be
merely in the situation of colonies to the commercial. What
are the grand advantages of colonies to parent countries ? Mere-
ly to increase their navigation — to afford an asylum for their
superabundant population— to furnish raw materials for the em-
ployment of their artisans and manufacturers — and to purchase
the productions of the labours of those artisans and manufac-
turers.

All these favourable effects have been produced to an almost
incalculable extent on the eastern, by their connexion and inter-
course with the western and southern states. It therefore
irresistibly follows, I repeat, that the latter have literally
been but colonies to the middle, and more particularly to the
eastern states. The hardy and enterprising Yankees pervade
every bay, river, creek, and inlet of the southern states ; and
for their notions carry off the solid coin of the country to replen-
ish their coffers. They every where undersell and undermine
the established southern storekeepers. Moreover, the cotton,
the rice, the flour, the tobacco, and the naval stores of the
southern states, have enabled the ship-owners of the eastern
states to amass those over-grown nabob fortunes, which render
them too aspiring to submit to the equal form of government
which we enjoy. They have literally lived upon the industry
of the southern states. Without the latter, their section of the
union would rank very low indeed in the scale of nations.

This state of things, so eminently advantageous to the eastern
states, has never created faction, or complaint, or convulsions,
or threats of dissolving the union, in the southern. They have
cheerfully supported a government whose chief attention has
been directed to the promotion of commerce — and which never
did and never would have experienced any great difficulty with
foreign nations but from the effort to protect the mercantile in-
terests against the depredations of those nations.

It requires little effort to prove, and little capacity to perceive,
that there is and ever will be a commercial rivalry between Bos-
ton and Providence — between Philadelphia and New York—
between Baltimore and Philadelphia. But that a serious, think-
ing people, like those of the eastern states, should have ever
been duped to believe that there is any real cause of jealousy
or hostility between the commercial and agricultural sections
of the country, is a folly, of which it is hardly possible to find
a parallel in the history of the madness and idiocy of the human
species.

To view the subject once more — although it really does not
deserve further attention. Suppose, still, the southern states

CHAP. 51.] COMMERCIAL VIEWS. 283

wholly agricultural, and the middle and eastern wholly commer-
cial, and that the former have an overwhelming majority in the
legislature of the union. How could it ever enter into the mind
of any rational being to imagine, that the majority could for a
moment be ignorant of the plain truth, that eveiy stroke aimed
at commerce was a stroke at their own vital interests ?

It is well known, that the representatives of the southern and
western states are generally gentlemen of the highest grade of
talents in congress. From causes which it is neither necessary
nor proper here to detail, the middle states have rarely made
as respectable a figure in that body as could have been wished.
The eastern have not been quite so unfortunate. It requires,
however, but a moderate portion of candour to acknowledge^
that although they are occasionally represented in congress, by
men of considerable talents, they are in the aggregate far below
Virginia, South Carolina, Kentucky, &c. And could this plain
truth escape the Eppeses, the Gileses, the Clays, and the Popes,
that it was impossible to injure commerce without infliciirig an
equal injury on agriculture ?

The agricultural portion of this great nation could infinitely
better dispense with the commercial, than the latter with the for-
mer. Never, since commerce first began, did a nation, having
bulky raw materials to sell, and having demands for large quan-
tities of merchandise, find any difficulty in creating a marine,
or, amidst naval competitors for her trade, in securing the trans-
portation of her commodities, and the purchase of merchandise,
on fair and advantageous terms. But the decay of Portugal, Ve-
nice, Genoa, the Hanse Towns, and other great commercial
states, proves, that a nation possessed of a considerable marine,
but labouring under great natural disadvantages, may ,'if it affront
or offend the nations on which it depends, be reduced to its na-
tive and intrinsic insignificance.

The disadvantages of the eastern states are ver^^ considera-
ble. The sterility of the soil will leave them eternally depen-
dent upon the southern states ; for their situation imperiously
forces them to have recourse to manufactures and commerce.
Their agriculture must always be comparatively insignificant.
They therefore, I repeat, owe their greatness principally to their
immensely valuable trade with those states, which their un-
grateful writers and demagogues are constantly vilifying and
abusing, and which afford the principal pabulum for the com-
merce of the middle and eastern states. Those demagogues
are, as I have stated, unceasingly exciting animosities between
the two sections of the union, by pretending a rivalry of interest,
which is wholly unfounded. There is, let me repeat, real cause
of jealousy between Rhode Island and Massachusetts : but
none between either of them and Virginia or South Carolina.
The latter are, and wiU forever continue, great agricultural

284 POl-ITICAL OLIVE BRANCH [chap. Si.

states. Their immense and increasing productions "will find the
most valuable employment for the shipping and for the manu-
factures of the eastern and middle states.

Should a separation take place, which I hope and trust in the
goodness of Heaven is far remote, the eastern states will repent
it first and last. They will have reason eternally to detest the
unhallowed councils of those restless demagogues, who shall
have plunged them into the abyss of ruin. Their hardy sons,
who now migrate to the southward and westward by hundreds,
will abandon their native soil by thousands — and daily add
strength to the rival section of the nation, and equally enfeeble
the parent states. The latter will dwindle into the insignificance
from which they have been elevated by the tribute they have
jlevied upon Virginia and her southern sisters.

The horrors of an immediate civil war, and of a constant bor-
der war, such as formerly existed betxveen England and Scotland^
are the only considerations that render a separation from Mas-
sachusetts a measure to be at all deprecated. Were we insured
from these two evils, a separation would be an advantage to the
rest of the union ; for she has harassed the national councils to a
most intolerable and shameful degree.

She has appeared determined, ffshe could not rule the countrtj
herself^ to send it to destruction headlong. She has been for
years the source of most of the difficulties of the union. We
should not have had vt^ar but for her.* And among the fea-
tures of the present crisis, the most lamentable one is, that she
cannot suffer the consequences of her folly, her arrogance, her
restlessness, her faction, her jacobinism, her anti-Washington-
ism, without inflicting an equal degree of misfortune on her
innocent neighbours. Could she suffer alone, it were " a con-
summation most devoutly to be wished.''^ A strong navigation
act, and discriminating duties, would soon bring her to her
senses, and convince her of the immeasurable folly and madness
she has been guilty of. They would sink her to her proper
level — that level, which her ungrateful soil — her insignificance
in point of population — and the narrow limits of her territory,
prescribe — and which, I repeat, nothing but the advantages she
has derived from her persecuted, insulted, outraged, and de-
famed sister states, could have enabled her to pass. She would
repent of her infatuation, and most anxiously seek to be restored
to a confederacy, on the major part of which she had unceasing-
ly levied heavy contributions, and to which she owed all that

* This assertion has been cavilled at by a Boston writer, but not refuted.
Boston, by her Jacobinical and seditious opposition to the peaceable measures
adopted to obtain from England that redress for which she herself had so loud-
ly insisted on the interference of g'overnment ; and by her excitement of a si-
milar opposition throughout the eastern states generally, defeated those mea-
sures, and cncoiu-agcd England to proceed ill her outrages ; vvliich finally led
to war.

CHAP. 52.] ATTEMPTS ON PUBLIC CREDIT. 2S5

prosperity, that wealth, and that consequence, which had ren-
dered her dizzy, inflated her with pride and arrogance, and
brought on her downfall.

CHAPTER LII.

3Ioney the sinews of zvar. Associations to prevent the success
of the Loans» Efforts to bankrupt the Govermnent.

Money has long been proverbially styled the sinews of war.
It is no misnomer. Soldiers cannot be raised — nor put in mo-
tion — nor arrayed in the field of battle, without money to clothe
and feed them. A government at war, and destitute of funds
or credit, must succumb to its adversary — bend the neck to the
yoke — make humble submission — .and receive the law from the
conqueror. To these truths history bears ample and uniform
testimony.

Under these impressions, shortly after the declaration of war,
there was a combination formed to prevent the success of the
government loans. A great majority of those who entered
into this scheme resided in the eastern states, particularly in
Boston, which was the grand focus of the conspiracy.

For every measure, however atrocious, a plausible plea is
always found to palliate or justify its enormity. This high-
handed conspiracy to destroy the credit of the government of
their country, which originated among the " moral and reli-
gious people" of Boston, was predicated upon two positions :

First, that England was, and had always been, willing tq
make a treaty with us on fair and honourable terms ; and that,
so great was her magnanimity, she would take no advantage of
any embarrassments or difficulties which might arise from the
destruction of the public credit.

Secondly, that our administration was so obstinately deter-
mined to continue the war, that it would make no peace while
possessed of the means of carrying on hostilities.

A corollary from these positions was, that if the conspirators
prevented the success of the loans, and deprived the government
of the means of prosecuting the war, we should in consequence
have peace.*

These extravagant positions must excite the amazement of
any calm observer. " But as soon as he should be acquainted

* This paragraph was written in September, 1814. The result of the nego-
clatious at Ghent fully established the folly as well as wickedness of these
proceedings. The public mind has been since very considerably undeceived
on these points. I have heard gentlemen rejoice at the succes^ of the illus-
trious hero, Jackson, at New-Orleans, as leading to peace, who, one or two
years since, were so miserably deluded as to believe that the road to a cessa-
tion of war lay through the defeat, disgrace, and disasters of the arms of thei>
native country !

O, B. 38

28^ POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 52.

" with the nature and existence of prejudice, passion, obstinacy,
" wilfuhiess, wickedness, and, above all, with the character and
" influence of party spii'it, the mystery would vanish at once :
*■'• for he would then see that these, and not reason, decide,
" /Reason asks for facts and arguments. Prejudice^ passion^
" and the rest^ ask for 7iames^ sound, noisc^ and fur ij. By
*' those they are impelled — by these they decide.''''^

Our government had given four strong and irresistible proofs
of a disposition to conclude the war, which carried conviction to
every candid mind.

First, on the 27th of June, 1812, it had offered the British
government an armistice on the simple and reasonable condi-
tions of suspending, during the negociation, the outrageous in-
jury of impressment, and surrendering the American seamen
previously impressed. The suspension of impressment at that
period could not have occasioned Great Britain any possible dis-
advantage ; for, having nearly annihilated all the rival navies
of Europe, her stock of sailors could not require to be reple-
nished by impressment from our vessels. And, as she had at
all times professed a willingness to surrender our seamen, there
could have been no difficulty on the second point. She ought,
therefore, to have met our amicable overtures with frankness.
If she were fighting for her existence, as has been said a
thousand times ; and if it were jeopardized by our hostility ;
it was the quintessence of madness and folly, not to have with-
drawn us from the number of her enemies, when she could have
effected that grand object on such easy terms, without impair-
ing her credit or character.

Secondly, It had promptly accepted the Russian mediation
for the termination of hostilities.

Thirdly, To remove all difficulty on the important subject of
impressment, congress passed an acton the od of March, 1813,
making such provisions, to commence from the close of the war,
as to secure Great Britain against the seduction or employment
of her seamen on board our vessels, public or private.f

Fourthly, and most particularly, in the appointment of three
ministers to negociate, Mr. Bayard, a decided federalist, was
chosen — -a gentleman of high standing with his own party — of
considerable talents — and strenuously opposed to the adminis.
tration. This affords a full proof of the fairness and candour of
our government.

In the appointment of ministers in England, or elsewhere, I
believe no similar instance has occurred, of the choice of a per-

* Tlie Kxaminer, by Rarent Qardenier, vol. i. p. 57 ,

\ Among the nienibers who voted as^ainst this bill were Messrs. Josiah Quin-
cy and Jolni Randolph. Their motives must have been very extraordinaiy.
It is hardly possible to fothom them.

CHAP. 52.] AlTEMPTS ON PUBLIC CREDIT. 287

Son hostile to the administration who appointed him. It was a
very great tflbrt to remove suspicion and jealousy from the
public mind: Nothing but the incurable folly and madness en-
gendered by faction, could possibly resist the fair inicrence war-
ranted by this appointment. But it was wholly unavailing.
Faction is now, ever has been, and ever will be, deaf, and dumb,
and blind, to reason and common sense.

These four facts notwithstanding, the persuasion was general
among the " Peace Fartij^'' that the government was averse to
terminating the war. The talents of the federalists in the east-
ern states and elsewhere, w^ere put in requisition to impress this
idea on the public mind. The most unceasing efforts were em-
ployed on this subject. The leaders of the party affected to be,
and the others were, inflexible in the opinion.

In consequence, every possible exertion was made, particular-
ly in Boston, to deter the citizens from subscribing to the loans,
in order to disable the government from carrying cm the war,
and of course to compel it to make peace. Associations were
entered into in the most solemn and public manner for this pur-
pose. And those who could not be induced by mild means, were
deterred by denunciations. A folio volume might be filled with
the lucubrations that appeared on this subject.

The pulpit, as usual in Boston, afforded its utmost aid to the
press, to insure success. Those who subscribed, were in direct
terms declared participators in, and accessaries to, all the " mur"
ders^'' as they were termed, that might take place in the '' unhQ-
hj^ unrighteous^ wicked^ abominable^ and accursed war /"*

To enable us to judge of the wickedness and folly of these
proceedings, let us examine what v/ould have been the conse-
quence of complete success. No diminution of the guilt of any
act arises from its failure to produce its usual and intended ef-
fect. — The man who fires a pistol with intent to kill, is, in the
eye of Heaven, as clearly a murderer, as he whose ball passes
through the brains of his victim.

Had complete success crowned the efforts of the conspirators,
these awful consequences would have taken place :

First, a national bankruptcy.! The public creditors, and those
who depended on them, would have been ruined.

* See chapter LVI.

t After the above was written, this consequence was procluced to a ceftam
extent by this consph-acy. Its injurious effects on the credit of the country
may be seen by an examination of tlie following Boston Fnce current, extracted

From tlie United States Gazette, Febimai ij 7, 1815.

BELOW PAR.

All the banks In New York state, Hudson and Orange excepted, 19 and 20 p. c.

Hudson bank, - - - " |^

Orange bank, - " - " oa

Philadelphia city banks, . - -.- - M

Baltimore banks, * - . - " OA 9«

Treasury notes, - - - - * m

United States six oer cents. - " - ' m

288 POLITICAL OUVE BRANCH. [chap. 52.

Secondly, with the downfall of the public stocks, would have
fallen the stocks of banks, insurance-companies,* Jkc.

Thirdly, private bankruptcy would have follow ed to an en-
ormous extent : and wide-spread ruin would have pervaded the
nation-!

Fourthly, the national armies must have been disbanded, and
the frontiers exposed to the desolating effects of the hatchet and
tomahawk. The aged matron — the chaste and tender wife — •
the blooming maiden — the decrepid grandsire — the manly father
■ — and the helpless infant — all would have been involved in one
wide, impartial, and undistinguishing destruction !

Fifthly, our seaport towns would have been exposed to the
mercy of Pakenhams, and Cockburns, and Gordons. They
would have been bcaut\ed-and-hootied^ and have shared the fate
of Alexandria, of Hampton, of Havre-de-Grace, and French-
town.

And sixthly, to close the awful catalogue, our government
would have been laid at the mercy of Great Britain : — and, de-
prived of the means of resistance, must have submitted to what-
ever ignominious terms she might choose to impose.:):

These were the results that must have taken place, had com-
plete success crowned the horrible project. Never was more
unholy purpose attempted.

It is highly probable that many of the persons engaged in this
conspiracy did not contemplate such extensive results. They
may have looked no farther forward than to the restoration of
peace. But the leaders in the scheme were too keen, too shrewd,
too profound, and too hostile to the government of their coun-
try, to allow vis to extend to them the same degree of charity.
Their minds must have grasped all the stupendous and awful
consequences ; and they had reconciled themselves to the wide-
spread devastation.

The success in the eastern states was considerable. Few men
have the courage to stem the tide of popular delusion when it
sets in very strong. There were some, however, who subscrib-
ed openly, in defiance of denunciations and threats. Others of
less firm texture, loaned their money by stealth, and as clandes-
tinely as if it were treasonable. What, alas ! must be the aw-
ful state of society, when a free citizen is afraid of lending his
money publicly, to support the government that protects him —
the mildest government ever vouchsafed by Heaven to man —

* This consequence took place to a most alurming- degree. See the prece-
ding note.

-j- Strong traces of the pernicious effects of this conspiracy appear through-
out the union. Some of the conspu-ators fell unlamcnted victims of their own
machinations.

% The recent subjugation of France holds out a most solemn and horror-
inspiring lesson, on the effects of intenuil divisions.

CHAP. 52.] ATTEIMPTS ON PUBLIC CREDIT. 289

whose mildness enabled its enemies to jeopardize its very exist-
ence ! Who, that has a soul to feel — who, that has a spark of
patriotism or public spirit in his frame, but must be fired with a
holy indignation at such a hideous, such a horrible state of
the public piind !!!!!!

" Money is such a drug (the surest sign of the former prosperity, and pvesmt
insecurity of trade) that men against their consciences, their honour, their
duty, their professions and PROMISES; are willing to lend it secretly; to
support the very measures which are both intended and calculated for their
ruin."

This paragraph, the prodiiction of John Lowell, establishes
the existence of a combination to prevent the success of the
loans, who had '■'■ promhed'''' each other, or pledged themselves
not to subscribe — but, to avoid the reproaches and persecution
of their associates, did it " secretly.'''' This conclusion irresis™
tibly follows. These '-*■ promises not to lend their money ^'^
must refer to the combination I have stated. It can have no
other meaning. And the fair construction of their lending
" secretly'''' can be no other than that they were liable to dis-
grace with, or persecution from, their party, if they were known
to lend.

Of the species of denunciations held out to deter from sub-
scriptions, some idea may be formed from the following para-
graphs, taken from various Boston papers.

" Let no mmi ~vho ivishes to continve the Tvar by active means, by vote or lendimr
money, dare to phostrate himself at the altar ox the fast day ; for they
are actually as imtch partakers in the -ivar, as the soldier ivlio thrusts his bavonet •
and the JUDGMENT OF GOD WILL AWAIT THEM."

Jifoney lent by federalists.

" Will federalists subscribe to the loan"? will they lend money to our nation-
al rulers ? it is impossible. First, because of the principle ; and secondly, be-
cause of principal and interest. If they lend money now, they make themselves
parties to the violation of the constitution, the cruelly oppressive measures in
relation to commerce, and to all the crimes which have occuired in the field
and in the cabinet. To what purpose have federalists exerted themselves to
show the wickedness of this war, to rouse ihe public sentiment against it,
and to show the authors of it not only to be unworthy of public confidence,'
but highly criminal, if now they contribute the sums of money, without which)
these rulers must be compelled to stop,- must be compelled to return to the policy
and measures under which this country once was at peace, and in singular
pi-osperity.

" By the magnanimous course pointed out by governor Strong, that is, by
withholding all voluntary aid in prcsecuting the war, and manfully expressing
our opinion as to its injustice and ruinous tendency, we have arrested its pro-
gress ; and driven back its authors to abandon their iiefarious schemes, and to look
anxiously for peace. What then, if we now lend them money ? They will not
make peace ; they will still hanker for Canada ; they will still assemble forces,
and shed blood on our western frontier. Mere pride, if nothing else, would
make them do it. The motives which first brought on the war, will still con-
tinue it, if money can be had. But some say ; -mU you let the country become
bankrupt ! no, the country tvill never become bayikrupt. But prat no not pre-
vent THE ABUSERS OF THEIR BECOMING BANKRUPT ! ! !* Do UOt preVCnt thciU

* Language is powerless to express the contempt and disgust this miserable
sophistry must excite in every coiTcct mind. What a desperate plunge into

290 POLITICAL OLIVE BnAXCJI [mAv. 52.

from becoming odious to the public, and replaced by better men. Ani/
Jddfralisl who lends moneij to goi'tiiimcnt, must go ami shake, hands luith James
^Madison, and claim fellowshii) with Felix Grundy. Let him no mure cult him-
self federalist and friend to his cmtntry ! I ! HE AVILL 13E CALLED liY
OTHER.S, INFAMOUS !!!!!!

" But, secondly, federalists will not lend money, because tliey luill never get it
again. How, where, and when, are tlie government to get money to pay inte- •
rest ? And ivho can tell whet/ier J'lUtire rulers maij think the debt contracted under
such circumstances, and hif men who lend money to help out measures which they
have loudly and constantly condemned, ought to be paid ! On tl\e whole, then,
tiiere are two veiy strong reasons why federalists will not lend money ; first,
because it would be a base abandonment of political and moral principles ,• and
secondly, because it is pretty certain tliey wiU never be paid again." Boston
Gazette", April 14, 1814.

" Our mercliants constitute an honourable, high-minded, independent, and
intelligent class of citizens. They feel tiie oppression, injury, and mockery,
with winch tiiey are treated by tlieir government. They will lend tiiem money
to retrace tlieir steps ; but none to persevere in their present course. Let every
highwayuuinfnd his own pistols ! ! .' .'" Boston Gazette.

" We liave only room tliis evening to say tliat we trust no true friend to his
country will be found among the subscribers to the Gallatin loan." New York Eve-
ning I'ost.

" No peace will ever be made, till the people say there shall be no war. If
the rich men continue to furnisli money, war will continue till the mountains arc
"melted with blood ; till every field in America is white with the bones of the peo-
ple." Discourse delivered at Byiicld, the seventh of April, 1814. By Elijah
Parish, D. D.

" If this war is to be supported by loans, paper stock will breed as fast and
fiister than merinos. The fleeces, if your pastures are good, will yield the in-
terest ; but for your intei-est of paper stock, you must yield a fleece of loans
annually from your own pockets. Fhe admiral and the purser have informed
the crew, that they have but few shot in the locker ; they must be replenished,
or the war laurels must wither. In our old war, when private men were public
creditors, and became somewhat impatient of pubhc delay, the administration
would promise them one new dollar for two hundred old ones, and try tiieir pa-
tience again. JMy brother farmers, if you have money to let, let it lie. If the war
continues, you will purchase your stock at four years old, cheaper than you can.
raise it ; so unjust is tliis offensive war, in which our rulers have plunged us,
in the sober consideration of millions, that they cannot conscientiously approach
the God of armies for Ins blessing upon it." Boston Centinel, Jaimary 13, 1813.

" It is verv grateful to find that the universal sentiment is, that ANY MAN
WHOLENi5s HIS MONEY TO THE GOVERNMENT, AT THE PRESENT
TLME, WILL FORFEIT ALL CLAIM TO COMMON HONESTY AND COM-
MON COURTESY AMONG ALL TRUE FIUENDS TO l HE COUN FRY ! ! ! !
God forbid that any federalist should ever hold up his hand to pay federalists
for money lent to the present riders ; and federalists can judge whether demo-
crats will tax their constituents to pay interest to federaUsts." Boston Gazette,
April 14, 1814.

At these awful monuments of the horrible effects of that direst
of human ills, remorseless faction, it is impossible to avoid
heaving a deep and heartfelt sigh ! Everj' effort is employed to
prevent a peaceful nation, goaded to war by a succession of out-
rage, injustice, and depredation of the most flagitious, aggrava-
ting^ and humiliating kind, from availing herself of her re-

the bathos of politicaj error and folly a writer must make, to assert — and \\o\v
deplorably stupid and deluded must his readers be, to believe — that a govern-
ment can be a banki-upt, and the nation not pai-t<ikc in the bankruptcy 1

ea-AP. 52.] ATTEMPTS ON PUBLIC CREDIT 291

sources to defend herself from an infuriate foe ! Those who
aid the government which protects them from the ravages of
that foe, are declared to be " INFAMjOUS," and to have
" FORFEITED ALL CLAIM TO COMMON HONES-
TY !" Tell it not in Gath — publish it not in Askalon !

The following advertisements contain volumes. They evince,
beyond the power of doubt or denial, the frightful state to
which a few factious, violent men, by their treasonable practices,
had reduced the. town of Boston, when those who were disposed
to support their own government, were obliged to do it as clan-
destinely as if they were engaged in some dangerous conspiracy. /

From tfie Boston Chronicle, Jpril 14, 1S14.
The new loan.

" From the advice of several respected friends, we are induced to announce
to the public, that subscriptions to the new loan will be received by us as agents
until the twenty -fifth instant from individuals, or incoqiorated bodies, in sums
of five hundred dollars and upwards. The subsci'iptions to conform to the re-
gulations announced by tlie secretary of the treasury, dated the fourth of April.
Payments juay be made in Boston money, or in any other of tlic United States,
the subscribers paying the customary rate of discount. Applications will be re-
ceived from any persons who wish to receive their interest in Boston, by letters
post paid, or lay written applications from individuals in Boston : AND THE
NAMES OF aLL SUBSCRIBERS SHALL BE KNOWN ONLY TO THE
UNDERSIGNED. According to the proposals of the secretary of the treasury
(for more particulars see his advertisement) each applicant must name the
highest rate he will give : and if the loan is granted lower than his proposal, it
will of course be for his benefit ; but on the other hand, if higher, he will lose
the benefit of being a subscriber. The certificates, and all tlie business rela-
ting to it, will be delivered free of charge.

GILBERT & DEAN, Brokers.

" Exchange Coffee House, Boston, April 12."

From the Boston Gazette, April 14, 1814.
THE LOAN.

" Subscriptions will be received through the agency of the subscriber till the
twenty -fifth instant inclusive.

" To avoid tlie inconveniencies of personal appearance to siibr.cribe, applications
in writing will be received from any part of the state. Each applicant miU
name the highest rate he will give, and if the loan shall be granted lower than
his proposal, he shall reap the benefit: but if higher than his oflTer, he will
Iiave no share in it. The amount, rate, and NAME OF .\NY APPLIC.\NT
SHALL, AT HIS REQUEST, BE KNOWN ONLY TO THE SURSCRIBER.
All the business shall be transacted, and certificates delivered to the subscribers
witJiout expense." _ JESSE PUTNAM.

On the above advertisements, and others of a similar charac.
ter, the following comments were published in the Boston Ga-
zette : —

" JTo^v degraded must our government be, even in their own eyes, tvhen theii re-
sort to such tricks to obtain moneij, ivhich a common Jew broker would be ashamed
of! They must be well acquainte I with the fabric of the men who are to
loan them money, when they offer, that if they will have the goodness to do it,
their names shall not be exposed to tlie world. They know right well, that the
cause is so sneaking and vile, that nobody would be seen in the broad day light to
lend them money. However, it is consistent with the system _of deception and
double dealing which they have always practised.

292 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. t<^HAP. au.

" Capitalists may be induced to subscribe to the loan, because it will tend to
sfiorten the luur. But what pledge have they, when they have poured all their
cash into the lap of government, that the war will end ?

" No one doubts of their rancour and ill-will towards England ; that they
are willing to light her as long as they can get money. Well then, if they can
s^ull the rich men, and get as many loans as they ask for, ivill they not Jight till
tluU is gone ? yea, and until they can negociate new loans upon the same terms ?

"Perliaps monied men may be bribed by the high interest that is offered.
Stit if they tvithhold their aid, and so force the governmeiit into a peace, will not
their capital be better employed, if engaged in trade } will they not have bet-
ter security for its payment, and at their command wlien they ask for it ?

" On tlie vvliole, we think it no way to get out of the war, to give monetj to the
gwernment, when the very thing that prevents them from carrying it on, is the
■want vf money." Boston Gazette, April 14, 1814.

After having intimidated the citizens from lending their
money publicly, by the most inflammatory, seditious, and threat-
ening publications, of which the preceding extracts afford a slight
specimen, these writers revile and abuse the government, be-
cause those ivho xv'ish to lend^ are invited hij the brokers to do it
secretly ! what transcendent wickedness and injustice !

Numberless similar paragraphs and essays were written
with a view to dissuade and intimidate monied men from sub-
scribing to the loans. Canting hypocrites, who were violating
the fundamental laws of society, encouraging " smuggling,"
and " perjury," — " acquiring ill-gotten wealth at the expense of
public morals" — and endeavouring, though a small minority, to
trample down the majority, had the wickedness to invoke " the
judgment of God^^ upon the supporters of a lawful and mild
government !

In the middle states, the federalists did not enter into the
project, or to a very limited extent. Many of them were sub-
scribers — some on a very liberal scale. And thus the loans, in
spite of the press, and the pulpit, and the efforts of the conspi-
rators, succeeded, to their infinite mortification. New means
were brought into operation, which were temporarily crowned
with fatal success.

CHAPTER LIII.

Smuggling' carried to a great excess in Boston. Specie abundant
there. Oppressive drafts on New York. Arrangements be-
tween persons in Canada and in Boston.

How strong soever may be the general sense of the infamy
of smuggling, it has always prevailed ; and never will be whol-
ly suppressed, while it affords such great advantages, and
while there are men to be found who worship gain as their God.
It is not therefore surprising, that the non. importation, the em-
bargo, &c. having been denounced as oppressive, unjust, and
unconstitutional — and the war as wicked, unprovoked, and cor-
rupt, smuggling should be carried on to a most prodigious ex-
tent, especially as the public papers in Boston repeatedly in

uHAP.ool ATTEIVIPTS ON PUBLIC CREDIT. 293

vited and urged the citizens to set the restrictive system at de-
fiance. These circumstances conspired to supply that town with
smuggled goods on a very large scale.

Of the extent to which smuggling, and fraud, and perjury
have been carried in Boston, some idea may be formed from
the following " precious confession," written by John Lowell.
It describes a depraved state of society not exceeded in the most
corrupt countries in Europe.

" Encotiraged and protected from infamy by the just odium agamst the luar,
they engage in laivless speculations ; sneer at the restrai^its of conscience ,• langh
at perjury ,- mock at legal resti^aints ,• a7id acquire an ill-gotten ivealth at the ex-
pense of public morals, and of the more sober, conscientious part of the communi'
ty."*i

It was worthy of the most serious reflection of the honourable
and public-spirited federalists of the middle and southern states^
how far they could, without disgrace and dishonour, '■'• folloxv
the leacf' of a town where such a state of things existed — where
'' perjury" was a subject of " laughter" — where '''' public tnorals''^
were sacrificed to the acquisition of '' ill-gotten xvealtli''' — and
where " the restraints oj conscience rvere sneered at.'''' — What
an awful consideration it is, that such a description of citizens
should have had it in their power materially to affect the desti-
nies of eight millions of people and their posterit)^ ! for it is a
most frightful truth, that all the violent, lawless, Jacobinical,
and wicked measures, which nearly drove the country to per-
dition, had their origin in Boston, where " perjury and smug-
gling" were the roads to fortune- — and vi/here '*• conscience af-
forded no restraint."|.

Mr. Lowell, after drawing this frightful picture, endeavours
to make the administration answerable for the whole, to " a just

* Road to Ruin, No. 6.

f Mr. Lowell denies that the above portrait was drawn for Boston. He says
" the remarks were intended to apply to other states than Massachusetts ;" but
he does not specify which are the states. I have reconsidered the subject, and
am not disposed to admit his defence. The depravation of morals, he describe
ed, was, he says, the result of " sm?/^;§fo>!j^.-" and this was protected from in.,
fiimy by "the just odium against the war." Now it is well known that there
was no part of the United States where smuggling' was carried on so largely
and so barefacedly as in Boston ; and none wliere so much pains were taken to
excite the public passions against the war, or with so much success. It is there-
fore not in iVIr. Lowell's power to remove the fairness of the application.

tl wish here to avoid being misunderstood. The statement respecting Bos»
ton is to be received with due qualifications. I have numerous and most esti-
mable acquaintances in Boston; equal in point of honour and integrity to any
citizens in the United States. And such I consider the mass of the inhabitants.,
But in times of factious violence, the worst men always rise uppermost ; gain
the ascendency; give the tone to public measures; and establish an arbitrary
sway. And men who " laugh at perjury," and " sneer at the restraints of
conscience," are precisely those who in such times of frenzy tn-annise over
their fellow-citizens, aiid bear down or force with them the dispassionate and^
well-intentioned. At all events, the picture of Boston is not mine. If it be in-
correct, I am not answerable. Let Mi% LoweU and liis friends settle the account
between them,

O. B. 39

29^ POLITICAL OLHE BRANCH. [chap. 53.

God," who " knows horv to trace the causes' of human events.''^
This is most sorry and contemptible canting. It can deceive no
man beyond the rank of an idiot. This hideous derangement
of morals was solely the production of faction, which consecrates
every means, however wicked, to answer its vile purposes.

" Adininistnition hlreling'slVnay revile the northern statesi, and the merchants
g-ent'rally, for this monstrous depravation of moi'als, tins oxecraljle course of
smugg'ling and fraud. But tliere is a just God, udu) knows liow to trace the
causes of iiuman events; and he will assurccUy visit upon the authors of this
war, all the iniquities of which it has heen the occasion. If the guilty deserve
oui* scorn or our pity, the tcmptei-s iind scaucers deserve our execration."*

It is very just and true, that the guilty deserve our scorn, and
that the seducers merit execation. But who, let me ask, were the
seducers i those, indubitably, who for so many years had been
employed, by every means, however base and vile, in exciting
the people to forcible opposition to the rulers of their choice —
who had, in the public papers, openly invited those, who needed
no such invitation, to violate laws fairly and constitutionally en-
acted, which they denounced as oppressive and " nnconstitiitiofi-
aW These were " the seducers.'''' These were the men on
whom heaven in its righteous decrees, must '•'• visit all the ini-
^uities^^'' to which their ambition, their turbulence, and their fac-
tious spirit had given occasion.

Many valuable British prizes were sent into Boston, which
greatly added to the stock of goods introduced there by smug-
gling. The middle and southern states, vt^hich refrained from
this pestiferous practice, derived nearly all their supplies of fo-
reign merchandise from that town. This course of events filled
the vaults of the banks in Boston with incomparably more specie
than they ever held before — and raised very heavy balances
against the banks in New York. The Philadelphia banks were
indebted to New York ; those in Baltimore to Philadelphia; and
so on to the southward.

It may not be unamusing to the reader to explain this process
a little more in detail. New York purchased goods largely in
Boston, partly for bank notes and partly on credit. For the
latter portion, promissory notes were given, which were trans-
mitted from Boston to the New York banks for collection. Very
large purchases were likewise made in Boston by citizens of
Philadelphia, Baltimore, Richmond, Petersburg, &c. Payments
were made in bank notes of the middle and southern states, and
in promissorv notes. Both were sent on to New York ; the
first for transmission to the banks whence they were issued — -
and the second for collection.

This state of things suggested the detestable idea, at which
the reader will stand aghast, of wielding the financial advaiv

■ Ro^d to Ruin, No. 6.

CHAP. 53.] ATTEMPTS ON PUBLIC CREDIT. 295

tages then enjoyed in Boston, to produce the effect which the
press and pulpit had failed to accomplish — that is, to stof) the
wheels of government bij draining the banks hi the middle and
southern states of their specie^ and thus producing an utter disa-
bility to fill the loans ! 1 1 This scheme was projected in the
winter of 1813-14, — and immediate arrangements were made to
carry it into execution. It richly earned for the projectors the
maledictions of the widows, and orphans, and other persons on
M'hom it entailed so much distress and ruin.

Accordingly, the New York, Philadelphia, and southern bank
notes held by the Boston banks, were transmitted with demands
for their amount in specie — and drafts were likewise drawn on
the New York banks for the balances on the lace of the books,
to enormous amounts. I am credibly informed that the sum
thus drawn was seven or eight millions* of dollars from the
time of commencing these operations till the 31st of August,
1814, when specie payments were suspended — a space of about
eight months. To relieve themselves from this pressure, the
New York banks drew as largely as the state of the accounts
would admit, on those in Philadelphia — the latter on those in
Baltimore — and those in the latter city on Washington, Alex-
andria, Richmond, &c.

A fearful alarm spread through the community. The issue
was looked for with terror. Wagons were loading with specie
at the doors of our banks almost every 'vveek. There have been
three at one time loading in Philadelphia. The banks through-
out the middle and southern states were obliged to curtail their
discounts. Bankruptcies took place to a considerable extent. —
Even wealthy men, who were wholly unprepared for such a
crisis, suffered great inconvenience. Some M'ho had subscribed
to the loans, were unable to comply with their engagements : and
0thers were withheld from subscribing, by tlie genei-al pressure
for money. In consequence, the loan, then pending, partially
failed, to the very great embarrassment of the government and
distress of the public. This runs the nefarious object in view.

I have before me "■ A true abstract of the statements of the
several bank corporations of Massachusetts, rendered January,
1814," and published by the secretaiy of that commonwealth,
from which I extract the amount of specie in their vaults, and of
their notes in circulation.

» Wlien I wrote this passag-e, I gTeatly vinclerrated the nmount thus with-
drawn from the middle and southern states, w liich 1 estimated at only fom-
millions of dollars. Subsequent inquiries have satisfied me that it was probably
double that amount. The banks from New York to Norfolk inclusively, as
well as most of those to the westward, were literally drained of then- specie,
and nearly reduced to bankruptc^'. Two millions of dollars and more, have
frequently been exported from Philadelphia alone for the East Indies m mvt
season, without prodvicing uny sensible etfeet-,

295 POLITICAL OUVE BRANCH. [chap. 53,

Jan. 1814. Specie. Notes hi circulation''

Massachusetts Bank, ^2,114,1 64 S682,708

Union, 657,795 233,225

Boston, 1,182,572 369,903

State, 659,066 509,000

New England, 284,456 161,170

Mechanics, 47,391 44,595

4,945,444 2,000,601

Of course there could not be the least pretext of want of spe-
cie, to answer the utmost demand that could be reasonably cal-
culated on. They possessed, for every hundred dollars of their
notes in circulation, nearly 250 dollars in specie — a state .of
things probably unparalleled in the history of banking, from the
davs of the Lombards to the present time,

'No man can pretend, that with the above enormous amount of
specie, and the moderate amount of notes in circulation, these
banks would have deemed it either advisable or necessary te
make such very unusual and immoderate drafts, particularly at
the season of the year when this project was commenced, unless
there was some extraordinary object to be accomplished.

Notwithstanding the enormous sums of specie drawn into the
town of Boston, from New York, Philadelphia, &c. so great was
the drain to Canada and Nova Scotia, to pay for government
bills and for smuggled goods, that but a very moderate sum re-
mained in the banks there at the beginning of the year 1815. —
I annex a statement of the amount in the vaults of the different
banks, at two periods, subsequent to the preceding date, fi'om
which an idea may be formed of the pernicious extent to which
these proceedings were carried.

July Ut, ISU. ya7i.lst,18l5.

Massachusetts Bank, gl, 959,405 S763,682

Union, 639,789 202,786

Boston, 1,270,731 691,729

State, 1,114,421 88,339

New England, 484,258 252,832

S5,468,604 Si, 999,368

Thus, it appears, that in six months the amount of specie ha^
been reduced the enormous sum of nearly three millions and a
half of dollars, notwithstanding the continual supplies from Nev»'
York for tlie months of July and August.

Attempts have been made to justify the extravagant drafts
above stated, as merely the result of the balance of trade in fa-
\-or of Boston. It has been asserted that it was no more than
right and proper for the banks of that town to require the balan-

qHAP. 53.] ATTEMPTS ON PUBLIC CREDIT; 297

ces due them ; and that the case daily occurs, of banks drawing
on each other in a similar mode, when balances accrue.

These palliatives will not stand the test of sober examination.
A large portion of the heaviest drafts, indeed those that first ex-
cited alarm, were made during the winter, when the freight was
20, 25, or 30 per cent, higher, in consequence of the wretched
state of the roads, than it would have been, had they waited a
few weeks. This is a conclusive circumstance, taken in con-
junction with the fact, that there was a superabundance of specie
'in the Boston Banks, and likewise with the laborious, and unceas-
ing, and profligate efforts that had been so long made, to destroy
the public credit.

It is well known to every person in the slightest degree ac-
quainted with banking, that when two banks in different cities
carry on a large intercourse with each other, balances will arise
in favour of one and against the other, often to a very large
amount; w^hich balances remain unclaimed, sometimes for
months together, unless the specie be actually wanted. The
banks do not choose unnecessarily to incur the expence of trans-
portation — and wait in expectation of the balance being reduced
by the regular operations of trade. I am safe in saying that at
least two millions of dollars are constantly thus circumstanced,
between New York, Philadelphia, Bahimore, Washington, and
Richmond. New York occasionally owes largely to Philadel-
phia — Philadelphia at other times to New York — and so of
banks in other places.

, To render the stroke at public credit more unerring — and to
place the result wholly out of the reach of contingency, there ^
-ivere arrajigeinents made with agents of the government oj
Lower Canada^ rvhereby an immense amount of British govern-
ment bills^^ drawn in ^lebec^ were transmitted for sale to Ne7U

* T]ics.e bills were openly advertised for sale in the Boston papers. I arl-
nex an advertisement taken

From the Boston Daily Advertiser, December 16, 1814.
" 1 Bill for - - - - 800/") British government bills for sale, by
"1 ditto .... 250/ C CHARLES W. GREEN.

" 1 ditto .... 203/3 No. 14, India whai-f."

1,253/
Let the reader, after having considered the above ostentatious mode of ma-
naging the intercourse with the enemy, compare the spirit which dictated it
with that of the revolutionary war, as displayed in the following resolutions and
orcUnances extracted from the journals of congij^ss.

June 2, 1775. " Resolved that no bill of exchange, draft, or order, of any
officer in the army or navy, their agents or contractors, be received or nego-
ciated, or any refoney be suppUed to 'them by any person in America. Journals
of compress. Vol 1, 105.

Marcli 27, 1781. " It is hereby ordained that the citizens and inhabitants ot

these United States be, and they are strictly enjoined and required to abstain

from all intercoui-se, con-espondence, or dealings whatsoever with the subjects

of the king of Great Britain, while at open war witli these United States, as

• i'hey shall amru-ev the same at their peril. And the executives of the several states

298 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH". [chap. SS,-

Tork^ PhUadclphia^ and Baltimore^ and disposed of to monied
men^ on such advantageous terms as induced them to make large
purchases. And thus was absorbed a very large portion of the
capital of these three cities.

These bills were forwarded through the agency of trusty per-
sons \n Boston; and the proceeds being placed to their credit,
added immensely to the command the Boston banks had acquir-
ed, by the extent of the smuggling trade, over those in the mid-
dle and southern states.

Let us here make a solemn pause. Let us strip these facts of
the thin veil thrown over them. Let us consider them in all
their nakedness, in all their deformity.

My heart sickens at the investigation. I turn with disgust,
with horror, with affright, Boston, the cradle of the revolution,
which claims so high a degree of pre-eminence for her " mora-
lity and religion," after having failed in her endeavours to pre-
vent the success of the loans, draws away the specie from the
middle and southern states, in order to bankrupt the goveriiment,
regardless of the universal ruin with which it threatened indis-
criminately, friends of war — friends of peace — federalists — de-
mocrats — young and old — men, women, and children ! And, to
add a deeper dije to the transaction^ the specie is transniitted to
Canada^ and enables the enemy to dispatch his red allies to swim in
blood on the defenceless frontiers of their orvn country .'-* this is

are hereby called vipon to take the most vigilant and effectual measures for de-
tecting- such intercourse, correspondence, or dcahng's, and bringing- the authors
thereof, or tliose concerned therein, to condign pnninliraenty Idem, Vol. VII. page 60.

".lune 21, 1782. Whereas some of the inhabitants of the United States,
prompted eitiier by a sordid attacliment to gain, or by a secret conspii-acy with
the enemies of their country, are wickedly engaged in carrying on an illicit traf-
fic with their enemies, whereby a market is provided for British tnerchandizes,
THE CIRCULATING SPECIe IS EXPORTED FROM THE UNITED
STATES, the payment of taxes rendered moi-e difficult and burdensome to die
people at large, and great discouragement occasioned to honest and lawful
commerce :

" Resolved, that it be and hereby is recommended to the legislatures of the se-
veral states, to adopt the most elHcacious measures for suppressing all traffic
and illicit intercourse between their respective citizens and the enemy.

" Resolved, that the legislatures, or, in their recess, the executives of the se-
veral states, be earnestly requested to impress, by every means in their power,
on their respective citizens at large, the baneful consequences apprehended by
congress, from A CONTINUANCE OF THIS ILLICIT AND INFAMOL S
Traffic, and the necessity of their co-operating with the public measures by
such united, patriotic, and vigilant exertions, us will detect and bring to legal pa.
■nishment those ivho shall in any manner have been concerned therein." Idem, page 3U1.

* Mr. Lowell has attempted to deny the existence of this arrangement. But
it stands on too strong ground to admit of being disproved. That these bills, to
an immoderate amount, were transmitted from Quebec ; that they were drawn
for the support of the armies employed in hostilities against this country ; and
that they were paid for in specie, devoted to the support of those armies ; are
facts too stubborn to be set aside. I hereby publicly dare him or any other
person in the union to disprove any of them. They arc abundantly sufficient
to establish the iniq'uty of the case.

CHAP. 53.] ATTEMPTS ON PUBLIC CREDIT. 899

the work of faction, the heaviest sx;ourge that ever issued from
Pandora's box !

The consequences of these vile operations were long severely
felt. Many estimable individuals were absolutely ruined. Bank
paper became an object of brokerage, and was sold at various
rates from three to twenty-five per cent, discount. A general
stagnation was produced. The loss fell most heavily on the poor,
as is usual in all such cases. The rich were enabled to make
most extravagant profits; and many of them were literally prey-
ing upon the middle and poorer classes of society. The entire
profits of business were swallowed up I)y the extravagant dis-
counts paid on bank paper, a case hitherto unknown in this sec-
tion of the union. And thus, in a season of distress and diffi-
culty, the embarrassments of the citizens were doubled and tre-
bled. And what is the most daring and profligate part of the
business, the men who

" Played these pranks before high heaven^'*

were impudent enough to charge the whole of the distress to the
account of the administration !

" The offence is rank — it smells to heaven.'''*

To render the affair more shocking, more gross, more hideous,
those who perpetrated this wickedness, hypocritically refused
to rejoice in the victories of their country— as " unbecoming a
moral and religious people ! ! !"

There is no country in the world, but the United States,
wherein such a crime could be perpetrated with impunity. Even
by our mildest of all mild constitutions, it is treason. " Trea-
son against the United States, shall consist only in levying war
against them, or in adhering to their enemies, GIVING THEM
AID AND COMFORT." If supplying an enemy with spe-
cie to enalole him to carry on the war against their native coun-
try, be not giving him " aid and comfort^'' and that of the most
substantial kind, I am utterly ignorant of my native language,
and know not what are " aid and comfort^''

Every man concerned in the business of furnishing these aids
to the enemy, was ipso facto a traitor — his life was forfeited.
That he did not expiate his crime by paying the forfeit, he owed
to the ill-requited lenity of an insulted government. Every
person who knew of the commission of the crime, and did not
reveal it, was guilty of misprision of treason.

Compare this offence with the rebellion of Massachusetts un-
der Shays ; with the whiskey insurrection, in the neighbourliood
of Pittsburg ; or with that of the poor, deluded, ignorant Fries !
You may as vv-ell compare the Andes to Mount Pleasant !

This crime in England would subject the perpetrator either
to be hung and gibbetted, or to be hung, drawn, and quartered.

300

rOLlTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 54.

In the former case, his carcase would be exposed to be devour-
ed by obscene birds of prey. In the latter, his head would be
elevated as an ornament on the tower of London, or elsewhere,
to deter other traitors from the perpetration of similar crimes.

Let us once more, though the sight turn us aghast, examine
this hideous scene — which sinks the perpetrators into the lowest
abyss of infamy.

Men in the " moral and religious^'' town of Boston, are obliged
to lend their money to their own government by stealth. But in
the face of day, within the knowledge of a whole c_ommunity,
they send specie to the common enemy to support him in a vindic-
tive warfare against their own country ! Can human nature sink
lower ? They are " too iiioral and too religious'" to rejoice at
the victories of their fellow-citizens — but they are neither '' too
moral nor too religious" to aid the enemy to victory ! An age
of penitence in sackloth and ashes would not efface this foul blot
from the escutcheon of Boston.

It is hardly possible to add a shade to the enormity of this
erime. But one circumstance greatly enhances its atrocity. It
was perpetrated while negociations for peace were pending, the
success whereof it had so direct a tendency to defeat, by placing
the British in a situation to rise in their demands ; although the
guilty persons profess to belong to the " peace party."

CHAPTER LIV.

Subject continued. Brief statement of Facts.

The immense magnitude of the subject of the conspiracy,
stated in the preceding chapters, induces me to resume it. And
as I may have been led astray by the delusion which is felt by
almost every man who forms an hypothesis, I shall therefore
state anew the- naked facts of the case, unaccompanied by my
comments. Let the reader duly weigh the evidence, and acquit
or condemn the accused town, as he may judge proper.

I. Engagements were entered into in Boston by individuals,
pledging themselves not to subscribe to the government loans.

II. When some of them afterwards did subscribe, they found
it necessary to do it " secrethf to avoid the odium and the
persecution excited against all who lent their money to the go-
vernment.

III. The utmost influence of that powerful instrument, the
press, and likewise of the pulpit, was employed to discouragb
and denounce subscribers to the loans. They were proscribed
as '■'■infamous^'' inthepubhc papers most extensively patronized ;
and declared, in those papers, and from the pulpit, to be abso%
lute " murderers.^"*

IV. During the winter, when the roads were in wretched or-
der, and when freight was of course from twenty to thirty pel'

CHAP. 54.] ATTEMPTS ON PUBLIC CREDIT. 301

cent, dearer than the common freight, the Boston banks made hi^
moderate, continued, oppressive, unprecedented, and hostile drafts
for specie on the Nexv Tork banks,

V. At this period the former banks had in their vaults an un-
paralleled quantity of specie — 07ie hundred and fftij per cent,
more than their notes in circulation.

VI. These drafts were continued through the spring and sum-
mer, and obliged the banks in the middle and southern states so
far to curtail their accommodations, as to bring the commercial
world to the verge of bankruptcy. Large and ruinous bank-
ruptcies did take place : twenty and upwaids occurred in New
York in one day.

VII. These drafts were carried to such a great extent, that
on the 26th of August the banks in Baltimore — on the 29th
those in Philadelphia — and on the 31st those in New York,
were reducsd to the painful necessity of suspending the payment
of specie.

VIII. Contemporaneously with these immoderate drafts, a
very large amount of bills drawn by the government of Lower
Canada, were, through the medium of agents in Boston, distri-
buted in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore.

IX. These bills prodigiously increased the balances against
the southern banks, and the power of drawing possessed by those
in Boston,

X. The specie received for these bills from New Tork, Phila-
delphia and Baltimore, tvas forwarded to Canada,

XI. When subscriptions for loans were opened, large quanti-
ties of public stock were sold at public auction,* and also sent
from Boston, to the markets in New York, and Philadelphia,
and Baltimore, and sold at reduced rates, to tempt the monied
men to invest their money therein, and thus to impede the
success of the pending loans.

I submit all these strong facts to the reader. Let him exa-
mine them, and decide for himself. If he be an upright, can-
did, honourable man — if he have a spark of public spirit in his
composition — if he have not renounced all pretensions to the
name of a Washingtonian — he will pronounce sentence against
this transaction, its agents, its emissaries, its accomplices, and
against all who connived at it. If this be '■''federalism of the
Boston stamps"* I trust the high-minded and honest federalists of

* Extract of a letter from Boston, dated February 24, 1815.
" This day twenty thousand dollars, six per cent stock, was put up at auction;
five thousand dollars of which only was sold for want of bidders, and that at
forty per cent, under par. As for the former new loan, it would be considered
little short of an insult to offer it in the market, it being- a very serious ques-
tion who is to frither the child in case of national difficulties.'* J^'ew York Even-
ing Post, February 27, 1815.

O. B. 40

3Q2 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 55,

the middle and southern states, will renounce the odious connec-
tion, and disclaim all participation in such nefarious, such trea-
sonable practices.

Mr. Oakley, a member of the house of representatives of the
United States, in a violent and declamatory speech, alleged the
strongest charges of gross mismanagement and incapacity against
the administration, for disadvantageous contracts made for some
of the loans, whereby millions of dollars wei^e lost to the nation.
All these losses and disadvantages are fairly chargeable to this
conspiracy.

A few ambitious demagogues in Boston have been the guide
of federalists throughout the union. They led them a devious
course from the paths prescribed by Washington. They allured
them to the brink of insurrection, rebellion, and civil war, which
are synonimous with a dissolution of the union. Whether the
latter will have magnanimity and fortitude enough to regain the
honourable paths from which they have been seduced, remains
to be seen. Their contemporaneous fame — their character with
posterity — their peace, their happiness, their prosperity — the
fate of their wives and children — the destiny of their country —
the question whether we shall be united as a band of brothers,
or involved in civil war, with its long train of horrors — are all at
stake. The stake is immense. Pray Heaven they may form a
just and enlightened decision.*

CHAPTER LV.

Massachusetts compared xvith Tennessee. The blind leading the
blbid. Profits of trade Jifty per cent ! Ro(^ to Ruiti.

Never did faction more completely degrade and sink a peo-
ple, than in Massachusetts. That once high-minded state was at-
tacked by the British with a small force. They were allowed,
without an effort, to dismember it. They established a regular
government in their conquests. As no effort was made by this
state, whose population amounts to about 700,000 free people,
to prevent the conquest, so none was made to expel the enemy.
Enslaved by faction, she whined, and scolded, and murmured,
and winced, and threatened, and cursed the administration for
not defending her, although she had made every possible exer-
tion to enfeeble the government, and render it incapable of de-
fence.

To sum up the whole. Massachusetts was energetic, firm,
bold, daring, and decisive in the contest with the general govern-
ment. She would not abate an inch. She dared it to a conflict.
She seized it by the throat, determined to strangle it ! She was
imtameable as a lion, or a tiger, or a panther, or a leopard. But

* Let it be observed this chapter was written in September, 1814. The
note inthe preceding page was added to the "th Edition.

CHAP. 55.] MASSACHUSETTS & TENNESSEE- 303

she was long-sufFering, and mild, and patient, and harmless, and
inoffensive, and gentle, and meek, as a lamb or a turtle-dove,
when she came in contact with the enemy.

There is some mystery hangs about this affair, which time
alone can develope. That the British should have attacked
Massachusetts, where they had so many friends, and spared
Pennsylvania, where the great majority were hostile to them,
was so contrary to all the rules of true policy, as to be almost
inexplicable. I dare not trust myself to hazard a conjecture on
the subject. The tame acquiescence of such a powerful state,
in so degrading a situation, must have had some extraordinaiy
motive. None occurs to my mind that I would choose to com-
mit to paper.

But mark the contrast ! Heavens! What a contrast ! Tennessee,
with a territory of 43,000 square miles — a white population of
only 217,727, and a formidable black one of 44,535, to guard
against, was assailed by the most powerful combination of Indians,
and those of the bravest character, that ever existed since the
first settlement of this country. She neither winced — nor whined
— ^nor cursed the government — ^nor shrunk from danger — nor
threatened a separation. She arose in her strength. She gird-
ed on her armour. She called her sons from the counter and
the plough — from the anvil and the loom — from the bench and
the bar — from the senate house and the council chamber — and
with a small degree of assistance from Georgia, she vanquished
the hardy warriors whom a false reliance on British aid had al-
lured to their ruin. Every successive effort on the part of the
deluded assailants was equally pregnant with destruction. Com-
pletely vanquished, they bent their necks to the yoke. They
cursed the seduction which tempted them from ease, and com-
fort, and happiness ; and on the forehead of their nation im-
printed the broad seal of perdition.

Since the above was written, Tennessee has earned tenfold
fame by the heroism and public spirit her hardy sons have dis-
played at New Orleans, where they acquired not merely for
themselves — and their own state — ^but for the entire nation, a
wreath of imperishable glory. In this grand achievement Ken-
tucky partook largely. Both these noble states poured forth their
sons by thousands, some of them from a distance of nearly eight
hundred miles, to repel the invaders of their native country.
With what effect they performed this patriotic service, histoiy
will convey to posterity, countless ages hence. It will be a sub-
ject of laudable pride to belong to a nation, whose lawyers and
doctors — whose farmers and shopkeepers — whose clerks and
mechanics, hastily collected together, signally defeated an army
of veterans, of very far superior force, as formidable as any
equal number ever arrayed in arras.

304 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 55^

The genius of Columbia hides her face with shame, and sor-
row, and anguish, when she regards the ancient state of Mas-
sachusetts, degenerated from, and a disgrace to, her hardy
ancestors. But she looks down with pride, and pleasure, and
exultation, on the youthful, high-spirited, patriotic, and heroic
Tennessee and Georgia.

It is hardly possible to find a stronger contrast — more dis-
graceful on the one side — more honourable on the other.

The blind leading the blind.

There is no man whose zeal in inflaming the public mind, has
equalled that of the author of the Road to Ruin. He has pub-
lished as many different sets of papers to excite the abhorrence
and detestation of the eastern states against the administration,
as would fill two or three large volumes. He is, in politics, as
veiy an enrage as ever lived. So violent are his passions on this
topic, that they lead him eternally astray. He commits himself
by the most extravagant positions, which nothing but the epi-
demical madness of the times would have ever suffered to escape
the keenest ridicule.

In " the Road to Ruin," he most pathetically deplores the de-
struction of comitierce, and the introduction of manufactures,
both of which he regards as equal subjects of lamentation. And
to make the stronger appeals to the passions of his readers — to
enhance the misfortune of the loss of commerce — ^he very grave-
ly states its profits at ''\fifty per cent ! I .'" It is even so, reader :
^' Jiffy P^^ ^^"^ •' •' •'" ^^ ^^ \y^vA to conceive a higher grade of
extravagance and folly. I'he average profits of successful com-
merce are not twelve per cent. And if the whole of the com-
mercial capital employed in this country, during the last twenty
years, be taken into view, including that of the merchants who
have become b«nkrupts, it is probable that the profits do not ex-
ceed eight per cent. The failures among that class are very
numerous, and out of all proportion greater than among any
other. Of the merchants in New York and Philadelphia who
were in eminence ten years ago, I think I am warranted in say-
ing, that nearly two-thirds have been utterly ruined. It is well
known, that the West India trade has been almost always a los-
ing one. In fact, of the few fortunate merchants who escape
shipwreck, it may be fairly said,

" Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vasto.''''

This writer is either a deceiver — or he has deceived himself.
In either case he is " a blind leader of the blind ;" And it can
never be sufficiently deplored, that a man in this situation should
have so very pernicious an influence on the destinies of eight
millions of people and their posterity. He has chosen a most

CHAP. 56.] PULPIT POLITICS. 305

felicitous title — ^" The Road to jRuin.^'' — -And verily he has so
long been leading his deluded followers on " the road to ru'in^'*
that he has brought them to the very verge of the precipice.

Lest the reader should suppose I have done him injustice, I
submit his own words. If I have tortured his meaning, on my
head be all the censure I have so freely bestowed upon him—

" We take from trade a capital -which produced FIFTY PER CENT, and we
invest it m manufactures, PRECARIOUS IN THEIR ISTATURE, wliich may
never produce twenty, and which may prove our ruin."-j-

This shoit paragraph is as fallacious as any equal number of
lines ever published. Every position it lays down is deceptions.
When the writer einphatically states, that manufactures are
" precarious In their 7iature^'' he must mean, by way of contra-
distinction, that commerce is blest with absolute security. Both
are arrant errors. Commerce is proverbially insecure. No de-
gree of prudence affords full security in that department. Manu-
factures, prudently managed, have as much certainty as any
other human undertakings whatever.

One word more. What dependence can be placed upon the
assertions, the insinuations, the allegations, on subjects abstruse
or difficult to decide upon, of a man who makes such an egre-
gious, such a momentous error in a case where detection treads
5?o closely on his heels ?

CHAPTER LVI.

Pidpit politics. Prostitution of the sacred functions. Mas-
sacre on board the Ocean. An anthology of sedition.

" Politics and the pulpit are terms that have httle agreement. J^o goimJ
ous^ht to be heard in the church but the voice of healing chanty.''' [What a divine
idea !] " The cause of civil liberty and civil government gains as little as that
of religion, by this confusion of duties. Those who cjuit their proper charac-
ter, to assume what does not belong to them, are, for the greater part, ignorant
both of the character they leave, and of the character they assume. Wholly
unacquainted with the world, in which they are so fond of meddling, and inex-
perienced in all its affiiirs, on which they pronounce with so much confidence,
they have notMng of poUtics but the passions they excite. Siirely the church is
a place ivhere one daifs truce ought to be allnved to the dissensions and animosities
of mankind.''^ Burke.

Of all the abominations that disgrace and dishonour this
country in these portentous times, I know nothing more deserv-
ing of reprobation than the prostitution of the pulpit for party
or political purposes. No man of correct mind can seriously re-
flect upon it without shuddering with horror.

A clergyman, whose functions pre-eminently require him to
preach " peace and good will among men^'' ascends the pulpit
among a congregation assembled to unite in praising and ador-
ing the Omnipotent Creator. He holds in his hand the Tes-
tament of Jesus Christy which breathes nothing but peace — he

t See in the Examiner, vol. i. page 141, the Road to Ruin, No. VIII.

305 POLITICAL OLFVE BRANCH. [chap. 56,

pronounces^ and has for a text^ the -words of Jesus Christy or of
his apostles^ of the ?nost pacific tendency : and^ as a suitable ac-
companiment^ for an hour long he employs all his zeal, all his
talents, all his influence, for the fanatical, the anti-christian, the
satanical purpose of enkindling among his hearers the most bale-
ful^ the most furious passions — of preparing them for insurrec-
tion and revolution — for all the Korrors of civil xvar.

*' The alternative then is, that if you do not wish to become the slaves of
those who own slaves, and who are themselves the slaves of French slaves,
you must cither, in the language of the day, CUT THE CONNEXION, or so
far alter the national compact, as to insure yourselves a due share in tlie go-
vernment :"

This elegant and sublime morgeau, which breathes so much
of the spirit of St. Paul, " let every soul be sidyect to the higher
powers^''* is taken from a sermon preached in Boston, by the
Rev. Mr. Gardiner, July 23, 1812. The christian injunction
of " cutting the connexion^'' that is, rebelling against their oxvn
government^ wonderfully accords with the declaration of the
text, which, gentle reader, is — '■'- 1 am for peace,'''' Psalm 120,
V. 7. Never was there a more wonderful association — " Cut
the conriexion'''' — and " / am for peace /" From such apostles
of peace, good Lord deliver us !

It is impossible much to aggravate the hideousness of this
procedure. But when the preacher commits himself by false-
hood, as sometimes happens, it caps the odious climax. A few
years since, on the eve of a general election in Massachusetts,
to answer the purposes of party, a fabulous story was circulated,
that the French had massacred the crew of a vessel called the
Ocean. It was one of a thousand falsehoods of the same
kind. A clergyman, whose name I spare, seized the story with
avidity — wove it into his sermon — and invoked the vengeance
of heaven on the murderers. But mark the end of it. The
holy zeal of the auditor)^ had not time to cool, when, to cover
the preacher with confusion, a resurrection of the murdered
crew took place. They returned home, safe and sound, from
the stilettos and daggers of the blood-thirsty French — and held
cut a strong memento to the preacher against a repetition of such
an anti-christian procedure.

The practice of preaching political sennons is utterly impro-
per, even when a congregation are all united — all of one senti-
ment, if such a case ever occurred. But when they are divided,
as must necessarily almost always happen, what a view does it
present ? That portion of the congregation differing from the
preacher, are reduced to the alternative of either absenting them-
selves from divine worship, or sitting patiently silent under the
undeserved reproaches, and abuse, and maledictions of a man
who flies in the face of all his duties, and to whom they cannot
offer a reply.

CBAP. 56.] PULPIT POLITICS. 307

To enable the reader to form a correct estimate of the abomi-
nation which I have here denounced, as well as of the justice
of the denunciation itself, I present him with an anthology, se-
lected from the sermons of three clergymen, the Rev. Messrs.
Parish, Osgood, and Gardiner, to whom no small portion of the
seeds of insurrection, rebellion, and civil war, so plentifully
sown in the eastern states, is justly chargeable. Never, since
the first establishment of the clerical functions, were they more
miserably employed — more contrary to the divine injunctions
of the meek and mild Jesus, whose disciples these reverend gen-
tlemen profess to be — whose doctrines they profess to teach —
and whose example they profess to follow, and to hold out for
imitation.

From the Rev. J. S. J. Gardiner^ A, 31. rector of Trhiky

Church, Boston.

" The British, after all, save for us by their convoys, infinitely more property
than they deprive us of. WHERE THEY TAKE ONE SHIP, THEY PRO-
TECT TWENTY. Where they commit one outrage, they do many acts of
kindness." Discourse delivered April 9, 1812, page 15.

" England is willing to sacrifice every thing to conciliate us, except her ho-
nour and independence.*' Idem, page 10.

" It is a war unexampled in the history of the luorld : wantonly proclaimed on
the most frivolous and groundless pretences, against a nation from whose friend-
ship we might derive the most signal advantages, and from whose hostility we
htive reason to dread the most tremendous losses." Discourse delivered July 25,
1812, page 3.

" So fiir from there being British partizans in this country, it is difficult
to find an individual candid enough to do that nation common justice," Idem,
page 10.

*' Every provocation has been offered to Great Britain on our part, and our
resentment has risen in proportion as she has shoinn a conciliating spirit." Idem,
page 12.

" What consequence is it to you, if they be repealed or not, if you are sold
to JVapoleon, as you have reason to believe, by the slaves luho have abused your con-
fidence" Idem, page 11.

" Let no considerations whatever, my brethren, deter you at all times, and
in all places, from execrating the present war. It is a war unjust, foolish, and
ruinous. It is unjust, because GREAT BRITAIN HAS OFFERED US EVERY
CONCESSION SHORT OF WHAT SHE CONCEFYES WOULD BE HER
RUIN." Idem, page 15.

" As Mr. Madison has declared war, let Mr. Madison carry it on." Idem,
page 17.

"THE UNION HAS BEEN LONG SINCE \TRTUALLY DISSOLVED :
AND IT IS FULL TIME THAT THIS PART OF THE DISUNITED STATES
SHOULD TAKE CARE OF ITSELF ! !" Idem, page 19.

From the Rev. David Osgood, D. D. pastor of the church at

Medford.

"The strong prepossessions of so great proportion of my fellow citizens in
favour of a race of demons, and against a iiation of more religion, virtue, good
faith, generosity, and beneficence, than any that novj is, br ever has been upon the

308 FOLITICAL OLIAE BRANCH, [chap. 5ti.

face of the earth, wring mv soul with anguish, and fill my heart with apprehen-
*sion and terror of the judgnnents of heaven upon this sinful people." Discourse
delivered Apinl 8, 1810, page 40.

" If at the command of weak or wicked rulers, they undertake an unjust war,
each man who volunteers his services in such a cause, or loans his money for its
support, or by his conversation, his writings, or any other mode of influence,
encourages its prosecution, that man is an accomplice in the wickedness, loads
his conscience with the blackest crimes, brings the guilt of blood upon his soul,
and IN THE SIGHT OF GOD AND HIS LAW IS A MURDERER." Bis.
course delivered Jmie 27, 1812, page 9.

" Since the period of their pretended repeal, SCORES, IF NOT HUNDREDS
of our vessels have been seized in French ports, or burnt at sea by French
cruisers, wliile many of their unoffending crews were manacled like slaves, con-
jiJied in. French prisons, orforcedon hoard of French ships to fight against Englaild."
Idem, page 11.

" Our government, with a hardihood and effrontery, at which demons might
have blushed, persisted in asserting the repeal." Ibid.

•' My mind has been in a constant agony, not so much at the inevitable loss
of our temporal prosperity and luippiness, and the complicated miseries of war,
as at its guilt, its outi-age against heaven, against all truth, honesty, justice, good-
ness ; against all the principles of social happiness." Idem, page 12.

" Were not the authors of this war in character nearly akin to the deists and
atheists of France ; were they not men of hardened hearts, seared consciences,
reprobate minds, and desperate iiickedness, it seems utterly inconceivable that
they should have made the declaration." Idem, page 13.

"One hope on'y remains, that this last stroke of perfidy may open the eyes
of the besotted p(;op!e ; that thev may awake, like a giant from his slumbers,
and WREAK THEIR VENGEANCE ON THEIR BETRAYERS, by driving
them from their stations, and placing at the helm more skilful and faithful
hands." Idem, page 17.

**Ifat the present moment, no symptoms of civil loar appear, they certainly -tdll
aoon ; unless the courage of the ivar party should fail them ! ! .'" Idem, page
14.*

" A civil -war becomes as certain as the events that happen according to the knoym
laivs and established cotirse of nature ! ! .'" Idem, page 15,*

From the Rev. E lis ha Parish, D. D.

" The Israehtes became weary of yielding the fruit of their labour to pamper
their splendid tyrants. They left tlieir political woes. THEY SEPARATED.
WHERE IS OUR MOSES ! ! ! Where is the rod of his miracles ! ! ! Where is our
■Aaron .' ! ! Alas ! no voice from the burning bush has directed tliem here."
Discourse delivered at By field, April 7, 1814, page 18.

" There is a point ; there is an hour ,- beyond which you will not bear .' .' .'"
Idem, page 12.

" Such is the temper of American republicans, so called. A new language
must be invented before we attempt to express the baseness of their conduct, or de-
scribe the rottenness of their hearts." Idem page 21.

* These sentences are already quoted in a former part of this book. They
are nevertheless repeated here, as peculiarly appropriate.

■\ After the reader has perused this detestable effusion of prejudice and
virulence, let him compare it with the following declaration, made by this rev-
erend gentleman, in a sermon preached at Cambridge, Api-il 8, 1810 ; " God is
my witness that I would not upon any consideration, willin.gly or unnecessarily
wound the feelings of, or give offence to, an individual in this assembly."

«HAP. 56.] PULPIT POLITICS. 309

" New England, if invaded, would be obliged to defend herself. Do you not
then owe it to your children, and owe it to your God, to make peace for your-
selves ?" Idem, page 23.

" You may as well expect the cataract of Niagara to turn its current to the
head of Superior, as a wicked congress to make a pause in the work of destroying
their country, while the people will furnish the means." Idem, page 8.

"Alas! WE HAVE NO MOSES TO STRETCH HIS ROD OVER THE
SEA ! ! ! No Lebanon, nor Carmel, nor Zion to invite us across the de^p '.'*
Idem, page J 4.

" The Republics of Rome, and Venice, and perhaps another, which alone
exists, have been as oppressive as the despotism of Tui'key, of Persia, or Ja-
pan." Idem, page 3.

Of the law of Pharaoh, which condemned to death the first-
born of the Israelites, this reverend gentleman says—

" A thousand times as many sons of America have probably fallen victims of
this ungodly war, as perished in Israel by the edict of Pharaoh. Still the war
is only beginning. If ten thousand have fallen, te7t thousand times ten thousand
mayfalir Idem, page 7.

Those who take the trouble of multiplying, will find that ten
thousand times ten thousand make 100,000,000, who were to
perish out of a population of 8,000,000 ! ! ! !

" Should the Enghsh now be at liberty to send all their annies and all their
ships to America, and //;, one day burn every city from Maine to Georgia, your con-
descending rulers would play on their harps, while they gazed at the tremeiulou3
conflatrratioiu'' Idem, page 8.

" tyrants are the same on the banks of the Nile and the Patowmac ; at Mem-
phis and at Washington ; in a monarchy and a republic.'" Idem, page 9.

" Like the worshippers of Moloch, \he supporters of a vile administration
sacrifice their cliildren and funilies on the altar of democracy. Like the wi-
dows of Hindostan, they consume tliemselves. Like the frantic votaries of
Juggernaut, they throw'themselves under the car of their pohtical idol. They
are crushed by its bloody wheels." Idem, page 21.

" The full vials of desjootism are poured on your heads. And yet you may
challenge the plodding Israelite, the stupid African, the feeble Chinese, the
drowsy Turk, or tlie frozen exile of Siberia, to equal you in tame submission to
the powers that be." Idem, page 12.

" Here we must trample on the mandates of despotism ! ! ! or here we must re-
main slaves forever." Idem, page 13.

" You may envy the privilege of Israel, and mourn that no land of Canaan has
been promised to your ancestors. Y'ou cannot separate from the muss of corrup-
tion, which would poison the atmosphere of paradise. Vou must, in obstinate
despair, bow down your necks to the yoke, and with your African brethren
drag the chains of Virginia despotism, unless you discover some other mode of
escape." Idem, page 15.

" Has not New England as much to apprehend as the sons of Jacob had i
But no child has been taken from the river to lead -us through the sea." Idem,
page 20.

« God will bring good from every evil. The furnaces of Egypt Ughted Is-
rael to the land of Canaan." Idem, page 22.

" Which sooty slave, in all the ancient dominion, has more obsequiously
watched the eye of his master, or flew to the indulgence of liis desii-es more
servilely, than the same masters have wailed, and watched, and obeyed the
orders of the gi-eat Napoleon ?"■ Discourse delivered at By f eld, Aprils, 18i:>,

page 21. T t p

" The legislators who yielded to this war, when assailed by the mamtesto ot

their angi-y chief, established iniquity and murder by law" Idem, page 9.

" In tiie first onset [of the war] moral principle was set at defiance. The

laws of God, and hopes of man were utterly disdained. Vice thre^v off her veil,
O. B. 41

3.10 POLITICAL OLn-E BRANCH, [chap. S&.

and crimes -were decked idth highest honours. This war not only tolerates crimes,
but calls for them, demands them. Crimes are the food of its life, the arms of
its streng'th. This war is a monster, which every hour gormandises a thousand
crimes, and yet cries, " give, give." In its birth, it demanded the violation of
.all good faith, perjiuy of office, the sacrifice of neutral impartiality. The first
moment in whicli the dragon mo\ed, piracy and murder ivere legalised. Havoc,
death, and conjlagration -ax'rc the viands of lier frst repast ^' Idem, page 11.

" Those western states which have been violent for this abominable war of
murder ; those states which have thirsted for blood, (Jod has given them blood
to drink. Their men have fallen. Their lamentations are deep and loud." Idem,
page 16.

" Our government, if they may be called the government, and not the destroyers
of the country, bear all these tilings as patiently as a colony of convicts sail into
Botany Bay." Idem, page 5.

" Let every man who sanctions this war by his suffrage or influence, remem-
ber tliat he is labouring to cover himself and his countiy witli blood. THE
BLOOD OF THE SLAIN WILL CRY FROM THE GROUND AGAINST
HIM." Idem, page 23.

" How will the supporters of this anti-christian lonrfare endm'e their sentence ;
endure tlieir own reflections; endure the fire tJtat forever hums; the ivorm
-Mch never dies ; the hos annas of heaven ; WHILE THE SMOKE OF THEIR
TORMENTS ASCENDS FOREVER AND EVER." Idem, page 24.

" To raise army after army to be sacrificed, when the English do all which is
possible, to soften the rigours of captivity, by kindness to the prisoners which
they have taken BY THOUSANDS AND THOUSANDS, restoring them to their
families, WITHOUT A RANSOM, AND WITHOUT THEIR REQUEST ; to
carry on such a war, after its only arowed cause has been removed, is it not
the lawless attack of Goths and Vandals, the daring pillage of wild Arabs, a h-
centious outrugc on all the jjrinciples of cliristianity, an impious abandonment
of divine protection .''" Idem, page 5.

I had beguti to comment on these extracts. But I have
changed my purpose. I resign them to the judgment of the
reader. I shall merely say, if the preachers were really sincere,
what transcendent infatuation ! If not, what transcendent turpi-
tude ! In either case, what transcendent profanation of the cler-
ical fiinctioiis ! — and of a religion breathing peace and good will
among men ! Maj- the Lord grant that no American congrega-
tionmay ever again dishonour or disgrace itself by patiently lis-
tening to such vile ribaldry.

Success of the war.
The enemies of the administration were lavish of their re-
proaches, in the early stages of the war, on its ill success, which
to many of them was a svibject of as much triumph, as if they
belonged to a hostile nation — as if whatever dishonour and dis-
grace might arise from it, were to attach themselves wholly to
the administration. The blindness and perversity of many of
our citizens on this topic, were lUterly astonishing. Whatever
of glory was acquired, or of disgrace sustained in the war, its
friends and enemies partook equally in the eyes of the world.*

* This all-important ideals placed in tlie strongest and most striking point
of light by the editor of the Analeclic Magazine, in the life of commodore Per-
ry ; of which most elegant performance, may be saidwitli perfect truth, " the
hero was worthy of such a biograplier, and the biographer was wortliy of such
an illustrious hero." There is not extant a production of which I should be
more gratified to have been the author.

CHAP, 56.] SUCCESS OF THE WAR. 311

It is likewise made a subject of reproach to the administration,
and of rejoicing to some dekided people, whom party passions
have led astray, and blinded to the interest and honour of their
country, that the government has abandoned its ground on the
subject of impressment ! A most melancholy subject of re-
joicing! Alas ! it was not the power of England, nor the down-
fal of Bonaparte, that produced this abandonment of the claims
of the poor, suffenng,nautical hero ! No. Internal discord, more
fatal than tens of thousands of embattled enemies, has subjected
to the risk of impi^essment countless numbers of future Hulls,
Perrys, Porters, Lawrences, and M'Donoughs.

The war, to the mortification of the enemies of the country,
has crowned the Ignited States with naval glory. We have more
impaired the naval standing of Great Bi-itain, than all the ene-
mies she has had for a century ; and ourScotts, and our Browns,
and our Ripleys, and our Gaineses, and our Macombs, and our
Harrisons, and our Coffees, and our Carrols, and our Jacksons,
have acquired by land, honour and glory equal to what has been
acquired on the water b}' our Hulls, Decaturs, Bainbridges, Pei"-
rys. Porters, Biddies, Joneses, and M'Donoughs.

But had the war been unsuccessful, it would hot have been sur-
prising. It would have more completely covered the nation with
the proudest laurels, had Boston observed an impartial neutrality.
But she persecuted the government with as much virulence, and
malignity, raid violence, as if it were administered by demons
incaniate. She involved in the vortex of disaffection no small
portion of the population of her own and sister states, and did
England rnore elective service than all her armies.^

Let those infatuated men, who caught the government by the
throat, and almost strangled it, by the destruction of its credit,
and by shackling all its efforts, only reflect for a few minutes
calmly on the effect of their conduct. They desired peace. But
they really prolonged the war. If, notwithstanding the immense
disadvantages under which it was conducted, through the disaf-
fection of such a large body of our citizens, we so harassed and
crippled the trade of the enemy, what would have been the re-
sult,, had the united energies of the nation been employed to
avenge the national M^rongs- — had all the ports of the eastern

* Of the sty]e and manner in wliich the government has been assailed on the
subject of the loans, the reader will find hi the fifty-second and fifty -sixth chap-
ters, a few specimens. Many of the paragraphs on this and other to])ics tlisplay
^ degree of malice, and virulence, and ribaldiy, tliat can only be equalled by the
writers of the Courier and the Times. Adhesion to the enemy is visiBle in the
elaborate defences of his conduct that so frequently appeared in a large pro-
portion of the papers published to the eastward. And, strange to tell, there was
a most elaborate set of essays published in Boston under the signature of Facifi-
cus, defending the monstrous claim to one hundred and si::ty-five millions of
acres of our territory, as a Siiw-qua-non condition of peace. These essays were
republished in most of the federal papers throughout the union without com-
ment or censure.

312 POLITICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [«;uap. 57

States contributed their proportion towards the common cause ?
Great Britain would in that case have been wear)' of the war in
twelve months. She would have given us an early and honour-
able peace. Millions of debts and taxes would have been saved
— thousands of lives on both sides been preserved — the destruc-
tion of public and private credit been prevented — and the two
nations would have been early restored to the relations of com-
merce and friendship. This is an awful view of the labours of
the '■^ peace party. '*''

CHAPTER LVII.

Parties change 7iame and. character, Jacobins. Definition,
Unholy struggle for porter ^ the caiise of all our dificulties.
Parties sometimes change their names, though they retain
their principles. But they more frequently change their cha-
racter, and conduct, and principles, still retaining their names.
On many occasions in England, whig administrations have en-
forced tory measures. And some of the most whiggish mea-
sures have been adopted by tory administrations. A very large
number of the democrats in 1793, particularly in the western
parts of Pennsylvania, were rank jacobins and disorganizers.
They offered violence to the government, and raised an insur-
rection, to free themselves from a paltr)- excise on whiskey, one
of the most rational and salutary taxes ever devised. Most of
those men who then violated the laws in this respect, are now
strenuous supporters of the government.

On the other hand, the federalists of 1793, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8,
were zealous '■'•friends of order and good government.'''' This
was with them a sort of watch-word. They were ardent sup-
porters of the honour of the constituted authorities, which they
identified with their own. A very large portion of them still
adhere to the good old faith and practice. But there are too
many who are arrant jacobins and disorganizers, and as ripe
for tumult and commotion, as the most violent democrats of 1 7^o.
They may murmur and may curse me for this declaration as
much as they please. I care not. They may exhaust Enml-
phus's whole collection of maledictions on my devoted head.
But were these maledictions ten times reiterated, they would
not efface from their escutcheon the foul blot of jacobinism. A
jacobin is a man of violence in politics — an enemy to legal go-
vernment — a man ripe for revolution. This definition is substan-
tially correct. And every man, therefore, is a jacobin who was
in favour of sending to Elba, the President of the United States^
chosen by the unbiassed votes of a free nation. Every man is a
rank jacobin, who w^is for putting down the admiiiistration hy
force. Every man is a rank jacobin, who, with Cyrus King, of
Massachusetts, regardless of decency, decorum, propriety, or
dignity of character, theatened the president in an inuendo xvith

«HAP. 57.] STRUGGLE FOR OFFICE. 313

if
a halter.^ Every man is a rajik jacobin, who, with Mr. Cole-
man, editor of the New York Evening Post, preferred rvar with
all its horrors, all its devastations, to a continuance of the present
administration. Every man is a rank, furious, envenomed, and
dangerous jacobin, who, with Mr. Blake, a quondam democraty
seized the advantage of a distressing war, to organize one por-
tion of the nation in hostility against the rest.j

In fine, every man who wishes the minority to trample do\A-n
and rule the majority — who himself opposes, or Avho excites op-
position to, the laws — who seeks to dissolve the union under any
pretext whatever — Avho defends the enemies of his country,
right or wrong, and slanders and degrades his own government,
is an enrage — a disorganizer — a jacobin.

Struggle for ofice.

It is in vain to disguise the truth. Would to God, that I had
a voice of thunder to proclaim it through the nation ! The con-
vulsions and dangers of our country arose from the lust of of-
fice and power. The safety, the welfare, the happiness of eight
millions of people and their posterity, were jeopardized and ex-
posed to ruin, in the unholy straggle. To embarrass, disgrace,
and render odious and unpopular the men possessed of power,
for the purpose of displacing them, and vaulting into the vacant
seats, is a procedure, as ancient as government itself. And that
it has been almost universally prevalent here, is incontroverti-
ble. It is not wonderful that those whose grand and sole ob-
jects are power, and the emoluments of office, should pursue
this plan. The depravity of human nature sufficiently accounts
for it. But that a large portion of the community who neither
have nor hope for places of honour or profit, should lend them-

* To the disgrace and dishonour of the house of representatives of the Uni-
ted States, this \T.le effusion of Billingsgate was allowed to pass without a call
to order.

f Mr. Blak"* is Hkely to be a conspicuous character. Neither iNIarat, Dan-
ton, nor Robespierre began their career witli more violence than he hasah-eady
displayed. Memo repente turpissmms. He will improve as he g-oes on. i
stake my existence, that had a civil war taken place (as would have been the
case, had Mr. Blake's counsels prevailed) and hadliis party not been crushed in
the conflict, as they probably would; if they had acquired the ascendenc}, there
would have been as summary process with the democrats of that quarter as
thei'e was with the royalists under the guillotine ffoveniment of Paris, JMen are
monsters all the -world over, tvhen unrestrained by hrw and constitution. I hope in
the tender mercy of God, we shall never try the experiment. But if, in the ven-
geance of heaven, we are destined to do it, we sliall add our example to that
of France in proof of this theory. Mr. Blake transcended his friend Mr. Otii>
far. The latter gentleman was surely violent enough ; but he was obliged to curb
and restrain </ie converted democrat. Perhaps this was vl intse de guerre ,- per-
haps the outrageous violence of Mr. Bl.ake was Intended to form a contrast with
the mildness of the projet of Mr. Otis, who was thereby to gain the jiopular ti-
tle of a " modere." Old Lord Burleigh, or Machiavel himself, could not ar-
range the matter better. But, reader, I merely _§-(<e.5s at these things. I am
too far removed from the political chessboard, to judge ofthe stute of the game.

314 POUTICAL OLIVE BRANCH. [chap. 58.

selves to such a scheme — should allow themselves to be made
instruments to be wielded for the purpose — that they should, as
the history of this young country has often verified, shut their
eyes to the vital interests of the nation, in order to promote the
aggrandizement of a fev/ men, is really astonishing.

The folloAving paragraph from the New York Evening Post,
is as candid a confession of a most sinister object as ever was
made. While we were exposed to all the horrors of war — our
cities and towns liable to Copenhagenism — our wives and ov;r
daughters to violation — it was ingenuously avowed, that all
these frightful evils twri? of no account compared xvith the ex-
clusion of Mr. ColemarCs friends from office ! ! ! It is impossi-
ble to mistake the idea. It is capable of no other than this in-
terpretation. However we reprobate its want of public spirit,
its candour commands applause.

" What would be the value of a, peace, if not attended with a chang'e of
those rulers who are driving' the country headlong to ruin ? A PFIACE, if such
be its effects, WOULD BE THE HEAVIEST OF CURSES. There is no event
that could happen ; no possible condition of things that could be imagined, ivhich
ought not to be deplored, and avoided, as 'the HEAVIEST OF CALAMITIES,
if its tendeiifif is to perpetuate power in the profligate hands that for sixteen years
have governed this miliappy country.^'

The man who can read these declarations v/ithout shudder-
ing with horror, must have his moral feelings destroyed, or at
least blunted to an extreme degree. These sentiments have ap-
peared in other papers besides the New York Evening Post.

This paragraph affords a complete clue to all the convulsive
Struggles in congress — all the efforts to prevent the success of
every measure calculated to meet the emergencies of the war.
The possession of power on the one hand, or the perdition of
the country on the other, were tbe alternatives. The parties,
alas ! had no hesitation about forcing the choice on their ill-
starred country !

CHAPTER LVIII.

" Thou shah not vex the stranger, nor oppress him ; for ye were strangers in the
land of Egypt." Exodus, xxii. 21.

lU'iberaUtii of prejudices against foreigners. Ungrateful on the
part of America. Irishmen and Frenchmen peculiar objects
of dislike. Pennsylvania line. Extreme sUj^ering, Tempt'
ing allurements. Unshaken virtue and heroism. Arnold. Silas
Deane, Refugees.

" The real cause of the war must be traced to ***** the influence of
■ivortldess foreigners over the press, and the deliberations of the g-overnment in
all its branches," Heply of the house of representatives af Massachusetts to the
speech of governor Strong, June, 1814.

I HAVE long desired a fair opportunity of handling this topic.
I have long felt indignant at the discriminate abuse hurled on

CHAP. 58.] PREJUDICES AGAINST FOREIGNERS. S15

foreigners in general — and more particularly on the Irish, on
whose devoted heads are incessantly '•^poured out the vials of

There is no country that owes more to — there is no country
has more need of — foreigners. There is perhaps no country in
which they are more the objects of invective, of reproaches of
envy and jealousy.

A jealousy of foreigners prevails in England. But it is con-
fined to the canaille, > ho, trundling their barrows — sweeping the
streets — or pursuing their genteel offices of chimney sweeps and
night men — hate and despise the dag- and tail parleyvous — the
blundering Irishman — the simple sawney Scotchman — the leek-
eating Welchman. In fact, every man who wears