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CENTENARY EDITION
THE WORKS OF
THOMAS CARLYLE
IN THIRTY VOLUMES
VOL. IX
CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
IV
//
THOMAS CARLYLE
OLIVER CROMWELL'S
LETTERS AND SPEECHES
WITH ELUCIDATIONS
IN FOUR VOLUMES
VOLUME IV
LONDON
CHAPMAN AND HALL
LIMITED
1903
Originally published 1845
CONTENTS OF VOLUME IV
PART X
SECOND PEOTECTORATE PARLIAMENT. 1657-58
PAGE
LETTER CCXV. To the Mayor of Newcastle : Whitehall,
18 Dec. 1656 1
Presbyterians and Independents.
„ CCXVI. To Card. Mazarin : Whitehall, 26 Dec.
1656 S
Quarrel between Charles Stuart and his Brother.
SPEECH VI. To the Second Protectorate Parliament, 23
Jan. 1656-7 7
Thanks for their Congratulation on the failure of Sinder-
comb's Plot.
KINGSHIP .......... 15
LETTER CCXVII. To the same Parliament : Whitehall, 25
Dec. 1656 18
Case of James Nayler.
SPEECH VII. To the Second Protectorate Parliament, 31
March 1657 24
Reception of their Petition and Advice with their Offer of
the Title of King. Returns pious thanks ; craves time
to consider ; will then answer.
vi CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
PAQK
SPEECH VIII. To a Committee of the same Parliament, 3
April 1657 27
Answers with praise as to the Petition and Advice gener-
ally, but as to the Title of King, with distinct though
not emphatic No.
„ IX. To the same Parliament, 8 April 1657 . . 31
"Would state his Doubts, if there were Opportunity given,
— if there were some Conference, or the like,
appointed.
,, X. Conference with the Committee of Ninety-
nine in regard to the Title of King, 11
April 1657 38
Difficulty as to how they shall proceed in this matter of
Conferring.
„ XI. Second Conference with the Committee of
Ninety-nine in regard to the Title of King,
13 April 1657 50
Endeavours to rebut their arguments, used in the former
Conference, in favour of the Title. Not of necessity ;
at best only of expediency or advantage. John
Hampden and the Ironsides. Leaves the matter
undecided : Conference to be renewed.
„ XII. Third Conference with the same, 20 April
1657 .69
Replies to their argument drawn from Law; contends
that whatever Title they, the Parliament, establish,
be it that of Protector or another, will be Law. For
the rest, the matter not an essential; unimportant
in comparison with others in this New Instrument
of Government, — to which others let us rather
address ourselves. Conference to be renewed on the
morrow.
„ XIII. Fourth Conference with the Committee of
Ninety-nine, 21 April 1657 ... 78
Animadverts on various Articles of the Petition and
Advice, or New Instrument, which seem to require
reconsideration: leaves that of the Kingship un-
meddled with.
CONTENTS vii
PAGE
SPEECH XIV. To the Second Protectorate Parliament in a
body, 8 May 1657 . ... 116
Briefly refuses the Title of King.
„ XV. To the same Parliament, 9 June 1657, on
the Presentation of some Bills for assent , 121
Thanks for their Supplies of Money, as the custom is.
LETTER CCXVIII. To Gen. Blake: Whitehall, 10 June
1657 123
Jewel for the Victory at Santa Cruz.
„ CCX1X. To Gen. Montague : Whitehall, 11 Aug.
1657 126
Order to sail.
„ CCXX. To J. Dunch, Esq. : Hampton Court, 27
Aug. 1657 126
To call at Hampton Court.
„ CCXXI. To Gen. Montague: Hampton Court,
30 Aug. 1657 127
In sanction of his treatment of the Dutch ships.
CCXXII To Sir W. Lockhart : Whitehall, 31
Aug. 1657 128
Mardike and Dunkirk. Peremptory: To bring
Mazarin to the point.
„ CCXXIII. To the same : same date . . .132
Same subject.
„ CCXXIV. To Gen. Montague : Whitehall, 2 Oct.
1657 134
Christian Denokson to strengthen Mardike.
viii CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
PAGB
SPEECH XVI. To the Two Houses of Parliament; Opening
of the Second Session of the Second Pro-
tectorate Parliament, 20 Jan. 1657-8 . 141
Reasons for thankfulness in such a Meeting : Religious
Liberty, the great object of our struggles, gained, and
in the way of being made secure ; Peace hitherto ; a
Godly Ministry. Understand the works of God,
what God has done for you; — and persevere and
prosper.
„ XVII. To the Two Houses of Parliament; the
Commons having raised debates as to the
Title of the other House, 25 Jan. 1657-8 151
Perils of the Nation ; perils of the Protestant Interest
in Europe at large : pressing need there is of
unanimity. Exhortation and Remonstrance: Do
not sacrifice great vital interests for titles and
niceties.
„ XVIII. Dissolution of the Second Protectorate Par-
liament, 4 Feb. 1657-8 .... 173
What he might have expected in this Meeting of Parlia-
ment ; what he has found in it ; Angry debating ;
and the Nation on the verge of conflagration thereby.
Dissolves the Parliament.
LETTER CCXXV. To Sir W. Lockhart : Whitehall, 26 May
1658 185
Protestants of the Valleys.
DEATH OF THE PROTECTOR 194
APPENDIX
NO.
• 1. LETTER TO DOWNHALL 209
2. AT ELY 210
3. LETTER TO CAMBRIDGE, WITH f PROTESTATION ' AND
« PREAMBLE* 212
CONTENTS (x
X<* PAGE
4. EASTERN ASSOCIATION : THREATENED RISING OF PAPISTS
IN NORFOLK .... ... 216
5. GAINSBOROUGH FIGHT 218
6. LETTER TWO DAYS PRIOR TO THAT CAMBRIDGE ONE . 224
7. Two LETTERS : ACTION AT ISLIP-BRIDGE AND BLETCHING-
TON. DITTO AT BAMPTON-IN-THE-BUSH . . . 225
8. BATTLE OF NASEBY. BURIAL OF COLONEL PICKERING.
Two LETTERS CONCERNING ELY. .... 229
9. LANGPORT BATTLE. SUMMONS TO WINCHESTER . . 233
10. ARMY TROUBLES IN 1647 236
11. WELSH DISTURBANCES IN 1648 239
12. LETTER TO THE DERBY-HOUSE COMMITTEE AFTER PRESTON
BATTLE 243
13. LETTER TO DERBY-HOUSE COMMITTEE: MARCH INTO
SCOTLAND, 1648 245
14. LETTER IN BEHALF OF YOUNG CHOLMELY . . . 249
15. CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE MAYOR OF WATERFORD . 250
16. EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS: RENEGADO WOGAN . . . 253
17. IRELAND: ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF
JUSTICE THERE , . 254
18. IRELAND: OPERATIONS IN TIPPERARY .... 257
19. HASELRIG AND DUNBAR BATTLE 258
20. FOUR LETTERS TO THE SPEAKER IN BEHALF OF INDIVIDUAL
MILITARY GENTLEMEN, AND THEIR CLAIMS . . 260
20.*LETTER TO MAJOR HARRISON 263
21. MARCH TO WORCESTER . 265
22. AFTER WORCESTER BATTLE : LETTERS TO THE SPEAKER . 265
23. LETTER TO SISTER ELIZABETH . 267
x CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
NO. PAOB
24. LETTER TO THE COMMITTEE FOR SEQUESTRATIONS, IN BEHALF
OF MR. AND MRS. FINCHAM ..... 268
25. To OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE 269
26. LETTER TO LORD WHARTON ABOUT HENRY CROMWELL'S
MARRIAGE ......... 272
27. SCRAPS FROM 1653 273
28. FROM 1 654-1655 : VOWEL'S PLOT; RECTORY OF HOUGHTON
CONQUEST ; PENRUDDOCK'S PLOT ; LETTER TO THE
POET WALLER; NEW ENGLAND 277
29. SUFFOLK YEOMANRY 288
30. SPEECH SHOULD-BE fXV.' . . ... . . 290
31. FROM 1657. LAST ROYALIST PLOT .... 292
32. Two MANDATES TO CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY . . . 296
INDEX TO THE FOUR VOLUMES ...... 299
LIST OF PLATES
CHARLES II frontispiece
JOHNHAMPDEN. , . . at page I*
EDMUND WALLER 276
PART TENTH
SECOND PROTECTORATE PARLIAMENT
1657-1658
LETTERS CCXV, CCXVI
Two Letters near each other in date, and now by accident
brought contiguous in place ; which offer a rather singular
contrast ; the one pointing as towards the Eternal Heights,
the other as towards the Tartarean Deeps ! Between which
two Extremes the Life of men and Lord Protectors has to
pass itself in this world, as wisely as it can. Let us read them,
and hasten over to the new Year Fifty-Seven, and last Depart-
ment of our subject.
LETTER CCXV
NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, or the Municipal Authorities there,
as we may perceive, are rather of the Independent judgment ;
and have a little dread of some encouragement his Highness
has been giving to certain of the Presbyterian sect in those
parts. This Letter ought to be sufficient reassurance.
TO THE MAYOR OF NEWCASTLE : TO BE COMMUNICATED TO THE
ALDERMEN AND OTHERS WHOM IT DOTH CONCERN
Whitehall, 18th December 1656.
Gentlemen, and my very good Friends, — My Lord Strick-
land, who is one of our Council, did impart to us a Letter
VOL. IV. A
2 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [iSDEC.
written from yourselves to him, according to your desire therein
expressed , which occasions this return from us to you.
As nothing that may reflect to the prejudice of your outward
Good, either Personal or as you are a Civil Government, shall
easily pass with us; so, much less what shall tend to your
discouragement, as you are Saints, to your Congregations,
gathered in that way of fellowship commonly known by the
name of Independents, whether of one judgment or other : —
" this " shall be far from being actually discountenanced, or
passively " left to " suffer damage, by any applying themselves
to me. I do, once for all, give you to understand, that I should
thereby destroy and disappoint one of the main ends for which
God hath planted me in the station I am in.
Wherefore I desire you in that matter to rest secure. True
it is that two Ministers, one Mr. Cole and one Mr. Pye, did
present to me a Letter in the name of divers Ministers of
Newcastle, the Bishoprick of Durham and Northumberland ;
of an honest and Christian purpose : the sum whereof I ex-
tracted, and returned an Answer thereunto ; — a true Copy
whereof I send you here enclosed. By which I think it will
easily appear, that the consideration of my kindness is well
deserved by them ; provided they observe the condition " there "
expressed; which in charity I am bound to believe they will;
and without which their own consciences and the world will
know how to judge of them.
Having said this, I, or rather the Lord, require of you,
That you walk in all peaceableness and gentleness, inoffensive-
ness, truth and love towards them, as becomes the Servants and
Churches of Christ. Knowing well that Jesus Christ, of whose
diocese both they and you are, expects it. Who, when He comes
to gather His People, and to make Himself ( a name and praise
amongst all the people of the earth,"* — He ' will save her that
halteth, and gather her that was driven out, and will get them
praise and fame in every land, where they have been put to
shame?1 And such 'lame ones'" and ' driven-out ones'" were
1 Zephaniah iii. 19, 20.
1656] LETTER CCXVI. WHITEHALL 3
not the Independents only, and Presbyterians, a few years since,
by the Popish and Prelatical Party in these Nations ; but such
are and have been the Protestants in all lands, — persecuted,
and faring alike with you, in all the Reformed Churches. And
therefore, knowing your charity to be as large as all the FlocJc
of Christ who are of the same Hope and Faith of the Gospel
with you ; I thought Jit to commend these few words to you ;
— being well assured it is written in your heart, So to do with
this that I shall stand-by you in the maintaining of all your
just privileges to the uttermost.
And committing you to the blessing of the Lord, I rest, your
loving friend*
OLIVER P.*
LETTER CCXVI
CARDINAL MAZARIN, the governing Minister of France in
those days, is full of compliance for the Lord Protector ; whom,
both for the sake of France and for the Cardinal's sake, it is
very requisite to keep in good humour. On France's score,
there is Treaty with France, and War with its enemy Spain ;
on the Cardinal's are obscure Court-intrigues, Queen-mothers,
and one knows not what not : in brief, the subtle Cardinal has
found, after trial of the opposite course too, that friendship,
or even at times obedient-servantship to Cromwell, will be
essentially advantageous to him.
Some obscure quarrel has fallen-out between Charles Stuart
and the Duke of York his Brother. Quarrel complicated with
open politics, with Spanish War and Royalist Revolt, on
Oliver's side ; with secret Queen-mothers, and back-stairs
diplomacies, on the Cardinal's : — of which there flit, in the
dreariest manner, this and the other enigmatic vestige in the
night-realm of Thurloe ; 1 and which is partly the subject of
this present Letter. A Letter unique in two respects. It is
* Thurloe, v. 714 : in Secretary Thurloe's hand.
1 iv. 506 ; v. 753 ; etc. etc.
4 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [26 DEC.
the only one we have of Oliver Cromwell, the English Puritan
King, to Giulio Mazarini, the Sicilian-French Cardinal, and
King of Shreds and Patches ; 1 who are a very singular pair of
Correspondents brought together by the Destinies ! It is also
the one glimpse we have from Oliver himself of the subter-
ranean Spy-world, in which, by a hard necessity, so many of
his thoughts had to dwell. Oliver, we find, cannot quite
grant Toleration to the Catholics ; but he is well satisfied with
this 4 our weightiest affair,' — not without weight to me at
least, who sit expecting Royalist Insurrections backed by
Spanish Invasions, and have Assassins plotting for my life at
present 'on the word of a Christian King !' —
Concerning the ' affair ' itself, and the personages engaged
in it, let us be content that they should continue spectral for
us, and dwell in the subterranean Night-realm which belongs
to them. The ' Person ' employed from England, if anybody
should be curious about him, is one Colonel Bamfield, once a
flaming Presbyterian Royalist, who smuggled the Duke of York
out of this Country in woman's clothes ; and now lives as an
Oliverian Spy, very busy making mischief for the Duke of York.
4 Berkley ' is the Sir John Berkley who rode with Charles First
to the Isle of Wight long since ; 2 the Duke of York's Tutor
at present. Of 4 Lockhart,' Oliver's Ambassador in France, we
shall perhaps hear again. The others, — let them continue
spectral to us. Let us conceive, never so faintly, that their
' affair ' is to maintain in the Duke of York some Anti-Spanish
notion ; notion of his having a separate English interest,
independent of his Brother's, perhaps superior to it ; wild
notion, of one or the other sort, which will keep the quarrel
wide : — as accordingly we find it did for many months,3 what-
ever notion it was. We can then read with intelligence
sufficient for us.
1 Three insignificant official Notes to him, in Appendix, Nos. 27, 28.
2 Antea, vol. i. p. 292.
8 Thurloe, iv. v. vi. : see also Biog. Brit. (2d edition), ii. 154.
1656] LETTER CCXVI. WHITEHALL 5
"TO HIS EMINENCY CARDINAL MAZARIN "
"Whitehall/' 26th December 1656.
The obligations, and many instances of affection, which
I have received from your Eminency, do engage " me " to make
returns suitable to your merits. But although I have this set
home upon my spirit, I may not (shall I tell you, I cannot ?) at
this juncture of time, and as the face of my affairs now stands,
answer to your call for Toleration.1
I say, I cannot, as to a public Declaration of my sense in
that point; although I believe that under my Government
your Eminency, in the behalf of Catholics, has less reason for
complaint as to rigour upon men's consciences than under the
Parliament. For I have of some, and those very many, had
compassion ; making a difference. Truly I have (and I may
speak it with cheerfulness in the presence of God, who is a
witness within me to the truth of what I affirm) made a dif-
ference; and, as Jude speaks, 'plucked many out of the JireJ2
— the raging fire of persecution, which did tyrannise over their
consciences, and encroached by an arbitrariness of power upon
their estates. And herein it is my purpose, as soon as I can
remove impediments, and some weights that press me down, to
make a farther progress, and discharge my promise to your
Eminency in relation to that.
And now I shall come to return your Eminency thanks for
your judicious choice of that Person to whom you have intrusted
oicr weightiest Affair: an Affair wherein your Eminency is
concerned, though not in an equal degree and measure with
myself. I must confess that I had some doubts of its success,
till Providence cleared them to me by the effects. I was, truly,
and to speak ingenuously, not without doublings ; and shall not
1 To the Catholics here.
2 Verses 22, 23 : a most remarkable Epistlct to which his Highness often
enough solemnly refers, as we have seen.
6 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [26 DEC.
be ashamed to give your Eminency the grounds I had for much
doubting. I did fear that Berkley would not have been able to
go through and carry -on that work ; and that either the Duke
would have cooled in his suit* or condescended to his Brother.
I doubted also that those Instructions which I sent over with
290 2 were not clear enough as to expressions ; some affairs
here denying me leisure at that time to be so particular as, " in
regard " to some circumstances, I would. — If I am not mistaken
in his " the Duke^s " character, as I received it from your
Eminency, that fire which is kindled between them will not ask
bellows to blow it, and keep it burning. But what I think
farther necessary in this matter I will send " to " your Eminency
by Lockhart.
And now I shall boast to your Eminency my security upon
a well-builded confidence in the Lord : for I distrust not but if
this breach " be " widened a little more, and this difference
fomented, with a little caution in respect of the persons to be
added to it, — / distrust not but that Party, which is already
forsaken of God as to an outward dispensation of mercies, and
noisome to their countrymen, will grow lower in the opinion of
all the world.
If I have troubled your Eminency too long in this, you may
impute it to the resentment of joy which I have for the issue of
this Affair ; and " / " will conclude with giving you assurance
that I will never be backward in demonstrating, as becomes
your brother and confederate, that I am, your servant,
OLIVER P.*
1 His suit, I understand, was for leave to continue in France ; an Anti-
Spanish notion.
2 Cipher for some Man's Name, now undecipherable j to all appearance
Bamfield.
* Thurloe, v. 735. In the possession of a ' Mr. Theophilus Rowe of Hamp-
stead in Middlesex,' says Birch. Where did Rowe get it ? Is it in the original
hand, or only a copy ? Birch is silent even as to the latter point. The style
sufficiently declares it to be a genuine Letter.
1656] SINDERCOMB
SPEECH VI
SINDERCOMB
THE Spanish Invasion and Royalist Insurrection once more
came to no effect : on mature judgment of the case, it seemed
necessary to have Oliver Protector assassinated first ; and that,
as usual, could not be got done. Colonel Sexby, the frantic
Anabaptist, he and others have been very busy ; ' riding
among his Highnesses escort' in Hyde Park and elsewhere,
with fleet horses, formidable weapons, with ' gate-hinges ready
filed through,1 if the deed could have been done ; — but it
never could. Sexby went over to Flanders again, for fresh
consultations ; left the assassination-affair in other hands, with
1,600/. of ready money, ' on the faith of a Christian King.'
Quarter- master Sindercomb takes Sexby's place in this great
enterprise ; finds, he too, that there is nothing but failure
in it.
Miles Sindercomb, now a cashiered Quartermaster living
about Town, was once a zealous Deptford lad, who enlisted to
fight for Liberty, at the beginning of these Wars. He fought
strongly on the side of Liberty, being an earnest fierce young
fellow ; — then gradually got astray into Levelling courses, and
wandered ever deeper there, till daylight forsook him, and it
became quite dark. He was one of the desperate misguided
Corporals, or Quartermasters, doomed to be shot at Burford,
seven years ago : but he escaped overnight, and was not shot
there; took service in Scotland; got again to be Quartermaster;
was in the Overton Plot, for seizing Monk and marching into
England, lately : whereupon Monk cashiered him : and he came
to Town ; lodged himself here, in a sulky threadbare manner,
— in Alsatia or elsewhere. A gloomy man and Ex-Quarter-
master ; has become one of Sexby's people, ' on the faith of a
Christian King ' ; nothing now left of him but the fierceness,
groping some path for itself in the utter dark. Henry Toope,
8 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [8 JAN.
one of his Highness's Lifeguard, gives us, or will give us, an
inkling of Sindercomb ; and we know something of his courses
and inventions, which are many. He rode in Hyde Park,
among his Highness's escort, with Sexby ; but the deed could
not then be done. Leave me the 1,600Z., said he ; and I will
find a way to do it. Sexby left it him, and went abroad.
Inventive Sindercomb then took a House in Hammersmith ;
Garden-House, I think, ' which had a banqueting-room looking
into the road ' ; road very narrow at that part ; — road from
Whitehall to Hampton Court on Saturday afternoons. In-
ventive Sindercomb here set about providing blunderbusses of
the due explosive force, — ancient ' infernal-machines,' in fact,
— with these he will blow his Highness's Coach and Highnesses
self into small pieces, if it please Heaven. It did not please
Heaven, — probably not Henry Toope of his Highnesses Life-
guard. This first scheme proved a failure.
Inventive Sindercomb, to justify his 1,600Z., had to try
something. He decided to fire Whitehall by night, and have
a stroke at his Highness in the tumult. He has ' a hundred
swift horses, two in a stable, up and down ' : — set a hundred
stout ruffians on the back of these, in the nocturnal fire ; and
try. Thursday 8th January 1656-7; that is to be the Night.
On the dusk of Thursday January 8th, he with old- trooper
Cecil, his second in the business, attends Public Worship in
Whitehall Chapel ; is seen loitering there afterwards, ' near
the Lord Lambert's seat.1 Nothing more is seen of him : but
about half-past eleven at night, the sentinel on guard catches
a smell of fire ; — finds holed wainscots, picked locks ; a basket
of the most virulent wildfire, * fit almost to burn through
stones,' — with lit match slowly creeping towards it, computed
to reach it in some half-hour hence, about the stroke of mid-
night!— His Highness is summoned, the Council is summoned;
— alas, Toope of the Lifeguard is examined, and Sindercomb's
lodging is known. Just when the wildfire should have blazed,
two Guardsmen wait upon Sindercomb ; seize him, not without
hard defence on his part, ' wherein his nose was nearly cut off* ' ;
i6s;] SPEECH VI 9
bring him to his Highness. Toope testifies ; Cecil peaches :
— inventive Sindercomb has failed for the last time. To the
Tower with him, to a jury of his country with him ! — The
emotion in the Parliament and in the Public, next morning,
was great. It had been proposed to ring an alarm at the
moment of discovery, and summon the Trainbands ; but his
Highness would not hear of it.1
This Parliament, really intent on settling this Nation, could
not want for emotions in regard to such a matter ! Parliament
adjourns for a week, till the roots of the Plot are investigated
somewhat. Parliament, on reassembling, appoints a day of
Thanksgiving for the Nation ; Friday come four weeks, which
is February 20th, that shall be the general Thanksgiving
Day : and in the mean time we decide to go over in a body,
and congratulate his Highness. A mark of great respect to
him/
Parliament accordingly goes over in a body, with melli-
fluous Widdrington, whom they have chosen for Speaker, at
their head, to congratulate his Highness. It is Friday
23d January 1656-7; about Eleven in the morning; scene,
Banqueting - house, Whitehall. Mellifluous Widdrington's
congratulation, not very prolix, exists in abstract ; 3 but we
suppress it. Here is his Highnesses Reply ; — rather satisfac-
tory to the reader. We have only to regret that in passing
from the Court up to the Banqueting-house, 'part of an
ancient wooden staircase,' or balustrade of a staircase, ' long
exposed to the weather, gave way in the crowding ;4 and some
honourable Gentlemen had falls, though happily nobody was
seriously hurt. Mellifluous Widdrington having ended, his
Highness answers :
1 Burton, i. 322-3, 355; Official Narrative (in Cromwclliana, pp. 160, 161);
State- Trials, v. § Sindercomb.
2 Commons Journals, vii. 481, 484, 493; Burton's Diary, i. 369, 377.
3 Burton, ii. 488.
4 Cromivelliana, p. 162. See Thurloi (vi. 49), and correct poor Noble (i. 161),
who, with a double or even triple blunder, says my Lord Richard Cromwell had
his leg broken on this occasion, and dates it August 1657.
10 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [23 JAN.
6 MR. SPEAKER, — I confess with much respect, that you
4 have put this trouble on yourselves upon this occasion, —
4 but I perceive there be two things that fill me full of sense.
4 One is, The mercy on a poor unworthy creature ; the second
4 is, This great and, as I said, unexpected kindness of Par-
* liament, in manifesting such a sense thereof as this is which
4 you have now expressed. I speak not this with compli-
4 ment ! That which detracts from the thing, in some sense,
6 is the inconsiderableness and unworthiness of the person
4 that hath been the object and subject of this deliverance,
4 to wit, myself. I confess ingenuously to you, I do lie under
4 the daily sense of my unworthiness and unprofitableness,
4 as I have expressed to you : and if there be, as I most
4 readily acknowledge there is, a mercy in it to me, I wish
4 I may never reckon it on any other account than this, That
4 the life that is lengthened may be spent and improved to
4 His honour who hath vouchsafed the mercy, and to the service
4 of you, and those you represent.
' I do not know, nor did I think it would be very season-
4 able for me, to say much to you upon this occasion ; being
6 a thing that ariseth from yourselves. Yet, methinks, the
4 kindness you bear should kindle a little desire in me ; even
4 at this present, to make a short return. And, as you have
4 been disposed hither by the Providence of God, to congratu-
4 late my mercy ; so give me leave in a very word or two,
4 to congratulate with you. [Rusty, but sincere.]
4 Congratulations are ever conversant about good, bestowed
* upon men, or possessed by them. Truly, I shall in a word
4 or two congratulate you with good you are in possession of,
4 and in some respect I also with you. God hath bestowed
* upon you, and you are in possession of it, — Three Nations,
4 and all that appertains to them. Which in either a geo-
4 graphical, or topical consideration, are Nations. [Indisput-
4 ably /] In which also there are places of honour and
4 consideration, not inferior to any in the known world, —
1657] SPEECH VI 11
* without vanity it may be spoken. Truly God hath not
* made so much soil, furnished with so many blessings, in vain !
4 [Here is an idea of one^s own.] But it is a goodly sight, if
4 a man behold it uno intuitu. And therefore this is a posses-
* sion of yours, worthy of congratulation.
* This is furnished, — give me leave to say, for I believe it
4 is true, — with the best People in the world, possessing so
6 much soil. A People in civil rights, — in respect of their
4 rights and privileges, — very ancient and honourable. And
4 in this People, in the midst of this People, "you have, what
4 is still more precious," a People (I know every one will hear
4 " and acknowledge " it) that are to God 4 as the apple of
4 His eye,' — and He says so of them, be they many, or be
4 they few ! But they are many. A People of the blessing of
4 God ; a People under His safety and protection. A People
* calling upon the" Name of the Lord ; which the Heathen do
4 not. A People knowing God ; and a People (according to
4 the ordinary expressions) fearing God. [ We hope so !] And
4 you have of this no parallel ; no, not in all the world ! You
4 have in the midst of you glorious things.
4 Glorious things : for you have Laws and statutes, and
4 ordinances, which, though not all of them so conformable
4 as were to be wished to the Law of God, yet, on all hands,
4 pretend not to be long rested-in farther than as they are
4 conformable to the just and righteous Laws of God. There-
4 fore, I am persuaded, there is a heart and spirit in every
4 good man to wish they did all of them answer the Pattern.
4 [ Yea /] I cannot doubt but that which is in the heart will
4 in due time break forth. [And we shall actually have just
4 Laws, your Highness thinks?] That endeavours will be
4 4t made " that way, is another of your good things, with
4 which in my heart " I think " you are worthily to be con-
4 gratulated. And you have a Magistracy ; which, in outward
4 profession, in pretence, in endeavour, doth desire to put life
4 into these Laws. And I am confident that among you will
4 rest the true desire to promote every desire in others, and
12 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [23 JAN.
every endeavour, that hath tended or shall tend to the putting
4 of these Laws in execution.
6 I do "also" for this congratulate you : You have a Gospel
Ministry among you. That have you ! Such an one as, —
without vanity I shall speak it ; or without caring at all for
any favour or respect from them, save what I have upon an
account above flattery, or good words, — such an one as hath
excelled itself; and, I am persuaded, — to speak with confi-
dence before the Lord, — is the most growing blessing (one of
the most growing blessings) on the face of this Nation.
6 You have a good Eye " to watch over you,"" — and in that
I will share with your good favours. A good God ; a God
that hath watched over you and us. A God that hath
visited these Nations with a stretched-out arm ; and borne
His witness against the unrighteousness and ungodliness of
men, against those that " would " have abused such Nations,
— such mercies throughout, as I have reckoned up unto you !
A God that hath not only withstood such to the face ; but
a God that hath abundantly blessed you with the evidence
of His goodness and presence. And He 'hath done things
wonderful amongst us,1 ' by terrible things in righteousness/1
He hath visited us by ' wonderful things ' ! [A Time of
Miracle : as indeed all * Times ' are, your Highness, when
there are MEN alive in them /] In mercy and compassion
hath He given us this day of freedom, and liberty to speak
this, one to another; and to speak of His mercies, as He
hath been pleased to put into our hearts. [Where now are
the Star- Chambers, High Commissions, Council-Chambers;
pitiless oppressors of God's Gospel in this land ? TJie Hang-
men with their whips and red-hot branding-irons, with their
Three blood-sprinkled Pillories in Old Palaceyard, and Four
clean Surplices at AUhallowtide, — where are they ? Vanished.
Much, has vanished ; fled from us like the Phantasms of a
Nightmare Dream /]
* Truly, this word in conclusion. If these things be so,
1 Isaiah xxv. I ; Psalm Ixv. 5.
1657] SPEECH VI 13
' give me leave to remember you but one word ; which I
' oiFered to you with great love and affection the first day of
' meeting with you, this Parliament. It pleased God to put
' into my heart then to mention a Scripture to you, which
' would be a good conclusion of my Speech now at this time
' to you. It was, That we being met to seek the good of so
1 great an Interest, as I have mentioned, and the glory of
6 that God who is both yours and mine, how could we better
' do it than by thinking of such words as these, ' His salva-
* tion is nigh them that fear Him,' * that glory may dwell
' in our land ' ! I would not comment upon it. I hope I
' fear Him ; — and let us more fear Him ! If this " present "
* mercy at all doth concern you, as I see it doth, — let me,
4 and I hope you will with me, labour more to fear Him !
* [Amen /] Then we have done, " that includes all " ; seeing
* such a blessing as His salvation * is nigh them that fear
* Him,' — seeing we are all of us representatives of all the
' good of all these lands, " to endeavour with our whole
' strength " ' that glory may dwell in our land.'
' " Yes," if it be so, < Mercy and Truth shall meet together,
6 Righteousness and Peace shall kiss each other.' We shall
' know, you, and I as the father of this family, how to dis-
' pose our mercies to God's glory ; and how to dispose our
4 severity. How to distinguish between obedient and rebel-
' lious children ; — and not to do as Eli did, who told his sons
' ' he did not hear well of them,' when perhaps he saw ill by
6 them. And we know the severity of that. And therefore
' let me say, — though I will not descant upon the words, —
6 that Mercy must be joined with Truth : Truth, in that
' respect, that we think it our duty to exercise a just severity,
4 as well as to apply kindness and mercy. And truly,
' Righteousness and Mercy must kiss each other. If we will
' have Peace without a worm in it, lay we foundations of
' Justice and Righteousness. [Hear this Lord Protector /]
' And if it shall please God so to move you, as that you
« marry this redoubtable Couple together, Mercy and Truth,
14 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [JAN.
6 Righteousness and Peace, — -you will, if I may be free to say
' so, be blessed whether you will or no ! And that you and I
4 may, for the time the Lord shall continue us together, set our
* hearts upon this, shall be my daily prayer. And I heartily
6 and humbly acknowledge my thankfulness to you.1 """
On Monday 9th February, Sindercomb was tried by a jury
in the Upper Bench ; and doomed to suffer as a traitor and
assassin, on the Saturday following. The night before Satur-
day, his poor Sister, though narrowly watched, smuggled him
some poison : he went to bed, saying, 6 Well, this is the
last time I shall go to bed ' ; the attendants heard him snore
heavily, and then cease ; they looked, and he lay dead. * He
was of that wretched sect called Soul-Sleepers, who believe
that the soul falls asleep at death ' : l a gloomy, far-misguided
man. They buried him on Tower-hill, with due ignominy;
and there he rests ; with none but Frantic- Anabaptist Sexby,
or Deceptive-Presbyterian Titus, to sing his praise.2
Next Friday, Friday the 20th, which was Thanksgiving
Day, ' the Honourable House, after hearing two Sermons at
Margaret's, Westminster, partook of a most princely Enter-
tainment,' by invitation from his Highness, at Whitehall.
* After dinner his Highness withdrew to the Cockpit ; and
there entertained them with rare music, both of voices and
instruments, till the evening ; ' 3 his Highness being very
fond of music. In this manner end, once more, the grand
Assassination projects, Spanish-Invasion projects ; unachiev-
able even the Preface of them. And now we will speak of
something else.
* Burton's Diary (from Lansdown MSS. 755, no. 244), ii. 490-3.
1 Cromwclliana, p. 162.
2 ' Equal to a Roman in virtue,' says the noisy Pamphlet Killing no Murder,
which seems to have been written by Sexby ; though Titus, as adroit King's-
Flunky, at an after-period saw good to claim it. A Pamphlet much noised-of in
those months and afterwards ; recommending all persons to assassinate Crom-
well ; — has this merit, considerable or not, and no other worth speaking of.
s Newspapers (in Burton, i. 377) ; Commons Jottrnalst vii. 493.
1657] KINGSHIP 15
LETTER CCXVII
KINGSHIP
THIS Second Protectorate Parliament, at least while the
fermenting elements or ' hundred Excluded Members ' are
held aloof from it, unfolds itself to us as altogether reconciled
to the rule of Oliver, or even right thankful for it ; and really
striving towards Settlement of the Nation on that basis. Since
the First constitutioning Parliament went its ways, here is a
great change among us : three years of successful experiment
have thrown some light on Oliver, and his mode of ruling, to
all Englishmen. What can a wise Puritan Englishman do
but decide on complying with Oliver, on strengthening the
hands of Oliver? Is he not verily doing the thing we all
wanted to see done ? The old Parchments of the case may
have been a little hustled, as indeed in a Ten-years' Civil War,
ending in the Execution of a King, they could hardly fail to
be ; — but the divine Fact of the case, meseems, is well cared
for ! Here is a Governing Man, undeniably the most English
of Englishmen, the most Puritan of Puritans, — the Pattern
Man, I must say, according to the model of that Seventeenth
Century in England ; and a Great Man, denizen of all the
Centuries, or he could never have been the Pattern one in
that. Truly, my friends, I think, you may go farther and
fare worse ! — To the darkest head in England, even to the
assassinative truculent-flunky head in steeple-hat worn brown,
some light has shone out of these three years of Government
by Oliver. An uncommon Oliver, even to the truculent-
flunky. If not the noblest and worshipfulest of all English-
men, at least the strongest and terriblest ; with whom really
it might be as well to comply ; with whom, in fact, there is
small hope in not complying ! —
For its wise temper and good practical tendency, let us
praise this Second Parliament ; — admit nevertheless that its
16 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [JAN.
History, like that of D«ost Parliaments, amounts to little. This
Parliament did what they could : forbore to pester his High-
ness with quibblings and cavillings and constitution-pedantries ;
accomplished respectably the Parliamentary routine ; voted,
what perhaps was all that could be expected of them, some
needful modicum of supplies ; ' debated whether it should be
debated,' ' put the question whether this question should be
put ' ; — and in a mild way neutralised one another, and as it
were handsomely did nothing, and left Oliver to do. A Record
of their proceedings has been jotted-down by one of their
Members there present, who is guessed rather vaguely by
Editorial sagacity to have been ' one Mr. Burton.1 It was
saved from the fire in late years, that Record ; has beei
printed under the title of Burton's Diary ; and this Editor
has faithfully read it, — not without wonder, once more, at the
inadequacy of the human pen to convey almost any glimmer-
ing of insight to the distant human mind ! Alas, the human
pen, oppressed by incubus of Parliamentary or other Pedantry,
is a most poor matter. At bottom, if we will consider it,
this poor Burton, — let us continue to call him 'Burton,'
though that was not his name, — cared nothing about these
matters himself ; merely jotted them down pedantically, by
impulse from without, — that he might seem, in his own eyes
and those of others, a knowing person, enviable for insight
into facts ( of an high nature.' And now, by what possibility
of chance, can he interest thee or me about them ; now when
they have turned out to be facts of no nature as all, — mere
wearisome ephemera, and cast-clothes of facts, gone all to dust
and ashes now ; which the healthy human mind resolutely, not
without impatience, tramples under its feet ! A Book filled,
as so many are, with mere dim inanity and moaning wind.
Will nobody condense it into sixteen pages ; instead of four
thick octavo volumes ? For there are, if you look long, some
streaks of dull light shining even through it ; perhaps, in
judicious hands, one readable sheet of sixteen pages might be
made of it ; — and even the rubbish of the rest, with a proper
1657] KINGSHIP 17
Index, might be useful ; might at least be left to rot quietly,
once it was known to be rubbish. But enough now of poor
Mr. Burton and his Diary, — who, as we say, is not 'Mr.
Burton' at all, if anybody cared to know who or what he
was ! 1 Undoubtedly some very dull man. Under chimerical
circumstances he gives us, being fated to do it, an inane History
of a Parliament now itself grown very inane and chimerical ! —
This Parliament, as we transiently saw, suppressed the
Major-Generals ; refused to authorise their continued ' Deci-
mation, or Ten-per-centing of the Royalists ; 2 whereupon
they were suppressed. Its next grand feat was that of James
Nayler and his Procession which we saw at Bristol lately. In-
terminable Debates about James Nayler, — excelling in stupor
all the Human Speech, even in English Parliaments, this
Editor has ever been exposed to. Nayler, in fact, is almost
all that survives with one, from Burton, as the sum of what
this Parliament did. If they did aught else, the human mind,
eager enough to carry off news of them, has mostly dropped it
on the way hither. To Posterity they sit there as the James-
Nayler Parliament. Four-hundred Gentlemen of England, and
I think a sprinkling of Lords among them, assembled from all
Counties and Boroughs of the Three Nations, to sit in solemn
debate on this terrific Phenomenon ; a Mad Quaker fancying
or seeming to fancy himself, what is not uncommon since, a
new Incarnation of Christ. Shall we hang him, shall we whip
him, bore the tongue of him with hot iron ; shall we imprison
him, set him to oakum ; shall we roast, or boil, or stew him ;
— shall we put the question whether this question shall be
put ; debate whether this shall be debated ; — in Heaven's
1 Compare the Diary, vol. ii. p. 404, line 2, and vol. ii. p. 347, line 7, with
Commons Journals , vii. 588 ; and again Diary, vol. ii. p. 346, line 13, with
Commons Journals, vii. 450, 580 : Two Parliament-Committees, on both of which
' I ' the writer of the Diary sat ; in neither of which is there such a name as
Burton. Guess rather, if it were worth while to guess, one of the two Suffolk
Bacons ; most probably Nathaniel Bacon, Master of the 'Court of Requests,1 —
a dim old Law-Court fallen obsolete now.
3 Commons Journals, 7th to 2Qth Jan. 1656-7.
VOL. IV. B
is PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [JAN.
name, what shall we do with him, the terrific Phenomenon of
Nayler ? This is the history of Oliver's Second Parliament for
three long months and odd. Nowhere does the unfathomable
Deep of Dulness which our English character has in it, more
stupendously disclose itself. Something almost grand in it ;
nay, something really grand, though in our impatience we call
it ' dull.1 They hold by Use and Wont, these honourable
Gentlemen, almost as by Laws of Nature, — by Second Nature
almost as by First Nature. Pious too ; and would fain know
rightly the way to new objects by the old roads, without
trespass. Not insignificant this English character, which can
placidly debate such matters, and even feel a certain smack of
delight in them ! A massiveness of eupeptic vigour speaks
itself there, which perhaps the liveliest wit might envy. Who
is there that has the strength of ten oxen, that is able to
support these things ? Couldst thou debate on Nayler, day
after day, for a whole Winter ? Thou, if the sky were
threatening to fall on account of it, wouldst sink under such
labour appointed only for the oxen of the gods ! — The honour-
able Gentlemen set Nayler to ride with his face to the tail,
through various streets and cities ; to be whipt (poor Nayler),
to be branded, to be bored through the tongue, and then to
do oakum ad libitum upon bread-and- water ; after which he
repented, confessed himself mad, and this world-great Pheno-
menon, visible to Posterity and the West of England, was got
winded up.1
LETTER CCXVII
CONCERNING which, however, and by what power of juris-
diction the honourable Gentlemen did it, his Highness has still
some inquiry to make ; — for the limits of jurisdiction between
Parliament and Law-Courts, Parliament and Single Person, are
1 Sentence pronounced, Commons Journals, vii. 486-7 (i6th Dec. 1656);
executed in part, Thursday i8th Dec. (ib. 470) ; — petitions, negotiations on it
do not end till May 26th, 1657. James Nayler's Recantation is in Somers Tracts,
vi. 22-29.
1657] KINGSHIP 19
never yet very clear ; and Parliaments uncontrolled by a Single
Person have been known to be very tyrannous before now ! On
Friday 26th December, Speaker Widdrington intimates that
he is honoured with a Letter from his Highness ; and reads
the same in these words :
TO OUR RIGHT TRUSTY AND RIGHT WELL-BELOVED SIR THOMAS
WIDDRINGTON, SPEAKER OF THE PARLIAMENT : TO BE COM-
MUNICATED TO THE PARLIAMENT
O. P.
Right Trusty and Well-beloved, We greet you well. Having
taken notice of a Judgment lately given by Yourselves against
one James Nayler : Although We detest and abhor the giving
or occasioning the least countenance to persons of such opinions
and practices, or who are under the guilt of the crimes commonly
imputed to the said Person : Yet We, being intrusted in the
present Government, on behalf of the People of these Nations ;
and not knowing how far such Proceeding, entered into zvholly
without Us, may extend in the consequence of it, — Do desire
that the House will let Us know the grounds and reasons
whereupon they have proceeded.
Given at Whitehall, the 25th of December 1656.*
A pertinent inquiry ; which will lead us into new wilder-
nesses of Debate, into ever deeper wildernesses ; — and, in fact,
into our far notablest achievement, what may be called our
little oasis, or island of refuge : That of reconstructing the
Instrument of Government upon a more liberal footing,
explaining better the boundaries of Parliament's and Single
Person's jurisdiction ; and offering his Highness the Title
of King. —
Readers know what choking dust-whirlwind in certain
portions of ' the Page of History ' this last business has given
* Burton, i. 370 ; see Commons Journals > vii. 475.
20 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [23 FEB.
rise to ! Dust-History, true to its nature, has treated this as
one of the most important businesses in Oliver's Protectorate ;
though intrinsically it was to Oliver, and is to us, a mere
feather in a man's cap,' throwing no new light on Oliver ;
and ought to be treated with great brevity indeed, had it not
to many thrown much new darkness on him. It is now our
painful duty to deal with this matter also ; to extricate
Oliver's real words and procedure on it from the detestable
confusions and lumber-mountains of Human Stupidity, old and
recent, under which, as usual, they lie buried. Some Seven,
.or even Eight, Speeches of Oliver, and innumerable Speeches
of other persons on this subject have unluckily come down to
us ; and cannot yet be consumed by fire ; — not yet, till one
has painfully extricated the real speakings and proceedings of
Oliver, instead of the supposititious jargonings and imaginary
dark pettifoggings of Oliver ; and asked candid Mankind,
Whether there is anything particular in them ? Mankind
answering No, fire can be applied ; and mountains of rubbish,
yielding or not some fractions of Corinthian brass, may once
more be burnt out of men's way.
The Speeches and Colloquies, reported by one knows not
whom, upon this matter of the Kingship, which extend from
March to May of the year 1657, and were very private at the
time, came out two years afterwards as a printed Pamphlet,
when Kingship was once more the question, Charles Stuart's
Kingship, and men needed incitements thereto. Of course it
is with the learned Law-arguments in favour of Kingship that
the Pamphleteer is chiefly concerned ; the words of Oliver,
which again are our sole concern, have been left by him in a
very accidental condition ! Most accidental, often enough quite
meaningless, distracted condition ; — growing ever more dis-
tracting, as each new Imaginary-Editor and unchecked Printer,
in succession, did his part to them. Till now in Somers
Tracts,1 which is our latest form of the business, they strike
description silent ! Chaos itself is Cosmos in comparison with
1 vi. 349-403-
1657] KINGSHIP 21
that Pamphlet in Somers. In or out of Bedlam, we can know
well, gods or men never spake to one another in that manner !
Oliver Cromwell's meaning is there ; and that is not it. O
Sluggardship, Imaginary -Editorship, Flunkyism, Falsehood,
Human Platitude in general — ! — But we will complain of
nothing. Know well, by experience of him, that Oliver
Cromwell always had a meaning, and an honest manful
meaning ; search well for that, after ten or twenty reperusals
you will find it even there. Those frightful jungles, trampled
down for two centuries now by mere bison and hoofed cattle,
you will begin to see, were once a kind of regularly planted
wood ! — Let the Editor with all brevity struggle to indicate
so much, candid readers doing their part along with him ; and
so leave it. A happier next generation will then be per-
mitted to seek the aid ofjire; and this immense business of
the Kingship, throwing little new light, but also no new
darkness, upon Oliver Protector, will then reduce itself to
very small compass for his Biographers.
Monday, %2d February 1656-7. Amid the Miscellaneous
business of this day, Alderman Sir Christopher Pack, one of
the Members for London, a zealous man, craves leave to intro-
duce ' Somewhat tending to the Settlement of the Nation,' —
leave, namely, to read this Paper ' which has come to his
hand,' which is written in the form of a ' Remonstrance from
the Parliament ' to his Highness ; which if the Parliament
please to adopt, they can modify it as they see good, and
present the same to his Highness. Will not the Honourable
House consent at least to hear it read? The Honourable
House has great doubts on that subject ; debates at much
length, earnestly puts the question whether the question shall
be put ; at length however, after two divisions, and towards
nightfall, decides that it will ; and even resolves by over-
whelming majority « that a candle be brought in.' Pack reads
his Paper: A new Instrument of Government, or improved
Constitution for these Nations ; increased powers to the Single
Person, intimation of a Second House of Parliament, the Pro-
22 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [27 FEB.
tector something like a King ; very great changes indeed !
Debate this matter farther tomorrow.
Debate it, manipulate it, day after day, — let us have a Day
of Fasting and Prayer on Friday next ; for the matter is really
important.1 On farther manipulation, this ' Remonstrance '
of Pack's takes improved form, increased development ; and,
under the name ' Petition and Advice presented to his High-
ness/ became famous to the world in those spring months.
We can see, the Honourable House has * a very good resent-
ment of it.' The Lawyer-party is all zealous for it ; certain
of the Soldier-party have their jealousies. Already, notwith-
standing the official reticence, it is plain to every clear-sighted
man they mean to make his Highness King !
Friday 21th February. ' The Parliament keep a Fast
within their own House ; Mr. Caryl, Mr. Nye, Mr. Manton,
carrying on the work of the day ; it being preparatory to the
great work now on hand of Settling the Nation.12 In the
course of which same day, with an eye also to the same great
work, though to the opposite side of it, there waits upon
his Highness, Deputation of a hundred Officers, Ex-Major-
Generals and considerable persons some of them : To signify
that they have heard with real dismay of some project now on
foot to make his Highness King ; the evil effects of which, as
6 a scandal to the People of God,' ' hazardous to his Highnesses
person, and making way for the return of Charles Stuart,' are
terribly apparent to them ! —
Whereto his Highness presently makes answer, with dignity,
not without sharpness : ' That he now specifically hears of this
project for the first time, — he ' (with emphasis on the word,
and a look at some individuals there) ' has not been caballing
about it, for it or against it. That the Title " King " need
not startle them so dreadfully ; inasmuch as some of them
well know' (what the Historical Public never knew before)
'it was already offered to him, and pressed upon him by them-
selves when this Government was undertaken. That the Title
1 Commons Journals ) vii. 496-7. * Newspapers (in Burton, i. 380).
1657] KINGSHIP
"King," a feather in a hat, is as little valuable to him as to
them. But that the fact is, they and he have not succeeded in
settling the Nation hitherto, by the schemes they clamoured for.
Their Little Parliament, their First Protectorate Parliament,
and now their Major-Generalcies, have all proved failures ;
— nay this Parliament itself, which they clamoured for, had
almost proved a failure. That the Nation is tired of Major-
Generalcies, of uncertain arbitrary ways ; and really wishes to
come to a Settlement. That actually the original Instrument
of Government does need mending in some points. That a
House of Lords, or other check upon the arbitrary tendencies
of a Single House of Parliament, may be of real use : see what
they, by their own mere vote and will, I having no power to
check them, have done with James Nayler : may it not be any
one's case, some other day ? ' That, in short, the Deputation
of a Hundred Officers had better go its ways, and consider
itself again. — So answered his Highness, with dignity, with
cogency, not without sharpness. The Deputation did as
bidden. ' Three Major-Generals,' we find next week, ' have
already come round. The House hath gone on with much
unity.1 1
The House, in fact, is busy, day and night, modelling,
manipulating its Petition and Advice. Amid the rumour of
England, all through this month of March 1657. 'Chief
Magistrate for the time being is to name his successor ' ; so
much we hear they have voted. What Title he shall have, is
still secret ; that is to be the last thing. All men may specu-
late and guess ! — Before March ends, the Petition and Advice
is got ready ; in Eighteen well-debated articles,2 fairly en-
grossed on vellum : the Title, as we guessed, to be King'.
His Highness shall adopt the whole Document, or no part of
it is to be binding.
1 Passages between the Protector and the famdred Officers (in Additional
Ayscough MSS. no. 6125 ; printed in Burton, i. 382-4), a Fragment of a Letter,
bearing date 7th March 1656-7 ;— to the effect abridged as above.
2 Copy of it in Whitlocke, p. 648 et seqq.
PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [31 MAR.
SPEECHES VII— X
ON Tuesday 31st March 1657, * the House rose at eleven
o'clock, and Speaker Widdrington, attended by the whole
House, repaired to his Highness at Whitehall,'1 to present
this same Petition and Advice, ' engrossed on vellum,' and with
the Title of < King ' recommended to him in it. Banqueting
House, Whitehall ; that is the scene. Widdrington's long
flowery Speech 2 is omissible. As the interview began about
eleven o'clock, it may now be past twelve ; Oliver loquitur.
( MR. SPEAKER, — This Frame of Government which it hath
' pleased the Parliament through your hand to offer to me,
4 — truly I should have a very brazen forehead if it did not
' beget in me a great deal of consternation of spirit ; it being
' of so high and great importance as, by your opening of it,3
' and by the mere reading of it, is manifest to all men ; the
4 welfare, the peace and settlement of Three Nations, and all
' that rich treasure of the best people in the world 4 being
( involved therein ! I say, this consideration alone ought to
* beget in me the greatest reverence and fear of God that
' ever possessed a man in the world.
6 Truly I rather study to say no more at this time than
' is necessary for giving some brief general answer, suitable
' to the nature of the thing. The thing is of weight ; the
' greatest weight of anything that ever was laid upon a man.
' And therefore, it being of that weight, and consisting of so
* many parts as it doth, — in each of which much more than
' my life is concerned, — truly I think I have no more to
' desire of you at present, but that you would give me time
6 to deliberate and consider what particular answer I may
* return to so great a business as this. —
1 Commons Journals, vii. 516. * Burton, i. 397-413.
8 In this long florid speech.
4 Us and all the Gospel Protestants in the worl<J,
1657] SPEECH VII 25
' I have lived the latter part of my age in, — if I may say
« so, — the fire ; in the midst of troubles. But all the things
« that have befallen me since I was first engaged in the affairs
' of this Commonwealth, if they could be supposed to be all
' brought into such a compass that I could take a view of
* them at once, truly I do not think they would " so move,"
' nor do I think they ought so to move, my heart and spirit
4 with that fear and reverence of God that becomes a Christian,
4 as this thing that hath now been offered by you to me ! —
6 And truly my comfort in all my life hath been that the
' burdens which have lain heavy on me, they were laid upon
' me by the hand of God. And I have not known, I have
' been many times at a loss, which way to stand under the
6 weight of what hath lain upon me : — except by looking at
' the conduct and pleasure of God in it. Which hitherto I
' have found to be a good pleasure to me.
' And should I give any resolution in this " matter " sud-
* denly, without seeking to have an answer put into my heart,
' and so into my mouth, by Him that hath been my God and
* my Guide hitherto, — it would give you very little cause of
* comfort in such a choice as you have made [Of me to be
6 King] in such a business as this. It would savour more to
' be of the flesh, to proceed from lust, to arise from arguments
' of self. And if, — whatsoever the issue of this " great
6 matter " be, — " my decision in " it have such motives in me,
' have such a rise in me, it may prove even a curse to you
' and to these Three Nations. Who, I verily believe, have
' intended well in this business ; and have had those honest
* and sincere aims1 towards the glory of God, the good of
' His People, the rights of the Nation. I verily believe these
' have been your aims : and God forbid that so good aims
' should suffer by any dishonesty and indirectness on my part.
' For although, in the affairs that are in the world, things
c may be intended well, — as they are always, or for the most,
' by such as love God, and fear God and make Him their aim
V, but do not insert, ' which you profess, '
26 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [31 MAR.
4 (and such honest ends and purposes I do believe yours now
' are) ; — yet if these considerations 1 fall upon a person or
' persons whom God takes no pleasure in ; who perhaps may
' be at the end of his work [Growing' old and weak f Say not
that, your Highness! — A kind of pathos, and much dignity
' and delicacy in these tones] ; who, to please any of those
' humours or considerations which are of this world, shall run
< upon such a rock as this is,2 — without' due consideration,
' without integrity, without approving the heart to God, and
* seeking an answer from Him ; and putting things to Him
' as if for life and death, that such an answer may be received
6 " from Him " as may be a blessing to the person [Me] who
' is to be used for these noble and worthy and honest intentions
' of the persons [You] that have prepared and perfected this
' work : — " why then," it would be like a match where a
' good and worthy and virtuous man mistakes in the person
6 he makes love to ; and, as often turns out, it proves a curse
' to the man and to the family, through mistake ! And if
6 this should be so to you, and to these Nations, whose good
' I cannot but be persuaded you have in your thoughts aimed
' at, — why then, it had been better, I am sure of it, that I
' had never been born !—
6 1 have therefore but this one word to say to you : That
4 seeing you have made progress in this Business, and com-
' pleted the work on your part, I " on my side " may have
* some short time to ask counsel of God and of my own
' heart. And I hope that neither the humour of any weak
' unwise people, nor yet the desires of any who may be lust-
4 ing after things that are not good, shall steer me to give
' other than such an answer as may be ingenuous and thank-
' ful, — thankfully acknowledging your care and integrity ; —
4 and such an answer as shall be for the good of those whom
* I presume you and I serve, and are made for serving.
1 Means ' your choice in regard to such purpose ' j speaks delicately, ia an
oblique way.
8 'is,' — or may be : this of the Kingship.
1657] SPEECH VIII 27
' And truly I may say this also : That as the thing will
* deserve deliberation, the utmost deliberation and consider-
' ation on my part, so I shall think myself bound to give as
* speedy an answer to these things as I can." '*
SPEECH VIII
Friday 3d April 1657. Three days after the foregoing
Speech, there comes a Letter from his Highness to Mr. Speaker,
the purport of which we gather to have been, that now if a
Committee will attend his Highness, they shall have answer to
the Petition and Advice. Committee is nominated, extensive
Committee of persons already engaged in this affair, among
whom are Lord Broghil, General Montague, Earl of Tweedale,
Whalley, Desborow, Whitlocke, and others known to us ; they
attend his Highness at three o'clock that afternoon ; and
receive what answer there is, — a negative, but none of the
most decided.1
6 MY LORDS, — I am heartily sorry that I did not make
* this desire of mine known to the Parliament sooner ; " the
* desire " which I acquainted them with, by Letter, this day.
' The reason was, Because some infirmity of body hath seized
' upon me these last two days, Yesterday and Wednesday.
[It is yet but three days> your Highness.]
6 I have, as well as I could, taken consideration of the
* things contained in the Paper, which was presented to me
* by the Parliament, in the Banqueting-House, on Tuesday
* last ; and sought of God that I might return such an
* answer as might become me, and be worthy of the Parlia-
* ment. I must needs bear this testimony to them, That
4 they have been zealous of the two greatest Concernments
1 that God hath in the world. The one is that of Religion,
* Burtorts Diary y i. 413-16
* Commons Journals , vii. 519-20; Burton, i. 417.
28 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [3 APRIL
6 and of the just preservation of the professors of it ; to give
' them all due and just Liberty ; and to assert the Truth of
6 God ; — which you have done, in part, in this Paper ; and do
' refer it more fully to be done by yourselves and me. And
' as to the Liberty of men professing Godliness, you have done
' that which was never done before ! And I pray it may not
' fall upon the People of God as a fault in them, in any sort
' of them, if they do not put such a value upon this that is
4 now done as never was put on anything since Christ's time,
1 for such a Catholic interest of the People of God ! [Liberty
in non-essentials ; Freedom to all peaceable Believers in Christ
to worship in such outward form as they will; a very
6 ' Catholic interest ' indeed.] The other thing cared for is, the
' Civil Liberty and Interest of the Nation. Which though
' it is, and indeed I think ought to be, subordinate to the
4 more peculiar Interest of God, — yet it is the next best God
' hath given men in this world ; and if well cared-for,
4 it is better than any rock to fence men in their other
' interests. Besides, if any whosoever think the Interest of
* Christians and the Interest of the Nation inconsistent, " or
' two different things," I wish my soul may never enter into
6 their secrets ! [We will take another course than theirs,
your Highness /]
' These are things I must acknowledge Christian and
' honourable ; and they are provided for by you like Christian
6 men and also men of honour, — like yourselves, English
c men. And to this I must and shall bear my testimony,
1 while I live, against all gainsayers whatsoever. And upon
' these Two Interests, if God shall account me worthy, I
4 shall live and die. And I must say, If I were to give an
6 account before a greater Tribunal than any earthly one ;
6 if I were asked, Why I have engaged all along in the late
6 War, I could give no answer that were not a wicked one if
* it did not comprehend these Two ends ! — Meanwhile only
' give me leave to say, and to say it seriously (the issue
* will prove it serious), that you have one or two considerations
1657] SPEECH VIII 29
* which do stick with me. The one is, You have named me
* by another Title than I now bear. [ What SHALL / answer
to that ?]
6 You do necessitate my answer to be categorical ; and
* you have left me without a liberty of choice save as to
6 all. [Must accept the whole Petition and Advice, or reject the
6 whole of it.] I question not your wisdom in doing so ; I
4 think myself obliged to acquiesce in your determination ;
6 knowing you are men of wisdom, and considering the trust
' you are under. It is a duty not to question the reason of
' anything you have done. [Not even of the Kingship : say
Yes, then!]
6 I should be very brutish did I not acknowledge the
' exceeding high honour and respect you have had for me
* in this Paper. Truly, according to what the world calls
c good, it hath nothing but good in it, — according to worldly
' approbation of1 sovereign power. You have testified your
* value and affection as to my person, as high as you could ;
' for more you could not do ! I hope I shall always keep a
' grateful memory of this in my heart ; — and by you I return
' the Parliament this my grateful acknowledgment. What-
' ever other men's thoughts may be, I shall not own ingrati-
4 tude. — But I must needs say, That that may be fit for you
4 to offer, which may not be fit for me to undertake. [Pro-
6 found silence.] And as I should reckon it a very great
* presumption, were I to ask the reason of your doing any one
' thing in this Paper, — (except " in " some very few things, the
4 { new ' Instrument, " this Paper," bears testimony to itself), —
' so you will not take it unkindly if I beg of you this addition
6 to the Parliament's favour, love and indulgence unto me,
' That it be taken in tender part if I give such an answer as
' I find in my heart to give in this business, without urging
' many reasons for it, save such as are most obvious, and most
* to my advantage in answering : Namely, that I am not
' able for such a trust and charge. [ Won't have it, then !]
1 Means ' value for.'
SO PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [3 APRIL
' And if the 'answer of the tongue,1 as well as the pre-
6 paration of the heart, be « from God,' I must say my heart
' and thoughts ever since I heard the Parliament were upon
8 this business — [Sentence breaks down] — "For" though I could
< not take notice of your proceedings therein without breach
* of your privileges, yet as a common person I confess I
* heard of it in common with others. 1 must say I have
' been able to attain no farther than this, That, seeing the
' way is hedged-up so as it is to me, and I cannot accept the
6 things offered unless I accept all, I have not been able to
* find it my duty to God and you to undertake this charge
6 under that Title. [Refuses, yet not so very peremptorily /]
' The most I said in commendation of the " new " Instru-
6 ment may be retorted on me ; — as thus : ' Are there such
< good things provided for " in this Instrument " ; will you
6 refuse to accept them because of such an ingredient?'
' Nothing must make a man's conscience a servant. And
' really and sincerely it is my conscience that guides me to
4 this answer. And if the Parliament be so resolved, " for the
* whole Paper or none of it," it will not be fit for me to use
' any inducement to you to alter their resolution.
' This is all I have to say. I desire it may, and do not
* doubt but it will, be with candour and ingenuity represented
' unto them by you.' *
His Highness would not in all circumstances be inexorable,
one would think ! — No ; he is groping his way through a very
intricate business, which grows as he gropes ; the final shape
of which is not yet disclosed to any soul. The actual shape of
it on this Friday afternoon, 3d April 1657, 1 suppose he has,
in his own manner, pretty faithfully, and not without sufficient
skill and dignity, contrived to express. Many considerations
weigh upon his Highness ; and in itself it is a most unex-
ampled matter, this of negotiating about being made a King !
* Additional Ayscough MSS. no. 6125: printed in Burton, i. 417; and
Parliamentary History ', xxiii. 161.
1657] SPEECH IX 31
Need of wise speech ; of wise reticence no less. Nay it is of
the nature of a Courtship withal : the young lady cannot
answer on the first blush of the business ; if you insist on her
answering, why then she must even answer, No ! —
SPEECH IX
Wednesday 8th April 1657. The Parliament, justly inter-
preting this No of his Highness, has decided that it will
adhere to its Petition and Advice, and that it will ' present
reasons to his Highness ' ; has got, thanks to our learned
Bulstrode and others, its reasons ready ; — and, this day, ' at
three in the afternoon,' walks over in a body to the Banquet-
ing-House, Speaker Widdrington carrying in his hand the
Engrossed Vellum, and a Written Paper of 'Reasons,' to
present the same.1 What Speaker Widdrington spoke on
the occasion is happily lost; but his 'Reasons,' which are
very brief, remain on the Record ; 2 and will require to be
transcribed. They are in the form of a Vote or Resolution,
of date yesterday, 7th April 1657 :
6 Resolved, That the Parliament having lately presented
their Humble Petition and Advice to your Highness, where-
unto they have not as yet received satisfaction ; and the
matters contained in that Petition and Advice being agreed-
upon by the Great Council and Representative of the Three
Nations ; which matters, in their judgment, are most con-
ducing to the good of the People thereof both in Spiritual
and Civil concernments : They have therefore thought fit
' To adhere to this Advice ; and to put your Highness
in mind of the great obligation which rests upon you in
respect of this Advice ; and again to desire you to give
your Assent thereunto.'
Which brief Paper of Reasons, Speaker Widdrington having
read, and then delivered to his Highness, with some brief
1 Commons Journals , ii. 520-1 (6th, 8th April) ; Burton, i. 421. * Ibid.
&% PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [8 APRIL
touches of mellifluous eloquence now happily lost, — his High-
ness, with a look I think of more than usual seriousness,
thus answers the Assembled Parliament and him •
* MR. SPEAKER, — No man can put a greater value than I
4 hope I do, and shall do, upon the desires and advices of the
4 Parliament. I could in my own heart aggravate, both
4 concerning the Persons advising and concerning the Advice ;
4 — readily acknowledging that it is the Advice of the
4 Parliament of these Three Nations. And if a man could
4 suppose it were not a Parliament to some [Malignants
4 there are who have such notions] ; — yet doubtless it should be
4 to me, and to us all that are engaged in this common Cause
4 wherein we have been engaged. I say, surely it ought to
4 be a Parliament to us ! Because it arises as a result of
4 those issues, and determinations of Settlement, that we have
4 laboured to arrive at ! And therefore I do most readily
4 acknowledge the weight of authority " you have " in advising
4 these things.
* I can aggravate also to myself the general notion of the
4 Things Advised-to ; as being things which tend to the
4 settlement of the chiefest Interests * that can fall into the
4 hearts of men to devise or endeavour-after. And at such a
4 time, " too " ; when truly, I may think, the nation is big
4 with expectation of something that may add to their
4 44 security of" Being. — I therefore must needs put a very
4 high esteem 44 upon," and have a very reverent opinion of
4 anything that comes from you.
' And so I have had of this Instrument : — and, I hope, so
4 I have expressed. And what I have expressed, hath been,
4 — if I flatter not myself, — from a very honest heart towards
4 the Parliament and the Public. I say not these things to
4 compliment you. For we are all past complimenting, and
4 all considerations of that kind ! [Serious enough his High-
ness is, and we all are ; the Nations and the Ages, and indeed
1 'things again, in orig.
1657] SPEECH IX 33
the MAKER of the Nations and the Ages, looking on us here!}
* We must all be very real now, if ever we will be so ! —
* Now, howbeit your title and name you give to this
« Paper [Looking on the Vellum} makes me think you
' intended ' Advice ' ; and I should transgress against all
' reason, should I make any other construction than that you
6 did intend Advice : " yet " — ! — [Still hesitates, then ?} — I
6 would not lay a burden on my beast but I would consider
' his strength to bear it ! And if you lay a burden upon a
' man that is conscious of his own infirmity and disabilities,
* and doth make some measure of counsels which may seem to
6 come from Heaven, counsels from the Word of God (who
4 leaves room for charity, and for men to consider their own
< strength), — I hope it will be no evil in me to measure your
* ' Advice ' with my own Infirmities. And truly these will
4 have some influence upon conscience ! Conscience in him
' that receives talents * to know how he may answer the trust
4 of them. And such' a conscience have I had "in this
« matter " ; and still have ; and therefore, when I thought I
' had an opportunity to make an Answer, I made that Answer
[The unemphatic Negative ; truest 6 Answer ' your Highness
( tlien had : — can it not grow an Affirmative ?} — and am a
6 person that have been, before and then and since, lifting
' up my heart to God, To know what might be my duty at
' such a time as this, and upon such an occasion and trial as
4 this was to me ! [Deep silence ; Old Parliament casts down
its eyes} —
' Truly, Mr. Speaker, it hath been heretofore, I think, a
' matter of philosophical discourse, That great places, great
' authority, are a great burden. I know it so. And I know
( a man that is convinced in his conscience, Nothing less
' will enable him to the discharge of it than Assistance from
' Above. And it may very well require in such a one, so
' convinced and so persuaded, That he be right with the
1 Meaning 'charges/ 'offices.'
VOL. IV. C
34 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [8 APRIL
' Lord in such an undertaking ! — And therefore, to speak
' very clearly and plainly to you : I had, and I have, my
4 hesitations as to that individual thing. [Still Negative,
6 your Highness ?] If I undertake anything not in Faith, I
6 shall serve you in my own Unbelief; — and I shall then
' be the most unprofitable Servant that People or Nation
4 ever had !
' Give me leave, therefore, to ask counsel. I am ready to
' render a reason of my apprehensions ; which haply may be
* overswayed by better apprehensions. I think, so far I have
' deserved no blame ; nor do I take it you will lay any upon
' me. Only you mind me of the duty that is incumbent upon
; me. And truly the same answer I have as to the point of
' duty one way, the same consideration have I as to duty
* another way.1 — I would not urge to you the point of
* ' Liberty.' Surely you have provided for Liberty, — I have
6 borne my witness to it, — Civil and Spiritual ! The greatest
' provision that ever was made have you made, " for Liberty "
' to all, — and I know that you do not intend to exclude me.
' The ' Liberty ' I ask is, To vent my own doubts, and my
' own fears, and my scruples. Ajid though haply, in such
6 cases as these are, the world hath judged that a man's con-
* science ought to know no scruples ; yet surely mine doth,
* and I dare not dissemble. And therefore — ! —
' They that are knowing in the ground of their own Action
* will be best able to measure advice to others. [Will have
4 us reason, in Free Coiiference, with him ?] There are many
6 things in this "Instrument of" Government besides that
* one of the Name and Title, that deserve much to be eluci-
* dated2 as to my judgment. It is you that can capacitate
' me to receive satisfaction in them ! Otherwise, I say truly,
6 — -I must say, I am not persuaded to the performance of
* " this " as my trust and duty, nor " sufficiently " informed.
1 Bound to regard your ' Advice ' ; and yet, in doing so, not to disregard a
Higher.
2 * deserve much information ' in orig.
1657] SPEECH IX 35
* " Not persuaded or informed " ; and so not actuated " by a
' call of duty" as I know you intend I should be, — and as
* every man in the Nation should be. You have provided
' for " every one of " them as a Free Man, as a man that is
' to act possibly,1 rationally and conscientiously ! — And there-
' fore I cannot tell what other return to make to you than
6 this :
6 1 am ready to give a reason, if you will, I say, capacitate
' me to do it ; and " capacitate " yourselves to receive it ; —
6 and to do what other things may inform me a little more
6 particularly than this Vote which you have passed Yesterday,
' and which has now been read by you to me.
6 Truly I hope when " once " I understand the ground of
* these things, — the whole being " meant " neither for your
f good nor mine, but for the good of the Nation, — there will
8 be no doubt but we may, even in these particulars, find out
' what 2 may answer our duty. Mine, and all our duties, to
' those whom we serve. And this is that that I do, with a
' great deal of affection and honour and respect, offer now to
'you.'*
Thus has the Honourable House gone a second time in a
body, and not yet prevailed. We gather that his Highness
has doubts, has scruples ; on which, however, he is willing
to be dealt with, 'to receive satisfaction,' — has intimated,
in fact, that though the answer is still No, the Courtship
may continue.
Committee to give satisfaction is straightway nominated :
Whitlocke, Lord Chief-Justice Glynn, Lord Broghil, Fiennes,
Old-Speaker Lenthall, Ninety-nine of them in all ; 3 and is
ready to confer with his Highness. At this point, however,
1 Means ' in a way possible for him ' ; ' does possibly ' is the phrase in orig.
8 ' those things ' in orig.
* Old Pamphlet (in Parliamentary History, xxiii., Appendix, pp. 164-6).
8 List in Commons Journals, vii. 521 ; in Somers Tracts t vi. 351.
36 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [9 APRIL
there occurs an extraneous Phenomenon, which unexpectedly
delays us for a day or two : a rising of the Fifth-Monarchy,
namely. The Fifth- Monarchy, while men are meditating
earthly Kingship, and Official Persons are about appointing
an earthly tyrannous and traitorous King, thinks it ought to
bestir itself, now or never; — explodes accordingly, though in
a small way ; testifying to us how electric this element of
England now is.
Thursday 9th April. The Fifth-Monarchy, headed mainly
by one Vernier a Wine- Cooper, and other civic individuals of
the old Feak-and-Powel species whom we have transiently
seen emitting soot and fire before now, has for a long while
been concocting underground ; and Thurloe and his Highness
have had eye on it. The Fifth-Monarchy has decided that it
will rise this Thursday, expel carnal sovereignties ; and call
on the Christian population to introduce a Reign of Christ, —
which it is thought, if a beginning were once made, they will
be very forward to do. Let us rendezvous on Mile-End Green
this day, with sword and musket, and assured heart : perhaps
General Harrison, Colonel Okey, one knows not who, will
join us, — perhaps a miracle will be wrought^ such as Heaven
might work in such a case, and the Reign of Christ actually
take effect.
Alas, Heaven wrought no miracle : Heaven and his High-
ness sent a Troop of Horse into the Mile-End region, early
in the morning ; seized Venner, and some Twenty Ringleaders,
just coming for the rendezvous ; seized chests of arms, many
copies of a flaming Pamphlet or War-manifesto with title A
Standard set up ; seized also a War-flag with Lion Couchant
painted on it, Lion of the Tribe of Judah, and this motto,
6 Who shall rouse him up ?' O Reader, these are not fictions,
these were once altogether solid facts in this brick London of
ours ; ancient resolute individuals, busy with wine-cooperage
and otherwise, had entertained them as very practicable things !
— But in two days' time, these ancient individuals and they
are all lodged in the Tower ; Harrison, hardly connected with
i6S7] SPEECH IX 37
the thing, except as a well wisher, he and others are likewise
made secure : and the Fifth-Monarchy is put under lock and
key.1 Nobody was tried for it : Cooper Venner died on the
scaffold, for a similar attempt under Charles Second, some
two years hence. The Committee of Ninety-nine can now
proceed with its ( satisfaction to his Highness ' ; his Highness
is now at leisure for them again.
This Committee did proceed with its satisfactions ; had
various Conferences with his Highness, — which unfortunately
are not lost ; which survive for us, in Somers Tracts and the
old Pamphlets, under the Title of Monarchy Asserted ; in a
condition, especially his Highness's part of them, enough to
drive any Editor to despair ! The old Pamphleteer, as we
remarked, was intent only on the learned law-arguments in
favour of Kingship ; and as to what his Highness said, seems
to have taken it very easy ; printing what vocables he found
on his Notepaper, with or without meaning, as it might
chance. Whom new unchecked Printers and Imaginary-
Editors following, and making the matter ever worse, have
produced at last in our late time such a Coagulum of Jargon
as was never seen before in the world ! Let us not speak of
it ; let us endeavour to get through it, — through this also,
now since we have arrived at it, and are not yet permitted to
burn it ! Out of this sad monument of Human Stupor too
the imprisoned Soul of a Hero must be extricated. Souls of
Heroes, — they have been imprisoned, enchanted into growing
Trees, into glass Phials, into leaden Caskets sealed with
Solomon's signet, and sunk in the deep sea ; — but to this of
Somers Tracts there wants yet a parallel ! Have not we
English a talent of musical utterance ? Here are men con-
summating the most epic of acts, Choosing their King ; and
it is with such melodious elegancies that they do it ; it is in
such soft-flowing hexameters as the following that the Muse
gives record of it ! —
1 Narrative in Thurloe, vi. 184-8.
38 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [11 APRIL
My reader must be patient ; thankful for mere Dulness,
thankful that it is not Madness over and above. Let us all
be patient ; walk gently, swiftly, lest we awaken the sleeping
Nightmares ! We suppress, we abridge, we elucidate ; struggle
to make legible his Highnesses words, — dull but not insane.
Notes where not indispensable are not given. The curious
reader can, in all questionable places, refer to the Printed
Coagulum of Jargon itself, and see whether we have read
aright.
SPEECH X
PROPERLY an aggregate of many short Speeches, and pas-
sages of talk : his Highnesses part in this First Conference
with the Committee of Ninety-nine. His Highnesses part in
it ; the rest, covering many pages, is, so far as possible, strictly
suppressed. One of the dullest Conferences ever held, on an
epic subject, in this world. Occupied, great part of it, on
mere preliminaries, and beatings about the bush ; throws
light, even in its most elucidated state, upon almost nothing.
Oliver is here — simply what we have known him elsewhere.
Which so soon as Mankind once understand to be the fact,
but unhappily not till then, — the aid of Jire can be called in,
as we suggested.
Fancy, however, that the large Committee of Ninety-nine
has got itself introduced into some Council-room, or other fit
locality in Whitehall, on Saturday llth April 1657, * about
nine in the morning ' ; has made its salutations to his High-
ness, and we hope been invited to take seats ; — and all men
are very uncertain how to act. Who shall begin ? His High-
ness wishes much they would begin ; and in a delicate way
urges and again urges them to do so ; and, not till after great
labour and repeated failures, succeeds. Fancy that old scene ;
the ancient honourable Gentlemen waiting there to do their
epic feat: the ponderous respectable Talent for Silence obliged
to break-up and become a kind of Utterance in this thick-
1657] SPEECH X 39
skinned manner : — really rather strange to witness, as dull as
it is ! —
The Dialogue has gone on for a passage of two, but the
Reporter considers it mere preliminary flourishing, and has
not taken it down. Here is his first Note, — in the abridged
lucidified state : 1
LORD WHITLOCKE. — 'Understands that the Committee is
here only to receive what his Highness has to offer ; such the
letter and purport of our Instructions ; which I now read.
[Reads it.] Your Highness mentions " the Government that
now is " ; seems to hint thereby : The Government being well
now, why change it ? If that be your Highnesses general
objection, the Committee will give you satisfaction.'
THE LORD PROTECTOR. — ' Sir, I think both parties of us
( meet here with a very good heart to come to some issue in
6 this great business ; and truly that is what I have all the
4 reason in the world to move me to. And I am exceeding
6 ready to be ordered by you as to the manner of proceeding.
' Only I confess, according to the thoughts I have, — in prepar-
' ing my thoughts for so great a work, I formed this notion
' to myself: That the Parliament having already done me the
6 honour of Two Conferences ; 2 and now sent you again, their
4 kind intention to me evidently is no other than this, That I
6 should receive satisfaction. They might have been positive
6 in the thing ; might have declared their Address itself to be
4 enough, and insisted upon Yes or No to that. But I per-
* ceive that it is really and sincerely the satisfaction of my
' doubts that they aim at ; and there is one clause in the
' Paper itself, " quoted by my Lord Whitlocke," which doth a
4 little warrant that : ' To offer such reasons for his satisfac-
6 tion,' etc. — Now, Sir, it's certain the occasion of all this
1 Somers Tracts, vi. 352.
3 Two Conferences with the whole Parliament; and one Conference with a
Committee: Speeches vn. (3ist March), ix. (8th April), and vin. (3d April).
40 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [11 APRIL
' " Conference " is the Answer I already made ; that 's the
4 occasion of your having to come hither again. And truly,
' Sir, I doubt whether by your plan If you will draw out
6 my reasons from me, I will offer them to you : but on my
' own part, I doubt, if you should proceed that other way, it
' would a little put me out of the method of my own thoughts.
' And it being mutual satisfaction that is endeavoured, if you
' will do me the favour — [' To go by my method? his High-
ness means; to 'offer me YOUR Reasons, and DRAW me out,
6 rather than oblige me to COME out^ — I shall take it as a
' favour, if it please you ! I will leave you together to con-
< sider your own thoughts of it. [Motioning to go.y
LORD WHITLOCKE. — 'This Committee, being sent to wait
upon your Highness, I do suppose cannot undertake to give
the Parliaments reasons for what the Parliament hath done.
But any gentleman here may give for your Highnesses satis-
faction his own particular apprehension of them. And if you
will be pleased to go in the way you have propounded, and
on any point require a satisfaction from the Committee, I
suppose we shall be ready to do the best we can to give you
satisfaction.' [Bar Practice ! Is not yet what his Highness
wants.]
THE LORD PROTECTOR.- — 'If this be so, then I suppose
' nothing can be said by you but what the Parliament hath
4 dictated to you ? — However, I think it is clearly expressed
4 that the Parliament intends satisfaction. Then it is as clear
4 that there must be reasons and arguments which have light
4 and conviction in them, in order to satisfaction ! I speak
' for myself in this ; I hope you will not take it otherwise.1
' I say it doth appear to me you have the liberty of giving
4 your own reasons. If I should write down any of them, I
' could not call that ' the reason of Parliament.' [ Whitlocke,
1 As if I meant to dictate to you, or tutor you in your duties.
1657] SPEECH X 41
* in a heavy manner, smiles respectful assent.] But in Parlia-
* mentary and other such conclusions the efficient c reason ' is
* diffused over the general body, and every man hath his parti-
' cular share of it ; yet when they have determined such and
' such a thing, certainly it was reason that led them up into
6 it. And if you shall be pleased to make me partaker of some
4 of that ' reason ' — ! — I do very respectfully represent to you
' that I have a general dissatisfaction at the thing [Glancing
6 at the Engrossed Vellum ; but meaning the Kingship] ; and
4 do desire to be informed of the grounds that lead you, whom
* I presume to be all satisfied with it and with every part of
' it. And if you will be pleased, if you so think fit, — I will not
£ urge it farther upon you, — to proceed in that way, it will be
4 a favour to me. Otherwise, I deal plainly with you, it doth
' put me out of the method of my own conceptions : and in
' that case I shall beg that we may have an hour's deliberation,
' and meet again in the afternoon.'
LORD CHIEF- JUSTICE GLYNN, — one of the old expelled Eleven,
whom we saw in great straits in 1647 ; a busy man from the
beginning, and now again busy ; begs to say in brief : ' The
Parliament has sent us to give all the satisfaction which it is
in our understandings to give. Certainly we will try to pro-
ceed according to what method your Highness finds best for
that end. The Paper or Vellum Instrument, however, is
general, consisting of many heads ; and we can give but general
satisfaction.'
THE LORD PROTECTOR. — ' If you will please to give me leave.
' [Clearing his throat to get under way.] I do agree, truly, the
' thing is a general ; for it either falls under the notion of
* Settlement, which is a general consisting of many particulars;
4 or if you call it by the name it bears in the Paper, ' Petition
' and Advice,1 — that again is a general ; it is advice, desires
' and advice. What in it I have objected to is as yet, to say
< truth, but one thing. Only, the last time I had the honour
42 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT ["APRIL
' to meet the Parliament,1 I did offer to them that they might
' put me in the way of getting satisfaction as to particulars,
' " any or all particulars."" Now, no question I might easily
' offer something particular for debate, if I thought that would
' answer the end. [ What curious pickeermg, flourishing, and
fencing backwards and forwards, before the parties will come
' to close action! As in other affairs of courtship '.] For truly
6 I know my end and yours is the same : To bring things to
4 an issue one way or the other, that we may know where we
* are, — that we may attain the general end, which is Settle-
' ment. [Safe ground here, your Highness /] The end is in
' us both ! And I durst contend with any one person in the
' world that it is not more in his heart than in mine ! 1
4 would go into some particulars [Especially one particular, the
' Kingship], to ask a question, to ask a reason of the alteration
' "made"; which might well enough let you into the business,
' — that it might.2 Yet, I say, it doth not answer me. [/
had counted on being drawn out, not on COMING out : I under-
' stood I was the young lady, and YOU the wooer /] I confess I
4 did not so strictly examine the terms of your Order from the
' Parliament, " which my Lord Whitlocke cites " ; whether I
* even read it or no I cannot tell. — [Pause}. — If you will have
' it that way, I shall, as well as I can, make such an objection
' as may occasion some answer, " and so let us into the busi-
*ness;" — though perhaps I shall object weakly enough ! I
' shall very freely submit to you.'
GLYNN (with official solemnity). 'The Parliament hath
sent us for that end, to give your Highness satisfaction.'
LORD COMMISSIONER FIENNES, — Nathaniel Fiennes, alias
Fines alias Fenys, as he was once called when condemned to
be shot for surrendering Bristol ; second son of c Old Subtlety '
Say and Sele ; and now again a busy man, and Lord Keeper,
— opens his broad jaw, and short snub face full of hard
1 Wednesday last, 8th April ; Speech ix.
s A favourite reduplication with his Highness ; that it is !
i6s;] SPEECH X 43
sagacity,1 to say : * Looking upon the Order, I find that we
may offer your Highness our reasons, if your Highnesses dis-
satisfaction be to the alteration of the Government whether
in general or in particular.' — So that his Highness may have
it his own way, after all ? Let us hope the preliminary
flourishing is now near complete ! His Highness would like
well to have it his own way.
THE LORD PROTECTOR. — * I am very ready to say, I have
* no dissatisfaction that it hath pleased the Parliament to find
' out a way, though it be of alteration, for bringing these
' Nations into a good Settlement. Perhaps you may have
* judged the Settlement we hitherto had was not so favourable
< to the great end of Government, the Liberty and Good of
* the Nations, and the preservation of all honest Interests that
4 have been engaged in this Cause. I say I have no objec-
' tion to the general "fact," That the Parliament hath
' thought fit to take consideration of a new Settlement or
' Government. But you having done it in such way, and
6 rendered me so far an interested party in it by making
' such an Overture to me [As this of the Kingship, which
' modesty forbids me to mention], — I shall be very glad " to
6 learn,"" if you please to let me know it, besides the pleasure
' of the Parliament, somewhat of the reason they had for
' interesting me in this thing, by such an Overture.
* Truly I think I shall, as to the other particulars, have
' less to object.2 I shall be very ready to specify objections,
' in order to clear for you whatsoever it may be better
4 to clear ; " in order " at least to help myself towards a
' clearer understanding of these things ; — for better advantage
' " to us all " ; for that, I know, is in your hearts as weir
4 as mine. Though I cannot presume that I have anything
' to offer calculated to convince you ; yet, if you will take
' it in good part, I shall offer somewhat to every particular.
1 Good Portrait of him in Lord Nugent's Memorials of ffampdcn.
1 'shall, as to the other particulars, swallow this,' in orig.
44 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT ["APRIL
* " And now," if you please, — As to the first of the things
' \Kingship\ I am clear as to the ground of the thing, being
4 so put to me as it hath been put. And I think that some
' of the reasons which moved the Parliament to do it, would,
' " if they were now stated to me," lead us into such objections
* or doubts as I may have to offer ; and would be a very
4 great help to me in that. And if you will have me offer
' this or that or the other doubt which may arise methodically,
< I shall do it.'
Whereupon LORD WHITLOCKE, summoning into his glassy
coal-black eyes and ponderous countenance what animation is
possible, lifts up his learned voice, and speaks several pages;1
— which we abridge almost to nothing. In fact, the learned
pleadings of these illustrious Official Persons, which once were
of boundless importance, are now literally shrunk to zero for
us ; it is only his Highness's reply to them that is still
something, and that not very much. Whitlocke intimates,
' That perhaps the former Instrument of Government having
originated in the way it did, the Parliament considered it
would be no worse for sanctioning by the Supreme Authority ;
such was their reason for taking it up. " Their intentions
I suppose were" this and that, at some length. As for
the new Title, that of Protector was not known to the Law ;
that of King is, and has been for many hundreds of years.
If we keep the title of Protector, as I heard some argue, our
Instrument has only its own footing to rest upon ; but
with that of King, " it will ground itself in all the ancient
foundations of the Laws of England," ' etc. etc.
MASTER OF THE ROLLS, — old Sly-face Lenthall, once Speaker
of the Long Parliament ; the same whom Harrison helped
out of his Chair, — him also the reader shall conceive speaking
for the space of half an hour :
' " May it please your Highness," Hum-m-m ! Drum-m-m !
" Upon due consideration, you shall find that the whole body
1 Somers Tracts > vi. 355.
1657] SPEECH X 45
of the Law is carried upon this wheel " of the Chief Magis-
trate being called King. Hum — m — m ! [Monotonous hum-
mingfor ten minutes.] " The title of Protector is not limited
by any rule of Law that I understand " ; the title of King is.
Hum — m — m ! King James wanted to change his Title,
and that only from King of England to King of Great
Britain ; and the Parliament could not consent, so jealous
were they of new titles bringing new unknown powers. Much
depends upon a title ! The Long Parliament once thought
of changing its title to Representative of the People ; but durst
not. Hum — m — m! " Nolumus Leges Anglice mutari"
Drum — m — m ! " Vox populi : it is the voice of the Three
Nations that offers your Highness this Title." Drum — m — m !'
— Such, in abbreviated shape, is the substance of LenthalPs
Speech for us.1 At the ending of it, a pause.
THE LORD PROTECTOR. — ' I cannot deny but the things
' that have been spoken have been spoken with a great deal
' of weight. And it is not fit for me to ask any of you if
' you have a mind to speak farther of this. But if such had
* been your pleasure, truly then I think it would have put me
6 into a way of more preparedness, according to the method
6 and way I had conceived for myself, to return some answer.
* And if it had not been to you a trouble — Surely the
' business requires, from any man in the world in any case,
* and much more from me, that there be given to it serious
( and true answers ! I mean such answers as are not feigned
' in my own thoughts ; but such wherein I express the truth
4 and honesty of my heart. [Seems a tautology, and almost
an impertinence, and ground of suspicion, your Highness ,•
— but has perhaps a kind of meaning struggling half-
developed in it. Many answers which call and even THINK
themselves ' true ' are but * [feigned in one's own thoughts,"*
after all ,- from that to ' the truth and honesty of heart ' is
still a great way ; — witness many men in most times ; wit-
1 Somers, vi. 356-7.
46 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [11 APRIL
4 ness almost all men in such times as ours.] That is what
4 I mean by true answers.
4 I did hope that when I had heard you, so far as it might
4 be your pleasure to speak on this head, I should then,
4 having taken some short note of it as I do [Glancing at
6 his Note paper\ have been in a condition, this afternoon
4 [ Would still fain be off!] — if it had not been a trouble
4 to you, — to return my answer, upon a little advisement
4 with myself. But seeing you have not thought it con-
4 venient to proceed that way, — truly I think I may very
' well say, I shall need to have a little thought about the
4 thing before returning answer to it : lest our Debate should
4 end on my part with a very vain discourse, and with lightness ;
4 as it is very like to do. [A Drama COMPOSING itself as it
gets ACTED, this; very different from the blank-verse Dramas J\
4 I say therefore, if you had found good to proceed farther
4 in speaking of these things, I should have made my own
4 short animadversions on the whole, this afternoon, and have
4 made some short reply. And this would have ushered me
4 in not only to give the best answer I could, but to make my
4 own objections "too.""1 [An interrogative look; evidently
some of us must speak ! Glynn steps forward^
LORD CHIEF- JUSTICE GLYNN steps forward, speaks largely ;
then SIR CHARLES WOLSELEY steps forward ; and NATHANIEL
FIENNES steps forward ; and LORD BROGHIL (Earl of Orrery
that is to be) steps forward ; and all speak largely : whom,
not to treat with the indignity poor Lenthall got from us,
we shall abridge down to absolute nothing. Good speaking
too ; but without interest for us. In fact it is but repetition,
under new forms, of the old considerations offered by heavy
Bulstrode and the Master of the Rolls. The only idea of the
slightest novelty is this brought forward by Lord Broghil in
the rear of all.1
LORD BEPGHIL. 4 By an Act already existing (the 1 1 th of
p. 363.
i657l SPEECH X 47
Henry vn.), all persons that obey a " King de facto " are to
be held guiltless ; not so if they serve a Protector de facto.
Think of this. — And then " in the 7th and last place," I
observe : The Imperial Crown of this country and the Pre-
tended King are indeed divorced ; nevertheless persons divorced
may come together again ; but if the person divorced be
married to another, there is no chance left of that ! '
Having listened attentively to perhaps some three hours of
this, his Highness, giving up the present afternoon as now
hopeless, makes brief answer.
THE LORD PROTECTOR. 4 I have very little to say to you at
4 this time. I confess I shall never be willing to deny or
4 defer those things l that come from the Parliament to the
4 Supreme Magistrate [He accepts, then ? ], if they come in the
4 bare and naked authority of such an Assembly as is known
4 by that name, and is the Representative of so many people
4 as a Parliament of England, Scotland, and Ireland is. I say,
4 this ought to have its weight ; and it hath so, and ever will
4 have with me.
4 In all things a man is free to grant desires coming from
4 Parliament. I may say, inasmuch as the Parliament hath
* condescended so far as to do me this honour (a very great
4 one added to the rest) of giving me the privilege of counsel
* from so many members of theirs, so able, so intelligent of
4 the grounds of things — [Sentence breaks down] — This is, I
4 say, a very singular honour and favour to me ; and I wish
1 I may do, and I hope I shall do, what becomes an honest
4 man in giving an answer to these things, — according to such
4 insight 2 either as I have, or as God shall give me, or as I
' may be helped into by reasoning with you. But indeed I
4 did not in vain allege conscience in the first answer I gave
4 you. [ Well !] For I must say, I should be a person very
4 unworthy of such favour if I should prevaricate in saying
1 Means * anything, — the Kingship for one thing.'
2 ' desire ' in orig. : but there is no sense in that.
48 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [11 APRIL
4 things did stick upon my conscience. Which I must still
4 say they do ! Only, I must " also " say, I am in the best
4 way I could be "in " for information ; and I shall gladly
* receive it.
4 Here have been divers things spoken by you today, with
4 a great deal of judgment and ability and knowledge. I
4 think the arguments and reasonings that have been used
4 were upon these three heads : 1 First , Speaking to the thing
6 simply, to the abstract notion of the Title, and to the posi-
6 tive reasons upon which it stands. Then "secondly, Speaking "
4 comparatively of it, and of the foundation of it ; in order
4 to show the goodness of it comparatively, " in comparison
6 with our present title and foundation." It is alleged to be
6 so much better than what we now have ; and that it will do
6 the work which this other fails in. And thirdly r, Some things
* have been said by way of precaution ; which are not argu-
6 ments from the thing itself, but are considerations drawn
4 from the temper of the English People, what will gratify
* them, " and so on " ; — which is surely considerable. As also
6 " some things were said " by way of anticipation of me in
' my answer ; speaking to some objections which others have
4 made against this proposal. These are things, in themselves,
1 each of them considerable. [The "objections?" or the
44 Three heads " in general ? Uncertain ; nay it is perhaps
uncertain to Oliver himself! He mainly means the objections,
but the other also is hovering in his head, — as is sometimes
the way with himJ\
6 To answer objections, I know, is a very weighty business ;
6 and to make objections is very easy ; and that will fall to
4 my part. And I am sure I shall make them to men who
* know somewhat how to answer them, — " to whom they are
4 not strange," having already in part been suggested to them
4 by the Debates already had.
4 But upon the whole matter, I having as well as I could
< taken those things [Looking at his Notes] that have been
1 ' accounts ' in orig.
1657] SPEECH X 49
c spoken, — which truly are to be acknowledged as very
* learnedly spoken, — I hope you will give me a little time to
4 consider of them. As to when it may be the best time for
6 me to return hither and meet you again, I shall leave that
4 to your consideration.'
LORD WHITLOCKE. ' Your Highness will be pleased to
appoint your own time/
THE LORD PROTECTOR. ' On Monday at nine of the clock
4 I will be ready to wait upon you." *
And so, with many bows, exeunt. — Thus they, doing their
epic feat, not in the hexameter measure, on that old Saturday
forenoon, llth April 1657 ; old London, old England, sound-
ing manifoldly round them ; — the Fifth-Monarchy just locked
in the Tower.
Our learned friend Bulstrode says : ' The Protector often
advised about this ' of the Kingship ' and other great businesses
with the Lord Broghil, Pierpoint' (Earl of Kingston's Brother,
an old Long-Parliament man, of whom we have heard before),
with * Whitlocke, Sir Charles Wolseley, and Thurloe ; and
would be shut up three or four hours together in private dis-
course, and none were admitted to come in to him. He would
sometimes be very cheerful with them ; and laying aside his
greatness, he would be exceedingly familiar; and by way of
diversion would make verses with them,' play at crambo with
them, ' and every one must try his fancy. He commonly
called for tobacco, pipes and a candle, and would now and
then take tobacco himself ; ' which was a very high attempt.
4 Then he would fall again to his serious and great business '
of the Kingship ; ' and advise with them in those affairs.
And this he did often with them ; and their counsel was
accepted, and' in part 'followed by him in most of his greatest
affairs,' — as well as it deserved to be.1
* Somers Tracts, vi. 351-365. * Whitlocke, p. 647.
VOL. IV. D
50 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [13 APRIL
SPEECHES XI— XIV
ON Monday April 13th, at Whitehall, at nine in the morn-
ing,1 according to agreement on Saturday last, the Committee
of Ninety-nine attend his Highness, and his Highness there
speaks : — addressing Whitlocke as reporter of the said Com-
mittee.
SPEECH XI
4 MY LORD, — I think I have a very hard task on my hand.
4 Though it be but to give an account of myself^ yet I see I
4 am beset on all hands here. I say, but to give an account
4 of 4 myself ' : yet that is a business very comprehensive of
' others ; — " comprehending " us all in some sense, and, as the
4 Parliament have been pleased to shape it, comprehending all
4 the interests of these Three Nations !
* I confess I have two things in view. The first is, To
4 return some answer to what was so well and ably said the
4 other day on behalf of the Parliament's putting that Title
4 in the Instrument of Settlement. [This is the First thing ;
6 what the Second is, does not yet for a long while appear.] I
4 hope it will not be expected I should answer everything
4 that was then said : because I suppose the main things that
4 were spoken were arguments from ancient Constitutions and
4 Settlements by the Laws ; in which I am sure I could never
4 be well skilled, — and therefore must the more ask pardon
4 for what I have already transgressed " in speaking of such
6 matters," or shall now transgress, through my ignorance of
' them, in my " present " answer to you.
4 Your arguments, which I say were chiefly upon the Law,
4 seem to carry with them a great deal of necessary conclusive-
4 ness, to inforce that one thing of Kingship. And if your
4 arguments come upon me to inforce upon me the ground of
1 at * eight,' say the Journals, vii. 522.
1657] SPEECH XI 51
* Necessity, — why, then, I have no room to answer : for what
* must be must be ! And therefore I did reckon it much of
4 my business to consider whether there were such a necessity,
' or would arise such a necessity, from those arguments. — It
< was said : ' Kingship is not a Title, but an Office, so inter-
4 woven with the fundamental Laws of this Nation, that they
' cannot, or cannot well, be executed and exercised without
< « it," — partly, if I may say so, upon a supposed ignorance
« which the Law hath of any other Title. It knows no other ;
' neither doth any know another. And, by reciprocation, —
6 this said Title, or Name, or Office, you were farther pleased
* to say, is understood ; in the dimensions of it, in the power
' and prerogatives of it ; which are by the Law made certain ;
4 and the Law can tell when it [Kingship] keeps within com-
c pass, and when it exceeds its limits. And the Law knowing
6 this, the People can know it also. And the People do love
4 what they know. And it will neither be pro salute populi,
' nor for our safety, to obtrude upon the People what they do
* not nor cannot understand.'
6 It was said also, ' That the People have always, by their
* representatives in Parliament, been unwilling to vary Names,
« — seeing they love settlement and known names, as was said
' before.' And there were two good instances given of that :
4 the one, in King James's time, about his desire to alter
( somewhat of the Title : and the other in the Long Par-
' liament, where they being otherwise rationally moved to
' adopt the word ' Representative ' instead of ' Parliament,'
' refused it for the same reason. [Lenthatt tries to blush.'] —
' It was said also, ' That the holding to this word doth
' strengthen the " new " Settlement ; for hereby there is not
' anything de novo done, but merely things are revolved into
' their old current.' It was said, * That it is the security of
' the Chief Magistrate, and that it secures all who act under
' him.' — Truly these are the principal of those grounds that
1 were offered the other day, so far as I do recollect.
' I cannot take upon me to refel those grounds ; they are
52 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [13 APRIL
4 so strong and rational. But if I am to be able to make
4 any answer to them, I must not grant that they are neces-
6 sarily conclusive ; I must take them only as arguments which
4 perhaps have in them much conveniency, much probability
4 towards conclusiveness. For if a remedy or expedient may
4 be found, they are not of necessity, they are not inevitable
4 grounds : and if not necessary or concluding grounds, why
4 then they will hang upon the reason of expediency or con-
4 veniency. And if so, I shall have a little liberty " to
4 speak " ; otherwise I am concluded before I speak. — There-
4 fore it will behove me to say what I can, Why these are
4 not necessary reasons ; why they are not — why it l is not (I
4 should say) so interwoven in the Laws but that the Laws
4 may still be executed as justly, and as much to the satis-
4 faction of the people, and answering all objections equally
4 well, without such a Title as with it. And then, when I
4 have done that, I shall only take the liberty to say a word
4 or two for my own grounds.2 And when I have said what
4 I can say as to that 44 latter point," — I hope you will think
4 a great deal more than I say. [Not convenient to SPEAK
everything in so ticklish a predicament ; with Deputations of
a Hundred Officers, and so many ( scrupulous fellows, con-
siderable in their own conceit? glaring into the business, with
eyes much sharper than they are deep /]
4 Truly though Kingship be not a 4C mere " Title, but the
4 Name of an Office which runs through the 44 whole of the "
4 Law ; yet is it not so ratione nominis, by reason of the name,
4 but by reason of what the name signifies. It is a Name of
4 Office plainly implying a Supreme Authority : is it more ;
4 or can it be stretched to more ? I say, it is a Name of
1 The Kingship : his Highness finds that the grammar will require to be
attended to.
2 * Grounds ' originating with myself independently of yours. Is this ' the
second ' thing, which his Highness had in view, but did not specify after the
' first,' when he started ? The issue proves it to be so.
1657] SPEECH XI 53
4 Office, plainly implying the Supreme Authority : and if so,
4 why then I should suppose, — I am not peremptory in any-
4 thing that is matter of deduction or inference of my own,—
4 but I should suppose that whatsoever name hath been or
4 shall be the Name under which the Supreme Authority
< acts — [Sentence abruptly stops ; the conclusion being visible
' without speech /] Why, I say, if it had been those Four or
4 Five Letters, or whatever else it had been — ! That signi-
4 fi cation goes to the thing, certainly it does ; and not to the
4 name. [Certainly /] Why, then, there can no more be said
4 but this : As such a Title hath been fixed, so it may be
4 unfixed. And certainly in the right of the Authority, I
6 mean the Legislative Power, — in the right of the Legis-
< lative Power, I think the Authority that could christen it
4 with such a name could have called it by another name.
4 Therefore the name is only derived from that " Authority.1"
4 And certainly they, 44 the primary Legislative Authority,11
4 had the disposal of it, and might have detracted 44 from it,11
4 changed 44 it " : — and I hope it will be no offence to say to
4 you, as the case now stands, 4 So may you.1 And if it be so
4 that you may, why then I say, there is nothing of necessity
4 in your argument ; and all turns on consideration of the
expedience of it. [Is the Kingship expedient ?~\
4 Truly I had rather, if I were to choose, if it were the
4 original question, — which 1 hope is altogether out of the
4 question [His Highness means, afar off, in a polite manner,
4 You don't pretend that I still need to be made Protector by
4 you or by any creature ' /], — I had rather have any Name
4 from this Parliament than any other Name without it : so
4 much do I value the authority of the Parliament. And I
4 believe all men are of my mind in that ; I believe the Nation
4 is very much of my mind, — though it be an uncertain way
4 of arguing, what mind they are of.1 I think we may say it
4 without offence ; for I would give none ! [No offence to you,
1 Naturally a delicate subject : some assert the Nation has never recognised
his Highness, — his Highness himself being of a very different opinion indeed !
54 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [13 APRIL
Honourable Gentlemen ; who are here, by function, to interpret
and signify the Mind of the Nation. It is very difficult to
* dol\ — Though the Parliament be the truest way to know
4 what the mind of the Nation is, yet if the Parliament will
* be pleased to give me a liberty to reason for myself; and if
4 that be one of your arguments — [' That ' : what, your High-
ness ? That the mind of the Nation, well interpreted by this
Parliament, is really for a King? That our Laws cannot go
on without a King ? — His Highness means the former mainly,
but means the latter too ; means several things together, as
( his manner sometimes is, in abstruse cases /] — I hope I may
* urge against it, that the reason of my own mind is not quite
4 to that effect. But I do say undoubtingly (let us think
' about other things, " about the mind of the Nation and
* suchlike," what we will), What the Parliament settles is
6 what will run, " and have currency," through the Law ; and
* will lead the thread of Government through this Land
6 equally well as what hath been. For I consider that what
' hath been was upon the same account, " by the same autho-
6 rity." Save that there hath been some long continuance of
6 the thing [This thing of Kingship], it is but upon the same
' account ! It had its original somewhere ! And it was with
' consent of the whole, — there is the original of it. And
< consent of the whole will " still," I say, be the needle that
' will lead the thread through all [The same tailor-metaphor a
« second time] ; — and I think no man will pretend right against
* it, or wrong !
* And if so, then, under favour to me, I think these argu-
' ments from the Law are all not as of necessity, but are to be
' understood as of convenience/. It is in your power to dis-
* pose and settle ; and beforehand we can have confidence that
6 what you do settle will be as authentic as the things that
' were of old, — especially as this individual thing, the Name
' or Title, — according to the Parliament's appointment. " Is
< not this so ? It is question not of necessity ; we have power
* to settle it as conveniency directs." Why then, there will
i657] SPEECH XI 55
* (with leave) be way made for me to offer a reason or two to
' the other considerations you adduced ; otherwise, I say my
' mouth is stopped ! [His Highness is plunging' in deep brakes
and imbroglios; hopes, however, that he now sees daylight
athwart iheml\
' There are very many inforcements to carry on this thing.
' [Thing of the Kingship.] But I suppose it will " have to "
' stand on its expediency — Truly I should have urged one
' consideration more which I forgot [Looks over his shoulder
' in the jungle, and bethinks him /], — namely, the argument
' not of reason only, but of experience. It is a short one, but
' it is a true one (under favour), and is known to you all in
' the fact of it (under favour) [A damnable iteration ; but too
6 characteristic to be omitted] : That the Supreme Authority
4 going by another Name and under another Title than that
4 of King hath been, why it hath been already twice complied-
' with ! [Long Parliament, called ' Keepers of the Liberties of
England? found compliance; and now the ' Protector ate "*
(Jinds.] "Twice": under the Custodes Libertatis Anglice,
6 and also since I exercised the place, it hath been complied-
4 with. And truly I may say that almost universal obedience
' hath been given by all ranks and sorts of men to both.
' Now this, " on the part of both these Authorities," was a
' beginning with the highest degree of Magistracy at the first
' alteration ; and " at a time " when that " Kingship " was
c the Name " established " : and the new Name, though it
c was the name of an invisible thing, the very Name, I say,
' was obeyed, did pass current, was received and did carry-on
* the " Public " Justice of the Nation. I remember very well,
* my Lords the Judges were somewhat startled : yet upon
' consideration, — if I mistake not, — I believe so, — they, there
4 being among them (without reflection) as able and as learned
' as have sat there, — though they did, I confess, at first,
* demur a little, — they did receive satisfaction, and did act, as
* I said before. [Untwist this extraordinary WITHE of a sen-
tence; you will find it not inextricable^ and very characteristic
56 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [13 APRIL
' of Oliver /] And as for my own part [ My own Protectorate],
1 I profess I think I may say : Since the beginning of that
' change, — though I should be loath to speak anything vainly,
' — but since the beginning of that change to this day, I do
' not think there hath been a freer procedure of the Laws,
6 not even in those years called, and not unworthily, the
' ' Halcyon Days of Peace,1 — from the Twentieth of Elizabeth
4 to King James's and King Charles's time. I do not think
* but the Laws have proceeded with as much freedom and
* justice, and with less of private solicitation, since I came to
* the Government, as they did in those years so named, —
* " Halcyon." I do not think, under favour, — [His Highness
* gets more emphatic] — that the Laws had a freer exercise,
* more uninterrupted by any hand of Power, in those years
6 than now ; or that the Judge has been less solicited by letters
* or private interpositions either of my own or other men's, in
' double so many years in all those times " named " * of
* Peace ! ' [Sentence involving' an incurable Irish-bull ; the head
of it eating- the tail of it, like a Serpent-of- Eternity ; but the
meaning shining very clear through its contortions neverthe-
6 less !] And if more of my Lords the Judges were here than
* now are, they could tell us perhaps somewhat farther.1
' And therefore I say, under favour : These two Experiences
* do manifestly show that it is not a Title, though never so
< interwoven with our Laws, that makes the Law to have its
6 free passage, and to do its office without interruption (as we
' venture to think it is now doing) : " not a Title, no " ; and
4 if a Parliament shall determine that another Name run
' through the Laws, I believe it will run with as free a passage
6 as this " of King ever did." Which is all I have to say
* upon that head.
' And if this be so, then truly other things may fall under
* a more indifferent consideration 2 : and so I shall arrive " at
1 Reform of Chancery ; improvements made in Law.
2 'Other things,' your other arguments, may lose a great deal of their formid-
able air of cogency, as if Necessity herself were backing them,
i657] SPEECH XI 57
4 the Second thing I had in view," at some issue of answering
4 for myaclf in this great matter. And all this while, nothing
' that I say doth any way determine as to my final resolution,
6 or " intimate any " thought against the Parliament's wisdom
' in this matter ; but " endeavoureth " really and honestly and
' plainly towards such an answer as may be fit for me to give.
' The Parliament desires to have this Title. It hath stuck
' with me, and doth yet stick. As truly, and I hinted the
' other day,1 it seemed as if your arguments to me did partly
4 give positive grounds for what was to be done, and partly
4 comparative grounds ; stating the matter as you were then
' pleased to do, — for which I gave no cause that I know
* of, that is, for comparing the effects of Kingship with those
* of such a Name as I at present bear, with " those of "
' the Protectorship " to wit." I say, I hope it will not be
' understood that I contend for the Name ; or for any name,
' or any thing " of a merely extraneous nature " ; but truly
< and plainly " for the substance of the business," — if I speak
' as in the Lord's presence ; ay, in all right things, as a person
' under the disposal of the Providence of God, — neither
' ' naming ' one thing nor other ; but only endeavouring to
' give fit answer as to this proposed Name or Title.2 For I
' hope I do not desire to give a rule to anybody — " much less
6 to the Parliament." I professed I had not been able, — and
' I truly profess I have not yet been able, — to give a rule to
4 myself " in regard to your Proposal." I would be under-
' stood in this. [Yes, your Highness. * That it is not doubt
of the Parliaments wisdom ; that it is not vain preference or
postponence of one " name " to another ; but doubt as to the
substantial expediency of the thing proposed, uncertainty as
to God's will and monition in regard to it, — that has made
and still makes me speak in this uncomfortable, haggling,
1 Saturday last, day before Yesterday.
2 The original (Sonters, vi. 368) unintelligible, illegible except with the power-
fulest lenses, yields at last, — with some slight changes of the points and so forth,
—this sense as struggling at the bottom of it.
58 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [13 APRIL
struggling and wriggling manner. It is no easy thing
forcing one's way through a jungle of such depth ! An affair
of Courtship moreover, which grows and has to grow by the
very handling of it ! I would not be misunderstood in this?]
6 I am a man standing in the Place I am in [Clearly, your
4 Highness] ; which Place I undertook not so much out of hope
* of doing any good, as out of a desire to prevent mischief
' and evil [Note this], — which I did see was imminent on the
6 Nation. I say, we were running headlong into confusion
4 and disorder, and would necessarily " have " run into blood ;
6 and I was passive to those that desired me to undertake
' the Place which I now have. [ With tones, with a look q/
' sorrow, solemnity and nobleness ; the brave Oliver /] A Place,
' I say, not so much of doing good, — which a man lawfully
c may, if he deal deliberately with God and his own con-
4 science, — a man may (I say) lawfully, if he deal deliberately
6 with God and his own conscience ; a man may lawfully, as
6 the case may be (though it is a very tickle case), desire a
4 Place to do good in ! [ Window once more into his High-
ness ! ' Tickle ' is the old form of TICKLISH : * a tickle case
indeed? his Highness candidly allows ; yet a case which does
occur, — shame and woe to him, the poor cowardly Pedant, tied
up in cobwebs and tape-thrums, that neglects it when it does /]
c I profess I had not that apprehension, when I undertook the
c Place, that I could so much do good ; but I did think I
' might prevent imminent evil. — And therefore I am not con-
* tending for one ' name' compared with another ; — and there-
6 fore have nothing to answer to any arguments that were used
6 for preferring " the name " Kingship to Protectorship. For
' I should almost think any ' name ' were better than my
' Name ; and I should altogether think any person fitter than
' I am for such business [ Your Highness ? — But St. Paul too
professed himself ' the chief of sinners? — and has not been
' altogether thought to ' cant ' in doing so!] ; — and I compli-
' ment not, God knows it ! But this I should say, that I do
* think, you, in the settling of the peace and liberties of this
i657] SPEECH XI 59
4 Nation, which cries as loud upon you as ever Nation did for
* somewhat that may beget a consistence, " ought to attend to
' that " ; otherwise the Nation will fall in pieces ! And in
4 that, so far as I can, I am ready to serve not as a King, but as
4 a Constable " if you like " ! For truly I have, as before God,
4 often thought that I could not tell what my business was,
6 nor what I was in the place I stood in, save comparing
4 myself to a good Constable set to keep the peace of the
' Parish. [Hear his Highness /] And truly this hath been
4 my content and satisfaction in the troubles I have undergone,
6 That you yet have peace.
4 Why now, truly, — if I may advise, — I wish to God you
4 may but be so happy as to keep the peace still ! l If you
4 cannot attain to such perfection as to accomplish this " that
4 we are now upon," I wish to God we may still have peace,
4 — that I do ! But the 4 fruits of righteousness ' are shown
4 in 4 meekness ' ; a better thing than we are aware of !
4 I say therefore, I do judge for myself there is no such
4 necessity of this Name of King ; for the other Names may
4 do as well. I judge for myself. I must say a little (I think
4 I have somewhat of conscience to answer as to the matter),
4 why I cannot undertake this Name. [ We are now fairly
4 entered upon the Second head of method.] And truly I must
4 needs go a little out of the way, to come to my reasons.
4 And you will be able to judge of them when I have told you
4 them. And I shall deal seriously, as before God.
4 If you do not all of you, I am sure some of you do, and
4 it behoves me to say that I do, 4 know my calling from the
4 first to this day.' I was a person who, from my first
4 employment, was suddenly preferred and lifted up from lesser
4 trusts to greater ; from my first being a Captain of a Troop
4 of Horse ; and did labour as well as I could to discharge
4 my trust ; and God blessed me 44 therein " as it pleased
4 Him. And I did truly and plainly, — and in a way of foolish
1 If I may advise, I should say the purport and soul of our whole inquiry at
present ought to be that of keeping the peace.
60 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [13 APRIL
4 simplicity, as it was judged by very great and wise men,
4 and good men too, — desire to make my instruments help me
4 in that work. And I will deal plainly with you : I had a very
6 worthy Friend then ; and he was a very noble person, and
* I know his memory is very grateful to all, — Mr. John Hamp-
4 den. [Hear, hear ; — a notable piece of History /] At my first
4 going out into this engagement,1 I saw our men were beaten
6 at every hand. I did indeed ; and desired him that he
4 would make some additions to my Lord Essex's Army, of
4 some new regiments ; and I told him I would be serviceable
4 to him in bringing such men in as I thought had a spirit
4 that would do something in the work. This is very true
4 that I tell you ; God knows I lie not.2 4 Your troops,' said
' I, 4 are most of them old decayed serving-men, and tapsters,
4 and such kind of fellows ; and ' said I, 4 their troops are
4 gentlemen's sons, younger sons and persons of quality : do
6 you think that the spirits of such base and mean fellows
4 will ever be able to encounter gentlemen, that have honour
4 and courage and resolution in them ? ' Truly I did repre-
4 sent to him in this manner conscientiously ; and truly I did
4 tell him : 4 You must get men of a spirit : and take it not ill
4 what I say, — I know you will not, — of a spirit that is likely
4 to go on as far as gentlemen will go : — or else you will be
4 beaten still.' I told him so ; I did truly. He was a wise
4 and worthy person ; and he did think that I talked a good
4 notion, but an impracticable one. [Very natural in Mr.
Hampden, if I recollect him well, your Highness ! With his
close thin lips, and very vigilant eyes ; with his clear official
understanding ; lively sensibilities to 4 unspotted character?
4 safe courses? etc., etc. A very brave man; but formidably
thick-quilted, and with pincer-lips, and eyes very vigilant. —
A las, there is no possibility for poor Columbus at any of the
1 enterprise.
2 A notable clause of a sentence, this latter too ; physiognomic enough ; — and
perhaps very liable to be misunderstood by a modern reader. The old phrase,
still current in remote quarters, ' It 's no lie,' which signifies an emphatic and even
courteous assent and affirmation, must be borne in mind.
1657] SPEECH XI 61
Public Offices, till once he become an Actuality, and say,
6 ' Here is the America I was telling you of I '] Truly I told
' him I could do somewhat in it. I did so, — "did this
' somewhat " : and truly I must needs say this to you, " The
' result was," — impute it to what you please, — I raised such
6 men as had the fear of God before them, as made some
'conscience of what they did [The Ironsides; yea!]; and
' from that day forward, I must say to you, they were never
' beaten, and wherever they were engaged against the enemy,
' they beat continually. [Yea!] And truly this is matter of
' praise to God : — and it hath some instruction in it, To own
4 men who are religious and godly. And so many of them as
' are peaceably and honestly and quietly disposed to live
4 within "rules of11 Government, and will be subject to those
4 Gospel rules of obeying Magistrates and living under Autho-
' rity — [Sentence catches Jire abruptly, and explodes here] — I
' reckon no Godliness without that circle ! Without that
' spirit, let it pretend what it will, it is diabolical, it is
' devilish, it is from diabolical spirits, from the depth of
' Satan's wickedness 1 — [Checks himself] — Why truly I need
6 not say more than to apply all this 2 " to the business we
' have in hand."
* I will be bold to apply this to our present purpose,
because it is my all ! I could say as all the world says, and
run headily upon anything; but I must tender this, "my
' present answer " to you as a thing that sways upon my con-
6 science ; or else I were a knave and a deceiver. " Well " ; I
' tell you there are such men in this Nation ; godly men of
' the same spirit, men that will not be beaten down by a
' worldly or carnal spirit while they keep their integrity. And
* I deal plainly and faithfully with you, " when I say " : I can-
1 Not ' height of Jotham's wickedness,' as the lazy Reporter has it. Jotham
was not ' wicked ' at all (Judges, chap. ix.). Nay the lazy Reporter corrects him-
self elsewhere, — if he had not been asleep ! Compare p. 369 line 16 of Somers
with p. 385 line 2.
8 * this ' of my old proposal to Mr. Hampden ; and how good it is to ' own men
who are religious and godly.'
62 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [13 APRIL
' not think that God would bless an undertaking of anything,
i " Kingship or whatever else,' which would, justly and with
6 cause, grieve them. True, they may be troubled without
6 cause ; — and I must be a slave if I should comply with any
4 such humour as that. [Leaves the matter open still!] But I
6 say there are honest men and faithful men, true to the great
6 things of the Government, namely the Liberty of the People,
' giving them what is due to them, and protecting this Interest
4 (and I think verily God will bless you for what you have
6 done in that) — [Sentence broken ; try it another way] —
4 But if I know, as indeed I do, that very generally good
' men do not swallow this Title, — though really it is no part
6 of their goodness to be unwilling to submit to what a Parlia-
' ment shall settle over them, yet I must say, it is my duty
4 and my conscience to beg of you that there may be no hard
' things put upon me ; things, I mean, hard to them, which
* they cannot swallow. [The Young Lady will and she will
6 not!] If the Nation may be as well provided-for without
' these things we have been speaking of [Kingships, etc.], as,
6 according to my apprehension, it may, — " then " truly I
* think it will be no sin in you, it will be to you as it was to
' David in another case,1 ' no grief of heart in time coming,'
6 that you have a tenderness even possibly (if it be their weak-
' ness) to the weakness of those who have integrity and honesty
6 and uprightness, and who are not carried away with the
6 hurries I see some taken with — [' A Standard lifted up,"1 the
other day! — We have had to turn the key upon them, in
6 Chepstow, in the Tower and elsewhere], — that think their
* virtue lies in despising Authority, in opposing it ! I think
6 you will be the better able to root-out of this Nation that
* " disobedient " spirit and principle, — and to do so is as
4 desirable as anything in this world, — by complying, indulg-
6 ing, and being patient to the weakness and infirmities of men
6 who have been faithful, and have bled all along in this
6 Cause ; — and who are faithful, and will oppose all opposi-
1 Nabal'sand Abigail's case (i Samuel xxv. 31).
I6S7] SPEECH XI 63
6 tions (I am confident of it) to the things that are Fimda-
' mentals in your Government, in your Settlement for Civil
' and Gospel Liberties. [Not ill said, your Highness; and
really could not well be better thought ! — The moral is : ( As
my old Ironsides, men fearing God, proved the successful
soldiers ; so in all things it is men fearing God that we must
get to enlist with us. Without these we are lost : with these,
if they will be soldiers with us (not noisy mutineers like
Wildman, Harrison and Company, but true soldiers, rational
persons that will learn discipline), — we shall, as heretofore,
hope to prevail against the whole world and the Devil to boot,
and " never be beaten at all," no more than the Ironsides were.
See, therefore, that you do not disaffeti THEM. Mount no
foolish cocJcade or Kingship which can convert THEM, rational
obedient men, true in all essential points, into mutineers."*]
* I confess, for it behoves me to deal plainly with you —
[Young Lady now flings a little weight into the other scale, —
and the sentence trips itself once or twice before it can get started]
6 — I must confess I would say — I hope I may not be mis-
4 understood in this, for indeed I must be tender in what I
' say to such an audience : — I say I would have it understood,
* That in this argument I do not make a parallel between
' men of a different mind, " mere dissentient individuals," and
4 a Parliament, " as to," Which shall have their desires. I
' know there is no comparison. Nor can it be urged upon
4 me that my words have the least colour that way. For the
' Parliament seems to have given me liberty to say whatever
6 is on my mind to you ; as that " indeed " is a tender of my
4 humble reasons and judgment and opinion to them : and
' now if I think these objectors to the Kingship1 are such
' " as I describe," and « that they " will be such ; « if I think"
' that they are faithful servants and will be so to the Supreme
' Authority, and the Legislative wheresoever it is, — if, I say,
' I should not tell you, knowing their minds to be so, then
* I should not be faithful. I am bound to tell it you, to the
1 ' they ' in orig.
64 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [13 APRIL
* end you may report it to the Parliament. [Parliament very
jealous lest the Army be thought of greater weight than it.
We try to carry the scales even.]
* I will now say something for myself. As for my own
4 mind, I do profess it, I am not a man scrupulous about
4 words, or names, or such things. I have not "hitherto clear
4 direction " 1 — but as I have the Word of God, and I hope
4 shall ever have, for the rule of my conscience, for my
4 information and direction ; so, truly, if men have been led
4 into dark paths [As this matter of the Kingship is to
4 me even now ; very ' dark ' an d undecidable /] through the
4 providence and dispensations of God, — why surely it is not
4 to be objected to a man ! For who can love to walk in
'- the dark ? But Providence doth often so dispose. And
4 though a man may impute his own folly and blindness
c to Providence sinfully, — yet this must be at a man's own
4 peril. The case may be that it is the Providence of God
4 that doth lead men in darkness ! I must needs say, I
4 have had a great deal of experience of Providence ; and
4 though such experience is no rule without or against the
4 Word, yet it is a very good expositor of the Word in
4 many cases. [Yes, my brave one!]
6 Truly the Providence of God hath laid aside this Title
4 of King providentially de facto : and that not by sudden
4 humour or passion ; but it hath been by issue of as great
4 deliberation as ever was in a Nation. It hath been by
* issue of Ten or Twelve Years Civil War, wherein much
4 blood hath been shed. I will not dispute the justice of
' it when it was done ; nor need I tell you what my opinion
4 is in the case were it de novo to be done. [Somewhat
4 grim expression of face ^ your Highness /] But if it be
4 at all disputable ; and a man comes and finds that God
4 in His severity hath not only eradicated a whole Family,
4 and thrust them out of the land, for reasons best known
1 Coagulated Jargon, (Sowers, p. 370) is almost worth looking at here : — never
was such a Reporter since the Tower of Babel fell.
i6S7] SPEECH XI 65
4 to Himself, but also hath made the issue and close of that
4 to be the very eradication of a Name or Title — ! Which
4 de facto is " the case." It was not done by me, nor by them
6 that tendered me the Government I now act in : it was done
4 by the Long Parliament, — that was it.1 And God hath
4 seemed Providential, " seemed to appear as a Providence,"1
4 not only in striking at the Family but at the Name. And,
6 as I said before, it is blotted out : it is a thing cast out
6 by an Act of Parliament ; j£ hath been kept out to this
4 day. And as Jude saith, in another case, speaking of
4 abominable sins that should be in the Latter Times,2 —
4 he doth farther say, when he comes to exhort the Saints,
4 he tells them, — they should 4 hate even the garments spotted
4 with the flesh.'8
4 I beseech you think not that I bring this as an argu-
* ment to prove anything. God hath seemed so to deal with
4 the Persons and the Family that He blasted the very
4 Title. And you know when a man comes, a parte post,
4 to reflect and see this done, this Title laid in the dust, —
4 I confess I can come to no other conclusion. [4 But that
God seems to have blasted the very Title ' ; — this, however,
4 is felt to need some qualifying.] The like of this may make
4 a strong impression upon such weak men as I am ; — and
4 perhaps upon weaker men (if there be any such) it will
4 make a stronger. I will not seek to set up that which
4 Providence hath destroyed, and laid in the dust ; I would
4 not build Jericho again ! And this is somewhat to me,
4 and to my judgment and my conscience. This, in truth,
4 it is this that hath an awe upon my spirit. [Hear!] And
4 I must confess, as the times are, — they are very fickle, very
4 uncertain, nay, God knows you had need have a great deal
4 of faith to strengthen you in your work, you had need look
1 Oliverian reduplication of the phrase : accent on was.
8 Very familiar with this passage of Jude ; see Speech II. vol. iii. p. 109.
8 Grammar a little imperfect. Really one begins to find Oliver would, as it
were, have needed a new Grammar. Had all men been Olivers, what a different
set of rules would Lindley Murray and the Governesses now have gone upon !
VOL. IV. E
66 PART X, SECOND PARLIAMENT [13 APRIL
4 at Settlement ! — I would rather I were in my grave than
4 hinder you in anything that may be for Settlement of the
4 Nation. For the Nation needs it, never needed it more !
* And therefore, out of the love and honour I bear you, I am
4 forever bound, whatever becomes of me, to do " what is
4 best for that " ; — " and " I am forever bound to acknowledge
4 you have dealt most honourably and worthily with me, and
4 lovingly, and have had respect for one who deserves nothing.
6 Indeed, out of the love and faithfulness I bear you, and
4 out of the sense I have of the difficulty of your work, I
* would not have you lose any help [Help of the Name 'King"*;
help of the scrupulous Anti- King people : — it is a dark case!]
4 that may serve you, that may stand in stead to you. I
4 would willingly be a sacrifice [King, Protector, Constable, or
4 what you like], that there might be, so long as God shall
4 please to let this Parliament sit, a harmony, and better and
4 good understanding between all of you. And, — whatever
* any man may think, — it equally concerns one of us as
4 another to go on to Settlement : and where I meet with
6 any that is of another mind, indeed I could almost curse
4 him in my heart. And therefore, to deal heartily and
4 freely, I would have you lose nothing [Not even the Scrupu-
6 lous] that may stand you in stead in this way. I would
' advise, if there be " found " any of a froward, unmannerly
4 or womanish spirit, — I would not that you should lose them !
4 I would not that you should lose any servant or friend who
4 might help in this Work ; that any such should be offended
4 by a thing that signifies no more to me than I have told
4 you it does. That is to say : I do not think the thing
4 necessary ; I do not. I would not that you should lose a
4 friend for it. If I could help you to many 44 friends," and
4 multiply myself into many, that would be to serve you in
4 regard to Settlement ! Aiid therefore I would not that any,
4 especially any of these who indeed perhaps are men that
% do think themselves engaged to continue with you, and to
4 serve you, should be anywise disobliged from you.
1657] SPEECH XI 67
6 " I have now no more to say." The truth is, I did in-
6 dicate this as my conclusion to you at the first, when I told
* you what method I would speak to you in.1 I may say that
' I cannot, with conveniency to myself, nor good to this service
4 which I wish so well to, speak out all my arguments as to
< the safety of your Proposal, as to its tendency to the effectual
< carrying-on of this Work. [There are many angry suspicious
persons listening to me, and every word is liable to different
6 misunderstandings in every different narrow head!] I say,
* I do not think it fit to use all the thoughts I have in my
* mind as to that point of safety. But I shall pray to God
4 Almighty that He would direct you to do what is according
* to His will. And this is that poor account I am able to
' give of myself in this thing.' *
And so enough for Monday, which is now far spent : ' till
tomorrow at three o'clock'2 let us adjourn; and diligently
consider in the interim.
His Highness is evidently very far yet from having made-up
his mind as to this thing ; the undeveloped Yes still balancing
itself against the undeveloped No, in a huge dark intricate
manner, with him. Unable to * declare' himself; there being
in fact nothing to declare hitherto, nothing but what he does
here declare, — namely, darkness visible. An abstruse time his
Highness has had of it, since the end of February, six or seven
weeks now ; all England sounding round him, waiting for his
Answer. And he is yet a good way off the Answer. For it
is a considerable question this of the Kingship : important to
the Nation and the Cause he presides over; to himself not
unimportant, — and yet to himself of very minor importance,
my erudite friend ! A Soul of a Man in right earnest about
its own awful Life and Work in this world ; much superior to
1 ' This was my second head of method ; all this about myself and my own
feelings in regard to the Kingship, — after I had proved to you in my first head
that it was not necessary, that it was only expedient or not expedient. I am now
therefore got to the end of my second head, to my conclusion.'
* Somers Tracts, vi. 365-371. a Burton^ ii. 2.
68 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [13 APRIL
'feathers in the hat,' of one sort or the other, my erudite
friend ! — Of all which he gives here a candid and honest
account ; and indeed his attitude towards this matter is
throughout, what towards other matters it has been, very
manful and natural.
However, on the morrow, which is Tuesday, at three o'clock,
the Committee cannot see his Highness ; attending at White-
hall, as stipulated, they find his Highness indisposed in health ;
— are to come again tomorrow, Wednesday, at the same hour.
Wednesday they come again ; c wait for above an hour in the
Council-Chamber ' ; — Highness still indisposed, < has got a
cold ' : Come again tomorrow, Thursday ! ' Which,' says the
writer of the thing called Burtorfs Diary, who was there, 'did
strongly build-up the faith of the Contrariants,' — He will not
dare to accept, think the Contrariants. The Honourable
House in the mean while has little to do but denounce that
Shoreditch Fifth-Monarchy Pamphlet, the Standard set up,
which seems to be a most incendiary piece ; — and painfully
adjourn and re-adjourn, till its Committee do get answer. A
most slow business ; and the hopes of the Contrariants are
rising.
Thursday 16th April 1657, Committee attending for the
third time, the Interview does take effect; Six of the Grandees,
Glynn, Lenthall, Colonel Jones, Sir Richard Onslow, Fiennes,
Broghil, Whitlocke, take up in their order the various objec-
tions of his Highnesses former Speech, of Monday last, and
learnedly rebut the same, in a learned and to us insupportably
wearisome manner; fit only to be entirely omitted. Whitlocke
urges on his Highness, That, in refusing his Kingship, he will
do what never any that were actual Kings of England did,
reject the advice of his Parliament.1 Another says, It is his
duty ; let him by no means shrink from his duty ! — Their
discoursings, if any creature is curious on the subject, can be
read at great length in the distressing pages of Somers? and
shall be matter of imagination here. His Highness said,
1 Somers, p. 386. 2 Somers-, vi. 371-387.
1657] SPEECH XII 69
These were weighty arguments ; give him till tomorrow to
think of them.1 « Tomorrow at three : spero I ' says the writer
of the thing called Burton's Diary, who is not one of the
Contrariants.
SPEECH XII
ALAS, tomorrow at three his Highness proves again indis-
posed ; which doth a little damp our hopes, I fancy ! Let us
appoint Monday morning : Monday ten o'clock, ' at the old
place,1 Chamber of the Council-of-State in Whitehall. Accord-
ingly, on Monday 20th April 1657, at the set place and hour,
the Committee of Ninety-nine is once more in attendance, and
his Highness speaks, — answering our arguments of Thursday
last, and indicating still much darkness.
' " MY LORDS," — I have, as well as I could, considered the
' arguments used by you, the other day, to enforce your con-
4 elusion as to that Name and Title, which has been the
' subject of various Debates and Conferences between us. I
' shall not now spend your time nor my own much, in recapitu-
{ lating those arguments, or giving answers to them. Indeed
' I think they were " mainly " but the same we formerly had,
' only with some additional inforcements by new instances :
' and truly, at this rate of debate, I might spend your time,
' which I know is very precious ; and unless I were " to end in
' being " a satisfied person, the time would spin out, and be
' very unprofitably spent, — so it would. I will say a word or
4 two to that only which I think was new.
' " You were pleased to say some things as to the power of
' Parliament, as to the force of a Parliamentary sanction in
' this matter.*" 2 What comes from the Parliament in the exer-
' cise of their Legislative power, as this Proposal does, — I
' understand this to be an exercise of the Legislative power,
1 Burton, ii. 5.
2 Glynn, Lenthall, Broghil, Whitlocke (Sowers, pp. 371-2, 384-6).
70 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 APRIL
' and the Laws formerly were always passed in this way " of
' Proposal or Conference," and the way of Bills is of a newer
' date, — I understand that, I say ; but [In short, the
' Sentence falls prostrate, and we must start again.] You said,
' < that what was done by the Parliament now, and simply
4 made to hang upon this Legislative power, " as any Title but
' that of King will do," might seem partly as if it were a thing
6 ex dono, not de jure ; a thing that had not the same weight,
' nor the same strength, as if it bore a reference to " the
4 general Body of" the Law that is already in being.' I con-
' fess there is some argument in that, — that is there ! But
6 if the degree of strength will be as good without Parlia-
' mentary sanction, " then " — [Sentence pauses, never gets
' started again.] Though it too, "this Title of Kingship,"
' comes as a gift from you ! I mean as a thing which you
6 either provide for the people or else it will never come to
6 them; so in a sense it comes from you, it is what they cannot
' otherwise arrive at ; therefore in a sense it is ex dono ; for
' whoever helps a man to what he cannot otherwise attain,
* doth an act that is very near a gift ; and you helping them
6 to this Title, it were a kind of gift to them, since otherwise
' they could not get it " though theirs " — [This Sentence also
( finds that it will come to nothing, and so calls halt.] — But if
' you do it simply by your Legislative power — [Halt again. —
In what bottomless imbroglios of Constitutional philosophy and
crabbed Law-logic, with the Fifth- Monarchy and splenetic
Contrariants looking on, is his poor Highness plunging ! A
ray of natural sagacity now rises on him with guidance.] —
6 The question, 'What makes such a thing as this more firm?'
' is not the manner of the settling of it, or the manner of
« your " or another's " doing of it ; there remains always the
* grand question after that ; the grand question lies, In the
* acceptance of it by those who are concerned to yielr obedience
( to it and accept it ! [Certainly, your Highness ; that is
* worth all the Law-logic in the world!] And therefore if a
* thing [Like this Protectorate, according to your argument, —
1657] SPEECH XII 71
8 not altogether to mine] hath but, for its root, your Legislative
* sanction If I may put a ' But ' to it, " to that most
* valid sanction ! " I will not do so : for I say, It is as good
* a foundation as that other, " which you ascribe to the King-
* ship, howsoever c grounded in the body of Law.' r And if
* that thing, " that Protectorate," be as well accepted, and
' the other be less well — ? Why, then truly it, I shall
' think, is the better ; — and then all that I say is founded
' upon Law too ! —
* Your arguments founded upon the Law do all make for
' the Kingship. Because, say you, it doth agree with the
1 Law ; the Law knows, — the People know it, and are likelier
4 to receive satisfaction that way. Those were arguments that
' have [' had ' is truer, but less polite] been used already ; and
' truly I know nothing that I have to add to them. And
' therefore, I say, those arguments also may stand as we
' found them and left them already ; — except, truly, this
4 " one point." It hath been said to me [Saluting my Lord
Whitlocke slightly with the eye, whose heavy face endeavours
' to smile in response] that I am a person who meditate to do
* what never any that were actually Kings of England did :
' 'Refuse the Advice of Parliament.' I confess, that runs
' deep enough " that runs " to all ; that may be accounted
' a very great fault in me; and may rise up in judgment
4 against me another time, — if my case be not different from
c any man's that ever was in the Chief Command and Govern-
4 ment of these Nations before. But truly I think, all they
* that have been in this Office before, and owned in right of
' Law, were inheritors coming to it by birthright, — or if
4 owned by the authority of Parliament, they yet had some
* previous pretence of title or claim to it. And so, under
' favour, I think I deserve less blame than any of them would
' have done, if I cannot so well comply with this Title, and
6 " with " the desire of Parliament in regard to it, as these
* others might do. For they when they were in, would have
' taken it for an injury not to be in. Truly such an argu-
72 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 APRIL
6 ment, to them, might be very strong, Why they should not
4 refuse what the Parliament offered ! But " as for me," I
4 have dealt plainly with you : and I have not complimented
6 with you " in saying " I have not desired, I have no title to,
4 the Government of these Nations. " No title " but what
4 was taken up in a case of necessity, and as a temporary
4 means to meet the actual emergency ; without which we must
4 needs — [Have gone you know whither !] — I say we had been
4 all "topsyturvying now" at the rate of the Printed Book
6 "you have just got hold of" [Shoreditch STANDARD SET CJP.
6 and Painted Lion there], and at the rate of those men that
4 have been seized going into arms, — if that expedient had
4 not been taken ! That was visible to me as the day, unless
6 I undertook it. And so, it being put upon me, I being
4 then General, as I was General by Act of Parliament, — it
4 being " put " upon me to take the power into my hand after
4 the Assembly of Men that was called together had been
4 dissolved [4 / took it, as you all know ' : but his High-
ness blazing off here, as his wont is when that subject rises,
the Sentence explodes] — ! —
* Really the thing would have issued itself in this Book : —
6 for the Book, I am told, knows an Author [Harrison, they
4 say, is Author] ; he was a Leading Person in that Assembly !
4 And now when I say (I speak in the plainness and simplicity
4 of my heart, as before Almighty God), I did out of necessity
4 undertake that " Business," which I think no man but
4 myself would have undertaken, — it hath pleased God that
4 I have been instrumental in keeping the Peace of the Nation
4 to this day. And have kept it under a Title [Protector]
4 which, some say, signifies but a keeping of it to another's
4 use, — to a. better use ; " a Title " which may improve it to
4 a better use ! And this I may say : I have not desired the
4 continuance of my power or place either under one Title or
6 another, — that have I not ! I say it : If the wisdom of the
4 Parliament could find where to place things so as they might
* save this Nation and the Interests of it, — the Interests of
i657] SPEECH XII 73
' the People of God in the first place ; of those Godly honest
' men, — for such a character I reckon them by, who live in
' the fear of God, and desire to hold forth the excellency " of
' Christ " and a Christian course in their life and conversation
— [Sentence may be said to burst asunder here for the present,
' but will gather itself together again perhaps!] I reckon
4 that proceeds from Faith, and " from " looking to our duties
* towards Christians, and our humanity to men as men ; and
' to such Liberties and Interests as the People of this Nation
* are of : — and " I " do look upon that as a standing truth of
6 the Gospel ; and whoso lives up to that is a Godly Man in
* my apprehension ! [Looks somewhat animated.] And
' therefore I say, If the wisdom of this Parliament, — I speak
* not this vainly or as a fool, but as to God, — if the wisdom
6 of this Parliament should have found a way to settle the
4 Interests of this Nation, upon the foundations of justice and
* truth and liberty, to the people of God, and concernments
' of men as Englishmen [ Voice risen into a kind of recitative],
' — I would have lain at their feet, or at anybody else^s feet,
c that things might have run in such a current ! [Your
Highness can't get out ,• no place for you now but here or in
6 the grave! — His Highness fetches a deep breath.] — I say I
' have no pretensions to things for myself; to ask this or
' that, or to avoid this or that. I know the censures of the
6 world may quickly pass upon me, "and are already passing"":
1 but I thank God I know where to lay the weight that is
' laid upon me, — I mean the weight of reproach and con-
6 tempt and scorn that hath been cast upon me ! [Ends, I
think, in a kind of snort, — and the look partly as of an iiyured
dove, partly as of a couchant lion.] —
' I have not offered you any Name in competition with
' Kingship. I know the evil spirits of men may easily
' obtrude upon a man, That he would have a Name which
' the Laws know not, and which is boundless, and is one
' under which he may exercise more arbitrariness : but I know
' there is nothing in that argument ; and if it were in your
74 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 APRIL
* thoughts to offer any Name of that kind, I think, whatso-
4 ever it was, you would bound it and limit it sufficiently. I
' wish it were come to that, That no favour should be showed
' to me ; but that the good of these Nations should be con-
' suited ; — as " indeed " I am confident it will be by you in
6 whatsoever you do. — But I may say a word to another
' thing which doth a little pinch upon me : That it is my
4 duty, " to accept this Title." I think it can be no man's
* duty but between God and himself, if he be conscious of his
' own infirmities, disabilities and weakness ; " conscious " that
' he perhaps is not able to encounter with it, — although he
' may have a little faith too, for a little exercise. I say I do
' not know what way it can be imputed to me for a fault, or
4 laid upon me as a duty. Except I meant to gripe at the
' Government of the Nations without a legal consent, — as I
c say I have done in time past upon principles of Necessity,
' " but have no call now to do again." And I promise I shall
' think whatever is done towards Settlement, without authority
4 of Parliament, will neither be very honest, nor to me very
' comprehensible at this stage of the business. I think we
' have fought for the Liberties of the Nation and for other
* Interests ! — [Checks himself] —
6 You will pardon me that I speak these things in such a
' " desultory " way as this. I may be borne withal, because I
6 have not truly well stood the exercise that hath been upon
6 me these three or four days, — I have not, I say. [Besides,
your Highness is suffering from the dregs of a cold, and I
' doubt still somewhat feverish /] — I have told you my thoughts,
' and have laid them before you. You have been pleased to
' give me your grounds, and I have given you mine. And
' truly I do purposely refuse to mention those arguments that
6 were used when ye were last here ; but rather tell you what
' since (as I say) lies upon my heart, — " speaking to you " out
6 of the abundance of difficulty and trouble that lies upon me.
[His Highness, sick of body, feverish, unequal to such a jungle
of a subject and its adjuncts, is really weltering and stagger-
i6S7] SPEECH XII 75
* ing like a wearied man, in the thickets and puddles.] And
' therefore you having urged me, I mean offered reasons to
' me, and urged them in such way as did occur to you ; and I
' having told you, the last time we met, that the satisfaction
' from them did not reach to me so as wholly to convince me
' of my duty, — I have thought rather to answer today by
' telling you my grief, and the trouble I am under. [Poor
Sovereign Man /] —
' And truly my intentions and purposes, they are honest
' to the Nation, — and shall be, by the Grace of God. And
' I have it not in view, upon collateral pretences, " either by
' asking this Kingship or by refusing it" — to act towards
' things that may be destructive to the liberties of this
' Nation ! [' / am worn and weary ; let me be as clay in the
6 hands of the potter ! '] Any man may give me leave to
6 die ; every one may give me leave to be as a dead man, —
' when God takes away the spirit and life and activity that
6 are necessary for the carrying-on of such a work ! [Poor
Highness, still somewhat feverish, suffering from the dregs
of a cold !]
'And therefore I do leave the former Debates as they
c were, and as we had them ; and will let you know that I
' have looked a little upon the Paper [Petition and Advice],
6 the Instrument, I would say, in the other parts of it, " un-
' connected with this of the Kingship." And considering that
* there are very many particulars in this Instrument [Holding
' it in his hand], some of a general reference and others specific,
' and all of weight (let this business of the Title be decided
' as it may) to the concernment of the Nations, — I think I
* may desire that those " particulars " may be really such as
6 will serve their object, — let the ' Title ' we fix upon be one
' or the other. They might be such as the People have no
< cause — [Sentence checking itself] — But I am confident your
* care and faithfulness need neither a spur nor an admonition
* to that ! — I say, reading in your Order, the Order of the
76 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 APRIL
4 Parliament to this Committee, I find mention there of
4 ' divers particulars,' concerning which, if I do make any
4 scruple of them, I am to have the freedom with this Com-
4 mittee to cast l my doubts.
4 The truth of it is, I have a Paper here in my hands,2 that
4 doth contain divers things with relation to the Instrument ;
4 which, I hope, have a Public aspect in them ; therefore I
6 cannot presume but they will be very welcome to you. There-
4 fore I shall desire that you will read them. [Hands Whit-
6 locJce the Paper.] I should desire, if it please you, the
4 liberty, — which I submit to your judgment whether you
4 think I have or no, — that I might tender these few things ;
4 and some others which I have in preparation. And truly I
4 shall reduce them to as much brevity as I can : — they are
4 too large here, " these in the Paper are diffuse." * And if it
4 please you, Tomorrow in the afternoon at three o'clock I
4 may meet you again. And I hope we shall come to know
4 one another's minds ; and shall agree to that that may be
4 for the glory of God, and for the good of these Nations.' *
So much for Monday the 20th; — noontide and the hour
of dinner being now nigh. Herewith exeunt till tomorrow
at three.
We returned 'much unsatisfied with the Lord Protector's
Speech,' says the Writer of Burton ; it is 4 as dark and pro-
miscuous as before ; ' nobody can know whether he will have
the Kingship or not. Sometimes the 4 Contrariants ' are up
in hope, and sometimes again we,4 — and the bets, if betting
were permitted under Gospel Ordinances, would fluctuate not
a little.
1 canvass, shake out.
8 A Paper of Objections by his Highness ; repeatedly alluded to in the
Journals; * unhappily altogether lost now,' say the Parliamentary History and
the Editor of Burton, — not very unhappily, say my readers and I.
8 He gave them the complete Paper on the morrow (Bztrton, ii. 7).
* Somersy vi. 387-389.
4 See Burton, ii, 7 et seqq.
1657] SPEECH XII 77
Courage, my Lord Protector ! Blake even now, though as
yet you know it not, is giving the Spaniards a terrible scorch-
ing for you, in the Port of Santa Cruz ! — Worth noting : In
those very minutes while the Lord Protector is speaking as
above, there goes on far off, on the Atlantic brine, under
shadow of the Peak of Teneriffe, one of the fieriest actions
ever fought by land or water ; this action of the Sea-king
Blake, at the Port of Santa Cruz. The case was this. Blake
cruising on the coast of Spain, watching as usual for Plate
Fleets, heard for certain that there was a Fleet actually
coming, actually come as far as the Canary Isles, and now
lying in the Bay of Santa Cruz in Teneriffe there. Blake
makes instant sail thither; arrives there still in time this
Monday morning early ; finds the Fleet fast moored in Santa
Cruz Bay ; rich silver-ships, strong war-ships, Sixteen as we
count them ; stronger almost than himself, — and moored here
under defences unassailable apparently by any mortal. Santa
Cruz Bay is shaped as a horse-shoe : at the entrance are
Castles, in the inner circuit are other Castles, Eight of them
in all, bristling with great guns ; war-ships moored at the
entrance, war-frigates moored all round the beach, and men
and gunners at command : one great magazine of sleeping
thunder and destruction : to appearance, if you wish for sure
suicide to run into, this must be it. Blake, taking measure
of the business, runs into it, defying its loud thunder ; much
out-thunders it, — mere whirlwinds of fire and iron hail, the
old Peak never heard the like ; — silences the Castles, sinks
or burns every sail in the Harbour ; annihilates the Spanish
Fleet ; and then, the wind veering round in his favour, sails
out again, leaving Santa Cruz Bay much astonished at him.1
It is the last action of the brave Blake ; who, worn out with
toil and sickness and a cruise of three years, makes homewards
shortly after ; dies within sight of Plymouth.2
On the whole, the Spanish Antichrist finds his Highness
1 Heattfs Chronicle, pp. 720-1.
2 7th August 1657, in his Fifty-ninth year (Biog. Brit, in voce).
78 TART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
a rough enemy. In these same April days, Six-thousand men
are getting mustered here, ' furnished with new red coats1 and
other equipments, to join French Turenne in the Low Coun-
tries, and fight the Spaniard by land too. For our French
Treaty has become a French League Offensive and Defensive,1
to last for one year ; and Reynolds is to be Land-General,
and Montague to help him as Sea-General : of whom by and
by there may be tidings. — But meanwhile this matter of the
Kingship must be settled. All men wish it settled ; and the
present Editor as much as any ! They have to meet tomorrow
again, Tuesday 21st, at three o'clock : they for their uncertain
airy talking, while so much hard fighting and solid work has
to be managed withal.
SPEECH XIII
His Highness this Tuesday, we find, has deserted the ques-
tion of the Kingship ; occupies himself with the other points
of the New Instrument, what he calls the * essentials ' of it ;
leaving that comparatively empty unessential one to hang
undecided, for the present. The Writer of Burton's Diary,
Nathaniel Bacon or another, is much disappointed. The
question of the Kingship not advanced a whit by this long
Discourse, one of the most tedious we have yet listened to
from his Highness. ( Nothing but a dark speech,1 says he,2
4 more promiscuous than before ! ' — A sensible Speech too, in
some respects, Mr. Bacon. His Highness once more eluci-
dates as he best can his past conduct, and the course of
Providence in bringing us all hither to the very respectable
pass we now stand in ; — explains next what are the essential
elements of keeping us safe here, and carrying us farther, as
checking of Public Immorality, attention wiser and wiser to
the Preaching Clergy, and for one indispensable thing, addi-
tional Provision of Cash ; — and terminates by intimating with
soft diffuseness, That when he has heard their answer as to
1 Signed 23d March 1656-7 (Godwin, iv. 540). " Burton^ ii. 7.
i6$f] SPEECH XIII 79
these essential things (not that he makes them " conditions,"
that were terribly ill-judged !), he will then be prepared, in
regard to unessential things, to King's Cloaks, Titles, and such-
like frippery and feathers in the cap, which are not without
use say the Lawyers, but which irritate weak brethren, — to
give such answer as may reasonably be expected from him, as
God may set him free to do. — Let us listen, us and Whitlocke
who also has to report, the best we can.
4 MY LORDS, — I think you may well remember what the
4 issue was of the last Conference I had with you " yesterday,"
4 and what the stick 1 then was. I confess I took liberty " at
4 that time,'1 from the Order of Parliament ; whereby they
* gave me power to speak with you about those things that
* were in the body of that Instrument and Desire which you
* have been pleased to speak with me " upon " ; that I might
4 confer with you about those particulars, and might receive
4 satisfaction from you as to them. Whether there will a
4 good issue be to all these affairs or no, is only in the hands
4 of God. That is a great secret ; — and secrets belong to
4 God. To us belong things revealed; — and such things are
4 the subject-matter of this Instrument of yours : and " the
* course is," so far as they may have relation to me, That you
4 and I shall consider what may be for the public good
4 " therein," that so they may receive such an impression 2 as
* can humanly be given them.
* I would be well understood in that I say, The former
4 Debates and Conferences have been upon the Title ; and
4 that rests as it did. But seeing, as I said before, your Order
* of Commitment, " your Order to Committee," doth as well
4 reach to the particulars contained in the Instrument " gene-
4 rally" as to that of the Title, — I did offer to you that I
4 should desire to speak with you about them also. That so
4 we may come to an understanding one with another, not
4 What the things in their parts are, but What is in the
1 stop. 2 impulse and decision.
80 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
4 whole conduceable to that end we ought all to aim at, — -
' which is a general Settlement upon good foundations.
* Truly, as I have often said to the Parliament itself when
4 they did me the honour to meet me in the Banqueting-
4 House, so I may now say to you who are a Committee, a
4 very considerable representation of the Parliament : I am
4 hugely taken with the word Settlement ; with the thing, and
6 with the notion of it. " And indeed " I think he is not
4 worthy to live in England who is not ! No ; I will do my
4 part, so far as I am able, to expel that man out of the
' Nation who desireth not that in the general we come to a
4 Settlement. Because indeed it is the great misery and
4 unhappiness of a Nation to be without such : it is like a
4 house (and so much worse than a 'house') divided against
4 itself ; it ' cannot stand' without Settlement ! — And therefore
4 I hope, so far, we are all at a good point ; and the spirit of
4 the Nation, I hope, in the generality of it, is so far at a
4 good point : we are all contending for a Settlement. That
4 is sure. But the question is, De modo, and Of those things
4 "and conditions'" that will make it a good Settlement if
4 possible. It 's no fault to aim at perfection in Settlement !
4 And truly I have said, and I say it again : That I think
' this " present proposed Form of Settlement " doth tend to
4 the making of the Nation enjoy the things we have " all
' along " declared for ; and I would come upon that issue
' witii all men, or with any man. The things we have
4 declared for, which have been the ground of our quarrelling
' and fighting all along, — the securing of these is what will
' accomplish the general work. Settlement is the general
6 work. That which will give to the Nation to enjoy their
' civil and religious liberties ; that which will conserve the
* liberties of every man, and not rob any man of what is
' justly his ! I think these two things make up Settlement.
' I am sure they acquit us before God and man ; having
4 endeavoured, as we have done, through some streamings of
4 blood, to attain that end.
1657] SPEECH XIII 81
* I may tell you my " own " experience in this business, and
' offend no good man who loves the Public before what is
4 personal. Truly I shall, a little, shortly recapitulate to you
4 what my observations and endeavours and interest have been
' to this end. And I hope no man that hath been interested
' in transactions all along1 will blame me. And he shall
' have no cause to blame me : because I will take myself into
' the number of the Culpable Persons (if there be any such),
* — though perhaps apt enough, from the self-love I have,
' to be willing to be " reckoned " innocent where I am so !
' And yet as willing withal to take my reproach, if anybody
' will lay it upon me, where I am culpable ! And truly
6 I have, through the Providence of God, endeavoured to dis-
' charge a poor duty ; having had, as I conceive, a clear call
' to the stations I have acted in through all these affairs ; —
' and I believe very many are sufficiently satisfied in that. I
' shall not go about saying anything to clear it to you [M>,
* your Highness ; let it stand on its own feet\ ; — but must
* exercise myself in a little short Chronology. To come to
' that " issue " [Not the * Chronology^ but what the Chronology
6 will help to teach us!] I sav, is really all our business at
4 present ; and the business of this Nation : To come upon
' clear grounds ; To consider the Providence of God, how He
' hath led us hitherunto.
e After it pleased God to put an end to the War of this
c Nation ; a final end ; which was done at Worcester, in the
* determination and decision that was there by the hand of
' God, — for other War, we have had none that deserves the
' name of War, since that time, which is now six years gone
6 September " last " ; — I came up to the Parliament that then
' was. And truly I found the Parliament, as I thought, very
* " well " disposed to put a good issue to all those Transactions
* which had been in the Nation ; and I rejoiced at it. And
' though I had not been well skilled in Parliamentary affairs,
1 Not polite to add, 'as I have been.'
VOL. IV. F
82 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
' having been near ten years in the Field ; yet, in my poor
' measure, my desires did tend to the same issue ; believing
6 verily that all the blood which had been shed, and all the
4 distemper which God had suffered to be among us, which
* in some sense God had raised among us, — " believing, I
' say," that surely Fighting was not the end, but the means,
' which had an end, and was in order to somewhat ! Truly
' the end, then, was, I thought, Settlement ; that is, that
6 men might come to some consistencies. And to that end
6 I did endeavour to add my mite, — which was no more
6 than the interest any one member there might have, —
c after I was returned again to that capacity. And I did,
' — I shall tell you no fable, but things " of " which divers
' persons here can tell whether they be true or no [Threat*
6 ening to blaze up again ?], — I did endeavour it. I would
* make the best interpretation of all that : but yet it is a
' truth, and nothing of a discovery on my part, but a fact
' which everybody knows to be true, That the Parliament,
6 having done these memorable things — [Sentence explodes ;
and even launches off into a panegyric of the Long Parlia-
6 ment, — preparatory to EXECUTION] — They had done things
6 of honour, and things of necessity ; things which, if at this
' day you have any judgment that there lieth a possibility
' upon you to do any good, and to bring this Nation to any
' foot of Settlement, I may say you are all along, in a good
' manner, beholden to that Parliament " for." But yet truly
' as men who contend for the Public Interest are not like to
' have the applause of all men, nor justification from all hands,
6 so it was with them. And truly, when they had made
' preparations which might have led to the issuing in some
' good for the Settlement of these Nations, in point of liberty,
' in point of freedom from tyranny and oppression and from
4 hazard of our religion, — To throw it all away upon men
4 who designed by innovations to introduce Popery, and by
* complying with some notions introduce Arbitrariness upon
'a Civil account — ['Royalist Malignants, in 1647, 1648,
1657] SPEECH XIII 83
and Crypto- Royalists ; with their "notions" that of all things
indispensable, a Stuart King was indispensablest f That
would never have done ! The Long Parliament did need a
Pride^s Purge ; could not ' — But the Sentence here, in its
6 hasty impatience, as is usual, bursts] — Why, they had more
4 enemies than friends, " that Long Parliament had " ; they
4 had so all along ! And this made them careful [7n 1648,
trying to bargain with Charles, they were 'jull of care ' ,• and
even afterwards they could not decide all at once on grant-
ing a new Free Parliament and General Election; no!~\,
6 — upon principles of Nature, which do sometimes suggest
4 the best. And upon the most undeniable grounds, they
* did think that it was not fit for them presently to go
6 and throw themselves, and all this Cause, into hands that
4 perhaps had no heart nor principle " in common " with them
4 to accomplish the end they had aimed at. [In short, tJiey,
very properly, decided on sitting still for a while.]
6 1 grant, perhaps through infirmity they did desire to have
1 continued themselves ; to have perpetuated themselves upon
6 that Act.1 An Act which was justly enough obtained, and
4 necessarily enough obtained, when they did get it from the
4 King. But though, truly, it was good in the first obtaining
6 of it ; yet it was, by most men who had ventured their lives
4 in this Cause, judged not fit to be perpetuated, but rather a
4 thing that was to have an end when it had finished its course !
4 Which was certainly the true way of doing, — in subserviency
4 to the bringing-in of what might be a good and honest
4 Settlement to the Nation. — I must say to you that I found
* them very willing to perpetuate themselves ! And truly this
4 is not a thing of reflection upon all, for perhaps some were
4 not so ; — I can say it of some. The sober men whom I had
6 converse with, were not for continuing ; but the major part,
4 I think, did overrule in-that they would have continued.
1 Act, loth May 1641, That we are not to be dissolved without our own con-
sent. Necessary in all ways ; the City would not lend money otherwise, — not
even money could be had otherwise (antea, vol. i. p. 119).
84 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
4 This is true that I say to you : I was entreated to comply
4 with the plan, and advised to it ; and it was to have been
* accomplished by this medium, " They were " to have sent
4 into the country to have got their number reinforced, and
6 the Parliament filled up by new elections. And it had this
6 excuse, That it would not be against the liberty of the
4 People, nor against a succession of men coming into rule and
4 government ; because as men died out of the House, so they
* should be supplied again. [Like Sir John Cockle's silk hose ;
which always^ after infinite darnings, could remain the same
hose, though not a thread of the original silk was now left in
them : a perennial pair of stockings. Such was the plan of
6 the Rump.] And this was the best answer they could give
6 to all objections, " this," * That the proper way to govern is
4 to have successive men in such great bodies as Parliaments ;
4 to have men learning to know how to obey as well as how
4 to govern.' * And truly the expedient they then offered was
4 what I tell you.
4 The truth of it is, this did not satisfy a company of poor
* men [Certain insignificant individuals, — mentioned elsewhere
6 by the same name!], who thought they had ventured their
* lives, and had some interest to inquire after these things !
4 And the rather, because really they had been invited out,
6 " first of all, into this War,1' upon principles of honesty,
4 conscience and religion ; 4 for Spiritual Liberties ' ; as many
4 as would come. " Yes " ; when the Cause was a little
4 doubtful, there had issued forth a Declaration " of that
4 purport," which was very inviting ; and men did come in
* " and enlist " upon that invitation ; — and did thereby think
* themselves not to be mercenary men, but men who had wives
4 and children in the Nation, and 44 who " therefore might a
4 little look after satisfaction in what would be the Issue of
4 the Business ! [They told us always, We were Soldiers, sworn
1 The 'Rota Club1 (see Wood, iv. 1119, 1120, § Harrington) had not started
in 1653 ; but this doctrine, it would seem, was already afloat ; — not much patro-
nised by his Highness at any time.
1657] SPEECH XIII 85
as our first duty to obey ; but we answered (and it was intrinsi-
cally a fact), We were the most peculiar Soldiers that had
ever handled steel in England ; whereby our first, and also
our second and third, duties had become modified a good deal /]
6 And when this thing was thus pressed, and perhaps over-
' pressed " by us," That a period might be put, and some
' ascertainment made, and a time fixed, — why then truly the
6 extreme ran another way. " Parliament would not go at
4 all, that had been the one extreme ; Parliament shall go
6 straightway, that was now the other." This is very true
' that I tell you ; although it shame me. " Extremes give
' rise to their opposite extremes ; and are honourable to
4 nobody ! " I do not say it shames all that were of the
' House, for I know all were not of that mind ; but truly
' when this was urged, they on their side did fall into another
4 extreme. And what was that ? Why, truly, then it was :
6 Seeing this Parliament could not be perpetual, yet a Parlia-
' ment might always be sitting. And to that end there was
' a Bill framed, That Parliaments might always be sitting ;
' that as soon as one Parliament went out of place, another
' might leap in.1 When we saw this, truly we thought it did
' but make a change in pretence ; and did not remedy the
' thing ! — However, it was pursued with such heat " in the
' House," I dare say there was more progress in it in a month
4 than had ever been with the like business in four ; " so eager
' were they " to hasten it to an issue, to get such a Parlia-
< ment brought in : — to bring the state of the Nation into
' this, A continual sitting of Parliament.
1 This arrangement, of a Parliament constantly sitting, his Highness and the com-
pany of poor men did by no means consider a good ' Issue of the Business.' It
leads almost infallibly to 'arbitrariness,' argues his Highness (Speech in., vol.
iii. p. 136), leads to etc. etc. — in fact, as in these days of ours is everywhere
becoming too apparent, leads to ' Nothing,' to Self-cancelment (like that of the
Kilkenny Cats) and peaceable Zero. Which in very few epochs of the world's
history is the desirable thing ! His Highness's logic-arguments, here and in his
other Speech, are none of the best ; but instincts and inarticulate insights much
deeper than logic taught him well that ' a Parliament always sitting ' was not the
Balm of Gilead we had all been fighting for.
86 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
* We did think, who were plain men, and I do think it
' still, That that had been, according to the old foolish pro-
6 verb, * out of the frying-pan into the fire ' ! For, looking
' at the Government you would then have had, it was " still "
' a * Commonwealth's ' Government. [Not entirely the Ideal
6 of a Government, your Highness thinks ?] Why, we should
6 have had fine work then ! We should have had a Council
' of State, and a Parliament of Four-hundred men, executing
6 arbitrary government [As the Long" Parliament did] without
6 intermission, except some change of a part of them ; one
k Parliament stepping into the seat of another, just left warm
' for them ; the same day that the one left, the other was to
' leap in ! — Truly I did think, and I do think, however much
' some are enamoured with that kind of Government — [Style
' getting hasty, hot ; the Sentence breaks] Why it was no
' more but this, That Committees of Parliament should take
« " all " upon them, and be instead of the Courts at West-
' minster ! Perhaps some will think there had been no hurt
' in that arbitrariness of Committees ? Where a man can
4 neither come to prove nor to defend, — nor to know his
4 judges ; because there are one set of men who judge him
c today, and another set of men tomorrow ! Thus was to
* have been the Law of England ; and thus was to have been
' the way of judging this Nation. And truly I thought that
* it was an ill way of 'judging.' For I may say to you, with
* truth in regard to that, After it pleased God, your poor
' Army, those poor contemptible men, came up hither, — it did
4 prove so. An outcry here in this place, " then an outcry
' there in that," to get some cause determined and judged.
[The way of Parliaments, your Highness, with their caballings
and committeeings, and futile jargonings and Babel out-
6 babbled!] And Committees erected to fetch men from the
* extremest parts of the Nation to London, to attend Com-
4 mittees " set " to determine all things. And without any
* manner of satisfaction. Whether a man travel with never
< such right or never such wrong, he must come, — and he
1657] SPEECH XIII 87
4 must go back again, as wise as he came. This truly was
4 the case [Fancy an old Ironside who had stood Dunbar and
Worcester, and Marston and Naseby, dancing attendance
' here /], and our condition. And truly I must needs say,
* Take all that was in the practices there — [Better not, your
4 Highness /], — I am sorry to tell the story of it ! — Though
4 there was indeed some necessity for such a thing. A neces-
4 sity for some Committees to look to Indemnity, " and such-
* like " ; but no necessity for Committees instead of Courts of
4 Justice ! However, so it was ; and this was the case of the
4 People of England at that time ; the Parliament assuming
4 to itself the authority of the Three Estates that were before.
4 It had so assumed that authority : and if any man had
4 come and said, 4 What rules do you judge by ? ' — ' Why, we
4 have none ! We are supreme, " we,'1 in Legislature and in
4 Judicature ! ' —
' Such was the state of the case. And I thought, and we
4 thought, and I think so still, That this was a pitiful remedy,
4 "this that they proposed." [This of a Perpetual Parliament,
NEW- DARNED, like Sir John's Perpetual Pair of Stockings : — a
bad article in itself, whether new or new-darned, if you make it
4 the exclusive one /] And it will always be so when and whenso-
4 ever a Perpetual Legislative is exercised ; where the Legisla-
4 tive and Executive Powers are always the same. — Truly I
4 think the Legislature might almost as well be in the Four
4 Courts of Westminster Hall ! If they could make Laws and
4 Judges too, you would have excellent Laws ; and the Lawyers
4 would be able to give excellent counsel ! And so it was
4 then. This was our condition, without scruple or doubt ;
4 and I shall say no more to it. But the offer was made by
4 us with a true and honest spirit ; the desire, the entreaty
< that we might have a Settlement. And there is our 4 Settle-
' ment ' ; that is what they propose for a Settlement ! —
4 It was desired then, it was offered and desired, that the
4 Parliament would be pleased, either of their own body or of
* any else, to choose a certain number of men [TJie Puritan
88 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
4 Notables ; ah yes /] to settle the Nation : 4 This,1 said we,
4 ' is unsettlenient, this is confusion ! ' For, give me leave, if
4 any body now have the face to say,- — and I would die upon
« this — [Sentence catching fire] — if any man in England have
6 the impudence [Ah /] or face to say, That the reluctance of
4 the Parliament to dissolve themselves was their fear of hasty
4 throwing of the Liberties of the People of God, and of the
4 Nation, into the hands of a bare Representative of the
4 People, — which was then the business we opposed : if any
' man have the face to say this now, who did then judge it,
4 " that last measure of theirs," and I will say more, ought
* then to have judged it, to be a confounding of the whole
4 Cause we have fought for, — which it was, — I would look
4 upon that man's face ! I would be glad to see such a
4 man ! * I do not say there is any such here : but if any
4 such should come to me, see if I would not look upon him,
4 and tell him he is an hypocrite ! I dare say it, and I dare
4 die for it, " he is an hypocrite " ; — knowing the spirit that
4 hath been in some men to me. They come and tell me,
4 They do not like my being Protector. Why do you not ? —
4 < Why, because you will exercise arbitrary government.'—
4 Why, what is it you want me to do ? — 4 Pray, turn those
4 Gentlemen " of the Long Parliament " all in again ; then
4 we will like you exceedingly well!'1 — [Inarticulate interjection;
< snort or ' Humph !^] — I was a child in swaddling clouts !2 I
4 cannot go beyond the Instrument of Government. I cannot
1 A dangerous spectator, your Highness, with that thundery countenance of
yours ! — His Highness's anger is exceedingly clear ; but the cause of it, in this
intricate sentence, much more in the distracted coagulum of jargon which the
original here offers, is by no means so clear. On intense inspection, he discovers
himself to be (as above) reproaching certain parties who now affect to regret the
Long Parliament, which while it existed they had been sufficiently loud in con-
demning. You say : ' They were afraid to fling the whole Cause into the lottery
of a general Parliament : ' ' — They ? while -we opposed that ; and while that was
the very thing they at last were recklessly doing ! I should like to see the face of
a man brazen enough for a story like this !
8 So tied-up with restrictions in that firat Instrument ; had not the smallest
power to do 'arbitrary government.'
1657] SPEECH XIII 89
* do anything but in coordination with the Council. They
' fear, " these objectors," 'arbitrary government' by me in that
' way ; but if arbitrary government were restored to be general
' " by reinstatement of the Long Parliament," then they are
< not afraid of it ! Such things as these are, such hypocrisies
' as these are, should they enter into the heart of any man
6 that hath truth or honesty in him ?
' Truly that was our case : — and finding our case to be
' thus, we did press the Parliament, as I told you, That they
' would be pleased to select some Worthy Persons who had
6 loved this Cause, and the liberties of England, and the
' interest of England : and we told them we would acquiesce,
< and lie at their " the Worthy Persons' " feet ; but that to
6 be thrown into Parliaments which should sit perpetually,
' though but for three years " each," we had experience of
' that ! An experience which may remain to this day, to give
' satisfaction to honest and sober men ! — Why, truly this
' might have satisfied, this proposal of ours ; but it did not.
' And therefore we did think that it was the greatest of
' dangers, " thus " to be overwhelmed, and brought under a
4 slavery by our own consent, and ' Iniquity to become a Law.' 1
4 And there was our ground we acted upon at that time.
* And truly they had perfected their Bill for perpetuating of
' Parliaments to the last Clause [Hear /] ; and were resolved
6 to pass it as a Bill in Paper, "not even engrossed on
4 Parchment as the wont was," rather than comply with any
' expedient. [We then entered upon them; bade them with
1 ' The Throne of Iniquity, which frameth mischief by a Law ' (Psalm xciv. 20).
A fearful state of matters ; shadowed forth by old Prophets as the fearfulest of
all ; but entirely got rid of in these modern days,— if Dryasdust and the general
course of new Prophecy may be credited, to whom Law is Equity, and the mere
want of ' Law,' with its three readings, and tanned pieces of sheepskin written-
over in bad English, is Iniquity. — O Dryasdust, thy works in this world are
wonderful. Thy notions of this world, thy ideas, what thou namest ideas,
perhaps defy all ages, even ages when Witchcraft was believed in, — or when
human creatures worshipped Leeks, and considered that the Founder of this
Universe was one Apis, a sacred Prize-Ox ! I begin to be weary of the&
90 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
* emphasis, Go about their business ! TJiat '$ no lie !] — If your
4 own experience add anything to you in this, " if you ever
6 individually had to do with a Long-Parliament Committee,
4 and know its ways,*" — in this point, * Whether or no, in
c cases civil and criminal, if a Parliament assume an absolute
4 power, without any control, to determine the interests of
* men in property and liberty ; whether or no this be desirable
4 in a Nation ? ' — If you have any sense [' General openness
of perception ' ; not exactly our modern word ; but a question-
able expression, as his Highness immediately sees: 4 any
4 sense ^ — as I believe you have, — you have more than
6 I, " then " I think you will take it for a mercy that
4 that did not befall England at that time ! And that is all
4 I will say of it.
* Truly I will now come and tell you a story of my own
4 weakness and folly. [The Little Parliament.] And yet it
4 was done in my simplicity, I dare avow it was : and though
4 some of my companions — [4 May dislike my mentioning the
4 story f — The Sentence, in its haste, has no time to END.] — And
* truly this is a story that should not be recorded, that should
4 not be told, except when good use may be made of it. I
4 say, it was thought then that men of our own judgment,
4 who had fought in the Wars, and were all of a piece upon
4 that account ; — " it was thought,"" 4 Why surely these men
4 will hit it, and these men will do it to the purpose, whatever
4 can be desired ! ' And truly we did think, and I did think so,
4 — the more blame to me. And such a Company of Men were
* chosen [The Little Parliament; — Convention of the Puritan
6 Notables] ; and did proceed to action. And truly this was the
4 naked truth, That the issue was not answerable to the sim-
* plicity and honesty of the design. [Poor Puritan Notables!]
4 What the issue of that Meeting would have been " seemed
4 questionable,"" and was feared : upon which the sober men of
4 that Meeting did withdraw ; and came and returned my
£ power as far as they could, — they did actually the greater
c part of them, — into my hands ; professing and believing
i657] SPEECH XIII 91
' that the issue of that Meeting would have been The subver-
* sion of your Laws and of all the Liberties of this Nation, the
4 destruction of the Ministers of this Nation ; in a word, the
4 confusion of all things. " Confusion of all things ! " To set
4 up, instead of Order, the Judicial Law of Moses, in abroga-
4 tion of all our administrations ; to have had administered
4 the Judicial Law of Moses pro hie et nunc, according to the
4 wisdom of any man that would have interpreted the Text
4 this way or that — ! — And if you do not believe that these
4 Persons, " thereupon sent home,'1 were sent home by the
4 major part '4 of themselves,1' who were judicious and sober
4 and learned (the minority being the worser part upon this
4 account), and with my consent a parte post, — you will believe
4 nothing ! [Somewhat tart.] For the persons that led in
4 that Meeting were Mr. Peak and his Assemblage in Black-
4 friars. [ We know 4 Fecik? and other foul chimneys on Jire,
from of old ! — As for 4 Mr. Squib? he sits now with Venner
4 and the Fifth-Monarchy ', safe locked in the Tower.] 4 Mr.
4 Peak,1 Major-General Harrison, and the rest that associated
4 with him at one Mr. Squib's house. There were all the
4 resolutions taken that were acted in that House " of Parlia-
4 ment" day by day. And this was so de facto; I know it to
4 be true. And that such must naturally be the product of
4 it, I do but appeal to that Book I told you of the other
4 day [4 Standard set up '], That all Magistracy and Ministry
4 is Antichristian, wherefore all these things ought to be
' abolished. Which we are certain must have been the issue
4 of that Meeting. [A failure, that poor Convention of the
Puritan Notables!]
4 So that you have been delivered, if I think aright, from
4 two evils. The one, a secular evil, which would have swal-
4 lowed up all religious and civil interest, and brought us
4 under the horridest arbitrariness that ever was exercised in
4 the world : To have had Five or Six hundred 4 Friends,' J with
1 The name of Quakers already budding in 1653,— now, in 1657, budded and
blown.
92 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
' their friends, " the Feaks etc./1 intrusted with the judgment
1 of all causes, and to judge of them without rule ; thinking
4 that ' the Power which swallowed up all other Lawful Powers
6 in the Nation' hath all the power they ever had, both
4 Legislative and Judiciary ! In short, a thing which would
' have swallowed both the Civil and Religious Interest. And
' the other evil — [His Highness has already inextricably caudled
the two together, and here merely gives them another stir] —
' merely under a Spiritual Interest, would have swallowed up
' all again in another extreme, — "no stated Ministry being
4 allowed.1" All our Civil and Religious Interest ; and had
* made our Ministry, and all the things we were beholding to
' God for, " of no account " ! Truly we think we ought to
' value this Interest above all the interests in the world • but
* if this latter had not as surely been destroyed as the former,
' I understand nothing. —
' And having told you these two things, " two Failures in
* getting Settlement11 — truly it makes me in love with this
' Paper ; and with all the things in it ; and with the additions
' I have now to tender you thereto; and with Settlement above
' all things in the world ! — Except " only " that, where I left
' you last time [' The Kingship f ' Committee of Ninety-nine
4 look alert] ; — for that, I think, we have debated. [Look
' dumpish again.] I have heard your mind, and you have
6 heard mine " as to that " ; I have told you my heart and
6 judgment ; and the Lord bring forth His own issue. [His
6 Highness produces the Engrossed Vellum.]
6 I think we are now to consider, not what we are in regard
' to our Footing and that of the Government which called
' this Parliament. [No : our First foolish Parliament spent all
6 their time on that ,• not you, my wiser Friends.] Our Footing
4 and Government is, till there be an end put to it, — that
' that hath existence ! [ What other definition of it can be
' given, or need ?] And so I shall say nothing to it. If it
* accomplisheth the end of our Fighting, and all those blessed
1657] SPEECH XIII 95
* ends and aims that we should aim at ; if it do, — I would
' we might keep it, and remain where we are. If it do not,
4 I would we might have a better ! — Which l truly I do come
' out of myself to tell you, That as to the substance and body
4 of your Instrument, I do look upon it as having things in it,
4 — if I may speak freely and plainly; I may, and we all may!
< — I say, the things that are provided for in this "Act of
4 Government [Handling the Vellum] do secure the Liberties of
6 the People of God so as they never before had them ! And
4 he must be a pitiful man who thinks the People of God ever
6 had the like Liberty either de facto or de jure ; — de jure
6 from God, I think they have had it from the beginning of
4 the world to this day, and have it still, — but asserted by a
6 jus humanum I say, they never had it so as they have it now.
4 I think you have provided for the Liberty of the People of
4 God, and " for the Liberty " of the Nation. And I say
4 he sings sweetly that sings a song of reconciliation betwixt
4 those two Interests ! And it is a pitiful fancy, like wisdom
4 and ignorance, to think they are inconsistent. Certainly
4 they may consist ! And, I speak my conscience of this "Act
' of Government, I think you have made them to consist.
' And therefore, I must say, in that, and in other things,
* you have provided well, — that you have. And because I
4 see the Rule of the Parliament, "your written Order here,"
4 gives you leave to speak with me about the particulars (I
4 judge the Parliament doth think that any Member it has is
c not to be neglected in offering of anything that may be of
4 additional good), — therefore, I having a little surveyed the
4 Instrument, I have a Paper here to offer you upon that
* account. [Handles a Paper of his own.] And truly I must
4 needs say and think that, in such a case as this, where so
' new a work and so strange a work as this is before you, it
' will not be thought ill [Not at all, your Highness, — only get
( on !] if I do with a little earnestness press you for some ex-
* planations in some things. " A few explanations " that may
1 Ungrammatical, but unalterable. Means ' On which hint.'
94 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
; help to complete the business, and leave me — (for it is only
4 handled with me " and for my behoof " at this time, not with
' you and the Parliament whom you represent) : — I say, I
6 would be glad that you might leave me, and all opposers,
' without excuse ; as well as glad that you should settle this
6 Nation to the uttermost advantage for it ; — in all the things
' I have to offer you. They are not very weighty ; they may
' tend to the completion of the business; and therefore I shall
4 take the freedom to read them to you.'
[First, however, this Editor, with your Highnesses leave,
will read to the Moderns a certain excerpt or abstract from
the Engrossed Vellum itself, which he has obtained sight of,1
that they may understand what your Highness will animadvert
upon. Let the Moderns pay what attention they can.
* Article Fourth of the Petition and Advice is taken up with
describing who are to be Electors to Parliament, and Eligibles,
— or rather who not ; for it is understood that, except the
classes of persons here specified, all who had such a privilege
by the old Laws are still entitled to vote and to be
voted for.
6 The Classes excluded from electing or being elected are
the following :
4 1. All who have been concerned in the rebellion of
Ireland ; or who, with or without concern in said Rebellion,
are or shall become Papists. — All who have advised, abetted
or assisted in any War against the Parliament since the First
of January 1641-2, — unless they have since given signal proofs
of repentance, by bearing arms for the Parliament, — or in
some other " signal " manner, difficult to define. The defining
of which has occasioned great debates in Parliament.2 This
excludes all the English and other Malignants. — All who
have ever been engaged in any Plot against the Person of his
Highness ; or, apart from that, have been engaged in any
1 Whitlocke, p. 648, et seqq. ; Parliamentary History , xxi. I29,et seqq.
* Burton's Diary.
i6$7] SPEECH XIII 95
Insurrection in England or Wales " since 1 6th December
165 3," beginning of the Protectorate.
4 2. In Scotland all who have been in arms against the
Parliament of England or the Parliament of Scotland before
the First of April 1648. This excludes the Montrose Party
and Royalists Proper of Scotland, — except such as have given
" signal " etc. But then follows this clause in favour of the
Hamilton Engagers, and the Dunbar and Worcester people,
which attracts his Highnesses animadversion in the present
Discourse : " Nor any " (shall elect or be elected " who since
the First of April 1648 have been in arms, or otherwise
aided, abetted " etc. (which excludes all the Preston and all the
Dunbar and Worcester people ; with, however, a most impor-
tant exception) — " except such as since the First day of March
1651-2 have lived peaceably" — as they might all very well
do, having been all smashed to powder six months before,
at Worcester Fight, and their " Chief Malignant,'1 whom
they had set up as King, being now sent on his travels,
somewhat in the style of a King of the Gipsies ! ' His
Highness cannot but animadvert on this with some tartness.
With these exceptions, and one ' proviso for Ireland ' to be
speedily noticed, all Freeholders of Counties, according to the
old definition, shall vote ; and all Burgesses and Citizens of
Towns, — nay, I think, there is in this latter department a
tendency towards the Potwalloper System ; but modified of
course by the established custom of each several locality in
that respect.
And now let us hear his Highness in regard to Paragraph
Second of Article Fourth :]
' In the Fourth Article and Second Paragraph, you have
c something that respects the calling of Members to Parlia-
' ment " for Scotland.1' You would not have those excluded
' that were under Duke Hamilton, and made that Invasion.1
4 Because it hath been said to you, perhaps, that if you should
1 Which met its due at Preston.
96 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
6 exclude all " such," you would have no Members from that
6 Nation ? I hope there be persons of that Nation who will
' be ready to give a better testimony of their country than
' admit that argument ! And I hope it is no argument : but
* if it be one, then truly, to meet with the least certainty as to
6 qualifications, you should indeed exclude men of your own
' country upon better "defined" crimes; you should hold them
' off upon stricter characters "than those given"! It is thought,
4 the qualification there which saith, of their 'good testi-
' mony,1 That they are to be men who have given good
* testimony by their quiet living — Why, truly, for divers years,
} they have not been willing to do other ; they have not had
* an easy possibility to do otherwise, than to live quietly !
[Not since the taming they got at Worcester, your Highness /]
' Though perhaps " at bottom " many of them have been the
' same men : — and yet " certainly too " I know many of them
4 are good men, worthy men. — And therefore whether it be
4 not fit, in that place, to explain somewhat farther, and put
* some other character * upon what may really be regarded as
4 * a good testimony ** of their being otherwise minded, of their
( being now of another judgment? I confess I have not any-
( thing here to supply this defect with . but certainly if the
' description so stand as it now is in your Article, — those
' men, though they be never so indisposed, enemies and remain
' so, yet if they have ' lived peaceably,1 where they could
' neither will nor choose " to live otherwise," they are to be
6 admitted. I only tell you so, being without any amend-
* ment for it ; and when done, I shall leave it all with your-
' selves. This is for the Second Paragraph.1
[For the Second Paragraph his Highness is * without any
amendment ' of his own ; offers us nothing to ' supply the
defect1; indeed it is difficult to supply well, as that Nation
stands and has stood. Besides, they send but Fifty Members
in all, poor creatures ; it is no such vital matter ! Paragraph
1 description.
1657] SPEECH XIII 97
Second remains wwaltered. — And now let the Moderns attend
for an instant to Paragraph Third :
'Article Fourth, Paragraph Third: A proviso as to Ireland,
u that no English or Scotch Protestant in Ireland who before
the First of March 1649-50" (just about the time his now
Highness, then Lord General, was quitting Ireland, having
entirely demolished all chance of opposition there) " have
borne arms for the Parliament or your Highness, or otherwise
given signal testimony " etc. " shall be excluded." ' This also
to his Highness seems worthy of animadversion.]
* In the Third Paragraph of the same Article, whereas it
' is said, " That all persons in Ireland be made capable to
' elect or to be elected who, before the First of March 1649,
4 have borne arms for the Parliament, or otherwise given
4 testimony of their good affections to the Parliament and
c continued faithful to the Parliament : " and yet perhaps
' many of them are since revolted " against us " ! — Whether
4 it be not necessary that this be more clearly expressed ? For
4 it seems to capacitate all those who revolted from the Par-
* liament ; * if they have borne arms for the State before the
* First of March 1649, it seems to restore them. But if since
6 then they have revolted, as I doubt many of our English-
' Irish have done, why then the question is, Whether those
' men who lately 2 have been angry and have flown to arms ;
4 Whether you will think their having borne arms formerly on
4 the Parliament's side shall be an exemption to them ? This
1 is but tendered to you, for some worthy person here to give
' an answer unto ? '
[Very rational and irrefragable. It is accordingly altered :
4 Signal testimony of their good affection to the Commonwealth
or your Highness, and continued ' etc. — And now let us look
at Paragraph Fifth ; concerning the last item of which his
Highness has a word to say :
1 The Ormond Royalists almost all ; — Malignant enough many of them.
8 in late years.
VOL. iv. G
98 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
* Article Fourth, Paragraph Fifth. All who are atheistical,
blasphemous, " married to Popish wives," who train or shall
train any child to be Popish, or consent that a son or
daughter of theirs shall marry a Papist ; — who are scoffers of
religion, or can be proved to have scoffed any one for being
religious ; who deny the Scriptures to be God's Word ; who
deny Sacraments, Ministry or Magistracy to be ordinances of
God (Harrison's set) ; who are Sabbath-breakers, swearers,
haunters of taverns or alehouses ; — in short, demonstrably
unchristian men. All who are Public Preachers too.' Con-
cerning this latter clause his Highness has a remark to make.
'Following in the rear of which, in the same Fifth Para-
graph, is a new Item which still more deserves consideration.
For securing the " Freedom of Parliament " as well as its
Purity, there are to be Forty-one Commissioners appointed
" by Act of Parliament with your Highnesses consent,*" who
are to examine and certify whether the Persons returned by
these rules are, after all, qualified to sit.1 — So that it is not to
be by the Council of State henceforth, and by 'Nathaniel
Tayler, Clerk of the Commonwealth in Chancery,' with his
Certificate in the Lobby, that Honourable Gentlemen are to be
turned back at the door of the House, and sent to redact
Protests, as in the case of this present Parliament ! Forty- one
Commissioners are now to do it. His Highness on this also
will have a word to say.]
' In the Fifth Paragraph of the same Article, you have
c incapacitated Public Preachers from sitting in Parliament.
' And truly I think your intention is " of *" such " only " as
* have Pastoral Function ; such as are actually real Ministers.
4 For I must say to yeu, in behalf of our Army, — in the next
' place to their fighting, they have been very good 'Preachers':
' and I should be sorry they should be excluded from serving
* the Commonwealth because they have been accustomed to
' ' preach ' to their troops, companies and regiments : — which
c I think has been one of the blessings upon them to the
i657] SPEECH XIII 99
4 carrying-on of the great Work. I think you do not mean
' so " that they should be excluded " : but I tender it to you
' that, if you think fit, there may be a consideration had of it.
4 There may be some of us, it may be, who have been a little
' guilty of that, who would be loath to be excluded from
4 sitting in Parliament " on account of it " ! [4 / myself have
been known, on occasion, to exhort my troops with Bible texts
and considerations ; to "preach" if you like to call it so!
What has my whole Life been but a " Sermon " of some
emphasis; preached with tongue and sword, with head and
heart and right hand, and soul and body and breeches-pocket, —
not without results, one would venture to hope /' — This Clause,
the Committee, expressly or tacitly, will modify as desired.]
4 In the same Paragraph, there is care taken for the nomi-
1 nating of Commissioners to try the Members who are chosen
' to sit in Parliament. And truly those Commissioners are
6 uncertain Persons ; and it is hard to say what may happen.
4 I hope they will be always good men ; — but if they should
4 be bad, then perhaps they will keep out good men ! Besides
* we think, — truly, if you will give us leave to help as to the
' 4 freedom of Parliament,1 this " of the Commissioners " will
4 be something that may go rather harshly down than other-
4 wise ! Very many reasons might be given ; but I do only
4 tender it to you. I think, if there were no Commissioners,
* it might be never a whit the worse : — if you make qualifica-
' tions " for Membership,1" and any man presume to sit without
* those qualifications, you may deal with him. A man without
* qualifications, sitting there, is as if he were not chosen ;
* and if he sit without being chosen, without having qualifica-
4 tion, — I am sure the old custom was to send him to the
4 Tower [That will settle him!], to imprison such a one ! If
4 any sit there that have not right to sit, — if any stranger
4 come in upon a pretended title of election, perhaps it is a
4 different case, — but if any sit there upon a pretence of
* qualification in him, you may send him to prison without
* more ado. Whether you think fit to do so or no, is parlia-
100 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
' mentary business : — I do but hint it to you. I believe,
' If any man had sat in former Parliaments without, " for
' instance,11 taking the oaths etc., that were prescribed, it would
' have been fault enough in him. I believe something of that
* kind, " instead of your Forty-one Commissioners," might be
' equivalent to any other way, if not better.'
[The Honourable House does not want any more concern
with Nathaniel Tayler and his Certificates. This Paragraph
remains unaltered. Forty-one Commissioners, Fifteen a
quorum ; future Parliaments to name a future set when they
like : the Examinations as to Members are to be by oath of
informer in writing, with copies left etc., and rigorous enough
formalities. — Let us now glance at Article Fifth :
6 Article Fifth relates to the " Other House "; a new House
of Lords we are getting up. Not more than Seventy of them,
not fewer than Forty : they are to be nominated by your
Highness and approved by this House : all classes excluded
by the preceding Article from our body are of course ex-
cluded from theirs.' His Highness has a remark to make
on this also.]
< In that Article, which I think is the Fifth Article [Yes],
6 which concerns the Nomination of the Other House, — in
4 the beginning of that Article it stands, That the House is to
4 be nominated as you there design it,1 and the approbation
{ is to be from This House, — I would say, from the Parlia-
6 ment. It stands so. But then now, if any shall be sub-
* sequently named, after the Other House is sat, upon any
' accidental removal or death, — you do not say " How."
' Though it seems to refer to the same " rule " as the first
fc "original" selection doth ; yet it doth not so clearly intimate
' this, That the nomination shall be, where it was, with the
* Chief Officer,2 and the approbation of the ' Other House.'
( If I do express clearly what you — Pardon me : but I think
1 * as you there design it ' ; polite for ' by me/ a Cannot say ' me.'
i657j SPEECH XIII 101
6 that is the aim of it ; and it is not clearly expressed there ;
< — as I think you will be able to judge whether it be
4 or no.'
[Article Fifth ruled as his Highness wishes. And now take
Article Seventh :
6 Article Seventh promises, but does not say how, that there
shall be a yearly Revenue of 1,300,OOOZ. ; one million for
Navy and Army, 300,0007. for the support of the Govern-
ment. No part of it by a Land-tax. Other temporary
supplies to be granted by the Commons in Parliament, —
and neither this Revenue nor any other charge whatever to
be laid upon the subject except according to the Parliament's
direction and sanction.' Such yearly Revenue the Parliament
promises in this Petition and Advice, but does not specify
in what way it shall be raised : which omission also his
Highness fails not to comment on.]
4 In the Seventh Article, which concerns the Revenue,
* that is, the Revenue which you have appointed for the
4 Government ; wherein you have distributed Three-hundred-
6 thousand pounds of it to the Maintenance of the Civil
4 Authority, and One-million to the maintenance of your
6 Forces by Sea and Land : — you have indeed in your Instru-
4 ment said so, " that there shall be such a Revenue," and
4 we cannot doubt of it : but yet you have not made it
4 certain ; nor yet those ' temporary supplies ' which are in-
4 tended for the peace and safety of the Nations. It is
4 desired, That you will take this into your thoughts, and
4 make the general and temporary allowances of Revenue
4 certain both as to the sum and to the times those 4sup-
4 plies' are to be continued. [Let us know what ground
4 we stand onj\ And truly I hope I do not curry favour
4 with you : but another thing is desired, and I may very
4 reasonably desire it, That these moneys, whatever they are ;
4 — that they may not, if God shall bring me to any interest
102 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
' in this business,1 as lieth at His disposal ; — that these
4 moneys, " I say," may not be issued out by the authority
' of the Chief Magistrate, but by the advice of his Council.
4 You have made in your Instrument a coordination " of
4 Council and Chief Magistrate " in general terms : " but I
4 could wish " that this might be a specified thing, That
4 the moneys were not to be distributed " except by authority
4 of both." It will be a safety to whosoever is your Supreme
4 Magistrate, as well as a security to the Public, That the
4 moneys be issued out by advice of the Council, and that
4 the Treasurers who receive these moneys be accountable
4 every Parliament, within a certain time limited by yourselves ;
' — " that " every new Parliament, the Treasurer be account-
4 able to the Parliament for the disposing of the Treasury.'
[' Article Ninth : Judges, Principal Officers of State, Com-
manders-in-chief by Sea or Land, all chief Officers civil and
military, " are to be approved-of by both Houses of Parlia-
ment."']
4 There is mention made of the Judges in your Ninth
* Article. It is mentioned that the Officers of State and the
6 Judges are to be chosen with the approbation of Parliament.
4 But now if there be no Parliament sitting, should there be
4 never so great a loss of Judges, it cannot be supplied. And
' whether you do not intend that, in the intervals of Parlia-
< ment, it should be by the choice — [Omit ' of the Chief
6 Magistrate? or politely mumble it into indistinctness], — with
< the consent of the Council ; to be afterwards approved
' by Parliament ? '
[Certainly, your Highness ; reason so requires it. Be it
tacitly so ruled. — And now for Article Twelfth :
< Article Twelfth (Let us still call it Article Twelfth,
though in the ultimate Redaction it has come to be marked
1 If I live, and continue to govern.
1657] SPEECH XIII 10S
Thirteenth) : — Classes of persons incapable of holding any
office. Same, I think, as those excluded from elections, —
only there is no penalty annexed. His Highness makes some
remarks upon this, under the Title of « Article Twelfth " ; —
a new article introduced for securing Purchasers of Church
Lands, which is now Article Twelfth,1 has probably pushed
this into the Thirteenth place.']
4 The Twelfth Article relates to several qualifications that
4 persons must be qualified with, who are put into places of
' Public Office and Trust. [Treats all of Disqualifications,
your Highness ; which, however, comes to the same thing.]
4 Now if men shall step into Public Places and Trust who are
* not so qualified, " I do not see but hereby still " they may
4 execute them. ' Office of Trust ' is a very large word ; it
4 goeth almost to a Constable, if not altogether ; — it goeth
6 far. Now if any shall come-in who are not so qualified, they
4 certainly do commit a breach upon your rule : — and whether
6 you will not think in this case that if any shall take upon
4 him an Office of Trust, there shall not some Penalty be put
4 upon him, where he is excepted by the general rule ?
4 Whether you will not think it fit in that respect to deter
* men from accepting Offices and Places of Trust, contrary to
4 that Article?'
[Nothing done in this. The * Penalty,' vague in outline,
but all the more terrible on that account, can be sued-for by
any complainant in Westminster Hall.
' Article Thirteenth suddenly provides that your Highness
will be pleased to consent that " Nothing in this Petition and
Advice, or the assent thereto, shall be construed to extend to
— the dissolving of this present Parliament ! "' 4 Oh, no ! '
answers his Highness in a kind of bantering way ; ' not in
the least ! ']
4 The next " Article" is fetched, in some respects, I may
1 Whitlocke, p. 659.
104 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
4 say, by head and shoulders into your Instrument ! Yet in
6 some sense it hath an affinity " with the rest, too " ; I may
4 say, I think it is within your general scope l upon this
4 account ; — " yes," I am sure of it : There is mention made
4 in the last parts of your Instrument [Looking' in the Paper ;
4 Article Eighteenth] of your purpose to do many good things :
' — I am confident, not like the gentleman who made his last
' will, and set down a great number of names of men who
' were to receive benefit by him, and there was no sum at the
* latter end ! [4 You cannot do these " many good things " if
I dissolve you ! That will be a Will, with many beneficiary
legatees, and no sum mentioned at the end ! ' His Highness
wears a pleasant bantering look ; — to which the countenances
of the others, even Bidstrode^s leaden countenance, respond by a
kind of smile.]
4 I am confident you are resolved to deal effectually in
4 these things at the latter end ; and I should wrong my
4 own conscience if I thought otherwise. I hope you will
6 think sincerely, as before God, 4 That the Laws be regu-
4 lated.' * I hope you will. We have been often talking
4 of them : and I remember well, at the old Parliament
4 [Whitlocke and Glynn look intelligence], we were three
6 months, and could not get over the word 4 Incumbrances '
4 [Hum-m-m !] : and we thought there was little hope of
4 4 regulating the Law ' where there was such difficulty as to
4 that. But surely the I<aws need to be regulated ! And
* I must needs say, I think it were a sacrifice acceptable to
6 God, upon many accounts. And I am persuaded it is one
6 of the things that God looks for, and would have. [Alas,
4 your Highness !] — I confess, if any man should ask me,
* * Why, how would you have it done ? ' I confess I do not
* know How. But I think verily, at the least, the Delays
4 in Suits, and the Excessiveness in Fees, and the Costliness
4 of Suits, and those various things which I do not know
1 ' order ' in orig.
* One of their concluding promises (Article Eighteenth).
1657] SPEECH XIII 105
4 what names they bear — I heard talk of * Demurrers ' and
4 suchlike things, which I scarce know — [Sentence is wrecked] \
' But I say certainly. The people are greatly suffering in
{ this respect ; they are so. And truly if this whole busi-
4 ness of Settlement, whatever be the issue of it, if it come,
4 which I am persuaded it doth, as a thing that would please
< God ; — « then," by a sacrifice " to God " in it, or rather
6 as an expression of our thankfulness to God, I am persuaded
* that this will be one thing that will be upon your hearts,
4 to do something that is honourable and effectual in this.
[4 Reforming- of the Law ! ' Alas, your Highness /] —
* " Another thing " that — truly I say that it is not in your
1 Instrument — [Nothing said of it there, which partly em-
barrasses his Highness ; who is now getting into a small
6 Digression] ! — Somewhat that relates to the Reformation of
4 Manners, — you will pardon me ! — My Fellow Soldiers " the
6 Major-Generals,1' who were raised-up upon that just occasion
4 of the Insurrection, not only 4 to secure the Peace of the
4 Nation,1 but to see that persons who were least likely to
4 help-on 4 peace ' or to continue it, but rather to break it —
[4 These Major-Generals, I say, did look after the restraining
of such persons ; suppressed their horse-racing's, cock-fightings,
sinful roysterings ; took some charge of " REFORMATION OF
MANNERS,"" they ; ' — but his Highness is off elsewhither, ex-
4 cited by this 4 tickle subject, and the Sentence has evaporated]
6 — Dissolute loose persons that can go up and down from
4 house to house, — and they are Gentlemen's sons who have
4 nothing to live on, and cannot be supplied with means of
4 living to the profit of the Commonwealth : these I think had
* a good course taken with them. [Ordered to fly-away iheit
game-cocks, unmuzzle their bear-baitings ; fall to some regular
livelihood, some fixed habitat, if they could, — and, on the
whole, to duck low, keep remarkably quiet, and give no rational
4 man any trouble with them which could be avoided /] And I
4 think what was done to them was honourably and honestly
4 and profitably done. And, for my part, I must needs say,
106 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
' It 1 showed the dissoluteness which was then in the Nation ;
4 — as indeed it springs most from that Party of the Cavaliers !
4 Should that Party run on, and no care be taken to reform
' the Nation ; to prevent, perhaps, abuses which will not fall
6 under this head alone — ! [Not under Reformation of MAN-
' NERS alone : what will the consequence be ?]
' We send our children into France before they know God
' or Good Manners ; 2 and they return with all the licentious-
4 ness of that Nation. Neither care taken to educate them
' before they go, nor to keep them in good order when they
' come home ! Indeed, this makes the Nation not only commit
6 those abominable things, most inhuman things, but hardens
' men to justify those things ; — as the Apostle saith, * Not
* only to do wickedly themselves, but to take pleasure in them
6 that do so.' And truly, if something be not done in this
' kind, " in the way of reforming public morals," without
4 sparing that condition of men, without sparing men's sons,
' though they be Noblemen's sons — ! [Sentence breaks down]
6 — Let them be who they may that are deboist, it is for the
6 glory of God that nothing of outward consideration should
' save them in their debauchery from a just punishment and
6 reformation ! And truly I must needs say it, I would much
' bless God to see something done in that matter heartily, not
' only as to those persons mentioned, but to all the Nation ;
' that some course might be taken for Reformation ; that
k there might be some stop put to such a current of wicked-
' ness and evil as this is ! And truly, to do it heartily, and
' nobly and worthily ! The Nobility of this Nation, they
( especially, and the Gentry, would have cause to bless you.
' And likewise that some care might be taken that those
' good Laws already made for punishing of vice might be
' put in execution.
' This I must needs say of our Major-Generals who did
1 The course taken with them, the quantity of coercion they needed, and of
complaint made thereupon, are all loosely included fa this ' It.'
2 Morals.
i6S7] SPEECH XIII 107
* that service : I think it was an excellent good thing ; — I
4 profess I do ! [ Yes ; though there were great outcries about
' it.] And I hope you will not think it unworthy of you " to
' consider," that though we may have good Laws against the
4 common Country disorders that are everywhere, yet Who is
'to execute them "now, the Major-Generals being off11?
' Really a Justice of the Peace, — he shall by the most be
6 wondered at as an owl, if he go but one step out of the
' ordinary course of his fellow Justices in the reformation of
' these things ! [Cannot do it ; not he.] And therefore I
' hope I may represent this to you as a thing worthy your
' consideration, that something may be found out to repress
* such evils. I am persuaded you would glorify God by this
' as much as by any one thing you could do. And therefore
( I hope you will pardon me.1
[His Highness looks to the Paper again, after this Digres-
sion. Article Fifteenth in his Highness's copy of the Paper,
as we understand, must have provided, ' That no part of the
Public Revenue be alienated except by consent of Parliament ' :
out his Highness having thus remonstrated against it, the
Article is suppressed, expunged ; and we only gather by this
passage that such a thing had ever been.]
* I cannot tell, in this Article that I am now to speak unto,
' whether I speak to anything or nothing ! There is a desire
' that " no part of " ' the Public Revenue be alienated except
* by consent of Parliament.1 I doubt 'Public Revenue1 is
' like ' Custodies Libertatis Angliae ' ; a notion only ; and not
' to be found that I know of ! [It is all alienated ; Crown
Lands etc., are all gone, long ago. A beautiful dream of
our yonth, as the 'Keepers of the LIBERTY of England"1 were
— a thing you could nowhere lay hands on, that I know of!]
' But if there be any, — and if God bless us in our Settle-
* ment, there will be Public Revenue accruing, — the point is,
108 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
* Whether you will subject this to any alienation without
' consent of Parliament ? '
[We withdraw the question altogether, your Highness •
when once the chickens are hatched, we will speak of selling
them ! — Let us now read Article Sixteenth :
* Article Sixteenth J in his Highnesses copy of the Paper,
' provides that no Act or Ordinance already extant, which is
not contrary to this Petition and Advice, shall be in the least
made void hereby.' — His Highness, as we shall see, considers
this as too indefinite, too indistinct ; a somewhat vague foun-
dation for Church-Land Estates (for example), which men
purchased with money, but hold only in virtue of Writs and
Ordinances issued by the Long Parliament. — A new Article
is accordingly added, in our Perfect-copy ; specifying, at due
breadth, with some hundreds of Law-vocables, that all is and
shall be safe, according to the common sense of mankind, in
that particular.]
4 Truly this thing that I have now farther to offer you, —
* it is the last in this Paper ; it is the thing mentioned in the
' Sixteenth Article : That you would have those Acts and
4 Ordinances which have been made since the late Troubles,
6 and during the time of them, " kept unabrogated " ; that
4 they should, if they be not contrary to this Advice,1 — that
4 they should remain in force, in such manner as if this Advice
4 had not been given. Why, what is doubted is, Whether or
4 no this will be sufficient to keep things in a settled con-
4 dition ? 2 Because it is but an implication " that you here
4 make " ; it is not determined. You do pass-by the thing,
4 without such a foundation as will keep those people, who
4 are now in possession of Estates upon this account, that
4 their titles be not questioned or shaken, — if the matter be
1 Petition and Advice ; but we politely suppress the former part of the name.
8 It was long debated ; see Burton.
i657] SPEECH XIII 109
* not explained. Truly I believe you intend very fully in
* regard to this " of keeping men safe who have purchased on
4 that footing.*" If the words already " used " do not suffice
* — That I submit to your own advisement.
* But there is in this another very great consideration.
< There have been, since the present Government " began/1
* several Acts and Ordinances, which have been made by the
' exercise of that Legislative Power that was exercised since
6 we undertook this Government [Very cumbrous phraseology,
your Highness ; for indeed the subject is somewhat cumbrous.
Questionable, to some, whether one CAN make Acts and Ordi-
6 nances by a mere Council and Protector /] : And I think your
' Instrument speaks a little more faintly " as " to these, and
4 dubiously, than to the other ! And truly, I will not make
4 an apology for anything : but surely two persons, two sorts
' of them, " very extensive sorts," will be merely concerned
' upon this account : They who exercised that authority, and
' they who were objects of its exercise ! This wholly dis-
4 settles them ; wholly, if you be not clear in your expressions.
c It will dissettle us very much to think that the Parliament
' doth not approve well of what hath been done " by us " upon
6 a true ground of necessity, in so far as the same hath saved
' this Nation from running into total arbitrariness. " Nay,
* if not," why subject the Nation to a sort of men who perhaps
4 would do so ? x We think we have in that thing deserved
6 well of the State. [Do not < dissettle ' his Highness ! He
has, 'in that thing,'' of assuming the Government and passing
what Ordinances, etc. were indispensable, 'deserved well? —
Committee of Ninety -nine agree to what is reasonable.]
' If any man will ask me, * But ah, Sir, what have you
6 done since ? ' — Why, ah, — as I will confess my fault where
' I am guilty, so I think, taking things as they " then " were,
' I think we have done the Commonwealth service ! We have
4 therein made great settlements, — that have we. We have
1 Why subject the Nation to us, who perhaps would drive it into arbitrariness,
as your non-approval of us seems to insinuate ?
110 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
6 settled almost all the whole affairs in Ireland ; the rights
4 and interests of the Soldiers there, and of the Planters and
4 Adventurers. And truly we have settled very much of the
c business of the Ministry [' Triers ' diligent here, ' Expur-
gators ' diligent everywhere ; much good work completed] ; —
6 and I wish that be not an aggravation of our fault ; * I wish
' it be not ! But I must needs say, If I have anything to
' rejoice in before the Lord in this world, as*having done any
< good or service, " it is this." I can say it from my heart ;
' and I know I say the truth, let any man say what he will
4 to the contrary, — he will give me leave to enjoy my own
6 opinion in it, and my own conscience and heart ; and " to "
* dare bear my testimony to it : There hath not been such a
4 service to England since the Christian Religion was perfect
' in England ! I dare be bold to say it ; however there may
' have, here and there, been passion and mistakes. And the
' Ministers themselves, take the generality of them — ['are
unexceptionable, nay exemplary as Triers and as Expur-
gators ' : but his Highness, blazing up at touch of this tender
topic, wants to utter three or four things at once, and his
* elements of rhetoric? fly into the ELEMENTAL state ! We per-
ceive he has got much blame for his Two Church Commis-
sions; and feels that he has deserved far the reverse.] —
* They will tell " you," it is beside their instructions, " if they
* have fallen into ' passion and mistakes,' if they have meddled
8 with civil matters, in their operations as Triers ! " And we
* did adopt the thing upon that account ; we did not trust
' upon doing what we did vlrtute Instltutl, as if " these Triers
' were " jure dlvlno, but as a civil good. But — [Checks hlm-
6 self] — So we end in this : We " knew not and " know not
c better how to keep the Ministry good, and to augment it
' in goodness, than by putting such men to be Triers. Men
* of known integrity and piety ; orthodox men and faithful.
1 'be not to secure the grave men' (Scott's Sowers, p. 399) is unadulterated
nonsense : for grave men read gravamen, and we have dubiously a sense io above ;
' an aggravation of our fault with such objectors. '
i657] SPEECH XIII 111
6 We knew not how better to answer our duty to God and
4 the Nation and the People of God, in that respect, than by
4 doing what we did.
4 And, I dare say, if the grounds upon which we went will
4 not justify us, the issue and event of it doth abundantly
4 justify us ; God having had exceeding glory by it, — in the
4 generality of it, I am confident, forty-fold ! For as hereto-
4 fore the men that were admitted into the Ministry in times
4 of Episcopacy — alas what pitiful Certificates served to make
4 a man a Minister ! [Forty-fold better now.] If any man
4 could understand Latin and Greek, he was sure to be ad-
* mitted ; — as if he spake Welsh ; which in those days went
6 for Hebrew with a good many ! [Satirical. 4 They studied
Pan, Bacchus, and the Longs and Sliorts, rather than their
Hebrew Bible and the Truths of the Living Jehovah!"*]
4 Certainly the poorest thing in the world would serve a turn ;
4 and a man was admitted upon such an acccount [As this
of mere Latin and Greek, with a suspicion of Welsh-Hebrew] ;
4 — ay, and upon a less. — I am sure the admission granted to
4 such places since has been under this character as the rule :
* That they must not admit a man unless they were able to
6 discern something of the Grace of God in him. [Really it is
the grand primary essential, your Highness. Without which,
Pan, Bacchus, Welsh-Hebrew, nay Hebrew itself, must go for
nothing, — nay for less, if we consider well. In some points
4 of view it is horrible /] " Grace of God " ; which was to be
4 so inquired for, as not foolishly nor senselessly, but so far
4 as men could judge according to the rules of Charity. Such
4 and such a man, of whose good life and conversation they
* could have a very good testimony from four or five of the
* neighbouring Ministers who knew him, — he could not yet
4 be admitted unless he could give a very good testimony of
4 the Grace of God in him. And to this I say, I must speak
* my conscience in it,1 — though a great many are angry at it,
4 nay if all are angry at it, — for how shall you please everybody?
1 * I do approve it ' is modestly left out.
112 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
* Then say some, None must be admitted except, perhaps,
4 he will be baptized " again." That is their opinion. [Ana-
6 baptists.] They will not admit a man into a Congregation
' to be Minister, except he commence by being so much less.
' The Presbyterians " again," they will not admit him unless
4 he be ' ordained.' Generally they will not go to the In-
* dependents : — truly I think, if I be not partial, I think if
4 there be a freedom of judgment, it is there. [With the
' Independents: that is your Highness'' s opinion.'] Here are
' Three sorts of Godly Men whom you are to take care for ;
4 whom you have provided for in your Settlement. And how
' could you put the selection upon the Presbyterians without,
6 by possibility, excluding all those Anabaptists, all those In-
' dependents ! And so now you have put it into this way,
' That though a man be of any of those three judgments, if
* he have the root of the matter in him, he may be admitted.
' [ Very good, your Highness /] This hath been our care and
' work ; both by some Ordinances of ours, laying the founda-
' tions of it, and by many hundreds of Ministers being " ad-
' mitted" in upon it. And if this be a 'time of Settlement,'
' then I hope it is not a time of shaking ; — and therefore I
' hope you will be pleased to settle this business too : and
* that you will neither 'shake' the Persons [Us] who have been
' poorly instrumental in calling you to this opportunity of
< settling this Nation, and of doing good to it ; nor shake
' those honest men's interests who have been thus settled.
* And so I have done with the offers to you, — " with these
( my suggestions to you." — '
[His Highness looks now on the Paper again ; looks at
Article Seventh there, 'That the Revenue shall be l,300,000r;
and also at a Note by himself of the Current Expenses ; —
much wondering at the contrast of the two ; not having
Arithmetic enough to reconcile them ! ]
' But here is somewhat that is indeed exceedingly past my
1657] SPEECH XIII 113
* understanding ; for I have as little skill in Arithmetic as I
4 have in Law ! These are great sums ; it is well if I can
4 count them to you. [Looking on his Note.] The present
4 charge of the Forces both by Sea and Land will be
4 2,426,9897. The whole present revenue in England, Scot-
4 land and Ireland, is about 1,900,0007. ; I think this was
4 reckoned the most, as the Revenue now stands. Why, now,
4 towards this you settle, by your Instrument, 1,300,0007.
4 for the Government ; and out of that * to maintain the
* Force by Sea and Land,' and 4 without Land-tax,' I think :
* and this is short of the Revenue which now can be raised by
'the "present Act of" Government 600,0007.! [A grave
6 discrepancy!] Because, you see, the present Government
4 has 1,900,0007. ; and the whole sum which can be raised
4 comes "short" of the present charge by 542,6897., — [So
his Highness says ; but, by the above data, must be mistaken
or misreported: 5 2 6,9 8 91. is what 4 Arithmetic ' gives.]
' And although an end should be put to the Spanish War,
4 yet there will be a necessity, for preserving the peace of the
4 Three Nations, to keep up the present established Army in
4 England, Scotland and Ireland ; also a considerable Fleet
4 for some good time, until it shall please God to quiet
4 and compose men's minds, and bring the Nation to some
4 better consistency. So that, considering the Pay of the
4 Army, which comes to upwards of 1,100,0007. per annum,
•and the 4 Support of the Government' 300,0007., it will
4 be necessary for some convenient time^ — seeing you find
* things as you do, and it is not good to think a wound
4 healed before it be, — that there be raised, over and above
4 the 1,300,0007., the sum of 600,0007. per annum; which
4 makes up the sum of 1,900,0007. And likewise that the
4 Parliament declare, How far they will carry on the Spanish
4 War, and for what time ; and what farther sum they will
4 raise for carrying on the same, and for what time. [Explicit,
4 and undeniable !] And if these things be not ascertained, —
* as one saith 4 Money is the Cause,' and certainly whatever
VOL. iv. H
114 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [21 APRIL
4 the Cause is, if Money be wanting, the business will fall to
4 the ground, — all our labour will be lost. And therefore
4 I hope you will have a care of our undertakings ! — [Most
practical paragraph.]
6 And having received expressions from you which we may
4 believe, we need not offer these things to you ; " we need
4 not doubt" but these things will be cared for. Those
4 things have " already in Parliament " been made overture
6 of to you ; and are before you : — and so has likewise the
4 consideration of the Debts, which truly I think are apparent.
6 And so I have done with what I had to offer you, — I
4 think I have, truly, for my part. [4 Nothing of the King-
ship, your Highness ? ' Committee of Ninety-nine looks ex-
6 pectant] — And when I shall understand where it lies on me
4 to do farther ; and when I shall understand your pleasure
4 in these things a little farther ; — we have answered the
4 Order of Parliament in considering and debating of those
4 things that were the subject-matter of debate and considera-
6 tion ; — and when you will be pleased to let me hear farther
6 of your thoughts in these things, then I suppose I shall be
4 in a condition to discharge myself [Throws no additional
6 light on the Kingship at all /], as God shall put in my mind.
4 And I speak not this to evade ; but I speak in the fear and
4 reverence of God. And I shall plainly and clearly, I say, —
4 when you shall have been pleased among yourselves to take
4 consideration of these things, that I may hear what your
4 thoughts are of them, — I do not say that as a condition to
4 anything — but I shall then be free and honest and plain to
4 discharge myself of what, in the whole and upon the whole,
4 may reasonably be expected from me, and 44 what " God shall
4 set me free to answer you in.' *
Exeunt the Ninety-nine, much disappointed ; the Moderns
too look very weary. Courage, my friends, I now see land ! —
This Speech forms by far the ugliest job of 'buckwasliing
* Somers Tracts, vi. 389-400.
1657] SPEECH XIII 115
(as Voltaire calls it) that his Highness has yet given us. As
printed in the last edition of Somers, it is perhaps the most
unadulterated piece of coagulated nonsense that was ever put
into types by human kind. Yet, in order to educe some
sense out of it as above, singularly few alterations, except in
the punctuation, have been required ; no change that we could
detect has been made in the style of dialect, which is physiog-
nomic and ought to be preserved ; in the meaning, as before,
all change was rigorously forbidden. In only one or two
places, duly indicated, did his Highnesses sense, on earnest
repeated reading, continue dubious. And now the horrid
buckbasket is reduced in some measure to clean linen or
huckaback : thanks be to Heaven ! —
For the next ten days there is nothing heard from his High-
ness ; much as must have been thought by him in that space.
The Parliament is occupied incessantly considering how it may
as far as possible fulfil the suggestions offered in this Speech
of his Highness ; assiduously perfecting and new-polishing the
Petition and Advice according to the same. Getting Bills
ready for 'Reformation of Manners,1 — with an eye on the
' idle fellows about Piccadilly,' who go bowling and gambling,
with much tippling too, about 'Piccadilly House' and its
green spaces.1 Scheming out how the Revenue can be raised .
— ' Land-tax,' alas, in spite of former protest on that subject ;
c tax on new buildings ' (Lincoln's Inn Fields for one place),
which gives the public some trouble afterwards. Doing some-
what also in regard to ' Triers for the Ministry ' ; to ' Penal-
ties ' for taking Office when disqualified by Law ; and very
much debating and scrupling as to what Acts and Ordinances
(of his Highness and Council) are to be confirmed.
Finally, however, on Friday 1st of May, the Petition and
Advice is again all ready ; and the Committee of Ninety-nine
1 Dryasdust knows a little piece of Archseology : How ' piccadillies ' (quasi
Spanish pecadillcs^ or little-sins, a kind of notched linen-tippet) used to be sold
in a certain shop there ; whence etc. etc.
116 PART X. SfiCOND PARLIAMENT [8 MAY
wait upon his Highness with it,1 — who answers briefly, * speak-
ing very low,' That the things are weighty, and will require
meditation ; that he cannot just at present say On what day
he will meet them to give his final answer, but will so soon
as possible appoint a day.
So that the Kingship remains yet a great mystery ! < By
the generality ' it is understood that he will accept it. But
to the generality, and to us, the interior consultations and
slow-formed resolutions of his Highness remain and must
remain entirely obscure. We can well believe with Ludlow,
sulkily breathing the air in Essex, who is incorrect as to
various details, That in general a portion of the Army were
found averse to the Title ; a more considerable portion than
the Title was worth. Whereupon, 'for the present,1 as
Bulstrode indicates, 'his Highness did decide to' — in fact
speak as follows :
SPEECH XIV
BANQUETING-HOUSE, Whitehall, Friday forenoon 8th May
1657, the Parliament in a body once more attends his High-
ness ; receives at length a final Answer as to this immense
matter of the Kingship. Which the reader shall now hear,
and so have done with it.
The Whitlocke Committee of Ninety-nine had, by appoint-
ment, waited on his Highness yesterday, Thursday May 7th ;
gave him ' a Paper,' — some farther last touches added to their
ultimate painfully-revised edition of the Petition and Advice,
wherein all his Highness's suggestions are now, as much as
possible, fulfilled ; — and were in hopes to get some intimation
of his Highness's final Answer then. Highness, * sorry to have
kept them so long,' requested they would come back next
morning. Next morning, Friday morning : « We have been
there ; his Highness will see you all in the Banqueting-House
1 Burton, ii. 101.
1657] SPEECH XIV 117
even now/1 Let us shoulder our Mace, then, and go. —
4 Petition of certain Officers,' that Petition which Ludlow 2
in a vague erroneous manner represents to have been the
turning-point of the business, is just 'at the door': we
receive it, leave it on the table, and go. And now hear his
Highness.
4 MR. SPEAKER, — I come hither to answer That that was
4 in your last Paper to your Committee you sent to me " yester-
4 day " ; which was in relation to the Desires that were offered
4 me by the House in That they called their Petition.
4 I confess, that Business hath put the House, the Parlia-
•' ment, to a great deal of trouble, and spent much time.8 I
4 am very sorry for that. It hath cost me some " too," and
4 some thoughts : and because I have been the unhappy occa-
4 sion of the expense of so much time, I shall spend little of
4 it now.
* I have, the best I can, revolved the whole Business in my
4 thoughts : and I have said so much already in testimony to
4 the whole, I think I shall not need to repeat what I have
4 said. I think it is an "Act of" Government which, in the
4 aims of it, seeks the Settling of the Nation on a good foot,
4 in relation to Civil Rights and Liberties, which are the
4 Rights of the Nation. And I hope I shall never be found
4 one of them that go about to rob the Nation of those
4 Rights ; — but 44 always " to serve it what I can to the
4 attaining of them. It has also been exceedingly well pro-
4 vided there for the safety and security of honest men in that
4 great natural and religious liberty which is Liberty of Con-
4 science. — These are the great Fundamentals ; and I must
4 bear my testimony to them ; as I have done, and shall do
4 still, so long as God lets me live in this world : That the
1 Report by Whitlocke and Committee: in Commons Journals (8th May 1657),
viii. 531.
2 ii. 588, etc., the vague passage always cited on this occasion.
3 23d Feb. — 8th May : ten weeks and more.
118 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [8 MAY
* intentions and the things are very honourable and honest,
< and the product worthy of a Parliament.
4 I have only had the unhappiness, both in my Conferences
* with your Committees, and in the best thoughts I could take
* to myself, not to be convinced of the necessity of that thing
' which hath been so often insisted on by you, — to wit, the
6 Title of King, — as in itself so necessary as it seems to be
6 apprehended by you. And yet I do, with all honour and
' respect, testify that, cceteris paribus, no private judgment is
' to be in the balance with the judgment of Parliament.
' But in things that respect particular persons, — every man
4 who is to give an account to God of his actions, he must in
* some measure be able to prove his own work, and to have an
4 approbation in his own conscience of that which he is to do
' or to forbear. And whilst you are granting others Liberties,
* surely you will not deny me this ; it being not only a Liberty
' but a Duty, and such a Duty as I cannot without sinning
' forbear, — to examine my own heart and thoughts and judg-
6 ment, in every work which I am to set my hand to, or to
' appear in or for.
' I must confess therefore, though I do acknowledge all the
6 other " points,11 I must be a little confident in this, That
4 what with the circumstances which accompany human actions,
6 — whether they be circumstances of time or persons [Strait-
laced Republican Soldiers that have just been presenting you
' their Petition], whether circumstances that relate to the
' whole, or private and particular circumstances such as com-
' pass any person who is to render an account of his own
« actions, — I have truly thought, and I do still think, that, at
4 the best, if I should do anything on this account to answer
' your expectation, at the best I should do it doubtingly.
$ And certainly whatsoever is so is not of faith. And what-
' soever is not so, whatsoever is not of faith, is sin to him
' that doth it, — whether it be with relation to the substance
* of the action about which that consideration is conversant, or
' whether to circumstances about it [Thinskinned Republicans,
IDS;] SPEECH XIV 119
* or the like * circumstances^ which make all indifferent
'actions good or evil. I say 'Circumstances1 [Fas/]; and
4 truly I mean 4 good or evil ' to him that doth it. [Not to
you Honourable Gentlemen^ who have merely advised it in
general]
4 I, lying under this consideration, think it my duty — Only
4 I could have wished I had done it sooner, for the sake of the
4 House, who have laid such infinite obligations on me [With
a kind glance over those honourable faces ; all silent as if
6 dead, many of them with their mouths open] ; I wish I had
4 done it sooner for your sake, and for saving time and
trouble ; and for the Committee's sake, to whom I must
acknowledge I have been unreasonably troublesome ! But
* truly this is my Answer, That (although I think the Act of
4 Government doth consist of very excellent parts, in all but
4 that one thing, of the Title as to me) I should not be an
6 honest man, if I did not tell you that I cannot accept of
4 the Government, nor undertake the trouble and charge of
4 it — as to which I have a little more experimented than
1 everybody what troubles and difficulties do befall men under
4 such trusts and in such undertakings — [Sentence irrecover-
( able] — I say I am persuaded to return this Answer to you,
4 That I cannot undertake this Government with the Title of
4 King. And that is mine Answer to this great and weighty
4 Business/ *
And so exeunt Widdrington and Parliament: 'Buzz, buzz!
Distinct at last ! ' — and the huge buzzing of the public mind
falls silent, that of the Kingship being now ended ; — and this
Editor and his readers are delivered from a very considerable
weariness of the flesh.
4 The Protector,' says Bulstrode, 4 was satisfied in his private
* Commons Journals, vii. 533 ; as reported by Speaker Widdrington, on Tues-
day the 1 2th. Reported too in Somers (pp. 400-1), but in the form of coagulated
nonsense there. The Commons Journals give it as here, with no variation worth
noticing, in the shape of sense.
IfcO PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [8 MAY
judgment that it was fit for him to accept this Title of King,
and matters were prepared in order thereunto. But afterwards,
by solicitation of the CommonwealthVmen,' by solicitation,
representation and even denunciation from * the Common-
wealth Vmen' and 'many Officers of the Army,' he decided
4 to attend some better season and opportunity in the business,
and refused at this time.' l With which summary account let
us rest satisfied. The secret details of the matter are dark,
and are not momentous. The Lawyer-party, as we saw, were
all in favour of the measure. Of the Soldier-party, Ex- Major-
Generals Whalley, GofFe, Berry are in a dim way understood
to have been for it ; Desborow and Fleetwood strong against
it ; to whom Lambert, much intriguing in the interim, had at
last openly joined himself.2 Which line of conduct, so soon
as it became manifest, procured him from his Highness a
handsome dismissal. Dismissal from all employment ; but
with a retiring pension of 2,0 OO/.: which mode of treatment
passed into a kind of Proverb, that season ; and men of
wooden wit were wont to say to one another, 4 1 will lambertlse
you.' 8 The ' great Lord Lambert,' hitherto a very important
man, now * cultivated flowers at Wimbledon ' ; attempted
higher things, on his own footing, in a year or two, with the
worst conceivable success ; and in fact had at this point, to all
reasonable intents, finished his public work in this world.
The rest of the Petition and Advice, so long discussed and
conferenced upon, is of course accepted ; * a much improved
Frame of Government ; with a Second House of Parliament ;
with a Chief Magistrate who is to 'nominate his successor,'
and be King in all points except the name. News of Blake's
victory at Santa Cruz reach us in these same days,5 whereupon
1 Whitlocke, p. 646. a Godwin, iv. 352, 367.
» Heath's Chronicle.
4 Commons Journals ; vii. 358 (25th May 1657); Whitlocke, p. 648. — See, in
Appendix, No. 30, another Speech of Oliver's on the occasion ; forgotten hitherto.
(AW* 0/1857.)
• ?8th May (Commons Journals , vii. 54; Burton, ii. 142).
r6$7] SPEECH XV
is Public Thanksgiving, and voting of a Jewel to General
Blake : and so, in a general tide of triumphant accordance,
and outward and inward prosperity, this Second Protectorate
Parliament advances to the end of its First Session.
SPEECH XV, LETTERS CCXVIII— CCXXIV
THE Session of Parliament is prosperously reaching its
close ; and during the recess there will be business enough to
do. Selection of our new House of Lords ; carrying-on of the
French League Offensive against Spain ; and other weighty
interests. Of which the following small documents, one short
official Speech, and seven short, mostly official Letters, are all
that remain to us.
SPEECH XV
PARLIAMENT has passed some Bills ; among the rest, some
needful Money-Bills, Assessment of 340,0007. a-month on
England, 6,0007. on Scotland, 9,0007. on Ireland;1 to all
which his Highness, with some word of thanks for the
money, will now signify his assent. Unexceptionable word of
thanks, accidentally preserved to us,2 which, with the circum-
stances attendant thereon, we have to make conscience of
reporting.
Tuesday morning 9th June 1657, Message comes to the
Honourable House, That his Highness, in the Painted Chamber,
requires their presence. They gather-up their Bills ; certain
Money-Bills 'for an assessment towards the Spanish War';
and ' divers other Bills, some of public, some of more private
concernment,'' among which latter we notice one for settling
Lands in the County of Dublin on Widow Bastwick and her
1 Parliamentary History, xxi. 151 ; Commons Journals, vii. 554-7.
8 Commons Journals , vii. $51-2.
PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [IOJUNE
four children, Dr. Bastwick's widow, poor Susannah, who has
long been a solicitress in this matter : these Bills the Clerk of
the Commons gathers up, the Sergeant shoulders his Mace ;
and so, Clerk and Sergeant leading off, and Speaker Widdring-
ton and all his Honourable Members following, the whole
House in this due order, with its Bills and apparatus, proceeds
to the Painted Chamber. There, on his platform, in chair of
state sits his Highness, attended by his Council and others.
Speaker Widdrington at a table on the common level of the
floor 'finds a chair set for him, and a form for his clerk/
Speaker Widdrington, hardly venturing to sit, makes a ' short
and pithy Speech ' on the general proceedings of Parliament ;
presents his Bills, with probably some short and pithy words,
such as suggest themselves, prefatory to each : < A few slight
Bills ; they are but as the grapes that precede the full vintage,
may it please your Highness.' His Highness in due form
signifies assent ; and then says :
6 ME. SPEAKER, — I perceive that, among these many Acts of
6 Parliament, there hath been a very great care had by the
' Parliament to provide for the just and necessary support of
' the Commonwealth by those Bills for the levying of Money,
6 now brought to me, which I have given my consent unto.
4 Understanding it hath been the practice of those who have
6 been Chief Governors to acknowledge with thanks to the
( Commons their care and regard of the Public, I do very
4 heartily and thankfully acknowledge their kindness herein.' *
The Parliament has still some needful polishing-up of its
Petition and Advice, other perfecting of details to accomplish :
after which it is understood there will be a new and much
more solemn Inauguration of his Highness ; and then the
First Session will, as in a general peal of joy-bells, har-
moniously close.
* Commons Journals y vii. 552 : Reported by Widdrington in the afternoon.
i657] LETTER CCXVIII. WHITEHALL 123
LETTER CCXVIII
OFFICIAL Letter of Thanks to Blake, for his Victory at
Santa Cruz on the 20th April last. The < small Jewel ' sent
herewith is one of 5007. value, gratefully voted him by the
Parliament ; among whom, as over England generally, there is
great rejoicing on account of him. Where Blake received this
Letter and Jewel we know not ; but guess it may have been
in the Bay of Cadiz. Along with it, * Instructions ' went out
to him to leave a Squadron of Fourteen Ships there, and come
home with the rest of the Fleet. He died, as we said above,
within sight of Plymouth, on the 7th of August following.
" TO GENEEAL BLAKE, AT SEA"
Whitehall, 10th June 1657.
Sir, — / have received yours of" the %Qth of April last " ; *
and thereby the account of the good success it hath pleased God
to give you at the Canaries, in your attempt upon the King of
Spain's Ships in the Bay of Santa Cruz.
The mercy therein, to us and this Commonwealth, is very
signal; both in the loss the Enemy hath received, and also in
the preservation of our " own " ships and men ; 2 — which indeed
was very wonderful ; and according to the goodness and loving-
kindness of the Lord, wherewith His People hath been followed
in all these late revolutions ; and doth call on our part, That
we should fear before Him, and still hope in His mercy.
We cannot but take notice also how eminently it hath pleased
God to make use of you in this service ; assisting you with
wisdom in the conduct, and courage in the execution "thereof";
— and have sent you a small Jewel, as a testimony of our own
and the Parliament's good acceptance of your carriage in this
Action. We are also informed that the Officers of the Fleet,
1 Blank in MS.; see antea, p. 76.
* ' 50 slain outright, 150 wounded, of ours' (Burton, ii. 142).
PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [26 JUNE
and the Seamen, carried themselves with much honesty and
courage ; and we are considering of a way to show our accept-
ance thereof. In the mean time, we desire you to return our
hearty thanks and acknowledgments to them.
Thus, beseeching the Lord to continue His presence with you,
I remain, your very affectionate friend, "OLIVER P."*
Land-General Reynolds has gone to the French Nether-
lands, with Six- thousand men, to join Turenne in fighting the
Spaniards there ; and Sea-General Montague is about hoisting
his flag to cooperate with him from the other element. By
sea and land are many things passing ; — and here in London
is the loudest thing of all : not yet to be entirely omitted by
us, though now it has fallen very silent in comparison. In-
auguration of the Lord Protector ; second and more solemn
Installation of him, now that he is fully recognised by Parlia-
ment itself. He cannot yet, as it proves, be crowned King ;
but he shall be installed in his Protectorship with all solemnity
befitting such an occasion.
Friday 26th June 1657. The Parliament and all the
world are busy with this grand affair ; the labours of the
Session being now complete, the last finish being now given
to our new Instrument of Government, to our elaborate
Petition and Advice, we will add this topstone to the work,
and so, amid the shoutings of mankind, disperse for the
recess. Friday at two o'clock, ' in a place prepared,' duly
prepared with all manner of * platforms,' 4 cloths of state,'
and ' seats raised one above the other,' < at the upper end of
Westminster Hall.' Palaceyard, and London generally, is
all a-tiptoe, out of doors. Within doors, Speaker Widdring-
ton and the Master of the Ceremonies have done their best :
the Judges, the Aldermen, the Parliament, the Council, the
foreign Ambassadors, and domestic Dignitaries without end ;
chairs of state, cloths of state, trumpet-peals, and acclamations
of the people — Let the reader conceive it; or read in old
* Thurloe, vi. 342. ' Instructions to General Blake,' of the same date, ibid.
i6s;] SECOND INSTALLATION 125
Pamphlets the ' exact relation ' of it with all the speeches and
phenomena, worthier than such things usually are of being
read.1
4 His Highness standing under the Cloth of State,' says
Bulstrode, whose fine feelings are evidently touched by it,
* the Speaker in the name of the Parliament presented to him :
First, a Robe of purple velvet ; which the Speaker, assisted by
Whitlocke and others, put upon his Highness. Then he,'
the Speaker, 'delivered to him the Bible richly gilt and bossed,'
an affecting symbolic Gift : ' After that, the Speaker girt the
Sword about his Highness ; and delivered into his hand the
Sceptre of massy gold. And then, this done, he made a
Speech to him on these several things presented ' ; eloquent
mellifluous Speech, setting forth the high and true significance
of these several Symbols, Speech still worth reading ; to which
his Highness answered in silence by dignified gesture only.
4 Then Mr. Speaker gave him the Oath ' ; and so ended, really
in a solemn manner. ' And Mr. Manton, by prayer, recom-
mended his Highness, the Parliament, the Council, the Forces
by land and sea, and the whole Government and People of
the Three Nations, to the blessing and protection of God.'
— And then * the people gave several great shouts ' ; and
' the trumpets sounded ; and the Protector sat in his chair of
state, holding the Sceptre in his hand': a remarkable sight
to see. ' On his right sat the Ambassador of France,' on his
left some other Ambassador; and all round, standing or
sitting, were Dignitaries of the highest quality ; ' and near
the Earl of Warwick stood the Lord Viscount Lisle, stood
General Montague and Whitlocke, each of them having a
drawn sword in his hand,' — a sublime sight to some of us ! 2
And so this Solemnity transacts itself; — which at the
moment was solemn enough ; and is not yet, at this or any
hollowest moment of Human History, intrinsically altogether
other. A really dignified and veritable piece of Symbolism ;
1 An exact Relation of the Manner of the solemn Investiture, etc. (Reprinted
in Parliamentary History, xxi. 152-160.) 2 Whitlocke, p. 66 1.
126 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [27 AUG.
perhaps the last we hitherto, in these quack-ridden histrionic
ages, have been privileged to see on such an occasion. — The
Parliament is prorogued till the 20th of January next ; the
new House of Lords, and much else, shall be got ready in
the interim.
LETTER CCXIX
SEA-GENERAL MONTAGUE, whom we saw standing with
drawn sword beside the chair of state, is now about proceeding
to cooperate with Land-General Reynolds, on the dispatch of
real business.
FOR GENERAL MONTAGUE, ON BOARD THE NASEBY, IN THE DOWNS
Whitehall, llth August 1657.
Sir, — You having desired by several Letters to know our
mind concerning your weighing anchor and sailing with the
Fleet out of the Downs, we have thought Jit to let you know,
That we do very well approve thereof, and that you do cruise
up and down in the Channel, in such places as you shall judge
most convenient, taking care of the safety, interest and honour
of the Commonwealth. I remain, your very loving friend,
"OLIVER P."*
Under the wax of the Commonwealth Seal, Montague has
written, His Highness^ letter, Augst' 11, 1657, to comand
mee to sayle.
LETTER CCXX
FOR MY LOVING FRIEND JOHN DUNCH, ESQUIRE
"Hampton Court/' 27th August 1657.
Sir, — / desire to speak with you ; and hearing a report from
Hursley that you were going to your Father's in Berkshire, I
* Cromwelliana, p. 168 : 'Original Letter, in the possession of Thomas Lister
Parker, Esq.,' — is now (1846) in the British Museum (Additional Ayscough MSS.
no. 12,098). Only the Signature is Oliver's, — tragically physiognomic : — in
letters long, thin, singularly straight in direction, but all notched and tremulous.
1657] LETTER CCXXI. HAMPTON COURT 12*
send this express to you, desiring you to come to me at
Hampton Court.
With my respects to your Father? — / rest, your loving
fnend, OLIVER P.*
This is the John Dunch of Pusey ; married, as we saw, to
Mayor's younger Daughter, the Sister-in-law to Richard Crom-
well : the Collector for us of those Seventeen Pusey Letters ;
of which we have here read the last. He is of the present
Parliament, was of the former ; seems to be enjoying his
recess, travelling about in the Autumn Sun of those old days,
— and vanishes from History at this point, in the private
apartments of Hampton Court.
LETTER CCXXI
GENERAL MONTAGUE, after a fortnight's cruising, has
touched at the Downs again, ' 28th August, wind at S.S.W.,1
being in want of some instruction on a matter that has risen.2
' A Flushinger,' namely, ' has come into St. Maloes ; said to
have twenty-five ton of silver in her ' ; a Flushinger there, and
' six other Dutch Ships ' hovering in the distance ; which are
thought to be carrying silver and stores for the Spaniards.
Montague has sent Frigates to search them, to seize the very
bullion if it be Spanish ; but wishes fresh authority, in case
of accident.
" FOR GENERAL MONTAGUE, ON BOARD THE NASEBY, IN THE DOWNS v
Hampton Court, 30th August 1657.
Sir, — The Secretary hath communicated to us your Letter of
the 28th instant ; by which you acquaint him with the directions
you have given for the searching of a Flushinger and other
Dutch Ships, which, as you are informed, have bullion and
1 Father-in-law, Mayor. * Harris, p. 515.
2 His Letter to Secretary Thurloe ( Thurloe, vi. 489).
128 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [31 AUG.
other goods aboard them belonging to the Spaniard, the declared
Enemy of this State.
There is no question to be made but what you have directed
therein is agreeable both to the Laws of Nations and " to " the
particular Treaties which are between this Commonwealth and
the United Provinces. And therefore we desire you to continue
the said direction, and to require the Captains to be careful in
doing their duty therein. Your very loving friend,
OLIVER P*
LETTER CCXXII
By the new and closer Treaty signed with France in March
last,1 for assaulting the Spanish Power in the Netherlands, it
was stipulated that the French King should contribute Twenty-
thousand men, and the Lord Protector Six-thousand, with a
sufficient Fleet ; which combined forces were straightway to
set about reducing the three Coast Towns, Gravelines, Mar-
dike and Dunkirk ; the former when reduced to belong to
France, the two latter to England ; if the former should
chance to be the first reduced, it was then to be given up to
England, and held as cautionary till the other two were got.
Mardike and Dunkirk, these were what Oliver expected to
gain by this adventure. One or both of which strong Haven-
towns would naturally be very useful to him, connected with
the Continent as he was, — continually menaced with Royalist
Invasion from that quarter ; and struggling, as the aim of his
whole Foreign Policy was, to unite Protestant Europe with
England in one great effectual league.2 Such was the French
Treaty of the 23d of March last.
Oliver's part of the bargain was promptly and faithfully
fulfilled. Six-thousand well-appointed men, under Commissary-
* Thurloe, vi. 489.
1 23d March 1656-7 : Authorities in Godwin (iv. 540-3).
a Foreign Affairs in the Protector's Time (in Somers Tracts, vi. 329-39), by
some ancient anonymous man of sense, is worth reading.
i657] LETTER CCXXII. WHITEHALL
General Reynolds, were landed, « in new red coats,' l < near
Boulogne, on the 13th and 14th days of May1 last; and a
Fleet under Montague, as we observe, sufficient to command
those seas, and prevent all relief by ships in any Siege, is
actually cruising there. Young Louis Fourteenth came down
to the Coast to see the English Troops reviewed ; expressed
his joy and admiration over them ; — and has set them, the
Cardinal and he have set them, to assault the Spanish Power
in the Netherlands by a plan of their own ! To reduce not
'Gravelines, Mardike and Dunkirk,' on the Coast, as the
Treaty has it, but Montmedi, Cambray, and I know not what
in the Interior ; — the Cardinal doubling and shuffling, and by
all means putting off the attack of any place whatever on the
Coast ! With which arrangement Oliver Protector's dissatis-
faction has at length reached a crisis ; and he now writes,
twice on the same day, to his Ambassador, To signify peremp-
torily that the same must terminate.
Of c Sir William Lockhart, our Ambassador in France ' in
these years, there were much more to be said than we have
room for here. A man of distinguished qualities, of manifold
adventures and employments ; whose Biography, if he could
find any Biographer with real industry instead of sham in-
dustry, and above all things with human eyes instead of pedant
spectacles, might still be worth writing in brief compass.2 He
is Scotch ; of the ( Lockharts of Lee ' in Lanarkshire ; has
been in many wars and businesses abroad and at home ; — was
in Hamilton's Engagement, for one thing ; and accompanied
Dugald Dalgetty or Sir James Turner in those disastrous days
and nights at Preston,3 though only as a common Colonel
1 Antea, vol. i. p. 157; vol. ii. p. 368.
2 Noble (ii. 233-73) has reproduced, probably with new errors, certain MS.
' Family Memoirs ' of this Lockhart, which are everywhere very vague, and in
passages (that of Dunkirk, for example) quite mythological. Lockhart's own
Letters are his best Memorial ; — for the present drowned, with so much else, in
the deep slumber-lakes of Thurloe ; with or without chance of recovery.
5 Antea, vol. i. p. 342.
VOL. IV. I
130 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [31 AUG.
then, and not noticed by anybody. In the next Scotch War
he received affronts from the Covenanted King ; remained
angrily at home, did not go to Worcester or elsewhither. The
Covenanted King having vanished, and Lockhart^s connexions
being Presbyterian-Royalist, there was little outlook for him
now in Scotland, or Britain ; and he had resolved on trying
France again. He came accordingly to London, seeking leave
from the Authorities ; had an interview with Oliver, now newly
made Protector, — who read the worth of him, saw the uses
of him, advised him to continue where he was.
He did continue ; married c Miss Robina Sewster,' a Hunt-
ingdonshire lady, the Protector's Niece, to whom, in her girl-
hood, we once promised 6 a distinguished husband ' ; l has been
our Ambassador in France near two years now ; 2 — does diplo-
matic, warlike, and whatever work comes before him, in an
effectual and manful manner. It is thought by judges, that,
in Lockhart, the Lord Protector had the best Ambassador of
that age. Nay, in spite of all considerations, his merits pro-
cured him afterwards a similar employment in Charles Second's
time. We must here cease speaking of him ; recommend him
to some diligent succinct Biographer of insight, should such a
one, by unexpected favour of the Destinies, turn up.
" TO SIR WILLIAM LOCKHART, OUR AMBASSADOR IN FRANCE "
Whitehall, 31st August 1657.
Sir, — / have seen your last Letter to Mr. Secretary, as
also divers others : and although I have no doubt either of your
diligence or ability to serve us in so great a Business, yet I am
deeply sensible that the French are very much short with us
in ingenuousness 4 and performance. And that which increaseth
our seme " of this " is, The resolution we "Jbr our part " had,
1 Antea, vol. i. p. 261. — ' Married, 22 Feb. 1654, William Lockhart, Esq.
and Robina Sewster, spinster, both of this Parish.' (Register of St. Martin' s-in-
the- Fields y London.)
8 Since 3Oth December 1655 (' Family Memoirs ' in Noble, ii. 244).
* Now with the Court at Peronne (Thurloe, vi. 482, 487) ; soon after at Paris
(it. 496). 4 • ingenuity,' as usual, in orig.
1657] LETTER CCXXII. WHITEHALL 131
rather to overdo than to be behindhand in anything of our
Treaty. And although we never were so foolish " as " to
apprehend that the French and their interests were the same
with ours in all things ; yet as to the Spaniard, who hath
been known in all ages to be the most implacable enemy that
France hath, — we never could doubt, before we made our
Treaty, that, going upon such grounds, we should have been
Jailed "towards" as we are!
To talk of 'giving- us Garrisons'1 which are inland, as
Caution for future action ; to talk of ' what will be done next
Campaign? — are but parcels of words for children. If they
will give us Garrisons, let them give us Calais, Dieppe and
Boulogne ; — which I think they will do as soon as be honest in
their words in giving us any one Spanish Garrison upon the
coast into our hands ! I positively think, which I say to you,
they are afraid we should have any footing on that side " of the
Water" though Spanish.
I pray you tell the Cardinal from me, That I think, if
France desires to maintain its ground, much more to get
ground upon the Spaniard, the performance of his Treaty with
us will better do it than anything appears yet to me of any
Design he hath ! — Though we cannot so well pretend to soldiery
as those that are with him ; yet we think that, we being able by
sea to strengthen and secure his Siege, and " to " reinforce it
as we please by sea, and the Enemy " being * in capacity to do
nothing to relieve it, — the best time to besiege that Place will
be now. Especially if we consider that the French horse will
be abk so to ruin Flanders as that no succour can be brought
to relieve the place ; and that the French Army and our own
will have constant relief, as far as England and France can
give it, without any manner of impediment, — especially con-
sidering the Dutch are now engaged so much to Southward l as
they are.
1 Spain-ward : so much inclined to help the Spaniard, if Montague would let
them ; a thing worth Mazarin's consideration too, though it comes in irregularly
here!
PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [31 AUG.
/ desire you to let him know That Englishmen have had so
good experience of Winter expeditions, they are confident, if the
Spaniard shall keep the field. As he cannot impede this work, so
neither "will he be able to attack anything towards France with
a possibility of retreat.1 And what do all delays signify but
" even this " : The giving the Spaniard opportunity so much
the more to reiiiforce himself; and the keeping' our men another
Summer to serve the French, without any colour of a reciprocal,
or any, advantage to ourselves! —
And therefore if this will not be listened unto, I desire that
things may be consider -ed-of To give us satisfaction for the
great expense we have been at with our Naval Forces and
otherwise ; which out of an honourable and honest aim on our
part hath been incurred, thereby to answer the Engagements we
had made. And, " in fine" That consideration may be had
how our Men may be put into a position to be returned to us ;
— whom we hope we shall employ to a better purpose than to
have them continue where they are.
I desire we may krow what France saith, and will do, upon
this point. We shall be ready still, as the Lord shall assist us,
to perform what can be reasonably expected on our part. And
you may also let the Cardinal know farther, That our inten-
tions, as they have been, will be to do all the good offices we can
to promote the Interest common to us.2
Apprehending1 it is of moment that this Business should
come to you with speed and surety, we have sent it by an
Express. Your very loving friend, OLIVER P*
LETTER CCXXIII
SAME date, same parties ; an afterthought, by the same
Express. .
1 You may cut-off his retreat, if he venture that way.
* ' thereof in orig. * Thurloe, vi. 490.
1657] LETTER CCXXIII. WHITEHALL 133
" TO SIR WILLIAM LOCKHART, OUR AMBASSADOR IN FRANCE "
Whitehall, 31st August 1657.
Sir, — We desire, having written to you as we have, that the
Design be Dunkirk rather than Gravelines ; and much more
that it be : — but one of them rather than fail.
We shall not be wanting, To send over, at the French charge,
Two of our old regiments, and Two-thousand foot more, if
need be, — if Dunkirk be the design.1 Believing that if the
Army be well entrenched, and if La Fertes Foot be added to
it, we shall be able to give liberty to the greatest part of the
French Cavalry to have an eye to the Spaniard, — leaving but
convenient numbers to stand by the Foot.
And because this action will probably divert the Spaniard
from assisting Charles Stuart in any attempt upon us, you may
be assured that, if reality may with any reason be expected
from the French, we shall do all reason on our part. But if
indeed the French be so false to us as that they would not have
us have any footing on that side tJie Water, — then I desire, as
in our other Letter to you, That all things may be done in order
to the giving us satisfaction "for our expense incurred" and to
the drawing-off of our Men.
And truly, Sir, I desire you to take boldness and freedom
to yourself in your dealing' with the French on these accounts.
Your loving frwnd, OLIVER P.*
This Letter naturally had its effect : indeed there goes a
witty sneer in France, ' The Cardinal is more afraid of Oliver
than of the Devil ' ; — he ought indeed to fear the Devil much
more, but Oliver is the palpabler Entity of the two ! Mardike
was besieged straightway ; girt by sea and land, and the great
guns opened ' on the 21st day of September ' next: Mardike
was taken before September ended ; and due delivery to our
1 Gravelines is to belong to them ; Dunkirk to us : Dunkirk will be much
preferable. * Thurloe, vi. 489.
134 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [2 OCT.
General was had of Mardike. The place was in a weak state;
but by sea and land all hands were now busy fortifying and
securing it.
LETTER CCXXIV
HERE has an old dim Letter lately turned up, — communi-
cated, for new editions, by the distinguished General Mon-
tague's Descendant, — which evidently relates to this operation.
Resuscitated from its dim Archives, it falls with ready fitness
into rank here; kindling the old dead Books into pleasant
momentary light and wakefulness at this point, and sufficiently
illuminating itself also thereby. A curious meeting, one of
those curious meetings, of old Letterpress now forgotten with
old Manuscript never known till now, such as occasionally
cheer the learned mind ! — Of ' Denokson,' clearly some Dutch
Vauban, or war timmerman on the great scale ; of him, or of
< Colonel Clerke,' whom I take to be a Sea-Colonel mainly,
the reader needs no commentary ; — and is to understand
withal that their hasty work was got accomplished, and Mar-
dike put in some kind of fencible condition.
FOE GENERAL MONTAGUE, ON BOARD THE LONDON, BEFORE DUNKIRK.
THESE
Whitehall, 2d October 1657.
Sir, — This Bearer, Christian Denokson, I have sent to you,
— being1 a -very good artist, especially in wooden works, — to view
the Great Fort and the Wooden Fort, in order to the farther
strengthening of them.
I hope he is very able to make the Wooden Fort as strong as
it is capable to be made ; which I judge very desirable to be
done with all speed. I desire you will direct 1mm in this view ;
and afterwards speak with him about it, that upon 7m return I
may have a very particular account about what is Jit to be done,
and what Timber will be necessary to be provided. I have written
1657] LETTER CCXXIV. WHITEHALL 135
also to Colonel Clerke, the Governor of the Fort, about U. I
pray, when he has finished his view, that you will hasten him
back. I rest, your very affectionate Jriend, OLIVER P *
An attempt to retake Mardike, by scalado or surprisal from
the Dunkirk side, was made, some three weeks hence, by Don
John with a great Spanish Force, among which his Ex-Royal
Highness the Duke of York, with Four English-Irish emigrant
Regiments he has now got raised for him on Spanish pay, was
duly conspicuous ; but it did not succeed ; it amounted only
to a night of unspeakable tumult ; to much expenditure of
shot on all sides, and of life on his Royal Highnesses and Don
John's side, — Montague pouring death-fire on them from his
ships too, and 'four great flaming links at the corners of
Mardike Tower ' warning Montague not to aim thitherward ;
— and ' the dead were carried-off in carts before sunrise.' *
Let us add here, that Dunkirk, after gallant service shown
by the Six-thousand, and brilliant fighting and victory on the
sandhills, was also got, next summer ; 2 Lockhart himself now
commanding there, poor Reynolds having perished at sea.
Dunkirk too remained an English Garrison, much prized by
England ; till, in very altered times, his now Restored Majesty
saw good to sell it, and the loyalest men had to make their
comparisons. — On the whole, we may say this Expedition to
the Netherlands was a successful one ; the Six- thousand, * im-
mortal Six- thousand ' as some call them,8 gained what they
were sent for, and much glory over and above.
These Mardike-and- Dunkirk Letters are among the last
Letters left to us of Oliver Cromwell's : — Oliver's great heroic
* Original in the possession of the Earl of Sandwich, at Hinchinbrook
(February 1849). Only the Signature is Oliver's ; hand, as before, ' very shaky.
1 22d October (Heath's Chronicle, p. 727 ; Carte's Ormond, ii. 175).
a I3th June 1658, the fight; I5th June, the surrender; 24th, the delivery to
Lockhart (Thurloe, vii. 155, 173, etc.). Clarendon, iii. 853-58.
3 Sir William Temple, Memoirs, Part iii. 154 (cited by Godwin, ir. 547).
136 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [31 AUG.
Days work, and the small unheroic pious one of Olivers Editor
is drawing to a close ! But in the same hours, 31st August
1657, while Oliver wrote so to Lockhart, — let us still spare a
corner for recording it, — John Lilburn, Freeborn John, or alas
only the empty Case of John, was getting buried ; still in a
noisy manner ! Noisy John, set free from many prisons, had
been living about Eltham lately, in a state of Quakerism, or
Quasi-Quakerism. Here is the clipping from the old News-
paper :
'Monday 31st August 1657. Mr. John Lilburn, com-
monly known by the name of Lieutenant -Colonel Lilburn,
dying on Saturday at Eltham, was this morning removed
thence to London ; and his corpse conveyed to the House
called the Mouth, old, still extant Bull-and- Mouth Inn, * at
Aldersgate, — which is the usual meeting-place of the people
called Quakers, to whom, it seems, he had lately joined in
opinion. At this place, in the afternoon, there assembled a
medley of people ; among whom the Quakers were most emi-
nent for number : and within the house a controversy was,
Whether the ceremony of a hearse-cloth' (pall) 'should be
cast over his coffin ? But the major part, being Quakers,
would not assent ; so the coffin was, about five o'clock in the
evening brought forth into the street. At its coming out,
there stood a man on purpose to cast a velvet hearse-cloth
over the coffin ; and he endeavoured to do it : but the crowd
of Quakers would not permit him ; and having gotten the
body upon their shoulders, they carried it away without
farther ceremony ; and the whole company conducted it into
Moorfields, and thence to the new Churchyard adjoining to
Bedlam, where it lieth interred.' *
One noisy element, then, is out of this world : — another is
fast going. Frantic- Anabaptist Sexby, over here once more
on Insurrectionary business, scheming out a new Invasion of
the Charles- Stuart Spaniards and English-Irish Regiments,
and just lifting anchor for Flanders again, was seized ' in the
1 Newspapers (in Cromwclliana, p. 168).
i6s;] MARRIAGE OF LADY FRANCES 137
Ship Hope, in a mean habit, disguised like a countryman, and
his face much altered by an overgrown beard ' ; — before the
Ship Hope could get under weigh, about a month ago.1 Bushy-
bearded Sexby, after due examination by his Highness, has
been lodged in the Tower ; where his mind falls into a very
unsettled state. In October next he volunteers a confession ;
goes mad ; and in the January following dies,2 and to his own
relief and ours disappears, — poor Sexby.
Sexby, like the Stormy Peterel, indicates that new Royalist-
Anabaptist Tumult is a-brewing. * They are as the waves of
the Sea, they cannot rest ; they must stir up mire and dirt,' —
it is the lot appointed them ! In fact, the grand Spanish
Charles-Stuart Invasion is again on the anvil ; and they will
try it, this year, even without the Preface of Assassination.
New troubles are hoped from this new Session of Parliament,
which begins in January. The * Excluded Members ' are to
be readmitted then ; there is to be a < Second House ' : who
knows what possibilities of trouble ! A new Parliament is
always the signal for new Royalist attempts ; even as the
Moon to waves of the sea : but we hope his Highness will be
prepared for them ! —
Wednesday 11 tli November 1657. 'This day,' say the old
Newspapers, ' the most Illustrious Lady, the Lady Frances
Cromwell, youngest Daughter of his Highness the Lord Pro-
tector, was married to the most noble gentleman Mr. Robert
Rich, Son of the Lord Rich, Grandchild of the Earl of War-
wick and of the Countess-Dowager of Devonshire ; in the
presence of their Highnesses, and of his Grandfather, and
Father, and the said Countess, with many other persons of
high honour and quality.' At Whitehall, this blessed Wed-
nesday ; all difficulties now overcome ; — which we are glad to
hear of, ' though our friends truly were very few ' ! — And on
the Thursday of next week follows, at Hampton Court, the
Lady Mary's own wedding.3 Wedding 'to the most noble
1 24th July (Newspapers, in Cromwellianat p. 167).
2 Ibid. pp. 169-70. 3 Newspapers (in Cromwelliana, p. 169).
138 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 JAN.
lord, the Lord Fauconberg,' lately returned from his Travels
in foreign parts : a Bellasis, of the Yorkshire kindred so
named, — which was once very high in Royalism, but is now
making other connexions. For the rest, a brilliant, ingenuous
and hopeful young man, 'in my opinion a person of extra-
ordinary parts ' ; l of whom his Highness has made due investi-
gation, and finds that it may answer.
And now for the new Session of Parliament, which as-
sembles in January next : the Second Session of Parliament,
and indeed the last of this and of them all !
SPEECHES XVI— XVIII, LETTER CCXXV
THE First Session of this Parliament closed, last June,
under such auspicious circumstances as we saw ; leaving the
People and the Lord Protector in the comfortable under-
standing that there was now a Settlement arrived at, a Govern-
ment possible by Law ; that irregular exercises of Authority,
Major-Generals and suchlike, would not be needed henceforth
for saving of the Commonwealth. Our Public Affairs, in the
Netherlands and elsewhere, have prospered in the interim ;
nothing has misgone. Why should not this Second Session
be as successful as the First was ? — Alas, success, especially
on such a basis as the humours and parliamentary talkings
and self-developments of Four-hundred men, is very uncertain !
And indeed this Second Session meets now under conditions
somewhat altered.
For one thing, there is to be a new House of Lords : we
know not how that may answer ! For another thing, it is
not now permissible to stop our Haselrigs, Scotts and Ashley
Coopers at the threshold of the Parliament, and say, Ye shall
not enter : if they choose to take the Oath prescribed by this
1 Lockhart's report of him to Thurloe, after an interview at Paris, as ordered
on Fauconberg's return homeward, 2ist March 1657 (Thurloe, vi. 134, 125).
1658] SECOND SESSION 139
new Instrument, they have power to enter, and only the
Parliament itself can reject them. These, in this Second
Session, are new elements ; on which, as we have seen, the
generation of Plotters are already speculating; on which
naturally his Highness too has his anxieties. His Highness,
we find, as heretofore, struggles to do his best and wisest, not
yielding much to anxieties : but the result is, this Session
proved entirely unsuccessful ; perhaps the unsuccessfulest of
all Sessions or Parliaments on record hitherto ! —
The new House of Lords was certainly a rather question-
able adventure. You do not improvise a Peerage : — no, his
Highness is well aware of that ! Nevertheless ' somewhat to
stand between me and the House of Commons ' has seemed a
thing desirable, a thing to be decided on : and this new
House of Lords, this will be a ' somewhat,' — the best that
can be had in present circumstances. Very weak and small
as yet, like a tree new-planted ; but very certain to grow
stronger, if it have real life in it, if there be in the nature
of things a real necessity for it. Plant it, try it, this new
Puritan Oliverian Peerage- of-Fact, such as it has been given
us. The old Peerage-of-Descent, with its thousand years of
strength, — what of the old Peerage has Puritan sincerity, and
manhood and marrow in its bones, will, in the course of years,
rally round an Oliver and his new Peerage-of-Fact, — as it is
already, by many symptoms, showing a tendency to do. If
the Heavens ordain that Oliver continue and succeed as
hitherto, undoubtedly his new Peerage may succeed along
with him, and gather to it whatever of the Old is worth
gathering. In the mean while it has been enacted by the
Parliament and him ; his part is now, To put it in effect the
best he can.
The List of Oliver's Lords can be read in many Books ; l
1 Complete, in Parliamentary History ', xxi. 167-9: incomplete, with angry
contemporary glosses to each Name, which are sometimes curious, in Harleian
Miscellany, vi. 460-71. An old Copy of the official Summons to these Lords is
in Additional Ayscough MSS. no. 3246.
140 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 JAN.
but issuing as that matter did, it need not detain us here.
Puritan Men of Eminence, such as the Time had yielded :
Skippon, Desborow, Whalley, Pride, Hewson, these are what
we may call the Napoleon-Marshals of the business : Whit-
locke, Haselrig, Lenthall, Maynard, old Francis Rouse, Scotch
Warriston, Lockhart ; Notabilities of Parliament, of Religious
Politics, or Law. Montague, Howard are there ; the Earls
of Manchester, Warwick, Mulgrave — some six Peers ; of whom
only one, the Lord Eure from Yorkshire, would, for the
present, take his seat. The rest of the six as yet stood aloof ;
even Warwick, as near as he was to the Lord Protector, could
not think ] of sitting with such a Napoleon-Marshal as Major-
General Hewson, who, men say, started as a Shoemaker in
early life. Yes ; in that low figure did Hewson start ; and
has had to fight every inch of his way up hitherward, doing
manifold victorious battle with the Devil and the World as
he went along, — proving himself a bit of right good stuff,
thinks the Lord Protector ! You, Warwicks and others,
according to what sense of manhood you may have, you can
look into this Hewson, and see if you find any manhood or
worth in him ; — I have found some ! The Protector's List,
compiled under great difficulties,2 seems, so far as we can now
read it, very unexceptionable ; practical, substantial, with an
eye for the New and for the Old ; doing between these two,
with good insight, the best it can. There were some Sixty-
three summoned in all ; of whom some Forty and upwards
sat, mostly taken from the House of Commons : — the worst
effect of which was, that his Highness thereby lost some forty
favourable votes in that other House ; which, as matters went,
proved highly detrimental there.
However, Wednesday 20th January 1657-8 has arrived.
The Excluded Members are to have read mission, — so many of
them as can take the Oath according to this New Instrument.
His Highness hopes if they volunteer to swear this Oath, they
1 Ludlow, ii. 596. 2 Thurloe, vi. 648.
1658] SPEECH XVI 141
will endeavour to keep it ; and seems to have no misgivings
about them. He to govern and administer, and they to
debate and legislate, in conformity with this Petition and
Advice, not otherwise ; this is, in word and in essence, the
thing they and he have mutually with all solemnity bargained
to do. It may be rationally hoped that in all misunder-
standings, should such arise, some good basis of agreement
will and must unfold itself between parties so related to each
other. The common dangers, as his Highness knows and will
in due time make known, are again imminent ; Royalist Plot-
tings once more rife, Spanish Charles-Stuart Invasion once
more preparing itself.
But now the Parliament reassembling, on this Wednesday
the 20th, there begins, in the * Outer Court,' since called the
Lobby, an immense 'administering of the Oath,' the whole
Parliament taking it ; Six Commissioners appearing ' early in
the morning,' with due apparatus and solemnity, minutely
described in the Journals and Old Books ; * and then labour-
ing till all are sworn. That is the first great step. Which
done, the Commons House constitutes itself ; appoints ' Mr.
Smythe ' Clerk, instead of Scobell, who has gone to the Lords,
and with whom there is continual controversy thenceforth
about 'surrendering of Records' and the like. In a little
while (hour not named) comes Black Rod ; reports that his
Highness is in the Lords House, waiting for this House.
Whereupon, Shoulder Mace, — :yes, let us take the Mace, —
and march. His Highness, somewhat indisposed in health,
leaving the main burden of the exposition to Nathaniel
Fiennes of the Great Seal, who is to follow him, speaks to
this effect; as the authentic Commons Journals yield it
for us.
SPEECH XVI
' MY LORDS, AND GENTLEMEN " OF " THE HOUSE OF COM-
* MONS, — I meet you here in this capacity by the Advice and
1 Commons Journals, vii. 578 ; Whitlocke, p. 666 j Burton, ii. 322.
PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 JAN.
' Petition of this present Parliament. After so much expense
4 of blood and treasure, " we are now " to search and try
' what blessings God hath in store for these Nations. I
* cannot but with gladness of heart remember and acknow-
6 ledge the labour and industry that is past, " your past
' labour," which hath been spent upon a business worthy
' of the best men and the best Christians. [May it prove
fruitful /]
' It is very well known unto you all what difficulties we
* have passed through, and what " issue " we are now arrived
' at. We hope we may say we have arrived if not "alto-
* gether" at what we aimed at, yet at that which is much
6 beyond our expectations. The nature of this Cause, and
4 the Quarrel, what that was at the first, you all very well
* know ; I am persuaded most of you have been actors in it :
6 It was the maintaining of the Liberty of these Nations ; our
6 Civil Liberties as Men, our Spiritual Liberties as Christians.
* [Have we arrived at that ?~\ I shall not much look back ;
6 but rather say one word concerning the state and condition
6 we are all now in.
' You know very well, the first Declaration,1 after the begin-
6 ning of this War, that spake to the life, was a sense held
6 forth by the Parliament, That for some succession of time
6 designs had been laid to innovate upon the Civil Rights of
6 the Nations, " and " to innovate in matters of Religion.
( And those very persons who, a man would have thought,
6 should have had the least hand in meddling with Civil
6 things, did justify them all. [Zealous sycophant Priests,
Sibthorp, Mainwaring, Montagu, of the Laud fraternity:
forced-loans, monopolies, ship-moneys, all Civil Tyranny was
' right according to them !] All the " Civil " transactions
' that were, — " they justified them " in their pulpits, presses,
1 Declaration, 2d August 1642, went through the Lords House that day ;
it is in Parliamentary History, vi. 350. A thing of audacity reckoned almost
impious at the time (see D'Ewes's MS. Journal, 2jd July) ; corresponds in pur-
port to what is said of it here.
1658] SPEECH XVI 143
4 and otherwise ! Which was verily thought, " had they suc-
* ceeded in it," would have been a very good shelter to them,
4 to innovate upon us in matters of Religion also. And so to
4 innovate as to eat-out the core and power and heart and life
4 of all Religion ! By bringing on us a company of poisonous
4 Popish Ceremonies [Somewhat animated, your Highness /],
* and imposing them upon those that were accounted 4 the
4 Puritans ' of the Nation, and professors of religion among
< us, — driving them to seek their bread in an howling wilder-
4 ness ! As was instanced to our friends who were forced to
4 fly for Holland, New England, almost anywhither, to find
4 Liberty for their Consciences.
4 Now if this thing hath been the state and sum of our
* Quarrel, and of those Ten Years of War wherein we were
4 exercised ; and if the good hand of God, for we are to
6 attribute it to no other, hath brought this business thus
4 home unto us as it is now settled in the Petition and
4 Advice, — I think we have all cause to bless God, and the
' Nations have all cause to bless Him. [If we were of thankful
just heart, — yea /]
4 I well remember I did a little touch upon the Eighty-
4 fifth Psalm when I spake unto you in the beginning of this
4 Parliament.1 Which expresseth well what we may say, as
4 truly as it was said of old by the Penman of that Psalm !
4 The first verse is an acknowledgment to God that He 4 had
4 been favourable unto His land,' and 4 brought back the
4 captivity of His people ' ; and 44 then " how that He had
4 pardoned all their iniquities and covered all their sin, and
4 taken away all His wrath ' ; — and indeed of these unspeakable
4 mercies, blessings, and deliverances out of captivity, pardon-
4 ing of national sins and national iniquities. Pardoning, as
4 God pardoneth the man whom He justifieth ! He breaks
4 through, and overlooks iniquity ; and pardoneth because He
4 will pardon. And sometimes God pardoneth Nations also !
* — And if the enjoyment of our present Peace and other
1 Antea, Speech VI. vol. iv. p. 13.
144 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 JAN.
4 mercies may be witnesses for God " to us? — we feel and we
4 see them every day.
4 The greatest demonstration of His favour and love appears
4 to us in this : That He hath given us Peace ; — and the
4 blessings of Peace, to wit, the enjoyment of our Liberties
4 civil and spiritual ! [ Were not our prayers, and struggles,
and deadly wrestlings, all even for this ; — and we in some
6 measure have it /] And I remember well, the Church " in
4 that same Eighty-fifth Psalm " falls into prayer and into
4 praises, great expectations of future mercies, and much
4 thankfulness for the enjoyment of present mercies ; and
4 breaks into this expression : 4 Surely salvation is nigh unto
6 them that fear Him ; that glory may dwell in our land.'
' In the beginning it is called His land ; 4 Thou hast beew
4 favourable to Thy land.' Truly I hope this is His land !
4 In some sense it may be given out that it is God's land.
4 And he that hath the weakest knowledge, and the worst
4 memory, can easily tell that we are 4 a Redeemed People,' —
4 " from the time " when God was first pleased to look favour-
4 ably upon us, " to redeem us " out of the hands of Popery,
4 in that never to be forgotten Reformation, that most sig-
4 nificant and greatest 44 mercy " the Nation hath felt or
4 tasted ! I would but touch upon that, — but a touch : How
4 God hath redeemed us, as we stand this day ! Not from
4 trouble and sorrow and anger only, but into a blessed and
4 happy estate and condition, comprehensive of all Interests,
4 of every member, of every individual ; — " an imparting to us "
4 of those mercies 44 there spoken of," as you very well see !
4 And then in what sense it is 4 our Land ' ; — through this
4 grace and favour of God, That He hath vouchsafed unto us
4 and bestowed upon us, with the Gospel, Peace, and rest
4 out of Ten Years War ; and given us what we would desire !
4 Nay, who could have forethought, when we were plunged
4 into the midst of our troubles, That ever the people of God
4 should have had liberty to worship God without fear of
4 enemies ? [Strange : this 4 liberty ' is to Oliver Cromwell
1658} SPEECH XVl U5
a blessing almost too great for belief; to us it has become
as common as the liberty to breathe atmospheric air, — a liberty
not once worth thinking of. It is the way with all attain-
ments and conquests in this world. Do I think of Cadmus, or
the old unknown Orientals, while I write with LETTERS ? The
world is built upon the mere dust of Heroes: once earnest-
wrestling, death-defying, prodigal of their blood ; who now
6 sleep well, forgotten by all their heirs. ' Without fear of
4 enemies? he says] Which is the very acknowledgment of the
' Promise of Christ that ' He would deliver His from the fear
* of enemies, that they might worship Him in holiness and in
' righteousness all the days of their life.'
' This is the portion that God hath given us ; and I trust
c we shall forever heartily acknowledge it ! — The Church goes
1 on there, " in that Psalm,"" and makes her boast yet farther ;
6 ' His salvation is nigh them that fear Him, that glory may
< dwell in our land.' His glory ; not carnal, nor anything
6 related thereto : this glory of a Free Possession of the
{ Gospel ; this is that which we may glory in ! [Beautiful,
thou noble soul! — And very strange to see such things in the
Journals of the English House of Commons. 0 Heavens,
into what oblivion of the Highest have stupid, canting, cotton-
spinning, partridge-shooting mortals fallen, since that January
* 1658!] And it is said farther, 'Mercy and Truth are met
' together ; Righteousness arid Peace have kissed each other.'
6 And " note " it shall be such righteousness as comes down
4 from Heaven : ' Truth shall grow out of the Earth, and
4 Righteousness shall come down from Heaven.' Here is the
4 Truth of all " truths " ; here is the righteousness of God,
' under the notion of righteousness confirming our abilities,
' — answerable to the truth which He hath in the Gospel
* revealed to us ! [According to Calvin and Paul.] And the
' Psalm closeth with this : ' Righteousness shall go before
' Him, and shall set us in the way of His steps'"; — that
< righteousness, that mercy, that love, and that kindness which
' we have seen, and been made partakers of from the Lord,
VOL. iv. K
146 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 JAN.
* it shall be our Guide, to teach us to know the right and
* the good way ; which is, To tread in the steps of mercy,
' righteousness and goodness that our God hath walked
' before us in.
6 We " too " have a Peace this day ! I believe in my very
' heart, you all think the things that I speak to you this day.
* I am sure you have cause.
4 And yet we are not without the murmurings of many
* people, who turji all this grace and goodness into worm-
( wood ; who indeed are disappointed by the works of God.
' And those men are of several ranks and conditions; great
' ones, lesser ones, — of all sorts. Men that are of the Episco-
' pal spirit, with all the branches, the root and the branches ;
' — who gave themselves a fatal blow in this Place,1 when
6 they would needs make a ' Protestation that no Laws were
' good, which were made by this House and the House of
' Commons in their absence ' ; and so without injury to
' others cut themselves off ! " Men of an Episcopal spirit " :
* indeed men that know not God ; that know not how to
* account upon the works of God, how to measure them out ;
' but will trouble Nations for an Interest which is but mixed,
6 at the best, — made up of iron and clay, like the feet of
' Nebuchadnezzar's Image : whether they were more Civil or
6 Spiritual was hard to say. But their continuance was like
' to be known beforehand [Yes, your Highness /] ; iron and
' clay make no good mixtures, they are not durable at
« all !—
6 You have now a godly Ministry ; you have a knowing
' Ministry ; such a one as, without vanity be it spoken, the
* world has not. Men knowing the things of God, and able
' to search into the things of God, — by that only which can
* fathom those things in some measure. The spirit of a beast
' knows not the things of a man ; nor doth the spirit of man
1 In this same House of Lords, on the loth of December 1641. Busy Williams
the Lincoln Decoy-duck, with his Eleven too-hasty Bishops, leading the way in
that suicide. (Antea, vol. i. p. 121.)
1658] SPEECH XVI 147
* know the things of God ! ' The things of God are known
* by the Spirit.'1 * — Truly I will remember but one thing of
4 those, " the misguided persons now cast out from us " :
6 Their greatest persecution hath been of the People of
< God ; — men really of the spirit of God, as I think very
* experience hath now sufficiently demonstrated ! —
6 But what "s the reason, think you, that men slip in this
' age wherein we live ? As I told you before, they under-
* stand not the works of God. They consider not the opera-
' tion of His Laws. They consider not that God resisted
' and broke in pieces the Powers that were, that men might
' fear Him ; — might have liberty to do and enjoy all that
' that we have been speaking of ! Which certainly God has
' manifested to have been the end ; and so hath He brought
* the things to pass ! Therefore it is that men yet slip, and
' engage themselves against God. And for that very cause,
4 saith David (Psalm Twenty-eighth), ' He shall break them
* down, and not build them up ! '
' If, therefore, you would know upon what foundation you
* stand, own your foundation " to be " from God. He hath
* set you where you are : He hath set you in the enjoyment
' of your Civil and Spiritual Liberties.
' I deal clearly with you,2 I have been under some in-
( firmity [His Highness still looks unwell] ; therefore dare not
* speak farther to you ; — except to let you know thus much,
' That I have with truth and simplicity declared the state of
4 our Cause, and our attainments in it by the industry and
' labour of this Parliament since they last met upon this
' foundation — You shall find I mean, Foundation of a Cause
' and Quarrel thus attained-to, wherein we are thus estated.3
' I should be very glad to lay my bones with yours [What a
1 I Corinthians ii. n. 2 Means 'Give me leave to say.'
8 This Parliament's ' foundation,' the ground this Parliament took its stand
upon, was a recognition that our Cause had been so and so, that our 'attainment*
and ' estate ' in it were so and so ; hence their Petition and Advice, and other
very salutary labours.
PART x. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 JAN.
' tone /] ; — and would have done it, with all heartiness and
' cheerfulness, in the meanest capacity I ever yet was in, to
' serve the Parliament.
c If God give you, as I trust He will, — [{ His blessing- ' or
6 ( strength ' : but the Sentence is gone.] — He hath given it you,
4 for what have I been speaking of but what you have done ?
' He hath given you strength to do what you have done !
6 And if God should bless you in this work, and make this
' Meeting happy on this account, you shall all be called the
' Blessed of the Lord. [Poor Oliver /] — The generations to
6 come will bless us. You shall be the ' repairers of breaches,
' and the restorers of paths to dwell in ! ' * And if there be
' any higher work which mortals can attain unto in the world,
4 beyond this, I acknowledge my ignorance " of it."
* As I told you, I have some infirmities upon me. I have
6 not liberty to speak more unto you ; but I have desired
' an Honourable Person here by me — [Glancing towards
6 Nathaniel Fiennes, him with the Purse and Seal] to discourse,
c a little more particularly, what may be more proper for this
* occasion and this meeting.' *
Nathaniel Fiennes follows in a long highflown, ingenious
Discourse,2 characterised by Dryasdust, in his Parliamentary
History and other Works, as false, canting, and little less than
insane ; for which the Anti-dryasdust reader has by this time
learned to forgive that fatal Doctor of Darkness. Fiennes's
Speech is easily recognisable, across its Calvinistic dialect,
as full of sense and strength; broad manful thought and
clear insight, couched in a gorgeous figurative style, which a
friendly judge might almost call poetic. It is the first time
we thoroughly forgive the Honourable Nathaniel for sur-
rendering Bristol to Prince Rupert long ago ; and rejoice that
1 Isaiah Iviii. 12.
* Commons Journals, vii. 579: that is the Original, — reported by Widdrington
next day. Burton (ii. 322), Parliamentary History (xxi. 170), are copies.
2 Reported, Commons Journals, vii. 582-7, Monday 25th Jan. 1657-8.
1658] DANGERS IMMINENT 149
Prynne and Independency Walker did not get him shot, by
Court-Martial, on that occasion.
Nathaniel compares the present state of England to the
rising of Cosmos out of Chaos as recorded in Genesis : Two
* firmaments ' are made, two separate Houses of Parliament ;
much is made, but much yet remains to be made. He is
full of figurative ingenuity ; full of resolution, of tolerance,
of discretion, and various other good qualities not very
rife in the world. ' What shall be done to our Sister that
hath no breasts ? ' he asks, in the language of Solomon's Song.
What shall we do with those good men, friends to our Cause,
who yet reject us, and sit at home on their estates ? We will
soothe them, we will submit to them, we will in all ways in-
vite them to us. Our little Sister, — < if she be a wall, we will
build a palace of silver upon her ; if she be a door we will
enclose her with boards of cedar ' : — our little Sister shall not
be estranged from us, if it please God ! —
There is, in truth, need enough of unanimity at present.
One of these days, there came a man riding jogtrot through
Stratford-at-the-Bow, with ' a green glazed cover over his hat,1
a 4 nightcap under it,1 and * his valise behind him ' ; a rustic-
looking man ; recognisable to us, amid the vanished popula-
tions who take no notice of him as he jogs along there, —
for the Duke of Ormond, Charles Stuart's head man ! He sat
up, at Colchester, the night before, 'playing shuffleboard
with some farmers, and drinking hot ale.' He is fresh from
Flanders, and the Ex- King ; has arrived here to organise
the Spanish Charles-Stuart Invasion, and see what Royalist
Insurrection, or other domestic mischief there may be hopes
of. Lodges now, ' with dyed hair,' in a much disguised
manner, 'at the house of a Papist Chirurgeon in Drury
Lane ' ; communicating with the ringleaders here.1
The Spanish Charles-Stuart Invasion is again on foot, and
no fable. He has Four English-Irish Regiments ; the low-
1 Carte's Ormond, ii. 176-8.
150 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [20 JAN,
minded Dutch, we understand, have hired him Two-and-
twenty ships, which hope to escape our frigates some dark
night ; and Don John has promised a Spanish Army of Six-
thousand or Ten-thousand, if the domestic Royalists will
bestir themselves. Like the waves of the sea, that cannot
rest ; that have to go on throwing up mire and dirt ! Frantic-
Anabaptists too are awakening; the general English Hydra
is rallying itself again, as if to try it one other last time.
Foreign Affairs also look altogether questionable to a
Protestant man. Swede and Dane in open war ; inextricable
quarrels bewildering the King of Sweden, King of Denmark,
Elector of Brandenburg, all manner of Foreign Protestants,
whom Oliver never yet could reconcile ; and the Dutch playing
false ; and the Spaniards, the Austrians, the Pope and Papists,
too well united ! — Need enough that this Parliament be
unanimous.
The hopes of Oliver and Fiennes and all practicable Puritans
may have naturally stood high at this meeting : — but if so, it
was not many hours till they began fatally to sink. There
exists also an ^practicable set of Puritan men, — the old
Excluded Members, introduced now, or now first admitted
into this Parliament, — whom no beautifulest 'two firmaments'
seen overspanning Chaos, no Spanish Invasion threatening to
bring Chaos back, no hopefulest and no fearfulest phenomenon
of Nature or Constitutional Art, will ever divorce from their
one Republican Idea. Intolerability of the Single Person :
this, and this only, will Nature in her dumb changes, and Art
in her spoken interpretations thereof, reveal to these men. It
is their one Idea ; which, in fact, they will carry with them to
— the gallows at Charing Cross, when no Oliver any more is
there to restrain it and them ! Poor windy angry Haselrig,
poor little peppery Thomas Scott — And yet these were not
the poorest. Scott was only hanged : but what shall we say
of a Luke Robinson, also very loud in this Parliament, who
had to turn his coat that he might escape hanging? The
history of this Parliament is not edifying to Constitutional men.
1658] SPEECH XVII 151
SPEECH XVII
WE said, the Two Houses, at least the First House, very ill
fulfilled his Highnesses expectations. Hardly had they got
into their respective localities after his Highness's Opening
Speech, when the New House, sending the Old a simple message
about requesting his Highness to have a day of Fasting, there
arose a Debate as to What answer should be given ; as to
What ' name,1 first of all, this said New House was to have, —
otherwise what answer could you give? Debate carried on
with great vigour ; resumed, re-resumed day after day ; — and
never yet terminated ; not destined to be terminated in this
world ! How eloquent were peppery Thomas Scott and others,
lest we should call them a House of Lards, — not, alas, lest he
the peppery Constitutional Debater, and others such, should
lose their own heads, and intrust their Cause with all its
Gospels to a new very curious Defender of the Faith ! It is
somewhat sad to see.
On the morning of Monday January 25th, the Writer of
the Diary called Burtons, — Nathaniel Bacon if that were he,
— finds, on entering the House, Sir Arthur Haselrig on his
feet there, saying, * Give me my Oath ! ' Sir Arthur, as we
transiently saw, was summoned to the Peers House ; but he
has decided to sit here. It is an ominous symptom. After
4 Mr. Peters ' has concluded his morning exercise,1 the intem-
perate Sir Arthur again demands, ' Give me my Oath ! ' — * I
dare not," answers Francis Bacon, the official person ; Brother
of the Diarist. But at length they do give it him ; and he
sits ; Sir Arthur is henceforth here. And, on the whole,
ought we not to call this pretended Peers House the ' Other
House ' merely ? Sir Arthur, peppery Scott, Luke Robinson
and Company, are clearly of that mind.
However, the Speaker has a Letter from his Highness, sum-
moning us all to the Banqueting-House at Whitehall this
1 Byirton, ii. 347.
152 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN
afternoon at three ; both Houses shall meet him there. There
accordingly does his Highness, do both Houses and all the
Official world make appearance. Gloomy Rushworth, Bacon,
and one ' Smythe,1 with Notebooks in their hands, are there.
His Highness, in the following large manful manner, looking
before and after, looking abroad and at home, with true
nobleness if we consider all things, — speaks :
6 MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN OF THE Two HOUSES OF PAR-
* LIAMENT, — (For so I must own you), in whom together with
* myself is vested the Legislative Power of these Nations ! — The
* impression of the weight of those affairs and interests for
* which we are met together is such that I could not with a
4 good conscience satisfy myself, if I did not remonstrate to
( you somewhat of my apprehensions of the State of the Affairs
' of these Nations ; together with the proposal of such remedy
' as may occur, to the dangers now imminent upon us.
* I conceive the Well-being, yea the Being of these Nations
' is now at stake. If God bless this Meeting, — our tran-
' quillity and peace may be lengthened out to us ; if otherwise,
< — I shall offer it to your judgments and considerations, by
6 the time I have done, whether there be, as to men,1 " so
6 much as " a possibility of discharging that Trust which is
4 incumbent upon us for the safety and preservation of these
* Nations ! When I have told you what occurs to my thoughts,
6 I shall leave it to such an operation on your hearts as it
* shall please God Almighty to work upon you. [His High-
ness, I think, looks earnest enough to-day. Oppressed with
many things, and not in good health either. In those deep
mournful eyes, which are always full of noble silent sorrow, of
affection and pity and valour, what a depth today of thoughts
that cannot be spoken ! Sorrow enough, depth enough, — and
this deepest attainable depth, to rest upon what 6 it shall please
God Almighty'' to do!]
* I look upon this to be the great duty of my Place ; as
1 humanly speaking.
1658] SPEECH XVII 153
4 being set on a watch-tower to see what may be for the good
* of these Nations, and what may be for the preventing of
* evil ; that so, by the advice of so wise and great a Council
4 as this, which hath in it the life and spirit of these Nations,
4 such 4 good ' may be attained, and such c evil,' whatever it
4 is, may be obviated. [Truly /] We shall hardly set our
* shoulders to this work, unless it shall please God to work
* some conviction upon our hearts that there is need of our
6 most serious and best counsels at such a time as this is ! —
* I have not prepared any such matter and rule of speech
* to deliver myself unto you, as perhaps might have been fitter
4 for me to have done, and more serviceable for you in
( understanding me ; — but shall only speak plainly and honestly
4 to you out of such conceptions as it hath pleased God to set
6 upon me.
* We have not been now four years and upwards in this
' Government, to be totally ignorant of what things may be
' of the greatest concernment to us. [No mortal thinks so,
6 your Highness /] Your dangers, — for that is the head of
4 my speech, — are either with respect to Affairs Abroad and
6 their difficulties, or to Affairs at Home and their difficulties.
4 You are come now, as I may say, into the end [ Which may
6 but prove the new beginning!] of as great difficulties and
6 straits as, I think, ever Nation was engaged in. I had in
6 my thoughts to have made this the method of my Speech :
6 To have let you see the things which hazard your Being, and
4 " those which hazard " your Well-being. But when I came
4 seriously to consider better of it, I thought, as your affairs
4 stand, all things would resolve themselves into very Being !
6 You are not a Nation, you will not be a Nation, if God
4 strengthen you not to meet these evils that are upon us !
4 First, from Abroad : What are the Affairs, I beseech you,
4 abroad ? I thought the Profession of the Protestant Religion
6 was a thing of 4 Well-being ' ; and truly, in a good sense, so
4 it is, and it is no more : though it be a very high thing, it
154 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN.
4 is but a thing of * Well-being.' [A Nation can still BE, even
( without Protestantism.] But take it with all the complica-
4 tions of it, with all the concomitants of it, with respect had
• to the Nations abroad, — I do believe, he that looks well
4 about him, and considereth the estate of the Protestant
4 Affairs all Christendom over ; he must needs say and acknow-
4 ledge that the grand Design now on foot, in comparison
4 with which all other Designs are but low things, is, Whether
4 the Christian world shall be all Popery ? Or, whether God
6 hath a love to, and we ought to have " a love to, and " a
4 brotherly fellow-feeling of, the interests of all the Protestant
4 Christians in the world ? [Yes, your Highness ; the raging
sea shut out *by your labour and valour and death-peril, — with
what indifference do we now, safe at two-centuries distance, look
back upon it, hardly audible so far off, — ungrateful as we
4 are /] He that strikes at but one species of a general 1 to
4 make it nothing, strikes at all.
6 Is it not so now, that the Protestant Cause and Interest
4 abroad is struck-at ; and is, in opinion and apprehension,
4 quite under foot, trodden down ? Judge with me a little, I
4 beseech you, Whether it be so or no. And then, I will pray
4 you, consider how far we are concerned in that danger, as to
4 " our very " Being !
'We have known very well, the Protestant Cause is
4 accounted the honest and religious Interest of this Nation.
4 It was not trodden under foot all at once, but by degrees,
4 — that this Interest might be consumed as with a canker
4 insensibly, as Jonah's gourd was, till it was quite withered.
4 It is at another rate now ! For certainly this, in the general,
4 " is the fact " : The Papacy, and those that are upholders
4 of it, they have openly and avowedly trodden God's people
4 under foot, on this very motion and account, that they were
6 Protestants. The money you parted -with in that noble
4 Charity which was exercised in this Nation, and the just
4 sense you had of those poor Piedmonts, was satisfaction
* Means 'one limb of a body' : metaphysical metaphor,
1658] SPEECH XVII 155
' enough to yourselves of this,1 That if all the Protestants in
' Europe had had but that head, that head had been cut off,
* and so an end of the whole. But is this " of Piedmont "
' all ? No. Look how the House of Austria, on both sides of
* Christendom, " both in Austria Proper and Spain," are armed
' and prepared to destroy the whole Protestant Interest.
* Is not, — to begin there, — the King of Hungary, who
' expecteth with his partisans to make himself Emperor of
< Germany, and in the judgment of all men " with " not only
' a possibility but a certainty of the acquisition of it, — is not
' he, since he hath mastered the Duke of Brandenburg, one of
* the Electors, " as good as sure of the Emperorship " ? 2 No
' doubt but he will have three of the Episcopal Electors " on
' his side," and the Duke of Bavaria. [There are but Eight
' Electors in all ; Hanover not yet made.] Whom will he then
4 have to contest with him abroad, for taking the Empire of
* Germany out of his hands ? Is not he the son of a Father
' whose principles, interest and personal conscience guided him
* to exile all the Protestants out of his own patrimonial
' country, — out of Bohemia, got with the sword ; out of
' Moravia and Silesia ? [Ferdinand the Second, his Grand-
father ; yea, your Highness ; — and brought the great Gus-
tavus upon him in consequence. Not a good kindred that !\
6 " And " it is the daily complaint which comes over to us, —
' new reiterations of which we have but received within these
( two or three days, being conveyed by some godly Ministers of
4 the City, That the Protestants are tossed out of Poland into
' the Empire ; and out thence whither they can fly to get their
' bread ; and are ready to perish for want of food.
* And what think you of the other side of Europe, Italy to
1 proof enough that you believed.
2 Emperor Ferdinand in., under whom the Peace of Westphalia was made,
had died this year ; his second son, Leopold, on the death of the first son, had
been made King of Hungary in 1655 ; he was, shortly after this, elected Emperor,
Leopold I., and reigned till 1705. 'Brandenburg' was Frederick William; a
distinguished Prince ; father of the First King of Prussia ; Frederick the Great's
great-grandfather ; properly the Founder of the Prussian Monarchy.
156 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN
' wit, — if I may call it the other side of Europe, as I think I
c may, — " Italy," Spain, and all those adjacent parts, with
c the Grisons, the Piedmonts before mentioned, the Switzers ?
6 They all, — what are they but a prey of the Spanish power
' and interest ? And look to that that calls itself [Neuter
1 gender] the Head of all this! A Pope fitted, — I hope
4 indeed ' born ' not ' in ' but out of ' due time,' to accomplish
6 this bloody work ; so that he may fill-up his cup to the brim,
* and make himself ripe for judgment ! [Somewhat grim of
* look, your Highness!] He doth as he hath always done.
( He influences all the Powers, all the Princes of Europe to
4 this very thing [Rooting-out of the Protestants. — The sea
which is now scarcely audible to us, two safe centuries off, how
it roars and devouringly rages while this Valiant One is
heroically bent to bank it in ! — He prospers, he does it, flings
his life into the gap, — that WE for all coming centuries may
4 be safe and ungrateful !] ; — and no man like this present
* man.1 So that, I beseech you, what is there in all the parts
* of Europe but a consent, a cooperating, at this very time and
4 season, " of all Popish Powers " to suppress everything that
' stands in their way ? [A grave epoch indeed.]
' But it may be said, 'This is a great way off, in the
' extremest parts of the world ; 2 what is that to us ? '—If it
* be nothing to you, let it be nothing to you ! I have told
* you it is somewhat to you. It concerns all your religions,
6 and all the good interests of England.
* I have, I thank God, considered, and I would beg of you
* to consider a little with me : What that resistance is that is
4 likely to be made to this mighty current, which seems to be
6 coming from all parts upon all Protestants ? Who is there
' that holdeth up his head to oppose this danger ? A poor
' Prince [Charles X. King of Sweden ; at present attacked by the
1 King of Denmark ; the Dutch also aiming at him] ; — indeed
1 Alexander vn. ; 'an able Pope,' Dryasdust informs me.
2 ' parts of it ' in orig.
1658] SPEECH XVtt 157
* poor ; but a man in his person as gallant, and truly I think I
4 may say as good, as any these last ages have brought forth ; a
4 man that hath adventured his all against the Popish Interest
6 in Poland, and made his acquisition still good " there " for
4 the Protestant Religion. He is now reduced into a corner :
4 and what addeth to the grief of all, — more grievous than
6 all that hath been spoken of before (I wish it may not be
6 too truly said !) — is, That men of our Religion forget this,
4 and seek his ruin. [Dutch and Danes : but do not some of
us too forget? 4/ wish it may not be too truly said!"*]
6 I beseech you consider a little ; consider the consequences
4 of all that ! For what doth it all signify ? Is it only a
4 noise ? Or hath it not withal an articulate sound in it ?
4 Men that are not true to the Religion we profess, — "pro-
* fess," I am persuaded, with greater truth, uprightness and
6 sincerity than it is "professed" by any collected body, so
4 nearly gathered together as these Nations are, in all the
4 world, — God will find them out ! [The low-minded Dutch;
pettifogging- for 'Sound Dues? for 'Possession of the Sound?
6 and mere shopkeeper lucre!] I beseech you consider how
4 things do cooperate. 44 Consider," If this may seem but a
* design against your Well-being ? It is a design against your
6 very Being ; this artifice, and this complex design, against
4 the Protestant Interest, — wherein so many Protestants are
4 not so right as were to be wished ! If they can shut us out
4 of the Baltic Sea, and make themselves masters of that, where
4 is your Trade ? Where are your materials to preserve
4 your Shipping ? Where will you be able to challenge any
4 right by sea, or justify yourselves against a foreign invasion
4 in your own soil ? Think upon it ; this is in design ! I
4 believe, if you will go and ask the poor mariner in his red
4 cap and coat [4 Coat? I hope, is not 4 red ' : — but we are in
' haste\ as he passeth from shig to ship, you will hardly find
4 in any ship but they will tell you this is designed against
4 you. So obvious is it, by this and other things, that you
4 are the object. And in my conscience, I know not for what
158 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN.
' else * you are so ' but because of the purity of the profession
* amongst you ; who have not yet made it your trade to prefer
' your profit before your godliness [ Whatever certain Dutch and
6 Danes may do /], but reckon godliness the greater gain !
6 But should it happen that, as contrivances stand, you
' should not be able to vindicate yourselves against all whom-
4 soever, — I name no one state upon this head [Do not name
6 the Dutch, with their pettifoggings for the Sound ; no /], but
* I think all acknowledge States are engaged in the combina-
' tion, — judge you where you were ! You have accounted
4 yourselves happy in being environed with a great Ditch from
' all the world beside. Truly you will not be able to keep
< your Ditch, nor your Shipping, — unless you turn your Ships
4 and Shipping into Troops of Horse and Companies of Foot ;
' and fight to defend yourselves on terra firma ! —
* And these things stated, liberavi animam meam ; and if
4 there be ' no danger "* in " all " this, I am satisfied. I have
' told you ; you will judge if no danger ! If you shall think,
' We may discourse of all things at pleasure, — [Debate for
days and weeks, Whether it shall be ' House of Lords "* or
6 Other House ' ; put the question, Whether this question shall
be put ; and say Ay, say No ; and thrash the air with idle
' jargon /], — and that it is a time of sleep and ease and rest,
' without any due sense of these things, — I have this comfort
< to God- ward : I have told you of it. [Yes, your Highness I
— 0 intemperate vain Sir Arthur, peppery Thomas Scott, and
ye other constitutional Patriots, is there no SENSE of truth
in you, then ; no discernment of what really is what ? In-
stead of belief and insight, have you nothing but whirlpools
of old paper-clippings, and a gray waste of Parliamentary
constitutional logic ? Such HEADS, too common in the world,
will run a chance in these times to get themselves — stuck up
on Temple Bar !]
< Really, were it not that France (give me leave to say it)
* is a balance against that Party at this time — ! — Should there
' be a Peace made (which hath been, and is still laboured
1658] SPEECH XVII 159
' and aimed-at, a * General Peace '), then will England be the
4 4 general ' object of all the fury and wrath of all the Enemies
' of God and our Religion in the world ! I have nobody to
4 accuse ; — but do look on the other side of the water ! You
4 have neighbours there ; some that you are in amity with ;
4 some that have professed malice enough against you. I
6 think you are fully satisfied in that. I had rather you
* would trust your enemy than some friends, — that is, rather
* believe your enemy, and trust him that he means your
4 ruin, than have confidence in some who perhaps may be
4 in some alliance with you ! [ We have watched the Dutch,
6 and their dealings in the Baltic lately /] — I perhaps could
4 enforce all this with some particulars, nay I "certainly11
4 could. For you know that your enemies be the same who
4 have been accounted your enemies ever since Queen Eliza-
4 beth came to the crown. An avowed designed enemy " all
4 along " ; wanting nothing of counsel, wisdom and prudence,
* to root you out from the face of the Earth : and when public
4 attempts [Spanish Armadas and suchlike] would not do, how
6 have they, by the Jesuits and other their Emissaries, laid
' foundations to perplex and trouble our Government by
4 taking away the lives of them whom they judged to be of
4 any use for preserving our peace ! [Guy Faux and Jesuit
Garnet were a pair of pretty men ; to go no farther. Ravaillac
in the Rue de la Ferronerie, and Stadtholder William's Jesuit ;
and the Night of St. Bartholomew : here and elsewhere they
4 have not wanted * counsel? of a sort /] And at this time I
4 ask you, Whether you do not think they are designing as
4 busily as ever any people were, to prosecute the same coun-
4 sels and things to the uttermost ?
4 The business then was : The Dutch needed Queen Eliza-
4 beth of famous memory for their protection. They had it,
4 "had protection from her." I hope they will never ill
4 requite it ! For if they should forget either the kindness
4 that was then shown them (which was their real safety), or
4 the desires this Nation hath had to be at peace with them,
160 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN.
4 — truly I believe whoever exercises any ingratitude in this
* sort will hardly prosper in it. [He cannot, your Highness :
unless GOD and His TRUTH be a mere Hearsay of the market,
( he never can /] But this may awaken you, howsoever. I
' hope you will be awakened, upon all these considerations !
* It is certain, they [These Dutch] have professed a principle
* which, thanks be to God, we never knew. They will sell
* arms to their enemies, and lend their ships to their enemies.
* They will do so. And truly that principle is not a matter
' of dispute at this time, " we are not here to argue with
' them about it " : only let everything weigh with your spirits
* as it ought ; — let it do so. And we must tell you, we do
' know that this, " of their having such a principle," is true.
6 I dare assure you of it ; and I think if but your Exchange
' here " in London " were resorted-to, it would let you know,
' as clearly as you can desire to know, That they have hired —
* sloops, I think they call them, or some other name — they
6 have hired sloops, " let sloops on hire," to transport upon
' you Four-thousand Foot and a Thousand Horse, upon the
( pretended interest of that young man that was the late
6 King^s Son. [What a designation for ' Charles by the grace
of God ' / The * was ' may possibly have been ' is ' when
s spoken ; but we cannot afford to change it.] And this is, I
< think, a thing far from being reckonable as a suggestion to
* any ill end or purpose : — a thing to no other end than that
< it may awaken you to a just consideration of your danger,
' and to uniting for a just and natural defence.
' Indeed I never did, I hope I never shall, use any artifice
* with you to pray you to help us with money for defending
* ourselves : but if money be needful, I will tell you, ' Pray
' help us with money, that the Interest of the Nation may
* be defended abroad and at home.' I will use no argu-
* ments ; and thereby will disappoint the artifice of bad men
* abroad who say, It is for money. Whosoever shall think
' to put things out of frame upon such a suggestion — [His
'fate may be guessed ; but the Sentence is off] — For you will
1658] SPEECH XVII 161
* find I will be very plain with you before I have done ; and
* that with all love and affection and faithfulness to you and
4 these Nations.
' If this be the condition of your affairs abroad, I pray a
' little consider what is the estate of your affairs at home.
4 And if both these considerations, " of home affairs and
4 foreign," have but this effect, to get a consideration among
4 you, a due and just consideration, — let God move your
4 hearts for the answering 1 of anything that shall be due
' unto the Nation, as He shall please ! And I hope I shall
6 not be solicitous [TJw 6 artifice ' and ' money ' of the former
paragraph still sounding somewhat in his Highnesses ears] ;
* I shall look up to Him who hath been my God and my
{ Guide hitherto.
* I say, I beseech you look to your own affairs at home,
* how they stand ! I am persuaded you are all, I apprehend
4 you are all, honest and worthy good men ; and that there
4 is not a man of you but would desire to be found a good
4 patriot. I know you would ! We are apt to boast some-
4 times that we are Englishmen : and truly it is no shame for
< us that we are Englishmen ; — but it is a motive to us to
4 do like Englishmen, and seek the real good of this Nation,
4 and the interest of it. [Truly /] — But, I beseech you, what
4 is our case at home ? 1 profess I do not well know
4 where to begin on this head, or where to end, — I do not,
4 But I must needs say, Let a man begin where he will, he
' shall hardly be out of that drift I am speaking to you
* 44 upon." We are as full of calamities, and of divisions
4 among us in respect of the spirits of men, " as we could
4 well be," — though, through a wonderful, admirable, and
4 never to be sufficiently admired providence of God, 44 still "
4 in peace ! And the fighting we have had, and the success we
4 have had — yea, we that are here, we are an astonishment to
4 the world ! And take us in that temper we are in, or rather
1 performing on such demand.
VOL. IV. L
162 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN.
' in that distemper, it is the greatest miracle that ever befell
* the sons of men, " that we are got again to peace "-
['Beautiful great Soul,' exclaims a modern Commentator
here, ' Beautiful great Soul ; to whom the Temporal is all
irradiated with the Eternal, and God is everywhere divinely
visible in the affairs of men, and man himself has as it were
become divine ! O ye eternal Heavens, have those days and
those souls passed away without return ? — Patience : intrinsi-
cally they can never pass away : intrinsically they remain with
us ; and will yet, in nobler unexpected form, reappear among
us, — if it please Heaven ! There have been Divine Souls in
England ; England too, poor moiling toiling heavy-laden
thick-eyed England has been illuminated, though it were but
once, by the Heavenly Ones ; — and once, in a sense, is always!1]
* — that we are got again to peace. And whoever shall seek
' to break it, God Almighty root that man out of this Nation !
' And He will do it, let the pretences be what they may !
[Privilege of Parliament, or whatever else, my peppery friends !~\
6 " Peace-breakers, do they consider what it is they are
< driving towards ? They should do it ! " He that considereth
4 not the * woman with child,' — the sucking children of this
' Nation that know riot the right hand from the left, of
' whom, for aught I know, it may be said this City is as full
* as Nineveh was said to be ; — he that considereth not these,
' and the fruit that is like to come of the bodies of those
6 now living added to these ; he that considereth not these,
' must have the heart of a Cain ; who was marked, and made
' to be an enemy to all men, and all men enemies to him !
' For the wrath and justice of God will prosecute such a man
' to his grave, if not to Hell ! [ Where is Sam Cooper, or some
'prince of limner sj to take us that look of his Highness ? I
would give my ten best High- Art Paintings for it, gilt frames
* and twaddle-criticisms into the bargain /] — I say, look on this
* Nation ; look on it ! Consider what are the varieties of
1658] SPEECH XVII 163
4 Interests in this Nation, — if they be worthy the name of
4 Interests. If God did not hinder, it would all but make up
6 one confusion. We should find there would be but one
* Cain in England, if God did not restrain ! We should have
6 another more bloody Civil War than ever we had in England.
4 For, I beseech you, what is the general spirit of this Nation ?
4 Is it not that each sect of people, — if I may call them sects,
4 whether sects upon a Religious account or upon a Civil
4 account — [Sentence gone ; meaning- left clear enough] — Is not
4 this Nation miserable in that respect ? What is that which
4 possesseth every sect ? What is it ? That every sect may
4 be uppermost ! That every sort of men may get the
4 power into their hands, and 4 they would use it well ' ; —
4 that every sect may get the power into their hands ! [A
refaction to make one wonder. — Let them thank God they
have got a man able to bit and bridle them a little ; the unfor-
tunate, peppery, loud-babbling individuals, — with so much
good in them too, while < bitted ' /]
4 It were a happy thing if the Nation would be content
4 with rule. 44 Content with rule," if it were but in Civil
4 things, and with those that would rule worst ; — because
4 misrule is better than no rule ; and an ill Government, a
6 bad Government, is better than none ! — Neither is this all :
4 but we have an appetite to variety ; to be not only making
4 wounds, "but widening those already made." As if you
4 should see one making wounds in a man's side, and eager
4 only to be groping and grovelling with his fingers in those
4 wounds ! This is what " such " men would be at ; this is
4 the spirit of those who would trample on men's liberties in
4 Spiritual respects. They will be making wounds, and rend-
4 ing and tearing, and making them wider than they were. Is
4 not this the case ? Doth there want anything — I speak not
* of sects in an ill sense ; but the Nation is hugely made up
4 of them, — and what is the want that prevents these things
' from being done to the uttermost, but that men have more
4 anger than strength ? They have not power to attain their
164 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN.
4 ends. " There wants nothing else." And, I beseech you,
4 judge what such a company of men, of these sects, are doing,
4 while they are contesting one with another ! They are con-
4 testing in the midst of a generation of men (a malignant
4 Episcopal Party, I mean) ; contesting in the midst of these
4 all united. What must be the issue of such a thing as this ?
6 " So stands it " ; it is so. — And do but judge what proofs
k have been made of the spirits of these men. [Republican
spirits : we took a 4 Standard ' lately, a Painted one, and a
4 Printed, with wondrous apparatus behind it !] Summoning
4 men to take up arms ; and exhorting men, each sort of them,
6 to fight for their notions ; each sort thinking they are ' to
4 try it out by the sword ; and every sort thinking that they
'" are truly under the banner of Christ, if they but come in,
6 and bind themselves in such a project ! 1
4 Now do but judge what a hard condition this poor Nation
(' is in. This is the state and condition we are in. Judge, I
4 say, what a hard condition this poor Nation is in, and the
4 Cause of God 44 is in," — amidst such a party of men as the
4 Cavaliers are, and their participants ! Not only with respect
4 to what these — [4 Cavaliers and their Participants,'' both
equally at first, but it becomes the latter chiejly, and at length
4 exclusively, before the Sentence ends] — are like to do of them-
4 selves : but some of these, yea some of these, they care not
4 who carry the goal [Frantic-Anabaptist Sexby, dead the other
4 day, he was not very careful !] : — some of these have invited
4 the Spaniard himself to carry on the Cavalier Cause.
4 And this is true. 44 This "' and many other things that
4 are not fit to be suggested unto you ; because 44 so " we
4 should betray the interest of our intelligence. [Spy-Royalist
Sir Richard Willis and the like ambiguous persons, if we
show them in daylight, iliey vanish forever, — as Manning,
4 when they shot him in Neuburg, did.] I say, this is your
4 condition ! What is your defence ? What hindereth the
4 irruption of all this upon you, to your utter destruction ?
1 * and oblige upon this account ' in orig.
1658] SPEECH XVII 165
4 Truly, " that " you have an army in these parts, — in Scotland,
4 in England and Ireland. Take them away tomorrow, would
( not all these Interests run into one another ? — I know you
4 are rational prudent men. Have you any Frame or Model
* of things that would satisfy the minds of men, if this be not
4 the Frame, 4< this " which you are now called together upon,
4 and engaged in, — I mean, the Two Houses of Parliament
4 and myself? What hinders this Nation from being an
4 Aceldama, 44 a field of blood,11 if this doth not ? It is, without
4 doubt, " this " : give the glory to God ; for without this,
4 it would prove1 as great a plague as all that hath been
4 spoken of. It is this, without doubt, that keeps this
4 Nation in peace and quietness. — And what is the case of
4 your Army " withal " ? A poor unpaid Army ; the soldiers
4 going barefoot at this time, in this city, this weather !
4 [Twenty-Jifth of January.] And yet a peaceable people,
* " these soldiers " ; seeking to serve you with their lives ;
4 judging their pains and hazards and all well bestowed, in
' obeying their officers and serving you, to keep the Peace of
* these Nations ! Yea, he must be a man with a heart as
4 hard as the weather who hath not a due sense of this ! [A
4 severe frost, though the Almanacs do not mention it.]
4 So that, I say, it is most plain and evident, this is your
4 outward and present defence. [This frame of Government ;
4 the Army is a part of that.] And yet, at this day, — do but
4 you judge ! The Cavalier Party, and the several humours
4 of unreasonable men " of other sorts,1' in those several ways,
4 having 44 continually " made battery at this defence ever since
4 you got to enjoy peace — [Sentence catches fire] What
4 have they made their business but this, To spread libellous
4 Books [Their 'Standard? 'Killing no Murder? and other
little fddling things belonging to that sort of Periodical
' Literature] ; yea and pretend the 4 Liberty of the Subject ' —
4 [Sentence gone again] — ? — which really wiser men than they
4 may pretend ! For let me say this to you at once : I never
1 ' it would prove ' is an /'///personal verb ; such as * it will rain,' and the like.
166 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN-
4 look to see the People of England come into a just Liberty,
4 if another " Civil " War overtake us. I think, « I " at least,
* that the thing likely to bring us into our ' Liberty ' is a
4 consistency and agreement at this Meeting ! — Therefore all
4 I can say to you is this : It will be your wisdom, I do think
4 truly, and your justice, to keep that concernment close to
4 you ; to uphold this Settlement " now fallen-upon." Which
* I have no cause but to think you are agreed to ; and that
4 you like it. For I assure you I am very greatly mistaken
4 else, " for my own part " ; having taken this which is now
4 the Settlement among us as my chief inducement to bear
4 the burden I bear, and to serve the Commonwealth in the
* place I am in !
* And therefore if you judge that all this be not argument
4 enough to persuade you to be sensible of your danger — ? —
4 " A danger " which " all manner of considerations," besides
4 goodnature and ingenuity " themselves,"" would move a stone
4 to be sensible of ! — Give us leave to consider a little, What
4 will become of us, if our spirits should go otherwise, 44 and
4 break this Settlement ? " If our spirits be dissatisfied, what
4 will become of things ? Here is an Army five or six months
4 behind in pay ; yea, an Army in Scotland near as much
4 " behind " ; an Army in Ireland much more. And if these
4 things be considered, — I cannot doubt but they will be con-
4 sidered ; — I say, judge what the state of Ireland is if free-
4 quarter come upon the Irish People ! [Free-quarter must
4 come, if there be no pay provided, and that soon /] You
4 have a company of Scots in the North of Ireland, " Forty
4 or Fifty thousand of them settled there " ; who, I hope, are
4 honest men. In the Province of Galway almost all the Irish,
4 transplanted to the West.1 You have the Interest of Eng-
4 land newly begun to be planted. The people there, 44 in
4 these English settlements," are full of necessities and com-
4 plaints. They bear to the uttermost. And should the
1 ' All the Irish ' ; all the Malignant Irish, the ringleaders of the Popish
Rebellion : Galway is here called 'Galloway.'
r6s8] SPEECH XVII 167
4 soldiers run upon free-quarter there, — upon your English
4 Planters, as they must, — the English Planters must quit the
4 country through mere beggary : and that which hath been
4 the success of so much blood and treasure, to get that
* Country into your hands, what can become of it, but that
' the English must needs run away for pure beggary, and the
4 Irish must possess the country " again " for a receptacle to
* the Spanish Interest ? —
6 And hath Scotland been long settled ? [Middleton's High-
land Insurrection, ivith its Mosstroopery and misery, is not
6 dead three years yet.1] Have not they a like sense of poverty ?
4 I speak plainly. In good earnest, I do think the Scots
4 Nation have been under as great a suffering, in point of
4 livelihood and subsistence outwardly, as any People I have
4 yet named to you. I do think truly they are a very ruined
4 Nation. [Torn to pieces with now near Twenty Years of
continual War, and foreign and intestine worrying with them-
4 selves and with all the world.] — And yet in a way (I have
4 spoken with some Gentlemen come from thence) hopeful
4 enough ; — it hath pleased God to give that plentiful en-
4 couragement to the meaner sort in Scotland. I must say,
4 if it please God to encourage the meaner sort — [The conse-
4 quences may be foreseen, but are not stated here.] The
4 meaner sort " in Scotland " live as well, and are likely to
4 come into as thriving a condition under your Government,
4 as when they were under their own great Lords, who made
' them work for their living no better than the Peasants of
' France. I am loath to speak anything which may reflect
4 upon that Nation : but the middle sort of people do grow up
4 there into such a substance as makes their lives comfortable,
4 if not better than they were before. [Scotland is prospering" ;
has fair-play and ready-money ; — -prospering though sulky .]
4 If now, after all this, we shall not be sensible of all those
4 designs that are in the midst of us : of the united Cavaliers ;
4 of the designs which are animated every day from Flanders
1 Feb. 1654-5 (Whitlocke, p. 599).
168 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN.
6 and Spain ; while we have to look upon ourselves as a divided
4 people — [Sentence off] — A man cannot certainly tell where
* to find consistency anywhere in England ! Certainly there
' is no consistency in anything, that may be worthy of the
6 name of a body of consistency, but in this Company who
* are met here ! How can any man lay his hand on his heart,
6 and " permit himself to " talk of things [Roots of Constitu-
tional Government, ' Other House? ' House of Lords ' and
< suchlike], neither to be made out by the light of Scripture
6 nor of Reason ; and draw one another off from considering
' of these things, — " which are very palpable things " ! I dare
' leave them with you, and commit them to your bosom.
' They have a weight, — a greater weight than any I have yet
< suggested to you, from abroad or at home ! If such be our
' case abroad and at home, That our Being and Well-being,
' — our Well-being is not worth the naming comparatively, —
* I say, if such be our case, of our Being at home and abroad,
' That through want to bear up our Honour at Sea, and
' through want to maintain what is our Defence at Home,
' " we stand exposed to such dangers " ; and if through our
' mistake we shall be led off from the consideration of these
' things ; and talk of circumstantial things, and quarrel about
' circumstances ; and shall not with heart and soul intend and
' carry-on these things — ! — I confess I can look for nothing
( " other,"" I can say no other than what a foolish Book 1 ex-
4 presseth, of one that having consulted everything, could hold
6 to nothing; neither Fifth-Monarchy, Presbytery, nor Indepen-
* dency, nothing ; but at length concludes, He is for nothing
4 but an 'orderly confusion' ! And for men that have won-
< derfully lost their consciences and their wits,— I speak of men
' going about who cannot tell what they would have, yet are
( willing to kindle coals to disturb others — ! [An ' orderly con-
fiision] and general fire-consummation : what else is possible f\
1 Now rotting probably, or rotten, among the other Pamphletary rubbish, iu
the crypts of Public Dryasdust Collections, — all but this one phrase of it, here
kept alive.
1658] SPEECH XVII 169
4 And now having said this, I have discharged my duty to
4 God and to you, in making this demonstration, — and I
4 profess, not as a rhetorician ! My business was to prove
4 the verity of the Designs from Abroad ; and the still un-
6 satisfied spirits of the Cavaliers at Home, — who from the
* beginning of our Peace to this day have not been wanting
4 to do what they could to kindle a fire at home in the midst
6 of us. And I say, if this be so, the truth, — I pray God
4 affect your hearts with a due sense of it! [Fra/] And
4 give you one heart and mind to carry-on this work for which
6 we are met together ! If these things be so, — should you
4 meet tomorrow, and accord in all things tending to your
* preservation and your rights and liberties, really it will be
* feared there is too much time elapsed " already n for your
' delivering yourselves from those dangers that hang upon
* you ! —
* We have had now Six Years of Peace, and have had an
4 interruption of Ten Years War. We have seen and heard
4 and felt the evils of War ; and now God hath given us a
6 new taste of the benefits of Peace. Have you not had such
4 a Peace in England, Ireland and Scotland, that there is not
4 a man to lift up his finger to put you into distemper ? Is
4 not this a mighty blessing from the Lord of Heaven ? [Hah /]
4 Shall we now be prodigal of time ? Should any man, shall
4 we, listen to delusions, to break and interrupt this Peace ?
4 There is not any man that hath been true to this Cause,
4 as I believe you have been all, who can look for anything
4 but the greatest rending and persecution that ever was in
4 this world ! [Peppery Scotfs hot head will go up on Temple
4 Bar, and Haselrig will do well to die soon.1] — I wonder how
4 it can enter into the heart of man to undervalue these
4 things ; to slight Peace and the Gospel, the greatest mercy
* of God. We have Peace and the Gospel ! [What a tonei\
1 He died in the Annus Mirabilis of 1660 itself, say the Baronetages. Worn
to death, it is like, by the frightful vicissitudes and distracting excitement of those
sad months.
170 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN.
4 Let us have one heart and soul ; one mind to maintain the
4 honest and just rights of this Nation ; — not to pretend to
4 them, to the destruction of our Peace, to the destruction of
4 the Nation ! [As yet there is one Hero-heart among" you, ye
blustering contentious rabble ; one Soul blazing as a light-
beacon in the midst of 'Chaos ', forbidding Chaos yet to be supreme.
4 In a little while that too will be extinct ; and then !] Really, pre-
4 tend what we will, if you run into another flood of blood and
4 War, the sinews of this Nation being wasted by the last, it
4 must sink and perish utterly. I beseech you, and charge
4 you in the name and presence of God, and as before Him,
4 be sensible of these things and lay them to heart ! You
4 have a Day of Fasting coming on. I beseech God touch
4 your hearts and open your ears to this truth ; and that you
4 may be as deaf adders to stop your ears to all Dissension !
4 And may look upon them " who would sow dissension,11 who-
4 ever they may be, as Paul saith to the Church of Corinth,1
4 as I remember : ' Mark such as cause divisions and offences,1
4 and would disturb you from that foundation of Peace you
4 are upon, under any pretence whatsoever ! —
6 I shall conclude with this. I was free, the last time of
4 our meeting, to tell you I would discourse upon a Psalm ;
4 and I did it.2 I am not ashamed of it at any time [Why
sJwuld you, your Highness ? A word that does spealc to us
from the eternal heart of things, ( word of God ' as you well
4 call it, is highly worth discoursing upon /] — especially when I
4 meet with men of such consideration as you. There you
4 have one verse which I forgot. * I will hear what God the
4 Lord will speak : < for He will speak peace unto His people
4 and to His saints ; but let them not turn again to folly.''
4 Dissension, division, destruction, in a poor Nation under a
( Civil War, — having all the effects of a Civil War upon it !
4 Indeed if we return again to 4 folly,1 let every man consider,
4 If it be not like turning to destruction ? If God shall
1 Not ' Corinth ' properly, but Rome (Romans xvi. 17).
2 The Eighty-fifth ; antea, pp. 143 et seqq.
i655] SPEECH XVII 171
8 unite your hearts and bless you, and give you the blessing
* of union and love one to another ; and tread-down every-
6 thing that riseth up in your hearts and tendeth to deceive
6 your own souls with pretences of this thing or that, as we
' have been saying, — [The Sentence began as a positive, ' if
God shall ' ,• but gradually turning on its axis, it has now
6 got quite round into the negative side], — and not prefer
' the keeping of Peace, that we may see the fruit of right-
4 eousness in them that love peace and embrace peace, — it will
4 be said of this poor Nation, Actum est de Anglia, " It is all
' over with England " !
' But I trust God will never leave it to such a spirit. And
' while I live, and am able, I shall be ready ' —
[Courage, my brave one ! Thou hast but some Seven
Months more of it, and then the ugly coil is all over ; and thy
part in it manfully done; manfully and fruitfully, to all
Eternity ! Peppery Scott's hot head can mount to Temple
Bar, whither it is bound ; and England, with immense expendi-
ture of liquor and tar-barrels, can call-in its Nell-Gwynn
Defender of the Faith, — and make out a very notable Two-
hundrai Years under his guidance ; and, finding itself now
nearly got to the Devil, may perhaps pause, and recoil, and
remember : who knows ? Nay who cares ? may Oliver say,
He is honourably quit of it, he for one ; and the Supreme
Powers will guide it farther according to their pleasure.]
* — I shall be ready to stand and fall with you, in this seem-
* ingly promising Union1 which God hath wrought among you,
' which I hope neither the pride nor envy of men shall be able-
{ to make void. I have taken my Oath [In Westminster Hall,
< Twenty-sixth of June last] to govern * according to the Laws1
* that are now made ; and I trust I shall fully answer it. And
* know, I sought not this place. [Who would have ' sought'
it, that could have as nobly avoided it ? Very scurvy creatures
1 The new Frame of Government.
172 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 JAN.
only. The 'place ** is no great thing's, I think ; — with either
Heaven or else Hell so close upon the rear of it, a man might
do without the 'place ' / Know all men, Oliver Cromwell did
not seek this place, but was sought to it, and led and driven to
it, by the Necessities, the Divine Providences, the Eternal
4 Laws.] I speak it before God, Angels, and Men : I DID NOT.
' You sought me for it, you brought me to it ; and I took my
4 Oath to be faithful to the Interest of these Nations, to be
4 faithful to the Government. All those things were implied,
' in my eye, in the Oath 4 to be faithful to this Government '
' upon which we have now met. And I trust, by the grace
4 of God, as I have taken my Oath to serve this Commonwealth
4 on such an account, I shall, — I must ! — see it done, according
4 to the Articles of Government. That every just Interest
4 may be preserved ; that a Godly Ministry may be upheld,
4 and not affronted by seducing and seduced spirits ; that all
4 men may be preserved in their just rights, whether civil or
4 spiritual. Upon this account did I take oath, and swear
4 to this Government ! — [And mean to continue administering it
4 withal.] — And so having declared my heart and mind to you
4 in this, I have nothing more to say, but to pray, God
4 Almighty bless you.' *
His Highness, a few days after, on occasion of some Reply
to a Message of his 'concerning the state of the Public Moneys,1
— was formally requested by the Commons to furnish them
with a Copy of this Speech : * he answered that he did not
remember four lines of it in a piece, and that he could not
furnish a Copy. Some Copy would nevertheless have been got
up, had the Parliament continued sitting. Rush worth, Smythe,
and 4 I n (the Writer of Burtoii's Diary), we, so soon as the
Speech was done, went to York House ; Fairfaxes Town-house,
where historical John, brooding over endless Paper-masses, and
doing occasional Secretary work, still lodges : here at York
* Burton, ii. 351-71.
1 Thursday 28th Jan. 1657-8 (Parliamentary History > xxi. 196; Burton, ii. 379).
1658] SPEECH XVIII 173
House we sat together till late, ' comparing Notes of his
Highnesses Speech ' ; could not finish the business that night,
our Notes being a little cramped. It was grown quite dark
before his Highness had done ; so that we could hardly see
our pencils go, at the time.1
The Copy given here is from the Pell Papers, and in part
from an earlier Original ; first printed by Burton's Editor ; and
now reproduced, with slight alterations of the pointing etc.,
such as were necessary here and there to bring out the sense,
but not such as could change anything that had the least title
to remain unchanged.
SPEECH XVIII
His Highnesses last noble-appeal, the words as of a strong
great Captain addressed in the hour of imminent shipwreck,
produced no adequate effect. The dreary Debate, supported
chiefly by intemperate Haselrig, peppery Scott, and future-
renegade Robinson, went on, trailing its slow length day after
day ; daily widening itself, too, into new dreariness, new
questionability : a kind of pain to read even at this distance,
and with view of the intemperate hot heads actually stuck on
Temple Bar ! For the man in ' green oil-skin hat with night-
cap under it,' the Duke of Ormond namely, who lodges at the
Papist Chirurgeon's in Drury Lane, is very busy all this while.
And Fifth-Monarchy and other Petitions are getting con-
cocted in the City, to a great length indeed ; — and there are
stirrings in the Army itself ; — and, in brief, the English Hydra,
cherished by the Spanish Charles- Stuart Invasion, will shortly
hiss sky-high again, if this continue !
As yet, however, there stands one strong Man between us
and that issue. The strong Man gone, that issue, we may
guess, will be inevitable ; but he is not yet gone. For ten
days more the dreary Debate has lasted. Various good Bills
and Notices of Bills have been introduced ; attempts on the
1 Burton, ii. 351.
174 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [4 FEB.
part of well-affected Members to do some useful legislation
here ; l attempts which could not be accomplished. What
could be accomplished was, to open the fountains of constitu-
tional logic, and debate this question day after day. One or
two intemperate persons, not excluded at the threshold, are of
great moment in a Popular Assembly. The mind of which,
if it have any mind, is one of the vaguest entities ; capable, in
a very singular degree, of being made to ferment, to freeze, to
take fire, to develop itself in this shape or in that ! The
history of our Second Session, and indeed of these Oliverian
Parliaments generally, is not exhilarating to the constitutional
mind ! —
But now on the tenth day of the Debate, with its noise
growing ever noisier, on the 4th of February 1657-8, 'about
eleven in the morning,' — while peppery Scott is just about to
attempt yelping out some new second speech, and there are
cries of ' Spoken ! spoken ! ' which Sir Arthur struggles to
argue down, — arrives the Black Rod. — ' The Black Rod stays!1
cry some, while Sir Arthur is arguing for Scott. — * What care
I for the Black Rod ? ' snarls he : ' The Gentleman' (peppery^
Scott) * ought to be heard.' — Black Rod, however, is heard
first ; signifies that * His Highness is in the Lords House, and
desires to speak with you.' Under way therefore ! ' Shall we
take our Mace ? ' By all means, if you consider it likely to
be useful for you ! 2
They take their Mace ; range themselves in due mass, in
the ' Other House,' Lords House, or whatever they call it ;
and his Highness, with a countenance of unusual earnestness,
sorrow, resolution and severity, says :
4 MY LORDS, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, —
' I had very comfortable expectations that God would make
6 the meeting of this Parliament a blessing ; and, the Lord be
1 Parliamentary History, xxi. 203-4.
2 Burton, ii. 462 et seqq. ; — see also Tanner MSS. li. I. for a more minute
account.
1658] SPEECH XVIII 175
4 my witness, / desired the carrying-on the Affairs of the
4 Nation to these ends ! The blessing which I mean, and
4 which we ever climbed at, was mercy, truth, righteousness
4 and peace, — which I desired might be improved.
' That which brought me into the capacity I now stand
* in was the Petition and Advice given me by you ; who, in
4 reference to the ancient Constitution [' Which had Two
Houses and a King','' — though we do not in words mention
that /], did draw me to accept the place of Protector. [4 /
was a kind of Protector already, I always understood ; but let
that pass. Certainly you invited me to become the Protector I
now am, with Two Houses and other appendages, and there
4 lies the gist of the matter at present?] There is not a man
4 living can say I sought it ; no, not a man nor woman tread-
4 ing upon English ground. But contemplating the sad con-
4 dition of these Nations, relieved from an intestine War into
4 a six or seven years1 Peace, I did think the Nation happy
4 therein ! [' / did think even my first Protectorate was a
4 successful kind of thing ! '] But to be petitioned thereunto,
4 and advised by you to undertake such a Government, a burden
' too heavy for any creature ; and this to be done by the
' House that then had the Legislative capacity: — certainly I
4 did look that the same men who made the Frame should
4 make it good unto me ! I can say in the presence of God,
4 in comparison with whom we are but like poor creeping
4 ants upon the earth, — I would have been glad to have
4 lived under my woodside, to have kept a flock of sheep —
[Yes, your Highness ; it had been infinitely quieter, healthier,
freer. But it is gone forever : no woodsides now, and peaceful
nibbling sheep, and great still thoughts, and glimpses of God
4 in the cool of the evening walking among the trees' ': nothing
but toil and trouble, double, double, till one's discharge arrive,
and the Eternal Portals open ! Nay even there by your wood-
side, you had not been happy ; not you, — with thoughts going
down to the Death-Jcingdoms, and Heaven so near you on this
hand, and Hell so near you on that. Nay who would grudge
176 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [4 FEB.
a little temporary Trouble, when he can do a large spell of
eternal Work ? Work that is true, and will last through all
Eternity! Complain not, your Highness! — His Highness
does not complain. ' To have kept ajlock of sheep? he says]
4 — rather than undertaken such a Government as this. But
4 undertaking it by the Advice and Petition of you, I did look
4 that you who had offered it unto me should make it good.
4 I did tell you, at a Conference,1 concerning it, that I
4 would not undertake it, unless there might be some other
4 Persons to interpose between me and the House of Commons,
4 who then had the power, and prevent tumultuary and
4 popular spirits : and it was granted I should name another
4 House. I named it of men who shall meet you wheresoever
4 you go, and shake hands with you ; and tell you it is not
4 Titles, nor Lords, nor Parties that they value, but a
4 Christian and an English Interest ! Men of your own rank
4 and quality, who will not only be a balance unto you, but
4 a new force added to you,2 while you love England and
4 Religion.
' Having proceeded upon these terms ; — and finding such a
4 spirit as is too much predominant, everything being too high
4 or too low ; where virtue, honesty, piety and justice are
4 omitted : — I thought I had been doing that which was my
4 duty, and thought it would have satisfied you ! But if
4 everything must be too high or too low, you are not to be
4 satisfied. [There is an innocency and childlike goodness in
these poor sentences, which speaks to tis in spite of rhetoric.]
6 Again, I would not have accepted of the Government,
4 unless I knew there would be a just accord between the
4 Governor and Governed ; unless they would take an Oath
4 to make good what the Parliaments Petition and Advice
4 advised me unto ! Upon that I took an Oath [On the
4 Twenty-sixth of June last], and they [On the Twentieth of
1 One of the Kingship Conferences of which there is no Report.
2 'but to themselves,' however helplessly, must mean this; and a good
reporter would have substituted this.
1658] SPEECH XVIII
' January last, at their long Table in the Anteroom] took
' another Oath upon their part answerable to mine : — and did
' not everyone know upon what condition he swore ? God
6 knows, / took it upon the conditions expressed in the " Act
4 of " Government ! And I did think we had been upon a
6 foundation, and upon a bottom ; and thereupon I thought
4 myself bound to take it, and to be 'advised by the Two
6 Houses of Parliament.1 And we standing unsettled till we
4 arrived at that, the consequences would necessarily have
4 been confusion, if that had not been settled. Yet there
4 were not constituted < Hereditary Lords,1 nor ' Hereditary
6 Kings ' ; " no,1' the Power consisteth in the Two Houses and
4 myself. — I do not say, that was the meaning of your Oath
4 to you. That were to go against my own principles, to
4 enter upon another man's conscience. God will judge be-
4 tween you and me ! If there had been in you any intention
4 of Settlement, you would have settled upon this basis, and
4 have offered your judgment and opinion, " as to minor
4 improvements."
4 God is my witness ; I speak it ; it is evident to all the
4 world and people living, That a new business hath been
4 seeking in the Army against this actual Settlement made by
4 your consent. I do not speak to these Gentlemen [' Point-
4 ing" to his right hand? says the Report], or Lords, or' what-
4 soever you will call them ; I speak not this to them, but to
< you. — You advised me to come into this place, to be in a
4 capacity * by your Advice. Yet instead of owning a thing,
4 some must have I know not what ; — and you have not only
4 disjointed yourselves but the whole Nation, which is in
4 likelihood of running into more confusion in these fifteen or
4 sixteen days that you have sat, than it hath been from the
4 rising of the last Session to this day. Through the intention
' of devising a Commonwealth again ! That some people
4 might be the men that might rule all ! [Intemperate Haselrig,
peppery Scott, and suchlike : very inadequate they to * rule ' ,•
1 ' of authority ' is delicately understood, but not expressed.
VOL. IV. M
178 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [4 FEB.
inadequate to 'keep their own heads on their shoulders, if they
i were not RULED, they!] And they are endeavouring to
' engage the Army to carry that thing. — And hath that man
4 been ' true to this Nation,' whosoever he be, especially that
' hath taken an Oath, thus to prevaricate ? These designs
4 have been made among the Army, to break and divide us.
4 I speak this in the presence of some of the Army : That
4 these things have not been according to God, nor according
4 to truth, pretend what you will ! [No, your Highness ; they
4 have not.] These things tend to nothing else but the playing
4 of the King of Scots' game (if I may s\j call him) ; and I
4 think myself bound before God to do what I can to prevent
4 it. [* /, for my share ' : Yea !]
' That which I told you in the Banqueting-House " ten
6 days ago " was true, That there are preparations of force to
4 invade us. God is my witness, it hath been confirmed to
' me since, not a day ago, That the King of Scots hath an
' Army at the water's side, ready to be shipped for England.
4 I have it from those who have been eyewitnesses of it. And
4 while it is doing, there are endeavours from some who are
' not far from this place, to stir-up the people of this Town
4 into a tumulting — [City Petitions are mounting very high,
4 — as perhaps Sir Arthur and others know!] — what if I said,
4 Into a rebellion ! And I hope I shall make it appear to be
4 no better, if God assist me. [Noble scorn and indignation
is gradually getting the better of every other feeling in his
Highness and us.]
1 It hath been not only yo'tr endeavour to pervert the
4 Army while you have been sitting, and to draw them to
4 state the question about a 4 Commonwealth ' ; but some of
4 you have been listing of persons, by commission of Charles
4 Stuart, to join with any Insurrection that may be made.
[What a cold qualm in some conscious heart that listens to
this ! Let him tremble, every joint of him ; — or not visibly
tremble; but cower home to his place, and repent; and
remember m whose hand his beggarly existence in this world
I658J HIGH COURT OP JUSTICE 179
* lies!] And what is like to come upon this, the Enemy
< being ready to invade us, but even present blood and con-
' fusion? — [The next and final Sentence is partly on Jire] —
6 And if this be so, I do assign " it " to this cause : Your not
' assenting to what you did invite me to by your Petition and
' Advice, as that which might prove the Settlement of the
' Nation. And if this be the end of your sitting, and this be
* your carriage — [Sentence now all beautifully blazing], I think
* it high time that an end be put to your sitting. And I DO
' DISSOLVE THIS PARLIAMENT ! And let God be judge between
' you and me.' *
Figure the looks of Haselrig, Scott and Company ! * The
Mace was clapt under a cloak ; the Speaker withdrew, and
exit Parliamentum? the Talking- Apparatus vanishes.1 ' God
be judge between you and me ! ' — ' Amen ! ' answered they,2
thought they, indignantly ; and sank into eternal silence.
It was high time ; for in truth the Hydra, on every side,
is stirring its thousand heads. ' Believe me,' says Samuel
Hartlib, Milton's friend, writing to an Official acquaintance
next week, * believe me, it was of such necessity, that if
their Session had continued but two or three days longer, all
had been in blood both in City and Country, upon Charles
Stuart's account.' 3
His Highness, before this Monday's sun sets, has begun to
lodge the Anarchic Ringleaders, Royalist, Fifth-Monarchist,
in the Tower ; his Highness is bent once more with all his
faculty, the Talking-Apparatus being gone, to front this
Hydra, and trample it down once again.4 On Saturday he
summons his Officers, his Acting-Apparatus, to Whitehall
round him ; explains to them * in a Speech two hours long '
* Burton, ii. 465-70. x Ibid. ii. 464.
2 Tradition in various modern Books (Parliamentary History, xxi. 203 ; Note
to Burton, ii. 470) ; not supported, that I can find, by any contemporary witness.
3 Hartlib in London (nth Feb. 1657-8) to Moreland at Geneva j printed in
Parliamentary History, xxi. 205. 4 Appendix, No. 31.
180 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [12 MAR.
what kind of Hydra it is ; asks, Shall it conquer us, involve
us in blood and confusion ? They answer from their hearts,
No, it shall not ! 'We will stand and fall with your Highness,
we will live and die with you ! ' l — It is the last duel this
Oliver has with any Hydra fomented into life by a Talking-
Apparatus ; and he again conquers it, invincibly compresses it,
as he has heretofore done.
One day, in the early days of March next, his Highness
said to Lord Broghil : An old friend of yours is in Town, the
Duke of Ormond, now lodged in Drury Lane, at the Papist
Surgeon's there : you had better tell him to be gone ! 2-
Whereat his Lordship stared ; found it a fact, however ; and
his Grace of Ormond did go with exemplary speed, and got
again to Bruges and the Sacred Majesty, with report That
Cromwell had many enemies, but that the rise of the Royalists
was moonshine. And on the 12th of the month his Highness
had the Mayor and Common Council with him in a body at
Whitehall ; and « in a Speech at large ' explained to them that
his Grace of Ormond was gone only * on Tuesday last ' ; that
there were Spanish Invasions, Royalist Insurrections and
Frantic- Anabaptist Insurrections rapidly ripening ; — that it
would well beseem the City of London to have its Militia in
good order. To which the Mayor and Common Council,
6 being very sensible thereof,' made zealous response 3 by speech
and by act. In a word, the Talking- Apparatus being gone,
and an Oliver Protector now at the head of the Acting-
Apparatus, no Insurrection, in the eyes of reasonable persons,
had any chance. The leading Royalists shrank close into
their privacies again, — considerable numbers of them had to
shrink into durance in the Tower. Among which latter class,
his Highness, justly incensed, and 'considering,' as Thurloe
says, « that it was not fit there should be a Plot of this kind
every winter,' had determined that a High Court of Justice
1 Hartlib's Letter, ubi supra.
*• Godwin, iv. 508 ; Budgel's Lives of the Boylcs, p. 49 ; etc.
8 Newspapers (in Cromwclliana, p. 171).
1658] HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE 181
should take cognisance of some. High Court of Justice is
accordingly nominated l as the Act of Parliament prescribes :
among the parties marked for trial by it are Sir Henry
Slingsby, long since prisoner for Penruddock's business, and
the Reverend Dr. Hewit, a man of much forwardness in
Royalism. Sir Henry, prisoner in Hull and acquainted with
the Chief Officers there, has been treating with them for
betrayal of the place to his Majesty ; has even, to that end,
given one of them a Majesty's commission ; for whose Spanish
Invasion such a Haven and Fortress would have been extremely
convenient. Reverend Dr. Hewit, preaching by sufferance,
according to the old ritual, 'in St. Gregory's Church near
Paul's,' to a select disaffected audience, has farther seen good
to distinguish himself very much by secular zeal in this
business of the Royalist Insurrection and Spanish Charles-
Stuart Invasion ; — which has now come to nothing, and left
poor Dr. Hewit in a most questionable position. Of these
two, and of others, a High Court of Justice shall take
cognisance.
The Insurrection having no chance in the eyes of reasonable
Royalists, and they in consequence refusing to lead it, the
large body of treasonable Royalists now in London City or
gathering thither decide, with indignation, That they will try
it on their own score, and lead it themselves. Hands to work,
then, ye unreasonable Royalists ; pipe, All hands ! Saturday
the 15th of May, that is the night appointed: To rise that
Saturday night ; beat drums for ' Royalist Apprentices,' ' fire
houses at the Tower,' slay this man, slay that, and bring
matters to a good issue. Alas, on the very edge of the
appointed hour, as usual, we are all seized ; the ringleaders of
us are all seized ' at the Mermaid in Cheapside,' — for Thurloe
and his Highness have long known what we were upon
Barkstead, Governor of the Tower ' marches into the City with
five drakes,' at the rattle of which every Royalist Apprentice,
1 27th April 1658. Act of Parliament, with List of the Names, is in Scobell,
ii. 372-5 : see also Commons four rials, vii. 427 (Sept. 1656).
182 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 MAY
and party implicated, shakes in his shoes : — and this also has
gore to vapour, leaving only for result certain new individuals
of the Civic class to give account of it to the High Court of
Justice.
Tuesday %5th May 1658, the High Court of Justice sat ;
a formidable Sanhedrim of above a Hundred-and-thirty heads,
consisting of ' all the Judges,1 chief Law Officials, and others
named in the Writ according to Act of Parliament ; — sat ' in
Westminster Hall, at Nine in the morning, for the Trial of
Sir Henry Slingsby Knight, John Hewit Doctor of Divinity,'
and three others whom we may forget.1 Sat day after day till
all were judged. Poor Sir Henry, on the first day, was con-
demned ; he pleaded what he could, poor gentleman, a very
constant Royalist all along ; but the Hull business was too
palpable ; he was condemned to die. Reverend Dr. Hewit,
whose proceedings also had become very palpable, refused to
plead at all ; refused even ' to take off his hat,1 says Carrion
Heath, ' till the officer was coming to do it for him ' : ' had a
Paper of Demurrers prepared by the learned Mr. Prynne,' who
is now again doing business this way ; — ' conducted himself
not very wisely,1 says Bulstrode. He likewise received sentence
of death. The others, by narrow missing, escaped ; by good
luck, or the Protector's mercy, suffered nothing.
As to Slingsby and Hewit the Protector was inexorable.
Hewit has already taken a very high line : let him persevere
in it ! Slingsby was the Lord Fauconberg's Uncle, married
to his Aunt Bellasis ; but that could not stead him, — perhaps
that was but a new monition to be strict with him. The
Commonwealth of England and its Peace are not nothing !
These Royalist Plots every winter, deliveries of garrisons to
Charles Stuart, and reckless ' usherings of us into blood,' shall
end ! Hewit and Slingsby suffered on Tower Hill, on Mon-
day 8th June ; amid the manifold rumour and emotion of
men. Of the City Insurrectionists six were condemned ; three
of whom were executed, three pardoned. And so the High
1 Newspapers (in Croniwelliana, p. 172).
1658] HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE 183
Court of Justice dissolved itself ; and at this and not at more
expense of blood, the huge Insurrectionary movement ended,
and lay silent within its caves again.
Whether in any future year it would have tried another
rising against such a Lord Protector, one does not know, —
one guesses rather in the negative. The Royalist Cause, after
so many failures, after such a sort of enterprises ' on the word
of a Christian King,1 had naturally sunk very low. Some
twelvemonth hence, with a Commonwealth not now under
Cromwell, but only under the impulse of Cromwell, a Christian
King hastening down to the Treaty of the Pyrenees, where
France and Spain were making Peace, found one of the coldest
receptions. Cardinal Mazarin ' sent his coaches and guards
a day's journey to meet Lockhart the Commonwealth Ambas-
sador ' ; but refused to meet the Christian King at all ; would
not even meet Ormond except as if by accident, ' on the
public road,' to say that there was no hope. The Spanish
Minister, Don Luis de Haro, was civiller in manner ; but as
to Spanish Charles-Stuart Invasions or the like, he also de-
cisively shook his head.1 The Royalist Cause was as good as
desperate in England ; a melancholy Reminiscence, fast fading
away into the realm of shadows. Not till Puritanism sank of
its own accord, could Royalism rise again. But Puritanism,
the King of it once away, fell loose very naturally in every
fibre, — fell into Kinglessness, what we call Anarchy ; crumbled
down, ever faster, for Sixteen Months, in mad suicide, and
universal clashing and collision ; proved, by trial after trial,
that there lay not in it either Government or so much as
Self-government any more ; that a Government of England
by it was henceforth an impossibility. Amid the general
wreck of things, all Government threatening now to be im-
possible, the Reminiscence of Royalty rose again, < Let us
take refuge in the Past, the Future is not possible ! ' — and
Major-General Monk crossed the Tweed at Coldstream, with
results which are well known.
1 Kennet, iii. 214 ; Clarendon, iii. 914.
184 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [25 MAY
Results which we will not quarrel with, very mournful as
they have been ! If it please Heaven, these Two-hundred
Years of universal Cant in Speech, with so much of Cotton-
spinning, Coal-boring, Commercing, and other valuable Sin-
cerity of Work, going-on the while, shall not be quite lost
to us ! Our Cant will vanish, our whole baleful cunningly-
compacted Universe of Cant, as does a heavy Nightmare
Dream. We shall awaken ; and find ourselves in a world
greatly widened. — Why Puritanism could not continue ? My
friend, Puritanism was not the Complete Theory of this im-
mense Universe ; no, only a part thereof ! To me it seems,
in my hours of hope, as if the Destinies meant something
grander with England than even Oliver Protector did ! We
will not quarrel with the Destinies ; we will work as we can
towards fulfilment of them.
But in these same June days of the year 1658, while Hewit
and Slingsby lay down their heads on Tower Hill, and the
English Hydra finds that its Master is still here, there arrive
the news of Dunkirk alluded-to above : Dunkirk gloriously
taken, Spaniards gloriously beaten : victories and successes
abroad ; which are a new illumination to the Lord Protector
in the eyes of England. Splendid Nephews of the Cardinal,
Manzinis, Dues de Crequi, come across the Channel to con-
gratulate < the most invincible of Sovereigns ' ; young Louis
Fourteenth himself would have come, had not the attack of
small-pox prevented.1 With whom the elegant Lord Faucon-
berg and others busy themselves : their pageantry and gilt
coaches, much gazed-at by the idler multitudes, need not
detain us here.
The Lord Protector, his Parliament having been dismissed
with such brevity, is somewhat embarrassed in his finances.
But otherwise his affairs stand well ; visibly in an improved
condition. Once more he has saved Puritan England ; once
more approved himself invincible abroad and at home. He
looks with confidence towards summoning a new Parliament,
1 Newspapers (in Cromivelliana, pp 172-3 ; I5th-2ist June 1658).
1658] LETTER CCXXV. WHITEHALL 185
of juster disposition towards Puritan England and him.1
With a Parliament, or if extremity of need arrive, without
a Parliament and in spite of Parliaments, the Puritan Gospel
Cause, sanctioned by a Higher than Parliaments, shall not
sink while life remains in this Man. Not till Oliver Crom-
well's head lie low, shall English Puritanism bend its head to
any created thing. Erect, with its foot on the neck of Hydra
Babylon, with its open Bible and drawn Sword, shall Puri-
tanism stand, and with pious all-defiance victoriously front
the world. That was Oliver Cromwell's appointed function
in this piece of Sublunary Space, in this section of swift-
flowing Time ; that noble, perilous, painful function : and he
has manfully done it, — and is now near ending it, and getting
honourably relieved from it.
LETTER CCXXV
THE poor Protestants of Piedmont, it appears, are again in
a state of grievance, in a state of peril. The Lord Protector,
in the thickest press of domestic anarchies, finds time to think
of these poor people and their case. Here is a Letter to
Ambassador Lockhart, who is now at Dunkirk Siege, in the
French King and Cardinal's neighbourhood : a generous pious
Letter ; dictated to Thurloe, partly perhaps of Thurloe's com-
position, but altogether of Oliver's mind and sense ; — fit
enough, since it so chances, to conclude our Series here.
Among the Lockhart Letters in Thurloe^ which are full of
Dunkirk in these weeks, I can find no trace of this new Pied-
mont business : but in Milton's Latin State-Letters, among
the Literce Oliverii Protectoris, there are Three, to the French
King, to the Swiss Cantons, to the Cardinal, which all treat
of it. The first of which, were it only as a sample of the
Milton-Oliver Diplomacies, we will here copy, and translate
that all may read it. An emphatic State- Letter ; which
Oliver Cromwell meant, and John Milton thought and wrote
1 Thurloe, vii. 84, 99, 128, etc. (April, May 1658).
186 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [26 MAY
into words ; not unworthy to be read. It goes by the same
Express as the Letter to Lockhart himself ; and is very
specially referred to there :
'SERENISSIMO POTENTISSIMOQUE PRINCIPI, LUDOVICO
GALLIARUM REOI
4 Serenissime potentissimeque Rex, Amice ac Federate Augus-
tissime, — Meminisse potest Majestas Vestra, quo tempore inter
nos de renovando Fcedere agebatur (quod optimis auspiciis
initum multa utriusque Populi commoda, multa Hostium com-
munium exinde mala testantur\ accldisse miseram illam Con-
vallensium Occisionem ; quorum causam undique desertam atque
afflictam Vestrce misericordice atque tutelce, summo cum ardore
animi ac miseratione, commendavimus. Nee defuisse per se
arbitramur Majestatem Vestram officio tarn pio, immo verb tarn
humano, pro ed qua apud Ducem Sabaudice valere debuit
vel auctoritate vel gratia : Nos certe aliique multi Principes
ac CivitateS) legationibus, literis, precibus interpositis, non
defuimus.
4 Post cruentissimam utriusque sexus omnis cetatis Truci-
dationem, Pax tandem data est ; vel potiils inductee Pacis
nomine hostilitas qucedam tectior. Conditiones Pacis vestro
in oppido Pinarolii sunt latce : durce quidem illce, sed quibus
miseri atque inopes9 dira omnia atque immania perpessi, facile
acquiescerent, modo iis9 durce et iniquce ut sint, staretur. Non
statur ; sed enim earum quoque singularum falsa interpreta-
tlone variisque diverticulls> fides eluditur ac violatur. Antiquis
sedibus multi dejiciuntur> Religio P atria multis inter dicitur ;
Tributa nova exiguntur , Arx nova cervicibus imponitur,
unde milites crebro erumpentes obvios quosque vel diripiunt
vel trucidant. Ad hcec nuper novce copice clanculum contra
eos parantur ; quique inter eos Romanam Religwnem cohmt,
migrare ad tempus jubentur . ut omnia nunc rursiis videantar
ad illorum internecionem miserorum spectare, quos ilia prior
laniena reliquos fecit.
6 Quod ergo per dextram tuam> Rex Christianissime, quce
Fcedus nobiscum et amicitiam percuss'tf, obsecro atque obtestor.,
1658] LETTER CCXXV. WHITEHALL 187
per illud Christ'tanissimi tituli decus sanctissimum, fieri ne
siveris : nee tantam sasviendi licentiam, non dico Principi
culquam (neque enim in ullum Principem, multo minus in
cetatem illius Principis teneram, aut in muliebrem Matris ani-
mum, tanta scevitia cadere potest), sed sacerrimis illis Sicariis,
ne permiseris. Qui cum Christi Servatoris nostri servos atque
imitatores sese profiteantur, qui venit in hunc rnundum ut pec-
catores servaret, Ejus mitissimi Nomine atque Institutes ad
innocentium crudelissimas ccedes abutuntur. Eripe qui potes,
quique in tanto Jastigio dignus es posse, tot supplices tuos
homicidarum ex manibus, qui cruore nuper ebrii sanguinem
rurstis sitiunt, suceque invidiam crudelitatis in Principes de-
rivare consultissimum sibi ducunt. Tu vero nee Titulos tuos
aut Regni fines istd invidid, nee Evangelium Christi pacatis-
simum istd crudelitate foedari, te regnante patiaris, Memineris
hos ipsos Avi tui Henrici Protestantibus amicissimi Dedititios
fuisse ; cum Diguierius per ea Loca, qua etiam commodissi-
mus in Italiam transitus est, Sabaudum trans Alpes cedentem
victor est insecutus. Deditionis illius Instrumentum in Actis
Regni vestri Publicis etiamnum extat : in quo exceptum atque
cautum inter alia est9 ne cui posted Convallenses traderentur,
nisi iisdem conditionibus quibus eos Avus tuus invictissimus
infidem recepit. Hanc fidem nunc implorant, avitam abs te
Nepote supplices requirunt. Tui esse qudm cujus nunc sunt,
vel permutatione aliqud si fieri possit, malint atque optdrint :
id si non licet, patrocinio saltern, miseratione atque perfugio.
6 Sunt ei rationes regni quce hortari possint ut Convallenses
ad te confugientes ne rejkias : sed nolim te, Rex tantus cum
sis, aliis rationibus ad dejensionem calamltosorum qudm fide
d Majoiibus data, pietate, regidque animi benignitate ac mag-
nitudine permoveri. Ita pukherrimi facti laus atque gloria
illibata atque integra tua erit, et ipse Patrem Misericordice
ejusque Filium Christum Regem, cujus Nomen atque Doc-
trinam ab immanitate nefarid vindicaveris, eo tnagis faventem
tibi et propltium per omnem vitam experieris.
6 Deus Opt. Max. ad gloriam suam, tot innocentissimorum
188 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [26 MAY
hominum Christianorum tutandam salutem, Vestrumque verum
deals, Majestati Vestrce ham mentem injiciat. " Majestatis
Vestrce Studiosissimus
"OLIVERIUS PROTECTOR REIP. ANGLIC," ETC.
1 Westmonasterio, Mali "26° die" anno 1658.' x
Of which here is a Version the most literal we can make :
'TO THE MOST SERENE AND POTENT PRINCE, LOUIS,
KING OF FRANCE '
/
4 MOST SERENE AND POTENT KlNG, MOST CLOSE FRIEND AND
ALLY, — Your Majesty may recollect that during the negotia-
tion between us for the renewing of our League2 (which
many advantages to both Nations, and much damage to their
common Enemies, resulting therefrom, now testify to have
been very wisely done), — there fell out that miserable
Slaughter of the People of the Valleys ; whose cause, on all
sides deserted and trodden down, we, with the utmost earnest-
ness and pity, recommended to your mercy and protection. Nor
do we think your Majesty, for your own part, has been wanting
in an office so pious and indeed so human, in so far as either
by authority or favour you might have influence with the
Duke of Savoy : we certainly, and many other Princes and
States, by embassies, by letters, by entreaties directed thither,
have not been wanting.
' After that most sanguinary Massacre, which spared no age
nor either sex, there was at last a Peace given ; or rather,
under the specious name of Peace, a certain more disguised
hostility. The terms of the Peace were settled in your Town
of Pignerol : hard terms ; but such as those poor People,
indigent and wretched, after suffering all manner of cruelties
and atrocities, might gladly acquiesce in ; if only, hard and
unjust as the bargain is, it were adhered to. It is not
1 The Prose ll'orks of John Milton (London, 1833). p. 815.
2 June 1655 : antea, vol. iii. p. 205.
1658] LETTER CCXXV. WHITEHALL 189
adhered to : those terms are broken ; the purport of every
one of them is, by false interpretation and various subter-
fuges, eluded and violated. Many of these People are ejected
from their old Habitations ; their Native Religion is pro-
hibited to many : new Taxes are exacted ; a new Fortress has
been built over them, out of which soldiers frequently sallying
plunder or kill whomsoever they meet. Moreover, new Forces
have of late been privily got ready against them ; and such
as follow the Romish Religion are directed to withdraw from
among them within a limited time : so that everything seems
now again to point towards the extermination of all among
those unhappy People, whom the former Massacre had left.
4 Which now, O Most Christian King, I beseech and obtest
thee, by thy right-hand which pledged a League and Friend-
ship with us, by the sacred honour of that Title of Most
Christian, — permit not to be done : nor let such license of
savagery, I do not say to any Prince (for indeed no cruelty
like this could come into the mind of any Prince, much less
into the tender years of that young Prince, or into the
woman's heart of his Mother), but to those most accursed
Assassins, be given. Who while they profess themselves the
servants and imitators of Christ our Saviour, who came into
this world that He might save sinners, abuse His most merci-
ful Name and Commandments to the cruelest slaughterings.
Snatch, thou who art able, and who in such an elevation art
worthy to be able, those poor Suppliants of thine from the
hands of Murderers, who, lately drunk with blood, are again
athirst for it, and think convenient to turn the discredit of
their own cruelty upon their Prince's score. Suffer not either
thy Titles and the Environs of thy Kingdom to be soiled with
that discredit, or the peaceable Gospel of Christ by that cruelty,
in thy Reign. Remember that these very People became sub-
jects of thy Ancestor, Henry, most friendly to Protestants ;
when Lesdiguieres victoriously pursued him of Savoy across
the Alps, through those same Valleys,1 where indeed the most
1 In 1592 ; Henault, Abregt Chronologiqut (Paris, 1774), ii. 597.
190 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [26 MAY
commodious pass to Italy is. The Instrument of that their
Paction and Surrender is yet extant in the Public Acts of
your Kingdom : in which this among other things is specified
and provided against, That these People of the Valleys should
not thereafter be delivered over to any one except on the
same conditions under which thy invincible Ancestor had
received them into fealty. This promised protection they
now implore ; promise of thy Ancestor they now, from thee
the Grandson, suppliantly demand. To be thine rather than
his whose they now are, if by any means of exchange it could
be done, they would wish and prefer : if that may not be,
thine at least by succour, by commiseration and deliverance.
' There are likewise reasons of state which might give induce-
ment not to reject these People of the Valleys flying for
shelter to thee : but I would not have thee, so great a King
as thou art, be moved to the defence of the unfortunate by
other reasons than the promise of thy Ancestors, and thy own
piety and royal benignity and greatness of mind. So shall
the praise and fame of this most worthy action be unmixed
and clear ; and thyself shalt find the Father of Mercy, and
His Son Christ the King, whose Name and Doctrine thou
shalt have vindicated, the more favourable to thee, and pro-
pitious through the course of life.
* May the Almighty, for His own glory, for the safety of so
many most innocent Christian men, and for your true honour,
dispose Your Majesty to this determination. Your Majesty's
< OLIVER PROTECTOR OF THE COMMONWEALTH
OF ENGLAND.
' Westminster, 26th May 1658.'
"TO SIR WILLIAM LOCKHART, OUR AMBASSADOR AT THE FRENCH
COURT I THESE "
"Whitehall," 20th May 10/58.
$ir9 — The continual troubles and relation,* of the poor
People of Piedmont professing- the Reformed Religion, — and
1658] LETTER CCXXV. WHITEHALL 191
that after so many serious instances of yours in the Court of
France in their behalf, and after such hearty recommendations
of their most deplorable condition to his Majesty in our name,
who also has been pleased upon all such occasions to profess very
deep resentments of their miseries, and to give us no small hopes
of interposing his power and interest with the Duke of Savoy
for the accommodating of those affairs, and for the restoring
those poor distressed creatures to their ancient privileges and
habitations, — are matter of so much grief to us, and lie so near
our heart, that, notwithstanding we are abundantly satisfied
with those many signal marks you have always hitherto given
of your truly Christian zeal and tenderness on their regard, yet
the present conjuncture of their affairs, and the misery that is
daily added to their affliction begetting in us fresh arguments of
pity towards them, not only as men, but as the poor distressed
Members of Christ, — do really move us at present to recommend
their sad condition to your special care. Desiring you to
redouble your instances with the King, in such pathetic and
affectionate expressions as may be in some measure suitable to
the greatness of their present sufferings and grievances. Which,
the truth is, are almost inexpressible. For so restless and
implacable is the malice and fury of their Popish Adversaries,
that, — as though they esteemed it but a light matter to have
formerly shed the innocent blood of so many hundreds of souls,
to have burned their houses, to have rased their churches, to
have plundered their goods, and to have driven out the Inhabit-
ants beyond the River Felice, out of those their ancient Possessions
which they had quietly enjoyed for so many ages and generations
together, — they are now resolved to Jill their cup of affliction up
to the brim, and to heat the furnace yet seven times hotter than
before. Amongst other things:
First, — They forcibly prohibit all manner of Public Exercises l
at San Giovanni, which, notwithstanding, the Inhabitants have
enjoyed time out of mind . and in case they yield not ready
obedience to such most unrighteous orders, they are immediately
1 Means * Public Worship.'
192 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [26 MAY
summoned before their Courts of Justice, and there proceeded
against in a most severe and rigorous manner, and some threat-
ened to be wholly destroyed and exterminated.
2. And forasmuch as, in the said Valleys, there are not
found among the Natives men fitly qualified and of abilities
for Ministerial Functions to supply so much as one half of
their Churches, and upon this account they are necessitated
to entertain some out of France and Geneva, which are the
Duke of Savoy's friends and allies, — their Popish Enemies
take hold of this advantage ; and make use of this stratagem,
namely, to banish and drive out the shepherds of the jlocks,
that so the wolves may the better come in and devour the sheep.
3. To this we add, their strict prohibition of all Physicians
and Chirurgeons of the Reformed Religion to inhabit in the
Valleys. And thus they attempt not only to starve their souls
for want of spiritual food and nourishment, but to destroy their
bodies likewise for want of those outward conveniences and helps
which God hath allowed to all mankind.
4. And as a supplement to the former grievances, those
of the Reformed Religion are prohibited all manner of Com-
merce and Trade with their Popish neighbours ; that so they
may not be able to subsist and maintain their families : and
if they offend herein in the least, they are immediately appre-
hended as rebels.
5. Moreover, to give the world a clear testimony what their
main design in all these oppressions is, they have issued out
Orders whereby to force the poor Protestants To sell their
Lands and Houses to their Popish neighbours : whereas the
Papists are prohibited upon pain of excommunication to sell any
immovable to the Protestants.
6. Besides, the Court of Savoy have rebuilt the Fort of La
Torre ; contrary to the formal and express promise made by
them to the Ambassadors of the Evangelical Cantons. Where
they have also placed Commanders, who commit the Lord knows
how many excesses and outrages in all the neighbouring parts ;
without being ever called to question, or compelled to make
1658] LETTER CCXXV. WHITEHALL 193
restitution for the same. If by chance any murder be committed
in the Valleys (as is too- too often practised) whereof the authors
are not discovered, the poor Protestants are immediately accused
as guilty thereof, to render them odious to their neighbours.
7. There are sent lately into the said Valleys several Troops
of Horse and Companies of Foot; which hath caused the
poor People, out of fear of a massacre, with great expense
and difficulty to send their wives and little ones, with all that
were feeble and sick amongst them, into the Valley of Perosa,
under the King of France his Dominions.
These are, in short, the grievances, and this is the present
state and condition of those poor People even at this very day.
Whereof you are to use your utmost endeavours to make his
Majesty thoroughly sensible; and to persuade him to give
speedy and effectual orders " to " his Ambassador who resides
in the Duke^s Court, To act vigorously in their behalf. Our
Letter? which you shall present his Majesty for this end and
purpose, contains several reasons in it which we hope will move
his heart to the performance of this charitable and merciful
work. And we desire you to second and animate the same
with your most earnest solicitations ; representing unto him how
much his own interest and honour is concerned in the making
good that Accord of Henry the Fourth, his royal predecessor,
with the Ambassadors of those very People, in the year 1592,
by the Constable of Lesdiguieres ; which Accord is registered in
the Parliament of Dauphin^ ; and whereof you have an authentic
Copy in your own hands. Whereby the Kings of France
oblige themselves and their Successors To maintain and pre-
serve their ancient privileges and concessions. — Besides that
the gaining to himself the hearts of that People, by so gracious
and remarkable a protection and deliverance, might be of no
little use another day, in relation to Pignerol and the other
adjacent places under his Dominions.
One of the most effectual remedies, which we conceive the fittest
to be applied at present is, That the King of France would be
1 Milton's, given above.
VOL. IV. N
194 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [3 SEPT.
pleased to make an Exchange with the Duke of Savoy for those
Valleys ; resigning over to him some other part of his Dominions
in lieu thereof, — as, in the reign of Henry the Fourth, the
Marquisate of Saluces was exchanged with the Duke for La
Bresse.1 Which certainly could not but be of great advantage
to his Majesty, as well for the safety of Pignerol, as for the
opening of a Passage for his Forces into Italy, — which
"Passage" if under the dominion, and in the hands of so
powerful a Prince, joined with the natural strength of these
places by reason of their situation, must needs be rendered
impregnable.
By what we have already said, you see our intentions ; and
therefore we leave all otJier particulars to your special care and
conduct ; and rest, "your friend? OLIVER P. *
Lockhart, both General and Ambassador in these months,
is, as we hinted, infinitely busy with his share in the Siege of
Dunkirk, now just in its agony ; and before this Letter can
well arrive, has done his famous feat of Fighting, which brings
Turenne and him their victory, among the sandhills there.2
Much to the joy of Cardinal and King ; who will not readily
refuse him in any reasonable point at present. There came no
new Massacre upon the poor People of the Valleys ; their
grievances were again < settled,' scared away for a season, by
negotiation.
DEATH OF THE PROTECTOR
THERE remain no more Letters and Speecfies of Oliver
Cromwell for us ; the above is the last of them of either kind.
As a Speaker to men, he takes his leave of the world, in these
final words addressed to his Second Parliament, on the 4th of
1 In 1601 (Renault, ii. 612). * Ayscough MSS., no. 4107, f. 89.
2 Thursday, 36 June 1658 (Thurloe, vii. 155-6).
1658] DEATH OF THE PROTECTOR 195
February 1657-8 : <God be judge between you and me!' —
So was it appointed by the Destinies and the Oblivions ; these
were his last public words.
Other Speeches, in that crisis of Oliver's affairs, we have
already heard of ; i Speech of two hours ' to his Officers in
Whitehall ; Speech to the Lord Mayor and Common Council,
in the same place, on the same subject : but they have not
been reported, or the report of them has not come down to
us. There were domestic Letters also, as we still find,
written in those same tumultuous weeks ; Letters to the
Earl of Warwick, on occasion of the death of his Grandson,
the Protector's Son-in-law. For poor young Mr. Rich, whom
we saw wedded in November last, is dead.1 He died on the
twelfth day after that Dissolution of the Parliament ; while
Oliver and the Commonwealth are wrestling against boundless
Anarchies, Oliver's own Household has its visitations and
dark days. Poor little Frances Cromwell, in the fourth
month of her marriage, still only about seventeen, she finds
herself suddenly a widow ; and Hampton Court has become
a house of mourning. Young Rich was much lamented.
Oliver condoled with the Grandfather * in seasonable and
sympathising Letters'; for which the brave old Earl rallies
himself to make some gratefulest Reply ; 2 — * Cannot enough
confess my obligation, much less discharge it, for your season-
able and sympathising Letters ; which, besides the value they
derive from so worthy a hand, express such faithful affections,
and administer such Christian advices as renders them beyond
measure dear to me.' Blessings, and noble eulogies, the
outpouring of a brave old heart, conclude this Letter of
Warwick's. He himself died shortly after;8 a new grief
to the Protector. — The Protector was delivering the Common-
wealth from Hydras and fighting a world-wide battle, while
1 i6th Feb. 1657-8 (Newspapers in Crotnwelliana, p. 170).
2 Earl of Warwick to the Lord Protector, date nth March 1657-8; printed in
Godwin, iv. 528.
8 igth April 1658 (Thurloe, vii. 85).
196 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [3 SEPT.
he wrote those Letters on the death of young Rich. If by
chance they still lie hidden in the archives of some kinsman
of the Warwicks, they may yet be disimprisoned and made
audible. Most probably they too are lost. And so we have
now nothing more ; — and Oliver has nothing more. His
Speakings, and also his Actings, all his manifold strugglings,
more or less victorious, to utter the great God's-Message that
was in him, — have here what we call ended. This Summer
of 1658, likewise victorious after struggle, is his last in our
World of Time. Thenceforth he enters the Eternities ; and
rests upon his arms there.
Oliver's look was yet strong ; and young for his years,1
which were Fifty-nine last April. The ' Three-score and ten
years,1 the Psalmist's limit, which probably was often in
Oliver's thoughts and in those of others there, might have
been anticipated for him : Ten Years more of Life ; — which,
we may compute, would have given another History to all
the Centuries of England. But it was not to be so, it
was to be otherwise. Oliver's health, as we might observe,
was but uncertain in late times ; often ' indisposed ' the spring-
before last. His course of life had not been favourable to
health ! ' A burden too heavy for man ! ' as he himself,
with a sigh, would sometimes say. Incessant toil ; incon-
ceivable labour, of head and heart and hand ; toil, peril,
and sorrow manifold, continued for near Twenty years now,
had done their part : those robust life-energies, it afterwards
appeared,2 had been gradually eaten out. Like a Tower
strong to the eye, but with its foundations undermined;
which has not long to stand; the fall of which, on any
shock, may be sudden. —
The Manzinis and Dues de Crequi, with their splendours,
and congratulations about Dunkirk, interesting to the street-
populations and general public, had not yet withdrawn, when
at Hampton Court there had begun a private scene, of much
1 Heath. 2 Doctor Bates, on examination /art mortem.
1658] DEATH OF THE PROTECTOR 197
deeper and quite opposite interest there. The Lady Claypole,
Oliver's favourite daughter, a favourite of all the world, had
fallen sick we know not when ; lay sick now, — to death, as
it proved. Her disease was of internal female nature ; the
painfulest and most harassing to mind and sense, it is under-
stood, that falls to the lot of a human creature. Hampton
Court we can fancy once more, in those July days, a house of
sorrow ; pale Death knocking there, as at the door of the
meanest hut. ' She had great sufferings, great exercises of
spirit.' Yes . — and in the depths of the old Centuries, we
see a pale anxious Mother, anxious Husband, anxious weeping
Sisters, a poor young Frances weeping anew in her weeds.
4 For the last fourteen days ' his Highness has been by her
bedside at Hampton Court, unable to attend to any public
business whatever.1 Be still, my Child ; trust thou yet in
God : in the waves of the Dark River, there too is He a God
of help ! — On the 6th day of August she lay dead ; at rest
forever. My young, my beautiful, my brave ! She is taken
from me ; I am left bereaved of her. The Lord giveth, and
the Lord taketh away ; blessed be the Name of the Lord ! —
4 His Highness,' says Harvey,2 ' being at Hampton Court,
sickened a little before the Lady Elizabeth died. Her decease
was on Friday 6th August 1658 ; she having lain long under
great extremity of bodily pain, which, with frequent and
violent convulsion-fits, brought her to her end. But as to his
Highness, it was observed that his sense of her outward misery,
in the pains she endured, took deep impression upon him ;
who indeed was ever a most indulgent and tender Father ; —
his affections ' too * being regulated and bounded by such
Christian wisdom and prudence, as did eminently shine in
filling-up not only that relation of a Father, but also all other
1 Thurloe, vii. 295 (27th July 1658).
2 A Collection of several Passages concerning his late Highness Oliver Crom-
well, in the Time of his Sickness ; wherein is related many of his Expressions
upon his Deathbed, together with his Prayer within two or three Days before his
Death. Written by one that was then Groom of his Bedchamber. (King's
Pamphlets, sm. 410, no. 792, art. 22 : London, 9th June 1659.)
198 PART X. SECOiND PARLIAMENT [3 SEPT.
relations ; wherein he was a most rare and singular example.
And no doubt but the sympathy of his spirit with his sorely
afflicted and dying Daughter' did break him down at this time;
'considering also,' — innumerable other considerations of suffer-
ings and toils, 6 which make me often wonder he was able to
hold-up so long; except' indeed ' that he was borne up by a
Supernatural Power at a more than ordinary rate. As a
mercy to the truly Christian World, and to us of these
Nations, had we been worthy of him ! ' —
The same authority, who unhappily is not chronological,
adds elsewhere this little picture, which we must take with us :
' At Hampton Court, a few days after the death of the Lady
Elizabeth, which touched him nearly, — being then himself
under bodily distempers, forerunners of that Sickness which
was to death, and in his bedchamber, — he called for his Bible,
and desired an honourable and godly person there, with others,
present, To read unto him that passage in Philippians Fourth :
" Not that I speak in respect of want ; for I have learned in
whatsoever state I am, therewith to be content. I know both
how to be abased, and I know how to abound. Everywhere, and
in all things, I am instructed both to be full and to be hungry,
both to abound and to suffer need. I can do all things through
Christ which strengtheneth me."1 Which read, — said he, to
use his own words as near as I can remember them : " This
Scripture did once save my life ; when my eldest Son " ' poor
Robert 2 ' " died ; which went as a dagger to my heart, indeed
it did." And then repeating the words of the text himself,
and reading the tenth and eleventh verses, of Paul's contenta-
tion, and submission to the will of God in all conditions, —
said he : " It 's true, Paul, you have learned this, and attained
to this measure of grace : but what shall / do ? Ah poor
creature, it is a hard lesson for me to take out! I find it so!"
But reading on to the thirteenth verse, where Paul saith, "/
1 Philippians iv. II, 12, 13.
8 A blank in the Pamphlet here : not ' Oliver ' as hitherto supposed (see vol. i.
p. 1 88) but ' Robert ' (ibid. p. 48) : see vol. i. pp. 127, 188.
1658] DEATH OF THE PROTECTOR 199
can do all things through Christ that strengtheneth ?/*£," — then
faith began to work, and his heart to find support and com-
fort, and he said thus to himself, " He that was Paul's Christ
is my Christ too ! " And so drew waters out of the well of
Salvation/
In the same dark days, occurred George Fox's third and
last interview with Oliver. Their first interview we have seen.
The second, which had fallen out some two years ago, did not
prosper quite so well. George, riding into Town * one even-
ing,1 with some ' Edward Pyot ' or other broadbrimmed man,
espied the Protector ' at Hyde Park Corner among his Guards,'
and made up to his carriage- window, in spite of opposition ;
and was altogether cordially welcomed there. But on the
following day, at Whitehall, the Protector 'spake lightly';
he sat down loosely * on a table,' and ' spake light things to
me,' — in fact, rather quizzed me 5 finding my enormous sacred
Self-confidence none of the least of my attainments ! * Such
had been our second interview ; here now is the third and last.
— George dates nothing ; and his facts everywhere lie round
him like the leather-parings of his old shop : but we judge it
may have been about the time when the Manzinis and Dues
de Crequi were parading in their gilt coaches, That George and
two Friends ' going out of Town,' on a summer day, < two of
Hacker's men ' had met them, — taken them, brought them to
the Mews. ' Prisoners there a while ' : — but the Lord's power
was over Hacker's men ; they had to let us go. Whereupon :
' The same day, taking boat I went down ' (up) * to Kings-
ton, and from thence to Hampton Court, to speak with the
Protector about the Sufferings of Friends. I met him riding
into Hampton-Court Park ; and before I came to him, as
he rode at the head of his Lifeguard, I saw and felt a
waft ' (whiff) « of death go forth against him.' Or
in favour of him, George ? His life, if thou knew it, has
not been a merry thing for this man, now or heretofore ! I
fancy he has been looking, this long while, to give it up,
1 Fox's Journal, i. 381-2.
200 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [3 SEPT.
whenever the Com mander-in- Chief required. To quit his
laborious sentry-post ; honourably lay-up his arms, and be
gone to his rest : — all Eternity to rest in, O George ! Was
thy own life merry for example, in the hollow of the tree;
clad permanently in leather? And does kingly purple, and
governing refractory worlds instead of stitching coarse shoes,
make it merrier ? The waft of death is not against him, I
think, — perhaps against thee, and me, and others, O George,
when the Nell-Gwynn Defender and Two Centuries of all-
victorious Cant have come in upon us ! My unfortunate
George ' a waft of death go forth against him ; and when
I came to him, he looked like a dead man. After I had
laid the Sufferings of Friends before him, and had warned
him according as I was moved to speak to him, he bade me
come to his house. So I returned to Kingston ; and, the next
day, went up to Hampton Court to speak farther with him.
But when I came, Harvey, who was one that waited on him,
told me the Doctors were not willing that I should speak with
him. So I passed away, and never saw him more.1 1
Friday the 20th of August 1658, this was probably the
day on which George Fox saw Oliver riding into Hampton
Park with his Guards, for the last time. That Friday, as we
find, his Highness seemed much better : but on the morrow a
sad change had taken place ; feverish symptoms, for which the
Doctors rigorously prescribed quiet. Saturday to Tuesday the
symptoms continued ever worsening : a kind of tertian ague,
6 bastard tertian ' as the old Doctors name it ; for which it
was ordered that his Highness should return to Whitehall, as
to a more favourable air in that complaint. On Tuesday
accordingly he quitted Hampton Court ; — never to see it more.
' His time was come,1 says Harvey ; f and neither prayers
nor tears could prevail with God to lengthen out his life and
continue him longer to us. Prayers abundantly and inces-
santly poured out on his behalf, both publicly and privately,
as was observed, in a more than ordinary way. Besides many
1 Fox 's Journal, pp. 485-6.
1658] DEATH OF THE PROTECTOR 201
a secret sigh, — secret and unheard by men, yet like the cry
of Moses, more loud, and strongly laying hold on God, than
many spoken supplications. All which, — the hearts of God's
People being thus mightily stirred up, — did seem to beget
confidence in some, and hopes in all ; yea some thoughts in
himself, that God would restore him.'
' Prayers public and private ' : they are worth imagining to
ourselves. Meetings of Preachers, Chaplains, and Godly Per-
sons ; « Owen, Goodwin, Sterry, with a company of others, in
an adjoining room ' ; in Whitehall, and elsewhere over religious
London and England, fervent outpourings of many a loyal
heart. For there were hearts to whom the nobleness of this
man was known ; and his worth to the Puritan Cause was
evident. Prayers, — strange enough to us ; in a dialect fallen
obsolete, forgotten now. Authentic wrestlings of ancient
Human Souls, — who were alive then, with their affections,
awestruck pieties ; with their Human Wishes, risen to be
transcendent^ hoping to prevail with the Inexorable. All
swallowed now in the depths of dark Time ; which is full of
such, since the beginning ! — Truly it is a great scene of World-
History, this in old Whitehall : Oliver Cromwell drawing nigh
to his end. The exit of Oliver Cromwell and of English
Puritanism ; a great Light, one of our few authentic Solar
Luminaries, going down now amid the clouds of Death. Like
the setting of a great victorious Summer Sun ; its course now
finished. ' So stirbt ein Held? says Schiller, < So dies a Hero !
Sight worthy to be worshipped ! ' — He died, this Hero Oliver,
in Resignation to God ; as the Brave have all done. ' We
could not be more desirous he should abide,' says the pious
Harvey, ' than he was content and willing to be gone.' The
struggle lasted, amid hope and fear, for ten days. — Some small
miscellaneous traits, and confused gleanings of last-words ; and
then our poor History ends.
Oliver, we find, spoke much of < the Covenants ' ; which
indeed are the grand axis of all, in that Puritan Universe of
202 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [3 SEPT.
his. Two Covenants ; one of Works, with fearful Judgment
for our shortcomings therein ; one of Grace and unspeakable
mercy ; — gracious Engagements, ' Covenants,' which the Eter-
nal God has vouchsafed to make with His feeble creature Man.
Two ; and by Christ's Death they have become One : there
for Oliver is the divine solution of this our Mystery of Life.1
' They were Two,"* he was heard ejaculating : ' Two, but put
into One before the Foundation of the World ! ' And again :
4 It is holy and true, it is holy and true, it is holy and true !
— Who made it holy and true ? The Mediator of the Cove-
nant ! ' And again : « The Covenant is but One. Faith in
the Covenant is my only support. And if I believe not, He
abides faithful ! ' When his Children and Wife stood weep-
ing round him, he said : ' Love not this world. I say unto
you, it is not good that you should love this world ! ' No.
' Children, live like Christians : — I leave you the Covenant to
feed upon ! ' Yea, my brave one ; even so ! The Covenant,
and eternal Soul of Covenants, remains sure to all the faithful :
deeper than the Foundations of this World ; earlier than they,
and more lasting than they ! —
Look also at the following ; dark hues and bright ; im-
mortal light-beams struggling amid the black vapours of Death.
Look ; and conceive a great sacred scene, the sacredest this
world sees ; — and think of it, do not speak of it, in these
mean days which have no sacred word. ' Is there none that
says, Who will deliver me from the peril ? ' moaned he
once. Many hearts are praying, O wearied one ! ' Man
can do nothing,' rejoins he ; ' God can do what He will.1 —
Another time, again thinking of the Covenant, ' Is there
none that will come and praise God,' whose mercies endure
for ever !
Here also are ejaculations caught up at intervals, undated,
in those final days : * Lord, Thou knowest, if I do desire to
live, it is to show forth Thy praise and declare Thy works ! '
1 Much intricate intense reasoning to this effect, on this subject, in Owen's
Works, among others.
(658] DEATH OF THE
— Once he was heard saying, ' It is a fearful thing to fall into
the hands of the Living God ! ' l * This was spoken three
times,' says Harvey ; ' his repetitions usually being very
weighty, and with great vehemency of spirit/ Thrice over
he said this ; looking into the Eternal Kingdoms : ' A fearful
thing to fall into the hands of the Living God ! ' But
again : f All the promises of God are in Him : yes, and in
Him Amen ; to the glory of God by us, — by us in Jesus
Christ." ' The Lord hath filled me with as much
assurance of His pardon, and His love, as my soul can hold.'
— ' I think I am the poorest wretch that lives : but I love
God ; or rather, am beloved of God.' — ' I am a conqueror,
and more than a conqueror, through Christ that strength-
eneth me ! ' 2
So pass, in the sickroom, in the sickbed, these last heavy
uncertain days. ' The Godly Persons had great assurances of
"a return to their Prayers ' : transcendent Human Wishes find
in their own echo a kind of answer ! They gave his Highness
also some assurance that his life would be lengthened. Hope
was strong in many to the very end.
On Monday August 30th, there roared and howled all day
a mighty storm of wind. Ludlow, coming up to town from
Essex, could not start in the morning for wind ; tried it in the
afternoon ; still could not get along, in his coach, for head-
wind ; had to stop at Epping.8 On the morrow, Fleetwood
came to him in the Protector's name, to ask, What he wanted
here ? — Nothing of public concernment, only to see my Mother-
in-law ! answered the solid man. For indeed he did not
know that Oliver was dying ; that the glorious hour of Dis-
enthrahnent, and immortal ' Liberty ' to plunge over preci-
pices with one's self and one's Cause was so nigh ! — It came ;
and he took the precipices, like a strongboned resolute blind
gin-horse rejoicing in the breakage of its halter, in a very
gallant constitutional manner. Adieu, my solid friend ; if I
1 Hebrews x. 31.
8 From Harvey; scattered over his Pamphlet. 3 Ludlow, ii. 610-12.
204 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [3 SEPT.
go to Vevay, I will read thy Monument there, perhaps not
without emotion, after all !
It was on this stormy Monday, while rocking winds, heard
in the sickroom and everywhere, were piping aloud, that
Thurloe and an Official person entered to inquire, Who, in
case of the worst, was to be his Highnesses Successor? The
Successor is named in a sealed Paper already drawn-up, above
a year ago, at Hampton Court ; now lying in such and such
a place. The Paper was sent for, searched for ; it could never
be found. Richard's is the name understood to have been
written in that Paper : not a good name ; but in fact one
does not know. In ten years' time, had ten years more been
granted, Richard might have become a fitter man ; might
have been cancelled, if palpably unfit. Or perhaps it was
Fleetwood's name, — and the Paper, by certain parties, was
stolen ? None knows. On the Thursday night following,
6 and not till then,' his Highness is understood to have formally
named * Richard ' ; — or perhaps it might only be some heavy-
laden ' Yes, yes ! ' spoken, out of the thick death-slumbers, in
answer to Thurloe's question ' Richard ? ' The thing is a little
uncertain.1 It was, once more, a matter of much moment ; —
giving colour probably to all the subsequent Centuries of
England, this answer ! —
On or near the night of the same stormy Monday, * two or
three days before he died,' we are to place that Prayer his
Highness was heard uttering ; which, as taken down by his
attendants, exists in many old Notebooks. In the tumult of
the winds, the dying Oliver was heard uttering this
PRAYER
Lord, though I am a miserable and wretched creature, I am
in Covenant with Thee through grace. And I may, I will,
come to Thee, for Thy People. TJiou hast made me, though
very unworthy, a mean instrument to do them some good, and
1 Authorities in Godwin, iv. 572-3. But see also Thurloe, vii. 375 ; Faucon-
berg's second Letter there.
1658] DEATH OF THE PROTECTOR 205
Thee service ; and many of them have set too high a value
upon me, though others wish and would be glad of my death ;
Lord, however Thou do dispose of me, continue and go on to do
good for them. Give tliem consistency of judgment, one heart,
and mutual love ; and go on to deliver them, and with the work
of reformation ; and make the Name of Christ glorious in the
world. Teach those who look too much on Thy instruments, to
depend more upon Thyself. Pardon such as desire to trample
upon the dust of a poor worm, for they are Thy People too.
And pardon the folly of this short Prayer : — Even for Jesus
Chris fs sake. And give us a good night, if it be Thy plea-
sure. Amen.
' Some variation there is,' says Harvey, ' of this Prayer, as
to the account divers give of it ; and something is here
omitted. But so much is certain, that these were his requests.
Wherein his heart was so carried out for God and His People,
— yea, indeed for some who had added no little sorrow to
him,' the Anabaptist Republicans, and others, — ' that at this
time he seems to forget his own Family and nearest relations.'
Which indeed is to be remarked.
Thursday night the Writer of our old Pamphlet was him-
self in attendance on his Highness ; and has preserved a trait
or two ; with which let us hasten to conclude. Tomorrow is
September Third, always kept as a Thanksgiving day, since
the Victories of Dunbar and Worcester. The wearied one,
' that very night before the Lord took him to his everlasting
rest,' was heard thus, with oppressed voice, speaking :
' " Truly God is good ; indeed He is ; He will not "
Then his speech failed him, but as I apprehended, it was,
" He will not leave me." This saying, " God is good," he
frequently used all along ; and would speak it with much
cheerfulness, and fervour of spirit, in the midst of his pains. —
Again he said : "I would be willing to live to be farther
serviceable to God and His People : but my work is done.
Yet God will be with His People."
206 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [3 SEPT.
* He was very restless most part of the night, speaking
often to himself. And there being something to drink offered
him, he was desired To take the same, and endeavour to
sleep. — Unto which he answered : " It is not my design to
drink or sleep ; but my design is, to make what haste I can
to be gone." —
' Afterwards, towards morning, he used divers holy expres-
sions, implying much inward consolation and peace ; among
the rest he spake some exceeding self-debasing words, anni-
hilating and judging himself. And truly it was observed,
that a public spirit to God's Cause did breathe in him, — as
in his lifetime, so now to his very last.'
When the morrow's sun rose, Oliver was speechless ; be-
tween three and four in the afternoon, he lay dead. Friday
3d September 1658. 'The consternation and astonishment
of all people,' writes Fauconberg,1 ' are inexpressible ; their
hearts seem as if sunk within them. My poor Wife, — I know
not what on earth to do with her. When seemingly quieted,
she bursts out again into a passion that tears her very heart
in pieces." — Husht, poor weeping Mary ! Here is a Life-
battle right nobly done. Seest thou not,
* The storm is changed into a calm,
At His command and will ;
So that the waves which raged before
Now quiet are and still !
Then are they glad, — because at rest
And quiet now they be :
So to the haven He them brings
Which they desired to see.'
6 Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord ' ; blessed are
the valiant that have lived in the Lord. < Amen, saith the
Spirit,' — Amen. ' They do rest from their labours, and their
works follow them.'
1 To Henry Cromwell, ;th September 1658 (Tlmrloe> vii. 375).
1658] DEATH OF THE PROTECTOR 207
' Their works follow them/ As, I think, this Oliver Crom-
well^ works have done and are still doing ! We have had
our * Revolutions of Eighty-eight,' officially called ' glorious ' ;
and other Revolutions not yet called glorious ; and somewhat
has been gained for poor Mankind. Men's ears are not now
slit-off by rash Officiality ; Officiality will, for long henceforth,
be more cautious about men's ears. The tyrannous Star-
chambers, branding-irons, chimerical Kings and Surplices at
All-hallowtide, they are gone, or with immense velocity going.
Oliver's works do follow him ! — The works of a man, bury
them under what guano-mountains and obscene owl-droppings
you will, do not perish, cannot perish. What of Heroism,
what of Eternal Light was in a Man and his Life, is with
very great exactness added to the Eternities ; remains forever
a new divine portion of the Sum of Things ; and no owl's
voice, this way or that, in the least avails in the matter. — But
we have to end here.
Oliver is gone ; and with him England's Puritanism, labori-
ously built together by this man, and made a thing far-shining,
miraculous to its own Century, and memorable to all the Cen-
turies, soon goes. Puritanism, without its King, is kingless,
anarchic ; falls into dislocation, self-collision, staggers, plunges
into ever deeper anarchy ; King, Defender of the Puritan
Faith there can now none be found ; — and nothing is left but
to recall the old disowned Defender with the remnants of his
Four Surplices, and Two Centuries of Hypocrisis (or Play-
acting not so-called), and put-up with all that, the best we
may. The Genius of England no longer soars Sunward, world-
defiant, like an Eagle through the storms, ' mewing her
mighty youth,' as John Milton saw her do : the Genius of
England, much liker a greedy Ostrich intent on provender
and a whole skin mainly, stands with its other extremity
Sunward ; with its Ostrich-head stuck into the readiest bush,
of old Church-tippets, King-cloaks, or what other ' sheltering
Fallacy ' there may be, and so awaits the issue. The issue
has been slow ; but it is now seen to have been inevitable.
208 PART X. SECOND PARLIAMENT [3 SEPT.
No Ostrich, intent on gross terrene provender, and sticking
its head into Fallacies, but will be awakened one day, — in a
terrible a-posteriori manner, if not otherwise ! Awake
before it come to that ; gods and men bid us awake ! The
Voices of our Fathers, with thousandfold stern monition to
one and all, bid us awake.
APPENDIX
No. 1
LETTER TO DOWNHALL
[Vol. i. p. 55.]
THE stolen Letter of the Ashmole Museum has been found printed, and
even reprinted. It is of the last degree of insignificance : a mere Note
of Invitation to Downhall to stand e Godfather unto my Child.' Man-
child now ten days old,1 who, as we may see, is christened { on Thursday
next* by the name of RICHARD, — and had strange ups and downs as a
Man when it came to that !
To my approved good Friend Mr. Henry Downhall, at his Chambers
in St. Johns College, Cambridge : These
Huntingdon, 14th October 1626.
LOVING SIR, — Make me so much your servant as to be 2 God-
father unto my Child. I would myself have come over to have
made a formal invitation ; but my occasions would not permit me :
and therefore hold me in that excused. The day of your trouble
is Thursday next. Let me entreat your company on Wednesday.
By this time it appears, I am more apt to encroach upon you for
new favours than to show my thankfulness for the love I have
already found. But I know your patience and your goodness
cannot be exhausted by your friend and servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
Of this Downhall, sometimes written DownAaw/J, and even Downett
and Downfctf ; who grounds his claim, such as it is, to human remem-
brance on the above small Note from Oliver, — a helpful hand has, with
1 Vol. i. p. 70. 2 ' by being ' in orig.
* Hearne's Liber Niger Scaccarii (London, 1771), i. 261 n.
VOL. IV. O
210 APPENDIX, NO. 2 [ISSEPT.
unsubduable research, discovered various particulars, which might amount
almost to an outline of a history of Downhall were such needed. He
was of Northamptonshire, come of gentlefolks in that County. Admitted
Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, 12th April 1614 ;— had known
Oliver, and apparently been helpful and instructive to him, two years
after that. More interesting still, he, this same Downhall;was Vicar of
St. Ives when Oliver came thither in 1635 ; still Vicar when Oliver left
it, though with far other tendencies than Oliver's now ; and had, alas,
to be ' ejected with his Curate in 1642,' as an Anti-Puritan Malignant : l
— Oliver's course and his having altogether parted now ! Nay farther,
the same Downhall, surviving the Restoration, became ' Archdeacon of
Huntingdon ' in 1667 : fifty-one years ago he had lodged there as Oliver
Cromwell's Guest and Gossip ; and now he comes as Archdeacon, — with
a very strange set of Annals written in his old head, poor Downhall !
He died ' at Cottingham in Northamptonshire, his native region, in the
winter-time of 1669 ;' — and so, with his Ashmole Letter, ends.2
No. %
AT ELY
[Vol. i. p. 95.]
THERE is at Ely a Charitable Foundation now above four centuries old ;
which in Oliver's time was named the Ely Feoffees Fund, and is now
known as Parsons' Charity ; the old Records of which, though somewhat
mutilated during those years, offer one or two faint but indubitable ves-
tiges of Oliver, not to be neglected on the present occasion.
This Charity of ancient worthy Thomas Parsons, it appears, had, shortly
before Oliver's arrival in Ely, been somewhat remodelled by a new Royal
Charter : To be henceforth more specially devoted to the Poor of Ely ;
to be governed by Twelve Feoffees ; namely, by Three Dignitaries of the
Cathedral, and by Nine Townsmen of the better sort, who are permanent,
and fill-up their own vacancies,3 of which latter class, Oliver Cromwell,
Esquire, most likely elected in his Uncle's stead, was straightway made
one. The old Books, as we say, are specially defective in those years ;
i Vol. i. p. 89.
3 Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, Hi. 187 ; and MS. communicated by Mr. Cooper, resting on
the following formidable mass of documentary Authorities :
Cole MSS. (which is a Transcript of Baker's History of St. John's College), 166, 358 ; Rymer's
Faedera, xix. 261 ; Le Neve's Fasti Ecclesite Anglicans, p. 160; Rennet's Register and Chro-
nicle, pp. 207, 251; Walker's Sufferings^ ii. 129, 130; Wood's Athence (zd edition, passage
wanting in both the ist and 3d), ii. 1179.
8 Report of the Commissioners concerning Charities (London, 1837) : distinct account of it
there, § Cambridgeshire, pp. 218-20.
1638] AT ELY
' have lost 40 or 50 leaves at the end of Book i., and 12 leaves at the
beginning of Book n./ leaves cut out for the sake of Oliver's autograph,
or as probably for other reasons. Detached Papers, however, still indi-
cate that Oliver was one of the Feoffees, and a moderately diligent one,
almost from his first residence there. Here, under date some six or seven
months after his arrival, is a small Entry in certain loose Papers, labelled
' The Accompts of Mr. John Hand and Mr. Wm. Crauford, Collectors of the
Revenewes belonging to the Towne of Ely ' (that is, to Parsons' Charity in
Ely) ; and under this special head, ' The Disbursements of Mr. John Hand,
from the — of August 1636 unto the — of — 1641 :
( Given to divers Poore People at ye Work -house, hn
the presence of Mr. Archdeacon of Ely,1 Mr. I _
Oliver Cromwell, Mr. John Goodricke andj*'16
others, 10th February 1636, as appeareth . .)
And under this other head, e The Disbursements of Mr. Crauford,' which
unluckily are not dated, and run vaguely from 1636 to 1641 :
f Item to Jones, by Mr. Cromwell's consent . .£100'
Twice or thrice elsewhere the name of Cromwell is mentioned, but not
as indicating activity on his part, indicating merely Feoffeeship and pas-
sivity ; 2 — except in the following instance, where there is still extant a
small Letter of his. ' Mr. Hand/ as we have seen, is one of the ' Col-
lectors,' himself likewise a Feoffee or Governor, the Governors (it would
appear) taking that office in turn.
" To Mr. Hand, at Ely ; These "
"Ely," 13th September 1638.
MR. HAND, — I doubt not but I shall be as good as my word for
your Money. I desire you to deliver Forty Shillings of the Town
Money to this Bearer, to pay for the physic for Benson's cure. If
the Gentlemen will not allow it at the time of account, keep this
Note, and I will pay it out of my own purse. So I rest, your loving
friend, OLIVER CROMWELL.*
1 One 'Wigmore'; the Dean was 'William Fuller'; the Bishop 'Matthew Wren,' very
famous for his Popish Candles and other fripperies, who lay long in the Tower afterwards.
These were the three Clerical Feoffees in Oliver's time.
2 Excerpts of Documents obligingly communicated by the Dean of Ely, — now penes Mr.
Cooper of Cambridge.
* Memoirs of the Protector, by Oliver Cromwell, a Descendant, etc. (London, 1822), i. 351 ;
where also (p. 350) is found, in a very indistinct state, the above-given Entry from Hand's
A ccompts, misdated '1641,' instead of loth February 1636-7. The Letter to Hand 'has not
been among the Feoffees' Papers for several years' ; and is now (1846) none knows whera.
APPENDIX, NO. 3 [4 MAY
Poor ' Benson ' is an old invalid. Among Mr. Hand's Disbursements
for the year 1636 is this :
f For phisicke and surgery for old Benson . . £2 7 4 '
And among Crauford's, of we know not what year :
' To Benson at divers times £0 15 0*
Let him have forty shillings more, poor old man ; and if the Gentlemen
won't allow it, Oliver Cromwell will pay it out of his own purse.
No. 3
CAMBRIDGE: CORPORATION (1641); WHELOCKE (1643)
[Vol. i. pp. 119;— 132, 143.]
Two vestiges of Oliver at Cambridge, in his parliamentary and in his
military capacity, there still are.
1. The first, which relates to a once very public Affair, is his Letter
(his and Lowry's) to the Cambridge Authorities, in May 1641 ; Letter
accompanying the celebrated ' Protestation and Preamble' just sent forth
by the House of Commons, with earnest invitation to all constituencies
to adopt the same.
( A Preamble, with the Protestation made by the whole House of Commons
the 3d of May 1641, and assented unto by the Lords of the Upper
House the 4th of May.
' We, the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons House, in
Parliament, finding, to the grief of our hearts, That the designs of the
Priests and Jesuits, and other Adherents to the See of Rome, have been
of late more boldly and frequently put in practice than formerly, to the
undermining, and danger of ruin, of the True Reformed Religion in his
Majesty's Dominions established : And finding also that there hath been,
and having cause to suspect there still are even during the sitting in
Parliament, endeavours to subvert the Fundamental Laws of England
and Ireland, and to introduce the exercise of an Arbitrary and Tyrannical
Government, by most pernicious and wicked counsels, plots and con-
spiracies : And that the long intermission, and unhappier breach, of
Parliaments hath occasioned many illegal Taxations, whereupon the
Subjects have been prosecuted and grieved : And that divers Innovations
1641] PROTESTATION 213
and Superstitions have been brought into the Church ; multitudes driven
out of his Majesty's dominions ; jealousies raised and fomented between
the King and People ; a Popish Army levied in Ireland,1 and Two Armies
brought into the bowels of this Kingdom, to the hazard of his Majesty's
royal Person, the consumption of the revenue of the Crown, and the
treasure of this Realm : And lastly, finding great causes of jealousy that
endeavours2 have been and are used to bring the English Army into
misunderstanding of this Parliament, thereby to incline that Army by
force to bring to pass those wicked counsels, —
'Have therefore thought good to join ourselves in a declaration of our
united affections and resolutions ; and to make this ensuing
'PROTESTATION
flt A. B., do in the Presence of Almighty God promise, vow and pro-
test, To maintain and defend as far as lawfully I may, with my life,
power and estate, the True Reformed Protestant Religion, expressed in
the Doctrine of the Church of England, against all Popery and Popish
Innovations, and according to the duty of my allegiance to his Majesty's
royal Person, Honour and Estate : as also the Power and Privilege of
Parliament, the Lawful Rights and Liberties of the Subjects ; and every
Person that maketh this Protestation in whatsoever he shall do in the
lawful pursuance of the same. And to my power, as far as lawfully I
may, I will oppose, and by good ways and means endeavour to bring to
condign punishment all such as shall, by force, practice, counsel, plots,
conspiracies or otherwise, do anything to the contrary in this present
Protestation contained.
'And farther I shall, in all just and honourable ways, endeavour to
preserve the union and peace betwixt the Three Kingdoms of England,
Scotland and Ireland ; and neither for hope, fear nor other respect, shall
relinquish this Promise, Vow and Protestation.'8
This is on Monday 3d May 1641, while the Apprentices are bellowing
in Palaceyard : Cromwell is one of those that take the Protestation this
same Monday, present in the House while the redacting of it goes on.
Long lists of Members take it, — not John Lowry, who I conclude must
have been absent. On Wednesday 5th May, there is this Order :
' Ordered, That the Protestation made by the Members of this House,
with the Preamble, shall be together printed ' ; Clerk to attest the copies ;
1 By Strafford lately, against the Scots and their enterprises.
2 This is the important point, nearly shaded out of sight : ' finding the great causes of jealousy,
endeavours have' etc. is the tremulous, indistinct and even ungrammatical phrase in the
original.
8 Commons Journals, ii. 132 (3d May 1641)1
APPENDIX, NO. 3 [8 MAY
all Members to send them down to the respective Sheriffs, Justices, to
the respective Cities, Boroughs, and ( intimate with what willingness the
Members made this Protestation ; and that as they justify the taking of
it in themselves, so they cannot but approve it in them that shall likewise
take it.'
Strict Order, at the same time, That all Members e now in Town and
not sick shall appear here Tomorrow at Eight of Clock,' and take this
Protestation : non-appearance to be ' accounted a contempt of this House,'
and expose one to be expelled, or worse ; — in spite of which John Lowry
still does not sign, not till Friday morning, after even f Philip Warwick '
and ' Endymion Porter ' have signed : whence I infer he was out of Town
or unwell,1 — This Letter, which seems to be of Cromwell's writing, still
stands on the Corporation Books of Cambridge ; read in Common Council
there on the llth May ; at which time, said Letter being read, the Town
Authorities did one and all zealously accept the same, and signed the
Protestation on the spot. The Letter is not dated ; but as Lowry signed
on Friday, and the Corporation meeting is on Tuesday the llth, we may
safely guess the Letter to have arrived on Monday, and to have been
written on Saturday.
To the Right Worshipful the Mayor and Aldermen of Cambridge,
with the rest of that Body : Present these
"London, 8th "May 1641.
GENTLEMEN, — We heartily salute you ; and herewith, according
to the directions of the House of Commons in this present Parlia-
ment assembled, send unto you a Protestation; — the contents
whereof will best appear in the thing itself. The Preamble there-
with printed doth declare the weighty reasons inducing them, in
their own persons, to begin " making it."
We shall only let you know that, with alacrity and willingness,
the Members of that Body entered thereinto. It was in them a
right honourable and necessary act ; not unworthy your imitation.
You shall hereby as the Body Represented avow the practice of
the Representative. The conformity is in itself praiseworthy;
and will be by them approved. The result may, through the
Almighty's blessing, become stability and security to the whole
Kingdom. Combination carries strength with it. It's dreadful
to adversaries; especially when it's in order to the duty we owe
to God, to the loyalty we owe to our King and Sovereign, and to
1 Com mons Jeurnals, ii. 133, 5, 6, 7. Rushworth, iv. 241 et seqq.
1641] LETTER TO CAMBRIDGE 215
the affection due to our Country and Liberties, — the main ends of
this Protestation now herewith sent you.
We say no more : but commit you to the protection of Him who
is able to save you ; desiring your prayers for the good success of
our present affairs and endeavours, — which indeed are not ours,
but the Lord's and yours. Whom we desire to serve in integrity :
and bidding you heartily Farewell, rest, your loving friends to be
commanded, OLIVER CROMWELL.
JOHN LOWRY.*
2. The second is a small antiquarian relic (date, Spring 1643); dim
and of little worth in its detached form, but capable of lighting itself up,
and the reader's fancy along with it, when set in the right combination.
'Mr. Abraham Whelocke,' whose name and works are still well enough
known, was, later in that century, ' the celebrated Professor of Arabic at
Oxford ' ; and is now, we perceive, in this Spring 1643, a Student at
Cambridge; of meditative peripatetic habits; often walking into the
country with a little Arabic Volume in his pocket : — apt to be fluttered
at the Town Gates by these new military arrangements. In this difficulty
he calls on Colonel Cromwell ; and — But his little Volume itself is still
extant, and tells its own story and his. A thin duodecimo, in white hog-
skin binding now grown very brown ; size handy for the smallest coat-
pocket: — arid on the fly-leaf, in Oliver's hand, stands written (signed
successively by three other Committee-men whom Whelocke would soon
search out for the feat) :
4th April 1643.
Suffer the Bearer hereof, Mr. Abraham Whelocke, to pass your
guards so often as he shall have occasion, into and out of Cam-
bridge, towards Little Shelford or any other place ; and this shall
be your warrant.
THO. COOKE. OLIVER CROMWELL.!
EDW. CLENCHE. JAMES THOMPSON.
* Cambridge Corporation Day-Book : in Cooper's Annals of Cambridge ; iii. 311. Printed
also, with errors, in O. Cromwell's Memoirs of the Protector, i. 406.
t Whelocke's Arabic Volume (a version into Arabic of one of Bellarmin's Books, by some
Armenian Patriarch, for benefit of the Heathen, Rome, 1627, — with slight marks of Whelocke
on the other fly-leaves) ; Volume now in the possession of Dr. Lee, Hartwell, Buckinghamshire,
who has kindly given me sight of it.— Next year, under this Pass of Oliver's, lower half of the
same fly-leaf, there is a Renewal of it, or Copy in almost precisely the same terms, written and
signed by the Earl of Manchester (in ink now grown very pale, while Oliver's has changed to
strong red-brown), of date ' 2yth February i643'-4, when his Lordship again for a time (see an tea,
vol. i. p. 181) had become chief Authority in Cambridge. (Note ofiZs?.)
216 APPENDIX, NO. 4 [26 JAN.
No. 4
EASTERN ASSOCIATION: THREATENED RISING OF PAPISTS IN
NORFOLK
[Vol. i. p. ISO.]
Two Committee-Letters, both of Oliver's writing ; illustrations of his
diligent procedure in the birth-time of the Eastern Association.
To our noble Friends, Sir John Hobart, Sir Thomas Richardson, Sir
John Potts, Sir John Palgrave, " Sir" John Spelman, Knights and
Baronets, and the rest of the Deputy-Lieutenants for the County
of Norfolk : Present these
"Cambridge, 26th January 1642."
GENTLEMEN, — The Parliament and the Lord General have taken
into their care the peace and protection of these Eastern parts of
the Kingdom ; and to that end have sent down hither some part
of their Forces, — as likewise a Commission, with certain Instruc-
tions to us and others directed ; all which do highly concern the
peace and safety of your County. Therefore we entreat that some
of you would give us a meeting at Mildenhall1 in Suffolk, on
Tuesday the 3 1st of this instant January. And in the mean time
that you would make all possible speed to have in a readiness,
against any notice shall be given, a considerable force of Horse
and Foot to join with us, to keep any Enemy's force from breaking-
in upon your yet peaceable Country. For we have certain intel-
ligence that some of Prince Rupert's forces are come as far as
Wellingborough in Northamptonshire, and that the Papists in
Norfolk are solicited to rise presently upon you.
Thus presenting all our neighbourly and loving respects, we
rest, your respective friends to serve you,
MILES SANDYS.
TERRELL JOCELYN FRANC. RUSSELL.
WILLM. MARCHE. OLIVER CROMWELL.
EDW. CLENCHE. THOMAS SYMONS.
JAMES THOMPSON. ROBERT CLERKE.*
1 'Millnall ' he writes. * Original in Tanner MSS. Ixiv. 116
1643] LETTER TO NORFOLK 217
To our worthy Friends, Sir John Hobart, Sir Thomas Richardson, Sir
John Polls, Sir John Palgrave, Sir John Spelman, Knights and
Baronets. Present these
Cambridge, 27th January 1642.
GENTLEMEN, — The grounds of your Jealousies are real. They
concur with our intelligences from Windsor ; the sum whereof we
give unto you :
From a prisoner taken by Sir Samuel Luke (one Mr. Gandy, a
Captain of Dragooners) this confession was drawn, That the Papists
by direction from Oxford should rise in Norfolk. Whereupon it
was desired from thence That Sir Henry Benningfield and Mr.
Gandy, their persons should be seized, and that we should do our
endeavour to make stay of the Person and Letter which contained
this encouragement to them, — he being described by his horse and
clothes. But we believe " he " was past us before we had notice,
for our Scouts could not light on him.
As for the other consideration of his Majesty's forces being
invited into these parts, we have confirmation thereof from all
hands ; — and there is this reason to doubt it will be so, Because
his Majesty is weary of Oxford ; there being little in those
parts left to sustain his Army, — and surely the fulness of these
parts and fitness of them for Horse are too-too good arguments
to invite him hither. Thus we agree in the grounds of our doubt
and fear.
The next thought is of Remedy. And in this we account it
our happiness to consult with you of common safety, to be had
either by the Association you speak of, or by J any other consi-
deration by communication of assistance, according to necessity.
Wherein I hope you shall find all readiness and cheerfulness in us,
to assist you to break any strength that shall be gathered; or
to prevent it, if desired, — having timely notice given from you
thereof. The way will be best settled, if you give us a meeting,
according to our desire by a Letter particularly prepared 2 before
we received yours, and now sent unto you for that purpose
together with these.
1 Comes to the end of the sheet, and turns to the margin.
2 Preceding Letter, seemingly, or rather Copy of it
218 APPENDIX, NO. 5 [>9JULY
This is all we can say for the present ; but that we are, your
friends and servants,
MILES SANDYS.
THOM. MARTYN. FRANC. RUSSELL, TERRELL JOCELYN.
OLIVER CROMWELL. THOS. SYMONS.
WILLM. MARCHE. ROBERT CLERKE.
EDW. CLENCHE. JAMES THOMPSON.
" P.S." We sent to Sir William Spring to offer him our assist-
ance for the apprehension of Sir H. Benningfield, etc. We have
not yet received any answer. — We knew not how to address
ourselves to you. It 's our desire to assist you in that or any
other public service.*
No. 5
GAINSBOROUGH FIGHT
[Vol. i. p. 157.]
HERB are other details concerning Gainsborough Fight ; Two Letters
upon it that have successively turned up.
1. The first is a Letter two days earlier in date ; evidently not written
by Cromwell, though signed by him and two chief Lincolnshire Commit-
teemen, as he passes through their City on his way to Huntingdon. Sir
Edward Ayscough, or ' Ayscoghe ' as he here signs himself, — probably a
kinsman of Sir George the Sailor's, possibly the father of the ' Captain
Ayscoghe ' mentioned here, — he and John Broxliolme, Esq. , both of the
Lincolnshire Committee,1 are clearly the writers of the present Letter.
'For the Honourable William Lenthatt, Esquire, Speaker of the Commons
House of Parliament : These
' Lincoln, 29th July 1643 (Six o'clock at night).
f NOBLE SIR, — We, having solicited a conjunction of Forces towards
the raising of the Siege of Gainsborough, did appoint a general rendez-
vous at North Scarle to be upon Thursday the 27th of July. To the
which place,, Sir John Meldrum with about Three-hundred Horse and
Dragoons, and Colonel Cromwell with about Six or Seven Troops of
* Original, in Cromwell's own hand throughout, in Tanner MSS. Ixiv. 129.
1 Husband, ii. 171.
1643] GAINSBOROUGH FIGHT
Horse and about One-hundred Dragoons, came. With these they
marched towards Gainsborough ; and meeting with a good party of the
Enemy about a mile from the Town, beat them back, — but not with any
commendations to our Dragoons. We advanced still towards the Enemy,
all along under the Cony- Warren, which is upon a high Hill above Gains-
borough. The Lincoln Troops had the van, two Northampton, and three
small Troops of Nottingham the battle, and Colonel Cromwell the rear ;
the Enemy in the mean time with his body keeping the top of the Hill.
Some of the Lincoln Troops began to advance up the Hill; which
were opposed by a force of the Enemy ; but our men repelled them, until
all our whole body was got up the Hill. The Enemy kept his ground ;
which he chose for his best advantage, with a body of Horse of about
Three Regiments of Horse, and a reserve behind them consisting of
General Cavendish his Regiment, which was a very full regiment. We
presently put our Horse in order ; which we could hardly do by reason
of the cony-holes and the difficult ascent up the Hill ; the Enemy being
within musket-shot of us, and advancing towards us before we could get
ourselves into any good order. But with those Troops we could get up,
we charged the greater body of the Enemy ; came-up to the sword's point ;
and disputed it so a little with them, that our men pressing heavily upon
them, they could not bear it, but all their Body ran away, some on the
one side of their Reserve, others on the other. Divers of our Troops pur-
suing had the chase about six miles.
' General Cavendish with his Regiment standing firm all the while, and
facing some of our Troops that did not follow the chase, — Colonel
Cromwell, with his Major Whalley and one or two Troops more, were
following the chase, and were in the rear of that Regiment When they
saw the body stand unbroken, t ( they " endeavoured, with much ado, to
get into a body those three or four Troops which were divided. Which
when they had done, — perceiving the Enemy to charge two or three of
the Lincoln scattered Troops, and to make them retire by reason of their
being many more than they in number ; and the rest being elsewhere
engaged and following the chase, — Colonel Cromwell with his three
Troops followed them in the rear; brake this Regiment; and forced
their General, with divers of their men, into a quagmire in the bottom
of the Hill. Where one of Colonel Cromwell his men cut General
Cavendish on the head ; by reason whereof he fell off his horse ; and
the Colonel's1 Captain-Lieutenant thrust him into the side, whereof
within two hours he died ; — the rest chasing his Regiment quite out of
the field, having execution of them, so that the field was left wholly unto
us, not a man appearing. Upon this, divers of our men went into the
Town, carrying-in to my Lord Willoughby some of the Ammunition we
1 Original has 'his'; and for 'General Cavendish' in the foregoing line 'him.*
220 APPENDIX, NO. 5 [29 JULY
brought for him ; — believing that our work was at an end ; saving to take
care how to bring farther provisions into the Town, to enable it to stand
a siege in case my Lord Newcastle should draw-up with his Army to
attempt it.
' Whilst we were considering- of these things, word was brought us
That there was a small remainder of the Enemy's force not yet meddled
with, about a mile beyond Gainsborough, with some Foot, and two pieces
of Ordnance. We having no Foot, desired to have some out of the Town ;
which my Lord Willoughby granted, and sent us about Six-hundred Foot :
with these we advanced towards the Enemy. When we came thither to
the top of the hill, we beat divers Troops of the Enemy's Horse back :
but at the bottom we saw a Regiment of Foot ; after that another (my
Lord Newcastle's own Regiment, consisting of nineteen colours) appear-
ing also, and many Horse ; — which indeed was his Army. Seeing these
there so unexpectedly, we advised what to do.
Colonel Cromwell was sent to command the Foot to retire, and to
draw-off the Horse. By the time he came to them, the Enemy was
marching up the hill. The Foot did retire disorderly into the Town,
which was not much above a quarter of a mile from them ; upon whom
the Enemy's Horse did some small execution. The Horse also did retire
in some disorder, about half a mile, — until they came to the end of a
field where a passage was ; where, by the endeavour of Colonel Crom-
well, " of" Major Whalley and Captain Ayscoghe, a body was drawn up.
With these we faced the Enemy ; stayed their pursuit ; and opposed
them with about four Troops of Colonel Cromwell's and four Lincoln
Troops ; the Enemy's body in the mean time increasing very much from
the Army. But such was the goodness of God, giving courage and valour
to our men and officers, that whilst Major Whalley and Captain Ayscoghe,
sometimes the one with four Troops faced the Enemy, sometimes the
other, to the exceeding glory of God be it spoken, and the great honour
of those two Gentlemen, they with this handful forced the Enemy so, and
dared them to their teeth in at the least eight or nine several removes, —
the Enemy following at their heels ; and they, though their horses were
exceedingly tired, retreating in order, near carbine-shot of the Enemy,
who thus followed them, firing upon them ; Colonel Cromwell gathering-
up the main body and facing them behind those two lesser bodies, — that,
in despite of the Enemy, we brought-off our Horse in this order, without
the loss of two men.
' Thus have you a true relation of this notable service : wherein God is
to have all the glory. And care must be taken speedily to relieve this
noble Lord from his and the State's Enemies, by a speedy force sent unto
us, — and that without any delay ; or else he will be lost, and that important
1643] LETTER TO WRAY
Fown, and all those parts ; and way made for this Army instantly to
advance into the South. Thus resting upon your care in speeding present
Succours hither, we humbly take our leaves, and remain, your humble
servants, ' EDW. AYSCOGHB.
' Jo. BROXOLME.
'OLIVER CROMWELL.'*
2. The Second Letter, the Original of which still exists, is of much
greater interest ; being from Cromwell's own hand, and evidently
thrown-off in a quite familiar and even hasty fashion. Written, as would
appear, on the march from Lincoln to Huntingdon ; no mention precisely
where ; but probably at the Army's quarters on the evening of their first
day's march homewards. In the original the surname of the ( Sir John '
to whom the Letter addresses itself has been, probably by some royalist
descendant (of mixed emotions), so industriously crossed out with many
strokes of the pen, that not only is it entirely illegible, but the polite pos-
sessor of the Autograph cannot undertake to guess for me how many letters
may have been in the word. On other grounds I pretty confidently under-
take, nevertheless, to read Wray : Sir John Wray of Glentworth, Member
for Lincolnshire, and on the Committee of that County ; at present, I
suppose, attending his duty in London. Glentworth House is almost
within sight and sound of these transactions ; the well-affected Knight
of the Shire, for many reasons, may fitly hear a word of them, while we
rest from our march. Sir John's Mother, I find by the Dryasdust
records,2 was a Montague of Boughton ; so that ' your noble Kinsman*
near the end of this Letter will mean my Lord of Manchester,' ' Sergeant-
Major of the Association,' a man well qualified to give information.
To my noble Friend Sir John " Wraye" Knight and Baronet :
Present these
"Eastern Association," 30th July 1643.
SIR, — The particular respects I have received at your hands do
much oblige me, but the great affection you bear to the public
much more : for that cause I am bold to acquaint you with some
late Passages wherein it hath pleased God to favour us ; — which, I
am assured, will be welcome to you.
1 Tanner MSS. Ixii. 194 ; and, with little or no variation, Baker MSS. xxviii. 434.
8 Burke's Extinct Baronetage, § Wray.
222 APPENDIX, NO. 5 [30 JULY
After Burleigh House was taken, we went towards Gainsborough
to a general rendezvous, where met us Lincolnshire Troops ; so
that we were Nineteen or Twenty Troops, when we were together,
of Horse and Foot, and about Three or Four Troops of Dragooners.
We marched with this force to Gainsborough. Upon Friday
morning, being the 28th of July, we met with a forlorn-hope of
the Enemy, and with our men brake it in. We marched on to1
the Town's end. The Enemy being upon the top of a very steep
Hill over our heads, some of our men attempted to march up that
Hill ; the Enemy opposed ; our men drove them up, and forced
their passage. By the time 2 we came up, we saw the enemy well
set in two bodies: the foremost a large fair body, the other a
reserve consisting of six or seven brave Troops. Before we could
get our force into order, the great body of the Enemy advanced ;
they were within musket-shot of us when we came to the pitch of
the Hill : we advanced likewise towards them ; and both charged,
each upon the other: Thus advancing, we came to pistol and
sword's point, both in that close order that it was disputed very
strongly who should break the other. But our men pressing a
little heavily upon them, they began to give back ; which our men
perceiving, instantly forced them, — brake that whole body ; some
of them flying on this side, some on the other side, of the reserve.
Our men, pursuing them in great disorder, had the execution about
four, or some say six miles. With much ado, this done, and all
their force being gone, not one man standing, but all beaten out
of the field, — we drew-up our body together, and kept the field, —
the half of our men being well worn in the chase of the Enemy.
Upon this we endeavoured the Business we came for ; which
was the relief of the Town with Ammunition. We sent-in some
Powder, which was the great want of that Town. Which done,
word was brought us that the Enemy had about Six Troops of
Horse, and Three-hundred Foot, a little on the other side of the
Town. Upon this we drew some musketeers out of the Town, and
with our body of horse marched towards them. We saw two Troops
towards the Mill ; which my men drove down into a little village
at the bottom of the Hill : when we [we emphatic] came with our
horse to the top of that Hill, we saw in the bottom a whole regiment
1 Means ' towards. 2 ' that time' in orig.
1643] LETTER TO WRAY 223
of Foot, after that another and another, — and, as some counted,
about Fifty Colours of Foot. Which indeed was my Lord Newcastle's
Army ; — with which he now besieges Gainsborough.
My Lord Willoughby commanded me to bring-off the Foot and
Horse : which I endeavoured ; but the Foot (the Enemy pressing
on with the Army) retreated in some disorder into the Town, being
of that Garrison. Our Horse also, being wearied, and unexpectedly
pressed by this new force, so great, — gave off, not being able to
brave the charge. But, with some difficulty, we got our Horse
into a body, and with them faced the Enemy ; and retreated
in such order that though the Enemy followed hard, they were
not able to disorder us, but we got them off safe, to Lincoln, from
this fresh force, and lost not one man. The honour of this retreat,
equal to any of late times, is due to Major Whalley and Captain
Ayscough, next under God.
This Relation I offer you for the honour of God (to whom be all
the praise); as also to let you know you have some servants
faithful to you, to incite to action. I beseech you let this good
success quicken your countrymen to this engagement ! It's great
evidence of God's favour. Let not your business be starved. I know,
if all be of your mind, we shall have an honourable return. It's
your own business : — a reasonable strength now raised speedily
may do that which much more will not do after some time.
Undoubtedly, if they succeed here, you will see them in the
bowels of your Association ! " As " for the time, you will hear it
from your noble Kinsman and Colonel Palgrave : if we be not
able in ten days to relieve Gainsborough, a noble Lord will be lost,
many good Foot, and a considerable Pass over Trent in these parts. —
The Lord prosper your endeavours and ours. I beseech you
present my humble service to the high Honourable Lady. Sir,
I am your faithful servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.
P.S. — I stayed, " from the chase after our first encounter," two
of my ow.n Troops, and my Major stayed his; in all three. There
were in front of the Enemy's reserve three or four of the Lincoln
Troops yet unbroken : the Enemy charged those Troops ; utterly
broke and chased them ; so that none of the Troops on our part
stood, but my three. Whilst the Enemy was following our flying
APPENDIX, NO. 6 [8 MAR.
Troops, I charged him on the rear with my three Troops ; drove
him down the Hill, brake him all to pieces ; forced Lieutenant-
General Cavendish into a Bog, who fought in this reserve : one
Officer cut him on the head ; and, as he lay, my Captain-Lieutenant
Berry thrust him into the short ribs, of which he died, about two
hours after, in Gainsborough.*
By this Postscript is at last settled the question, Who killed Charles
Cavendish ? It was t my Captain- Lieutenant Berry ' ; he and no other, if
any one still wish to know. Richard Baxter's friend once ; and other-
wise a known man.
No. 6
LETTER TWO DAYS PRIOR TO THAT CAMBRIDGE ONE
[Vol. i. p. 181.]
t€ To Sir Samuel Luke" (Member for Bedford, leading Committee-
man, etc.) : " These "
[No date of Place] 8 March 1643.
NOBLE SIR, — I beseech you cause Three hundred-Foot, under a
Captain, to march to Buckingham upon Monday morning, there to
quarter with Four-hundred Foot of Northampton, which Mr. Crew
sends thither upon Monday next. There will be the Major-General
" Crawford " to command them. I am going for a Thousand Foot
more at least to be sent from Cambridge and out of the Associations.
If any man be come to you from Cambridge, I beseech you send
him to me to Bedford with all speed ; let him stay for me at the
Swan. Sir, I am your humble servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.
Present my humble service to Colonel Aylife, and tell him he
promised me his coat of mail.t
* Original in the possession of Dawson Turner, Esq., Great Yarmouth ; printed in Papers of
Norfolk Archceological Society (Norwich, Jan. 1848), pp. 45-50,
t Ellis, Original Letters illustrative of English History (London, 1846), iv. 225.
1643] LETTER TO FAIRFAX 225
No. 7
Two LETTERS : ACTION AT I SLIP-BRIDGE AND BLETCHINGTON
DITTO AT BAMPTON-IN-THE-BUSH
[Vol. i. pp. 203, 204.]
1. WRITTEN the night before that in the Text, on the same subject.
" For the Right Honourable Sir Thomas Fairfax, General of
the Army: These"
"Bletchington," 24th April 1645.
RIGHT HONOURABLE, — I met at my rendezvous at WatHngton,
on Wednesday last ; where I stayed somewhat long for the coming-
up of the Body of Horse, which your Honour was pleased to give
me the command of. After the coming whereof, I marched with
all expedition to Wheatley-Bridge ; having sent before to Major-
General Browne, for what intelligence he could afford me of the
state of affairs in Oxford (I being not so well acquainted in
those parts), — of the condition, and number, of the Enemy in
Oxford. Who himself informed me by letters, That Prince Maurice
his forces were not in Oxford, as I supposed ; and that, — as he
was informed by four very honest and faithful Gentlemen that
came out of Oxford to him a little before the receipt of my
letter, — there were Twelve pieces of Ordnance with their
carriages and wagons, ready for their march; and in another
place Five more pieces with their carriages, ready to advance
with their Convoy.
After I received this satisfaction from Major- General Browne,
I advanced this morning, — being Thursday the twenty-fourth of
April, — near to Oxford. There I lay before the Enemy; who
perceiving it at Oxford, and being in readiness to advance, sent
out a party of Horse against me : part of the Queen's Regiment,
part of the Earl of Northampton's Regiment, and part of the
Lord Wilmot's Regiment ; — who made an infall upon me.
Whereupon I drew forth your Honour's Regiment, — lately
mine own, — against the Enemy (who had drawn themselves into
several Squadrons, to be ready for action) ; — and commanded your
VOL. iv. p
APPENDIX, NO. 7 [28 APRIL
Honour's own Troop therein, to charge a Squadron of the Enemy.
Who performed it so gallantly that, after a short firing, they
entered the whole Squadron, and put them to a confusion. And
the rest of my Horse presently entering after them, they made a
total rout of the Enemy ; and had the chase of them three or four
miles; — and killed Two-hundred; took as many prisoners, and
about Four-hundred Horses. " Also " the Queen's colours, richly
embroidered, with the Crown in the midst, and eighteen flower-
de-luces wrought all about in gold, with a golden cross on the top.
— Many escaped to Oxford, and divers were drowned.
Part of them likewise betook themselves to a strong House in
Bletchington ; where Colonel Windebank kept a Garrison, with
near Two-hundred horse and foot therein. Which, after surround-
ing it, I summoned : — but they seemed very dilatory in their
answer. At last, they sent out Articles to me of Surrender, —
which I have sent your Honour enclosed :l — and after a large
treaty thereupon, the Surrender was agreed upon between us.
They left behind them between Two or Three hundred muskets,
Seventy horses ; besides other arms and ammunition. — I humbly
rest, your honour's humble servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
2. A few months since, in 1868, there has incidentally turned up,
among the Manuscripts of the House of Lords, and been reawakened into
daylight and publicity, from its dark sleep of 223 years, the ' contem-
poraneous Copy* of a Letter by Oliver himself; which curiously adjusts
itself to its old combination here, completely elucidating for us those
small Bletchington-Bampton transactions ; and is of itself otherwise
worth reading. It is of date the day before that Farringdon Affair
To the Right Honourable the Committee of Both Kingdoms,
at Derby House
"Farringdon," April 28th, 1645.
MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, — Since my last it has pleased God
to bless me with more success in your service. In pursuance of
your commands I marched from Bletchington to Middleton
Stonies, and from thence towards Witney, as privately as I could,
believing that to be a good place for interposing between the
1 Given in Rushworth, vi. 24. * King's Pamphlets, small 4to, no. 203, § 7.
1 645] TO COMMITTEE OF BOTH KINGDOMS
King and the West, whether he intended Goring and Grenville,
or the two Princes.
In my march I was informed of a body of foot which were
marching towards Farringdon ; which indeed were a commanded
party of three hundred, which came a day before from Farringdon,
under Colonel Richard Vaughan, to strengthen Woodstock against
me, and were now returning.
I understood they were not above three-hours' march before
me. I sent after them. My forlorn overtook them as they had
gotten into enclosures not far from Bampton Bush, and skirmished
with them. They killed some of my horses, mine killed and got
some of them ; but they recovered the town (" Bampton, i.e.")
before my body came up, and my forlorn not being strong enough
was not able to do more than they did. The Enemy presently
barricaded-up the town, got a pretty strong house : my body
coming up about eleven in the night, I sent them a summons.
They slighted it. I put myself in a posture that they should not
escape me, hoping to deal with them in the morning. My men
charged them up to their barricades in the night ; but truly they
were of so good resolution that they could not force them from it;
and indeed they killed some of my horses, and I was forced to
wait until the morning : besides, they had got a pass over a brook.
In the night they strengthened themselves as well as they could
in the storehouse. In the morning I sent a drum to them ; but
their answer was, they would not quit except they might march
out upon honourable terms. The terms I offered were, to submit
all to mercy. They refused with anger. I insisted upon them,
and prepared to storm. I sent them word to desire them to deliver
out the gentleman and his family ; which they did ; for they must
expect extremity, if they put me to a storm. After some time
spent, all was yielded to mercy. Arms I took, muskets near 200,
besides other arms, about two barrels of powder, soldiers and
officers near 200. Nine score besides officers, the rest being
scattered and killed before. The chief prisoners were Colonel
Sir Richard Vaughan, Lieutenant-Colonel Littleton, and Major
Lee, two or three Captains, and other Officers.
As I was upon my march, I heard of some horse of the Enemy
which crossed me towards Evesham. I sent Colonel Fiennes
228 APPENDIX, NO. 7 [28 APRIL
after them ; whom God so blessed that he took about thirty
prisoners, 100 horse, and three horse colours. Truly his dili-
gence was great ; and this I must testify, that I find no man more
ready to all services than himself. I would not say so, if I did
not find it : if his men were at all considered, I should hope you
might expect very real service from them. I speak this the rather
because I find him a gentleman of that fidelity to you, and so con-
scientious, that he would all his troop were as religious and civil
as any, and makes it a great part of his care to get them so.
In this march my men also got one of the Queen's troopers,
and of them and others about 100 horses. This morning Colonel
John Fiennes sent me in the gentleman that waits upon the Lord
Digby in his chamber, who was going to General Goring about
exchange of a prisoner. He tells me the King's forces were drawn
out the last night to come to relieve Sir Richard Vaughan, and
Legge commanded them; they were about 700 horse and 500
foot ; but I believe they are gone back. He saith many of the
horse were volunteer gentlemen ; for I believe I have left him
few others here.
I looked upon his letters, and found them directed to Marl-
borough. He tells me Goring is about the Devizes. I asked
him what farther orders he had to him. He tells me he was only
to bid him follow former orders. I pressed him to know what
they were; and all that I could get was, that it was to hasten
with all he had up to the King to Oxford. He saith he has about
3000 horse and 1000 foot; that he is discontented that Prince
Rupert commanded away his foot.
I am now quartered up to Farringdon. I shall have an eye
towards him. I have that which was my regiment, and a part of
Colonel Sydney's five troops "that" were re-created, and a part of
Colonel Vermuyden's, and five troops of Colonel Fiennes's; three
whereof and Sir John " Browne's " 1 and Captain Hammond's
I sent with the first prisoners to Aylesbury. It 's great pity we
want dragoons. I believe most of their petty garrisons might
have been taken in, and other services done ; for the Enemy is
in high fear. God does terrify them. It's good to take the
season; and surely God delights that you have endeavoured to
1 Orig. illegible.
1645] BATTLE OF NASEBY 229
reform your armies ; and I beg it may be done more and more.
Bad men and discontented say it 's faction. I wish to be of the
faction that desires to avoid the oppression of the poor people
of this miserable Nation, upon whom who can look without a
bleeding heart? Truly it grieves my soul, our men should still
be upon free quarters, as they are. I beseech you help it what
and as soon as you can. My Lords, pardon me this boldness;
it is because I find in these things wherein I serve you, that He
does all. I profess his very hand has led me. I preconsulted
none of these things.
My Lords and Gentlemen, I wait your farther pleasure, sub-
scribing myself, OLIVER CROMWELL.*
No. 8
BATTLE OF NASEBY. BURIAL OF COLONEL PICKERING
Two LETTERS CONCERNING ELY
[Vol. i. pp. 94, 210, 232.]
(a.) THE following very rough Notes of a studious Tourist will perhaps
be acceptable to some readers. Notes dashed down evidently in the most
rough-and-ready manner, but with a vigilant eye both on the Old Books
and on the actual Ground of Naseby ; taken, as appears, in the year 1842.
'Battle of Naseby t 14th June 1645: From Sprigge (London, 1647);
Rushworth, vi. (London, 1701); Old Pamphlets; and the Ground.
' Fairfax's Stages towards Naseby (Sprigge, p. 30 et seqq.). Wednesday
llth June, a rainy day : Marched " from Stony Stratford to Wootton,"
— three miles south of Northampton. Bad quarters there : ' t but the
Mayor came," etc. — Thursday 12th June : From Wootton to (not "Guils-
borough four miles west of Northampton," as Sprigge writes, but evi-
dently) Kislingbury and the Farmsteads round. The King "lies
encamped on Burrough Hill " (five miles off) ; has been " hunting," this
* Notes and Queries, 8 Aug. 1868 ; — printed there, as I learn on inquiry, ' from a contem-
poraneous Copy ' found among the House of Lords MSS. in the course of some official examina-
tion going on there : corrected and investigated into clearness for me by the kindness of John
Forster, Esq., most obliging of Friends, whose final remark on it is: 'As to Farringdon '
(Letter xxvii. of Text), ' though Cromwell had now crossed the river, and was quartered up to
the place, he was not in adequate force for reducing it. " It's great pity we want dragoons,"
is his remark in this Letter ; and, according to Rushworth s statement, he had already sent to
Abingdon for four or five companies of infantry. Burgess knew very well, there is little doubt,
the real state of affairs.' (Note ofiZfy.)
230 APPENDIX, NO. 8 [HJUNE
day: "his horses all at grass." The night again wet; Fairfax, riding
about, all night, on the spy is stopped by one of his own sentries, etc. :
" at Flower " (near Weedon), sees the King's Forces all astir on the
Burrough Hill, about four in the morning ; " firing their huts" ; rapidly
making off, — Northward, as it proved. At six, a Council of War. Crom-
well, greatly to our joy, has just come-in from the Associated Counties,
— " received with shouts." Major Harrison, with horse, is sent towards
Daventry to explore ; Ireton, also with horse, to the Northward, after
the King's main body. "We" Fairfax's main-body, now set forward
" towards Harborough," flanking the King; and that night, — Friday
13th June, — arrive (not at "Gilling," as Sprigge has it, — is there any
such place ? — but) at Guilsborough.1 Which is the last of the Stages.
'The King's van is now, this Friday night, at Harborough; his rear
is quartered in Naseby, — where Ireton beats them up (probably about
half-past nine), "taking prisoners," etc. : and so the fugitives rouse the
King out of his bed ' e at Lubenham " : 2 — who thereupon drives-off to
Prince Rupert at Harborough ; arrives about midnight ; calls a Council
("resting himself in a chair in a low room," till Rupert and the rest get
on their clothes) ; and there, after debate,3 determines on turning back
to beat the Roundheads for this affront. — Ireton lies at Naseby, therefore ;
"we" (Fairfax and the Army), at Guilsborough, all this night.
( Battle of Naseby. Saturday 14th June 1645. Starting at three in the
morning, we arrive about five at Naseby. King ' ' reported to be at Har-
borough," uncertain whitherward next : behold, ' ' great bodies of his
troops are seen coming over the Hill from Harborough towards us " ; —
he has turned, and is for fighting us, then ! We put our Army in order,
— "large fallow field northwest of Naseby," "the brow of the Hill run-
ning east and west " " for something like a mile " : King has sunk out of
sight in a hollow ; but comes up again nearer us,4 and now evidently
drawn-out for battle. We fall back, " about a hundred paces, from the
brow of the Hill," to hide ourselves and our plans : he rushes on the
faster, thinking we run (" much of his ordnance left behind ") : the
Battle joins on the very brow of the Hill. Their word, Queen Mary ;
ours, God is our Strength.
( About Three-hundred Musketeers of ours on the Left Wing, are
advanced a little, as a forlorn, down the steep of the Hill ; they retire
firing, as Rupert charges up : Ireton and Skippon command in this
quarter ; " Lantford Hedges," a kind of thicket which runs right down
the Hill, is lined with Colonel Okey and his dragoons, — all on foot at
1 Rush worth, vi. 46 (Despatch from the Parliament Commissioners).
2 See Iter Carolinum too. 8 See Clarendon, etc.
* ' At Sibbertoft ' (Rushworth).
1645] BATTLE OF NASEBY 231
present, and firing lustily on Rupert as he gallops past. — Cromwell is on
the extreme Right (easternmost part of the Hill) : he, especially Whalley
under him, dashes down before the Enemy's charge upwards (which is led
by Langdale) can take effect ; scatters said charge to the winds ; not
without hard cutting : a good deal impeded f ' hy furze-bushes " and ee a
cony-warren." These Royalist Horse, Langdale's, fled all behind their
own Foot, "a quarter of a mile from the Battle-ground," — i.e. near to
the present Farm of Dust Hill, or between that and Clipstow ; — and
never fought again. So that Cromwell had only to keep them in check ;
and aid his own Main-battle to the left of him : which he diligently did.
' Our Right Wing, then, has beaten Langdale. But Rupert, on the
other side of the field, beats back our Left : — over " Rutput Hill,"
" Fenny Hill " (Fanny Hill, as the Old Books call it) ; towards Naseby
Hamlet ; on to our Baggage-train (which stands on the northwest side of
the Hamlet, eastward of said " Rutput " and " Fenny," but northward of
' ' Leane Leafe Hill," very sober " Hills," I perceive !). Our extreme
Left was " hindered by pits and ditches " in charging ; at any rate, it
lost the charge ; fled : and Rupert now took to attacking the Baggage
and its Guard, — in vain, and with very wasteful delay. For our Main-
battle too was in a critical state ; and might have been overset, at this
moment. Our Main-battle, — our Horse on the Left of it giving way ;
and the King's Foot ' ' coming up into sight," over the brow of the Hill,
' ' with one terrible volley," and then with swords and musket-butts, —
" mostly all fled." Mostly all : except the Officers, who " snatched the
colours," " fell into the Reserves with them," etc. And then, said
Reserves now rushing on, and the others rallying to them ; and Crom-
well being victorious and diligent on the Right, and Rupert idle among
the Baggage on the Left, — the whole business was erelong retrieved ;
and the King's Foot and other Force were all driven pell-mell down the
Hill : towards Dust Hill (or eastward of the present Farm-house, I
think). There the King still stood, — joined at last by Rupert, and
struggling to rally his Horse for another brush : but the Foot would not
halt, the Foot were all off : and the Horse too, seeing Cromwell with all
our Horse and victorious Foot now again ready for a second charge,
would not stand it ; but broke ; and dissipated, towards Harborough,
Leicester, and Infinite Space.
' The Fight began at ten o'clock,1 lasted three hours : 2 there were
some Five-thousand Prisoners ; how many Slain I cannot tell.'
(6) Colonel Pickering, a distinguished Officer, whose last notable ex-
ploit was at the storm of Basing House, has caught the epidemic, ' new
1 Clarendon. 2 Cromwell's Letter.
APPENDIX, NO. 8 [6 JUNE
disease ' as they call it, some ancient influenza very prevalent and fatal
during those wet winter-operations ; and after a few days' illness, ' at
Autree' (St. Mary Ottery) where the headquarter was, is dead. Sir
Gilbert, his brother, is a leading man in Parliament, with much service
yet before him ; — Cousin Dryden, one day to be Poet Dryden, is in
Northamptonshire, a lad of fourteen at present. Sprigge (p. 156) has
a pious copy of ' sorrowful verse over dear Colonel Pickering's hearse ' ;
and here is a Note concerning his funeral.
To Colonel Cicely, at Pendennis Castle : These
Tiverton, 10th December 1645.
SIR, — It's the desire of Sir Gilbert Pickering that his deceased
Brother, Colonel Pickering, should be interred in your Garrison ;
and to the end his Funeral may be solemnised with as much
honour as his memory calls for, you are desired to give all pos-
sible assistance therein. The particulars will be offered to you
by his Major, Major Jubbs,1 with whom I desire you to concur
herein.
And believe it, Sir, you will not only lay a huge obligation upon
myself and all the Officers of this Army, but I dare assure you the
General himself will take it for an especial favour, and will not let
it go without a full acknowledgment. — But what need I prompt
him to so honourable an action whose own ingenuity will be
argument sufficient herein ? Whereof rests assured your humble
servant. OLIVER CROMWELL.*
(c) A Couple of very small Letters, which have now (May, March,
1846) accidentally turned up, too late for insertion in the Text, may find
their corner here.
1. The First, which is fully dated (just eight days before the Battle of
Naseby), but has lost its specific Address, may without much doubt be
referred to Ely and the ' Fortifications ' going on there.2
« To Captain Undeiwood, at Ely : These "
Huntingdon, 6th June 1645.
CAPTAIN UNDERWOOD, — I desire the guards may be very well
strengthened and looked unto. Let a new breastwork be made
1 ' Gubbs ' he writes.
* Polwhele's Traditions and Recollections (London, 1826), i. 22 : with a Note on Cicely, and
reference to ' the Original among the Family Papers of the Rev. G. Moore, of Grampound.1
* Commons Journals, iv. 161, 5 ; Cromwelliana, p. 16.
1645] LANGPORT BATTLE 233
about the gravel,1 and a new work half-musket-shot behind the
old work ; all storm-ground 1 stuff. Tell Colonel Fothergill to
take care of keeping strong guards. — Not having more, I rest,
yours, OLIVER CROMWELL.*
2. s Sir Dudley North/ Baronet, of Catlidge Hall, near Newmarket, is
Member for Cambridgeshire ; sits too, there is small doubt, in the Ely
Committee at London ; — is wanted now for a small County business.
The ' 30th of March/ as we know, is but the fifth day of the then New
Year : Oliver, — I find after some staggering, for his date will not suit
with other things, — takes the cipher of the Old Year, as one is apt to do,
and for 1647 still writes ' 1646.' As this Entry, abridged from the Com-
mons Journals,2 will irrefragably prove, to readers of his Letter : ' John
Hobart, Esq. dismissed from being Sheriff of Cambridge and Huntingdon
Shires, and Tristram Diamond, Esq., appointed in his place, 1st January
1646/ which, for us, and for Cromwell too on the 30th of March follow-
ing, means 1647.
For the Honourable Sir Dudley North : These
"London," 30th March 1646 [error for 1647].
SIR, — It being desired to have the Commission of the Peace
renewed in the Isle of Ely, — with some addition, as you may per-
ceive ; none left out ; only Mr. Diamond, now High Sheriff of the
County, and my Brother Desborow, added, there being great want
of one in that part of the Isle where I live, — I desire you to join
with me in a Certificate ; and rest, your humble servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.!
No. 9
LANGPORT BATTLE (10th July 1645). SUMMONS TO WINCHESTER
[Vol. i. p. 230.]
HERE is Oliver's own account of the Battle of Langport, mentioned in
our Text :
1 Word uncertain to the Copyist.
* Original now (May 1846) in the Baptist College, Bristol. * v. 36 (ist. Jan. 1646-7).
f Original in the possession of the Rev. W. S. Spring Casborne, of Pakenham, Suffolk; a
descendant of the North Family.
APPENDIX, NO. 9 [JULY
« To "
" Langport, — July 1645."
DEAR SIR, — I have now a double advantage upon you, through
the goodness of God, who still appears for us. And as for us, we
have seen good things in this last mercy, — it is not inferior to any
we have had; — as followeth.
We were advanced to Long-Sutton, near a very strong place of
the Enemy's, called Langport ; far from our Garrisons, without
much ammunition, in a place extremely wanting in provisions, — the
Malignant Clubmen interposing, who are ready to take all advan-
tages against our parties, and would undoubtedly take them against
our Army, if they had opportunity. — Goring stood upon the
advantage of strong passes, staying until the rest of his recruits
came up to his Army, with a resolution not to engage until Gren-
ville and Prince Charles his men were come up to him. We could
not well have necessitated him to an Engagement, nor have stayed
one day longer without retreating to our ammunition and to
conveniency of victual.
In the morning, word was brought us, That the Enemy drew
out. He did so, with a resolution to send most of his cannon and
baggage to Bridgewater, — which he effected, — but with a resolu-
tion not to fight, but, trusting to his ground, thinking he could
make away at pleasure.
The pass was strait between him and us; he brought two
cannons to secure his, and laid his Musketeers strongly in the
hedges. WTe beat-off his cannon, fell down upon his Musketeers,
beat them off from their strength, and, where our Horse could
scarcely pass two abreast, I commanded Major Bethel to charge
them with two Troops of about one-hundred-and-twenty Horse.
Which he performed with the greatest gallantry imaginable ; —
beat back two bodies of the Enemy's Horse, being Goring's own
Brigade ; brake them at sword's-point. The Enemy charged him
with near 400 fresh Horse ; set them all going, — until, oppressed
with multitudes, he brake through them, with the loss not of
above three or four men. Major Desborow seconded him, with
some other of those Troops, which were about three. Bethel faced
about ; and they both routed, at sword's-point, a great body of the
1645] LANGPORT BATTLE 235
Enemy's Horse. Which gave such an unexpected terror to the
Enemy's Army, that it set them all a-running. Our Foot, in the
mean time, coming on bravely, and beating the Enemy from their
strength, we presently had the chase to Langport and Bridgewater.
We took and killed about 2000, — brake all his Foot. WTe have
taken very many Horses, and considerable Prisoners. What are
slain we know not. We have the Lieutenant-General of the
Ordnance ; Colonel Preston, Colonel Heveningham, Colonel
Slingsby, we know of, besides very many other officers of quality.
All Major-General Massey's party was with him (" Massey "), seven
or eight miles from us, — and about twelve-hundred of our Foot,
and three Regiments of our Horse. So that we had but Seven
Regiments with us.
Thus you see what the Lord hath wrought for us. Can any
creature ascribe anything to itself? Now can we give the glory
to God, and desire all may do so, for it is all due unto Him ! —
Thus you have Long-Sutton mercy added to Naseby mercy. And
to see this, is it not to see the face of God ! You have heard of
Naseby : it was a happy victory. As in this, so in that, God was
pleased to use His servants; and if men will be malicious, and
swell with envy, we know Who hath said, If they will not see, yet
they shall see, and be ashamed for their envy at His people. — I
can say this of Naseby, That when I saw the Enemy draw up and
march in gallant order towards us, and we a company of poor
ignorant men, to seek how to order our battle, — the General
having commanded me to order all the Horse, — I could not, riding
alone about my business, but smile out to God in praises, in assur-
ance of victory, because God would, by things that are not, bring
to nought things that are. Of which I had great assurance ; and
God did it. O that men would therefore praise the Lord, and
declare the wonders that He doth for the children of men !
I cannot write more particulars now. I am going to the
rendezvous of all our Horse, three miles from Bridgewater; we
march that way. — It is a seasonable mercy. I cannot better tell
you than write, That God will go on ! — We have taken two guns,
three carriages of ammunition. In the chase, the Enemy quitted
Langport ; when they ran out of one end of the Town, we entered
the other. They fired that at which we should chase; which
236 APPENDIX, NO. 10 [3 MAY
hindered our pursuit : but we overtook many of them. I believe
we got near Fifteen-hundred Horse.
Sir, I beg your prayers. Believe, and you shall be established.
I rest, your servant, " OLIVER CROMWELL." *
A couple of months after this battle, Oliver is before Winchester, and
makes this Summons :
To the Mayor of the City of Winchester
"Before Winchester," 28th September 1645
5 o'clock at night.
SIR, — I come not to this City but with a full resolution to save
it, and the Inhabitants thereof, from ruin.
I have commanded the soldiers, upon pain of death, That no
wrong be done:— which I shall strictly observe; only I expect
you give me Entrance into the City, without necessitating me to
force my way ; which if I do, then it will not be in my power to
save you or it. I expect your Answer within half an hour ; and
rest, your humble servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.!
No. 10
ARMY TROUBLES IN 1647
[Vol. i. p. 269.]
THE Vote ( that Field-Marshal Skippon, Lieutenant-General Cromwell,
Commissary-General Ireton and Colonel Fleetwood,' all Members of this
House, 'shall proceed to their charges in the Army,' and endeavour to
quiet all distempers there, — was passed on the 30th of April : day of the
Three Troopers and Army-Letter, and directly on the back of that occur-
rence.1 They went accordingly, perhaps on the morrow, and proceeded
to business ; but as nothing specific came of them, or could come, till
the 8th of May, that day is taken as the date of the Deputation. — Here
are Three Letters from them ; one prior and one posterior ; which, copied
from the Tanner MSS., have got into print, but cannot throw much light
on the affair.
* Pamphlet in Lincoln College, Oxford ; no. 10, ' Battles and Sieges, '—title of it, 'The Copy
of Lieutenant-General Cromwell's Letter to a worthy Member of the House of Commons;
published by Authority, London, 1645.'
f History and Antiquities of Winchester (London, 1773), it 127.
1 Commons Journals, v. 158 : see an tea, vol. i. p. 268.
1647] ARMY TROUBLES IN 1647 237
1. ' " To the Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker of the
Commons House : These "
' "Saffron Walden," 3d May 1647.
' SIB, — We have sent out orders to summon the Officers of the several
Regiments to appear before us on Thursday next ; to the end we may
understand from them the true condition and temper of the Soldiers in
relation to the discontents lately represented ; and the better to prepare
and enable them, — by speaking with them, and acquainting them with
your Votes,1 — to allay any Discontents that may be among the Soldiers.
' We judged this way most likely to be effectual to your service ;
though it asks some time, by reason of the distance of the quarters.
When we shall have anything worthy of your knowledge, we shall repre-
sent it ;— and in the mean time study to approve ourselves, your most
humble servants, f PH. SKIPPON.
' OLIVER CROMWELL.
<H. IBETON.'2
2. ' " To the Honourable William Lenthatt, Esquire, Speaker of the
Commons House : These "
'Saffron Walden, 8th May 1647.
' SIB, — According to our orders sent out to the Officers of the Army,
many of them appeared at the time appointed. The greatest failing was
of Horse Officers ; who, by reason of the great distance of their quarters
from this place (being some of them above three-score miles off), could
not be here : yet there were, accidentally, some of every Regiment except
Colonel Whalley's present at our Meeting ; — which was upon Friday
morning,3 about ten of the clock.
' After some discourse offered unto them, About the occasion of the
Meeting, together with the deep sense the Parliament had of some Dis-
contents which were in the Army, and of our great trouble also that it
should be so, — we told them, We were sent down to communicate the
House of Commons' Votes unto them ; whereby their, "the Parliament's,"
care of giving the Army satisfaction might appear : desiring them
<e furthermore " To use their utmost diligence with all good conscience
1 Votes passed that same 30th of April : That the Soldiers shall have Indemnity ; that they
shall have Pay, — and in short, Justice (Commons Journals, v. 158). ' Thursday next ' is the
6th of May.
2 'A Letter from Major-General' (elsewhere called Field-Marshal) 'Skippon, Lieutenant-
General Cromwell and Commissary- General Ireton, was this day read' (Commons Journals, 4th
May 1647).
8 Friday, yesterday; not 'Thursday,' as at first proposed.
APPENDIX, NO. 10 [17 MAY
and effect, by improving their interests in the Soldiers, for their satis-
faction ; and that they would communicate to their Soldiers the Votes,
together with such informations as they received then from us, to the end
their distemper might be allayed. — After this had been said, and a Copy
of the Votes delivered to the Chief Officer of every respective Regiment,
to be communicated as aforesaid, we desired them To give us a speedy
account of the success of their endeavours ; and if in anything they needed
our advice or assistance for furthering the work, we should be ready here
at Saffron Walden to give it them, upon notice from them.
' We cannot give you a full and punctual account of the particular dis-
tempers, with the grounds of them : because the Officers were desirous to
be spared therein by us, until they might make a farther inquiry amongst
the Soldiers, and see what effect your Votes and their endeavours might
have with them. We desire as speedy an account of this business as
might well be ; but, upon the desire of the Officers, thought it necessary
for the service to give them until Saturday next l to bring us an account
of their business, by reason the Regiments were so far distant.
' As anything falls out worthy of your knowledge, we shall represent
it ; and in the mean time study to approve ourselves, your most humble
servants, fPu. SKIPPON.
' OLIVER CROMWELL.
'H. IRETON.
' CHARLES FLEETWOOD.' 2
3. '"To the Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker of the
Commons House : These "
'Walden, 17th May 1647.
' SIR, — We having made some progress in the Business you commanded
us upon, we are bold to give you this account. Which, although it come
not with that expedition you may expect and your other affairs require,
yet we hope you will be pleased to excuse us with the weight of the
Affair : in comparison whereof nothing that ever yet we undertook was,
at least to our apprehension, equal ; and wherein, whatever the issue
prove, our greatest comfort is, That our consciences bear us witness we
have, according to our abilities, endeavoured faithfully to serve you and
the Kingdom.
e The Officers repaired to us at Saffron Walden upon Saturday last,
according to appointment, to give us a return of3 what they had in charge
1 This day week ; the isth.
2 'Letter from the General Officers,' 'from Walden, of 8th Mali 1647, was this day read'
(Commons Journals, Tuesday nth May 1647). The Letter seems to be of Cromwell's
writing. 3 Means c resoonse to.'
1647] WELSH DISTURBANCES 239
from us at our last Meeting ; which was, To read your Votes to the
Soldiers under their respective commands for their satisfaction, and to
improve their interest faithfully and honestly with them to that end ;
and "then " to give us a perfect account of the effect of their endeavours,
and a true representation of the temper of the Army.
' At this Meeting we received what they had to offer to us. Which
they delivered to us in writing, by the hands of some chosen by the rest
of the Officers then present, and in the name of the rest of the Officers
and of the Soldiers under their commands. Which was not done till
Sunday in the evening. At which time, and likewise before upon Satur-
day, we acquainted them all with a Letter from the Earl of Manchester,
expressing that an Act of Indemnity, large and full, had passed the
House of Commons ; l and that two weeks' pay more was voted to those
that were disbanded, as also to them that undertook the service of Ire-
land. And, thinking fit to dismiss the Officers to their several commands,
— all but some that were to stay here about farther business, — we gave
them in charge To communicate these last Votes to their Soldiers, and to
improve their utmost diligence and interest for their best satisfaction.
'We must acknowledge, we found the Army under a deep sense of
some sufferings, and the common Soldiers much unsettled ; whereof,
that which we have to represent to you will give you a more perfect
view. Which, because it consists of many papers, and needs some more
method in the representation of them to you than can be done by letter,
and forasmuch as we were sent down by you to our several charges to do
our best to keep the Soldiers in order, — we are not well satisfied, any of us,
to leave the place nor duty you sent us to, until we have the signification
of your pleasure to us. To which we shall most readily conform ; and
rest your most humble servants, ' PH. SKIPPON.
' OLIVER CROMWELL.
'H. IRETON.
' CHARLES FLEETWOOD. ' 2
No. 11
WELSH DISTURBANCES IN 1648
[Vol. i. p. 325.]
1. Some charge of Welsh misbehaviour, perhaps treachery, in the late
May revolt ; charge which, if founded, ought to be made good against
' Edwards ' ! Colonel Hughes has been Governor of Chepstow, from the
1 Commons Journals t v. 174 (i4th May 1647). 2 Tanner MSS. (in Gary, i. 205-16).
240 APPENDIX, NO. 11 [26 JUNE
time when it was first taken, in autumn 1645 ;* and, we may infer, has
returned to his post since Ewers (25th May 1648) retook the Castle. Of
Edwards, and his misdeeds, and his accusers, no other clear trace has
occurred to me. But in Moyne's Court, Monmouthshire, the seat of this
Colonel Thomas Hughes, the following old Note had turned up, and was
printed in 1791.
" To Colonel Hughes, Chepstow Castle "
"Before Pembroke," 26th June 1G48.
COLONEL HUGHES, — It's of absolute necessity that Collington
and Ashe do attend the Council of War, to make good what they
say of Edwards. Let it be your especial care to get them into
Monmouthshire thereunto. What Mr. Herbert and Mrs. Cradock
hath (sic) promised to them in point of indemnity, I will endeavour
to have it performed ; and I desire you to certify as much to
them for their encouragement. I pray do this speedily after
receipt hereof, and I shall remain your servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
2. A short Letter to the Committee of Carmarthen. The ancient
' Iron-furnaces ' at Carmarthen, the ' Committee* sitting there, the
( Paper ' or Proclamation from the Leaguer ; these, and the other points
of this Letter, will be intelligible to the reader.
For my noble Friends the Committee of Carmarthen : These
The Leaguer before Pembroke, 9th June 1648.
GENTLEMEN, — I have sent this Bearer to you to desire we may
have your furtherance and assistance in procuring some necessaries
to be cast in the Iron-furnaces in your county of Carmarthen,
which will the better enable us to reduce the Town and Castle
of Pembroke.
The principal things are : Shells for our Mortarpiece ; the depth
of them we desire may be of fourteen inches and three-quarters
of an inch. That which I desire at your hands is, To cause the
service to be performed, and that with all possible expedition;
that so, if it be the will of God, the service being done, these
poor wasted countries may be freed from the burden of the Army.
1 Commons Journals, iv. 321 and v. 115.
* The Topographer^ edited by Sir E. Brydges (London March 1791), iv. 125-9.
1648] WELSH DISTURBANCES 241
In the next place, we desire some D cannon-shot, and some
culverin-shot, may with all possible speed be cast for us, and
hasted to us also.
We give you thanks for your care in helping us with bread and
[word lost]. You do herein a very special service to the State;
and I do most earnestly desire you to continue herein, according
to our desire in the late Letters. I desire that copies of this
Paper J may be published throughout your county, and the effects
thereof observed ; for the ease of the county, and to avoid the
wronging of the country men.
Not doubting the continuance of your care to give assistance to
the Public in the services we have in hand, I rest, your affectionate
servant, O. CROMWELL.*
3. Letter found, some years ago, among the lumber of ' St. Jillian's '
(Julian's) ' old Castle of the Lords Herbert in Monmouthshire ' : Address
gone, and not conjecturable with any certainty ; Letter evidently genuine,
— and still hanging curiously as postscript to Letter LX. (vol. i. p. 323) of
date the day before.
« For the Honourable Richard Herbert, at St. Jillian's : These "
Leaguer before Pembroke, 18th June 1648.
SIR, — I would have you to be informed that I have good report
of your secret practices against the public advantage ; by means
whereof that arch-traitor Sir Nicholas Kemeys, with his Horse,
did surprise the Castle of Chepstow : but we have notable dis-
covery, from the papers taken by Colonel Ewer 2 on recovering the
Castle, That Sir Trevor Williams of Llangibby was the Malignant
who set on foot the plot.
Now I give you this plain warning by Captain Nicholas and
Captain Btirges, That if you harbour or conceal either of the
parties or abet their misdoings, I will cause your treasonable nest
to be burnt about your ears. OLIVER CROMWELL.!
1 Some Proclamation seemingly, — of the conceivable sort.
* Brayley's Graphic and Historical Illustrator (London, 1834), p. 355. 'Original in the
hands of Richard Williams, Esq., Stapleton Hall, Hornsey.'
2 ' Hewer ' he spells.
t ' Monmouthshire Merlin' (Welsh Newspaper) 'for September 1845.' Inserted there, it
would appear, along with other antiquarian fractions, in very ignorant condition, by one Mr. W.
M. Townshend, an Attorney in Newport, who is now (1858) dead some years since. — ' St.
VOL. IV. Q.
APPENDIX, NO. 11 [13 JULY
4. In the Town Archives of Haverfordwest, Pembrokeshire, are the
following three Papers; footmarks, still visible, of Oliver's transit
through those parts. Twelfth July, date of the first Paper, is the morrow
after Pembroke surrendered.
(a.) { To the Mayor and Aldermen of Haverfordwest
' We being authorised by Parliament to view and consider what Garri-
sons and Places of Strength are fit to be demolished ; and we finding
that the Castle of Haverford is not tenable for the services of the State,
and yet that it may be possessed by ill-affected persons, to the prejudice
of the peace of these parts : These are to authorise you to summon-in the
Hundred of Roose and the inhabitants of the Town and County of Haver-
fordwest ; and that they forthwith demolish the several walls and towers
of the said Castle ; so as that the said Castle may not be possessed by the
Enemy, to the endangering of the peace of these parts.
( Given under our hands this 12th of July 1648.
( ROGER LOBT. JOHN LORT.
( SAMSON LORT. THOMAS BARLOWE.
' We expect an account of your proceedings, with effect, in this business,
by Saturday being the 15th of July instant/
To which Oliver appends :
If a speedy course be not taken to fulfil the commands of this
Warrant, I shall be necessitated to consider of settling a Garrison.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
(b.) { For the Honourable Lieutenant-General Cromwell, at Pembroke
' Haverfordwest, 13th July 1648.
' HONOURED SIR, — We received an Order from your Honour and the
Committee, for the demolishing of the Castle of Haverfordwest. Accord-
ing to which we have this day set some workmen about it : but we find
the work so difficult to be brought about without powder to blow it by,
that it will exhaust an " huge " sum of money, and will not in a long
time be effected.
( Wherefore we become suitors of your Honour that there may a com-
Jillian's,' now a farmhouse near Caerleon, Monmouthshire, was the mansion of the Lords Her-
bert, of the celebrated Lord Edward of Cherbury for one,— to whom (or to his successor, as the
Attorney thinks) this Note was addressed. Note picked up in converting the old Manor-
house into a Farmhouse (which it still is), and published, along with other antiquarian tagrag-
geries in a very dim and helpless manner, by the Attorney who had been in charge of that
operation.
1648] AFTER PRESTON BATTLE
petent quantity of Powder be spared out of the Ships, for the speedy
effecting the work, and the County paying for the same. And we like-
wise desire that your Honour and the Committee be pleased that the
whole County may join with us in the work ; and that an Order be con-
sidered for the levying of a competent sum of money on the several
Hundreds of the County, for the paying for the Powder, and defraying
the rest of the charge.
' Thus being over-bold to be troublesome to your Honour ; desiring to
know your Honour's resolves, — we rest, your Honour's humble servants,
' JOHN PBYNNE, Mayor.
' JENKIN Ho WELL. WILLIAM WILLIAMS.
f WILLIAM BOWEN. JOB DAVIES.
' ROGER BEVANS. ETHELDBED DAVIES.'
Gunpowder cannot be spared on light occasion ; and ' levying of com-
petent sums ' have had their difficulties before now ; here is the kandier
method :
(c.) To the Mayor and Aldermen of Haverfordwest
Whereas upon view and consideration with Mr. Roger Lort,
Mr. Samson Lort, and the Mayor and Aldermen of Haverfordwest,
it is thought fit, for the preserving of the peace of this County,
that the Castle of Haverfordwest should be speedily demolished :
These are to authorise you to call unto your assistance, in the
performance of this exercise (?), the Inhabitants of the Hundreds
of Dungleddy, Dewisland, Kemis, Roose and Kilgerran ; who are
hereby required to give you assistance.
Given under our hands this 14th of July 1648.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
["and the two Lorts in a corner of the Paper"].*
No. 12
LETTER TO THE DERBY-HOUSE COMMITTEE AFTER
PRESTON BATTLE
[Vol. i. p. 355.]
SAME day with that Letter in the Text, urging the York Committee to
help in pursuit of Duke Hamilton, Oliver writes home for Supplies.
* Printed in Welshman Newspaper (Carmarthen, agth Dec. 1848).
APPENDIX, NO. 12 [23 AUG.
To the Right Honourable the Committee of Lords and Commons,
at Derby House : These. Haste, haste
Wigan, 23d Aug. 1648.
MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, — I did not (being straitened with
time) send you an Account of the great blessing of God upon your
Army : — I trust it is satisfactory to your Lordships that the House
had it so fully presented to them.1
My Lords, it cannot be imagined that so great a business as this
could be without some loss; — although I "confess" very little
compared with the weightiness of the Engagement ; there being
on our part not an Hundred Slain, yet many Wounded. And to
our little it is a real weakening, for indeed we are but a handful.
I submit to your Lordships, whether you will think fit or no To
recruit our Loss; we having but Five poor Regiments of foot,
and our horse so exceedingly battered as I never saw them in all
my life.
It is not to be doubted but your Enemy's designs are deep :
this Blow will make them very angry : the principles they went
on were such as should a little awaken Englishmen ; for I have
heard it from very good hands of their own party, that the Duke
made this the argument to his Army, That the Lands of the
Country and — [illegible the next line or two, from ruin of the paper ;
the words lost mean clearly, ' That the Scots were to share our lands
among them, and come to inhabit the conquered country ' : a very high
figure of rumour indeed /] — which accordingly is done in part, there
being a Transplantation of many women and children and of whole
families in Westmoreland and Cumberland, as I am credibly
informed [for the moment!] — Much more might be said; but I
forbear. I offer it to your Lordships that Money may be " sent "
to pay the foot and horse to some equality. Some of those that
are here seventy days before I marched from Windsor into Wales
have not had any pay ; and amongst the horse, my own Regiment
and sou?,* others are much behind. I wish your Lordships may
manage it for the best advantage, and not be wanting to your-
selves n what is necessary : which is the end of my offering these
things to you. My Lords, Money is not for Contingencies so as
1 In Letter LXIV. (supra, vol. i. pp. 344-35*.)
1648] DERBY-HOUSE COMMITTEE 245
were to be wished ; we have very many things to do which might
be better done if we had wherewithal. Our Foot want Clothes,
Shoes and Stockings; these ways and weather have shattered
them all to pieces : that which was the great blow to our Horse
was (beside the weather and incessant marches) our March ten
miles to fight with the Enemy, and a Fight continuing four hours
in as dirty a place as ever I saw horse stand in ; and, upon the
matter, the continuance of this Fight two days more together in
our following the Enemy, and lying close by him in the mire —
[moths again and mildew . . . until at length we broke him at a
near ... a great party of our horse having . . . miles towards
Lancaster ; who came up ... to us, and were with us in all the
Action]. — These things I thought fit to intimate, not knowing
what is fit to ask, because I know not how your Affairs stand, nor
what you can supply.
I have sent Major-General Lambert, upon the day I received
the Enclosed, with above Two-Thousand horse and dragoons and
about Fourteen-Thousand foot in prosecution of the Duke and the
Nobility of Scotland with him ; who will, I doubt not, have the
blessing of God with him in the business. But indeed his horse
are exceeding weak and weary. — I have sent to Yorkshire and to
my Lord Grey to alarm all parts to a prosecution : and if they be
not wanting to the work, I see not how many can escape. I am
marched myself back to Preston ; — and so on towards Monro or
otherwise, as God shall direct.
As things fall out, I shall represent them to you ; and rest, my
Lords and Gentlemen, your most humble (t servant,"
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
No. 13
LETTER TO THE DERBY-HOUSE COMMITTEE IN 1648
[Vol. i. p. 378.]
RECAPITULATING what is already known in the Text; finds its place
here.
* Tanner MSS. Ivii. (i.) 229. Original, signed inside and out by Cromwell : much injured by
mildew and moths.
246 APPENDIX, NO. 13 [2OSEPT.
To the Right Honourable the Committee of Lords and Commons,
at Derby House
Norham, 20th Sept. 1648.
MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, — I did, from Alnwick, write to Sir
William Armyn * an account of our condition ; and recommended
to him divers particular considerations about your affairs here in
the North, — with a desire of particular things to be done by your
Lordships' appointment, in order to the carrying-on of your affairs.
I send you here a copy of the Summons that was sent to Berwick2
when I was come as far as Alnwick ; as also of a Letter written to
the Committee of Estates of Scotland : 3 — I mean those who we
did presume were convened as Estates, and were the men that
managed the business of the War. But there being, as I learned
since, none such ; the Earl of Roxburgh and some others having
deserted, so that they are not able to make a Committee ; — I
believe the said Letter is suppressed,4 and retained in the hands
of Colonel Bright and Mr. William Rowe. For whom we " had "
obtained a safe Convoy to go to the Estates of that Kingdom with
our said Letter, the Governor of Berwick's Answer to our Summons
leading us thereunto. By advantage whereof we did instruct
them to give all assurances to the Marquis of Argyle and the
Honest Party in Scotland, — who we heard were gathered together
in a considerable Body about Edinburgh, to make opposition to
the Earl of Lanark, Monro, and their Armies, — of our good
affection to them. Wherewith they went the 16th of this
month.
Upon the 17th of this month Sir Andrew Ker and Major
Strahan, with divers other Scots Gentlemen, brought me this
enclosed Letter, signed by the Lord Chancellor of Scotland, as
your Lordships will see. They also showed me their Instructions,
and a Paper containing the matter of their Treaty with Lanark
and Monro ; as also an Expostulation upon Lanark's breach with
1 Original Member for Grantham ; one of the Committee, and from of old busy in those Inter-
national concerns.
2 Letter LXX. (vol. i. p. 366.) 3 Letter LXXI. (vol. i. p. 368.)
4 Not 'suppressed ' ; though it cannot be received except unofficially (vol. i. p. 370).
1648] DERBY-HOUSE COMMITTEE 247
them, — in falling upon Argyle and his men, contrary to agreement,
wherein the Marquis hardly escaped, they having hold of him, but
Seven-hundred of his men were killed and taken.1 These Papers
I also send here enclosed to your Lordships.
So soon as those Gentlemen came to me, I called a Council of
War; the result whereof was the Letter directed to the Lord
Chancellor ; 2 a Copy whereof your Lordships have here enclosed.
Which I delivered to Sir Andrew Ker and Major Strahan ; with
which they returned upon the 18th, being the next day.
Upon private discourse with these Gentlemen, I do find the
condition of their Affairs and their Army to be thus : The Earl of
Lanark, the Earl of Crawford and Lindsay, Monro, and their Army,
hearing of our advance, and understanding the condition and
endeavours of their Adversaries, — marched with all speed to get
possession of Stirling-Bridge ; that so they might have three parts
in four of Scotland at their backs, to raise men, and to enable them-
selves to carry on their designs. They were about 5,000 Foot, and
2,500 Horse. The Earl of Leven, who is chosen General ; the
Marquis of Argyle, with the Honest Lords and Gentlemen, David
Lesley being the Lieutenant-General : "these," having about
7,000 Foot, but very weak in Horse, — lie about six miles this side
the Enemy. I hear that their infantry consists of men who come
to them out of conscience ; and are generally of the Godly People
of that Nation, which they express by their piety and devotion
in their quarters ; and indeed I hear they are a very godly and
honest body of men.
I think it is not unknown to your Lordships what directions
I have received from you for the prosecution of our late Victory.
Whereof I shall be bold to remember a clause of your Letter;
which was, 'That I should prosecute the remaining Party in
the North, and not leave any of them, wheresoever they go,
to be a beginning of a new Army; nor cease to pursue the
Victory till I finish and fully complete it with the rendition of
those towns of Berwick and Carlisle, which most unjustly, and
against all obligations, and the Treaties then in force, they surprised
and garrisoned against us/
1 Bishop Guthry's Memoirs. 2 Letter LXXIII. (vol. i. p. 371.)
248 APPENDIX, NO. 13 [2OSEPT.
In order whereunto, I marched to the Borders of Scotland:
where I found the whole Country so harassed and impoverished
by Monro and the Forces with him, that the Country was no
way able to bear us on the English side ; but we must necessarily
have ruined both your Army and the Subjects of this Kingdom
who would not have had bread for a day if we had continued
among them. In prosecution of your Orders, and in answer to
the necessities of your friends in Scotland, and their desires ; and
considering the necessity of marching into Scotland, to prevent
the Governor of Berwick from putting of provisions into his
Garrisons on the Scots side, whereof he is at present in some
want, as we are informed, — I marched a good part of the Army
over Tweed yesterday about noon, the residue being to come after
as conveniently as we may.
Thus have I given your Lordships an account of our present
condition and engagement. And having done so, I must discharge
my duty in remembering to your Lordships the Desires formerly
expressed in my Letters to Sir William Armyn and Sir John
Evelyn, for supplies ; and in particular for that of Shipping to be
upon these Coasts, who may furnish us with Ammunition or other
necessaries wheresoever God shall lead us ; there being extreme
difficulty to supply us by land, without great and strong convoys,
which will weary-out and destroy our Horse, and cannot well come
to us if the Tweed be up, without going very far about.
Having laid these things before you, I rest, your Lordships'
most humble servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.
P.S. Whilst we are here, I wish there be no neglect of the
Business in Cumberland and Westmoreland. I have sent Orders
both into Lancashire and to the Horse before Pontefract. I
should be glad your Lordships would second them, and those
other considerations expressed in my Desires to Sir William Armyn
thereabouts.*
* Old Pamphlet (in Parliamentary History, xvii. 481),
1648] YOUNG CHOLMELY 249
No. 14
LETTER ON BEHALF OF YOUNG CHOLMELY
[Vol. i. p. 390.]
WRITTEN on the march from Carlisle to Pontefract.
To the Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker of the
House of Commons ; These
Boroughbridge, 28th October 1648.
SIR, — I do not often trouble you in particular businesses ; but I
shall be bold now, upon the desire of a worthy Gentleman, Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Cholmely, to entreat your favour in his behalf.
The case stands thus. His son Major Cholmely, who was bold
in the Fight against the Scots at Berwick,1 was Custom-master
at Carlisle ; — the Gentleman " had " merited well from you.
Since his death, his aged Father, having lost this his Eldest
Son in your service, did resolve to use his endeavours to procure
the place for a Younger Son, who had likewise been in your
service. And resolving to obtain my Letter to some friends about
it, did acquaint an undertenant of the place for his Son with this
his purpose To come to me to the borders of Scotland to obtain
the said Letter ; — which the said servant " or undertenant " did
say, Was very well.
And when the said Lieutenant-Colonel was come for my
Letter, this tenant immediately hastens away to London ; where
he, in a very circumventing and deceitful way, prefers a Petition
to the House of Commons ; gets a reference to the Committee
of the Navy; who approve of the said man, "the undertenant,"
by the mediation of some gentlemen : — but I hear there is a
stop of it in the House.
My humble suit to you is, That if Colonel Morgan do wait
upon you about this business, — I having given you this true
information of the state of it, as I have received it, — you would
be pleased to further his desire concerning Lieutenant-Colonel
Cholmely's youngest Son, that he may have the place conferred
1 Against Monro, I suppose, when he ended his maraudings in that quarter (vol. i. p. 362).
250 APPENDIX, NO. 15 [21 NOV.
upon him; and that you would acquaint some of my friends
herewith.
By which you will very much oblige, your most humble servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
No. 15
CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE MAYOR OF WATERFORD
[Vol. ii. p. 99.]
PRESERVED in the anonymous Fragment of a Narrative, more than once
referred to, are these Letters and Replies :
LETTER 1. To the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of Waterford
Kilbarry, near Waterford, 2lst Nov. 1649.
GENTLEMEN, — I have received information that you hitherto
refuse a Garrison of the Enemy to be imposed upon you ; as also
that some Factions in the Town are very active still, notwith-
standing your refusal, to persuade you to the contrary.
Being come into these parts, not to destroy people and places,
but to save them, that men may live comfortably and happily
by their trade, if the fault be not in themselves ; and purposing
also, by God's assistance, to reduce this City of Waterford to
its due obedience, as He shall dispose the matter, by Force, or
by Agreement with you upon Terms wherein your own good
and happiness, and that of your wives, children and families
may consist, notwithstanding " what " some busy-headed persons
may pretend to the contrary; "and" knowing that if after all
this you shall receive a Garrison, it will probably put you out
of a capacity to make any such Accord for yourselves, which
was the cause of the ruin of the Town and People of Wexford,
— I thought fit to lay these things before you ; leaving you to
use your own judgment therein.
And if any shall have so much power upon you as to persuade
you that these are the counsels of an enemy, I doubt it will hardly
prove, in the end, that they gave you better. You did once live
flourishingly under the power [sic] and in commerce with England.
* Tanner, MSS. (in Gary), ii. 46).
1 649] MAYOR OF WATERFORD 251
It shall be your own faults if you do not so again. I send these
intimations timeously to you : weigh them well ; it so behoves
you. I rest, your loving friend, OLIVER CROMWELL.
REPLY 1. ( For General Cromwell, General of the Parliament Forces in
Ireland
' Waterf ord, 23d November 1649.
* MY LORD, — Your Letter of the 21st, directed to me and my Aldermen,
we have, by your Trumpet, received. Your Lordship's advice, as we do
all others, we weigh with the condition of our safety ; and so far shall
make use thereof as it contributes to the same.
( For your intentions of reducing this City, by Force or Agreement : —
as we will by all possible means endeavour our natural defence against
the first, so happily will we not be averse to the latter, — if we shall find
it not dishonourable nor destructive. And for that purpose "we" do
desire your Lordship will grant us a Cessation, for fifteen days, from all
acts of hostility ; and send us Safe-conducts, with blanks for the men we
shall employ, to treat with your Lordship ; and in the interim bring your
Army no nearer this City than now it is.
( We have learned not to slight advice, if we find it wholesome, even
from an enemy's hand ; nor to deny him such thanks as it merits. And
if your Lordship should deny us the time we look for, we doubt not,
— with the men we have already in Town, though we should receive
no more, — to make good this Place, till the Power of the Kingdom
relieves us.
' To signify which to your Lordship, the Council and Commons have
laid their commands on me, my Lord, your very loving friend,
'JOHN LYVETT, Mayor of Waterford.'
LETTER 2. For the Mayor, Aldennen, or other Governor or Governors
of the City of Waterford
From my Camp before Waterford,
24th November 1649.
GENTLEMEN, — I expected to have heard from you before this,
by my Trumpet ; but he not coming to me, I thought fit to send,
That I might have an account given me, how you have disposed of
him. And to save farther trouble, I have thought fit —
Hereby to summon you To surrender the City and Fort into
my hands, to the use of the State of England.
I expect to receive your answer to these things ; and rest, your
servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.
APPENDIX, NO. 15 [24 NOV.
REPLY 2. ' For the Lieutenant-General Cromwell
' Waterf ord, 24th November 1649.
' MY LORD, — Your Letter of the 24th I have received even now ; in
which you desire an account of your Lordship's Trumpeter, sent with
a former Letter to us ; and summon us to deliver your Lordship this City
and Fort.
f Your Lordship's former Letter by your Trumpeter we have answered
yesterday morning ; and do doubt, by the Trumpeter's not coming to
you, he might have suffered some mischance by going the County-of-
Kilkenny way. We therefore now send you a Copy of that Answer ; 1 to
which we desire your Lordship's resolution. Before we receive which, we
cannot make farther answer to the rest of your Letter.
( We therefore desire you will despatch the Safe-conduct desired, and
forbear acts of hostility during the Treaty ; — and you shall be very soon
attended by Commissioners from, my Lord, your Lordship's servant,
' JOHN LYVETT, Mayor of Waterford.'
LETTER 3. To the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of Waterford
" Before Waterford," 24th Nov. 1649.
SIRS, — My first Trumpet not being yet come to me, makes me
suspect that, as you say, he has suffered some mischance going by
the way of the County of Kilkenny.
If I had received your Letter sooner, I should nevertheless, by
the help of God, have marched up to this place as I have done.
And as for your desire of a Treaty, I am more willing to that
way, for the prevention of blood and ruin, than to the other of
Force ; — although if necessitated thereunto, you and we are under
the overruling Power of God, who will dispose of you and us as
He pleaseth.
As to a Cessation for Fifteen Days, I shall not agree thereunto ;
because a far shorter time may bring this Business to a conclusion
as well. But for Four or Five Days I am content that there be a
Cessation of all acts of hostility betwixt your City and this Army :
— provided you give me assurance That, in the mean time, no
soldiers not now in your City be received into it, during the
Cessation, nor for Twenty-four hours after.
I expect to have your present answer hereto : because, if this
1 Reply i ; already given.
1649] EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS
be agreed-to, I shall forbear any nearer approach during the said
Cessation. Your servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.
I have by this Bearer returned a Safe-convoy, as you desire, for
what Commissioners you think fit to send out to me.*
No. 16
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS : RENEGADO WOGAN
[Vol. ii. p. 105.]
THE Narrative Fragment above cited has these words, in reference to
the affair at Passage and its consequences : < At that time, there being
one Captain Caufield a prisoner at Clonmel, a stranger to the General,
but being a prisoner on an English account, the Army concerned them-
selves for him, and at a Council of War certain Votes were passed/ which
we shall soon read :
e For Lieutenant-General Farrell, Governor of Clonmel
" Cork, 4th January 1649."
'At the Council of War held at the City of Cork, the Fourth day of
January, Anno Domini 1649, whereat the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland,
the Lord President of Munster,1 Sir Hardress Waller, knight, and
divers other chief Officers of the Army were present, it was resolved
as followeth :
' 1. That a Letter be sent, by Lieutenant-General Farrell's Trumpet,
to let him know, That for every private Foot-soldier of our party, prisoner
with him, whom he shall release, he shall have so many of his private
soldiers, prisoners with us, released for them ; and for every Trooper of
ours which he shall release, he shall have Two private Foot-soldiers
released for him.
( 2. That the Lord-Lieutenant is ready to release Officers of like quality
for such Officers of ours as are in their power ; and that he will deliver a
Major of Foot for a Captain of Horse, and two Captains of Foot for a
Captain of Horse ; and so proportionably.
' 3. Or that he will deliver Major-General Butler, the Earl of Ormond's
Brother, for those Officers of ours now in their custody.'
* Fragment of Narrative : in Ayscough MSS. no. 4769, p. 95 et seqq.
1 Ireton.
254 APPENDIX, NO. 17 [31 DEC.
SIR, — Having lately received an advertisement, that some of the
principal Officers of the Irish Army did send menacing Orders to
the Governor of Clonmel, to be communicated to the Lord Broghil,
That if we did put to death Colonel Wogan, they were ready to
put Captain Caufield to death, — I thought fit to offer to you the
equal Exchanges before mentioned ; leaving you to your election.
Which when you perform, there shall be just and honest perform-
ance on my part. And withal to let you know, That if any shall
think to put such conditions on me that I may not execute a
Person so obnoxious as Wogan, — who did not only betray his trust
in England, but counterfeited the General's hand, thereby to
carry his men (whom he had seduced) into a Foreign Nation,1 to
invade England, under whom he had taken pay, and from whose
service he was not discharged ; and with the said Nation did
invade England ; and hath since, contrary to the said trust, taken
up arms here : — That " then, I say," as I am willing to the Ex-
changes aforesaid; so, "if" that equality be denied me, I would
that all concerned should understand, That I am resolved to deal
with Colonel Wogan as I shall see cause, and be satisfied in my
conscience and judgment to do. And if anything thereupon shall
be done to Captain Caufield as is menaced, I think fit to let you
know, That I shall, as God shall enable me, put all those that are
with me at mercy for life, into the same condition. Your servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
No. 17
IRELAND : ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
THERE
[Vol. ii. p. 106.]
For my very worthy Friend John Sadler, Esq., one of the Masters oj
the Chancery in England : These
Cork, 31st December 1649.
SIR, — To put a business of weight suddenly to your consideration
may perhaps beget so much prejudice as may cause you either not
to think of it at all, or to incline to the worser part when you
1 Scotland : to join Hamilton and his Engagement.
* Fragment of Narrative : in Ayscough MSS. no. 4769, ubi supra.
1 649] ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 255
resolve. The thing I have to offer hath been thought upon by us, as
you will perceive by the reasons wherewith we enforce it ; and we
do willingly tender it to you ; desiring God, not you, may give
us the answer.
That a Divine Presence hath gone along with us in the late
great transactions in this Nation, I believe most good men are
sensible of, and thankful to God for ; and are persuaded that He
hath a farther end ; and that as by this dispensation He hath
manifested His severity and justice, so there will be a time
wherein He will manifest grace and mercy, in which He so much
delights. To us who are employed as instruments in this work
the contentment that appears is, That we are doing our Master's
work ; that we have His presence and blessing with us ; — and that
we live in hope to see Him cause wars to cease, and bringing in
that Kingdom of Glory and Peace which He hath promised. This
being so, as the hope thereof occasions our comfort, so the seeing
some way made already cannot but " raise " hope that goodness
and mercy intends to visit this poor Island. Therefore in what
we may as poor instruments, "we" cannot but be endeavouring
to answer the mind of God as any opportunity offers itself.
First let me tell you, in divers places where we come, we find
the people very greedy after the Word, and flocking to Christian
meetings; much of that prejudice that lies upon poor people in
England being a stranger to their minds. And truly we have
hoped much of it is done in simplicity ; and I mind you the rather
of this because it is a sweet symptom, if not an earnest, of the good
we expect.
In the next place, our condition was such at our arrival here, —
by reason of the War, and prevalency of the Enemy, — that there
was a dissolution of the whole frame of Government ; there being
no visible authority residing in persons intrusted to act according
to the forms of law, except in two corporations [Dublin and Derry
at our arrival], in this whole Land. And although it hath pleased
God to give us much territory, yet how to fall suddenly into that
way again, I see not ; nor is it for the present practicable. Where-
fore I am constrained, of my own authority, to issue out Commis-
sions to persons to hear and determine the present controversies
that do arise, as they may.
256 APPENDIX, NO. 17 [31 DEC.
Sir, it seems to me we have a great opportunity to set up, until
the Parliament shall otherwise determine, a way of doing justice
amongst these poor people, which, for the uprightness and cheap-
ness of it, may exceedingly gain upon them, — who have been
accustomed to as much injustice, tyranny and oppression from
their landlords, the great men, and those that should have done
them right, as (I believe) any people in that which we call
Christendom. And indeed "they" are accounted the bribing'st
[so to speak /] people that are ; they having being inured thereto.
Sir, if justice were freely and impartially administered here, the
foregoing darkness and corruption would make it look so much
the more glorious and beautiful ; and draw more hearts after it !
— I am loath to write what the consequences might be, or what
maybe said upon this subject; — and therefore I shall let you know
my desire in a word.
There uses to be a Chief-Justice in the Province of Munster,
who having some others with him in assistance uses to hear and
determine Causes depending there : you are desired by me to
accept of that employment. I do believe that nothing will suit
your mind better than having a standing Salary for the same ; that
so you may not be troubled within common allowances, which
have been to others (I doubt) but a colour to their covetous
practices. I dare assure you "of" «£l,000 a-year, half-yearly;xto
be paid by even parts, as your allowance ; — and, although this be
more than hath usually been allowed, yet shall we have the where-
with readily to make performance, if you accept.
I know not how far this desire of mine will be interpreted by
you as a call: but sure I am I have not done anything with a
clearer breast, nor wherein I do more approve my heart to the
Lord and His people in sincerity and uprightness ; — the Lord direct
you what to do. I desire a few things of you : let my Letter be as
little seen as you may ; — you know what constructions are usually
put upon some men's actings ; and (were it fit to be committed to
paper) would " be " if I should say That this business, by the bless-
ing of God, might be so managed as might abate much superfluity.
I desire you not to discourse of the allowance but to some
choice friends. Next I could desire, if you have any acquaintance
with Mr. Graves the Lawyer, you would move him to the accept-
1 649] OPERATIONS IN TIPPERARY 257
ance of a place here, which should be honourable, and not to his
outward disadvantage. And any other godly and able man you
know of. Let me have your mind so soon as conveniently you
may ; and whether you have tried any as is desired, and whom,
and what return they make.
Desiring your prayers, I rest, your affectionate friend and servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
Sadler did not go ; John Cooke, Advocate famed in the King's trial,
went. Of Graves I know nothing. Sadler has left some Books ; indicat-
ing a strange corner of dreamy imaginativeness in his otherwise solid,
lucid and pious mind. A man much esteemed by Hartlib, Milton's friend,
and by the world legal and other. He continued one of the Masters in
Oliver's new Chancery, when the number was reduced to six.
No. 18
IRELAND : OPERATIONS IN TIPPERARY
[Vol. ii. p. 137.]
COLONEL PHAYR is in Cork, 'with near Five-hundred foot/ since
November last; Broghil, Fenton, and their relation to him, were also
indicated in the Text.1
For Colonel Phayr, Governor of Cork : These. Haste, haste
Fethard, 9th February 1649.
SIR, — It hath pleased God to be very gracious to us hitherto, in
the possessing of Cashel, Fethard and Roghill Castle, without
any blood. Callan cost us at least four or five men ; but we are
possessed of it also, and of divers other places of good importance.
We are in the very bowels of Tipperary ; and hope, will lie advan-
tageously (by the blessing of God) for farther attempts.
Many places take up our men : wherefore I must needs be
earnest with you to spare us what you can. If you can send Two
Companies more of your Regiment to Mallow,2 do it. If not, One
at the least ; that so my Lord Broghil may spare us Two or Three
* General Dictionary (by Birch, Bernard, etc., London, 1739), vol. ix. pp. 19-20, § Sadler
(materials furnished by 'Thos. Sadler, Deputy Clerk of the Pells,' a descendant of this
Sadler's).
1 Letters cxiv. cxv. vol. ii. pp. 89, 90. 2 ' Mayallo ' in orig.
VOL. IV. R
258 APPENDIX, NO. 19 [5 SEPT.
of Colonel Ewers's, to meet him with the rest of his l Regiment
at Fermoy.
Give Colonel Ewers what assistance you can in the Business I
have sent to him about. Salute all my Friends with you. My
service to Sir William Fenton. Pray for us. I rest, your very
loving friend, OLIVER CROMWELL.
"P.S." Sir, if you think that we draw you too low in men
whilst we are inactive, — I presume you are in no danger ; however,
I desire you would make this use of it, To rid the Town of Cork
of suspicious and ill-affected persons as fast as you can. And
herein deal with effect.*
No. 19
HASELRIO AND DUNBAR BATTLE
[Vol. ii. p. 200.]
HERE, by the kindness of R. Ormston, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne, are
now (for our Third and all other Editions) the Letters themselves. This
Gentleman, Grandson of the ' Steward of the Haselrigs ' mentioned in
vol. ii. p. 217, possesses all the Four Cromwell Letters alluded to by
Brand ; and has now (May 1847) beneficently furnished an exact copy of
them, privately printed. Letter cxxxix. alone is autograph ; the other
Three are in a Clerk's hand. Letter cxxxix., Letter CXLI., these and
the Two which follow here, it appears, Mr. O.'s Grandfather ' begged
from the fire, on a day when much destruction of old Letters and Waste
Papers was going on at Nosely Hall,' — Letter cxxxix. and all England
are somewhat obliged to him ! Here are the other Two :
1. For the Honourable Sir Arthur Haselrig, Governor of
Newcastle: These
Dunbar, 5th September 1650.
SIR, — After much deliberation, we can find no way how to dis-
pose of these Prisoners that will be consisting with these two ends
(to wit, the not losing them and the not starving them, neither of
1 i.e. Colonel Ewers's.
* Gentleman! s Magazine for March 1843, p. 266. Endorsed, by Phayr, ' The Lo. Leu'* Letter
to mee the ninth of Feb1 1649 ; About sending men.' By another hand there is also written on
the outside ' Mallo posest,'— meaning, probably for Phayr's information, Mallow possessed
(got, laid hold of).
1650] HASELRIG AND DUNBAR BATTLE 259
which would we willingly incur) but by sending them into England ;
where the Council of State may exercise their wisdom and better
judgment in so dispersing and disposing of them, as that they may
not suddenly return to your prejudice.
We have despatched away near 5,000 poor wretches of them ;
very many of which, it 's probable, will die of their wounds, or be
rendered unserviceable for time to come by reason thereof. I
have written to the Council of State, desiring them to direct how
they shall be disposed of: and I make no question but you will
hasten the Prisoners up Southwards, and second my desires with
your own to the Council. I know you are a man of business.
This, not being every-day's work, will willingly be performed by
you ; especially considering you have the commands of your
Superior.
Sir, I judge it exceeding necessary you send us up what Horse
and Foot you can, with all possible expedition; especially con-
sidering that indeed our men fall very sick ; and if the Lord shall
please to enable us effectually to prosecute this Business, to the
which He hath opened so gracious a way, no man knows but that
it may produce a Peace to England, and much security and comfort
to God's People. Wherefore I pray you, continue to give what
furtherance you can to this Work, by speeding such supplies to us
as you can possibly spare. — Not having more at present, I rest,
your affectionate friend and servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.*
2. For the Honourable Sir Arthur Haselrig, Governor oj
Newcastle : These. Haste, haste
Edinburgh, 9th September 1650.
SIR, — I cannot but hasten you in sending-up what Forces pos-
sibly you can. This enclosed was intended to you on Saturday,
but could not come.
We are not able to carry-on our business as we would, until we
have wherewith to keep Edinburgh and Leith, — until we attempt,
and are acting, forwards. We have not, in these parts, " at such a
season of the year," above two months to keep the field. There-
fore expedite what you can ! And I desire you to send us free
Masons ; — you know not the importance of Leith.
* Original in the possession of R. Ormston, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne.
260 APPENDIX, NO. 20 [28 DEC.
I hope your Northern Guests are come to you, by this time. I
pray you let humanity be exercised towards them ; I am persuaded
it will be comely. Let the Officers be kept at Newcastle, some
sent to Lynn, some to Chester.
I have no more ; but rest, your affectionate servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.
I desire, as forces come up, I may hear from time to time what
they are, how their marches are laid, and when I may expect
them.
My service to the dear Lady.*
No. 20
FOUR LETTERS TO THE SPEAKER, IN BEHALF OF INDIVIDUAL
MILITARY GENTLEMEN, AND THEIR CLAIMS
[Vol. ii. pp. 270, 303, 307, 308.]
Letter 1st, in behalf of Colonel Maleverer's Family (vol. ii. p. 270).
" To the Right Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker
of the Parliament of England ; These"
Edinburgh, 28th Dec. 1650.
RIGHT HONOURABLE, — It having pleased God to take away by
death Colonel John Maleverer, a very useful member of this Army,
I thought it requisite to move you on the behalf of his sad Widow
and seven small Children.
I need not say much. His faithfulness in your service, and his
cheerfulness to be spent in the same, is very well known. And
truly, he had a spirit very much beyond his natural strength of
body, having undergone many fits of sickness during this hard
service in your field, where he was constant and diligent in his
charge ; and, notwithstanding the weakness of his body, thought
himself bound in conscience to continue to the utmost, preferring
the Public service before his private relations. And (as I have
* Original in the possession of R. Ormston, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. Besides the Signa-
ture, ' My servic* to the dear Lady ' is also autograph.
1650] JOHN ARUNDEL OF TRERICE 261
been credibly informed) his losses by the Royal and Malignant
Party have been very great; being occasioned by his appearing
with the first in his Country for the Parliament.
I have therefore made bold to represent these things before
you, that you may timely consider of those that he hath left behind
him, and bestow some mark of favour and respect upon them
towards their comfortable subsistence. I rest, your most humble
servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.*
Letter 2d, in behalf of John Arundel of Trerice (vol. ii. p. 303).
Oliver is now in Scotland, busy enough with great matters ; must not
neglect the small either. Military Gentlemen, Ex-Royalist even, apply-
ing to the Lord-General in their distress, seem to be a frequent item just
now. To whom how can he be deaf, if it is undeserved distress ? — ' This
Enclosed'1 is from an Ex-Royalist Gentleman, Mr. John Arundel of
Trerice in Cornwall ; and relates to what is now an old story, the Sur-
render of Pendennis Castle to Fairfax's people (August 1646) ; in which
Mr. John, by the arbitrary conduct of a certain Parliamentary Official,
suffers huge damage at this time, — a fine of no less than ^10,000, ' quite
ruinous to my poor estate,' and clear against bargain at the rendition of
Pendennis, being now laid upon him by the arbitrary Parliamentary
Official in those parts. As not only human justice, but the honour of
the Army is concerned, Mr. John has written to the Lord General, — the
Trerice Arundels, he alleges furthermore, having once ' had the honour
to stand in some friendship, or even kinship, with your noble family.'
Oliver, during that hurried first visit to Glasgow, writes in consequence :
" To the Right Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker
of the Parliament of England : These"
Glasgow, 25th April 1651.
SIR, — Receiving this Enclosed, and finding the contents of it to
expostulate for justice and faith-keeping, and the direction not
improper to myself from the Party interested, forasmuch as it is
the word and the faith of the Army engaged unto a performance ;
and understanding by what steps it hath proceeded, which this
enclosed Letter of the Gentleman's will make manifest unto you :
— I make bold humbly to present the Business to the Parliament.
* Tanner MSS. (in Gary, ii. 243). 1 Ibid. ii. 258.
262 APPENDIX, NO. 20 [10
If he desires that which is not just and honourable for you to
grant, I shall willingly bear blame for this trouble, and be glad to
be denied : but if it be just and honourable, and tends to make
good the faith of your servants, I take the boldness then to pray
he may stand or fall according to that. And this desire, I hope,
is in faithfulness to you; and will be so judged. I take leave;
and rest, Sir, your most humble servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
Letter 3d, in behalf of Colonel Clayton (vol. ii. p. 307).
" To the Right Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker
of the Parliament of England : These''
Edinburgh, 10th May 1651.
SIR, — I am very desirous to make an humble motion unto you
on the behalf of Colonel Randall Clayton; — who, being taken
prisoner1 when I was in Ireland, was with some other Officers
judged to die, as those that had formerly served the Parliament,
but were then partakers with the Lord Inchiquin in his Revolt :
and although the rest suffered, according to the sentence passed
upon them, yet, with the advice of the chief Officers, I thought
meet to give him, the said Colonel Randall Clayton, his life, as one
that is furnished with large abilities for the service of his Country :
and indeed there was the appearance of such remorse, and of a
work of grace upon his spirit, that I am apt to believe he will
hereafter prove an useful member unto the State, upon the best
account.
Having thus given him his release, and observing his Christian
candour, I then promised him to negotiate with the Parliament
for the taking-off the sequestration that is upon his estate, which
indeed is but very small. I do therefore humbly entreat you To
pass such a special act of favour towards him, whereby he will be
engaged and enabled to improve his interest the more vigorously,
in his place, for the advantage of the Public.
I would not address such an overture to you, did I not suppose
* Tanner MSS. (in Gary, ii. 270).
1 Supra, vol. ii. 153, and Whitlocke, p. 439.
1651] MAJOR-GENERAL HARRISON 263
that the placing of this favour upon this person will be of very
good use, and an act of much charity and tenderness. I rest, Sir,
your most humble servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.*
Letter written (what may be noted) just in the beginning of that dan-
gerous Fit of Sickness ; — following Letter just about the end of it.
Letter 4th, in behalf of Colonel Borlace (vol. ii. p. 308).
" To the Right Honourable William Lentkall, Esquire, Speaker
of the Parliament of England : These "
Edinburgh, 13th June 1651.
Sir, — Having received the enclosed Petition and Letter from
the Officers of a Court of War at Whitehall, representing unto me
that the faith of the Army concerning the Articles of Truro,1 in
the particular case of Colonel Nicholas Borlace, is violated ; and
the Petitioner himself having come hither to Scotland, desiring
me to be instrumental that the said Articles be performed, and
that the faith of the Army thereupon given might be made good :
— I do therefore humbly desire That the Parliament will take his
case into consideration, and that his Business may receive a speedy
hearing (he being already almost quite exhausted in the prosecu-
tion thereof); that so justice may be done unto him, and that the
faith of the Army may be preserved.
I crave pardon for this trouble; and rest, Sir, your most humble
servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.!
No. 20 *
[Vol. ii. p. 306.]
GENERAL HARRISON, with some force, is on the Border, keeping open
our communications. Along with that Letter to Mrs. Cromwell goes
another, dated the same day.
* Tanner MSS. (in Gary, ii. 272).
1 Hopton's Surrender, i4th March 1645-6 (antea, vol. i. p. 229) ; a hurried Treaty which gave
rise to much doubting and pleading, in other instances than this.
t Tanner MSS. (in Gary, ii. 276).
264 APPENDIX, NO. 20* [3 MAY
For the Honourable Major-General Harrison : These
Edinburgh, May 3d, 1651.
DEAR HARRISON, — I received thine of the 23d of April. Thy
Letters are always very welcome to me.
Although your new militia forces are so bad as you mention,
yet I am glad that you are in the head of them ; because I believe
God will give you a heart to reform them ; a principal means
whereof will be, by placing good Officers over them, and putting
out the bad ; whereunto you will not want my best furtherance
and concurrence. I have had much such stuff to deal withal, in
those sent to me into Scotland ; but, blessed be the Lord, we
have "been" and are reforming them daily, finding much en-
couragement from the Lord therein ; only we do yet want some
honest men to come to us to make Officers. And this is the grief,
that this being the cause of God and of His people, so many saints
should be in their security and ease, and not come out to the work
of the Lord in this great day of the Lord.
I hear nothing of the men you promised me. Truly I think
you should do well to write to my friends in London and else-
where, to quicken their sense in this great business. I have
written this week to Sir Henry Vane, and given him a full account
of your affairs. I hope it will not be in vain.
I think it will be much better for you to draw nigher to Carlisle,
where " are " twelve troops of horse ; whereof six are old troops,
and five or six of dragoons. Besides, the troops you mention upon
the Borders will be ready upon a day's notice to fall into con-
1 unction with you ; so that if any parties should think to break
into England (which, through the mercy of God, we hope to have
an eye to), you will be, upon that conjunction, in a good posture
to obviate " them." Truly I think that if you could be at Penrith
and those parts, it would do very well. And I do therefore desire
you, as soon as you can, to march thither. Whereby also you
and we shall have the more frequent and constant correspondency
one with another, And it will be better, if a party of the enemy
should happen to make such an attempt, to fight him before he
hath an opportunity to get far into our country.
I have offered a consideration also to our friend at London, that
1651] AFTER WORCESTER BATTLE 265
you might have two regiments of foot sent too, " of" which I am
not without hope.
The Lord bless you and keep you, and increase the number of
His faithful ones. Pray for us, and for him who assures you he is
your affectionate faithful Friend, OLIVER CROMWELL.*
No. 21
MARCH TO WORCESTER
[Vol. ii. p. 321.]
OLIVER, in his swift March from Scotland towards Worcester, takes
Ripon and Doncaster as stages : Provision for us must be ' in readiness
against our coming.'
" To the Mayor and Corporation of Doncaster : These "
Ripon, 18th August 1651.
GENTLEMEN, — I intend, God willing, to be at Doncaster with the
Army on Wednesday 1 night or Thursday morning ; and forasmuch
as the Soldiers will need a supply of victual, I desire you to give
notice to the country, and to use your best endeavours to cause
bread, butter, cheese and flesh to be brought in, and to be in readi-
ness there against our coming ; for which the country shall receive
ready money. Not doubting of your care herein, I rest, your
very loving friend, OLIVER CROMWELL.!
No. 22
AFTER WORCESTER BATTLE : LETTERS TO THE SPEAKER
[Vol. ii. p. 332.]
" To the Right Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker
of the Parliament of England : These "
Evesham, 8th September 1051.
SIR, — The late most remarkable, seasonable, and signal Victory,
which our good God (to whom alone be ascribed all the glory)
* Letter in possession of B. S. Elcock, Esq., of Prior-Park Buildings, Bath (Note ^1869).
1 Wednesday is 2oth.
t Original in the possession of Pudsey Dawson, Esq., Hornby Castle, Lancashire (com-
municated, igth October 1850).
266 APPENDIX, NO. 22 [8 SEPT.
was pleased to vouchsafe your servants against the Scottish Army
at Worcester, doth, as I conceive, justly engage me humbly to
present in reference thereunto this consideration : That as the
Lord appeared so wonderfully in His mercies towards you, so
it will be very just to extend mercy to His people, our Friends
that suffered in these parts upon this occasion ; and that some
reparation may be made them out of the Sequestration or Estates
of such as abetted this Engagement against you. The town
being entered by storm, some honest men, promiscuously and
without distinction, suffered by your Soldier; — which could not
at that time possibly be prevented, in the fury and heat of the
battle.
I also humbly present to your charity the poor distressed Wife
and Children of one William Guise, of the City of Worcester, who
was barbarously put to death by the Enemy for his faithfulness
to the Parliament. The man (as I am credibly informed) feared
the Lord ; and upon that account likewise deserveth more con-
sideration. Really, Sir, I am abundantly satisfied, that divers
honest men, both in city and country, suffered exceedingly (even
to the ruin of their families), by these parts being the seat of
the War : and it will be an encouragement to honest men, when
they are not given over to be swallowed-up in the same destruc-
tion with enemies.
I hope the Commissioners of the Militia will be very careful
and discerning in the distribution of your charity. I cannot
but double my desires, that some speedy course may be taken
herein.
I have sent the Mayor and Sheriff of Worcester to Warwick
Castle, there to attend the pleasure of Parliament concerning
their Trial ; I having not opportunity to try them by Court Martial.
I have also taken security of the other Aldermen who remained
in the city, to be forthcoming when I shall require them.
It may be well worthy your consideration, That some severity
be shown to some of those of this Country, as well of quality
as meaner ones, who, having been engaged in the former War,
did now again appear in arms against you. I rest, Sir, your most
humble servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.*
* Tanner MSS. (in Gary, ii. 378).
1651] SISTER ELIZABETH 267
" To the Right Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker
of the Parliament of England : These "
Chipping Norton, 8th September 1651.
SIR, — I have sent this Bearer, Captain Orpyn, with the Colours
taken in the late Fight ; — at least as many of them as came to
my hands, for I think very many of them have miscarried. I
believe the number of these sent will be about an Hundred ; the
remainder also being Forty or Fifty, which were taken at the
Engagement in Fife.1 I ask pardon for troubling you herewith ;
and rest, Sir, your most humble servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
No. 23
LETTER TO SISTER ELIZABETH
[Vol i. p. 20 note ; iii. p. 15.]
By accident, another curious glimpse into the Cromwell Family.
f Sister Elizabeth,' of whom, except the date of her birth and that she
died unmarried,2 almost nothing is known, comes visibly to light here ;
' living at Ely,' in very truth (as Noble had guessed she did) ; quietly
boarded at some friendly Doctor's there, in the scene and among the
people always familiar to her. She is six years older than Oliver ; now
and then hears from him, we are glad to see, and receives ' small tokens
of his love' of a substantial kind. For the rest, sad news hi this
Letter ! Son Ireton is dead of fever in Ireland ; the tidings reached
London just a week ago.
For my dear Sister Mrs. Elizabeth Cromwell, at Doctor Richard
Stand 8 his house at Ely : These
" Cockpit," 15th December 1651.
DEAR SISTER, — I have received divers Letters from you ; I must
desire you to excuse my not writing so often as you expect : my
burden is not ordinary, nor are my weaknesses a few to go through
therewith ; but I have hope in a better Strength. — I have here-
1 Inverkeithing Fight in July : see Letter CLXXV.
* Tanner MSS. (in Cary, ii. 380.)
8 Ant«a, vol. i. p. 20. * Query, not Hattd\
268 APPENDIX, NO. 24 [DEC.
with sent you Twenty Pounds as a small token of my love. I
hope I shall be mindful of you. I wish you and I may have our
rest and satisfaction where all saints have theirs. What is of this
world will be found transitory ; a clear evidence whereof is my
Son Ireton's death. I rest, dear Sister, your affectionate Brother,
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
"P.S."1 My Mother, Wife, and your friends here remember
their loves.
No. 24
LETTER TO THE COMMITTEE FOR SEQUESTRATIONS, IN BEHALF
OF MR. AND MRS. FlNCHAM
[Vol. iii. p. 19.]
THOMAS FINCHAM, Esquire of Oatwell, Isle of Ely, is on the List o
Delinquents : Oliver, as an old friend or at least neighbour, will do what
he can for him.
To the Commissioners for Sequestration, at Goldsmiths' Hall : These
Cockpit, — December 1651.
GENTLEMEN, — I formerly recommended unto you the Petition of
one Mr. Fincham and his Wife, desiring that if it were in your
power to give remedy in their case, you would be pleased to hear
them, according to the equity of their case. And forasmuch as
they have waited long in Town for a hearing, to their great charge
and expenses, which their present condition will not well bear, I
again earnestly desire that you will grant them your favour of a
speedy hearing of their business, and to relieve them according
to the merits and justice of their case: whereby you will very
much oblige, Gentlemen, your very loving friend,
OLIVER CROMWELL.!
* Original shown me, and copied for me (26th October 1853), by Mr. Puttick, Auctioneer,
191 Piccadilly,— who sold it, with another (Letter to Dick, zd April 1650, Carried, our Letter
CLXXXII.), next day, ' for 9 guineas, to Mr. Holloway, Bedford Street' : the Dick, a long letter,
in very good keeping, went ' for 26 guineas, to Mr. John Young, 6 Size Lane, Bucklersbury.1
1 On the margin.
t Composition Papers, in State-Paper Office.
1651] OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE 269
No. 25
To OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE
[Vol. iii. p. 22.]
FROM those nine months of 1652 remain certain other small vestiges or
waymarks ; relating, as it happens, to the Universities, of one of which
Oliver was Chancellor. The first is a Letter to Oxford.
' Greenwood ' we have already seen : ' Goodwin * is the famed Indepen-
dent, at this time President of Magdalen College. Of ' Zachary Maine,'
and his wishes and destinies, the reader can find an adequate account in
Wood, with express allusion to the Letter which follows.1 Zachary 's
desire was complied-with. A godly young man from Exeter City ; not
undeserving such a favour; who lived seven years in profitable com-
munion with Goodwin, Owen, and the others ; then, at the Restoration,
fell into troubles, into waverings ; but ended peaceably as Master of the
Free School of Exeter, the Mayor and Chamber favouring him there.
1. To the Reverend my very loving Friend Dr. Greenwood,
Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford
" Cockpit,' 12th April 1652.
SIR, — Mr. Thomas Goodwin hath recommended unto me one
Zachary Maine, Demy of Magdalen College, to have the favour To
be dispensed-with for the want of two or three terms in the taking
of his Degree of Bachelor. I am assured that he is eminently
godly, of able parts, and willing to perform all his exercises.
Upon which account (if it will not draw along with it too great
an inconvenience) I desire that he may have the particular favour
to be admitted to the said Degree. Which I intend not to draw
into a precedent, but shall be very sparing therein. I remain, Sir,
your very loving friend, OLIVER CROMWELL.*
The Second an official Protection to Cambridge :
2. To all Officers, Soldiers under my command, and others
whom it may concern
These are to charge and require you, upon sight hereof: Not
to quarter any Officers or Soldiers in any of the Colleges, Halls or
1 Athena, iv. 411.
* From the Archives of Oxford University. Communicated by the Rev. Dr. Bliss.
270 APPENDIX, NO. 25 [16 OCT.
other Houses belonging to the University of Cambridge ; Nor to
offer any injury or violence to any of the Students or Members of
any of the Colleges or Houses of the said University. As you shall
answer the contrary at your peril.
Given under my hand and seal, the First of July 1652.
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
Note. In the Archives of Trinity College Cambridge is a patent duly
signeted, and superscribed ' Oliver P.', of date 'Whitehall, 21st October
1654 ' ; appointing Richard Pratt, f who, as we are informed, is very poor
and necessitous,' a Bedesman (small pensioner for life) of that College.
Which merely official Piece, as Richard Pratt too, except this of being
poor, is without physiognomy for us, we do not insert here.1
The Third and Fourth are for Oxford again :
3. By his Excellency the Lord General Cromwell, Chancellor of the
University of Oxford
Whereas divers applications have been made unto me, from
several of the Members of the University of Oxford, concerning
differences which have arisen between the Members of the said
University about divers matters which fall under my cognisance
as Chancellor: And forasmuch as differences and complaints of
the like nature may " again " happen and arise between them :
And considering that it would be very troublesome and charge-
able to the parties concerned to attend me at this distance about
the same : And the present burden of public affairs not permitting
me so fully to hear and understand the same as to be able to
give my judgment and determination therein :
I do hereby desire and authorise Mr. John Owen, now Vice-
chancellor of the University, and the Heads of the several
Colleges and Halls there, or any Five or more of them (whereof
the said Vicechancellor to be one), To hear and examine all such
differences and complaints which have " arisen," or shall arise,
between any of the said Members ; giving them as full power and
authority as in me lies to order and determine therein as, in their
judgments, they shall think meet and agreeable to justice and
* Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, iii. 452. 1 Copyings me.
1652] OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE 271
equity. And this Power and Commission to continue during the
space of Six Months now next ensuing.
Given under my hand and seal, the l6th day of October 1652.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
4. By his Excellency the Lord General Cromwell, Chancellor of the
University of Oxford
Whereas within the University of Oxford there frequently
happen several things to be disposed, granted and confirmed,
wherewith the Vicechancellor, Doctors-Regent, Masters and others
of the said University, in their Delegacies and Convocations,
cannot by their statutes dispense, grant or confirm, without the
assent of their Chancellor : And forasmuch as the present weighty
affairs of the Commonwealth do call for and engage me to reside,
and give my personal attendance, in or near London; so that
the Scholars of the said University and others are put to much
charge and trouble by coming to London to obtain my assent
in the cases before mentioned : Therefore, taking the premises
into consideration, For the more ease and benefit of the said
Scholars and University, and that I may with less avocation and
diversion attend the councils and service of the Commonwealth :
I do by these presents ordain, authorise, appoint and delegate
Mr. John Owen, Dean of Christchurch and Vicechancellor of the
said University ; Dr. Wttkins, Warden of Wadham College ; Dr.
Jonathan Goddard, Warden of Merton College; Mr. Thomas
Goodwin, President of Magdalen College ; and Mr. Peter French,
Prebend of Christchurch, or any Three or more of them, To take
into consideration all and every matter of dispensation, grant or
comfirmation whatsoever which requires my assent as Chancellor
to the said University, and thereupon to dispense, grant, confirm,
or otherwise dispose thereof, as to them shall seem meet ; and to
certify the same to the Convocation. And all and every such
dispensation, grant, confirmation or disposition made by the
aforesaid Mr. John Owen, Dr. Wilkins, Dr. Jonathan Goddard,
Mr. Thomas Goodwin, and Mr. Peter French, or any Three or
more of them, shall be to all intents and purposes firm and valid,
in as full, large and ample manner as if to every such particular
272 APPENDIX, NO. 26 [SOJUNE
act they had my assent in writing under my hand and seal, or I
had been personally present and had given my voice and suffrage
thereunto.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal, the
16th day of October 1652. OLIVER CROMWELL.*
No. 26
LETTER TO LORD WHARTON ABOUT HENRY CROMWELL'S
MARRIAGE
[Vol. ii. p. 324.]
'PooB foolish Mall/ whom we guessed in the Text to be on a visit at
Winchington, was then busy there, it would seem, and is now again busy,
on a very important matter : scheme of marriage between her brother
Henry, now in Ireland, and her fair Friend here, Lord Wharton's
Daughter, — the Lady Elizabeth, his eldest, as may be clearly inferred
from the genealogies.1 The Lord General approves ; match most honour-
able ; shall not fail for want of money on his part. Unless, indeed, e the
just scruples of the Lady ' prove unsurmountable ? Which, apparently,
they did. Both parties afterwards married : the Lady Elizabeth to ( the
third Earl Lindsay ' ; Henry Cromwell a ' Russel of Chippenham ' ; on
which latter event, the 'Dalby and Broughton,' here mentioned, were
actually settled upon Henry. Burleigh and Pakham went to his brother
Richard.
"For the Right Honourable the Lord Wharton : These "
"Cockpit," 30th June 1652.
MY DEAR LORD, — Indeed I durst not suddenly make up any
judgment what would be fit for me to do or desire, in the Business
you know of. But being engaged to give you an account upon
our last conference, I shall be bold to do that, and add a word or
two therewith.
For the Estate I mentioned, I cannot now (by reason my
Steward is not here) be so exact as I would : but the Lands I
design for this occasion are Burleigh, Oakham, and two other
little things not far distant; in all about 1900/. per annum.
• From the Archives of Oxford University. Communicated by the Rev. Dr. Bliss.
History and Antiquities of Buckinghamshire (London, 1847), i. 544.
1652] SCRAPS FROM 1653 273
Moreover Dalbv "and" Broughton, l600/. per annum. Burleigh
hath some charge upon it, which will in convenient time be
removed. This is near twice as much as I intended my Son :
yet all is unworthy of the honourable Person.
My Lord, give me leave to doubt that the Lady hath so many
just scruples, which if not very freely reconciled may be too great
a tentation to her spirit, and also have after-inconveniences.
And although I know your Lordship so really,1 yet I believe
you may have your share of difficulties to conflict with ; which
may make the Business uneasy : — wherefore, good my Lord, I
beg it, If there be not freedom and cheerfulness in the noble
Person, let this Affair slide easily off, and not a word more be
spoken about it, — as your Lordship's " own " thoughts are. So
hush all, and save the labour of little Mall's fooling, — lest she
incur the loss of a good Friend indeed. My Lord, I write my
heart plainly to you, as becomes, my Lord, your most affectionate
servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.*
No. 27
SCRAPS FROM 1653.
[Vol. iii. p. 75.]
1. IN a volume of the Annual Register are given certain Letters or
Petitions concerning the printing of Dr. Walton's Polyglott Bible. At
the end of the Petitions is the following :
"Whitehall," 16th May 1653.
I think fit that this work of printing the Bible in the Original
and other Languages go on without any let or interruption.
OLIVER CROMWELL, f
' By favour of whose Government,' as Walton in his Preface further-
more records, e we had our paper free of duty, quorum favore chartam a
vectigalibus immunem habuimus,' — with perhaps other furtherances. See
Twells' Life ofPocock (reprint, London, 1816), pp. 209-211.
1 ' reallilye ' in orig.
* Original in Bodleian Library ; indorsed by Lord Wharton, ' My Lord Generall to met
about his Sonne.' Printed in Illustrated London News, yth November 1856.
t Annual Register, xxxvi. 373-4.
VOL. IV. S
274 APPENDIX, NO. 27 [9 JUNE
2. Here, lest any one should be again sent hunting through ' Pegge's
Manuscripts,' take the following highly insignificant Official Note. Date,
four weeks after the Dismissal of the Rump ; when the ' Committee of the
Army,' and Oliver ' Commander of all the Forces raised and to be raised,'
are naturally desirous to know the state of the Army-Accounts. Where
Mitchell commands at present, I do not know ; nor whether he might be
the ' Captain Mitchell ' who was known some years ago in a disagreeable
transaction with the Lord-General's Secretary,1 and whose Accounts may
be rather specially a matter of interest.
For Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell
Whitehall, 18th May 1653.
SIR, — You are desired with all expedition to prepare and send
to the Committee for the Army an Account of all Moneys by you
received upon their Warrants between the Fifteenth of January
1647 and the Twentieth of October 1651, for the use of the
Forces within the time aforesaid under your command, or for the
use of any other Regiment, Troop or Company, by or for whom
you were intrusted or appointed to receive any money.
And in case you cannot perfect your Account, and send the
same, as you are hereby directed, before the Seventh of June
next, you are desired by that time at the farthest to send in
writing under your hand to the said Committee, What Moneys
by you received as aforesaid do remain in your hands.
Hereof you are not to fail. OLIVER CROMWELL.*
3. Among the State-Papers in Paris there have lately been found Three
small Notes to Mazarin, not of much, if indeed of almost any moment,
but worth preserving since they are here. Two of them belong to this
Section. The first, which exists only in French, apparently as translated
for Mazarin's reading, would not be wholly without significance if we
had it in the original. It is dated just three days after that Summons to
the Puritan Notables ; 2 — and the Lord General, we see, struggles to look
upon himself as a man that has done with Political Affairs.
"A Son Eminence, Monsieur le Cardinal Mazarin"
De Westminster, ce 9-19 Juin 1653.
Monsieur, — J*ai etc surpris de voir que votre Eminence ait voulu
penser d une personne si pen considerable que moi, vivant en quelque
1 Newspapers (in Cromwelliana, p. 61), aad-agth June 1649.
* Pegge's MSS. (in the College of Arms, London), vii. 425. 2 Antea, vo'. iii. p. 39.
r653] SCRAPS FROM 1653 275
faqon retire du reste du monde. Cet honneur a fait avec juste raison
une si forte impression sur moi, que je me sens oblige de servir volre
Eminence en toutes occasions ; et comme je m'estimerai heureux de les
pouvoir rencontrer, j'espere que M. de Bourdeaux enfacilitera les moyens
a celui qui est3 Monsieur, de votre Eminence le tres-humble serviteur.
OLIVER CROMWELL.*
Of which take this Version :
'Westminster, 9th June 1653.
'Sin, — I have been surprised that your Eminency was pleased to
remember a person so inconsiderable as myself, living, as it were, with-
drawn from the rest of the world. This honour has justly such a
resentment with me that I feel myself bound, by all opportunities, to be
serviceable to your Eminency ; and as I shall be happy to meet with such,
so I hope M. de Bourdeaux,' the Ambassador, 'will help to procure them
to, Sir, your Eminency's most humble servant,
'OLIVER CROMWELL.'
Nay here now (Edition 1857) is the Original itself; politely forwarded
to me, three years ago, by the Translator of M. Guizot's English Common-
wealthy where doubtless it has since appeared in print :
Westminster, the 9th of June 1653.
IT 's surprise to me that your Eminence should take notice of a
person so inconsiderable as myself, living, as it were, separate from
the world. This honour has, as it ought, " made " a very deep
impression upon me, and does oblige "me " to serve your Eminency
upon all occasions : and as I shall be happy to find out " such/' so I
trust that very honourable person, Monsieur Burdoe, will therein
be helpful to, your Eminency's thrice-humble servant,
O. CROMWELL.
4. The negotiations with Whitlocke for going on that perilous Embassy
to Sweden have left for us the following off hand specimen of an Official
Note from Oliver. Oliver and Pickering had already been earnestly
dealing with the learned man that he would go : at their subsequent
interview, Oliver observed to Whitlocke, ' Sir Gilbert ' Pickering < would
needs write a very fine Letter ; and when he had done, did not like it
himself. I then took pen and ink, and straightway wrote that to you ' :
* From the Archives " Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres, at Paris. Communicated by
Thomas Wright, Esq. F.S.A. etc,
276 APPENDIX, NO. 27 [26 JAN.
" To Sir Bulstrode Whitlocke, Lord Commissioner of the Great Seal"
Whitehall, 2d September 1653.
MY LORD, — The Council of State having thoughts of putting
your Lordship to the trouble of being Extraordinary Ambassador
to the Queen of Swedeland, did think fit not to impose that service
upon you without first knowing your own freedom thereunto.
Wherefore they were pleased to command our service to make
this address to your Lordship ; and hereby we can assure you of
a very large confidence in your honour and abilities for this
employment. To which we begging your answer, do rest, ray
Lord, your humble servants, OLIVER CROMWELL.
GILBERT PICKERING.*
5. The Little Parliament has now dismissed itself, and Oliver haa
henceforth a new Signature.
" To his Eminency Cardinal Mazarin "
"Whitehall," 26th January 1653.
MY LORD, — Monsieur de Baas l hath delivered me the Letter
which your Eminency hath been pleased to write to me ; and also
communicated by word of mouth your particular affections and
good disposition towards me, and the affairs of these Nations as
now constituted. Which I esteem a very great honour; and hold
myself obliged, upon the return of this Gentleman to you, to send
my thanks to your Eminency for so singular a favour; my just
resentment whereof I shall upon all occasions really demonstrate ;
and be ready to express the great value I have of your person and
merits, as your affairs and interest shall require from, your very
affectionate friend to serve you, OLIVER P.f
6. 'The Corporation of Lynn Regis,' it appears, considered that the
navigation of their Port would be injured by the works now going on for
* From Whitlocke's Account of his Embassy (quoted in Forster iv. 319).
1 The new Envoy, or Agent ; of whom in the next No.
t From the Archives du Ministere des Affaires Etraugcres, at Paris. Communicated by
Thomas Wright, Esq., F.S.A. etc.
1654] VOWEL'S PLOT 277
Draining the great Bedford Level of the Fens. They addressed the Pro-
tector on the subject ; and this is his Letter in answer thereto. Nothing
came of it farther.
To the Mayor and Aldermen of Lynn Regis
Whitehall, 30th January 1653.
GENTLEMEN, — I received yours; and cannot but let you know
the good resentments I have of your respects ; — assuring you that
I shall be always ready to manifest a tender love and care of you
and your welfare, and in particular of that concernment of yours
relating to navigation.
Commending you to the grace of God, I remain, your loving
friend, OLIVER P.*
No. 28
From 1654-1655: VOWEL'S PLOT; RECTORY OF HOUGHTON CON-
QUEST; PENRUDDOCK'S PLOT; LETTER TO THE POET WALLER;
NEW ENGLAND
[Vol. iii. pp. 100, 200, 20^.]
1. ANOTHER wholly insignificant Official Note to Mazarin, in regard to
Vowel's Plot, and the dismissal of M. de Baas for his complicity in it.
De Baas, whom some call Le Baas, or rightly Le Bas, was a kind of sub-
sidiary Agent despatched by Mazarin early in the Spring of 1653-4 s to
congratulate the new Protector,' that is, to assist Bourdeaux, who soon
after got the regular title of Ambassador, in ascertaining how a Treaty
could be made with the new Protector, or, on the whole, what was to be
done with England and him. Hitherto, during the Dutch War and other
vicissitudes, there had been a mixed undefinable relation between the two
Countries, rather hostile than neutral. The f Treaty and firm Amity,'
as we know, had its difficulties, its delays ; in the course of which it
occurred to M. Le Bas that perhaps the Restoration of Charles Stuart, by
Vowel and Company, might be a shorter cut to the result. Examination
of Witnesses in consequence; examination of Le Bas himself by the
Protector and Council, in consequence; mild hint to Le Bas that he must
immediately go home again.1
* History of the Ancient and Present State of the Navigation of the Port of King's Lynn
and of Cambridge (London, fol. 1766), p. 55.
1 Depositions concerning him (April, May, 1654), Thurloe, ii. 309, 351-3: notice of bis first
arrival (February 1653-4), ib. 113. See also ib. 379, 437.
278 APPENDIX, NO. 28 [29JUNE
" Eminentissimo Cardinali Mazanno "
Eminentissime Cardinalis, — In Litteris Nostris ad Regem datis,
causas et rationes recenswmus quare Dominum De Baas ex Me Re-
publicd excedere jtissimus, et Majestatem Suam certain fecimus, Nos,
non obstante hac dicti de Baas machmatione, cujus culpam ei solummodo
imputamus, in eddem adhuc sententid perstare,Jtrmam arctamque Pacem
et Amicitiam cum Gallid colendi et paciscendi. Atque hac occasione
gratum nobis est priora ilia propensce nostras erga vos et res vestras
voluntatis indicia et testimonia renovare ; quam etiam, data subinde
occasione, palam facere et luculenter demonstrare parati erimus. Interea
Eminentiam vestram Divince benignitatis prcesidio commendamus.
Dab. ex Alba Auld vicesimo nono Junii an. 1654.
OLIVERIUS P.*
Of which, if it be worth translating, this is the English :
'MosT EMINENT CARDINAL, — In our Letter to the King we have set
forth the grounds and occasions moving us to order M. de Baas to depart
from this Commonwealth ; and have assured his Majesty, that notwith-
standing this deceit of the said De Baas, the blame of which is imputed
to him alone, we persist as heretofore in the same purpose of endeavour-
ing and obtaining a firm and intimate Peace and Amity with France.
And it gives us pleasure, on this occasion, to renew those former
testimonies of our good inclination towards you and your interests; which
also, as opportunity offers, we shall in future be ready to manifest and
clearly demonstrate. In the mean while, we commend your Eminency
to the keeping of the Almighty, OLIVER P.
* Whitehall, 29th June 1654.'
2. PRESENTATION TO THE RECTORY OP HOUGHTON CONQUEST
( Communicated to me' (Thomas Baker, the Cambridge Antiquary) ' by my
worthy friend Brown Willis Esq. of Whaddon Hall in Com. Bucks,
from the original Presentation , in the hands of a friend of his.'
OLIVER P.
Oliver, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scot-
land and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belonging, to the
* From the Archives du Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres, at Paris. Communicated by
Thomas Wright, Esq. F.S.A. etc.
1654] THE SPANISH WEST INDIES 279
Commissioners authorised by a late Ordinance for Approbation of
Public Preachers, or " to " any five of them, greeting. We present
John Pointer to the Rectory of Houghton Conquest in the county
of Bedford, void by the death of the late Incumbent, and to our
presentation belonging; to the end he may be approved-of by
them, and admitted thereunto, with all its rights, members and
appurtenances whatsoever, according to the tenor of the aforesaid
Ordinance.
Given at Whitehall, the 29th of September 1654.*
3. DESIGN AGAINST THE SPANISH WEST INDIES
[Vol. iii. pp. 160, 207.]
Our great Design against the Spaniards in the West Indies is still called
only 'a Design by Sea,' and kept very secret. Proper, however, as the
rumours probably are loud, to give the Parliament, now sitting, some hint
of it. Hence this .Letter; of no moment otherwise. Unluckily 'the
right-hand border of the Paper is now much worn away ' ; so that several
words are wanting, — conjecturally supplied here, in italics.
To Our right trusty and well-beloved William Lenihall, Esquire,
Speaker of the Parliament
Whitehall, 22d September 1654.
MR. SPEAKER, — I have, by advice of the Council, undertaken a
Design by Sea, very much (as we hope and judge) for the honour
and advantage of the Commonwealth ; and have already made the
preparations requisite for such an undertaking. But before I
proceed to the execution thereof, the Parliament being now con-
vened, I thought it agreeable to my trust to communicate to them
the aforesaid resolution, and not to desire the delay thereof any
longer (although I suppose you may be engaged, at the present, in
matters of greater weight) ; because many miscarriages will fall
out in this Business through delay, as well in providing of the
charge as otherwise ; the well-timing of such a Design being as
considerable as anything about it. And therefore I desire you to
* Harl. MSS. no. 7053, f. 153.
280 APPENDIX, NO. 28 [5 OCT.
take your first opportunity to acquaint the House with the contents
of this Letter, wherein I have forborne to be more particular,
because there are severed persons in Parliament who know this
whole Business, and can mformihe House of all particulars, if the
House do judge it to be consistent with the nature of the Design
to have it offered to them particularly : — which I refer to their
consideration ; and rest, your assured friend,
OLIVER P.*
4. NEW APPOINTMENTS ; ANNOUNCEMENT OF THEM TO THE
PARLIAMENT
OLIVER P.
To Our right trusty and right well-beloved William Lenthall, Esquire,
Speaker of the Parliament
RIGHT TRUSTY AND RIGHT WELL-BELOVED, — We greet you well.
It being expressed in the Thirty-Fourth Article of the Govern-
ment, That the Chancellor, Keeper or Commissioners of the
Great Seal, the Treasurer, Admiral, Chief Governors of Ireland
and Scotland, and the Chief Justices of both the Benches, shall
be chosen by the approbation of Parliament, and in the intervals
of Parliament by the approbation of the major part of the Council,
— to be afterwards approved by the Parliament ; and several
Persons of integrity and ability having been appointed by Me
(with the Council's approbation) for some of those Services before
the meeting of the Parliament ; — I have thought it necessary to
transmit unto you, in the enclosed Schedule, the names of those
Persons, to the end that the resolution of the Parliament may be
known concerning them : which I desire may be with such speed
as the other public occasions of the Commonwealth will admit.
And so I bid you heartily farewell.
Given at Whitehall, this Fifth day of October 1654. f
* ' Autograph Letter throughout.' Copy penes me ; reference (Tanner MSS. no doubt) is
unfortunately lost. See Commons Journals^ vii. 369 (zzA September 1654), for the Return
made.
f Original, with the Great Seal attached, in Tanner MSS., lii. 135. See Commons Jotirnals,
vii. 378 (24th October 1654).
1654] PENRUDDOCK'S PLOT 281
Enclosure is indorsed : ' The Schedule enclosed in his Highness
Letter of ye 5th of October 1654.'—' Read October 5th, 1654;
and again, 6th Oct.*
CHARLES FLEETWOOD, Esquire . . . Deputy of Ireland.
BULSTRODE WHITLOCKE, Esquire . . .^ Commissioners of
SIR THOMAS WIDDRINGTON, Knt. . , . j- the Great Seal
JOHN LISLE, Esquire J of England.
The Three Commissioners of the
Seal above-named
Commissioners of
the Treasury.
THE LORD CHIEF JUSTICE ROLLE . ,
THE LORD CHIEF JUSTICE ST. JOHN .
EDWARD MONTAGUE, Esquire , •
WILLIAM SYDENHAM, Esquire • .
/ Chief Justice of the
HENRY ROLLE • •••••-! Court of Upper
[ Bench.
C Chief Justice of the
OLIVER ST. JOHN .....-! Court of Common
I Pleas.
5 and 6. The following Two LetteVs, one of which is clearly of Thurloe's
composition, have an evident reference to Penruddock's affair : they find
their place here.
Sergeant Wilde, now more properly Lord Chief Baron Wilde, is a
Worcester man ; sat in the Long Parliament for that City, very promi-
nent all along in Law difficulties and officialities, — in particular, directly
on the heel of the Second Civil War, Autumn 1648, he rode circuit, and
did justice on offenders, without asking his Majesty's opinion on the sub-
ject ; which was thought a great feat on his part.1 Shortly after which he
was made Chief Baron, and so continues, — holding even now the Spring
Assizes at Worcester, I think. Thurloe, as we said, appears to have
shaped this Letter into words ; only the signature and meaning can be
taken as Oliver's. Unluckily too, either Mrs. Warner the Editress must
have misread the date c 25th ' for 24th, or else Thurloe himself in his
haste have miswritten, forgetting that it was New Year's Day overnight,
J Thanked by the Parliament (Commons Journals, vj. 49, joth October 1648).
282 APPENDIX, NO. 28 [24 MAR.
that it is not now 1654 but 1655. We will take the former hypothesis ;
and correct Mrs. Warner's ' 25th,' which in this case makes a whole year
of difference.
For Sir John Wilde, Scrgeant-at-Law, and the rest of the Justices of
Peace for the County of Worcester, or any of them, to be com-
municated to the rest ; or, in his absence, to Nicholas Lechmere,
Esq., Worcester
Whitehall, 24th March 1654.
GENTLEMEN, — We doubt not but you have heard before this
time of the hand of God going along with us, in defeating the
late rebellious Insurrection. And we hope that, through His
blessing upon our labours, an effectual course will be taken for the
total disappointment of the whole Design. Yet knowing the
resolution of the common Enemy to involve this Nation in new
calamities, we conceive ourselves, and all others intrusted with
preserving the peace of the Nation, obliged to endeavour in their
places to prevent and defeat the Enemy's intentions : and there-
fore, as a measure especially conducing to that end,
We do earnestly recommend to you To take order that diligent
Watches (such as the Law hath appointed) be daily kept, for
taking a strict account of all strangers in the Country. Which will
not only be a means to suppress *all loose and idle persons ; but
may probably cause some of those who come from abroad to kindle
fires here, to be apprehended and seized upon, — especially if care
be taken to secure all them that cannot give a good account of
their business ; — and may also break all dangerous meetings and
assemblings together. Herein we do require, and shall expect,
your effectual endeavours ; knowing that, if what by Law ought
to be done were done with diligence in this respect, the contriv-
ance of such dangerous Designs as these would be frustrated
in their bud, or kept from growing to a maturity. I rest, your
affectionate friend, OLIVER P.*
This second Letter, to the Gloucester Authorities, on the same
subject, we judge by the style of it to be mostly or altogether the
Protector's own.
* Rebecca Warner's Epistolary Curiosities, First Series (Bath, 1818), pp. 51-3.
i655] FENRUDDOCK'S PLOT 283
For Major Wade, Major Creed, and the Mayor and Aldermen of the
City of Gloucester
Whitehall, 24th March 1654.
GENTLEMEN, — We doubt not but you have heard before this
time of the good hand of God going along with us in defeating the
late rebellious Insurrection ; so that, as we have certain intelligence
from all parts, the Risings are everywhere suppressed and dissolved,
and some hundreds of prisoners in custody, and daily more are
discovered and secured. And we hope that, through the blessing
of God upon our labours, an effectual course will be taken for the
total disappointment of the whole Design.
The readiness of the Honest People to appear hath been a great
encouragement to us, and of no less discouragement to the Enemy ;
who, had he prevailed, would, without doubt, have made us the
most miserable and harassed Nation in the world. And therefore
we hold ourselves obliged to return you our hearty thanks for your
zeal and forwardness in so readily appearing and contributing your
assistance ; wherein, although your Countiy and your own particular
as to outward and inward happiness were concerned, yet we are
fully persuaded that a more general Principle respecting the glory
of God, and the good of all these Nations, hath been the motive
to incite you : and therefore your action goes upon the higher and
more noble account.
You have desired that we would consider of ways how to find
money to carry-on this work. If the Business had not been
allayed, we must have found out a way and means to allay that
want. But otherwise indeed we make it, as we hope we ever
shall, our design to ease this Nation, and not to burden it ; and
are tender, — as we conceive yourselves have been, — of putting the
good people thereof to any unnecessary charge. And therefore,
as you shall have fitting opportunity, you may recommend our
thankfulness to your honest willing Countrymen, as we hereby do
to yourselves, for this their forwardness ; and let them know That
when any danger shall approach, as we shall be watchful to observe
the Enemy's stirrings, we will give you timely notice thereof: and
we trust those good hearts will be ready, « on " being called out
by you, to appear upon all such occasions. In the mean time they
284 APPENDIX, NO. 28 [24 MAR.
may continue at their homes, blessing God for His mercy, and
enjoying the fruit and comfort of this happy deliverance, and the
other benefits of Peace.
And I do hereby let you know that Letters are directed to the
Justices of Peace of several Counties,1 That Watches be kept, such
as the Law hath appointed for taking a strict account of all
strangers, especially near the Coast. Which will not only be a
means to suppress all loose and idle persons, but may probably
cause some of those that come from abroad " in order " to kindle
fires here, to be apprehended and seized, — especially if care be
taken to secure all them that cannot give a good account ; and
may also break all dangerous meetings and assemblings together.
And indeed if what by Law ought to be done were done with
diligence in this respect, the continuance of such dangerous
Designs as these would be frustrated in the birth, or kept from
growing to maturity.
Having said this, — with remembrance of my hearty love to you,
I rest, your very affectionate friend, OLIVER P.*
Of the same date, the same Letter (with insignificant variations), bear-
ing the address, For Colonel Humphrey Brewster and the rest of the Com-
missioners for the Militia for the County of Suffolk, and dated as well as
signed in Oliver's hand, is now in the possession of Charles Meadows,
Esq., Great Bealings, Woodbridge, a kinsman or representative of this
Humphrey Brewster.
The one considerable variation is as follows. Paragraph second, of the
Copy given here, and the first two sentences of paragraph third, are sup-
pressed in Brewster's Copy, and there stands instead, — after ' Design ' :
' And now forasmuch as it hath pleased God thus to allay this Business ;
and making it, as we hope we soon (sic) shall, our design to ease this
Nation ' : etc. — after and before which the two Copies almost exactly
correspond. (MS. penes me.)
By the City Records just cited from, it appears that, on the eve of the
Battle of Worcester, in 1651, ( Eighteen Gloucester Bakers had sent to
Tewkesbury for the Lord General Cromwell's Army, Thirteen-hundred
and odd Dozens of Bread at a Shilling the dozen, amounting to £66, 5s. ;
and that the Mayor and others, on the 1st September 1651, sent Forty
1 Foregoing Letter, To Wilde, for one.
* Bibliotheca, Gloucestrensis (Gloucester, 1825 ;— see antea, vol. i. p. 165), p. 412 ;— from the
ty Records o( Gloucester.
1655] POET WALLER 285
barrels of strong Beer to the Lord General, " praying your favourable
acceptance thereof, as an argument of the good affection of this Corpora-
tion, who doth congratulate your seasonable coming into these parts, for
the relief thereof against the violence of the common Enemy, and wish
prosperous success to you and your Army."'1
Furthermore, that on the llth October 1651, directly after the said
Battle, Gloucester did itself the honour of appointing the Lord General
Oliver Cromwell, ' in consideration of the singular favour and benevolence
which his Excellency hath manifested to us and to this City,' High
Steward of the same, ' with an annual rent of 100 shillings, issuing out
of our Manors ' ; — for at least one payment of which there exists the Lord
General's receipt, in this form :
23 Novemb 1652
Reed of the Maior and Burg8 of Gloucr by the hands'
of Mr. Dorney Townclerke of the said City, the
£ *• d.
05 00 00
day and year abovesd the some of ffive pounds
as being a fee due to me as Lord High Steward
of the said Citty, I say Reed
O. CROMWELL.*
7. The following brief Note to the Poet Waller, which has latterly
turned up, has a certain peculiar interest, on two grounds : first, to all
readers, as offering some momentary glimpse, momentary but unique and
indisputable, of Oliver's feeling on reading the Poet's noble ' Panegyric
to my Lord Protector ' ; and secondly, to antiquarian people, as fixing what
was hitherto left vague, the approximate date of that celebrated Piece. 2
To an audacious guesser it might almost seem, these Verses had reached
Oliver, by messenger, a day or two before ; and the ' unhappy mistake '
were Oliver's, in sending, on the morrow, to have an interview with
Waller, and finding him to be at Northampton instead ! —
For my very loving Friend Edmund 3 Waller, Esq., Northampton :
Haste, haste
" Whitehall," 13th June 1655.
SIR, — Let it not trouble you that, by so unhappy a mistake, you
are, as I hear, at Northampton. Indeed I am passionately affected
with it.
1 Bibliotheca Gloucestrensis, p. 406. * Ibid, p, 411.
2 Fenton, Works of Edmund Waller (London 1730), gives the Panegyric (pp. 113-121): and
(ib. p. cix.) his Note upon it, in which all he can say as to date is, 'about the year 1654.'
8 Copy has ' Edward ' as yet.
286 APPENDIX, NO. 28 [29 MAR.
I have no guilt upon me unless it be to be revenged for your so
willingly mistaking me in your Verses.1 This action "of mine"
will put you to redeem me from yourself, as you have already from
the world. Ashamed, I am, your friend and servant,
OLIVER P.*
8 and 9. Two poor American scraps, which our New-England friends
ought to make more lucent for us ; worth their paper and ink in this
place.
To Our trusty and well-beloved the President, Assistants and Inhabitants
of Rhode Island, together with the rest of the Providence Planta-
tions, in the Narragansett Bay in New England
"Whitehall," 29th March 1655.
GENTLEMEN, — Your Agent here hath presented unto us some
particulars concerning your Government, which you judge neces-
sary to be settled by us here. But by reason of the other great
and weighty affairs of this Commonwealth, we have been neces-
sitated to defer the consideration of them to a farther oppor-
tunity.
In the mean while we were willing to let you know, That you
are to proceed in your Government according to the tenor of your
Charter formerly granted on that behalf; taking care of the peace
and safety of these Plantations, that neither through any intestine
commotions, or foreign invasions, there do arise any detriment or
dishonour to this Commonwealth or yourselves, as far as you by
your care and diligence can prevent. And as for the things which
are before us, they shall, as soon as the other occasions will permit,
receive a just and fitting determination.
And so we bid you farewell ; and rest, your very loving friend,
OLIVER P.f
Towards the end of the Dutch War, during that undefinable relation
with France, f hostile rather than neutral,' which did not end in Treaty
till October 1655,2 Oliver's Major Sedgwick, whom we have since known
1 Fenton's Waller, pp. 113 and cix.
* In the Waller Archives, Beaconsfield ; copied by a ' Rev. L. B. Larking,' Cousin of the
now Waller ;— printed in Notes-and-Queries Newspaper, ad Jan. 1858. (Note, of 1869.)
f Original in the Rhode-Island Archives : Printed in Hutchinson's Collection^ and elsewhere.
2 Thurloe, iv. 75.
1655] NOVA SCOTIA 287
in Jamaica, had laid hold of certain f French Forts,' and indeed of a whole
French region, the region now called Nova Scotia, then called Acadie ; of
which Forts and of the region they command, it is Oliver's purpose,
for the behoof of his New-Englanders, to retain possession l ; — as the
following small document will testify :
To Captain John Leverett, Commander of the Forts lately taken
from the French in America
We have received an account from Major Sedgwick of his
taking several Forts from the French in America, and that he
hath left you to command and secure them for Us and this Com-
monwealth : And although We make no doubt of your fidelity
and diligence in performance of your trust, yet We have thought
it necessary to let you know of how great consequence it is, that
you use your utmost care and circumspection, as well to defend
and keep the Forts abovesaid, as also to improve the regaining of
them into Our hands to the advantage of Us and this State, by
such ways and means as you shall judge conducible thereunto.
And as We shall understand from you the state and condition of
those places, We shall from time to time give such directions as
shall be necessary.
Given at Whitehall, this 3d of April 1655.
OLIVER P.*
To which there are now, from this side of the Water, the following
small Excerpts to he added :
Grant of Privy Seal: '6th June 1655, to Major Robert Sedgwick,
£1,793. 7*. 8d., in full of his Account for service done against the French.'
And
Ditto, ' 28th July 1656, to Captain John Leverett, £4,482. 3*. lljrf., in
full satisfaction of all sums of money due to him upon Account of his
1 In Bancroft's History of the United States (Boston, 1837), i. 445, is some faint and not very
exact notice of the affair.
* Original in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society : Printed in their Third
Series, vii. 121. In vol. ii. of the same Work ("Boston, 1820), pp. 323-364, is an elaborace
Notice of certain fragmentary MS. Records of the Long Parliament still extant at New York, —
which Notice ought to be cancelled in subsequent editions 1 The amazingly curious ' Records '
at New York turn-out to be nothing but some odd volumes of the Commons Journals of that
period; the entire Set of which, often enough copied in manuscript, was printed here about
fifty years ago, and is very common indeed, in the Buttershops and elsewhere I
288 APPENDIX, NO. 29 [26 OCT.
receipts and disbursements about the Forts taken from the French in
America, and of his Salary for 760 days, at 15s. per diem.1
Oliver kept his Forts and his Acadie, through all French Treaties, for
behoof of his New-England ers : not till after the Restoration did the
country become French again, and continue such for a century or so.
10. Is a small domestic matter :
For Colonel Alban Cox, in Hertfordshire
Whitehall, 24th April 1655
SIR, — Having occasion to speak with you upon some Affairs
relating to the Public, I would have you, as soon as this comes to
your hands, to repair up hither ; and upon your coming, you shall
be acquainted with the particular reasons of my sending for you.
I rest, your loving friend, OLIVER P.*
At Blackdown House in Sussex, now and for long past the residence
of a family named Yaldwin, are preserved two Letters Patent signed
' Oliver P.,' of date 3d December 1656, appointing 'William Yaldwin
Esq.* High Sheriff of Sussex. Printed in Dallaway's Rape of Arundel
(p. 363) ; need not be reprinted here.
No. 29
SUFFOLK YEOMANRY
[Vol. iii. p. 222.]
The Suffolk Commission for a select mounted County-Militia, still
remains ; one remaining out of many that have perished. Addressed to
the Humphrey Brewster whom we have occasionally met with before.2
Instructions unto Colonel Humphrey Brewster, commissionated by his
Highness the Lord Protector to be Captain of a Troop of Horse
to be raised within the County of Suffolk, for the service of his
Highness and the Commonwealth
1. You shall forthwith raise, enlist, and have in readiness under
your command as Captain, and such Lieutenant, Cornet and
1 Fourth Report of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records (London, 1843), Appendix ii. p. 192 ;
Fifth Report (London, 1844), Appendix ii. p. 260.
* Gentleman's Magazine (London, 1788), Iviii. 37Q. a Antea, p. 284.
1655] SUFFOLK YEOMANRY £89
Quarter- Master as his Highness shall commissionate for that pur-
pose, One-hundred able Soldiers, the three Corporals included,
well mounted for service, and armed with one good sword and
case of pistols, holsters, saddle, bridle, and other furniture fit for
war, to serve as a Troop of Horse in the service of the Common-
wealth, as is hereafter required.
2. You shall use your utmost endeavour that the said Troops
shall be men of good life and conversation ; and before their
being listed shall promise that they will be true and faithful to
his Highness the Lord Protector and the Commonwealth, against
all who shall design or attempt anything against his Highness's
Person, or endeavour to disturb the Public Peace. And the like
engagement shall be taken by the Lieutenant, Cornet and Quarter-
Master of the said Troop.
3. You shall be ready to draw forth and muster the said Troop,
armed and fitted as aforesaid, upon the 25th day of December
next ensuing, from which time the said Troop, Officers and Soldiers,
shall be deemed to be in the actual service of his Highness and
the Commonwealth, and be paid accordingly. And you shall also
draw forth the said Troops four times in every year within the
county of Suffolk, completely furnished as before mentioned, to be
raised and mustered by such persons as shall from time to time
be appointed by the Protector.
4. You shall also at all other times have the said Troops in all
readiness as aforesaid at forty-eight hours' warning, or sooner if it
may be, whensoever his Highness, or such as he shall appoint for
that purpose, shall require the same for the suppressing of any
invasion, rebellion, insurrection, or tumult, or performing of any
other service within England and Wales. And in case that any
of the said service shall continue above the space of Twenty-eight
days in one year, the said Officers and Soldiers shall, after the
expiration of the said Twenty-eight days, be paid according to the
establishment of the Army then in force, over and besides what is
agreed to be paid unto them by these presents, for so long as they
shall continue in the said service.
5. That in case any shall make default in appearance, without
just and sufficient cause, or shall not be mounted, armed and pro-
vided as aforesaid, or shall offend against good manners or the
VOL. iv. T
290 APPENDIX, NO. 30 [25 MAY
laws of war ; that every person so offending shall be liable to such
punishment as the Captain or chief Officer present with the Troops,
with advice of the persons appointed to take the said musters,
shall think fit : provided the said punishment extends no farther
than loss of place or one year's pay.
6. That in consideration of the service to be performed as afore-
said, you shall receive for the use of the said Troop the sum of
One-thousand pounds per annum, to be paid out of the public
revenue by quarterly payments, to be distributed according to the
proportions following : To yourself, as Captain, one-hundred pounds
per annum ; to the Lieutenant fifty pounds per annum ; to the
Cornet twenty-five pounds per annum ; to the Quarter-Master
thirteen pounds six shillings and eightpence per annum ; to each
of the three Corporals, two pounds "additional "per annum ; one
Trumpet, five pounds six shillings and four-pence per annum ; and
to each Soldier eight pounds per annum. OLIVER P.*
Whitehall, 26th October 1655.
No. 30
SPEECH SHOULD-BE ' XV '
[Vol. iv. p. 120.]
FINAL Speech on that matter of the Kingship (concerning which it is
gracefully altogether silent) ; that is to say, Speech on accepting the
Humble Petition and Advice, with the Title of King withdrawn, and that
of Protector substituted as he had required : Painted Chamber, Monday
25th May 1657. l
MR. SPEAKER, — I desire to offer a word or two unto you ; which
shall be but a word. I did well bethink myself, before I came
hither this day, that I came not as to a triumph, but with the
most serious thoughts that ever I had in all my life, to undertake
one of the greatest tasks that ever was laid upon the back of a
human creature. And I make no question but you will, and so
* In the possession of Charles Meadows, Esq., Great Bealings, Woodbridge ; a descendant
of Brewster's.
1 Commons Journals ; vii. 539, 537 (last entry there).
1657] SPEECH SHOULD-BE <XV
will all men, readily agree with me that without the support of
the Almighty I shall necessarily sink under the burden of it ; not
only with shame and reproach to myself, but with that that is
more a thousand times, and in comparison of which I and my
family are not worthy to be mentioned, — with the loss and preju-
dice of these Three Nations. And, that being so, I must ask
your help, and the help of all those that fear God, that by their
prayers I may receive assistance from the hand of God. His pre-
sence, going along, will enable to the discharge of so great a duty
and trust as this is : and nothing else "will."
Howbeit, I have some other things to desire you, I mean of
the Parliament : — That seeing this is but, as it were, an intro-
duction to the carrying-on of the government of these Nations,
and forasmuch as there are many things which cannot be supplied,
for the enabling to the carrying-on of this work, without your
help and assistance, I think it is my duty to ask your help in
them. Not that I doubted ; for I believe the same spirit that
hath led you to this will easily suggest the rest to you. The truth
is, and I can say "it" in the presence of God, that nothing would
have induced me to have undertaken this insupportable burden
to flesh and blood, had it not been that I have seen in this Parlia-
ment all along a care of doing all those things that might truly
and really answer the ends that have been engaged: for you
have satisfied 1 your forwardness and readiness therein very fully
already.
I thought it my duty, when your Committee which you were
pleased to send to me to give the grounds and reasons of your
proceedings to help my conscience and judgment,— I was then
bold to offer to them several considerations : which were received
by them, and have been presented to you. In answer to which,
the Committee did bring several resolves of yours, which I have
by me. I think those are not yet made so authentic and authori-
tative as was desired ; and therefore, though I cannot doubt it,
yet I thought it my duty to ask it of you, that there may be
a perfecting of those things. Indeed, as I said before, I have my
witness in the sight of God, that nothing would have been an
argument to me, howsoever desirable great places may seem to
APPENDIX, NO. 31 [3 JULY
be to other men; I say, nothing would have been an argument
to me to have undertaken this ; but, as I said before, I saw such
things determined by you as makes clearly for the liberty of
the Nations, and for the liberty and interest and preservation
of all such as fear God, — of all that fear God under various
forms. And if God make not these Nations thankful to you for
your care therein, it will fall as a sin on their heads. And there-
fore I say, that hath been one main encouragement.
I confess there are other things that tend to reformation, to the
discountenancing of vice, to the encouragement of good men
and virtue, and the completing of those things also, — concerning
some of which you have not yet resolved anything ; save to let
me know by your Committee that you would not be wanting
in anything for the good of these Nations. Nor do I speak it
as in the least doubting it; but I do earnestly and heartily
desire, to the end God may crown your work and bless you
and this Government, that in your own time, and with what
speed you judge fit, these things may be provided for.*
No. 31
From 1657. LAST ROYALIST PLOT
[Vol. iv. p. 181.]
1. To Our trusty and well-beloved the Vice-chancellor and Convocation
of our University of Oxford
OLIVER P.
TRUSTY and well beloved, — We greet you well. Amongst the
many parts of that Government which is intrusted to us, we do
look upon the Universities as meriting very much of our care
and thoughts : And finding that the place of Chancellor of our
University of Oxford is at present in Ourself; and withal judg-
ing that the continuance thereof in our hands may not be so
consistent with the present constitution of affairs, —
We have therefore thought fit to resign the said Office, as
* Commons Journals, vii. 439-40.
1657] LAST ROYALIST PLOT 295
we hereby do ; and to leave you at freedom to elect some such
other person thereunto, as you shall conceive meet for the
execution thereof.
Our will and pleasure therefore is, That you do proceed to
the election of a Chancellor with your first conveniency. Not
doubting but you will, in your choice, have a just regard to the
advancement and encouragement of Piety and Learning, and
to the continuing and farther settling of good Order and Govern-
ment amongst you ; which you may easily find yourselves obliged
to have principally in your consideration and design, whether
you respect the University itself, or the good of the Common-
wealth upon which it hath so great an influence. And although
our relation to you may by this means in some sort be changed,
yet you may be confident we shall still retain a real affection
to you, and be ready upon all occasions to seek and promote
your good.
Given at Whitehall, this 3d day of July 1657.*
2. To Our Trusty and well-beloved the Bailiffs and Free Burgesses
of our Town of Oswestry : These
OLIVER P.
TRUSTY and well-beloved, — We, being informed that the Free
School of our Town of Oswestry is now void of a Head School-
master settled there, by reason of the delinquency and ejection of
Edward Paine late Schoolmaster thereof,
Have thought fit to recommend unto you Mr. John Evans, the
son of Matthew Evans, late of Penegoes in the County of Mont-
gomery, as a fit person, both for piety and learning, to be Head
Schoolmaster of the said School ; and That, so far as in yourselves
" is," the said Mr. Evans may be forthwith settled and invested
there accordingly.
Which Act of yours we shall be ready to confirm, if it be
adjudged requisite and proper for us. And not doubting of the
performance of this our pleasure, we commit you to God.
Given at Whitehall, this 13th day of July l657.f
* Archives of Oxford University. Communicated by the Rev. Dr. Bliss.
f Endowed ' Grqmttfftr-Schools, by N. Carlisle (London, 181?), ij. 369, art. Salop.
294 APPENDIX, NO 31 [4 FEB.
S. To Our trusty and well-beloved the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common
Council of our City of Gloucester : These
OLIVER P.
TRUSTY and well-beloved, — We greet you well. I do hear
on all hands that the Cavalier party are designing to put us into
blood. We are, I hope, taking the best care we can, by the
blessing of God, to obviate this danger; but our intelligence
on all hands being, that they have a design upon your City,
we could not but warn you thereof, and give you authority, as
we do hereby.
To put yourselves into the best posture you can for your own
defence, by raising your Militia by virtue of your Commissioners
formerly sent to you, and putting them in a readiness for the
purpose aforesaid. Letting you also know that, for your better
encouragement herein, you shall have a troop of horse sent you
to quarter in or near your Town.
We desire you to let us hear from you, from time to time, what
occurs to you touching the Malignant party : and so we bid you
farewell.
Given at Whitehall, this 2d of December 1657.*
A Paper of the same date, of precisely the same purport, directed to
the Authorities at Bristol, has come to us ; another out of many then
sent ; but of course only one, if even one, requires to be inserted here.
4. Letter written directly on dissolving the Parliament ; probably one
of many, to the like effect, despatched that day :
For Colonel Cox, Captain of the Militia Troop in our County of
Hertford : These. For our special service
To be left with the Postmaster of St. Albans : to be speedily sent
Whitehall, 4th February 1657.
SIR, — By our last Letters to you, we acquainted you what
danger the Commonwealth was then in from the old Cavalier Party
(who were designing new insurrections within us, whilst their
Head and Master was contriving to invade us from abroad) ; —
* City Record* of Gloucester (in Bibliotheca Gloucestrtnsis, p. 419).
1657] LAST ROYALIST PLOT 295
and thereupon desired your care and vigilancy for preserving the
peace, and apprehending all dangerous persons.
Our intelligence of that kind still continues. And we are more
assured of their resolutions to put in execution their designs
aforesaid within a very short time ; " they " being much encour-
aged from some late actings of some turbulent and unquiet spirits,
as well in this Town as elsewhere, who, to frustrate and render
vain and fruitless all those good hopes of Settlement which we had
conceived from the proceedings of Parliament before their Adjourn-
ment in June last, framed a treasonable Petition to the House of
Commons, by the name of the " Parliament of the Commonwealth
of England " ; designing thereby not only the overthrow of the
late Petition and Advice of the Parliament, but of all that hath
been done these seven years ; hoping thereby to bring all things
into confusion ; — and were in a very tumultuous manner procuring
subscriptions thereunto, giving out that they were encouraged to
it by some Members of the House of Commons.
And the truth is, the Debates that have been in that House
since their last meeting have had a tendency to the stirring-up
and cherishing such humours ; — having done nothing in fourteen
days but debate Whether they should own the Government of
these Nations, as it is contained in the Petition and Advice, which
the Parliament at their former sitting had invited us to accept of,
and had sworn us unto; they themselves also having taken an
Oath upon it before they went into the House. And we, judging
these things to have in them very dangerous consequences to the
Peace of this Nation, and to the loosening all the bonds of Govern-
ment ; and being hopeless of obtaining supplies of money, for
answering the exigencies of the Nation, from such men as are
not satisfied with the Foundation we stand upon, — thought it
of absolute necessity to dissolve this present Parliament ; — which
I have done this day : — And to give you notice thereof; that you,
with your Troop, may be most vigilant for the suppressing of any
disturbance which may arise from any party whatsoever. And if
you can hear of any persons who have been active to promote the
aforesaid treasonable Petition, that you apprehend them, and give
an account thereof to us forthwith. And we do farther let you
know, That we are sensible of your want of pay for yourself and
296 APPENDIX, NO. 32 [22 JUNE
Troop; and do assure you that effectual care shall be taken
therein, and that without delay. And so I rest, your loving
friend, OLIVER P.*
5. For the Commanders of the Militia of the City of
Gloucester : These
Whitehall, llth March 1657.
GENTLEMEN, — We are informed that the Enemy from Flanders
intend to invade us very suddenly, and to that purpose have
Twenty-two Ships of War ready in the Harbour of Ostend, and
are preparing others also which they have bought in Holland,
and some men are ready to be put on board them. And at the
same time an Insurrection is intended in this Nation. And the
time for the executing these designs is intended by them to be
very sudden.
We have therefore thought fit to give you notice hereof; and
to signify to you our pleasure, That you put yourselves into the best
posture you can for the securing the City of Gloucester, and put
the arms into such hands as are true and faithful to us and this
Commonwealth. We desire you to be very careful, and to let us
hear from you of the receipt of this, and what you shall do in
pursuance of this Letter. I rest, your very assured friend,
OLIVER P.f
No. 32
Two MANDATES TO CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY
[Vol. iv. p. 269.]
1. THAT John Castle be made Master of Arts :
To Our trusty and well-beloved the Vice-chancellor and Senate
of Our University of Cambridge
OLIVER P.
TRUSTY and well-beloved, — Whereas by our appointment several
Students in our University of Cambridge have been invited
* Gentleman 's Magazine (London, 1788), Iviii. 313.
f City Records of Gloucester (in Bibliotkefa Gloucestrensis, p. 421).
1658] FORM OF MANDATE 297
abroad to preach the Gospel in our Fleet, and for their encourage-
ment have been by us assured that they should not suffer any
prejudice in the University by reason of their absence in the said
service : And whereas a petition hath been exhibited on the
behalf of Mr. John Castle of Trinity College, showing that whilst
he was abroad as Minister in the Newcastle Frigate, he was
disappointed of taking his degree of Master of Arts (as by course
he ought), and that he cannot now, since his return, commence
without the loss of one year's seniority, by reason of a statute
of the University denying degrees to any non-resident :
In performance of our said promise, and for the future en-
couragement of others in the like service, We do hereby signify
unto you, That it is our will and pleasure that the said John
Castle be by you created Master of Arts, and allowed the same
seniority which, according to the custom of your University, he
had enjoyed had he been resident at the usual time of taking
degrees.
Given at Whitehall, the 22d day of June 1658.*
Castle, the Books indicate, had entered Trinity at the same time, and
been under the same Tutor, with a very famous person, f John Driden
Northampt. admissus Pens.' — both, namely, were admitted 'Pensioners,'
in Sept. 1649.
2. That Benjamin Rogers be made Bachelor of Music, — ra Form of
Oliver Cromwell's Mandats/ says Baker, who has excerpted this one.
To Our trusty and well-beloved the Vice-chancellor and Senate of Our
University of Cambridge
OLIVER P.
TRUSTY and well-beloved, — We greet you well. Whereas we
are informed that you cannot, by the statutes and according to
the customs of your University, admit any to the degree of
Bachelor of Music unless he had some years before 'been*
admitted in a college : And whereas we are also certified that
Benjamin Rogers hath attained to eminency and skill in that
* Cambridge Archives, ' Grace-Book H. p. 181.' Communicated by Rev. J Edleston
Fellow of Trinity College.
298 APPENDIX, NO. 32 [1658
faculty : — We, willing to give all encouragement to the studies
and abilities of men in that or any other ingenuous faculty, have
thought fit to declare our will and pleasure, by these our letters,
that, notwithstanding your statutes and customs, you cause
Benjamin Rogers to be admitted and created Bachelor in Music,
in some one or more of your congregations assembled in that our
University ; he paying such dues as are belonging to that degree,
and giving some proof of his accomplishments and skill in music.
And for so doing, these our letters shall be your warrant.
Given at Whitehall, the 28th day of May 1658.*
* Copy in Harl. MSS. no. 7053, f. 152 (Baker MSS. x. 373) ; — and as before, in 'Grace-Book H.
p. 180.' The Originals will never turn up. In the same Register of 'Graces,' or Decrees
of Senate, is one (of date 1661) for burning whatsoever Mandates or Missives there are from
Cromwell ; whereby doubtless the Originals (with small damage to them, and some satisfaction
to the Heads of Houses) were destroyed.
INDEX
ABBOT, Colonel, in Ireland, ii. 97, 157.
Aberdeen, Provost, at Dunbar Fight, ii.
208. See Jaffray.
Alablaster, Dr., preaches Popery, i. 65.
Allen, Trooper, examined, i. 268; Lud-
low's mistake concerning, iii. 162.
Allen, Adjutant-General, his account of
Prayer-Meeting at Windsor, i. 313-318 ;
disturbances by, iii. 163-166.
Allertoun House, Cromwell at, ii. 304-
305.
Alured, Thomas, M.P., letter by, i. 60.
Alured, Col. Matthew, captures Scots
Committee, ii. 335 ; Anabaptist, cash-
iered, iii. 96-98 ; Cromwell's letter to,
97.
Alured, Col. John, King's Judge, iii. 98.
Alyth, Scots Committee extinguished at,
ii. 335.
Amps, Mr. Thomas, plotting at his house,
iii. 88.
Anabaptists favoured by Cromwell, i.
215.
Antichrist, ii. 120 ; designated by Crom-
well, iii. 109,112; Magistracy consider-
ed Antichristian, 111 ; Spain, 229, 260.
Apprentices, riots of, i. 117, 121, 279, 313.
Ardes, Lord of, assists Ormond, ii. 61 ;
at Wexf ord, 78 ; at Ross, 81.
Argyle, Marquis, dines with Cromwell,
i. 386 ; Cromwell's letter to, 367 ; his
party in 1650, ii. 245.
Arklow, skirmish at, ii. 93.
Armstrong, Sir Thomas, notice of, ii.
93.
Army, King's and Parliament's, i. 122 ;
of Parliament in 1643, 148, 171 ; New
Model, 194, 216 ; motions of, in 1645,
229 ; too near London, 261 ; against
Parliament, 262, 263; state of, in 1647,
266 ; at Saffron Walden, 267, and App.
iv. 236-239 ; Agitators in, i. 268 ; will
not disband, 270 ; Rendezvous at New-
market, 270 ; at Royston, 272 ; comes
to St. Albans, 273; Manifesto and
claims of, 274 ; Declaration against, ex-
punged, 278 ; advances to London, 280 ;
enters London, 281 ; Prayer-Meeting at
Windsor Castle, 316 ; against Treaty
with Charles i., 394, 398; Remon-
strance, 399; at Windsor, 400; in Lon-
don, St. James's, etc., 408.
Army, equipments of, in 1651, ii. 313.
Arnald. See Levellers.
Array, Commission of, i. 124,— see St.
Albans ; in Eastern Association, 135.
Artists in 1651, ii. 283-285.
Arundel, John, Cromwell's letter in be-
half of, iv. 261.
Ascham, Anthony, slain in Spain, iii. 260,
273.
Ashburnham, Mr., notice of, iii. 102.
Ashby-de-la-Zouch, fortified, i. 146.
Ashe, John, M.P., notice of, i. 394, 396 ;
CromweU's letter to, 395.
Ashton, Col., at Preston, i. 336.
Ashton, Sir Arthur, Governor of Tredah,
ii. 56 ; killed, 60.
Assembly, General, answer Cromwell, ii.
184 ; his letter to, 185 ; not allowed to
sit, 336. See Divines.
Associated Counties, origin of, i. 128,
138 ; raise an Army, 164.
Astley, Sir Bernard, taken, i. 224.
Astley, Sir Jacob, last of royalist gene-
rals, i. 241.
Augustin, Mosstrooper, ii. 253, 279, 281.
Axtel, Col., regicide, iii. 164.
Aylesbury, Rupert at, i. 141.
Ayr Citadel built by Cromwell, ii. 338.
Ayscough, Sir George, notice of, ii. 45,
46, iii. 75 ; his house like a ship at
sea, 260.
Baas, M. de, intriguer, iv. 277.
Bacon, Nathaniel, author of Burton's
Diary, iv. 17 n.
Baillie, Robert, on Scots Demands, i.
109 ; Apprentices in Palaceyard, 117 ;
flies from Glasgow, ii. 249; is at Perth,
259 ; sees Cromwell in Glasgow, 302.
Baillie, General, at Preston fight, i. 334 ;
perplexed, 343 ; surrenders, 344, 349.
Balder, Allegory of, i. 10.
299
300 CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Baltimore, Lord, and Maryland, iii. 161.
Bamfield, Col., spy, i. 258 ; iv. 4.
Bampton-in-the-Bush, iv. 227.
Banks, Mr., on Cromwell, i. 17.
Bannockburn, Cromwell at, ii. 312.
Barbadoes, delinquents sent to, iii. 200.
Barbarous nations, records of, i. 5.
Barbone, Mr. Praisegod, account of, iii.
41.
Barclay of Ury, Scotch Quaker, ii. 277.
Barebones's Parliament, iii. 41, 73.
Barkstead, Col., a Major-General, iii.
223 n., 282 n.
Barlow, Mrs., and Charles n., ii. 79.
Barnard, Robert, Justice of Peace, i. 68,
129 ; his descendants, 130 ; Cromwell's
letters to, 129, 144.
Barnet, Col. Wogan at, ii. 104.
Barton, Col., in Scotland, ii. 319.
Basing House described, i. 231 ; taken,
232-237.
Bastwick, Dr. John, in pillory, i. 96; his
Widow provided for, iv. 121.
Bates, Dr., sent to Cromwell in Scotland,
ii. 307.
Battles : Edgehill, 23d Oct. 1642, i. 127 ;
Grantham, 13th May 1643, 148 ; New-
bury (first), 20th Sept. 1643, 165;
Winceby, llth Oct. 1643, 174 ; Marston
Moor, 2d July 1644, 186; Cropredy,
30th June 1644, 194; Newbury (second),
27th Oct. 1644, 195; Naseby, 14th June
1645, 210, and 4pp. iv. 229-231; Lang-
port, July 1645, iv. 233 ; Preston, 17th
Aug. 1648, i. 333; and App. iv. 243;
Dunbar, 3d Sept. 1650, ii. 206-215, and
App. iv. 258; Worcester, 3d Sept. 1651,
ii. 325-332.
Baxter, Richard, opinion of Edgehill
battle, i. 128 ; unfriendly to Cromwell,
iii. 93.
Beacham, Margery, case of, iii. 215.
Beard, Dr., schoolmaster, i. 35, 65, 68.
Bedford, Earl, chief of Puritans, i. 115 ;
General of Parliament Horse, 127.
Bedford Level, i. 98 ; iii. 37.
Bennet, Richard, Cromwell's letter to, iii.
161.
Berkley, Sir John, tutor to Duke of York,
iv. 4.
Berners's, Lord, ancestor, i. 245.
Berney, Sir Richard, fined, i. 138.
Berry, Captain, slays General Cavendish,
iv. 219, 224; Major, at Preston fight, i.
344 ; 2002. voted to, 352 ; Colonel, a
Major-General, iii. 223 n. ; in favour of
Kingship, iv. 120.
Berwick summoned by Cromwell, i. 366,
369.
Bethel, Major, at Bristol siege, i. 226.
Bible, Dr. Walton's Polyglott, iv. 273.
Biddle, Mr., Socinian, iii. 157.
Billingsley, butcher, in Gerard's plot, iii.
99.
Biographers of Cromwell criticised, i. 14.
See Heath, Noble, Ludlow, Banks,
Maidston, Kimber, Forster, Harris.
Birch, Col., at Bristol siege, i. 223.
Birch, Dr., prints Hammond's letters, L
297 ; as an Editor, iii. 229.
Bishops, pretended Scotch, i. 42; Bishops,
their lands sold, 91; iii. 19, etc.; in-
sulted, protest, twelve sent to the
Tower, i. 121.
Bishopsgate, mutiny in, ii. 28.
Black Monday, iii. 17.
Blake, Col. Robert, relieved, i. 216; in
Ireland, ii. 90 ; as Admiral, beats the
Dutch, iii. 18, 31; in Little Parlia-
ment, 41 ; fires the Turkish ships, iii.
207; letters from Cromwell to, 207,
217, 220, 247, 249, 263 ; iv. 123 ; letter
to Cromwell, iii. 209; sends thirty-
eight wagon-loads of silver to London,
313; beats the Spaniards at Santa Cruz,
iv. 77, 120; death of, 77, 123.
Bletchington House taken, i. 202, and
App. iv. 226.
Bohemia, King of, dies, i. 72.
Borlace, Col., Cromwell's letter in behalf
of, iv. 263.
Borthwick, Lord, Cromwell's letter to,
ii. 254.
Boteler, Major. See Butler.
Bourchier pedigree, i. 47.
Boyd, Rev. Zachary, preaches against
Cromwell, ii. 244.
Bradshaw, John, presides at trial of
Charles i., i. 412; in Council of State,
ii. 2 ; President of, 7 ; Cromwell's let-
ters to, 56, 140, 181, 219, 241, 295,
307, 312, 313 ; in Cromwell's First Par-
liament, iii. 104; does not sign the Re-
cognition, 155 ; a rejected M.P. candi-
date, 262.
Bramston, Judge, notice of, i. 126.
Brandenburg, Duke of, mastered, iv. 155.
Brandly, Captain, at Tredah, ii. 57.
Brewster, Col. Humphrey, iv. 284, 288.
Brewster, Rev. Mr., iii. 210, 211.
Bright, Colonel, at Preston, i. 346; notice
of, 367.
Briot, Nicholas, engraver, ii. 283.
Bristol, Parliament loses, i. 163; storm
of, Sept. 1645, 222 ; Nayler's procession
in, iii. 223.
Brocksmouth and House described, ii.
200, 201.
Broghil, Lord, in Ireland, ii. 89, 91, 101,
135, 141 ; in Cromwell's First Parlia-
ment, iii. 104 ; in Committee on King-
ship, iv. 27, 35, 49.
INDEX
Brook, Lord, a Puritan, i. 53.
Browne, Sir John, at Abingdon, i. 202 ;
Major-General of Scots, ii. 309 ; routed
at Inverkeithing, 10.
Buckingham, Duke, accused, i. 62; stab-
bed by Felton, 63 ; at Kingston, i. 330.
Bunyan, John, notice of, i. 215.
Burford, Levellers at, ii. 31.
Burgess, Roger, Cromwell's letter to, i.
205 ; defends Farringdon, 206.
Burgoyne, Sir John, Cromwell's letter to,
i. 142.
Burleigh House, i. 153 ; iii. 254.
Burntisland surrenders to Cromwell, ii.
312, 317.
Burton's Diary criticised, iv. 16.
Burton, Rev. Henry, in pillory, i. 96.
Butler, Major, seizes Wildman, iii. 197 ;
a Major-General, 223 n.
Butler, Sir Walter, Governor of Kil-
kenny, ii. 143; letters to Cromwell,
143, 144, 145, 149 ; Cromwell's letters
to, 142, 144, 146, 150, 151.
Cadiz to be attempted, iii. 248.
Cahir Castle, Cromwell's letter to Gover-
nor of, ii. 140 ; submits, 140.
Calendar, Earl, at Preston fight, i. 334,
339, 340, 343, 355.
Calendar House taken by Cromwell, ii.
309.
Cambridge, plate, i. 125 ; fortified, 132,
133 ; Committee, Cromwell's letters to,
153, 160, 161, and 4pp. iv. 214; royalist
prisoners at, i. 180 ; University, Crom-
well's letter to heads of Trinity Hall,
i. 411; protected, App. iv.269; Crom-
well's letters to Vice-Chancellor of,
296, 297.
Camdeners, the, i. 142.
Cant, its effects and prevalence, i. 4, 80;
iii. 2.
Cantwell Castle surrenders, ii. 156.
Capel, Lord, motions of, i. 131, 356 ; ii.
condemned, 10 ; dies nobly, 11.
Carisbrook Castle, Charles i. confined in,
i. 294.
Carlingford taken, ii. 64.
Carlisle demanded by Cromwell, i. 369 ;
Cromwell at, 390.
Carmarthen Committee, Cromwell's let-
ter to, iv. 240.
Carre, Gibby. See Ker.
Carstairs, Principal, a Whig, ii. 278.
Carstairs, Rev. John, at Dunbar battle,
ii. 208; in Edinburgh, 265, 266; account
of, 277 ; preaches before Cromwell, 302.
Carte, Jacobite, hia opinion on Tredah,
ii. 63.
Cartwright, Dr., message to Cromwell,
ii. 158.
Castle, Col., notice of, i. 190 ; killed at
Tredah, ii. 59.
Castlehaven, Earl, assists Wexford, ii.
71, 78 ; at Ross, 81.
Cavendish, General, killed, i. 155; iv.
219, 224; account of, i. 157.
Cecil, Trooper, and Sindercomb, iv. 8.
Ceremonialism in 1610, i. 37.
Cervantes' death, i. 41.
Chaloner, M.P., a drunkard, iii. 35.
Chancery records, i. 54.
Chancery Court to be abolished, iii. 79 ;
Cromwell's reform of, 93, 203.
Charles, Prince, returns from Spain, i.
48,— Charles i., failures of, 58 ; devices
to raise money, 67 ; goes to Scotland,
72; wars with Scots, 104; shifts to raise
an army, 105; his Council of Peers, 106;
endeavours to coalesce with Puritans,
115; his difficulties, 116; favours Army-
plots, 116 ; yields a little, 119 ; goes
to Scotland, 119 ; feasted by London
City, 121 ; attempts to seize Five Mem-
bers of Parliament, 122 ; his Queen
pawns the crown- jewels, 123 ; attempts
Hull, 123 ; his Commission of Array,
124; at Oxford, 139; his affairs in
August 1643, 163 ; sends for Irish Army,
186; is completely routed, 211; his
motions after Naseby battle, 216 ; in
Wales, 240 ; goes to Scots Army, 241 ;
at Holmby, 245 ; carried off by Joyce,
270 ; his manoeuvring, 278 ; at Hamp-
ton Court, 281, 290 ; escapes, 291 ; goes
to Isle of Wight, 293 ; at Carisbrook
Castle, 294 ; attempts to escape, 310 ;
is denounced, 318 ; last Treaty with,
381 ; at Hurst Castle, 407 ; Trial of,
411; Death-Warrant, 412; execution
of, ii. 1; his goods, etc., to be sold, 8.
Charles n. at Jersey, ii. 70 ; character
of, ii. 172 ; with Scots Army, 182 ; re-
pudiates his father's doings, 193; de-
scended from Elizabeth Muir, 260 ;
crowned at Scone Kirk, 271 ; at Perth,
22d Nov. 1650, 277 ; invades England,
318 ; at Worcester, 322 ; escapes from
Worcester, 328 ; countenances assas-
sins, iii. 89 ; at Middleburg, 197 ; his
embassy to Spain, 260 ; quarrels with
his brother, iv. 3; designation of, by
Cromwell, 160 ; cold reception of
abroad, 183.
Charter House, Cromwell and the, iii.
215, 216.
Cheapside. See Cross.
Chepstow Castle taken, i. 320.
Cheswick, Cromwell at, i. 371, 373.
Cholmely, Colonel, notice of, iv. 249.
Church-government, Cromwell's, iii. 9L
92. See Bishops.
302 CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Church, Irish Papist, Cromwell's opinion
of, ii. 118-123.
Cicely, Colonel, Cromwell's letter to, iv.
232.
Civil War. See War.
Clarendon, Lord, character of, i. 81 ; his
notice of Cromwell, 112; on Irish affairs,
ii. 165.
Claypole, Lady, her character, i. 254; and
family, ii. 297 ; death of, iv. 197.
Claypoles, the, in Cromwell's First Par-
liament, iii. 104.
Clayton, Col., Cromwell's letter in behalf
of, iv. 262.
Cleveland, John, poet, apprehended, iii.
240.
Clonmacnoise Manifesto, ii. 110-114.
Clonmel stormed, ii. 163.
Clubmen, account of, i. 217 ; put down,
219 ; their designs discovered, 221.
Coaches, hackney, in 1654, iii. 93.
Cockburnspath. See Copperspath.
Cockpit, the, bestowed on Cromwell, ii.
Coke, Chief Justice, i. 41 ; weeps, 61.
Colchester, Cromwell's letters to Mayor
of, i. 140, 151 ; tumults at, 319 ; siege
of, 330, 356.
Colvil, Lord, in Ireland, ii. 137.
Committee, interim, 1641, i. 120; Lincoln,
Cromwell's letter to, 146 ; of Safety,
152 ; Cambridge, Cromwell's letters to,
153, 160, 161 ; of Both Kingdoms, ac-
count of, 202 ; of Derby House, 296 ;
Cromwell's letters to, 391 ; and App.
iv. 224 ; of Lancashire, Cromwell's letter
to, i. 336; of York, Cromwell's letters
to, 353, 354; of Estates, Scotland, Crom-
well's letters to, 368, 375, 383 ; ii. 247,
280; of Army, Cromwell's letter to, 282 ;
of Customs, iii. 76; Cromwell's letter to,
76. — Committees of Eastern Associa-
tion, Lists of, 341-351. Of Kingship,—
see Kingship.
Commonwealth established, ii. 2 ; seal
found, 24. See Seals.
Conference. See Hampton Court.
Conisby, Sheriff Thomas, sent prisoner
to Parliament, i. 135.
Conway Castle, fortified, i. 282. See
Williams.
Cook, Col., at Cambridge, i. 133; at Wex-
ford, ii. 80.
Cooke, Henry, taken in Suffolk, i. 138.
Cooper, Anthony Ashley, in Little Par-
liament, iii. 41 ; in Council of State,
78 n., 90 n. ; in Cromwell's First
Parliament, 104 ; is refused the Lady
Mary Cromwell, 258 and n. ; in Crom-
well's Second Parliament, 262, 267 ;
excluded, 312.
Coote, Sir Charles, in Ireland, ii. 64,
92.
Copperspath in Scotland, ii. 180, 199.
Coriolanus, position of, iii. 130.
Cork House, Dublin, ii. 152.
Cory, John, his letter, i. 136.
Cotton, Rev. John, character of, iii. 7-9 ;
Cromwell's letter to, 9.
Council of State, members of, ii. 2 ; first
meeting, 7 ; Cromwell's letter to, 194 ;
interim, iii. 39, 69 ; Little Parliament,
78 ; CromweU's, 90 n. See List.
Counties. See Associated.
Courtenay, Mr. Hugh, royalist, iii. 165.
Covenant — see Scots ; taken by House of
Commons, 1643, i. 169.
Covent Garden, soldiers in, i. 261.
Cowell, Col., killed, i. 304.
Cowper, Col., in Ulster, iii. 262.
Cox, CoL, Cromwell's letters to, iv. 288,
294.
Cradock, Rev. Mr., iii. 211.
Crane, Sir Richard, slain, i. 224.
Crawford, Major-Gen., notice of, i. 180,
183, 184 ; CromweU's letter to, 181.
Crequi, Due de, Ambassador to Crom-
well, iv. 184.
Cromwell, Mrs. Elizabeth, letters from
Oliver Cromwell to, ii. 221, 296, 306 ;
letter to Oliver Cromwell from, 275 ;
retired to Norborough, 297.
Cromwell, Elizabeth (sister of Protector),
Oliver's letter to, iv. 267.
Cromwell, Frances, and Mr. Rich, iii.
256-259 ; married, 259 ; iv. 137.
Cromwell, Henry (son of Protector), is of
Gray's Inn, i. 45 ; is a captain, 299 ; in
Ireland, ii. 141, 297 ; in Little Parlia-
ment, iii. 28, 78 n. ; in First Parlia-
ment, 104 ; in Ireland, good conduct
of, 210, 211 ; appointed Lord Deputy,
211 ; Oliver Cromwell's letters to, 239,
245, 261 ; Mary, letters to, 243, 256.
Cromwell, Major, wounded at Bristol, i.
226.
Cromwell, Mary, her letters to Henry,
iii. 243, 256 ; married, 259 ; iv. 137.
Cromwell, Oliver, significance of, to the
Puritan cause, i. 12 ; modern reaction
in favour of, 16 ; birth, kindred, etc.,
19, 21 ; youth of, 23 ; house where
born, 23 ; his Father's character, 25 ;
list of his Brothers and Sisters, 20 ; of
his Uncles and Aunts, 25, 25 n. ; of his
Children, 70 n. ; his poverty ? 26 ; re-
lated to Earl of Essex, 27 ; his great-
grandfather, 28 ; the ' alias Williams,
31 ; his Welsh pedigree, 32 ; origin of
the name, 33 ; death of his grandfather,
34 ; idle tales of his youth, 35 ; his
schoolmaster, 35; admitted of Cam-
INDEX
503
bridge University, 40 ; death of his
father, 43; death of his grandfather,
44 ; never of any Inn of Court, 45 ;
marries Elizabeth Bourchier, 47 ; his
uncle an M.P., 49 ; his hypochondria,
50 ; becomes Calvinist, 51 ; subscribes
to Feoffee Fund, 53 ; is a Puritan, 45 ;
visit to his royalist uncle, 55 ; heir to
his uncle at Ely, 57 ; is M.P. for Hunt-
ingdon in 1628, 57 ; returns to Hunt-
ingdon, 63 ; first mention of in Com-
mons Journals, 66 ; is Justice of Peace,
68 ; sells his estate, 68. Of his Letters
and Speeches, 75 ; how to read them,
77.
Cromwell, his life at St. Ives, i. 85-94 ;
stories of, an enthusiast ? 92 ; at Ely,
94 ; character of by Warwick, 99 ; drain-
ing of Fen Country, 99, and iii. 37 ;
related to Oliver St. John, i. 100; once
dissolute? 45,102; is M.P. for Cam-
bridge, 105, 107, and App. iv. 212 ; de-
livers Lilburn's Petition, i. Ill ; Sir P.
Warwick's description of him, 111; dis-
pute with Lord Mandevil, 113; reproved
by Mr. Hyde, 113 ; time spent at Ely,
119 ; intends for New England ? 121 ;
subscribes 300Z. to reduce Ireland, 124;
gets arms for Cambridge, 125 ; his sol-
diers on the alert, 126 ; is a Captain of
Parliament horse, 127 ; at Edgehill
battle, 127 ; his movements in 1643,
130 ; is Colonel, 130 ; his troopers at
St. Albans, 135; takes Lowestoff, 136 ;
preserves Associated Counties, 138 ;
relieves Croyland, 145 ; skirmish at
Grantham, 148 ; takes Stamford, 152 ;
at Gainsborough fight, 154, and iv. 218 ;
the beginning of his great fortunes, i.
157 ; is Governor of Isle of Ely, 163 ;
his Ironsides, 164 ; nearly killed at
Winceby, 176; complains of Lord Wil-
loughby, 180 ; at Marston Moor, 186 ;
proceeds with vigour, 194 ; complains
of Earl Manchester, 195 ; would fire at
the King in Battle, 197 ; an incendiary?
199 ; besieges Farringdon, 205 ; is Lieu-
tenant-General of the Army, 206 ; at
Naseby Battle, 211 ; heads Schismatic
Party, 216; reduces the Clubmen, 218;
at Bristol, 222 ; on uniformity in re-
ligion, 228; famous at sieges, 230;
takes Winchester, 230; his justice,
231 ; takes Basing, 232 ; his character
by Mr. Peters, 236 ; his duplicity ? 265 ;
his true character, 265 ; very busy, 287 ;
lands voted to, 301 ; his Free Offer,
303 ; his two youngest daughters, 307,
308, 309.
Cromwell in Wales, i. 320 ; goes north,
332; at Preston, 336; at Durham, 363;
his justice, 377; at Berwick, 378, 381; at
Seaton, and Moray House, Edinburgh,
382; feasted there, 386; at Carlisle, 390;
his temper, 398; in London, 410; attends
Trial of Charles i., 411 ; made one of
Council of State, ii. 2 ; is Commander
for Ireland, 17 ; routs Levellers, 31 ;
at Oxford, 33 ; sets out for Ireland,
34; at Bristol, 40; at Dublin, 44;
takes Tredah, 55; takes Ross, 84;
at Cork, 101; wanted for Scotland,
106 ; his Declaration to Irish, 115 ; at
Kilkenny, 141 ; returns to London,
164.
Cromwell appointed Commander-in-chief
against Scots, ii. 172, 176 ; conversation
with Ludlow, 173; in Scotland, 178; his
generosity to the Scots, 189 ; encamps
on Pentland Hills, 189 ; comments on
Scots Covenant, 191 ; at Dunbar, 197 ;
straitened at Dunbar, 197 ; battle of
Dunbar, 200-219; Letters to Edinburgh
Ministers, 226, 237; in Glasgow, 249;
Proclamation by, in Scotland, 253;
another, on surrender of Edinburgh
Castle, 269 ; in Edinburgh, 271 ;
medal of him, 282-284; Chancellor
of Oxford, 287, and App. iv. 269-272,
292; dangerously ill at Edinburgh, ii.
295, 307 ; at church in Glasgow,
302; at Allertoun House, 304-305;
pursues the Scots into England, 321 ;
Worcester battle, 325-332; conies to
London, 333, 334 ; his government
of Scotland, 336, 337 ; on future gov-
ernment of the State, iii. 12, 13 ; dis-
bands the Rump, 34-36 ; his mode
of public speaking, 70 ; in Council of
State, 78 n. ; made Lord Protector,
81 ; personal appearance of, 82.
Cromwell removes to Whitehall, iii. 93 ;
his First Parliament, 103, 104; difficult
position of, 130, 194; accident to, in
Hyde Park, 158; his Mother dies, 159;
appoints Major-Generals, 201, 222 ; as-
sists Piedmont, 205 ; iv. 199-200 ; dines
with Triers, iii. 206 ; receives Swedish
Ambassador, 218 ; interviews with
George Fox, 224, 225; iv. 199, 200; on
Popery, iii. 274 ; fond of music, iv.
14; is offered the title of King, 19, 23;
recreations while debating Kingship,
49.
Cromwell refuses the title of King, iv.
119; a second time installed Protector,
124; unwell, 141, 147; invincible, 184;
age and appearance, 196 ; last sickness
of, 200 ; deathbed sayings and prayer,
201-206; dies, 3d September 1658, 206.
Cromwell, Oliver (son of Protector),
Cornet of horse, i. 127 ; death of, 188 n.
304 CttOMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Cromwell, Oliver, Memoirs of the Pro-
tector by, ii. 162 n.
Cromwell, Richard, Protector's great-
grandfather, i. 28-34.
Cromwell, Richard (son of Protector),
character, i. 299 ; married, ii. 3 ; death
of, 24 ; of his Wife, 24 ; Cromwell's
letter to his Wife, 43 ; Oliver's letters
to, 161 ; iii. 253 ; in First Parliament,
104 ; his estate, 255 n.
Cromwell, Mrs. Richard, her child, ii. 177.
Cromwell, Robert (eldest son of Protec-
tor), his death in early manhood, i.
£8 n.; his father's grief for, 188; iv.
198.
Cromwell, Thomas, Earl of Essex, i. 24 ;
Oliver related to, 27.
Cromwells in the Civil War, i. 56.
Crook, Capt. Unton, iii. 163 ; Cromwell's
letter to, 164; pursues Wagstaff and
Penruddock, 199.
Cropredy. See Battle.
Cross, Cheapside and Charing, destroyed,
i. 150. See Paul's, St.
Croyland relieved, i. 145.
Cud worth, Dr., of Cambridge, iii. 253.
Dalbier, Col., at Basing siege, i. 232;
account of him, 240; in revolt at King-
ston, 330.
Dalegarth Hall, notice of, ii. 5.
Dalgetty, Dugald. See Turner, Sir
James.
Dalhousie, Cromwell at, i. 386.
Danger, Scots Committee of, i. 305.
Daniel, Col., at Inverkei thing fight, ii.
311.
Dan ton on government, iii. 131.
Davy, John. See Theauro.
Dawkins, Admiral, a Major-General, iii.
223 n.
Dean, Col., at Preston, i. 346; in Ire-
land, ii. 89 ; General, in Scotland, 312 ;
Major-General, at Worcester battle,
329 ; in Dutch War, iii. 18.
Dean, Cornet, Leveller, pardoned, ii. 32.
Debentures of soldiers, i. 307.
Declaration against Army, i. 267 ; ex-
punged, 278; by Cromwell, 363; by
Cromwell to the Army in Ireland, ii. 46;
by Cromwell to Irish, 115 ; by Charles
Stuart against his Father, 193; by
Lord General and Council of Officers,
iii. 39.
Declaration of Parliament, i. 60.
Delinquents, Staffordshire, i. 253; are
searched out, 301 ; ii. 5 ; iii. 18.
Denbigh, Earl, and Duke Hamilton, ii.
11 ; in Council of State, 11.
Dendy, Edward, Sergeant-at-arms, ii.
Dennington Castle, i. 195, 232.
Derby, Earl, routed at Wigan, ii. 321 ;
taken at Worcester, 322; beheaded,
332.
Derby House. See Committee.
Desborow, Captain, at Cambridge, i. 133 ;
Major, at Bristol siege, 225 ; Colonel,
at Conference at Speaker's, iii. 11-13;
in Council of State, 79 n., 90 n. ;
made Major-General, 201, 223 n. ; on
Committee of Kingship, iv. 27; against
title of King, 120; one of Cromwell's
Lords, 140.
D'Ewes, Sir Simond, cited, i. 110, 136,
200, 397; notices of Cromwell, 125;
purged by Pride, 409.
Dick, Sir William, notice of, i. 385.
Dives, Sir Lewis, notice of, i. 221.
Divines, Westminster Assembly of , i.109,
169, 178, 258.
Dodsworth, Captain, character of, i. 141.
Doon Hill, Scots Army at, ii. 198.
Dorislaus, Dr., notice of, i. 287, 410.
Douglas, Will, his rhymes on Cromwell,
ii. 79.
Downhall, Mr., ejected, i. 89 ; account of,
iv. 209 ; Cromwell's letter to, 209.
Drayton, Fen, Warrant to people of, i.
131.
Drogheda. See Tredah.
Drury Lane, Cromwell lives in, i. 255.
Dryasdust Societies, i. 3, 7.
Dryden's cousin, iii. 79 n.
Dublin, Cromwell in, ii. 44 ; Cromwell's
letter to Commissioners at, 152.
Dunkinfield, Governor of Chester, i. 326.
Dunbar, town described, ii. 197; Crom-
well at, 181, 189, 197, 198 ; battle of,
205-209. See Battle.
Dunbar prisoners, sufferings of, ii. 219 n.,
and iv. 258, 259 ; in New England, iii.
8.
Duncannon, ships taken at, ii. 93.
Dunch of Pusey, John, collector of let-
ters, ii. 3; marries Ann Mayor, ii.
317 ; in Cromwell's First Parliament,
iii. 104; Cromwell's letter to, iv.
126.
Dundalk, Governor of, Cromwell's letter
to, ii. 55.
Dundas, Governor Walter, letter to Gene-
ral Whalley, ii. 228 ; letters to, from
Cromwell, 228, 232, 260, 261, 263, 265,
266, 267 ; his letters to Cromwell 230,
261, 262, 264, 266, 267.
Dundee stormed by General Monk, ii
335.
Dunkirk taken, iv. 135, 184.
Dunse Law, Scots Army at, i. 104.
Durham College, ii. 292-295.
Dutch War, iii. 17, 31 ; Treaty, 94.
INDEX
305
Earle, Sir Walter, sent to Charles i., i.
250.
Edgehill. See Battle.
Edinburgh, riot in, i. 96 ; Cromwell in,
382, 385 ; Scots Army near, ii. 184, 195,
196 ; Ministers and Cromwell, 226-240,
243; Castle besieged, 240, 260-270;
High Church, Cromwell in, 244; Castle
surrenders, 267-270.
Eleven Members, the. See Members.
Eliot, Sir John, motion by, i. 60 ; dies in
the Tower, 67.
Elizabeth, Queen, tuned the pulpits, i.
65. "^L- ^-i i - i
Ely, scene in Cathedral of, i. 179 ; forti-
fied, 191 ; Charity, iii. 210, 211 ; Com-
mission of peace in, 233.
Empson, Lieut., in Scotland, rescues
General Lambert, ii. 182 ; character and
promotion, 273, 274.
Engagers, the, i. 370.
England in 1642, i. 125; deluded by Cant,
iii. 2 ; under Cromwell, 259.
English, genius, i. 6 ; iv. 207 ; character
of, i. 6, 59, 67, 119.
Enniscorthy Castle, taken, ii. 67; sur-
prised, 133.
Episcopacy in danger, i. 121. See Church-
government.
Erasmus's ape, i. 120.
Esmonds, the, seat of, ii. 67.
Essex, Earl, General of Parliament Army,
i. 127; is discontented, 150; relieves
Gloucester, 165; is defeated in Corn-
wall in 1644, 194; is pensioned and
dies, 199 ; funeral of, 255.
Eure, Lord, one of Cromwell's Lords, iv.
140.
Evelyn of Wilts, Sir John, in Derby-
House Committee, i. 298.
Everard, Leveller, ii. 25.
Ewer, Col., takes Chepstow Castle, i. 320;
presents Army Remonstrance, 399; suc-
ceeds Col. Hammond, 407 ; at Tredah,
ii. 62 ; at Kilkenny, 146, 147, 155.
Exchange, Royal, has been twice burned,
i. 90.
Fairfax, Lord, in Yorkshire, i. 139 ; vic-
tory by, 151 ; beaten, 163 ; besieged in
Hull, 171 ; death of, 327.
Fairfax, Sir Thomas, serves under Earl
Manchester, i. 174; General of New
Model Army, 199 n. ; interview with
Clubmen, 217 ; at Bath, 248 ; adheres
to Commons, 251 ; meets the King, 258 ;
Governor of Hull, 289 ; in Kent, 326 ;
becomes Lord Fairfax, 327 ; at trial of
Charles i., 411; of Council of State,
ii. 2 ; half Presbyterian, 106 ; refuses
to fight the Scots, 173; gives up his
VOL. IV.
Commission, 173 ; in Church Commis-
sion, iii. 92; in Cromwell's First Parlia-
ment, 104; Cromwell's letters to, i. 200,
207, 219, 230, 238, 247, 249, 253, 256,
260, 262, 286, 288, 302, 327, 365, 381,
399 ; iv. 225.
Falkland, Lord, killed, i. 165.
Famine in Ireland, ii. 86.
Farley mansion, iii. 20.
Fast, Monthly, iii. 58 n.
Fauconberg, Lord, marries Mary Crom-
well, iii. 259, iv. 137; character of, 138;
his letter on Cromwell's death, 206.
Fawley Park for sale, iii. 95.
Feak, Anabaptist, against Cromwell, iii.
86.
Fell, Dr., at Oxford, ii. 286.
Felsted Free-School, i. 47, 102.
Felton, John, character and death, i. 63.
Fens, draining of the, i. 98 ; drained, iii.
37.
Fenton, Sir William, Commissioner at
Cork, ii. 91, 101.
Fenwick, Col., besieges Hume Castle, ii.
272.
Feoffees, purchases by, i. 52 ; prosecuted
by Laud, 72; suppressed, 74; losses
of, 92.
Ferral, Lieut. -Gen., attacks Passage, ii.
103.
Ferrar's, Nicholas, establishment, i. 73.
Fethard Town, described, ii. 135.
Fiennes, Nathaniel, surrenders Bristol, i.
163 ; in Derby-House Committee, 298 ;
in Council of State, iii. 90 n. ; Keeper
of Great Seal, 203; in Committee of
Kingship, iv. 35, 42; his speech ana-
lysed, 148.
Finch, Col., in Gerard's plot, iii. 99.
Finch, Speaker, his conduct, i. 66 ; flies,
110.
Fincham, Thomas, Cromwell's letter in
behalf of, iv. 268.
Firebrace, Henry, notice of, i. 310.
Five Members, the, i. 122.
Fleet, revolt of, i. 332.
Fleetwood, Capt., at Cambridge, i. 133;
is Lieut. -Col., 184; Lieut. -Gen. at Dun-
bar, ii. 213; at Worcester, 326, 328;
Deputy in Ireland, 15; Cromwell's
letters to, 29, 74; iii. 96, 212; of
Council of State, 90 n. ; in Cromwell's
First Parliament, 104 ; conduct in Ire-
land, 210; Major -General, 223 n. ;
against title of King, iv. 120.
Fleming, Adjutant, notice of, i. 247 ;
killed, 319.
Fleming, Sir Oliver, Master of Ceremo-
nies, ii. 7.
Forster, John, on Cromwell, i. 19.
Fortescue, Major-Gen., in Jamaica, iii.
U
306 CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
230 ; Cromwell's letter to, 235 ; death
of, 238.
Fox, George, Quaker, iii. 158; and Crom-
well, 224 ; iv. 199, 200.
Fox, Somerset, his plot, iii. 99, 101. See
Gerard, Vowel.
France, Cromwell's letter to King of, iv.
186.
France, treaty with, iii. 205, 210, 229;
iv. 128.
French Revolution compared to English,
i. 265.
Fuller's Ephemeris Parliamentaria, i. 65.
Gainsborough, relieved, i. 153, 159; iv.
218.
Geddard village, murder at, ii. 272.
Geddes, Jenny, and her stool, i. 96.
Gell, Sir John, notice of, i. 146.
Generals, Major-, their office, iii. 201 ;
names of, 223 n. ; withdrawn, 313.
Gerard's plot, iii. 99; he is beheaded, 102.
Germany, Emperor of, Papist, iv. 155.
Gibbons, Major, defeats Royalists, i. 330.
Gibraltar, Cromwell's idea of, iii. 248,
263, 264.
Gibson, Bishop, on Cromwell, i. 18.
Gillespie, Rev. Patrick, interview with
Cromwell, ii. 303.
Glasgow, Assembly there, i. 104 ; Crom-
well at, ii. 249, 250, 301 ; riot in, 303.
Glencairn's rebellion in Highlands, ii.
336 ; iii. 96.
Gloucester besieged, i. 165 ; relieved by
Earl of Essex, 165 ; Cromwell's letters
for defence of, iv. 283, 294, 296.
Glynn, Recorder in the Tower, i. 298 n. ;
Chief-Justice on Committee of King-
ship, iv. 41.
Goddard, Guibpn, in Cromwell's First
Parliament, iii. 104; his narrative of,
128, 156.
Goffe, Major, exhorts at "Windsor Castle,
i. 317; is at Dunbar, ii. 214; a Major-
Gen. , iii. 223 n. ; in favour of Kingship,
iv. 120.
Goodman, Bishop, character of, i. 27.
Goodson, Vice- Admiral, character of, iii.
230 ; Cromwell's letter to, 231.
Goodwin, Robert, M.P., sent to Charles
i., i. 250.
Goodwin, Rev. Thomas, preaches to Par-
liament, iii. 105.
Goring, Lord, pardoned, ii. 10.
Grampian Hills, Charles n., flies to, ii.
246.
Grantham. See Battle.
Greenwood, Dr., Cromwell's letters to,
ii. 287, 289 ; iv. 269.
Gresham College, Cromwell's letter to
Governors of, iii. 252.
Grey of Groby, Lord, in Civil War, i.
146 ; assists in Pride's Purge, 409 ; in
prison, iii. 198.
Grey of Wark, Lord, commands Eastern
Association, i. 128.
Grimston, Harbottle, after Restoration
i. 264.
Grocers' Hall, dinner at, ii. 34.
Grove, Major, beheaded, iii. 200.
Guildhall, scene at, i. 280.
Guilliams, Capt., slain, i. 224.
Guizot, M., criticised, i. 217 n.
Gustavus the Great dies, i. 72.
Guthry, Rev. James, interview with
Cromwell, ii. 303.
Hacker, Col., at execution of Charles i.,
i. 412 ; routs Mosstroopers, ii. 272, 273 ;
Cromwell's letter to, 273.
Haddington, Cromwell at, ii. 181, 211.
Hailes, Lord, character of, ii. 300.
Hall, Bishop, pamphlet of, i. 108.
Hamilton, Duke James, flies to King, i.
170 ; taken, 250 ; prepares an army,
304 ; his army ready, 330 ; defeated at
Preston, taken at Uttoxeter, 333-355 ;
escapes, and is retaken, ii. 4; con-
demned, 10; executed, 11.
Hamilton, Duke William, succeeds his
brother, ii. 11; taken at Worcester,
330 ; dies, 332.
Hammond, Lieut. -Gen., summoned by
Commons, i. 267 ; notice of, 296.
Hammond, Col. Robert, at Bristol siege,
i. 225 ; the King flies to, 293 ; character
of, 295 ; provided for, 309 ; letters from
Cromwell to, 297, 309, 401.
Hammond, Dr., King's chaplain, i. 296.
Hampden, John, his mother, i. 26; a
Puritan, 53 ; shipmoney, 75, 93 ; trial
of, 97 ; is Colonel in Parliament Army,
127 ; impatient, 140, 141 ; proposed as
Lord General, 150 ; mortally wounded,
152; Cromwell to, on Ironsides, iv.
60.
Hampton-Court Conference, i. 36, 37.
See Charles i.
Hand, Mr., Cromwell's letter to, iv. 211.
Hapton parishioners, letter concerning,
i. 246.
Harley, Col., Presbyterian, i. 266, 409.
Harrington, Sir James, Cromwell's letter
to, ii. 36.
Harrington, James, author of Oceana, i.
310.
Harris's Life of Cromwell, i. 89 n.
Harrison, Thomas, notice of, i. 24; at
Basing siege, 235; at Preston, 346;
Major-Gen., in Scotland, ii. 320; Let-
ter to, by Cromwell, iv. 264 (App.) ;*at
Conference at Speaker's, iii. 11, 12;
INDEX
307
at disbanding of Rump, 34, 35; in
Council of State, 79 n. ; Anabaptist,
dismissed, 87; and Fifth Monarchy,
113 ; in prison, 198, iv. 36.
Hartfell, Lord, in Cromwell's First Par-
liament, iii. 104.
Hartlib, Samuel, letter on dissolution of
Cromwell's Second Parliament, iv. 179.
Harvey, on Cromwell's death, iv. 197, etc.
Haselrig, Sir Arthur, one of the Five
Members, i. 122; Governor of New-
castle, 380, 381 ; in Cromwell's First
Parliament, iii. 104 ; opposed to Crom-
well, 155; Cromwell's letters to, ii. 199,
217, 219 n., 220n.; iv.258; inCrom well's
Second Parliament, iii. 267; excluded,
312; readmitted, iv. 138; one of Crom-
well's Lords, 140 ; sits in the Commons,
151, 174; his death, 169 n.
Hastings, Mr., for the King, i. 146.
Haverfordwest, Cromwell's letters to
Mayor of, iv. 242, 243.
Haynes, Col., Deputy Major-Gen., iii.
223 n. ; apprehends poet Cleveland, 240.
Heath, James, 'Carrion Heath,' on Crom-
well, i. 14, 15.
Henderson, Sir John, renegade Scot, i.
145, 175.
Henry, Prince, death of, i. 39.
Henshaw, Major, in Gerard's plot, iii. 99.
Herbert, Colonel, at Bristol siege, i. 226 ;
in Wales, 324.
Herbert, Lord, afterwards Duke Beau-
fort, ii. 297, 298 ; in Cromwell's First
Parliament, iii. 104.
Heroic and unheroic ages, i. 83.
Heroism, Puritan, i. 1, 9.
Hewit, Dr. , plot and execution of, iv. 180-
182.
Hewson, Col., at Langford House, i. 239;
at Tredah, ii. 62 ; Governor of Dublin,
152 n.; joins Cromwell in the South,
153, 154 ; one of Cromwell's Lords, iv.
140.
Heylin, lying Peter, i. 71.
Hill, Dr. Thomas, Master of Trinity Col-
lege, Cambridge, Cromwell's letter to,
i. 294.
Hill, William, notice of, i. 326.
Hills, Henry, printer to Protector, iii. 167.
Hilsden House taken, i. 180.
Hinchinbrook House, i. 22 ; sale of, 55 ;
Charles i. at, 271.
Hippesley, Sir John, sent to Charles i.,
i. 250.
Hispaniola, failure of attack on, iii. 226,
227.
Historians, character of good, i. 7 ; labour
of, 12.
History of Puritanism, its difficulties, i.
1-10.
Histriomastix. See Prynne.
Hitch, Rev. Mr., Cromwell's letter to, i.
179.
Hobart, Col. Sir Miles, i. 145.
Hodgson, Capt., character of, i. 333; in
Scots War, ii. 177 ; narrative by, 180.
Holborn, General, invites Cromwell to
Edinburgh, i. 388; at Dunbar battle,
ii. 206 n.
Holland, Earl, at Kingston, i. 330 ; con-
demned, ii. 10; executed, 11.
Holland House, i. 281.
Hollar, Wenceslaus, taken at Basing, i.
237.
Holies, Denzil, holds down the Speaker,
i. 66 ; imprisoned, 67 ; Presbyterian,
266 ; a leader in Parliament, 269. See
Members, Eleven.
Holmby, Charles i. at, i. 245, 258.
Homer's Iliad, i. 6.
Hooke, Alderman, notice of, ii. 175.
Hopton, Sir Ingram, at Winceby, i. 176.
Hopton, Sir Ralph, character of, i. 229.
Horse, wooden, described, ii. 19.
Horton, Col., defeats the Welsh, i. 320;
dies, ii. 86.
Hotham, Capt., doings and arrest of, i.
152.
Hothams, the, executed, i. 263.
Howard's, Dr., Letters, iii. 216 n.
Howard, Col., in Little Parliament, iii.
41; attends Cromwell to Parliament,
105 ; Deputy Major- General, 223 n. ;
one of Cromwell's Lords, iv. 140.
Howlet, Mr., tutor to Cromwell, i. 40,
41.
Hubbert, Capt., passed over, ii. 274.
Hughes, Col., Governor of Chepstow,
Cromwell's letter to, vi. 240.
Hull, Charles i. attempts, i. 123; be-
sieged, 168, 171, 177 ; governors of, 289.
Hume Castle besieged, ii. 272.
Hungary, King of, Papist, iv. 155.
Hungerford, Anthony, Royalist, iii. 21,
27 ; Cromwell's letters to, 22, 27.
Hungerford, Henry, notice of, iii. 20.
Hungerford, Sir Edward, notice of, iii.
20.
Huntingdon described, i. 22.
Huntly, Marquis, for Charles n., ii. 246,
313.
Hurry, Col. Sir John, wounded at Pres-
ton, i. 341 ; taken with Montrose, and
executed, 349 n.
Hursley described, i. 300.
Hurst Castle, Charles i. at, i. 307.
Hutchinson, Col., Governor of Notting-
ham, i. 394.
Hyde, Mr. See Clarendon, Lord.
Hyde Park, Army near, i. 281 ; accident
to Cromwell in, iii. 158.
308 CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Impropriations, Lay, meaning of, i. 38.
See Feoffees.
Inchgarvie taken, ii. 311, 314.
Inchiquin, Lord, assaults Carrick, ii. 99.
Incumbrance, Parliamentary defining of,
iii. 17, 52 ; iv. 104.
Independents and Presbyterians, i. 195,
256, 263.
Indies, "West, expedition to, failed, iii.
220, 226.
Ingoldsby, Col., at Bristol siege, i. 226.
Innes, Lieut. -Col., taken, i. 349.
Instrument of Government, the, iii. 81 ;
95 ; new, iv. 21, 78.
Inverkeithing, battle of, ii. 309, 310;
Colours taken at, iv. 267.
Inverness Citadel built by Cromwell, ii.
338.
Ireland, misrepresentation of Cromwell's
doings in, ii. 113, 128.
Ireland, narrative of Cromwell's campaign
in, ii. 139.
Ireland, state of, in 1649, ii. 48, 50.
Ireton, Commissary-General, at Bristol
siege, i. 223; weds Bridget Cromwell,
241 ; character of, 253, 273 ; in Ireland,
ii. 41 ; President of Munster, 154 ; De-
puty in Ireland, 164 ; dies in Ireland,
165; Cromwell's letter to, 223; char-
acter of, iii. 15.
Ireton, Mrs., Cromwell's letter to, i. 254 ;
widow, married to Fleetwood, iii. 15 ;
notice of, 75, 213.
Ireton, Alderman, in Little Parliament,
iii. 41 ; of Customs Committee, 76.
Irish Massacre in 1641, i. 120 ; Charles i.
sends for Army of, 186 ; Papists found
in Arms in England to be hanged, 190 ;
Cromwell's declaration to the, ii. 115 ;
forces go abroad, 164 ; Puritan Settle-
ment, 166. See Papists.
Ironsides, Cromwell's, described, i. 164 ;
first glimpse of, 167 ; Cromwell to
Hampden on the, iv. 60, 61.
Jaffray, Provost, at Dunbar battle, ii. 208;
at Edinburgh, 265, 266; account of, 277;
a Quaker, etc., 277; in Little Parlia-
ment, iii. 41.
Jamaica, Island, taken, iii. 227.
James, Col. John, Governor of "Worces-
ter, after the Battle, ii. 332 n.
James i., King, visits Hinchinbrook, i.
34; a theologian, 37; his falling-off,
39 ; returns to Scotland, 42 ; his mis-
calculations, 49; dies, 50.
Jedburgh. See Geddard.
Jenner, Robert, M.P., notice of, i. 394;
Cromwell's letter to, 395.
Jephson, Governor of Bandon, ii. 100.
Jesuit practices in England, iii. 116.
Jews, endeavour to settle in England, iii.
241.
Johnson, Colonel, shot, ii. 153.
Johnson, Samuel, his hypochondria, i. 50.
Johnston, Archibald, Lord Registrar of
Scotland, account of, i. 202; ii. 300;
Cromwell's letter to, 299.
Jones, Col. Michael, occupies Dublin, i.
285 ; routs Irish at Dungan Hill, 285 ;
Cromwell's letter to, 285 ; routs Or-
mond's army, ii. 41 ; vote in favour of,
43, 89 ; dies, 103.
Jones, Col. John, regicide, i. 286.
Jones, Col. Philip, in Council of State,
iii. 90 n.; on Committee of Kingship,
iv. 68.
Jones, Inigo, taken at Basing, i. 237.
Jones, Quartermaster Samuel, notice of,
i. 324.
Joyce, Cornet, carries off the King, i.
270; Lieut. -Col., imprisoned, iii. 95.
Keinton fight. See Battle, Edgehill.
Kelsey, Major, at Langford House, i.
239; becomes Colonel, a Major-General,
iii. 223 n.
Kenrick, Colonel, Cromwell's letter to,
i. 311.
Kent in insurrection, i. 306.
Ker, Col. Gilbert, interview with, ii. 193;
at Glasgow, 242 ; in Scots Army, 246 ;
Remonstrance by, 249-253, 255, 259; his
forces routed, 256.
Ker, Earl Somerset. See Overbury.
Ker, Sir Andrew, notice of, i. 374.
Kilkenny taken, ii. 141-151, 155, 157;
Irish at, 142.
Killing no murder, iv. 14 n.
Kimber, Rev. Mr., on Cromwell, i. 18.
Kimbolton, Lord, with the Five Members,
i. 122. See Mandevil, Manchester.
Kingship, Oliver Cromwell's, iv. 20, 24,
30, 38, 49, 67, 68, 116 ; Committee on,
27, 35 ; he refuses it, 119.
Kingston, insurrection at, i. 330.
King Street, Cromwell lives in, i. 313.
Kirkcudbright, Lord, invites Cromwell
to Edinburgh, i. 388.
Knyvett, Thomas, taken at Lowestoff, f.
137 ; Cromwell's letter to, 246.
Kurisees, Irish, go abroad, ii. 164; in
Piedmont, iii. 204.
Ladies taken at Naseby, i. 213 ; at Basing
House, 235.
Lambert, General, described, i. 273; in
the North, 327; at Edinburgh, 379, 386,
390; at Pontefract, 410; Major-General
in Scots War, ii. 176 ; skirmishes with
the Scots, 181, 182 ; at Dunbar battle,
205, 213; routs Colonel Ker, 256, 257: at
INDEX
309
Glasgow, 303 ; routs General Browne at
Inverkeithing, 310, 311 ; at Worcester
battle, 326 ; in the Highlands, 336 ; of
Council of State, iii. 90n. ; in Cromwell's
First Parliament, 104; a Major-General
of Counties, 223 n. ; against title of
King, iv. 120 ; dismissed, 120.
Lammermoor Hills, described, ii. 198;
Scots Army at, 198.
Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, joins Scots,
i. 326 ; escapes, 394.
Langley, Colchester Captain, i. 140.
Langport, Battle of, iv. 233.
Laud, William, Archdeacon of Hunting-
don, i. 39 ; finds no religion in Scotland,
43 ; persecutions by, 52 ; inclined to
Popery, 64 ; Parliament intends to
accuse, 66 ; accompanies Charles i. to
Scotland, 73 ; roots out Feoffees, 74 ; is
in the Tower, 110, 122; beheaded,
263.
Lauderdale, Earl, taken at Worcester,
ii. 330 ; incident to, in London, 332 ;
notice of, 333.
Laughern, Lieut. -Col., shot, ii. 153.
Laughern, Major-General, revolts, i. 319;
condemned to death, ii. 12.
Law, Reform of, iii. 16, 17, 24, 79.
Lawrence, Col. Henry, of Council of
State, iii. 90 n.
Lea Hamlet, described, i. 156.
Lecturers, running, described, i. 52, 91.
Lehunt, Col., commissioned, i. 329.
Leicester taken and retaken, i. 208, 216.
Leith Citadel, built by Cromwell, ii. 338.
Leland's Itinerary, i. 31.
Lemon, Mr., classified Records, ii. 7.
Lenthall, Hon. William, Speaker, Crom-
well's letters to, i. 214, 222, 232, 239,
291, 321, 331, 344, 378, 387, 388, ii. 37,
45, 57, 64, 66, 85, 90, 97, 102, 134, 153,
175, 209, 256, 270, 291, 293, 310, 317,
318, 328, 330; iv. 218, 237, 238, 249,
260, 262, 263, 265, 267, 279, 280 ; Con-
ference at his house, iii. 10-14 ; un-
seated, 35; in Cromwell's First Par-
liament, 104, 127; against Law Reform,
203 ; on Committee of Kingship, iv.
35, 44 ; one of Cromwell's Lords, 140.
Lesley, Alexander, Fieldmarshal, at
Dunse Law, i. 104; Earl of Leven,
enters England with Scots Army in
1644, 180 ; at Marston Moor, 186 ; can-
nonades the Hamilton Engagers from
Edinburgh Castle, 356; entertains
Cromwell at dinner, 386 ; at Alyth,
and sent to the Tower, ii. 335.
Lesley, General David, extinguishes
Montrose, i. 240; at head of Kirk
Party, 356 ; General of Scots, ii. 184,
309 ; his caution, 189 ; letter to Crom-
well, 190; Cromwell's letters to, 190,
276 ; and the English soldier at Dun-
bar, 202.
Lesley, Ludovic, Governor of Berwick,
Cromwell's letter to, i. 366.
L'Estrange, Roger, i. 169.
Letters of Oliver Cromwell. (In Vol. i.)
One abstracted, i. 54 (App. iv. 209);
how to read them, 76; corrections of
originals, 78.
— i. To Mr. Storie (St. Ives, 11 Jan.
1635), 89.
— ii. — Mrs. St. John (Ely, 13 Oct.
1638), 100.
— iii. — Mr. Willingham (London, Feb.
1640), 107.
— iv. — R. Barnard, Esq. (Huntingdon
23 Jan. 1642), 129.
— v. — Deputy-Lieutenants of Suffolk
(Cambridge, 10 March 1642), 134.
— vi. — Mayor of Colchester (Cambridge,
23 March 1642), 140.
— Sir Samuel Luke, 8 March 1643. (App.
iv. 224.)
— vii. — Sir J. Burgoyne (Huntingdon,
10 April 1643), 142.
— viii. — R. Barnard, Esq. (Huntingdon,
17 April 1643), 144.
— ix. — Lincoln Committee (Lincolnshire,
3 May 1643), 146.
— x. — Unknown (Grantham, 13 May
1643), 148.
— xi. — Mayor of Colchester (Lincoln-
shire, 28 May 1643, 151.
— xii. — Cambridge Commissioners
(Huntingdon, 31 July 1643), 153.
— xiii. — Unknown (Huntingdon, 2 Aug.
1643), 158.
— xiv. — Cambridge Commissioners
(Huntingdon, 6 Aug. 1643), 160.
— xv. - Cambridge Commissioners
(Peterborough, 8 Aug. 1643), 161.
— xvi. — Suffolk Committee (Cambridge,
Sept. 1643), 166.
— xvii. — O. St. John, Esq. (Eastern
Association, 11 Sept. 1643), 168.
— xviii. — Suffolk Committee (Holland,
Lincolnshire, 28 Sept. 1643), 171.
— xix. — Rev. Mr. Hitch (Ely, 10
Jan. 1643), 179.
— xx. — Major-General Crawford (Cam-
bridge, 10 March 1643), 181.
— xxi. — Colonel Walton (York, 5 July
1644), 187.
— xxii. — Ely Committee (Lincoln, 1
Sept. 1644), 190.
— xxiii. — Col. Walton (Sleaford, 6 or 5
Sept. 1644), 192.
— xxiv. — Sir T. Fairfax (Salisbury, 9
April 1645), 200. (App. iv. 225.)
310 CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Letter xxv. To Committee of Both King-
doms (Bletchington, 25 Apr. 1645), 203.
— Same (Farringdon, 28 April 1645), iv.
226 (App.).
— xxvi. — Governor R. Burgess (Far-
ringdon, 29 April 1645), 205.
— xxvii. — the same, same date, 205.
— xxviii. — Sir T. Fairfax (Huntingdon,
4 June 1645), 207.
— By Express. — Deputy-Lieutenants of
Suffolk (Cambridge, 6 June 1645), 209.
— xxix. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Harbor-
ough, 14 June 1645), 214.
— xxx, — Sir T. Fairfax (Shaftesbury, 4
Aug. 1645), 219.
— xxxi. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Bristol, 14
Sept. 1645), 222.
— xxxii. — Sir T. Fairfax (Winchester,
6 Oct. 1645), 230.
— xxxiii. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Basing-
stoke, 14 Oct. 1645), 232.
— xxxiv. — Sir T. Fairfax (Wallop, 16
Oct. 1645), 238.
— xxxv. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Salisbury,
17 Oct. 1645), 239.
— xxxvi. — T. Knyvett, Esq. (London,
27 July 1646), 246.
— xxxvii. — Sir T. Fairfax (London, 31
July 1646), 247.
— xxxviii. — Sir T. Fairfax (London, 10
Aug. 1646), 249.
— xxxix. — J. Rush worth, Esq. (London,
26 Aug. 1646), 251.
— xl. — Sir T. Fairfax (London, 6 Oct.
1646), 253.
— xli. — Mrs. Ireton (London, 25 Oct.
1646), 254.
— xlii. — Sir T. Fairfax (London, 21
Dec. 1646), 256.
-— xliii. — the same (London, 11 March
1646), 260.
— xliv. — the same (London, 19 March
1646), 262.
— - xlv. — Archbishop of York (Putney,
1 Sept. 1647), 283.
— xlvi. — Col. Jones (Putney, 14 Sept.
1647), 285.
— xlvii. — Sir T. Fairfax (Putney, 13
Oct. 1647), 286.
— xlviii. — the same (Putney, 22 Oct.
1647), 288.
— xlix. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Hampton
Court, 11 Nov. 1647), 291.
— 1. — Colonel Whalley (Putney, Nov.
1647), 293.
li. — Dr. T. Hill (Windsor, 23 Dec.
1647), 294.
lii. — Col. Hammond (London, 3 Jan.
1647), 297.
— liii. — Col. Norton (London, 25 Feb.
1647), 300.
Letter liv. To Sir T. Fairfax (London, 7
March 1647), 302.
— Iv. — Colonel Norton (Farnham, 28
March 1648), 305.
— Ivi. — the same (London, 3 April
1648), 307.
— Ivii. — Col. Hammond (London, 6
April 1648), 309.
— Iviii. — Colonel Kenrick (London, 18
April 1648), 311.
— lix. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Pembroke,
14 June 1648), 321.
— Ix. — Major Saunders (Pembroke, 17
June 1648), 323.
— Ixi. — Lord Fairfax (Pembroke, 28
June 1648), 327.
— Ixii. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Pembroke,
11 July 1648), 331.
— Ixiii. — Lancashire Committee (Pres-
ton, 17 Aug. 1648), 336.
— Ixiv. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Warring-
ton, 20 Aug. 1648), 344.
— Ixv. — York Committee (Warrington,
20 Aug. 1648), 353.
— Ixvi. — the same (Wigan, 23 Aug.
1648), 354.
— Ixvii. — O. St. John, Esq. (Knares-
borough, 1 Sept. 1648), 358.
— Ixviii. — Lord Wharton (Knares-
borough, 2 Sept. 1648), 361.
— Ixix. — Lord Fairfax (Alnwick, 11
Sept. 1648), 365.
— Ixx. — Governor of Berwick (Alnwick,
15 Sept. 1648), 366.
— Ixxi. — Marquis of Argyle, and the
well-affected Lords now in arms in
Scotland (near Berwick, 16 Sept. 1648),
367.
— Ixxii. — Committee of Estates (near
Berwick, 16 Sept. 1648), 368.
— Ixxiii. — Earl Loudon (Cheswick, 18
Sept. 1648), 371.
— Ixxiv. — Committee of Estates (Nor-
ham, 21 Sept. 1648), 375.
— Ixxv. — Hon. W Lenthall (Berwick,
2 Oct. 1648), 378.
— Ixxvi. — Lord Fairfax (Berwick, 2
Oct. 1648), 381.
— Ixxvii. — Committee of Estates (Edin-
burgh, 5 Oct. 1648), 383.
— Ixxviii. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Dal-
housie, 8 Oct. 1648), 387.
— Ixxix. — the same (Dalhousie, 9 Oct.
1648), 388. (App. iv. 249.)
— Ixxx. — Governor Morris (Pontefract,
9 Nov. 1648), 391.
— Ixxxi. — Derby -House Committee
(Knottingley, near Pontefract, 15 Nov.
1648), 391.
— Ixxxii. To Jenner and Ashe (Knotting-
ley, 20 Nov. 1648), 395.
INDEX
311
Letter Ixxxiii. To Lord Fairfax (Knot-
tingley, 20 Nov. 1648), 399.
— Ixxxiv. — T. St. Nicholas, Esq. (Knot-
tingley, 25 Nov. 1648), 400.
— Ixxxv. — Col. Hammond (Knotting-
ley, 25 Nov. 1648), 401.
— Ixxxvi. — Master and Fellows of
Trinity Hall, Cambridge (London, 18
Dec. 1648), 411.
Letters of Oliver Cromwell. (In Vol. n.)
— Ixxxvii. To Rev. Robinson (London, 1
Feb. 1648), 3.
— Ixxxviii.-xc. — R. Mayor, Esq., on
Richard Cromwell's Marriage (12 Feb.
to 8 March 1648), 6-10.
— xci. — Dr. Love (London, 14 March
1648), 12.
— xcii.-xcvi. — R. Mayor, Esq., on
Richard Cromwell's Marriage (14 March
1648 to 15 April 1649), 14-22.
— xcvii. — Hon. Sir James Harrington
(London, 9 July 1649), 36.
— xcviii. — Hon. W. Lenthall (London,
10 July 1649), 37.
— xcix. — R. Mayor, Esq. (Bristol, 19
July 1649), 39.
— o. — the same (Milf ord Haven, 13 Aug.
1649), 41.
— ci. — Mrs. R. Cromwell (Milf ord
Haven, 13 Aug. 1649), 43.
— cii. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Dublin, 22
Aug. 1649), 45.
— ciii. — Governor of Dundalk (Tredah,
12 Sept. 1649), 55.
— civ. — President Bradshaw (Dublin,
16 Sept. 1649), 56.
— cv. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Dublin, 17
Sept. 1649), 57.
— cvi. — the same (Dublin, 27 Sept.
1649), 64.
— cvii. — the same (Wexford, 14 Oct.
1649), 66.
— cviii.-cxi. — Siege of Ross (17-19 Oct.
1649), 80-84.
— cxii. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Ross, 25
Oct. 1649), 85.
— cxiii — R. Mayor, Esq. (Ross, 13 Nov.
1649), 88.
— cxiv. — Hon. Thomas Scott (Ross, 14
Nov. 1649), 89.
— cxv. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Ross, 14
Nov. 1649), 90.
— cxvi. — the same ("Waterford, Nov.
1649), 97.
— cxvii. — the same (Cork, 19 Dec.
1649), 102.
— cxviii. — Right Hon. Lord Wharton
(Cork, 1 Jan. 1649), 107.
— cxix. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Castle-
town, 15 Feb. 1649), 134.
Letter cxx. To Governor of Cahir Castle
(Cahir, 24 Feb. 1649), 140.
— cxxi. — President Bradshaw (Cashel,
5 March 1649), 140.
— cxxii.-cxxviii. Kilkenny Siege (22-27
March 1649-50), 142-151.
— cxxix. — Dublin Commissioners (Car-
rick-on-Suir, 1 April 1650), 152.
— cxxx. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Carrick,
2 April 1650), 153.
— cxxxi. — R. Mayor, Esq. (Carrick, 2
April 1650), 159.
— cxxxii. — Richard Cromwell, Esq.
(Carrick, 2 April 1650), 160.
— cxxxiii. — Hon. W. Lenthall (London,
20 June 1650), 175.
— cxxxiv. — R. Mayor, Esq. (Alnwick,
17 July 1650), 177.
— cxxxv. — President Bradshaw (Mussel-
burgh, 30 July 1650), 181.
— cxxxvi. — General Assembly (Mussel-
burgh, 3 Aug. 1650), 185.
— cxxxvii. — General Lesley (Camp
at Pentland HiUs, 14 Aug. 1650),
190.
— cxxxviii. — Council of State (Mussel-
burgh, 30 Aug. 1650), 194.
— cxxxix. — Sir A. Haselrig (Dunbar, 2
Sept. 1650), 199.
— cxl. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Dunbar, 4
Sept. 1650), 209.
— cxli. — Hon. Sir A. Haselrig (Dunbar,
4 Sept. 1650), 217.
— cxlii. — President Bradshaw (Dunbar,
4 Sept. 1650), 219.
— - cxliii. — Mrs. E. Cromwell (Dunbar,
4 Sept. 1650), 221.
— cxliv. — R. Mayor, Esq. (Dunbar, 4
Sept. 1650), 221.
— cxlv. — Lieut. -Gen. Ireton (Dunbar,
4 Sept. 1650), 223.
— cxlvi. — Right Hon. Lord Wharton
(Dunbar, 4 Sept. 1650), 225.
— cxlvii. — Governor Dundas (Edin-
burgh, 9 Sept. 1650), 228.
— cxlviii. — the same (Edinburgh, 12
Sept. 1650), 232.
— cxlix. — President Bradshaw (Edin-
burgh, 25 Sept. 1650), 241.
— cl. — Committee of Estates (Linlith-
gow, 9 Oct. 1650), 247.
— cli. — Col. Strahan (Edinburgh, 25
Oct. 1660), 251.
— clii. — Lord Borthwick (Edinburgh,
18 Nov. 1650), 254.
— cliii. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Edinburgh,
4 Dec. 1650), 256.
— cliv.-clx. Siege of Edinburgh Castle
12-18 Dec. 1650), 260-268.
— clxi. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Edinburgh,
24 Dec. 1650). 271.
CROMWELUS LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Letter clxii. To Col. Hacker (Edinburgh,
25 Dec. 1650), 274.
— clxiii. — Gen. Lesley (Edinburgh, 17
Jan. 1650), 276.
— clxiv. — Committee of Estates (Edin-
burgh, 17 Jan. 1650), 280.
— clxv. — Committee of Army (Edin-
burgh, 4 Feb. 1650), 282.
— clxvi. — Rev. Dr. Greenwood (Edin-
burgh, 4 Feb. 1650), 287.
— clxvii. — the same (Edinburgh, 14
Feb. 1650), 289.
— clxviii. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Edin-
burgh, 8 March 1650) 291.
— clxix. — the same (Edinburgh, 11
March 1650), 293.
— clxx. — President Bradshaw (Edin-
burgh, 24 March 1650), 295.
— clxxi. — Mrs. E. Cromwell (Edin-
burgh, 12 April, 1651) 296.
— clxxii. — Hon. A. Johnston (Edin-
burgh, 12 April 1651), 299.
— clxxiii. — Mrs. E. Cromwell (Edin-
burgh, 3 May 1651), 306.
— Harrison (Edinburgh, 3 May 1651),
iv. 264 (App.).
— clxxiv. — President Bradshaw (Edin-
burgh, 3 June 1651), 307.
— clxxv. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Linlith-
gow, 21 July 1651), 311.
— clxxvi.— President Bradshaw, (Dun-
das, 24 July 1651), 312.
— clxxvii. — the same (Linlithgow, 26
July 1651), 313.
— clxxviii. — R. Mayor, Esq. (Burnt-
island, 28 July 1651), 315.
— clxxix. — Hon. W. Lenthall (Burnt-
island, 29 July 1651), 317.
— clxxx. — the same (Leith, 4 Aug.
1651), 318.
— clxxxi. — Lord Wharton (Stratford-
on-Avon, 27 Aug. 1651), 324.
— clxxxii. — Hon. W. Lenthall
(near Worcester, 3 Sept. 1651),
328.
— clxxxiii. — the same (Worcester, 4
Sept. 1651), 330.
Letters of Oliver Cromwell. (In Vol. in. )
— clxxxiv. To Rev. J. Cotton (London,
2 Oct. 1651), 9.
— clxxxv. — Mr. Hungerford (London,
30 July 1652), 22.
— clxxxvi. —A. Hungerford, Esq. (Cock-
pit, 10 Dec. 1652), 27.
— clxxxvii. — Lieut. -Gen. Fleetwood
(Cockpit, 1652), 29.
— clxxxviii. — Mr. Parker (Whitehall,
23 April 1653), 38.
— clxxxix. — Lieut. -General Fleetwood
(Cockpit, 22 Aug. 1653), 74.
Letter cxc. To Committee of Customs
(Cockpit, Oct. 1653), 76.
— cxci. — H. Weston, Esq. (London, 16
Nov. 1653), 77.
— cxcii. — R. Mayor, Esq. (Whitehall,
4 May 1654), 94.
— cxciii. — Lord Fleetwood (Whitehall,
16 May 1654), 96.
— cxciv. — Col. Alured (16 May 1654),
97.
— cxcv. — Sir T. Vyner (Whitehall, 5
July 1654), 100.
— cxcvi. — R. Bennet, Esq. (White-
hall, 12 Jan. 1654), 161.
— cxcvii. — Capt. Unton Crook (White-
hall, 20 Jan. 1654), 164.
— cxcviii. — Gen. Blake (Whitehall, 13
June 1655), 207.
— Edmund Waller (Whitehall, 13 June
1655), iv. 285 (App.).
— cxcix. — Lord Fleetwood (Whitehall,
22 June 1655), 212.
— cc. — Secretary Thurloe (Whitehall,
28 July 1655), 215.
— cci. — Gen. Blake (Whitehall, 30 July
1655), 217.
— ccii. — the same (Whitehall, 13 Sept.
1655), 220.
— cciii. — Maryland Commissioners
(Whitehall, 26 Sept. 1655), 222.
— cciv. — Gen. Goodson (Whitehall,
Oct. 1655), 231.
— ccv. — D. Serle, Esq. (Whitehall,
Oct. 1655), 234.
— ccvi. — Gen. Fortescue (Whitehall,
Nov. 1655), 235.
— ccvii. — Henry Cromwell (Whitehall,
21 Nov. 1655), 239.
— ccviii. — the same (Whitehall, 21
April 1656), 245.
— ccix. — Generals Blake and Montague
Whitehall, 28 April 1656), 247.
— ccx. — the same (Whitehall, 6 May
1656), 249.
— ccxi. — Gresham-College Committee
(Whitehall, 9 May 1656), 252.
— ccxii. — Richard Cromwell (White-
hall, 29 May 1656), 253.
— ccxiii. — Henry Cromwell (Whitehall,
26 Aug. 1656), 261.
— ccxiv. — Generals Blake and Mon-
tague (Whitehall, 28 Aug. 1656),
Letters of Oliver Cromwell. (In Vol. iv.)
— ccxv. To Mayor of Newcastle (White-
hall, 18 Dec. 1656), 1.
— ccxvi. — Cardinal Mazarin (Whitehall,
26 Dec. 1656), 5.
— ccxvii. — Parliament (Whitehall, 25
Dec. 1656), 19.
INDEX
313
Letter ccxviii. To Gen. Blake (White-
hall, June 1657), 123.
— ccxix. — Gen. Montague (Whitehall,
11 Aug. 1657), 126.
— ccxx. — J. Dunch, Esq. (Hampton
Court, 27 Aug. 1657), 126.
— ccxxi. — Gen. Montague (Hampton
Court, 30 Aug. 1657), 127.
— ccxxii. — Sir W. Lockhart (Whitehall,
31 Aug. 1657), 130.
— ccxxiii. — Sir W. Lockhart (Whitehall,
31 Aug. 1657), 133.
— ccxxiv. — Gen. Montague (Whitehall,
2 Oct. 1657), 134.
— ccxxv, — Sir W. Lockhart (Whitehall,
26 May 1658), 190.
Letters of Oliver Cromwell. (In Appen-
dix, Vol. iv.)
To Mr. H. Downhall (Huntingdon, 14
Oct. 1626), 209.
— Mr. Hand (Ely, 13 Sept. 1638), 211.
— Mayor of Cambridge (London, 8 May
1641), 214.
— Deputy-Lieutenants of Norfolk (Cam-
bridge, 26, 27 Jan. 1642), 216, 217.
— Sir Samuel Luke, 8 March, 1643),
224.
— Hon. W. Lenthall (Lincoln, 29 July
1643), 218.
— Sir John Wray (Eastern Association,
30 July 1643), 221.
— Sir T. Fairfax (Bletchington, 24 April,
1645), 225.
— Committee of Both Kingdoms (Far-
ringdon, 28 April 1645), 226.
— Capt. Underwood (Huntingdon, 6 June
1645), 232.
— A Worthy Member of the House
of Commons (Langport, July 1645),
234.
— Mayor of Winchester (28 Sept. 1645),
236.
— Colonel Cicely (Tiverton, 10 Dec.
1645), 232.
— Hon. Sir D. North (London, 30 March
1647), 233.
— Hon. W. Lenthall, on Army Troubles
(Saffron Walden, 3, 8, 17 May 1647),
237-239.
— Carmarthen Committee (Pembroke, 9
June 1648), 240.
— Hon. R. Herbert (Pembroke, 18 June
1648), 241.
— Colonel Hughes (Pembroke, 26 June
1648), 240.
—Mayor, etc. of Haverfordwest (12 July
1648), 242.
— the same (14 July 1648), 246.
— Derby-House Committee (Wigan, 23
Aug. 1648), 244.
To Committee of Derby House (Norham,
20 Sept. 1648), 246.
— Hon. W. Lenthall (Boroughbridge,
28 Oct. 1648), 249.
— Waterford Correspondence (21-24 Nov.
1649), 250-253.
— Lieut. -General Farrell (Cork, 4 Jan.
1649), 253.
— Colonel Phayr (Fethard, 9 Feb. 1649),
257.
— John Sadler, Esq. (Cork, 31 Dec.
1649), 254.
— Hon. Sir A. Haselrig (Dunbar, 5 Sept.
1650), 258.
— the same (Edinburgh, 9 Sept. 1650),
259.
— Hon. W. Lenthall (Edinburgh, 28 Dec.
1650), 260.
— the same (Glasgow, 25 April 1651),
261.
— Hon. Major-General Harrison (Edin-
burgh, 3 May 1651), 264.
— Hon. W. Lenthall (Edinburgh, 10 May
1651), 262.
— Hon. W. Lenthall (Edinburgh, 13
June 1651), 263.
— Mayor of Doncaster (Ripon, 18 Aug.
1651), 265.
— Hon. W. Lenthall (Evesham, 8 Sept.
1651), 265.
— the same (Chipping Norton, 8 Sept.
1651), 267.
— Elizabeth Cromwell (Cockpit, 15 Dec.
1651), 267.
— Sequestration Committee (Cockpit,
Dec. 1651), 268.
— Dr. Greenwood of Oxford (Cockpit, 12
April 1652), 269.
— Lord Wharton (Cockpit, 30 June 1652),
272.
— Dr. Walton (Whitehall, 16 May 1653),
- Lieut. -Col. Mitchell (Whitehall, 18
May 1653), 274.
— Cardinal Mazarin (Westminster, 19
June 1653), 274.
— Sir Bulstrode Whitlocke (Whitehall, 2
Sept. 1653), 276.
— Cardinal Mazarin (Whitehall, 26 Jan.
1653), 276.
— Mayor of Lynn Regis (Whitehall, 30
Jan. 1653), 277.
— Sir J. Wilde (Whitehall, 24 March
1654), 282.
— Mayor of Gloucester (Whitehall, 24
March 1654), 283.
— Cardinal Mazarin (Whitehall, 29 June
1654), 278.
— Hon. W. Lenthall (Whitehall, 22
Sept, 1654), 279.
— the same (Whitehall, 5 Oct. 1654), 280.
314 CIIOMWELI/S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Letter to President of Rhode Island
(Whitehall, 29 March 1655), 286.
— Captain J. Leverett (Whitehall, 3
April 1655), 287.
— Colonel A. Cox (Whitehall, 24 April
1655), 288.
— Edmund Waller (Whitehall, 13 June
1655), 285.
— Col. H. Brewster (Whitehall, 26 Oct.
1655), 288.
— Vice-chancellor of Oxford (Whitehall,
3 July 1657), 292.
— Bailiffs of Oswestry (Whitehall, 13
July 1657), 293.
—Mayor of Gloucester (Whitehall, 2
Dec. 1657), 294.
— Col. Cox (Whitehall, 4 Feb. 1657),
294.
— Commanders of Gloucester Militia
(Whitehall, 11 March 1657), 296.
— Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge (White-
hall, 28 May 1658), 296.
— the same (Whitehall, 22 June 1658),
297.
Levellers described, i. 291 ; Arnald shot,
294; remarks on, ii. 24-27; routed at
Burford, 31.
Leven, Earl of. See Lesley, Alexander.
Leverett, Capt., Cromwell's letter to, iv.
287.
Libberton, Lord, killed at Dunbar, ii.
215.
Liberty of the people, i. 81.
Lilburn, Col. Robert, in Lancashire, i.
327 ; routs Earl Derby, ii. 321, and Bear
Park, 291 ; deputy Major-General, iii.
223 n.
Lilburn, John, account of, i. Ill; his
brothers, 252 ; accuses Cromwell, 299 ;
his pamphlets, ii. 19; death of, iv. 136.
Lincoln Committee, Cromwell's letter to,
i. 146.
Lincolnshire in 1643, i. 143, 145, 174-177.
Lisle, Lord Viscount, in Council of State,
ii. 13; iii. 79 n., 90 n.; at Installation,
iv. 125.
Lisle, Mr., in Council of State, ii. 13;
Keeper of Great Seal, iii. 203.
Lisle, Sir George, shot, i. 356.
Lists :— of Cromwell family, i. 20 n. ;
25 n. ; 70 n. ; of the Eleven Members,
278 n. ; of Officers slain at Tredah, ii.
65; of Little Parliament, iii. 41; of
Council of State, 1653, 78 n. ; 1654,
90 n. ; of Long Parliament, iii. 315-
341; of Cromwell's First Parliament,
104 ; of Major - Generals, 223 n. ; of
Cromwell's estates, 255 n. ; of Crom-
well's Lords, iv. 140.
Livingston, Rev. James, notice of, by
Cromwell, ii. 258; his descendants,
260.
Lloyd, Capt., sent to Generals Blake and
Montague, iii. 247.
Locke, John, Tomb of, i. 100.
Lockhart, William, Ensign, i. 261 ; Col.,
wounded at Preston, 342; Ambas-
sador to France, iv. 4 ; notice of, 129 ;
commands at Dunkirk, 135; one of
Cromwell's Lords, 140; Cromwell's
letters to, 130, 133, 190. See Sewster.
Lockier, Rev., preaches at Cromwell's
Installation, iii. 82.
Lockyer, Trooper, shot, ii. 28.
Loftus, Sir Arthur, notice of, ii. 96.
London City petitions for a Parliament,
i. 106; for Reform of Bishops, 108,
121 ; helps Long Parliament to raise
army, 124; fortified, 1643, 150; armies
fitted out by, 194 ; petitions for peace,
256 ; new militia ordinance, 269 ; shops
shut, 165, 278, 280 ; averse to Crom-
well party, 312 ; lends money, ii. 22 ;
Preacher recommended for, iii. 100 ;
Cromwell entertained by, 142 ; will
resist Cromwell's enemies, iv. 180.
Loudon, Chancellor, in danger, i. 105;
Cromwell's letter to, 371; character
of, 374.
Love, Dr., Cromwell's letter to, ii. 12.
Love, Rev. Christopher, notice of, i. 185 ;
ii. 13; his treason, 306; condemned,
310 ; executed, 322.
Lowestoff, affair at, i. 135.
Lowry, John, notice of, ii. 37, 38; iv.
213.
Lucas, Sir Charles, shot, i. 356.
Ludlow, General, Memoirs of Cromwell,
i. 17 ; Cromwell's remark to, 269 ; notes
Cromwell's ill success, 313 ; at trial of
Charles i., 411; of Council of State,
ii. 2; Deputy of Ireland, 165; Crom-
well's conversation with, ii. 173; and
Cromwell, scene with, iii. 14 ; Repub-
lican, lives in Essex, 242 ; iv. 203.
Lumsden, Col., killed at Dunbar, ii. 215.
Lunsford, Col., described, i. 121.
Lydcot, Col., at Inverkeithing fight, ii.
311.
Lyttleton, Lord, his running off with
Great Seal, ii. 284.
Mace, of the Commons, the, a bauble,
iii. 35.
Mackworth, Col., in Council of State, iii.
90 n. ; account of, 259 n.
Maidston, John, on Cromwell, i. 17,
398.
Maidstone fight, i. 326.
Maine, Zachary, notice of, iv. 269.
Mainwaring censured, i. 64.
INDEX
315
Major-Generals, the, iii. 201, 288-290, 300;
list of, 223 n. ; abolished, 313, iv. 17.
Maleverer, Col., Cromwell's letter in be-
half of his Family, iv. 260.
Malevrier, Lord, Royalist, iii. 199.
Manasseh Ben Israel, learned Jew, iii. 241.
Manchester, Earl, Sergeant -Major of
Associated Counties, i. 164 ; and Gen.
Crawford, 181, 183; to reform Cam-
bridge University, 181; quarrels with
Cromwell, 195, 196 ; one of Cromwell's
Lords, iv. 140.
Mandevil, Lord, dispute with Cromwell,
ii. 112. See Manchester, Earl.
Manning, Mr., spy, iii. 201, 282.
Manton, Mr., preaches at Installation,
iv. 125.
Mardike taken, iv. 133.
Marston Moor. See Battle.
Marten, Henry, M.P., of Council of State,
ii. 2 ; character of, iii. 4 ; a lewd liver,
35.
Martyn, Sir Thomas, of Cambridge Com-
mittee, i. 132.
Maryland and Virginia, differences be-
tween, iii. 161; Cromwell's letter to
Commissioners of, 222.
Masham Family, notice of, i. 99.
Masham, Sir William, in Cromwell's First
Parliament, iii. 104.
Mass, Cromwell on the, ii. 124.
Massey, Gen., how to be employed, i.
248 ; forces disbanded, 251 ; character
of, 251 ; enlists soldiers, 280 ; purged
by Pride, 409; with Scots, ii. 309;
wounded at "Worcester, 326.
Mathews, Col., delinquent, i. 396, 397.
Maurice, Prince, quits England, i. 242;
drowned, ii. 90.
Maynard, Mr., one of Cromwell's Lords,
iv. 140.
Mayor, Richard, Esq., character of, i.
300 ; letters from Cromwell to, ii. 6,
9, 10, 14, 18, 20, 21, 22, 39, 41, 88,
159, 177, 221, 315 ; iii. 94 ; in Little
Parliament, iii. 41 ; of Customs Com-
mittee, 71; in Council of State, 79
n. 90 n.
Mazarin, Giulio, Cardinal, policy of, iv.
3 ; Cromwell's letters to, 5, 274, 276,
278; his opinion of Cromwell, 133.
Meg, Muckle, in Edinburgh Castle, ii.
271 n.
Members, the Five, i. 122; the Eleven,
263; accused by Army, 277; list of,
278 n. ; last appearance of, 280.
Middleton, Gen., at Preston fight, i. 334 ;
for Charles n., ii. 246; Rebellion in
Highlands, 336 ; iii. 96.
Mildmay, Sir Henry, quarrels with Lord
Wharton, i. 360.
Militia, Ordinance of, i. 124 ; new, 269.
Milton, John, entry of his burial, i. 47;
pamphlets by, 108 ; appointed Latin
Secretary, ii. 14 ; Sir H. Vane, friend
of, iii. 5; blind, W 205; l.tter by,
iv. 186.
Milton, State Papers criticised, i. 76 ; iii.
70 n.
Ministers of Edinburgh and Cromwell,
iii. 226-241.
Mitchell, Col, Cromwell's letter to, iv. 274.
Mitton, Col., in Wales, i. 283.
Model, New, of the Army, i. 193, 199 n.,
208, 211, 216.
Monarchy, Fifth, described, iii. 113 ; plot,
iv. 36.
Monk, Col. George, in the Tower, i. 186 ;
in Ireland, 286 ; in Scots War, ii. 177,
205, 213 ; at Edinburgh, 268 ; made
Lieut. -General of Ordnance, 301; sent
to Stirling, 319 ; storms Dundee, 335 ;
puts down rebellion in the Highlands,
336; iii. 96; in Dutch War, 18, 31;
Army mutinous, 162.
Monopoly, of soap, etc., i. 67.
Monro, Gen., in Scots Army, i. 330; his
motions, 356; rejected at Edinburgh,
365.
Montagu, Dr., censured, i. 64.
Montague family, i. 56.
Montague, Lord, a Puritan, i. 53.
Montague (Earl of Sandwich). Colonel
of the Parliament foot, i. 208; at
Bristol siege, 223, 224 ; receives King
at Hinchinbrook, 271; in Little Par-
liament, iii. 41; of Customs Committee,
71 ; in Council of State, 78 n., 90 n. ;
in Cromwell's First Parliament, 104;
made Admiral, 229 ; Cromwell's letters
to, 247, 249, 263 ; iv. 126, 127, 134 ; on
Committee of Kingship, 27 ; assists the
French, 78, 129 ; at Installation, 125 ;
one of Cromwell's Lords, 140.
Montgomery, Col. Robert, notice of, i.
387 ; Major-General in Scots Army, ii.
183, 184, 257 n., 281.
Montrose, Earl, in Scots Army, i. 106;
routed in Scotland, 240; taken and
executed, ii. 172.
Moray House, Edinburgh, Cromwell at,
i. 382.
Mordington, Cromwell at, i. 374, 377 ; ii.
178 ; incident at, 180.
Morgan, Mr., to be taken, i. 323.
Morris, Governor of Pontefract Castle,
i. 390 ; Cromwell's letter to, 391.
Mosstroopers, Watt and Augustin, ii.
253 ; routed by Col. Hacker, 272.
Mulgrave, Earl, i. 362 ; in Council of State,
iii. 90 n. ; one of Cromwell's Lords, iv.
140.
316 CHOMWELUS LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Musical Entertainment at Cromwell's, iv.
14.
Musselburgh, Cromwell at, ii. 183, 189,
196 ; Cromwell's Army in, 301.
Naseby described, i. 210; iv. 229. See
Battle.
Navigation Act, iii. 18.
Nayler, James, worshipped, iii. 158, 224 ;
punished, iv. 17, 18.
Neal, on Cromwell, iii. 253.
Neile, Bishop, and Popery, i. 64 ; Parlia-
ment about to accuse, 66.
Newark, designs on, i. 146, 150.
Newbury. See Battle.
Newcastle, Earl, helps the King, i. 123 ;
his Popish Army, 145; besieges Hull,
168, 171 ; retires disgusted, 190.
Newcastle, Mayor of, Cromwell's letter
to, iv. 1.
Newhall estate, iii. 254.
Newmarket rendezvous. See Army.
Newport, Negotiations at, i. 381, 394.
New Year's Day, when. See Year.
Nicholas, Capt., at Chepstow, i. 324.
Noble's Memoirs criticised, i. 15.
Norham, situation of, i. 377.
North, Sir Dudley. Cromwell's letter to,
iv. 233.
Norton, Col. Richard, serves under Earl
Manchester, i. 164 ; notice of, 300, 306 ;
Cromwell's letters to, 300, 305, 307;
purged by Pride, ii. 3 ; in Little Par-
liament, iii. 41 ; in Council of State,
79 n.
Nottingham, Charles i. erects his standard
at, i. 117; ii. 322.
Nova Scotia, occupied for Cromwell, iv.
287.
Noy, Attorney, conduct of, in 1632, i. 72 ;
his advancement, death, and dissection,
74, 75.
Oblivion and remembrance, i. 8.
O'Bryen, Barnabas, notice of, ii. 35.
Officers, one hundred, remonstrate with
Cromwell on Kingship, iv. 22.
Okey, Col., taken at Bristol siege, i. 224 ;
at Inverkeithing fight, ii. 311 ; Repub-
lican, iii. 98.
Oldenburg, Duke, his present to Crom-
well, iii. 158.
O'Neil, Henry, joins Ormond, ii. 86.
O'Neil, Hugh, Governor of Clonmel, ii.
164.
O'Neil, Owen Roe, character of, ii. 63.
Onslow, Sir Richard, in Kingship Com-
mittee, iv. 68.
Order to Keeper of St. James's Library,
ii. 8.
Ordinance of Militia. See Militia.
Ordinance, Self-denying, i, 193, 199.
Ordinances of Cromwell, iii. 90, 92.
Ormond, Earl, Irish levied by, i. 250;
character of, 284 ; strong in Ireland, ii.
7; routed by Jones, 41; at Wexford,
78 ; at Ross, 81 ; plotting in England,
iv. 149, 173, 180.
Oswestry, Cromwell's letter to, iv. 293.
Otes, described, i. 99.
Otley, Col., at disbanding of Rump, iii. 36.
Ouse river, i. 86.
Overbury poisoned, i. 41.
Overton, Col., Governor of Hull, i. 290;
in Scots War, ii. 176, 213 ; at Inver-
keithing, 310, 311 ; Republican, iii. 98 ;
sent to the Tower, 162.
Overton, Richard, a Leveller, ii. 19.
Owen, Col., Sir John, in Wales, i. 282 ;
delinquent, 394, 397.
Owen, Dr., in Cromwell's First Parlia-
ment, iii. 104 ; preaches to Second Par-
liament, 267.
Oxford, Charles i. at, i. 139 ; surrendered,
241 ; Cromwell, etc. feasted at, ii. 33.
Oxford University reformed, ii. 286;
Cromwell Chancellor of, 287; Crom-
well and, iv. 270, 292.
Pack, Sir Christopher, motion by, iv. 21.
Packer, Lieut. -Col., notice of, i. 181, 183.
Pamphlets on Civil War, King's, i. 2, 4,
108.
Paper, blotting, not in use. i. 257 n.
Papist Army, Newcastle's, i. 145.
Papist Monuments destroyed, i. 150.
Papists, to be hanged, i. 190 ; cruelties in
Ireland, ii. 77, 113; against Protes-
tants, iv. 154-156.
Parker, Mr., Cromwell's letter to, iii. 38.
Parliament, Third, of Charles i., i. 57 ; is
Puritan, 58 ; its Petition of Right, 59 ;
doings of, 59 ; Alured's letter about, 60 ;
prorogued, 63; dissolved, 66; holds
down the Speaker, 66 ; conduct after,
68; Short, summoned 1640, 105; dis-
solved, 105 ; Long, summoned 3d Nov.
1640, 106 ; sketch of, 107; votes against
Bishops, 108 ; secures the Militia, 117 ;
grand Petition of, 120 ; Charles i. at-
tempts to seize Five Members, 122;
goes to City for refuge, 122; how it
raises army, 124 ; affairs in July 1643,
163; takes the Scots Covenant, Sept.
1643, 169; affairs in 1644, 193; disagree-
ment of Generals, 195 ; affairs prosper,
243 ; new Members elected (Recruiters),
243 ; Army turns on it, 262, 263 ; de-
clares against Army, 267 ; votes lands
to Cromwell, 302 ; number of Members
in 1648, 306 (see Members) ; purged by
Pride, 409 (see Rump); new one to
INDEX
317
be elected, iil. 6, 24; difficulties in
choosing, 31 ; Little, summons for,
39 ; members of, 41 ; meets 4th J uly
1653, 41; failure of, 73; doings and
resignation of, 78-80 ; Long, List of,
315-141 ; First Protectorate, assembles
3d Sept. 1654, 103-105; unsuccessful,
127 ; signs the Recognition, 155 ; doings
of, 156, 157; dissolved, 194; Second
Protectorate, assembles 17th Sept. 1656,
267; doings in Sindercomb's Plot, iv. 8;
doings of, 15-23; offers Cromwell
title of King, 22, etc. ; presses him to
accept the title, 31 ; second session of,
138; the two Houses disagree, 151;
dissolved, 179. »
Pass, form of, in 1649, ii. 4.
Paul's, St., Cross described, i. 65; Cathe-
dral, a horseguard, ii. 28.
Peak, Sir Robert, taken at Basing, i. 233.
Pembroke besieged by Cromwell, i. 319,
331.
Pembroke, Earl, sent to Charles i., i.
250 ; Chancellor of Oxford, ii. 286.
Penn, Admiral, sails with the fleet, iii.
160 ; sent to the Tower, 220, 226-229.
Penn, Quaker, iii. 226.
Penruddock, Col., in arms, iii. 199 ; be-
headed, 200 ; Cromwell's letters rela-
tive to, iv. 282, 283.
Perth surrenders, ii. 319.
Peterborough, Earl, notice of, ii. 36.
Peters, Rev. Hugh, chaplain of train, i.
208; secretary to Cromwell, 231; his
narrative of Basing, 234; at Putney,
281; at Pembroke, 321; in Ireland,
ii. 41 ; Cromwell to be King, 334.
Petition, of Right, i. 59; altered, 64;
London, 108, 268; Buckinghamshire,
118 ; Surrey, 326 ; of Officers, iii. 24 ;
and Advice of Parliament, iv. 22, 115,
116, 120, 122.
Phayr, Col., at execution of Charles r.,
i. 412 ; at Cork, 89 ; Cromwell's letter
to, iv. 257.
Piccadilly, derivation of, iv. 115 n.
Pickering, Col., at Bristol siege, i. 224;
at Basing, 232 ; his death and funeral,
iv. 232.
Pickering, Sir Gilbert, in Council of
State, iii. 79 n. 90 n.
Piedmont, persecution in, iii. 204, 209;
iv. 185.
Pierpoint, Mr., i. 359; Cromwell at his
house, ii. 323 ; and Cromwell on King-
ship, iv. 49.
Pilgrimage of Grace in 1536, i. 28.
Pinchbeck invented by Prince Rupert, ii
90.
Pinkerton's stories of Cromwell, value of,
ii. 249.
Plague, Army escapes, in 1645, i. 227.
Plate fleet, prize of, iii. 313.
Plot, Gunpowder, i. 38 ; of Army, 107,
116; Waller's, 168; by Rev. 0. Love,
etc., ii. 306; Anabaptist, iii. 86; Royal-
ist, 88, 99, 196; iv. 137, 149, 181 ; various
Republican, iii. 98, 173-179 ; Gerard's,
99, 101 ; in the North, 162 ; Penrud-
dockjs, 199 ; Sexby's, 261 ; Sindercomb's,
iv. 7 ; Venner's, 36 ; Hewit and Slings-
by's, 181, 182.
Politics and Religion in 1642, i. 129.
Pomfret. See Pontefract.
Pontefract, Cromwell at, i. 390.
Pope Alexander vn., Cromwell's opinion
of, iii. 282.
Popery in 1623, i. 49; images of, de-
stroyed, 150; Cromwell on, ii. 120;
Cromwell to suppress, 126.
Popish States, War with, iii. 272-279.
Portuguese Treaty, iii. 94, 103 ; Ambassa-
dor's brother, 102 ; King, 249-252.
Pott's, Sir John, letter to, i. 136.
Powel, Anabaptist, against Cromwell, iv.
86.
Powel, Presbyterian-Royalist Colonel, i.
319,
Power, definition of, iii. 83.
Powick possessed by the Scots, ii. 326,
329.
Pownel, Major, at Preston fight, i. 336.
Poyer, Col., his doings in Wales, i. 319,
321 ; shot, ii. 12.
Poyntz, General, enlists soldiers, i. 280;
slashes the mob, 280.
Prayer-meeting, Windsor Castle, 1648, i.
313, etc.
Prayers for the Parliament Army, i. 206 ;
an English troop interrupted at, ii.
196 ; Cromwell's last, iv. 204.
Preachers, triers of. See Triers.
Preaching, Cromwell on, ii. 234, 274 ; iv.
98.
Presbyterianism, Charles i. averse to, i.
185 ; and schism, 215 ; adopted by Par-
liament, 258; overthrown, 281. See
Independents.
Presentation, Cromwell's, to Rectory of
Houghton Conquest, iv. 278.
Preston, Dr., fame of, i. 52.
Preston. See Battle.
Pride, Colonel, summoned by Commons,
i. 267 ; at Preston battle, 343 ; purges
the Commons, 409; in Scots War, ii.
176, 213 ; would hang up the Lawyers'
gowns, 215 n. ; one of Cromwell's Lords,
iv. 140.
Prince, Thomas, Leveller, ii. 19.
Proclamation by Cromwell, 1648, i. 375 ;
after Dunbar fight, ii. 209: at Edin-
burgh, 240.
318 CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Protestation of Commons, 1641, i. 118 ;
iv. 213-215.
Prussian Monarchy, founder of, iv. 155 n.
Prynne, "William, first appearance of, i.
71 ; his Histriomastix, 71 ; in pillory in
1633, 74 ; again in 1637, 95 ; speech in
pillory, 96; purged by Pride, 409;
assists Dr. Hewit, iv. 182.
Puritan, Sermons, i. 8; history, 12; de-
mands at Hampton Court Conference,
37 ; characteristic, 52 ; leaders, 53.
Puritanism, our last heroism, i. 1 ; faded,
8 ; Dryasdust on, 10 ; nature of, 80.
Puritans, English and Scots, i. 106 ; be-
come formidable, 115.
Putney Church, Army -meeting at, i. 281.
Pym, John, M.P., a Puritan, i. 53; speech
by, 61 ; lives at Chelsea, 120.
Quakerism, germ of, ii. 27.
Quakers, first Scotch, ii. 277. See
Nayler, Fox, Penn.
Queen of Charles i., doings by, i. 145.
Queries to Edinburgh clergy, ii. 237 ; of
Scotch Western Army, 250.
Ragland Castle besieged, i. 248 ; surren-
ders, 243.
Rainsborough, Col., at Bristol siege, i.
223; deserted by the Fleet, 332;
assassinated, 391.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, execution of, i. 46.
Raleigh's History, Cromwell's opinion of,
ii. 162.
Ramsay, Rev. Robert, preaches before
Cromwell, ii. 302.
Rawlins, Captain of Parliament horse, i.
208.
Recruiters, new Members of Parliament,
i. 243.
Redbank, fight at, i. 343. See Preston.
Reformers, true, i. 82.
Remonstrance, against Buckingham, i.
62 ; against Laud, 66 ; and Petition of
Ministers, 108 ; Grand, of Long Parlia-
ment, 120 ; of Scotch Western Army,
ii. 250, 255, 259.
Resolutioner, Protester, ii. 259, 278.
Reynolds, Col., at Ferns, ii. 67; sur-
prises Carrick, 98-99; in Cromwell's
First Parliament, iii. 104; assists the
French, iv. 78, 124, 129 ; death of, 135.
Ribble Bridge, fight at, i. 339. See Pres-
ton.
Rich, Col., in Scotland, ii. 319, 320.
Rich, Mr., and Francis Cromwell, iii.
256-259 ; iv. 137 ; death of, 195.
Richmond, Duke, present to, i. 293.
Riots. See Apprentices.
Robinson, Luke, sent to Charles i., i.
250 ; turncoat, iv. 150.
Robinson, Rev. Mr., Cromwell's letter
to, ii. 3.
Rochester, Earl. See Wilmot.
Roghill, ii. 135.
Rolf, Major, accused, i. 360.
Rooksby, Major, killed at Dunbar, ii. 215.
Ross Town, besieged, ii. 80 ; taken, 84.
Rothes, Earl, taken at Worcester, ii. 330.
Rouse, Francis, Translator of the Psalms,
i. 103; in Little Parliament, iii, 41;
Speaker of Little Parliament, 80 ; of
Council of State, 90 n. ; in Cromwell's
First Parliament, 104 ; one of Crom-
well's Lords, iv. 140.
Rowe, Scoutmaster, character of, i. 367.
Royston, Rendezvous. See Army.
Rump, doings of the, iii. 3-7 ; must
be dissolved, 32 ; dismissed by Crom-
well, 35.
Rupert, Prince, his father dies, i. 72 ;
plunderings of, in 1643, 131; nick-
named Robber, 165; relieves York,
186 ; routed at Marston Moor, 187 ; at
Worcester, 1645, 201 ; at Naseby battle,
21J J at Bristol, 222 ; manner of his
leaving Bristol, 229; quits England,
242 ; in Irish seas, ii. 90.
Rushworth, John, in danger at Naseby,
i. 213 ; Cromwell's letter to, 251 ; with
Cromwell in Scotland, ii. 177 ; reporter
of Cromwell's Speech, iv. 172.
Rushworthian chaos, i. 10, 60 ; ii. 177.
Russel, Francis, Henry Cromwell's father-
in-law, i. 189, 306 ; purged by Pride,
ii. 3.
Sa, Don Pantaleon, beheaded, iii. 102.
Sadler, Adjutant, in Ireland, ii. 157.
Sadler, John, Cromwell's letter to, offer-
ing him Chief Justiceship in Munster,
iv. 254.
Saffron Walden. See Army.
St. Abb's Head described, ii. 198.
St. Albans, Commission of Array at, i.
135. See Army.
St. Fagan's, fight at, i. 320.
St. George's Hill, Levellers at, ii. 25.
St. Ives described, i. 85, 86.
St. James's Fields, scene in, i. 280;
House, bestowed on Cromwell, ii. 139.
St. John, Oliver, character of, i. 97;
357; related to CromweU, i. 100; is
Solicitor-General, 110 ; Cromwell's let-
ters to, 168, 358; with Cromwell at
Aylesbury, ii. 333 ; character of, iv. 4 ;
at Conference at Speaker's, 11-14 ; am-
bassador to Holland, 18.
St. John, Mrs., Cromwell's letter to, i.
100.
St. Johnston (Perth) surrenders, ii. 319.
St. Neot's, fight at, i. 330.
INDEX
319
St. Nicholas, Thomas, Cromwell's letter
to, i. 400 ; account of, 401.
Salisbury, Levellers at, ii. 30; insurrec-
tion at, iii. 198.
Santa Cruz, Blake beats Spanish at, iv. 77.
Saunders, Col., notice of, i. 323; Crom-
well's letter to, 323 ; in Scotland, ii.
314, 319.
Savoy, Duke of, persecutor, iii. 204.
Say and Sele, Lord, a Puritan, i. 53 ; in
Church Commission, iii. 92.
Scot of Scotstarvet, notice of, i. 374, ii.
277 n.
Scots Committee of Estates, Cromwell's
letters to, i. 368, 375, 383 ; ii. 247, 280 ;
extinguished at Alyth, 335.
Scots, affairs in 1637, i. 96; Covenant,
97; affairs in 1639, 104; motions of
their Army, 105 ; Declaration and pro-
ceedings of, in England, 106 ; demands,
109; assist English Parliament, 169;
Army enters England, 1644, 179; at
Marston Moor, 186, 187 ; Commis-
sioners and Cromwell, 199 ; Army
returns home, 245 ; Negotiations con-
cluded, 255; proclaim Charles n., ii.
79 ; assist Charles n., 106; their Cove-
nant in 1650, ii. 169, 170, 246, 259; call
in Charles n. , 171 ; prepare to repel
Cromwell, 179 ; Army skirmishes with
Cromwell, 182, 183 ; how officered, 184 ;
their poverty, etc., described, 189; their
Covenant commented on by Cromwell,
191 ; skirmish with Cromwell, 194 ; rout-
ed at Dunbar, 207, 208; Clergy and
Cromwell, 226, 239 ; divisions among,
244, 259 ; at Stirling, levy ing forces, etc.,
271 ; entrenched at Torwood, 309 ; in-
vade England, 318, 321 ; routed at
Worcester, 325-332 ; Cromwell's opinion
of, iv. 167.
Scotland united to England, ii. 337.
Scott, Major Thomas, report by, ii. 1 ;
Cromwell's letter to, 89; Republican,
iii. 92 ; does not sign the Recognition,
155 ; in Cromwell's Second Parliament,
267 ; excluded, 312 ; death of, iv. 150.
Scoutmaster, office of. See Rowe.
Scroop, Col., pursues Scots, i. 350.
Seals, Great, new, etc., ii. 283, 284. See
Commonwealth .
Sedgwick, Major-Gen., in Jamaica, iii.
230 ; in America, iv. 286 ; death of, iii.
238.
Selden, John, imprisoned, i. 67.
Serle, Daniel, Governor of Barbadoes, iii.
230 ; Cromwell's letter to, 234.
Sewster, Robina, family of, i. 261 ; mar-
ried to Lockhart, iv. 130.
Sexby, Edward, Trooper, examined, i.
268 ; 100J. voted to, 352 j hia plot-
tings, iii. 198, 261, 287, iv. 7; his death,
137.
Shakspeare's death, i. 41.
Sherland, Parson, apprehended, iii. 240.
Shilbourn, Colonel, in Ireland, ii. 153.
Shipmoney, Writ of, i. 74. See Hampden.
Sidney, Col. Algernon, in Parliament
Army, i. 208; in Rump Parliament,
iii. 33.
Silence, nature of, i. 6.
Simes, Major, shot, ii. 153.
Sindercomb, Miles, character and plot of,
iv. 7-9 ; poisons himself, 14.
Sinnott, Col. David, Governor of Wex-
ford, negotiations with Cromwell, ii.
68-76.
Skippon, Major -Gen., conveys Scots
money, i. 257 ; in Council of State,
iii. 90 n. ; in Cromwell's First Parlia-
ment, 104 ; a Major-General, 223 n. ;
one of Cromwell's Lords, iv. 140.
Slepe Hall described, i. 87.
Slingsby, Sir Henry, in arms, iii. 199;
plot and execution of, iv. 181, 182.
Smectymnuus pamphlets, i. 108.
Societies, Printing. See Dryasdust.
Soldiers at sack of Basing, anecdotes of,
i. 235.
Somers Tracts criticised, i. 76, 216 n. ; iv.
20.
Sorrow defined, i. 61.
South-Sea Island Queen, anecdote of, i.
413.
Southwark declares for Army, i. 280.
Spain, Alliance with, broken, i. 48 ; War
with, 49 ; issue of, 50 ; War with, iii.
229, 233, 260 ; reasons for, 270-275.
Speech, Oliver Cromwell's first, i. 65.
Speeches, how to read Cromwell's, i. 76 ;
fragments of, against Earl Manchester
and present Parliament commanders,
195-198.
Speeches of Oliver Cromwell,
i. Opening of the Little Parliament, 4
July 1653: iii. 42-70.
n. Meeting of the First Protectorate
Parliament, 4 Sept. 1654 : 106-126.
in. To the same Parliament, 12 Sept.
1654: 131-155.
iv. Dissolution of the First Protectorate
Parliament, 22 Jan. 1654-5 : 168-194.
v. Meeting of the Second Protectorate
Parliament, 17 Sept. 1656 : 268-310.
vi. To the same, 23 Jan. 1656-7: iv. 10-14.
vn. To the same, 31 March 1657: 24-
27.
vni. To a Committee of the Second
Protectorate Parliament, 3 April 1657 :
27-30.
ix. To the Second Protectorate Parlia-
ment in a body, 8 April 1657 : 32-35.
320 CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Speeches of Oliver Cromwell (cont.) —
x. Conference with the Committee of
Ninety-nine in regard to the title of
King, 11 April 1657 : 39-49.
xi. Second Conference with the same,
13 April 1657 : 50-67.
xn. Third Conference with the same,
20 April 1657 : 69-76.
xiii. Fourth Conference with the same,
21 April 1657 : 79-114.
xrv. To the Second Protectorate Parlia-
ment in a body, 8 May 1657 : 117-319.
['xv.' should be] To the Second Pro-
tectorate Parliament, 25 May 1657:
290.
xv. To the same, 9 June 1657, on the
presentation of some Bills for assent :
122.
xvi. To the Two Houses of Parliament ;
Opening of the Second Session of the
Second Protectorate Parliament, 20
Jan. 1657-8: 141-148.
xvn. To the same Parliament, the
Commons having raised debates as to
the Title of the other House, 25 Jan.
1657-8: 152-172.
xvm. Dissolution of the Second Protec-
torate Parliament, 4 Feb. 1658: 174-
179.
Speldhurst Living, iii. 77.
Sports, Book of, burned, i. 150.
Sprigge's Anglia Rediviva, i. 202 n.
Stamford, Earl, defeated, i. 163.
Stamford taken by Cromwell, i. 152.
Standard set up, Pamphlet, iv. 36, 68, 72.
Stapleton, Bryan, notice of, i. 367.
Stapleton, Sir Philip, Presbyterian, i.
266, 367. See Members, Eleven.
Stapylton, Rev. Robert, i. 367, ii. 8;
preaches in Edinburgh High Church,
244.
Steward, Sir Thomas, Kt., death of, i.
93.
Stewart of Allertoun, ii. 304.
Stewart of Blantyre, duel with Lord
Wharton, i. 360.
Stockings, anecdotes of, i. 42.
Stonyhurst, Cromwell at, i. 335.
Storie, Mr., notice of, i. 91 ; Cromwell's
letter to, 89.
Stafford, Earl, subscribes 20,0002. to the
King. i. 105 ; in the Tower, 110 ; trial,
execution, and character, 117, 119.
Strahan, Major, notice of, i. 374 ; in Scots
Army, ii. 183, 193, 246 ; at Glasgow,
242; Remonstrance by, 249, 255; Crom-
well's letter to, 251; joins Cromwell,
259 ; is excommunicated, 300.
Strickland, Walter, of Council of State,
iii. 90 n., 105, iv. 1.
Strode, William, imprisoned, i. 67.
Subscription, Irish act of, ii. 129 n.
Suffolk, Cromwell's letter to Deputy
Lieutenants of, i. 134, 209.
Suffolk, Earl, sent to Charles i., i. 134.
Suir River, castles on, ii. 140.
Summons, Parliamentary, iii. 39.
Sun, eclipse of, in 1652, iii. 17.
Surrey petition and riot, i. 326.
Button's Hospital. See Charter House.
Sweden, Whitlocke concludes treaty
with, iii. 94.
Swedish Ambassador, audience of, iii.
218, 219 ; takes leave, 266.
Swinton, Laird, joins Cromwell, ii. 260 ;
in Little Parliament, 41; in Crom-
well's First Parliament, iii. 104.
Sydenham, Col., in Council of State, iii.
90 n., 203.
Syler, Col., at Inverkeithing fight, ii.
311.
Symonds, Mr., engraver, ii. 282-285.
Synott, Col. See Sinnott.
Taaff, Father, killed, ii. 61.
Taaff, Lucas, Governor of Ross, Crom-
well's letters to, ii. 80, 82, 83, 84.
, Taaff, Lord, his intrigues, iii. 288, 288 n.
1 Tate, Zouch, M.P., introduces Self-deny-
ing Ordinance, i. 198.
Teme river, near Worcester, ii. 326.
Tempest, Sir Richard, Royalist, in Lan-
cashire, i. 327.
Theauro, John, a kind of Quaker, iii. 157.
Thomond, Earl. See O'Bryen.
Thompson, Capt. , Leveller, ii. 30 ; shot.
32.
Thompson, Cornet, Leveller, ii. 31 ;
shot, 31.
Thfcrnhaugh, Major, slain at Preston, i.
341, 348.
Thurloe, Secretary to Cromwell, iii. 89 ;
Cromwell's letter to, 215 ; and Crom-
well on Kingship, iv. 49.
Tillinghurst, Rev. Mr., and Cromwell,
iii. 212, 213.
Tipperary county fined, ii. 137.
Titchborne, alderman, of Customs Com-
mittee, iii. 76.
Titus, Capt., 50J. voted to, i. 271; with
Charles I., 310; Killing no Murder, iv.
14 n.
Tonnage and poundage disputed, i. 64.
Toope, and Sindercomb, iv. 7.
Trade, Committee of, iii. 242.
Treasury, Commissioners of, iii. 203 ;
state of the, in 1656, 302.
Treaties, Cromwell's, iii. 94, 218, 229.
Treaty, Ripon, i. 107; at Oxford, 139,
149; Uxbridge, 185; with the King,
248, 256, 269, 290, 381.
Tredah, garrison of, ii. 54; stormed.
INDEX
321
55, 58, 63; list of officers slain at,
Trevor, Col., and Venables, ii. 93 n. ; iii.
239.
Triers of preachers, iii. 91, 206, 296.
Troopers, three, present Army-letter, i.
268, 269.
Tulchan Bishops, account of, i. 43.
Tunis, Dey of, brought to reason, iii.
207.
Turner, Kev. Mr., Cromwell's opinion of,
iii. 101.
Turner, Sir James, narrative by, i. 333 ;
wounded by his own men, 342, 344 ;
prisoner, 355.
Tweedale, Earl of, on Committee of
Kingship, iv. 27.
Twistleton, Col., at Dunbar, ii. 214.
Ulster pikes, ii. 104.
Underwood, Captain, Cromwell's letter
to, iv. 232.
Uniformity in religion, i. 107, 259.
Urrey, Col. See Hurry.
Uttoxeter, capture of Scots at, i. 344.
Van Druske, Gen., taken, i. 349.
Vane, Sir Henry, jun., of Committee of
Both Kingdoms, i. 202 ; of Council of
State, ii. 2 ; character of, iii. 5 ; a
juggler, 36 ; a rejected M.P. candi-
date, 262.
Vane, Sir Henry, sen., in Cromwell's
First Parliament, iii. 104.
Varney, Sir Edmund, in Tredah, ii. 56.
Varney, Sir Ralph, his Notes, i. 108.
Venables, Col., at Derry, ii. 64, 92,
95; made General, sails with fleet,
iii. 160; sent to the Tower, 220, 226-
229.
Venner, Cooper, rising by, iv. 36.
Vere family, Fairfax's wife of the, ii. 173.
Vermuyden, Col., notice of, i. 208.
Vicars's relation of Winceby fight, i. 175.
Villemain, M., criticised, i. 217.
Virginia and Maryland, differences be-
tween, iii. 161.
Voluntary principle, i. 258.
Vowel's plot, iii. 99, 101 ; iv. 277.
Vyner, Sir Thomas, Lord Mayor of Lon-
don, Cromwell's letter to, iii. 100.
Wagstaff, Sir Joseph, in arms, iii. 199,
281. See Penruddock.
Wakefield, Lord Fairfax at, i. 150.
Waldenses, notice of the, iii. 204.
Wales, Prince of, Fleet revolts to, i. 332 ;
at Yarmouth, 332.
Wales, tumults in, i. 319.
Walker, Clement, M.P., described, i. 302;
purged by Pride, 410.
VOL. IV.
Wallace, Mr., his house in Edinburgh,
ii. 268.
Waller, Poet, his plot, i. 157; Cromwell's
letter to, iv. 285.
Waller, Sir Hardress, at Bristol siege, i.
225 ; wounded at Basing, 233.
Waller, Sir William, in high repute, i.
150 ; beaten at Lansdown heath, 162 ;
his army deserts, 194 ; is Presbyterian,
266 ; deputed to Army, 267 ; purged by
Pride, 409.
Wallop, Robert, M.P., notice of, ii.
67 n. ; in Cromwell's First Parliament,
iii. 104.
Walpole, Horace, collector of letters, ii.
3.
Walton, Col., Cromwell's letters to, i.
187, 192 ; account of, 189 ; at trial of
King, 411.
Walton, Dr., Cromwell's letter to, iv.
273.
Walwyn, William, Leveller, ii. 19.
War, the Thirty- Years, i. 72 ; with Scots,
104; the Bishops', 105; Civil, com-
menced, 114; exciting cause of, 116;
in 1643, 139 ; Second Civil, 319. See
Dutch, Spain, Welsh.
Warrington, Scots surrender at, i. 343,
349.
Warriston. See Johnston, Archibald.
Warwick, Earl, notice of, iii. 256; at
Installation, iv. 125 ; one of Cromwell's
Lords, 140 ; letter to Cromwell, 198.
Warwick, Sir Philip, his opinion of
Cromwell, i. 99, 111.
Waterford, besieged, ii. 98 ; Cromwell's
correspondence at, 103-106.
Waterhouse, John, recommended by
Cromwell, ii. 289.
Watt, Mosstrooper, ii. 253.
Waugh, Rev. John, at Dunbar battle, ii.
208 ; description of, 278, 279.
Weimar, Bernhard of, in Thirty- Years
War, i. 72.
Weldon, Col., at Bristol siege, i. 223.
Wells, Rev. Mr., notice of, i. 91.
Welsh War, i. 319 ; and iv. 239 ; ended,
i. 332.
Wentworth, Sir John, fined 1000Z., i.
138.
Wentworth, Sir Peter, in the Rump, iii.
34.
West, Col., at Inverkeithing fight, ii.
311.
Westminster Hall, riots in, i. 121, 326.
Weston, Henry, Cromwell's letter to,
iii. 77.
Westrow, Tom, notice of, ii. 323, 324.
Wexford, besieged, ii. 67 ; propositions
for surrender of, 73 ; stormed, 77.
Whalley, Capt., at Cambridge, i. 133.
CROMWELL'S LETTERS AND SPEECHES
Major, commended, 154, 150 ; meets
the King, 271 ; guards the King, 290 ;
at trial of King, 411 ; Commissary-
General in Scots War, ii. 176 ; skir-
mishes with the Scots, 181, 182 ; wounded
at Dunbar, 215 ; his letter to Governor
Dundas, 227 ; in Fife, 317 ; at Confer-
ence at Speaker's, iii. 11-13 ; removes
the Mace, 129 ; Major-General, 223
n. ; on Committee of Kingship, iv.
27 ; in favour of Kingship, 120 ; one
of Cromwell's Lords, 140.
Wharton, Duke, character of, i. 363.
Wharton, Lord, a Puritan, i. 202, 296 ;
his character, 359, ii. 106 ; Cromwell's
letters to, i. 361, ii. 107, 225, 324 ; iv.
272.
Wharton, Manor-house, i. 360.
Whelocke, Abraham, the Orientalist, iv.
215.
Whiggamore raid, i. 356, 365.
Whitaker, Historian, mistake by, i. 36 n.
White, Major, at Dunbar, ii. 214.
Whitehall, Cromwell removes to, iii. 93.
Whitlocke, Bulstrode, of Council of State,
ii. 2; Cromwell's present to, 333;
at Conference at Speaker's, iii. 11-
14 ; Cromwell consults with, 26 ;
goes to Sweden, 94, iv. 275; in
Cromwell's First Parliament, iii. 104 ;
his quarrel with Cromwell, 203; in
Cromwell's Second Parliament, 312;
on Committee of Kingship, iv. 27, 35 ;
and Cromwell on Kingship, 49; at
Installation, 125 ; one of Cromwell's
Lords, 140 ; Cromwell's letter to, 276.
Widdrington, Sir Thomas, at Conference
at Speaker's, iii. 11-13; Keeper of
Great Seal, 203 ; elected Speaker, iv.
9 ; at Installation, 124.
Wigan Moor, Scots Army at, i. 341.
Wight, Isle of, Charles i. at, i. 293, 296.
Wilde, Chief Baron, notice of, iv. 281 ;
Cromwell's letter to, 282.
Wildman, Major, in Cromwell's First
Parliament, iii. 104 ; opposed to Crom-
well, 155 ; seized plotting, is put in
Chepstow Castle, 197.
Williams, Archbishop of York, i. 121;
notice of, 282 ; in Wales, 282 ; Crom-
well's letter to, 283.
Williams, Sir Trevor, to be taken, i. 324.
Willingham, Mr., letter to, i. 107.
Willis, Sir Richard, notice of, iii. 102 ;
spy, iv. 164.
Willoughby of Parham, Lord, at Gains-
borough, i. 153; letter to Cromwell,
159 ; complained of, 180.
Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, escapes, iii.
200, 281.
Winceby. See Battle.
Winchester, Cromwell's summons to, iv.
236 ; taken, i. 230.
Winchester, Marquis of, taken at Basing,
i. 233, 237.
Windebank, Col., shot, i. 204. '
Windebank, Secretary, flies, i. 110.
Windsor Castle, Army-council at, i. 313.
Windsor, Parliament Army at, i. 139.
Winram, Laird, and Charles n., ii. 79,
105.
Winstanley, Leveller, ii. 25.
Winwood, M.P. for Windsor, ii. 333.
Wither, Poet, notice of, ii. 323.
Wogan, Col., his maraudings, ii. 104,
105 ; iv. 254.
Wolseley, Sir Charles, in Council of
State, iii. 90 n. ; on Committee of King-
ship, iv. 46, 49. See Worseley.
Worcester, Charles n. at, ii. 322,— see
Battle ; state of, after battle, 332 ; iv.
266.
Worcester, Marquis, his lands given to
Cromwell, i. 302 ; author of Century of
Inventions, 302 ; ii. 298.
Worseley, Col., a Major -General, iv.
223 n.
Wray, Sir John, notice of, iv. 221; Crom-
well's letter to, 221.
Wyatt, Sir Dudley, notice of, i. 294, 295.
Year's Day, New, difference of style, i.
36 n.
York, City, relieved by Prince Rupert,
i. 186 ; captured by Parliament Army,
190.
York, Duke of, escapes, i. 257 ; at Dun-
kirk, iv. 135.
York House, meeting at, iv. 172.
Yorke, Hon. Mr., papers burned, i. 297.
Yorkshire, the Civil War in, i. 139.
Zanchy, Col., relieves Passage, ii. 103;
wounded, 141.
Edinburgh : Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE.
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