Skip to main content

Full text of "Olympic victor monuments and Greek athletic art"

See other formats










Id 3 





The purpose of the present work is to study what is known of one 
of the most important genres of Greek sculpture the monuments 
erected at Olympia and elsewhere in the Greek world in honor of 
victorious athletes at the Olympic games. Since only meagre remnants 
of these monuments have survived, the work is in the main concerned 
with the attempt to reconstruct their various types and poses. 

The source-material on which the attempt is based has been 
indicated fully in the text; it is of two kinds, literary and archae- 
ological. To the former belong the explanatory inscriptions on the 
bases of victor statues found at Olympia and elsewhere, many of which 
agree verbally with epigrams preserved in the Greek Anthologies; the 
incidental statements of various kinds and value found in the classical 
writers and their scholiasts; and, above all, the detailed works of the 
two imperial writers, the elder Pliny and Pausanias. Pliny's account 
of the Greek artists, which is inserted into his Historia Naturalis as a 
digression (Books xxxiv-xxxvi) being artificially joined to the 
history of mineralogy on the pretext of the materials used is, 
despite its uncritical and often untrustworthy character, one of our 
chief mines of information about Greek sculptors and painters. The 
portions of Pausanias' Description of Greece which deal with Elis and 
the monuments of Olympia (Books v-vi), although they also evince 
little real understanding of art, are of far more direct importance to 
our subject, since they include a descriptive catalogue, doubtless 
based upon personal observation, of the greater part of the athlete 
monuments set up in the Altis at Olympia, the reconstruction of 
which is the chief purpose of the present work. 

To the archaeological sources, on the other hand, belong, first and 
foremost, the remnants of victor statues in stone and metal which have 
long been garnered in modern museums or have come to light during 
the excavation of the Altis. To this small number I hope I have 
added at least one marble fragment found at Olympia, the head of a 
statue by Lysippos, the last great sculptor of Greece (Frontispiece and 
Fig. 69). To this second kind of sources belong also the statue bases 
just mentioned, on many of which the extant footmarks enable us to 
determine the poses of the statues themselves which once stood upon 
them. Furthermore, an intimate knowledge of Greek athletic sculp- 
ture in all its periods and phases is, of course, essential in treating a 
problem of this nature. Here, as in the study of Greek sculpture in 
general, where the destruction of original masterpieces, apart from the 
few well-known but splendid exceptions, has been complete, we are 
almost entirely dependent upon second-hand evidence furnished by 
the numerous existing antique copies and adaptations of lost originals 
executed in marble and bronze by more or less skilled workmen for 
the Roman market. in 


Finally, not only are the innumerable statuettes and small bronzes 
surviving from antiquity of great value in any attempt to reconstruct 
the pose of a given athlete statue, but also the representations of 
various athlete figures on every sort of sculptured and painted work 
vase-paintings, wall-paintings, reliefs, gems, coins, etc. 

By using all such sources of information, it is possible to attain 
tolerable certainty in reconstructing the various types and poses of 
these lost monuments, and in identifying schools of athletic sculpture, 
masters, and even individual statues. But it must be stated at the 
outset that such identifications, from the very nature of the problem, 
are at best tentative in character. The attempt to see in Roman 
copies certain statues of athletes has often been made by archaeologists. 
However probable such identifications may seem, we must not forget 
the simple fact that up to the present time not a single Roman copy 
has been conclusively proved to be that of an Olympic victor statue. 
Only as our knowledge of Greek sculpture is gradually extended by 
discoveries of additional works of art, and by future researches, will it 
be possible to attain an ever greater degree of probability. The further 
identification of these important monuments, as that of masterpieces of 
Greek sculpture generally, will thus remain one of the chief problems 
for the future archaeologist. In the present book, where the body of 
material drawn upon is so immense and the scientific writings involved 
are so voluminous, manifestly the author can lay no claim to an ex- 
haustive treatment. With due consciousness of the defects and 
shortcomings of the work, he can claim only to have made a small 
selection of such works of art as will best illustrate the various types of 
monuments under discussion. 

The plan of the book is easily seen by a glance at the table of con- 
tents. After a preliminary chapter on the origin and development of 
Greek athletic games in general and on the custom of conferring 
athletic prizes on victors, the more specific subject of the work is intro- 
duced in Chapter II by brief discussions of the more general character- 
istics common to Olympic victor statues their size, nudity, and hair- 
fashion, their portrait or non-portrait features, and the standard of 
beauty reached by some of them at least, as shown by the aesthetic 
judgments of certain ancient writers and by the fragmentary originals 
which have survived. The enumeration of these characteristics is 
followed by a brief account of the various canons of proportion 
assumed to have been used and taught by different schools of sculptors. 
The chapter ends with a more extended account of the little-known but 
important subject of the assimilation of this class of monuments to 
athlete types of gods and heroes. 

In Chapters III and IV, which are the most important in develop- 
ing the problem of reconstruction, a division has been made into two 
great statuary groups : those in which the victor was represented at rest, 
where the particular contest was indicated, if indicated at all, by very 


general motives or by particular athletic attributes; and those in which 
the victor was represented in movement, i. <?., in the characteristic pose 
of the contest in which he won his victory. 

Chapter V relates chiefly to the monuments of hippodrome victors, 
those in the various chariot-races and horse-races, and ends with a very 
brief notice of non-athlete victor dedications those of musicians. 

Chapter VI gives a stylistic analysis of what are conceived to be two 
original marble heads from lost victor statues, one of which is ascribed 
to Lysippos, the great bronze-founder and art-reformer of the fourth 
century B. C., while the other is regarded as an early Hellenistic work 
of eclectic tendencies. The publication of these marble heads and of 
the oldest-dated victor statue, which is also of marble and which is 
discussed in Chapter VII, reinforced by other evidence adduced in the 
latter chapter, overthrows the belief that all victor statues were uni- 
formly made of bronze. The publication of the Olympia head also 
controverts the usual assumption of archaeologists that Lysippos 
worked only in metal. The last chapter is concerned with a topo- 
graphical study of the original positions in the Altis of the various ath- 
lete monuments discussed, and with a list of all the victor monuments 
known to have been erected outside Olympia in various cities of the 
ancient world. These last three chapters are based on papers which 
have already appeared in the American Journal of Archeology (Chap- 
ters VI, VII, and the first half of VIII) and in the Transactions of the 
American Philological Association (the last half of Chapter VIII). Per- 
mission to use them in the present book has been kindly granted to the 
author by Dr. James A. Paton, former editor-in-chief of the American 
Journal of Archeology, and by Professor Clarence P. Bill, the secretary 
of the American Philological Association. 

Although it has been my aim throughout to present my own views in 
regard to the various works of art under discussion, I must, of course, 
acknowledge that the book is largely based upon the work and con- 
clusions of preceding scholars who have treated various phases of the 
same subject. It would, however, be unnecessary and even impossible 
here to acknowledge all the works laid directly or indirectly under 
contribution in the composition of the book. Most of these have been 
recorded in the foot-notes. 

But I wish here to express, in a more general way, my indebtedness 
to the standard histories of Greek sculpture, by Brunn, Collignon, 
Gardiner, Lechat, Murray, Overbeck, Richardson, and others, which 
must form the foundation of the knowledge of any one who writes on 
any phase of the subject. Among these, two have been found especially 
valuable: Bulle's Der schoene Mensch im Altertum, which is justly noted 
for its comprehensive views and sound judgments; and Furtwaengler's 
Die Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik, which, although it has been 
known to English readers in its enlarged edition by Miss Eugenie Sellers 
for over a quarter of a century, is still prized for its extensive first- 


hand knowledge of the monuments and for its brilliant inductions, even 
if the latter at times are carried too far. 

Perhaps my greatest debt has been to the excellent volume entitled 
Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals, by E. Norman Gardiner, M. A., a 
scholar whose practical knowledge of modern athletic sports and wide 
familiarity with the ancient source material, both literary and monu- 
mental, has well fitted him to deal afresh with the subject treated so 
learnedly over three quarters of a century ago in Krause's Die Gym- 
nastik und Agonistik der Hellenen. I have also constantly drawn upon 
Gardiner's collection of vase-paintings which illustrate athletic scenes. 

I should also note here several other works which have been of 
great assistance in writing this book, such as Juethner's Ueber antike 
Turngeraethe and edition of Philostratos' de Arte gymnastica, Reisch's 
Griechische Weihgeschenke, Rouse's Greek Votive Offerings, and Foers- 
ter's Die Sieger in den Olympischen Spielen. The chronological list of 
victors in the latter compilation was, in large part, the foundation of 
my earlier work de olympionicarum Statuis. 

I have also received most valuable help from the standard catalogues 
of modern museums, e. g., those by Amelung, Dickins, Helbig, Kab- 
badias, Lechat, Richter, de Ridder, Stais, Svoronos, and especially the 
admirable ones of the classical collections in the British Museum. I 
regret that, owing to the recent war, some of the latest catalogues, those 
especially of the smaller foreign museums, have not been available. 

For illustrative matter, I have made no effort to reproduce merely 
striking works of art, but have, for the most part, presented well- 
known works which readily illustrate the problems treated in the 
text. I have availed myself of collections of photographs kindly placed 
at my disposal by Professors Herbert E. Everett of the School of Fine 
Arts of the University of Pennsylvania, D. M. Robinson of the Johns 
Hopkins University, A. S. Cooley of the Moravian College at Bethle- 
hem, Pennsylvania, and Dr. Mary H. Swindler of Bryn Mawr College. 
The various collections of plates and the books and journals from which 
I have taken illustrations are duly noted in the List of Illustrations. 

In addition, I wish to thank the following corporations and indi- 
viduals for permission to reproduce plates and text-cuts from the works 
cited: the Council of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies, 
of London, for the use of four plates appearing in the Journal of 
Hellenic Studies (Figs. 44, 54, 55, and 59); the Trustees of the British 
Museum in London for seven plates from Marbles and Bronzes in the 
British Museum (Pis. 7A, 17, 19; Figs. 14, 28, 31, and 35); Professor E. 
A. Gardiner and his publishers, Duckworth and Co., of London, for 
two plates from Six Greek Sculptors (PI. 30; Fig. 71); Mr. H. R. Hall, of 
the British Museum, and his publisher, Philip Lee Warner, of London, 
for one from Aegean Archeology (Fig. 1); Professor Allan Marquand, of 
Princeton University, for one text-cut from the American Journal of 


Archeology (Fig. 49), and Dr. J. M. Paton, former editor-in-chief, for 
three other text-cuts from the same journal (Figs. 70, 72, 79). 

To the following I am also indebted for individual photographs: Dr. 
J. N. Svoronos, Director of the Numismatic Museum, Athens, Greece, 
for one of the oldest-dated statues of an Olympic victor (Fig. 79), which 
has already appeared in the American Journal of Archaeology; Dr. A. 
Fairbanks, of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, for those of the statue 
of a Charioteer(P) and of the fragmentary head of the Oil-pourer (PI. 
27; Fig. 23); Dr. Edward Robinson, of the Metropolitan Museum of 
Art, New York, for those of the fine Kresilaean and Praxitelian heads 
(Pis. 15, 20), and of the bronze statuette of a diskobolos (Fig. 46); 
Prof. Alice Walton, of Wellesley College, for one of the Polykleitan 
athlete (PI. 13); the Director of the Fogg Art Museum of Cambridge, 
Mass., for that of the so-called Meleager (Fig. 77); Dr. S. B. Luce, 
recently of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, for photo- 
graphs of two vase-paintings showing athletic scenes (Figs. 50, 56), and 
Dr. Eleanor F. Rambo, formerly of the same Museum, for a copy of 
the Knossos wall-painting (PI. I). 

A word might be added as to the spelling of Greek proper names. 
Since consistency in this matter seems unattainable, I have adopted 
the method outlined in the British School Annual (xv, 1908-09, p. 402), 
whereby the names of persons, places, buildings, festivals, etc., are 
transliterated from the Greek forms, except those which have become 
a part of the English language. But even here I have sometimes 
deviated from the practice of using familiar English forms. 

In abbreviations of the names of journals (see pages xvi-xix) I 
have largely conformed with the usage long recommended by the 
American Journal of Archeology. 

For convenience in identifying the many works of art, discussed or 
mentioned in the text and foot-notes, I have constantly referred to 
well-known collections of plates, such as those of Brunn-Bruckmann, 
Bulle, Rayet, and von Mach. For further convenience, I have also 
in most cases referred to the outline drawings of statues in Reinach's 
Repertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine, and in some cases to the 
older ones found in Clarac's Musee de sculpture antique et moderne y 
and in Mueller and Wieseler's Denkmaeler der alien Kunst. 

In closing, I have the pleasant duty of thanking generally the many 
friends who have given me valuable suggestions and assistance, espe- 
cially Professor Lane Cooper, of Cornell University, for reading the 
proof-sheets of the entire work, and Professor Alfred Emerson, now of 
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, my former teacher, for revising the list of 


Philadelphia, October, 1921. 





Sports in Crete 1 

Athletics in Homer 7 

Origin of Greek Games in the Cult of the Dead 9 

Early History of the Four National Games 14 

Early Prizes for Athletes ' 18 

Dedication of Athlete Prizes 21 

Dedication of Statues at Olympia and Elsewhere 24 

Honors Paid to Victors by their Native Cities 32 

Votive Character of Victor Dedications 37 

Miscellaneous Memorials to Victors 40 

Honorary Statues 41 



Size of Victor Statues 45 

Nudity of Victor Statues 47 

The Athletic Hair-fashion 50 

Iconic and Aniconic Statues 54 

Portrait Statues 55 

Aniconic Statues 58 

Aesthetic Judgments of Classical Writers 58 

Greek Originals of Victor Statues 62 

Canons of Proportion 65 

Assimilation of Olympic Victor Statues to Types of Gods and Heroes 71 

Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Hermes 75 

Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Apollo 88 

Athlete Statues Assimilated to Types of Herakles 93 

Athletes Represented as the Dioskouroi 96 



The Apollo Type 100 

The Affiliated Schools of Argos and Sikyon 109 

The School of Argos 109 

The School of Sikyon 118 

Aeginetan Sculptors 122 

Attic Sculptors 126 

General Motives of Statues at Rest 130 

Adoration and Prayer 130 

Anointing 133 

Oil-scraping 135 

Libation-pouring 138 

Resting after the Contest 144 

Attributes of Victor Statues 147 

Primary Attributes of Victor Statues 148 

The Victor Fillet ' 148 

Fillet-binders 150 

The Crown of Wild Olive 155 

The Palm-branch 160 

Secondary Attributes of Victor Statues. 161 

Hoplitodromoi 161 



CHAPTER III Continued. 


Secondary Attributes of Victor Statues Continued. 

Pentathletes 164 

Boxers 165 

Wrestlers 165 

Caps for Boxers, Pancratiasts, and Wrestlers 165 

The Swollen Ear 167 



The Tyrannicides 173 

Antiquity of Motion Statues in Greece 176 

Pythagoras and Myron 178 

Motion Statues representing Victors in Various Contests 188 

Runners: Stadiodromoi, Diaulodromoi, Dolichodromoi 190 

The Statue of the Runner Ladas 196 

Statues of Boy Runners 200 

Hoplitodromoi 203 

Pentathletes 210 

Jumpers 214 

Diskoboloi 218 

Akontistai 222 

Wrestlers 228 

Boxers 234 

Pancratiasts 246 



Programme of Hippodrome Events 259 

Representations of the Chariot-race 262 

Chariot-groups at Olympia 264 

Remains of Chariot-groups 269 

The Apobates Chariot-race 272 

Statues of Charioteers 274 

Dedications of Victors in the Horse-race at Olympia and Elsewhere 278 

Monuments Illustrating the Horse-race 280 

The Apobates Horse-race 282 

Dedications of Musical Victors at Olympia and Elsewhere 283 



The Group of Daochos at Delphi, and Lysippos 286 

The Apoxyomenos of the Vatican, and Lysippos 288 

The Agias and the Apoxyomenos compared, and the Style of Lysippos 289 

The Head from Olympia 293 

The Olympia Head and that of the Agias 294 

Identification of the Olympia Head 298 

The Dates of Philandridas and Lysippos 300 

Lysippos as a Worker in Marble, and Statue " Doubles" 302 

The Head of a Statue of a Boy from Sparta, and the Art of Skopas 305 

Comparison of the Tegea Heads and the Head from Sparta 308 

The Styles of Skopas and Lysippos Compared 311 

The Sparta Head Compared with that of the Philandridas 316 

The Sparta Head an Eclectic Work and an Example of Assimilation 318 





STATUE 321-338 

The Case for Bronze 321 

The Case for Stone 323 

The Statue of Arrhachion at Phigalia 326 

Egyptian Influence on Early Greek Sculpture 328 

Early Victor Statues and the "Apollo" Type 334 




Statues Mentioned by Pausanias 339 

The First Ephodos of Pausanias 341 

The Second Ephodos of Pausanias 348 

Summary of Results 352 

Statues not Mentioned by Pausanias, but known from Recovered Bases 353 

Olympic Victor Monuments Erected Outside Olympia 361 

Summary of Results 374 

Statistics of Olympic Victor Statuaries 375 



Marble Head, from Olympia. Front view. Museum of Olympia. After Bildw. v. 01., 
Tafelbd., PI. LIV, 3 Frontispiece. 

1. Bull-grappling Scene. Wall-painting, from Knossos. Museum of Candia. After 

Photograph from copy in water-color by Gillieron in the Museum of Liverpool.. 2 

2. Marble Statue of a Girl Runner. Vatican Museum, Rome. After Photograph by 

Anderson SO 

3. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor. Glyptothek, Munich. After B. B., No. 8 62 

4. Statue of the Doryphoros, from Pompeii, after Polykleitos. Museum of Naples. After 

Photograph by Alinari 70 

5. Statue of Hermes, from Andros. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph by 

Rhontai'des 72 

6. Statue of the Standing Diskobolos, after Naukydes (?). Vatican Museum, Rome. 

After Photograph 76 

7 A and B. Statues of so-called Apollos. A. The Apollo Choiseul-Gouffier. British Mu- 

seum, London. After Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum, PI. in. 
B. The Apollo-on-the-Omphalos. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph 
by Merlin 90 

8 A and B. Statues of so-called Apollos. A. The Apollo of Tenea. Glyptothek, Munich. 

After Photograph by Bruckmann. B. Argive Apollo, from Delphi. Museum 

of Delphi. After Fouilles de Delphes, IV, 1904, PI. 1 101^ 

9. Statue of an Athlete, by Stephanos. Villa Albani, Rome. After Photograph H4 f &- 

10. Bronze statue of the Praying Boy. Museum of Berlin. After Photograph 132 

11. Statue of so-called Oil-pourer. Glyptothek, Munich. After Photograph by Bruckmann 134 

12. Statue of an Apoxyomenos. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. After B. B., No. 523 136 

13. Statue of an Athlete, after Polykleitos. Farnsworth Museum, Wellesley College, 

U. S. A. After Photograph 138 

14. Bronze Statue known as the Idolino. Museo Archeologico, Florence. After B. B., 

No. 274 142 

15. Marble Head of an Athlete, after Kresilas (?). Metropolitan Museum, New York. 

After Photograph 144 

16. Bronze Statue of the Seated Boxer. Museo delleTerme, Rome. After Ant. Denkm., I, I, 

1886, PI. iv 146 

17. Statue known as the Farnese Diadoumenos. British Museum, London. After Marbles 

and Bronzes in the British Museum, PI. vi 150 

18. Statue of the Diadoumenos, from Delos. After Polykleitos. National Museum, 

Athens. After Photograph by Alinari 152 

19. Statue known as the JVestmacott Athlete. British Museum, London. After Marbles 

and Bronzes in the British Museum, PI. xxn 156 

20. Head of an Athlete, School of Praxiteles. Metropolitan Museum, New York. After 

Photograph 168 

21. Statue of Diomedes with the Palladion. Glyptothek, Munich. After Photograph.... 170 

22. Statue of the Diskobolos, from Castel Porziano, after Myron. Museo delle Terme, 

Rome. After Photograph by Anderson 184 

23. Statue of the Diskobolos, after Myron. A bronzed Cast from the Statue in the 

Vatican and Head from the Statue in the Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome. After 
B. B., No. 566 186 

24. Statue of a Kneeling Youth, from Subiaco. Museo delle Terme, Rome. After 

Photograph by Anderson 196 

25. Marble Group of Pancratiasts. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. After Photo, by Alinari 252 

26. Racing Chariot and Horses. From an archaic b.-f. Hydria. Museum of Berlin. 

After Gerhard, IV, Pis. CCXLIX-CCL 262 

27. Statueof a Charioteer (?). Museumof Fine Arts, Boston. After Photo, by Coolidge. . 276 

28. Statue of the Pancratiast Agias, from Delphi. Museum of Delphi. After Fouilles de 

Delphes, IV, PI. LXIII 286 

29. Statue of the Apoxyomenos. After Lysippos or his School. Vatican Museum, Rome. 

After B. B., No. 381 288 

30. Statue of Herakles. Lansdowne House, London. After Gardner, Sculpt., PI. LVI 298 





A. The Altis at Olympia in the Greek Period (Third Century B. C.). After Doerpfeld, in 

Ergebnisse von Olympia, Karten und Plaene, No. in 375 

B. The Altis at Olympia in the Roman Period (Second Century A. D.). After Doerpfeld, 

in Ergebnisse von Olympia, Karten und Plaene, No. iv 376 


PAG a 

1. So-called Boxer Vase, from Hagia Triada. From a Cast (with handle restored) in the 

Museum of Candia. After H. R. Hall, Aegean Archaeology, PI. xvi 6 

2. Bronze Statuette of a Victor, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia. After Bronz. v. 

01., Tafelbd., PI. vin, No. 57 28 

3. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from Beneventum. Louvre, Paris. After Photo- 

graph 64 

4. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from Herculaneum. Museum of Naples. After 

B. B., No. 323 (Right) 65 

5. Bronze Portrait-statue of a Hellenistic Prince. Museo delle Terme, Rome. After 

Photograph by Alinari 73 

6. Bronze Statuette of Hermes-Diskololos, found in the Sea off Antikythera. National 

Museum, Athens. After Photograph by Rhomai'des 79 

7. Bronze Statue of a Youth, found in the Sea off Antikythera. National Museum, Athens. 

After Photograph by Rhomai'des 80 

8. Statue of the so-called Jason (Sandal-binder). Louvre, Paris. After Photograph by 

Giraudon 86 

9. Statue of so-called Apollo of Thera. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph.. . 101 

10. Statue of so-called Apollo of Or chomenos. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph 102 

11. Statue of so-called Apollo, from Mount Ptoion, Boeotia. National Museum, Athens. 

After Photograph 102 

12. Statue of so-called Apollo of Melos. National Museum, Athens. After Photograph. .. 103 

13. Statues of so-called Apollos, from Mount Ptoion. National Museum, Athens. After 

Photograph 104 

14. Statue known as the Strangford Apollo. British Museum, London. After Marbles and 

Bronzes in the British Museum, PI. II 105 

15. Bronze Statuette of a Palaestra Victor, from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, 

Athens. After Photograph 108 

16. Bronze Statuette, from Ligourio. Museum of Berlin. After SOstes Berliner Winckel- 

mannsprogramm, 1890, PI. I (Center and Left) 112 

17. Statue of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens. After Photo- 

graph 115 

18. Head of an Ephebe, from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens. After Photo- 

graph by Rhomaides 116 

19. Bronze Statuette of Apollo, found in the Sea off Piombino. Louvre, Paris. After 

Photograph by Giraudon 119 

20. Figure, from the East Pediment of the Temple on Aegina. Glypothek, Munich. 

After Photograph by Bruckmann 124 

21. Two Figures, from the West Pediment of the Temple on Aegina. Glyptothek, 

Munich. After Photograph by Bruckmann 125 

22. Archaic Marble Head of a Youth. Jacobsen Collection, Ny-Carlsberg Museum, 

Copenhagen. After Arndt, La Glyptotheque Ny-Carlsberg, 1896, PI. 1 128 

23. Head of so-called Oil-pourer. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. After Photograph 134 

24. Bronze Statuette of an Athlete. Louvre, Paris. After Furtwaengler, Masterpieces, 

PI. xin 139 

25. Bronze Head of an Athlete, from Herculaneum. Museum of Napks. After B. B., No. 

339 (Left) 140 

26. Marble Statue of an Athlete (?). National Museum, Athens. After Photograph 143 

27. Head from Statue of the Seated Boxer (PI. 16). Museo delle Terme, Rome. After 

Photograph by Anderson 146 

28. Statue of the Diadoumenos, from Vaison, after Polykleitos. British Museum, London. 

After Marbles and Bronzes in the British Museum, PI. iv 153 


TEXT-FIGURES Continued. 


29. Head of the Diadoumenos, after Polykleitos. Albertinum, Dresden. After Furtwaeng- 

ler, Masterpieces, PL x 154 

30. Marble Heads of two Hoplitodromoi, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia. After 

Bildw. v. 01., Tafelbd., PL vi, 1-2 and 9-10 162 

31. Head of Herakles, from Genzano. British Museum, London. After Marbles and 

Bronzes in the British Museum, PL xxi 170 

32. Statue of Harmodios. Museum of Naples. After B. B., No. 327 174 

33. Head of an Athlete, from Perinthos. Albertinum, Dresden. After B. B., No. 542 

(Right) 180 

34. Statue of the Diskobolos, after Myron. Vatican Museum, Rome. After Photograph .. 185 

35. Statue of the Diskobolos, after Myron. British Museum, London. After Marbles and 

Bronzes in the British Museum, PL XLVII 186 

36 A and B. Athletic Scenes from a Bacchic Amphora in Rome. A. Stadiodromoi and 

Leaper. B. Diskobolos and Akontistai. After Gerhard, IV, PL CCLIX 192 

37. Athletic Scenes from a Sixth-century B. C. Panathenaic Amphora. Stadiodromoi (Left) 

and Dolichodromoi (Right). After Mon. d. I., I, 1829-33, PL xxn, 6 b, 7 b. . . 193 

38. Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. After Photograph by Anderson . 198 

39. Statue of a Runner. Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. After Photograph by Anderson. 198 

40. Statue of the so-called Thorn-puller (the Spinario). Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. 

After B. B., No. 321 200 

41. Hoplitodromes. Scenes from a r.-f. Kylix. Museum of Berlin. After Gerhard, IV, 


42. Bronze Statuette of a Hoplitodrome (?). University Museum, Tuebingen. After Jb., I, 

1886, PL ix (Right) 206 

43. Statue of the so-called Borghese Warrior. Louvre, Paris. After Photograph 208 

44. Pentathletes. Scene from a Panathenaic Amphora in the British Museum, London. 

After /. H. S., XXVII, 1907, PL xvm 211 

45. Statue of a Boy Victor (the Dresden Boy). Albertinum, Dresden. After Furtwaengler, 

Masterpieces, PL xn 213 

46. Bronze Statuette of a Diskobolos. Metropolitan Museum, New York. After 

Photograph 220 

47. Bust of the Doryphoros, after Polykleitos, by Apollonios. Museum of Naples. After 

Photograph by Alinari 224 

48. Statue of the Doryphoros, after Polykleitos. Vatican Museum, Rome. After Photo- 

graph by Anderson 225 

49. Wrestling Scenes. From Obverse of an Amphora, by Andokides. Museum of Berlin. 

After A. J. A., XI, 1896, P. 11, Fig. 9 230 

50. Wrestling and Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. University of Pennsylvania Mu- 

seum, Philadelphia. After Photograph 231 

51. Bronze Statues of Wrestlers. Museum of Naples. After B. B., No. 354 232 

52. Bronze Arm of Statue of a Boxer, found in the Sea off Antikythera. National Museum, 

Athens. After Svoronos, PL v, No. 4 237 

53. Forearm with Glove. From the Statue of the Seated Boxer (PL 16). Museo delle Terme, 

Rome. After Juethner, Fig. 62 _. 238 

54. Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix by Douris. British Museum, London. After 

/. H. S., XXVI, 1906, PL xn 240 

55. Boxing and Pankration Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. British Museum, London. After 

/. H. S., XXVI, PL xni 241 

56. Boxing Scene. From a b.-f. Panathenaic Panel-amphora. University of Pennsylvania 

Museum, Philadelphia. After Photograph 242 

57. Statue of a Boxer, from Sorrento. By Koblanos of Aphrodisias. Museum of Naples. 

After B. B., No. 614 242 

58. Statue known as Pollux. Louvre, Paris. After Photograph by Giraudon 245 

59. Pankration Scene. From a Panathenaic Amphora by Kittos. British Museum, 

London. After /. H. S., XXVI, 1906, PL in 248 

60. Bronze Statuette of a Pancratiast (?), from Autun, France. Louvre, Paris. After 

Bulle, PL 96 (Right) 250 

61. Bronze Head of a Boxer(?), from Olympia. A (Profile); B (Front). National Mu- 

seum, Athens. After Bronz. v. 01., Tafelbd., PL H, 2a and 2 254 


TEXT-FIGURES Continued. 


62. Bronze Foot of a Victor Statue, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia. After Bronz. 

v. 01., Tafelbd., PI. in, 3 255 

63. Charioteer Mounting a Chariot. Bas-relief from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, 

Athens. After Photograph 270 

64. Apobates and Chariot. Relief from the North Frieze of the Parthenon, Athens. 

After Photograph 273 

65. Charioteer. Relief from the small Frieze of the Mausoleion, Halikarnassos. British 

Museum, London. After Photograph 274 

66. Bronze Statue of the Delphi Charioteer. Museum of Delphi. After Fouilles de Delphes, 

IV, PL L 277 

67. Horse-racer. From a Sixth-century B. C. b.-f. Panathenaic Vase. British Museum, 

London. After Gerhard, IV, PI. CCLVII (Bottom) 280 

68.- Head from the Statue of Agias (PI. 28). Museum of Delphi. After Fouilles de 

Delphes, IV, PI. LXIV 287 

69. Marble Head, from Olympia. Three-quarters Front View (Cf. Frontispiece). 

Museum of Olympia. After Bildw. v. 01., Tafelbd., PI. LIV, 4 293 

70. Profile Drawings of the Heads of the Agias and the Philandridas. After A. J. A., 

XI, 1907, p. 403, Fig. 6 295 

71. Head of the Statue ofHerakles (PI. 30). Lansdowne House, London. After Gardner, 

Sculpt., PI. LVII 298 

72. Marble Head of a Boy, found near the Akropolis, Sparta. In Private Possession in 

Philadelphia, U. S. A. After Photograph 305 

73. So-called Head of Herakles from Tegea, by Skopas. National Museum, Athens. 

After B. C. H., XXV, 1901, PI. vn 307 

74. Attic Grave-relief, found in the Bed of the Ilissos, Athens. National Museum, 

Athens. After A. Conze, Attische Grabreliefs, PI. ccxi 312 

75. Statue of the so-called Meleager. Vatican Museum, Rome. After Photograph 313 

76. Head of the so-called Meleager. Villa Medici, Rome. After Ant. Denkm., I, PL XL, 2a. 314 

77. Torso of the so-called Meleager. Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge, Mass. After Photo- 

graph 315 

78. Small Marble Torso of a Boy Victor, from Olympia. Museum of Olympia. After 

Bildw. v. 01., Tafelbd., PI. LVI, 2 ; 325 

79. Stone Statue of the Olympic Victor, Arrhachion, from Phigalia. In the Guards' 

House at Bassai (Phigalia). After Photograph 327 

80. Statues of Ra-nefer and Tepemankh, from Sakkarah. Museum of Cairo. After 

Bulle, PI. 5 331 


A. A Archaeologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch, 1889 . 

Afr S. lulii Africani 'OXujuT taduv &vaypa<f>r], apud Euseb., Chron., ed. A. Schoene, 

I, pp. 194-220. Berlin, 1875. See also Rutgers. 

A. G Anthologia Graeca, cur. F. Jacobs, I-III. Leipsic, 1813-1817. 

A. PI Anthologia Planudea, in A. G., II, 1814. 

A. J. A .'. Ameruan Journal of Archeology, 1st series, 1885-1896; 2d series, 1897 . 

A. M Mitteilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts, Athenische 

Abteilung. Athens, 1876 . 

Amelung, Fuehrer.. W. Amelung, Fuehrer durch die Antiken in Florenz. Munich, 1897. 

Amelung, Fat W. Amelung, Die Skulpturen des V atikanischen Museums, Textbd., I-II: 

Tafelbd., I-II. Berlin, 1903,1908. 

Annali Annali dell' Institute di Corrispondenza archeologica. Rome, 1829-1885. 

Ant. Denkm Antike Denkmaeler, herausgegeben vom kaiserlich deutschen archaeo- 
logischen Institut. Berlin, 1886 . 

Arch. Eph 'Apxa 10X071x17 'E^uepk. Athens, 3d Per., 1883 . (The title before 

1910 was 'Etprjuepis 'ApxaioXoyiKi?.) 

Arndt-Amelung. . . . Photographische Einzelaufnahmen antiker Skulpturen (with text). Munich, 
1893-1902. Cited in German publications as Einzelverkauf. 

A. Z Archaeologische Zeitung. Berlin, 1843-1885. 

Baum A. Baumeister, Denkmaeler des klassischen Altertums, I-III. Munich and 

Leipsic, 1889. 

B. B Brunn-Bruckmann, Denkmaeler griechischer und roemischer Skulptur. 

Munich, 1888. Text from No. 500 (1897) by F. Arndt. (Plates cited 

by number). 

B. C. H Bulletin de Correspondance hellenique. Paris, 1877 . 

Bildw. v. 01 Olympia, Die Ergebnisse, Text- und Tafelbd., Ill, Die Bildwerke von Olympia 

in Stein und Thon. By G. Treu. Berlin, 1897. 
B. M. Bronz Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan, in the British Museum. 

By H. B. Walters. London, 1899. 
B. M. Sculpt Catalogue of Sculpture in the British Museum, I-III. By A. H. Smith. 

London, 1892-1904. 
B. M. Vases Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museum. I, 2, II, 

IV, by H. B. Walters; III, by C. H. Smith. London, 1893-1912. 

Boeckh A. Boeckh, Pindari Opera, II, Scholia. Leipsic, 1819. 

Bronz. v. 01 Olympia, Die Ergebnisse, Text- und Tafelbd., IV, Die Bronzen und die 

uebrigen kleineren Funde von Olympia. By A. Furtwaengler. Berlin, 

Brunn H. Brunn, Geschichte der griechischen Kuenstler, I (Bildhauer). Brunswick, 

1853. (Reprinted, Stuttgart, 1889). 

B. S. A Annual of the British School at Athens. London, 1894-1895 . 

Bulle H. Bulle, Der schoene Mensch im Altertum. Second edition, Munich and 

Leipsic, 1912. ( = Vol. I of G. Hirth's Der Stil.} 

B. Com. Rom Bulletino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma. Rome, 

1872 . 

Bull. d. Inst Bulletino dell' Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica. Rome, 1829-1885. 

C.I.A Corpus Inscriptiorum Atticarum, I-IV. Berlin, 1873-1897.- (I, ed. A. 

Kirchhoff; II, Pts. 1-4, and IV, Pts. 1-2, ed. U. Koehler; III, Pts. 1-2, 

ed. W. Dittenberger). 
C.I.G Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, I-IV. Berlin, 1828-1877. (I-II, ed. 

A. Boeckh; III, ed. J. Franz: IV, ed. E. Cuitius and A. Kirchhoff.) 
Clarac F. de Clarac, Musee de sculpture antique et moderne. Text, I-VI: Plates, 

I-VI. Paris, 1826-1853. See also Reinach, Rep. 
Collignon M. Collignon, Histoire de la sculpture grecque, I-II. Paris, 1892, 1897. 

C. R. Acad. Inscr. . . Comptes-Rendus de I'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres. Paris, 

Dar.-Sagl C. Daremberg, E. Saglio, et E. Pettier, Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques 

et romaints. Paris, 1877-1918. 
Dickins G. Dickins, Catalogue of the Akropolis Museum, I (Archaic Sculpture). 

Cambridge, 1912. 



Duetschke H. Duetschke, Antike Bildwerkf in Obtritalien, I-IV. Leipsic, 1874-1880. 

(Works of art cited by number.) 
F. H. G Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, coll. C. Muellerus, I-IV. Paris, 

Foerster H. Foerster, Die Sieger in den Olympischen Spielen. Wissenschaftliche 

Beilage zum Programm des Gymnasiums 7U Zwickau, 1891, 1892. 

(The numbers refer to victors in chronological order.) 

Frazer Sir J. G. Frazer, Pausanias's Descriptor of Greece, I-VI. London, 1898. 

Froehner, Notice. . . W. Froehncr, Notice de la sculpture ant. du musee imperial du Louvre. 

Paris, 1869. 
Furtw., Mp A. Furtwaengler, Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture. Translated and enlarged 

from the following work, by Miss Eugenie Sellers (now Mrs. Strong). 

London, 1895. 
Furtw., Mw A. Furtwaengler, Meisterwerke der griechischen Plastik. Leipsic and Berlin, 

F. W C. Friederichs, Bausteine zur Geschichte d. griech.-roem. Plastik, 1868. 

Revised edition, entitled Die Gipsabguesse anliker Bildwerke, by P. 

Wolters. Berlin, 1885. 

Gardiner E. Norman Gardiner, Greek Athletic Sports ard Festivals. London, 1910. 

Gardner, Hbk E. A. Gardner, A Handbook of Greek Sculpture. Second edition revised. 

London, 1915. 

Gardner, Sculpt E. A. Gardner, Six Greek Sculptors. London, 1910. 

Gaz. arch Gazette archeologique. Paris, 1875 . 

Gaz.B.-A Gazette des Beaux-Arts. Paris, Per. I, 1859-1868;. II, 1869-1888; III, 

1889 . 

Gerhard E. Gerhard, Auserlesene Fasenbilder, Vol. IV (Alltagsleben) . Berlin, 1840. 

Helbig, F uehrer W. Helbig, and others, Fuehrer durch die oeffentlichen Sammlungen klas- 

sischer Altertuemer in Rom. Third edition, I-II. Leipsic, 1912, 1913. 
Helbig, Guide Guide to the Public Collections of Classical Antiquities in Rome. Translation 

from the pieceding work (1st ed.) by J. F. and F. Muirhead, I-II. 

Leipsic, 1895, 1896. 
Hitz.-BIuemn H. Hitzig et H. Bluemner, Pausaniae Graeciae Descriptio. I-III (Each in 

2 Parts). Leipsic, 1896-1907. 
Hyde Gualterus ( = Walter Woodburn) Hyde, de olympionicarum Statuis a Pau- 

saniacommemoratis. Halle, 1902; enlarged, 1903. Numbers cited refer 

to victors in the order given by Pausanias. 
I. G Inscriptiones Graecae (for contents and numbering of volumes, see A. J. A., 

IX, 1905, pp. 96-97). 
I. G. A Inscriptiones Graecae antiquissimae praeter Atticas in Attica repertas. Ed. 

H. Roehl. Berlin, 1882. 

I. G. B Inschriften griechischer Bildhauer. Ed. E. Loewy. Leipsic, 1885. 

Inschr. v. 01 Olympia, Die Ergebnisse, Textbd., V, Die Inschriften von Olympia. By W. 

Dittenberger and K. Purgold. Berlin, 1896. 

Jb Jahrbuch des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts. Berlin, 1886 . 

Jex-Blake K. Jex-Blake and E. Sellers, The Elder Pliny's Chapters on the History of 

Art (chiefly Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI of the Historia Naturalis, cited as 

H: N.). London and New York, 1896. 
Jh. oest. arch. Inst. . Jahreshefte des oesterreichischen archaeologischen Institutes in Wien. Vienna, 

1898 . 

/. H. S Journal of Hellenic Studies. London, 1880 . 

Joubin A. Joubin, La Sculpture grecque entre les Guerres Mediques et l'poqut de 

Pericles. Paris, 1901. 

Juethner J. Juethner, Ueber antike Turngeraethe. Vienna, 196. 

Juethner, Ph J. Juethner, Philostratos ueber Gymnastik. Leipsic and Berlin, 1909. 

Kabbadias P. Kabbadias, YXvirra. rov 'EBviKov MoVfffiov. Athens, 1890-1892. 

Klein W. Klein, Geschichte der griechischen Kunst, I-III. Leipsic, 1904-1907. 

Krause J. H. Krause, Die Gymnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen, I-II. Leipsic, 1841. 

Lechat H. Lechat, La Sculpture attique avant Phidias. Paris, 1904. 

Lechat, Au Musee . H. Lechat, Au Musee de I'Acropole d'Athenes. Lyon, 1903. 

Mach, von E. von Mach, A Handbook of Greek and Roman Sculpture, I-II (Text and 

University Prints). Boston, 1914. 


M. D F. Matz and F. von Duhn, Antike Bildwerke in Rom., I-III. Leipsic 


Michaelis A. Michaelis, Ancient Marbles in Great Britain. Translated from the Ger- 
man by C. A. M. Fennell. Cambridge, 1882. 
Mon. d. I Monumenti inediti dell' Institute di Corrispondenza archeologica. Rome, 

Mon. ant Monumenti antichi publicati per cura della Reale Accademia dei Lincei. 

Rome, 1889 . 
Mon. gr Monuments grecs -publics par I' Association pour V Encouragement des Etudes 

grecques en France, 1872 . (Vol. I, containing reprints of articles 

from 1872, appeared in 1881). 
Mon. Piot Monuments et Memoires publics par I' Academic des Inscriptions et Belles- 

Lettres. Fondation Eugene Piot. Paris, 1894 . 

Murray A. S. Murray, A History of Greek Sculpture. Second edition, I-II. Lon- 
don, 1890. 
Museum Marbles . . A Description of the Ancient Marbles in the British Museum, Pts. I-XI. 

London, 1812-1861. 
M. W K. O. Mueller and F. Wieseler, Denkmaeler der alien Kunst. Goettingen, 

Not. Scav Notizie degli Scavi di Antichitd comunicate alia Reale Accademia dei Lincei. 

Rome, 1876. 
Overbeck J. Overbeck, Geschichte der griech. Plastik. Fourth edition, I-II. Leipsic, 

Oxy. Pap The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, II, pp. 2(22 f. 

London, 1899. 

P Pausaniae Graeciae descriptio, rec. F. Spiro, I-III. Leipsic, 1903. 

Pauly-Wissowa . . . . G. Wissowa and W. Kroll, Pauly's Real-encyclopaedie der classischen Alter- 

tumszvissenschaft. Stuttgart, 1894 . 
Perrot-Chipiez G. Perrot and Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de I'art dans I'antiquite: VI (La Grece 

primitive); VIII, La Grece archaique. Paris, 1894, 1903. 

Ph Philostratos, de Arte gymnastica, ed. Juethner, 1909 (see Juethner, Ph.). 

Pliny, H. N See Jex-Blake. 

P.I. G Poetae lyrici Graeci, rec. Th. Bergk. Fourth edition, I-III. Leipsic, 1878- 

1882. I, Pt. i=ed. 5, rec. O. Schroeder, 1900. 

Rayet O. Rayet, ed. Monuments de I' Art antique, I-II. Paris, 1884. 

Reinach, Rep S. Reinach, Repertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine, I, second edition; 

II, Pts. i, 2, second edition; III-IV, first edition. Paris 1904-1910. 

I = Reprint of Clarac = Clarac de poche. 

Reinach, Tetes S. Reinach, Recueil de tetes antiques ideales et idealisees. Paris, 1903. 

Reisch E. Reisch, Griechische Weihgeschenke. Vienna, 1890. 

R. Arch Revue Archeologique. Paris, Ser. 1, 1844-1860; II, 1860-1882; III, 1883- 

1902; IV, 1903 . 

R. Et. G-: Revue des Etudes grecques. Paris, 1888 . 

Richardson R. B. Richardson, A History of Greek Sculpture. New York, 1911. 

Ridder, de A. de Ridder, Catalogue des bronzes trouves sur I'acropole . d'Athenes. Paris, 

R. M Mitteilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts, Roemische 

Abteilung. Rome, 1886 . 
Robert, 0. S C. Robert, Die Ordnung der Olympischen Spiele und die Sieger der 

75-83. Olympiade: Hermes, XXXV, 1900, pp. 141 f. 
Roscher, Lex W. H. Roscher, Lexikon der griechischen und roemischen Mythologie. 

Leipsic, 1884 . 

Rouse W. D. Rouse, Greek Fotive Offerings. Cambridge, 1902. 

Rutgers J. R. Rutgers, S. Julii Africani 'O\vfjnr ia.5uv avaypapf}. Leyden, 1862. 

Scherer Chr. Scherer, de olympionicarum Statuis, Diss. inaug., Goettingen, 1885. 

Sitzb.Muen.Akad. . Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und der hisforischen Klasse 

der koeniglich Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Muenchen. 

Munich, 1871 . 
Specimens Specimens of Ancient Sculpture . . . Selected from different Collections in 

Great Britain by the Society of Dilettanti, I-III. London, 1809-1835. 



Springer-Michaelis . A. Springer and A. Michaelis, Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte, I, Das Altertum. 

Ninth edition. Leipsic, 1911. 
S. Q Die Antiken Schriftquellen zur Geschichte der bildenden Kuenste bei den 

Grifchen, ed. J. Overbeck. Leipsic, 1868. 
Stais, Marbres et 

Bronzes V. Stais, Marbres et Bronzes du Musee National d'Athenes. Second edition. 

Athens, 1910. 
Svoronos J. N. Svoronos, Das Athener National Museum. Text and Plates, I-III. 

Athens, 1908-1911. 
Other abbreviations will be readily understood. 


Besides the following, there are a few other corrections which are so obvious that they scarcely 
need to be listed. 

Page 2, note I, for ragmentary read fragmentary. 

10, line 2 (and Index), for Archermoros read Archemoros. 

14, note 2, after 202f. add Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f., list 34 local Olympia. 

15, line 6, for Dorian Eleans read Dorian allies, the Eleans. 
24, line 27, for 173 A. D. read 173 or 174 A. D. 

26, line 27, for archaistic read archaic. 

31, lines 8-9, for Papyrus read Papyri; line 20, for Aigira read Aigeira. 

46, note 1, line 2, add The Solonian cubit of 444 mm. gives 17.53 inches, the ringer .73 inch, 

which makes Diagoros' statue 6 feet 1.75 inches tall. 
58, note 2, for statues of all read statues by all. 

60, note 1, for Fespes read Fespae; note 5, for Koponios read Coponius. 
77, line 18, for staute read statue; note 3, line 11, for Encrinomenos read Encrinomenus. 

82, lines 14-15, for in and not outside read outside and not inside. 

83, line 15, for Svonoros read Svoronos. 

84, line 2 (and Index, s. v. Ball-playing), for tpavlvda read tpaivlvba.. 
96, note 1, line 6, for Hermes read Herakles. 

110, line 20, and note 1, line 9 (and Index), for Argeidas read Argeiadas. 

128, note 4, for Glyptothek read Glyptotheque. 

131, line 12 (and Index, s. v. Praxiteles), for ij/eXionevrj read \l>e\u>vn'ivi]. 

149, note 2, for faariip read U<TTT)P. 

153, line 3, for arms read hands. 

166, line 17, for Stronganoff read StroganofF. 

185, lines 4 and 8, and 186, line 3, for Lancelotti read Lancellotti. 

188, note 8, line 3, for Perseus read Akrisios. 

189, note 1, for Papyrus read Papyri; for Beilage read Beilag. 
191, line 21, for eponymous read eponymus. 

196, line 25, and 197, note 2, for GOjuov read Qvrfv. 

210, line 5, for aX/xa read oXjua. 

235, note 1, line 2, omit as. 

253, line 27, for 1202 read 1204. 

265, line 14, for Paunasias read Pausanias. 

268, line 26 (and Index, s. v. Nikomachos and Fictoria), for sublimine read sublime. 

288, line 10 (and Index), for Tenerari read Tenerani. 

321, line 29, for inventors read so-called inventors. 

327, line 3, for stautes read statues. 

341, line 33, last word of line should be 6et. 

348, line 28, for prothusis read prothysis. 




Before attempting to trace historically the development of monu- 
ments of victors in the gymnic and hippie contests at Olympia, and 
before attempting to reconstruct their different types, it will be 
useful to devote a preliminary chapter to the early history of Greek 
athletics and victor prizes in general. 

It is a truism that the origin of Greek athletics is not to be found in 
the recently discovered Aegean civilization of Crete, nor in the latest 
phase of the same culture on Mycenaean sites of the mainland of Greece. 
Their origin is not to be sought in the indigenous Mediterranean stock 
which produced that culture, but rather among the northern invaders of 
Greece, the fair-haired Achaeans of the Homeric poems, and especially 
among the later Dorians in the Peloponnesus. It was to the physical 
vigor of these strangers rather than to the more artistic nature of the 
Mediterraneans that the later Greeks owed their interest in sports. As 
these invaders settled themselves most firmly in the Peloponnesus, Greek 
athletics may be said to be chiefly the product of South Greece. It was 
here that three of the four national festivals grew up at Olympia, 
Nemea, and on the Corinthian Isthmus. It was in the schools of Argos 
and Sikyon that athletic sculpture flourished best and in later Greek 
history physical exercise was most fully developed among the Dorian 
Spartans. 1 


Centuries before the Achaean civilization of Greece had bloomed, 
there developed among the Minoans of Crete a passion for certain 
acrobatic performances and for gymnastics. These Cretans, though 
strongly influenced by Egypt and the East, did not borrow their love 
of sport from outside any more than did the later Achaeans. On the 
walls of the tombs of Beni-Hasan on the Nile are pictured many ath- 
letic sports, including a series of several hundred wrestling groups, 2 but 
these sports did not influence, so far as we know, Cretan athletics. At 
Knossos bull-grappling seems to have been the national sport, as we 
see from the frescoes on the palace walls. In the absence of the horse, 
which did not appear in early Aegean times in Crete, it is not difficult 
to understand the development of gymnastic sports with bulls. At 
Knossos a seal has been found which shows the rude drawing of a vessel 
with rowers seated under a canopy, superimposed on which is drawn 
the greater portion of a huge horse. In this design, dating from about 
1600 B. C. and synchronizing with the earlier part of the eighteenth 
Egyptian dynasty, we doubtless see a graphic way of indicating the 

1 Cf. Gardiner, pp. 8-9. 2 See infra, p. 228 and n. 2. 


cargo, and consequently a contemporary record, it may be, of the first 
importation of horses from Libya into Crete. 1 

The Cretan bull seems to have been a much larger animal than the 
species found upon the island to-day. 2 Bull-grappling at Knossos was 
the sport of female as well as male toreadors. A fragmentary rect- 
angular fresco, dating from about 1500 B.C. (PI. 1), was discovered 
there by Sir Arthur Evans in 1901 and is now in the Candia museum. 
It is executed with extraordinary spirit and shows a huge bull rushing 
forward with lowered head and tail straight out. A man is in the act 
of turning a somersault on its back, his legs in the air, his arms grasp- 
ing the bull's body and his head raised, looking back to the rear of the 
animal, where a cowgirl is standing, holding out her arms to catch his 
flying figure as soon as his feat is concluded. Another cowgirl, at the 
extreme left, seems to be suspended from the bull's horns, which pass 
under her armpits, while she catches hold further up. However, she 
is not being tossed, but is taking position preliminary to leaping over 
the bull's back. Both the man and the women wear striped boots and 
bracelets; the women are apparently distinguished by their white skin, 
short drawers, yellow sashes embroidered with red, and the red-and- 
blue diadems around their brows. 3 On the opposite wall a similar scene 
was pictured; among its stucco fragments was found the representation 
of the arm and shoulder of a woman grasping a bull by the horns. The 
fragmentary representation of another woman and man was also found. 

A very similar scene has long been known from a fresco painting 
from Tiryns, now in Athens. 4 A bull is represented galloping to the 
left, while a man 5 clings to its horns with his right hand and is swept 

1 B. S. A., XI, 1904-5, fig. 7 and pp. 12-14. The horse also appears on clay documents from 
Knossos with royal chariots and also on tombstones and "ragmentary frescoes of Mycenae; for 
the latter, see Arch. Eph., 1887, PI. XI. On the Libyan origin of the first horses introduced 
into Greece, see W. Ridgeway, The Origin and Influence of the Thoroughbred Horse, 1905, p. 480. 

2 See the bull depicted on a seal from Praisos, to be mentioned below: Angelo Mosso, The 
Palaces of Crete, 1907, p. 218, fig. 98. The Italian Mission found at Hagia Triada the bones of 
a gigantic bull, and Mosso (cf. p. 216, n. 1) found the remains of one at Phaistos. 

3 S. S. A.,Vll, 1900-1, pp. 94 f. and VIII, 1901-2, p. 74; Mosso, op. cit., pp. 216-218; H. R. 
Hall, Anc. History of the Near East, 1913, PI. IV., 2; Mrs. R. C. Bosanquet, Days in Attica, 1914, 
PI. II; Richter, Hbk. of the Classical Collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1917, p. 23, 
fig. 13. As Dr. Evans' Atlas has not yet appeared, the plate in the text is taken from a water- 
color by Gillieron, in the museum of Liverpool. 

4 It has often been pictured and described: e. g., Schliemann, Tiryns, 1885, PI. XIII; Schuch- 
hardt, Schliemann' s Excavations, 1891, pp. 119 f. and fig. Ill; Tsountas-Manatt, The Mycencean 
Age, 1897, p. 51, fig. 12; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, p. 887, fig. 439; Mosso, op. cit., p. 220, fig. 100; H. B. 
Walters, The Art of the Greeks, 1906, PI. LIX; Springer-Michaelis, p. 113, fig. 242; Tiryns, Die 
Ergebn. d. Ausgrab. d deutsch. Instituts in Athen, II, 1912, PI. XVIII. 

5 On analogy with the Knossos fresco this figure, because of its white skin, should be that of a 
woman and not of a man, as the usual color of the latter is red. However, the charioteers painted 
white on frescoes discovered at Tiryns in 1910, which represent a boar hunt (see Rodenwaldt, 
A. M., XXXVI, 1911, pp. 198 f. and fig. 2, p. 201, restored; see also Tiryns, II, PI. XII, in 
color) are regarded by Hall as youths and not women. He remarks that in Egypt young princes, 
who led the "sheltered life," were often represented on monuments as pale, though red was the 
more usual color: see Hall, op. cit., p. 58 and n. 1; id., Aegean Archeology, 1914, p. 190 and 
fig. 74 on p. 192. Rodenwaldt interprets them as female: /. c. 




imHHmimiiimmiiHiiuiniffli = 












along with one foot lightly touching the bull's back and the other 
swung aloft. Most early writers interpreted this scene as a bull-hunt, 
the artist having drawn the hunter above the bull through igno- 
rance of perspective. The execution is very inferior, three attempts 
of the bungling painter being visible in the painting of the tail and 
the front legs. Others saw in it the representation of an acrobat 
showing his dexterity by leaping upon the back of an animal in full 
career, recalling the description of such a trick in the Iliad, where Ajax 
is represented as rushing over the plain like a man who, while driving 
four horses, leaps from horse to horse. 1 But this figure must take its 
place side by side with the one from Knossos just described as another 
bull-grappling scene. That such sports were not held in the open air, 
but in an enclosed courtyard, is shown by the seal from Praisos now in 
the Candia Museum, which depicts a man vaulting on the back of a 
gigantic ox within a paved enclosure. 2 Doubtless the theatral areas 
discovered at Phaistos by the Italian Archaeological Mission 3 and at 
Knossos by Sir Arthur Evans in 1903 4 were not large enough for bull 
scenes and were used merely for ceremonial dancing and perhaps for 
the boxing matches to be described. 5 Similar acrobats are doubtless 
to be recognized in the two beautiful ivory statuettes, only 11.5 
inches in height, of so-called leapers, found by Dr. Evans at Knossos 
in 1901 . 6 These masterpieces of the late Minoan II period represent 
acrobats (one is probably a woman) darting through the air. "The 
life, the freedom, the elan of these figures is nothing short of marvel- 
lous," writes Dr. Evans, who calls attention to the careful physical 
training shown in their slender legs and in the muscles, even the veins 
on the back of the hands and the finger-nails being plainly indicated 
as well as the details of the skinfolds at the joints. They doubtless 
formed a part of an ivory model of the bull-ring and are meant for 
miniature toreadors, who were hung in the air by fine gold wires 7 over 
the backs of ivory bulls who stood on the solid ground. The heads of 
the figures are thrown backwards, a posture suitable for such vaulters, 
but not for leapers or divers. Minoan art culminated in these statu- 
ettes and in certain stucco figures in half relief found also at Knossos. 
Only a few fragments of these reliefs have survived, most of which were 
decorative or architectonic in character, though among them were also 

! XV, 679 f. F. Marx, Jb., IV, 1889, pp. 119 f., on the analogy to certain coin types, saw 
in this fresco a representation of river divinities. 

2 Mosso, op. cit., p. 298, fig. 98. 3 See Mosso, p. 311, fig. 153. 

4 Here the paved space measures only about 30 by 40 feet and the two tiers of seats would seat 
only 400 to 500 spectators: B. S. A., IX, 1902-03, p. 105, fig. 69; see Mosso, p. 315,, fig. 154, 
and Baikie, The Sea Kings of Crete, 1913, Pis. XXI (before restoration), XXII (restored). 

B See Burrows, The Discoveries in Crete, 1907, p. 5. The one at Knossos may be the "choros" 
wrought by Daidalos for Ariadne: Iliad, XVIII, 590-2. 

*B. S. A., VIII, 1901-2, pp. 72-4, fig. 39 (srm); Pis. II, III; Baikie, op. cit., PI. XIX; H. R. 
Hall, Aegean Archezology, PI. XXX, 2; Mosso, op. cit., p. 222, fig. 102; cf. Burrows, op. cit., p. 21; 
Bulle, p. 49, fig. 7; Springer-Michaelis, p. 103, fig. 228. 

7 Remains of copper wire with gold foil twisted around it still adhere to the head of one statuette. 


found human disjecta membra in high relief, such as the fragment of a 
left forearm holding a horn, and not a pointed vase, as Dr. Evans 
thought. Here the muscles are well indicated, though the veins are 
exaggerated. 1 This fragment may well be a part of the same bull- 
grappling scenes as those in the frescoes, as also the life-like image of 
a bull, the details of whose head, mouth, eyes, and nostrils are full of 
expression, and whose muscles are perfectly indicated. 

When compared with the monuments described, the similarity of 
details on the design of the Vapheio cups ornamented in repousse, 
the "most splendid specimens known of the work of the Minoan gold- 
smith," 2 never again equalled until the Italian Renaissance, makes it 
more than possible that here again we have scenes of bull-grappling 
rather than of bull-hunting. On one cup is represented a quiet pas- 
toral scene a man tying the legs of a bull with a rope, while two other 
bulls stand near, amicably licking one another, and a third is quietly 
grazing. On the other, however, are represented scenes of a very 
different character. In the centre is a furious bull entangled in a net, 
which is fastened to a tree; to the left a figure, doubtless a woman, is 
holding on to a bull's head, while a man has fallen on his head beside 
the animal, both man and woman being dressed in the Cretan fashion. 
A third bull rushes furiously by to the right. Most commentators 
have seen bu'.l-hunting scenes on both these cups. Thus, on the first 
cup were represented three scenes in the drama of trapping a bull by 
means of a tame decoy cow; to the right the bull is starting to go to the 
rendezvous, while in the center the bull stands by the cow's side and to 
the left he is finally trapped and tied. 3 On the other cup the furious 
animal at the left was supposed to have thrown one hunter and to have 
caught another on its horns. But Mosso's interpretation of this design 
seems to be the right one. 4 The two persons struggling with the bull 

'See Mosso, op. cit., p. 221, fig. 101; B. S. A., VII, 1900-01, p. 88. 

2 Hall, Aegean Archeology, pp. 55-6. Though discovered in 1889 in a bee-hive tomb near 
Sparta, these famous cups are obviously importations from Crete, the work of an artist of the late 
Minoan I period. Similarly, the lion-hunt on the dagger-blade from Mycenae is akin to Cretan 
art, if not its product. These cups have been often pictured: e. g., Arch. Eph., 1889, PI. IX; 
Schuchhardt, PI. Ill (App., pp. 350 f.); B. C. H., IV, 1891, Pis. XI-XII (in color), XIII-XIV; 
Tsountas-Manatt, op. cit., pp. 227-8, figs. 113-114; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, PI. XV (in color) and pp. 
786-7, figs. 369-370; H. B. Walters, op. cit., Pl.V; Mosso, op. cit., pp. 223 f., figs. 103, a, b, and 104, 
a, b, c; Hall, op. cit., PI. XV. 1, and cf. id., Ancient History of the Near East, pp. 54-5, n. 1; 
Springer-Michaelis, pp. 104-5, figs. 230 a, b; J. H. Breasted, Ancient Times, 1916, fig. 140, opp. 
p. 234. 

3 This interpretation of the scene has been compared with the design of a lion and goat on the 
short sword-blade from the chieftain's grave at Knossos: see Burrows, op. cit., p. 88 and cf. pp. 
136-7. Here there are two successive scenes; first the agrimi (wild goat) is startled and springs 
away; then the lion is represented triumphant at the end of the chase with one paw on the beast's 
hind quarter and the other raised to strike: see Evans, Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos, 1906, p. 57, 
fig. 59; cf. also bronze inlaid dagger-blade from Myceme, showing hunting scenes on each face; 
Perrot-Chipiez, VI, PI. XVII, 1 (panther hunting wild ducks, in color), XVIII, 3-4, (lion-hunt by 
men and lions chasing gazelles, in color); cf. Tsountas-Manatt, op. cit., pp. 200-2; Springer- 
Michaelis, PI. V, 2a, b, 3; Schuchhardt, op. cit., p. 229, fig. 227; cf. Burrows, op. cit., p. 136. 

*0p. cit., pp. 224-5. 


have no lasso and so can hardly be hunters; besides, if the bull had im- 
paled a hunter with its horns, the hunter would have been represented 
with his head up. and not down. The figure is, however, uninjured and 
holds on with its knee bent over one horn and its shoulder against the 
other; it is merely, therefore, intended for a* woman acrobat. The net 
shown in the centre was never used for hunting wild bulls; more prob- 
ably it was intended as an obstacle in racing. The fallen man has been 
standing on the netted bull, which, with the gymnast on its back, was 
expected to have leaped over the net, but has not succeeded; conse- 
quently, the acrobat has been tumbled over the bull's head. 

This ancient Cretan sport seems to have been similar to that known 
in Thessaly and elsewhere in historical days as TO. ravpoKada^La. 1 A 
survival of it still persists to our day in certain parts of Italy, as, e. g., 
in the province of Viterbo. 2 

Acrobatic feats of various sorts were attractive to the later Greeks 
from the time of Homer down. We have already mentioned one 
passage from the Iliad in which a driver of four horses leaps from horse 
to horse in motion. On the shield of Achilles tumblers appeared among 
the dancers on the dancing-place. 3 Patroklos ironically remarks over 
the body of Kebriones, as the charioteer falls headlong like a diver 
from his chariot when hit by a missile, that there are tumblers 
also among the Trojans. 4 In later centuries the Athenians evinced a 
great attraction to acrobatic feats. The story told of Hippokleides 5 
reveals that high-born Athenians did not disdain to practice them. 
They appear to have formed a sort of side-show attraction at the 
Panathenaic festival, as such scenes occur frequently on Attic vases. 
Thus on an early (imitation?) Panathenaic vase from Kameiros in the 
Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, 6 there is represented behind the driver 
a man standing on the back of a horse, armed with a helmet and two 
shields, while in front another appears to be balancing himself on a pole. 

But such acrobatic scenes as those of Crete and later Greece can 
not properly be classed as athletic. They betoken more the love of 
excitement than of true sport. The only form of real athletics repre- 
sented on Minoan monuments, one which was classed in later Greece as 
one of the national sports, was that of boxing, which seems to have been 

^ee Boeckh, p. 319, on Pyth., II, 78. The same word occurs also in an inscription on a 
late relief from Smyrna, which shows horsemen pursuing bulls, leaping on their backs and 
seizing their horns; C. I. G., II, 3212; also in an inscription from Sinope: ibid., Ill, 4157 (line 5); 
an inscription from Aphrodisias calls such men raupoKafldirreu: ibid., II, Add., 2759b. The evidence 
shows that Gardiner, p. 9, n. 2, is wrong in connecting the taurokathapsia with the hunting-field 
instead of with the circus. He cites the Smyrna relief above mentioned (injthe Ashmolean Museum 
at Oxford, no. 219), which, however, should be interpreted as an acrobatic scene. See J. Baunack, 
Rhein. Mus., XXXVIII, 1883, pp. 293 f., who discusses bull-fighting in Thessaly and Rome and 
quotes five inscriptions of Hellenic times to show that beast fights were common in Asia Minor. 

2 C/. Mosso, op. cit., pp. 214-215. "Iliad, XVIII, 605-6 ( = Od., IV, 18-19). 

'Iliad, XVI, 742-50. B Hdt., VI, 129. 

6 No. 243; see Salzmann, Le Necropole de Cameiros, PI. LVII; Gardiner, p. 245, fig. 39. 


the favorite gymnastic contest of the Cretans, as it always was of the 
later Greeks. Boxing scenes appear on seals, 1 on a steatite fragment 
of a pyxis found in 1901 at Knossos and, in conjunction with a bull- 
grappling scene, on the so-called Boxer 
Vase found by the Italians at Hagia Tri- 
ada (Fig. 1). The vase is a cone-shaped 
rhyton of steatite, 18 inches high, origi- 
nally overlaid with gold foil. It belongs 
to the best period of Cretan art, late 
Minoan I. 2 This vase alone, if no other 
monumental evidence were at hand, would 
suffice to show the physical prowess and 
love of sport of the Minoans. Because 
of its scenes of boxing and bull-grappling 
Mosso calls it " the most complete monu- 
ment that we have of gymnastic exercise 
in the Mediterranean civilization." 3 The 
later Greek tradition of the high degree 
of physical development attained by the 
Cretans is proved by this monument. 4 

The reliefs are arranged in four horizon- 
tal zones. 5 One of these, the second from 
the top, represents a bull-grappling scene, 
showing two racing bulls, upon the head 
and horns of one of which a gymnast has 
vaulted (not being tossed and helpless, 
as most interpreters think). 6 The other 

FIG. 1. So-called Boxer Vase, 
from Hagia Triada (Cast). 
Museum of Candia. 

1 E. g., on one found at Knossos in 1903 : B. S. A., IX, 1902-3, p. 57, and fig. 35 on p. 56. Here 
the attitude of the boxer is almost identical with that on the pyxis to be described below. A fuller 
design of the same sort may be seen on a seal from Hagia Triada mentioned in B. S. A., IX, p. 57, n. 2. 

2 Hall, Aegean Archeology, p. 33 (c. 1600 B. C.); for description, ibid., pp. 61-2. 

3 0p. cit., p. 211. In this respect it should be compared with the relief on the archaic (sixth- 
century B. C.) Attic tripod vase from Tanagra, now in Berlin, which shows scenes of boxing, 
wrestling, and running: A. Z., Ill, 1881, pp. 30 f. and Pis. Ill, IV. 

4 P., V, 8. 1, says Klymenos came from Crete fifty years after Deukalion's flood and held games 
at Olympia; cf. VI, 21.6. Aristotle assigns the whole political and educational system of 
Sparta to a Cretan origin: Politics, II, 10f., 1271b., f. 

6 See R. Paribeni, Rendiconti della R. Accad. dei Lincei, XII, 1903, fasic. 70, p. 17; F. Halbherr, 
ibid., XIV, 1905, pp. 365 f., fig. 1; Burrows, op. cit., PI. 1; Mosso, op. cit., p. 212, fig. 93; Hall, 
Aegean Archeology, PI. XVI (from cast in Museum of Candia, whence our plate); cf. id., Anc. 
Hist. Near East, PI. IV., 5. A copy is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: see Hbk. of 
Classical Collection, p. 16, fig. 8. 

6 Detail of zone, Mosso, p. 213, fig. 94. The acrobat wears just such striped boots and bracelets 
as the man and women on the fresco from Knossos. The man binding the legs of the bull on the 
Vapheio cup wears similar apparel. Similar scenes of gymnasts vaulting over a bull's back are 
seen on the seal of a bracelet found at Knossos in 1902: B. S. A., VIII, 1901-2, p. 18, fig. 43; 
Mosso, p. 214, fig. 95a; also on the intaglio of a ring in Athens: Mosso, p. 215, fig. 95b. Scenes of 
gymnasts with bulls at rest are common on seal impressions: e. g., on one from Mycenae in Athens, 
Mosso, p. 217, fig. 97; on the one in Candia already mentioned, ibid., fig. 98; cf. Bosanquet, Exca- 
vations at Praisos, B. S. A., VIII, p. 252, who believes the bull haSJbeen surprised by a hunter. 


three represent boxers in all attitudes of the prize-ring, hitting, 
guarding, falling, and even kicking, as in the later Greek pankration. 
Some are victorious, the left arm being extended on guard and the 
right drawn back to strike; one (in the top zone) is ready to spring, 
just as Hector was ready to spring on Achilles; 1 others are prostrate 
on the ground with their feet in the air. The violence of the action 
recalls the boast of Epeios in the famous match in the Iliad that he 
will break his adversary's bones. 2 

The method of attack by the right arm and defense by the left is 
the same as that formerly used by English pugilists. In the topmost 
zone the combatants wear helmets with visors, cheek-pieces, and horse- 
hair plumes, and also shoes; in the third zone down the pugilists also 
wear helmets, though of a different pattern, while the bottom zone 
shows figures, perhaps youths, with bare heads. Some of the boxers 
appear to wear boxing-gloves. In the lowest zone we see the well-known 
feat of swinging the antagonist up by the legs and throwing him if 
we may so conclude from the contorted position of the vanquished, 
whose legs are in the air. 

A similar figure appears in relief on the fragment of a pyxis found at 
Knossos. 3 A youth with clenched fists stands with left arm extended 
as if to ward off a blow, while his right arm is drawn back and rests on 
his hip; below we see the bent knee of a prostrate figure, evidently that 
of his vanquished opponent. The boxer has a wasp-like waist and 
wears a metal girdle. His left leg is well modeled, the muscles not 
being exaggerated. 


We have evidence, therefore, that the love of sport existed in Crete as 
it has existed in all countries since. But the comparatively unathletic 
character of the Aegean culture is shown by the complete absence of 
athletic representations apart from bull-grappling scenes in the art 
of its last phase at Mycenae and Tiryns on the mainland. This is an 
independent argument for the view that the civilization of the main- 
land was chiefly the product of the old Mediterranean stock, which 
was final'y conquered by the invading Achaeans, who are represented 
in Homer as skilled gymnasts. In Homer we are immediately con- 
scious of being in another world, for here we are in an atmosphere of 
true athletics, which are fully developed and quite secular in char- 
acter. 4 They are, however, wholly spontaneous, for there are as yet 
neither meets nor organized training, neither stadia, gymnasia, nor 
palaestrae; for such an organization of athletics did not exist until the 
sixth century B. C. But Homer's account of the funeral games of 

, XXII, 308 f. 2 XXIJI, 673. 

3 B. S. A,, VII, 1900-1, fig. 31, pp. 95 and 96; copied by Gardiner, p. 10, fig. 1. 
4 We should bear in mind that the civilization pictured in the Homeric poems antedates loooB.C. 


Patroklos is pervaded by a spirit of true athletics and has a perennial 
attraction for every lover of sport. Walter Leaf says of the chariot- 
race, which is the culminating feature of the description, that it is "a 
piece of narrative as truthful in its characters as it is dramatic and 
masterly in description." 1 Such a description could have been com- 
posed only by a poet who belonged to a people long acquainted with 
athletics and intensely interested in them. Nestor often speaks of a 
remoter past, when the gods and heroes contended. Odysseus says he 
could not have fought with Herakles nor Eurytos, heroes of the olden 
time, "who contended with the immortal gods." The Homeric warrior 
was distinguished from the merchant by his knowledge of sport. Thus 
Euryalos of the Phaiakians says in no complimentary tone to Odysseus : 
"No truly, stranger, nor do I think thee at all like one that is skilled 
in games .... rather art thou such an one as comes and goes in a 
benched ship, a master of sailors that are merchantmen, one with a 
memory for his freight, or that hath charge of a cargo homeward bound, 
and of greedily gotten gains." 2 It is beside the point whether the 
chief passages in the poems which relate to sports are late in origin or 
not, even if they are later than 776 B. C., the traditional first Olympiad. 
In any case the later poet merely followed an older tradition. At the 
funeral games of Patroklos all the events are practical in character, 
the natural amusements of men chiefly interested in war. They are, 
however, not merely military, but are truly athletic. The oldest and 
most aristocratic of all the events described is the chariot-race in which 
the war-chariot is used the monopoly of the nobles then, as it was 
always later the sport of kings and the rich. 3 Boxing and wrestling 
come next in importance, already occupying the position of preemin- 
ence which they hold in the poems of Pindar. The foot-race between 
Ajax, the son of Oileus, and Odysseus follows. Of the last four events, 
three the single combat between Ajax and Diomedes, the throwing of 
the solos, and the contest in archery are admitted to be late additions. 
The last event of all, the casting of the spear, may be earlier, but we 
know little about it, as the contest did not take place, Achilles yielding 
the first prize to Agamemnon. Most of these later events are described 
in a lifeless manner and have not the vim and compelling interest of 
the earlier ones. Indeed the contest in archery seems to be treated 
with a certain amount of ridicule, which shows the contempt of the 
great nobles for so plebeian a sport. The armed contest, though it is 

l The Iliad, 2 1900, II, p. 468. 

2 0d., VIII, 158 f. (translated by Butcher and Lang). 

3 Gardiner, p. 15, points out that there is no mention of a chariot-race in the Odyssey, merely 
because Ithaca was not a land "that pastureth horses," nor had it "wide courses or meadow- 
land." The plains of Thessaly and Argos, the homes of Achilles and Agamemnon respec- 
tively, were, however, famed for their horses, and the plain of Troy was large enough for the 
chariot-race. The only other chariot-races mentioned in the Iliad are held in Elis: XI, 696 f.; 
XXIII, 630 f. 


pictured in art certainly as early as the sixth century B. C., 1 never had a 
place in the later Greek games. 2 Jumping, an important part of the 
later pentathlon, is mentioned but once in the poems, as a feature of 
the sports of the Phaiakians. But the later pentathlon, as Gardiner 
says, is certainly not suggested in Homer's account, though many 
have assumed it, 3 merely because Nestor mentions his former contests 
at Bouprasion in boxing, in running, in hurling the spear, and in the 
chariot-race. 4 This, however, is not the combination of contests 
known much later as the pentathlon, in which the same contestants 
had to compete in the series of events running, jumping, wrestling, 
diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing. 


In these games described in the Iliad we see an example of the origin 
of the later athletic festivals in the cult of the dead. Homer knows 
only of funeral games 5 and there is no trace in the poems of the later 
athletic meetings held in honor of a god. 6 However, the association 
of the later games with religious festivals held at stated times can be 
traced to the games with which the funeral of the Homeric chief was 
celebrated. The oldest example of periodic funeral games in Greece 
of which we have knowledge were those held in Arkadia in honor of the 
dead Azan, the father of Kleitor and son of Arkas, at which prizes were 
offered at least for horse-racing. 7 

Though the origin of the four national religious festivals in Greece 
at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus is buried in a mass 
of conflicting legend, certain writers agree in saying that all of them 
were founded on funeral games, though they were later dedicated to 

1 E. g., on certain sarcophagi: see Murray, Sarcophagi in the British Museum, Pis. II, III (one 
from Klazomenai). 

2 The true hoplomachia described by Homer and later practised by the Mantineans and Kyre- 
neans (cf. Athenaeus, IV, 41, p. 154) should not be confounded, as Gardiner, p. 21, n. 3, remarks, 
with the later competition of the same name held at the Athenian Theseia and taught in the gym- 
nasia, which was a purely military exercise like fencing: Plato, Laches, 182B and passim; Gorgias, 
456D; de Leg., 833E; cf. Dar.-Sagl., s. v. Hoplomachia. 

3 E. g., Leaf, in his Companion to the Iliad, 1892, p. 380; id., The Iliad, II, p. 417, note on 
line 621. 

4 Iliad, XXIII, 634 f.; ibid., 621-3, where Achilles gives Nestor a prize because he will never 
again be able to contend in boxing, wrestling, hurling the javelin, or running. In Od., VIII, 
103 and 128, leaping is substituted for chariot-racing. 

*E.g., Iliad, XXII, 163-4: "The great prize . . . of a man that is dead"; XXIII, 630 f., where 
Nestor recalls victories in the games held by the Epeians at Bouprasion in Elis at the funeral of 
the local hero Amarynkeus. Bouprasion is also mentioned in Iliad, XI, 756, in Nestor's stoty 
of the war between the Pylians and Epeians and of the war waged by his father Neleus on Augeas, 
for stealing four horses which had been sent to Elis to contend for a tripod. 

Examples of panegyric games in honor of gods are found also in the Homeric Hymn to the 
Delian Apollo, I, 146 f.; in Pindar, 01., IX. 6 (Zeus); P., VIII, 2.1 (Zeus) and schol.; and Hdt., 
I, 144 (Apollo) and schol.; etc. 

7 P., VIII, 4.5. For other examples of funeral games, see references in Krause, p. 9, n. 3. He 
also shows that musical contests were funerary in character. 


gods. 1 Thus the Isthmian were instituted in honor of the dead Meli- 
kertes, 2 the Nemean in honor of Opheltes or Archermoros, 3 the Pythian 
in honor of the slain Python, 4 the Olympian in honor of the hero Pelops. 5 
To both Pindar and Bacchylides the Olympian games were associated 
with the tomb of Pelops; Pausanias, on the other hand, records that the 
ancient Elean writers ascribed their origin to the Idaean Herakles of 
Crete. 6 It was a common tradition that Herakles founded the games, 
some writers saying that it was the Cretan, others that it was the 
Greek hero, the son of Zeus and Alkmena. 7 

Despite the variation in legends relative to the institution of the 
four national games, we should not doubt the universal tradition that 
all were funerary in origin. The tradition is confirmed by many lines 
of argument: by the survival of funeral customs in their later rituals, 
by the later custom of instituting funeral games in honor of dead 
warriors both in antiquity and in modern times, and by the testi- 
mony of early athletic art in Greece. 8 We shall now briefly consider 
these arguments. 

'The scholiast on Pindar, Nem., Argum., Boeckh, p. 424 B, and Isthm., Argum., p. 514, calls 
the Nemean and Isthmian games funerary; Clem. Alex., Protrept., Ch. II, 34, 29 P. (quoted by 
Eusebios, Praep. evang., II, 6, 72 b. c.) says that all four great games were funerary in origin. 

2 P., I., 44.8; Clem. Alex., Strom., I, Ch. 21, 137, 401 P. 

3 P., II, 15.2-3; Apollod., Ill, 6, 4; Hyginus, Fab., 74; schol. on Pindar's Nem., Argum. Here 
the umpires wore mourning garments because of the origin of the games: see Gardiner, p. 225. 

"Aristotle, Peplos, frag. = F. H. G., II, p. 189, no. 282; Clem. Alex., Protr., Ch. I, 2, 2 P. and 
Ch. 11,34,29 P.; Hyg., Fab., 140. For a different story of the founding (to appease Apollo for 
not protecting the temple when Delphi was invaded by Danaos), see Augustine, de Civ. Dei, 
XVIII, 12; cf. schol. on Pind., Pyth., Argum.; Ovid, Met., I, 445f. The Pythia were reorganized 
by the Amphictyons as a funeral contest in honor of the soldiers who fell in the first Sacred War. 

6 C/. P., V, 13.1-2; Clem. Alex., /. c. 6 V, 7.6-9. 

7 See Strabo, VIII, 3.30 (C.354-5); Pindar, 01., II, 3 f.; VI, 67 f.; X, 25 f.; Diod., IV, 14 and 
V, 64. According to Pindar, //. cc. and the scholiast on 01., II, 2, 5, and 7, Boeckh, pp. 58-9, 
Herakles, the son of Zeus, instituted the games in honor of Zeus; but Statius, Theb., VI, 5 f., 
Solinus, I, 28 (ed. Mommsen), Hyg., Fab., 273, Clem. Alex., Strom., I, Ch. 21, 137, say it was in 
honor of Pelops. On the traditional connection of Herakles with Olympia, see E. Curtius, Abh. 
d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, philos.-histor. KL, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, Griech. Gesch. 2 , 
1893, I, pp. 240 f. On legends of the early history of Olympia, see Krause, Olympia, oder 
Darstellung der grossen olympischen Spielen, 1838, pp. 26 f. 

8 C/. Frazer, II, pp. 549-50; Krause, p. 9, n. 3; from these two many of the following examples 
are taken. Cf. also Rouse, pp. 4 and 10; Koerte, Die Entstehung der Olympionikenliste, Hermes, 
XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; Krause, Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien, 1841, pp. 9 f. (Pythian), 
112 f. (Nemean), 170 f. (Isthmian); Gardiner, pp. 27 f.; see also Ridgeway, Origin of Tragedy, 
1910, pp. 36, 38, and cf. J. H. S., XXXI, 1911, p. XLVII. Since the simple theory of the 
origin of the Olympic Festival in the funeral games in honor of Pelops does not explain all the 
legends of the games nor all the peculiar customs of the festival, and because of the inadequate 
character of the literary evidence (the earliest mention of it being a Delphic oracle quoted by 
Phlegon, F. H. G., p. 604; cf. Clem. Alex., Protrept, II, 34, p. 29), it has been attacked by F. M. 
Cornford (in Miss Harrison's Themis, pp. 212 f.) and others. These scholars have tried to find the 
origin of the Olympic games rather in a ritual contest of succession to the throne, the honors extended 
to a victor being held to prove his kingly or divine character. The theory was first proposed by A. B. 
Cook, The European Sky God, Folk Lore, 1904, and has recently been elaborated by Frazer in his 
Golden Sough, 3 III, pp. 89 f., who has attempted to harmonize it with his earlier funeral theory. 
The inadequacy of the newer theory has been shown by E. N. Gardiner, The Alleged Kingship 
of the Olympic Victor, B. S. A., XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85 f. For a review of his paper, see also 
J. H. S., XXXVIII, 1918, pp. XLVII. 


As an example of the survival of funeral customs in later ritual, 
Pausanias says that the annual officers at Olympia, even in his day, sac- 
rificed a black ram to Pelops. 1 The fact that a black victim was offered 
over a trench instead of on an altar proves that Pelops was still wor- 
shipped as a hero and not as a god. The scholiast on Pindar, 01. , I, 
146, says that all Peloponnesian lads each year lashed themselves on 
the grave of Pelops until the blood ran down their backs as a libation 
to the hero. Furthermore, all the contestants at Olympia sacrificed 
first to Pelops and then to Zeus. 2 

Funeral games were held in honor of departed warriors and eminent 
men all over the Greek world and at all periods, from the legendary 
games of Patroklos and Pelias and others to those celebrated at Thes- 
salonika in Valerian's time. 3 Thus Miltiades was honored by games 
on the Thracian Chersonesus, 4 Leonidas and Pausanias at Sparta, 5 
Brasidas at Amphipolis, 6 Timoleon at Syracuse, 7 and Mausolos at 
Halikarnassos. 8 Alexander instituted games in honor of the dead 
Hephaistion 9 and the conqueror himself was honored in a similar way. 10 
The Eleutheria were celebrated at Plataea at stated times in honor 
of the soldiers who fell there against the Medes in 479 B. C., 11 and in 
the Academy a festival was held under the direction of the polemarch 
in honor of the Athenian soldiers who had died for their country and 
were buried in the Kerameikos. 12 Funeral games were also common 
in Italy. We find athletic scenes decorating Etruscan tombs includ- 
ing boxing, wrestling, horse-racing, and chariot-racing. 13 The Romans 
borrowed their funeral games from Etruria as well as their gladiatorial 
shows, which were doubtless also funerary in origin. 14 Frazer cites 
examples of the custom of instituting games in honor of dead warriors 
among many modern peoples, Circassians, Chewsurs of the Caucasus, 

W, 13.2. 2 According to the same scholiast, on 1. 149; Boeckh, p. 43. 

'Cf. C. I. G., II, 1969, dTWJ' tmra&os 0e M 6s. 4 Hdt., VI, 38. 

P., Ill, 14.1. Thukyd.,V, 11. 

7 Plut., Timoleon, 39; Diod. Sic., XVI, 90.1. 8 Aulus Gellius, X, 18.5. 

9 Arrian, Anabasis, VII, 14. Games were held every four years in honor of Antinoos, the 
favorite of Hadrian, at Mantinea: P., VIII, 9.8. 

10 Strabo, XIV, 1.31 (C. 644.) 

"P., IX, 2, 5-6; he says that they were celebrated every fourth year and that the chief prizes 
were for running. 

12 Philostr., Fit. Soph., II, p. 624; Heliod., Aethiop., I, 17; Aristotle, Constit. of Athens, 58; 
cf. P., I, 29.4. Games were also held in the Academy in honor of Eurygyes: Hesych., /. v. 
iir' fLiipvyirg &.yu>v. 

"Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, 3 1883, I, p. 374 (Corneto); II, pp. 323 and 330 

14 0n the Etruscan origin of the ludi funebre s, see Val.Max., II, 4.4; Tertullian, de Sped., 12; 
Servius ad Virg., Aen., X, 520. For the Etruscan origin of the munera glddiatorum, see Tertull., 
op. cit., 5; Athenaeus, IV, 39 (quoting Nikolaos of Damascus); cf. Strabo, V, 4.13 (C. 250). They 
were first introduced into Rome in 264 B. C. in honor of D. Junius Brutus: Livy, XVI (Epit.); 
and are frequently mentioned: e. g., by Livy, XXIII, 30, 15; XXXI, 50, 4; XXXIX, 46, 2; 
XLI, 28, 11; Polyb., XXXII, 14, 5; Serv., ad Aen., Ill, 67 and V, 78; Suetonius, Julius, 26; 
etc. See Dar.-Sagl., II, 2, pp. 1384 f., 1563 f. 


Siamese, Kirghiz, in India, and among the North American Indian 
tribes. Gardiner notes the Irish fairs in honor of a departed chief, 
which existed from pagan days down to the last century. 1 

The testimony of early Greek athletic art also points to the same 
funerary origin of the games. The funeral games of Pelias and those 
held by Akastos in honor of his father were depicted respectively on the 
two most famous monuments of early Greek decorative art, on the chest 
of Kypselos dedicated in the Heraion at Olympia and on the throne of 
Apollo at Amyklai in Lakonia, the latter being the work of the Ionian 
sculptor Bathykles. Though both these works are lost, the description 
of one of them at least, that of the chest, by Pausanias, 2 is so detailed 
and precise that the scenes represented upon it have been paralleled fig- 
ure for figure on early Ionian (especially Chalkidian) and Corinthian 
vases, contemporary or later, and on Corinthian and Argive decora- 
tive bronze reliefs. Many attempts have been made, therefore, to re- 
store the chest, and as more monuments become known, which throw 
light on the composition and types, these attempts are constantly grow- 
ing in certainty, even though conjecture may continue to enter in. 3 

The figures were wrought in relief, partly in ivory and gold and partly 
in the cedar wood itself, deployed on its surface in a series of bands, 
such as we commonly see on early vases. This use of gold and ivory 
is the first example in Greek art of the custom employed by Pheidias 
and other sculptors of the great age of Greek sculpture. We have 
already noted its use in the ivory acrobats from Crete, which were 
made, perhaps, a thousand years before the chest. 4 Out of the thirty- 
three scenes depicted on its surface all but two or three were mytho- 
logical, and among these were scenes from the funeral games of Pelias, 
including a two-horse chariot-race (P., 9), a boxing and wrestling 

x Page 28; he quotes P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ireland, II, pp. 435 f. 

2 V, 17.5-19.10. The description of the throne (P., Ill, 18.9 f; cf. Apollodoros, I, 9.28) 
is merely summary, as Pausanias only mentions the games represented on it without describing 
them in detail. 

3 The best reconstruction of the scenes on the chest is by H. Stuart Jones: /. H. S., XIV, 1894, 
pp. 30-80 and PI. I (repeated by Frazer, III, PI. X, opp. p. 606). See also Robert, Hermes, 
XXIII, 1888, pp. 436 f.; Pernice, Jb., Ill, 1888, pp. 365 f.; Studniczka, Jb., IX, 1894, pp. 52 f., n. 
16; Collignon, I, pp. 93-100; Furtw., Mzv., pp. 723-32. 

The best attempt to reconstruct the scenes on the throne is by Furtwaengler: Mw., fig. 135, 
opposite p. 706; text, pp. 689-719; cf. the best of the older attempts by Brunn, Rhein. Mus., 
N. F., V, 1847, p. 325; id., Kunst bei Homer, pp. 22 f.; id., Griech. Kunstgesch., 1893, I, pp. 178 f. 
Cf. also Klein, Arch.-epigr. Mitt, aus Oesterr.-Ungarn, IX, 1885, pp. 145 f.; against Klein, see 
Pernice, as above, p. 369. Cf. Collignon, I, pp. 230-2; Murray, I, pp. 89 f. 

4 If we followed Pausanias' account that this was the very chest made to save the infant 
Kypselos, father of Periandros and future tyrant of Corinth, and that it was dedicated at Olympia 
by the Kypselid family (for the story, see Hdt., V, 92), the chest would belong to the eighth cen- 
tury B. C., and must have been dedicated before 586-5 B. C., when the Kypselid dynasty ended 
at Corinth; see Busolt, Griech. Gesck., 2 I, pp. 638 and 657. However, the chest at Olympia had 
nothing to do with the legendary one, but was merely a richly decorated offering to the gods, the 
work of a Corinthian artist of the end of the seventh or beginning of the sixth century B. C., 
and one who knew the epic poems well. 


match (10), a foot-race, quoit-throwing, and a victor represented as 
being crowned (10), and prize tripods (11). 

The most valuable parallel to some of the scenes described by 
Pausanias is found on the Amphiaraos vase in Berlin, 1 dating from 
the sixth century B. C., on which the wrestling match and chariot- 
race correspond surprisingly well with the descriptions of Pausanias, 
despite certain differences in detail. Another archaic vase depicts a 
two-horse chariot-race and the parting of Amphiaraos and Eriphyle. 2 
The scenes on this latter vase appear to have been copied from those 
on the chest, and it is possible that the scenes on the Berlin vase had 
the same origin. 

Funeral games are commonly pictured on early vases. Thus on a 
proto-Attic amphora, discovered by the British School of Athens in 
excavating the Gymnasion of Kynosarges, there are groups of wrestlers 
and chariot-racers. The wrestling bout here, however, seems to be to 
the death, as the victor has his adversary by the throat with both 
hands. It may be a mythological scene, perhaps representing the bout 
between Herakles and Antaios. A still earlier representation of funeral 
games is shown by a Dipylon geometric vase from the Akropolis now in 
Copenhagen, dating back possibly to the eighth century B. C. 3 On one 
side two nude men, who have grasped each other by the arms, are 
ready to stab one another with swords. This may represent, however, 
as Gardiner suggests, only a mimic contest. On the other side are two 
boxers standing between groups of warriors and dancers. A similar 
scene in repousse appears on a Cypriote silver vase from Etruria now in 
the Uffizi in Florence. 4 We should also, in this connection, note again 
the reliefs representing funeral games, which appear on the sixth-cen- 
tury sarcophagus from Klazomenai already mentioned. 5 Here is 
represented a combat of armed men; amid chariots stand groups of 
men armed with helmets, shields, and spears, while flute-players stand 
between them ; at either end is a pillar with a prize vase upon it ; against 
one leans a naked man with a staff, doubtless intended to represent the 
spirit of the deceased in whose honor the games are being held. 

Games in honor of the dead tended to become periodic. The tomb 
of the honored warriors became a rallying-point for neighboring people, 

l Fasen, 1655; Perrot-Chipiez, IX, p. 637, fig. 348 (departure of Amphiaraos); p. 639, fig. 349 
(chariot-race); Gardiner, p. 29, fig. 3; Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; Baum. I, fig. 69; and see Robert 
Annali, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f.; Man. d. /., X, 1874-1878, Pis. IV, V. The discovery of this 
vase at Cerveteri (Caere) in 1872 proved the Corinthian workmanship of the chest. 

2 Micali, Monumenti per servire all' historia degli antichi popoli Italian?, 1833, PI. XCV; described 
by Jahn, Archaeol. Aufsaetze, pp. 154 f. (quoted by Frazer, III, p. 610). For scenes representing the 
departure of Amphiaraos and a four-horse chariot-race, see also an Attic-Corinthian vase in Flor- 
ence: Perrot-Chipiez, X, pp. 109 and 111, figs. 78, 79 ( = Thiersch, Tyrrhenische Amphoren, PI. 
IV); the latter also gives us the oldest representation of a Greek stadion. 

3 A. Z., XLIII, 1885, PI. VIII; Gardiner, p. 30, fig. 4 (one side). 

<Cited by Gardiner, pp. 30-31; Inghirami, A/on. Etr., 1821-1826, III, 19, 20; Schreiber, Bilder- 
atlas, PI. XIII, 6; M. W., I, PI. LX, fig. 302b. 'Reproduced by Gardiner, p. 21, fig. 2. 


who would convene to see the games. While some of these games 
were destined never to transcend local importance, others developed 
into the Panhellenic festivals. As the worship of ancestors became 
metamorphosed into that of heroes, the games became part of hero 
cults, which antedated those of the Olympian gods. But as the gods 
gradually superseded the heroes in the popular religion, they usurped 
the sanctuaries and the games held there, which had long been a part of 
the earlier worship. We are not here concerned, however, with the 
difficult question of the origin of funeral games. They may have taken 
the place of earlier human sacrifices, which would explain the armed 
fight at the games of Patroklos and its appearance on archaic vases 
and sarcophagi; or they may have commemorated early contests of suc- 
cession, which would explain many mythical contests like the chariot- 
race between Pelops and Oinomaos for Hippodameia, or the wrestling 
match between Zeus and Kronos. In any case such games would 
never have attained the importance which they did attain in Greece, 
if it had not been for the athletic spirit and love of competition so char- 
acteristic of the Hellenic race. Whatever their origin, therefore, there 
is little doubt that out of them developed the great games of historic 
Greece. The constant relationship between Greek religion and Greek 
athletics can be explained in no other way. 1 


By the beginning of the sixth century B. C. the athletic spirit dis- 
played in the Homeric poems had given rise to the four national festi- 
vals at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus. On these four, 
many lesser games were modeled. 2 The origin of all these, as we have 
already remarked, is lost in a mass of legend. The myths of the origin 
of Olympia are particularly conflicting. We are practically certain, 
however, that Olympia as a sanctuary preceded the advent of the 
Achaeans into the Peloponnesus, and that the foundation of the games 
preceded the coming of the Dorians, but was probably later than that 
of the Achaeans. The importance of the games dates from the time 
after the Dorian invasion of the Peloponnesus, when the warring 
peoples finally became pacified. 3 For centuries Olympia was 

^y. on this topic, Gardiner, pp. 31-2; cf. B. S. A., XXII, 1916-18, p. 86, where, in speaking 
of the disputed origin of the custom of funeral games, he says: "It is at least conceivable that 
it originated from different causes in different places and among different peoples." 

2 See a list of twenty-five local Olympia in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, 3 1891, II, pp. 273 f., 
j. v. Olympia, taken from Krause, Olympia, pp. 202 f. Most of these lesser Olympia are known 
to us only from inscriptions and coins. Peisistratos appears to have founded annual Olympia 
at Athens, when he began to build the Olympieion; Pindar seems to allude to them in Nem. II, 
23 (cf. schol. ad loc.); they were reorganized magnificently by Hadrian in A. D. 131: Spartianus, 
Fit. Hadriani, 13. Cf. Gardiner, p. 229. 

3 Lysias, Paneg., notes this fact, when he says that Herakles restored peace and unity by insti- 
tuting the games. Pausanias speaks similarly of the restoration of the games by Iphitos and 
Lykourgos: V, 4.5 f. 


shadowed by Delphi and the Ionian festival on Delos. The impor- 
tance of the latter festival in the eighth and seventh centuries B. C. is 
shown by the Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo. Only by the begin- 
ning of the seventh century had Olympia begun to gain its prestige. 
The pre-Dorian Pisatai, in whose territory the sanctuary was situated, 
probably controlled it early. The Dorian Eleans, whom legend had 
King Oxylos lead into the Peloponnesus from Aitolia, 1 tried to wrest 
this control from the Pisatai, who, however, aided by religious rever- 
ence for the sanctuary, were able to maintain their rights. On account 
of the conflict the games languished, until finally a truce was made by 
the two factions and the games were re-established under their common 
management. This work was ascribed to Iphitos and Kleosthenes, 
kings respectively of Elis and Pisa, and to Lykourgos of Sparta. 2 
The dual control was not successful, as the jealous Pisatai constantly 
tried to regain their old honor; but the Eleans, supported by the 
Spartans, prevailed and finally, after the Persian wars, destroyed Pisa 
and the other revolting cities of Triphylia and henceforth remained 
in sole control. The restoration of the games under Iphitos and his 
colleagues took place in 776 B. C., from which date the festival was 
celebrated every fourth year, until it was finally abolished by the 
Roman emperor Theodosius at the end of the fourth century A. D. In 
776 Koroibos of Elis won the foot-race and this was the first dated Olym- 
piad in the Olympian register, 3 and from it, as Pausanias says, 4 the 
unbroken tradition of the Olympiads began. This history of Olympia 
is very different from the orthodox mythical story told by Pausanias 
and Strabo and based on the "ancient writings of the Eleans." 5 Accord- 
ing to it the games were originally instituted by the Eleans under 
Oxylos and refounded by Iphitos, his descendant, together with 
Lykourgos, still under the management of the Eleans. In 01. 8 the 
Pisatans invoked the aid of the Argive king Pheidon and dispossessed 

'P., V, 1.3; 3.6; Strabo, VIII, 3.33 (C.357). 

2 The decree governing the festival was inscribed on a diskos, which dates probably from the 
seventh century B. C., and was preserved in the Heraion down to the time of Pausanias. On it 
the names of Iphitos and Lykourgos were legible down to Aristotle's day: P., V, 20.1; Plut., 
Lycurgus, I. 1. Phlegon, F. H. G., Ill, p. 602, and a scholion on Plato, de Rep., 465 D, men- 
tion Kleosthenes; cf. Louis Dyer, Harvard Classical Studies, 1908, pp. 40 f.; Gardiner, p. 43, n. 1. 

3 For a discussion of the sources and history of this register, originally compiled near the end of 
the fifth century B. C. by Hippias of Elis (Plut., Numa, I, 4; cf. Mahaffy, /. H. S., II, 1881, 
pp. 164f.), and revised by various later writers from Aristotle and Philochoros to Phlegon of 
Tralles and Julius Africanus, see Juethner, Ph., pp. 60-70. From it a complete list of stade- 
runners was copied by the church-historian Eusebios from Africanus, who had brought it 
down to 217 A. D. 4 V, 8.6. 

5 Mentioned by P., V, 4.6 and elsewhere; for the mythical account see P., V, 7.6 8.5 (from 
Herakles to Oxylos); V, 8.5, and V, 9.4 (revived under the presidency of Iphitos and the descen- 
dants of Oxylos). Phlegon, F. H. G., Ill, p. 603, says that the games were discontinued for 28 
Olympiads from the time of Herakles and Pelops to that of Koroibos. Velleius Paterculus, I, 8 
(ed. Halm), dates the revival under Iphitos, 793 B. C. Strabo, quoting Ephoros, says that the 
Achaeans controlled Olympia to the time of Oxylos; for his mythical account of the games, see 
VIII, 3.33 (C. 357). On presidents of ihe games being elected from the Eleans, see P., V, 9.4-6. 


the Eleans, but they lost the control of Olympia in the next Olym- 
piad. In 01. 28 Elis, during a war with Dyme, allowed the Pisatans 
to celebrate the games. Six Olympiads later the king of Pisa came to 
Olympia with an army and took charge. The story leaves the Pisatans 
in control from about Olympiads 30 to 51, but some time between 
Ols. 48 and 52 the Eleans defeated Pisa and destroyed it, and henceforth 
controlled the games. Such a story was manifestly a contrivance by 
the later priests of Elis to justify their control of the games through a 
prior claim. It is contradicted by all the evidence. 1 The antiquity 
of Olympia is known to us from the results of excavations and frcm its 
religious history. The latest excavations on the site have disclosed the 
remains of six prehistoric buildings with apsidal endings, below the 
geometric stratum, upon the site of what used to be considered the 
remnants of the great altar of Zeus. 2 Such an inference is borne out 
by many primitive features in the religious history of the sanctuary. 
The altar of Kronos on the hill to the north of the Altis was earlier 
than that of Zeus; an earth altar antedated that of Zeus, while a sur- 
vival of the earlier worship of the powers of the underworld is seen in 
the custom, lasting through later centuries, of allowing only one woman, 
the priestess of Demeter Chamyne, to witness the games. We also 
know that the worship of the Pelasgian Hera antedated that of the 
Hellenic Zeus; her temple, the Heraion, is the most ancient cf which 
the foundations still stand, a temple built of stone, wood, and sun-dried 
bricks, whose origin is to be referred to the tenth, if not to the eleventh, 
century B. C. 3 We have already remarked that the worship of the hero 
Pelops preceded that of the god Zeus. 4 All such indications attest the 
high antiquity of Olympia. That it is not mentioned in Hcmer, while 
Delphi and Dodona are, only proves that in the poet's time it was still 
merely a local shrine. Not until the beginning of the sixth century B. C. 
did it attain the distinction, which it retained ever afterwards, of being 
the foremost national festival of Hellas. 5 

The periodical celebration of the three other national festivals 
was not dated except in legend before the early years of the sixth 
century B. C., though local festivals must have existed also on these 
sites long before. 6 The old music festival at Delphi, which finally was 

'Especially by Xenophon, Hell., Ill, 2.31; VII, 4.28. Pausanias omits all evidence of the 
part played by Kleosthenes in the truce. See Gardiner, pp. 44 f. 

2 See Doerpfeld, A. M., XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185 f. 

3 Recently E. N. Gardiner has argued that the worship of Zeus came directly from Dodona to 
Olympia before it had reached Crete and that Cretan elements in the cult first appear at Olympia 
in the VIII century B. C. He believes that the worship of Hera reached Olympia from Argos 
later than that of Zeus, toward the end of the VIII century B. C., when he supposes the Heraion 
was built as a joint temple to both deities: B. S. A., XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85-86. 

"On his cult see P., V, 13.2, and scholion on Pindar, 01. I, 146 and 149, Boeckh, p. 43. After 
being reduced to the rank of hero, Pelops still kept his own precinct in the Altis throughout antiquity. 

5 On the history of Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 38 f. 

6 For the legends connected with the origin of the three, see Krause, Die Pythien, Nemeen und 
Isthmien, and the various articles in Dar.-Sagl. 


held every eight years, 1 was changed in 586 B. C., in consequence of the 
Sacred War, 2 into a Panhellenic festival celebrated thereafter every 
four years (pentaeteris). It was under the presidency of the Amphik- 
tyonic League, which introduced athletic and equestrian events copied 
from those at Olympia 3 and replaced the older money prizes with the 
simple bay wreath. About the same time the Nemean and Isthmian 
games were instituted. The local games at Nemea, said to have been 
founded by Adrastos in honor of a child, were reorganized some time 
before 573 B. C., the first Nemead. 4 Thereafter they were celebrated 
every two years, in the second and fourth of the corresponding Olym- 
piads. 5 They were administered in honor of Zeus by the small town 
of Kleonai under Argive influence. The games were transferred to 
Argos some time between 460 B. C. and the close of the third century 
B. C. Centuries later, Hadrian revived the prestige of the games at 
Argos. The games held on the Isthmus also originated as an old local 
festival, which was revived in 586 or 582 B. C. We are not sure whether 
they were refounded in Poseidon's honor by Periandros or after the 
death of Psammetichos in commemoration of the ending of the tyranny 
at Corinth. The geographical location of Corinth, the meeting-place of 
East and West, involved it in many wars, and therefore the Isthmian 
games never attained the prestige of the other national festivals; they 
were held every two years in the spring of the second and fourth years 
of the corresponding Olympiads and were administered by Corinth. 6 

Besides the four national games, many Greek cities had purely local 
ones, some of which originated in prehistoric days in honor of hero 
cults, while others were founded at historical dates. Athens was 
particularly favored in having many such local festivals. The most 
important of these were the Panathenaic games in honor of Athena, 
which developed from earlier annual Aihenaia or Panathenaia. The 
festival was remodeled, or perhaps founded, just before Peisistratos 
seized the tyranny (561-560 B. C.), possibly by Solon, who died 560-559 
B. C. The name certainly points to the unity of Athens promoted by 

1 Schol. on Pindar, Pyth., Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. 

2 On the Sacred or Krisaian War (590 B. C.), see Bury, History of Greece, 1913, pp. 158-9. The 
first Pythiad was reckoned from 586 (not from 582 as Bury and others state): see Frazer, V, 
p. 244; Boeckh, Explic. ad Find., 01., XII, pp. 206 f. 

"See Strabo, IX, 3.10, (C. 421); P., X, 7.4-5; schol. on Pind., Pyth., Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. 
Ovid's idea (Met., I, 445) that boxing, running, and chariot-racing existed from the first, is 
wrong. On the Pythian games, see Gardiner, pp. 208 f. 

4 On the Nemean games, see Gardiner, pp. 223-6. As no proper excavations have been made on 
the site, our knowledge of the games is confined almost entirely to literary evidence. 

6 P., II, 15.3, and VI, 16.4, mentions a winter celebration. The scholiast on Pindar's Nem., 
Argum., Boeckh, pp. 424-5, says that it was a Tpierfa held on the 12th of the month Panemos, 
and so it was a summer and not a winter celebration. On theories of two celebrations, see 
Frazer, II, pp. 92-3. 

'They were not held in midsummer as some have maintained: see Thukyd., VIII, 9-10; Unger, 
Philologus, XXXVII, 1877, 1-42; Nissen, Rhein. Mus., XLII, 1887, pp. 46 f. On the Isthmian 
games, see Gardiner, pp. 214 f. 


Solon, if not to the earlier unification of the village communities of 
Attika ascribed to Theseus. In any case, under Peisistratos it became 
something more than a local festival, as the recitation of Homer 
became a feature of it. Following the games at Delphi and Olympia, 
the Great Panathenaia were held every four years (the third year of 
each Olympiad) in the month of Hekatombaion (July), while the more 
ancient annual festival continued yearly under the name of the Little 
Panathenaia. There were musical, literary, and athletic contests. 
The central feature of the festival was the procession which ascended 
from the lower city to the Parthenon on the Akropolis to offer the 
goddess a robe woven by noble Athenian maidens and matrons. 1 This 
procession is known to us in detail from the great Parthenon frieze. 
The Theseia exemplify a festival whose origin can be definitely dated. 
Kimon, the son of the hero of Marathon, in 469 B. C., discovered the 
supposed bones of the national hero Theseus on the island of Skyros. 
The Delphic oracle counseled the Athenians to place them in an hon- 
orable resting-place. Perhaps there was a legend that the hero was 
buried on Skyros; in any case a grave was found there which con- 
tained the corpse of a warrior of great size, and this was brought back 
to Athens as the actual remains of Theseus. Thereafter an annual fes- 
tival was celebrated by the Athenian epheboi, comprising military con- 
tests and athletic events stade, dolichos, and diaulos running races, 
wrestling, boxing, pankration, hoplite running, etc. It began on the 
sixth of Pyanepsion (October), and was followed by the Epitaphia, a 
funeral festival in honor of national heroes and youths who had fallen 
fighting for Athens. 2 Athletic games were held at the Herakleia in 
honor of Herakles at Marathon in the month of Metageitnion, and had 
attained great popularity by the time of Pindar. 3 The Eleusinia, in 
honor of Demeter, took place annually in Athens in the month of 
Boedromion, when horse-races and musical and other contests were 
held. This Attic festival claimed a greater antiquity even than 
Olympia. The great national festivals encouraged these smaller 
local ones, so that they attracted competitors from the whole Greek 


The prizes which were offered at the early games in Greece were 
uniformly articles of value. Their value, however, was regarded not 
so much in the light of rewards to the victors as proofs of the generous 

^or the nine-day celebration of the Great Panathenaia, see A. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen, 
1898, p. 153; cf. Gardiner, pp. 229 f. 

2 See Mommsen, op. cit., pp. 278 f., and Heortologie, 1864, pp. 269 f. In recent years victor lists 
of the Theseia have been found: C. I. G., II, 444-450, esp. 447; for two other fragments, see A. M. y 
XXX, 1905, pp. 213 f, and Beilag, a and b (c = C. I. G., above). For other lists of victors of local 
games, see A. M., XXVIII, 1903, pp. 338 f. (Oropos, Samos, Larisa). For vase-paintings of the 
athletic exploits of Theseus, see Harrison, Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens, 1890, pp. 
xcvm f. 3 See 01., IX, 89; XIII, 110; Pyth., VIII, 79. 


spirit of the holders of the games, who thereby celebrated the dead in 
whose honor the contest was held. In Homer's account of the funeral 
games of Patroklos, each contestant, whether victorious or not, re- 
ceived a prize. In one case a prize was given where the contest was 
not held. In the chariot-race five prizes were offered: for the winner a 
slave girl and a tripod; for the second best a six-year-old mare in foal; 
for the third a cauldron; for the fourth two talents of gold; and for the 
last a two-handled cup. 1 For the wrestling match the winner received 
a tripod worth twelve oxen, while the vanquished received a skilled 
slave woman worth four oxen. 2 For the boxing match a mule was the 
first prize and a two-handled cup the second. 3 For the foot-race a 
silver bowl of Sidonian make, an ox, and half a talent of gold were 
the prizes. 4 

Hesiod records his winning a tripod for a victory gained in singing 
at the games of Amphidamas at Chalkis. 5 Tripods were the common- 
est prizes at all early games and it was not till later that they became 
connected especially with Apollo'sworship. They were presented for all 
sorts of contests, for chariot-racing, 6 horse-racing, 7 the foot-race, 8 box- 
ing, 9 and wrestling. 10 They were presented at various games in honor 
of different gods and heroes: e. g., those in honor of Apollo at the Tri- 
opia 11 and Panionia of Mykale; 12 of Dionysos at Athens and Rhodes; 13 
of Herakles at the Herakleia of Thebes and elsewhere; 14 of Pelias; 15 of 
Patroklos. 16 They were kept in temples dedicated to various gods : e. g., 
in those of Apollo at Delphi, at Amyklai, 17 and on Delos, 18 at the Ptoian 
sanctuary 19 and in the Ismenion at Thebes; 20 in the temples of Zeus at 
Olympia and Dodona; 21 of Herakles at Thebes; 22 at the Hierothesion in 
Messene, 23 etc. Later, because it served the Pythian priestess, the tri- 
pod became a part of the Apolline cult and the special attribute of that 
god. 24 Gold and silver vessels and articles of bronze were everywhere 
used as prizes. In early days bronze was very valuable. Pindar proves 

, XXIII, 262-70; cf. XXII, 163-4, where the prizes were slave women and tripods. 

*Ibid.,7QO-S. *Ibid., 6S3-6. *Ibid., 740-51. *>0p., 653-9; cf. Scut., 312-13. 

"Iliad, XI, 700; XXIII, 264; Hesiod, Scut., 312. It is thus represented on a Dipylon vase: 
Mon. d. I., IX, 1869-73, PI. XXXIX, 2; on the Corinthian vase representing the funeral games 
of Pelias and Amphiaraos: ibid., X, PI. V B; on the Frangois vase, and on many others. 

'Iliad, XXII, 164; cf. Gerhard, IV, PI. CCXLVII. 

"Gerhard, IV, PI. CCLVI. 

9 0n an amphora by Nikosthenes: Klein, Griech. Vasen mil Meistersignaturen? 1887, PI. XXXI. 

"Iliad, XXIII, 702, as above. "Hdt., I, 144. 

12 Ion, ap. P., VII, 4.10. 13 Aristeid., I, p. 841 (ed. Dindorf). 

14 Polemon ap. schol. on Pindar, 01., VII, 153, Boeckh, pp. 180-1. 

16 0n the above-mentioned Corinthian vase: Mon. d. I., X, Pis. IV, V; on the chest of Kyp- 
selos: P., V, 17.11. 

16 In the Iliad, as above. 17 P.,III,18.7-8. 18 ^.Z.,XL,1882,'p.333; 5,C.#.,VI,)1882,p. 118. 

l . C. H., IX, 1885, p. 478. 20 P., IX, 10.4; Hdt., I, 92. 

21 See Carapanos, Dodone et ses Ruines, 1878, pp. 40, 41, and 229, and PI. XXIII, 2.2 bis, 3, 4. 

K P., X, 7.6. 23 P., IV, 32.1. 

24 0n the tripod, see Reisch, pp. 6-7 and 58-9; Rouse, pp. 150-1 and 355; most of the above 
examples have been taken from these writers. 


this for games held in Achaia and Arkadia; 1 and it continued to be used 
in later times, as, e. g., at the Panathenaia, where a hydria of bronze 
was a prize in the torch-race. 2 At the lesser games all sorts of articles 
were offered, merely for their value. Thus a shield was offered at the 
Argive Heraia, 3 a bowl at the games in honor of Aiakos on Aegina, 4 sil- 
ver cups at the Marathonian Herakleia^ and at the Sikyonian Pythiaf a 
cloak at Pellene, 7 apparently a cuirass at Argos, 8 and jars of oil from 
sacred trees at the Panathenaia. 3 A kettle is mentioned in the Anthol- 
ogy; 10 an inscribed cauldron from Cumae, which was a prize at the 
games there in honor of Onomastos, is in the British Museum, 11 while 
measures of barley and corn were prizes at the Eleusinia. While 
presents of value continued to be given at the local games, 13 a simple 
wreath of leaves gradually came to be the prize offered the victor at the 
great national festivals. Pausanias 14 says that this was composed of wild 
olive (KOTIVOS) at Olympia, of laurel (Sd^prj) at Delphi, of pine (TTIT.US) 
at the Isthmus, and of celery (ffeXivov) at Nemea. Phlegon says that the 
olive wreath was first used by Iphitos in Ol. 7 ( = 752 B. C.), when it was 
given to the Messenian runner Daikles, 15 and that for the preceding 
Olympiads there was no crown. 16 Probably before that date tripods 
and other articles of value were the prizes at Olympia, as we know they 
were elsewhere. Pausanias says that the wild olive came from the land 
of the Hyperboreans. 17 Pindar calls it merely olive (eXcua), and not 
wild olive. 18 The Athenian tradition was that the olive which Herakles 
planted at Olympia was a shoot of a sacred tree which grew on the 
banks of the Ilissos in Attica. 19 Phlegon also says that the first crown 
came from Attika. In later days the Olympic wreaths were cut from 
the "Olive of the Faircrown"; 20 its branches were cut with a golden 
sickle by a boy whose parents must be living; 21 it grew at Olympia in a 

l Nem., X, 45 f.; cj. schol. on 01., VII, 153, Boeckh, pp. 180-1. 

2 C. /. A., II, 2, 965. On the value of bronze, cf. Reisch, p. 6. 

3 Schol. on Pindar, OL, VII, 152, Boeckh, p. 180. 

<Ibid., 01., VII, 156, Boeckh, p. 181. 

6 Pindar, 01., IX, 89-90. 6 Ibid., Nem., IX, 51; X, 43 f. 

>Ibid., Nem., X, 44; schol. on OL, XIII, 155 and VII, 156, Boeckh, pp. 288 and 156, and 
Explic. ad Olymp., IX, 102, P . 194. 8 C. /. A., Ill, i, 116. 

Schol. on Pindar, Nem., X, 64, Boeckh, p. 504; cf. C. I. A., II, 2, 965. 

A. G., XIII, 8. "/. G. A., 525; B. M. Bronzes, 257. 

12 For many of these examples, see Reisch, pp. 57 f. (and notes), and Rouse, pp. 150-1. 

13 At the Panathenaia a golden crown was given the victorious harpist, a hydria to the torch- 
racer, and an ox to the victor in the pyrrhic chorus: C. I. A., II, 2, 965. Weapons were given at 
Delos: C. I. G., II, 2360; a golden crown was given at the Pythian games in Delphi to the city 
which furnished the finest sacrificial ox: Xenophon, Hell., IV, 4.9; here also golden crowns and 
arms were presented for soldiers' contests: Xenophon, ibid., Ill, 4.8 and IV, 2.7. 

"VIII, 48.2. "Foerster, 7. 16 Frag. > ( = F. H. G., Ill, p. 604). 

"V, 7.7; cf Pindar, OL, III, 24 f. OL, III, 13 f. 

19 Pseudo-Aristot., de mirab. Auscult., 51; schol. on Aristoph., Plutus, 586; Suidas, s. v. norivov 

20 P., V, 15.3; cf. Theophrastos, Hist. Plant., IV, 13, 2; Pliny, H. N., XVI, 240. 
21 Schol. on Pindar, OL, III, 60, Boeckh, p. 102. 


spot near the so-called Pantheion, 1 which was probably a grove behind 
the temple of Zeus. 2 The laurel prize at the Pythian games replaced 
the older articles of value or money in 582 B. C. 3 It came from Tempe 
and was plucked by a boy whose parents must be living. 4 The wreath is 
seen on late Delphian coins of the imperial age. 5 Lucian also states that 
apples were given as prizes at Delphi. 6 Wild celery was the prize at 
the Isthmus in the time of Pindar. 7 It was dried or withered to 
differentiate it from the fresh celery used at Nemea. 8 Later writers say 
that the wreath was of the leaves of the pine, 9 which was the tree sacred 
to Poseidon. Probably pine leaves composed the older wreath, a prac- 
tice certainly revived again in later Roman imperial days; 10 for while 
on coins of Augustus and Nero celery is represented, those of Anto- 
ninus Pius and Lucius Verus show pine. 11 A row of pine trees lined 
the approach to Poseidon's sanctuary. 12 The prize at Nemea was celery 
and not parsley, as many wrongly interpret the wreath appearing on 
Selinuntian coins. 13 Pausanias also states that at most Greek games a 
palm wreath was placed in the victor's right hand. 14 The palm as a 
symbol of victory occurs first toward the end of the fifth century B. C. 15 


Just as soldiers on returning from successful campaigns might dedi- 
cate their spoils of victory, victors in athletic contests might consecrate 
to the gods their prizes. In the Homeric poems we have no certain 
evidence of such a custom. A Delphic tripod was ascribed to Dio- 
medes and possibly this was a prize won at the funeral games in honor 
of Patroklos. 16 The first literary example of such a dedication of which 
we are certain is the prize tripod dedicated to the Helikonian Muses by 

^seudo-Aristot., I.e.; schol. on Pindar, 01., Ill, 60, and VIII, 12, Boeckh, pp. 102 and 189 

2 Weniger, Der heilige Oelbaum in Olympia, 1895. 

3 P., X, 7.5; Marmor Parium, 53 f. On the reason why the laurel was the prize for a Pythian 
victory, see P., X, 7.8; cf. VIII, 48.2 (as above); schol. on Pindar, Pyth., Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. 
On the Delphian laurel, see also Pliny, H. N., XV, 127; Dio Cass., LXIII, 9. Virgil crowns his 
victors with laurel: Aen., V, 246 and 539. 

4 Aelian, Var. Hist., Ill, 1; schol. on Pindar, Pyth., Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. 

6 See Gardiner, p. 208, fig. 27, a coin in the British Museum: B. M. Coins, Delphi, 38. 

*Anacharsis, 9; see also C. I. A., Ill, 116; Kaibel, Epigrammata graeca, 1878, no. 931. 

iNem., IV, 88; 01, XIII, 32 f.; Isthm., II, 16, VIII, 64. 

8 Schol. on Pindar, Nem., Argum., Boeckh, p. 426. 

E. g., P., VIII, 48.2; cf. Plut., Qaest. conviv., V, 3.3; Timoleon, 26. 

10 Krause, Die Pythien, N emeen und I sthmien, pp. 197 f.; schol. on Isthm., Argum., Boeckh, p. 514. 

"See B. M. Coins, Corinth, 509-12; 564; 602-3 (603 = Gardiner, p. 214, fig. 28); 624; cf. I. G., II, 
1320, and Gardiner, p. 222, n. 2. 

12 P., II, 1.7. Curtius, Peloponnesos, II, p. 543, believes that the pine was not a fir, but the Pinus 
maritima; Philippson, in the Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch.fuer Erdkunde zu Berlin, XXV, 1890, pp. 74 f., 
believes that it was the Pinus halepensis Mill. 

"See Droysen, Hermes, XIV, 1879, p. 3; Head, Historia Nummorum, pp. 146 f.; Imhoof-Blumer 
and O. Keller, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Muenzen und Gemmen, PI. VI, 8; VII, 2; IX, 9-12; 
XXV, 19. "VIII, 48.2. 

15 See Tarbell, Class. Phil., Ill, pp. 264 f.; he traces its origin to Delos and its popularity to the 
restoration of the Delian festival by the Athenians in 426 B. C. 

16 Mentioned by Phanias, ap. Athen., VI, 21 (232 c.) 


Hesiod. 1 Frequently such dedications were tripods; thus a Pythian 
tripod was dedicated to Herakles at Thebes by the Arkadian musician 
Echembrotos in 586 B. C.; 2 a tripod was dedicated in the sixth century 
B. C. or perhaps earlier at Athens for some acrobatic or juggling trick; 3 
a victorious boxer dedicated one at Thebes. 4 It became customary by 
the fifth century B. C. for victors at the Triopia to offer prize tripods to 
Apollo. 5 Tripods or fragments of them have been found at Olympia 6 
and elsewhere. Many other objects were also offered. 7 Sometimes 
a victor would dedicate the object by which he won his victory in- 
stead of his prize, just as a soldier might dedicate his arms instead of 
his spoils of war. Certain types of victors, e. g., those especially in 
running, the race in armor, singing, etc., would be excluded from 
making such dedications owing to the nature of the contest. Pausan- 
ias 8 tells us, for instance, that twenty-five bronze shields were kept 
in the temple of Zeus at Olympia for the use of hoplite runners, which 
shows that these runners did not use all at least of their own armor. 
In some cases diskoi were lent to pentathletes. Pausanias 9 says that 
three quoits were kept in the treasury of the Sikyonians at Olympia 
for use in the pentathlon. There are, however, as we shall see, 
instances of quoits being dedicated by victors. The pentathlete 
might consecrate either his diskos, javelin, or jumping-weights. 10 Per- 
haps the huge red-sandstone block of the sixth century B. C., weighing 
315 pounds and inscribed with the name and feat of Bybon, may have 
been such an ex voto, 11 since Pausanias says the contestants at Olympia 
originally used stones for quoits. 12 A stone, weighing 480 kilograms 
(about 1,056 pounds), was found on Thera, inscribed "Eumastos raised 
me from the ground." 13 Poplios (Publius) Asklepiades, who won the 
pentathlon at Olympia in the third century A. D., 14 dedicated a bronze 
diskos to Zeus, showing the old custom was kept up till late. Many 
bronze diskoi have been found in the excavations of the Altis. 15 We 
have instances of the dedication of jumping-weights (aXr^pes). 16 
Examples of dedicated strigils have been found at Olympia. 17 Torches 
were dedicated at Athens. 18 Actors dedicated their masks, 19 while 

1 <9/>.,654f.; cf. P., IX, 31.3. The spurious epigram in A. G.,VII, 53, may have been engraved 
on this tripod set up in the temple on Mt. Helikon. 

2 P., X 7.6. 3C. 7. A., IV, 373 79 ; another is mentioned ibid., I, 493. 4 Hdt., V, 60. 

5 Hdt.,' I, 144. 6 Bronz. v. 01., pp. 72 f. 7 See Rouse, pp. 153 f. 8 V, 12.8. 

VI, 19.4. 10 C/. Rouse, p. 160 and Reisch, p. 62 and n. 1. 

"See Rouse, /. c.; for the inscription, 7. G. A., 370. 12 II, 29.9. 

13 7. G. A., XIII, 449; see discussion of both stones in /. 77. S., XXVII, 1907, pp. 2 f. 

14 In Ol. 255 ( = 241 A. D.); Foerster, 739; Inschr. v. 01, 240-1. 16 See Bronz. v. 01, p. 179. 

W E. g., the inscribed lead weight of the seventh or sixth centuries B. C., found at Eleusis and 
dedicated by Epainetos: C. 7. A., IV, 2, 422"; cf. Arch. Eph., 1883, pp. 189-91. 

11 Bronz. v. 01., Textbd., p. 180; Tafelbd., PI. LXV, 1101 a.; cf. another from the Cyrenaica in 
the British Museum: B. M. Bronzes, no. 326. 

18 C. 7. G., I, 243; C. I. A., Ill, i, 124; Rhein. Mus., XXXIV, 1879, p. 206; on prize torches, see 
A. G., VI, 100, and cf. Kaibel, Epigr. gr., 1878, 943. 

19 Kallim., XLIX; A. G., VI, 311; cf. Reisch, pp. 62 and 145-6, figs. 13, 14; Rouse, pp. 162-3. 


some of the ivory lyres and plectra conserved in the Parthenon were 
probably offerings of musical victors at the Panathenaic games. 1 
Equestrian victors dedicated their chariots, or models of them, and 
their horses. These models might be large or small. We have notices 
of large chariot-groups at Olympia of Kleosthenes, 2 Gelo, 3 and Hiero 
of Syracuse; 4 of small ones of Euagoras, 5 Glaukon, 6 Kyniska, 7 and 
Polypeithes. 8 A large number of miniature models of chariots and 
horses in bronze and terra cotta have been found at Olympia, 9 some of 
which have no wheels. Many very thin foil wheels have also been 
found. 10 Furtwaengler 11 believes that these wheels are conventional 
reductions of whole chariots. Some of them are cast 12 and they are 
generally four-spoked, but two mule-car wheels are five-spoked. 13 
These various models are so common and of so little value, however, 
that they may have had nothing to do with chariot-races. 14 

Many great artists, e. g., Kalamis, 15 Euphranor, 16 and Lysippos, 17 are 
known to have made chariot-groups and it is reasonable to assume that 
some of these were votive in character. Besides dedications of chariot 
victors, we find at Olympia also those of horse-racers. These were simi- 
larly both large and small, with and without jockeys. Thus jockeys on 
horseback by Kalamis stood on either side of Hiero's chariot. 18 Krokon 
of Eretria, who won the horse-race at the end of the sixth century B. C., 19 
dedicated a small bronze horse at Olympia. 20 The monument of the 
sons of Pheidolas of Corinth, 21 representing a horse on the top of a col- 
umn, must have been small. Pausanias, in mentioning the two statues 

^ee Reisch, p. 62, and n. 4. The flutist Straton dedicated his flute at Thespiai in the third 
century B. C.: C. I. G. G. S., I, 1818; a harpist his harp at Athens: C. I. A., Ill, 112. 

2 P., VI, 10.6-7. P., VI, 9.4. 

4 P., VI, 12.1 'P., VI, 10.8. 6 P., VI, 16.9. 

7 P., V, 12.5; the monument consisted of bronze horses only. 8 P., VI, 16.6. 

9 E. g., chariots and drivers, Bronz. v. 01., Tafelbd., PI. XV, 248, 248a, 249, 250; Textbd., pp. 
39-40; chariots without drivers, ibid., Tafelbd., PI. XV, 252, 252a, 253; Textbd., p. 40; charioteers 
without chariots, ibid., PI. XVI, 251; Textbd., p. 40; horses belonging to two-wheeled chariots, 
ibid., PI. XVI, 254, 254a; Textbd., pp. 40-1. 

w Bronz. v. OL, Tafelbd., PI. XXV, 498 f.; Textbd., p. 68. 

ll Bronz. v. 01., 1. c.; he is followed by Reisch, p. 61; Rouse, p. 166, however, thinks that they 
would have been an "artistic blunder." 

a E. g., Bronz. v. OL, Tafelbd., PI. XXV, 503 f.; Textbd., p. 69. 

13 Ibid., PI. XXV, 510; some are older than the date of the introduction of the mule-car race, 
01. 70 ( = 500 B. C.), and some may have been used as bases for animal figures :e. g., PI. XXV, 509; 
Textbd., p. 69. 

14 Rouse, p. 165, suggests, though without evidence, that they may have been offered before the 
contest with a propitiatory sacrifice. 

15 Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 71. 

u lbid., XXXIV, 78: fecit et quadrigas bigasque, etc. 

ll lbid., XXXIV, 63 and 64: fecit et quadrigas multorum generum. 18 P., VI, 12.1. 

"Either in Ol. 69 ( = 504 B. C.) or 70 ( = 500 B. C.) or before 67 (=512 B. C): Hyde, 126; 
Foerster, 778 (undated). 

20 P., VI, 14.4. 

2l The father won ^XTJTI in O1.66 or 67 ( = 516 or 512 B. C): Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129 and 
149a; P., VI, 13.9; the sons won in the same event in Ol. 68 ( = 508 B. C.): Hyde, 121, and 
pp. 50-51; Foerster, 152; P., VI, 13.10. 


of the Spartan chariot victor Lykinos by Myron, 1 says that one of 
the horses which the victor brought to Olympia was not allowed to 
enter the foal-race, and therefore was entered in-the horse-race. This 
story was probably told Pausanias by the Olympia guides and may 
have arisen from the smallness of one of the horses in the monument. 2 
The sculptors Kalamis, 3 Kanachos, 4 and Hegias 5 are known to have 
made groups representing horse-victors, and Pliny derives the whole 
genre of equestrian monuments from the Greeks. 6 Great numbers of 
small figures of horses and riders have been excavated at Olympia 7 
and elsewhere. 8 Equestrian groups of various kinds were also known 
outside Olympia. Thus Arlcesilas IV of Kyrene offered a chariot model 
at Delphi for a victory in 466 B. C; 9 the base found on the Akropolis 
of Athens and inscribed with the name Onatas probably upheld such 
a group; 10 the equestrian statue of Isokrates on the Akropolis was 
also probably a dedication for a victory in horse-racing. 11 


Not only did equestrian contests and the pentathlon give the victor 
an opportunity to represent the means by which he gained his prize, 
but any victorious athlete could set up a statue of himself in his own 
honor, which might either represent him in the characteristic attitude 
of his contest (perhaps with its distinguishing attributes) or might be a 
simple monument showing neither action nor attribute. This brings 
us to the main subject of the present work the discussion of the 
different types of victor statues at Olympia. 

Of all the national games of Hellas, our knowledge of Olympia is 
fullest, both because of the detailed account of its monuments by 
Pausanias, who visited Elis in 173 A.D., and because of the systematic 
excavation of the Altis by the German government in the seventies 
of the last century. We shall not be concerned, except incidentally, 
with monuments set up at the other national games, which are known 
to us in no such degree as those of Olympia. The interest of Pau- 
sanias in Delphi was almost entirely of a religious nature, and the lesser 
renown of both Nemea and the Isthmus caused him to treat their topog- 
raphy and monuments in a most summary manner. Though the Pythia 
as a festival were second only to the Olympia, as an athletic meet 

X VI, 2.1-2; he won in the heavy-armed race and in charioteering in Ols. (?) 83, 84, ( = 448, 444 
B. C.): Hyde, 12; Foerster, 21 la; Foerster believes that the two statues represented Lykinos and 
his charioteer, and that they stood in the chariot, which is not mentioned by Pausanias. 

2 So Foerster, /. c.; see also Robert, 0. S., p. 176; Rutgers, p. 144; and Klein, Archaeol.-epigr. 
Mitt, aus Oesterr.-Ungarn, VII, 1883, p. 70. For an improbable view, see Brunn, I, p. 479. 

"P., VI, 12.1. 'Pliny, H. N., XXIV, 75. *Ibid., XXXIV, 78. *Ibid., XXXIV, 19. 

iBronz. v. 01., Tafelbd., PI. XV, 255-7; XVI, 258; Textbd., p. 41; terra-cotta horses, ibid., 
XVII, 267-75; Textbd., pp. 43-4. 

"See Rouse, p. 167. 9 Pindar, Pyth., V, 34 f. 

10 C. /. A., IV, 2, p. 89, 373"; cf. Arch. Eph., 1887, p. 146 (inscribed base reproduced). 

"Mentioned by the pseudo-Plutarch, Fit. X Orat., IV (Isokrates), 42, p. 839 c. 


they scarcely equalled the Nemeaorthelsthmia. From the earliest days 
music was the chief competition at Delphi; the oldest and most import- 
ant event in the musical programme there all through Greek history was 
the Hymn to Apollo, sung with the accompaniment of the lyre, in which 
was celebrated thevictory of thegodoverthe Python. By 582 B.C. sing- 
ing to the flute (auXwSta) was also added, but was almost immediately 
discontinued. In the same year a flute solo was also inaugurated. 1 
In 558 B. C. lyre-playing was introduced. Under the Roman Empire 
poetic and dramatic competitions were prominent, but the date of 
their introduction is not known. Pliny mentions contests in paint- 
ing. 2 After music the equestrian contests were the most important, 
even rivalling those of Olympia. By 586 B. C., as we have seen, athletic 
events were inaugurated. The athletic importance of the games on 
the Isthmus was inferior to that of Olympia and its religious character 
to that of Delphi, though these games were the most frequented of all 
the great national ones, because of the accessibility of the place and 
its nearness to Corinth. 3 The inferiority of the athletics here may be 
judged by the fact that Solon assigned only 100 drachmae to an Isth- 
mian victor, while 500 were given to one from Olympia. 4 We have 
little knowledge of these games through the great period of Greek 
history, only a reference here and there to a victor. 5 We know much 
more of them under the Romans, when the prosperity of Corinth was 
revived; at that time, however, there was little true interest in athletics. 
Corinth then spent great sums in procuring wild animals for the arena. 6 
Excavations have added little to our knowledge of these games. 7 The 
interest at Nemea in athletics was second only to that of Olympia. 8 
While music was the most important feature at Delphi, and the Isth- 
mian games were attended chiefly for the attractions of the neighboring 
Corinth, there was nothing but the games themselves to attract people 
to the retired valley of Nemea. Athletic contests were the only 
feature here until late times and great attention was paid to those of 
boys. 9 The records of the victors at these games are very scanty. 10 

1 Pindar's Pyth. XII celebrates the victory of Midas of Akragas in flute-playing; he won in 
Pyth. 24 and 25 ( = 490 and 486 B. C.) *H. N., XXXV, 58; both at Corinth and Delphi. 

3 Strabo, VIII, 6. 20 (C. 378); Aristeid., Isthm., 45; Livy, XXXIII, 32. Dio Chrysostom 
has graphically described the crowds of spectators who still frequented the Isthmia in the first 
century A. D.: Oral., VII (Ato-yei^ / irepi dperrjj); VIII (^lojtvrjs ' t 'lotf/xucos); cf. Gardiner, p. 173. 

4 Plutarch, Solon, 23; Diog. Laert., 1, 55: etc. 

5 For a list of victors, see Krause, Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien, pp. 209 f. 

"See Julian, Epist., XXXV. 

7 See Monceaux on the excavation of the temple of Poseidon, Gaz. arch., IX, 1884, pp. 358 f. 

8 Lucian, Nero, 2, says Olympia was the "most athletic" of all; Bacchylides, XII, emphasizes 
the athletic character of Nemea. 

9 The boys' pentathlon was introduced in the fifty-third Nemead ( = 467 B. C.) and the pan- 
kration for boys earlier: cf. Pindar, Nem., V (in honor of the boy pancratiast Pytheas of Aegina; 
cf. Bacchylides, XIII); VII (in honor of the boy pentathlete Sogenes of Aegina, who won in 
Nem. 54); IV and VI (in honor of two Aeginetan boy wrestlers). The horse-race for boys is 
mentioned by P., VI, 16.4. Races in armor were also important: Ph., 7. 

10 See Gardiner, pp. 223 f.; list of victors in Krause, op. cit., pp. 147 f. 


At all these three games victor monuments were set up, though in 
no such profusion as at Olympia. 

Of those set up at Delphi, Pausanias shows his disdain by these 
words: "As to the athletes and musical competitors who have attracted 
no notice from the majority of mankind, I hold them hardly worthy 
of attention; and the athletes who have made themselves a name have 
already been set forth by me in my account of Elis." 1 He mentions 
the statue of only one victor, that of Phayllos, who won at Delphi twice 
in the pentathlon and once in running. A score or more of inscriptions 
in honor of these men whom Pausanias treats so contemptuously have 
been recovered. Some of them record offerings dedicated for victories, 
though most of them record decrees passed by the Delphians, who voted 
the victors not only wreaths of laurel, but seats of honor at the games 
and other privileges. 2 Victor statues seem to have stood outside the 
sacred precinct at Delphi and not within it, as at Olympia, since Pau- 
sanias mentions the sanctuary after mentioning the statue of Phayllos. 3 
Other Greek and Roman writers give us stray hintsof these statues. Thus, 
Pliny mentions a statue at Delphi of a pancratiastes by Pythagoras of 
Rhegion 4 and says that Myron madeDelphicos pentathlos, pancratiastas. 5 
A scholion on Pindar 6 mentions the helmeted statue of the hoplite run- 
ner Telisikrates as standing in the precinct. Justin, in speaking of the 
Gallic invasion of Delphi, mentions statuasque cum quadrigis, quarum 
ingens copia procul visebatur, thus referring to large chariot-groups, 
which would be very sightly on the slope of the precinct. 7 An idea of 
the beauty of such groups may be gathered from the remnant of one, 
the bronze Charioteer discovered by the French excavators, which is one 
of the most important archaistic sculptures from antiquity (Fig. 66). 8 

We know from the words of Pausanias 9 that victor statues also stood 
on the Isthmus, and we should assume the same for Nemea, though 
in both places they must have been few in number. At the various 
local games it was customary for victors to erect statues of themselves. 
Thus we know of such dedications at the Boeotian games in Thebes, 10 
at the Didymaion, 11 and at the Lykaia in Arkadia. 12 Many such 
victor statues decorated different localities of Athens. Thus, on the 

'X, 9.2 (Frazer's transl.). 

2 See Foucart and Wescher, Inscriptions recueillies a Dclphes, 1863, no. 469; Haussoulier, B. C. H., 
VI, 1882, pp. 217 f.; Couve, ibid., XVIII, 1894, pp. 70-100. One is in honor of the Corinthian 
singer Aristonos, who composed a hymn to Apollo, found at Delphi: ibid., XVII, 1893, pp. 
563 f. A Samian flutist, Satyros, gained a prize without contest and recited a choral ode called 
Dionysos in the stadion, and played an air from Euripides' Bacchae on the lyre: ibid., XVII, 
pp. 84 f. Native towns erected statues to musical victors: C. I. G., I., nos. 1719-20. One 
inscription records the rules to be observed by runners, who could not drink new wine, etc. : 
/. H. S., XVI, 1896, p. 343 and Berliner Philolog. Wochenschr., XVI, 1896, p. 831 (June 27); cf. 
Frazer, V, p. 260. The base of a statue of a boy wrestler has been found: A. Z., XXXI, 1874, p. 57. 

3 X, 9.2-3; on Phayllos, see Foerster, 794 (undated). 

*H. N., XXXIV, 59. *Ibid., 57. "On p y th., IX, Argum., Boeckh, p. 401 B. 

7 XXIV, 7.10. To be discussed infra, in Ch. V. H,1.7. 10 7. G. B., nos. 120, 133, 148. 

C. /. G., II, 2888. 12 P., VIII, 38.5; cf. Reisch, p. 39, n. 1. 


Akropolis, we know of the statues of the hoplite runner Epicharinos, 1 
of the pancratiast Hermolykos, 2 of a helmeted man by the sculptor 
Kleoitas, 3 of a TTCUS KeXrjrifav representing Isokrates; 4 in the Prytaneion, 
of the statue of the pancratiast Autolykos. 5 Lykourgos,the rhetor,men- 
tions victor statues in the agora of Athens. 6 Some of these Athenian 
statues may have been those of Olympic victors; 7 and of victors cer- 
tainly Olympic we know of the statues of Kallias the pancratiast, 8 of 
the charioteer Hermokrates, 9 and of the bronze mares of Kimon. 10 Of 
the statues of Nemean victors at Athens we know of that of Hegestratos, 
victor in an unknown contest. 11 Of Isthmian victors there we know of 
that of the pancratiast Diophanes, 12 and of other examples. 13 We have 
inscriptional record of the statues at Athens of a boy victor at the 
Panathenaia and the Thargelia in chariot-racing, 14 of a victor at the 
Pythia, Isthmia, Nemea, and the Panathenaia, 15 of one at the Nemea 
and Herakleia at Thebes, 16 of one at the Eleusinia, 1 ' 1 of one at the 
Panathenaia and Dionysia, 1 * and of others at several games. 19 

The erection of a statue in the Altis at Olympia was an honor which 
the Elean officers in charge of the games 20 gave to victors to glorify 
their victory. 21 Pliny, in a well-known passage of the Historia Natura- 
/u, 22 says it was customary for all victors to set up statues, while Pau- 
sanias 23 says not all athletes did this, for "some of those who specially 
distinguished themselves in the games .... have had no statues." 
This apparent contradiction in the statements of the two writers is to 
be explained, as Dittenberger 24 and others have pointed out, on the 
ground that Pliny states the general privilege extended to the victor, 
while Pausanias states its practical working out, since the setting up 
of a statue was an undertaking which would be limited by the early 
death, poverty, or some other disability of the victorious athlete. The 
cost of making, transporting, and setting up a statue was considerable, 
and very often a victor must have been too poor to do it. In such a 
case he would often be contented to set up merely a statuette or small 

'P., I, 23.9; C. I. A., I, 376; 7. G. B., 39. 2 P., I, 23.10. 

8 P., I, 24.3; cf. Reisch, p. 39. 4 Pseudo-Plutarch, Vit. X Orat , already mentioned. 

'P., I, 18.3 and IX, 32.8; cf. Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 79. 

Contra Leocr., p. 51 (ed. Reiske, p. 176.) 7 C/. Furtwaengler, A. M., V, 1880, pp. 27 f. 

"C. /. A., I, 419; he won in O1.77 ( = 472 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208. 

9 C. /. A., II, 3, 1303. 

10 Aelian, Far. Hist., IX, 32. Reisch, p. 39, ascribes these to the monument of the older Kimon, 
who won in chariot-racing three times at Olympia: Hdt., VI, 103; Plut., Cato Major, 5; Foerster, 
124 and 132. 

"C. I. A., II, 3, 1300. u lbid., 1301; cf. C. I. G., I, 233. "Ibid., 1305, 13 12. 

"Ibid., 1302. "Ibid., 1304. "/<*., 1323. 

"Ibid., 1313. Ibid., 1314. "Ibid., 1318-20. 

!0 The 'EXXavodinai, mentioned by P., V, 9. 4 f. and elsewhere; sometimes he calls them merely 
o! 'HXelot: e. g., VI, 13.9. 

ZI E. g., P., VI, 13.9, says that the Eleans allowed Pheidolas to dedicate a statue of his mare; 
in VI, 3.6, he says that they allowed the wrestler Kratinos to set up a statue of his trainer. 

"XXXIV, 16. See infra, pp. 54 and 354. M VI, 1.1. "Inschr. v. 01., p. 236. 



figure in bronze or marble. Several such bronze figures have been un- 
earthed at Olympia, 1 one of which we reproduce in Fig. 2, and we have 
many examples found outside the Altis: e. g., a group of wrestlers, 2 
a boxer, 3 and the arm of a quoit- 
thrower 4 from the Athenian Akrop- 
olis, an archaic girl runner from 
Dodona, 5 an archaic statuette 
from Delphi with a loin-cloth, 6 
a bronze quoit-thrower dedicated 
in the Kabeirion, 7 the Tuebingen 
bronze hoplite runner 8 (Fig. 42), 
and the statuette of a TTCUS /ceXrjs 
from Dodona. 9 We should also 
mention the great number of stat- 
uettes of diskos-throwers in mod- 
ern museums. 10 Boy victors espe- 
cially would use the less expensive 
marble for such statuettes and we 
have the remnants of many such 
found in the excavations of the 
Altis. 11 Pausanias mentions sev- 
eral monuments which were less 
than life-size, e. g., a horse among 
the offerings of Phormis, which 
he says was "much inferior in 
size and shape to all the other 
statues of horses in the Altis," 12 
and the equestrian monuments already discussed. Even reliefs and 
paintings, in some cases, were offered in lieu of larger monuments, 
not only for reasons of economy, but also because they gave a bet- 
ter representation of the contest. This custom was common at the 

l Bronz. v. 01., Textbd., pp. 19 f. (nude youths with lost attributes so that they can not be named 
with certainty); Tafelbd., PI. VIII, 47 (the oldest); VII, 48 = F. W., 352 (Apollo, following Over- 
beck, Gr. Kunstmyth., Ill, Apollon, p. 35, fig. 6); VIII, 49 = F. W., 353; VIII, 51-4 and 57 (the 
latter is a boxer of the fifth century B. C. = Fig. 2 in text) ; VI, 50; VI, 59 (right arm of a fifth-cen- 
tury B. C. diskobolos); VI, 63 (right lower leg). Purgold, Annali, LVII, 1885, pp. 167 f., makes 
these diskoboloi decorative in character. 

2 De Ridder, no. 747. z lbid., no. 746. *Ibid., no. 636. 

6 Carapanos, Dodone et ses Ruines, 1878, PI. XI, 1 and 1 bis (probably not Atalanta, as Cara- 
panos suggests on p. 31, no. 4). 

B. C. H., XXI, 1897, Pis. X and XI. ''A. M., XV, 1890, p. 365. 

8 Jb., I, 1886, pp. 163 f., and PI. IX; II, 1887, pp. 95 f. 9 Carapanos, op. cit., PI. XIII, 1. 

W E. g., see E. von Sacken, Die antiken Bronzen des k. k. Muenz- und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien, 
1871.P1. 37, fig. 4, and PI. 45, fig. 1; cf. J. H. S., I, PI. V, fig. 1, text, pp. 176-7. See lists, from 
which many of the above examples are taken, in Reisch, p. 39, and Rouse, pp. 172 f. 

u The seven fragments collected by Treu, which are two-fifths to two-thirds life-size: Bildw. v. 
01., Tafelbd., PI. LVI, 2, (=Fig. 78, infra) and Textbd., p. 216, no. 241; Tafelbd., PI. LVI, 3, 
4 and Textbd., p. 216, n. 4 and fig. 242. 

12 V, 27.2-3. 

FIG. 2. Bronze Statuette of a Vic- 
tor, from Olympia. Museum of 


lesser games, especially at the Panathenaia. 1 Pausanias mentions 
painted iconic reliefs vowed by girl runners at the games in honor 
of Hera at Olympia. 2 On an Attic vase in Munich a victor is rep- 
resented as holding an iconic votive pinax in his hands. 3 Pausanias 
speaks of a painting by Timainetos at Athens, which represented a boy 
carrying hydriae, 4 and one of a wrestler by the same artist in the 
Pinakotheke on the Akropolis. Pliny mentions paintings, the works of 
great masters, representing victors: thus the currentes quadrigae by the 
elder Aristeides of Thebes, 5 a victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens 
by Eupompos, 6 an athlete by Zeuxis, 7 the victor Aratos with a trophy 
by Leontiskos, 8 an athlete by Protogenes, 9 two hoplite runners by 
Parrhasios, 10 a luctator tubicenque by Antidotes and a warrior by the 
same artist, in Athens, 11 which represented a man fighting with a shield, 
and a man anointing himself, the work of the painter Theoros. 12 

Apparently the Hellanodikai allowed but one statue for each victory. 
Aischines the Elean had two victories and two statues. 13 Dikon of 
Kaulonia and Syracuse had three victories and three statues. 14 The 
Spartan Lykinos had two victories and two statues by Myron, but we 
have already said that the second statue was probably that of his 
charioteer, the two forming part of an equestrian group. 15 Kapros of 
Elis won two victories and had as many statues. 16 On the other hand 
Troilos of Elis, who won in two events, had only one statue. 17 Simi- 
larly Arkesilaos of Sparta had two victories in the chariot-race and 
only one statue. 18 Xenombrotos of Cos, who appears to have won 
once only, had, however, two monuments, one mentioned by Pausanias 
and the other known to us from the recovered inscription. 19 But this 
last case seems to be the only known exception. 

'Reisch, pp. 39 f., gives examples of these for chariot victories at the Panathenaia and the games 
at Oropos, which latter were imitated from the Panathenaia. 

2 V, 16.3: Koi 617 avaQtlval afyiaw <TTI ypa^afj.wais eiKovas. Rouse, p. 167, n. 9, shows that 
these words do not mean "statues of themselves with their names engraved on them," as 
Frazer translates, but painted reliefs. 

3 Benndorf, Griech. und Sicil. Fasenbilder, I, PI. IX, pp. 13 f. 

4 I, 22.7. Reisch, p. 40, believes this represented a Panathenaic victor. 

*H. N., XXXV, 99. Cf. E. Krolcer, Gleichnamige griechische Kuenstler, 1883, p. 35. 

'Ibid., 75. Ubid., 63. 8 Ibid., 141. 'Ibid., 106. 

l Ibid., 71. "Ibid., 130. I2 lbid., 144. 

"P., VI, 14.13. He won the pentathlon twice some time between Ols. 126 and 132 ( = 276 and 
252 B. C.): Hyde, 139; Foerster, 451 and 456; the inscription on one has been recovered: Inschr. v. 
01, 176. 

"P., VI, 3.11. His victories in running races occurred in Ols. (?) 95, (?) 97 and 99; ( = 400, 392 
and 384 B. C): Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. The inscription from the base of one is 
preserved in A. G., XIII, 15. "P., VI, 2.1-2; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 21 la. 

16 P., VI, 15.10; he won the pankration and wrestling match in Ol. 142 ( = 212 B. C): Hyde, 150; 
Foerster, 474, 475. 

17 P., VI, 1.4; he won in the two- and four-horse chariot-races in Ols. 102, 103 ( = 372 and 368 
B. C.): Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338, 345; for the inscription on its base, see Inschr. v. 01., 166. P. Gard- 
ner, in /. H. S., XXV, 1905, p. 245, infers that he had only one victory, in 372 B. C. 

IS P., VI, 2.2; he won in Ols. (?) 86, 87 ( = 436, 432 B. C.): Hyde, 13; Foerster, 250, 256. 

"P., VI, 14.12; Inschr. v. 01. , 170; ibid., no. 154 belongs to the victory mentioned by Pau- 
sanias. He won K t\r, T <. in Ol. (?) 83 ( = 448 B. C): Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327. 


When the victor was unable to set up his monument, whether be- 
cause of youth, poverty, early death, or other reason, sometimes the 
privilege was utilized by a relative, a friend, or by his native city. In 
any case it was a private affair with which the Elean officials had no 
concern. We have examples, consequently, of the statue being set up 
by the son, 1 father (especially in recovered inscriptions after the time 
of Augustus), 2 mother, 3 and brother; 4 also several examples of stat- 
ues reared in honor of athletes by fellow citizens. 5 There are cases 
in which the trainer set up the statue. 6 Frequently the native city 
performed the duty, dedicating the statue either at Olympia or in the 
victor's city. Thus Oibotas, who won the stade-race in Ol. 6 ( = 756 
B. C.), had a statue at Olympia which was erected by the Achaean state 
out of deference to a command of the Delphian oracle in Ol. 80 ( = 460 
B.C.). 7 The statue of Agenor, by Polykleitos the Younger, a boy wrest- 
ler from Thebes, was dedicated by the confederacy of Phokis, because 
his father was a public friend of the nation. 8 The boy runner Herodo- 
tos of Klazomenai had a statue erected by his native town at Olympia 
because he was the first victor from there. 9 Philinos of Kos had a 
statue set up by the people of Kos at Olympia "because of glory won," 
for he was victor five times in running at Olympia, four at Delphi, 
four at Nemea, and eleven at the Isthmus. 10 Hermesianax of Kolo- 
phon had a statue at Olympia erected by his city. 11 The pancratiast 

1 E. g., Deinomenes set up a chariot-group to his father Hiero: P., VI, 12.1; Glaukos had a 
statue dedicated by his son: VI, 10.3; Menedemos set up a statue to his father of the same name: 
Inschr. v. 01. , 214; the sons of Hiero II, the son of Hierokles, of Syracuse, set up in honor of their 
father two statues by the Syracusan statuary Mikon, one on horseback, the other on foot: P., VI, 
12.2 f.; Hyde 105a and pp. 44-5; another of the same Hiero was set up at Olympia by his sons: 
VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147a; these latter, however, are "honor" and not victor statues. 

2 E. g., Hermokrates dedicated a statue to his son Kleitomachos of Thebes: P., VI, 15.3 f.; 
he won in pankration and boxing in Ols. 141 and 142 ( = 216, 212 B. C.): Hyde, 146; Foerster, 
472, 476. The epigram by Alkaios ( = Minor) of Messenia is preserved in A. G., IX, 588. For 
inscriptions after the time of Augustus, see Inschr. v. 01. , 215 (Menedemos to his son of the same 
name); 216 (Aristodemos to his son Lykomedes of Elis); Foerster, 550; Inschr. v. 01. , 218 (Timolas 
to his son Archiadas of Elis); Foerster, 535; etc. 

Z E. g., Klaudia Kleodike to her son M. Antonios Kallipos Peisanos of Elis: Inschr v. 01., 223; 
Foerster, 568. 

*E. g., Diodoros to his brother Nikanor of Ephesos: Inschr. v. 01. , 227; he won the pankration 
in Ol. 217 ( = 89 A. D.): Foerster, 666. 

b E. g., Loukios Betilenos ( = Vetulenus) set one up to T. Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?): 
Inschr. v. 01. , 226. He won xeXiyn in Ol. 208 ( = 53 A. D.): Foerster, 634; two Eleans set up 
statues, one, M. Antonios Peisanos. to Germanicus Caesar, adopted son of the Emperor Tiberius 
(Foerster, 612), the other, Gnaios Markios, to Tiberius or Germanicus: Inschr. v. 01. , 221 and 222. 

6 E. g., Mikon the trainer to an unknown Samian boxer: P., VI, 2.9; Hyde, 19 and pp. 29-30; 
Foerster. 804. 

7 P., VI, 3.8; cf. VII, 17.6 and 13 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6. 

8 P., VI, 6.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 93 and 103 ( = 408 and 368 B. C): Hyde, 53; 
Foerster 355. 

9 P., VI, 17.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 114 and 132 ( = 324 and 252 B. C): Hyde, 
172; Foerster, 354. 

10 P., VI, 17.2; two of the victories in the stade-race fell in Ols. 129 and 130 ( = 264 and 260 B. C.) : 
Afr.; Hyde, 173; Foerster, 440-2; 444-5. 

U P., VI, 17.4. He won the boys' wrestling match some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 118 (=320 
and 308 B. C): Hyde, 178; Foerster, 377. 


Promachos of Pellene had two statues erected to him by his fellow citi- 
zens, one at Olympia, the other in Pellene. 1 We know of three state 
dedications of statues at Olympia from inscriptions, those of Aristo- 
phon of Athens, 2 of Epitherses of Erythrai, 3 and of Polyxenos by 
the people of Zakynthos. 4 Lichas of Sparta, at a date when the 
Spartans were excluded from the games, entered his chariot in the 
name of the Theban people, and Pausanias says that his victory was so 
entered on the Elean register. 5 We learn from the Oxyrhynchus Papy- 
rus that the public horse of the Argives won at Olympia in Ol. 75 
( = 480 B. C.) and the public chariot in Ol. 77 ( = 472 B. C.). 6 In these 
latter two cases the public was directly interested, and had there 
been monuments erected to commemorate the victories they would 
naturally have been set up by the state. 

It has been wrongly assumed that monuments of boy victors were 
dedicated in the name of their parents or relatives. 7 On the con- 
trary, we have examples dating back to the fifth century B. C. of boys 
setting up statues at Olympia. Thus the inscription from the base of 
the statue of Tellon, who won in the boys' boxing match in Ol. 77( = 472 
B. C.), states that he dedicated his own statue. 8 Pausanias says that 
the Eleans allowed the boy wrestler Kratinos from Aigira to erect a 
statue of his trainer. 9 Of course the boy might need assistance in the 
undertaking, but this again was no concern of the Elean officials, who 
granted the privilege to the victor and not to his relatives. Usually 
the statue of a victor was erected soon after the victory. We have 
some examples of the statue being erected immediately after the vic- 
tory, especially in the case of men victors. Thus Pausanias says that 
the victor Eubotas of Kyrene, in consequence of a Libyan oracle fore- 
telling his victory in the foot-race, had his statue made before coming 
to Olympia and erected it "the very day on which he was proclaimed 
victor." 10 The famous Milo of Kroton spectacularly carried his statue 
into the Altis on his back before he entered the contest. 11 There are 

J For the one at Olympia, see P., VI, 8.5; for the one at Pellene, id., VII, 27.5; he won in Ol. 94 
( = 396 B. C): Hyde, 81; Foerster, 286. Similarly, Hiero II, King of Syracuse, had two statues 
honoris causa at Olympia set up by his fellow citizens: P., VI, 15. 6; Hyde, 147a. 

2 Inschr. v. OL, 169; cf. P., VI, 13.11; he won the pankration some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 
130 ( = 320 and 260 B.C.): Hyde, 123; Foerster, 758 (undated). 

*Inschr. v. OL, 186; cf. P., VI, 15.6; he won twice in boxing between Ols. (?) 144 and 147 ( = 204 
and 192 B. C.): Hyde, 147; Foerster, 510 and 512. 

*Inschr. v. OL, 224; he won the boys' wrestling match in Roman days: Foerster, 823. 

5 P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukydides, V, 49-50; he won in Ol. 90 ( = 420 B.C.): Hyde, 14; Foer- 
ster, 270. 

"Vol. II, p. 222. 

7 So Scherer, p. 5. His evidence is from inscriptions of imperial days (e. g., Inschr. v. 01. , 218, 
223, 227), when the dedicatory formula differed somewhat from that of earlier times. 

*Inschr. v. OL, 147-8; cf. P., VI, 10.9; Oxy. Pap.,- Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237. 

VI, 3.6. He won sometime between Ols. (?) 120 and 130 (=300 and 260 B. C.): Hyde, 27; 
Foerster, 433. 

10 VI, 8.3. He won the stade-race and the chariot-race in Ols. 93 and 104 ( = 408 and 364 B. C.) 
respectively: Afr.; Hyde, 75; Foerster, 277, 350. 

U P., VI, 14.6; he won in wrestling matches six times in Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65, 
66 ( = 536-516 B. C.): Hyde, 128; Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, 141. 


also examples of statues being erected long after the victory, sometimes 
centuries later. We have already mentioned that a statue was erected 
to Oibotas in Ol. 80, though his victory was won in 01. 6. Chionis, who 
won in running races in Ols. 28-31 ( = 668-656 B. C.) had a statue by 
Myron erected to his memory Ol. 77 or 78 ( = 472 or 468 B. C.) - 1 Cheilon 
of Patrai, twice victor in wrestling between Ols. (?) 103 and 115 ( = 368 
and 320 B. C.), had his statue set up after his death. 2 Polydamas of 
Skotoussa won his victory in the pankration in Ol. 93 ( = 408 B. C.), but 
his statue by Lysippos could not have been erected until many years 
later. 3 Glaukos,whowon the boys' boxing-match inO1.65 (= 520 B.C.), 
had a statue by the Aeginetan sculptor Glaukias much later. 4 In the 
case of boy victors, the time between boyhood and coming of age was 
often so short that in many cases we may assume that the statue was 
set up some time after the victory. 5 


Since the victor was deemed the representative of the state, he often 
received a more substantial reward than a statue erected at the cost of 
his fellow citizens. The herald, in proclaiming his victory, proclaimed 
also the name of his town, which thus shared in his success. At 
Athens it was customary for a victor at the great games to receive a 
reward of money. To encourage an interest in athletics there, Solon 
established money prizes for victorious athletes. We have already said 
that 100 drachmae were given to a victor at the Isthmus, while 500 
were allotted to one at Olympia. Solon further ordained that victors 
should eat at the Prytaneion at the public expense. 6 Probably other 
Greek states followed the Athenian custom. We know from an 

'P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41-6. 

2 P., VI, 4.6; Hyde, 41 and cf. p. 36; Foerster, 384, 392. 

3 P., VI, 5.1.; VII, 27.6; Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279. 

4 P., VI, 10.1; Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster, 137. 

5 The age of boy victors at Olympia seems to have been 17-20: see Inschr. v. 01., 56,11. 11 f. 
(referring to the order of the Augustalia, or Se/3a<rra iVoAii fiiria, celebrated in Naples, which 
were modeled after those of Olympia, cf. C. I. G., Ill, 5805). Archippos of Mytilene won the 
crown for boxing at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus among the men at not over 
twenty years of age: P., VI, 15.1; Inschr. v. 01. , 173; he won sometime between Ols.(?) 115 and 
125 ( = 320 and 280 B. C.): Hyde, 140; Foerster, 757 (undated). Since Pausanias mentions this 
as a remarkable record, we should suspect his statement that the boy runner Damiskos of 
Messene was but twelve when he won the stade-race: VI, 2.10; he won 01. 103 ( = 368 B. C.): 
Afr.; Hyde, 20; Foerster, 343. Another victor,of unknown date, Nikasylos of Rhodes, was dis- 
qualified when eighteen years old from entering the boys' wrestling match because of his age, 
and so entered that of the men: P., VI, 14.1-2; Hyde, 125; Foerster, 787. He died at twenty. 
Such inconsistencies in Pausanias' account show that the Hellanodikai exercised some discretion 
in their judgment, taking into consideration not merely age, but size and strength. 

On maintenance at the Prytaneion, see Plato, de Rep., V, 465 D; Apology, 36 D; Plut., Aris- 
teides, 27; Athenaeus, VI, 32 (p. 237, quoting Timokles), and X, 6 (p. 414, quoting Xeno- 
phanes); R. Schoell, Die Speisung im Prytaneion zu Athen, Hermes, VI, 1872, pp. 14 f. (and 
Athenian inscription, pp. 30 f.) He concludes that this honor was given to Athenian victors 
only in the chariot-race at Olympia, and in gymnic contests at the other great games. Solon 
ordained that these meals be frugal, consisting of a barley loaf on common days and a wheaten 
one on festival days: see Athenaeus, IV, 14 (p. 137 e) . 


inscription that the Panathenaic victors in the stade-race received 50 
amphora of oil, the pancratiast 40, and others 30. l Later, in Rome, 
victors had special privileges granted them, including maintenance 
at the public expense, a privilege which Maecenas advised the emperor 
Augustus to limit to victors at Olympia, Delphi, and Rome. 2 Augustus 
in other ways enlarged the privileges of athletes. 3 When we consider 
the intimate connection between religion and athletics and the Pan- 
hellenic fame of a victor at the great games, we can easily understand 
the indignation of the native town when its athletes did anything dis- 
honorable. Sometimes a victor was bribed to appear as the citizen of 
some other state. Thus Astylos of Kroton, who won in running 
races in Ols. 73-76 ( = 488-476 B.C.), had himself proclaimed in his last 
two contests a Syracusan to please King Hiero. The citizens of his 
native town burned his house and pulled down his statue, which had 
been placed there in the temple of Hera. 4 The Cretan Sotades, who 
won the long running race in Ol. 99 ( = 384 B. C.), was bribed at the next 
Olympiad by the city of Ephesos to proclaim himself an Ephesian, and 
was in consequence exiled. 5 Dikon, a victor in running races at the 
beginning of the fourth century B. C., proclaimed himself first a citi- 
zen of Kaulonia, but later, "for a sum of money," entered the men's 
contest as a Syracusan. 6 Sometimes such attempts at bribery proved 
unsuccessful. Thus the father of the boy boxer Antipatros of Miletos, 
who won in O1.98 ( = 388 B. C.), accepted a bribe from some Syracusans, 
who were bringing an offering to Olympia from Dionysios, to let the 
boy be proclaimed a Syracusan. But the boy himself refused the 
bribe and had inscribed on his statue by the younger Polykleitos that 
he was a Milesian, the first Ionian to dedicate a statue at Olympia. 7 
The Spartan chariot victor Lichas has already been mentioned as 
having entered his chariot in the name of Thebes. The reason was 
that at the time the Spartans were excluded from entering the games at 
Olympia. He won, and in his excitement tied a ribbon on his charioteer 
with his own hands, thereby showing that the horses belonged to him 
and not to Thebes. For this infraction of the rules he, though an aged 
man, was punished by the umpires by scourging. 8 A more disgraceful 
act was selling out, of which we have two examples at Olympia. The 
Thessalian Eupolos bribed his three adversaries in boxing to let him win. 
All four were fined and from the money six bronze statues of Zeus, 
known as Zanes, were erected at the entrance to the stadion, inscribed 
with elegiac verses which warned future athletes against repeating such 

1 C. I. A., II, 2, 965. 2 Dio Cassius, LII, 30, 5-6. 

3 Suet., Octav., 45; cf. Gardiner, pp. 174-5. 

4 P., VI, 13.1; Afr.; Hyde, 110; Foerster, 176-7, 181-2, 187-8. 

B P., VI, 18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster, 317, 323. 

"P., VI, 3.11; Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. 

7 P., VI, 2.6-7; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309. 

8 P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukyd., V, 49-50; Krause, Olympia, p. 144. 


attempts. 1 More than fifty years later Kallippos, a pentathlete of 
Athens, bribed his opponents and, being detected, all were fined and 
from the money, finally collected from the recalcitrant Athenians 
through the influence of the oracle at Delphi, six more Z,anes were 
erected. 2 Straton (or Stratonikos), of Alexandria, won in wrestling 
and the pankration on the same day in Ol. 178 ( = 68 B. C.). In the 
wrestling match he had two adversaries, Eudelos and Philostratos of 
Rhodes. The latter had bribed Eudelos to sell out and, being detected, 
had to pay a fine. Out of this money another Z,an was set up and still 
another at the cost of the Rhodians. 3 In Ol. 192 ( = 12 B. C.) and in Ol. 
226 ( = 125 A. D.), we hear of fines for such corruption out of which addi- 
tional Thanes were erected. 4 In Ol. 201 ( = 25 A.D.) Sarapion, a pancrati- 
ast from Alexandria, became so afraid of his antagonist that he fled the 
day before the contest and was fined the only case recorded of an 
athlete being fined for cowardice at Olympia. 5 In Ol. 218 ( = 93 A.D) 
another Alexandrine, named Apollonios, was fined for arriving too 
late for the games at Olympia. His excuse of being detained by winds 
was found to be false, and it was discovered that he had been making 
money on the games in Ionia. 6 

Cases of bribery were known at other games. A third-century 
B. C. inscription from Epidauros records how three athletes were fined 
one thousand staters each 6td TO (frOelpeiv TOVS ay&vas. 7 The venality 
of Isthmian victors is shown by the account of a competitor who 
promised a rival three thousand drachmae to let him win and then, on 
winning on his merits, refused to pay, though the defeated contestant 
swore on the altar of Poseidon that he had been promised the amount. 8 
The emperor Nero, in order to win in singing at the Isthmus, had to 
resort to force. A certain Epeirote singer refused to withdraw unless 
he received ten talents. Nero, to save himself from defeat, sent a band 
of men who pummelled his antagonist so that he could not sing. 9 

Often the home-coming of a victor at one of the national games was 
the occasion for a public celebration. Sometimes the whole city turned 
out to meet the hero. 10 The victory was recorded on pillars, and poets 
composed songs in its honor which were sung by choruses of girls and 
boys. Sometimes a statue was set up in the agora or on the Akropolis. 

!?., V, 21.3-4. Eupolos won in Ol. 98 ( = 388 B. C.): Foerster, 313. See Plans A and B. 

2 P., V, 21.5; Kallipos won Ol. 112 ( = 332 B. C.): Foerster, 385. 

3 P., V, 21.8 f.; on Straton, see Foerster, 570-1. 

4 P., V, 21.16-17; see Foerster, 598 (for the Elean boy wrestler Polyktor, son of Damonikos); P., 
V, 21.15; Foerster 684 (for the boxer Didas and his antagonist Sarapammon, both Egyptians). 
On cases of bribery at Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 134-5 and 174; Krause, Olympia, pp. 144 f. 

6 P., V, 21.18. "P., V, 21.12-14. 

7 Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 2 II, 689; Cavvadias (Kabbadias), Fouilles 
d'Epidaure, I, 1891, p. 77, no. 238. 

8 Ph., 45. He says that victories were bought and sold in his day and that the practice was 
encouraged by trainers. Cf. Gardiner, p. 219. 

"Lucian, Nero, 9. Cf. Gardiner, pp. 218-219 10 See Gardiner, p. 77. 


In the cities of Magna Graecia and Sicily such adulation of Olympic 
victors became at times very extravagant. Thus Exainetos of Akragas, 
who won the stade-race in Ols. 91 and 92 ( = 416-412 B. C.), was brought 
into the city in a four-horse chariot drawn by his fellow-citizens, and 
was escorted by 300 men in two-horse chariots drawn by white horses. 1 
It is also in the West that we first hear of victors being worshipped as 
heroes or gods, though the custom soon took root in Greece. It was 
but natural to account for the great strength of famous athletes by 
assigning to them divine origin and by worshipping them after death. 2 
Philippos of Kroton, who won in an unknown contest about Ol. 65 
( = 520 B. C.), had a heroon erected in his honor by the people of Egesta 
in Sicily on account of his beauty, in which he surpassed all his con- 
temporaries, and he was worshipped after his death as a hero. 3 The 
famous boxer Euthymos of Lokroi Epizephyrioi, who won in Ols. 74, 
76, 77 ( = 484, 476, 472 B.C.), was worshipped even before his death 
and was looked upon as the son of no earthly father, but of the river- 
god Kaikinos. 4 Fabulous feats were ascribed to him, e. g., the expul- 
sion of the Black Spirit from Temessa. 5 During and after his lifetime 
sacrifices were offered in his honor. 6 The equally famed boxer and 
pancratiast Theagenes of Thasos, the opponent of Euthymos, who 
won in Ols. 75 and 76 ( = 480 and 476 B.C.), was heroized after his death. 7 
The Thasians maintained that his father was Herakles. 8 The boxer 
Kleomedesof Astypalaia, who won in Ol. 71 ( = 496 B.C.), was honored 
as a hero after death. 9 Having killed Ikkos, his opponent, he became 
crazed with grief. Pausanias recounts his curious death. 10 The wor- 
ship of such athletes was supposed to bestow physical strength on their 
adorers and consequently statues were erected to them in many places 
and were thought to be able to cure illnesses. 11 The life of a successful 

'Diod., XIII, 82; Foerster, 271 and 276. Suetonius says that Nero, on arriving in Naples 
after his tour of Greece, made his entrance in a chariot drawn by white horses through a breach 
in the city wall "according to the practice of victors at the Greek games," and that he entered 
Rome in the triumphal chariot of Augustus dressed in a purple tunic and a gold-embroidered 
cloak through a breach in the wall of the Circus Maximus: Nero, 25. Though Plutarch says that 
victors could tear down part of the city walls (Quaest. conviv., II, 5-2), such extravagances seem to 
have been introduced late and not to have belonged to the great days of Greek athletics. 

2 C/. Waldstein, /. H. S., I, 1880, pp. 198-9. 

3 Hdt., V, 47; cf. Eustath. on Horn., Iliad, III, p. 383, 43; Foerster, 138. 

4 P., VI, 6.4 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207. 

6 P., VI, 6.7-11; Strabo, VI, 1.5 (C. 255); Ael., Far. Hist., VIII, 18. 

8 So Kallimachos apud Plin., H. N., VII, 152 ( = S. Q., 494); he also states that two of his stat- 
ues, one at Lokroi, the other at Olympia, were struck by lightning on the same day. 

7 P., VI, 11.8-9; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196. "P., VI, 11.2. 

"P., VI, 9.8; cf. Suidas, s. v. KXeo/^s; Foerster, 162; cf. Hyde, 90a (though there was no 
statue at Olympia). 1( ?VI, 9.6-8. 

"Thus P., VI, 11.9, says that statues of Theagenes were erected within and beyond Greece 
and could heal sickness. Lucian says that in his day the statues of both Theagenes on Thasos 
and of Polydamas of Skotoussa at Olympia cured fevers: Deorum Concilium, 12. Polydamas 
won the pankration in Ol. 93 ( = 408 B. C.): Afr.; his statue by Lysippos was set up later: P., 
VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279. Gardiner has recently called attention to the fact that the 
evidence for the canonization of the five victors mentioned is mostly late, and he therefore 
doubts if it had anything to do with their victories at Olympia: B.S.A., XXII, 1916-18, pp. 96, 97. 


athlete was looked upon as especially happy. In Aristophanes' Plutus, 
Hermes deserts the gods and serves Plutus "the presider over contests," 
thinking no service more profitable to the god of wealth than holding 
contests in music and athletics. 1 Plato thought an Olympic victor's 
life was the most blessed of all from a material point of view. 2 In the 
myth of Er the soul of Atalanta chooses the body of an athlete, on see- 
ing "the great rewards bestowed on an athlete." 3 The great Rhodian 
pancratiast Dorieus, who won in Ols. 87, 88, 89 ( = 432-424 B. C.), was 
taken prisoner by Athens during the Peloponnesian war, but was freed 
beause of his exploits at Olympia. 4 The honor in which a victor was 
held may also be judged by the story of the Spartan ephor Cheilon, 
who died of joy while embracing his victorious son Damagetos. 5 
To quote from Ernest Gardner: "The extraordinary, almost super- 
human honours paid to the victors at the great national contests 
made them a theme for the sculptor hardly less noble than gods and 
heroes, and more adapted for the display of his skill, as trained by the 
observation of those exercises which led to the victory." 6 Some of 
the greatest artists were employed, and great poets from Simonides 
of Keos down, including such names as Bacchylides and Pindar, were 
employed in singing their praises. Although it must be confessed 
that the majority of the artists of victor statues at Olympia are little 
known or wholly unknown masters, Pausanias mentions among them 
such renowned names as Hagelaidas, Pythagoras, Kalamis, Myron, Poly- 
kleitos, Lysippos, and possibly Pheidias. Certain other great names, 
however, are absent from his lists, e.g., Euphranor, Kresilas, Praxiteles, 
and Skopas. Such extravagant reverence of Olympic and other victors 
as we have outlined met, of course, with violent protests all through 
Greek history, just as the excessive popularity of athletics has in our 
time. The philosopher Xenophanes of Kolophon, who died 480 B. C., 
was scandalized at the offering of divine honors to athletes. 7 While he 
denounced the popularity of athletics, Euripides later denounced the pro- 
fessionalism which had begun to creep in after the middle of the fifth 
century B. C. 8 Plato, though a strong advocate of practical physical 
training for war, was opposed to the vain spirit of competition in the 
athletics of his day. He complained that professional athletes paid 
excessive attention to diet, slept their lives away, and were in danger 
of becoming brutalized. 9 The last attack on professional athletics in 
point of time was made in the second century A. D. by Galen, in his 

1 U. 1161 f. *De Rep., V, 465 D. E. 

3 De Rep., 620 B.; cf. Gardiner, pp. 129-130. 

4 Xen., Hell., I, 5.19; P., VI, 7.4 f.; Hyde, 61; Foerster, 258, 260, 262. 

6 Damagetos won in boxing (?) in Ol. 56 ( = 556 B. C): Hermipp.Jr. 14 ( = F. H. G. Ill, p. 39); 
A. G., VII, 88; PI., H. N., VII, 119; Foerster, 108. *Hbk., pp. 215-216. 

7 Ap. Athenaeum, X, 6 (pp. 413-14); Gardiner, p. 79, has given a translation of his protest. 
*Ap. Athen., X, 5 (p. 413). 
De Rep., 404 A.; 410 D. (cf. 535 D.). 


Exhortation to the Arts. 1 In this essay the eminent physician con- 
tended that the athlete was a benefit neither to himself nor to the state. 
When we study the brutal portraits of prize-fighters on the contempo- 
rary mosaics of the Baths of Caracalla at Rome, we can see to what 
depths the old athletic ideal had sunk, and the justness of his rebuke. 2 


That chariot and hippie monuments were votive in character can 
scarcely be doubted. Pausanias distinguishes between gymnic victors 
and equestrian ones. 3 All authorities agree that equestrian monu- 
ments were different in origin and character from those of other victors. 4 
Gardiner believes that if the Olympic games developed out of a single 
event, it was not the stade-race, but the chariot-race or heavy-armed- 
race. He shows that the custom of making the stade runner epony- 
mous for the Olympiad is not earlier than the third century B. C., and did 
not arise from the importance of that event, but from the accident of 
its coming first on the program and first on the list of victors. 5 Eques- 
trian monuments were dedicated at Olympia all through antiquity, 
from the sixth century B. C to the second A. D. The oldest was that of 
the Spartan Euagoras already mentioned, who won in the chariot-race 
three times in Ols. (?) 58-60 ( = 548-540 B.C.). 6 The latest dated 
example is that of L. Minicius Natalis of Rome, who won in Ol. 227 
( = 129 A. D.) . 7 Some of the inscriptions pertaining to equestrian groups 
are in verse, 8 while others are in prose. 9 Most of them have the usual 
dedicatory word di/eflrj/ce, 10 or the formula Ad 'OXf/iTTtcj), 11 while others 
have the word eorr/cre 12 and a few have no dedicatory word at all. 13 

The question arises, then, whether ordinary victor monuments in 
the Altis were votive in the sense that these equestrian ones were, or 
merely honors granted to the victors. The crown of wild olive was 
merely a temporary reward suiting the occasion of the victory. The 
privilege of setting up a statue was granted in order to perpetuate 
the fame of that occasion. In a well-known passage Pausanias 

1 n/3orprri/fdsX67os ewl ras rex^as. For translation, see Gardiner, p. 188. 

2 See Secchi, Mosaico Antoniniano, and Baum., I, p. 223, fig. 174. 

3 VI, 1.1: woiriffaffOat nal 'iinrwv dyowoTcoj' jupii/ujp Kal &v5p>v d^Xrjrwj'. 

4 See Dittenberger, Inschr. v. 01., p. 239. 

B Pp. 272-3. "P., VI, 10.8; Hyde, 99 b and p. 44; Foerster, 77-9. 

''Inschr. v. 01., 236; Foerster, 686. It was the custom also at Delphi to dedicate chariots; 
thus we have already mentioned that Arkesilas IV of Kyrene dedicated his chariot there after 
a Pythian victory in Ol. 78.3 ( = 462 B. C.): Pindar, Pyth., V, 34 f. An inscription tells us of a 
bronze wheel being dedicated to the Dioskouroi: /. G. A., p. 173, 43a. 

*E. g., Inschr. v. OL, 142 (Pantares); 160 (Kyniska). 

'E. g., ibid., 143 (Gelo); 178 (Glaukon); 190 (son of Aristotle); 191 (Agilochos); 194 (son of 
Nikodromos); 197 (Antigenes); 217 (Lykomedes); 222 (Gnaios Markios); 233 (Kasia Mnasithea). 

'"Thus ibid., 142, 143, 236. 

"Ibid., 178, 190 (supplied), 191 (supplied), 194, 197, 217, 227, 233 (supplied). 

"Ibid., 160. "Ibid.. 177. 


makes a sweeping generalization about monuments at Athens and 
Olympia. 1 He says that all objects on the Akropolis including 
statues were ava6rnj,aTa or votive offerings, while some of those at 
Olympia were dedicated to the god, but that the statues of athletes 
were mere prizes of victory. In another passage 2 also, in distin- 
guishing the various sorts of monuments at Olympia, he expressly 
says that the statues of athletes were not devoted to Zeus, but were 
marks of honor (ez> a6\ov Xo7Cfj) bestowed on the victors. These 
statements of the Periegete have given rise to a good deal of fruitless 
discussion. Furtwaengler follows Pausanias in saying that the right 
of setting up statues was ein zvesentlicher Theil des Siegespreises. 3 
That such erections at Olympia were considered as high honors is 
implied by the wording of many of the inscriptions which have 
been recovered from the bases of the statues. Thus on that of the 
boxer Euthymos are the words eiKOva d'earirjo'ev Tr/vSe /Sporots eaopav. 4 
Furtwaengler, therefore, has promulgated the theory that the victor 
statues at Olympia were in no sense votive, though they were con- 
sidered to be the property of the god in whose grove they stood. He 
cites the fact that the inscribed bases of such monuments down to the 
first century B. C., with the exception of a few metrical epigrams, 
make no mention of dedications, and that in these exceptions the 
word avedrjKe was added for metrical reasons, 5 while during the same 
centuries regular votive offerings (dvaflrJAtara) invariably have the 
word avedr]Ke. G One inscription, that from the base of the statue 
of Euthymos of Lokroi, is both metrical and in prose; 7 but it seems 
to have been changed later in two places, the second line origi- 
nally ending in a pentameter, and the third line, with aveOrjKe, being 
added afterwards. 8 Also the prose inscription 9 referred by Roehl to the 

*V, 21.1. 2 V, 25.1. *A. M., V, 1880, p. 29. 

4 Inschr. v. 01., 144; here in the renewed inscription occurs also the word ia>k6rjKfv', Hyde, 56; 
Foerster, 185, 195, 207. 

& L. c., p. 31, n. 1; here he gives a list of the metrical exceptions of the fifth century B. C.; from 
inscriptions, that of Aineas, A. Z., XXXV, 1877, p. 38, no. 86; Foerster, 244 (an inscription not 
appearing in Inschr. v. 01.), and Tellon, A. Z., ibid., p. 190, no. 91, and XXXVIII, 1880, p. 70 
( = Inschr. v. 01., 147-8); from Pausanias, that of Kleosthenes (wrongly Kleisthenes), VI, 10.6, 
and Damarchos, VI, 8.2. The list should be corrected as follows. From inscriptions: Tellon, boy 
boxer of 01. 77 ( = 472 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; P., VI, 10.9; Inschr. v. 01., 147-8; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 
237; Kyniskos, boy boxer of 01. (?) 80 ( = 460 B. C.): P., VI, 4.11; Inschr. v. 01., 149; Hyde, 
45; Foerster, 255; Charmides, boy boxer of 01. (?) 79 (=464 B. C): P., VI, 7.1; Inschr. v. 01., 
156 (renewed); Hyde, 58; Foerster, 763 (undated); . . . krates, boy runner, Ol. (?) 93 ( = 408 
B. C.): Inschr. v. 01. , 157; Foerster, 280. From Pausanias: Damarchos, boxer, who won before 
Ol. 75 ( = 480 B. C.) or after Ol. 83 ( = 448 B. C.): VI, 8.2; Hyde, 74 and p. 38; Foerster, 452. 

6 E. g., the Cretan Philonides, courier of Alexander the Great, dedicated his portrait statue to the 
god: Inschr. v. OL, 276; P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 154 a. Unschr. v. 01., 144. 

8 So Dittenberger, and Furtwaengler (/. c., p. 30, n. 2), following Roehl, /. G. A., on no. 388; Roehl 
believed that originally the word Lokroi or the name of the victor's father appeared as the dedica- 
tor, and later, because the victor wished to remove the expense from his city or because his father 
died, Euthymos himself restored it; see discussion of Dittenberger, Inschr. v. 01., pp. 249-520. 
The original inscription has io-Tijaf. 

Inschr. v. 01., 264; Roehl, I. G. A., 589. 


statue of the wrestler Milo is rejected by Dittenberger. The oldest 
prose inscription which makes a votive offering out of a victor statue 
at Olympia is that of Thaliarchos, who won his second victory in boxing 
some time between 40 and 30 B. C. 1 Then follow certain prose inscrip- 
tions of imperial times. 2 Dittenberger concludes that for four hundred 
years there is no case of such a dedication. 3 From the evidence of the 
inscriptions from statue bases, therefore, it is clear that the distinction 
made by Pausanias between honor and victor statues did not hold 
good in his day, since the words avaB^na and a.viQr\K.e were then 
used on victor monuments at Olympia, as the inscriptions of the 
imperial age just cited show, but that it did hold good for centuries 
before the Roman period. Pausanias must have based his statement, 
therefore, not on observation, but on the words of some earlier writer. 4 
Furtwaengler's reasoning has been followed pretty generally by archae- 
ologists. 5 While some, however, leave the question in doubt, 6 others 
are opposed to the idea that these statues were not votive. Thus R. 
Schoell believes that the victor monuments were as truly avadrmara 
as the olive crowns. 7 Reisch, who has discussed the question at 
length, 8 believes, in opposition to the earlier view of Furtwaengler, 
that everything within the Altis must always ipso facto have been 
regarded as dedications to the god. This would explain the frequent 
omission of the name of the god, which would be superfluous, the victor 
being content with inscribing his own name and the contest in which 
he was victorious. Even the name of the contest does not always 
appear. 9 Reisch explains the omission of the formula avedrjKe in 
earlier inscriptions on the ground of epigrammatic brevity. 10 

The truth must lie somewhere between the extremes represented by 
the views of Furtwaengler and Reisch. Some athlete statues may have 
been votive, while others were not. Thus Rouse argues 11 that origi- 

l So Dittenberger, Inschr. v. 01., p. 241, and no. 213; /. G. B., 72; Foerster, following the 
earlier dating of Dittenberger (A. Z., XXXV, 1877, p. 42, nos. 49-50), dates the two victories 
later, in Ols. (?) 200, 203 ( = 21 and 33 A. D.); nos. 614 and 619. 

Inschr. v. 01., 225, 228, 229-30, 231, 232. 3 0p. cit., pp. 240-1. 

4 Furtwaengler, /. c., p. 30; Reisch, p. 37; Rouse, p. 167; Frazer, III, p. 624. Against the view 
that victor statues were first called votive in Roman days, see Purgold, A. Z., XXXIX, 1881, p. 89, 
on no. 390 ( = inscription of Glaukon = Insc hr. v. 01., 178; however, he was a victor in chariot-racing). 

*E. g., by Scherer, p. 5; Kuhnert, Jahrb.fuer cl. Phil., Supplbd., XIV, 1885, p. 257, n. 7; Flasch, 
in Baum., II, p. 1096; cf. Dittenberger-Purgold, Inschr. v. 01., p. 240; Frazer, III, pp. 623-4. 

*E. g., Ziemann, de Anathematis Graecis, 1885, p. 54. 

''Hermes, XIII, 1878, p. 437, n. 2. 

8 Pp. 35 f.; followed by M. K. Welsh, B. S. A., XI, 1904-5, pp. 33-4. 

9 E. g., Pythokles, who won the pentathlon in 01. 82 ( = 452 B. C.), does not mention his contest 
on the base (Inschr. v. 01., 162-3), nor does Pausanias give it (VI, 7.10); we learn it only from 
the Oxy. Pap.: see Robert 0. S., p. 185; Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295. 

10 On p. 36, n. 1, he points out that at Athens the usual dedication formula was omitted; e. g., 
in the inscription of the Isthmian victor Diophanes, C. /. A., II, 3, 1301, and in that of a Pan- 
athenaic victor, ibid., 1302. The presence of the word in an Athenian inscription referring to 
the Olympic victor Kallias rests on an uncertain restoration: ibid., I, 419; he won Ol. 77 ( = 472 
B.C.): P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208. "Pp. 167 f. 


nally all victor statues at Olympia were as truly votive as equestrian 
groups, and as truly as those athlete statues continued to be, which were 
dedicated in the victors' native towns. Those inscribed with avedr]K at 
Olympia must have been votive, for we should take the dedicator at his 
word, instead of believing the formula to be added merely to make the 
verse scan. 1 There is no reason why an athlete should not dedicate 
a statue of himself, representing himself as forever standing in the pres- 
ence of the god, as well as a diskos or jumping-weights; for it was cus- 
tomary to make votive offerings representative of the events, and this 
could be done best by presenting the athlete in a statue which showed 
the characteristic attitude or the appropriate attributes. Rouse fur- 
thermore believes that a change was slowly wrought in the course of 
centuries, by which the original votive offering became a means of 
self-glorification. Equestrian victors owed their victories not to them- 
selves, but to their horses, cars, drivers, and jockeys; in such cases the 
group was a thing apart from the owner. Only seldom did such vic- 
tors dedicate statues of themselves alone. Even when the victor added 
a statue of himself to the group, still it was the chariot and not the 
statue which was emphasized. 2 On the other hand the ordinary gym- 
nic victor relied on himself on his strength, endurance, courage, and 
other qualities; and in representing the contest the victor himself had 
to be represented. Consequently, by the fifth century B. C., if not 
earlier, the statues of athletes had become memorials of personal glory. 


A statue was not the only memorial erected in honor of an Olympic 
victor, though it was by far the commonest. We have already men- 
tioned the bronze inscribed diskos dedicated by the pentathlete P. 
Asklepiades in the third century A. D. 3 A green stone leaping-weight 
inscribed with the name Ko>5tas appears to have been dedicated 
by a victor. 4 In two cases stelae were set up in honor of victors. 5 A 

Reisch, p. 36, and Dittenberger, op. cit., p. 240, agree also in opposing Furtwaengler's 
Fersnoth explanation. 

2 Thus Pausanias mentions the "chariot, horses, charioteer and Kyniska herself": VI, 1.6. 
Again he speaks of the "chariot and statue of Gelo": VI, 9.4-5; in referring to the chariot of 
Kleosthenes by Hagelai'das he says: "Along with the statue of the chariot and horses, he [Kleos- 
thenes] dedicated statues of himself and the charioteer," and even adds the names of the horses: 
VI, 10.6. In VI, 18.1, he mentions the group of Kratisthenes as "the chariot, Nike mounting it, 
and Kratisthenes"; in VI, 16.6 he speaks of "a small chariot and figure of the father of Polypeithes, 
the wrestler Kalliteles"; etc. Cf. Dittenberger, op. cit., pp. 239-40. 

3 He won in Ol. 255 ( = 241 A. D.): Foerster, 739: Inschr. v. 01., 241. 

4 No dedication, however, is inscribed on it: I. G. A., 160; Bronz. v. 01. , on no. 1101, p. 180. 

6 Chionis, a famous runner from Sparta, had a tablet, which listed his victories, set up beside 
his statue at Olympia: P., VI, 13.2; he won in Ols. 28-31 ( = 668-656 B. C): Hyde, 1 1 1 ; Foerster, 
39, 41-46. His statue was erected long after his death, in Ol. 77 or 78, and so probably the 
stele also: Hyde, p. 48. Deinosthenes, who won the stade-race in Ol. 116 ( = 316 B. C.), had a 
slab set up beside his statue at Olympia, on which was inscribed the distance between it and a 
similar one in Sparta: P., VI, 16.8; Afr.; Hyde, 163; Foerster, 403. 


curious dedication was a bronze chapel, which the Sikyonian tyrant 
Myron dedicated to Apollo at Olympia. 1 In later days it became 
part of the treasury of the Sikyonians. 2 Outside Olympia various 
monuments commemorating Olympic victors were set up. These will 
be discussed in Chapter VIII. 


At Olympia, as elsewhere in Greece, statues were set up to men 
honoris causa. Such statues would be dedicated by admirers, either 
individuals or states. They were in no sense intended to honor the 
god, though at Olympia they might be classed as avad^nara, just as 
victor statues, merely because they were erected in the sacred precinct. 
They were granted to individuals not as a privilege, as victor statues 
were, but as free gifts. Dio Chrysostom gives the difference between 
victor statues which he classes as &pa0f}jLtara and such honor statues 
in these words: ravra (i. e., victor statues) yap kvnv avadrmara- al 
d'eLKbves rijucu- KaKetva (victor statues) dedorat, rots deals, ravra. 5e 
(honor statues) rois ayadols avdpaviv olirep elfflv 77 terra aurcoz'. 3 Pliny 
records that the Athenians inaugurated the custom of a state setting up 
statues in honor of men at the public expense with the statues of the 
tyrannicides Harmodios and Aristogeiton by the sculptor Antenor, 
which were erected in 509 B. C., the year in which the tyrants were 
expelled. 4 He adds that a "refined ambition" led to a universal adop- 
tion of the custom and that statues began to adorn public places every- 
where and later on even private houses. The custom grew apace in the 
later history of Greece. Demetrios of Phaleron is said to have had 
over three hundred statues erected in his honor during his short regime 
of about a year in Athens. The Diadochoi and the Roman emperors 
enthusiastically took over the custom. Pliny gives several Roman 
examples of it. 5 

At Olympia Pausanias mentions honorary statues erected to thirty- 
five men for various reasons. 6 To several of these men more than one 
statue was erected. 7 The greater number of these statues were erected 
to kings and princes, to those of Sparta, 8 Athens, 9 Epeiros, 10 Sicily, 11 

*He won the chariot-race in 01. 33 ( = 648 B. C.): Foerster, 51. 

2 P., VI, 19.2; on the mistake of Pausanias, see Flasch, in Baum., II, p. 1104 B. 

3 0r., XXXI, 596 R ( = 328 M). *H. N., XXXIV, 17. 

6 H. N., XXXIV, 23-4. The subject of portrait honorary statues at Athens has been treated by 
L. B. Stenessen, de Historia variisque Generibus statuarum iconicarum apud Athenienses, Chris- 
tiania, 1877; for all Greece by M. K. Welsh, Honorary Statues in Ancient Greece, B. S. A., XI, 
1904-5, pp. 32-49. 6 See list in Hyde, Index on p. V. 

7 King Hiero of Syracuse had five: Hyde, 147 a ( = three) and 105a ( = two); Antigonos Monoph- 
thalmos had three: Hyde, 103 d, 147 f, 151 b. 

"Archidamas III, son of Agesilaos: P., VI, 4.9; Hyde, 42 a; VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 c; Areus, son 
of Akrotatos, P., VI, 12.5; Hyde, 105 b; VI, 15.9; Hyde, 148 a: Inschr. v. 01., 308. 

"Demetrios Poliorketes, P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 e; Inschr. v. 01., 304; VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 b. 

10 Pyrrhos: P., VI, 14.9; Hyde, 128 a. 

"Hiero II: P., VI, 12.2 f. (two statues set up by his sons: Hyde, 105 a); VI, 15.6 (three statues, 
one set up by sons, two by fellow-citizens: Hyde, 147 a). 


Macedonia, and Alexander's Empire. 1 One was erected in honor of 
the philosopher Aristotle, 2 one in honor of the rhetorician Gorgias of 
Leontini, 3 one in honor of a hunter, 4 another in honor of a flute-player, 5 
and many others in honor of public and private men. These statues 
were set up for various reasons. Archidamas III of Sparta had his 
statues erected to his memory because he was the only Spartan king 
who died abroad and did not receive a formal burial. Kylon had a 
statue erected by the Aitolians because he freed the Eleans from the 
tyranny of Aristotimos. 6 Pythes of Abdera was thus honored by his 
soldiers because of his military prowess. 7 Philonides of Crete was, as 
we learn from the recovered inscription on his statue base, the courier of 
Alexander the Great. 8 Pythokritos was honored for his flute-playing, 
though he does not appear to have been a victor. 9 The Palaians of 
Kephallenia honored Timoptolis of Elis, 10 and the Aitolians honored 
the Elean Olaidas 11 for unknown reasons. At least seven, if not 
eight, of those thus honored with statues were Eleans. Some of the 
men who had honor statues were also victors at Olympia, a fact which 
would appear on the inscribed base. Thus Aratos, the son of Kleinias 
of Sikyon, the statesman, had a statue erected to him by the Corinthians. 
This was doubtless an honor statue, though Pausanias also says he was a 
chariot- victor. 12 On the other hand, the statue erected in honor of the 
pentathlete Stomios was probably a victor monument, though Pau- 
sanias says that its inscription records that he was an Elean cavalry 
general who challenged the enemy to a duel, in which he was slain. 13 In 
some cases it is hard to decide whether the statue is honorary or victor 
in character. In the course of time honor statues multiplied, while 
those of athletes decreased. The recovered inscriptions on the latter 
decrease steadily in the fourth and third centuries B. C., revive again 
in the second and first, and decrease in the first Christian century. 
They cease almost entirely after the middle of the second century A. D. 

1 PhilipII, son of Amyntas; Alexander the Great; SeleukosNikator, son of Antiochos; Antigonos, 
son of Philip, surnamed Monophthalmos; these four princes had statues together: P., VI, 11.1; 
Hyde, 103 a, b, c, d. Antigonos had also other statues in different parts of the Altis: P., VI, 15.7; 
Hyde, 147 f; Inschr. v. 01., 305; VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 b. Antigonos Doson and Philip III had 
statues together: P., VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 a. The Syrian king Seleukos Nikator had another 
statue at Olympia: P., VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 c. Three of the Egyptian dynasty had statues: 
Ptolemy Lagi, P., VI, 15.10; Hyde, 149 a; Philadelphus, P., VI, 17.3; Hyde, 173 a; and another 
whose name is uncertain, P., VI, 16.9; Hyde, 166 a. 

2 P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41 b. 3 P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184 a; Inschr. v. 01., 293. 

<P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 d. 6 P., VI, 14.9-10; Hyde, 128 b. 

6 P., VI, 14.11; Hyde, 128 c; in Ol. (?) 127 ( = 272 B. C.) 

7 P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a; erected between Ols. (?) 103 and 115 ( = 368 and 320 B. C.). 

"P., VI, 16.5; Inschr. v. OL, 276, 277; Hyde, 154 a. "P., VI, 14.9-10. 

10 P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 b. "P., VI, 15.2; Hyde, 143 a, 

12 VI, 12.5. The date of his victory is unknown, but fell probably in Ol. 134 or 135 ( = 244 
or 240 B. C.): Hyde, 105 c and pp. 44-5; Foerster, 463. 

13 He won some time between Ols. (?) 99 and 102 ( = 384 and 372 B. C.): P., VI, 3.2-3; 
Hyde, 23 and pp. 30-1; Foerster, 335. 





Only a few insignificant remnants of the forest of victor statues 
which once stood in the Altis at Olympia were unearthed by the Ger- 
man excavators. Most of these statues already in antiquity had 
been carried off to Italy, 1 while those which escaped the spoliation 
of the Roman masters of Greece were destroyed at the hands of the 
invading hordes of barbarians in the early Dark Ages. Consequently 
only here and there in modern museums can isolated fragments of 
these originals be discovered, which have accidentally survived the 
ravages of time and man. 

In the almost complete absence of originals, therefore, we depend 
for our knowledge of them on a variety of sources. In attempt- 
ing to reconstruct them we have two main sources of information to 
aid us, the literary and the archaeological. To the former belong the 
many inscriptions found on the statue bases recovered at Olympia, 
which contain the name and native city of the victor, the athletic 
contest in which his victory was won, and frequently some account of his 
former athletic history; epigrams preserved in the Greek anthologies 
and elsewhere, some of which agree with those inscribed on the statue 
bases; more or less definite statements of scholiasts and the classical 
writers in general, especially the detailed account of the monuments of 
Olympia contained in the fifth and sixth books of the 'EXAdSos irepiruriffLs 
of Pausanias, who visited the Altis during the reign of Marcus Aurelius 
Antoninus, 2 and also the somewhat systematic treatment of Greek 
sculptors and their works in the elder Pliny's chapters on the History 
of Art. 3 To the latter source belong the remnants of statues in bronze 
and marble found at Olympia, as well as the recovered bases, on many 
of which the extant foot-marks enable us to recover the pose of the 

'On the ancient custom of carrying off votive offerings and images from vanquished foes, see 
P., VIII, 46.2-4. He shows that Augustus only followed a long-established precedent. Pliny, 
H. N., XXXIV, 36, in speaking of the great number of statues plundered from Greece by 
Mummius and the Luculli, quotes G. Licinius Mucianus (three times consul), who died before 
77 B. C., to the effect that 73,000 statues were still to be seen at Rhodes in his time, and that 
supposably as many more were yet to be found in Athens, Olympia, and Delphi. 

2 At the beginning of his description of Elis (V, 1.2), Pausanias says that 217 years had passed 
since the restoration of Corinth. As that event fell in 44 B. C., he was writing his fifth book in 
174 A. D., i. e., in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. With this date other chronological references 
in his work agree. That the fifth book was written before the sixth is deduced from a com- 
parison of V, 14.6 with VI, 22.8 f. Though the sixth book, therefore, can not have been composed 
earlier than 174 A. D., it may, of course, have been written much later. On the dates of the 
various books, see Frazer, I, pp. xv f. On the great importance of Pausanias for the whole his- 
tory of Greek art, see C. Robert, Pausanias als Schriftsteller, 1909, p. 1. 

Wistaria naturalis, Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI (ed. Jex-Blake). 



statues which formerly stood upon them. Finally, in reconstructing 
these athlete statues, an intimate knowledge of Greek sculpture in all 
its phases and periods is essential. Here, as in the general study of 
Greek sculpture, where the destruction of originals has been almost 
complete, we are largely dependent on Roman copies which were 
executed by more or less skilled workmen, chiefly for wealthy Roman 
patrons of art who wished to use them to decorate the public build- 
ings, baths, palaces, and villas of Rome and other Italian cities. A 
careful study of these copies has evolved a series of groups, which have 
been assigned with more or less probability to this or that artist. 1 
Representations of the various poses of the athlete statues of Olympia 
and elsewhere are found also on every sort of sculptured and painted 
works reliefs, vases, coins, gems which are, therefore, valuable in 
any attempt to reconstruct the attitude of a given statue. 

Taking into account all these sources of knowledge, it has been 
possible to reach tolerable certainty in reconstructing the main types 
of these victor monuments, and in identifying schools, masters, and 
individual works. This identification of athlete statues, especially 
those belonging to the fifth and fourth centuries B. C., among the 
countless Roman works which people modern museums, has already 
been achieved in many cases by archaeological investigations. The work 
of many masters of the archaic period and of the most important bronze 
sculptors of the great period of Greek art has been illustrated by such 
ascriptions; especially that of Myron, who represented figures in rhyth- 
mic action full of life and vigor; of the elder Polykleitos, who was a 
master in representing standing figures at rest fashioned according to a 
mathematical system of proportions; of Lysippos, who introduced a 
new canon of proportions in opposition to that of his predecessor 
Polykleitos, and who inaugurated the naturalistic tendency in Greek 
art, which was destined to be carried to such unbecoming lengths in 
succeeding centuries. The further identification of such statues, as 
our knowledge of the tendencies and traditions of the schools of Greek 
sculpture and our sources of information about athletic art become 
more and more extended, will be one of the most important tasks of 
the archaeologist in the future. 

Before discussing the appearance of individual types of these monu- 
ments, we shall consider certain general characteristics common to all 
of them. Long ago K. O. Mueller 2 summed up the common features 
of victor statues in these words: Kurzgelocktes Haar, tuechtige Glieder, 
eine kraeftige Ausbildung der Gestalt und verhaeltnissmaessig kleine 
Koepfe character is ir en die ganze Gattung von Figuren; die zerschlagenen 
Ohren und die hervorgetriebenen Muskeln insbesondere die Faustkaempfer 

This process has never been carried further nor with greater insight than in Furtwaengler's 
great work, Meisterwerke der griech. Plastik, 1893. 

2 In his Handbuch der Archaeologie der Kunst, 3d ed., 1848, by F. G. Welcker, p. 740. 


und Pankratiasten. Though in the main this excellent summary still 
holds good, we are now in a position to correct it in part and to add 
other equally characteristic features to it. We shall briefly discuss, 
therefore, in the light of recent investigations, certain of the charac- 
teristics common to this genre of sculpture the material and size of 
these statues, their nudity and fashion of wearing the hair, their two- 
fold division into iconic and aniconic, their proportions, and, lastly, the 
assimilation of their appearance to well-known types of hero or god. 


In another section 1 we show that the overwhelming majority of the 
statues in the Altis were of bronze, though other materials, stone 
and wood, were also used in some cases. As to the size of these 
statues, no hard and fast rule seems to have been followed, but 
we may assume from the evidence at hand that they were in gen- 
eral life-size. 2 Lucian would have us believe that the Hellanodikai 
did not allow victors to set up statues larger than life. 3 We know, 
however, that there were exceptions to such a rule. In all probability 
the statue of Polydamas of Skotoussa by Lysippos, which Pausanias says 
stood on a high pedestal, was larger than life-size, if we may conjecture 
from its elevated position and the probable source of Pausanias' remark 
that he "was the tallest of men, if we except the so-called heroes and 
the mortal race which preceded the heroes." 4 The traces of foot- 
prints on the recovered pedestal of the statue of the Athenian pan- 
cratiast Kallias by the sculptor Mikon show that the statue was larger 
than life-size. 5 The footprints on the base of the statue of the Rhodian 
boxer Euklesby the Argive Naukydes are about 33 cm. long, and so the 
statue was slightly over life-size. 6 We know the actual size of at least 
two of these Olympic statues. The scholiast on Pindar, OL VII, Argum., 
on the basis of a fragment from Aristotle's lost work on the Olympic 
victors and one from the little-known writer Apollas Ponticus, 7 says 
that the statue of the Rhodian boxer Diagoras was 4 cubits and 5 fingers 

'Chapter VII, infra, pp. 321 f. 

2 Cf. Furtwaengler-Urlichs, Denkmaeler griech. und roem. Skulptur (Handausgabe 3 ), 1911, 
p. 101. 

3 Pro. Imag., 11, pp. 490 f.: 'A/co&w . . . nyS' 'O\vnTria.<r u> eelvai rols v IKUXTI /mf ovs TUV au^&ruv 
iivearavai. TOUS avdptavTas, K. r. A.; Scherer, pp. 10 f.; Bildw. v. 01. , Textbd., p. 250. 

4 VI, 5.1. On the statue, see E. Preuner, Ein delphisches Weihgeschenck, p. 26; for the re- 
covered sculptured base, see Bildw. v. 01., Textbd., pp. 209 f.; Tafelbd., PI. LV. 1-3. Polydamas 
won the pankration in 01. 93 ( = 408 B. C.), but his statue was set up long after, in the time of 
Lysippos: Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279. 

*Inschr. v. 01., 146; cf. Scherer, pp. 10-11. He won in Ol. 77 ( = 472 B. C.): P., VI, 6.1; Oxy. 
Pap.; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208. 

*Inschr. v. OL, 159 (renewed); I. G. B., 86. Eukles won in Ols.(?) 90-93, ( = 420-408 B. C.): 
P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297. 

7 The lost work of Aristotle is mentioned by Diogenes Laertios, V, 26. For the scholiast, see 
Boeckh, p. 158; and F. H. G., II, p. 183 ( = Aristotle, fragm. 264), IV., p. 307 '= Apollas, 
fragm. 7). 


tall, 1 i. <?., about 6 feet 4.5 inches, somewhat over life-size. 2 From 
the same scholiast we learn that the statue of the son of Diagoras, 
the pancratiast Damagetos, was 4 cubits high, or less than that of 
, the father by 5 fingers, and consequently just under 6 feet. 3 The 
footprints on the base of the statue of the boxer Aristion by the elder 
Polykleitos are 29 cm. long, and so the statue was just life-size. 4 There 
are several examples of such life-size statues, 5 while others are slightly 
below life-size. 6 The Polykleitan statue of a boxer in Kassel is under 
life-size. 7 The marble head of a statue found at Olympia, which we 
ascribe to Philandridas, the Akarnanian pancratiast, by Lysippos, 
(Frontispiece and Fig. 69) is also under life-size, 8 as is also that of the 
pancratiast Agias found at Delphi (PI. 27 and Fig. 68). These two are 
in harmony with Pliny's statement that Lysippos made the heads of 
his statues relatively small. 9 Perhaps this statement of Pliny was 
the basis of the opinion of Mueller recorded above that "compara- 
tively small heads" characterize the whole genre of victor statues. 
We have in the preceding chapter mentioned the marble fragments 
of the statues of boy victors, two-fifths to two-thirds life-size, found at 
Olympia. 10 The two marble helmeted heads of the archaic period 
found there, which we shall later ascribe to hoplite victors (Fig. 30), 
are exactly life-size. 11 Of the bronze fragments recovered at Olym- 
pia, 12 the head of a boxer of the fourth century B. C. (Fig. 61, A and B) 
is life-size, 13 while the extraordinarily beautifully sculptured right arm 
ascribed to a boy victor by Furtwaengler 14 is a little under life-size. 

1 Pollux, Onomastikon, II, 158, says that the cubit (TTTJXVS) contains 24 Sd/cruXoior 6iro.\aarai; it 
was therefore 18.25 inches and the finger 0.7 inch long. Though the cubit was later lengthened 
to about 2 feet, the old size was retained for measuring wood and stone: cf. Boeckh, Metro- 
logische Untersuchungen, 1838, p. 212. 

2 Scherer, p. 11, gave its height as 6 feet and 5 inches. 

3 Diagoras won in Ol. 79 ( = 464 B. C.) : P., VI, 7. 1 ; Hyde, 59; Foerster, 220; cf. Inschr. v. 01., 1 5 1 
(renewed); Damagetos in Ols. 82-3 ( = 452-448 B. C.) : Oxy. Pap.; P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 62; Foerster, 
253; cf. Inschr. v. OL, 152. 

Inschr. v. OL, 165 (renewed); he won Ol. 82 ( = 452 B. C): Oxy. Pap.; P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 115; 
Foerster, 376. 

5 E. g., Inschr. v. 01. , nos. 147-8, Tellon, who won the boys' boxing match in 01. 77 ( =472 B. C.) : 
Oxy. Pap.; P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237; ibid., 155 (renewed), Hellanikos, boy boxer, 
who won in OI. 89 ( = 424 B. C.) : P., VI, 7.8; Hyde, 65; Foerster, 263; ibid., 158, boxer Damox- 
enidas, who won some time between Ols. 95 and 103 ( = 400 and 380 B. C.) : P., VI, 63; Hyde, 54; 
Foerster, 319; ibid., 164, Xenokles, boy wrestler, who won some time between Ols. (?) 94 and 
100 ( = 404 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85; Foerster, 308; ibid., 177, Telemachos, chariot 
victor some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 ( = 320 and 260 B.C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122; 
Foerster, 513. 

6 E. g., Inschr. v. 01. , 182, Thrasonides, who won /ceXTyri TTU\U<$ in the third century B. C. 

7 Furtw., Mp., p. 246, fig. 99; Mm., p. 447, fig. 69. See p. 155. 

"See Chapter VI., infra, p. 295. *H. N., XXXIV, 65. 

l Supra, p. 28 and n. 1; Bildw. v. OL, Textbd., pp. 216 f.; Tafelbd., PI., LVI, 2-4; cf. Furt- 
waengler, SOstes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 1890, pp. 147 f.; cf. infra, Ch. VII, pp. 324-5, c.d.e. 

"Bildw. v. OL, Textbd., pp. 29 f; Tafelbd., PI. VI, 1-4, 9-10; cf. infra, pp. 162-3. 

12 See Inschr. v. 01. , pp. 234-5; Bronz. v. 01. , Textbd., pp. 10-12; cf. infra, p. 322 and notes 1-7. 

l3 Bronz. v. OL, Textbd., pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., PI. II, 2, 2a; F. W., no. 323; etc. 

"Bronz. v. OL, Textbd., p. 12; Tafelbd., PI. IV, 5, 5a; F. W., 325. 



Most of the victor statues at Olympia were nude. 1 In the early 
period all athletes wore the loin-cloth. Cretan frescces show it was 
the custom in the early Mediterranean world. The athletes of Homer 
girded themselves on entering the games of Patroklos, 2 and the girdle 
appears in the earliest athletic scenes on vases. 3 Throughout the historic 
period, however, the Greeks entered their contests in complete nudity, 
and this nudity naturally was carried over into athletic sculpture. 
Pliny's 4 statement, Graeca res nihil velare, is, therefore, correct, despite 
another of Philostratos to the effect that at Delphi, at the Isthmus, 
and everywhere except at Olympia, the athlete wore the coarse man- 
tle. 5 The beginning of the change from wearing the loin-cloth to 
complete nudity was ascribed to an accident. The Megarian run- 
ner Orsippos in the 15th Ol. ( = 720 B.C.) dropped his loin-cloth 
while running, either accidentally or because it impeded him. 6 The 
story was commemorated by an epigram, perhaps by Simonides, 
which was inscribed on his tomb at Megara. 7 A copy of this epigram 
in the Megarian dialect, executed in late Roman or Byzantine times, 
when the original had become illegible, was discovered at Megara in 
1769 and shows that its original was the source of Pausanias' remarks. 8 
Philostratos says that athletes contended nude at Olympia, either be- 
cause of the summer heator a mishap which befell the woman Pherenike 
of Rhodes. She accompanied her son, the boy boxer Peisirhodos, 

1 Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkmaeler, p. 104. On nudity and athletics, see the article by Furtwaengler, 
Die Bedeutung der Gymnastik in der griech. Kunst, in Saemann's Monatschr. fuer paedagog. 
Reform., 1905; W. Mueller, Nacktheit und Entbloessung in der alt-orient, und aelteren griech. 
Kunst, Diss. inaug., Leipsic, 1906. 

2 The boxer Euryalos "first put a cincture (fwjua) about him," in his bout with Epeios: Iliad, 
XXIII, 683. See also XXIII, 710; Od., XVIII, 67 and 76. 

3 E. g., wrestlers on a black-figured amphora in the Vatican : /. H . S., XXV, 1905, p. 288, fig. 24; 
boxers, runners, and a jumper on a b.-f. stamnos in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris (no. 252) : 
Gardiner, p. 418, fig. 142, from de Ridder, Cat. des vases peints, I, p. 160. 

4 #. N., XXXIV, 18. 

5 Ph., 17. This mantle was called rpifiav the "worn," hence was thin and coarse; Hermann- 
Bluemner, Griech. Privatalt., p. 175; etc. 

6 P., I, 44.1; Eustath., on Iliad, XXIII, 683, p. 1324, 12 f. Dionys. Hal., Antiq. Rom.,VU, 72, 
says that it was the Spartan Akanthos, who won in a running race, i. e., 66Xtx*> ' n Ol. 16; so also 
Afr.; see P., V, 8.6; Foerster, 17. Orsippos won the stade-race in Ol. 15: Afr.; Eustath., /. c.; 
Dionys., /. c.; Fcerster, 16. But Didymos, schol. on Iliad, XXIII, 683, says that Orsippos won 
in Ol. 32 ( =652 B. C.); similarly Etym. magn., p. 242, s. v. yvnvaffia; however, Boeckh, Kleine 
Schriften, IV, p. 173, has shown that Ol. 15 is right. Isidores, in a confused passage, Orig., 
XVIII, 17.2, says that athletes were early girded and dropped the loin-cloth in consequence of 
a runner getting weary, whence a decree of the time of the archon Hippomenes at Athens (Ol. 
14.2) allowed athletes to contend nude; the same story is told in the Schol. Venet. on the Iliad, 
XXIII, 683; see Foerster, 16. 

^A. G., App. 272; Cougny, Anth. Pal., 1890, III (App. nov.), p. 4, no. 24; P., I, 44.1, says that 
his tomb was near that of Koroibos. 

8 C. I. G., 1, 1050 (with Boeckh's commentary on the loin-cloth); C. I. G. G. S., 52; Kaibel, Epigr. 
Gr., ex lapid. conl, 1878, no. 843; Frazer, II, p. 538. The schol. on Thukyd., I, 6, quotes four 
lines of it. The name was spelled Orrippos in the Megarian dialect. 


to Olympia disguised as a trainer, and in her joy at his victory she 
leaped over the barrier and disclosed her sex. 1 The practice does not 
appear to have become universal with all athletes in all the com- 
petitions at Olympia until some time after Orsippos' day, since 
Thukydides says the abandonment of the girdle took place shortly 
before his time and that in his day it was still retained by certain for- 
eigners, notably Asiatics, in boxing and wrestling matches. 2 The 
change is not illustrated in sculpture. The earliest victor statues, 
i. e. y those of the "Apollo" type, are all nude. The nudity of this 
type shows an essential difference between Greek and foreigner and 
also between the later Greek and his rude ancestor. Plato gives the 
use of the loin-cloth as an example of convention, by which what 
seems peculiar to one generation becomes usual to another. 3 We see 
the change, however, in vase-paintings. The loin-cloth is common 
on seventh-century vases, but is gradually left off in later ones. 

There were exceptions to the rule of nudity. Statues of charioteers 
were usually partly or wholly dressed in the long chiton, a custom 
explained in various ways. 4 The Delphi bronze Charioteer (Fig. 66) 
is a good example of a draped one. Another auriga almost nude 
is shown on a decadrachm of Akragas in the British Museum, dating 
from the end of the fifth century B. C. 5 There are also several ex- 
amples of nude charioteers. 6 The Olympic runners and athletes 
generally were also bareheaded and barefoot. The only exceptions 
were the hoplite-runners, who wore helmets, and possibly charioteers, 
who wore sandals. 7 Statues of women victors also were draped. 
Though Ionian women could witness games, 1 and Spartan girls took 
part in athletic contests with boys, 2 women were rigorously excluded 

'Ph., 17. The story is told also by P., V, 6.7-8. Peisirhodos wonin Ol. (?) 88 ( =428 B. C.): 
P., VI, 7.2; Hyde, 63; Foerster, 314. This brings the change near the end of the fifth century 
B. C. For the spelling of the name of the victor, see Foerster, /. c. 

2 I. 6. Here the historian is speaking of athletes in general; Dionysios, VII, 72 and P. ,1,44.1, 
speak only of runners. 

Scherer, p. 20, n. 1 (following Krause, I, pp.405 and 501, n. 18) thought that the words of Thuky- 
dides (TO Se TraXot) referred to the time antedating Ol. 15, and not later, and concluded that in 
wrestling (introduced in Ol. 18=708 B. C.) and boxing (introduced in Ol. 23 =688 B. C.) the 
contestants were always nude. Boeckh, however, rightly concluded that the historian meant 
that in Ol. 15 only the runners laid off the loin-cloth, while other athletes did so just before his 
day: C. I. G., I, p. 554. 

3 De Rep., 452 D. He says that the custom of nudity was introduced first by the Cretans and 
then by the Spartans. 

4 Thus von Mach says (p. 240): "They were dedicatory statues representing events that had 
taken place in honor of the gods," and adds that on such occasions persons were draped, except 
where such drapery would cause inconvenience, i. e., in gymnastic contests. 

5 See Gardiner, p. 465, fig. 172. 

6 E. g., the statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome: Helbig, Fuehrer, II, no. 973 (fig. 29, 
p. 557, restored); Guide, 597 (fig. 28); Joubin, p. 134, fig. 40; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 536.6 
B. Com. Rom., XVI, 1888, Pis. XV, XVI, 1, 2, (two views) and XVIII (restored), pp. 335-365 
(G. Ghirardini). 

7 Pollux, III, 155, wrongly states that runners wore soft leathern boots (ef5po^i5) ; these never 
appear on vases, as Krause, I, p. 362 and n. 5, and Gardiner, p. 273, point out, and were the 
usual footwear of messengers. Cf. Mueller, Arch. d. Kunst, 363, 6. 


from crossing the Alpheios during the festival at Olympia. 3 They 
were allowed, however, to enter horses for the chariot-race and, if 
victorious, to set up monuments. 4 Only one woman was allowed to 
witness the games, the priestess of the old earth cult of Demeter 
Chamyne, who could sit at the altar in the stadion during the contests. 5 
Pausanias notes but one exception of a woman infringing the rule of 
admission, Pherenike, the mother of the Rhodian victor Peisirhodos 
already mentioned. She was pardoned because her father, brothers, 
and son were victors, but the umpires passed a law that thereafter 
even trainers should be nude. 6 While excluded from the games proper, 
women had their own festival at Olympia in honor of Hera, which 
was known as the Heraia. These games occurred every four years 7 
and included a foot-race between virgins, in which the course 
was one-sixth less than the stadion. The victress received an olive 
crown and also a share of the cow sacrificed to Hera, and was 
allowed to set up a painted picture of herself in the Heraion. 8 
It has been generally assumed that the statue of a girl runner in 
the Galleria dei Candelabri of the Vatican represents one of these 
victresses (Plate 2), 9 since Pausanias says they ran with their hair 

'At Ephesos in Thukyd ides' day: III, 104; earlier on Delos: Thukyd., ibid., and Homeric Hymn 
to the Delian Apollo, 146 f. Maidens and youths wrestled in the gymnasia on Chios: 
Athenaeus, XIII, 20 (p. 566 e.); cf. Boeckh, C. I. C., II, text to no. 2214. 

2 On athletic contests for women in Sparta, see Plutarch, Lykourgos, 14; Xen., de Rep. lac., 
I, 4. Aristoph., Lysistr., 80 f., says that the beauty and color of the Lakonian woman Lampito 
came from gymnastic exercises. 

3 P., V, 6.7. He says that those who broke the Elean rule were thrown from Mount Typaion 
(a rock south of the river). Their exclusion was doubtless due to a religious taboo and not to 
modesty; Gardiner, p. 47. P., VI, 20.9, says that the restriction did not include maidens. As 
there is no other reference about unmarried girls at Olympia, it is probable that girls were 
not admitted; cf. Krause, Olympia, p. 54 and n. 9. 

4 E. g., Kyniska, P., VI, 1.6, and other Spartan victresses, III, 8.1; Euryleonis, who won 
in a two-horse chariot-race in Ol. (?) 103 (=368 B. C): P., Ill, 17.6; Foerster, 344; Belistiche, 
mistress of Ptolemy Philadelphus, was the first to win avvupiSi iru\ui> in 01. 129 ( =264 B. C.) : 
P., V, 8.11; Foerster, 443; Theodota, daughter of the Elean Antiphanes, won appan TrcoXwci? in 
the first century B. C.: Inschr. v. 01., 203; Foerster, 547. 

8 P., VI, 20.9. The inscribed marble base of a statue of one of these priestesses has been found 
at Olympia: see Inschr. v. 01, 485. "See P., V, 6.7-8. 

7 However, we do not know if they were held in the same year as that of the Olympic festival, or 
at what time of the year. See L. Weniger, Klio, Beitraege zur alien Geschichte, V, 1905, pp. 22 f. 

8 P., V, 162.-4. These irivaKts were probably iconic (portrait) paintings. Holes have been 
found on columns of the Heraion to which they may have been attached. On the girls' race, 
see B. B., text to no. 521 (Arndt). 

9 It is a marble copy of an original bronze which is generally dated about 470 B. C., because 
of archaic reminiscences in the head. It represents a girl of about 14 years. See Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 
no. 364; Guide, 378, and references; F. W., 213; Bulle, pp. 304 f. Overbeck, II, p. 475, refers it 
to the school of Pasiteles. It is pictured in B. B., no. 521; Bulle, 142; Baum., Ill, p. 2111, fig. 
2362; Springer-Michaelis, p. 224, fig. 412; von Mach, 73; Amelung, Museums of Rome, I, fig. 74; 
Reinach, Rep., I, 527.6; Clarac, PI. 864, 2199. A similar statue is the torso in Berlin: Beschr. 
der Skulpt., no. 229; and cf. Kekule, Annali, XXXVI, 1865, p. 66 (who points out the resem- 
blance of the head of the Vatican statue to that of the figure by Stephanos, PI. 12); Clarac, 
PI. 864, 2200. The height of the Vatican statue is given by Bulle as 1.56 meters. Cf. also a 
statuette of a similar girl runner from Dodona: Rayet, I, PI. 17, 3. 


down and wore a tunic which reached to just above the knees, 
leaving the right shoulder bare to the breast. That the statue rep- 
resents a girl runner seems certain, 1 but that it can be referred 
to one of the Olympic girl victresses is doubtful. The description of 
Pausanias fits it in many respects, except that the chiton of the 
statue is too short, and he does not mention the girdle just below the 
bosom. Furthermore, he does not mention statues of girl victresses, 
but only pictures. Nothing can be argued from the palm-branch on 
the tree-stump, except that the Roman copyist thought it the statue 
of a victress. It does not necessarily refer to a victress at Olympia, 
for Pausanias elsewhere says that the palm-branch was given at many 
contests. 2 The statue represents a young girl leaning forward awaiting 
the signal to start, 3 but it is impossible to say to what games we should 
refer it. There were girls' contests in and out of Greece such as at 
the Dionysia in Sparta 4 and in her colony Kyrene. 5 Such games were 
also held in the stadion of Domitian at Rome. 6 In fact the Palatine 
estate of the Barberini, from whom the Vatican acquired the statue, 
embraced the area of the old stadion of Domitian on the Palatine. 
It is probably of Doric workmanship, as it certainly represents a Dorian 
victress, though not necessarily by a Peloponnesian sculptor. 7 


The assumption long held that short hair was always characteristic 
of the athlete is incorrect. 8 It is controverted equally by literary 
evidence and by the monuments. The Homeric Greek took pride in 

1 However, B. Schroeder believes that it is merely a victorious danseuse, and gives several 
examples of dancers from vase-paintings and the lesser arts: R. M., XXIV, 1909, pp. 109 ff. 
(figs. 1-3) . In all of these lively motion is expressed and the free foot is raised high from the ground. 
When the curious little plat under the statue's right foot (perhaps intended to represent the 
starting-stone at the stadion) is removed, the position of the statue does not fit the dance; see 
Bulle, p. 304, for discussion of this starting-stone. 

2 VIII, 48.2; cf. Plut., Quatst. conviv., VIII, 4, I, (p. 982). 

3 Bulle compares it with the Tuebingen hoplite-runner (Fig. 42) ready to start, though the 
quieter pose of the Vatican statue befits a girl rather than the impetuous energy of the man. 

4 0n theAioj'Uo-iaSts, see P., Ill, 13.7; Hesychios,j. f.;c/. Theokr., XVIII, 22; Plut., Lycurgus, 14; 
Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. agones, I, p. 847; Reisch, p. 46, n. 4. Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. x^fuv (III, 2, p, 
2314) shows that the use of the chiton closed on one side was a Dorian, and especially a Spartan, 

5 0n the running race at Kyrene, cf. Boeckh, Explic. ad Find., Pyth., IX, p. 328. Plato, in his 
deLeg,VlII, 833, D, E, ordained for girls the three running races (ffradiov, 8iav\os, and 56Xixs)? 
the youngest girls should run nude, the others (from 13 to 18) suitably dressed. 

6 Suet., Domitian, 4; Dio Cassius, LXVII, 8. 

7 Arndt believes it is Myronian in character: B. B., text to 521. 

8 See Waldstein, /. H. S., I, 1880, pp. 170 f. On the style of wearing the hair in Greece, see the 
following works: K. O. Mueller, Handbuch d. Archaeol. d. Kunst 3 , pp. 474 f; Bluemner, Leben u. 
Sitten der Griechen, I, pp. 76 f. ; Home Life of the Ancient Greeks (transl. of preceding, by A. Zim- 
mern), 1893, pp. 64 f; Dar.-Sagl., /. v. coma (Pettier), I, 2, pp. 1355 f. ; Pauly-Wissowa, VII, 2, 
pp. 2109 fF. (Bremer); Baum., I, pp. 615 f; Guhl-Koner-Engelmann, Das Leben d. Gr. u. Roem. 6 , 
1893, pp. 297 f; Amelung, Gewandung d. Gr. u. Roem., 1903; Helbig, Atti della R. Accad. dei 
Lincei, Ser. Ill, vol. V., pp. 1 f. (for the Homeric age). 


Marble Statue of a Girl Runner. Vatican Museum, Rome. 


his long hair, 1 and doubtless the contestants at the games of Patroklos 
in the Iliad had long hair. Long hair was worn by some Athenians 
throughout Athenian history. From the end of the fifth century B.C., 
long hair was regarded as a mark of effeminacy 2 and was regularly 
worn only by the knights. 3 Short hair was worn as a sign of mourning 
in Athens from early days down. 4 Only the slaves regularly wore 
very short hair in the fifth century B. C. 5 The change to short hair 
in Athens was certainly due to the influence of the palaestra and to 
athletics in general. 6 We see just the opposite custom in vogue in 
Sparta. There, according to the code of Lykourgos, 7 men were com- 
pelled to wear long hair and children short hair. Thus the heroes of 
Leonidas entered the battle of Thermopylae after combing their long 
locks. 8 After the Persian wars only children and men with laconizing 
or aristocratic sympathies 9 wore their hair long at Athens. When 
boys arrived at the age of e4>r]f3oL, they had their hair cut at the feast 
of the oivLffTTJpicL 10 and dedicated it to a god. 11 Soon after the Per- 
sian war period, athletes wore their hair short. Before that time, the 
wearing of long hair had already been discarded for obvious reasons in 
wrestling. 12 Similarly, in boxing and the pankration long hair was 
in the way, and was therefore early braided into two long plaits 
which were wound around the head in a peculiar way and tied into a 
knot at the top, the so-called Attic Kpco/3i>Xos, the oftenest mentioned 
manner of dressing the hair in Greek literature. 13 The oldest notice 

l Cf. the recurring epithet of Homer, K<i/oij KOAiocoi'Tej 'AxaTot; Helbig, Das homtrische Epos 2 , 
p. 236, n. 3; for examples of long hair in the epic, ibid., pp. 236 f. That the Homeric hair fell 
free over the shoulders and not in any conventional order has been proved against Helbig by 
H. Hofmann, Jb.f. cl. Philol., Supplbd., XXVI, 1900, pp. 182 f. 

2 Eurip., Bacchae, 455; Aristotle, de Physiogn., 3, p. 38; pseudo-Phokylides, 212. 

3 Aristoph., Equit., 580 and cf. 1121; Nubes, 14; Lysistrata, 561; etc. 

<Od., IV, 198; Euripides, Alkestis, 818-19; Aristoph., Pint., 572; Plato, Phaedo, 89 C; Athen- 
<eus, XV, 16 (p. 675 a); Hdt., I, 82; etc. 5 Aristoph., Aves, 911. 

6 Ph., Imag., II, 32; Lucian, Dial, meretr., V, 3 (p. 290); etc. 

7 Xen., de Rep. lac., Ch. XI, 3; cf. Plut., Apothegm, reg. et imperat., p. 754; and see Aristotle, 
Rhet., I, 9, p. 1397 a, 28; Plut., Lysandros, I; Lykourgos, 22; etc. 8 Hdt., VII, 208. 

"Aristoph., Aves, 1281-2: Lysias, XVI, 18; Lucian, Audio vitarum, 2 (Pythagoreans). 

"Pollux, VI, 3.22; VIII, 9.107; Athenaeus, XI, 88 (p. 494 f.): Hesychios, s. v. KOVP&TU; and 
oiviffT'fipi.a; Photius, Lex., p. 321. 

"Aischyl., Choeph., 6; P., I, 37. 3; at Delphi, Dio Chrys., Or, XXXV, p. 67 R. 

12 Eurip., Bacchae, 455. 

13 Kpwj86Xo$ and Kbp^o? are etymologically the same word: see Prellwitz,^yjno/og. Woerterbuch 
d. griech. Sprache. It used to be assumed that ripvuPos referred to the similar coiffure of young 
girls. On the Kpw/36Xoj, see the following: K. 0. Mueller, op. cit. 3 , p. 476, 5; id., DieDorier, II, 266; 
Conze, Nuove memorie dell' institute archeol., pp. 408 f.; Helbig, Comment, philolog. in honorem 
Mommseni, 1877, pp. 616 f., and Rhein. Mur., XXXIV, 1879, pp. 484 f.; Schreiber, Der altattische 
Krobylos, A. M., VIII, 1883, pp. 246-273, and Pis. XL, XII.; id., IX, 1884, pp. 232-254 and Pis. 
IX, X; and after him, Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 644, Collignon, I, p. 363', and de Villefosse, A/on. 
Piot, I, 1894, p. 62; Klein, Gesch. d. gr. Kunst, I, p. 255; Studniczka, Krobylos und Tettiges, 
Jb., XI, 1896, PP . 248-291. Pauly-Wissowa, /. c., pp. 2120 f.; Dar.-Sagl., I, 2. pp. 1357-59 and 
1571; etc. That the term <cpw/S6Xo9 represented a way of wearing the hair and not a part of the 
hair has been proved by Hauser: Jh. oest. arch. Inst., 1906, Beiblatt, pp. 87 f. On other methods 
of dressing the hair, see Pauly-Wissowa, /. c., pp. 2112 f. 


of this style of wearing the hair is found in a fragment of Asios. 1 Hera- 
kleides Ponticus 2 says it was used up to the time of the Persian wars. 
The locus classicus is in Thukydides, who says it was worn in his day by 
old people only. 3 Earlier young men wore it, 4 but it went out of fashion 
between 470 and 460 B. C. In this connection we should mention 
that the professional athlete under the Roman Empire wore his 
hair uncut and tied up in an unsightly topknot known as the cirrus* 
The monumental evidence bears out the literary. Thus, on old 
Corinthian clay tablets freemen are represented with long hair, while 
slaves have short hair. 6 Hydrias from Caere (Cerveteri) and paintings 
from Klazomenai show that the lonians wore their hair short for the 
first time in the sixth century B. C., the custom not becoming general 
until the fifth. Older Spartan monuments represent the hair long. 7 
Attic vases show long hair on men until the second half of the sixth 
century B. C., when the black-figured vase masters began to represent 
them with short hair, a custom becoming general in the first half of the 
fifth. In statuary the Diskobolos of Myron (Pis. 21, 26, and Figs. 34, 35) 
has short hair, and most statues of athletes before it have long hair, 
while most after it have short. Before the time of the Diskobolos, b.-f. 
and early r.-f. vase-painters often represented athletes with braided hair 
in the fashion of the warriors on the Aegina pediments. When short 
hair began to be used on athlete statues, these older braids were often 
replaced by victor bands. 8 We may roughly summarize by saying 
that statues before the date of the Diskobolos which do not have long 
hair are probably those of athletes and not of gods, and, in any case, 
if they have braids bound up in the fashion of the /cpw/3i>Xos, they are 
almost always statues of athletes. 9 As for short hair on representa- 
tions of gods, Furtwaengler has shown that it appears only after the 
middle of the fifth century B. C. 10 Prior to that date the hair of divin- 
ities fell over the neck and shoulders in curls, as in the statue of the 
Olympian Zeus by Pheidias. By the time of Perikles, however, short 
curly hair reached only to the nape of the neck on statues of Zeus, 

*Ap. Athen., XII, 30 (p. 525). *Ibid., 5 (p. 512 c). 

3 I, 6; cf. Aristophanes, Nubti, 984 and schol.; Equit., 1331. 

4 See fragm. of Nikolaos of Damascus, (perhaps from the Lydiaka of Xanthos), F. H. G., Ill, 
p. 395, fragm. 62. 

6 See Krause, p. 541, n. 6. 

"See/to. Denkm., I, 1886, PI. VIII, 3 b; etc. 

7 See hero reliefs in A. M., II, 1877, Pis. XX-XXV. On early Corinthian vases, men are 
represented regularly with long hair. 

*E. g., on the bust of Apollo in the Glyptothek, Munich: von Mach, 449 (left); on the bearded 
man (Dionysos?) in the British Museum: id., 450 (right); and on the Apollo of Naples: id., 448: 
On the latter head the narrow band of the former two examples has .become very broad. 

9 Cf. Waldstein, op. cit., p. 177. 

l Mzu ., pp. 67 (on statues of Zeus, hair reaching the shoulders, a style later becoming typical 
of that god); p. 407 (the Argive school gave short hair to heads of Zeus); Mp. f pp. 42 and 
U8;cf.Mw., p. 273. 



and this style frequently appears on figures of the god on Attic vases 
of that period. Dionysos has short hair for the first time on the 
Parthenon frieze. 1 Furtwaengler has shown that Pheidias did not 
invent the short bound-up hair for goddess types, as we see it in 
the Lemnian Athena, but that he borrowed it from works already 
in existence. 2 Though the style was unknown in the archaic period, 
it appears on helmeted heads of Athena of the early fifth century 
B. C. showing Pejoponnesian style on coins, statuettes, reliefs, etc. 
It appears in Attic art exclusively on bareheaded types of Athena 
of the period just prior to that of the Lemnia. 

Bulle 3 has gone carefully into the technique of the hair by different 
Greek artists. In archaic times this was " ein, man darf sagen, un- 
moegliches Problem." The primitive means at the disposal of the 
early artist made it impossible to render the hair naturally and hence 
it was conventionalized. Two styles arose in archaic times, which 
endured with modifications all through Greek art. The one was 
the pictorial (malerisch\ where only the general appearance of the 
hair was represented, the merest necessary plastic form being added. 4 
Painting here helped the shortcomings of the sculptor to some extent. 
The second style was the plastic (plastisch), where individual locks 
were attempted. The plastic use of light and shade made the use of 
color now less necessary. Such examples as the Korai of the Akropolis 
Museum and the Rampin head in the Louvre show the difficulty which 
the early artist encountered in representing hair plastically. In the 
RanipirLhead 5 ^wejee examples of three sorts of plastic hair treatment: 
the pearl-string (PerlscTtnuerreJ on the neck, grained ^i^r__(Koerner) in 
the beard7ahd snail-volutes (geperlte'Schne'cken) on the forehead. None" 
of the three seems tcTEeTong integrally to the Head, but each appears 
to have been pasted on. The pearl-string fashion was first used in 
the J>oh_oros stone and was only later successfully transferred to 
marble. During the severe style of Greek sculpture, both fashions, 
pictorial and plastic, were used, as we see them in the pediment 
groups from the temple of Zeus at Olympia. In the period of Phei- 
dias the plastic treatment was used almost exclusively, as we see in 
the Lemnian Athena. In the next century impressionism came in, 
though the plastic treatment still continued, for we see it in the 
bronze work of Lysippos and the marble work of Praxiteles. The 
old pictorial treatment was revived again in the later Hellenistic age. 

l Mw., p. 249. Furtwaengler gives an example of a short-haired Apollo of the school of 
Euphranor, ibid., p. 590. 

*Mp., p. 16. E. g., the Florentine gem: Furtwaengler, Antike Gemmen> 1900, PI. XXXIX, 
no. 29. 

"Pp. 444 f 

4 A good example of this is seen on the Apollo of Tenea (PI. 8 A). 

6 Bulle, PI. 225. He dates it in the middle of the sixth century B. C. 



In a well-known passage Pliny says that "the ancients did not make 
any statue of individuals unless they deserved immortality by some 
distinction, originally by a victory at some sacred games, especially 
those of Olympia, where it was the custom to dedicate statues of all 
those who had conquered, and portrait statues if they had conquered 
three times. These are called iconic." 1 Many solutions of this pas- 
sage have been offered. Older commentators, as Hirt and Visconti, 2 
interpreted Pliny's word iconicas as life-size statues. Scherer, how- 
ever, easily refuted this idea and showed that the adjective LKOVLKOS, 
though ambiguous in its meaning, had nothing to do with size, but 
referred rather to an individual as opposed to a typical sense in rela- 
tion to statuary. In his explanation he referred to the words of Lessing 
in the Laokoon: es ist das Ideal eines gewissen Menschen, nicht das 
Ideal eines Menschen ueberhaupt? Nowadays all scholars agree that 
Pliny's word refers to portrait statues. 4 However, Pliny's dictum 
about the right of setting up portrait statues is certainly open to doubt. 5 
It can not have been true of monuments erected before the fourth 
century B. C., when portrait statues were rare. Portraiture was a 
form of realism and was a product of the later period of Greek art 
especially after the time of Lysippos. In the fourth century B. C. 
we find one well-attested exception to Pliny's rule. The discovered 
inscription from the base of a monument erected to the horse-racer 
Xenombrotos of Cos, 6 reads (fifth line): Tor[os],67roto|V| 6[p]as aeLvo/j,^- 
POTO[S]. These words indubitably point to a portrait statue. However, 

1 H. N., XXXIV, 16 (Jex-Blake's transl.) The Latin of the last portion of this passage runs: 
Olympiae, ubi omnium qui vicissent statuas dicari mos erat, eorum vero qui ter ibi super avis sent ex 
membris ipsorum similitudine expressa, quas iconicas vacant. 

2 Hirt, Ueber das Bildniss der Alien, 1814-15, p. 7; Visconti, Iconographie grecque (1st ed. Paris 
1808, Milan, 1824-26), Discours prelim., p. VIII, n. 4. They argued from Lucian's pro Imag., 
11, a passage already discussed supra, p. 45 and n. 3. 

3 Scherer, pp. 9 f., and especially p. 13; Lessing, Laokoon, II, 13, made Pliny's words a text 
for a famous passage. 

4 For the latest discussion of Pliny's passage, see Inschr. v. 01., pp. 236 and 295-6 (the latter in 
reference to the inscribed base of the statue of Xenombrotos to be discussed a few lines infra). 

6 Klein, quoted by Jex-Blake, p. 14, footnote to line 7, believes Pliny's statement apocryphal, an 
idea escaping all scholars except, perhaps, Bluemner in his commentary on the Laokoon (p. 503). 
Evidently Pliny, or his source, is explaining the discrepancy between ideal and portrait 
statues as the result of an improbable rule, since the ancients applied little historical criticism to 
art, and hence did not distinguish between works representing types and those representing 
individuals. Dio Chrysostom, in his treatise Elepl /cdXAous (Orat., XXI, 1, p. 501 R), tries to 
explain the difference between early and late statues on the ground of physical degeneration 
in the latter. 

6 Inschr.v. 01., 170. He won in Ol. (?) 83 ( = 448 B. C.): P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 133; Foerster, 
327. This date follows the reasoning of Robert, 0. S., pp. 180 f. Pausanias, /. c., mentions another 
monument of the victor, the inscribed base of which has been found: Inschr. v. 01. , 154, though 
Dittenberger wrongly refers it to Damasippos: Foerster, 812; Hyde, pp. 53-4. The same author- 
ity refers no. 170 to the middle of the fourth century B. C., or a couple of decades later, because 
of the lettering and orthography. The monument of no. 170 must, therefore, have been set up 
long after the victory about a century later. 


neither the recovered epigram nor Pausanias indicates anything about 
this victor being a rpto'oAi'/zTn.oi'uojs, and consequently he appears 
not to have merited a portrait statue. 1 Pliny's statement can be 
explained in many ways: it may be apocryphal, or different usages 
may have fitted different periods; or the rule may have held good only 
for gymnic victors and not for equestrian ones, which, being strictly 
votive in character, may not have been restricted to its operation. 2 


Pausanias mentions the monuments of several victors at Olympia 
who were entitled to portrait statues on the strength of Pliny's rule, 
though we have no indication that they were so honored. Thus he 
mentions the statues of Dikon, 3 Sostratos, 4 Philinos, 5 and Gorges. 6 
The early fifth-century boxer Euthymos 7 also won three victories, but 
at a time before we should expect a portrait statue. The Periegete also 
mentions several victors who won three or more times, though he does 
not say that they had any statues, portrait or otherwise. 8 Percy Gard- 
ner 9 has shown how erroneous is the prevailing view that the Greeks 
neglected portraiture in their art and left it for the Romans to develop. 
He shows that Greek artists of the third and second centuries B. C. 
left a great many portraits of the highest artistic value and that por- 
traits of Romans before the time of Augustus, and the best Roman 
examples during the Empire, were made by Greek sculptors. The 

^ittenberger, Inschr. v. 01., p. 296, compares two other inscriptions with no. 170, viz, no. 
174 (in which the words 5e arfa occur) and C.I.G. G. S., I, 2470, 1. 3 (where the words rofaj <c 
Trpo/foAds occur). However, as he says, these two refer to the poses of the statues of gymnic 
victors and not to portraits. Pausanias frequently uses the word eiKui> for & (e. g., Ill, 
18.7) of a victor, but this seems to be no indication of a portrait statue. 

2 C/. Dittenberger, op. cit., p. 296. Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 530, think the case of Xenom- 
brotos may simply be exceptional. 

*VI, 3.11-12; he was- three times victor in running races in Ols. (?) 95, (?) 97, and 99 
( =400, 392, 384 B. C.); the latter date is attested by Afr.: Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. 
For the epigram on the base of one of these statues, see A. G., XIII, 15. 

4 VI, 4.1; he was three times victor in the pankration in Ols. 104, (?) 105, (?) 106 ( =364-356 
B. C.): Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359. 

VI, 17.2; he was thrice victor in running races in Ols. 129, 130 (=264, 260 B. C.) Afr.; 
Hyde, 173; Foerster, 440-2, 444-5. 

6 VI, 15.9; he was four times victor in the pankration, once in hoplite running, and once in the 
Siai'Xos, at unknown dates: Hyde, 149; Foerster, 767-72. We can not say that his victories fell 
at a date when iconic statues were in vogue. 

7 VI, 6.6; he won in Ols. 74, 76, 77 ( =484, 476-2 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 
195, 207; Inschr. v. 01., 144. 

*E. g., VI, 13.3-4 and 8: Hermogenes, five times victor in running races in Ols. 215, 216, 217 
( = 81-89 A. D.): Afr.; Hyde, Ilia; Foerster, 654-6, 659-660, 662-4; Polites, three times victor 
in running races in Ol. 212 (=69 A. D.): Afr.; Hyde, lllb; Foerster, '648-50; Leonidas, four 
times victor in running races in Ols. 154, 155, 156, 157 ( = 164-152 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, lllc; Foer- 
ster, 495-7, 498-500, 502-4, 507-9; Tisandros, four times victor in boxing in Ols. (?) 60-3 ( =540- 
528 B. C.), at a date too early for portraiture: Hyde, 119a; Foerster, 115, 119, 123, 124. There 
are other examples from the early fifth and the sixth centuries B. C. 
c. Gr. Art, Ch. XI (Portrait Sculpture), pp. 165 f. 


number of Greek portraits in our museums, especially in Rome, is 
very great. 1 From archaic times down to the middle of the fifth cen- 
tury B. C. we should not expect portraiture. In the earlier period, 
therefore, it is difficult to distinguish between statues of gods and those 
of men. In the great period of Greek art, from the time of Perikles 
on to that of Alexander, the general tendency of Greek sculpture was 
so ideal that portraits, when they existed, seem impersonal. The 
later copyists of portraits also idealized them. Thus Pliny, in speak- 
ing of Kresilas' portrait of Perikles, says that this artist nobiles viros 
nobiliores fecit in other words, that he idealized them. 2 The por- 
traits of Alexander were especially idealized. In the first half of the 
fourth century we first hear of realistic portraiture. Thus Demetrios, 
who flourished 380-360 B.C., 3 made a "very beautiful" statue of a 
Corinthian general named Pelichos, which Lucian 4 says had a fat 
belly, bald head, hair floating in the wind, and prominent veins, "like 
the man himself. " 5 Except for the hair this description by the satirist 
seems to have been correct. At the end of the fourth century B. C. ana- 
tomical detail began to be shown in sculpture. Largely under the in- 
fluence of Lysippos, the personality of victors began to be emphasized 
in figure and face in a very realistic way. We can distinguish between 
such portraits of victors before and after the time of Lysippos. 6 Pliny 7 
says that Lysistratos, the brother of Lysippos, was the first to obtain 
portraits by making a plaster mould on the features and so to render 
likenesses exactly, as "previous artists had only tried to make them as 
beautiful as possible." In any case, by the time of Lysippos realistic 
portraiture began to be emphasized. We see it at Olympia in the 

Gardner, p. 165, cites Bernoulli!, Griech. Ikonogr., 1901, as listing 26 known portraits of 
Euripides and 32 of Demosthenes, and calls attention to the fact that 870 plates in the 
Bruckmann series, Griech. und Roem. Portraets (ed. Brunn und Arndt), from 1891 on, are of 
Roman portraits. On the subject of Graeco-Roman portraits, see also Bernouilli, Roem. Ikonogr., 
1882-94; Hekler, Greek and Roman Portraits, 1912; and the works of E. Q. Visconti, now anti- 
quated: Iconogr. gr. (Paris, 1808) and Iconogr. romana (Milan, 1818). 

2 XXXIV, 74. Pausanias mentions a portrait of Perikles without naming the artist, I, 25.1; 
cf. I. 28.2. The inscribed base was found in Athens in 1888: 'ApxaioXcryt/cw AeXrtoi', 1889, 
pp. 36 f. (Lolling). A terminal portrait of Perikles, extant in several copies, has been identified 
as a copy of this work, e. g., one in the British Museum: B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 549; Furtw., Mp., 
PI. VII, opp. p. 118 (profile, fig, 46, p. 119); Hekler, op. cit., PI. 4 a.; F. W., 481. Another 
replica is in the Vatican: Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 276, and Nachtraege, II, p. 471; Visconti, Iconogr. 
gr., I, PI. XV; B. B., 156; Hekler, op. cit., PI. 4 b. However, Hitz.-Bluemn., I, p. 307, ad. 
loc. Paus., think that the word avdpias used by Pausanias can not apply to a terminal bust; 
Furtw., Mp., p. 117, n. 4, says that the word does not necessarily mean a whole statue. Cf. 
Bernouilli, Jb., XI, 1896, pp. 107 f.; Furtw., Mp., pp. 117 f. 

3 See I. G. B., 62, 63. *Philopseudes, 18 f. ^Abroavepvw^ o^oiov, 18. 

6 A good example of a Roman copy (from the age of Hadrian) of an original iconic athlete statue 
in bronze from the end of the fourth century B. C., is a bearded head in the Museo Chiaramonti; 
its swollen ears and the deep furrow in the hair for the metal crown show that it is from the statue 
of a victor. See Amelung, Fat., I, p. 483, no. 257 and Tafelbd., I, PI. 50; Arndt-Bruckmann, 
Gr. und Roem. Portr., Pis. 223-4. 

7 XXXV, 153. Jex-Blake, p. 176, justly remarks that this invention had nothing to do with 
the custom of taking death-masks. 


later bronze pancratiast's head found there (Fig. 61, A and B), and 
in a still more revolting style in the Seated Boxer of the Museo delle 
Terme (PI. 16, and Fig. 27). 

The reason why the privilege of erecting portrait statues was given 
so seldom to Olympic victors was probably not because it was a highly 
esteemed honor. The real reason seems to have been that portraiture, 
with its tendency to realism, subordinated beauty to that realism and 
so conflicted with the Greek artistic ideal. The Thebans had a law 
which forbade caricature and commanded artists to make their 
statues more beautiful than the models. The Greeks worshiped 
beauty and hated ugliness. Many games in Greece were held in honor 
of personal beauty. Thus a contest of manly beauty among old men 
(ajicv evavbpias) was a part of the Panathenaic games at Athens. 1 
A contest of beauty among women, originating in the time of 
Kypselos, king of Arkadia, was kept up until the time of Athenaeus. 2 
We hear of contests of beauty in Elis, at which three prizes were 
given, 3 and of similar ones on the islands of Tenedos and Lesbos. 4 
The Crotonian Philippos, who won at Olympia in an unknown contest 
about 520 B. C, was honored after his death by the people of Egesta 
with a heroon and sacrifices because of his beauty. 5 At Tanagra, in 
Bceotia, the most beautiful ephebe was chosen to carry a ram on his 
shoulders around the city wall at the festival of Hermes Kriophoros. 6 
At Aigion in Achaia the most beautiful boy was anciently chosen to 
be priest of Zeus. 7 The most beautiful youths among the Spartans 
and Cretans dedicated offerings to Eros before battle. 8 These and 
similar examples show the Greek feeling for beauty. The representa- 
tion of passion and violence was foreign to the spirit of the best Greek 
art; it was rather the "quiet grandeur" (Stille Groesse) or "repose," 
of which Winckelmann made so much, that was characteristic of that 
art. In Homer both men and gods, when wounded, shriek. Philok- 
tetes, in the drama of Sophokles, wails thoughout a whole act, when 
suffering from a gangrened foot. With the poets Zeus casts his thun- 
derbolt in anger, but Pheidias has him hold it quietly in his hand. So we 
can see why portrait statues were rare at Olympia, where the represen- 
tation of manly beauty and vigor was the rule. They were ruled out, 

'Xen., Symp., IV, 17: Oa\\o<f>6povs yap rfl 'Adrjvj. TOUJ KaXovs ytpovras tK\kyoi>Tai K. T. X. ; 
cf. Aristoph., Fesp., 544, and Athen., XIII, 20 (p. '565) and scholion. 

2 XIII, 90 (p. 609 e, f); here he quotes a history of Arkadia by Nikias. 

'Athen., XIII, 20 (pp. 565 f and 566 a); cf., Theophr., apud Athen., XIII, 90 (pp. 609 f, 610 a). 

4 Athen., XIII, 90 (p. 610a): here Athenaeus is also quoting Theophrastos. In XIII, 20 
(p. 565), he quotes Herakleides Lembos as saying that in Sparta the handsomest man and woman 
were especially honored. / 

8 Hdt., V, 47; Eustath. ad Iliad, III, p. 383, 43; Foerster, 138. 

P., IX, 22.1. 

7 P., VII, 24.4; cf., VIII, 47.3, for a similar custom at Tegea. 

"See O. Mueller, Die Dorier 1 , 1824, II, p. 238 (quoted by Krause, I, p. 37, n. 19). For refer- 
ences to contests of beauty in Greece, see ibid., pp. 33-38. 


not because of their increasing the honor accorded to the victor, but 
rather because they honored his egotism. 1 


Accordingly, since only victors who had won three or more contests 
at Olympia could set up iconic statues, the great majority of statues 
there represented some ideal type of common applicability, in which 
there was no attempt to show the individual features of this or that 
victor, but rather the typical athlete of muscular build. The older 
statues were merely variations of a few types which were held to be 
appropriate to the purpose. In process of time these few types in their 
treatment of details gradually approached truth to nature; this was 
especially characteristic of the Peloponnesian schools, which adopted 
the Doryphoros of Polykleitos as their norm of proportions. Statues 
of victors were the stock subject of the closely related schools of Argos 
and Sikyon. 2 Doubtless, as E. A. Gardner says, 3 there existed at 
Olympia itself a school of subordinate artists, who filled the regular 
demand for victor statues. However, some of these statues, especially 
those of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C., as we see them in originals 
and in Roman copies, and read the aesthetic judgments of them in 
Greek writers, were real works of art. 


The literary evidence for Greek sculpture is, for the most part, very 
unsatisfactory. Though classical writers were uncritical and not fond 
of analysis, still they have left us some useful opinions about works of 
sculpture and painting. The history and criticism of sculpture began 
in Greece, in the fourth century B. C., with the Peripatetics. Aristotle, 
whose observations on painting and sculpture were slight, did not de- 
spise the "mimetic" arts as did the Socrates of Plato. 4 In the Rhetoric 5 
he speaks of the beautiful bodies of youths who trained as pentathletes, 
since the varied exercises of the pentathlon made them so. We have a 
similar opinion expressed by Xenophon in what is, perhaps, the most 

'On this subject, see the recent essay by W. H. Goodyear, Lessing's Essay on the Laocoon 
and its Influence on the Criticism of Art and Literature, Brooklyn Museum Quarterly, Oct. 
1917, pp. 228-9. 

2 Thus we have Polykleitos of Argos and Patrokles, perhaps his brother; Naukydes of Argos 
and Daidalos of Sikyon, sons of Patrokles; the younger Polykleitos who called himself an Argive 
the brother of Naukydes; Alypos of Sikyon, the pupil of Naukydes; etc. Statues of all these 
sculptors except Patrokles are known to have stood in Olympia. 3 Hbk. 2 , p. 254. 

4 His criticism of painting occurs in Poet., 1448a, 5, 1450a, 26, and Polit., V, 1340a, 35. In Eth,. 
VI, 1141a, 10, he says that Pheidias and Polykleitos were masters in marble and bronze respec- 
tively. For a discussion of Aristotle's aesthetics of painting and sculpture, see M. Carroll, in 
Publ. of Geo. Washington University, Philol. and Lit. Series, I, i (Nov., 1905), pp. 1-10; and for 
both Aristotle and Plato on art, see Kalkman, 50stes Bed. Winckelmannsprogr., 1890 (Proport. 
des Gesichts), pp. 3 f. and notes. 

6 I, 5, 1361b;Oppian, Kyneget., I, 89-90, speaks of the similarly well-developed bodies of hunters. 


interesting passage in Greek literature on criticism of art. 1 He has 
Sokrates go to the sculptor Kleito and compliment him on his power of 
representing different physical types produced by various contests, 
noting differences between statues of runners and wrestlers and between 
those of boxers and pancratiasts. When asked how he makes statues 
lifelike, Kleito has no answer, and the philosopher says it is by the imi- 
tation of real men, i. <?., nature. He adds : "Must you not then imitate 
the threatening eyes of those who are fighting and the triumphant 
expression of those who are victorious?" Though some have thought 
that these words refer to portrait statues, which were spoken of as a 
matter of course at the beginning of the fourth century B. C., it is more 
reasonable to suspect that Sokrates was speaking of the older sculptors 
for we may recognize Polykleitos in Kleito 2 and consequently that 
he is not referring to portraiture. In the Symposium of Xenophon 3 
Sokrates also complains that the long-distance runners (5oAixo5p6juoi) 
have thick legs and narrow shoulders, while boxers have broad shoul- 
ders and small legs, and he therefore recommends dancing as a better 
exercise than athletics. As such differences in physique occur in vase- 
paintings of the date, but not in statuary, the philosopher seems to be 
speaking of athletics and not of sculpture. From these quotations 
of Aristotle and Xenophon, we gather that the all-round development 
of the pentathlon made beautiful athletes, and this beauty must have 
been carried over into their statues. It is essentially the young man's 
contest, 4 and some of the pentathlete victors at Olympia and elsewhere 
were noted for their strength in after life. Thus Ikkos of Tarentum, 
who won at Olympia in Ol. 76 (=476 B. C.), was the best teacher of 
gymnastics of his day. 5 Gorgos of Elis was the only athlete to win 
the pentathlon four times at Olympia, besides winning in two running 
races. 6 Another Elean, Stomios, who won three prizes at Olympia and 
Nemea, later became a leader of cavalry and beat his enemy in single 
combat. 7 The Argive Eurybates, victor in the pentathlon at Nemea, 
was very strong, and later, in a battle with the Aeginetans, killed three 
opponents in single combats, but succumbed to the fourth. 8 The Spar- 

1 Mem., Ill, 10.6-8. For his visit to the painter Parrhasios, see ibid., 10.1-5. 

2 Following the suggestion of Klein, II, p. 143, and W. L. Westermann, Class. Rev., XIX, 
1905, pp. 323-5. The latter gives several examples of similarly shortened forms of names and 
believes the passage in Xenophon emphasizes the fact that Polykleitos was employed at 
Athens. Plato frequently mentions Polykleitos by his full name: e. g., Protag., 328 C (sons 
of Polykleitos), 311 C (Polykleitos and Pheidias). P. Gardner justly observes that the 
statues of Polykleitos "however beautiful, are scarcely life-like:" Prince. Gk. Art., p. 15, 
n. 1; Grammar, p. 17. 

3 II, 17: TO. ffKt\i] ira\vvovrai, TOI>S w/xoOs 5 \twT\ivovrai., K. T. \. 

4 See schol. on Plato, Amatores, p. 135 E; cf. Epiktetos, Encheir., Ch. 29., 

P., VI, 10.5; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 97; Foerster, 240; cf. Krause, Olympia, pp. 302 f. 

6 His date is uncertain: P., VI, 15.9; Hyde, 149; Foerster, 767-772. 

7 P., VI, 3.2; he won at Olympia some time between Ols. (?)99and 102 ( = 384 and 372 B. C.): 
Hyde, 23; Foerster, 335. 

"P., I, 29.5: Hdt., VI, 92; IX, 75; cf. Krause, I, pp. 495-6. 


tans and Krotonians seem to have been the best pentathletes. 1 Noted 
sculptors made statues of these athletes. 2 Plato, in the de Leg.? has the 
Athenian stranger praise Egyptian art because of its stationary char- 
acter. This bespeaks but little artistic insight for the philosopher, 
though he was surrounded by the wonderful artistic creations of the end 
of the great fifth century B. C. The later classical writers were fond of 
expressing criticisms of art. Thus Pasiteles, a Greek sculptor living in 
Rome in the first century B. C., wrote five books on celebrated works of 
art throughout the world. 4 The opinions on art of the Roman Varro 
appear in the pages of Pliny. 5 Of all the ancient critics, Cicero was 
perhaps the most superficial. In a passage in the Brutus 6 he gives 
us his judgment of several sculptors. He finds the works of Kanachos 
too rigid to imitate nature truthfully, while those of Kalamis, though 
softer than those of Kanachos, are hard; Myron, though not com- 
pletely faithful to nature, produced beautiful works and Polykleitoswas 
quite perfect. The most trustworthy critic of sculpture in antiquity, 
on the other hand, was certainly Lucian, as we see from many of his 
utterances, especially from his account of an ideal statue, which com- 
bined the highest excellences of several noted sculptures. 7 His criticism 
of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes, to the effect that their works were 
"concise, sinewy, hard, and exactly strained in their lines," might have 
been made in the presence of the group of the Tyrannicides (Fig. 32). 8 
Unfortunately he touches the subject only casually, though he might 
have written a fine history of Greek art. We must also refer to two 
other imperial writers, the elder Pliny and Pausanias. Pliny's abstracts 
on art, though our chief ancient literary authority on Greek sculpture 
and painting, are neither critical nor trustworthy. A careful analysis 
of his chapters shows that he was a borrower many times removed, 
though he seldom acknowledged it. This is excusable when we con- 
sider the custom of literary borrowing in antiquity and also the fact 
that his chapters on art form merely an appendix to his Natural His- 
tory, being joined on to it by a very artificial bond, for his abstract on 
bronze statuary (Bk. XXXIV) is brought in merely to complete his 
account of the metals. His knowledge of the older periods of Greek 

1 E g., Phayllos of Kroton was famed for his fleetness, his jumping, and his throwing the diskos. 
See Aristoph., Acharn., 212; respes, 1206; A. G., App. 297; cf. Hdt., VIII, 47; P., X, 9.2. He 
won at Delphi only. 

2 E. g., Myron at Delphi: Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 57; Alkamenes, ibid., XXXIV, 72; etc. 

3 656 E, 657 A. 

"Pliny, H. N., XXXVI, 39. These works were probably critical as well as descriptive. 

E. g., of Pasiteles, XXXVI, 39; of Arkesilaos, XXXVI, 41; of Koponios, ibid. 

6 18(70). In this passage he also gives similar judgments on several painters. On Cicero 
on art, see Grant Showerman, Proceed. Amer. Philol. Ass'n, XXXIV, 1903, pp. xxxv f. He 
shows that Cicero's references to art proceed from his instinct as a stylist and not from any 
enthusiasm for art itself. 

^Imag., 6, p. 464. His eclectic statue is made up of works by Praxiteles,Alkamenes,Pheidias, 
and Kalamis. 

*Rhetorum praeceptor, 9-10. He spells the two first names c H7ij<rias, 


art is small and his bias in favor of the two Sikyonian sculptors 
Lysippos and Xenokrates is very evident. His worst mistakes are in 
chronology. He puts Pythagoras after Myron, and both after Poly- 
kleitos, while HagelaTdas, who is made the teacher of Myron and 
Polykleitos, lives on to the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. 
His real criticism of sculpture is seen in his dictum of the Laokoon 
group, that it is a "work superior to all the pictures and bronzes of 
the world." 1 Our debt to Pausanias, especially for our knowledge 
of the victor monuments at Olympia, is immense. This debt may 
be gauged by the fact that he mentions in his work many times more 
statues than any other writer and that a large portion of the Schrift- 
quellen of Overbeck is concerned with him. However, he shows little 
real understanding for art. His interest in statues is confined almost 
entirely to those which are noted for their antiquity or sanctity, and 
his account of them is usually the pivot around which he spins religious 
or mythological stories. Throughout his work his chief interest is 
religious; his interest in art for its own sake is very small. He devotes 
many pages to the throne of Zeus at Olympia, and describes the temple 
sculptures merely because the statue of Zeus is within. His detailed 
account of the athlete statues in the Altis is made chiefly because of 
his religious and antiquarian interest. Though imitating the style of 
Herodotos, he does it badly, so that his book is without much charm. 
In concluding this rough estimate of the ancient criticism of art, we 
might mention the fragmentary information to be gathered from many 
other writers, Dio Chrysostom, Quintilian, 2 Plutarch, and others, 
whose names occur frequently in the footnotes. All such references 
to works of art in ancient writers are conveniently collected in the 
great compilation of Overbeck so often quoted. 3 

As for aesthetic judgments of the statues of victors at Olympia we 
have a few direct hints from different writers. The epigram from the 
base of the statue of the boy wrestler Theognetos by Ptolichos of 
Aegina reads in part: Kd\Xi0Toi> pels idelv, ad\elv 5'ou x^P ova Mopt^s]- 4 
Pliny says of the sculptor Mikon, who made the statue of the 

^XXXVI, 37. For careful judgments of Pliny's work, see Jex-Blake, pp. xci f. : Kalkmann, Die 
Quellen der Kunstgeschichte des Plinius, 1898; Robert, Archaeologische Maerchen, 1886, pp. 28 f.; 
F. Muenzer, Hermes, XXX, 1895, pp. 499 f. (and Beitraege zur Kritik der Naturgesch. des Plinius, 
1897); Botsford and Sihler, Hellenic Civilization, 1915, pp. 551-8 ( = Translation by Jex-Blake of 
Pliny, XXXIV, 53-84 [sculptors], revised by E. G. Sihler); pp. 558-567 ( = Pliny, XXXV, 15, 
and 53-97 [painters], revised by E. G. S.). For short estimate of Pliny's work, see Mackail, 
Latin Literatures, 1895, p. 197. 

2 See his characterization of the great Greek painters and sculptors in Inst. 6Va/.,XII, Ch. 9. 

"Also in the work of H. Stuart Jones, Select Passages from Anc. Writers Illustrative of the Hist, of 
Gk. Sculpt., 1895; cf., A history of classical writers on art from Xenokrates to Pliny, in Jex-Blake, 
pp. xvi-xci; cf. Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Antigonos von Karystos (Kiessling and Wilamowitz, 
Philolog. Untersuchungen, IV, 1881), pp. 7 f.; P. Gardner, Principles of Greek Art, Ch. II, pp. 13 f. 
(Ancient Critics on Art); etc. 

*A. PL, 2; Bergk, P. 1. G., Ill 4 , no. 149, p. 498. Theognetos won in Ol. 76 ( =476 B. C): 
P., VI, 9.1; Oxy. Pap., Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193 and 193 N. 


Athenian pancratiast Kallias: Micon athletis spectatur. 1 The same 
writer says of the horses of Kalamis: equis sine aemulo expressis. 2 
Kalamis with Onatas of Aegina made a chariot-group for the Syra- 
cusan king Hiero. 3 Pausanias, in mentioning the statue of the boxer 
Euthymos by Pythagoras, says that it is /cat 0eas es ra //dXto-ra dtos. 4 
In mentioning the statue by the same sculptor of the wrestler Leon- 
tiskos, he says: etTrep rts /cat d'XXos ay ados ra es TrXaoTt/cr;*'. 5 Of the 
Argive sculptor Naukydes he says, when speaking of the statue of the 
wrestler Cheimon, that it is among the finest works of that artist. 6 
In another passage, in which he describes the dedication of Phormis 
at Olympia, he speaks of an ugly horse, which, besides being smaller 
than other sculptured horses in the Altis, has "its tail cut off, and this 
makes it still uglier. " 7 However, here he is not so much interested in 
its lack of beauty as in the curious fact which he adds, that despite 
its ugliness this bronze mare attracted stallions. 


We are not, however, dependent upon such meagre scraps of evidence 
from classical writers, nor upon contested Roman copies, 8 for an idea 
of the workmanship of some of the Olympic victor statues. We can 
judge it in no uncertain way by the few originals found at Olympia 
and by others which are to be found in European museums. As 
an example of the former we have only to recall the life-size bronze 
bearded head of a boxer or pancratiast of the third century B. C., 
which is now in the National Museum at Athens 9 (Fig. 61, A and B). 
Its only decoration, an olive crown whose leaves have disappeared, 
proves it to be from the statue of a victor, and its wild locks, brutal 
look, flattened nose, and wide mouth represent a naturalistic study of 
the utmost strength and fineness, which could only have been pro- 
duced after the time of Lysippos. We shall discuss this remark- 
able head more fully in Chapter IV. As examples of original victor 

1 H. N., XXXIV, 88. Kallias won in 01. 77 ( = 472 B. C.): P., VI, 6.1; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 50; 
Foerster, 208; Inschr. v. 01., no. 146. 

*Ibid., XXXIV, 71. 

3 Kalamis made the horses and jockeys, Onatas the chariot: P., VI, 12.1; Hiero won twice in the 
horse-race and once in the chariot-race in Ols. 76-78 ( = 476-468 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 105; 
Foerster, 199, 209, 215. 

4 VI, 6.6. He won in Ols. 74, 76-7 ( = 484, 476-472 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 
185, 195, 207. 

6 VI, 4.4. He won in Ols. 81 and 82 ( =456-452 B. C.) : Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203. 

6 VI, 9.3. He won in Ol. 83 ( =448 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 88; Foerster, 285. 

7 V, 27.3. 

8 Bulle, p. 104, remarks that up to the present no single Roman copy can be proved to be 
that of an Olympic victor statue. This fact must be constantly borne in mind. 

9 No. 6439; Stai's, Marbres et Bronzes, pp. 299-300 and fig.; Ausgr. v. OL, V, Pis. XXI, 
XXII, and p. 14; Fundev. 01., PI. XXIII, and p. 16; Bronz. v. OL, Textbd., pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., 
PI. II, 2 and 2a; Boetticher, Olympia, PI. XI, 1; Baum., p. 1104 00, figs. 1296, a and b; F. W., 
no. 323; Bulle, 235 and fig. 154, on p. 501; von Mach, 482; B. B., 247. 

Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor. Glyptothek, Munich. 


monuments in European museums we shall mention three. The bronze 
head of a boxer in the Glyptothek at Munich (PI. 3) is an original of 
the first rank. 1 It is from a statue found near Naples in 1730, which 
was later destroyed, and it probably represents the head of a boy of 
about twelve years, a victor in boxing, to judge from the victor band 
in the hair and the fact that the visible part of the right ear is swollen. 
Like the head of the Diadoumenos of Polykleitos (Figs. 28, 29) this beau- 
tiful head exemplifies fully the "ethical grace " or modesty 2 so character- 
istic of the best Greek art, and it certainly merits Furtwaengler's praise 
of being the "most precious treasure of the Glyptothek." 3 Another 
head, found in Beneventum and now in the Louvre (Fig. 3) 4 is a splendid 
Greek original of the last decade of the fifth century B.C., and, as Mrs. 
Strong says, should arouse in us a sense of what precious relics may still 
lie hidden in our museums. 5 The victor fillet in the hair, consisting of 
two sprays of what seems to be wild olive (remnants of which appear 
in front), shows that the statue must once have ornamented the Altis. 
Like the one in Munich, this head shows Polykleitan inspiration tem- 
pered by Attic influence. 6 Lastly, the bronze head of a youth fromthe 
tablinum of the so-called villa of the Pisos at Herculaneum, now in 
Naples, 7 is, to judge from its technique, an excellent original Greek 
work (Fig. 4) . Here again the hair fillet shows it is from a victor statue, 
though its provenience from Olympia can not be established. 

ipurtw.-Wolters, Beschr. d. Glyptothek, 2 1910, no. 457, pp. 398 f.; Furtw., Mp., p. 291; Mto., 
p. 507; F. W., no. 216; B. B., 8; Bulle,207 (front and side); Kekule, A. Z., XLI, 1883, PI. XIV, 
3, p. 246; H. Schrader, Jh. oest. arch. Inst., 1911, p. 74; Hauser, R. M., X, 1895, pp. 103 f. 
Kekule, because of its similarity to the Apollo of the West Gable, derived it from the art of the 
Olympia pediment sculptures; Flasch, Verh. d. 29sten Philologenversamml., Innsbruck, 1874, 
p. 162, and Brunn, Beschr. d. Glypt. 5 , no. 302, and Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1892, p. 658, classed it as 
Polykleitan; Bulle calls it Attic-Argive without Polykleitan influence, while Furtwaengler finds it 
Polykleitan-Attic. The latter gives several replicas, two of green and black basalt respectively, 
in the Museo delleTerme, and a marble head in the Museo Chiaramonti, no. 475. Bulle gives 
the height of the Munich head as 0.23 meter. 

2 At5s; cf. decor, applied to the work of Polykleitos by Quintilian : Inst. Oral., XII, 9. 7-8; cf. also 
Vitruvius, de Arch., I, 2. 

3 Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkm. d. gr. und roem. Skulpt., Hdausgabe, 3 1911, p. 102, n. 1. He adds that 
it is das Ideal von Reinheit, Unschuld, liebenswuerdig edler Groesse, eines der herrlichsten griech- 
ischen Originate, die uns erhalten sind. It is photographed ibid., figs. 30, 31. In the Beschr. d. 
Glypt., p. 399, he says it is das edelste und vollendetste Werk, das die Glyptothek besitzt ihr 
kostbarsier Schatz, etc. 

4 Formerly in the Coll. Tyskiewicz: B. B., 324, (two views); Bulle, 206 (two views); von Mach, 
481 (two views); Mon. Piot, I, 1894, pp. 77 f. (E. Michon) and Pis. X, XI; S. Reinach, Tetes, 
PI. 72 and p. 58; Kalkmann, Prop. d. Gesichts, p. 27 (vignette); Collignon, II, Frontispiece and 
p. 169; Gardner, Sculpt., PI. XL; Furtw., Mp., pp. 290-1 and PI. XIV; Mw., p. 507. The 
best illustration of the head is given by de Ridder, Les Bronzes antiques du Louvre, I, 1913, PI. I 
(and text p. 8, on no. 4). It is 0.33 meter in height (Bulle). 

5 Preface to Furtw., Mp., p. xiii. 

So Furtw., /. c.; Bulle, however, sees in it only Attic work and finds i't slightly coarser and 
harder than the Munich head described. 

7 Invent. 5633; Bronzi d'Ercol., I, 73, 74; D. Comparetti e G. de Petra, La Villa Ercolanese 
dei Pisoni, 1883, XI, 1; B. B., 323 (two views); Rayet, II, PI. 67; Furtw., Mp., p. 291; Mto., 
p. 508; the latter believes that it, like the preceding two heads, is Polykleitan and Attic. 


Such beautiful works of art as these last show the influence which 
the great athletic festivals, and especially the Olympian, exerted on the 
development of Greek sculpture. In the gymnastic training carried 
on in the gymnasium and palaestra, which culminated in these festi- 
vals, the Greek sculptor found an unrivaled opportunity to study the 
naked human figure in its best muscular development and in every 

FIG. 3. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from 
Beneventum. Louvre, Paris. 

pose. In fact, we may say with Furtwaengler that without athletics 
Greek art would be inconceivable. 1 To quote from another work of 
the same scholar: 

"The gymnastically trained bodies of these slim boys and youths and vig- 
orous men are evidence of the ennobling effect of athletics. Presented in 
complete nudity they are not faithful portraits from life, but motives or mod- 
els from the palaestra transformed and exalted to the highest ideal of physical 

l Bedeutung der Gymnastik in d. gr. Kunst, 1905; cf. also Gardner, Sculpt., p. 23, and Hbk., p. 215 



beauty and strength. They are the most splendid human beings that the 
art of any period has created." 1 


In attempting to identify a given statue as the copy of a work by this 
or that master, certain well-known canons of proportion, which were 
taught and practiced by various Greek sculptors and schools, must be 
taken into consideration. 

FIG. 4. Bronze Head of an Olympic Victor, from Her- 
culaneum. Museum of Naples. 

Greek art may, like Greek philosophy and poetry, be summarized 
under the names of three qualities which constantly occur in classical 
literature trujujuerpta, ebpuOfda or pufljuos, and avaXoyla? Symmetry 
may be defined as "that technical regard for the placing of the parts to 
the best advantage," the symmetrical arrangement of the parts of 

1 Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkmaeler, already cited, p. 63, n. 3. (Translated under the title Greek 
and Roman Sculpture by H. Taylor, 1914; p. 119.) 
2 See F. W. G. Foat, Anthropometry of Greek Statues, /. H. S., XXXV, 1915, pp. 225 f. (p. 226). 


a statue or group of figures. 1 Rhythm, following Vitruvius, 2 is that 
tertium quid which is indispensable to true art. Analogy (Latin pro- 
portio} 3 refers to the measured ratio of part to part in any given work 
of art, whether in architecture, painting, or sculpture. Most scholars 
nowadays interpret symmetry and analogy as the same thing. Pliny 4 
says that symmetria has no Latin equivalent, and in several passages 5 
keeps the Greek word, as does Vitruvius. Here Otto Jahn rightly 
says proportio or commensus would have adequately translated it. 6 
P. Gardner explains the word properly as "the proportion of one part 
of the body as measured against another." 7 Brunn held that, as sym- 
metry was the relation of part to part in a statue at rest, rhythm ex- 
pressed this relationship in one represented in motion. 8 The simplest 
illustration of rhythm is seen in walking : when the right foot is advanced 
the left arm swings out in rhythm, and so the balance of the body is 
kept. Rhythm, therefore, has to do with balance in motion, and may 
refer equally to cadence in poetry and music and to movement in 
sculpture. An excellent example in sculpture is afforded by Myron's 
Diskobolos (Pis. 21, 22, and Figs. 34, 35), while the balancing of figures 
on many Greek reliefs especially on Attic funerary stelae illustrates 
symmetry (cf. Fig. 75). Pliny characterizes certain artists by their 
success in effecting symmetry and rhythm. Thus Myron surpassed 
Polykleitos in being more rhythmic and in paying more attention 
to symmetry. 9 He says that Lysippos most diligently preserved 
symmetry by bringing unthought-of innovations into the square canon 

1 Plato, Phileb., 64 E, regarded nerpioTiis and avuntrpia. as qualities of beauty and virtue; 
cf. Aristotle, Metaphys.,X, 3.7, and Nicom. Eth., V, 5.14, 1133b. Vitruvius, de Arch., I, 2, makes 
symmetry in architecture a quality of eurythmia: Item symmetria est ex ipsius operis membris 
convemens consensus ex partibusque separatis ad universae figurae speciem ratae partis responsus. 

2 I, 2: Haec [eurythmia] efficitur, cum membra operis convenientia sunt, altitudinis ad latitu- 
dinem, latitudinis ad longitudinem, et ad summam omnia respondent suae symmetriae; cf. Ill, 1; 
Lucian, pro Imag., 14 (pvB^tiv TO aya\na); Clem. Alex., Paedagog., 3.11 and 64 (evpvOnfa ai 
/caXos (bSpias); Xen., Mem., Ill, 10.9 (pvVfifa, of corselets); Plut., de Educ. puer., 11 (ruv aunaruv 
ei>pv0/ua); Diod.,1, 97. 6 (pv0p.os avSpiavruv, i.e., rhythmic order or grace in statuary): id., II, 56 .4. 

3 Vitruv., Ill, 1: <.proportio~> , quae graece &va\oyia dicitur. Proportio est ratae partis mem- 
brorum in omni opere totiusque commodulatio, ex qua ratio efficitur symmetriarum. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 65. *0p. cit., e. g., XXXV, 67 and 128. 

6 Ueber die Kunsturteile bei Plinius, Ber. ueber d. Verhandl. d. k. saechs. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Leipzig, II, 
1850, p. 131; cf. H. L. Urlichs, Ueber griech. Kunstschriftsteller (Diss. inaug., Wuerzburg, 1887). 

''Principles of Greek Art, 1914, p. 20 ( ^Grammar of Greek Art, 1905, p. 22). 

Quoted by Gardner, op. cit., p. 22 ( =Grammar, p. 23), from two papers by H. Brunn, Ueber 
tektonischen Styl in der griech. Plastik und Malerei, in Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1883, pp. 299 f., 1884, 
pp. 507 f. Overbeck, I, pp. 266-277, explains rhythm in art as the Ordnung der Bezvegung, in 
accordance with the definition of Plato: T$ drj rf)s Kivrifftus ra^ei pvOpos ovo^a Leg.,665 A. 

9 H. N., XXXIV, 58 (S. Q., 533): Numerosior in arte quam Polyclitus et in symmetria dili- 
gentior. The interpretation of this disputed passage depends, of course, on the meaning of 
numerosior, and whether we accept the curious statement of the manuscript that Myron sur- 
passed Poykleitos in symmetry, or, by omitting the et (with Sillig), make it mean just the contrary 
and in harmony with the usual ancient view that symmetry was the salient characteristic of 
Polykleitan art. The passage, then, would contrast the symmetry of Polykleitos with the 
variety of Myron. This accords with Pliny's use of numerosus elsewhere (e. g., XXXV, 130 
and 138), which always refers to number. See Gardner, Hbk., p. 275 (note). 


of earlier artists. 1 Parrhasios was the first to introduce symmetry into 
painting. 2 Diogenes Laertios says that the sculptor Pythagoras was 
the first to aim at rhythm as well as symmetry. 3 In all such pas- 
sages it is clear that canons of proportion are meant. 

The doctrine of human proportions is very ancient, originating 
in Egyptian art. 4 It appears early in Greek architecture in the 
proportions of columns and other members of a temple, 6 and it 
was soon transferred to sculpture. As Greek sculpture evolved on 
traditional lines, 6 we should assume that it paid attention to the 
doctrine of proportions in the human figure, based on numerical 
ratios, and that such a doctrine would vary from age to age in the 
various schools of sculpture. Such an assumption is borne out by 
both literary and archaeological evidence. Toward the end of Hellen- 
ism many writers refer to just such a measured basis of proportion in 
Greek art. 7 Archaeologists have shown by the careful study of multi- 
tudes of statues that such proportions exist in Greek sculpture. Thus 
A. Kalkmann 8 has proved that there are sets of ratios in the treatment 
of the face used by successive schools of sculpture, which were canonical, 
whether formulated or not. G. Fritsch 9 has done for the whole body 

I 0p. cit.y XXXIV, 65, he says: Nova intactaque ratione quadratas veterum staturas permutando. 

*0p. cit., XXXV, 67. VIH. I. 47. 

4 The Egyptians divided the front view of the body into 19 parts (or 21 parts and a quarter, 
including the height of the head-dress): Diod., I, 98. See Lepsius, Monum. funeraires de 
I'fcgypte (figure, reproduced in Dar.-Sagl , I, 2, p. 892, fig. 1125); cf. his Descript. de l'gypte, 
IV, LXII; Wilkinson, History of Egypt, p. 113, PI. IV; these references are given by Foat, op. 
cit., p. 225, n. 1. 

6 Vitruv., I, 2. However, in thus following the statement of the Roman architect, it must be 
said that the attempt to recover and establish such a canon in Greek architecture is still unproved. 
The subject is complicated and has led to very different views. Thus, while many scholars 
have defended the theory of the canon (e. g., Pennethorne, Geom. and Optics of Anc. Arch., 1878; 
Penrose, in Whibley, Comp. to Gk. Stud.\ 1905, pp. 220-1; Ferguson, Hist. Arch., ed. 1887, 1, p. 
251; P. Gardner, Princ. Gk. Art., p. 21; Statham, Short Grit. Hist. Arch., 1912, p.130), others are 
opposed, and believe that design in Greek architecture was a matter of feeling, and that the orders 
were first reduced to formulae in Roman days (e. g., A. K. Porter, Med. Arch., 1909, 1, 9; Goodyear, 
Greek Refinements, Studies in Temperamental Arch., 1912, esp. p. 83, quoting Joseph Hoffer from 
Wiener Bauzeitung, 1838). See on the subject a recent article by my pupil, Dr. A. W. Barker, 
in A. J. A. t XXII, 1918, pp. 1 f., in which the above and other references are given. 

Gardner, Sculpt., pp. 22-3, says: "Paradoxical as it may seem at first sight, the very freedom 
of Greek sculpture is to a great extent due to its close adherence to tradition." He shows how 
the free play of imagination depends on external conditions and tradition. 

1 E. g., Vitruv., I, 2; especially these words: Ut in hominis corpore e cubito, pede, palmo, digito, 
ceterisque particulis (partibus) symmetria esi eurythmiae qualitas; also III, 1: Pes vero altitudinis 
corporis sextae <partis>; cubitum quartae; pectus item quartae, etc. Also Philostr., Imag., 
Proem.; the third-century A. D. (?) treatise called de Physiognomia; St. Augustine, de Civ. Dei, 
XV, 26. 1; the poet Martianus Capella, of the middle of the fifth century A. D., who says, 
VII, 739: septem corporis partes hominem perficiunt; etc. 

"DieProportionendesGesichts inder griechischen Kunst ( = 53stes Berliner Wine klemanns pro- 
gramm, 1893). 

9 Gestalt des Menschen, in Verh. d. Berl. Anthrop. Gesell., 1895. This work is based on the older 
investigations of C. Schmidt, Proportionsschluessel, 1849, and of C. Carus, Die Proportionslehre 
der menschlichen Ge stall, 1874. See also P. Richer, Canon des proportions du corps humain, 
1893; E. Duhousset, Proportions artistiques et anthropometrie scientifique, Gaz. B-A., Ill, Per. 
3, 1 90, pp. 59 f.; E. Guillaume, art. Canon, Diet, de I'Acad. des B-A.; E. Gebhard, in Dar.- 
Sagl., I, 2, pp. 891-892; cf. Collignon, I, pp. 490 f. 


what Kalkman has done for the face. In fact, anthropometry in 
relation to Greek sculpture has now become an exact science. 1 

The greatest artists architects, painters, and sculptors of all times 
have taught and practised the doctrine that certain proportions are 
beautiful, e. g., the proportion of the height of the head or the length 
of the foot to the whole body, or the length of parts of the head or body 
to other parts. In modern times we have only to mention such names 
as those of da Vinci, Duerer, Raphael Mengs, and Flaxman. 2 In 
Greek days there were many artists who formulated such canons of 
proportions. Greek sculptors followed ratios of proportions so closely 
that we have statues of various schools, which are distinguished by 
fixed proportions of parts, such as the Old Attic, Old Argive, Poly- 
kleitan, Argive-Sikyonian or Lysippan, etc. Some of these schools 
used the foot as the common measure, while others used the palm, 
finger, or other member. 3 The earliest works on Greek art were trea- 
tises, now lost, by artists in which they worked out their theories of the 
principles underlying the proportions of the human figure. 4 We shall 
briefly consider a few of these canons, together with the usual pose of 
body which conformed with them. The earliest Peloponnesian canon, 
which we can analyze, was that followed by Hagelaidas of Argos and his 
school, a canon which was still used in the Polykleitan circle. Here 
the weight of the body rested upon the left leg, while the right one was 
slightly bent at the knee, its foot resting flat on the ground; the right 
arm hung by the side and the left was usually in action, and the head 
was slightly inclined to the left side; the shoulders were extraordinarily 
broad in comparison with the hips, the right one being slightly raised. 
These qualities produced a short stocky figure, firmly placed. 5 In 
the middle of the fifth century B.C., Polykleitos worked out a theory of 
proportions in the form of a commentary on his famous statue known 
as the Doryphoros. This canon was characterized by squareness and 
massiveness of build. The weight of the body generally rested on the 
right foot, while the left was drawn back, its foot touching the ground 
with the ball only. Sometimes this pose was reversed, the left foot 
carrying the body-weight, as in the three bases of statues by the master 
found at Olympia (i. e., those of the athletes Pythokles, Aristion, and 

X F. W. G. Foat, op. cit., offers a scheme or typical design, based on wide data, which will serve 
as a universal basis for securing facts about any statue under examination. 

2 On the influence of such canons of proportion on contemporary artists, see Balcarres, Evolution 
of Italian Sculpture, p. 128. 

3 C/. Vitruvius, quoted above. The scholion on Pindar, 0/.,VH, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158, speaks 
of TTTJX&V reffaapuv 8a.KTb\uv irkvrt as the height of the statue of Diagoras at Olympia, etc. 

4 Vitruvius, de Arch., VII, Praef., 14, lists writers who praecepta symmetriarum conscrip- 
serunt. See V. Mortet, Rev. Arch., Ser. IV, XIII, 1909, pp. 46 f , and figs. 1 and 2. In this 
discussion of ancient canons he shows that the chief ratio was that of the head to the height of 
the body; the proportion of 8 heads to the body was that adopted by da Vinci and J. Cousin: 
7 to 8 is found in the figures of the Parthenon frieze; a little under 7 in the Diadoumenos of 

6 See Furtw., Mp., pp. 49-52. As examples, he gives the statue of Apollo from the Tiber now in 
the Museo delle Terme: Mp., pp. 50-51, figs. 8 and 9; cf. R. M., 1891, pp. 302, 377 and Pis. X-XII; 
the Mantuan Apollo: cf. fjostes Berliner Winckelmannsprogr., p. 139, n. 61 (for replicas); etc. 


Kyniskos, to be discussed later), and in the works of some of his pupils, 
notably in those of Naukydes, Daidalos, and Kleon. 1 Euphranor, 
who flourished, according to Pliny, in 01. 104 ( = 364-361 B. C.), and 
wrote works on symmetry and color, was the "first" to master the 
theory of symmetry. 2 Pliny, however, found his bodies too slender 
and his heads and limbs too large, a criticism of his painting which 
must have been equally applicable to his sculpture. His canon did 
not make much headway, as the majority of sculptors in his century 
were still under the domination of the canon of Polykleitos. It was 
left for Lysippos, in the second half of the fourth century B. C., finally 
to break this domination of the great fifth-century sculptor. Pliny 
quotes Douris as saying that he was the pupil of no man, and that 
because of the advice of the painter Eupompos he was a follower of 
nature which appears to be a cut at the schools which mechanically 
followed fixed rules. 3 His statues had smaller heads, and more slender 
and less fleshy limbs, than those of his predecessors, in order that the 
apparent height of the figure might be increased. 4 While Polykleitos 
made his heads one-seventh of the total height of the statue, Lysippos 
made his one-eighth if this change may be seen in the Apoxyomenos 
(PI. 28), which is certainly a work of his school, if not of the master 
himself. Pliny further records his saying that while his predecessors 
represented men as they were, Lysippos represented them as they 
appeared to be. This means that Pliny regarded him as the first 
impressionistic artist. 5 Pliny mentions other artists who wrote on art, 
and it is probable that theories of proportions formed the main element 
of such works. 6 

The best example of symmetry, i. <?., of the ratio of proportions, in 
Greek sculpture is afforded by the Doryphoros of Polykleitos, which 
Pliny says was called the Canon, and he adds that this sculptor was 
the only one who embodied his art in a single work. 7 The identity 

Polykleitos' canon, see Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 55; S. Q., 953 f.; Furtw., Mp. t p. 249. 

2 So Pliny, op. cit., XXXV, 128; cf. J. Six, Jb., XXIV, 1909, pp. 7 f. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 61; see Jex-Blake, p. XLVIII. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 65. 

5 However, other fourth-century artists, notably Praxiteles, used impressionism in the treatment 
of the hair: see Bulle, pp. 444 f. 

'In XXXIV, 80, he mentions Menaichmos, who wrote on the toreutic art probably in the 
fourth century B. C.; in XXXIV, 83 (cf. XXXV, 68), he mentions Xenokrates, of the school 
of Lysippos, who wrote books on art; he is probably identical with an artist of the same name 
known to us from inscriptions from Oropos and Elateia: I. G. B., 135, a, b (Oropos), c (Elateia); 
Arch. Eph., 1892, 52 (Oropos); the identity is doubted by Jex-Blake, p. xx, n. 2. In XXXIV, 
84 (cf. XXXV, 68) he speaks of Antigonos, who wrote on painting and who was employed by 
Attalos I of Pergamon to work on the trophies of his victory over the Gauls. For Antigonos as 
a writer on the criticism of art, see Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Antigonos von Karystos (Kiess- 
ling and Wilamowitz, Philolog. Untersuchungen, IV, 1881), Ch. I, pp. 7 f. 

1 H. N., XXXIV, 55. According to the exact words of Pliny, the Canon and the Doryphoros 
were distinct works. It is probable, however, that Pliny's words conceal the same statue under 
two names, his commentary on each coming from a different source: see Furtw., Mp., p. 229 
and n. 4; Mw., p. 422 and n. 2; cf. Muenzer, Hermes, XXX, 1895, p. 530, n. 1. 


of the canon with this statue seems to be attested by the anecdote told 
of Lysippos that the Doryphoros was his master, 1 and by Quintilian's 
statement that sculptors took it as a model. 2 The best-preserved 
copy of the Doryphoros, despite its rather lifeless character, is the 
one discovered in Pompeii and now in Naples (PI. 4). 3 As other 
late Roman copies do not conform to the identical proportions of this 
copy, it is perhaps difficult to say exactly what the canon of Poly- 
kleitos was. Possibly the original, if it had been preserved, would also 
strike us as somewhat lifeless; but we must remember that the statue 
was made merely to illustrate a theory of proportions. The dimen- 
sions of the Naples statue are known from very careful measure- 
ments and the proportions agree with those given in the description 
by Galen to be mentioned. It is almost exactly 2 meters, or 6 feet 8 
inches, high. 4 The length of the foot is 0.33 meter, or one-sixth of the 
total height, while the length of the face is 0.20 meter, or one-tenth of 
the height. E. Guillaume 5 has made a careful analysis of it in refer- 
ence to Galen's 6 statement that Chrysippos found beauty in the pro- 
portion of the parts, "of ringer to finger, and of all the fingers to the 
palm and wrist, and of these to the forearm, and of the forearm to 
the upper arm, and of all the parts to each other, as they are set forth 
in the canon of Polykleitos." He has found that the palm, i. e., the 
breadth of the hand at the base of the fingers, is a common measure 
of the proportions of the body. This palm is one-third the length of 
the foot, one-sixth that of the lower leg, one-sixth that of the thigh, 
and one-sixth that of the distance from the navel to the ear, etc. 
Such a remarkable correspondence in measurements would seem to 
show, if we had no other proofs, that the Naples statue reproduces 
the canon of Polykleitos more closely than any other. 

A good example of asymmetry is afforded by the so-called Spinario 
of the Palazzo dei Conservator! in Rome 7 (Fig. 40). This justly 
prized statue shows more asymmetry, perhaps, than any other down to 
its date just before the middle of the fifth century B. C. Though its 
composition is such that there is no vantage-point from which it forms 

Cicero, Brut., 86, 296. On the fame of the Doryphoros, see id., Orator, 2. 

z lnstit. Orat., V, 12.21. In Philon's treatise irepl (3t\oirouKui>, IV, 2, we read: TO yap ev wapa 
P.IKP&V 8ia iroXXwf &piOn>i> tiprj yiveaOai, sc. IIoXii/cXetTos , ("Beauty," he said, "was produced 
from a small unit through a long chain of numbers"), a description which rightly characterizes 
the Doryphoros. The system given by Vitruv., Ill, 1, hardly agrees with Polykleitan statues and 
so has been connected by Kalkmann, though on insufficient grounds, with the canon of Euphranor : 
see jostes Berlin Winckelmannsprogr., 1890 (Proport. des Gesichts), pp. 43 f.; cf. H. Stuart Jones, 
op. cit., p. 129. 

3 Guida Museo Napoli, no. 146; Collignon, I, PI. XII, opp. p. 488; Bulle, 47 and analysis on 
pp. 97-102. 

4 Kalkmann, op. cit., p. 53, gives the height as 1.98-1.99 m.; Bulle, p. 97 to no. 47, as 1.99 m. 

8 In Rayet, I, Text to PI. 29; reproduced in Etudes d'art antique et moderne, 1888, pp. 399 f.; 
cf. also Collignon, I, pp. 492 f. and P. Gardner, Principles of Greek Art, pp. 21 f. 

De plac. Hipp, et Plat., 5. 

7 B. B., 321; Helbig, Fuehrer, 1,956; Guide, 617; F. W., 215; to be discussed infra, pp. 201-2. 


Statue of the Doryphoros, after Polykleitos. Museum of Naples. 


a harmonious whole, still its effect on the beholder is far from dis- 
pleasing. Such a creation shows that a Greek artist, even without 
paying attention to the symmetrical arrangement of parts, could at 
times produce an attractive piece of sculpture. 


Since Greek art in the main was idealistic, we should not be sur- 
prised to discover in athletic sculpture a tendency toward assimilating 
victor statues to well-known types of gods or heroes, especially to those 
of Hermes, Apollo, and Herakles, who presided over contests or gymna- 
sia and palaestrae. This phenomenon is only a further example of the 
extraordinary, almost superhuman, honors which were paid to victors 
at the great games. In the absence of sufficient means of identifica- 
tion, it is often very difficult to distinguish with certainty between 
statues of victors and those of the gods and heroes to whom they were 
assimilated. This difficulty, as we shall see, is especially observable 
in the case of Herakles. Even later antiquity recognized that statues 
of athletes were sometimes confused with those of heroes, just as those 
of heroes were with those of gods, as we learn from a passage in Dio 
Chrysostom's oration on Rhodian affairs. 1 This difficulty is one of 
the most perplexing problems that still face the student of Greek 

It was not an uncommon custom in Greece to heroize in this way an 
ordinary dead man. 2 One of the most striking instances of this cus- 
tom is afforded by the so-called Hermes of Andres, a statue found in a 
grave-chamber on the island in 1833 and now in Athens 3 (PI. 5). It 
has been a matter of dispute among archaeologists whether this statue 
represents the god Hermes or a mortal in his guise. Although Stais 4 
looks on it as un probleme peutetre a jamais insoluble, there seems 
little reason for doubting that it represents a defunct mortal. Its place 
of finding in a tomb along with the statue of a woman of the Muse type, 
which probably represents the man's consort, 5 the presence of a snake 
on the adjacent tree trunk, the absence of sandals and kerykeion, and 
the portrait-like features all point to the conclusion that a man and 
not a god is represented. The downcast, almost melancholy, look 

*0rat., XXXI, 89 f. (614 R). 

2 In the present discussion we shall confine ourselves to the assimilation of mortal types to 
those of athletic gods and heroes, omitting the larger question of assimilation to divine types 
in general. A good example of the latter is afforded by P., VIII, 9.7-8. Here, in noting that 
the Mantineans worshipped Antinoos as a god by the erection of a temple and the celebration 
of mysteries and games, he says that images and paintings of the hero were in the Gymnasion 
there, the latter Auwforo) /idXtora tucaff^fvai. 

3 Kabbadias, no. 218; Rev. Arch., Ill (ler Ser.), 1846, PL 53, fig. 2; Ph. Le Bas, Voyage arch'eo- 
.ogique (ed. Reinach), PI. CXVIII, p. 107; B. B., 18; von Mach, 191; F. W., 1220; Reinach. 
Rep., II, i, 149, 10. 

*Marbres et Bronzes, p. 49. 

'Kabbadias, no. 219. 


seems also to make it a funereal figure. The powerful proportions 
of a perfectly developed athlete, displaying no tendency toward the 
representation of brute force, show that the man is idealized into 
the type of Hermes, the god of the palaestra, rather than into the 
light-winged messenger of Olympos. The Belvedere Hermes of the 
Vatican, 1 and a better one known as the Farnese Hermes of the British 
Museum, 2 are noteworthy replicas of the type. The latter carries the 
kerykeion in the left hand and wears sandals, with a small chlamys over 
the left arm and shoulder. These attributes show that Hermej was 
intended in this copy. Probably the original of these various replicas, 
a work dating from the end of the fourth century B. C., and ascribed to 
Praxiteles or his school in consequence of similarity in pose and build 
of body and head to the Hermes of Olympia, was intended to repre- 
sent Hermes. In the one fromAndros,at least, the copyist intended to 
heroize a mortal under the type of the god. Similarly, the statue known 
as the Standing Hermes in the Galleria delle Statue of the Vatican, 3 which 
has the kerykeion and chlamys, whether its original represented Hermes, 
hero or mortal, has been made by the copyist to represent Hermes, 
the god of athletics, as the late attribute of wings in the hair proves. 
Other examples of dead men represented as Hermes are not uncommon. 
Thus a Greek grave-stele in Verona 4 shows the dead portrayed as a 
winged Hermes, and a similar figure appears on a stele from Tanagra. 5 
The so-called Commodus in Mantua 6 is interpreted by Conze and 
Duetschke as the figure of a dead youth in Hermes' guise. But this 
custom of representing defunct mortals as gods was less common in 
Roman art. The bust of a dead youth on a Roman grave-stone in 
Turin, 7 set up in honor of L. Mussius, is a good example. Here the 
cock, sheep, and kerykeion, symbols of the god, show that the youth 
is represented as Hermes. 

Not only dead men, however, were heroized in this manner. It 
was not an uncommon practice in later Greece for living men, especially 
princes, to have their statues assimilated to types of gods and heroes, 

formerly known as the Antinous: M. W., II, PI. 28, 307; Clarac, IV, PI. 665, 1514; Reinach, 
Rep., I, 367,2 (with restored arms); von Mach, no. 192; Amelung, Fat., II, no. 53 (pp. 132 f.) 
and PI. 12; F. W., no. 1218; Baum., I, pp. 675 f. and fig. 737. 

2 B. M. Sculpt., Ill, no. 1599 and PI. IV; Clarac, IV, PI. 664, 1539; Reinach, Rep., II, i, 149, 1; 
Springer-Michaelis, p. 317, fig. 567. A corresponding replica from Melos is described by F. W., 
1219; for a replica of the head (on a torso which does not belong to it) in the Braccio Nuovo of the 
Vatican, see Amelung, Fat., I, no. 132 (p. 155) and PI. 21; for others, see Koerte, A. M., Ill, 
1878, pp. 98 f. The height is given in B. M. Sculpt, as 6 ft. 7y in. (without the plinth). 

3 Amelung, Fat., II, p. 656 and PI. 61; Furtw., Mw., p. 361, fig. 48. It is a marble copy of an 
original bronze of Myronian origin. Its height is 1.98 meters (Amelung). 

'Duetschke, IV, no. 416; M. W., II, PI. 30, 329. 

*Ibid., no. 416; Koerte, A. M., Ill, 1878, p. 350, no. 72. 

6 Duetschke, IV, no. 876; Clarac, 958, 2473; Conze, in A. A., 1867, pp. 105-6. Here Conze 
gives a list of which three reliefs and one statue represent dead men as Hermes. 

7 Duetschke, IV, no. 46; Con/e, /. c., p. 106 (mentioned in preceding note). 

Statue of Hermes, from Andros. National Museum, Athens. 



a practice which was very common in imperial Rome. 1 Thus many 
of the Hellenistic princes were pleased to have their statues assimilated 
to those of the heroic Alexander. One of the best examples of 
this process is furnished by the origi- 
nal bronze portrait statue of such a 
prince, which was unearthed in Rome 
in 1884 and is now in the Museo delle 
Terme there (Fig. 5). 2 It has been 
identified as the portrait of several 
kings of Macedon and elsewhere, 3 
but the similarity of the head of the 
statue to heads portrayed on Mace- 
donian coins is only superficial. 4 All 
that we can say is that this beauti- 
ful work, representing the prince in 
the heroic guise of a nude athlete of 
about thirty years, belongs to the third 
century B. C., the epoch following Ly- 
sippos. The sculptor, wishing to com- 
bine the ideal with the real, appears to 
have copied the motive directly from 
a bronze statue by Lysippos, which 
represented Alexander leaning with his 
left hand high on a staff. 5 The pose 
also recalls that of the third-century 
B. C. statue of Poseidon found on 

1 E. g., the well-known bust of the emperor Corn- 
modus with the attributes of Hercules in the Palazzo 
dei Conservatori, Rome: Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 930; 
Baum., I, p. 398, fig. 432; Arndt-Bruckmann, Griech. 
u. roem. Portraets, 230; Hekler, Greek and Roman Por- 
taits, 1912, PI. 270 a; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 583, 7. 

*Not. Scav., 1885, p. 42; Ant, Denkm., I, i, 1886, 
PI. V; Bulle, 75 and fig. 27, p. 141 ; B. B., 246; Helbig, 
Fuehrer, II., 1347, and references; Arndt-Bruckmann, 
Griech, u. roem. Portraets, Pis. 358-360; Hekler, Greek 
and Roman Portraits, Pis. 82-4; Collignon, II, p. 493, 

FIG. 5. Bronze Portrait-statue 
of a Hellenistic Prince. Mu- 
seo delle Terme, Rome. 

fig. 257; Murray, Hbk. Gr. Archceol., 1892, pp. 305 f., fig. 100; Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations 
of Anc. Rome, 1897, PI. on p. 303; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 548, 7; cf. Furtw., Mp., p. 364, n. 2, and 
Mtv., p. 597, n. 3. The height of the statue is 2.08 meters, or 2.37 meters to the hand (Bulle). 

3 E. g., Philip V, Perseus, Alexander Balas (who usurped the Seleucid throne in 149 B. C.), 
Demetrios I (Soter), of Syria (who reigned 162-150 B. C.), and Antiochos II, (Theos, who reigned 
261-246 B. C.), have been suggested. 

4 See Imhoof-Blumer, Portraetkoepfe auf ant. Muenzen hellenischer und hellenisierter Foelker, 
1885, Pis. I, 6; III, 24; V, 21; VI, 29 and 31. 

8 A small replica of this famous statue may probably be seen in the bronze statuette in the 
Nelidoff collection: WulflF, Alexander mit der Lanze, 1898, Pis. I, II; Helbig, Fuehrer, II, p. 134, 
fig. 35. On supposed replicas, see Bernouilli, Das Bildniss Alex. d. Gr., p. 107; and Th. Schreiber, 
Studien ueber das Bildniss Alex. d. Gr., Abh. d. philolog.-histor. Cl. d. k. saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wis- 
sensch., XXI, 1903, no. Ill, pp. 100 f. 


Melos and now in Athens. 1 The free leg, body, and head modeling 
correspond so nearly with the Apoxyomenos (PI. 28) that it was at 
first called a work of Lysippos, but its lack of repose 2 shows that it 
must be a continuation of the work of that sculptor by some pupil, 
who wished to outdo his master in both form and expression. 

Before discussing the subject of the assimilation of victor statues 
to types of god and hero, we must make it clear that often, for certain 
reasons, statues of athletes were later converted into those of gods, 
and vice versa. Such examples of metamorphosing statues have noth- 
ing to do with the process of assimilation under discussion. A few 
examples will make this clear. An archaic bronze statuette from 
Naxos, 3 reproducing the type of the Philesian Apollo of Kanachos, 
since it has the same position of hands as in the original, as we see 
it later reproduced on coins of Miletos and in other copies, 4 holds 
an aryballos in the right hand instead of a fawn. As it is absurd to 
represent Apollo with the bow in one hand and an oil-flask in the 
other, it seems clear that in this statuette the copyist has converted a 
well-known Apollo into an athlete by addition of an athletic attribute. 
Famous statues were put to many different uses by later copyists. 
Thus Furtwaengler has shown that the statue of the boy boxer Kynis- 
kos by Polykleitos at Olympia, 5 which represented the athlete crown- 
ing himself, was modified to represent various deities, heroes, etc. Thus 
a copyfromEleusisof the fourth century B. C., because of its provenience 
and the soft lines of the face, suggests a divinity, perhaps Triptole- 
mos. 6 A copy of the same type in the Villa Albani (no. 222) has an 
antique piece of a boar's head on the nearby tree-stump and, conse- 
quently, may represent Adonis or Meleager. A torso in the Museo 
Torlonia (no. 22) represents Dionysos, another in the Museo delle 
Terme has a mantle and caduceus and so represents Hermes, while 
on coins of Commodus the same figure, with the lion's skin and club, 
represents Herakles. 7 No ancient statue was used more extensively 
as a model for other types than the famous Doryphoros of Polykleitos. 
Furtwaengler 8 has collected a long list of later conversions of this work 
into statues both marble and bronze, statuettes, reliefs, etc., represent- 
ing Pan, Ares, Hermes, and in one case an ordinary mortal. 9 Other 

iKabbadias, 235; Collignon, in B. C. H., XIII, 1889, p. 498 and PI. Ill; Bulk, 74. 

2 C/. the Farnese Herakles, Bulle, 72; etc. 

3 Collignon, I, p. 253, fig. 122; see below, p. 119 and note 5. 

4 E. g., in the Payne Knight bronze of the British Museum (B. M. Bronz., no. 209 and 
PI. 1) and the Sciarra bronze (Collignon, I, p. 321, fig. 161; R. M., II, 1887, Pis. IV, IVa, V), 
which will be discussed in Ch. Ill, pp. 108, 119. 

6 He won Ol. (?) 80 (=460 B. C): P., VI, 4.11; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 255; Inschr. v. 01. 149. 
Cj. Furtw., Mp., pp. 249 f.; Mw., pp. 452 f. 

6 Mp., p. 255; an almost exact copy of the Eleusis statue is in the Museo Torlonia, no. 37. 

7 Froehner, Les medallions de I' Empire romain, 1878, p. 123; Furtw., Mp., I. c. 

s Mp., pp. 229 f., especially pp. 233 f.; Mw., pp. 422 f., especially pp. 426 f. 

9 On an Argive funerary relief: see A. M., Ill, 1878, pp. 287 f. and PI. XIII: this free adaptation 
of the Doryphoros dates from the middle of the fourth century B. C.; it will be treated later on 
in our discussion of the Doryphoros. 


examples of the conversion of statues will be given in our treatment of 


Hermes was one of the principal evay&vLOL or dyco VLOL Qeol y i. <?., 
gods who presided over contests, or who were overseers of gymnasia 
and palaestrae, or were teachers of gymnastics (yu/morcu). 1 Greek 
writers often mention these athletic gods. Thus Aischylos 2 often uses 
the term, not in the sense of ayopaloi 6eol, "the great assembled 
gods," (ayuv = ayopa), 3 but in the sense of gods who presided over 
contests. 4 This is evident from the fact that Zeus, Apollo, Poseidon, 
and Hermes are the gods especially mentioned by Aischylos in this 
sense, and the first three correspond with the Olympian and Nemean 
games (Zeus), the Pythian (Apollo), and the Isthmian (Poseidon), 
while Hermes is concerned in them all. Thus the epithet ay&vioi, 
in the Agamemnon of Aischylos refers to Zeus, 5 Apollo, 6 and Hermes. 7 
If the word referred to the twelve greater gods, as some have thought, 
other deities more important than Hermes would have been included. 
Elsewhere the word ayuvios always refers to contests. 8 Hermes was 
worshipped at Athens and elsewhere as a god of contests. 9 The agon- 
istic character of this god is shown by the fact that statues and altars 
were erected to him all over Greece. 10 He was sometimes coupled with 
Herakles as the protector of contests, 11 and the images of the two 
often stood in gymnasia. 12 A fragmentary votive relief of the second 
century A. D. is inscribed with a dedication to both by a certain Hora- 
rios, victor in torch-racing. 13 Athenian ephebes made offerings to 
Hermes, 14 and to Hermes and Herakles in common, after their train- 
ing was over. Thus Dorykleides of Thera, a victor in boxing and 

l Cf. Ph., 16, (the palaestra of Hermes, the first known); Babr., 48,5 (TraXaurrpirTjs Oeos). A 
trainer of professional athletes was called a yvupavTrts (a term sometimes applied to athletic 
gods): Xen., Mem., II, 1.20; Plato, de Leg., 720 E; etc. 

2 E. g., Suppl., 189, 333; Agam., 513. 

3 As in Iliad, XV, 428; XVI, 500; XXIV, 1. Eustathius in a scholion on the latter passage 
wrongly says that Aischylos called the ayopalo i 6eol "ay&viai Oeoi." 

4 As in Hesychios, who says ayuvwi Oeoi = ol TUV ayuvuv Trpoeo-rwres. 

5 509, viraros x^PO-s, "lord of Nemea." 6 Ibid., 6 IIii0iOs &va. 7 515. 

*E. g. Plato, de Leg., 783 A; Pindar, Isthm., I, 60, 01., VI, 79, and Pyth., II, 10 (of Hermes); 
Soph., Track., 26 (of Zeus, the decider of contests); C. I. G., II, 1421 (of Hermes); cf. also Simon- 
ides, quoted by Athenaeus, XI, 90 (p. 490); Aischyl., fragm. 384 (of Hermes); Aristoph., Plut. , 
1161 (of Hermes); C. /. G., I, 251; etc. 

9 See Preller-Robert, Griech. Mythol.*, 1894, p. 415, n. 3. 

10 C/. Krause, pp. 169 f.; Preller-Robert, op. cit., pp. 415 f.; Urlichs, Skopas, p. 42; Nissen, 
Pompej. Stud., p. 168; Roscher, Lex., I, 2, p. 2369; S. Eitrem, in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII, 
pp. 786-7. 

"Pindar, Nem., X, 52-3; Oxy. Pap., VII, 1015, 8. 

12 7i. g., at Messene, P., IV, 32.1 (along with that of Theseus). 

13 5. M. Sculpt., Ill, 2156; C. 7. G., I, 250, and Neubauer, Hermes, XI, 1876, p. 146, no. 12; 
for the dedication of a torch to Hermes, see A. G., VI, 100. 

"C. 7. A., II, 3, 1225-6; IV, 2, 1225b; 1226, b, c, d. 


the pankration at unknown games, dedicated a thank-offering to the 
two. 1 Hermes was early the god of youthful life and sports, especially 
those of the palaestra. He is said to have founded wrestling 2 and 
inaugurated the sports of the palaestra. 3 Pausanias mentions a 
Gymnasion of Hermes at Athens 4 and an altar of Hermes ei>aycbnos 
together with one of Opportunity (Kcupos) at the entrance to the 
Stadion at Olympia. 5 He says that the people of Pheneus in Arkadia 
held games in his honor called the Hermaia, 6 and he records the 
defeat of the god by Apollo in running. 7 With such an athletic 
record there is little wonder that the Greek sculptor would often 
take his ideal of Hermes from the god of the palaestra and gymnasium, 
representing him as an athletic youth harmoniously developed by 
gymnastic exercises. It was but natural that a victor at Olympia or 
elsewhere should wish to have his statue which rarely could be a 
portrait conform with that athletic type. 

An excellent instance of this tendency seems to be afforded by the 
so-called Standing Diskobolos in the Sala della Biga of the Vatican 
(PI. 6), 8 known since its discovery by Gavin Hamilton in 1792. It 
represents a youth who is apparently taking position for throwing the 
diskos, the weight of the body resting on the left leg, the knees slightly 
bent, the feet firmly planted, and the diskos held in the left hand, 
just prior to its being passed to the right. This position is one 
which immediately precedes that of Myron's great statue. The bro nze 
original dates from the second half of the fifth century B. C., and has 
been variously assigned to Myron by Brunn, to Alkamenes by Kekule, 
followed by Overbeck, Michaelis and Furtwaengler, 9 and to Naukydes, 
the brother and pupil of Polykleitos. 10 The head of the Vatican statue 
shows no trace of Peloponnesian art, but rather resembles Attic types 

l lnschr. Gr. Insul, Ill (Thera), 390; cf. Cougny, Epigr. Anth. Pal, III, 1890 (Appendix nova), 
p. 26, no. 168. 

2 Schol. on Pindar, Ol., VI, 134, Boeckh, p. 148. He is represented as a wrestler in a bronze 
group from Antioch, with wings in his hair: R. Foerster, Jb., XIII, 1898, pp. 177 f., and PI. XI 
(to be discussed infra., p. 233 and note 2). 

"Servius on Virgil's Aen., VIII, 138. I, 2.5. 

6 V, 14.9 ( 'Ep/xoD .... 'EvayuvLoi)). 

6 VIII, 14.10. An inscription (Inschr. v. 01. , 184) records that a certain Akestorides of Alex- 
andria Troas (whose name is left out of the text of Pausanias, VI, 13.7) won a victory at Pheneus, 
and this was probably at these games; on this victor, see Hyde, 119, and pp. 49-50. 

7 V, 7.10. 

8 Helbig, Fuehrer, I, no. 324; Guide,33l; B. B.,131; Bulle, 54; von Mach, 126 b; Baum., I, 
p. 458, fig. 503 ; Reinach, Rep., I, 526,8; Collignon, II. p. 124, fig. 60; Overbeck, I, pp. 380 f. and fig. 
102; F. W., no. 465; A. Z., XXIV, 1866, PI. CCIX, 1-2, pp. 169 f. (Kekule) and PI. 209, 1, 2; 
Annali, LI, 1879, pp. 207 f. (Brunn); Jb., XIII, 1898, pp. 57 f. and fig. 1 (Habich); /. H. S., 
XXVIII, 1907, p. 25, fig. 13; A. J. A., VII, 1903, pp. 445 f. (von Mach); Springer-Michaelis, 
p. 268, fig. 482; replicas in the Louvre (photo Giraudon, no. 1209), London (B. M. Sculpt 
III, no. 1753), Duncombe Park, England (Michaelis, p. 295, no. 2), and elsewhere; for series, 
see J. Six, Gaz. arch., 1888, pp. 291 and PI. 29, fig. 10 A. 

Mw., p. 122; also Smith, B. M. Sculpt., Ill, no. 1753. 

10 First by Visconti, Mus. Pio Clem., Ill, p. 130; lately by G. Habich, /. c., and others. 

Statue of the Standing Diskobolos, after Naukydes (?). Vatican 
Museum, Rome. 


of the end of the fifth century B. C. However, as we shall see, this head 
does not appear to belong to the statue. Among the works of Alka- 
menes Pliny mentions a bronze pentathlete, 1 called the Enkrinomenos, 
and this work has been identified with the statue under discussion. 2 
Such an assumption is tenable only if the statue fits Pliny's epithet. 
This epithet appears to mean "undergoing a test," and should refer 
not to the statue, for we know nothing of any principle of selecting 
statues, but to the athlete represented, the eyKpurts referring to the 
selection of athletes before the contest. 3 Pliny's statue, then, presum- 
ably, represented a pentathlete, not in action as the Vatican statue 
does, but standing at rest before his judges. An all-round athlete 
like a pentathlete would especially fit such an ordeal, and his statue, 
albeit lighter and more graceful, would be an ideal one like the Dory- 
phoros of Polykleitos. 4 We know how Alkamenes treated Hermes from 
the bearded herma of that god found in Pergamon in 1903 and inscribed 
with his name. 5 Its massive features, broad forehead, and wide-opened 
eyes bear no analogy to the head on the Vatican statue, nor to the one 
with which Helbig would replace it. The ascription of the staute to 
Naukydes is better founded. As the head of the statue is Attic and 
not Argive, it is difficult to connect the work with a Peloponnesian 
artist. However, the present head of the statue can not be shown to 
belong to it, and no other replica has a head which can be proved to 
belong to the body. A fragmentary replica of the statue, of good work- 
manship, was found in Rome in 1910, and nearby a head, which must 
belong to the torso. 6 This head fits the Vatican statue better than the 
head now on it, and certainly comes from the Polykleitan circle 
both head and body showing elements of Polykleitan style. This new 
head represents the transition from Polykleitan art to that of the next 
century, i. e., to the head-types of Skopas, Praxiteles, and other Attic 

1 H. N., XXXIV, 72; S. Q., 826. It was the only bronze work which the sculptor is known to 
have made, all his other works being in marble. 

2 Kekule (/. c.), Furtwaengler (/. c.), and others make the identification. 

3 Long ago Turnebus (Advers., 1580, p. 486) explained the word in the sense of tyKpivi.* &0\rirui>, 
as used by Lucian, pro Imag., 11; cf., Cicero's probatio, in his de Off., I, 144. Most modern com- 
mentators, however, refer the word to the statue, translating it "classical" or "chosen" : thus Urlichs, 
Chrest. PL, 1857, p. 325; O. Jahn, Ueber die Kunsturteile des Plinius (Ber. saechr. Ges. d. Wiss., 
1850), p. 125; H. L. von Urlichs, Blaetterf. d. bayr. Gymnasialsch., 1894, pp. 609 f., translates it 
"klassisch" or "mustergueltig," i. e., serving as a pattern or standard. But the term was too well 
known as an athletic one for it ever to have been applied to a statue. The present participle, 
instead of the usual aorist (eyKptOtis), shows that Alkamenes' statue represented an athlete in the 
act of undergoing selection. The old emendation into kyxP^evot has been recently defended by 
Klein, Praxiteles, p. 50, who identifies Pliny's statue with the Glyptothek Oil-pourer (PI. 11); it 
is discredited by the occurrence of the epithet Encrinomenos as a Roman proper name, C. I. L., 
V, I, 4429, which shows how familiar it was. See Jex-Blake, on the passage of Pliny. 

*Cf. Gardner, Hbk., p. 345; Helbig, /. c. 

B It seems to be a Hadrianic copy of an original which stood on the Athenian Akropolis. 

6 Now in the Antiquarium, Rome: Helbig, Fuehrer, I, no. 1030; noted in B. Com. Rom., 
XXXVIII, 1910, p. 249, and fully discussed, ibid., XXXIX, 1911, pp. 97 f. (L. Mariani), and 
Pis. VI, VII (three views), and VIII (head, two views). 


masters. Presumably, then, in the original of this fragment and its 
replicas, we have a famous statue the one by Naukydes mentioned 
by Pliny. 1 

A more important question for our discussion is whether the Vati- 
can statue represents a victor (diskobolos) or Hermes. G. Habich has 
argued that the pose of the statue, standing with the right foot ad- 
vanced, is not that of a diskobolos taking position. He quotes Kietz 2 
to the effect that no vase-painting or other monument has the exact 
position of this statue, and that the natural position for such a motive 
is to advance the left foot. 3 Moreover, the fingers of the right hand, 
which are supposed especially to uphold the diskobolos theory, are 
modern in all the replicas. On a coin of Amastris in Paphlagonia, 
dating from the Antonines, and on one of Commodus struck at Philip- 
popolis in Thrace, a figure of Hermes is pictured, which, in all essentials, 
reproduces the Vatican statue. 4 Since the figure on the coins has a 
kerykeion or training-rod in the right hand and a diskos as a minor 
attribute in the left merely a symbol of the god's patronage of ath- 
letics we should see in the Vatican statue a representation of Hermes 
as overseer of the palaestra. Pliny's words if we omit or transpose 
the first et refer, therefore, to a statue of Hermes-Diskobolos and 
to the Ram-offerer which stood on the Athenian Akropolis, to two, 
therefore, and not to three different monuments. We should restore all 
the replicas of the statue, then, with the caduceus, to represent Hermes 
as gymnasiarch. Though this interpretation of the statue has found 
opponents, 5 the evidence is strong that in it and its replicas we have an 
athlete in the guise of Hermes. If we think that the caduceus can not 
be brought into harmony with the chief motive of the statue, we must 
conclude with Helbig that the copyist in one isolated case the one 
copied on the coins changed an original victor statue into Hermes 
by adding the herald staff. This would make it an instance, not of 
assimilation of type, but of conversion. 

A small bronze statuette standing upon a cylindrical base, which 
was found in the sea off Antikythera (Cerigotto), reproduces almost 

1 II. N., XXXIV, 80: Naucydes Mercuric et discobolo et immolante arietem censetur, etc. 

2 Ueber den Diskoswurf bei den Griechen, 1892, p. 55. However, von Mach discusses a r.-f. 
deinos in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, which resembles the pose of the statue: A. J. A., 
VII, 1903, p. 447, fig. 1. 

3 As in a vase by Douris: A. Z., 1883, PI. II; Furtw., Berliner Fasen, no. 2283 A; also on a Hel- 
lenistic gem in Berlin: Furtw., Gemmen Katalog, no. 6911. Philostr., Imag., I, 24, says that the 
left foot was advanced. 

4 Coin of Amastris: Schlosser, Numism. Zeitschr . (Vienna), XXIII, 1891, p. 19, PI. 2, no. 35; a 
better reproduction by Imhoof-Blumer, in Sallet's Zeitschr. f. Numism., XX, 1897, p. 269, PI. 10, 
n. 2 ( =Habich, p. 58, fig. 2); another in B. M. Coins (Pontus), PI. XX, 7, pp. 87 and 21. On 
this and the Thracian coin, see also Habich, Hermes Diskobolos auf Muenzen, in Journ. in- 
ternal, d'arch. num., II, 1898, pp. 137 f. Habich gives a gem showing the god with a kerykeion in 
the left hand, and a diskos in the right and with the right foot advanced: p. 61, fig. 3. 

& E. g., Michaelis, Jb., XIII, 1898, pp. 175-6. He looks upon the statue simply as that of a 



exactly the attitude of the statue of Naukydes (Fig. 6). 1 Here the 
left hand is stretched out horizontally at the elbow, but the right arm is 
lost, so that we get no additional evidence as to the attribute carried. 
Because of its correspondence with the aforementioned coins 2 even in 
detail, Bosanquet, followed by Svoronos, looks upon this "little mas- 
terpiece" as a copy of the Argive master. 

FIG. 6. Bronze Statuette of He rmes-Diskobolos, found iri the Sea off 
Antikythera. National Museum, Athens. 

J In the National Museum, Athens, no. 13399: Sta\s,Marb. et Bronz.,pp. 353-354 and f\g.;4rch. 
Eph., 1902, PI. 17; Svoronos, Textbd., I, pp. 42-3; Tafelbd., I, PI. VIII, no. 1; /. //. S., XXI, 
1901, p. 351 (Bosanquet). This statuette is 0.25 meter in height and the base 0.09 meter 
(Svoronos). 2 Svoronos, p. 43, reproduces the coins of Amastris and Philippopolis. 


The statue discovered in the ruins of Hadrian's villa in 1742 and now 
in the Capitoline Museum, 1 which represents an ephebe nude, except 
for a chlamys thrown around the middle of his body, standing in an 
easy attitude with his left foot resting upon a rock and bending for- 
ward with the right arm extended in a gesture, was formerly looked 
upon as a resting pancratiast. 
Because of its general likeness to 
Praxitelean figures the head is 
especially like the Olympia Her- 
mes Furtwaengler interpreted 
the figure as that of Hermes Lo- 
gios or Agoraios, the god of elo- 
quence, and assigned it to an 
artist near to Praxiteles. How- 
ever, it is probably nothing else 
than an idealized portrait of the 
age of Hadrian or the Antonines, 
and represents an ephebe, prob- 
ably a victor, assimilated to the 
type of Hermes. 2 

Another example of assimila- 
tion may be the much-discussed 
bronze statue in the National 
Museum at Athens, which was 
accidentally discovered in 1901, 
along with the rest of a cargo 
of sculptures which had been 
wrecked off the island of Anti- 
kythera as it was on its way to 
Rome about the beginning of 
the first century B. C. (Fig. 7). 3 
This statue, the best preserved 
of the cargo, is a little over life- 

FIG. 7. Bronze Statue of a Youth, 
found in the Sea off Antikythera. 
National Museum, Athens. 

Stuart Jones, Cat. Mus. Capitol, p. 288, no. 21 and PI. 71; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, no. 858; Guide, 
509; B. B., 387; Furtw., Mp., p. 303 and n. 7; Mw., p. 525 and n. 1; Clarac, II, 859, 2170; Reinach, 
Rep., I, 525, 1; Lange, Motiv des aufgestuetzten Fusses, 1879, pp. 13 f. Helbig speaks of a 
replica in Paris, but confounds it with the type of the so-called Sandalbinder of the Louvre 
(Fig. 8). The Capitoline statue is 1.845 meters in height (Stuart Jones). 

2 The motive of the "aufgestuetztes Bein" is more likely Lysippan than Skopaic, as Furtwaeng- 
ler wrongly assumed. 

3 Svoronos, Textbd., I, pp. 18 f. (with bibliography of all the objects down to 1903, on p. 15, 
n. 1.); Tafelbd., I, Pis. I and II (front and back); Stai's, Marbres et Bronzes, pp. 302-304 and 
fig.; Bulle, 61; von Mach, 290; /. H. S., XXIII, 1903, Pis. VIII (head), IX (body, three views); 
H. B. Walters, Art of the Greeks, PI. XVI; Gardner, Sculpt., PI. LXXVIII; for bibliographical 
notice and discussion, see A. J. A., V, 1901, p. 465, and VII, 1903, pp. 464-5; Springer-Mich- 
aelis, p. 297, fig. 531; the best account of the statue in English is by Dr. A. S. Cooley, in Records 
of the Past, II, 1903, pp. 207-13 (with two illustrations). It is 1.94 meters in height, i. e., 
slightly over life-size (Svoronos). 


size and represents a nude youth standing with languid grace, the 
weight of his body resting upon the left leg, while the right is slightly 
bent and the right arm is extended horizontally, the hand holding a 
round object now lost and variously interpreted. In short, the pose 
strongly resembles that of the Vatican Apoxyomenos (PI. 29). Opin- 
ions as to the age and authorship of this statue have been very diverse, 
ranging from the fifth century B. C. down to Hellenistic times and 
ascribing it to many masters and schools. Kabbadias, who published 
it, in conjunction with the other objects, directly after their discovery, 1 
thought it would prove to " rank as high among statues of bronze as does 
the Hermes of Praxiteles among those of marble," and characterized 
it as "the most beautiful bronze statue that we possess." Waldstein 
praised it in no less exaggerated terms, and classed it along with the 
Charioteer from Delphi (Fig. 66) as among the first Greek bronzes, 
if not among the finest specimens of Greek sculpture. 2 He followed 
Kabbadias in assigning it to the fourth century B. C. and in interpreting 
it as Hermes. He at first ascribed it to Praxiteles or his school, but 
later he thought it more Skopaic. 3 Th. Reinach placed it in the early 
fourth century B. C., but regarded it as the work of a sculptor influenced 
by Polykleitos, naming the youthful Praxiteles or Euphranor. 4 He 
explained the pose as that of a man amusing a dog or a child with some 
round object. A Greek scholar, A. S. Arvanitopoulos, assigned the 
work to the fifth century B. C. and to the Attic school, referring it 
possibly to Alkamenes. 5 However, as soon as the statue was properly 
cleansed and pieced together, its early dating was seen to be untenable, 
and its Hellenistic character became evident. 6 E. A. Gardner found 
little resemblance in the head to that of the Praxitelean Hermes, 
but more in the treatment of hair and eyes to that of the Lansdowne 

1 J. H. S., XXI, 1901, pp. 205 f; he also briefly described all the bronzes found in A. A., 1901, 
pp. 17-19, (4 figs.), in Rev. des Et. gr., XIV, 1901, pp. 122-6 (5 figs.), and in C. R. Acad. Inscr., 
1901, pp. 58-63 (3 figs.) and 158-9 (3 Pis.). All the bronzes were published after cleansing in 
Arch. Eph., 1902, pp. 145 f., with Pis. 7-17 and figs. 1-18 in the text; see also Stais, Les trou- 
vailles dans la mer de Cythere, 1905; the last publication of all the pieces is by Svoronos, Textbd., 
I, pp. 1-86; Tafelbd., I, Pis. I-XX. 

2 In his popular discussion of the bronzes in Monthly Review, June, 1901, pp. 110-127 (with 
5 Pis., and 5 figs.). Similar praise is that of W. Klein, II, p. 403; he calls it die wundervollste 
aller uns erhaltenen Bronzestatuen des Altertums. 

3 London Illustrated News, June 6, 1903 (with double-page plate). 

*Gaz. d. B.-A., XXV, Per. Ill, 1901, pp. 295-301 (with 3 figures). 

5 In a monograph entitled C O "E^j/Sos ru>v 'AvriKv6rip(oi> (pp. 1-42, and 6 figs.), Athens, 1903. 

6 It was restored by the French sculptor Andre, who covered it with putty to conceal the join- 
tures and the rivets which were used in welding the fragments together. He also colored it 
to resemble bronze. The method used in the restoration is certainly open to objection, but not 
to the extent asserted by certain scholars, e. g., by von Mach, who asserts that no Greek statue 
has received such unworthy treatment, and that the restoration makes it possible to refer the 
statue to almost any age or admixture of influences: Greek Sculpture, Its Spirit and Principles, 
p. 326. Much of the beauty of the statue, to be sure, is gone, but the style is not obscured. It 
has been restored too full, which gives it a sensuous appearance. For the statue, before resto- 
ration, see Svoronos, Textbd., p. 18, fig. 2; Stai's, Marbres et Bronzes, fig. on p. 304. 


Herakles (PI. 30, Fig. 71,), which he ascribes to Skopas. 1 He saw in its 
labored and even anatomical modeling similarity to the Apoxyomenos of 
the Vatican and concluded that it was, therefore, later than the fourth 
century B. C., being an eclectic piece disclosing influences of several 
fourth-century sculptors, the work of an imitator especially of Praxiteles 
and Skopas. K. T. Frost also assigned the work to the Hellenistic 
age, but believed it was the statue of a god and not of a mortal, and 
so followed Kabbadias and Waldstein in interpreting it as a Hermes 
Logics. 2 Gardner had interpreted it as probably the statue of an 
athlete "in a somewhat theatrical pose," though admitting it might 
be a genre figure representing an athlete catching a ball, even if its 
pose were against such an interpretation. In any case he was right 
in saying that the pose, even if incapable of solution, was chosen by the 
sculptor with a desire for display, as the centre of attraction is in and 
not outside the statue, and so is against the aurdp/^eta of earlier works. 
More recently, Bulle has asserted that it is not an original work at all, 
but, as evinced by the hard treatment of the hair, merely a copy. He 
also interprets it as a Hermes, restoring a kerykeion in the left hand, 
and he likens its oratorical pose to that of the Etruscan Orator found 
near Lago di Trasimeno in 1566 and now in the Museo Archeologico in 
Florence, or the Augustus from Primaporta in the Vatican. 3 For its date 
he believes the statue marks the end of the Polykleitan " Standmotif" 
(the breadth of the body showing Polykleitan influence, the head, 
however, being too small and slender for the Argive master), and 
the inception of the Lysippan (the free leg not drawn back, but 
placed further out), as we see it in the Apoxyomenos. He concludes 
that its author can not have been a great master. 4 Doubtless, the 
statue, which is the pride of the Athenian museum, is merely a 
representative example of the kind of bronze statues made in great 
numbers in the early Hellenistic age; but it shows the high degree of 
excellence attained at that time by very mediocre artists. 5 

Apart from its period, our chief interest in the statue is to determine 
whether a god or a mortal is portrayed. As there are no certain 
remnants of the round object held in the right hand, and no other 

V- //. S., XXIII, 1903, pp. 152f.;r/. Sculpt., pp. 244 (.; Hbk., pp. 532 f. In Chap. VI of the 
present work we shall follow the view which ascribes the Herakles to Lysippos: infra, pp. 298,311. 
The Praxitelean and Lysippan influences in the bronze under discussion are noted by Richard- 
son, p. 276. *Ibid., pp. 21 7 f. 

3 For the former, see Amelung, Fuehrer, 249; von Mach, 327; Reinach, I, 452, 2. On the hem 
of the cloak is an Etruscan dedicatory inscription to one Metilius by his wife, containing the 
name of Tenine Tuthines as the bronze-caster: see Corssen, Sprache d. Etrusker, I, pp. 712 f. 
(quoted by von Mach). For the latter, see Helbig, Fuehrer, I, no. 5; Guide, 5; Mon. d. I., VI and 
VII, 1857-63, PI. 84, 1; Annali, XXXV, 1863, pp. 432 f. (Koehler); Rayet, II, PI. 71; B. B., 225; 
Bernouilli, Roem. Ikonogr., II, I, pp. 24 f., fig. 2; etc. 

4 Text on pp. 115 f.; Klein, op. cit., pp. 403 f., believes that the enigma of its interpretation 
remains unsolved. He looks upon it as, perhaps, a pre-Lysippan work, a sort of Vorstuje to 
the Apoxyomenos. 5 C/. Gardner, Hbk., p. 534. 


accessories, many interpretations have been possible. Especially the 
gesture of the right arm has been the centre for such interpretations. 
Some have looked upon this gesture as "transitory," i. e., the sweeping 
gesture of an orator or god of orators, and this has led to the interpre- 
tation of the statue as Hermes Logics. 1 However, the round object 
in the fingers is against this assumption. Others have therefore 
regarded the gesture as "stationary," i. e., the figure is holding an 
object in the hand, which is the main interest of the statue, and this 
view has therefore also given rise to many different explanations. 
Among mythological interpretations two have received careful atten- 
tion. Svoronos has reasoned most ingeniously that the statue repre- 
sents Perseus holding the head of Medusa in his hand, and finds a 
similar type on coins, gems, and rings. Thus, almost the identical 
pose of the statue is seen on an engraved stone in Florence, which 
shows Perseus holding the Gorgon's head, and Svonoros has restored 
the bronze similarly. 2 But certainly the right arm of the statue was 
not intended to carry so great a weight. Others have seen in it the 
statue of Paris by Euphranor, mentioned by Pliny as offering the apple 
as prize of beauty to Aphrodite. 3 But the statue scarcely reflects the 
description of the Paris by Pliny. Other scholars have interpreted the 
statue as that of a mortal. S. Reinach believes that it may be a youth 
sacrificing. 4 Kabbadias and E. A. Gardner admitted it might be the 
statue of a ball-player as well as of Hermes. Since this latter interpre- 
tation has become popular, let us consider its possibility at some length 
in reference to ball-playing in antiquity. Now we know that ball- 
playing (0-<>aipifeii>, if) ff<paipLKri rex^) was a favorite amusement of 
the Greeks from the time of Nausikaa and her brothers in the Odyssey 5 
to the end of Greek history, and that it was practiced at Rome 
from the end of the Republic to the end of the Empire. 6 It seems to 
have been regarded less as a game than as a gymnastic exercise. 

'On this gesture, see von Mach, op. cit., pp. 325-6. 

2 Textbd., I, figs. 13-14, pp. 26-7. For the gem, see ibid., fig. 3, p. 22; Reinach, Pierres gravies, 
PI. 56, 34. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 77. So Miss Bieber, /*., XXV, 1910, pp. 159 f., following the suggestion 
of Stai's, Marbres et Bronzes, ed. I, 1907, pp. 254 f. (view reiterated in ed. 2, 1910, p. 304), and 
Loeschke. Pliny says that the statue of Euphranor displayed every phase of Paris' character, in 
the triple aspect of judge of the goddesses, lover of Helen, and slayer of Achilles. On this statue, 
of which we know so little, cf. the very different results reached by Furtwaengler (Mp., pp. 357 f.; 
Mto., pp. 591-2) and Robert (Hallisches Winckelmannsprogr., XIX, 1895, pp. 20 f.). Edw. 
Vicars, in the Pall Mall Magazine, XIX, 1903, pp. 551 f., followed by Dr. Cooley, believes that 
the bronze should be restored as Paris holding the apple of discord in the right hand. 

4 Suppl. de la Gaz. d. B.-A., 1901, pp. 68 f., and 76 f. 

6 VI, 100 f.; VIII, 372 f.; in the latter connection it is an adjunct to the dance. 

8 Athena>us, I, 44 (p. 24 b), quotes the Pergamene Karystios ( =F. H. G., IV, p. 359, fragm. 
14) as saying that the women of Kerkyra played ball in his time. For Rome, cf. Hor., Sat., II, 
2.11; Suetonius, Octay., 83; Pliny, Ep., Ill, 1.8; Seneca, de Brev. vit., 13; etc. On ball-playing, 
see Grasberger, Erziehung und Unterricht, I, 1864, pp. 84 f.; L. Becq de Fouquieres, Les Jetix des 
Anciens? 1873, Ch. IX, pp. 176-199. 


Its origin is ascribed to the Spartans and to others. 1 A special sort of 
ball-playing was known as <f>avivda, 2 and this is described in a treatise 
by the physician Galen, of the second century A. D., in which he recom- 
mended ball-playing as one of the best exercises. 3 Because of his 
ability in the art of ball-playing, Aristonikos of Karystos, the ball- 
player of Alexander the Great, received Athenian citizenship and was 
honored with a statue. 4 The philosopher Ktesibios of Chalkis was 
fond of the game. 5 A special room, called the a(j>aipi(TTripiov, was a 
part of the later gymnasium. 6 The game was specially indulged in 
at Sparta. Several inscriptions, mostly from the age of the Antonines, 
commemorate victories by teams of ball-players there. 7 The name 
cr^cupets was given to Spartan youths in the first year of manhood. 
These competitions took place in the Apo^uos at Sparta. 8 Though, 
then, we should naturally expect statues of ball-players, like the one in 
Athens of Aristonikos already mentioned, the calm mien of the Cerigotto 
bronze and the direction of the gaze are certainly, as Th. Reinach said 
earlier, against interpreting it as the statue of one engaged in so active 
a sport. Von Mach, because of its voluptuous appearance, thought it 
might represent merely a bon vivant. While Lechat interpreted it as 
possibly an athlete receiving a crown from Nike, 9 Arvanitopoulos would 
have the right hand either hold a lekythion or be quite empty, and the 
left a strigil, thus restoring the statue as an apoxyomenos. S. Reinach 
would regard it merely as a funerary monument. 

In all this discrepancy of opinion it is not difficult to recognize 
elements of both god and mortal blended. The resemblance in the 
expression and features of the face to those of the Praxitelean Hermes, 
even though superficial, as well as the pose of the right arm recall the 
god; the muscular build of the figure fits either the god Hermes, in 
his character of overseer of the sports of the palaestra, or an athlete. 
It therefore seems reasonable to see in this Hellenistic statue of varied 
artistic tendencies merely the representation of an athlete, perhaps of a 
pentathlete, who is holding a crown or possibly an apple as a prize of 
victory in the right hand, whose form and features have been assimi- 
lated to those of Hermes. 

How the statue of an indisputable Hermes Logics, on the other hand, 
appears, may be seen in the Hermes Ludovisi of the Museo delle Terme, 

iAthen., I, 25 (p. 14 d, e). 2 Athen., I, 25-26 (pp. 14 f, 15 a). 

3 In his Trepi TOU 5td ovu/cpas atpaipas ycnvafflov. Cf. Sidon. Apoll., V, 17; Martial, IV, 19; etc. 

"Athen., I, 34 (p. 19 a). 

5 Athen ,1, 26 (p. 15); cf., Eustath., on Od., VI, 115, p. 1553; only the Milesians were opposed 
to it: id., on Od., VIII, 372, p. 1601. 

6 Theophr., Char., V, 9; Pliny, Ep., II, 17.12 and V, 6.27; Suetonius, Fit. Vespas., 20; etc. 

7 . S. A., X, 1903-4, pp. 63 f; cf., XII, 1905-6, p. 387. 

8 The<7<peupe are mentioned in C./.G.,I,4, 1386,1432; P., Ill, 14.6, mentions a statue of Hera- 
kles there, to which these youths sacrificed. Mueller, Die Dorier, 4, 5, 2, classed these compe- 
titions as a sort of football. 

8 'Rev. des Et. gr., XIV, 1901, pp. 445-8. 


Rome, 1 and in its replica in the Louvre. The original of this marble 
copy, dating from the middle of the fifth century B. C., has been 
variously ascribed to Pheidias, 2 Myron, 3 and others. In this statue 
the petasos, chlamys, and kerykeion indicate the god, while the 
position of the right arm raised toward the head 4 and the earnest 
expression of concentration in the face bespeak the god of ora- 
tory. The careful replica of the statue, except the head, in the 
Louvre, is the work of Kleomenes of Athens, a sculptor of the first 
century B. C. The copyist, however, has given to the original a 
Roman portrait-head, whence it has been falsely called Germanicus? 
The Paris statue, then, is merely another example of the conversion 
of an original god-type, for the sculptor wished to represent a Roman 
under the guise of Hermes Logics, since the inscribed tortoise shell 
retained at the feet is a well-known attribute of the god. 

Another excellent example of a true Hermes head is the fine Poly- 
kleitan one in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, which is a copy of a 
well-known type represented by the Boboli Hermes in Florence and 
other replicas. 6 Though S. Reinach classed this head as Kresilaean, 7 
its true Polykleitan character has been established, 8 even if it does 
not merit the praise formerly given it by Robinson, of being "easily 
the best extant copy of a work by Polykleitos." 1 

ig, Fuehrer, II, no. 1299; B. B., 413; Bulk, 44; Arndt-Amelung, Einzelaufnahmen, III, 
text to no. 1127; F. W., text to 1630; Rayet, II, text to PL 70, fig. on p. 5; Kekule, Dig griech. 
Skulpt., 2 fig. on p. 349 (the Germanicus on p. 348; cf. Bulle, p. 94, fig. 17); Loewy, Griech. 
Plastik, PI. 94, fig. 176 a, p. 80. The statue is 1.83 meters high (Bulle). Head alone in Overbeck, 
II, p. 446, and cf. 456, n. 4; Arndt-Amelung, nos. 270-271. A fine herma-replica of the head 
is at Broadlands, England: Michaelis, p. 219, no. 9; Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 58, fig. 13 (three 
views). A poorer copy is in the Uffizi, Florence: Duetschke, III, no. 13; Arndt-Amelung, 
Einzelaufnahmen, 83-84. 

2 Graef, Aus der Anomia, 1890, p. 69. Bulle finds the head similar to that of the Lemnian Athena 
and the body to that of the Farnese Anadoumenos of the British Museum (=Bulle, no. 49). 
Furtwaengler thinks that its relation to the Lemnia is not close enough to warrant us in assigning it 
to Pheidias: Mp., p. 57; Mw., pp. 86 and 742. On the basis of a Phokaian coin (Berlin example, 
Mp., PI. VI, 19; copy in British Museum, B. M. Coin;, Ionia, IV, 23), which represents a 
similar Hermes, he ascribes the statue to an Ionian artist and conjectures Telephanes 
mentioned by Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 68. 

3 Helbig finds the head Myronian, but the body unconnected with any of the well-known 
artistic tendencies of his day. 

4 As shown in the Germanicus copy; the right arm is wrongly restored in the Ludovisi statue. 
In the Germanicus the arm is bowed more at the elbow, the hand reaching the level of the temples. 

'Froehner, pp. 213 f., no. 184 (and bibliography); F. W., 1630; Rayet, II, Pis. 69 (statue), 
70 (head); etc. 

*A. J. A., XV, 1911, PI. VI and pp. 215-16 (Caskey) ;Jb., XXIV, 1909, Pis. I and II (from Munich 
cast), pp. 1 f. (Sieveking). For the Hermes of the Boboli gardens, see ibid., figs. 1 and 3, pp. 
2 and 4; Arndt-Amelung., Einzelauf., 103-105; Duetschke, II, no. 84; Furtw., Mp., p. 230, Mw., 
p. 424. Another replica is in the Hermitage: Kieseritzky, Kat., no. 179; Sieveking, figs. 4-5, p. 5; 
Mp., p. 290, Mw., 506; another in the Torlonia Museum in Rome, no. 475: Sieveking, fig. 6, p. 5. 

'Gflz. d. B.-A., 1911, p. 251. 

8 Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 230 and cf. p. 290; Mw., p. 424 and cf. p. 506. 

9 See the Annual Report of the Museum of Fine Arts, 1898, p. 20. Mahler, Polyklet u. seine 
Schule, p. 27, no. 34, wrongly thought that it was a replica of the Doryphoros. 


The so-called Jason of the Louvre and its many replicas 1 (Fig. 8) 
probably represent athletes in the guise of Hermes. These statues 
are copies of an original of the end of the fourth century B. C., when 
the favorite motive originated 
probably with Lysippos of 
representing a figure, as in this 
case, with one foot on a rock, 
bending over and tying a san- 
dal. Since the replicas in Mu- 
nich and Paris extend both arms 
to the right foot, while those in 
London and Athens extend the 
left arm over the breast, with 
the hand resting on the right 
knee, Klein has argued two dif- 
ferent versions of a common 
type. He compares the former 
with figures on the west frieze 
of the Parthenon, the latter 
with the well-known relief of 
Nike tying her sandal, from 
the Nike balustrade now in the 
Akropolis Museum. The one 
type he assigns to Lysippos, 
the other (with both arms down) 
to an earlier artist. However, 
the proportions of both groups 
agree with the Lysippan canon 
and so we should assume only 
one artist. The discussion 
whether the figure is tying 
or untying the sandal is as 
barren as the similar one raised 
about the Athena from the 
Nike balustrade; 2 but the 

FIG. 8. Statue of 

(Sandal-binder) . 

the so-called Jason 
Louvre, Paris. 

^roehner, no. 183, pp. 210 f. (bibliography on pp. 212-13; later bibliogr. in Klein, Praxitel. 
Stud., 1899, p. 4, n. 2) ; B. B., no. 67; von Mach, 238 b; Clarac, PI. 309, no. 2046. Replica in Mu- 
nich (with a head of Apollo not belonging to the torso) : Furtw.-Wolters, Beschr. d. Glypt?, 
1910, 287 (with list of replicas); von Mach, 238a; Clarac, V, 814, 2048; Reinach, Rep., I, 487, 
7; Klein, pp. 4 f.; one in London, in Lansdowne House: Michaelis, pp. 464 f., no. 85 and PI. opp. 
p. 464; Clarac, V, 814, 2048 A; Reinach, Rep., I, 487,6; one in the Vatican: Reinach, Rep., I, 
487, 5; head and torso in Athens: ibid., II, i, 153, 10; A. M'., XI, 1886, PI. IX (middle), pp. 
362 f. (Studniczka); head in Copenhagen, formerly in the Borghese Coll., Rome: P. Arndt, 
Glypt. Ny-Carhbers>, 1912, Pis. 128, 129, and text pp. 177 f., (fig. 95 =bronze restoration for the 
municipal Museum in Stettin, combining the Lansdowne body and the Fagan head in the 
British Museum; for the Fagan head see B. M. Sculpt., Ill, 1785). 

2 See von Mach, 170; R. Kekule, Die Reliefs an der Balustrade der Athena Nike, with Pis. 1-6. 


question as to who is represented by the type is worthy of careful 
consideration. The statue in the Louvre at first was believed to 
represent Cincinnatus called from the plough, but Winckelmann, 
without evidence, gave it its present name of Jason. In recent 
years it has been interpreted as Hermes tying on his sandals, his 
head raised to hearken to the behest of Zeus before going forth 
from Olympos on his duties as messenger. This interpretation was 
based on the description of a statue of the god by Christodoros, 1 and 
the fact that the type conforms with a representation of Hermes on a 
coin of Markianopolis in Moesia. 2 Arndt has argued from the coin 
and from the motive of the statue that Hermes and not an athlete 
is intended; thus the inclination of the head, he thinks, is not that of 
an athlete looking out over the theatre, since the regard is not far ofF, 
but merely upward; the presence of the chlamys and the sandals 
also fits the god. He therefore refers the copies to a Hermes-type 
originated by Lysippos. But Froehner's idea that they represent 
athletes, even if the type were invented for Hermes, is in line with 
our idea of the assimilation of athlete types to that of Hermes. In 
this connection it may be added that the head of an athlete in Turin, 3 
dating from the late third or early second century B. C., is very similar 
to that of the Louvre figure, and especially to the Fagan head in Lon- 
don. The pose of an athlete binding on a sandal was doubtless chosen 
by the sculptor merely to show the play of the muscles. 

Heads of Hermes are often found with victor fillets, 4 and some of 
these doubtless are from statues of victors. The beautiful fourth- 
century B. C. Parian marble head of a beardless youth in the Brit- 
ish Museum, known as the Aberdeen head, 5 which resembles so 
strongly the Praxitelean Hermes, although lacking its delicacy, may 
be from a victor statue assimilated to the god, for holes show that 
it once wore a metal wreath. In Roman days the Doryphoros 
of Polykleitos, as we have seen, was adapted to represent Hermes, 
and was set up in various palaestrae and gymnasia. The Naples 
copy of the Doryphoros stood in the Palaistra of Pompeii, 6 and statues 
of ephebes carrying lances (hastae, 56para) and called Achilleae by 
Pliny, 7 which must have been largely copies of Polykleitos' great 
statue, were set up in gymnasia. A later type of Hermes-head often 

the Ekphrasis of Christodoros, A. G., II, m. 297-302. It was first shown to be a statue 
of Hermes by Lambeck, de Mercurii statua, Thorn, 1860. 

2 Pick, Die antiken Muenzen Nordgriechenlands, I, PI. XVI, 25; cf. Froehner, p. 211. 

'Duetschke, IV, no. 151; /. H. S., XXVI, 1906, PI. XVI, pp. 239 f. (Wace). 

4 E. g., B. M. Bronzes, nos. 1200, 1202, 1207; for a herm in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican, 
after a fourth-century B. C. type, see Amelung, Vat., I, p. 84, no. 65 and Pi. X. 

*B. M. Sculpt., Ill, no. 1600 and PI. Ill; Jb., I, 1886, p. 54, and PI. 5, and fig. 1 (Wolters); 
Kalkmann, Proport. d. Gesichts, pp. 41 and 98; Furtw., Mp., PI. XVIII. opp. p. 346; for a full dis- 
cussion of this head, see the note by translator in Mp., pp. 346-7. The head is 1 1> inches high 
(B. M. Sculpt.). 

6 Nissen, Pompej. Stud., p. 166. 7 H. N., XXXIV, 18. 


appeared on bodies of the Doryphoros^ while other statues, showing 
the body of the Doryphoros draped with the chlamys, 2 and many 
torsos following the attitude and form of this statue, have the chlamys, 
which shows that they were intended for the god. 3 Hermes in the Dory- 
phoros pose, in a bronze of the British Museum, 4 is probably intended 
for an athlete. Furtwaengler has shown 5 that the old Argive schema 
of the boxer Aristion at Olympia by Polykleitos 6 was used in the 
master's circle for statues of Hermes. The best preserved example 
of a number of existing statues of this type is one in Lansdowne 
House, London, 7 in the pose of the Aristion, holding an object prob- 
ably a kerykeion in the hand and a chlamys over the left shoulder. 


Apollo figures in mythology as an athlete. In the Iliad, at the 
opening of the boxing match between Epeios and Euryalos, 8 he is 
mentioned as the god of boxing, which refers, perhaps, to his presiding 
over the education of youths (/couporpo^os) and to his gift of manly 
prowess. Pausanias records that he overcame Hermes in running and 
Ares in boxing. 9 He gives these victories of the god as the reason why 
the flute played a Pythian air at the later pentathlon. Plutarch says 
that the Delphians sacrificed to Apollo the boxer (TTVKT^S), and the Cre- 
tans and Spartans to Apollo the runner (Spo/mtos). 10 Apollo's fight with 
Herakles to wrest from the hero the stolen tripod of Delphi, 11 which is 
the subject of many surviving works of art, 12 is outside the realm of 

1 E. g., one in Paris, in the Cab. des Medailles, no. 3350; Clarac, 666 D, 1512 F. 

Z E. g., E. von Sacken, Die ant. Bronzen des k. k. Muenz-und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien, 1871, 
PI. 10, 4; a bronze Mercury in Paris, in the Cab. des Med., Coll. Oppermann (0.20 m. tall) : Furtw., 
Mp., p. 233, fig. 94, and Mw., p. 428, fig. 64; bronze statuette of Mercury in the British Museum 
with chlamys over the left shoulder: Mp., p. 232, fig. 93; Mw., p. 427, fig. 63. 

3 Mp., p. 231, n. 3. *B. M. Bronzes, no. 1217. 6 Mp., pp. 288 f.; Mw., pp. 502 f. 

6 Inschr. v. 01., no. 165 (renewed); base pictured, Mp., p. 288, fig. 123; Mw., p. 503; fig. 90. 
Furtwaengler had ascribed the statue of Aristion to the younger Polykleitos; this was disproved 
by the date of Aristion's victory, Ol. 82 ( =452 B. C.), given by the Oxy. Pap. 

7 Michaelis, p. 446, no. 35; Clarac, V, 946, 2436 A; Furtw., Mp., p. 289, fig. 124; Mw., p. 504, 
fig. 91. 

8 XXIII, 660; cf. Od., XIX, 86: "By Apollo's grace he hath so goodly a son" meaning that 
Apollo gave increase of physical strength to men, just as Artemis did to women. Cf. Hesiod, 
Theog., 346-7. 9 V, 7.10. 

l Quaest. conviv., VIII, 4 (=p. 724 C, D.); here he also mentions a Gymnasion of Apollo at 

n Told by many writers: e. g., Apollod., II, 6.2. 

12 P., X, 13.7, describes a group at Delphi representing Apollo and Hermes grasping the tripod 
before the fight; in VIII, 37.1 he mentions the same subject on a marble relief at Lykosoura, and 
in III, 21.8 says that Gythion was founded by the two after the contest, and that their images 
stood in the agora there. The subject was represented in the gable of the Siphnian Treasury at 
Delphi: Frazer, V, p. 274 (in connection with P., X, 11.2). Stephani enumerated 89 existing works 
of art which represent this subject, of which 58 appear on black-figured, 18 on red-figured vases, 
8 on marble reliefs, 3 on terra-cottas, and 2 on gems: Comples rendus de la comm. imper. archeol., 
St. Petersburg, 1868, pp. 31 f.; Overbeck has added to the list: Griech. Mythol., Ill, Apollon, 
1889, pp. 391-415. 


athletics. As with Hermes, it is often difficult to distinguish between 
statues of Apollo and those of victors assimilated to his type. A 
good instance of this doubt is afforded by the long and indecisive 
discussion of the monument represented by several replicas, especially 
by the Choiseul-Gouffier statue in the British Museum (PI. 7A), and 
the so-called Apollo-on-the-Omphalos (PI. 7B) found in 1862 in the 
ruins of the theatre of Dionysos at Athens, and now in the National 
Museum there. 1 The bronze original of these marble copies must 
have been famous, to judge from the number of replicas of it. It has 
been ascribed to many different artists to Kalamis, Pythagoras, 
Alkamenes, Pasiteles, 2 to one on more, to anotheron less probability. As 
A. H. Smith has pointed out, the krobylos treatment of the hair almost 
certainly indicates an Attic sculptor of the first half of the fifth cen- 
tury B. C. But here again the main interest in these copies is to deter- 
mine whether the original represented Apollo or an athlete. The 
connection between the Athens replica and the omphalos found with 
it is all but disproved 3 and can not be used as evidence that the 
statue represents the god. However, the original has been called an 
Apollo because of the presence of a quiver on certain of the copies. 
Thus, while we have a tree-trunk beside the Chois eul-Gouffier example, 
we have a quiver on the copy in the Palazzo Torlonia in Rome, 4 and on a 
similar statue in the Fridericianum in Kassel, 5 and both tree and quiver 
on the fragment of a leg from the Palatine nowin the Museo delleTerme. 6 
The Ventnor head in the British Museum 7 has long locks suited to 
Apollo, and the head from Kyrene there 8 was actually found in a 
temple of Apollo. It has also been pointed out that the head of 
a similar figure, undoubtedly an Apollo, appears on a relief in the 
Capitoline Museum, 9 and a similar figure is found on a red-figured 

^The Choiseul-Gouffier statue: B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 209; Marbles and Bronzes, PI. Ill; Speci- 
mens, II, PI. V; Museum Marbles, XI, PI. 32; F. W., no. 221; /. H. S., I, 1881, PI. IV, and pp. 
178 f., and cf., II, 1882, pp. 332 f.(Waldstein); von Mach, PI. 67; Collignon, I, p. 403, fig. 208; 
Clarac, III, 482, 931 H, and p. 213: Reinach, Rep., II, i, 85, 10; Conze, Beitr. zur Gesch. d. gr. 
PL 2 , 1869, PI. VI; Springer-Michaelis, p. 234, fig. 429. The height of the statue is 5 feet, 10.5 
inches (B. M. Sculpt.). The Apollo-on-the-Omphalos: Kabbadias, 45; Stais, Marbres et Bronzes, 
pp. 23-24 and fig.; /. H. S., I, PI. V, fig. 3; Collignon, I, p. 405, fig. 209; B. B., 42; von Mach, 
66; F. W., 219; Reinach, Rep., II, i, 85, 7; Conze, op. cit., Pis. III-V, and text, pp. 13 f.; Murray, 
I, PI. VIII, opp. p. 234 (both statues); torso in Munich, Arndt-Amelung, Einzelauf., nos. 849-50; 
for list of other copies, see A. M., IX, 1884, pp. 239-40. 

2 Cf. B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 209 (A. H. Smith). 

'See Waldstein, p. 180; F. W., no. 219; A. M., IX, 1884, p. 248. 

'Reinach, Rip., II, i, 85, 9; M. D., I, p. 47, no. 179; cf. F. W., 219. Overbeck, Griech. 
Kunstmythol., III. Apollon, p. 162, fig. 9. 

*A. M., I, 1876, PI. X, and pp. 178 f. (Kekule); Bulle, 105 (Left) and p. 208, fig. 47. 

Published in /. H. S., XXVI, 1906, pp. 278-80 (Dickins); here, on p. 279, we have the frag- 
ment photographed with the lower parts of the Choiseul-Gouffier and Omphalos copies on either 
side; Dickins says that with the possible exception of the Athens statue this fragment shows 
the best workmanship of all the copies. Helbig, Fuehrer, no. 1268. 

''B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 211; it shows the krobylos best. 8 B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 210. 

'Braun, Forschule d. Kunstmythol., PI. V, (quoted by A. H. Smith). 


krater in Bologna, which shows the god standing on a pillar with a 
laurel wreath in the lowered left hand and a bowl in the right. 1 On 
coins of Athens, moreover, we see the figure of Apollo in a similar 
attitude with a laurel wreath in the lowered right hand and a bow 
in the left. 2 From such evidence a good case for an Apollo has 
been made out by many scholars A. H. Smith, Winter, 3 Helbig, 4 
Conze, 5 Furtwaengler, 6 Schreiber, 7 Dickins, and others. The evidence 
of the quiver in the delle Terme fragment and the Torlonia replica 
is looked upon as a deliberate device of the copyist to indicate the god. 
The attempt especially to connect it with the Apollo Alexikakos of 
Kalamis 8 must certainly fall, since the date is about the only thing 
in its favor. In the long list of statues ascribed to this sculptor, 9 
there is none of an athlete, and the Choiseul-Gouffier type, whether 
it represents Apollo or an athlete, has a markedly athletic character. 
If the Delphi Charioteer (Fig. 66) be ascribed to Kalamis, certainly 
this type of statue can have nothing to do with him or his school. Nor 
is the type at all identical with the Alexikakos appearing on coins of 
Athens, 10 in which the locks of hair, in the true archaic fashion of a 
cultus statue, fall down over the god's shoulders. Besides, the work 
of Kalamis, characterized by Xewrdrris and x&pis, 11 must have been 
of the delicate later archaic style of the transition period. 

Waldstein, however, has made a good case against the evidence 
adduced for interpreting the original as Apollo and he believes that 
the statue represents an athlete. 12 The thongs thrown over the stump 
in the Choiseul-Gouffier statue, doubtless those of a boxer, seem to 
point to an athlete for that copy at least. The muscular form and 
athletic coiffure of all the copies also point to the same conclusion, even 
if Waldstein's ascription of the original statue to the boxer Euthymos, 
whose statue by Pythagoras of Rhegion stood in the Altis at Olympia, 13 
is only a guess. Wolters thinks the Choiseul-Gouffier statue may 

l Mon. d. I., X, 1874-78, PI. 54; discussed in Annali, L, 1878, pp. 61 f. (Brizio). 

2 C/. Helbig, Fuehrer, I, no. 859; Beule, Monnaies d' Athene s, p. 271, quoted in Jb., II, 1887, 
p. 235, n. 54. 

3 Jb., II, pp. 234 f.; on p. 234, the Athens statue and the figure from the Bologna krater are 
shown side by side. 

^Fuehrer, under no. 859 (the Capitoline replica), and especially under no. 1268. 

& Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr. PI. 2 , p. 19. 

6 Roscher, Lex., I, p. 456. 

TA. M., IX, 1884, p. 244. 

8 Mentioned by P., I, 3.4; this view has been upheld by Conze, I.e.; Murray, I, p. 235 ;cf. Furtw., 
/. c., and on the artist, see his article in Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1907, pp. 160 f. 

9 S. Q., nos. 508-526. 

10 Furtw,, /. c.; the coin in the British Museum is pictured in /. H. S., XXIV, 1904, p. 205, fig. 2. 
Conze's theory of identifying the type with the Alexikakos has been questioned among others 
also by Overbeck: I, n. 226, to pp. 280 (on p. 301). 

n Dionys. Halic., de Isocrate Judicium, III, p. 542 (ed. Reiske); S. Q., 531. 

12 0p. cit., especially p. 182. 

13 P., VI, 6.6. He won in the early fifth century, in Ols. 74, 76, 77 ( =484, 476, 472 B. C.) : Oxy. 
Pap.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207. 


Statue of the so-called Apollo Ckoiseul- Statue of the so-called Apollo-on-the-Om- 
Gouffier. British Museum, London. phalos. National Museum, Athens. 


represent an athlete, but is against Waldstein's ascription of the work 
to Pythagoras. 1 

Though differing in detail, the rendering of the hair, common to 
all the replicas, is a purely athletic coiffure. The argument for 
attributing the original to Apollo, based on the curls around the face, 
is of no importance, since a similar coiffure appears on many ephebe 
heads by various Attic masters of the same or a slightly earlier period. 
The hair treatment on a little-known replica of the head in the British 
Museum 2 gives us an additional argument in determining whether 
the original was an Apollo or not. On this head there are two cork- 
screw curls side by side just back of the ears, which are so inorganically 
attached and so unsuited to the style of head as to make us believe 
that they were added by the copyist, even if their absence in other 
copies were not proof enough of this fact. Apparently the copyist 
adopted a well-known type of athlete and tried to convert it into an 
Apollo by the use of this Apolline hair attribute. The only other 
Apolline attribute, the quiver on the copies in the Palazzo Torlonia 3 
and Museo delle Terme, may have been added as a fortuitous adjunct 
by the copyists, who were converting an original athlete statue into 
one of Apollo. It may be added, also, that the quiver does not always 
indicate the god, as we shall see in discussing the Delian Diadoumenos 
(PI. 18). When we consider, therefore, the athletic pose, the massive 
outline and proportions, the high-arched chest, the muscular arms 
and thighs, the accentuation of the veins, 4 the fashion of the hair, 
and the relatively small size of the head, together with the presence 
of the boxing-thongs on the London example, it seems reasonable to 
conclude that in this series of copies we may see an original athlete 
statue, which in certain cases was later transformed into statues of 
Apollo. Even if the original was actually an Apollo, its proportions 
were far better suited to the patron of athletic exercises than to the 
leader of a celestial choir. 

An instance of the similar use of the same type of head is shown 
by the colossal statue of Apollo unearthed at Olympia. 5 Here we see 
the same coiffure as in the heads discussed, but the presence of the 
remnants of a lyre indubitably shows that this copy was intended for 

1 F. W., nos. 219 and 221. Clarac, Text, Vol. Ill, p. 213, leaves it in doubt whether it be 
Apollo or an athlete; however, he calls the Capitoline copy an athlete. 

Published by Miss K. A. McDowall, /. H. S., XXIV, 1904, pp. 203-7 and fig. 1. 

3 The untrustworthy character of the Torlonia copy has been shown by Overbeck, Kunst- 
mythologie, III, Apollon, pp. 109 and 162. The Roman copy in the Capitoline is also inferior, 
and the legs are wrongly restored for at that period in art there was little difference between 
the free and the rest leg; see Helbig, Fuehrer, no. 859; Stuart Jones, Cat. Mus. Capit., p. 287, 
no. 20 and PI. 69; Conze, Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr. Pl.\ PI. VII; Clarac, 862, 2189; head in Arndt- 
Amelung, Einzelaufnahmen, Serie II, 452-4, p. 35. 

4 Waldstein ascribed the original to Pythagoras, partly because this artist was famed for the 
detail of veins, sinews, and hair: see Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 59. 

*Bildw. v. O/.,Textbd., pp.223 f.jTafelbd., PI. LVII, 3-5. The original height was 2.60 meters. 


Apollo, and so it has been rightly assigned by Treu,not to the fifth, but 
to a later century. When long hair was no longer the fashion for 
athletes, a later artist might mistakenly think that the earlier plaits 
were genuinely Apolline, though we know that they were common to 
all early athletic art. Another head in the British Museum has been 
ably discussed by Mrs. Strong, 1 who shows that it comes from an 
Apollo and not from an athlete statue. It is similar to an Apollo 
pictured on a stater struck at Mytilene about 400 B. C., 2 and con- 
sequently, like the statue from Olympia, it is merely an instance of 
the process of converting an athlete statue into that of an Apollo. 

The marble copy of the Diadoumenos of Polykleitos, found on 
the island of Delos in 1894, and now in the National Museum in 
Athens 3 (PI. 18), has a chlamys and a quiver introduced on the marble 
support against the right leg. Until recently these attributes were 
regarded as the arbitrary introductions of the Hellenistic copyist, 
who wished to convert the famous athlete statue into one of Apollo, 
but lately it has been suggested that they belonged to the original 
statue, which is assumed to have represented Apollo. Thus, Hauser 
has propounded the theory that the Diadoumenos was originally an 
Apollo. 4 He does not believe that the Delian sculptor could have 
transformed a short-haired athlete into an Apollo, since the typical 
Apollo after the time of Praxiteles was never represented as athletic. 
He later supported his theory that the Diadoumenos was originally an 
Apollo by the evidence of a bronze statuette and a Delphian coin, and 
reasserted his view that so virile a short-haired Apollo did not originate 
with the later copyist, but in the fifth century B. C. 5 Hauser's argu- 
ment that Apollo was the original of the Diadoumenos seems as unsuc- 
cessful as his contention that Polykleitos' other great creation, the 
Doryphoros, is to be classed as an Achilles. 6 Loewy has sufficiently 
opposed Hauser's theory of the Diadoumenos, by showing that the palm- 
tree prop in all the marble replicas of that statue points to athletic 

^Strena Helbigiana, 1900, p. 293; discussed also by Miss McDowall (/. c. and fig. 3, p. 206); 
a poor replica is in Munich: Furtw., Mw., p. 115, and fig. 21. 

Z B. M. Coins, Troas, etc., PL XXXII, 1; McDowall, /. c., fig. 4, p. 207. 

3 Bulle, 50, who gives the height 1.86 meters; von Mach, 115; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 547, 9; 
other references infra, on p. 152, n. 5. 

*Jh. oest. arch. Inst., VIII, 1905, pp. 42 f.; IX, 1906, pp. 279 f.; cf., Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkm., 
pp. 105-6, n. 1 (Engl. ed., p. 120). 

& Jh. oest. arch. Inst., XII, 1909, pp. 100 f. He thinks that the original may have been identi- 
cal with the statue of 'AiroXXuv avaSovnevos standing before the temple of Ares at Athens, P., I, 
8.4, and that the irals &.va5ov}j,ei>os of Pheidias at Olympia, P. VI, 4.5, also may have been an 
Apollo. He also interprets the figure of a charioteer entering a chariot on an Attic relief (Fig. 63), 
to be discussed later, as an Apollo: Jb., VII, 1892, pp. 54 f. For the relief, see B. B., 21; von 
Mach, 56; F. W., no. 97; infra, pp. 269 f. 

6 C/., Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 18 (Achilleai). On these "Achillean" statues (a generic name 
for statues of athletes leaning on their spears, from Achilles, the typical hero of ephebes), see 
Furtwaengler, Jahrbuecher f. cl. Philol., Supplbd., IX, 1877, p. 47, n. 11. 


victories. 1 He rightly explains the Apolline attributes of the Delian 
copy as the perfectly natural additions of an artist who lived on the 
island reputed to be the birthplace of the god. His ascription of the 
Polykleitan statue to the pentathlete Pythokles, the base of whose 
statue at Olympia has been found, 2 is doubtful. More recently Ada 
Maviglia has shown the literary grounds for regarding the Diadou- 
menos as an athlete, and not an Apollo. 3 

The difficulty of distinguishing between statues of athletes and Apollo 
is also shown by the very beautiful fifth century B. C. Parian marble 
head in Turin, 4 which is certainly a copy of an original Greek bronze. 
Furtwaengler, because of the hair, wrongly believed it the head of a 
diadoumenos, and connected it with Kresilas, 5 while Amelung and 
Wace 6 have found in it Attic and Polykleitan influences. The hair is 
parted over the centre of the forehead, as in the Diadoumenos and 
the Doryphoros, and in other works attributed to the Polykleitan 
school, while the locks over the ears and the plaits wound round 
the head have Attic analogues. 7 


Herakles was the reputed founder of the games at Olympia. 8 He 
was a famous wrestler, Pausanias frequently mentioning his combats 
with giants. 9 He won in both wrestling and the pankration at Olym- 
pia. 10 In connection with the victory of Straton of Alexandria, who 
won in these two events on the same day, 11 Pausanias names three men 
before him and three men after him who won in these events on the same 

l jh. oest. arch. Inst., VIII, 1905, pp. 269 f. Miss McDowall, in the article already cited, 
p. 204, has also argued that there is no necessary connection between the quiver slung over the 
tree-support and Apollo. 

2 Inschr.v.Ol., 162-3; Loewy, op. '/., X, 1907, pp.326 f. Studniczka, ibid., IX, 1906, pp. 311 f., 
discusses the base and believes that the pose of the statue of Pythokles was the same as that of 
the Borghese Ares of the Louvre (von Mach, 125; F. W., 1298; Reinach, Rep. I, 133, 1-3; etc.), 
the weight on the left foot, i. e,, essentially different from the Polykleitan pose. 

*R. M., XXVII, 1912, p. 37. 

'Duetschke, IV, no. 52 ( = wrongly female); /. H. S., XXVI, 1906, PI. XV (three views), and 
pp. 235 f. (Wace). 

*Mp., p. 247; Mw., pp. 448-449; he assigns it to the third quarter of the fifth century B. C. 

Amelung, Ren. arch., II, 1904, p. 344.1; Wace, /. c., p. 237. 

'Both Schreiber, A. M., VIII, 1883, pp. 246 f., and Studniczka, Jb., XI, 1896, pp. 255 f., 
have shown that the hair arranged in the double plait, whether the po)/36Xoj or not, is Attic, 
and that similarly the mass of locks over the ears is common in Attic works. 

8 P., V, 7.9. In V, 7.7, the Idaean Herakles is said to have first crowned his brother as victor 
there; cf. V, 8.3-4. We have already (p. 10) spoken of the difference of opinion as to whether it 
was the Cretan (Idaean) Herakles, or the more famous son of Zeus and Alkmena, who founded the 
games. On the traditional connection of the hero with Olympia, see E. Curtius, Sitzb. d. k. preuss. 
Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, Gr. Gesch.* I, pp. 240 f.; Krause, Olympia, 
pp. 26 f. 

'With the river-god Acheloos, III, 18.16 (the contest pictured in relief on the throne of Apollo 
at Amyklai; cf. the same scene represented by the cedar-wood figures inlaid with gold on the 
treasury of the Megarians at Olympia, VI, 19, 12); with Antaios, IX, 11.6 (pictured in the sculp- 
tures of the gable of the Herakleion at Thebes); with Eryx, III, 16.4 and IV, 36.4. 

10 P., V, 8.4. "P., V, 21.9; he won in Ol. 178 ( =68 B. C): Foerster, 570-1. 


day. 1 We learn their dates from Africanus. 2 After the date of the last 
of these victories, Ol. 204 ( = 37 A.D.), the Elean umpires, in order to 
check professionalism, refused to allow contestants to enter for both 
events. 3 To win the crown of wild olive in both these events was 
therefore regarded as a great honor, and in the Olympic lists a special 
note was made of such victors, who were called Trpcoros, devrepos, 
rpLrosy K, r. A., a<p' 'Hpa/cXeous. 4 They also received the title of 
7rapdSoos or irapado&viKris. 6 Statues of Herakles, like those of Her- 
mes and Theseus, were commonly set up in gymnasia and palaestrae 
throughout Greece, 6 and it was but natural that Olympic victors, 
especially those in the two events mentioned, should want their 
statues assimilated to those of the hero. The difficulty of deciding 
whether a given statue is one of Herakles or of a victor is even greater 
than that of distinguishing between statues of victors and those of 
Hermes or Apollo. To quote Homolle: "Maintes fois, comme pour la 
tete d'Olympie, comme pour plusieurs autres encore, on peut se deman- 
der si le personnage represente est le heros luimeme sous les traits d'un 
athlete ou un athlete fait a V image du heros. " 7 In reference to the 
statue of Agias by Lysippos discovered at Delphi, which is an excel- 
lent example of the assimilation process which we are discussing, he 
continues: " Id en particulier, etant donnee la nature du monument, il est 
permis de supposer que Vauteur . . . ait voulu elever le personnage a la 
hauteur ideale du type divin en qu Agias ait ete as simile a Heracles"* 
We shall discuss a few examples of this process of assimilation to 
types of Herakles. Our ascription of the head from Olympia mentioned 
by Homolle, which was found in the ruins of the Gymnasion, to the 

*V, 21.10. 

2 These victors were Kapros of Elis, who won in 01. 124 ( =212 B. C.): Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 
475; he had two statues, the remains of which may have been recovered : see Bronzen v. 01. , Tafelbd., 
Pis. II, III; Aristomenes of Rhodes, who won in 01. 156 ( = 156 B. C.): Foerster, 505-6; Proto- 
phanes of Magnesia ad Maiandrum (ad Lethaeum in P., /. c.), who won in Ol. 172 ( =92 B. C.): 
Foerster, 538-9; Marion of Alexandria, who won in Ol. 182 (=52 B. C.): Foerster, 579-80; Aris- 
teas of Stratonikeia, who won in 01. 198 ( = 13 A. D.): Foerster, 609-10; Nikostratos of Aigeai in 
Kilikia, who won in 01. 204 (=37 A. D.): Foerster, 621-2. 

3 Two men entered later, but were disqualified: Sokrates, who won in wrestling (?) in Ol. 232 
( = 149 A. D.) : Foerster, 704; and Aurelios Ailix, or Helix, of Phoenicia, who won the pankration 
in Ol. 250 ( =221 A. D.) : Foerster, 734. See Dio Cassius, LXXIX, 10; Philostr., Heroicus, III, 
13 (p. 147, ed. Kayser); cf. Ph., 46 and note by Juethner, adloc. Ailix won in both events on the 
same day at the Capitoline games in Rome, which no one had done before: Foerster, /. c.; Frazer, 
III, p. 625. 

4 Such victors were numbered in two ways; some authorities in the way mentioned above, 
e. g., Dio Cassius, /. c.; others numbered them Seurepos, rplros, K. r. X., e. g., Africanus; cf. Rut- 
gers, pp. 73 f. and n. 1, and p. 97 and n. 2. 

6 See F. Kindscher, Die herakleischen Doppelsieger zu Olympia, Jahn's Archiv /. Phil. u. 
Paedag., II, 1845, pp. 392-411. 

6 P., IV, 32.1 (statues of the three in the Gymnasion at Messene). He mentions, IX, 11.7, a 
Gymnasion and Stadion of the hero near the Herakleion in Thebes. 

7 A C. H., XXIII, 1899, pp. 455-6. 

HDn the difficulty of distinguishing statues of victors from those of Herakles, see also Arndt, 
La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, Text, p. 138, to PI. 94. 


statue of the Akarnanian pancratiast Philandridas by Lysippos^Front- 
ispiece and Fig. 69) will be discussed in a later chapter. 2 The swollen 
ears and hair-fillet might pass for hero or mortal, for in deciding 
whether a given head represents Herakles or a victor, the ears are not 
the deciding criterion, since many heroes had the "pancratiast" swollen 
ear, as we shall see later. A good example of assimilation is seen in the 
beautiful little marble head of a man, found in Athens and now in the 
Glyptothek Ny-Carlsberg in Copenhagen, dating from the early Hel- 
lenistic age. 3 As traces of color remain in the hair, some have thought 
that this head came from the reliefs on the "Alexander" sarcophagus 
from Sidon, belonging to the body of a headless youth represented there. 
Though the marble (Pentelic) and the dimensions would fit, it would be 
the only head on the sarcophagus with a band in the hair, and so the 
question can not be definitely decided. 4 The head was at first called a 
Herakles, though Furtwaengler rightly saw in it an ideal representation 
of an athlete, even if the ears are not swollen. A bronze head of a youth 
from Herculaneum, now in Naples, is evidently a part of the statue 
of a victor or of Herakles. 5 A Polykleitan ephebe head-type, with 
rolled fillet around the hair and swollen ears, represented by replicas in 
Naples, in Rome, and elsewhere, may represent a boxer in the guise of the 
hero. 6 In the Roman copy of the group of Herakles and Telephos in the 
Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican, Herakles, still the god, wears a fillet. 7 
Similarly, a colossal head of mediocre workmanship in the Sala dei Busti 
of the Vatican represents the hero with a fillet, 8 while another head 
in the Capitoline Museum, with fillet and swollen ears, seems to rep- 
resent Herakles as a victorious athlete. 9 Many other heads in various 
museums, which are commonly called heads of Herakles, may represent 
athletes in the heroic guise. A good example is the Parian marble 
terminal bust of the fourth century B. C., representing a young Hera- 
kles wreathed with poplar, now in the British Museum (Fig. 3 1). 10 

'P., VI, 2.1. 2 Ch. VI, pp. 293 f., especially pp. 298-299. 

3 La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, PI. 117 (three views). It was formerly in the Tyskiewicz collection 

4 See Arndt. /. c. Furtwaengler believed the head Praxitelean: see Roscher, Lex., I, 2, p. 2166 
11. 61 f. S. Reinach saw in it a melange of Skopaic and Praxitelean elements: Gaz. d. B.-A. t 3, 
Per., XVI, 1896, II, p. 332 and fig. on p. 328; Teles, PI. 176, p. 139; he is followed by Arndt. 

*Antichita di Ercolano, Bronzi, I, Pis. 49 and SO; D. Comparetti e G. de Petra, La Villa 
Ercolanese dei Pisoni, 1883, PI. VII, 3, p. 261, 4; Rayet, II, PI. 66; B. B., no. 364; F. W., 1302. 
Similarly, the bronze head of a youth in Naples, with a rolled fillet, may be from the statue of a 
victor or of the hero: Invent., 5594; B. B., 365. 

6 For the Naples replica, see Comparetti e de Petra, Villa Ercolan., PI. XXI, 3; Furtw., Mp. 
p. 234, fig. 95; Mw., p. 430, fig. 65; poorer copy in the Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican (no. 
139): Helbig, Guide, 69; B. B., 338; another in Broadlands, England: Michaelis, p. 220, no. 10; 
Mp., p. 235, fig. 96; Mw., p. 431, fig. 66. Graef had already conjectured the type to be that of a 
Polykleitan Herakles: R. M., IV, 1889, p. 215. He is followed by Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 23. 

'Amelung., Vat., I, p. 738, no. 636 and PI. 79; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, no. 108; Guide, 113; B B., 
no. 609; Furtw., Mp., p. 341, fig. 146 (head, on p. 342, fig. 147); Mw., p. 575, fig. 109 (head, 
on p. 577, fig. 110). The group is 2.12 meters high (Amelung.). 

8 HeIbig, Guide, no. 242. 9 Helbig, ibid., no. 470; R. M., IV, 1889, p. 197, no. 12 (Skopaic). 

10 It was found in Genzano: B. M. Sculpt., Ill, no. 1731 and PI. V, fig. 2; height, 1 foot, V/i 
inches; for references, see infra., p. 169, n. 8. 


In this head the ears are bruised. It seems to have been copied from 
some well-known statue of Lysippan or Skopaic tendencies. Another 
head in the British Museum shows the beardless hero, his hair en- 
circled by a diadem, and his ears broken and crushed. 1 This almost 
certainly comes from a victor statue. Many bronze statuettes in the 
British Museum may be interpreted either as Herakles or as victors. 2 
A bronze from Corfu represents a nude Herakles or an athlete, with 
the left foot advanced and the left hand extended. The objects held in 
both hands are lost, but the challenging pose and expression indicate 
a boxer. 3 Similarly a small bronze in Berlin, represented with a 
fillet and in the walking pose, may be a Herakles or a victor. 4 Duetschke 
gives two examples of heads in the Uffizi, both of them having fillets, 
and one of them having swollen ears, which may come from statues 
of the hero or victors. 5 Heads of the hero with the rolled fillet can not, 
however, according to Furtwaengler, be classed as victors, since he 
believes that this attribute was borrowed from the symposium, to 
distinguish the glorified hero rejoicing in the celestial banquet. 6 


Kastor is said to have won the foot-race and Polydeukes the boxing 
match, at Olympia. 7 They had an altar at the entrance to the Hippo- 
drome there, 8 and were called " Starters of the Race" at Sparta. 9 
A stadion, in which they were fabled to have contended, was shown in 
Hermione, in Corinthia. 10 Kastor was a famous horse-racer in Homer 
and later writers, 11 and Polydeukes a famous boxer, 12 both being /car' 
e&XW the rider and boxer respectively. 13 Scenes showing Athena setting 
garlands on victorious hoplite racers (?) appear on reliefs of the Dios- 
kouroi from Tarentum. 14 An archaic Argive inscription tells how a 
certain Aischylos won the stade-race four times and the hoplite-race 

1 B. M. Sculpt., Ill, no. 1732; Specimens, I, PI. 57; Museum Marbles, III, PI. 12. A similar 
head, half portrait and half ideal, appears on coins of Macedonia. Such filleted heads as nos. 
1733 and 1740of B. M. Sculpt, are probably from statues of Herakles. The statuette of a seated 
Herakles, ibid., no. 1726, with the lion-skin and wearing a laurel wreath tied on with a fillet 
( =Reinach, Rep., II, i, p. 227, no. 3; /. H. S., Ill, 1882, PI. XXV.) and inscribed as the work 
of Diogenes (7. G. B., 361), recalls the description of the pose of the Hermes Epitrapezios made 
by Lysippos for Alexander: Statius, Silv., IV, 6; cf. Martial, IX. 44. 

*B. M. Brom., nos. 1254, 1276, 1292, etc. 

3 B. M. Bronz., PI. II (upper right-hand); text, no. 212. 

4 Friedrichs, Kleinere Kunst, 1850; mentioned by Furtw., Mw., p. 525, n. 2. 

8 III, nos. 9 and 19; no. 19 has swollen ears. 

6 See Furtw., Mp., pp. 234 and 236; Mw., pp. 429 and 433. He gives as an example the Poly- 
kleitan ephebe head-type discussed supra, p. 95. 

7 P.,V, 8.4. 8 P.,V, 15.5. "P., Ill, 14.7 (d^puu). 10 P., II, 34.10. 

"Iliad, III, 237( = 0d., XI, 300); Homeric Hymn to the Dioskouroi, XXXIII, 3; Pindar, Isthm., 
I, 16 f.; Pyth., V. 9; etc. Kastor was famed also for throwing the quoit: Pindar, Isthm., I, 25. 

12 Iliad and Od., //. -.; Simonides, frag. 8 (P. 1. G., Ill, p. 390); Apoll. Rhod., Argon., II, 1 f. 

13 Apoll. Rhod., op. cit., I, 146; Theokr., XXII, 2-3 and 34; Pindar, Pyth., XI, 61-2; Nem., X, 
49-50; Isthm. ,V, 32-3; etc.; various Roman poets: see Bethe, in Pauly-Wissowa, V, I, pp. 1092-4. 

U R. M., XV, 1900, 1 f. (with illustrations). 


three times at Argos, for which he dedicated a slab to the Dioskouroi, 
which depicted them in relief. 1 An inscribed bronze quoit of the 
sixth century B.C. from Kephallenia(P), now in the British Museum, 
was dedicated to the two heroes by Exoidas for a victory (apparently 
in the pentathlon). 2 A bronze four-spoked wheel with a dedicatory 
inscription in their honor was found at Argos, probably the remnant of a 
monument erected for a chariot victory. 3 Doubtless certain victor 
statues were assimilated to them, though we have no direct evidence 
of the fact. Ordinary dead men appeared in the guise of the Dios- 
kouroi on sepulchral reliefs, just as we have seen that in statuary they 
were heroized into statues of Hermes. Thus a grave-relief in honor 
of Pamphilos and Alexandros in Verona shows on the projecting lower 
rim the two Dioskouroi, the figure to the right carrying a lance in the 
right hand and holding the bridle of a horse in the left, while the figure 
to the left holds a lance in the left hand and touches a horse's head with 
the right. 4 A votive relief in the British Museum represents two youths 
on horseback, who, despite the absence of the conical cap or pilleus, 
are probably the Dioskouroi. 5 Their short hair is bound with diadems, 
which shows that the dead men may have been victors. 

Sufficient examples of the process of assimilation have now been 
given to prove that it was not an uncommon device of the ancient 
sculptor and to show the difficulty of distinguishing between types 
of gods and athletes. 

!/. G. A., 37. 

2 S. M. Sronz., no. 3207; C. I. G. G. S., Ill, 1,649; Rev. arch., Ser. 3, XVIII, 1891, PI. 18, 
and pp. 45 f. (Froehner); Wochenschr. f. kl. Phil, VIII, 1891, p. 859; Gardiner, p. 317, fig. 73. 
Froehner reads the name "Exotra," that of a woman victor. 

3 7. G. A., 43 a (p. 173). 

4 Duetschke, IV, no. 534. Another relief fragment in the Uffizi shows the upper part of the 
two with horses, each wearing the chlamys and pilleus and carrying spears: Duetschke, III, 446. 

*B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 780; Museum Marbles, II, PI. 11; cf. a similar relief, no. 781. The relief 
ibid., Ill, no. 2206, supposedly representing Kastor, has been pronounced a modern forgery 
hv Treu: see F. W., 1006. 




We have seen 1 that it was a very old custom in Greece to dedicate 
statues of victors at the great national games to the god in whose 
honor the games were held. On many sites, especially at Olympia, 
tiny statuettes of clay or bronze of very primitive technique have been 
found in great numbers, which represent victors in many attitudes 
and ways as horsemen, warriors, charioteers, etc. By the sixth 
century B. C. this ancient custom, as we learn from literary, epigraph- 
ical, and monumental sources, had developed, with the rapid progress 
attained by the sculptor's art, into the regular practice of erecting 
life-size statues of athletes at the site of the games or in the native city 
of the victor. Especially at Olympia hundreds of such monuments 
were gradually collected, whose numbers and beauty must have exerted 
an overwhelming impression on the visitor to the Altis. We shall now 
begin the consideration of these monuments in detail. 

The victor statues at Olympia, as elsewhere, may be conveniently 
divided into two main groups those which represent the victor as 
standing or seated at rest, before or after the contest, and those which 
represent him in movement, i. e., in some contest schema. 2 Examples 
of statues of athletes represented at rest are common in Greek athletic 
sculpture. We need only mention the so-called Oil-pourer of Mu- 
nich (PI. 11), who is represented as pouring oil over his body to make 
his limbs more supple for the coming wrestling bout; the Diadoumenos 
of Polykleitos (Pis. 17, 18, and Fig. 28), who is binding a victor fillet 
around his head after a successful encounter; the Apoxyomenos of 
the school of Lysippos (PI. 29), representing an athlete scraping off 
the oil and dirt from his body after his victory. In this class of 
statues, which forms by far the greater number and shows the richer 
motives, the poses are quiet and reserved, the figures are compact, 
and the expression earnest and even thoughtful. As examples of 
statues represented in movement we need only recall such well-known 
works as the Diskobolos of Myron with its rhythmic lines and viva- 
cious expression (Pis. 22, 23, and Figs. 34, 35); the bronze wrestlers of 
Naples, who are bending eagerly forward watching for a grip (Fig. 51); 
or the artistically intertwined pancratiast group of Florence (PI. 25). 

1 Ch. I, pp. 27 f. and 37 f. 

^his is the usual division of victor monuments: Scherer, pp. 21 f.; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, 
p. 530; Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkmaeler griech. und roem. Skulptur, Handausgabe 3 , 1911, pp. 104 f. 
(translation by H. Taylor, 1914, pp. 120 f.) Reisch, p. 40, divides Siegerbildtr in Motiven von 
allgemeiner Geltung und Bilder in Motivtn, die der speciellen Veranlassung dtr Wtihung entlehnt 
sind a division practically amounting to that of rest and motion statues, as we shall see. 



Such monuments show us the varied poses, the choice of the critical 
moment, the truth to life, and the masterly rhythm attained by cer- 
tain sculptors. 


In this chapter we shall confine ourselves almost entirely to the 
statues of victors represented at rest, discussing those represented in 
motion chiefly in the next. Most of the oldest statues at Olympia, 
dating from a time when there were few variations in the sculptural 
type, must have been represented at rest and in the schema of the so- 
called "Apollos." Ever since the discovery of the Apollo of Thera in 
1836 (Fig. 9), this genre of sculpture, the most characteristic of the early 
period, extending from the end of the seventh century B.C. to the 
time of the gable groups of Aegina, has been carefully studied. Though 
we now know that the type passed equally well for gods and mortals, 1 
we still keep the name, because of its familiarity and for the sake of 
having a common designation. That this type actually represented 
Olympic victors we have indubitable proof. Pausanias mentions the 
stone victor statue of the pancratiast Arrhachion, dating from the first 
half of the sixth century B. C., which stood in the agora of his native 
town Phigalia. He describes it as archaic in pose, with the feet close 
together and the arms hanging down the sides to the hips the typical 
"Apollo" schema. 2 Moreover, this very statue has survived to our 
time (Fig. 79). s A study, therefore, of this type of statue will give us 
an idea of how some of the early statues at Olympia looked. 

The "Apollo" statues, 4 because of differences in facial expression, 
have been conveniently divided into two groups: those represented by 
the examples from Thera, Melos, Volomandra, Tenea, etc., sometimes 
named the "grinning" group, because the corners of the mouth are 
turned upwards into the so-called "archaic smile," and those repre- 
sented by the examples from Orchomenos, the precinct of Mount 
Ptoion, and elsewhere, named the "stolid" group, because in them the 
mouth forms a straight line. 5 There are, however, essential differences 
between the statues of each group. Thus, while some of both groups 
e. g., the examples from Melos, Volomandra, and Orchomenos have 
square shoulders, most of the others have sloping ones. The type 
gradually improved, as in each successive attempt the sculptor over- 
came difficulties, until finally revolutionary changes had taken place 

Discussed infra in Ch. VII, pp. 334 f. 2 VIII, 40.1. "See infra, Ch. VII, pp. 327-8. 

4 We know of one case, at least, where an "Apollo" (draped) was transferred to a relief on a 
column drum of the old Artemision in Ephesos, now in the British Museum: /. H. S., X, 1889, 
PI. Ill, pp. 4 f., and figs. 4a, 5 (Murray); Overbeck, I, p. 106, fig. 9; Richardson, p. 53, fig. 16. 
According to Herodotos, I, 92, most of these columns were the gifts of Crcesus, who reigned 
560-546 B. C. On the whole series of "Apollos," see W. Deonna, Les Apollons arckaiques, 
1909; cf. F. W., text to no. 14, pp. 9 f; B. M. Sculpt., I, pp. 82-3, with references; etc. 

6 See Richardson, pp. 39 f. 



in the original form. This improvement is seen in the treatment of the 

hair, in the modeling of the face and body, and in the proportions of the 

statues. In a head of a statue from Mount Ptoion 1 which is broken 

off at the neck we seem to see the sculptor in wood making his first 

attempt in stone. In the archaic example from Thera 2 (Fig. 9) the arms 

hang straight down close to the sides, as in the statue of Arrhachion, 

being detached only slightly from the body at the elbows, showing that 

the artist was afraid that they might 

break off. In other examples, as in the 

one from Orchomenos 3 (Fig. 10) and one 

from Mount Ptoion 4 (Fig. 11), the space 

between the arms and the body has be- 

come larger, while in the example from 

Melos 5 (Fig. 12) only the hands are glued 

to the thighs. In the "Apollo" found 

at Tenea in 1846, and now in Munich 6 

(PI. 8A), the arms are free, but the hands 

are held fast to the body by the reten- 

tion of small marble bridges between 

them and the thighs. The final step 

^tais, Marbres et Bronzes, pp. 11-12 and fig.; B. C. H., 
X, 1886, PI. V (two views) and pp. 98 f. (Holleaux); 
Collignon, I, p. 117, fig. 58; Deonna, op .cit., p. 161, no. 35; 
Richardson, p. 44, fig. 12. It is in the National Museum 
at Athens, where most of the "Apollos" are to be found. 
The sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios on Mount Ptoion, 
Bceotia, is mentioned by P., IX, 23.6, Hdt., VIII, 135, 
and other writers. 

2 In Athens: Kabbadias, no. 8; Stai's, Marbres et 
Bronzes, p. 10; Deonna, p. 227, no. 129; A. M., Ill, 
1878, PL VIII; Collignon, I, p. 132, fig. 66; Gardner, 

Hbk., p. 131, fig. 16; Richardson, p. 39, fig. 5; B. B., _ c _ 

no. 77C; von Mach, 12; Reinach, Rep., II, i, 76, 10; * IG - ? Statue ot so-called 
F. W., 14; Springer-Michaelis, p. 172, fig. 336; Perrot- 
Chipiez, VIII, p. 319, fig. 133. 

'Kabbadias, no. 9; Stai's, Marbres et Bronzes, pp. 9-10 

Apollo of Thera. National 
Museum, Athens. 

(1.27 m. high); Annali, XXXIII, 1861, pp. 79 f. and PI. E; Deonna, op. cit., p. 148, no. 26; B. C. H., 
V, 1881, PI. IV, and pp. 319 f.; Collignon, I, p. 114, fig. 56; Overbeck, I, fig. 14; Gardner, 
Hbk., p. 166, fig. 29; Richardson, p. 40, fig. 8; B. B., 77A; von Mach, 11 b; Perrot-Chipiez, 
VIII, p. 509, fig. 260; F. W., 43; Reinach, Rep., II, i, 76, 11. 

4 Kabbadias, no. 10;Stais, Marbres et Bronzes, p. 8 (1.30 meters high); Deonna, p. 153, no. 28; B. 
C. H., X, 1886, PI. IV, and p. 66 (Holleaux); Collignon, I, p. 196, fig. 92; von Mach, 15a (left); 
Gardner, Hbk., p. 168, fig. 30; B. B., 12 (left); Reinach, Rep., II, i, 76, 7. In another found at 
Mount Ptoion in 1903, the left arm is almost entirely broken away: B. C. H., XXXI, 1907, 
PI. XX. 

'Stais, Marbres et Bronzes, p. 10, no. 1558; Deonna, p. 217, no. 114, B. C. H., XVI, 1892, PI. 
XVI (two views) and pp. 560 f. (Holleaux); von Mach, no. 13; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 321, 
fig. 134; Gardner, Hbk., p. 132, fig. 17; Richardson, p. 39, fig. 6; Reinach, Rep., II, i, 76, 1. 

Furtw.-Wolters, Beschreib. d. Glypt.? pp. 49 f., no. 47; Gardner, Hbk., p. 158, fig. 26; 
Gardiner, p. 87, fig. 7; Richardson, p. 40, fig. 7; B. B., no. I; Bulle, 37 (right); von Mach, 14; 
Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkm., PI. I, pp. 3 f; Man. d. /., IV, 1847, PI. XLIV; Baum., I, fig. 340; 
Collignon, I, p. 202, fig. 96; Springer-Michaelis, p. 174, fig. 338; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 401, 
figs. 187, 188; F. W., 49; Reinach, Rep., II, I, 76, 2. It is 1.53 meters high (Bulle). 



has been taken in two examples from Mount Ptoion (Fig. 13), in 
which the arms from the shoulders down are free from the bodies. 1 
The bridges shown on the photograph in the figure to the left, which 
connect the forearms with the thighs, are of plaster, being added at 
the time the statue was set up in Athens. 2 The figure to the right 

FIG. 10. Statue of so-called 
Apollo of Orchomenos. National 
Museum, Athens. 

FIG. 1 1 . Statue of so-called Apollo, 
from Mount Ptoion, Boeotia. 
National Museum, Athens. 

is smaller and clearly discloses Aeginetan influence. The audacity 
of the sculptor in entirely freeing the arms in both examples was 
rewarded by the arms being broken off. Similarly, in the Strang- 
ford Apollo of the British Museum (Fig. 14), 3 the arms, which 

!Left: torso found in 1885: B. C. If., XI, 1887, PI. VIII, and pp. 185 f.(Holleaux); Collignon, 
I, p. 198, fig. 49; Richardson, p. 41, fig. 9 (without the head); head found in 1903: B. C. H., 
XXXI, 1907, Pis. XVII-XVIII; entire figure, ibid., PI. XIX; text, pp. 187 f. (Mendel); 
Kabbadias, 12; Stai's, Murbres ft Bronzes, p. 9 and fig.; Deonna, p. 156, no. 30. Right: Stais, 
pp. 12-13, no. 20; Deonna, no. 35; Collignon, I, p. 315 and fig. 157 (two views); B. C. H., XI, 
1887, Pis. XIII and XIV, and pp. 275 f., and X, 1886, fig. VI (without head) and pp. 269 f.; 
von Mach, 15b (right); Gardner, Hbk., p. 169, fig. 31; Richardson, p. 42, fig. 10 (two views); 
Reinach, Rep., II, i, 77, 4 (without head); cf. II, i, 18, 4 and 5. 

2 See Holleaux, B. C. H., XI, p. 186, n. 1. Richardson, p. 41, wrongly thought that they 
were of marble, explaining the preservation of the arms by their presence; the arms, how- 
ever, were formerly broken off" and have since been readjusted to the statue. 

3 B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 206; Mon. d. I., IX, 1869-73, PI. XLI; Annali, XLIV, 1872, pp. 181 f.; 
B. B.,51;von Mach, 16; Overbeck, I, p. 237, fig. 61; F. W., 89; Reinach, Rep., II, I, 81, 6. It is 
3 feet 4 inches in height. 



hung loose from the shoulders, are broken away. The larger statue 
from Mount Ptoion just mentioned also has the arms slightly crooked 
at the elbows, the forearms being extended at an oblique angle to the 
body. This represents an intermediate stage between the earlier 
"Apollos," in which the arms adhered vertically to the sides of the 
body (as e. g., in the ones from Orchomenos, 
Thera, Melos, and Tenea), and the later 
ones, in which the arms were bent, the fore- 
arms being extended at right angles to the 
body (see Figs. 15 and 19). 1 

The example from Thera shows the ar- 
chaic method of working in planes parallel 
to front and side and at right angles to one 
another, the corners of the square block be- 
ing merely rounded off. The outlines of 
muscles are indicated by shallow grooves, 
which do not affect the flatness of the sur- 
face, and there is but little facial expression. 
We see the chest outlined in some examples 
from Aktion. 2 In the Melian example the 
rectangular form is modified by cutting 
away the sides obliquely in arms and body; 
here there is more expression in the face, 
and the treatment of the hair and the pro- 
portions of the body are more developed. 
In the example from Orchomenos we see a 
great improvement in form. Here, as in 
later Boeotian examples, the original rec- 
tangular form of the example from Thera 
has become round, so that a horizontal 
cross-section through the waist is almost 
circular; the muscles of the abdomen are 
indicated and the skin is naturalistically 
shown in the back and at the elbows. In 
later Boeotian examples from Mount Ptoion, 
which are directly developed from the Or- 
chomenos type, 3 the form is lighter and the 

proportions more graceful. In one example (Fig. 13, left) even the 
veins are shown. In the example mentioned above as showing 
Aeginetan influence, and dated about 500 B. C., 4 the muscles are 
clearly marked, just as in the Strangford example and in the statues 
from the temple at Aegina, showing that foreign art had been intro- 

!See Holleaux, B. C. //., X, 1886, p. 271; XI, p. 186; and cf. Vischer, Kleine Schriften, II, 
pp. 302 f. 2 B. B., no. 76. 

See Holleaux, in B. C. H., XI, 1887. p. 178. 4 From the inscription on its thigh. 

FIG. 12. Statue of so- 
called Apollo of Melos. 
National Museum, Ath- 



duced into Boeotia by that time. In the example from Volomandra 
in Attica, 1 we see affinity to the examples from Thera and Melos, but 
Attic softness in the carving of the shoulders and in the proportions. 
In the Apollo of Tenea (PI. 8 A), "by far the most beautiful preserved 
statue of archaic sculpture," 2 a statue most carefully worked, we see a 

FIG. 13. Statues of so-called Apollos. from Mount Ptoion. 
National Museum, Athens. 

Peloponnesian example of the beginning of the sixth or even of the end 
of the seventh century B. C. Here the sculptor has shown great care 
in executing details and in the proportions. The eyes are not flat, but 
convex, and are wide open as in most of the earlier examples. The 
downward flow of the lines of the statue is striking, which is caused 
by the sloping shoulders and the elongated triangular-shaped abdomen. 
The slimness of the figure, with the contour of bones and muscles, is 
remarkable at so early a date. The fashioning of the knees is detailed. 
When we contrast this tall, slim, agile statue with the massively 
square-built Argive type found at Delphi (PI. 8B), we find it reason- 

J In the Athens Museum; it dates from the middle of the sixth century B. C. : Stais, Mar- 
Ires et Bronzes, p. 11, no. 1906 and fig. (1.78 m. high); Deonna, p. 133, no. 5; Perrot-Chipiez, 
VIII, figs. 189-190; Kabbadias, Arch. Eph., 1902, pp. 43 f. and Pis. 3 and 4; Bulle, no. 37 
(left), who gives its height as 1.79 meters. 

2 See Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkm., text to PI. I, p. 4. 


A. Statue of so-called Apollo of B. So-called Argive Apollo from 
Tenea. Glyptothek, Munich. Delphi. Museum of Delphi. 



able to suspect that the Apollo of Tenea is an imported work, coming 

probably from the islands. 1 The two statues of (?) Kleobis and Biton, 

discovered at Delphi in 1893 and 1894, and inscribed with the name 

of the sculptor Polymedes of Argos, have added much to our knowl- 

edge of early Argive sculpture (PI. 8B, 

= Statue A). 2 This Polymedes may have 

been one of the predecessors acknowledged 

by Eutelidas and Chrysothemis, among the 

first victor statuaries known to us by name, 

in the epigram preserved by Pausanias from 

the base of the monument of Damaretos and 

his son Theopompos at Olympia. 3 The epi- 

gram, in any case, implies that the reputa- 

tion of the Argive school in athletic sculp- 

ture was already well established by the end 

of the sixth century B. C. These massively 

built statues, dating from the beginning of 

the sixth century B. C., outline the muscles 

to a certain extent, even showing the line of 

the false ribs by incised lines. They dis- 

play, however, but little detail in modeling, 

except in the knees, where the artist has tried 

to indicate the bones and muscles. The 

features of the large heads are without 

expression; the large eyes are flat and not 

convex, as in the example from Tenea, 

though the Argive artist was, perhaps, later 

than the Corinthian one, and a long distance 

removed from the later artist of the Ligourio bronze (Fig. 16), to be 

discussed later. 

In all these "Apollos," which have been found all over the Greek 
world from Naukratis in Egypt to Ambrakia, and along the Asian 

1 Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkm., p. 4, ascribe it to the Cretan sculptors Skyllis and Dipoinos, who 
worked in Argos, Sikyon, and Corinth, or to their school. 

'Statue A: Fouilles de Delphes, IV, PI. I; B. C. H., XXIV, 1900, Pis. XIX-XXI (front, side, 
and rear) and pp. 445 f. (Homolle); Gardner, Hbk., p. 155, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 89, fig. 8; 
Springer-Michaelis, p. 174, fig. 337; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, Pis. IX, X. Statue B (fragmentary): 
Fouilles de Delphes, IV, p. 7, fig. 7; B. C. H., XXIV, 1900, PI. XVIII. See also the following: 
Gaz. B.-A., Ill Per., XII, 1894, pp. 444-6; XIII, pp. 32 f.; C. R. Acad. Inscr., 1894, p. 585; 
especially Homolle, /. c., pp. 445 f. (he exchanges B for A); cf. A. J. A., 1895, p. 115; Reinach, 
Rep., II, 2, 77, 6 and 7. 

3 VI, 10.5; the epigram reads: 

FIG. 14. Statue known as 
the Strangford Apollo. 
British Museum, Lon- 

"ApyeZot, rk\vav i56r IK vporkpuv. 

Damaretos of Heraia won two victories in the heavy-armed race in Ols. 65, 66 ( = 520, 516 
B. C.); Theopompos two in the pentathlon in Ols. (?) 69, 70 ( = 504, 500 B. C.). Their monu- 
ment was one in common: Hyde, nos. 94, 95 and pp. 42 f.; Foerster, 135, 140 and 168, 169. 


coast and on the Aegean Isles, the archaic artists have attempted, by 
their modeling of the muscles, especially of the chest and abdomen, to 
express trained strength. The heavy Argive examples, which may be 
said to be the prototypes of the Ligourio bronze and of the Doryphoros 
of Polykleitos (PI. 4 and Fig. 48), are in strong contrast with the lighter 
type best represented by the example from Tenea. In the former, 
with their big heads and shoulders and their powerful arms and legs, 
we may see early boxers or pancratiasts; in the latter a long-limbed 
runner, with powerful chest, but slim and supple legs. In the Apollo 
of Tenea there is no flabbiness nor softness, and yet no emaciation. 
We see very similar runners on Panathenaic vases. Between the two 
extremes we have a long series, those from Mount Ptoion and elsewhere. 
We do not doubt that the early statues of athletes at Olympia showed 
all the variations we have discussed in these "Apollos." Of this type, 
then, were the statues at Olympia of the Spartan Eutelidas, the oldest 
mentioned by Pausanias, 1 those of Phrikias of Pelinna in Thessaly, 2 
and of Phanas of Pellene in Achaea, 3 to whom, later on in this chapter, 
we shall ascribe the two archaic marble helmeted heads found at 
Olympia (Fig. 30), the wooden statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios, 4 
the statue of Kylon on the Akropolis of Athens, 5 and that of Hetoimo- 
kles at Sparta. 6 The statue of the famous wrestler Milo of Kroton by 
the sculptor Dameas, mentioned by Pausanias 7 and described by Phi- 
lostratos, must also have conformed with the "Apollo" type, though it 
showed a step in advance of the earlier ones by having its arms bent 
at the elbow, the forearms being extended horizontally outward. This 
statue needs a somewhat detailed account. The description of Philos- 
tratos seems to have been founded on the account in Pausanias 9 of Milo's 
prowess, which, in turn, may have arisen from the appearance of the 
statue and the cicerone's description. Philostratos says that it stood on 

1 P., VI, 15.8; he won in the boys' wrestling match and in the pentathlon in Ol. 38 ( = 628 
B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 148; Foerster, 61, 62. 

2 Hoplite victor in Ol. 68 ( = 508 B. C.): Foerster, 151. 

3 Victor in three running races on the same day (rp tewTifc) in 01. 67 ( = 512 B. C.): Afr.; 
Foerster, 1446. 

4 They won in boxing in Ol. 59 ( = 544 B. C.) and the pankration in Ol. 61 ( = 536 B. C.) 
respectively: P., VI, 18.7; Hyde, 187, 188, and p. 56; Foerster, 113 and 120. Pausanias, /. c., 
wrongly says that they were the oldest statues at Olympia. 

5 He won the double foot-race in 01. 35 ( = 640 B. C.): Afr.; P., I, 28.1; Foerster, 55. 

6 He won five victories in wrestling at the beginning of the sixth century B. C.: P., Ill, 
13.9; Foerster, 86-90. The statue of Oibotas of Dyme, who won the stade-race in Ol. 6 ( = 756 
B. C.), was set up in 01. 80 ( = 460 B. C.): Afr.; P., VI, 3.8; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6; that of Chi- 
onis of Sparta, who won seven running races in Ols. 28-31 ( = 668-656 B. C.), was made by 
Myron, and consequently was erected in the fifth century B. C.: P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111, 
and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41-6: these two, therefore, did not necessarily conform with the 
"Apollo" type. 

*VI, 14.5 f; he won in Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65, 66 ( = 536-516 B. C.): Hyde, 128; 
Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, and 141; Afr. gives the second victory asOl. 62; see Foerster, 
122. s Pit. Apoll. Tyan., IV, 28. VI, 14.6-7. 


a quoit with the feet close together and with the left hand grasping a 
pomegranate, the fingers of the right hand being extended straight out, 
and a fillet encircling the brows. 1 Philostratos has Apollonios explain 
the attributes of the statue on the ground that the people of Kroton 
represented their famous victor in the guise of a priest of Hera. This 
would explain the priestly fillet and the pomegranate sacred to the god- 
dess, while the diskos, on which the statue rested, would be the shield 
on which Hera's priest stood when praying. Scherer, however, rightly 
pointed out that the statue in the Altis was of Milo the victor and not 
the priest. He therefore explained the diskos' 2 merely as a round 
basis on which the statue, of the archaic "Apollo" type with its feet 
close together, stood, and the tainia as a victor band. He followed 
Philostratos in believing that the gesture of the right hand was one of 
adoration. 3 He looked upon the object in the left hand not as a 
pomegranate at all, but as an alabastron, a toilet article adapted to 
a victor. He, therefore, believed that the Apollo of the elder Kanachos 
of Sikyon, 4 the so-called Philesian Apollo? represented nude and holding 
a tiny fawn in the right hand and a bow in the left, would give a good 
idea of the pose of Milo's statue. 6 Hitzig and Bluemner believe this 
explanation of Scherer probable, although they rightly disagree with him 
in his exchanging the pomegranate for an alabastron, since Pausanias 
expressly mentions a pomegranate in the hand of another victor statue 
at Olympia. 7 Pliny speaks of a male figure by Pythagoras, mala fer- 
entem nudumf and Lucian says apples were prizes at Delphi, 9 and we 
know that Milo was also a Pythian victor. The same commentators be- 
lieve that Pausanias' story of Milo bursting a cord drawn round his brow 
by swelling his veins arose from the victor band on the statue, and the 
story of the strength of his fingers from the position of the fingers on it. 
We have seen in the "Apollo " statues a considerable variety of physi- 
cal types. In the sixth century B. C. the artist was feeling his way and 
was hampered by local school tendencies. At first he knew only how 

1 Frazer, IV, p. 44, believes that this description may be imaginary, concocted from stories of 
Milo's feats of strength; but Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 601, cite Guttman, de olympionicis apud 
Philo stratum, p. 7, Matz, de Philostr. in describ. imag. Fide, p. 33, and Gurlitt, Ueber Pausanias, 
1890, p. 413, as believing that it was based on the appearance of the statue. Scherer, pp. 23 f., 
thought that Philostratos followed Pausanias in interpreting the attributes of the statue, and 
that the latter got his idea of the strength of the victor from the statue or from a cicerone. 
Pliny, II. N., VII, 19, says of Milo: Malum tenenti nemo digitum corrigebat. Aelian mentions 
Milo's feat with the pomegranate in Var. Hist., II, 24 and de Nat. anim., VI, 55. 

2 C/. Philostr., /. c., 11. 27, 28: ical TO M^TTW Sieo-rws TT\ &pxo.ia &ya\/j.aToiroua irpoffKeiyOta. 

*0p. cit., p. 31. 

*Cf. P., VIII, 46.3. 'Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 75. 

'For the type, see the Payne Knight bronze statuette in the British Museum: B. M. Bronz., 
no. 209 and PI. I; Frazer, IV, p. 430, fig. 45; the same type appears on Milesian coins. C/. 
Brunn, I, 77. Frazer is against Scherer's contention. 

"II, 2, pp. 601-2. See P., VI, 9.1 (statue of Theognetos). 

8 //. N., XXXIV, 59. 

9 Anachar., 9; cf. A. G., IX, 357. 



to produce rigid statues in the conventional Egyptian attitude with 
the arms glued to the sides, the two halves of the body being symmet- 
rical and the hips on the same level. He gradually improved on this 
model, making the position more elastic as 
in the statue of Milo rightly indicating 
bones and muscles and giving to the figure 
natural proportions. Bulle has shown on 
one plate 1 three statuettes which illustrate 
the improvements reached in bronze in vari- 
ous parts of Greece by the end of the sixth 
century B. C. To the left is represented a 
victorious palaestra gymnast as is indicated 
by the remnants of akontia in the hands 
in the Akropolis Museum (Fig. IS); 2 in the 
center is the Payne Knight statuette of the 
British Museum, 3 carrying a fawn in the 
right hand, which is a copy of the Philesian 
Apollo which stood in the Didymaion near 
Miletos; to the right is Hermes with the 
petasos, short-girded tunic, and winged san- 
dals, holding a ram in the left and probably 
a kerykeion in the right hand. 4 The attri- 
butes of the three, then, attest respectively 
a victor, Apollo, and Hermes. In all three 
the arms are freed from the body, and the 
muscles of the breast, chest, and abdomen 
are indicated, though carelessly in the case 
of the victor. The proportions of the three 
vary greatly; the Attic victor has a large 
head, broad shoulders, powerful chest, long 
body, 'and short legs; the Apollo has long 
legs, shorter though slimmer body, and small head; 5 the Hermes has 
a clearly outlined figure and shows the careful modeling so character- 
istic of the schools of Argos and Sikyon in the fifth century B. C. 
Bulle shows that the further development of the "Apollo" type was 
halted by the Argive school, which, while continuing the restful pose 
of these figures, counteracted their rigidity by inclining the head to 
the side and throwing the weight unevenly on the legs by lowering 

^o. 38; cf. for the left-hand figure, p. 83, fig. 11 (side view). 

*B. C. H., XVIII, 1894, pp. 44 f., Pis. V, VI (de Ridder); Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 547, fig. 332; 
A. de Ridder, no. 740, pp. 268-9, and Pis. Ill, IV. It is similar in pose to bronzes in the same 
museum, nos. 736 ( = de Ridder, PI. II, i), 737 ( = P1. II, 3), and 738 ( = P1. II, 2). It is 0.27 
meter high (Bulle). 

3 It will be considered later on in this chapter: p. 119 and n. 3. It is 0.185 meter high (Bulle). 

*This statuette, showing Peloponnesian tendencies, is in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; 
it is 0.25 meter high (Bulle). 

6 In the same way the pediment statues from Aegina differ from Attic works by straighter 
lines and more compact forms. 

FIG. 15. Bronze Statuette 
of a Palaestra Victor, from 
the Akropolis. Akropo- 
lis Museum, Athens. 


one hip and further advancing one foot. The central line was no 
longer vertical, but curved, and it was now possible to give greater 
detail to chest and abdomen. Polykleitos finally perfected this curve 
and threw back the left foot, resting the weight of the body on the 
right from which time on we have the regular scheme of "free" 
and "rest" legs. Despite all these later improvements, Olympic vic- 
tors continued to set up statues in the rest attitude of the "Apollo" 
type down perhaps into the third century B. C. Such dedications 
were the result both of school tendencies and economy, especially in 
the case of equestrian victors, who frequently were content to use such 
"actionless" statues in place of groups. We have only to mention 
the monuments of Timon of Elis, whose statue was the work of the 
Sikyonian Daidalos, 1 and of Telemachos of Elis, whose statue was 
made by the otherwise unknown sculptor Philonides. 2 

Before systematically considering victor statues at Olympia and 
elsewhere with general motives, i. <?., represented at rest, we shall now 
rapidly sketch the development of athletic sculpture in four great 
centres, Argos, Sikyon, Aegina, and Athens, even though some of the 
works mentioned were represented in motion. Sculptors of other 
schools known at Olympia will be treated incidentally in both this and 
the following chapters. 


While in general it is unprofitable to discuss sculptors who have not 
surely left any example of their art behind, there are two early schools 
of Peloponnesian sculpture, those of Argos and Sikyon, which, though 
we may assign work to them only by conjecture, can not be summarily 
passed over, owing to their great importance in the history of Greek 
athletic art. The bronze used in their works was too valuable to 
escape the barbarians, and, furthermore, the monotony, which must 
have characterized early Peloponnesian sculpture, militated against 
these works being reproduced to any great degree by later copyists. 


The Argive school was devoted mainly to athletic statuary. The 
greatest name in old Argive art is that of Ageladas or Hagelaidas, 3 

'He won a chariot victory some time between OIs. (?) 98 and 101 ( = 388 and 376 B. C.): P., 
VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17 (=105 d; P., VI, 1.26); Foerster, 310. 

2 He won in chariot-racing sometime between OIs. (?) 115 and 130 ( = 320 and 260 B. C.): P., 
VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122; Foerster, 513. The date is from the lettering on the recovered base: 
Insckr. v. 01., 177; cf. Hyde, p. 51. On such statues, cf. Reisch, p. 41. 

3 The spelling HcryeXeuSas occurs on two blocks, d, e, from the Praxiteles bathron at Olympia: 
Inschr.v. 01., 631 = 7. G. B., 30; for the whole Praxiteles bathron see Inschr. v. 01., 266. Ditten- 
berger and Purgold keep the reading Hagelaidas. Possibly the spelling 'AyeXalSa stands for 
&'Aye\aL8a; the MSS. of Pliny read Hagelades; see /. G. B., p. xviii, Add. to no 30; Gard- 
ner, Hbk., p. 217, n. 1. On the sculptor, see Lechat, p. 380 and n. 4, and pp. 454 f.; Collignon, 
I, pp. 316 f.; Joubin, pp. 14 f., 83 f., 92 f., etc.; Brunn, pp. 63 f.; Gardner, Hbk., pp. 216 f.; and 
especially Pfuhl, in Pauly-Wissowa, VII, pp. 2189 f. 


the reputed teacher of Myron and Polykleitos, who lived from the third 
quarter of the sixth century into the second quarter of the fifth cen- 
tury B.C. While his connection with Myron and Polykleitos is scarcely 
to be doubted, 1 his supposed connection with Pheidias has made the 
chronology of the life of this sculptor one of the difficult problems of the 
ancient history of art. A scholion on Aristophanes' Ranae, 504, dates 
the statue known as the Herakles Alexikakos in the Attic deme Melite 
by Hagelaidas after the pestilence in Athens of 431-430 B.C., and makes 
the Argive sculptor (Gelados= Hagelai'das) the teacher of Pheidias. 
As his statue of the Olympic victor Anochos commemorated a victory 
won in 01. 65 ( = 520 B.C.), this late date is manifestly impossible. 2 
Furthermore, a better tradition says that Hegias was the teacher of the 
Attic master. 3 Furtwaengler's attempt to show that these two diver- 
gent traditions were really in accord, by the asumption that Hegias 
was the pupil of Hagelaidas and that his art came from the latter 
thus explaining certain similarities in the work of Hagelaidas and Phei- 
dias, does not solve the problem. 4 As the scholion is based on a good 
tradition, 5 the best solution of the difficulty is that of Kalkmann 6 and 
others, that the Alexikakos was the work of a younger Hagelaidas, the 
grandson of the famous master, by the intermediate Argeidas. For 
a lower limit to the activity of Hagelai'das there seems to be no good 
reason for distrusting the evidence that he made a bronze Zeus for the 
Messenians to be set up at Naupaktos, whither they moved in 455 B. C. 7 
This makes quite possible a period of collaboration of four or five years 
at least between Polykleitos and Hagelaidas. 

x For Myron, see Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 57. Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 196, Mw., 379-80, thinks 
that the connection is not literally true, even if considerations of chronology are not against it, 
and derives the story of Hagelai'das teaching Myron from the similarity between the work of 
the two. For Polykleitos, see Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 55. The tradition that Hagelaidas was the 
master of Polykleitos has been unreasonably assailed by many scholars: e. g., by Robert, Arch. 
Maerchen, 1886, p. 97; Mahler, Polyklet u. s. Sch., 1912, pp. 6 f.; Klein, I, p. 340; cf. II, p. 143; 
cf. Springer-Michaelis, I, p. 210. Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 196, Mw., p. 380, believes it impos- 
sible because of chronological difficulties, and assumes a sculptor of an intermediate generation 
as the teacher of Polykleitos; he, followed by Mahler, /. c., and Klein, I, 340, names Argeidas 
(mentioned in I. G. B., no. 30) as this intermediate artist. However, he admits that the 
statement is true in a general sense, since Polykleitos developed his canon from that of 
Hagelaidas: cf. $ostes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., p. 149; Pfuhl, however, p. 2192, has shown 
that the relationship is perfectly possible. 2 To be mentioned infra, p. Ill and note 2. 

3 Dio Chrysost., de Horn, et Socr., 1; here Mueller amends the MSS. reading HTTOT to 
HriOT; E. A. Gardner, Class. Rev., 1894, p. 70, wrongly reads 'Rye\&8ov. 

'Mp., pp. 53 and 196; Mw., pp. 80-81, and 380. 

6 Wilamowitz has shown that it comes from Apollonios, son of Chairis, who lived circa 100 
B. C., and that it goes back probably to the Chronica of Apollodoros of Athens, who lived in 
the middle of the second century B. C.: Aus Kydathen (Kiessling and Wilamowitz, Philolog. 
Untersuchungen, I, 1880), pp. 154 f. Kalkmann, in his Quellen der Kunstgesch. d. Plinius, 
p. 41, believes that the date which is given by Pliny (XXXIV, 49) for the floruit of Hagelaidas, 
Ol. 87 ( = 423-429 B. C.), comes from the same Apollodoros. 

*0p. cit., pp. 41 and 65 f.; Pfuhl, p. 2194. Brunn, /. c., Overbeck, I, p. 140, and Robert, /. c., 
had assumed an earlier plague at the beginning of the fifth century B. C.; but the real occasion 
for the dedication cf the Heraklet remains obscure. 7 P., IV, 33.2. 


Pausanias mentions the monuments of three victors at Olympia by 
Hagelai'das: the statues of the pancratiast Timasitheos of Delphi, who 
won two victories some time between Ols. (?) 65 and 67 (520 and 512 
B. C.) j 1 of the runner Anochos of Tarentum, who won in the stade- and 
double-race in Ols. 65 and ( ?) 66 ( = 520 and 516 B. C.) ; 2 and the chariot- 
group of Kleosthenes of Epidamnos, who won in Ol. 66 ( = 516 B. C.). 3 

None of the works of Hagelaidas at Olympia or elsewhere is known. 
Messenian coins of the fourth century B. C. show the motives of two of 
his statues, that of his Zeus Ithomatas just mentioned as being made for 
the Messenians, 4 and the beardless Zeus irais at Aigion. 5 However, 
we infer the characteristics of his style from the bronze statuette in 
Berlin which was found at Ligourio near Epidauros (Fig. 16). 6 This 
is undoubtedly an Argive work contemporary with the later period 
of Hagelaidas. Furtwaengler and Frost are right in looking upon it 
as showing the prototype of the canon of Polykleitos. Though too 
small to count as a characteristic work of the early Argive school, it 
shows us that the style of that school was a short and stocky type, 
similar to Aeginetan works, only somewhat fleshier and heavier. The 
straight mouth and heavy chin, the treatment of the eyelids, and the 
clumsy limbs are all archaic features to be expected in the period pre- 
ceding Polykleitos. The modeling is carefully executed, showing a 
knowledge of anatomy. If such excellence is found in a statuette, we 
can form some idea of the perfection of a statue by the master. 

The bronze Apollo from Pompeii now in the Naples Museum, 7 with 
marble replicas in Mantua and Paris, 8 shows us how Hagelaidas treated 
a god type, while the statue of an athlete by Stephanos will give us 

'P., VI, 8.6; Hyde, 82; Foerster, 142, 148. 2 P., VI, 14.11; Hyde, 132; Foerster, 133, 134. 

S P., VI, 10.6 f.; Hyde, 99; Foerster, 143. There is no reason for following Brunn in his 
contention that these statues were set up some time after the victories, as these dates fit the 
chronology of the artist outlined above. 

4 A fifth-century type of statue occurs on these coins, representing the god standing with the 
left foot forward, the knee slightly bent, a thunderbolt held in the extended right hand and 
an eagle in the extended left: B. M. Coins, Pelop., PI. XXII, nos. 1 and 6; Hitz.-Bluemn., 

I, 2, Muenztafel, III, 20 and 12; Springer-Michaelis, I, p. 211, fig. 393; Collignon, I, p. 318, 
figs. 158-159. Frickenhaus, quoted by Pfuhl, p. 2194, believes that the pose is seen also in 
the small bronze pictured in B. S. A., Ill, 1896-7, PI. X, 1. 

'P., VII, 24.4. See B. M. Coins, Pelop., PI. IV, nos. 12 and 17, and cf. 14; Hitz.-Bluemn., 

II, I, Muenztafel, IV, 16-17; Svoronos, Journ. int. d'arch. num., II, 1898, 302, PI. 14, 11. 
6 Furtwaengler, SOstes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 1890 (Eine argivische Bronze), pp. 152-153 

and PI. I (3 views); from which plate Gardner, Hbk., p. 221, fig. 49; Waldstein, /. H. S., 
XXIV, 1904, p. 131, fig. 1; Gardiner, p. 93, fig. 11; von Mach, 17 b; Reinach, Rep., II, I, 
85, 1; cf. Frost, /. H. S., XXIII, 1903, pp. 223 f., and fig. 1, who compares its style and 
pose with a later bronze statuette found off Cerigotto (Arch. Eph., 1902, PI. 14). Ligourio 
is on the site of the ancient Lessa: Curtius, Peloponnesos, II, 1852, p. 418. The bronze without 
the base is 135 millimeters high (Furtwaengler). 

7 B. B., 302; Bulle, 43; Springer-Michaelis, p. 234, fig. 428; Furtw., Mp., p. 52, fig. 10 
(upper part); Mw., p. 79, fig. 3; Overbeck, II, p. 473, fig. 228 b. It is 1.60 meters high (Bulle). 

'Listed by Furtwaengler, SOstes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., p. 139, n. 61. For the relation of 
these copies to each other, id., Berl. Philol. JVochenschr., XIV, 1894, pp. 81 f.; he ascribes them 
to Hegias. 



some idea of how he treated his victor statues, as it seems to have been 
modeled after an athlete statue of the early fifth century B.C., perhaps 
after a work by some pupil of the master. Stephanos belonged to the 
school of Pasiteles, a group of sculptors flourishing at Rome at the end of 
the Republic and the beginning of the Empire. They devoted them- 

FIG. 16. Bronze Statuette, from Ligourio. Museum of Berlin. 

selves to the reproduction of early fifth-century statues. They were not 
ordinary copyists, for their works show individual mannerisms and a sys- 
tem of proportions foreign to the originals. Thus their statues have the 
square shoulders of the Argive school, but the slim bodies and slender legs 
of the period of Lysippos and his scholars. Apart from such manner- 
isms, then, in the male figure signed Stephanos, pupil of Pasiteles, 
in the Villa Albani in Rome (PL 9), 1 which reappears in a very similar 

1 E. B.,no. 301; Bulle, 41; von Mach, 321; Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 1846; Guide, 744; Baum., II, 
p. 1191, fig. 1391; Collignon, II, p. 661, fig. 346; Overbeck, II, p. 473, fig. 228, a; Reinach, 
Rep., II, 2, 588, 9; F. W., 225; A. Z., XXXVI, 1878, PL XV, and pp. 123 f.; Annali, 
XXXVIII, 1865, PL D and pp. 58 f.; Kekule, Gruppe ' des Kuenstlers Menelaos in Villa Ludo- 
visi, 1870, PL II, 2, pp. 20 f.; Joubin, p. 87, fig. 15; Springer-Michaelis, p. 211, fig. 398. 
The best copy of the head of the statue by Stephanos is in the Lateran Museum, Rome: see 
Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 217, fig. 92; Mw., p. 405, fig. 62. The statue is 1.44 meters high (Bulle). 
For the inscription on the tree-trunk, see I. G. B., no. 374. 



Statue of an Athlete, by Stephanos. Villa Albani, Rome. 


statue in groups combined with a female figure of related style, 1 or 
with another male figure, 2 we may see a copy of a bronze original 
of the Argive school before Polykleitos. The standing motive and the 
body forms are the same in both the Mantuan Apollo and the Stephanos 
figure, although the former is more developed and the head type is 
different in both; this shows that the two, while displaying the same 
basic ideal, were not works of the same master. 3 As the statue by 
Stephanos has a fillet around the hair, it may well represent an ideal 
athlete, who in the original held an aryballos or similar palaestra 
attribute in the raised left hand. It is interesting to compare the copies 
of this group with those of another representing mother and son, the 
work of Menelaos, the pupil of Stephanos, which, though transferred 
from Greek to Roman taste in respect of drapery and forms, is merely 
a variation of the same theme without any heroic traits. 4 

The influence of Hagelaidas can be easily traced in other schools 
of art, especially in the Attic School and in the sculptures of the temple 
of Zeus at Olympia, whether these latter be Peloponnesian in origin 
or not. It will be convenient in this connection to discuss briefly the 
style of these important sculptures, which we have already mentioned 
several times. The statement of Pausanias, 5 that the sculptors of the 
East and West Gables were Paionios of Mende in Thrace and Alka- 
menes respectively the latter being known as the pupil of Pheidias 6 
was not doubted until the discovery of the Olympia sculptures. 7 
Then doubts arose both on chronological and stylistic grounds, and 
now only a few archaeologists would maintain that either artist had 

1 The best example is in Naples, the group being known, and probably correctly, since Winckel- 
mann's day, as Orestes and Elektra: B. B.,no. 306; Kekule, Gruppe d. Menelaos, PI. II, 1; Bulle, 
141 (height 1.44 meters); Collignon, II, pp. 662, fig. 347; Gardner, Hbk., p. 557, fig. 151; Clarac, 
V, 836, 2093; Reinach, Rip., I, 506.4. A sketch of the Naples Orestes and the Ligourio 
bronze, showing their great resemblance, is given by Furtwaengler, SOstes Berl. Winckelmanns- 
progr., p. 137. A replica of the female figure is cited by Michaelis as in Marbury Hall, Eng- 
land: p. 503, no. 6; cf. Conze, Beitraege zur Gesch. d. gr. PI. 2 , p. 25, n. 3. 

*E. g., the so-called group of Orestes and Pylades in the Louvre: von Mach, 323; Col- 
lignon, II, p. 663, fig. 348; Reinach, Rep., I, 161, 2 ( = Mercury and Pulcan). 

3 Kalkmann, 53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 1893, pp. 77 f., thought that the Stephanos 
figure went back to an original by Pythagoras, the rival of Myron, which Furtwaengler, Mp., 
p. 49, rightly characterizes as "wide of the mark"; Pfuhl, p. 2197, Bulle, and others regard its 
ascription to the school of Hagelaidas as probable, even if not capable of proof. Furtwaengler, 
SOstes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., p. 152, believes it was vermutlich tin Werk des Meisters (i. e., 
Hagelaidas} selbst; on pp. 146-7 he pronounces the life-size marble torso of a statue of a nude 
man found in a wall over the ruins of the Palaistra at Olympia (Treu, A. Z., XXXVIII, 1880, 
p. 45) because of its resemblance in pose to that of the Ligourio statuette a Roman school 
copy of an original bronze victor statue going back to Hagelaidas. 

4 E. g., the marble group formerly in the Boncompagni-Ludovisi collection, now in the 
Museo delle Terme, Rome: Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 1314; Guide, 887; B.< B., no. 309; von Mach, 
322; Baum., II, p. 1193, fig. 1393; Springer-Michaelis, p. 454, fig. 834; Kekule, Die Gruppe 
d. Menelaos, PI. I; Schreiber, Bildw. d. Villa Ludovisi, p. 89, no. 69; Collignon, II, p. 665, 
fig. 349; F. W., 1560; Reinach, Rep., I, 506, 6. 

*V, 10.8. "Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 72, and XXXVI, 16. 

7 See Brunn, pp. 236-7 and 244-5. 


anything to do with these groups. The style of the two gables (as 
well as that of the metopes) is so similar that many have assigned them 
to one and the same artist. 1 They have been referred to many schools 
from Ionia to Sicily, even including a local Elean one. Thus Brunn 
assigned them to a North Greek-Thracian school; Flasch 2 and (more 
recently) Joubin 3 to the Attic; Kekule 4 and Friedrichs-Wolters 5 to a 
West Greek (Sicilian) one, because of their similarity to the metopes of 
temple E at Selinos; Furtwaengler 6 to an Ionic one (Parian masters). 
Most scholars, however, including K. Lange, 7 Treu, 8 Studniczka, 9 
Collignon, 10 and Overbeck, 11 have referred them to Peloponnesian 
sculptors. 12 

To return to the art of Hagelaidas: if we assume that the Ligourio 
bronze comes from the school of that Argive master certain conclusions 
must be drawn. The figure is archaic, but does not have the archaic 
smile. In Athens at the end of the archaic period there was a reaction 
against this smile, and doubtless the Athenian artists were strongly 
influenced by Argive models. Thus an archaic bronze head of a youth, 
found on the Akropolis and dating from about 480 B.C., shows a serious 
mouth, a strong chin, heavy upper eyelids, and finely worked hair, 
characteristics which we found in the Ligourio statuette. These 
traits show that the statuette and the head were the forerunners of the 
Apollo of the West Gable at Olympia. So finished a bronze as this 
one from the Akropolis, at the beginning of the fifth century B. C., has 
inclined Richardson to look upon it as "not improbably a work of 

1 Loeschke (Dorpaterprogr., 1887, p. 7, on the basis of an early suggestion of Furtwaengler 
in A. M., Ill, 1878, p. 194) and J. Six (/. //. S., X, 1889, pp. 109 f.), assumed two sculptors 
of the name of Alkamenes, ascribing the gable statues and that of Hera at Phaleron (mentioned 
by P., I, 1.5) to the elder one. Furtwaengler later retracted the theory of two artists and 
assumed but one (Mp., p. 90, n. 3; Mw., p. 122 and n. 6). Koepp has shown that the Hera is 
of no use in dating, since the story of Pausanias that the temple of Hera was destroyed by the 
Persians is an invention (Jb., V, 1890, p. 277). The idea of an elder Alkamenes based on the 
inscription on a herm recently found in Pergamon (A. A., 1904, fig. on p. 76) has also 
been refuted by Winter (A. M., XXIX, 1904, pp. 208-211, and Pis. XVIII-XXI), who has 
shown that the inscription and statue do not go so far back. 

"See Baum., pp. 1104 KK. 3 P. 243. 

*A. Z., XLI, 1883, pp. 141 f. 6 No. 135. 

6 Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargebr., pp. 67 f. 

''A. M., VII, 1882, pp. 206 f. He also found the style of the two pediments unlike. 

*A. Z., XXXIX, 1881, p. 78, n. ( = Argive-Sikyonian); cj. Bildw. v. 01., Textbd., pp. 44-95; 
Tafelbd., Pis. IX-XVII (East Gable), XXII-XXXI (West Gable). 

9 A. M., XII, 1887, pp. 374-5 ( = Argive-Sikyonian); cj. R. M., II, 1887, pp. 53 f., where he 
excepts the four corner figures of the West Gable as Attic, because they are of Pentelic marble, 
and not Parian, like the others. 

"I, pp. 460-1. 

"I, p. 330 (= Elean). 

12 For a discussion of the whole question of the artists, see Hitz.-Bluemn., II, i, pp. 329 f.; 
Frazer, III, pp. 512 f. For a restoration of the two groups, see Treu, Jb., Ill, 1888, Pis. 5, 6 
(West), and ibid., IV, 1889, Pis. 8, 9 (East); whence Gardner, Hbk., p. 246, figs, 57 and 56 
respectively; see also Bildw. v. 01., Tafelbd., Pis. XVIII-XXI; Textbd., pp. 114-137; Overbeck, 
I, PI. opp. p. 309; etc. 



Hagela'idas," 1 though here again Furtwaengler would ascribe it to 
Hegias. 2 The Parian marble statue of an ephebe found on the Akropolis 
(Fig. 17) 3 one of the most beautiful recovered during the exca- 
vations there shows the same Argive influ- 
ence. This statue is chronologically the first 
masterpiece, thus far recovered, which marks 
the break with archaism by having its head 
turned slightly to one side. 4 It has the 
same pose as the Athlete by Stephanos and 
probably represents a palaestra victor. The 
head, with its heavy chin, and the muscular 
body strikingly resemble the Harmodios (Fig. 
32), which has led Furtwaengler and others 
to ascribe it to Kritios or his school. 5 At 
the same time a similarity is seen between 
this head and that of the Apollo of the West 
Gable at Olympia, and so with Bulle and 
others we ascribe it to the Argive school. 

One of the female statues (Korai} found on 
the Akropolis, and approximately of the 
same date as the ephebe, viz, the fragmentary 
one consisting of head and bust and known 
popularly as la petite boudeuse, shows the 
same revolt against lonism. 6 In many 
respects this statue is very different from 
most of the other Akropolis Korai. The 
eyes are not yet set back naturally, but the 
appearance of depth is attained by thicken- 

^ichardson, p. 101, fig. 49 (side), and p. 154 for the statement; Lechat, Au Musee, PI. XVI; 
Bulle, pp. 462-3, figs. 135, 136; B. B., no. 461 (middle row, bottom); A. M., XII, 1887, pp. 
372 f. (Studniczka); de Ridder, no. 467; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 679, fig. 347; it is 0.10 meter 
high (Graef., A. M., XV, 1890, p. 16, n. 1). For the figure of Apollo, see Bulle, no. 42; Bildw. 
v. 01., Tafelbd., PI. XXII, and Textbd., p. 69; von Mach, 86 (statue), 446 (head). The 
original height was 3.10 meters (Bulle). 

2 Mp., p. 53; Mw., p. 80; jostes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., pp. 140-1 and 148. 

3 The torso was found in 1865, the head in 1888: torso, A. M., V, 1880, p. 20 and PI. I, with 
wrong head (Furtwaengler); head, Arch. Eph., 1888, p. 81 and PI. Ill; figure in outline, 
Collignon, I, pp. 374-5, figs. 191-2; Dickins, no. 698, pp. 264 f.; B. B., 461 b; Bulle, 40 and 
figs. 15, 14 on pp. 87-8 (from a cast) ; von Mach, 57; Overbeck, I, p. 205, fig. 48; Lechat, p. 452, 
fig. 38; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 588, 1; Springer-Michaelis, p. 217, fig. 403; Furtwaengler, A. A., 
1889, p. 147, Mw., pp. 76, n. 2, and 81; Wolters, A. M., XIII, 1888, P . 226. Bulle dates it 
toward 480 B. C. 

4 The same turn appears in the sixth-century Rampin head: Collignon, I, p. 360, fig. 182. 
It will be discussed later on, pp. 126-127. 

'Furtwaengler, $ostes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., pp. 132 and 150; Mp., p. 19; Dickins, p. 265. 

It is a dedication by Euthydikos: Collignon, I, PI. VI (right), opp. p. 356; von Mach, 
no. 26 (right); Gardner, Hbk., p. 212, fig. 47; Bulle, 240; Lechat, Au Musee, p. 367, fig. 37; 
Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 595, fig. 299; Richardson, p. 78, fig. 33; Springer-Michaelis, p. 207, 
fig. 390. Bulle gives it as half life-size. 

FIG. 17. Statue of an 
Ephebe, from the Akrop- 
olis. Akropolis Mu- 
seum, Athens. 



ing the eyelids, quite in contrast with the modeling of the eyeball 
in most of the other statues. The corners of the mouth turn down, 
which gives it the appearance of pouting. This statue is also our first 
example in sculpture of the so-called Greek profile the nose continuing 
the line of the forehead. The same Argive influence in Athenian art is 
also discernible in the Parian marble head of an athlete with traces of 
yellow in the hair (Fig. 18), 1 which may be dated a little later than the 
Akropolis ephebe about 470 B. C. Because of its resemblance to the 
Apollo of Olympia, its Attic- 
Peloponnesian origin seems 
clear. 2 Its expression is com- 
parable with that of the Kore 
just discussed as it has the 
same mouth, eyes, and nose, 
both monuments showing the 
reaction against the archaic 
smile, which characterized the 
Ionian period of Attic art. 
This same Ionic reaction also 
may be seen in the bronze 
statuette of a diskobolos in the 
Metropolitan Museum (Fig. 
46) , 3 which resembles in style 
that of the Tyrannicides, but 
shows also Argive traits. 
These Argive traits, small 
head and slender limbs, are 
easily seen by comparing this 
statuette with the Ligourio 

We have already mentioned 
the monumental group of the 
hoplite victor Damaretos and of the pentathlete Theopompos, which 
was made about 500 B. C. by the Argive sculptors Chrysothemis and 
Eutelidas. 4 These artists were known to later antiquity only by the 
epigram inscribed on the base of this monument at Olympia, and the 
probable dates of the two victories of Theopompos, Ols. (?) 69 and 
70 ( = 504 and 500 B.C.), show that they were contemporaries of 

iDickins, pp. 248 f., no. 689; Bulle, no. 198; B. B., 460; von Mach, 440 and 443 (left); 
Collignon, I, p. 362, fig. 184, and bibliog., note 3, p. 363; Overbeck, I, p. 206, fig. 49; Gardner, 
Hbk., p. 213, fig. 48; Lechat, p. 362 and Au Musee, .374, fig. 39; Yurtw., jostes Berl. Winckel- 
mannsprogr., p. 151; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, PI. XIV; Arch. Eph., Ill, 1888, PI. II. It is slightly 
under life-size. 

"Here again Furtwaengler ascribes it to Hegias, whose art he derives from Hagelaidas. 

3 Richter, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes in the Metropolitan Museum, p. 49, fig. 78; 
it will be discussed infra in Ch. IV, pp. 220-1. 4 See supra, p. 105 and n. 3. 

FIG. 18. Head of an Ephebe, from the 
Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens. 


Hagelaidas, and not, as formerly was believed, the forerunners of his 
school. 1 

Polykleitos, a Sikyonian by birth, 2 migrated early to Argos to 
become the pupil of Hagela'idas, and became the great master of the 
Argive school in the next generation after him. We have four statues 
by him at Olympia. His earliest work probably was the statue of the 
boxer Kyniskos of Mantinea, who won in Ol. (?) 80 ( = 460 B. C.); he 
made the statues of the Elean pentathlete Pythokles and of the Epidam- 
nian boxer Aristion, both of whom won their victories in Ol. 82 ( = 452 
B. C.) ; and lastly he made the statue of the boy boxer Thersilochos from 
Kerkyra, who won in Ol. (?) 87 ( = 432 B. C.) 3 The footprints on the 
three recovered bases of the statues of the first three show that all were 
represented at rest. Of Patrokles, the brother of Polykleitos, Pausanias 
mentions no statues at Olympia, though Pliny says that he made athlete 
statues. 4 Of Naukydes, 5 the nephew or brother of Polykleitos, we have 
record of three athlete statues at Olympia: those of the wrestlers Chei- 
mon of Argos, who won in Ol. 83 ( = 448 B. C.), and Baukis of Troezen, 
who won some time between Ols. (?) 85 and 90 ( = 440 and 420 B. C.); 
also one of the boxer Eukles of Rhodes, who won some time between 
Ols. 90 and 93 ( = 420 and 408 B. C.). 6 A contemporary of Naukydes 
was the sculptor Phradmon, who, according to Pliny, was a contem- 
porary of Polykleitos; 7 he made the statue of the boy wrestler Amertas 
of Elis, who won a victory some time between Ols. 84 and 90 ( = 444 
and 420 B. C.). 8 In the next century, Polykleitos Minor, the grandson 
or grandnephew of the great Polykleitos, and the pupil of Naukydes, 9 

'On Chrysothemis, see Robert in Pauly-Wissowa, III, 2, p. 2521 ; Brunn, pp. 61-2; Overbeck, 
I, p. 140; Collignon, I, pp. 225 (= forerunners of Hagelai'das and Polykleitos), and cf. p. 320. 
On Eutelidas, see Pauly-Wissowa, VI, I, p. 1493. 

2 Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 55; others, e. g., P., VI, 6.2, call him an Argive. He belonged to a 
family of sculptors, some of whom worked in Sikyon and others in Argos. 

3 Kyniskos: P., VI, 4.11 ; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 2SS; Inschr. v. OL, 149; Pythokles: P., VI, 7.10; 
Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295; Inschr. v. OL, 162-3; Aristion: P., VI, 13.6; Oxy. Pap.; 
Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376; Inschr. v. OL, 165 (renewed); I. G. B., 92; Thersilochos: P., VI, 
13.6; Hyde, 114; Foerster, 369. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 91. In the same book, 72, Pliny mentions another pupil of Polykleitos, 
Aristeides, as the fashioner of chariot-groups. Pausanias merely mentions him in connection 
with improvements in the hippodrome at Olympia made by Kleoitas: VI, 20.14; see Pauly- 
Wissowa, II, pp. 896-7. 

5 Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 226, makes Naukydes, Daidalos, and the younger Polykleitos sons 
of Patrokles, the brother of the great Polykleitos. Naukydes and Daidalos describe themselves 
as sons of Patrokles in two inscriptions: /. G. B., 86 and 88. Pausanias, however, calls 
Naukydes a brother of Polykleitos and son of Mothon: II, 22.7. 

6 Cheimon: P., VI, 9.3; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 88; Foerster, 285; Baukis: P., VI, 8.4; Hyde, 77; 
Foerster, 318; Eukles: P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297; Inschr. v. OL, 159 (renewed). 
Naukydes' activity extended from Ol. 83 to Ol. 95 ( = 448-400 B. C.): Hyde, p. 39. 

7 H. N., XXXIV, 49. 8 P., VI, 8.1; Hyde, 72; Foerster, 268. 

9 P., VI, 6.2, expressly distinguishes between the elder and younger Polykleitos; in speaking 
of the statue of the boy wrestler Agenor, he says that Polykleitos, the pupil of Naukydes, 
"not the one who made the statue of Hera," fashioned it. Robert, 0. S., pp. 186 f., gives 
his activity as Ols. 98 to 103 ( = 388-368 B. C.). 


had three statues at Olympia: those of the boy boxer Antipatros of 
Miletos, whose victory is given by Africanus as Ol. 98 ( = 388 B.C.); 
of the two boy wrestlers Agenor of Thebes, who won some time between 
Ols. 93 and 103 (=408 and 368 B.C.), and Xenokles of Mainalos, who 
won some time between Ols. 94 and 100 (=404 and 380 B.C.). 1 The 
inscribed base of the latter has been recovered and the footprints 
show that the statue was represented at rest, the body resting equally 
on both feet, che left slightly advanced. Andreas, a second-century B.C. 
Argive sculptor, made a statue at Olympia of the boy wrestler Lysip- 
pos of Elis,who won some time between Ols. 149 and 157 (= 184 and 152 
B.C.). 2 


The Sikyonian school of bronze founders was closely affiliated with 
the one at Argos. Early in the archaic period the brothers Dipoinos 
and Skyllis, sons or pupils of the mythical Daidalos of Crete, migrated 
to Sikyon. 3 A generation later another Cretan sculptor, Aristokles, 
founded there an artist family which lasted through seven or eight 
generations. 4 His two grandsons Aristokles and Kanachos are known 
to have collaborated with Hagelaidas on a group of three Muses. 5 
Many have seen in the small bronze found in the sea off Piombino, 
Tuscany, and now in the Louvre (Fig. 19), 6 a copy of the Apollo Phi- 
lesios, the best-known work of Kanachos. This gem of the bronze 
art, in true archaic style, may very well represent the Apollo, which, 
according to the description of Pliny 7 and the evidence of Milesian 

iAntipatros: P., VI, 2.6; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309; Agenor: P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 53; Foerster, 
355; Xenokles: P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85; Foerster, 308; Inschr. v. OL, 164; 7. G. B., 90; Furt- 
waengler wrongly ascribed the statue of Xenokles to the elder Polykleitos and that of Aristion 
to the younger: Mp., pp. 224-5. Loewy had already assumed the elder for Aristion, Strena 
Helbigiana, p. 180, n. 4, and this was confirmed by the early dating of his victory in the Oxy. 

2 P., VI, 16.7; Hyde, 162; Foerster, 515. On this sculptor, see Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 2137; 
I. G. B., 475; Inschr. v. 01, 318; etc. 

3 Before 600 B. C.; Robert, in Pauly-Wissowa, V, pp. 1159 f.; cf. Collignon, I, pp. 131 and 
222 f.; Overbeck, I, pp. 84 f. 

<P., VI, 9.1, f. 

5 Antipatros of Sidon, in A. PI. (XVI), no. 220; on Aristokles, see Pauly-Wissowa, II, p. 937; 
Robert, Arch. Maerch., pp. 95 ff. 

6 Longperier, Notice des bronzes antiques du Louvre, I, 1868, no. 69; de Ridder, Les bronzes 
antiques du Louvre, I, 1913, PI. 2, 2, and p. 7; B. B., no. 78; Collignon, I, PI. V, opp. p. 312; 
von Mach, 18 (two views); Overbeck, I, p. 235, fig. 60 (two views); Springer-Michaelis, p. 
211, fig. 397; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, PI. XI; Reinach, Rep., II, I, 84, 9. For bibliography, see 
Deonna, Les Apollons archa'iques, p. 274. It is only 3 feet 4 inches tall. The Apollo Philesios, 
stolen from Miletos at the destruction of the city by Darius in 493 B. C. (Hdt., VI, 19; but 
P., VIII, 46.3, and later writers wrongly say by Xerxes; see E. Meyer, Gesch. d. Altertums? 
1912, III, p. 309), was restored from Ekbatana in Media in 306 B. C. by Seleukos Nika- 
tor (P., I.e., and cf. I, 16.3). It is also mentioned by P., II, 10.5. The genuineness of the 
Piombino statuette has been assailed, but Overbeck has proved it genuinely archaic: Griech. 
Kunstmyth., Ill, Apollon, 1889, pp. 22 f.; cf. Gesch. d. gr., PL, I, pp. 234 f. 

7 #. N., XXXIV, 75; cf. Jex-Blake ad. loc., p. 60. Pausanias mentions a cedar replica of the 
Apollo at Thebes: II, 10.5 and IX, 10.2. See p. 336, n. 1. 



copper coins of all periods, 1 had as attributes a fawn in the outstretched 
right hand and a bow in the left. However, Overbeck, 2 followed by von 
Mach, believes that it is not a copy of Kanachos' Apollo, but merely 
represents a boy assisting at a sacrifice, 
and that the original held a cup in the 
left hand and a saucer in the right. In 
any case the statuette is too inaccurate to 
give us more than the pose of the Apollo 
of Kanachos, even if it were proved to be 
a copy. It may be merely a reproduction 
of the mythological type of Apollo, which 
the artist himself followed, and so we can 
not say definitely to what school it be- 
longs. The Payne Knight bronze in the 
British Museum, 3 which holds a tiny fawn 
in the right hand, the bow originally in the 
left hand being lost, has better pretensions, 
perhaps, to be a copy of the Apollo. An- 
other archaic half life-size bronze, formerly 
in the Palazzo Sciarra, 4 is of a similar type, 
though its style is different. Another 
bronze statuette from Naxos, now in Ber- 
lin, 5 shows the same position of the hands, 
but has an aryballos or pomegranate in the 
right hand. We have already classed it as 
an example of the conversion of an original 
god-type into that of a victor. We might 
also mention the mutilated torso found by 
Holleaux at the sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios 
in Boeotia (Fig. 12, right), which has a 
similar pose to that of the statuette from 
Piombino, and whose hair technique shows 

'P. Gardner, The Types of Greek Coins, 1883, PI. XV, nos. 15-16; Collignon, I, p. 3 12, figs. 153- 
155; cf. B. Head, Historia Nummorum?, 1911, p. 586; Overbeck, Apollon, pp. 23 f., and Muenz- 
tafel I, nos. 22 f. Also on gems: see M. W., I, PI. XV, no. 61; B. M. Gems, no. 720; etc. *L. c. 

3 B. M. Bronzes, no. 209 and PI. I (middle); Specimens, PI. 12; Annali, VI, 1834, PI. D, 
fig. 4; Overbeck, I, p. 144, fig. 24, and Apollon, p. 24, fig. 5; Murray, I, p. 193, fig. 49; Rayet 
et Thomas, Milet et le golfe Latmique, PI. 28, 2; Collignon, I, p. 313, fig. 156; Dar.-Sagl., I, 
p. 318, fig. 375; von Mach, 17 a; Springer-Michaelis, p. 183, fig. 350; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, 
p. 475, fig. 242; Reinach, Rep., II, I, 80, 9; Fowler and Wheeler, Hbk. of Greek Archeology, 
1909, p. 331, fig. 251; Furtwaengler, in Roscher, Lex., I, I, p. 451; Frazer, IV, p. 430, fig. 45, 
Bulle, 28 (middle). A modern copy is in the Antiquarium, Munich: ,F. W., 51. It is 0.185 
meter high (Bulle). 

*R. M., II, 1887, pp. 90 f. (Studniczka) and Pis. IV, IVa, V; Collignon, I, p. 321, fig. 161; 
Overbeck, I, p. 239, fig. 62; Michaelis in A. Z., XXI, 1863, pp. 122 f. (Anzeiger). It is 1.11 
meters in height. 

B Collignon, I, p. 253, fig. 122; Overbeck, Griech. Kunstmythol., III, Apollon, p. 36, fig. 8; 
Fraenkel, in A. Z., XXXVII, 1879, pp. 84-91, and PI. 7. 

FIG. 19. Bronze Statuette 
of Apollo, found in the Sea 
off Piombino. Louvre, 


that it is an imitation of a bronze work. 1 However, as we shall see 
later, it may be rather representative of the Aeginetan school of sculp- 
tors. All these works may tell us of the general character of the 
Apollo, but little of its style. 2 

No athlete statue by Aristokles or his brother Kanachos is known 
to have stood at Olympia. That the latter actually made victor 
statues, however, is proved by Pliny's statement (/. c.) that he made 
celetizontas pueros. Of the later Sikyonian school we have twenty- 
seven statues of victors made by eleven different sculptors, whose dates 
range from near the end of the fourth down into the third century 
B. C., of whom we shall give a chronological list. Alypos, the pupil 
of the Argive Naukydes, had four statues at Olympia: those of the 
wrestler Symmachos of Elis, of the boy boxer Neolaidas of Pheneus, of 
the boy wrestler Archedamos of Elis, and of the boy and man wrestler 
Euthymenes of Mainalos, all of whom must have won their victories 
some time between Ols. 94 and 104 ( = 404 and 364 B. C.). 3 Kanachos, 
the Younger, made one statue, that of the boy boxer Bykelos of Sikyon, 
who won some time between Ols. 92 and 105 ( = 412 and 360 B. C.). 4 
Olympos made the statue of the pancratiast Xenophon of Aigion, who 
won some time between Ols. 95 and 105 ( = 400 and 360 B. C.). 5 The 
sculptor Daidalos, the son and pupil of Patrokles, and probably the 
nephew of Polykleitos, made four monuments for four victors: the 
equestrian group of the Elean charioteer Timon and his son Aigyptos, a 
victor in horse-racing, and statues of the Elean wrestler Aristodemos 
and the stade-runner Eupolemos. Their victories fell between Ols. 96 
and 103 ( = 396 and 368 B.C.). 6 Damokritos made the statue of the Elean 
boy boxer Hippos, whowon between Ols. 96 and 107 (=396 and352 B.C.). 7 
Kleon had five statues credited to him, all but one being of boy victors: 
those of the boy runner Deinolochos of Elis, the pentathlete Hysmon 
of Elis, the two boy boxers Kritodamos, and of Alketos of Kleitor, and 

x The small bronze also found there, 0.155 meter high, belongs to the same series: B. C. H., X, 
1886, pp. 190 f., and PI. IX. It greatly resembles the statuette from Naxos. For a list of 
replicas of the statue of Kanachos, see Rayet, Etudes d'archeologie et d'art, p. 164; etc. 

2 On the style of Kanachos and the Apollo, see also Kekule, Sitzb. d. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. 
zu Berlin, 1904, I, pp. 786-801; O. Mueller, Kleine Schriften, II, p. 537; F. W., to no. 51; 
Brunn, pp. 74 f. ; Collignon, I, pp. 310 f.; etc. 

P., VI, 1.3 and 8.5; Hyde, 1, 2, 3, and 78; Foerster, 296, 300, 299, 290 and 305; on Alypos, 
see Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 1711; Brunn, p. 280; B. C. H., XXI, 1897, pp. 287 f.; and cf. P., 
X, 9.10. 

4 P., VI, 13.7; Hyde, 116; Foerster, 291; on the sculptor, see Brunn, p. 277. 

6 P., VI, 3.13; Hyde, 34; Foerster, 575; on the sculptor, see Brunn, pp. 292 and 419; cf. Hyde, 
p. 34. 

'Timon and Aigyptos, who won some time between Ols. (?) 98 and 101: P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17, 
18; Foerster, 310, 301; Aristodemos, Ol. 98: P., VI, 3.4; Hyde, 25; Foerster, 312; Eupolemos, 
Ol. 96: Afr.; P., VI, 3.7; Hyde, 28; Foerster, 294. On Daidalos, see Pauly-Wissowa, IV, 
pp. 2006 f.; Robert, 0. S., pp. 191 f.; Brunn, pp. 14 f. 

7 P., VI, 3.5; Hyde, 26; Foerster, 325. On Damokritos, see Pauly-Wissowa, IV, p. 2070; 
Brunn, p. 105. 


of the boy runner Lykinos of Heraia. Their victories fell between Ols. 
94 and 103 ( = 404 and 368 B.C.)- 1 The great Lysippos had the same 
number of victor statues as Kleon, and also two honor statues at Olym- 
pia : those of the equestrian victor Troilos of Elis, of the Akarnanian pan- 
cratiast Philandridas, of the wrestler Cheilon of Patrai, of the pancra- 
tiast Polydamas of Skotoussa, and of the hoplite-runner Kallikrates. 
Their victories occurred between Ols. 102 and 115 ( = 372 and 320 B.C.). 2 
The son of Lysippos, Dai'ppos, made two statues, one for the Elean 
boy boxer Kallon and the other for the Elean Nikandros, who won the 
double foot-race. Their victories fell within the activity of the sculp- 
tor, Ols. 1 1 5 and 1 25 ( = 320 and 280 B. C.) . 3 Daitondas made the statue of 
the Elean boy boxer Theotimos, who won his victory some time between 
Ols. 116 and 120 ( = 316 and 300 B. C.). 4 Eutychides, the most famous 
pupil of Lysippos, famed alike as a bronze founder, statuary, and painter, 
carved the statue of the boy runner Timosthenes of Elis, who won some 
time between Ols. 115 and 125 (=320 and 280 B. C.). 5 Pliny gives Ol. 
121 ( = 296 B. C.) as the floruit of this sculptor, which was probably 
the date of the erection of his most famous work, the colossal bronze 
Tyche, as tutelary deity of the city of Antioch on the Orontes, which 
was founded by Seleukos I in Ol. 119.3 ( = 302 B.C.). 6 This shows that 
Eutychides was already by that date a famed sculptor, having begun 

^einolochos: P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 5; Foerster, 330; Hysmon: P., VI, 3.9; Hyde, 31; Foerster, 
347; Kritodamos: P., VI, 8.5; Hyde, 80; Foerster, 337; Inschr. v. OL, 167; I. G. B., no. 96; 
Alketos: P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 86; Foerster, 320; Lykinos: P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 100; Foerster, 
336. On Kleon, see Brunn, pp. 285; /. G. B., to no. 95. 

2 Troilos: P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338 and 345; Inschr. v. OL, 166; the dates of his two 
victories, Ols. 102, 103, are known; Philandridas: P., VI, 2.1; Hyde, 10; Foerster, 393; his vic- 
tory fell either in Ol. 102 or Ol. 103 ; Cheilon: P., VI, 4.6-7; Hyde, 41 ; Foerster, 384 and 392; P., 
because of the dating of Lysippos, inferred that this victor fell either at Chaeroneia (338 B. C.) 
or Lamia (322 B. C.), both of which dates fall within the working years of the sculptor; see 
P. Gardner, /. H. S., XXV, 1905, p. 246; Polydamas: P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279; 
Africanus gives us the date of his victory as Ol. 93, though the statue was set up after the vic- 
tor's death; Kallikrates, of Magnesia on the Maeander: P., VI, 17.3; Hyde, 175; Foerster, 
390 and 397 (for two victories). Lysippos made two honor statues for Pythes of Abdera: 
P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a. 

3 Kallon: P., VI, 12.6; Hyde, 106; Foerster, 410; Nikandros: P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 157; 
Foerster, 408 and 413 (two victories). On the sculptor, see Pauly-Wissowa, IV, p. 2013; 
Brunn, p. 407. 

4 P., VI, 17.5; Hyde, 181; Foerster, 401. On Daitondas, see Robert in Pauly-Wissowa, IV, 
p. 2015 (who dates the sculptor at the beginning of the third century B. C., because of an 
inscribed base found at Delphi: I. G. B., 97; C. 7. G. G. S., I, 2472); cf. Schmidt, A. M., V, 
1880, pp. 197-8, no. 58; cf. Brunn, p. 418. S P., VI, 2.6 f.; Hyde, 15; Foerster, 424. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 51; cf. XXXIV, 78 (for his image of the Eurotas river); XXXV, 141 (as 
painter). The Tyche is mentioned by P., VI, 2.7. Many copies of this work in marble, 
bronze, and silver have been identified, especially a marble statuette in the Vatican: B. B., 
no. 154; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 362; F. W., 1396; von Mach, 256; etc. For a list of copies, see R. 
Foerster, Jb., XII, 1897, pp. 145 f.; cf. Amelung, Fuehrer d. Florenz, nos. 261-2; and P. Gardner, 
/. H. S.,IX, 1888, pp. 75 f. and PI. V (silver statuette). On the sculptor, see Robert in Pauly- 
Wissowa, VI, pp. 1532-3; Brunn, I, pp. 411 f.; II, p. 157 (painter); Overbeck, II, pp. 172 f.; 
Collignon II, pp. 485 f.; Murray 2 , II, pp. 354 f. Robert, /. c., gives three other sculptors of 
the same name; cf. I. G. B., nos. 143 and 244-9; Homolle, B. C. H., XVIII, 1894, pp. 336 f. 


his career by 330-320 B. C. Kantharos, the pupil of Eutychides, 
made the statues of the two boy wrestlers Kratinos of Aigira and 
Alexinikos of Elis, who won their victories some time between Ols. 
120 and 130 ( = 300 and 260 B.C.). 1 


We have but little left of the prominent early Aeginetan school 
of bronze sculptors. Of Kallon, the earliest historical sculptor of the 
school, the reputed pupil of Tektaios and Angelion (who in turn were 
the pupils of Dipoinos and Skyllis), we have only literary evidence. 
He was typical of archaic severity just prior to the era of transition, 
and therefore should be compared with Hegias of Athens and Kanachos 
of Sikyon. For Onatas, the most famous of the Aeginetan sculptors, 
whose floruit was in the first half of the fifth century B. C., we have 
evidence of many monuments at Olympia. Besides the colossal 
Herakles dedicated by the Thasians, 2 a Hermes dedicated by the 
people of Pheneus, 3 and a large group of nine statues of Greek heroes 
standing on a curved base faced by a statue of Nestor on another, the 
group being dedicated by the Achaians, 4 he made a chariot and char- 
ioteer to commemorate the victory of Hiero of Syracuse at Olympia in 
468 B. C., for which monument Kalamis furnished two horses. 5 Glau- 
kias made a bronze chariot for Hiero's brother Gelo of Gela, who later 
became tyrant of Syracuse, and who won a chariot victory in Ol. 73 
( = 488 B.C.). 6 This sculptor also excelled in fashioning statues of 
boxers and pancratiasts, making the monuments of the boxers Philon 
of Kerkyra and Glaukos of Karystos, and that of the renowned boxer 
and pancratiast Theagenes of Thasos. 7 The statue of Glaukos was 
represented in the schema of one "sparring" (cr/aajuaxwy), 8 an d so 
was in movement and not at rest. We have athlete statues by three 
other Aeginetan sculptors at Olympia. Thus Ptolichos, the pupil of 
the Sikyonian Aristokles, set up statues of the Aeginetan boy wrestler 
Theognetos, who won in Ol. 76 ( = 476 B.C.), and of the boy boxer 
Epikradios of Mantinea, who won between Ols. ( ?) 72 and 74 ( = 492 and 

iKratinos: P., VI, 3.6; Hyde, 27; Foerster, 433; Alexinikos: P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184; Foer- 
ster, 438. On the sculptor, see Pliny, XXXIV, 85; Brunn, p. 415. 

2 P., V, 25.12-13. 3 P., V, 27.8 (= joint work of Onatas and Kalliteles). 

4 P., V, 25.8 f. The base has been found in situ east of the temple of Zeus: Ergebn. v. 01., 
Tafelbd., II, PI. XVII, 12; Textbd., pp. 145 f. See Plans A and B. 

5 P., VI, 12.1. Hiero won three victories in Ols. 76, 77, 78 (=476-468 B. C.): Oxy. Pap., 
Hyde, 105; Foerster, 199, 209, 215. The monument was dedicated in 467 B. C. after the death 
of the king. For the sculptor, see Brunn, p. 88. 

6 P., VI, 9.4-5; Hyde, 90; Foerster, 180; Inschr. v. OL, 143. 

"Philon: P., VI, 9.9; Hyde, 91; Foerster, 167 and 179; he won in Ols. (?) 72 and 73 (=492 
and 488 B. C.) ; Glaukos (boy boxer) : P., VI, 10. 1-3 ; Hyde, 93 ; Foerster, 137; he won in 01. 65 
( = 520 B. C.), but his statue was set up by his son at the beginning of the fifth century 
B. C.: Hyde, p. 42; Theagenes: P., VI, 11.2 f.; he won in Ols. 75 and 76 ( = 480 and 476 B. C.): 
Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196. 

8 For the meaning of the word, see infra, Ch. IV, p. 243 and n. 4. 


484 B. C.) ; ] Serambos made the statue of the boy boxer Agiadas of Elis, 
who won between Ols. (?) 72 and 74 ; 2 Philotimos made the horse for the 
horse-racing victory of Xenombrotos of Kos, who won in Ol. ( ?) 83 ( = 448 
B. C.)- 3 All of these sculptors appear to have used bronze exclusively, 
and their art, though independent, showed a bias toward Peloponnesian 
work. There are few examples left of this art. The bronze head of a 
bearded warrior or hoplite victor found on the Akropolis, if we are justi- 
fied in classing it as Aeginetan and not Attic, shows the excellence which 
we associate with this school. 4 The delicate execution of its hair and 
beard, as well as the strength and precision of this head, makes it not 
unworthy of being ascribed to one of the best artists of the school, 
perhaps to Onatas himself. The beardless bronze head discovered in 
1756 in the villa of the Pisos in Herculaneum, now in Naples, has 
also been assigned to Onatas, as its features are similar to those of the 
one under discussion. 5 The Tux bronze statuette of a hoplitodrome, 
to be discussed in Ch. IV (Fig. 42), has also been assigned to an Aegin- 
etan master. 6 The marble statue known as the Strangford Apollo in 
the British Museum, already mentioned (Fig. 14), 7 may show the char- 
acteristics of the early school in marble, though it is impossible to say 
whether it is a copy of a bronze original or a minor work in stone under 
Aeginetan influence. The smaller "Apollo " from Mount Ptoion, already 
discussed (Fig. 13, right), 8 appears to show in exaggerated form the same 
Aeginetan traits. However, we get out best notion of Aeginetan work 
in marble from the gable statues in the Munich Museum, representing 
Homeric warriors fighting, which adorned the temple of Aphaia in the 
northeastern corner of the island. Their importance in this connec- 
tion calls for a brief account of them. 

Since the discovery of these groups by an international party of 
Englishmen and Germans in 1811, and their restoration soon after their 
arrival in Munich by the sculptor Thorwaldsen, many new fragments 

'Theognetos: P., VI, 9.1; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193, 193 N; Epikradios: P., VI, 
10.9; Hyde, 101; Foerster, 228. 

2 P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 103 and p. 44; Foerster, 519. On the sculptor, see Brunn, p. 96. 

3 P., VI, 14.2; Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327. For the sculptor, see Brunn, p. 96. 

4 Lechat, Au Musee, PI. XV; Arch. Eph., 1887, PI. Ill and pp. 43 f.; Bulle, 226 (two views); 
von Mach, 442, 443 (right); S. Reinach, Tetes, nos. 5 and 6; Overbeck, I, p. 198, fig. 44 (two 
views); Collignon, I, p. 304, fig. 151; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 526-7, figs. 271-2; E. A. 
Gardner, /. //. S., VIII, 1887, p. 191. While Overbeck and Lechat regard it as Attic, most 
scholars call it Aeginetan. The helmet is separately made and fastened on. Bulle dates 
it in the first decade of the fifth century B. C. It is 0.27 meter high (Bulle). 

B Comparetti e de Petra, La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni, 1883, PI. VII, 1, p. 260; Collignon, I, 
p. 303, fig. 150; Man. d. /., IX, 1869-73, PI. XVIII; Kekule, Annali, XLII, 1870, pp. 263 f.; 
von Mach, 441; F. W., 229; for its style, see Rayet, I, text to PI. 26. St;udniczka, R. A/., II, 
1887, p. 105, n. 47, believes that the closely allied colossal marble head in the Museo Torlonia 
(no. 501) in Rome is a copy of the colossal Apollo of Onatas at Pergamon, mentioned by P., 
VIII, 42.7. The head of the Zeus found at Olympia (Bronz. v. 01. , PI. I, I, I a) has been 
regarded as Aeginetan. 6 Collignon, I, p. 306; fig. 152 on p. 305. 

7 S. M. Sculpt., I, no. 206; etc. Brunn, Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1872, pp. 529 f., referred it to 
the school of Kallon; cf. also Collignon, I, p. 302. 

"Gardner, Hbk., p. 169, fig. 31; von Mach, no. 15 (right); etc. 


have been discovered by Furtwaengler during his excavations of the 
temple site in 1901, and have been incorporated into the existing figures 
in the Glyptothek. His reconstruction, though not definitive, is more 
in accord with artistic probability than any that preceded. 1 As we 
should expect from the athletic tradition of the Aeginetan school of 
sculpture just outlined, these sculptures represent finely trained nude 
athletes, whose modeling shows great observation of nature, especially 
in the treatment of muscles and veins. In fact it has been truly said 

FIG. 20. Figure, from the East Pediment of the Temple on 
Aegina. Glyptothek, Munich. 

that anatomical knowledge was never expressed again in Greek art so 
simply and naturally. The figures, without any excess of flesh, are 
slightly under life-size, short and stocky shoulders square, but the 
waists slender and the legs long in proportion to the bodies and withal 
are very compact and full of strength. The figures of the two pedi- 
ments differ slightly, the eastern being more developed than the west- 
ern. Brunn, long ago, arguing from the stele of Aristion, which then 
was the best example extant of archaic Attic art, showed how that 
art was characterized by grace and dignity of effect, while Aeginetan 
art was characterized by a finer study of nature. This generalization 
is no longer a matter of inference, but of knowledge. 

l Aegina, das Heiligtum der Aphaia, 1906; see Tafelbd., II, Pis. 104 (West Gable), 105 
East Gable), (the pediment groups in colors); whence Gardner, Hbk., p. 226, Pis. 50-51; cf. 
also Springer-Michaelis, pp. 214-15, figs. 400 (West Gable), 401 (East Gable); fig. 399 gives an 
older arrangement of the West Gable statues, as set up in plaster in the Strasbourg Museum. 
Since Furtwaengler's death new attempts at reconstruction have been made, notably by P. 
Wolters, Aeginetische Beitraege, and D. Mackenzie, in B. S. A., XV, 1908-09, pp. 274 f. and 
PI. XIX (East Gable). For various figures, see von Mach, nos. 78-83. See Furtwaengler- 
Wolters, Beschr. d. Glypt.\ pp. 95 f. and figs. 74 f. 



These groups represent the highest period of Aeginetan art. They 
have been dated anywhere from the end of the sixth century B.C. down 
to a period after the battle of Salamis. 1 Probably a date just after that 
battle is correct, as Aeginetans won prizes of valor there. 2 Any at- 
tempt to assign them to this or that artist is merely conjectural. The 
general similarity in subject to that of the Delphi group by Onatas, 
which represented the death in battle of Opis, the king of the barbarian 
lapygians, at the hands of the Tarentines, 3 and the group at Olympia 

FIG. 21. Two Figures, from the West Pediment of the Temple on Aegina. 

Glyptothek, Munich. 

already mentioned as representing a Trojan subject, led earlier scholars 
to assign the slightly more advanced statues of the East Pediment to 
Onatas and the more archaic ones of the West Pediment to Kallon. But 
we know both these sculptors only as bronze workers. The violent action 
of some of the figures reminds us at once of Pausanias' description of the 
statue of the boxer Glaukos by the sculptor Glaukias, which we have 
already mentioned. But on the whole, though they are violent, the 
slight proportions of these athletic figures do not fit the appearance of 
boxers and pancratiasts, which, as we have seen, formed the staple of 
Aeginetan sculptors, but rather those of runners. We see a good 
wrestler in the Snatcher of the East Gable (Fig. 20) , 4 and the corre- 

'While Overbeck dates them about 500 B. C., Furtwaengler, Bulle, Gardner, and others 
date them about 480 B. C. 2 Hdt., VIII, 93. 3 P., X, 13. 10. 

4 Furtw., op. cit., Tafelbd., PI. 95, no. 82, and Textbd., pp. 248-9, and fig. 178 on p. 23; 
B. B., no 26; Gardner, Hbk., p. 229, fig. 52; it is from the north half of the gable. 


spending figure in the right half of the same gable. 1 The Champion of 
the West gable (Fig. 21, left), 2 of the finest Parian marble, represented 
as lunging forward, pressing on the enemy armed with helm, spear, 
^ and shield, would pass as a good example of a hoplitodrome, far freer 
and more individual than the warrior from Dodona. 


Owing to the Persian sack of the Athenian Akropojis_in_480_and^479 
E. C., and the subsequent burial of works of art there and their redis- 

of 1.88^-1889, WP know ' 

sculpture (600-480 B. C.) than of any other early school. 3 We have 
already mentioned certain Attic works which show the influence of 
the severer Argive school la petite boudeuse, the head of the yellow- 
haired ephebe (Fig. 18), the Akropolis athlete statue (Fig. 17), etc. 
which was prominent at the beginning of the fifth century B. C., works 
which can be attributed to Hegias, Kritios, and their associates. They 
illustrate the reaction against Ionic taste, an influence which, came 
from Asia Minor and the islands, especially after the fall of the Lydian 
Empire of Croesus, and which for a time submerged native Attic art. 
This Ionic art was characterized by great technical ability, and by 
rich draperies and decorative effect. The archaic smile was its special 
feature. lonism is best represented by some of the Akropolis Korai.* 
In athletic art we see lonism at its flood tide in the Rampin head found 
in.. Athens in ...1877, now in the Louvre, which corresponds irTstyle 
with some of the earlier female statues of the Akropolis. 5 This head 
has a more elaborate frisure thajx.any-of the female heads and, in fact, 
the elaborate treatment of the hair of the crown, and forehe^js_jnore_ 
suitable to a female than a male statue. The beard is carefully plaited, 
while traces of red seem to show that the mustache was painted on- 
Similar traces of color appear on the beard and hain__TT ne smiling 

iFurtw., fig. 204, p. 248. 

2 Furtw.-Wolters, Beschr. d. Glyptothek, 2 no. 78; Furtw., op. cit., Tafelbd., PI. 96, no. 32, and 
Textbd., pp. 223-4; the figure on our plate to the right= Furtw.-Wolters, Beschr., no. 77 and 
Furtw., op. cit., PI. 96, no. 29, Textbd., p. 221. No. 78 should stand, however, in front of 77 as 
arranged by Furtwaengler, op. cit., Tafelbd., PI. 104, and both should be placed in the south 
half of the West Pediment and not in the north. For the two figures in Fig. 21, see also 
von Mach, 78 (middle and right). For another figure (armed with helmet, shield, and spear) 
from the East Gable, see Bulle, 86= Furtw.-Wolters, no. 86 (formerly no. 56). 

3 Recently these sculptures, and especially the limestone (\L8os Triptros) fragments, have 
been dated from 490 B. C., rather than from 480: see Svoronos, I, p. 92. The Akropolis 
was destroyed by Xerxes in 480 B. C., but it is problematical if with the completeness 
recorded by Hdt., VIII, 53; see Doerpfeld in A. M., XXVII, 1902, pp. 379 f.; Dickins, pp. 5 f. 
The next year Mardonios destroyed the city by fire: Hdt., IX, 13. 

4 See von Mach, 25 f.; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, pp. 635 f.; for details, Lechat, Au Musee, and 
Schrader, Die archaischen M armor skulpturen im Akropolis-Museum zu Athen, 1909. See also 
Dickins, op. cit.; Perrot-Chipiez, pp. 574 f. and p. 577, fig. 289 (=Au Musee, fig. 26), and 
p. 578, fig. 290 (=Au Musee, fig. 8); etc. 

& Mon. gr., VII, 1878 (publ. in vol. I, 1882), PI. I and pp. 1-14 (A. Dumont); Mon. Piot, 
VII, PI. XIV, and pp. 146-7 (Lechat); Rayet, I, PI. 18; Collignon, I, p. 360, fig. 182; Reinach, 
Tetes, 3, 4; Bulle, 225; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 641, fig. 328. 


mouth, high ears, and almond eyes recall many archaic works, but 
especially the Apollo of Tenea (PI. 8A). The garland of oak leaves 
above the frisure of the forehead may suggest a victor, 1 or perhaps a 
priest or assistant on some religious embassy. 2 The turning of the 
neck- as in the ephebe statue of the Akropolis (Fig. 17) shows a break 
at this early time with archaism. Another work illustrating lonism is 
the fragment of a grave-stele found near the Dipylon gate in 1873 and 
dating from the second half of the sixth century B. C. 3 It represents 
the head of an athlete in profile, the youth holding a diskos in his left 
hand, so placed that his head is projected upon it in relief as on a nim- 
bus. The top of the head is broken off, but we see the usual archaic 
features in the face the almond-shaped eye (in profile), big nese with 
knob-like nostrils, thick lips with the archaic smile, retreating chin and 
forehead, and high ear with a huge lobe. The neck and chin, however, 
are full of grace and strength, as is also the slender thumb outlined 
against the diskos. As the stele broadens downward, 4 the figure ap- 
pears to have been represented with the feet apart, and so may have 
represented a palaestra diskobolos on parade, 5 and is, therefore, our 
earliest representation of such an athlete. A similar dress-parade pose 
is seen on the stele of Aristion in the National Museum at Athens, the 
work of the sculptor Aristokles, which represents a warrior with a 
spear in the left hand. 6 Another torso of an ephebe in the Akropolis 
Museum represents Ionic work from Paros. 7 Another head, the so- 
called Rayet head in the Jakobsen collection in Copenhagen, one of 
the most remarkable specimens of Greek archaic art 8 (Fig. 22), some- 

1 So Richardson, p. 83, and others. 

2 So Bulle; he dates it in the first half of the sixth century B. C., doubtless a little too early. 
'' 3 It is now in the National Museum at Athens: Kabbadias, no. 38; Stai's, Marbres et Bronzes, 
p. 17; Arch. Eph., 1874, p. 484 and PI. 71, T, a (Koumanoudis); Sybel, Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen, 
1881, no. 2904; von Mach, 351; Overbeck, I, p. 202, fig. 46; Collignon, I, p. 385, fig. 200; 
F. W., 99; Conze, Die attischen Grabreliefs, I, 1890, PI. IV, pp. 5-6; Kirchhoff and Curtius, 
Phiiolog. u. histor. Abh. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 1873, pp. 156 f. (and two illustrations, 
one of a second fragment); Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 664, fig. 342. 

4 The breadth of 14 inches at top would become 30 inches at bottom. A second fragment, 
apparently belonging to the first, contains a part of the leg: Arch. Eph., 1874, PI. 71, F, b. 

5 The same motive occurs on vases: e. g., Gerhard, I, PI. XXII, and IV, PI. CCLXXII. 

'This very low relief is the most perfect of the older Attic grave-stelae, and dates from the 
second half of the sixth century B. C.: Kabbadias, no. 29; Stai's, Marlres ft Bronzes, p. 15 and 
fig. (2.40 m. high); Sybel, op. cit., no. 3361; Overbeck, I, p. 200, fig. 45; Con/e, Die attischen 
Grabreliefs, I, PI. II, 1, p. 4; B. B., no. 41 A; Baum., I, p. 341, fig. 358; Kekule, Die ant. Bildw. 
im Theseion, no. 363; Springer-Michaelis, p. 195, fig. 371; F. W., no. 101. Overbeck dates it 
at the beginning of the fifth century B. C.; Richardson, p. 91 and fig. 43, about 525 B. C. 
For a duplicate stele from Ikaria, see A. J. A., V, 1889, PI. I and pp. 9 f. (Buck); Conze, op. 
cit., I, PI. II, 2. 

'Dickins, no. 692 and fig.; mentioned by Furtwaengler, A. M., V, 1880, pp. 25 and 32; 
discussed by R. Delbrueck, ibid., XXV, 1900, pp. 373 f., Pis. XV, XVI (bottom). 

*La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, 1896, Pis. 1, 2 (and text by Arndt); Reinach, Tetes, Pis. 1, 2; 
Rayet, Mon. gr., VI, 1877 (publ. in vol. I, 1882), PI. I; id., tt. d'archeol. et d'art, pp. 1-8 and 
PI. I; Collignon, I, pp. 361, fig. 183; B. B., no. 116; Bulle, 197; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 643, 
fig. 329. 



what later in date than the Rampin head, represents quite a different 
tendency in Attic art. While the Rampin head represents Ionic 
influence, this head represents pure Attic work untrammeled by for- 
eign influence, a true development of the old Attic sculpture in poros, 
the best examples of which are to be 
found in the decorative sculptures of 
the Old Temple of Athena on the Akrop- 
olis, enlarged by the Peisistratidai. 
Comparing it with the head of the 
Athena of the gable of that temple, 1 we 
see great similarity in the simple exe- 
cution and reserve in the treatment of 
details characteristics of pure Attic 
sculpture especially in the deep lines 
on either side of the mouth in the Jakob- 
sen head. The hair is pictorially treated 
like a cap, traces of red appearing on it 
as well as on the lips and eyes. The 
Copenhagen and Rampin heads, to- 
gether with the famous portrait head 
in the old Sabouroff collection, 2 and the 
head of a woman in the Louvre, 3 form 
our best examples of old Attic art out- 
side of the museums of Athens. 4 The 

FIG. 22. Archaic Marble Head 
of a Youth. Jakobsen Col- 
lection, Ny-Carlsberg Mu- 
seum, Copenhagen. 

swollen ears of the Jakobsen head show that it is from the funerary 
statue of a victor, perhaps a boxer. Furtwaengler wrongly classed 
it as a portrait head. 5 A much discussed Attic work is the archaic relief 
of a charioteer in the Akropolis Museum (Fig. 63). 6 This was formerly 
thought (<?. g., by Schrader) to be a block from the later Ionic frieze of 
the old Hekatompedon which many believe survived the Persian sack, 
but it is more likely a part of a frieze belonging to a small shrine or 
altar. It represents a draped person entering a two-horse chariot 
with the left foot, the hands outstretched to hold the reins, the head 
and body leaning forward. Because of the krobylos treatment of the 
hair, fitted for both sexes, and the long flowing robe, the sex has been 
needlessly doubted, some calling it an Apollo or a mortal charioteer, 
others an Athena or a Nike, even though the line of the breast, so far 
as it is visible, shows no fullness, and the long chiton is common in 

'Collignon, I, p. 376, fig. 193; Bulk, fig. 128 on p. 440. 

2 Brunn-Arndt, Gr. und roem. Portraets, Pis. XXIII-XXIV. 

3 Gaz. arch., 1887, PI. XI. 

4 C/. Arndt, La Glyptothek Ny-Carlsberg, text to nos. 1 and 2. 

& Sammlung Sabouroff, 1883. I, Einleitung, p. 5. 

6 Found in two fragments in 1822 and 1859-60: Dickins, no. 1342, pp. 275 ff., and fig.; B. B., 
21; von Mach, 56; Overbeck, I, p. 203 and fig. 47; H. Schrader, A. M., XXX, 1905, pp. 305 
f., and PI. XL Other references are given infra, p. 269, n. 9. 


representations of male charioteers. 1 However, for the appreciation 
of the relief it is of no consequence whether the figure is male or 
female. It may be merely a dedicatory offering of a Panathenaic 
victor in chariot racing, very possibly assimilated to the type of Apollo, 2 
as the god often appears in vase-paintings of the same period in sim- 
ilar costume mounting a chariot. 3 We shall discuss its interpretation 
more fully later on. 4 While lonism was prone to represent richly 
draped figures which concealed the form of the body, we see in this 
relief, with its fine modeling, a suggestion of the form beneath the 
folds of the garment, and so, perhaps, only another example of an 
Attic master rebelling against alien influence. 6 

At Olympia we have no names of Athenian sculptors prior to the 
Persian war period. Kalamis helped Onatas with the monument of 
King Hiero already mentioned. Mikon made a statue of a pancra- 
tiast, Kallias of Athens, who won in Ol. 77 ( = 472 B. C.). 6 The great 
Myron, of whom we shall speak at length in the next chapter, 
made five statues of victors, which were erected between Ols. 
77 and 84 ( = 472 and 444 B. C.). 7 Only four later Athenian artists 
are mentioned: Silanion of the fourth century, who made statues for 
three victors, whose victories ranged from Ols. 102 to 114 ( = 372 to 
324 B. C.); 8 Polykles the Elder, who made the statue of the boy pan- 
cratiast Amyntas of Eresos, who won in Ol. (?) 146 (=196 B.C.); 9 
Timarchides and Timokles, the sons of Polykles, who in common made 
the statue of the boxer Agesarchos of Tritaia in Achaia, who won in 
Ol. (?) 143 ( = 208 B.C.) 10 

^ee Hauser, Jb., VII, 1892, pp. 54 f., who discusses the question of the sex of the figure at 

2 So Hauser, /. c.; followed by Robinson, Cat. Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, no. 33. 

*E. g., Gerhard, I, Pis. XX and XXI. "See infra, Ch. V, pp. 269 f. 

6 While Schrader (op. cit., p. 3 13) dates it in the last quarter of the sixth century B. C., Dickins 
finds it earlier than the remnants of the sculptures of the Hekatompedon and, because of the 
delicate carving of the drapery and hair, despite its Attic features, calls it "typically Ionian in 
its elaboration of detail." However, I follow Overbeck's date at the beginning of the fifth cen- 
tury B. C. (op. cit. p. 204), and believe that it represents a time near the close of Ionic influence 
en Attic art. P., VI, 6.1; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, SO; Foerster, 208; Inschr.v. 01., 146. 

7 Of the Spartan hoplite and chariot victor Lykinos, who won two victories in Ols. (?) 83 
and 84 ( = 448 and 444 B. C.): P., VI, 2.1; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211 N; of the pancratiast 
Timanthes of Kleonai, who won in Ol. 81 ( = 456 B. C.): P., VI, 8.4; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 76; 
Foerster, 232; of the unknown Arkadian boxer, mentioned by P., VI, 8. 5, who won in Ol. 80 
or 01. 84 ( = 460 or 444 B. C.): Hyde, 79, and pp. 39-41; cf. Foerster, 222 a, Hyde, 79 a; 
Inschr. v. 01. , 174; of the Spartan runner Chionis, who won in Ols. 28, 29, 30, 31 ( = 668-656 
B. C.), but his statue was erected in Ol. 77 or 78 ( = 472 or 468 B. C.): P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; 
Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41-6. On two statues of Lykinos, see infra, p. 187, n. 6. 

8 0f the Elean boxer Satyros, who won two victories in Ols. (?) 102, 103 (=372, 368 B. C.): 
P., VI, 4.5 ; Hyde, 39; Foerster, 342, 348; of the boy boxers Telestas and,Damaretos of Messene, 
who won some time between Ols. 102 and 114 ( = 372 and 324 B.C.): P., VI, 14.4; Hyde, 127; 
Foerster, 378; and P., VI, 14.11; Hyde, 130; Foerster, 373. On the sculptor, see Hyde, p. 35. 

P., VI, 4.5; Hyde, 40; Foerster, 494. 

10 P., VI, 12.8 f.; Hyde, 109; Foerster, 529; cf. Robert, Hermes, XIX, 1884, pp. 306 f. 
On the artist family of Polykles, his sons Timokles and Timarchides, Polykles Minor and 
Timarchides Minor, see Robert, /. c., pp. 300 f.; Hyde, pp. 45-47 and table on p. 46. 



The victor represented as standing at rest was often characterized 
by general motives, such as praying, anointing or scraping himself, 
offering libations, and the like. We shall now consider such motives 
in detail. 


Prayer was a common motive represented in votive monuments. 
Pliny mentions many such works by Greek sculptors. 1 The cus- 
tom of raising the arms in prayer is found all through Greek literature, 
from Homer down. 2 Pausanias says that the people of Akragas made 
an offering in the form of bronze statues of boys placed on the walls 
of the Altis, TTpOTelvovras re ras deltas /ecu ei/ca<rjuyous euxojuewis rco 0ecp, 
these statues being the work of Kalamis. 3 In the Athenian Askle- 
pieion there were many TVTTOL Kara/ia/croi rpos Tri^a/dco, among which 
were representations of men and women in the praying attitude. 4 
The motive was used at Olympia in victor statues, representing the 
victor as raising the hand in prayer to invoke victory. 5 The statue 
of the wrestler Milo, already discussed at length, shows that this 
motive was employed at Olympia in the improved "Apollo" type in 
the second half of the sixth century B. C. 6 From the next century 
we may cite the statue of the Spartan chariot victor Anaxandros, 
which was represented as "praying to the god," 7 and the statues of 
the Rhodian boxers Diagoras and Akousilaos, as we learn from a 
scholion on Pindar, 8 which is based on a fragment of Aristotle 9 
and on one of Apollas. 10 Of the statue of Diagoras it says: ri]v 
det,av avarelvuv \elpa, Trjv de apiffrepav els tavrov eiriKXlvw, of 
that of Akousilaos: rfy pev dpiorepa ijucWa exw TTVKTLVOV, r^v de 
de&av cos Trpos irpo(re.vxh v avareivoov. 11 The bronze statue from 

'. g., H. N., XXXIV, 73 (Boedas); XXXIV, 78 (Euphranor); XXXIV, 90 (Sthennis). 
In XXXIV, 91, he gives a list of artists who made statues of sacrific antes. 

2 In the Iliad, I, 450; VIII, 347; XV, 371; Aischylos, Prom., 1005 (uirTidoTuun xpw"); etc. 
On the attitude of prayer in Greek art, see L. Gurlitt, A. M., VI, 1881, pp. 158 f. (who tries to 
show that the gestures of prayer and adoration were distinct); Sittl, Die Gebaerden der Gr. 
und Roem., pp. 305 f.; cj. Conze, Jb., I, 1886, pp. 1-13 (on the Praying Boy of Berlin, PI. 10.) 
See also Dar.-Sagl., I, pp. 80 f., s. v. adoratio. 3 V, 25. 5. 

4 See article by P. Girard and J. Martha in B. C. H., II, 1878, pp. 421 f. (lists of inventories 
of objects consecrated there). 

6 Scherer, p. 33, shows that the gesture in such statues was meant to invoke victory rather 
than to pay thanks for one that had been gained. 

6 Scherer agrees with Philostratos, Fit. Apoll. Tyan., IV, 28, that the gesture of the right 
hand of the statue was one of prayer, and argues from it that many similar statues existed 
there: p. 31. Rouse wrongly assumes that all such statues were votive: p. 170. 

7 P., VI, 1.7; he won in Ol. (?) 79 (=464 B. C.): Hyde, 8; Foerster, 233. 

"Ol. VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158. 9 Fragm. no. 264 ( = /\ H. G., II, p. 183). 

10 Fragm. no. 7 ( = F. H. G., IV, p. 307). 

"Diagoras won in Ol. 79 (=464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1 f.; Hyde, 59; Foerster, 220; Inschr. v. OL, 
151 (renewed). For the sculptor of the statue, Kallikles, see Robert, 0. S., pp. 194 f. On 
Diagoras, see van Gelder, Gesch. d. alt. Rhodier, p. 435. Akousilaos won in Ol. 83 ( = 448 
B. C.): P., /. c.; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 60; Foerster, 252. 


Athens, now in the Antiquarium, Berlin, 1 which represents a 
nude boy with the right hand raised as if in prayer and the left 
lowered and holding a leaping-weight therefore a pentathlete 
seems to correspond with this description of the statue of Akousi- 
laos. The same motive may have been used in the statue of the 
chariot victress Kyniska, a princess of Sparta, whose statue along with 
that of her charioteer and the chariot was the work of the sculptor 
Apellas. 2 This is the interpretation of Furtwaengler, 3 based on a 
passage in Pliny, which mentions statues of adornantes se feminas* by 
Apellas, which he reads adorantes feminas. However, adornantes may 
be right, for in another passage, Pliny speaks of Praxiteles' statue 
of a ^eXiojuev77, i. e., of a woman clasping a bracelet on her arm. 5 
Two notable bronze statues will illustrate this motive of Olympic vic- 
tor statues. The statue found in 1502 at Zellfeld in Carinthia, now 
in Vienna, 6 has been interpreted both as a Hermes Logics and a votive 
statue in the attitude of prayer, 7 which latter interpretation the 
inscription on the leg, giving a list of dedications, 8 favors. However, 
Furtwaengler believes it a free imitation of an Argive victor statue, 
though not in the Polykleitan style. Because of its similarity to the 
Idolino (PI. 14), he has ascribed its original to the sculptor Patrokles. 
From technical considerations he believes it is not a Greek original 
dedicated by Romans of a later period, but a Roman work (after 
Patrokles) of the period of the inscription. 9 The bronze statue of the 
Praying Boy in Berlin 10 (PI. 10) is one of our most beautiful Greek 
bronzes and comes from the circle of Lysippos. 11 We now know that 

l Beschr. d. Skulpt., Inv. 6306; A. M., VI, 1881, p. 158. Rouse, p. 171, following Scherer, 
pp. 31 f., doubts if this statue represents the attitude of any of the Olympic victor statues. 

2 She won two victories in Ols. (?) 96, 97 (=396, 392 B. C.): P., VI, 1.6 f.; Hyde, 7; Foerster, 
326, 333; Inschr. v. 01., 160 (here the name appears in the uncontracted form 'AireXXeoj). 

3 A. Z., XXXVII, 1879, pp. 151-2 (on no. 30l = Inschr. v. 01., 160); he is followed by Foer- 
ster. /. c. *H. N., XXXIV, 86. 

8 XXXIV, 70. For the motive, see the small bronze in Kassel, representing Aphrodite: Jb., 
IX, 1894, PI. IX (two views), and pp. 248-50 (W. Klein), though its connection with Praxiteles 
must not be pressed; also bronze statuette in British Museum: Bulle, 1, pp. 332 f., and fig. 81. 

'Described by R. von Schneider, Die Erzstatue vom Helenenberge, in Jahrb. d. Samml. d. 
oesterr. Kaiserhauses, XV, 1893; illustrated by E. von Sacken, Die ant. Bronz. d. k. k. Muenz.- 
und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien, 1871, I, Pis. XXI-XXII, pp. 52 f., and cf. A. M., VI, 1881 
p. 155 (Gurlitt). 

7 C/. F. W., 1562. 8 C. I. L., Ill, 2, 4815. 9 Mp., p. 290; Mw., pp. 506-7. 

10 Bfschr. d. ant. Skulpt., no. 2 (for history and bibliography); B. B., 283; von Mach, 273; 
Bulle, 64; Reinach, Rep., I, 459, 4; cf. Come, Jb., I, 1886, pp. 1 f.; ibid., pp. 217 (Furt- 
waengler); ibid., pp. 219 f. (Puchstein); Springer-Michaelis, p. 341, fig. 614. A similar atti- 
tude of prayer appears on the figure of Phineus on a r.-f. Attic amphora in the British 
Museum: A.Z., XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 143 f. and Pl.XII, 1 (Flasch). The statue is 1.28 meters 
high (Bulle). 

"Loewy, R. M., XVI, 1901, pp. 391 f. and Pis. XVI-XVII, by a comparison with the 
Vatican Apoxyomenos (PI. 29), and the Naples resting Hermes (von Mach, 237; Reinach, 
Rep., I, 367, 1), has shown its Lysippan character; cf. also Mau, /. c. in next note, Bulle, and 
others, who refer it to the same school; Bulle assigns it possibly to Boedas, the pupil of 
Lysippos, who made a praying figure: Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 73; similarly Amelung, in 
Thieme-Becker, Lex. d. bild. Kuenstler, IV, p. 187, Gardner, Hbk., p. 452, and others. 


the uplifted arms of this statue, in which most scholars saw the Greek 
attitude of prayer, are restorations which were probably made in the 
time of Louis XIV, when the statue was in France. Of the original 
motive we only can say that the action of the shoulders shows that both 
arms were raised, but we do not know how far, or the position of the 
hands. Monumental evidence shows that the hands in prayer should 
have the palms turned away from the face instead of upwards, as in 
the present statue, since the Greek position was the outgrowth of an 
old apotropaic gesture, i. e., one directed against an evil spirit. Mau's 
idea 1 that the figure represented a player catching a ball is certainly 
inconsistent with the calm attitude of the statue. Furtwaengler 
rejected it, 2 and he has restored the arms and hands on the basis of a 
Berlin gem 3 and an ex voto relief found by the French excavators at 
Nemea in 1884. 4 On this relief a youth crowned with a woolen fillet 
is represented. On both relief and gem the figures are in the same 
attitude, the arms raised over the head manibus supinis, which con- 
firms the restoration of the Berlin statue. Many other monuments 
give the more ysual attitude of prayer, not as in the relief and gem dis- 
cussed, but with only one hand extended as high as the breast. Older 
writers thought that such monuments did not represent the gesture of 
adoration, but one of adlocutiof an opinion disproved by Pausanias' 
statement about the bronze statues of the Akragantines at Olympia, 
already mentioned. We may cite a relief from Kleitor, now in Berlin, 6 
and a fine one of the fourth century B. C. from Lamia (?), 7 as well as a 
red-figured Etruscan stamnos in Vienna representing, probably, Ajax 
praying before committing suicide. 8 We shall mention also two little 
statuettes in New York which represent youths in the praying atti- 
tude. 9 The first, dating from the second half of the fifth century B. C., 

*R. M., XVII, 1902, pp. 101 f. 

z Mutnchner Allg. Ztg., 1902, Nov. 29, Beilage, no. 297; cf., for his restoration of the arms, 
ibid., 1903, Beilage, no. 277, p. 445 (quoted by von Mach and Bulle, respectively). 

3 Jb., I, 1886, fig. on p. 217; reproduced in A. A., 1904, p. 75 (Conze); also on coins, 
Jb., Ill, 1888, pp. 286 f. and PI. IX (Imhoof-Blumer). 

*Rev. arch., Sen IV, II, 1903, pp. 205-10, 411-12 (Lechat), and PI. XV; reproduced in A. A., 
I. c. Babelon, C. R. Acad. Inscr., 1904, p. 203, thought that the stele represented a seer in 
liturgic attitude as on certain coins of Sikyon; he argued, therefore, that the Berlin statue 
did not represent an athlete. 

6 E. g., Levezow, de juvenis adorantis Signo, Berlin, 1808, p. 12; and Welcker, Das akad. Mus. 
zu Bonn, p. 42 (quoted by Gurlitt, op. cit. in the next note, p. 157 ); cf. Scherer, pp. 32-3. 

6 A. M., VI, 1881, pp. 154 f. (Gurlitt), and PI. V (from cast in Berlin): it is 2.18 meters high 
and 1.11 meters broad. 

7 In the National Museum, Athens; discussed by Kekule, Die antiken Bildwerke im Theseion 
zu Athen, 1869, no. 151; illustrated in Exped. scientifique de Moree, III, 1838, PI. XLI (=from 

8 SeeO. Jahn in Annali, XX, 1848, pp. 213 f. and PI. K a (= Orestes) ; A. Z., XXX, 1872, p. 60, 
PI. 46 (Heydemann); Gurlitt, op. cit., p. 156; cf. Sophokles, Aias, 815 f., to explain the scene. 

9 See Richter, Gk., Etrusc., and Rom. Bronz. in the Metropolitan Museum, 1918, no. 89 (7 inches 
high) and fig. on p. 59; Cat. Class. Coll., p. 115, fig. 73; published by Furtwaengler, Sitzb. 
Muen. Akad., 1905, II, p. 264, fig. 1 and PI. IV (who considered it Etruscan and not Greek); 
Reinach, Rep., Ill, 24, 3. Richter, op. cit., no. 79 (\\ 3 A inches high), and figs, on p. 53 
(two views); Cat. Class. Coll., p. 91, fig. 54; Burlington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art, 
1904, p. 46, no. 36, and PI. LIII; Reinach, Rep., IV, 370, 6. 

Bronze Statue of the Praying Boy. Museum of Berlin. 


and showing Polykleitan influence, represents a nude youth standing 
erect with the forearms bent, showing that the two hands were ex- 
tended in prayer. The second, which dates from the first half of the 
fifth century B. C. (after the date of the Myronian Diskobolos), repre- 
sents a nude youth standing with the right hand raised to the lips in 
an attitude usual in saluting a divinity, while the left is by the side, 
with the palm to the front. 


Various familiar motives from the everyday life of the gymnasium 
and palaestra were reproduced in the statues of athletes. One of 
the commonest methods was to represent the victor anointing his body 
with oil. The use of oil was indispensable in all athletic exercises, 
in order to make the body and limbs more supple, and especially in 
wrestling and the pankration, to make it difficult for one's antagonist 
to get a grip. 1 Pliny mentions a painting by Theoros, representing a 
man se inunguentem, 2 which appears to have been a votive portrait of 
an athlete. The motive was common in vase-paintings and statuary. 
Several red-figured vases of the severe style, antedating the statues to 
be considered, show from realistic representations of palaestra scenes 
that it was customary for athletes to hold a round aryballos high in the 
right hand and pour oil from it into the left, which was placed across 
the body horizontally. 3 The same motive appears with variations in 
statues. 4 Thus the statue of an ephebe in Petworth House, Sussex, 
England, 5 a statue, as Furtwaengler says, to be praised more for its 
excellent preservation than for its workmanship, represents an athlete, 
who holds a globular aryballos in his right hand raised over the shoulder, 
while the left arm is held across the abdomen. On the nearby tree- 
trunk are small cylindrical objects which seem to be boxing pads. This 
statue, and especially its head, have been regarded by Michaelis and 
Furtwaengler as unmistakably Polykleitan in style. 6 Several other 
copies of original statues representing athletes pouring oil have been 
wrongly classed as replicas of one original, 7 though they merely have 
essential features alike, due chiefly to the subject. First is the 
famous statue in the Glyptothek known as the Oelgiesser (Oil- 
pourer) y a Roman copy of an Attic bronze of about the middle of the 

*0n the custom of athletes smearing themselves with oil and dust in the palaestra before 
entering the wrestling match, see Lucian, Anacharsis, sive de exercitationibus, 28. 

*H. N., XXXV, 144. 

'Several cited by L. Bloch, R. M., VII, 1892, pp. 88 f.; and especially one in A. Z., 
XXXVII, 1879, PI. IV (red-figured krater by Euthymides from Capua, now in Berlin); 
Hartwig, Die griech. Meisterschalen, 1893, p. 570. Cf. Furtw., Mp., p; 259, Mw., p. 466. 

4 Cf. Brunn, Annali, LI, 1879, pp. 201 f. 

'Michaelis, pp. 601-2, no. 9; Bulle, p. 109, fig. 19; Furtw., Mp., p. 257, fig. 107, Mw., p 
465, fig. 77. It is 1.68 meters high (Michaelis). 

It has the same foot position as that on the base of the statue of the boxer Kyniskos, by 
Polykleitos: Inschr. v. 01., 149. 

7 E. g., by F. W., 462-4. 



fifth century B. C. (PI. II). 1 Though the right arm and left hand are 
lost, it is clear that the athlete held in his raised right hand an oil 
flask, as in the Petworth statue. 2 Notwithstanding that the head 
resembles the Praxitelian Hermes* this does not show that the statue 
is of fourth-century origin, for its original is older; it merely shows that 
the art of Praxiteles was deeply rooted in that of his fifth-century 
predecessors. Because of its Attic 
affiliations, Klein tried to identify 
it with the ^jKpLvojjLevos of Alkame- 
nes mentioned by Pliny, 4 by amend- 
ing that title to 3 E7XP l OM^os, 
the "Anointer. " Brunn, however, 
rightly saw the analogy of the body 
forms to Myron's Marsyas? and 
Furtwaengler and Bulle have as- 
cribed it to Lykios, the son and 
pupil of that master, who worked 
about 440 B. C., the approximate 
date of the original of the statue. 
A fragmentary head in the Boston 
Museum of Fine Arts (Fig. 23), 6 
formerly in private possession in 
England, is a copy of the same 
original as the Munich statue. Its 
special interest is that it is not an 
exact copy of the original, as the 
Munich statue is, but a freer one, 

showing a fuller mouth, fleshier cheeks, and deeper-set eyes. While 
the Munich statue is the dry work of a Roman copyist of Augustus' 
time, this head is by a far abler Greek copyist of the second century 
B. C. A torso in the Albertinum in Dresden, without a head, 7 is 

^urtw.-Wolters, Beschr. d. Glypt., 2 no. 302; B. B., 132 (= front view, from cast), 134 
(left =back view), 135 (=head, from cast, two views); Bulle, 55; Mon. d. I., XI, 1879-83, 
PI. VII; Brunn, Annali, LI, 1879, pp. 201 f. and PI. S T, 1, 2; F. W., 462; Reinach, Rep., 
I, 522, 2; Clarac.V, 857, 2174; for replicas, Furtw., Mw., p. 466, n. 4 and Mp., p. 259, n. 4; 
Duetschke, IV, pp. 53 f. on no. 82; etc. It is 1.93 meters high with the plinth, 1.80 meters 
without (Furtw.-Wolters). 

2 The right arm is wrongly restored in the Munich statue; its proper restoration is given in a 
cast in Brunswick: Bulle, p. 112, fig. 20. Bulle, however, says that the Munich statue may 
be that of a boxer and not of an oil-pourer (wrestler). 

3 Pointed out by Kekule, Ueber den Kopf des Praxitelischen Hermes, 1881, p. 8. 

4 #. N., XXXIV, 72; Klein, Praxiteles, 1898, p. 50; Id., Arch.-epigr. Mitt, aus Oest., XIV, 
1891, pp. 6-9. We have discussed it supra, p. 77. 

6 For the Marsyas in the Lateran Museum in Rome, see Bulle, no. 95, and text, pp. 183 f., 
and Helbig, Fuehrer II, no. 1179. See Brurm ; op. cit., p. 204. 

6 B. B,, 557, text by Sieveking; described also by Furtwaengler, Beschr. d. Glypt., 2 p. 313. 

7 F. W., no. 463 ; Annali, LI, 1879, PI. S T, 3 ; B. B., 133 (= front view), 134 (right= back view) ; 
Furtw., Mp., pp. 259-60, Mw., pp. 467-8; for list of replicas of this torso, see Mp., p. 259, 
n. 9, Mw., p. 467, n. 4. Brunn, op. cit., p. 217, thought it a copy of the Munich statue. 

FIG. 23. Head of so-calleJ Oil- 
pourer. Museum of Fine Arts, 


Statue of the so-called Oil-pourer. Glyptothek, Munich. 


similar to the Munich statue, but hardly a replica. It probably 
goes back to an original by an Attic master of the end of the fifth 
or beginning of the fourth century B. C. Other under life-size stat- 
ues related to this torso show the same motive. 1 A black-marble 
statue found at Porto d'Anzio in 1758, and now in the Glyptothek, 2 
has the Polykleitan standing motive. The left arm, which is stretched 
out, holds an oil flask in the hand, while the right arm is lowered. The 
band, which the position of the fingers shows that the right hand prob- 
ably held, indicates it is the statue of a victor. A bronze statuette 
from South Italy, now in the British Museum, 3 represents a nude 
youth holding an alabastron in his right hand, while the left has 
the palm open to receive the oil. The hair fashion (Kpco/3i>Aos) seems 
to point to an Attic sculptor of about 470 B. C. 4 The same motive 
is found on terra-cotta statuettes from Myrina, 5 on reliefs, 6 and on 
gems. 7 


Another ordinary palaestra motive was employed in representing 
the athlete after the contest, scraping oil and dirt from his body 
and arms with the scraping-blade or strigil (<7rA77ts, strigilis). 8 
This motive is not uncommon on r.-f. vase-paintings of the fifth cen- 

^ne in Turin, F. W., 464; Duetschke, IV, no. 82; two statuettes in the Vatican 
(Braccio Nuovo), discussed by Bloch in R. M., VII, 1892, pp. 93 f.; Helbig, Guide, nos. 42 
and 44. 

2 Furtw.-Wolters, Beschr. d. Glypt., 2 no. 458; Clarac, PI. 858, 2175; Furtw., Mp., pp. 263 f.; 
Mw., pp. 473 f. It is 1.54 meters high. A replica is in the Vatican: see Furtwaengler, /. c.; we 
shall treat it later in reference to the statue of the pentathlete Pythokles; Hyde, 70; Foerster, 
295; Inschr. v. 01., 162-3; see infra, p. 144 and n. 4. 

3 B. M. Bronzes, no. 514, on p. 71, and PI. XVI; Specimens, I, PI. 15; Reinach, Rep., II, 
91, 7; Mon. gr., II, no. 23, PI. XV and p. 1 (ascribing it to the Argive school). It forms the 
basis for a mirror. 

4 Furtwaengler, Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1897, II, pp. 129 f. and PI. 6 (influence of Kalamis). 

*B. C. H., X, 1886, pp. 393 f. (S. Reinach) and PI. XII, 3 (this should be numbered XIV, 4; 
see text); Pettier et Reinach, Necrop. de Myrina, PI. XLI, 3, pp. 450 f. It is 0.205 meter high. 

'. g., F. W., 1798; relief found in 1830 in Hermione, now in Athens; it is of the second 
or third century B. C. 

1 E. g.,on the stone of Gnaios:/6., Ill, 1888, pp. 315 f.,no. 3; PI. X, no. 12; Furtwaengler, 
Die antiken Gemmen, 1900, PI. L, no. 9, and Vol. II, p. 241; also on the gem pictured by Toel- 
ken, Erklaer. Ferzeichn. d. ant. vertieft geschniitenen Steine d. preuss. Gemmensammlung, 1835, 
Klasse VI, 107 ( = Die ant. Gemmen, PI. XLIV, no. 24, and Vol. II, pp. 213) ; Furtwaengler, Mp., 
p. 260, n. 6, and Mw., p. 468, n. 4, who mentions it, believes that these gems correspond more 
nearly with the Dresden than with the Petworth athlete type. 

8 The strigil was a curved blade hollowed out inside with both edges sharp; the general 
orm remained largely the same from the sixth century B. C., down into Roman days, though 
the curve and the handle changed. The commonest were of bronze or iron: see Dar.-Sagl., 
IV, 2, pp. 1532 f., s. v. strigilis (S. Dorigny); K. Friederichs, Kleinere Kunst und Industrie im 
Altertum, 1871, pp. 83 f. Examples in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, are given by 
Richter, in Gk., Etr. and Rom. Bronzes, nos. 855 f.; others (strigils and handles) are in the 
British Museum: B. M. Bronzes, nos. 320-326, 665, and 2420-2454, and figs. 74-75, p. 319; on 
the operation, see Kuppers, Der Apoxyomenos des Lysippos, 1874. 


tury B. C. 1 It was treated in sculpture by many masters. Pliny 
mentions such statues of athletes destringentes se (aTro^uo/zewt), by 
Polykleitos, Lysippos, and Daidalos of Sikyon. 2 Perhaps the perixy- 
omenoi by Antignotos and Daippos, the latter the son of Lysippos, had 
the same motive. 3 Of the Apoxyomenos of Polykleitos we have no 
authenticated copies in sculpture, though Furtwaengler believes that 
he has found reminiscences of it on gems which represent a youth 
resting the weight of his body on the left leg, the right being drawn 
back (i. e., in the attitude of the Doryphoros), the right forearm 
extended, and the left holding a strigil. The similarity of these 
gem-designs makes it certain that they are all derived from a well- 
known work of art. 4 Perhaps the fine bronze statuette, dating from 
the middle of the fifth century B. C., and now in the Loeb collection in 
Munich, represents the pose of the destringens se by Polykleitos. 5 It 
represents a nude youth resting the weight of the body on the soles 
of both feet, the left one slightly advanced, and holding a strigil in 
the raised right hand. The famous marble copy of an Apoxyomenos in 
the Vatican 6 (PI. 29), which, because of its long slim legs and graceful 
ankles, might well represent a runner, has long been held to repre- 
sent the canon of Lysippos, as it exhibits proportions widely different 
from those employed by Polykleitos, and agreeing with Pliny's account 
of Lysippos' innovations. 7 However, the doubts arising in recent 
years as to whether this statue is a copy of Lysippos' statue or a later 
work will be considered at length in Chapter VI. 8 

The same motive is exemplified by many existing statues, statuettes, 
reliefs, etc. The marble statue of an athlete in the Uffizi, Florence, 

1 E. g-., on an amphora in Vienna: Schneider, Arch.-epigr. Mitt, aus Oest., V, 1881, p. 139, 
PI. IV; Hoppin, Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases, I. p. 334, no. 25 and PI. (right-hand fig.); on a kylix 
formerly in possession of Lucien Bonaparte, now in the British Museum, E 83: Gerhard, IV, 
PI. CCLXXVII, 2 (left-hand figure), and p. 50; Murray, Designs from Greek Vases, no. 58; 
others on which the athlete is cleansing the strigil and not the body are given by Hartwig 
in Jh. aest. arch. Inst., IV, 1901, p. 154 and figs. 178 (Peleus on krater from Bologna), 179 
(athlete on B. M. vase mentioned above, E 83, third figure from left, middle row), 180 (cup 
in Rome, Museo Gregoriano), 181 (jug, ibid.); Hartwig, pp. 153-4, mentions an athlete on 
a cup in the Museo Papa Giulio, Rome. For the motive of an apoxyomenos on a vase in 
the Louvre, see Hartwig, Die greich. Meisterchalen, pp. 24 f. and fig. 2a. 

2 H. N., XXXIV, 55, 62 and 76, respectively. 

3 Pliny, XXXIV, 86 and 87, respectively. 

4 A list is given by Furtw., Mp., p. 262, n. 2; Mw., p. 471, n. 1; a gem from the Hermitage is 
shown in Mp., p. 262, fig. 109; Mw., p. 471, fig. 79; =Die antiken Gemmen, PI. XLIV, no. 19; 
cf. also ibid., no. 18; Hartwig, in the article cited in note 1 above, adds two more gems showing 
an athlete in a similar position, in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts: p. 155, figs. 183, 184. Here 
the youth, as Hartwig against the interpretation of Furtwaengler makes clear, is cleansing 
the strigil and not his body. 

8 So J. Sieveking, Die Bronzen der Samml. Loeb, 1913, PI. 11, pp. 27 f.; cf. Burlington Fine 
Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art, 1904, PI. 50, B. 47, and von Duhn, Sitzb. d. Heidelberger Akad. 
d. W., Abt. 6, p. 9. It is 0.09 meter high. 

6 Von Mach, 235; F. W., 1264; Reinach, Rep., I, 515, 6 and 7; cf. II, 2, 546, 2; etc. 

7 #. N., XXXIV, 65. *Infra, pp. 288 f. 


Statue of an Apoxyomenos. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. 


(PI. 12), 1 a copy of an original of the end of the fifth century B. C., 
wrongly restored as holding in both hands a vase at which the athlete 
is looking down, was interpreted by Bloch as an ephebe pouring 
oil from a lekythos held in the right hand into an aryballos held 
in the left. This action for an athlete has been characterized by 
Furtwaengler as "unparallelled, unclassical and, above all, absurd." 
Through recent discoveries we now know that it represents an apoxy- 
omenos, and that it should be restored with the left forearm close to 
the thigh, and with the right crossing the abdomen diagonally in the 
direction of the left hand. This attitude so closely corresponds with 
that of a figure on a gem as to make it probable that both gem and 
statue are copies of the same original. The figure on the gem 2 holds 
a strigil in both hands and is generally explained as scraping the dirt 
from the left thigh; the right hand holds the handle and the left the 
blade. A hydria, palm-branch, and crown are pictured to the right- 
showing that the figure represents an athlete, just as the statue has the 
swollen ears of one. The attention of the athlete in both monuments 
is concentrated on the operation involved a concentration reminding 
us of Myron's Diskobolos. While, however, in the latter work the 
concentration is momentary, it is less transient in the Florence statue 
and also in the Munich Oil-pourer. This pose is too conscious in the 
Florentine statue to be the work of Myron. Arndt names no artist, 
but as the similarity between the head of the statue and that of the 
Oil-pourer is so marked, and as every one now regards the latter as 
Attic even if not by Alkamenes he thinks that the two must be 
by the same Attic sculptor, although the Uffizi statue is somewhat 
later than the Munich one. 3 The original of the Florence statue 
was famous, if we may judge by the existing number of replicas with 
variations. 4 

Among statues showing the same motive and pose, we may note the 
bronze statue of an athlete over life-size pieced together from 234 

'Amelung, Fuehrer, no. 25; Duetschke, III, 72 (1.93 meters high); B. B., 523-4 (text by 
Arndt); Bulle, p. 116, fig. 21; cf. Helbig, Guide, I, pp. 26 f., on nos. 42 and 44 (statuettes); Benn- 
dorf, Jh. oest. arch. Inst., 1898, Beiblatt, pp. 66 f.; Klein, Praxiteles, pp. 51 f.; Furtw., Mp., 
pp. 261-2; Mw., pp. 469-71; Bloch, R. M., VII, 1892, pp. 81 f., and fig. on p. 83 and PI. Ill 
(head, two views). The right underarm and hand and the left underarm and part of the hand, 
the vase, and the basis, are all modern restorations. 

2 Die antiken Gemmen, PI. XLIV, no. 17, and text, II, p. 212; Mp., p. 261, fig. 108; Mw., p. 
470, fig. 78; Hartwig, in Bed. Phil. Wochenschr., XVII, Jan. 2, 1897, p. 31, corrects the mis- 
take of Furtwaengler and Amelung that the athlete on the gem is cleansing the thigh and 
not the strigil itself. 

J Arndt dates it about 400 B. C.; Furtwaengler ascribes it and the Dresden torso of the 
Oil-pourer, already discussed, to an Attic master of the end of the fifth or beginning of the 
fourth century B. C. 

4 Listed by Furtw., Mp., p. 262, n. 1; Mw., p. 470, n. 5. Especially the reduced mediocre 
copy in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican: Helbig, Guide, no. 45; Clarac, 861, 2183; R. M., 
VII, 1892, pp. 92 f., and fig. 


fragments found by the Austrians at Ephesos and now in Vienna. 1 
The subject, pose, and heavy proportions recall the Argive school of 
Polykleitos, and its original has been assigned by Hauser to the Sikyo- 
nian Daidalos, the son and pupil of Patrokles, who was the pupil of 
Polykleitos. As further reproductions of the same type of figure, we 
may cite a bronze statuette in Paris, 2 and a marble one found at 
Frascati in 1896 and now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 3 

A chalcedony scarab of archaic type in the British Museum rep- 
resents a nude athlete with a lekythos slung over the left arm and a 
strigil in the left hand, which rests on the hip. 4 A beautiful marble 
grave-relief, much mutilated, in the museum at Delphi, 5 which dates 
from the middle of the fifth century B. C., represents a palaestra victor, 
with his arms extended to the right, cleansing himself with a strigil, 
which is held in the right hand, while a slave boy, holding the remnant 
of an aryballos in his right hand, looks up at him from the right. The 
careful anatomy of this relief may point to Pythagoras of Samos, as 
its author, though we have no certain work of his, for it fits the descrip- 
tion of that artist by Pliny, who says that he was the first to express 
sinews and veins. 6 


An original Greek bronze statuette in Paris (Fig. 24) 7 reproduces the 
motive of the statue of the boy wrestler Xenokles by the sculptor 
Polykleitos Minor at Olympia, as a comparison with the footprints on 
the recovered base of the latter shows. 8 As the forms correspond with 
those of the Doryphoros and Diadoumenos, and as its execution is so 

, no. 60 (who dates it in the middle of the fourth century B. C., and considers it a copy 
of an original statue); Hauser, Jh. oest. arch. Inst.,V, 1902, pp. 214 f. and fig. 68; Springer- 
Michaelis, p. 297, fig. 530; cf. A. J. //., VII, 1902, pp. 352-3, figs. 1 and 2. It is 1.925 meters 
high (Bulle). 

2 Babelon et Blanchet, Cat. des bronzes antiques de la Biblioth. Nat., 1895, no. 934, p. 411; it is 
0.075 meter high. 

3 Discussed by P. Hartwig, Jh. oest. arch. Inst., IV, 1901, pp. 151-9, figs. 176 and 177 (four 
views of statuette), and Pis. V-VI (two views of the head). Without its base it is 0.679 
meter high. 

4 It is in the Hamilton Coll.; see B. M. Cat. Engraved Gems, 1888, no. 335; cf. ibid., no. 432, 
a cut scarab from the Blacas Coll., representing a nude athlete seated on a rock, holding a 
lekythos and strigil suspended from the right hand. 

6 Bulle, no. 265; B. B., 601 (text by L. Curtius); H. Pomtow, Beitr. z. Topogr. v. Delphi, 
PI. XII; Homolle, Societe des Antiquaires de France, Centennaire 1804-1904, PI. XII. The 
figures are life-size (Bulle). 

6 H. N., XXXIV, 59: Hie primus nervos etvenas expressit. 

7 In the Louvre: Longperier, Notice des bronzes antiques du Louvre, I, 1868 (reprinted 1879), 
no. 214; de Ridder, Les bronzes antiques du Louvre, I, 1913, PI. 19, no. 183, and pp. 34f.; Furtw., 
Mp., PI. XIII, and p. 280, fig. 119; text, pp. 279 f.; Mm., PI. XXVIII, 3 (middle), and text, 
pp. 492 f.; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 588, 3. It is 0.21 meter high. For the same style and concep- 
tion, cf. a statuette from Cyprus in the Cesnola Collection, Metropolitan Museum, New York: 
Richter, Gk., Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes, p. 57, fig. 87 (two views). Here the left leg is the 
rest leg. 

*Inschr. v. 01., 164; base reproduced in Mp., p. 279, fig. 118; Mw., p. 491, fig. 85. 


Statue of an Athlete, after Polykleitos. Farnsworth Museum, 
Wellesley College, U. S. A. 



marvelous, Furtwaengler has ascribed the statuette to the circle of 
Polykleitos' pupils. The position of the right hand, which has the 
thumbs drawn in, corresponds with that of the Idolino (PI. 14), which 
we are to discuss, and can best be explained by assuming that it 
similarly held a kylix; the left hand carried a staff-like attribute. 
The head is bent and looks to the right. 
Furtwaengler believed that, inasmuch 
as the act of pouring a libation does not 
occur in art or literature as an athletic 
motive, the statuette represented a hero 
or god. Many Roman marble copies 
show the same motive and preserve 
to us a Polykleitan work which cor- 
responds in all essentials with the 
Louvre statuette. 1 We mention two, 
the only ones of the type in which the 
heads are on the trunks, one in the 
Galleria delle Statue of the Vatican, 2 
the other in the Farnsworth Museum 
atWellesley College (PI. 13). 3 These 
copies represent a youth standing with 
both feet flat upon the ground, the 
weight of the body resting upon the 
right one, while the left is turned a 
little to the side. He is looking down- 
wards to the right. Doubtless we 
should restore these copies after the 
Paris bronze, with a kylix in the right 
hand. The palm-branch in a similar 
statue, to be mentioned further on, 
shows that in all probability the origi- 
nal statue was that of an athlete; and 
that he was a famous athlete is shown 
by the number of copies of the torso and head. 4 A bronze head 

1 See list, Furtw., Mp., pp. 281 f.; Mw., p. 493; a completer one by Lippold, Jb., XXIII, 
1908, pp. 203-8. 

2 Amelung, Vat., II, pp. 414 f., no. 251, and PI. 46; Furtw., Mp., p. 281, fig. 120; Mw., p. 494, 
fig. 86; Clarac, 856, 2168. As the head and torso are of different marbles, we really have parts 
of two copies of the same original. In reconstructing the statue, another copy in the Galleria 
delle Statue is better: Amelung, Vat., II, pp. 583 f., no. 392 and PI. 56; it has a head of Septimius 
Severus upon it; the position of its feet is almost exactly that of the statue of Xenokles men- 

3 Publ. by Miss A. Walton, A. J. A., XXII, 1918, pp. 44 f., Pis. I, II, and figs. 1-5 in 
the text; Matz-Duhn, Ant. Bildw. in Rom, no. 1000; von Duhn doubts whether the head 
belongs to the trunk. The statue was acquired by Wellesley College in 1905 from a 
Roman dealer. 

4 Copies of the head-type are listed by Furtw., Mp., p. 282; Mw., pp. 494-5. 

FIG. 24. Bronze Statuette of an 
Athlete. Louvre, Paris. 


from Herculaneum (Fig. 25) 1 so strongly resembles in its forms the 
type under discussion which Furtwaengler has called the "Vatican 
athlete standing at rest" 2 and corresponds with it so closely in 
its measurements, that it might be regarded as a copy of the same 
original, if certain differences, not due to the copyist, did not rather 

FIG. 25. Bronze Head of an Athlete, from Her- 
culaneum. Museum of Naples. 

show that it comes from a closely allied work. This head shows 
an intense melancholy, which has been explained by Furtwaengler 
as due to the lack of skill on the part of the copyist, who fashioned 
it slightly askew. Amelung very properly explains the absence of 
the motive of libation-pouring in athletic art as merely a lacuna in 
our sources. 3 If the original of these copies and variations represented 

Invent., 5610; Bronzi d'Ercolano, I, Pis. 53-54, p. 187; Comparetti e de Petra, Villa Ercol- 
anese dei Pisoni, 7, 4; Furtw., Mp., p. 284, figs. 121 a, b; Mw., pp. 496-7, figs. 87-8; B. B., 339 

*Mp., p. 283; Mm., p. 495. 

3 Amelung, 7 at., II, p. 416. 


an athlete, he was certainly pouring a libation before victory; if a 
warrior, he was doing the same thing before going on a campaign. 
In the latter case the left hand should be restored with a spear. 

We must also place here the life-size original Greek bronze in Flor- 
ence, discovered at Pesaro, near Ancona,in 1530, and known from the 
early eighteenth century as the Idolino (PI. 14), 1 for its motive con- 
nects it with the series just discussed. This is, perhaps, our finest 
bronze statue from antiquity, as it represents the highest ideal of boy 
beauty, just as the Doryphoros does of manly beauty. The chief 
characteristics the positions of the feet, head, and arms, though essen- 
tially those of the statues discussed, offer certain differences. Thus 
the left leg is placed more to one side and turned further outwards 
than in the statue of Xenokles and kindred works; the left hand hangs 
down at an angle to the leg differently from the others. In other 
words, by comparing it with the Paris statuette, we see a slightly differ- 
ent rhythm from that found in Polykleitan works. The Idolino has 
been looked upon as Myronic by Kekule, 2 Studniczka, 3 and hesitat- 
ingly Klein, 4 while Mahler regarded it as Pheidian. 5 Furtwaengler, 
however, by a careful analysis, has shown its Polykleitan character- 
istics especially the shape of the head and the features, and the 
treatment of the hair, which reminds us of the Naples copy of the 
Doryphoros. Owing to differences, however, he did not assign it to 
the master himself, but suggested that it was the work of his pupil 
Patrokles. 6 Bulle found the head Polykleitan, but the body Attic, 
and assigned the figure to an unknown Attic sculptor working in 
the Polykleitan circle. In this controversy on its style, a statue 
found in 1916 in the excavations of the Baths at Kyrene should be of 
use, for it is the most faithful of all the Roman copies known of the 
bronze original and clearly shows a Polykleitan character influenced by 
Attic art. 7 By a comparison of this marble copy with the Florentine 

*In the Museo Archeologico: Amelung, Fuehrer, no. 268 (and bibliography); B. B., 274-77; 
Bulle, 52-53 and 204-5 (head); von Mach, 123 (front and back views); Collignon, I, pp.' 479 f. 
and figs. 247 (statue), 248 (head); Reinach, Rep., II, 2,588, 2; Furtw., Mp., p. 285, fig. 122 
(head); Mw., p. 499, fig. 89; Robinson, Cat. Boston Museum of Fine Arts, Suppl., no. 113; 
Springer-Michaelis, p. 272, fig. 488. It is 1.48 meters high (Bulle). 

2 Ueber die Bronzestatue des sog. Idolino (49stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 1889), p. 10. He 
classed it stylistically with the Oil-pourer of Munich and the Standing Diskobolos of the Vati- 
can, which Brunn had called Myronic. He later, however, renounced his Myronic theory 
and merely called it Attic, because of its resemblance to figures on the Parthenon frieze: Beilage 
zu den amtlichen Berichten aus den k. Kunstsamml, XVIII, no. 5, Juli, 1897, p. 73 (quoted by 
Richardson, p. 161, n. 8). 

*Festschr. f. Benndorf, p. 175: here he assigns it not to Myron himself, but to his son. 

4 II, p. 30; he also admits its Polykleitan features. 

& Polyklet u. s. Sch., pp. 70 f., 1902; he assigns it to an artist of the master's circle. 

*Mp., p. 286; Mw., p. 500. 

''Cronaca, pp. 29-30, fig. 2 (= Supplement di Bolletino d'Artf, Roma, XII, Fasic. V-VII1) 
1918 (Lucia Mariani). Cf. review in A. J. A., XXIII, 1919, p. 319 and fig. 2; and also Mariani, 
Rend, della Reale Accad. dei Lincei, XXVI, 1918, pp. 125-138, and fig. in text. 


bronze we see that the latter was a subsequent rendition of the same 
original, and doubtless by some artist of lesser fame from the Poly- 
kleitan school, who was influenced by Attic art. 

But it is the interpretation of the Idolino which chiefly interests us 
here. While Longperier called the similar Paris statuette a Mercure 
aptere, and the publisher of the statue from Kyrene called that copy 
a Hermes, yet Kekule, Bulle, and most other archaeologists have seen in 
the Idolino an athlete. The inner surface of its outstretched right 
hand is left rough, and the fingers are in the same position as those of 
the Paris bronze. Such a position can be explained satisfactorily by 
restoring the hand with a kylix or a <pia\r], such as was commonly used 
in libations. The left hand is smooth and evidently empty, though 
Bulle restores it with a victor's fillet, and so, following Kekule, calls 
the statue that of a boy victor, who is bringing an offering to the altar 
in honor of his victory. The marble statue in the Galleria delle Statue 
has the right forearm restored; in the Kyrene statue the right hand is 
preserved and has a thick object held downwards at a greater angle 
than in the Idolino. The photograph does not let us judge deci- 
sively, but it seems to be too thick an object for the remnants of a 
kylix. A marble statue in the Barberini Palace, Rome, 1 which resem- 
bles the Idolino so closely as to be considered a copy of it, though with 
variations of pose and technique, has the arms broken off, and so adds 
nothing to the solution of the motive of the Idolino. The fact that a 
palm-stem stands beside the right leg, however, adds weight to the 
interpretation as victor. Furtwaengler interprets the Idolino and kin- 
dred works as divinities. Though boys serve at libations, he thinks 
they never perform the ritual act of pouring the libation. 2 That a 
libation-pourer should appear in the guise of a boy victor (that of 
Xenokles) he calls a genuine Argive trait. Svoronos, also, has recently 
tried to show that the Idolino is not a victor, 3 but represents the hero 
Herakles. He compares the figure with a fourth-century Pentelic 
marble relief in Athens, 4 which represents Herakles standing at the 
door of Hades and beside him a father leading his son up to the open 
( air. The pose of the figure of Herakles resembles that of the Idolino 
in a remarkable way. In the relief Herakles holds a kylix in the right 
hand 5 and a club in the left, and a lion skin is thrown over the left arm. 
Svoronos believes that the left hand in the relief explains the turning in 
of the left hand of the Idolino for he believes that the latter also held 

iMatz-Duhn, Ant. Bildw., no. 1111; Furtw., Mp., p. 287; Mw., p. 502. 

2 See material collected by Stephan\,Comptes rendusde lacommisr.imper.archeol., St. Peters- 
burg, 1873; cf. Fritze, de Libatione veterum Graecorum, Berl. Diss., 1893. 

II, pp. 416 f. 

4 No. 2723; Svoronos, Tafelbd., II, PI. CXXI (CI is a poor copy of it); Stais, Marbres et 
Bronzes, pp. 240-242 (0.45 meter high; 0.57 meter broad). Stai's also regaids it as an ex voto to 

6 It is broken away, but its outline is clear. 


Bronze Statue known as the Idolino. Museo Archeologico, Florence. 



a club. We must, however, leave the final solution of the motive of the 
Idolino and kindred works open, although inclining to the belief that 
they represent a victor. 

A statue in Athens, which was found in 1888 in the Roman ruins at 
the Olympieion, may represent a boy victor pouring a libation (Fig. 
26). * It is a poor Roman copy, dry and life- 
less, of a bronze original of the middle of the 
fifth century B. C. 2 In this statue Mayer has 
seen the motive, and probably the copy, of the 
Splanchnoptes (Roaster of Entrails) by the 
sculptor Styphax (or Styppax) of Cyprus, 
which, according to Pliny, 3 represented Peri- 
kles' slave "roasting entrails and blowing hard 
on the fire, to kindle it, till his cheeks swell." 
He thinks that the position of the broken 
arms and a comparison of the figure with simi- 
lar ones on vases make the identification possi- 
ble. Von Salis concurs in his restoration and 
interpretation and publishes a small statuette 
in Athens from Dodona, 4 which has a similar 
pose, and holds a three-pronged fork in the 
left hand, which he believes should be restored 
in the statue. Although statue and statuette 
have much in common (e. g,, the position of 
the breast and shoulders, the treatment of the 
hair, etc.), which shows that both may be copies 
of one original, the conception of the two is 
somewhat different. The statue from Athens 
represents a boy standing busily engaged at 
the altar; the statuette represents one stand- 
ing at rest merely looking on, the fork not 
being held in position for use. 5 In any case 
the face of the Athens statue can not corre- 
spond with Pliny's description ignemque oris 

FIG. 26. Marble Sta- 
tue of an Athlete(?). 
National Museum, 

'Kabbadias, 248; Stai's, op. cit., p. 86; Arndt-Bruckmann, Einzelaufnahmen, 627 and 628 
(head alone); noticed in A. A., 1889, p. 147, and A. M., XIII, 1888, p. 231 (Wolters); ibid., 
XXXI, 1906, pp. 352 f. (von Salis); Jb., VIII, 1893, pp. 224 f., fig. 3 (restored), and PI. IV 
(Mayer). It may be one of the statues seen by Pausanias in the temenos: I, 18.6. It is 
1.50 meters high without the plinth (Mayer). 

2 Furtwaengler, Mw., p. 378, n. 3 (cf. Mp., p. 196, n. 1), p. 685, n. 2 and p. 737; he ascribes 
it to Kalamis or his school. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 81; statue also mentioned, ibid., XXII, 44. 

4 In the National Museum, no. 12; Stai's, Marbres ft Bronzes, pp. 362, 363 and fig. (0.09 meter 
high); three photographs, A. M., XXXI, PI. XXII; a poor photograph in Carapanos, Dodone 
et ses mines, 1878, PI. XIV, 3, and p. 186. 

8 In the statuette it is bent, but its original horizontal position is indicated by the position 
of the hand. 


pleni spiritu accendens. Quite a different explanation of the statue is 
possible one which Mayer thought improbable. The right arm 
broken above the wrist was raised to the height of the shoulder 
and may have held an object in the hand; the left arm broken off 
below the shoulder seems to have been held close to the body and 
appears to have corresponded in movement with the other. The boy, 
therefore, may have held a cup in the right hand and a branch or a 
victor fillet in the left. Thus it may merely be another example of 
a boy victor pouring a libation. 

Certain other statues have been mistaken either for libation-pourers 
or oil-pourers, when they are really wine-pourers and have nothing to 
do with the athletic motives under discussion. A good example is the 
marble statue of a Satyr in Dresden, 1 which represents the youthful 
demi-god lifting a can with his right hand, out of which he is pouring 
wine into a drinking-horn held in the left. There are many copies of this 
work, 2 a fact which shows that the original bronze was famous. An 
attempt has therefore been made to identify it with the bronze Satyr of 
Praxiteles mentioned by Pliny as the Periboetos or "far-famed," 3 which 
seems to have been grouped with a Dionysos and a figure of Drunken- 
ness a grouping which might fit the Dresden Satyr, since a second 
figure should be imagined, for which the horn is being filled. However, 
it differs stylistically so much from the Hermes of Olympia that the 
ascription has been given up, though its graceful form shows Praxit- 
elean influence and certainly emanates from the fourth century B. C. 


A very favorite motive was to represent a victor, either standing or 
seated, resting after the exertions of the contest (avaTravb/jLevos}. An 
excellent example of this motive in a standing posture is the fourth- 
century B.C. statue of Attic workmanship found at Porto d'Anzio and 
now in the Vatican, 4 which reproduces the type of the Apollo Lykeios. 5 
Many of the statues, by various sculptors, which represent the victor 
standing at rest may be intended to represent him as resting after the 
contest. The well-known head of a youth adorned with the victor's 
chaplet, and preserved in four copies in European museums, appears 
to come from a statue which represented a victor in this manner. 

l T\vo copies: Hettner, Die Bildw. d. koenigl. Antikensamml,,* 1881, nos. 70, 88; F. W., 1217; 
Furtw., Mp., pp., 310-11, figs. 131-2; Mw., pp. 534-5, figs. 97-8; Springer-Michaelis, p. 314, 
fig. 562; Reinach, Rep., II, i, 139, 5-6; M. W., II, 39, 459; Clarac, IV, 712, 1695. 

2 Listed, Mp., p. 310, n. 2; Mw., p. 533, n. 3; one, formerly in the Museo Boncompagni- 
Ludovisi, now in the Museo delle Terme, in Rome: Reinach, Rep., II, i, 139, 7; B. B., 376; 
Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 1308; Collignon, II, p. 265, fig. 131; von Mach, 197. The original must 
have been of bronze. 

3 H. N., XXXIV, 69. For discussion, see F. W., note on p. 421 (to no. 1217). 

4 In the Museo Chiaramonti, no. 297; Amelung, Vat., I, p. 509 and II, PI. 53 ; Clarac, 479, 916. 

5 Cf. Beschr. d. Skulpt. zu Berlin, no. 44; a poor torso of the type is in the Museo Chiara- 
monti of the Vatican: Amelung, Fat., no. 295 and PI. 52; Reinach, Rep., II, i, 173, 2. 


Marble Head of an Athlete, after Kresilas (?). Metropolitan 
Museum, New York. 


The best of these copies is in the collection of Lord Leconfield at Pet- 
worth House, Sussex. 1 We should add a fifth, a Roman copy of the 
head, in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (PI. IS). 2 In these 
copies the ears are not swollen, and a certain refinement and gentleness 
show that the original was not from the statue of a boxer or pancratiast, 
but from that of another type of athlete, perhaps a pentathlete. 
Since Pliny mentions the statue of a Doryphoros by Kresilas, 3 and be- 
cause of its supposed Kresilaean style, Furtwaengler, albeit on slender 
grounds, has attempted to identify the original of these heads with 
that work. 4 The expression is certainly one of complete repose. On 
the crown of the head, and on the left side over the fillet, is a rectangular 
broken surface, 5 apparently the remnant of a support for the right arm, 
which, as Conze thought, proves that the athlete stood with one arm 
resting on the head, the hand hanging over the left side. Furtwaengler 
admitted that such an attitude might be that of an apoxyomenos, 6 
but pointed out that the expression of the face in all the copies seems 
too tranquil for such an interpretation. Since the victor was in repose 
and the left arm required a slight support, he believed that this support 
might have been an akontion. He therefore reconstructed the original 
statue as that of a resting pentathlete, and assigned it to the great 
Cretan contemporary of Pheidias, who worked in Athens. 7 The num- 
ber of replicas at least shows that the original was a famous work. 
Perhaps our best example of the motive of a seated victor resting after 
the contest is the bronze statue of a boxer found in Rome in 1884 and 
now in the Museo delle Terme there (PI. 16 and Fig. 27). 8 This is a 

Wichaelis, p. 609, no. 24; Specimens, I, PI. 30; Mp., p. 163, fig. 65 (front), p. 162, fig. 64 
(profile), from an old cast from the Mengs Collection in Dresden; Mw., PI. XVI; other rep- 
licas, Mp., p. 161, n. 3. z Cat. Class. Coll., pp. 214-17, and fig. 130 on p. 215. 

3 H. N., XXXIV, 76: Ctesilaus doryphoron et Amazonem volneratam (fecit). Bergk long ago 
proposed to alter this name to Kresilas (Zeitschr. fuer Alterthumswissensch., 1845, p. 962), 
and was followed by Brunn (I, p. 261) an emendation accepted by most recent investigators. 
The argument derived from the Amazon of Kresilas, mentioned by Pliny, XXXIV, 53, and 
apparently repeated in the present passage, is strong. Jex-Blake, however, finds the name 
Ktesilaos a good Greek formation, though uncommon: see his note on p. 62. 

*Mp., pp. 161 f.; Mw., pp. 332 f. 

5 It is plainly visible in the example from Petworth House, and in the poor one lately in the 
possession of the Roman dealer Abbati: B. B., 84 (from cast); Bull. del. Inst., 1867, p. 3.3 (Hel- 
big); Mon. d. I., IX, 1869-73, PI. XXXVI; Annali, XLIII, 1871, pp. 279 f. (Conze); it is also 
visible in the New York copy. 

6 As on an Attic fifth-century B. C. grave-relief from the Peiraeus: Stai's, Marbres et Bronzes, 
p. 157 (who gives the height as 0.45 meter and the breadth as 0.32 meter); von Sybel, Kat. d. 
Skulpt. zu Athen, 1881, no. 171; Annali, XXXIV, 1862, p. 212; Conze, Die Attischen Grabreliefs, 
no. 929 and PI. CLXXX; F. W., 1017; for similar reliefs, see Annali, 1862, PI. M. 

7 Michaelis wrongly dated the original in the fourth century B. C.; Brunn first recognized 
its fifth-century character: Annali, XLVII, 1875, p. 31 (apud Leop. Julius). 

*Ant. Denkm., I, i, 1886, PI. IV; B. B., no. 248; Bulle, 167; Collignon, II, p. 492, fig. 256; 
Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 1350; Guide, 1051; Hekler, Greek and Roman Portraits, 1912, pp. 85-86; 
Gardner, Hbk., p. 536, fig. 146; Amelung, Museums and Ruins of Rome, I, fig. 156; Not. Scav., 
1885, p. 223; Gaz. B.-A., XXXIII, Per. 2, I, 1886, fig. on p. 427; Springer-Michaelis, p. 401, 
fig. 743; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 550, 10; Reinach classes it as an athlete or Herakles. It is 
1.28 meters high (Bulle). 



masterpiece in the portrayal of brute strength in the most naturalistic 
and revolting way. If we like to think of victors as having noble forms, 
we are rudely startled on looking at this brutal prize-fighter. If we 
compare it with works of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C., we see in 
it, as in no other example of Greek sculpture, the great change which 

FIG. 27. Head from Statue of the Seated Boxer. 
Museo delle Terme, Rome. 

professionalism had later wrought in the Greek ideal of athletics. Here 
are massive proportions, bulging muscles, arms and legs hard and 
muscle-bound. We can compare it only with the bronze head of a 
boxer found at Olympia (Fig. 61 A and B) of similar style and age. 1 But 
there we have only the head, while here we have a complete statue 
almost perfectly preserved, the only restorations being a portion of the 
left thumb, a piece of the right flank, and the base. 

It represents a professional boxer, who is seated exhausted at the 
close of the bout, the severity of which is indicated by every part of the 

'Ducussed infra, Ch. IV, pp. 254-5. 


Bronze Statue of the Seated Boxer. Museo delle Terme, Rome. 


body. He leans forward, his arms rest on his thighs, and his head, 
sunk between his shoulders, is raised and turned to the right, as he 
stupidly looks around at the applauding spectators. His nose is broken 
and his ears are swollen and scars of the contest show on his face and 
limbs. Beneath his retreating upper lip some of his teeth appear to 
have been knocked out as the result of previous fights, while indications 
of the recent struggle are to be seen in the blood dripping from his ears 
and the deep lacerations in face and shoulder, which may have once 
been filled with red paint to make his appearance even more realistic. 
The right eye is swollen and the lower lid and the cheek imperceptibly 
sink into each other. The mustache shows flecks of blood and the 
swollen back of the right hand protrudes through the glove. His nose 
is clotted with blood and he seems to be struggling to get his breath. 

Such realism and delight in depicting the hideous show that the work, 
like the Olympia head, belongs to the Hellenistic age. The careful work- 
manship, especially visible in the hair and beard and in the hair on the 
chest 1 , proves that the statue is not a Roman copy, but a Greek original 
of the beginning of the Hellenistic age, of the end of the fourth or begin- 
ning of the third century B. C. Nor is it a portrait, as Winter main- 
tained, 2 since it is an adaptation of a late type of Herakles. It certainly 
is a victor statue from one of the great Greek games, and is, perhaps, 
from Olympia itself. Since the head is turned toward the right shoulder 
and the mouth is open, as if speaking, Wunderer tried, on the basis 
of a passage in the history of Polybios, 3 to identify it with the statue 
of the famous Theban boxer and pancratiast Kleitomachos at Olympia 
by an unknown artist. 4 The historian states that Kleitomachos, 
while fighting with the Egyptian Aristonikos, was angered by the 
acclaim given the foreigner and, stepping aside, chided the spectators 
for not cheering one who was fighting for the honor of Greece. The 
speech caused a revulsion in the popular feeling, which helped, even 
more than the fists of Kleitomachos, to vanquish Aristonikos. How- 
ever, the motive of the statue does not fit the incident, as the boxer 
is not speaking, but breathing hard, nor is the seated posture that of 
one haranguing a crowd. Moreover, the date of the Theban's victory 
is too late for the statue. 6 


At the beginning of the fifth century B. C. athletic training tended 
to produce a uniform standard of physical development, which was 

l or this reason Helbig wrongly assigned it to about 400 B. C. 

*Ueber die griech. Portrattkunst, 1894, pp. 12 f. (and fig.). ^XXVII, 9. 

*Philologus, LVII (N. F., XI), pp. 1 f. and 649 f. Kleitomachos won in Ols. 141, 142 (=216, 
212 B. C.): P., VI, 15.3; Hyde, 146; Foerster, 472, 476. C/. Suidas, s. v. KXeiT^axos. His 
statue was set up by his father, and his victory sung by Alkaios of Messenia: A. G., IX, 588. 

8 C/. Petersen, R. M., XIII, 1898, pp. 93-5; this theory of Wunderer is also rejected by 
Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 609. 


reflected in sculpture. At this date we do not find the divergence of 
style which we saw in our review of the "Apollo" type of the sixth 
century. Vase-paintings show the change better than sculpture. On 
black-figured vases of the sixth century B. C., we see a good deal of 
variety in groups of boxers and wrestlers, while on red-figured vases of 
the early fifth century the number of types is far less. In sculpture, 
however, differences in physical type did exist in the various schools at 
the beginning of the fifth century. We have, for example, the heavy, 
square-shouldered type in the Apollo Choiseul-Gouffier (PI. 7A), which 
we have classed as a victor statue, and the tall, rawboned type in the 
Tyrannicides by Kritios and Nesiotes (Fig. 32,Harmodios}. 1 We have, 
on the other hand, a very different physical type in the short, stocky 
Aeginetan pedimental figures (Figs. 20 and 21). Between such ex- 
tremes there are, of course, many gradations. We might instance 
the archaic bronze statuette of a diskobolos in the Metropolitan Mu- 
seum (Fig. 46). 2 However, notwithstanding the diversity in type, 
it is often difficult to distinguish runners from wrestlers, boxers from 
pentathletes. Thus few early fifth-century statues show the type of 
runner as well as the Apollo of Tenea (PI. 8A), or that of a boxer 
as well as the "Apollo" from Delphi (PI. 8B). The reason for this is 
the ideal element, which entered into all these statues and which 
was a reflection of the uniform development of athletics long before 
specialization had set in. Out of this uniformity grew the canon of 
Polykleitos, developed from that of Hagelai'das. 

The sculptor of the sixth century B.C. was incapable of differentiat- 
ing between god and mortal. This was especially the case, as we have 
seen, with Apollo, as the "Apollo" type was a model of manly vigor. 
In the early fifth century the sculptor had largely overcome this dif- 
ficulty, but still showed little diversity of type in treating statues of 
different kinds of athletes. A method of differentiation which was 
essential to athlete sculptors of the sixth century was found conven- 
ient of retention by those of the fifth i. <?., characterizing the statue 
of the victor by some attribute, in order, on the one hand, to differen- 
tiate it from the nude god or hero, and on the other to distinguish 
between different types of victors. 


In the first place, the sculptor would characterize the victor statue 
as such. The easiest way to do this would be to represent it with a 
fillet or chaplet (rotyld) bound round the head, as we saw was the 

Erected about 477 B. C. ; Bulle, 84 (Aristogeiton) and 85 (Harmodios); etc. 
2 Discussed infra, Ch. IV, pp. 220-1 and n. 5 on p. 220. 

3 See Stephanos, Lex., s. vv. raivla, ratvidiov, raivocj. This victor fillet is mentioned by 
Lucian in reference to the Diadoumenos of Polykleitos: Philops., 18. 


case in the statue of Milo. This fillet was merely a band or riband of 
wool which was given the Olympic victor in addition to the garland of 
olive leaves, or the palm-branch, as a symbol of victory. Waldstein has 
argued that this fillet originally was not an essential attribute of the 
victor, but that the crown and palm were the prizes, and the fillet 
merely a decoration used on various occasions, such as at symposia, 1 
which only later became a general athletic attribute. 2 Though the pres- 
ence of the fillet on statues should not, therefore, be proof that the 
given statue is that of a victor, 3 there is no defense for the contention 
of Passow 4 that the tainia was in no sense a symbol of victory, but 
merely a toilet article among the gifts presented by the public to a 
victor at the ovation of the crowning. Pausanias says that the victor 
Lichas of Sparta was scourged by order of the umpires at Olympia 
for having set the tainia on the head of his victorious charioteer. 5 
This is sufficient evidence that it was not a mere toilet article, but rather 
a part of the official prize of victory. Similarly the tainia in the hand 
of Nike upon the right hand of the statue of Zeus by Pheidias at 
Olympia can not have been a toilet article. 6 

We have many examples from athletic sculpture of the use of the 
fillet. Thus it appears on the bronze head of a boxer in the Glypto- 
thek (PI. 3) 7 and on the bronze head from Herculaneum in Naples 
(Fig. 4), 8 both of which have been discussed in Chapter II, as frag- 
ments of Greek original statues of Olympic victors. It also appears on 
the marble head of a youthful victor not necessarily Olympic from 
the Akropolis, 9 which, because of the similarity in cheeks, mouth, and 
eyes to heads on the metopes of the Parthenon, should be dated some- 
where between 450 and 440 B. C. It occurs on the Olympia marble head 

1 Xen., Symp., V, 9; Plato, Symp., 212 E; it appears often on statues of Dionysos: e. g., on 
one in Furtwaengler's Samml. Sabouroff, PI. XXIII; Dionysos is called Xpwo/xirp^s in Soph., 
Oed. Tyr., 209. The fillet was used as a breast-band for women's dresses: Pollux, VII, 65; etc. 

*J. H. S., I, 1880, p. 177. In older days the athletic fillet was called nirpa (Lat. mitella): 
Pindar, 01., IX, 84; Isthm.,V,62 (of wool); Boeckh, Explic. ad Find., p. 193. In the Iliad ulrpa 
was the kilt or apron worn around the waist under the cuirass (a faffrrip being worn outside): 
IV, 137; IV, 187; V, 857; etc. It was used also later as a wrestler's girdle: A. G., XV, 44; 
and for women's headbands: Alkm., I; cf. Eurip., Bacchae, 833. Athletes on vase-paintings 
representing palaestra scenes often wear the fillet: e.g., the wrestlers and other athletes on the 
Philadelphia r.-f. kylix pictured in Fig. 50, have red bands in their hair. Later the plrpa. 
was specially used of women; if of men, it was a sign of effeminacy: Aristoph., Thtsmophori- 
azusae, 163. The home of the n'trpa appears to have been Asia, as it was commonly worn by 
Asiatics: see Hdt., I, 195; VII, 62 (headdress); Virgil, Aen., IV, 216. We learn from Alkman 
that it came from Lydia to Greece: fragm. 23, verses 67 f. On it, see Bekker, CharikUs, 
II, pp. 393 f., and Pauly-Wissowa, VII, 2, p. 2033 (Bremer). 

3 See F. W., on 322. It appears on the "Apollo" type of early sculpture, e. g., on the "Apollo" ' 
of Orchomenos (Fig. 7). *Stud. z. Parthenon, 1902, pp. 1 f. 

'VI, 2.2; Lichas won the chariot victory in Ol. 90 ( = 420 B. C.): Hyde, 14; Foerster, 270. 

P., V, 11.1. 

7 Bulle, no. 207; Furtw.-Wolters, Besch.? 457; B. B., 8; here it was inlaid with silver, 

8 This may, however, be merely the remains of a wreath of gold: see Rayet, II, text to no. 67 
(J. Martha). Bulle, no. 202; Lechat, p. 482, fig. 44. It is 0.23 meter high (Bulle). 


(Frontispiece and Fig. 69), l which we ascribe in Chapter VI to Lysip- 
pos,and likewiseon the statue of the pancratiastAgias in Delphi (PI. 28, 
Fig. 68). In most athlete heads the fillet is twisted into a knot at the 
back of the head. In one case, on the Petworth head of a pentathlete 
already discussed, 2 which, because of the curve of the neck, must come 
from a statue represented at rest, it is not so tied, but is wound round 
the head with the two ends tucked in and pushed through the fillet on 
either side over the temples. 3 Though so practical an arrangement 
as the latter must have been common enough in real life, this seems to 
be the only example of its representation in sculpture. 

The fillet, instead of encircling the head, was sometimes held in the 
hand, as in the case of the Spartan chariot victor Polykles at Olympia. 4 
A curious life-size statue of the Roman period, found in the Peiraeus, 
represents a nude boy holding in his right hand over the breast a bundle 
of books and in the left an alabastron. The body is covered with 
fillets fifteen in all which appear to bave been prizes won in gymnic 
contests, probably at the gymnasium or palaestra. 5 


Statues representing victors binding fillets in their hair (diadou- 
menoi) are common to all periods of Greek art. 6 We shall discuss 
only two those of Pheidias and of Polykleitos. 

Pausanias mentions a statue by Pheidias, representing a Boy Bind- 
ing on a Fillet, as standing in the Altis at Olympia. 7 Robert has 
argued that this figure was the one of similar motive mentioned by 
Pausanias as on the throne of Zeus there. 8 However, the figure on 
the throne was very probably in relief and not in the round. 9 The cicer- 
ones at Olympia seem to have been imposing on the periegete when 
they said that a likeness to Pantarkes, the boy favorite of Pheidias, was 
to be seen in the face of this figure on the throne. The mention of 
Pantarkes has given rise to the usual identification of the Trots ava- 
dov/j-evos with the victor statue of the Elean Pantarkes mentioned by 

l Bildw. v. 01, Tafelbd., PI. LIV; F. W., 322; Wolters thinks this is scarcely a victor fillet. 

2 This head, in the possession of Lord Leconfield, is a replica of the same original as the one in 
the Metropolitan Museum (PI. IS); Michaelis, p. 609, no. 24. See discussion supra, pp. 144-5. 

3 Noted by Furtw., Mp., p. 161. 

4 P., VI, 1.7; he won in Ol. (?) 89 (=424 B. C.): Hyde, 9; Foerster, 796. 

& A. M., XIX, 1894, pp. 137-9 (J. Ziehen) ; fig. in text. It is now in the Museum of the Peiraeus 

6 0n such representations in art, see Stephani, Comptes rendus de la commission imperiale 
archeologique, St. Petersburg, 1874, pp. 214-16. 

'Hals (baSovMeros: VI, 4.5; S. Q., 757. 

8 Hermes, XXIII, 1888, pp. 444 f.; P., V, 11.3. Robert is followed by Kalkmann, Pausanias 
der Perieget, 1886, pp. 90 f. 

g Cf. Frazer, IV, p. 11. Figures of athletes appear beneath the throne on vases: Overbeck, 
Griech. Kunstmythol., PI. I, 9 and 16; Gerhard, I, PI. VII. Flasch has tried to show that the 
throne figure did not represent Pantarkes: Baum., II, p. 1099, 2; cf. Gurlitt, Ueber Pausanias, 
1890, p. 380. 


Statue known as the Farnese Diadoumenos. British Museum, London. 


Pausanias as standing in the Altis. 1 However, the assumption 2 is 
far-fetched and must be rejected, because Pausanias mentions the two 
statues in two different parts of his periegesis of the Altis. 3 Of the 
TTCUS we know only the artist's name. It was probably merely a votive 
gift, 4 and the name of the person so honored was unknown to Pausa- 
nias. Of the statue of the victor Pantarkes we know only the name, 
and neither the artist nor the motive of the statue. It seems clear, 
therefore, that we have to do with three distinct monuments: the boy 
with the fillet, the throne figure by Pheidias, and the victor by an 
unknown sculptor. 5 

The small marble statue in the British Museum known as the Dia- 
doumenos Farnese 6 (PI. 17), which is now almost universally regarded 
as an Attic work, 7 has been assumed by many archaeologists to be a 
copy of Pheidias' statue. 8 Since Pausanias tells us that a statue by 
Pheidias stood in Olympia, representing an unknown boy binding a 
fillet around his head, and since the style of the Farnese statue shows 
great similarity in head and body forms and general bearing to certain 
figures on the Parthenon frieze, 9 and its motive agrees with that of the 
Olympia statue, it seems reasonable to see in this little work a copy of 
the statue in the Altis by the great master. Furtwaengler and Bulle 
have shown that the motive of this work was initiated by Pheidias and 
not by Polykleitos, since the latter's great statue was several years 
younger than the work of Pheidias at Olympia. That Pheidias was 
pleased with the motive is disclosed by the fact that he repeated it on 
the throne of Zeus. 

*VI, 10.6. Pantarkes won the boys' wrestling match in 01. 86 ( = 436 B. C.): Hyde, 98; Foer- 
ster, 254. 

2 Amongst others it has been assumed by Loeschke, Der Tod des Pheidias (in Histor. Unter- 
such. zum Schaefer-Jubilaeum, Bonn, 1882), p. 36; Schoell, Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1888, 1, p. 37 (Der 
Prozess des Pheidias). Foerster, p. 19, n. 1, is against the identification. Theirols ivaSoivuews is 
omitted in my victor lists (de olympionicarum Statuis). 

3 The Trals &vadoi>fj.ei>os is mentioned between victors nos. 38 and 39, i. e., in the Zone of the 
Erettian Bull, while Pantarkes (98) is mentioned among the statues in the Zone of the Chariots: see 
infra, Ch. VIII, pp. 343 and 345, and Plans A and B. 4 C/. Gurlitt, Ueber Pausanias, pp. 378 f. 

5 C/. Doerpfeld, Baudenkmaeler v. 01., p. 21 and n. 1; Furtw., Mp., pp. 39-40; Frazer, /. c. 

*B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 501; Marbles and Bronzes, PI. VI; B. B., 271; Bulle, 49; von Mach, 117; 
Springer-Michaelis, p. 259, fig. 461; F. W., 509; Annali, L, 1878, PI. A and pp. 20 f. (two views) 
(Michaelis); Clarac, V, 858C, 2189 A; M. W., I, PI. 31, fig. 136; Reinach, Rep., I, 524, 2. The 
palm-trunk shows that the Roman artist intended to represent a victor in his copy. It is 
4 ft. 10.25 in. high (Smith); 1.48 meters (Bulle). 

7 Brunn, following older writers such as Winckelmann, had pronounced it Polykleitan: Annali, 
LI, 1879, pp. 218 f.; cf. Murray, I, pp. 313 f. and PI. IX. Kekule called it Myronian: 49stes 
Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 1889, p. 12; Gardner, Sculpt., p. 128, finds it unrelated to Polykleitos 
and defends its Attic origin. Everything about it except the mode of tying the fillet differs 
from the copies of Polykleitos' statue, and especially the pose. Against Brunn's view, see 
Michaelis, Annali, LV, 1883, pp. 154 f. 

8 So Bulle, Arndt (text to B. B., 271), Furtwaengler (Mp., pp. 244-5; Mw., pp. 444-5), Zimmer- 
man (in Knackfuss-Zimmermann, Kunstgesch. des Altertums und des Mittelalters, I, p. 152), and 
many others. 

'C/. especially the resemblance of the statue to the youth on the West frieze: Michaelis, Der 
Parthenon, PI. V, no. 9. 


The Diadoumenos of Polykleitos was little less famous than his Dory- 
phoros, if we may judge by the number of copies which have survived 
and from literary notices of it. 1 In all the copies of this work we see 
the well-known Polykleitan characteristics powerful build, heavy pro- 
portions, and fidelity to nature; but none of the ideal tendency promi- 
nent in the works of Pheidias and his school, nor of the violent energy 
characteristic of Myron's art. In all of them the pose of the earlier 
Doryphoros is retained, except that the arms are differently employed 
and the build of the body is more slender. Pliny, despite his state- 
ment which is probably taken from some Greek authority that 
monotony was the characteristic of Polykleitos' works (paene ad unum 
exemplum)? emphasizes this slenderness by calling the Doryphoros 
viriliter puer Lessing's Juengling wie ein Mann and the Diadou- 
menos molliter juvenis a youth of gentle form. This judgment of 
Pliny was difficult to understand so long as we had only the Vaison 
copy of the Diadoumenos to study. The Delian copy showed that 
supple grace was characteristic of the original, even if modified to suit 
the taste of three centuries later. Although the body forms and the 
attitudes of the Doryphoros and the Diadoumenos are very similar, 
the head of the latter, usually assigned to Polykleitos, is of a different 
type from that of the Doryphoros. While the head of the Doryphoros is 
square in profile, flat on top, and long from front to back, that of the 
Diadoumenos is rounder and softer and can best be explained on the 
assumption that Polykleitos later in life came under Attic influence. 
The copies of this work are many and varied. 3 For a long time the 
marble copy in the British Museum found in 1862, at Vaison, France, 4 
was, despite its poor workmanship, considered our best copy (Fig. 28). 
It was made perhaps five hundred years after the original, at a time 
when sculpture was in its decline, and consequently can give us merely 
a suggestion of the character of Polykleitos' statue. As it is a direct 
marble translation of the bronze, the muscular treatment appears ex- 
aggerated. Another marble copy was found in 1894 by the French 
excavators on the island of Delos, and is now in Athens (PI. 18). 5 The 

, H. N., XXXIV, 55, praises it equally with the Doryphoros, and says that 100 talents 
were paid for it; in another passage he says that a like sum was paid by King Attalos for a 
picture of Dionysos by the Theban painter Aristeides: ibid., VII, 126; cf. XXXV, 24 and 100. 
A painting by Timomachos of Byzantium brought 80 talents: ibid., XXXV, 136. 

Z H. N.J XXXIV, 56; here he quotes Varro, who was drawing probably from Xenokrates of 
Sikyon: see Jex-BIake, pp. xvi f. 

3 Listed by Furtwaengler, Mp., pp. 239 f.; the torsos, by Petersen, B. com. Rom., 1890, pp. 185 f. 

*B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 500; Marbles and Bronzes, PI. IV; B. B., 272; von Mach, 114; F. W., 508; 
Mon. d. I., X, 1874-78, PI. XLIX (3 views) ; Rayet, I, PI. 30; Collignon I, p. 479, fig. 253 ; Murray, 
I, PI. X; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 547, 5. Michaelis, by a comparison with the Doryphoros, first showed 
that it was a copy of the Diadoumenos: Annali, L, 1878, pp. 10 f. It is 6 ft. 1 in. tall (Smith). 

5 Kabbadias, np. 1826; Bulle, 50; Gardner, Sculpt., PI. 35; von Mach, 115; Mon. Piot, III, 
1896, pp. 137 f. (Couve), and Pis. XIV and XV; Sta'is, Marbres et Bronzes, pp. 84-85 and fig.; 
B. C. H., XIX, 1895, pp. 460 f. (account of the Delian excavations by L. Couve) and PI. VIII (the 
statue in its surroundings at the excavations); Springer-Michaelis, p. 277, fig. 498; Reinach, 
Rep., II, 2, 547, 9. It is 1.86 meters high without the base (Couve). 

Statue of the Diadoumenos, from Delos, after Polykleitos. 
National Museum, Athens. 



Delian artist added a mantle and a quiver to the nearby tree-trunk and 
thus converted an original victor statue into one of a god. 1 Though its 
arms are lost, it is easy to see that the athlete is pulling the ends of the 
fillet together so as to tighten the knot at the back of the head. As this 
is a Hellenistic Greek copy, it comes far nearer to the original than the 
imperial Roman one from Vaison. 
The lighter proportions and softer 
modeling show the Attic influ- 
ence on Polykleitos' later career, 
although the fleshy forms are out 
of harmony with his art and evi- 
dently introduced by the copyist. 
One of the best preserved and 
most beautiful copies is the one in 
the Prado at Madrid. 2 Although a 
Roman copy, like the one in the 
British Museum, it comes very near 
the original because of the preci- 
sion in its details. There are many 
good copies of the head alone. 3 
Marble heads in Kassel and Dres- 
den, evidently the works of Attic 
sculptors, show the pure Polyklei- 
tan traits. The one in Dresden 4 
(Fig. 29) surpasses all others in the 
beauty of its finish, being a care- 
ful and exact copy. The propor- 
tions and structure of the head are 
those of the Doryphoros, although 
the surface is differently treated. 
The Kassel head 5 is not so exact in 
its details, but has more expres- 
sion. Furtwaengler rightly calls 

it the better of the two as a work of art, but inferior as a copy. A 
marble head in the British Museum 6 is a direct copy from the original 

Discussed supra, on pp. 92-3. 

Won. Piot, IV, Pis. VIII-IX; von Mach, no. 116 a; Furtw., Mp., p. 241, fig. 98; Mm., 
p. 439, fig. 68 (who called it the most beautiful of all the copies); Reinach, Rep., I, 475, 6. The 
right arm is wrongly restored. 

'Listed by Furtwaengler,. Mp., pp. 240-2; cf. Gardner, Sculpt., pp. 125 f. 

4 Hettner, Die Bildw. d. Antikensamml. zu Dresden, pp. 80 and 86; Annali, XLIII, 1871, 
PI. V, pp. 281 f. (Conze); Furtw., Mp., Pis. X and XI; Mm., PI. XXV; Gardner, Sculpt., PI. 
36 (two views); F. W., 511. 

5 B. B., no. 340; Conze, Beitraege zur Geschichte d. griech. PI?, 1869, pp. 3 f., PI. 2 (two views); 
F.W., 510. 

5. M. Sculpt., Ill, no. 2729 (Addenda); Mon. Piot, III, p. 145 (Couve);tfcu/.,IV, p. 73 (Paris); 
Gardner, Sculpt., PI. 37. 

FIG. 28. Statue of the Diadoumenos, 
from Vaison, after Polykleitos. 
British Museum, London. 



bronze, like the Vaison statue. The clear-cut eyelids and wiry hair 
reproduce the original material, and its resemblance to the head of 
the Doryphoros is greater than that of any other copy. 

A later variant of the statue is seen in a small terra-cotta statuette from 
Smyrna in private possession in London. 1 It shows the Polykleitan type 
so completely assimilated to the style 
of Praxiteles that its genuineness 
has been doubted. Perhaps, with 
its Attic softness, it gives us a better 
idea of the beauty of the original 
than many of the other copies. 
Finally, we must mention the 
original bronze head of the fifth cen- 
tury B. C. in the Ashmolean Museum, 
Oxford, recently published by Percy 
Gardner. 2 This head, put together 
from nine fragments, and restored as 
that of a boy fillet-binder, and rival- 
ing in delicacy and beauty such 
original bronzes as the Beneventum 
head (Fig. 3) and the Idolino (PI. 
14), not only gives us the best idea 
of the technical ability attained by 
bronze workers in the middle of the 
fifth century B. C., but also helps us to 

understand the ancient repute of Polykleitos' athletes. Here the head- 
band and "starfish" arrangement of the hair have their close parallels 
in the Dresden, Kassel, and British Museum heads already discussed, 
which essentially reproduce the head of the Vaison statue (Fig. 28). 
As Gardner points out, it closely agrees with the type of the 
Farnese Diadoumenos (PI. 17) only in one particular, the mode of tying 
the knot. While the Vaison athlete is preparing to tie it, the Farnese 
one has just finished the operation, the boy still holding the ends of the 
fillet in his hands. But only the treatment of the hair, the eye, and the 
ear offers a contrast. Despite these differences Gardner follows the older 
view of Brunnin regarding the Vaison and Farnese types as two variants 
of Polykleitan originals; but the pose, style, and proportions of the 
latter seem to us to be too thoroughly Attic to warrant us in bringing 
it into relation with the work of Polykleitos. Though the heads of the 
two are not so dissimilar, the pose, as Gardner also points out, is 
quite different. The Vaison figure is represented as walking, i. e., 
in the very act of changing the weight of the body from one leg to the 

V- H. S., VI, 1885, pp. 243 f. (Murray), and PI. LXI. 

2 ). H. S., XXXIX, 1919, pp. 69 f., and PI. 1 (two views), and p. 232 (with illustration of 
the palmette head-band). 

FIG. 29. Head of the Diadoumenos, 
after Polykleitos. Albertinum, 


other, while the Farnese athlete stands at rest with both feet flat upon 
the ground. Gardner rightly regards this exquisite head not as the 
original of the statue mentioned by Pliny, since the Vaison and Delian 
copies show that the latter represented a fully developed man, some- 
what over life-size, and not a boy, but rather as a work of the Poly- 
kleitan school, though he does not exclude the possibility that it may 
come from one of the many boy athletes of the master. 

Furtwaengler connects with the Diadoumenos the statue of a youth- 
ful boxer, slightly under life-size, which shows a similar motive. It 
is known to us in two copies, one in Kassel, 1 the other in Lansdowne 
House, London. 2 That it is a work of Polykleitos is shown by the 
correspondence of its body forms with those of both the Diadoumenos 
and the Doryphoros. A bronze statuette, dating from about 400 B. C., 
in the Akropolis Museum, also repeats the motive without being an 

exact copy. 3 


The crown of wild olive 4 in the hair is another general but not cus- 
tomary attribute of Olympic victor statues. Fewer sculptured heads 
show it than show the tainia, and in most of these the leaves have fallen 
off. Examples of its presence are afforded by the bronze head from 
Beneventum (Fig. 3) in the Louvre, 5 and on the realistic bronze head 
of a boxer found at Olympia (Fig. 61 A and B). 6 A good illus- 
tration of a boy victor crowning himself is on a fourth-century B. C. 
funerary relief, found in 1873 at the Dipylon gate, and now in the Athens 
Museum. 7 The victor is holding or placing a crown of leaves on his 
head. In the Museo delle Terme, Rome, is a mediocre headless copy 
of an original statue of the end of the fifth century B. C., the work of an 
artist of the Polykleitan school, the restoration of which as a victor 
engaged in wreathing his head is probable. 8 A protuberance on the right 
shoulder seems to have been left by the end of the lemniskos or ribbon 

l Mp., p. 246, fig. 99 (with original head); Mw., p. 447, fig. 69. 

2 Michaelis, p. 438, no. 3; Clarac, V, 851, 2180 A (headless); it is 1.49 meters high (Michaelis). 
He believes that it originally was an oil-pourer. 

3 Mp., p. 246; Mw., p. 448. It is 12 centimeters high (Furtwaengler). 

'Kortot; ffTi<f>avos, P., VIII, 48.2; cf. A. G., IX, 357; Aristoph., Plut., 586; Theophr., Hist. Plant., 
IV, 13.2. The custom of using the olive crown is probably very ancient, despite Phlegon's state- 
ment that it was introduced inOl. 7( = 752B. C.):frag. 1 (=F. H. G., Ill, p. 604). Pindar says 
that it was introduced from the land of the Hyperboreans by Herakles: 01., Ill, 14 f; Bacchylides 
calls it Aetolian: VII, 50 (y\aVK6v AircoXISos avSrjn' eXaios). It probably goes back to some 
form of popular magic. 

6 B. B., no. 324; here small leaves are still remaining over the forehead. ( 

*Bronz. v. 01., II, 2 and 2 a. Here the leaves have disappeared. See pp. 254-5. 

7 B. C. H., V, 1881, PI. Ill, text, pp. 65 f. (Pettier). Here is listed a number of funerary reliefs 
representing athletes, which list could easily be enlarged. 

"Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 1241 ; Guide, 977. On the motive, see Archaeol. Studitn H. Brunn dargfbr., 
1893, pp. 62 f. 


with which the wreath was adorned. 1 The left hand carried an attri- 
bute, but probably not a palm-branch as Helbig assumed, since such 
a branch, if of metal, would have left traces on the shoulder. The 
same restoration has been proposed for another statue. 2 A crown on 
the head, together with the remains of fingers near it, has been noticed 
on a bronze statue of Eros, of Hellenistic workmanship, found off Tunis 
in the sea, 3 which shows Polykleitan influence. 

The statue of a Boy Crowning Himself, which has survived in 
many Roman copies and variant Greek originals, notably in the 
so-called Westmacott Athlete of the British Museum (PI. 19), 4 a frag- 
mentary statue of poorer workmanship in the Barracco collection 
in Rome, 5 and a Greek copy from Eleusis now in the National 
Museum in Athens, 6 and identified by many archaeologists with the 
statue of the boy boxer Kyniskos by Polykleitos at Olympia, should be 
discussed here. While the Westmacott Athlete appears to be a copy 
from the original bronze, the Barracco statue, though showing the 
same pose, is unlike it in the treatment of hair and muscles, and with 
its Attic head, seems to be a carelessly executed variant, more or less 
Myronian in style, of the Polykleitan original. While its original may 
be assigned to the end of the fifth century B. C., the Eleusis variant, 
with its head differently placed, is not a Roman copy, but a Greek orig- 
inal statue showing the Polykleitan motive carried into the soft Attic 
style of the fourth century B. C. 7 A fine copy of the head alone is in 
the possession of Sir Edgar Vincent, in his Constantinople collection. 8 

PUTKOS (Lat. lemniscus) was merely the woolen fillet by which chaplets were fastened 
on; Hesychios says it is a Syracusan word; in any case it is used only by Roman writers and Greek 
writers of the Roman age: A. G., XII, 123; Plut., Sulla, 27; Polyb., XVIII, 46 (where ark^avoi 
and \i)nviaKoi are differentiated, though they are usually interchangeable); C. /. G., Ill, 5361; 
C. I. A., Ill, 74. Pliny says that it was of Etruscan origin, H. N., XXI, 4, and that it was at 
first made of wool or linden-bark and later of gold; cf. XVI, 25. It was used at Rome at feasts, as 
a sign of special honor to guests: Plaut., Pseudolus, (line 1265); Livy, XXXIII, 33.2; Suet., Nero, 
25. For the Roman use of the lemniscus for athletic victors and poets, cf. Cicero, Or. pro Sext. 
Roscio Amerino,3S, 100; Ausonius, Epist., XX, 6; etc. On the lemniscus, see Dar.-Sagl., Ill, 2, 
pp. 1099-1100. *R. M., VI, 1891, p. 304, no. 3. 

3 Mon. Piot, XVII, 1909, Pis. II, III and pp. 29 f. (Merlin and Poinssot). 
, *. M. Sculpt., Ill, no. 1754; B. B., 46; Marbles and Bronzes, PI. XXII; Collignon, I, fig. 255, 
on p. 500; Furtw., Mp., p. 252, fig. 105; Mw., 'p. 457, fig. 75 (back view); Springer-.Michaelis, 
p. 275, fig. 495; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 546, 9. It is 4 ft. 11 in. high (Smith), i. e., 1.48 meters. 

5 Helbig, Cat. Coll. Barracco, no. 99, Pis. 38 and 38 a; id., Fuehrer, I, 1083; sketches of the West- 
macott and Barracco copies in Kekule, 49stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 1889, PI. IV. 

6 No. 254; Arch. Eph., 1890, pp. 207 f. (Philios) and Pis X and XL Bulk, 51, gives the Westma- 
cott and Barracco examples side by side; in /. H. S., XXXI, 1911, PI. II, we have the West- 
macott, Barracco, and Eleusis copies together. Furtwaengler, Mp., pp. 250 f., Mw., pp. 453 f., 
Helbig, Cat. Coll. Barracco, p. 36, and Petersen, R. M., VIII, 1893, pp. 101 f., have added many 
more torsos and heads as copies or variants of the original. 

7 See Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 1083. Its soft expression and forms led Furtwaengler to derive it from 
the Praxitelean circle, from the period when Praxiteles was influenced by Polykleitos, and to be- 
lieve that it represented a divinity, perhaps Triptolemos: Mp., p. 255 and n. 2. 

^Burlington Fine Arts Club, Catalogue Anc. Gk. Art, 1904, no. 45, PI. XXXIII; Furtw., Mp., 
p. 251, fig. 103; Mw., p. 454, fig. 73. It was formerly in the van Branteghem collection. 


Statue known as the Westmacolt Athlete. British Museum, 



This should be associated with another head in Dresden, both being 
closely related to that of the Westmacott Athlete. 1 The best copy of the 
head is in the Hermitage, in which the treatment of the hair approaches 
nearest to that of the bronze original. 2 A marble head from Apollonia 
in Epeiros, now in the British Museum, which so closely resembles the 
head of the Westmacott Athlete that the missing sections of the neck and 
shoulders were restored by a cast from the latter, is somewhat different 
in style. For while the Westmacott head is a mechanical copy, this 
Greek head is full of vigor, disclosing Attic characteristics of the early 
fourth century B. C., and obviously is an Athenian imitation of the 
original, like the statue from Eleusis. 3 A more remote variant is the 
beautiful marble head formerly in the possession of Dr. Philip Nelson in 
Liverpool, but now in America, which is not an exact copy of any 
of the known variants, but so closely resembles the Capitoline type 
of Wounded Amazon, assigned first by Otto Jahn and later by Furt- 
waengler to Kresilas, that it must be by the same hand. 4 This head 
also reminds us of that of the Kresilaean Diomedes of the Munich Glyp- 
tothek (PI. 21 ), 5 though the hair-treatment is Polykleitan. 6 Both show 
a modification of Polykleitan forms under Attic influence. The numer- 
ous fine copies indicate that the original was a well-known work. That 
it was Polykleitan is clear from a study of the heads, which show a great 
resemblance to that of the Doryphoros, and of the body forms, which 
resemble those of both the Doryphoros and the Diadoumenos. While 
some believe this original a work of Polykleitos himself, 7 others think 
that it was by one of his pupils or successors, who imitated the 
master's early style. If the original, however, was not the statue of 
Kyniskos, there is little evidence that it was by Polykleitos himself. 

The palm-trunk in the Westmacott copy certainly argues that the 
original was an athlete statue. The gesture of the right hand has given 
rise to different interpretations. The Barracco copy furnishes the 
best evidence, as on it the right arm is preserved to the wrist, the hand 
only being lost. Helbig at first (in the Barracco Catalogue) expressed 
the opinion that the right hand might have held an oil-flask, from which 
oil was being poured into the left. However, the position of the left 
hand, as shown by the puntello on the left hip, must have been the same 
as that on the Westmacott copy, i. e., hanging close to the left side. 

J For the Dresden head, see A. A., 1900, p. 107, figs. 1 a and 1 b. 

'Furtw., Mp., p. 252, fig. 104; Mm., p. 455, fig. 74. 

'First published by F. H. Marshall, /. H. S., XXIX, 1909, pp. 151-2 and figs. 1 a, b; more fully 
by E. A. Gardner, ibid., XXXI, 1911, pp. 21 f. and PL I and fig. 1. 

'Nelson head: /. H. S., XVIII, 1898, pp. 141 f., and PI. XI; B. B., 544; Gardner, Sculpt., PI. 
XXXIX; Capitoline Amazon: Mp., p. 132, fig. 53 (restored); Mw., p. 292, fig. 39. A head of the 
Capitoline type has been wrongly placed on the PheidianMattei torso in the Vatican: Mp., p. 133, 
fig. 54 (head); Mm., PI. XI; B. B., 350; von Mach, 121; Reinach, Rep., 1, 483, 1. 

6 B. B., 128 (original and cast). 

As, e. g., in the bronze head of a victor in Naples, already discussed (Fig. 25); B. B., 339. 

"*. g., Furtwaengler and Collignon; the latter, I, pp. 499-500. 


Helbig later (in the Fuehrer] explained the motive as that of a boy setting 
a crown on his head, as in the bronze Eros already mentioned. This 
interpretation, first suggested by Winnefeld, 1 has been the favorite one 
among archaeologists. But all sorts of other explanations of the mo- 
tive of the original have been offered, as that the athlete was scraping 
his forehead or shoulders with the strigil, 2 that the statue represented 
Narkissos looking into the pool and shading his eyes with his right 
hand, 3 that it was an athlete standing at rest and holding an akontion 
in his right hand a theory harmonizing with the poise of the head, 
but not with the turn of the wrist, wihch shows that the hand was 
held downwards 4 and that it was, in fact, the nudus talo incessens of 
Pliny. 5 On the head of the Eleusis statue there is a mass of marble 
left over the right ear just opposite the place where the hand would be, 
if it were setting a wreath on the head. The fact that no marks are 
visible where the crown was attached is explained by the assumption 
that the wreath was of metal even in the marble copies. That this 
motive, moreover, was known to both Attic and Peloponnesian art 
in the second half of the fifth century B. C. is well attested. Thus we 
see on the Parthenon frieze a youth crowning himself with one hand, 
while holding the horse's bridle with the other. 6 The pose of this 
figure especially the legs recalls the Myronian Oil-pourer already 
discussed (PI. 11). On the other hand, one of the figures of the Ilde- 
fonso group in Madrid, which is Polykleitan in style, represents a boy 
wearing a wreath, a figure closely akin to the Westmacott Athlete, the 
leg position being the same in both and the poise of the head nearly so, 
although the arms are different, the left one being raised and the right 
hanging down. 7 It is probable that the raised right hand of the origi- 
nal of the Westmacott and other replicas touched the wreath and 
the lowered left held a fillet. The best explanation, then, of the West- 
macott Athlete and kindred works is that the motive of the original 
was allied to that of the Diadoumenos of Polykleitos, though the model- 
ing is too soft for Polykleitos, showing that the copyists changed the 
original of the Argive master to suit a later and different taste. Whereas 
the Diadoumenos is tying on a victor's fillet, the other is presumably 
placing a victor's wreath on his head. Certainly no better restoration 

1 Hypnos, pp. 30 f.; accepted by Wolters (apud Lepsius, Griech. M armor studien, p. 83, no. 164), 
Treu (A. A., 1889, p. 57), Collignon, Petersen, /. c., Kekule (Idolino, p. 13), Furtwaengler (Mp., 
pp. 252-3, Mw., pp. 458-9 and 747), and others; see Philios, op. cit. 

Z E. g., by Philios (op. cit.), Amelung (Bed. Phil. Wochenschr., XXII, 1902, p. 273). This 
scraping motive is seen in the bronze statuette in the Bibliotheque Nationale, no. 934. 

3 This is inconsistent with the position of the hand in the Barracco copy, which is too far from 
the head. This was an older view of Helbig, Rendiconti della Reale Accad. dei Lincei, 1892, 
pp. 790 f.; refuted by Furtwaengler, Petersen, Helbig himself later (in the Fuehrer), and others. 

4 Quoted by E. A. Gardner, /. //. S., XXXI, pp. 25-6, as the theory of E. N. Gardiner. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 55; for this theory, see Mahler, Polyklet u. s. Sch., p. 50. 

6 Michaelis, Der Parthenon, 1870, Block 131 (from the North frieze). 

7 F. W., 1665; Furtw., Mp., p. 256, fig. 106; Mm., p. 463, fig. 76; M. W., PI. 70, 879; etc. 


can be made for the Barracco copy. Furthermore, many other monu- 
ments, which show a similar attitude, and which must be regarded as 
very free imitations of the original, seem to show that the boy was 
represented as placing a wreath on his head. 1 

Whether the original of the series was an actual victor statue at 
Olympia or not is an interesting question. It has been repeatedly 
suggested that it was the very statue of the boy boxer Kyniskos there, 
mentioned by Pausanias, the base of which has been recovered. 2 The 
external evidence for the identity consists altogether in the similarity 
in the position of the feet on this base and in the series of copies, which 
argues a similar pose. The base shows that the left leg bore the weight 
of the statue; it was slightly advanced and rested on the sole, while the 
right leg was set back and rested on the ball only. Thus the statue of 
Kyniskos was represented in the characteristic Polykleitan schema 
of rest, except that the position of the legs is reversed from that of the 
Doryphoros, Diadoumenos, Amazon, and other works of the master. 
We might add that this same reversal appears on two other bases 
found at Olympia, which held victor statues by the elder Polykleitos 3 
and one by the younger. 4 Moreover, the leg position of the canon 
does not occur in the works of the master's pupils Naukydes and Dai- 
dalos, and only in one work of Kleon. 5 This shows that teacher and 
pupils also used another motive, i. <?., the old canon of Hagelaidas, 
besides the one associated with the Doryphoros. The similarity in the 
position of the feet on the Olympia base and in the series of statues 
discussed has led some scholars, e. g., Petersen and Collignon, to accept 
the proposed identity. This similarity in foot position, the probability 
that the statue on the basis was life-size, like those of the Westmacott 
series, and the palm-tree support in the British Museum replica, all 
pointing to a victor statue, make the identity well within the range of 
possibility, but by no means certain. It is necessary only to rehearse 
the objections to this view. In the first place the length of the foot 
on the Olympia basis can not be accurately measured for purposes of 
comparison. In the next place Polykleitos, as we have just seen, 
made other statues of victors at Olympia with almost the identical 
foot position of that of Kyniskos. Furthermore, it seems very unlikely 
that so celebrated an original as that of these many replicas could have 
been standing in the Altis so late as the time of Pausanias. 6 It is 

*For list, see Furtw., Mp., p. 254, n. 2. For a restoration of the original statue, see ibid., p. 250, 
fig. 102; Mw., p. 453, fig. 72. 2 VI, 4.11; Inschr. v. 01, 149; /. G. B., 50. 

'Those of the Elean pentathlete Pythokles: Inschr. v. 01., 162-3; /. G. B.,9l; and the Epidaurian 
boxer Aristion: Inschr. v. 01., 165 (renewed) ; /. G. B., 92. The feet of the Aristion were both flat 
upon the ground. 

4 That of the boy wrestler Xenokles of Mainalos: Inschr. v. 01., 164; /. G. B., 90. 

B In one of the Olympia Zanes: I. G. B., 95. 

"On the Kyniskos basis there are no traces, as on that of Pythokles, to show that the original 
had been removed from the Altis and replaced by a copy long before Pausanias visited Olympia. 


difficult, also, to understand why an imitative Attic sculptor of the 
fourth century B. C., should make a copy of an Arkadian boy victor 
statue for Eleusis. And lastly we must not forget that up to the 
present time not a single Roman copy has been conclusively identified 
with that of a victor statue at Olympia. If the date of the victory of 
Kyniskos were definitely fixed, the question of identity would be better 
substantiated. By a process of exclusion, to be sure, Robert reached 
the date Ol. 80 ( = 460 B.C.), 1 but other dates are possible. Under 
these circumstances there seems to be little more than the possibility 
that we have recovered an actual victor statue at Olympia in these 
copies. 2 


The palm-branch, either woven into a wreath or held in the hand, was 
a victor attribute. Pausanias says that a crown of palm leaves was 
common to many contests, and that the victor everywhere in Greece 
carried a palm-branch in his right hand. 3 He refers the custom to 
mythical times, tracing it back to the contest held by Theseus on Delos 
in honor of Apollo. 4 Pliny mentions a painting by the Sikyonian Eu- 
pompos, which represented a victor certamine gymnico palmam tenens. 5 
While Milchhoefer 6 believed that the motive of an athlete setting a 
crown on his head with his right hand and holding a palm in his left, 
which is repeated frequently and with variation in many works of 
art, went back to this painting of Eupompos, Furtwaengler 7 goes fur- 
ther in assuming that the painter derived the motive from the statue 
of Polykleitos represented by the Westmacott Athlete and kindred 
works just discussed. The pupils of the great sculptor appear to have 
transferred his school from Argos to Sikyon, and were, therefore, asso- 
ciated with Eupompos. This attribute of the palm, permanent in 
bronze statues, has been broken off for the most part in marble ones. 
We see it in an unfinished statue of a young athlete in the National 
Museum, Athens, who holds the palm-branch in his hand. Here it 
has survived, since the statue was only blocked out. 8 It is prominent 

1 0. S., p. 186, on the basis of the Oxy. Pap., followed by Hyde, 45. Foerster's date, 01. (?) 86 
(=436B. C.), follows the earlier dating of Polykleitos by Robert, Arch. Maerchen, 1886, p. 107, i. e., 
before the discovery of the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus; see Foerster, 255. Robert later dated the birth 
of the sculptor about Ol. 75.4 (=477 B. C.). Thus, even if the Kyniskos were his earliest statue, 
it must have been erected some time after the victory. Furtwaengler dates the original of the 
Westmacott Athlete about 440 B. C.: Mp., p. 252. 

2 Bulle, Furtwaengler, E. A. Gardner, and others find the assumption of identity not completely 
convincing. Thus Furtwaengler looks upon the identification as "no far-fetched theory," but 
says: "Unfortunately, however, absolute certainty can scarcely be attained" (Mp., pp. 249-50). 

3 VIII, 48.2; cf. Vitruv., de Arch., IX, 1 (p. 212). 

4 Homer mentions the palm:<?. g.,Od., VI, 163; the various kinds of palm are given byTheophr., 
Hist. Plant., II, 6.6 and 8.4. Its fronds (airadai, cf. Hdt., VII, 69) were formed into victory 
crowns: Plut., Quaest. conviv., VIII, 4, p. 723. 

& H. N., XXXV, 75. *Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargebracht, 1893, pp. 62 f. 

., p. 256 and n. 1; Mm., p. 462 and n. 2. *Cf. Waldstein, /. H. S., 1, 1880, p. 187, n. 1. 


in the funerary stele from the Dipylon representing a victor, which 
has been mentioned in a preceding section; 1 here the palm extends 
from the left hand, which is held down close to the side, up to the shoul- 
der. We have already noted that the copyist added a palm-branch 
to the stump placed beside the Vatican girl runner (PI. 2). In the 
Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo (PI. 7A) the left hand should doubtless be 
restored with the palm-branch, because of the projecting notch of 
marble on the side of the left leg near the knee. 2 A similar notch 
appears also on the Apollo-on-the-Omphalos in Athens (PI. 7B), which 
shows that the left hand held a long attribute, which was doubtless a 
palm-branch. This attribute occurs frequently on vases. 3 We see 
it on a marble statue found at Formiae and now in the Glyptothek 
Ny-Carlsberg in Copenhagen, which shows the same motive as that 
of the statue by Stephanos (PI. 9), though in a freer style of execution. 
Here the lowered right hand holds a palm-branch, which is shown in 
low relief against the right arm. 4 


In course of time the sculptor was not content to represent victor 
statues merely as victors, but differentiated the various kinds of 
victors by special attributes. 


Thus a hoplite victor would be represented with his usual weapons. 
Pausanias, in mentioning the statue at Olympia of the hoplite runner 
Damaretos of Heraia by the Argive sculptors Eutelidas and Chryso- 
themis, says that it "has not only a shield, as the armed runners still 
have, but also a helmet on his head and greaves on his legs. " 5 He adds 
that the helmet and greaves were gradually abolished at Olympia and 
elsewhere. We have seen that the statue of Damaretos was set up at 
the beginning of the fifth century B. C., when his son Theopompos, the 
pentathlete, won his second victory, the monuments of the two being 
in common. 6 Toward the middle of the fifth century the hoplite victor 
Mnaseas of Kyrene had a statue at Olympia, the work of Pythagoras 
of Rhegion, which represented him as an armed man. 7 A Pythian vic- 

'fl. C. H., V, 1881, PI. III. See supra, p. 155. 2 So Waldstein, /. c., p. 186. 

3 E. g., on a Panathenaic vase: Mon. d. I., X, 1874-78, PI. 48, e, g. 

4 Mentioned by Helbig, Guide, 977; discussed by Arndt in La Glyptotheque Ny-Carlsberg, 
text to Pis. XXI-IV. Arndt believes that the right arm with the palm in the hand is modern, like 
the head and left arm; they are of a different marble from the torso. The torso is a replica of a 
statue in the Villa Albani, Rome: op. cit., fig. 13; cf. Furtwaengler, Mw., p. 738 ( = god type). 
On representing athletes in the act of placing wreaths on their heads with the right hand and 
holding palm-branches in the left, see Milchhoefer, and others, in the work already cited, Arch. 
Stud. H. Brunn dargebracht, pp. 62 f. 

*VI, 10.4. The scholiast on Pindar, Pyth., IX, 1, Boeckh, p. 401, says that the hoplites ran 
with bronze shields. "See supra, pp. 105, n. 3, and 116. 

7 P., VI, 13.7. He won in Ol. 81 ( = 456 B. C): Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 117; Foerster, 184. 



tor, Telesikrates, of the fifth century B. C.,had a statue at Delphi, which 
represented him with a helmet. 1 We have actual remnants of two 
hoplite victor statues of the sixth century B. C., in the two bearded and 
helmeted life-size heads of Parian marble found at Olympia (Fig. 30, 


FIG. 30. Marble heads of two Hoplitodromoi, from Olympia. 
Museum of Olympia. 

a, b = A; c, d=B). 2 The younger of these heads (A), to which 
probably belong either an arm and the remnants of a shield attached 
with a ram and a representation of Phrixos upon it in relief, 3 or a shield 
fragment with a siren's wing upon it 4 and the fragment of a shield 

1 Schol. on Pindar, Pyth., IX, Inscript. a, Boeckh, p. 401. 

"Head A: Bildw. v. O/., Textbd., pp. 29 f.;Tafelbd.,Pl. VI, 1-4; Ausgrab. v. 01., V, 1881, pp. 12 f., 
Pis. XVIII (front), XIX (side); F. W., 316; Overbeck, I, pp. 198-9 and cf. p. 178. Head B: 
Bildw., pp. 31 f., and PI. VI, 9-10; Ausgrab., p. 13; Overbeck, p. 178; F. W., 315. 

*Bildw., PI. VI, 5-6; fig. 30, on p. 30 in Textbd.; Ausgrab., V, PI. XIX, 4 and p. 12; F. W., 317. 

*Bildzv., Textbd., fig. 31, on p. 30. 


edge 1 and right foot of fine workmanship, 2 I assigned long ago to the 
statue of the Thessalian hoplitodrome Phrikias of Pelinna, who won 
two victories in Ols. 68 and 69 ( = 508 and 504 B. C.). 3 R. Foerster had re- 
ferred this head to the statue of the hoplite runner Damaretos of Heraia, 
whose monument, in common with that of his son, the pentathlete 
Theopompos, was the work of the early Argive sculptors Chrysothemis 
and Eutelidas. 4 But this fresh and vigorous head is not Pelopon- 
nesian, but shows strongly marked Attic traits in its round face, full 
cheeks, and soft lips, and in the rows of regularly wound locks of hair. 
The arm and foot similarly disclose Attic softness and grace. Because 
of its Attic character, Treu and Overbeck, 5 in opposition to Foerster, 
ascribed it to the statue of the Elean hoplite victor Eperastos mentioned 
by Pausanias. 6 Though the date of his victory is unknown, it certainly 
fell some time after Ol. Ill ( = 336 B.C.) a date far too late for so 
archaic a sculpture. Furtwaengler 7 referred this and the more archaic 
head B to the group of Phormis at Olympia, mentioned by Pausanias. 8 
However, Treu 9 showed that there was no stylistic connection between 
the two heads. The slightly more archaic head B, badly injured 
from weathering, I have referred to the Achaian hoplitodrome 
Phanas of Pellene, who won Ol. 67 ( = 512 B. C.). 10 In this carefully 
executed head the hair and beard are arranged in small locks and the 
archaic smile is prominent. While the younger head is Attic, this 
one is unmistakably Peloponnesian; and while the former comes from 
a statue represented at rest, the latter, because of the twist of the neck, 
seems to have come from one represented in violent motion. For this 
reason Wolters believed that it came from the statue of a warrior repre- 
sented as thrown to the ground and defending himself. 

The Myronic statue in the Palazzo Valentini, Rome, known as 
Diomedes, 11 whose pose recalls the Diskobolos, may represent a hoplito- 

l Bildw. v. OL, Textbd., fig. 32, on p. 31. 

*Ibid., pp. 31 f.,and PI. VI, 7-8; Ausgrab.v.Ol.,V, PI. XIX, 5 and p. 12; F. W.,319. Both the 
foot and arm are of Parian marble, like the head. 

3 Hyde,pp.42-4;r/. Foerster, 151,155; he also won the stade-race at Delphi: Pindar, Pyth.,X, 
12-16. Robert accepts my ascription: Pauly-Wissowa, VI, p. 1493. Liddell and Scott, Lexicon, 
s. v. <fcpaas ( = "Bristle"), believe this to be the name not of the victor but of his horse, so called 
because of his long outstanding mane; cf. Herrmann, Opuscula, VII, 166 n. This is also the 
interpretation of Sandys, Odes of Pindar, Loeb Library, 1915, p. 291, n. 1. 

4 P., VI, 10.4-5; R. Foerster, Das Portraet in d. gr. Plastik, 1882, p. 22, n. 5. 

5 Treu, A. Z., XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 48 f.; Bildw. v. OL, p. 34 and n. 2. He explained the shield 
device of the ram and Phrixos by the fact that Eperastos traced his descent from that hero. 
Cf. Overbeck, I, p. 198. 

6 VI, 17.5; Hyde, 183 and p. 62; Foerster, 765 (undated). 

7 Preus. Jb., LI, p. 382; cf. Sammlung Sabouro/, Einleitung zu den Skulpturen, p. 5, n. 4; fol- 
lowed by Flasch, Baum., II, p. 1104 U f. 

8 V, 27.7. 'Textbd., pp. 31-2. 

10 Hyde, /. c. For the date, see Afr; Foerster, 144-6; he was the first Olympic Tpieumfa, i. e., he 
gained victories in three events on the same day (stade-, double stade- and hoplite-races). 

u Matz-Duhn,^w*. Bildw., no. 1097; here it is called a diskobolos; Clarac, 830, 2085; Furtwaeng- 
ler, Mp., p. 204; Mw., p. 392. 


drome, because of its marked resemblance in attitude to the Tuebingen 
bronze to be discussed in the next chapter (Fig. 42), and because of 
the helmet on its head. 1 


Pentathletes were represented by attributes taken from three of the 
five contests jumping, and throwing the diskos and the javelin. All 
these attributes appear in gymnasium scenes pictured on red-figured 
vases. Thus a kylix of the severe style in Munich 2 gives us a general 
picture of the exercises of the gymnasium. On the walls hang diskoi in 
slings, strigils, leaping-weights, oil-flasks, sponges, and j avelins. Archaic 
leaping-weights (dXr^pcs) appeared in the hands of the statue of the 
Elean Hysmon at Olympia by the Sikyonian sculptor Kleon. 3 Simi- 
larly, a figure of Contest ('A.y&v) in the group set up there by Mikythos 
had weights. 4 The offering of the people of Mende at Olympia very 
nearly deceived Pausanias into thinking it the statue of a pentath- 
lete, because of its ancient halteres. 5 This shows that these weights 
formed a regular attribute of pentathlete statues there. A relief from 
Sparta 6 represents an athlete leaning on his spear and holding a pair 
of leaping-weights in his right hand. There is a bronze statue of such 
a victor in the Berlin Antiquarium. 7 Halteres hang on a tree-trunk 
to the right of the statue of an athlete in the Pitti palace in Florence. 8 
The breast of a marble torso, less than life-size, of a boy statue found 
at Olympia, shows that the hands were stretched forward, and very 
possibly the objects which they held were leaping-weights. 9 

We have no direct literary reference to a victor statue at Olympia of a 
pentathlete with the attributes of the diskos or javelin. That they 
existed there, however, seems probable enough. Such a work as the 
Diskobolos of Myron, which displays the youthful victor in its every 
line, other statues, statuettes, reliefs, and vase-paintings, show us how 
the artist represented the different steps in the casting of the quoit. 
Similarly, the famous Doryphoros of Polykleitos, copies of which 
have been identified in many museums (PI. 4 and Fig. 48), will give 
us an idea how a javelin thrower might have been represented at rest. 
The akontion or victor's casting-spear, was, as we see from the Spartan 

1 Hauser, Jb., II, 1887, p. 101, n. 24, points out its resemblance to the Tuebingen bronze, but 
because of the tree-trunk does not regard it as a representation of a hoplitodrome. Furt- 
waengler, /. c., regards the helmet as belonging to the head, while others believe it alien thereto. 

2 No. 795; A. Z., XXXVI, 1878, PI. XI and pp. 58-71; Gardiner, p. 105, fig. 17; cf. another in 
Copenhagen: Gerhard, IV, PI. CCLXXXI. 

3 P., VI, 3.10; he won the pentathlon some time between Ols. 94 and 103 (=404 and 368 B. C.): 
Hyde, 31; Foerster, 347. 

4 P., V, 26.3. B V, 27.12. *A. Z., XLI, 1883, PI. XIII, 2 and pp. 227-8 (Milchhoefer). 

ilnventar, no. 6306; mentioned by L. Gurlitt in A. M., VI, 1881, p. 158. 

8 Duetschke, II, no. 22; a very similar statue, no. 25, has no halteres; both are poor Roman copies. 

Bildw. v. 01., p. 217; Tafelbd., PI. LVI, 3. 


relief of a pentathlete just mentioned, about the height of a man. The 
attitude of the diskobolos and doryphoros will be discussed at length 
in the next chapter. 


The statue of a boxer would be sufficiently characterized by thongs, 
which he might carry in his hand, as in the statue of the Rhodian 
Akousilaos at Olympia, 1 or wound round his forearm, as in the statue of 
a boxer in the Palazzo Albani, Rome, 2 or on a near-by prop, as on the 
tree-stump beside the Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo in the British Museum 
(PI. 7A). 3 


Long ago Scherer tried to show that the aryballos was a wrestler- 
attribute, since oil was so important in wrestling. 4 He interpreted as 
aryballoi the pomegranates mentioned by Pausanias as held in the 
hands of the statues of the wrestlers Milo 5 and Theognetos 6 at Olympia, 
assuming that the Periegete mistook oil-flasks for pomegranates 
(poicu). But it hardly seems reasonable that such a small utensil, 
which was used by athletes in general, could ever have been regarded 
as a peculiar attribute of the wrestler. A similar attribute may have 
been held in the outstretched hand of the half life-size archaic bronze 
"Apollo" of the Sciarra Palace in Rome, 7 and it occurs on other 
statues. 8 


Often the boxer and pancratiast (and even wrestler) 9 are represented 
as wearing close-fitting caps, made up of thongs of leather or of solid 

So schol. on Pindar, 01., VII, Argum., Bceckh, p. 158. He won in Ol. 83 ( = 448 B. C): Oxy. 
Pap.,- P., VI, 7.1 f.; Hyde, 60; Foerster, 252. 

2 Matz-Duhn, Ant. Bildw. in Rom, no. 1096; /. H. S., II, 1881, p. 342, fig. 3. Thongs appear on 
both forearms of the Polykleitan statue, copies of which are in Kassel (Furtw., Mp., p. 246, fig. 99; 
Mw., p. 447, fig. 69), and en a headless one in Lansdowne House (Michaelis, p. 438, no. 3; Clarac, 
851, 2180 A); similarly on the Lysippan boxer by Koblanos found at Sorrento, and now in Naples 
(Fig. 57; Kalkmann, Die Proport. des Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst = 53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 
1893, PI. Ill); on the bronze statue of a boxer from Herculaneum in Naples; and on the delle 
Terme Seated Boxer (PI. 16); etc. 

3 So interpreted, and rightly, by Waldstein (/. H. S., I, 1880, p. 186), and others; Juethner, pp. 
68-9, thinks that the object here represented is a victor fillet, being too short for thongs. 

4 P. 26 and n. 2; against him, Reisch, p. 43; Hitz-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 577; etc. Oil-flasks of 
various kinds lekythoi, aryballoi, alabastra, olpai are mentioned repeatedly by Greek writers; 
e. g., \favOos, by Homer, Od., VI, 79; Aristoph., Plutus, 810; ApujSaXXos, Aristoph., Equites, 1094; 
Pollux, VII, 166 and X, 63 ; d\dftaarpov, Theokr., XV. 114; 0X71-17 (of leather), Theokr., II, 156; etc. 

VI, 14.6. 

6 VI, 9.1. Theognetos won in the boys' wrestling match in Ol. 76 (=746 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; 
Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193 and 193 N. 

7 We have already in the present chapter mentioned this "Apollo"' in connection with the 
statuette from Piombino (Fig. 19); Studniczka, R. M., II, 1887, pp. 99-100, believed that it 
represented a victor. See supra, p. 119. 

*E. g., on the bronze statuette from Naxos, now in Berlin: see supra, p. 119 and n. 5. 

'Boy wrestlers especially wore caps in the palaestrae, but not at the games; we see them on the 
wrestler group in the palaestra scene on the r.-f. kylix in Munich (no. 795) already mentioned. 


leather. This, however, can scarcely be called a determining attribute. 
Our best example of such a cap is afforded by an athlete head dating from 
the first half of the fifth century B.C., in the Capitoline Museum, Rome, 1 
formerly called a portrait of Juba II, who was the king of Numidia and 
Mauretania from 25 B.C. to 23 A.D. This ascription was based on the 
barbarous look of the head and the fact that another head, discovered in 
the Gymnasion of Ptolemy in Athens and thought to resemble it, was 
assumed to be that of Juba, since Pausanias mentions one of that prince 
there. 2 It is rather the head of an athlete engaged in putting on a cap. 
This cap consists of three transverse leather pieces crossing the head 
from side to side, one over the forehead, one over the crown, and the 
third over the occiput, all three converging above the ears. A fourth 
strap fastens them together and is drawn over the crown from forehead 
to occiput. In the complete statue doubtless the hands were raised 
to the head, grasping the straps near the ears to fasten them. This is, 
therefore, an anticipation of the later Diadoumenos motive. We see 
it in a statuette formerly in the Stronganoff collection in Rome, but 
now in private possession in England, 3 which represents an athlete 
putting on a similar head-dress. Though the arms of the statuette are 
gone, remains of the two hands are seen touching the left ear and tying 
the straps, one of which runs around the cranium above the swollen 
right ear. With this complicated head-dress we may compare the 
close-fitting cap evidently of leather pictured on an archaistic 
Greek votive relief in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, in Rome, which 
represents an athlete washing his hands in a basin, which stands on a 
tripod. 4 Here the cap is fastened by two bands, one around and the 
other under the chin. An object in the upper left corner of the relief, 
enclosed in a frame, appears to be a victor crown adorned with bow- 
knots. Such caps, used in wrestling, would make it impossible for an 
opponent to grasp the hair; in boxing and the pankration it would pro- 
tect the head from injury. We saw that such a cap was pictured on a 

J Stuart Jones, Cat., pp. 65-6, no. 8; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 769; Guide, 418; B. B., 527 (and fig. 
6 in text, by Arndt); Furtw., Mp., p. 204, Mw., p. 392. Helbig finds it Myronian, while Furt- 
waengler considers it Attic, but non-Myronic; for a copy in Stockholm, see B. B., figs. 7, 8, 9, in 
the text to no. 527. 

2 I, 17.2. Furtw., Mp., p. 204, n. 6, shows that the Athens head bears no resemblance to the 
Capitoline. Furthermore, heads on coins of Juba differ from both and show no trace of the 
complicated head-dress. A marble head from Shershel (=Caesarea) seems to be an authentic 
portrait of Juba II: see Annali, XXIX, 1857, PI. E, no. 2, and p. 194; and Waille, de Caesareae 
Monumentis, 1891, title page (vignette) and p. 92 (quoted by Helbig, Guide, I. c.}. 

3 See B. B., text to no. 527, figs. 1, 2, 3. 

4 Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 972; Guide, 595; B. Com. Rom., XII, 1884, PI. XXIII, pp. 245-253. The 
meaning is explained by a similar archaistic Parian marble relief in Wilton House, Wiltshire, 
England, where the youth stands before a statue of Zeus, washing his hands preparatory to making 
a thank-offering to the god who gave him victory: see Michaelis, p. 680, no. 48 and wood-cut 
on p. 681; Arndt, La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, text, fig. 33; F. W., 239; its inscription is not genuine. 
The same archaistic traits are seen on a votive relief to Zeus Xenios in the Museo delle Termei 
Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 1405; Arndt, op. cit., fig. 34; this is to be dated in the first century B. C., or 
A. D., because of its inscription: I. G. Sic. et ltd., no. 990. 


Munich kylix of the early fifth century B. C. It is probable that such 
caps were customary at a period before athletes lost their long hair and 
that it was continued afterwards for various reasons. The little 
statuette from Autun now in the Louvre (Fig. 60), representing a pan- 
cratiast, has a close-fitting cap. The ring at the top shows that this 
statuette was hung up perhaps being used as a weight in a Roman 
scale, or perhaps for adornment. In later days boys while practising 
in the palaestra, but never at the public games, wore ear-lappets 
(djLKpomScs or eTromSes) to protect their ears, not dissimilar to those 
worn in our day for protection against the cold. We see them on a 
marble head, formerly in the possession of Fabretti. 1 

r ' 


We have lastly to speak of the swollen ear, which was an attribute 
f victor statues, both primary and secondary, since it characterized 
victors as such, and also early differentiated victors in various contests. 
Swollen ears may have played a role as a characteristic attribute of 
pugilists in early times. 2 We found them on the Rayet head in the 
Jacobsen collection (Fig. 22), which belongs to the last quarter of the 
sixth century B. C. and comes from the funerary statue of an athlete, 
probably a boxer. In course of time, however, they came to charac- 
terize pancratiasts, wrestlers, 3 and athletes in general. The assump- 
tion, then, that heads with swollen ears come from statues of boxers, 4 
and that the boxer was known throughout Greek history as the "man 
with the crushed ear" is erroneous. 5 The earliest literary reference 
to the bruised ear is in Plato. 6 The philosopher used the term slight- 
ingly of those who imitated Spartan customs, especially Spartan 
boxing. The Lacedaemonians never boxed scientifically, but fought 
with bare fists and without rules. Literary evidence, furthermore, 
shows that bruised ears did not play the part in boxing matches which 
other bruised features of the face did the eyes, nose, mouth, teeth, 
and chin. Vase-paintings sustain this evidence, for we often see 
bloody noses and cuts on the cheeks and chin, but no crushed ears. 7 

^ee Fabretti, de Columna Trajani, p. 267; Gardiner, p. 433, fig. 149; Schreiber, Bilderatlas, 
PI. XXIV, no. 8. Cf. Krause, I, pp. 517 f. 2 C/. Reisch, pp. 42-3. 

3 Cf. Philostr., Heroicus, XII b (p. 315); TO. 6i ura Kartayw i\v ov\ into TrdXifj. 

4 Thus Furtwaengler calls the Ince-Blundell head that of a boxer statue: Mp., p. 173, and fig. 
71 on p. 172; Mw., p. 348, and fig. 44 on p. 347. 

6 Cf. discussion by Gardiner, pp. 425-6. 

*Gorgias, 515 E; Protag., 342 B. In the latter passage he says: ai oi pkv UT&. re Karayvvvrai 
Hinovnevoi aurous, KO.I i/jLavray jrepwiXirroi'Tai Kai <pi\oyvfju>affTovai Kai /3paxtaj aj/a/3oXas 
tpoifowriv, K. T. X. The boxer's swollen ears are mentioned by Theokrjtos, XXII, 45. The 
word uTOKarai; it seems to have meant a boxer whose ears were battered by the gloves: Aristoph., 
Fragm., 72; Pollux, II, 83 (whence Dindorf corrects the form uroKara^ias in Poll., IV, 144). For 
references, see Krause, I, pp. 516-17; and cf. ]. H. S., XXVI, p. 13. 

7 . g., on a fragment of a red-figured kylix in Berlin: /. H. S., XXVI, p. 8, fig. 2; Hartwig, Die 
griech. Meisterschalen, Textbd., p. 90, fig. 12; Gardiner, p. 438, fig. 153. Here one of the con- 
testants in the pankration is bleeding at the nose. 


In short, the crushed ear was merely a professional characteristic, a 
realistic detail, common to athletes of various sorts, and, as we shall 
see, to warriors, gods, and heroes. To quote Homolle: "La bouffissure 
des oreilles ellememe n'est pas un trait personnel, mais un caractere pro- 
fessionnel; elle ne designe pas Agias, mais en general le lutteur. Cette 
deformation peui atteindre meme un dieu, s'il a pratique les exercices 
gymnastiques et passe sa vie dans les luttes", 1 It is found constantly on 
athletic types of heads in sculpture, whether these represent gods or 
mortals. A few examples will make this clear. The following heads 
of athletes show the swollen ears: the bronze portrait head of a boxer 
or pancratiast from Olympia, dating from the end of the fourth century 
B. C. or the beginning of the third (Fig. 61 A and B); 2 the marble head 
from the statue of the boxer Philandridas set up among the victor statues 
at Olympia, the work of Lysippos (Frontispiece and Fig. 69) ; 3 the head 
of the statue of the pancratiast Agias at Delphi (PI. 28 and Fig. 68) ; 4 
that of the Seated Boxer in the Museo delle Terme in Rome (PI. 16 and 
Fig. 27) ; 5 that of the Apoxyomenos of the Uffizi in Florence (PI. 12); 6 
the bronze head from an athlete statue found at Tarsos and now in Con- 
stantinople, an Attic work of the end of the fifth century B. C. ; 7 the beau- 
tiful bronze head of a boxer in the Glyptothek (PI. 3); 8 the head of the 
so-called Apollo-on-the-Omphalos in Athens (PI. 7 B); 9 the athlete head 
from Perinthos (Fig. 33) ; 10 the bronze copy of the head of the Doryphoros, 
found in Herculaneum and now in Naples, by the Attic artist Apol- 
lonios, (Fig. 47) ; n the Ince-Blundell head in England, to be dis- 
cussed; four heads in Copenhagen; 12 the remarkably beautiful bust of 
an athlete in the Metropolitan Museum, New York (PI. 20), whose 
rounded skull, oval face, projecting lower forehead, and dreamy, half- 
closed eyes place it in the fourth century B. C., a work influenced by the 
art of Praxiteles. 13 

l . C. H., XXIII, 1899, pp. 455; cf., p. 457, where he speaks of le detail realiste de I'oreille par les coups. For the statue of Agias mentioned, see infra, Ch. VI, pp. 286 f., and PI. 
28 and fig. 68. Cf. on this subject also Neugebauer, Studien ueber Skopas (in Beitraege zur 
Kunstgesch., XXXIX, 1913, p. 35, n. 172). 

z Bronz; v. Ol.i Tafelbd., IV, PI. II, 2, 2 a; F. W., 323; etc. 3 See infra, Ch. VI., pp. 293 f. 
*Fouilles de Delphes, IV, Pis. LXIII-LXIV. 

*Ant. Denkm., I, i, 1886, PI. IV. "Duetschke, III, no. 72. 

J Gaz. arch., VIII, PI. I, and p. 85 (Rayet); F. W., 461. 8 B. B., no. 8. 

9 Bull e ; no. 105 (right); and fig. 46 on p. 205. A. M., XVI, 1891, Pis. IV, V (two views). 

"F. W., 505; Collignon, I, p. 495, fig. 252. As the swollen ears do not occur on other copies, 
they are here doubtless a modification by a late artist. 

La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, PI. XXXVI (=copy of fifth century B. C.); XCIV (Herakles or 
athlete, from the Tyszkiewicz coll., Skopasian in character; = Reinach, Tetes, Pis. CL, CLI); 
XCV (similar to preceding, though later in style: Tetes, Pis. CLVI, CLVII); CXX (copy of head 
of athlete of the fourth century B. C.). 

l3 Cat. Class. Coll., pp. 228 f.; fig. 141 on p. 231. Miss Richter points out its affinity to the Hermes 
and assigns it to the immediate influence of Praxiteles. This fragment of a statue appears 
to have been trimmed into its present shape in modern times. Miss Richter's statement (p. 230) 
that swollen ears are a characteristic which applies in representations of heroes to Herakles alone 
is contradicted by what we shall say below about heads of Diomedes. 


Head of an Athlete, School of Praxiteles. Metropolitan Museum, New York. 


When we consider heads of gods and heroes we find the swollen ears 
on a variety of types. We see them on the so-called Borghese War- 
rior of the Louvre (Fig. 43), 1 formerly called a Gladiator, and on the 
marble statue of Kresilaean style in Munich, which has been known 
since Brunn's interpretation as Diomedes (carrying off the Palladion 
from Troy) (PI. 21). 2 This latter statue is a careful, though inexact, 
Hadrianic copy of a famous work and is shown to represent the hero, 
and not an athlete, by the mantle thrown over the arm. Skill in 
the boxing match, the roughest and most dangerous of sports, is as 
appropriate to Diomedes as to Herakles himself. The crushed ears 
appear on the Dresden replica of this statue, a cast from the Mengs 
collection, the original of which was once probably in England, 3 but 
do not appear on the poor copy in the Louvre. 4 They also appear on 
the Myronian bust in the Riccardi Palace, Florence, which is a copy of 
an original that was, perhaps, the forerunner of the Kresilaean 
Diomedes* Here again the garment thrown over the left shoulder 
shows that a youthful hero, and not an athlete, is intended. 

On heads of Herakles the swollen ears are very common. The 
first dated representation of the hero with battered ears appears to be 
on coins of Euagoras I, the king of Salamis in Cyprus during the years 
410-374 B.C. 6 We have several examples in sculpture from the fourth 
century B. C. Thus swollen ears and the victor fillet appear on the 
Skopaic head in the Capitoline Museum. 7 Another example is the 
terminal bust of the youthful hero found in 1777 at Genzano, and now 
in the British Museum (Fig. 3 1). 8 This head wreathed with poplar 

^ayet, II, Pis. 64, 65 (head); B. B., 75; von Mach, 286; F. W., 1425; M. W., I, PI. 48, 216; 
Reinach, Rep., I, 154, 1-4. Rayet calls the statue that of a hoplitodromos. 

2 Brunn, Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1892, pp. 651 f.; Furtw.-Wolters, Beschr. d. Glypt.*, no. 304; B. B., 
128 (left = original; right = cast); Furtw., Mp., p. 147, fig. 60 (from a cast with modern res- 
torations omitted), and p. 150, fig. 61 (head, two views); text, pp. 146 ff.; Mw., Pis. XII, XIII; 
text, pp. 311 f.; Clarac, 871, 2219 and 633, 1438 A.; Gardner, Sculpt., PI. XVII (cast). Its 
Kresilaean origin has been shown by Brunn (/. c., pp. 660 and 673), Flasch (Vortraege an der listen 
Philologenversamml., 1891, p. 9, quoted by Furtwaengler), Loeschke and Studniczka (quoted by 
Furtwaengler) and Furtwaengler. It also shows Myronic traces. It stands 1.86 meters (without 
the base). 

3 Furtw., Mp., p. 151, fig. 62; Mw., PI. XIV and p. 313. This and a head in private possession 
in England, B. B., 543 (three views), are the best and truest copies of the lost original. 

4 Froehner, Notice, 128; Bouillon, Musee des antiques (statues), Pis. II and III; Clarac, 314, 1438. 

'Duetschke, II, no. 163 ; Amelung, Fuehrer, 210; B. B., 361; F. W., 458. It will be discussed fur- 
ther on in Ch. IV, pp. 180 f. The Berlin replica is given in Mp., p. 167, fig. 67; cf. text, p. 165, n. 2. 

6 Roscher, Lex., I, 2, p. 2163, fig.; Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 155, n. 2. 

iR. M., IV, 1889, p. 197, no. 12 (B. Graef). 

*B. M. Sculpt., Ill, 1731, and PI. V, fig. 2; Marbles and Bronzes, PI. XXI; Museum Marbles, 
II, PI. XLVI; Specimens, I, PI. LX; Collignon, II, p. 240, fig. 120; Wolters, Jb., I, 1886, PI. V, 
fig. 2 and p. 54. Two other copies of the same original are the one in the Capitoline Museum, 
Rome, and one found in 1876 on the Quirinal and now in the Palazzo dei Conservator! there. B. 
Graef, R. M., IV, 1889, p. 189 f, and Pis. VIII (Capitoline bust) and IX (Quirinal bust), attributes 
the type to Skopas; he is followed by Collignon, II, p. 240, n. 1; cf. S. Reinach, Gaz. d. B-A., 3d 
Per., Ill, 1890, pp. 338 and 340. Wolters tried to show that it was Praxitelian. But the similarity 
between these heads and that of the Lansdowne Herakles (PI. 30 and fig. 71), which we ascribe 
to Lysippos in Ch. VI, pp. 298, 311, is easily apparent. 



leaves, is probably a Graeco-Roman copy of an original of the fourth 
century B. C., by an artist of the school of Lysippos. In the group 
representing Herakles and his son Telephos, a Roman copy in the 
Museo Chiaramonti of the Vat- 
ican, the hero is represented 
with fillet and battered ears. 1 
A Parian marble head, encir- 
cled by a crown, in the Glypto- 
thek, going back to a Lysippan 
bronze original, seems to come 
from the statue of the hero rep- 
resented as a victor. 2 Another 
life-size head, of poor workman- 
ship, in the Chiaramonti collec- 
tion of the Vatican, sometimes 
confused with the Doryphoros 
head-type, seems to come from 
a statue of Herakles, as shown 
by the broken ears and rolled 
fillet, the latter a well-known 
attribute of the hero taken from 
the symposium. 3 A much finer 
replica is the bust from Hercu- 
laneum now in Naples. 4 Swol- 
len ears appear also on heads of Ares. We may instance the hel- 
meted one in the Louvre, 5 and especially the replica in the Palazzo 
Torlonia in Rome. 6 They are less prominent on a Parian marble head 
of the god in the Glyptothek, which appears to be a copy of an orig- 
inal of which the Ares Ludovisi is a more complete one. 7 

So far as we know, the statues of wrestlers, runners (except hop- 
litodromes), and probably pancratiasts were not distinguished by spe- 
cial attributes. In these cases the sculptor was obliged to express the 

Smelling, Fat., I, p. 738, no. 636 and II, PI. 79; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, no. 108; Guide, 113; 
B. B., 609; Furtw., Mp., p. 341, fig. 146; p. 342, fig. 147 (head, two views); Mm., p. 575, fig. 
109 and p. 577, fig. 110. 

2 Furtw.-Wolters, Beschr., d. Glypt.f no. 245 (the so-called Lenbach head); Arndt-Bruck- 
mann, Griech, undroem. Portraets, Pis. 335-6. See Furtw.-Wolters, for replicas in the Louvre, etc. 

3 B. B., 338; Helbig, Guide, 69 (= boxer). 

4 Comparetti e de Petra, La Villa ErcolanesedeiPisoni, 1883, PI. XXI, 3; Furtw., Mp., pp. 234 f. 
and fig. 95; Mw., pp. 428 f. and fig. 65. Both Furtwaengler (/. c.} and B. Graef (R. M., IV, 
1889, pp. 215 and 202) have shown the Polykleitan origin of the type. The former believes that 
it may have been copied from a statue of Herakles by the master, which is mentioned by Pliny (H. 
N., XXXIV, 56) as at Rome. For other replicas of the type, see Furtw., Mp., p. 234, n. \;Mw., 
p. 429, n. 1. H 

6 >A. A., 1889, pp. 57-8 (Treu, who referred it to Polykleitos); Furtw., Mp., p. 92 and fig. 
40; Mw., p. 124 and PI. VI (he called it Pheidian). 

6 Museo Torlonia, PI. 26, no. 104. 

7 Furtw.-Wolters, Beschr. d. Glypt., 2 no. 272; Arndt-Amelung, nos. 832 and 833 (text by Flasch). 

FIG. 31. Head of Herakles, from Gen- 
zano. British Museum, London. 


Statue of Diomedes with the Palladion. Glyptothek, Munich. 


type of contest in the figure itself. His problem, therefore, was to 
represent the victor in the characteristic pose of the contest in which 
he had won his victory, that is, by representing the statue as if in move- 
ment. This brings us to the second division of our treatment of victor 
statues, those which represented the victor not at rest, but in motion, 
a scheme which, in course of time, was extended not only to victors 
in wrestling and running, but to those in all contests, by representing 
them in the very act of contending. The treatment of this class of 
monuments will occupy the chief portion of Chapter IV. 



PLATES 22-25 AND FIGURES 32-62. 

Just when the important step of representing the victor in motion 
instead of at rest was taken in Greek athletic sculpture we can not defi- 
nitely say. The statement of Cornelius Nepos that the statues of athletes 
were first represented in movement in the fourth century B. C., after 
the time of the Athenian general Chabrias whose image he describes 
as representing Chabrias in his favorite posture with his spear pointed 
at the enemy and his shield on his knee has long since been shown to 
be worthless. 1 Nor is the assumption of many archaeologists 2 that this 
advance in the plastic art was taken over into athletic sculpture soon 
after the statues of the Tyrannicides were set up at Athens, which rep- 
resented them in the midst of their impetuous onslaught on Hippar- 
chos, to be relied upon. These statues, however, occupy so important 
a place in the history of Greek sculpture that we shall consider them 
briefly in this connection. 


The bronze statues of the popular heroes Harmodios and Aristo- 
geiton, by the sculptor Antenor, were, in all probability, set up in the 
Athenian agora in 506-5 B. C. 3 The group was carried ofF to Susa by 
Xerxes in 480 B. C., and to replace it a new group, doubtless a free imi- 
tation of the older one, and probably also of bronze, was set up in 477 
B. C., the work of the sculptors Kritios and Nesiotes. 4 Nearly a cen- 
tury and a half later the stolen group was restored to Athens by Alex- 
ander the Great 5 and the two continued to stand side by side in Athens 
down to the time of Pausanias. Neither of these groups has survived 
to our time, but a late Roman marble copy of one, somewhat over life- 

l Chabrias, 3: Ex quo factum est ut postea athletae ceterique artifices his statibus in statuis pontn- 
dis uterentur, in quibus victoriam essenl adepti; cf. Diod., XV, 33. 4 (who speaks of "statues"). 
This statue was erected in Athens after his campaign to aid Thebes against Agesilaos in 378 
B.C.: Xen. , Hell., V, 4.38 f. (though here Chabrias is not mentioned by name); Diod., XV, 
32-33; Demosth., Contra Lept., 75-76 (p. 479); cf. Aristotle, Rhet., Ill, 10.7. Chabrias seems 
to have been the first to order his troops to assume a kneeling posture when receiving the 
charge of the enemy. These tactics when used against Agesilaos were so favorably regarded 
by the Athenians that his statues were represented in the attitude of kneeling. 

*E. g., Reisch, p. 43. 

3 See Joubin, p. 46. It probably took place under the restored democracy of Kleisthenes. The 
assassination of Hipparchos took place in 514 B. C. Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 17, says that the 
group was set up in the year in which the kings were expelled from Rome ( = 509 B. C.). 

4 P., I, 8.5; cf. Marmor Parium, \. 70 (=C. /. G., II, 2374; F. H. G., I, pp. 533 f., etc.), and 
Lucian, Philopseudes, 18. 

"Arrian, Anab., Ill, 16.18 (he says it was of bronze); Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 70; restored by 
Seleukos: Val. Max., II, 10, Extr. 1; by Antiochos: P., I, 8.5. 



size, found in the ruins of Hadrian's villa and now in Naples, gives us 
a good idea of the original, despite restorations (Fig. 32, Harmodios). 1 
The reconstruction of this group is aided by several minor works 
of art, reliefs, vase-paintings, coins, lead marks, etc., the number 
of which shows that it was a common subject for Athenian artists. 

FIG. 32. Statue of Harmodios. 

Museum of 

Botho Graef, by a careful study of the female statue found on the 
Akropolis in 1886 and inscribed as the work of Antenor, has shown 
that the stylistic contrast between it and the Naples group is too 

X B. B., nos. 326 (Aristogeiton), 327 (Harmodios'), and 328 (head of Harmodios, two views); 
Bulle, 84, 85; von Mach, 58 (both statues) and 59 (Aristogeiton); Collignon, I, pp. 367 f. and 
figs. 189 (group) and 190 (head of Harmodios); relief from Athens showing the group, ibid., 
p. 369, fig. 88; Overbeck, I, p. 155, fig. 27; Baum., I. p. 340, fig. 357; Lechat, pp. 444-5, figs. 36, 37 
(restored by Michaelis); . M., XXI, 1906, PI. XI; F. W., 121-4; Reinach, Rep., I, 530,3 (Har- 
modios), and 5 (Aristogeiton) ; cf. II, 2, 541, 5 (group); Clarac V, 869, 2202 and 870, 2203 A; 
head of Harmodios, Annali, XLVI, 1874, PI. G. The height is about 2 meters (Bulle). 


great for the latter to be assigned to Anterior. 1 It is now, therefore, 
the prevailing view that the Naples group reproduces the later 
statues of Kritios and his associate. 2 We do not know, then, how the 
older group looked, but we are certain that it was different from the 
later one, for, in the years elapsing between the dates of the two, Attic 
sculptors had become entirely free from the Ionic influence which we 
discussed in the preceding chapter and which characterizes the female 
statue of Antenor. Archaic stiffness, however, is still traceable in the 
later group, for in the copy we see a work which is "concise, sinewy, 
hard, and with strained lines," in harmony with Lucian's character- 
ization of the works of Hegias, Kritios, and Nesiotes. 3 

The restorations of the Naples group, though right in the main, make 
us doubtful as to the exact pose of the original figures. 4 Harmodios 
has new arms, new right leg, and left leg below the knee, while Aristo- 
geiton has a Lysippan head in place of the original bearded one, to 
correspond better with that of his companion. His left arm, with 
the drapery hanging down, has been put on at a wrong angle, as he 
should be represented holding a scabbard in the left hand and a sword 
in the right. On a vase fragment (oinochoe) in Boston 5 both heroes 
are making the onset, the younger one (Harmodios) in front of the 
other, but in the original statues, they were probably making the 
onset abreast, something that the vase-painter could not represent. 6 

While the Akropolis ephebe, already discussed as showing Argive 
influence (Fig. 17), still shows but little break with the law of "fron- 
tality" formulated by J. Lange, 7 whereby an "imaginary line passing 
through the skull, nose, backbone, and navel, dividing the body into 
two symmetrical halves, is invariably straight, never bending to either 
side," the Tyrannicides have broken it completely. The ephebe has 
his head slightly turned to one side, and, because of resemblances in 
head and body to the figure of Harmodios, has been assigned to Kritios 

* A. M., XV, 1890, pp. 1 f.; followed by Overbeck, I, pp. 152 f.; Frazer, II, p. 98. The difference 
is not only noticeable in the head structure and treatment of the hair, but in the whole character 
of the work. While Antenor's work is stiff and lifeless, the Naples group is full of vigor. For the 
statue of Antenor (in the Akropolis Museum), see Ant. Denkm., I, 5, 1890, PI. 53, and pp. 42 f. 
(Wolters); Overbeck, I, PI. 25, opp. p. 152; Les Mus'ees d' Athenes, I, PI. VI; Jb., II, 1887, pp. 
135 f. (Studniczka), and PI. X, 1 (head); von Mach, 28; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, PI. II. 

2 However, some archaeologists still favor Antenor for this group: e. g., Wachsmuth, Die Stadl 
Athen, I, pp. 170 f.; II, 393-8; Collignon; Lechat, op. cit., and cf. B. C. H., XVI, 1892, pp. 485-9. 

3 Rhet. praecept., 9: Aireff^iyneva Kal vtvpwSij Kal cxXijpd, KCU &*pi/3cos biroTtTaniva raij -, pa/^als. 
See Brunn, pp. 101-5 ; cf. Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 49. 

4 The best restoration is that of Meier in bronzed plaster in the Ducal Museum in Brunswick: 
Hulle, p. 172, figs. 38, a, b, c; here Aristogeiton has received a bearded head. For another resto- 
ration, in the Museum of Strasbourg, see Springer-Michaelis, p. 216, fig'. 402, a, b. 

^Bulletin of Museum of Fine Arts, III, 27; R. M., XIX, 1904, p. 163, PI. VI (Hauser). 

'A vase by Douris shows a warrior similar to Aristogeiton, but his onset is fiercer: Hartwig, 
Die griech. Meisterschalen, 1893, PI. XXI, and Textbd., pp. 206 f. For other representations in 
art of the Tyrannicides, see Frazer, II, pp. 94 f. 

7 Darstellung des Menschen in der aelt. griech. Kunst, 1899, p. xi; cf. Richardson, p. 120, n. 2. 


or his school. 1 Another statue at rest ascribed to the same school is 
the athlete in the Somzee collection, which reminds us of the Pelops 
of the East Gable at Olympia. 2 We have record of one more statue 
by Kritios himself, which was represented in motion only less violent 
than that of the Tyrannicides. Pausanias saw on the Akropolis of 
Athens a statue by him of the hoplite runner Epicharinos, which rep- 
resented the athlete in the attitude of one practicing starts, perhaps 
in the very pose of the Tuebingen statuette (Fig. 42). 3 

In the statues of the Tyrannicides, then, which might pass equally 
well for typical athletes of the time, we have examples of statues in 
motion at the end of the sixth century B. C.; for the same violent action 
must have characterized the earlier group of Antenor as the later 
one. We have seen that the Aeginetan sculptors not only made pedi- 
ment groups in action at a date not later than that of the group by 
Kritios and Nesiotes, but single figures still earlier. Thus the sculp- 
tor Glaukias represented the Karystian boy boxer Glaukos in the act 
of sparring with an imaginary opponent. 4 Though Glaukos won in 
Ol. 65 (=520 B.C.), his statue was set up later by his son, perhaps 
as late as the end of the sixth century B. C., or the beginning of the 
fifth, as the floruit of the sculptor would show. 5 This is the oldest 
example attested by literary evidence of an athlete statue in motion at 
Olympia. Whether Glaukias got his motive from Antenor's Tyran- 
nicides, or whether his work was the older, we can not determine, but 
it is safe to say that this genre of statuary must have existed at Olym- 
pia long before, as we know it did elsewhere. T]ie^J3jyi^n_hejid, 
already discussed as a fragrnent_.QJLa _victor__statue, shows, Jby the 
turn of its neck that athlete statues represented iri"motion existed 
afTeast as far back as the first half pf the sixth" century B. C7*"~~~ 


Apart from specifically athletic types, we know that statues in 
motion, especially those representing winged figures, antedated the sixth 
century B. C. in Greece, and were, perhaps, coeval with the very origin 
of Greek art. 7 We know that the oldest Egyptian art attempted to 

1 C/. Dickins, p. 265 (quoting the view of Furtwaengler). 

2 Furtwaengler, Sammlung Somzee, 1897, PI. III. He ascribes it to Mikon and identifies it with 
the statue of the pancratiast Kallias at Olympia whose base has been found: Bildw. v. 01. 146; 
Hyde, 50; see infra, in the section on Pancratiasts, p. 251. For the Pelops, see Bildw. v. 01., 
Tafelbd., PI. IX, 2, and XI, 1 (head). 

I, 23.9. The inscribed base has been found : C. I. A., I, 376; I. G. B., 39. 

4 P., VI, 10. 1-3 ; Hyde, 93 ; Foerster, 137. 

5 01s. 72 to 76 ( = 492 to 476 B. C.); Hyde, p. 42. 6 C/. Bulle, p. 493, on no. 225. 

7 On the origin and early development of motion figures in Greek art, see Bulle, pp. 157 f., and 
the works cited on p. 674 (notes to p. 158); especially, J. Langbehn, Fluegelgestalten der aeltesten 
griech. Kunst, Diss. inaug., 1881; F. Studniczka, Die Siege sgoettin, Gesch. einer antiken Ideal- 
gestalt, 1898; E. Curtius, Die knieenden Figuren d. alt. griech. Kunst (29stes Berl. Winckelmanns- 
progr., 1869); Eadweard Muybridge, Human Figure in Motion, 1907; cf. also J. Lange, op. cit. 


render the human body in motion. We may instance the limestone 
funerary statuette dating from the Old Kingdom, which represents aslave 
woman grinding corn, 1 and similar figures found in the graves of Mem- 
phis. In fact, the making of such statues ceased in Egyptian art after 
the end of the Old Kingdom. While Assyro-Babylonian art represented 
figures in motion only on reliefs, Cretan art, as we have seen in the first 
chapter, showed the utmost skill in representing movement in figures in 
the round. It used to be assumed that in Greek art motion statues 
developed out of the archaic "Apollo" type through the gradual freeing 
of legs and arms. Any such assumption is easily disproved by the 
fact that figures in motion exist, which date back almost as far as fig- 
ures at rest. It is equally fallacious to argue that slight movement was 
easier for the early artist to represent than violent movement, for just 
the contrary was the case, so that in general the greater the movement 
represented, the greater is the age of the given monument. Early vase- 
paintings show that the early painter delighted in portraying free 
movement. 2 It may be that the vase-painter preceded the sculptor 
in portraying movement, for it was easier to effect this in two dimen- 
sions than in three. But that statues in motion were already known 
at the beginning of the sixth century B. C., at least, is shown by the 
winged flying figure known as the Nike of Archermos, 3 unearthed on 
the island of Delos by the French in 1877, which is a masterpiece of 
early Chian sculpture, perhaps coeval with the statue dedicated to 
Artemis by Nikandre of Naxos, found a year later on Delos, 4 even 
though the latter appears more archaic. This earliest example of treat- 
ing a flying figure in Greek sculpture we find repeated almost unchanged 
for a long time after, especially for akroteria figures on temples and in 
the minor arts. We might mention the bronze statuette of the end of 
the sixth century B. C., found on the Akropolis, which comes from the 
edge of a vessel and represents a winged Nike springing through the 

l ln the Museo Archeologico, Florence: Bulle, no. 10. 

2 Cf. the realistic scenes of wrestling, boxing, and running, in relief on the archaic Attic tripod 
vase from Tanagra now in Berlin, dating from the second half of the sixth century B. C. : A. Z., 
XXXIX, 1881, pp. 30 f. (Loeschke) and Pis. 3 and 4. Cf. also scenes from the pentathlon on 
a Panathenaic amphora of the sixth century B. C. in Leyden: ibid., PL 9; etc. 

3 S. C. H., Ill, 1879, pp. 393 f. and Pis. VI-VII (Homolle), and V, 1881, pp. 272 f. (Homolle, on 
the artist and his father Mikkiades); von Mach, no. 32 (restored in the text opp. p. 26, fig. 1); 
Richardson, p. 51, fig. IS; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 300-1, figs. 122-3 and Treu's restoration, p. 303, 
fig. 125; restored in Springer-Michaelis, p. 187, fig. 358; Reinach, Rep., II, i, 389, 5. Though 
first called an Artemis by Homolle (because of its resemblance to the so-called Oriental winged 
Artemis on a bronze relief from Olympia, von Mach, text, opp. p. 36, fig. 5), it has generally 
been called a Nike since its first ascription by Furtwaengler (A. Z., XL, 1882, pp. 324 f.), and 
brought into connection with a base in two parts found near the statue on Delos in 1880 and 
1881, inscribed with the names of Archermos and his father Mikkiades. If the connection with 
the base were certain, the statue should be referred to the beginning of the sixth century B. C.; 
B. Saner (A. M., XVI, 1891, pp. 182 f.), and others, have disputed the connection. 

4 Now in the National Museum, Athens: Kabbadias, no. 1; von Mach, 20; Springer-Michaelis, 
p. 174, fig. 340; Richardson, p. 43, fig. 11; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 645, 1. Its inscription should date 
it about 600 B. C. It is over 6 feet in height (including the base: von Mach). 


air, the legs in profile and the head and upper body turned to the front, 
just as in the figure of Archermos. 1 Such figures completely disprove 
the contention of Sikes that the Greek idea of a winged Nike did not 
antedate the fifth century B. C. 2 The early date of statues represented 
in a lunging attitude, like the Tyrannicides, is also shown by the story 
that Herakles destroyed his own statue by Daidalos in the agora of Elis, 
because in the night he mistook it for an enemy lunging at him. The 
scheme of combatants fighting with lances seems to have been native 
to Rhodian art at the end of the seventh century B. C., for we see it 
first on a painted terra-cotta plate in the British Museum, which 
represents Hektor and Menelaos fighting for the body of Euphorbos. 3 
This pose was taken over into other arts, as we see it in the bronze 
statuette of a warrior found in Dodona in 1880, now in the Antiquarium 
in Berlin, which dates from the end of the sixth century B. C., or the begin- 
ning of the fifth. 4 All these examples are sufficient to show that repre- 
senting the human figure in motion was an ancient motive in Greek art. 


Besides Kritios, two other sculptors of the transitional period 
Pythagoras and Myron gave a great impetus to the type of statue 
in motion in the first half of the fifth century B.C. Before proceeding 
further we shall briefly consider their artistic activity. 

The attempt to ascribe something tangible to Pythagoras of Rhegion 
has often been made. 5 Practically all we really know about him is 
that he was celebrated for his statues of athletes. Pausanias mentions 
seven statues at Olympia of victors who won in many different events, 
in running (including the hoplite-race), wrestling, boxing, and the 
chariot-race; and Pliny, in giving a list of his works, praises the statue 
of a pancratiast at Delphi. 6 Thus Pausanias records the statues of 

e, pp. 157-8, fig. 33; de Ridder, no. 808. It is 0.123 meter high (Bulle). Cf. similar bronzes 
ibid., nos. 799-814, and also a flying harpy on a sixth-century B. C. Ionic vase in the University 
Museum in Wuerzburg: Bulle, pp. 159-160, fig. 34; Furtw.-Reichhold, Griech. Fasenmalerei, I, 
pp. 209 f. and PI. 41; cf. also the very similar pose on the small bronze statuette in the British 
Museum of a winged Nike represented in violent motion: von Mach, 33; the marble torso of 
another in Athens: id., text, opp. p. 26, fig. 2; and the bronze winged Gorgon from Olympia 
(0.12 meter high): Bronz. v. 01., PI. VIII, no. 78, text, p. 25 (and for the type, cf. Roscher, Lex., 
art. Gorgonen in der Kunst, I, 2, p. 1710, 11. 67 f.). 

2 'Nike .of Archermos, 1891. 

3 Salzmann, Necropole de Camiros, PI. LIII; Bulle, pp. 161-2, fig. 35; cf. Brunn, Griech. Kunst- 
geschichte, I, p. 142. Its diameter is 0.385 meter (Bulle). 

4 See R. Kekule an J H. Winnefeld, Bronzen aus Dodona in den koenigl. Museen zu Berlin, PI. II 
and pp. 13 f.; A. Z., XL, 1882, PI. I and pp. 23-27 (Engelmann); Rayet, I, PI. 17 (S. Reinach); 
Bulle, 83 (right). As the figure is only 0.143 meter tall, it seems to have decorated the rim of a 
bronze bowl. It may be later than the Tuebingen bronze (Fig. 42) and is certainly of a different 
school. The presence of a breastplate proves that it is meant for a warrior and not for a hoplito- 

6 For a full discussion of this sculptor, see Lechat, Pythagoras de Rhegion, 1905; cf. S. Q., 

H. N., XXXIV, 59. 


the Sicilian wrestler Leontiskos, who won two victories in Ols. 81 
and 82 ( = 456 and 452 B. C.); 1 of the boy boxer Protolaos of Mantinea, 
who won in Ol. (?) 74 ( = 484 B. C.); 2 of the boxer Euthymos of Lokroi, 
who won three times in Ols. 74, 76, 77 ( = 484, 476, 472 B. C.); 3 of Dro- 
meus of Stymphalos, who won the long foot-race (56Aixs) twice in 
Ols. (?) 80 and 81 ( = 460 and 456 B. C.) ; 4 of Astylos of Kroton, who won 
the stade-race, the double foot-race (StauXos) three times, and the hoplite- 
race twice in Ols. 73, 74, 75, 76 ( = 488-476 B. C.); 5 of the hoplite victor 
Mnaseas of Kyrene, victor in Ol. 81 ( = 456 B.C.); 6 and of the latter's 
son Kratisthenes, who won the chariot-race in Ol. (?) 83 ( = 448 B. C.). 7 
Some of these statues at Olympia must have been represented at rest, 
while others appear to have been represented in motion. Thus the 
statue of Mnaseas though it is possible that it was represented in 
motion like that of Epicharinos by Kritios already mentioned was 
probably represented at rest, since Pausanias described it simply as 
that of an oTrXtr^s d^p. 8 When we inquire into the style of Pythagoras 
we do not find much that is definite to guide us. Besides the bare list 
of his works, we have little except the statement of Diogenes Laertios 
that he was the first to aim at rhythm and symmetry. 9 Nevertheless 
many attempts have been made to identify his athlete statues with 
existing copies. Waldstein's interpretation of the Choiseul-Gouffier 
statue in the British Museum (PI. 7 A), and of the so-called Apollo-on- 
the-Omphalos in Athens (PI. 7B), as copies of an original athlete statue, 
is, as we have shown in the second chapter, well-founded, since the 
muscular build and the coiffure of these statues betoken the athlete. 
But his further attempt to show that the original was by Pythagoras, 
and his identifying it with the statue of the boxer Euthymos at 
Olympia, is not so reasonable. 10 

The attempt to ascribe the head of a pancratiast from Perinthos in 
Dresden(Fig. 33) 11 to Pythagoras is not convincing, though Furtwaengler 
has included it in his provisional Pythagorean group, 12 as he does the 

W, 4.3; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203. 

2 VI,6.1; Hyde, 48; Foerster, 200. "VI, 6.4 f.; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195,207. 

4 VI, 7.10; Hyde, 69; Foerster, 183, 189. 

6 VI, 13.1; Oxy. Pap.; Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 59; Hyde, 110; Foerster, 176-7; 181-2; 187-8; 
Inschr. v. OL, 145. 

VI, , 13.7;0*y. />*/>.; Hyde, 117; Foerster, 184. 'VI, 18.1; Hyde, 185; Foerster, 193a. 

8 Reisch, p. 43, n. 4, wrongly assumed this to be one of the oldest statues of Pythagoras, since 
the same sculptor made the statue of the son Kratisthenes; but the son's victory was probably 
only two Olympiads later than that of the father, as we have seen. 

'VIII, 47; S. Q., 507. Diogenes repeats the tradition that there were two sculptors of the 
name, one from Rhegion, the other from Samos; also-Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 59-60. 

10 /- H. S., II, 1881, pp. 332 f.; cf. his Essays on the Art of Pheidias, 1885, p. 323. The recovered 
base of Euthymos' statue has no footmarks: Inschr. v. 01., 144. Waldstein is followed in his 
ascription of the statues to Euthymos by Urlichs, Arch. Analekt., 1885, p. 9. 

"B. B., no. 542 (two views); Furtw. Mp., p. 171, fig. 70; A. M., XVI, 1891, pp. 313 f. and Pis. IV, 
and V (two views), (P. Hermann). 

lz Mp., pp. 171-2; A/a;., pp. 345-6. 



FIG. 33. Head of an Athlete, 
from Perinthos. Albertinum, 

boxer in the Louvre known as Pollux (Fig. 58), 1 the athlete of the Boboli 
Gardens in Florence formerly called Harmodios by Benndorf, 2 and the 
statue of an athlete of later style in Lansdowne House, London. 3 Other 
scholars have also connected the Pe- 
rinthos head with Pythagoras. 4 Her- 
mann brought it into relation with the 
bust in the Riccardi Palace in Florence, 
which, despite its swollen ears, we have 
already classed as representing a hero 
and not an athlete, because of the 
garment thrown over the shoulder. 5 
Furtwaengler tried to show that this 
bust was Myronian in style, classing it 
and the head of an athlete in Ince Blun- 
dell Hall, Lancashire, England, 6 along 
with that of the earlier Diskobolos, ex- 
plaining the acknowledged differences 
in the three by Pliny's statement that 
Myron primus multiplicasse veritatem 
videtur. 7 Arndt lists the Perinthos, 
Riccardi, and Ince Blundell heads, to- 
gether with two others in the Jakobsen 
collection in Copenhagen, 8 the head of 
the so-called Pollux of the Louvre, a bearded head in Petrograd, 9 and 

l Mon. d. I., X, 1874-78, PI. II (head); Annali, XLVI, 1874, PI. L. Arndt, La Glypt. Ny-Carls- 
berg, p. 62, doubts if the head belongs to the torso. 

2 Duetschke, II, no. 77 ( = one of two statues) ; Mon. d. I., VIII, 1864-68, PI. XLVI, 6-8, and 
Annali, XXXIX, 1867, pp. 304 f. (Benndorf); Arndt-Amelung, nos. 96-98; cf. A. Z., XXVII, 
1869, pp. 106 f. and PI. 24, 2 (Benndorf, Tyrannicides on a Panathenaic amphora in the British 
Museum, etc.), and XXXII, 1875, pp. 163 f. (Duetschke, group of two statues); Reinach, Rep. 
II, 2, 541, 6. Both Duetschke (A. Z.,l. c.) and Furtwaengler (Berl. Philol. Wochenschr., VIII, 
1888, p, 1448) have shown that it represents an athlete. 

3 Michaelis, p. 446, no. 36; Clarac, V, 856, 2180. Furtwaengler believes the statue later in 
style than the Louvre boxer. 

*E. g., P. Hermann, op. cit., pp. 332-3; Arndt, text to B. B., no. 542. 

5 B. B., no. 361; Amelung, Fuehrer, 210; Duetschke, II, 163; Furtw., Mp., pp. 165 f. and fig. 66 
(two views); Mw., pp. 339 f. and PI. XVII (from a cast); F. W., 458. For three replicas of the 
Riccardi type, see Arndt, text to B. B., 542. Furtwaengler believed this head a prototype of 
the Diomedes of Kresilas known to us from copies in Munich (PI. XXI): Mw., pp. 311 f. and 
Pis. XII, XIII; Mp., pp. 146 f. and figs. 60 (body), and 61(head, two views); B. B., 128; Brunn, Sitzb. 
Muen. Akad., 1892, pp. 651 f.; in Paris: Froehner, Notice, no. 128; Clarac, 314, 1438; and 
elsewhere. See supra p. 169. 

6 Michaelis, p. 367, no. 152; Mp., p. 172, fig. 71; Mw., p. 347, fig. 44; A. Z., XXXI, 1874, PI. Ill; 
F. W., 459. Kekule was the first to class it as Myronian: Ueber d. Kopf des Praxitel. Hermes, 
p. 12, 1 (quoted by F. W., /. c.}. Graef curiously found it Pheidian: Aus d. Anomia, p. 69, 63. 

7 H. N., XXXIV, 58; cf. Mp., p. 173. 

*La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, PI. XXXVI and p. 60; the other, unpublished, is mentioned ibid. He 
also adds the cast of a lost original statue of a boxer in the Royal Academy of Fine Arts in Copen- 
hagen, whose head belongs stylistically to the same series: ibid., pp. 60-61, and figs. 30 (head), 
31-32 (body). If the head and body belong together it is the only statuary type of the group. 

9 Kieseritzky, Kat. d. Ermitage, 1901, p. 27, no. 68; Furtw., Mp., p. 177, fig. 74; Mw., p. 353 fig. 46 
(two views). 


the so-called head of Peisistratos in the Villa Albani, Rome, 1 as 
works emanating from one school of sculptors the differences being 
explained by the many copyists. But to attempt to differentiate 
within the group two different sculptors, Myron or Pythagoras, he 
finds impossible, chiefly because we are dealing in every case with 
copies and not with originals, and because in no case are we certain 
that the head belongs to the torso on which it is set. 2 Still another 
critic, A. Schober, classes together as more or less related works the 
Riccardi, Ince Blundell, Perinthos, and Ny-Carlsberg heads, the Louvre 
boxer (Pollux), Chinnery Hermes in the British Museum, 3 the Boboli 
athlete, the athlete metamorphosed into a Hermes in the Loggia 
Scoperta of the Vatican, and the Lansdowne athlete, and finds them 
all Myronian. He believes the Perinthos head to be the prototype 
of the Riccardi and Ince Blundell heads. 4 

In all this confusion of opinion as to the style of Pythagoras, and in 
the absence of any fixed criterion of judgment furnished by an original 
authenticated work, it seems hazardous to ascribe this or that sculpture 
to this little-known artist. The difficulty of separating Myron and 
Pythagoras is even greater than that which confronts us in trying to 
distinguish works of Lysippos and Skopas in the next century. We 
may some day recover a genuine Pythagorean athlete statue, though 
this is extremely improbable now that we have no more to expect from 
Olympia and Delphi, where most of his statues appear to have stood. 
But despite the difficulty, many identifications of his Olympia statues 
have been suggested, some of which we shall now mention. 

As Pausanias says that the victor Mnaseas was surnamed Libys, the 
Libyan, and that his statue was by Pythagoras, it may be that this is 
the statue mentioned by Pliny in the words : [Pythagoras] fecit . . . 
et Libyn, puerum tenentem tabellam eodem loco ( = 0lympiae) et mala 
ferentem nudum. 5 However, in that case we can not connect the 
words Libyn and puerum, since one represented a man and the other a 
boy. 6 Consequently, Pliny is speaking of three different statues, and 
not two, by this artist. Reisch believes that the statues of the boy 
and the nude man were represented at rest, 7 the boy bearing a tablet 
(i. e., an iconic TTLVO.KLOV') in his hand, like the Athenian youth appearing 

l Mp., p. 176, fig. 73; Mw., PI. XX (two views). 

"Text to B. B., no. 542; La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, text to PI. XXXVI, p. 60. 

*. M. Sculpt., 1603, PI. V, fig. 1; B. B., 224; F. W., 460. 

4 A. M., XXXVI, 1911, pp. 193 f., and PI. VII (Athleten Kopf in Athen). 

*H. N., XXXIV, 59. 

6 Brunn, pp. 133-4, connected Libyn and puerum, and believed that only one statue was meant by 
Pliny's sentence, identical with Pausanias' statue of Mnaseas. Stuart Jones, Select Passages ft om 
Anc. Writers Illustrative of the History ofGk. Sculpt., 1895, p. 57, makes two alterations in Pliny's 
text, inserting et between Libyn and puerum, and replacing tabellam of -the MSS. with flagellum. 
The boy holding the whip, then, is Mnaseas' son Kratisthenes, the chariot victor mentioned by 
P., VI, 18.1. Stuart Jones follows Furtwaengler (Jahrbuecher fuer Class. Philol., 1876, p. 509) in 
having Pliny translate iratSa of his Greek authority by puerum instead of filium. 7 P. 44. 


on a vase-painting in Munich. 1 Another scholar, L. von Urlichs, formerly 
identified the boy carrying the tablet with the statue of Protolaos at 
Olympia, 2 explaining the tablet as a means of characterizing the young 
learner. He changed his theory later, 3 when, in consequence of the 
discovery of the Corinthian tablets, he called it a votive tablet. His 
son, H. L. von Urlichs, agreed with him because of a passage in the col- 
lection of Proverbs by Zenobios, the sophist of Hadrian's age, 4 accord- 
ing to which the marble statue of Nemesis at Rhamnous by Pheidias' 
favorite pupil, the Parian sculptor Agorakritos, 5 held an apple-branch 
in her left hand, from which a small tablet containing the artist's name 
was suspended, and also because certain coins of Syracuse and Catania 
represent Nike as carrying a tablet hung by a ribbon, on which the coin- 
striker's name was engraved. 6 The same scholar further identified the 
nude man carrying the apples with the statue of Dromeus at Olympia. 
Since Pliny does not expressly say that the statue of the nude man was 
at Olympia, even though the sense of the passage inclines us to think 
it was, L. von Urlichs interprets the apples in the hand as an addi- 
tional prize at Delphi, and so makes the statue that of a Pythian vic- 
tor. 7 All such identifications are based on too uncertain premises. 
That Pythagoras did make statues in motion is proved by his statue 
of a limping man at Syracuse mentioned by Pliny 8 in very realistic 
terms. We know of other statues by him representing athletes in 
motion only by inference. Thus, in the passage just quoted, Pliny says 
that he surpassed Myron with his Delphian pancratiast, which appears, 
inasmuch as Pliny merely calls the statue a pancratiast without mention- 
ing any attribute, to have been represented in the characteristic lung- 
ing pose. 9 However, we can not say definitely, since the contemporary 
statue of the pancratiast Kallias, by Mikon of Athens, was represented 

^at. no. 51; Benndorf, Griech. und Sicilische Vasenbilder, I, pp. 13 f. and PI. IX. 

2 In his ChrestomathiaPliniana, 1857, p. 320. 3 Rkeinisches Museum, XLIV, 1889, pp. 264 f. 

4 Antigonos of Karystos, apud Zen., V, 82 (passage given by Jex-Blake, p. xxxix and n. 2). 

6 Ancient writers differed as to the authorship of the statue. Thus P. (I, 33. 3), Mela (de Situ 
orbis, II, 3.6), Tzetzes (S. Q., 838-9), and Zenobios (/. c.), say that it was Pheidias, while Pliny 
(H. N., XXXVI, 17) and Strabo (IX, I. 17, C. 396) say Agorakritos. A fragment of the colossal 
head of the statue came to the British Museum in 1820: B. M. Sculpt., I, p. 460; also fragments 
of the figure on the base, described by P., I, 33. 7, were found in 1890 and are now in the National 
Museum in Athens: Kabbadias, 203-14; Frazer, II, p. 457, fig. 40. 

6 See his Ueber einige Werke des Kuenstlers Pythagoras, in Verhandl. d. 40sten Fersamml. 
deutscher Philologen u. Schulmaenner in Goerlitz, Leipsic, 1890 (pp. 329-336), p. 334. 

' 'Archaeolog. Analekten, 1885, p. 9. Lucian, Anachar., 9, says that apples formed a part of the 
Delphic prize; Dromeus is also known to us as a Pythian victor. In Chrest. Plin., p. 320, L. von 
Urlichs had identified the nudus as Meilanion or Hippomenes with the apples with which he had 
beaten Atalanta; see S. Q., 499, note a. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 59: Syracusis autem claudicantem, cuius ulcer Is dolorem sentire etiam spec- 
tantes videntur. Gronovius, following Lessing, Laokoon, Ch. 2, identified it with a wounded 
Philoktetes: see Bluemner, Comm. zu Lessing s Laokoon, pp. 508 f.; the words cuius . . . videntur 
seem to have been derived from A. PL, IV, 112, 1. 4 (which refers to a bronze statue of Philok- 
tetes): cf. Brunn, p. 134 and Jex-Blake, ad loc. 

9 Cf. Benndorf, Anz. d. Wiener Akad., 1887, p. 92; von Sybel, Wcltgetch. d. Kunst, p. 139. 


in the attitude of rest, as we learn from the footprints on its recovered 
base. 1 Pliny also says that Pythagoras surpassed with his Delphian 
pancratiast his own statue of Leontiskos, 2 a statement which similarly 
appears to mark the latter as a statue in motion. Reisch assumes 
that the statue of Euthymos was in motion, since Pausanias says it 
was an avdpias deas es rd /^aXtcrra atos. 3 On the whole, then, we may 
assume that Pythagoras was a sculptor who represented many of his 
victors in the attitude of motion. 

Love of movement also characterized the artistic temperament of 
Myron, even though we know that he represented gods, heroes, and even 
athletes, at rest. Thus coins show that Athena in his Marsyas group 
was represented as standing in a tranquil pose. 4 Similarly the Ric- 
cardi bust in Florence, already discussed, which may be Myronian, 
comes from a statue of a hero shown in an attitude of rest. Myron was 
the first Greek sculptor to make his statues and groups self-sufficient, 5 
that is, he gave to them a concentration which does not allow the 
spectator's attention to wander. We readily see this new principle 
in art when we compare the Diskobolos and the group of the Tyran- 
nicides. In the latter our attention is not concentrated, for a third figure, 
that of the tyrant on whom the onset is being made, is required in imagi- 
nation to complete the group. We have no originals from Myron's hand, 
but we are in far better case in regard to his work than in regard to that 
of Pythagoras, since we have unmistakable copies of two of his great- 
est works, the Marsyas and the Diskobolos. In them there is little 
trace of the archaic stiffness that is still visible in the Tyrannicides. 
Both of these works are represented in violent action, and in both there 
is complete concentration. While the Diskobolos represents a trained 
palaestra athlete executing a graceful movement, the Marsyas rep- 
resents a wild Satyr of the woods, wholly untrained and controlled by 
savage passions, in the moment of fear. 6 In the Diskobolos the face is 

Vnschr. v. 01., 146; Kallias won Ol. 77( = 472 B.C.) :0xy. Pap. ; P., VI,6.1 ; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208. 

2 In the Plinian passage Leontiskos figures rather as an artist, probably through Pliny's mis- 
understanding of some Greek sentence in his authority; see L. von Urlichs, Rheinisches Museum, 
XLIV, 1889, p. 261. "P. 44. 

4 L. von Sybel, Athena und Marsyas, Bronzemuenze des Berliner Museums, 1879. 

5 This characteristic is expressed by the word avrapKeia; cf. Plato, Phil., 67 A; Aristotle, Eth. 
Nicom., 1, 7.5-6 ( = 1097 b); etc. 

6 Marble copy of the Marsyas was found in 1823 on the Esquiline and is now in the Lateran 
Museum, Rome: Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 1179; Rayet, I, PI. 33; B. B.,208; Bulle, 95; vonMach,65a; 
Baum., II, p. 1002, fig. 1210; Collignon, I, pp. 467 f. and fig. 234; F. W., 454; Reinach, Rep., II, i, 
15, 6. It is 1.95 meters high (Bulle). It is wrongly restored and only the head can be considered 
approximately faithful to the original. Cf. another copy of the head of Parian marble in the Museo 
Barracco, Rome: Helbig, I, 1104; Reinach, Tetes, pp. 53 f. and Pis. LXVI-LXVII; F. W., 455. 
A fourth-century B. C. bronze statuette from Patras, now in the British Museum, appears also 
to give the motive of the original group in Athens mentioned by Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 57, and 
P., 1, 24. 1 : B. M. Bronzes, 269; Gaz. Arch., 1879, Pis. XXXIV-V and pp. 241 f.; A. Z., XXXVII, 
1879, PI. VIII (two views), pp. 91 f.; Rayet, I, PI. 34; von Mach, 656; Reinach Rep., II, I, 51, 
nos. 5 and 7. It is 0.75 meter high. For other representations, see G. Hirschfeld, Athena und 
Marsyas, 32stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 1872, Pis. I and II. For a copy of the head of Athena 
in Dresden, see B. B., 591 (three views). 


impassive, being little affected by the violent movement of the body 
a contrast only partly to be explained as due to the copyist; in the 
Marsyas, on the contrary, there is complete harmony between the 
facial expression and the violent action of the body. 

Since we are chiefly dependent for our knowledge of Myron's athletic 
work on the marble copies of the Diskobolos, which represents a new era 
in athletic art, and since this statue is perhaps the most famous athletic 
statue of all times, it will be well to speak of it here at some length. 
It is not, so far as we know, the statue of any particular victor, but 
rather a study in athletic sculpture. 1 Of this work there are twelve full- 
size replicas and several statuettes. We shall discuss only those which 
give us the best idea of the lost original. The most faithful copy is the 
superb marble statue in the Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome, discovered on 
the Esquiline in 1781 (head seen in PI. 23). 2 As the head has never been 
broken away from the body, this copy preserves the original pose, 
whereas all other copies have the head turned in the wrong direction. 3 
The head and face preserve Attic proportions and the treatment of the 
hair and muscles differs from that of the other copies, which disclose 
later elements. The hair, in particular, shows signs of archaism, just 
as it must have been treated in the original, as evinced by Pliny's 
criticism. 4 The most carefully worked copy, however, is the Parian 
marble torso, which was found in 1906 at Castel Porziano, the site of 
the ancient Laurentum, and is now in the Museo delle Terme, Rome 
(PI. 22). 5 This torso was already restored in antiquity. Since the 
villa in which it was found was built in Augustus' day and was restored 
in the second century A.D., we have the approximate dates both of the 
origin and restoration of the statue. A weak copy, discovered in Tivoli 
in 1791, is in the Sala della Biga of the Vatican; the head, left arm, and 
right leg below the knee have been restored, the head wrongly (Fig. 
34). 6 A Graeco-Roman copy discovered also in 1791, in Hadrian's 

Walter Pater, in his Greek Studies (in the essay on The Age of Athletic Prizemen), ed. 1895, 
pp. 309 f., calls the Diskobolos a work of genre. However, the Diskobolos can hardly be called a 
decorative statue, i.e., "a work merely imitative of the detail of actual life." On p. 313 he 
rightly classes the Doryphoros as an "academic" work. 

2 It was formerly in the Palazzo Massimi alia Colonna, and hence is often called the Massimi 
Diskobolos: B. B., no. 567, cf. 256 (head from cast); von Mach, 63; Collignon, I, PI. XI, opp. 
p. 472; H. B. Walters, The Art of the Greeks, 1906, PI. XXX; Gardner, Sculpt., PI. XIII (head from 
cast); Overbeck, I, fig. 74, opp. p. 274; Reinach, Rep., I, 527, 1; for description, see M. D., 1098. 

3 Furtwaengler, Mp., pp. 168 f., Mzv., pp. 341 f., lists three other copies of the head : one in Basel 
(cf. Kalkmann, Proport. des. Gesichts., 53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 1893, pp. 73-74); one at 
Catajo (Mp., fig. 68; Mw., fig. 43 ; Arndt-Amelung, nos. 54-55); and one in Berlin (Mp., fig. 69). 

4 H. N., XXXIV, 58: (Myron) videtur capillum quoque et pubem non emendatius fecisse 

quam rudir antiquitas instituisset. 

. 6 B. B., nos. 631, 632 (restored from bronzed cast; text by Rizzo); Bulle, 98; Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 
1363; Boll. d'Arte, I, 1907, pp. 1 f. and Pis. I-III; cf. Zeitschr. fuer bild. Kunst, 1907, pp. 185 f. 
It is pieced together from fourteen fragments; the fragment of the right lower leg was found in 
1910. Height to right shoulder, 1.53 "meters (Bulle). 

6 Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 326; Guide, 333; von Mach, 62; Collignon, I, p. 473, n.l; F. W., 451; 
Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 545, 5. 

Statue of the Diskobolos, from Castel Porziano, after Myron. 
Museo delle Terme, Rome. 


villa, is in the British Museum (Fig. 35). l Here the head, although 
antique, belongs to another copy, and has been set upon the torso 
wrongly, in such a way that the throat has two Adam's apples. It 
looks straight to the ground and not upward as in the Lancelotti copy. 
There is a better replica of the torso in the Capitoline Museum, which 

FIG. 34. Statue of the Diskobolos, after Myron. 
Vatican Museum, Rome. 

formerly belonged to the French sculptor Etienne Mounot (1658- 
1733), who wrongly restored it as a falling warrior. It agrees in 
accuracy with the Lancelotti copy, though it is dry and lifeless, and 
is a better guide to the original than either the Vatican or British 

1 B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 250; von Mach. 61; Specimens, I, PI. XXIX; Museum Marbles, XI, 
PI. XLIV; Marbles and Bronzes of the British Museum, PI. XLVII; F. W., 452; Reinach, 
Rep., I, 525, 5; Clarac, V, 860, 2194 B. It is 5 feet 5 inches tall (Smith). 


Museum replicas. 1 A combination of these and other copies gives 
%s an excellent idea of the original bronze. In PI. 23 we give a 
combination of the Vatican torso and the Lancelotti head from a cast 
in Munich. 2 Perhaps a better combination is that given by Bulle 3 
from a cast made up of the delle Terme body, the Lancellotti head, 
the right arm and the diskos from the Casa Buonarroti in Florence, 

FIG. 35. Statue of the Diskobolos, after 
Myron. British Museum, London. 

the feet from the British Museum copy and the fingers of the left hand 
being freely restored. 

The pose of the Lancellotti copy agrees with Lucian's description of 
the original: "Surely, said I, you do not speak of the quoit-thrower 
who stoops in the attitude of one who is making his cast, turning round 

J H. Stuart Jones, Museo Capitolino Cat., 1912, no. 50, p. 123, and PI. 21; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 
788; Guide, 446; Clarac, V, 858 A, 2212. It is 1.48 meters high from lower edge of base to the 
right hand (Jones). 

2 B. B., no. 566; von Mach, 64; Gardner, Sculpt., PI. XI; Gardiner, p. 96, fig. 13 (from a copy of 
the Munich cast in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford). 

P1. no. 97; cf. Gardner, Sculpt., PI. XII, and Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkmaeler, PI. XXXIII. 


, ^ * . 

/ o to - 

Statue of the Diskobolos, after Myron. A bronzed Cast from the Statue in the Vatican 
and Head from the Statue in the Palazzo Lancellotti, Rome. 


toward the hand that holds the quoit, and bending the other knee 
gently beneath him, like one who will rise erect as he hurls the quoit?" 1 
That the head of the original was turned back as in the Lancellotti copy, 
and not downwards, as in the Vatican, British Museum and other rep- 
licas, is shown by this description, which is corroborated by two bronze 
statuettes in Munich and Arolsen 2 and by a gem in the British Museum. 3 
Myron chose the most difficult, but at the same time the most charac- 
teristic, moment in swinging the diskos, the moment which combines , 
the idea of rest and motion. The quoit has been swung back as far as 
it will go. The momentary pause before it is hurled forward suggests 
rest and at the same time implies motion, both that which has preceded 
and that which is to follow. It is this short pause at the end of the 
backward swing which the sculptor has fixed in the bronze. The right 
arm is stretched backwards as far as possible and draws with it the 
body with the left arm and head; in another instant the diskos will be 
hurled and the tension on the right leg relaxed. The original statue 
rested upon the right foot; the tree trunk is a necessary addition 
to the marble copies. As Greek art was mostly characterized by 
repose, we are not surprised that such a daring effect received the cen- 
sure of the ancient critics. Quintilian says that if any one blames the 
statue for its labored effect, he is wrong, since the novelty and the diffi- 
culty of the work are its chief merits. 4 For a statue of the transitional 
stage of Greek sculpture it is remarkably bold; only in imagination can 
we see the action by which the body has got into this position and by 
which it will recover its equilibrium. It illustrates a principle laid 
down by Lessing in the Laokoon: "Of ever changing nature the artist 
can use only a single moment and this from a single point of view. And 
as his work is meant to be looked at not for an instant, but with long 
consideration, he must choose the most fruitful moment, and the most 
fruitful point of view, that, to wit, which leaves the power of imagina- 
tion free. " 5 

Myron was the sculptor of five statues for four victors at Olympia, 
one of a pancratiast, another of a boxer, a third of a runner, and two of 
a victor in the hoplite-race and the chariot-race. 6 Pliny also says that 

l Philopseudes, 18; S. Q., 544; translation of H. Stuart Jones, Select Passages from Ancient 
Writers Illustrative of the History of Greek Sculpture, p. 69. 

2 For the late Roman one in the Munich Antiquarium, see B. B., text to PI. 567, fig. 1; F. W., 
453; for the one in Arolsen, see F. W., 1786. 

3 S. M. Gems, no. 742, PI. G; also given in B. M. Sculpt., I, p. 91, fig. 5. 

*Inst. orat., II, 13.10: Quid tarn distorium et elaboratum quam est ille discobolos Myronis? si 
quis tamen, ut parum rectum, improbet opus, norne ab intellectu artis abfuerit, in qua vel 
praecipue laudabilis est ipsa ilia novilas ac difficultas? 

translation by G. F. Hill, in his One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture from the Sixth Century 
B. C. to the Time of Michelangelo, 1909, p. 10. 

'Enumerated above in Ch. Ill (Attic Sculptors), p. 129, n. 7. The Spartan Lykinos had 
two statues: P., VI, 2.1. As he won in both the hoplite-race and chariot-race, Foerster, 211 a, 
assumed that the two statues represented victor and charioteer, and that they stood upon the 
quadriga, which Pausanias does not mention. I follow Robert, 0. S., p. 172, however, in assuming 
that the two statues represented the victor in the two events. 


Myron made statues of pentathletes and pancratiasts at Delphi. 1 Thus 
he showed as much versatility as Pythagoras in the representation of 
victors in different contests. None of these statues has survived and the 
identification of existing Roman copies with any of them is, of course, 
highly problematical. Thus, a little further on we make the suggestion 
that the statue of the boxer in the Louvre, commonly known as Pollux 
(Fig. 58), may be, because of its Myronian character, the statue of the 
unknown Arkadian boxer at Olympia mentioned by Pausanias (in con- 
nection with the boy boxer Philippos) as the work of Myron. 2 Pliny, in 
the passage just cited, also mentions statues of pristae by Myron, a 
word which has given rise to many interpretations: e. g., sea-monsters 
(pristes or pistres), men working with a cross-cut saw (pristae), players at 
see-saw (pristae?) , 3 and boxers (pyctae) . 4 The manuscripts are unanimous 
for pristae, and hence it is probable that a realistic group by Myron is 
meant, since Myron is often classed as a realist in opposition to Poly- 
kleitos, the idealist. Long ago Dalecampius, followed in recent years 
by Furtwaengler, 5 believed that these pristae formed a votive offering, 
and H. L. von Urlichs has shown that a group of sawyers as the dedica- 
tion of some master-builder is quite in harmony with fifth-century tradi- 
tions. 6 H. Stuart Jones 7 connects the words Perseum et pristasof Pliny's 
text, and follows the theory of Mayer 8 that the carpenters or sawyers 
were a part of a group, which represented the inclosure of Danae and 
Perseus in the chest. 

While the athletic statues in motion by Pythagoras and Myron 
became models for later sculptors, especially in the following century, 9 
the rest statues of Polykleitos still remained in vogue in works by mem- 
bers of his family and school down through the fourth century, as 
we have seen in our treatment of the Argive-Sikyonian sculptors at 


We shall now review the types of victor statues, which reproduced in 
their pose the various contests, i. <?., statues in motion. We shall find 

W. N., XXXIV, 57. 

2 VI, 8.5; Hyde, 79 (Arkadian) and 79a (Philippos), and commentary on pp. 39 f. 

3 The interpretation of Murray, Class. Rev., I, 1887, pp. 3-4. 

4 The emendation of Loeschke, Dorpaterprogr., 1880, p. 9; accepted by Reisch, p. 44, n. 3, Rich- 
ardson, p. 151, and others. 

*Dtr Dornauszieher und der Knabe mit der Cans, 1876, p. 89, n. 30. 

Quoted by Jex-Blake, Add. to p. 46, 1. 

''Select Passages from Anc. Writers Illustrative of the History of Gk. Sculpt., p. 66. 

8 Mayer, in A. M., XVI, 1891, pp. 246 f., showed that on vase-paintings of Myron's time and 
on coins of Elaia, Aeolis, a woman is often represented as standing in the chest, while two men, 
Perseus and the carpenter, stand beside it. 

g E. g., the statue of the boy boxer Athenaios of Ephesos was represented in motion, i. e., in the 
act of sparring, as we see from the footprints on the recovered base: Inschr. v. 01., 168; he won 
some time between Ols. (1) 93 and 103 ( = 384 and 368 B. C): P., VI, 4.1; Hyde, 36; Foerster,419. 


it convenient to follow in the main the order of contests as they appear 
on the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1 the stade-race (crradLov), double race 
(SuxvXos), long race (56Xtxs)> pentathlon (TrevTad\ov), wrestling, 
(TTCIATJ), boxing (TTI>), pankration (ira.yKpa.TLov}, hoplite-race (oTrAtrTjs), 
chariot-race (rtOpiinrov}, and horse-race (KtXrjs) except that we shall 
class the four running races (nos. 1, 2, 3, and 11) together and include 
the three boys' contests (iraiduv (rradLov, iraXrj, 7r6, nos. 8, 9, 10) under 
the corresponding men's events. The classification of competitors by 
ages (r)Ai/dcu), which varied at different festivals, will need a word of 
explanation. While athletes at Nemea, the Isthmus, and Delphi were 
divided into three classes, ircuSes, ayevewi, and avdpes, 2 at Olympia 
they were divided into two, ircddes and dvdpes. 3 At local competi- 
tions there was a more elaborate classification. Thus at the Boeotian 
Erotidia, boys were divided into younger and older; 4 at the games held 
on the island of Chios there were five divisions, boys, younger, middle, 
and older ephebes, and men; 5 and at the Athenian Theseia, the boys 
were divided into first, second, and third classes, while an open con- 
test also existed for boys of any age. 6 Girls at the Heraia at Olympia 
were similarly divided into three classes. 7 Plato proposed three classes 
of athletes in his Laws TrcuSiKoi, avdpes, and a third class, ayeveioi, 
between boys and men. 8 The classification of athletes at Athens into 
7ra?5es and avdpes, adopted by Boeckh, Dittenberger, and Dumont, 9 is 
now the one generally followed. According to it the iraldes were sub- 
divided into three classes, those rrjs Trpcor^s r/Ai/das, rr)s Seurepas, and 
TT)S rpirr/s; and so the ayeveLOL were merely the 7ra?5es rrjs rpirr^s 
TjAi/aas. The boys, including the ayweioi, ranged from 12 to 18 years 
old; at 18 they became e^yfioi or avdpes. 10 We have already seen that 
the age of boy victors at Olympia was over 17 and under 20. 11 

!See Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyrus, II, 1899, pp. 222 f.; Robert, 0. S., Beilage, 
opp. p. 192; Diels, Hermes, XXXVI, 1901, pp. 72 f.; Koerte, ibid., XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; 
Weniger, Klio (Beitraege zur alien Gesch.), IV, pp. 125 f.; V, pp. 1 f. and 184 f. 

2 Late inscriptions mention "Pythian" and "Isthmian boys": see F. M. Mie, Quaestiones agon- 
istic ae ad Olympia pertinentes, Diss. inaug., 1888, p. 48; Dittenberger, Sylloge, 2 II, nos. 677-8; the 
byevtioi and &vdpts at Nemea are mentioned by Pindar, 01., VIII, 54. The boys in these con- 
tests were probably aged 12-16, the byivtioi, 16-20 (cf. Roberts-Gardner, Greek Epigraphy, II, 
p. 166), and the men over 20 years old. 

'For Olympia, see P., VI, 2.10; 6.1; 14.1-2; etc. 4 C. 7. G., I, 1590. 

6 Dittenberger, op. cit., II, no. 524: ktpiifiuv vfu-repuv, pkauv, irp fa/Stir epuv. 

'/. G., II, 444. For the Panathenaia, see Suidas, s. v. Hava8r)vaia\ Mommsen, Heortologie, 
1864, p. 141; etc. 7 P., V, 16.2. *De Leg., VIII, 833 C, D. 

9 C. /. G., inscriptions relating to ephebes, e.g., I, 232; 1590; Dittenberger, de Ephebis atticis, 
1863, p. 24; Dumont, Essai sur I'Ephebie attique, 1876, pp. 215-16. This classification is fol- 
lowed by E. Pettier, S. C. H., V, 1881, p. 69. 

10 Bussemaker, in Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. I, s. v. athleta, p. 517 (also quoted by Pottier), proposed the 
division into TralSts, 12-16 years old, d7t>'ioi, 16-20, and &v&pes, from 20 on. Pollux, VIII, 105, 
and Harpokration, j. v. ri5iT, give the ephebe age as 18-20; Xen., Cyr., 1, 2.8, puts the age 
at 16 or 17 for the Persians. 

"See Inschr. v. 01., 56. On the whole subject, see Krause, pp. 262 f., especially p. 263, n. 3; 
Gardiner, pp. 271-2. 


As we have already remarked in an earlier chapter, we are mostly 
indebted to Pausanias for our knowledge of the victor statues at Olym- 
pia. 1 He mentions in his periegesis of the Altis 192 monuments, 
which were erected to 187 victors. 2 Some of these victors won in more 
than one contest, so that there are 258 different victories recorded in 
all. In the following sections we shall see how these were distributed 
among the various contests. 


Running races formed at all times a part of the Greek games and of 
the exercises of the youth in the gymnasia and palaestrae. A scholiast 
on Pindar 3 says that the running race had its origin in the first cele- 
bration of the Eleusinian mysteries. It figures largely in mythology, 
especially at Olympia, which also shows its antiquity. 4 In historic 
times many varieties of running developed, but four chief ones were 
practised at the great games. 5 First there was the simple stade-race 
(ffradLov, 5p6juos), which was merely the length of the stadion or 600 
Greek feet, correspondingwith the running race of Homer. 6 Then there 
was the double race (StauAos), twice as long as the preceding, to the 
end of the course and back again. 7 The long race (56Xt%os, 6 jua/cpos 
Spojuos), which Philostratos derives from the institution of messenger 
runners (hemerodromoi),* is variously given as seven, twelve, fourteen, 
twenty, and twenty-four stades in length, i. e., from about four-fifths 
of a mile to nearly three miles. 9 Lastly there was the race in armor 
(oTrXtroSpOjLtos, 10 OTrAir^s, 11 do-TTts. 12 ) The long race was instituted not so 
much as a contest of fleetness as of endurance. At Olympia only men 
were admitted, though there was such a race for boys at Delphi. 13 The 

1 VI, 1.3 to VI, 18.7. We also know of 61 other victors with 63 monuments from inscribed 
base fragments recovered at Olympia; these will be treated infra in Ch. VIII, pp. 353 f. 

2 See Ch. VIII, infra, p. 339 and notes 3-4. 

3 On 01., IX, 150, Boeckh, p. 228; cf. Etym. magn., s. v. ffraSiov, p. 743, 25. 

4 Thus Apollo beat Hermes in running at Olympia, P., V, 7.10; the Idaean Herakles instituted a 
race among his brothers, P., V, 7.7; and Endymion set his sons to run, and so instituted the boys' 
running race there, P., V, 1.4. The running race appears in the Boread legend, Ph., 3 ; pseudo-Dio 
Chrysost., XXXVII, p. 296 (Dindorf); it was represented on the Kypselos chest: P., V, 17.10, and 
appears on many archaic vases. On the age of the event, see Grasberger, Erziehung und Unter- 
richt, I, 1864, p. 310 and III, 1881, p. 199. The Cretans and the Lacedaemonians sacrificed to 
Apollo Spojuaioj: Plut., Quaest. conviv., VIII, 4.4. 

B See Ph., 3, for the four running races; cf., Plato, de Leg., 833 A, B. 

Iliad, XXIII, 740 f.; Od., VIII, 120 f. (in 1. 121 it is called 5p6juos). In some historic games, 
the stade-race remained the only event; e. g., at the Hermaia on Salamis: C. I. G., I, 108. For 
the stade-race, see P., I, 44.1; III, 14.3; IV, 4.5, etc. On its origin, see Ph., 5. 

7 Schol. on Aristoph., Aves, 292 (ed. J. W. White, 1914) ; P., V, 8.6. On its origin, see Ph., 6 and 
cf. Krause, pp. 345 f. 8 Ch. 4. 

9 Suidas,j. v. SoXixos; schol. on Aristophanes, Aves, 292 ( = seven stadia); Boeckh, C. I. G., I, 
no. 1515, p. 703 ( = ordinarily seven stadia); schol. on Soph., Electro,, 691. See Krause, I, p. 348, 
n. 13; Grasberger, op. cit., I, pp. 312 f. 

10 Poll., Ill, 151; schol. on Aristoph., Acharn., 214; etc. 

U P., passim; Oxy. Pap.; etc. 12 Ph., 7. For two theories of its origin, see ibid. 

13 P., X, 7.5; Krause, Die Pythien, Nemeen, und Isthmien, pp. 136 f. 


Cretans were famed in this style of running. 1 The race in armor, 
which was a double race or two stades at Olympia, we shall discuss 
further on. Probably the boys' stade-race at Olympia was shorter 
than that of the men. Plato, who gives the historic division of running 
races outlined above, has the boys run one-half of the men's course 
and the ephebes (ayeveioi) two-thirds. 2 Just so Pausanias has the 
girl runners at the Olympia Heraia run one-sixth of the men's stadion. 3 

At Olympia, as at the Panathenaia in Athens and probably else- 
where, the first event preceding all others was the stade-race. Pausa- 
nias says that it was the oldest event at Olympia, 4 and it existed there 
all through antiquity from the first recorded Olympiad ( = 776 B. C.), 
when Koroibos of Elis won. 5 But the notion generally held 6 that the 
stade-race for men was honored above all other events at Olympia, 
because the winner became CTTCOWJUOS for the Olympiad and because his 
name occurs in the lists of Africanus for every Olympiad, is incorrect. 
In two passages Thukydides cites Olympic pancratiasts for dates, 7 
and in the earliest inscription which makes use of Olympiads for 
chronology the later introduced pankration is the event used. 8 The 
literary supremacy of Athens, where, at the Panathenaia, the stade- 
race was the most important event, doubtless helped later in making 
the stade runner at Olympia eponymous. This custom, however, was 
not generally employed before the third century B. C. 

Pausanias dates the introduction of the double foot-race at Olympia 
in 01. 14 ( = 724 B. C.). 9 He does not say when the long race was in- 
stituted, butEusebiossaysthatitwasinOl. 15 ( = 720 B.C.). 10 Theboys' 
stade-race was introduced there in Ol. 37 ( = 632 B.C.). 11 The hoplite- 
race was inaugurated at the end of the sixth century B. C., in Ol. 65 
( = 520 B.C.). 12 Pausanias mentions 24 stadiodromoi at Olympia, who 

l Cf. Plato, de Leg., I, p. 625 E. Thus the Cretans Ergoteles and Sotades won the distance 
race twice each; Ergoteles in Ols. 77 and 79 ( = 472 and 464 B.C.): P., VI, 4.11; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 
46; Foerster, 206, 213 ; Sotades in Ols. 99, 100 ( = 384, 380 B. C.) : P., VI, 18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster, 
317, 323. The Cretan Philonides, courier of Alexander the Great, had an honor statue at Olym- 
pia: P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 154a. At the games at Trapezous over sixty Cretans entered: Xen., 
Anab., IV, 8, 27; cf. Krause, pp. 352 f. 

We Leg., VIII, 833 C. 3 V, 16.3. 

4 V, 8.6; cf. IV, 4.5; VIII, 26.4. His statement about the antiquity of the event is corroborated 
by Plutarch, Quaest. conviv., V, 2.12, Ph. ( = only event until Ol. 14), and Eusebios, Chronika, I, 
p. 193 (ed. Schoene). Gardiner, p. 52, believes that if the Olympic games developed from a 
single event, it was probably not from the stade-race, but from either the fight in armor or the 

8 P., V, 8.6, etc.; Foerster, 1. 6 Discussed by Gardiner, pp. 52 and 272-3. 

7 III, 8 ( = Dorieus of Rhodes, who won his second victory in Ol. 88 ( = 428 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; 
Hyde, 61; Foerster, 260); V, 49 ( = Androsthenes of Mainalos, who won his first victory in Ol. 90, 
= 420 B.C.: P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 51; Foerster, 267). 

8 Dittenberger, Sylloge 2 , 1, no. 256 ( =Agesidamos of Messenia, who won in Ol. 140, =220 B. C.). 

9 V, 8.6; confirmed by Ph., 12, and Eusebios, Chron., I, p. 193 (ed. Schoene). 

10 L. c.; corroborated by Ph., 12. 

"P., V, 8.9; Eusebios agrees with Pausanias, but Philostratos says Ol. 46 ( = 596 B. C.), /. c. 

12 P., V, 8.10; cf. Ill, 14.3. It was introduced at Delphi in 498 B. C. : see Gardiner, p. 70. 




FIG. 36. Athletic Scenes from a Bacchic Amphora in Rome. A. 
diodromoi and Leaper. B. Diskobolos and Akontistai. 




won 32 victories, which makes this event third in importance, next 
after boxing and wrestling. He mentions 7 victors in the double race 
with 11 victories, and 5 victors in the long race with 8 victories. 
He also mentions 12 hoplite victors with 14 victories. Consequently, 
in all four running events there, he records 48 victors with 65 victories, 
which brings the running races only to second place in importance 
at Olympia, ranking next after boxing. 1 The ordinary sprinter or 
stadiodromos, and the double sprinter, diaulodromos or hoplitodromos. 

FIG. 37. Athletic Scenes from a Sixth-century B. C. Panathenaic Amphora. 
Stadiodromoi (left) and Dolichodromoi (right). 

naturally ran differently from the endurance runner or dolichodromos. 
Panathenaic vases clearly show this difference. Thus while the sprinter 
swung his arms violently, spreading the fingers apart and touching 
the ground only with his toes 2 (Figs. 36A and 37, left), the endurance 
runner, who had to conserve his strength to the last, ran with a long 
stride, holding his arms bent at the elbow and close to the body, his 

'On running races, see Krause, I, pp. 337 f.; Gardiner, Ch. XIII, pp. 270 f.; Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 2, 
pp. 1643 f.; Grasberger, Erziehung und Unterricht, I, pp. 312 f.; etc. 

2 Fig.37left = Mon.^./., I, 1829-33, PI. XXII, 6b; cf. ibid., 4 b, and X, 1874-78, PI. XLVIII, f, 
and Panathenaic amphora in Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 2, p. 1643, fig. 2229. Fig. 36A = Gerhard, IV, PI. 
CCLIX, 1. Also cf. a sixth-century B. C. amphora in Munich, no. 498: Mon. d. I., X, PI. 
XLVIII, m; Gardiner, p. 281, fig. 52; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 129, fig. 92 (right); a fourth-century 
Panathenaic amphora: Gardiner, p. 283, fig. 53, from Stephani, Comptes rendus de la comm. imper. 
archtol., St. Petersburg, 1876, Atlas, PI. I. 


fists doubled and his body slightly bent forward, its weight resting on 
the ball of the foot, the heel being raised only a little. Thus Philos- 
tratos says that the dolichodromoi ran with their hands extended 
and with their fists balled, but that at the finish they also swung 
their arms violently like wings. 1 The race (showing balled fists) is 
seen on a Panathenaic amphora dating from the archonship of Nike- 
ratos (333 B. C.), now in the British Museum, and on another of the 
sixth century B. C., pictured in Fig. 37 (right). 2 In the diaulos the 
movement was less violent. Thus on an Athens vase inscribed, "I am 
a diaulos runner," 3 the movement is between that of a sprinter and 
an endurance runner. It seems probable thatthis difference in the style 
of running was similarly shown in sculpture. 4 We shall next consider 
certain sculptural monuments which represent runners. 

The typical scheme for archaic and archaistic art was to represent 
the runner with one knee nearly touching the ground, the upper leg 
forming a right angle with the lower, the other leg being perpendicular 
to the upper. This scheme appears on many vases and reliefs and in 
statuettes and statues. 5 This old method of depicting runners was kept 
up by vase-painters down to the time of the red-figured masters. 6 We 
see them on many reliefs, e. g., on the Ionic-Greek reliefs on the three 
archaic bronze tripods of the middle of the sixth century B. C. in the pos- 
session of Mr. J ames Loeb ; 7 on a small bronze relief in the Metropolitan 
Museum in New York which represents a winged Boreas; 8 and on the 
marble funerary stele of the so-called dying hoplite runner found in 
1902 near the Theseion, and now in the National Museum in Athens. 9 
Almost the same position as that of the figure on this Athenian relief is 

'Ph., 32: olov TTTtpoiinevoi UTTO T&V -)(_e(.p&v. 

2 The first = 5. M. Vases, B 609; Gardiner, p. 280, fig. 51; Mon. d. I., X, 1874-78, PI. XLVIII, 
e, 4; G. F. Hill, Illustrations of School Classics, 1903, fig. 390; the second (Fig. 37, right) =Mon. 
d. I., I, 1829-33, PI. XXII, 7b; Gardiner, p. 279, fig. 50; Dar.-Sagl., p. 1644, fig. 2230. Cf. 
another in Mon. d. I., X, PI. XLVIII, f, 6. 

3 National Museum, no. 761. *Cf. Reisch, p. 46. 

5 0n this mode of representing runners, see Schmidt in Muenchener archaeol. Studien zum Anden- 
ken A. Furtwaengler dargebracht, 1909, pp. 249 f. (especially p. 257). 

6 SeeKalkmann,/.,X, 1895, pp. 56 f, and fig. 4, p. 56 ( = Gerhard, IV, 256; Murray, Designs from 
Greek Vases,\, 18) two runners; the interior of the same vase also represents such a runner: p. 61, 
fig. 7. Cf. also p. 58, fig. 5 ( = Murray, X, 37; Mon. d. I., IV, 1844-48, PI. XXXIII), representing 
Hermes on a r.-f. vase of the severe style; also p. 59, fig. 6; etc. Also cf. Juethner, p. 41, fig. 36a (a 
later r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 803 A), showing a pentathlete running with an akontion. The fol- 
lowing b.-f. vases, which show representations of such archaic runners, are taken from Perrot- 
Chipiez, X, 1914: the proto-Attic amphora of Nettos, p. 71, fig. 63 ( = Ant. Denkm., I, Text, 
p. 46); cup from Aegina, p. 77, fig. 68 ( = A. Z., XL, 1882, PI. IX); Corinthian amphora, p. 103, 
fig. 74 ( = Pettier, Vases antiques, PI. LIX, E 855); the Gorgon on the Francois Vase, p. 165, fig. 
108 (from Furtw.-Reichhold, Griech. Vasenmalerei, Pis. I-III); on neck of an amphora by Pam- 
phaios in the Louvre, p. 388, fig. 233 ( = Pettier, op. at., PI. LXXXVIII). 

'Discussed (wrongly, I think, as Etruscan) by G. H. Chase: A. J. A., XII, 1908, pp. 287 f., 
Pis. VIII-XVIII (especially XII-XVIII); PI. XV = Richardson, p. 69, fig. 27. 

8 Richter, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes, no. 46, fig. on p. 30; Museum Bull., 1911 
(April), pp. 92 f., and fig. 5 (Richter); it is 4| inches tall. 

9 No. 1959. It will be discussed in our treatment of hoplitodromes infra, p. 209 and n. 2. 


seen in a small bronze in the Metropolitan Museum, whose primitive 
features and solidly massed hair date it in the early part of the sixth 
century B. C. 1 Another slightly larger bronze in the same museum rep- 
resents Herakles running in a kneeling posture. 2 Because a spearman 
is incongruous behind a bowman, Kalkmann 3 and Furtwaengler 4 have 
interpreted the two kneeling figures near either end of the West gable 
of the temple on Aegina as archaic runners (see Fig. 21, left). We may 
further compare with these figures the positions, though not the 
motives, of two others from the West gable at Olympia, 5 as well as 
that of the kneeling bowman Herakles from the East gable of the 
temple on Aegina. 6 In this connection we shall also mention the life- 
size marble torso of a kneeling youth found in Nero's villa at Subiaco 
in 1884 and now in the Museo delle Terme, Rome (PL 24). 7 This 
statue, representing a boy of delicate build apparently striding forward 
with the right leg and bending the left so that the knee nearly touches 
the ground, has been regarded by some scholars 8 as a runner, whose 
pose copies the archaic manner, being historically the last example 
known of its use in sculpture. The right shoulder is turned backward 
and the head, now missing, was turned back and upwards; the right 
arm is raised high and twisted about with the palm of the hand facing 
backward, the left arm extended with its hand in some way related to 
the right knee. The impression made on the spectator is that of a boy 
bending aside as if to ward ofF some danger. It is an excellent piece of 
work, evidently the marble copy of an original bronze. This has been va- 
riously assigned to the fifth, fourth, and even later centuries B.C., 9 and 
interpreted in various ways 10 as a Niobid, 11 as Ganymedes swooped 

^ichter, no. 16, fig. on p. 10; Mus. Bull., 1909 (May), p. 78 (Robinson); it is 2| inches tall. 

2 Richter, no. 62, fig. on p. 43; Mus. Bull., 1913 (Dec.), pp. 268 f. and fig. 7 (Richter); it is 3 & 
inches tall. 3 0p. cit., pp. 65 and 74. 

*Aegina, das Heiligtum der Aphaia, PI. XCVI, nos. 32 and 3; in the Glyptothek these are nos. 
78 and 82; see von Mach, PI. 78 (middle). 

The Lapith G and the boy P: Treu, Jb., Ill, 1888, pp. 117 f., PI. V ( = Q and F in the new 
arrangement on PI. VI); Kalkmann, op. cit., p. 75. 'Bulle, 180; it is 0.79 meter high. 

''Ant. Denkm., I, Pt. 5, 1890, PI. LVI (text, pp. 45-46, by Winter); B. B., no. 249; Bulle, 92 
(two views) and 93; von Mach, 226; Helbig, Fuehrer, II, no. 1353; Guide, 1063; Collignon, II, p. 
361, fig. 184; Gardiner, Sculpt., PI. LXXIII; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 419, 7. It is 1 meter high (Bulle). 

*E. g., Kalkmann, Jb., X, 1895, pp. 46 f., PI. I and fig. I in text; he defends this view, ibid., 
XI, 1896, pp. 197 f. 

To the fifth by Kalkmann, Bulle, Furtwaengler (Site*. Muen. Akad., 1907, Pt. II, pp. 219-220, 
= Hadrianic copy), and others; to the fourth by Winter, Collignon, and von Mach; Collignon, II, 
pp. 359 f., connects it stylistically with the so-called Ilioneus of the Glyptothek, represented in a 
similar pose ( = Furtw.-Wolters, Beschr., 2 270; B. B., 432; F. W., 1263), and with the Hypnos in 
the Prado, Madrid ( = Huebner, Die ant. Bildw. in Madrid, no. 39; Furtw., Mw., pp. 648 f.; Col- 
lignon, II, p. 357, fig. 181; F. W., 1287; for small replicas in bronze, see. Winnefeld, Hypnos, 
p. 8, n. 2), and assigns all three to the fourth century B. C. and to Skopaic art. Amelung 
assigns the Subiaco youth to Hellenistic times: Mus. and Ruins of Rome, I, fig. 60. 

10 For a list of ten such interpretations, see de Ridder, Rev. arch., XXXI, Ser. 3, 1897, p. 265, 
n. 5; and B. Sauer, Der Knabe von Subiaco, Festgabe H. Bluemner ueberreicht, 1914, pp. 143 f., 
and note I on p. 143. 

11 E. g., by Bulle; Brizio, Ausonia, 1, 1906, p. 21; cf. Winter, I. c.; etc. If a Niobid, he was proba- 
bly wounded in the neck (cf. the one in Milan) and formed part of a group. 


down upon by the eagle, 1 as Hylas drawn into the water by nymphs 
when he was filling his pitcher, 2 as a ball-player, 3 as a boy throwing 
a lasso, 4 as a gable figure, 5 as a runner at the games, etc. Many of 
these interpretations are purely fanciful; the last is, perhaps, as good 
as any, though the strongly turned upper body seems not quite fitted 
to it. If it represents a runner, the sculptor has reproduced the well- 
known archaic pose. 


We shall next consider the famous statue of the runner Ladas by 
Myron, which is unfortunately known to us only from literary evidence, 
but which attained in antiquity an even greater fame than his nameless 
Diskobolos, since it portrayed even more tension than that wonderful 
work. Its fame was partly due to the picturesque story how the 
victory cost the runner his life, for he died of strain while on his way 
home to Sparta; it was also due in no less degree to the striking way in 
which the victor was depicted. 6 

Two fourth-century epigrams tell us of the statue. The first of these 

Ad5as TO ffTadiov eW rjXaro, etre dieTTTir], 
ovde <ppa(raL dvvarov- ba.i^bviov TO raxes. 
[6 \}/6<pos rjv vcnrXrjyyos kv ouacrt, /cat 
AdSas /cat /cdjuKo*> 8aKTV\ov ov 

The second epigram, naming Myron as the sculptor, runs: 

Otos 6775 (frevywv TOV VTr^ve/jLov, e^irvoe Ad5a, 
6uju<w, 7r' d/cpordra) irvevfjiaTL dels ovvxa, 
Tolov exdA/ceucre*' ae Mvpwv, eiri iravTL xapdas 
Iltcraiou irpoo-doKirjv <TT6(f>avov. 

*By Lucas, Neue Jahrbuecher f. kl. Altertum, V, 1902, pp. 427 f; cf. Jh. oest. arch. Inst., IX, 
1906, pp. 273 f. 

2 Formerly by G. Koerte, Jb., XI, 1896, pp. 11 f.; cf. the Pompeian wall-painting, ibid., p. 15, 
fig. 2; he has since given up this view: see Sauer, /. c. 

3 De Ridder, op. cit.; the hands seem to have been placed wrong for this interpretation, though 
Helbig and Amelung find it possible. 

4 Petersen, Jb., XI, 1896, pp. 202 f.; such a motive was unknown to antiquity and is based on 
the wrong assumption that a marble hand holding a rope-like object, which was found in the same 
excavations, belongs to the statue: see Helbig, /. c. 

6 Sauer, in the publication mentioned, believes the riddle best solved by assuming that the 
figure formerly was part of a gable group; see the reconstruction (by Luebke), p. 145, fig. 4. He 
dates it in the second half of the fifth century B. C., contemporary with the Idolino. 
- 6 The fleetness of Ladas was often extolled, especially by late Greek and Roman writers: P, 
III, 21.1; Plut., Praecip. ger. reip., 10; Catullus, LV, 25; Juvenal, XIII, 97; Martial, II, 
LXXXVI, 8, and XC, 5; Seneca, Ep., LXXXV, 4; Solinus, 7; etc. 

"*A. PL, IV, no. 53; here line 3 was added by Jacobs, and line 4 by Benndorf, from two parodies of 
the epigram in A. G., XI, 86 and 119; in the first parody aXXoj stands for AdSaj and Hept/cX^j for 
KO.HVUIV. See Benndorf, de anthologiae Graecae Epigrammatis quae ad artes spectant, Diss. inaug., 
1862, pp. 13 f., and Kalkmann, Jb., X, 1895, pp. 76-77 and notes. Studniczka (see next note) 
reads line 4: AdSas, ol 6'aXXot SO.KTV\OI> ov 

11 ^ 


Statue of a Kneeling Youth, from Subiaco. Museo delle Terme, Rome. 


To these verses are added the following, which Benndorf thinks 
belonged to another epigram on the same statue: 

eXmdos io-rlv, cucpois 6' km xetXe<m> acr0/za 
KoiXuv tvdodev c/c \ay6vuv. 
rax a xaX/cos kirl (rre^os, ovde /ca0et 

Professor Ernest Gardner translates the two parts of the second 
epigram as follows: 

"Like as thou wast in life, Ladas, breathing forth thy panting soul, 2 
on tip-toe, with every sinew at full strain, such hath Myron wrought 
thee in bronze, stamping on thy whole body thy eagerness for the 
victor's crown of Pisa." 

"He is filled with hope, and you may see the breath caught on his 
lips from deep within his flanks; surely the bronze will leave its ped- 
estal and leap to the crown. Such art is swifter than the wind." 3 

Even if part of the epigram is rhetorical, we can not doubt that Ladas 
was represented in the final spurt just before he arrived at the goal. 
His eagerness was not confined to the face though the panting breath 
could have been indicated by half opened lips, but was visible in the 
whole body. 4 Whereas the girl runner of the Vatican (PI. 2) is repre- 
sented at the beginning of the race, Myron's statue represented Ladas 
at the end of it. Probably the victor was represented with his weight 
thrown on the advanced foot and with the arms close to the sides and 
bent at the elbows a treatment which would have been easy for the 
sculptor of the Diskobolos. Mahler tried to identify the statue with 
one of the Naples group of so-called runners (Fig. 51). 5 However, as 
we shall see, these probably represent wrestlers, and not runners, and 
neither of them shows any such tension as we should expect from the 
description of the statue of Ladas. Though Foerster believes that the 
statue of Ladas stood in Olympia, in honor of his victory in the long 
race there, 6 we can not say definitely where it was. 7 

1 A. PL, IV, 54. Benndorf corrects the Mss. reading of the last half of 1. 2 as vtvpa. raOels ovvx<-', 
others read the whole line: Ovvbv [ = Sponov] r' oacpordTCf) ffKa.nfj.aTi 6w ovvxa. On the two epigrams, 
see Stud-niczka, Myron's Ladas, Eer. saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wiss., Philolog.-histor. Cl., 52, 1900, 
pp. 329 f. (especially pp. 333 f.). 

2 Reading <f>v<rui> ..... Bvp.6v for iptvyuiv ..... Qvnov, "flying from wind-footed Thymos," 
of Jacobs. On possible readings, see Studniczka, /. c., pp. 337 f. 

*Sculpt., p. 69. 

4 See Kalkmann, op. cit., pp. 77-8; Reisch, p. 44; cf. Gercke, Jb., VIII, 1893, p. 115, on the 
meaning of the words irvevfta and aaO/jia.. 

*Polyklet u. s. Sch., p. 17; von Mach, no. 289; B. B., 354. 

"No. 249, 249a; he fixes his victory in Ol. (?) 85 ( = 440 B. C.), because of the late dating of 
Myron by Pliny, //. N. t XXXIV, 49 (floruit Ol. 90 =420 B. C. : cf. Brunn, I, 142 f.); Furtwaengler 
dated his activity within the first half of the fifth century B. C. : Mp., p. 182; Robert provisionally 
dates the victory of Ladas in Ol. (?) 76 ( = 476 B. C), though he finds that Ols. 80 and 81 ( = 460 and 
456 B. C.) are possible: see 0. S., p.184; here he dates the sculptor (?) 476-444 B. C. 

7 C/. infra., Ch. VIII, p. 365, n. 1. 


Perhaps our best representation of runners is to be seen in the two 
marble statues discovered near Velletri and now in the Palazzo dei 
Conservatori, Rome (Figs. 38 and 39). l The hair and the sharp edges 
of the modeling of the flesh, as well as the tree-stumps near the right 
legs, show that these statues are copies of bronze originals. They were 

FIG. 38. Statue of a Runner. Pa- FIG. 39. Statue of a Runner. Pa- 
lazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. lazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. 

at first interpreted as runners, but later were regarded as forming a 
group of wrestlers, who were standing opposite one another and holding 
their hands out for an opening. However, there is nothing in the pose 
or the expression of these statues to show the tension of two oppo- 
nents. Moreover, they certainly never formed a group, for stylistic 
differences reveal that they are copies of statues by different artists 
who lived at different times; one belongs to the severe style of the last 
quarter of the fifth century, 2 while the other, with its softer forms, 
smaller head, and deeper-set eyes, is a product of the fourth century B. C. 3 

'Helbig, Fuehrer, I, nos. 913, 914; Guide, 573, 574; B. Com. Rom., IV, 1876, Pis. IX-X, pp. 68 f.; 
B. B.,353 (right and left); Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 540,4, and for the torso, see II, 2, 541, 3 ( = B. 
Com. torn., PI. XI). 

2 Helbig,914. 3 Helbig, 913. 


The prominent edge of the chest is doubtless meant to indicate the hard 
breathing of a runner. 1 Just in front of the tree-stump on the older 
statue is to be seen a round hole in the plinth, which may have been 
made for the end of a club held in the right hand, as such an object is 
found in other works of art, notably in a statuette from Palermo, which 
is the copy of a fifth-century B. C. original, and on a second-century B. C. 
grave-stele from Crete. 2 Its use, however, is not certainly known. 

Furtwaengler, by an ingenious process of reasoning, argued that he 
had recovered an actual statue of an Olympic runner in the so-called 
Alkibiades, formerly in the Villa Mattei, but now in the Sala della Biga 
of the Vatican. 3 This torso he ascribed to the sculptor Kresilas, because 
of its likeness to the Perikles of that master, which once stood on the 
Akropolis, 4 and to a marble torso in Naples representing a wounded 
man ready to fall, which he thinks is a copy of the Folneratus deficiens 
of Kresilas mentioned by Pliny. 5 The Alkibiades is very similar to the 
Naples gladiator, though later in date; the bearded head, drawn-in 
stomach, and muscular chest, and the veins in the upper arm are com- 
mon to both. The restorer of the Vatican statue has placed a helmet 
under the right foot. But the deep-breathing chest may indicate a 
runner, as we saw in the case of the statues of the Conservatori just 
discussed. Furtwaengler has the body bend further forward, so that 
the right foot may rest upon the ground and the glance be fixed upon 
the goal, with the arms extended at the elbows, a position proved for 
the right arm, at least, by the puntello above the hip. As the head 

J So Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 128, n. 1, Mw., p. 285, n. 3, and Helbig (3d ed.); on the other hand, 
Reisch (p. 46), B. B., and formerly Helbig (in the first edition of his Guide), have regarded them as 

2 The statuette and relief are pictured in Mon. ant., XI, 1901, PI. XXVI, 2, and pp. 402 f. The 
statuette also in Arndt-Amelung, Einzelaufnahmen, no. 552, and Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 540, 6. 

3 Mp., pp. 126 f., and fig. 51; Mw., pp. 284 f., fig. 38; here the restored parts have been removed 
and his own restoration is given in an outline drawing. See also B. B., no. 129; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 
322; Clarac, 837, 2099. 

4 Mentioned by P., I, 28.2 and I, 25.1; the inscribed base has been found (see Lolling, 
'Apxaw>Ao7u6j> AeArkw, 1889, p. 35, n. 2). The Perikles is exemplified by two inscribed copies: a 
terminal bust in London: B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 549 and fig. 23 on p. 289; Ancient Marbles in the 
British Museum, 1815, PL XXXII; A. Z., XXVI, 1868, PI. II, fig. 1 and pp. 1 f. (Conze); Furtw., 
Mp., pp. 117 f., PI. VII and fig. 46 (profile); Mw., PI. IX and pp. 270 f.; F. W., 481; a terminal 
bust in the Vatican: Visconti, Iconogr. gr., 1824-26, I, PI. XV and p. 178; B. B., no. 156; Helbig, 
Fuehrer, I, 276; Arndt-Bruckmann, Griech. u. roem. Portraets, 413, 414: Bernouilli, Griech. 
Ikonogr., I, PI. XI, p. 108; etc. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 74; in this passage Pliny also mentions an Olympius Pericles. The Naples 
statue has been wrongly restored as a gladiator; it is pictured, minus the restorations, in Mp., p. 125, 
fig. 50; Mw., p. 282, fig. 37; cf. Clarac, 870, 2210 and 872, 2210. Furtwaengler connects this statue 
with the bronze one of a certain Diitrephes pierced with arrows, which Pausanias saw on the 
Akropolis, I, 23.3; a basis found there, inscribed with the name Kresilas, supported a votive 
offering of Hermolykos, the son of Diitrephes, to Athena : /. G. B., 46; C. /. A., I, 402 (Kirchhoff, 
who opposes the connection) ; cf. p. 373. The base shows that a figure stood upon it in the pose of 
another figure, which appears on a white-faced Attic lekythos in the Cab. des Medailles in Paris 
(Mp., p. l?i, fig. 48), which Furtwaengler believes a free rendering of the Kresilaean statue. 


shows portrait-like features and only those athletes who had won three 
victories had portrait statues, he has identified the original of the Alki- 
biades with the statue of the famous stade-runner Krison of Himera, 
who won his victories at Olympia just after the middle of the fifth 
century B. C., the approximate date of the Vatican copy. 1 Such an 
identification appears, however, to be too far-fetched to be convincing. 


Probably the statues of boy runners did not differ essentially from 
those of men. That they were sometimes represented in motion is 

FIG. 40. Statue of the Thorn-puller (Spinario). 
Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome. 

shown by the footprints on the recovered base of the statue of Sosi- 
krates by an unknown artist. Here the right foot touched the ground 
only with the front portion. 2 The view has often been expressed that 
the bronze statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome, known as the 

!ln Ols. 83, 84, 85 ( = 448-440 B. C.) : Afr.; Foerster, 239, 245, 248. Krison is mentioned by 
Plato, Protag., 335 E, and de Leg., VIII, 840 A; Aristophanes of Byzantion (apudZonzras, I, p. 451, 
and apud Hesych., s. v. Tplauv); Plut., de adul. et amid Discr., 16; and de Tranqu. anim., 12; etc. 

*Inschr. v. 01., 157. He won Ol. (?) 80 ( = 460 B. C.): P. VI, 8.1; Hyde, 71; Foerster, 280. 


Spinario ( Thorn-puller) portrays a runner (Fig. 40) . 1 It represents a boy, 
from twelve to fifteen years old, seated upon a rock bending over and 
engrossed in extracting a thorn from his left foot, which rests upon the 
right knee. The severe hair treatment, low forehead, full cheeks, and 
strong chin appear to show the ideal beauty of a boy of the period of 
about 460 B. C. The motive seems to have been inspired directly by 
nature witness the supple bend of the back, the delicate arms, the 
naive, though not too realistic, concentration of interest in the act por- 
trayed. Few pieces of ancient sculpture have given rise to more discus- 
sion and extraordinary difference of opinion than this popular work. 
One school of archaeologists 2 believes it a late adaptation of a Hellenistic 
original, a more accurate copy being the one in the British Museum, and 
consequently views it as a purely genre statue impossible of conception 
before Alexander's time. According to this view the London copy was 
an archaistic work of the time of Pasiteles. Another school, however, 
including Helbig, Wolters, Kekule, and many others, sees in the Roman 
statue an original work of 460to450 B.C., chiefly because the face shows 
great similarity to those of the statues of the Olympia gables (especially 
to that of Apollo) 3 . According to this view the statue can not have 
been a genre work, as such works of decorative character were of later 
origin, but the motive must be sought in some definite incident in 
some myth or historical event. Thus it has been referred to the coloni- 
zation of the Ozolian Lokroi, whose ancestor Lokros is said to have got a 
thorn in his foot and to have founded cities near where this occurred in 
fulfilment of an oracle. Many others, on the other hand, have seen in 
its motive that of a boy victor in running, who has gained his victory 
despite a thorn, which he is now pulling out, and who has dedicated his 
statue to commemorate both the victory and the untoward circum- 
stances under which it was won. It has been assigned to various 
sculptors and schools to Myron, Pythagoras, and Kalamis, and to 
Peloponnesian, Boeotian, and even Sicilian art. 4 The boy's absorption 
in his task certainly reminds us of the concentration so characteristic 
of the Diskobolos of Myron. In determining its age and artistic 

1 B. B., no. 321; Bulle, 164, and fig. 93 on pp. 361-2 (cast on round base in Erlangen); von Mach 
72; Collignon, I, p. 417, fig. 215; Rayet, I, PL 35; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 956; Guide, 617; Zielinski, 
Rhein. Mus., XXXIX, 1884, pp. 116f. (who refers the original possibly to Strongylion);F.W., 215. 
For replicas, see Gat,. Arch., 1881, p. 130; Rayet, text to PI. 35; and Furtwaengler, Der Dornaus- 
zieherund der Knabe mil der Cans, 1876, pp. 7 f; Reinach, Rep., 1, 344,6. It was called a runner 
first by Visconti, Opere varie, 1827-31, IV, PI. XXIII, pp. 163 f., who has been followed by 
Collignon, Zielinski, Rayet, Reisch (p. 46), Richardson (p. 144), and others. It is 0.80 meter 
high (Bulle). 

*E. g., Overbeck.II, pp. 182-185, and notes 10-24 on p. 186. On p. 183, fig. 186, he gives illustra- 
tions of the three principal copies the marble one in the British Museum (a), the bronze statu- 
ette in Baron Rothschild's collection in Paris (b), and the Capitoline bronze in Rome (c). He 
brings it into relation with the sculptor Boethos, who is known to have made seated genre figures 
of boys, e. g., one in the Heraion at Olympia, P., V, 17. 4 ( = S. Q., 1596). 

Von Mach, no. 86; cf. Kekule, A. Z., XLI, 1883, p. 244, and F. W., 215. 

See B. M. Sculpt., Ill, pp. 109-110. 


affiliations several things must be considered. In the first place, the 
Roman statue is acopy, as the rockon which the boy sits is cast with the 
figure, which would have been impossible in the fifth century B. C. The 
long hair on this copy, which is short on the one in the British Museum, 
falls down the neck, but not over the cheeks, as it should on a head 
which is thus bent downwards. Pasiteles almost certainly would have 
tied it with a ribbon. This shows that the original was the work of an 
artist who was used to making standing statues, and was not aware 
of the change in the representation of the hair brought about by droop- 
ing ones. Such considerations, in conjunction with the archaic facial 
characteristics, almost certainly refer the original work to the fifth cen- 
tury B. C., a date when genre statues, produced for adornment, did not 
exist. Consequently a definite incident must be represented by it, 
and it is quite possible that this incident should be sought in athletic 
sculpture in the representation of a boy runner. 

The Thorn-puller became a model for many imitations from the 
beginning of Hellenistic times on. These imitations tended to greater 
realism and consequently to the debasement of the original conception, 
for they were made to represent peasants, shepherds, satyrs, and 
even negroes. The motif was also transferred to figures of girls, as, 
e. g., in the fragment of a terra-cotta statuette found in 1912 at Nida- 
Haddernheim. 1 In the early Empire it was frequently copied in marble, 
and again, during the Renaissance, the motive was used for small 
bronzes. 2 Of Hellenistic copies, showing how the motive deteriorated, 
we shall mention only two: the marble one found on the Esquiline, 
in 1874, and known as the Castellani copy, now in the British Mu- 
seum, 3 the sculptor of which has made it into a truly genre fountain 
figure by transforming the noble features of the beautiful Greek runner 
into the snub nose and thick lips of a street Arab, and the still later 
bronze statuette found near Sparta and now in the Paris collection 
of Baron Edmund de Rothschild, 4 which represents the boy extracting 
the thorn in anger. 

Similarly the so-called Sandal-binder with replicas in Paris (Fig. 8), 
London, Athens, Munich, and elsewhere, has been looked upon, with- 
out decisive grounds, to be sure, as a runner who is tying on his sandals 

J Se K. Woelke, Dornauszieher-Maedchen, Jb., XXIX, 1914, pp. 17-25, figs. 1, 2, etc. 

Z E. g., bronze statuettes, formerly in the Dreyfus collection in Paris, dating from the second half 
of the fifteenth century: Bulle, p. 364, fig. 94; Mon. Piot, XVI, 1909, PI. XII, 3 (nos. 2, 3 = Italian 
bronzes of the same subject in the Louvre and in the collection of Charles Haviland; see text, by 
G. Migeon, pp. 95 f.). 

3 5. M. Sculpt., Ill, no. 1755 and PI. VIII; Mon. d. I., X, 1874-78, PI. XXX; Annali, XLVIII, 
1876, PI. N (and pp. 124 f); A. Z., XXXV, 1877, p. 127, and XXXVII, 1879, p. 19, Pis. II, 
III; Rayet, PI. 36; von Mach, 284; Bulle, p. 365, fig. 95; Reinach, Rep., II, i, 144, 2. It is 
0.63 meter high (Bulle). 

*Gaz. arch., 1881, Pis. IX-XI; Collignon, I, p. 420, fig. 216; Rayet, text to no. 36; Reinach, 
Rep., II, i, 143, 7. It is 9.5 inches tall. 


after the race. 1 We have already discussed this statue in Chapter II, 
in connection with the subject of assimilation. 


The race in armor had a practical value in the training of soldiers, 
and so became a popular sport, since it appealed not only to the trained 
athlete, but to the citizen in general. It belonged to "mixed athletics," 2 
i. e., to competitions which were conducted under handicap conditions, 
such as our obstacle races, and consequently it never attained the pres- 
tige of the strictly athletic events. It came last among the gymnic 
contests at Olympia and elsewhere, 3 being followed by the equestrian 
events. It seems to have varied in different places in the distance 
run, in the armor of the runner, and in the rules which governed the race. 
At Olympia, as at Athens, it appears to have been a diaulos or a race of 
two stadia. 4 The most strenuous race of the sort was run at the 
Eleutheria at Plataea, where the contestants were completely enveloped 
in armor 5 and were subject to peculiar rules. At Olympia the com- 
petitors originally ran with helmets, greaves, and round shields, as 
we infer from scenes on archaic vases and from the statement of Paus- 
anias that the statue of the first victor in this event, Damaretos of 
Heraia, was represented with these arms. 6 In this passage Pausanias 
adds that the Eleans and other Greeks later (d^d xpbvov) gave up the 
greaves, and we find that they disappear on the vase-paintings. 7 Hau- 
ser has shown that the vase-paintings, which, however, mostly illus- 
trate the Athenian practice, display a varied custom in respect of the use 
of the greaves before about 520 B. C., the general use of them until about 
450 B. C., and after that date their disuse. 8 The helmet disappeared 

^ee Lange, Dai Motif des aufgestuetzten Fusses, 1879, pp. 9 f.; Reisch, p. 46, n. 5; B. B., no. 67 
(Paris copy); von Mach, 238a (Munich copy), 238b (Louvre copy). See supra, pp. 86-87. 

2 See E. N. Gardiner, /. H. S., XXIII, 1903, p. 281; on the race, see Gardiner, pp. 285-91, and 
J. H. S.,l. c., pp. 280 f.; Krause, I, pp. 353-359; Dar.-Sagl., I, Pt. 2, p. 1644; etc. 

3 At Olympia, P., Ill, 14.3 ; Plut., Quaest. conviv., 11,5; Artemidoros, Oneirokritika, 1, 63 ; Heliod., 
Aethiop., IV., init; Oxy. Pap.; at Delphi, Krause, Die Pythien, Nemeen, und Isthmien, 1841, p. 26, 
no. 4; at the Panathenaia, Mommsen, Feste d. Stadt Athen, 1898, p. 70. On its origin, see Ph., 7. 

4 P., II, 11.8; X, 34.5. In the first passage Pausanias speaks of a victor who won the diaulos 
twice once yvnvbs, the second time avv rf) &<rirl8i. De Ridder, B. C. H., XXI, 1897, pp. 211 f., 
discusses Hauser's futile argument (Jb., II, 1887, pp. 95 f.) that the hoplite-runner covered the 
stadion four times, the first and fourth with helmet and shield, the second and third without the 
shield, and conclusively shows that the race was a diaulos. For Athens, see Aristoph., Aves, 
291 f., and scholion. The race was four stades long at Nemea: cf. Ph., 7, and Juethner's note 
(p. 196). 

6 Ph., 8; cf. also 24. 

6 VI, 10.4. In V, 12.8 he says that 25 shields for this race were officially kept in the nave of the 
temple of Zeus. 

7 We see shield, helmet, and greaves on the vase pictured in Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, p. 1644, fig. 2231; 
Baum., Ill, p. 2110, fig. 2360; on the b.-f. vases in Gerhard, IV, Pis. CCLVII, CCLVIII, and 
CCLXIII; on the b.-f. vases pictured in Schreiber, Bilderatlas, PI. XXII, figs. 3 (sixth century 
B. C., = Gerhard, IV, PI. CCLVIII) and 5 ( = amphora in the British Museum: B. M. Vases, II, 
B 608); we see no greaves on the r.-f. kylix in Berlin (Fig. 41); cf. .Krause, pp_ 354 f t 

*Jb., II, 1887, pp. 95 f.; X, 1895, pp. 199 f. 


after the greaves, but the shield was never given up. 1 Thus the bronze 
statue of Mnesiboulos of Elateia, a victor (aw TTJ aairldL) of Pausanias' 
day, which stood in "Runner Street" of his native city, appears to have 
been represented with the shield. 2 It was for this reason that the event 
was later sometimes called merely do-Tris. 3 The shields that appear 
on the vases are always round and the helmets are Attic. 4 The gradual 
reduction in the amount of the armor may have been a concession to 
the regular athletes, who probably looked upon the contest as a spurious 
sort of athletics. As for the style of the race, the hoplite runners seem 
to have run somewhat as the stade and double-course runners, i. e., 
with their right hands up and their arms violently swinging. 5 

The picturesqueness of such a race appealed especially to vase-paint- 
ers, who have given us all the details of the event. The preparations for 
the race are seen on a red-figured kylix from Vulci, now in Paris, ascribed 
to Euphronios (Panaitios), on which one runner is donning his armor, 
while others are practising preliminary runs. 6 The start is seen in the 
right-hand figure depicted on a r.-f. kylix in Berlin (Fig. 41, a). 7 On 
another r.-f. kylix we see a pair of hoplites, one slowing up before reach- 
ing the central post, the other turning it. 8 The finish is seen on an 
obscene r.-f. kylix from Vulci in the style of Brygos, in the British 
Museum, where the bearded winner, with his helmet in his hand, looks 
back on his rival, and the latter, apparently in disgust, drops his shield. 9 
The most complete illustration of the race is to be seen on the r.-f. Berlin 
kylix just mentioned (Fig. 41, a, b, c.) Here on one side is a group of 
three runners; the right-hand one is bending over, ready to start ; the one 
at the left is about to turn the central post, and the one in the centre, 
who is turned in an opposite direction, is on the home stretch; on the 
other side of the vase are three runners in full course, while another 
appears on the interior of the vase. 10 Some vases seem to show that 

!?., VI, 10.4. 

2 P., X, 34.5. Mnesiboulos won stade- and hoplite-races at Olympia in Ol. 235 (=161 A. D.): 
Afr. ; Foerster, 712-713 ; cf. Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 582. He was also TrepiodoviKrjs in both events. 

3 E. g., by Ph., 7. 

4 A bronze helmet found at Olympia, recently in the possession of the Bishop of Lincoln, is 
pictured in /. H. S., II, 1881, PI. XI, 1. 

5 E. g., on the vase in Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, p. 1644, fig. 2231; on the Panathenaic vase in the British 
Museum, already mentioned, dating from the second half of the fourth century B.C. :B.M. Vases, 
II, B. 608; = Gardiner, p. 290, fig. S8; = Mon. d. /., X, 1874-78, PI. XLVIII, e, 3; =Baum, III, 
p. 2110, fig. 2361; here the runners are running with the feet flat on the ground. 

6 In the Cabinet des Medailles of the Bibliotheque Nationale, no. 523; Hartwig, Die griech. 
Meisterschalen, 1893, pp. 132-142, Pis. XV, 2 and XVI; Gardiner, p. 286, fig. 54, and /. H. S., 
XXIII, p. 278, fig. 7; Hoppin, Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases, I, p. 427, no. 58. 

7 No. 2307; Gerhard, IV, PL CCLXI; /. //. S., XXIII, p. 277, fig. 6; Gardiner, p. 288, fig. 56; 
Dar.-Sagl., II, 2, p. 1644, fig. 2232; Jb., II, 1887, p. 105; cf. similar runners on a r.-f. kylix in the 
British Museum, E 22: Murray, Designs from Greek Vases, no. 18; Hoppin, Hbk., I, p. 372, no. 21. 

/. H. S., XXIII, 1903, p. 278, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 287, fig. 55. It was formerly in Berlin. 

9 E 818; /. H. S., I. c., p. 285, fig. 12; Gardiner, p. 289, fig. 57; noted by Hartwig, Die griech. 
Meisterschalen, p. 373, no. 8; Hoppin, Hbk., I, p. 134, no. 69. 

10 For a reconstruction of the various phases of the armed-race from vase-paintings, see /. H. S., 
I. c., p. 279, fig. 9. 



the contest often had a semi-comic character, the variations in running 
being used to amuse the spectators. Thus the shield might be dropped 
and picked up again, 1 or it might be held in a peculiar manner. 2 This 
comic element is brought out in the Aves of Aristophanes, in a scene in 

FIG. 41. Hoplitodromes. Scenes from a r.-f. Kylix. Museum of Berlin. 

^ee Gardiner, p. 291 and /. H. S., /. c., pp. 284 f. Perhaps this is the explanation of a kylix 
in Berlin (no. 4039), reproduced by Furtwaengler in Samml. Sabouroff, I, PI. LIII. 

2 E. g., on a r.-f. kylix in Munich (no. 1240) ; /. //. S., /. c., p. 284, fig. 1 1 ; Gardiner, p. 292, fig. 59. 
This painting represents a palaestra scene, as is shown by the sponges on the wall. 



which Peisthetairos, while observing the chorus of birds advancing with 
their crests (A6<>cocris), compares them with hoplite runners advanc- 
ing to begin the race. 1 The regular painter outdid the vase-painter 
in representing the runner in vio- 
lent motion, if we may rely on 
Pliny's description of two paint- 
ings of hoplites by Parrhasios. 2 
In one of these the runner was 
represented as perspiring as he 
ran, while in the other 
he was represented as 
having laid aside his 
arms and panting so 
realistically that the 
observer seemed to 
hear him. 

We have few representations of hoplito- 
dromes in sculpture. In the preceding chap- 
ter we discussed the two marble helmeted 
heads found at Olympia (Fig. 30), one of 
which shows that the statue of which it was 
a part was represented at rest, while the 
other, because of the twist in the neck, seems 
to have come from a statue which represented 
the runner in violent motion. Pausanias saw 
on the Athenian Akropolis the statue of the 
hoplite runner Epicharinos, the work of the 
sculptor Kritios, represented as practising 
starts (oirXiTodpo/jieiv aaKijcravTOs} , 3 In the 
well-known Tux bronze in the University 
Museum at Tuebingen, we have a statuette 
in which the position of the statue of Epi- 
charinos is probably reproduced. This little 
bronze, which is only 0.16 meter tall (Fig. 42), 4 represents a bearded 
man, entirely nude, except for the Attic helmet on his head, standing 
with feet close together, knees slightly bent, and body inclined forward. 

291. *H. N., XXXV, 71. 

3 I, 23.9. In 1838 the inscribed base of this statue was found, the inscription being: 'Eiri\x\aplvos 
[' avk]6i] 6 ... Kpirios Kal N7j<7[i]wTijs e-iro[n)ff]a.Triv. C. I. A., I, 376; Loewy, I. G. B., 39. 
This shows that Pausanias got his information about the pose from the statue itself and not from 
the inscription. It also gives us the right spelling of the artist's name. 

4 First published, long after it had passed from the possession of Herr Tux to the University Col- 
lection, by Gruneisen in Schorn's Kunstblatt, 1835, pp. 21 f., and separately the same year. See 
also Hauser in Jb., II, 1887, pp. 95-107; L. Schwabe, /*., I, 1886, pp. 163 f., PI. IX ( = three 
views); de Ridder, B. C. //., XXI, 1897, pp. 211 f. (reviewed in A. J. A., II, 1898, pp. 268 f.); 
Collignon, I, p. 305, fig. 152; Bulle, no. 89 (two views); Springer-Michaelis, p. 217, fig. 403a; 
Brunn, Griech. Kunstgesch., 1893, II, p. 249 f.; F. W., 90; Rouse, p. 174, n. 1; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 

FIG. 42. Bronze Stat- 
uette of a Hoplito- 
drome(?). University 
Museum, Tuebingen. 


The right arm is extended, while the left, crooked at the elbow, rests 
upon the hip. While Schwabe and Wolters, following the early 
theory of Hirt and of the sculptor Dannecker, interpreted the bronze as 
the figure of a charioteer, whose left hand was drawn back to hold the 
reins and whose right was outstretched in a gesture intended to quiet 
the horses, Hauser, de Ridder, Bulle, and many other archaeologists 
have interpreted it better as a hoplitodrome. The left arm, then, 
carried a round shield, such as we have seen on Attic vases. The 
next moment the right leg will be advanced, the shield, held back to 
get a better start, will be pushed forward, and the runner will race 
to the goal in a series of leaps, since the weight of the shield would 
prevent him from following the more regular motion of the ordinary 
runner. It probably represents, therefore, a hoplite runner, not in 
the actual course, as Hauser thought, but practicing a preliminary 
start, as de Ridder argued. If the figure represented a charioteer, the 
legs would have been set farther apart, in order to give a firmer 
position, and it would not be represented as standing on a base, nor 
would it be wearing a helmet. The statuette stylistically belongs to 
the opening years of the fifth century B. C., and may well be a free 
imitation of a life-size original of such statues of hoplites as stood in 
the Altis at Olympia. Despite the energy depicted in this figure, it 
is rash to connect it with the Aeginetan sculptures, as Wolters and 
Collignon have done, since a comparison between it and the Champion 
of the East gable 1 will show great differences. Brunn ascribed the 
original to Pythagoras; de Ridder, with reservations, to Kritios and 
Nesiotes; while Bulle is more reasonable in referring it to an important 
though unnamed artist of the early fifth century B. C. 

Hartwig has published a bronze statuette from Capua, 2 now in the 
Imperial collection at Vienna, representing a nude youth with a crested 
helmet on his head. There is no trace of a shield, but the helmet 
and the similarity of the pose to that of the Tuebingen bronze make it 
probable that this statuette also represents a hoplitodrome starting. 
The so-called Diomedes of Myronian style in the Palazzo Valentini, 
Rome, 3 whose stooping posture recalls the Diskobolos and accordingly 
has been interpreted as one by Matz and von Duhn, more probably 
also represents a hoplite-runner, as Furtwaengler maintained, because 
of the similarity of its pose to that of the Tux bronze and because 
of its helmeted head. 4 

'Bulle, no. 86. 

z jh. oest. arch. Inst., V, 1902, pp. 165-70 and PI. IV (three views). It was probably made in 
Campania. It is 0.07 meter high. 

3 M. D., 1097; Clarac, 830, 2085. 

4 Furtw., Mp., p. 204, and n. 4; Mw., p. 392, and n. 4. He believes that the helmet is not alien 
to the statue as some think, but points out that the head, which is much restored and is akin to 
the Perseus, is wrongly attached to the body. Hauser, Jb., II, 1887, p. 101, n. 24, because of the 
tree-trunk, does not believe that the statue represents a hoplite-runner; but Furtwaengler shows 
that the tree-trunk offers no objection to restoring a shield to the statue. 


Some other attempts to see hoplite runners in existing works of 
sculpture have not been so successful. Thus Rayet's attempt to resus- 
citate the old interpretation of QuatremeredeQuincy, who had explained 
the statue of the so-called Borghese Warrior by Agasias of Ephesos 
(Fig. 43) as that of a hoplitodrome just before reaching the goal, has 

FIG. 43. Statue of the so-called Borghese War- 
rior. Louvre, Paris. 

been recently revived again by Six. 1 This famous marble statue of the 
Louvre, belonging to late Greek art, is an example of the last develop- 
ment in the Argive-Sikyonian school, which for centuries had been 

t, II, Pis. 64, 65 (head); B. B., no. 75; Bulk, 88; von Mach, 286; Reinach, Rep., I, 154 
1-4; M. W., I, PI. 48, 216; F. W., 1425; H. B. Walters, The Art of the Greeks, PI. XLIX; Gardner, 
Hbk., p. 513, fig. 136; J. Six, De Beteekenis van het Leelijke in de Grieksche Kunst, p. 29; his theory has 
been contested by Kalkman, Jb., X, 1895, p. 64 and n. 50. The statue is 1.55 meters high (Bulle). 


devoted to athletic sculpture. 1 Since the statue has no helmet, there 
seems to be no valid reason for not adhering to the usual interpretation, 
according to which it represents a warrior by restoring the lost right 
arm and hand with a sword who is defending himself against a foe 
above him, conceived of as seated upon a horse. The attitude and the 
upward gaze are certainly not those of a runner. Though Collignon, 
following Visconti, believes the figure to be one of a group, the man 
actually defending himself against a horseman and covering himself 
with his shield as he looks up, it is doubtful whether a second figure 
ever existed. The artist seems to have contented himself with rep- 
resenting, not a fight, but only a fighting pose. We are beginning to 
understand that the Greek sculptor left something to the imagination 
of the beholder. 

An attempt has also been made to see a dying hoplite runner in the 
Parian marble archaic grave-relief in the National Museum in Athens, 
which has already been mentioned as an example of the archaic scheme 
of representing running. 2 It represents a beardless youth running in 
a half-kneeling posture, even though the head is bent and turned in the 
opposite direction. The eyes appear to be closed due, perhaps, to the 
faulty sculptor and the two hands are touching the breast. While no 
shield is represented (it is contended that its presence would nearly hide 
the figure), still, because of the helmet and the position of the arm, which 
latter is obviously that of a long-distance runner, Philios, followed by 
Perrot-Chipiez and Bulle, explained it as the representation of a hoplite 
runner who is expiring at the end of his course. They date it about 520 
B.C., 3 thedateoftheintroductionof this race atOlympia. However, the 
absence of the shield, to say nothing of the greaves, seems an insuper- 
able objection to such an hypothesis, as the shield was never omitted 
in this race, but was invariably its symbol. Svoronos is therefore 
more probably right in interpreting the relief as the monument of a 
military runner (Spojuo/d/pi^), even if his dating (490-480 B. C.) is some- 
what too late, 4 and if his identifying it with some particular messenger 
(such as the Athenian runner Pheidippides, who ran to Sparta for aid 
just prior to the battle of Marathon) is fanciful. 

, and also Klein (III, pp. 265 f.), believe that Agasias was no mere copyist, while Ame- 
lung (Becker-Thieme, Lex. d. bild. Kuenstler, I, 113) classes him as one. The inscription on the 
base of the statue dates it about 100 B. C. 

2 No. 1959; Arch. Eph., 1904, pp. 43-56 (Philios) and PI. I; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, pp. 648-51 and 
fig. 333; Stai's, Marbres et Bronzes, PI. on p. 20; Svoronos, I, pp. 89-96, and Tafelbd., I, PI. XXVI 
(upper left corner); Bulle, 263; E. Schmidt, Muenchner archaeol. Stud, zum Andenken A. Furt- 
waengler, p. 254 and fig. 351; Lechat, p. 206, fig. 25. Its dimensions are 1.01 meters high and 0.72 
meter broad. See p. 194. 

3 Bulle dates it loosely after the middle of the sixth century B. C. 

4 He shows that a similar type appears on Athenian dekadrachmai, which were struck soon after 
the date of the battle of Marathon, in any case before 480 B. C.; cf. Babelon, Journ. Int. 
d'arch. Num., 1905. 



The peculiar features of the penthalon (irevradXov') were the three 
events, jumping, diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing. All five events 
are summed up in Simonides' epigram on the pentathlete Diophon, 
who won at Delphi and on the Isthmus, the second line of which 
runs : aXjua, Trod^KeL^v, dlffKov, CLKOVTCL, Tra\r)v. 1 

The pentathlon did not exist in Homer's time. Pindar expressly says 
that it did not exist in heroic days, but that then a separate prize was 
given for each feat. 2 At the games on Scheria, King Alkinoos boasts to 
Odysseus of the superiority of his countrymen in TTU re TraXcuorjuocriw? re 
/cat aX/jLCiffiv yde irbdeffffLv. 3 The pentathlon for men was introduced at 
Olympia at the same time as wrestling toward the end of the eighth cen- 
tury, in Ol. 18 ( = 708 B. C.), 4 and the pentathlon for boys eighty years 
later, in Ol. 38 ( = 628 B. C.), only to be stopped soon after. 5 Pausanias 
mentions fifteen victors at Olympia, who had statues erected in their 
honor, for seventeen victories in the pentathlon, thus giving the pen- 
tathletes sixth rank there in point of number. 

The b.-f. Bacchic amphora in Rome already discussed represents 
four events out of the five: running, leaping, diskos-throwing, and 
akontion-throwing (Figs. 36 A and 36 B). 6 On several Panathenaic 
vases we find one or more events, and the three characteristic ones on 
several, one of which we here reproduce (Fig. 44). 7 

The various events are common on r.-f. vases, 8 though these may 
not represent the pentathlon contests, but merely gymnasium scenes, 

1 A. PL, I, 3, v. 2, and P. I. G., Ill, no. 153, p. 500. Cf. also the epigram quoted by Eustath- 
jus, in the scholion on the Iliad, XXIII, 621, p. 1320, and one by Lucilius, A. G., XI, no. 84. 
The five events are repeatedly mentioned by Greek writers: Ph., 3, 11, etc.; Artemidoros, 
Oneir., I, 55; many scholiasts, e. g., on Pindar, Isthm., 1, 35, Boeckh, p. 519, and Soph., Electra, 691. 
On the event, see P. Gardner, /. H. S., I, pp. 210 f.; Gardiner, Ch. XVII, pp. 359 f.; id., ]. H. S., 
XXIII, 1903, pp. 54 f. (The Method of Deciding the Pentathlon); E. Myers, /. H. S., II, 1881, 
pp. 217 f.; F. Fedde, Der Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen, 1888, and Ueber den Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen, 
1889; Heinrich, Ueber das Pentathlon d. Griechen, 1892; Finder, Ueber den Fuenfkampf d. 
Hellenen, 1867; Krause, I, pp. 476-497, and 921 f.; Bluemner, in Baum., I, pp. 512 f; Legrand, in 
Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 804 f., s.v., Quinquertium. On the order of events and method of deciding 
the victory, see Gardiner, pp. 362 f. 

*Isthm., I, 26-27. 

3 Od., VIII, 103. In line 129 he mentions the diskos. Boxing was never a part of the later 

4 P., V, 8. 7;Philostratos, 12;inCh. 3 he says that it was introduced by Jason. 5 P.,V, 9. 1. 

Gerhard, IV, PI. CCLIX. See supra, p. 192. 

7 It represents jumping, javelin-throwing, and diskos-throwing; it is a Panathenaic vase of the 
sixth century B. C. in the British Museum: B 134; /. H. S., XXVII, 1907, PI. XVIII; Gardiner, 
p. 360, fig. 107; cf. these three events pictured on another amphora of similar date in Leyden: 
A. Z., XXXIX, 1881, PI. IX; Gardiner, p. 361, fig. 108. A gymnasium scene (i. e., figures of a 
jumper, diskobolos, and apparently an akontistes) appears on a r.-f. vase-painting by Douris: 
see Pettier, Douris et les Pcintres de Vases grecs, 1904 (engl. ed. 1909), fig. 6; Perrot-Chipiez, X, 
p. 549, fig. 315. 

8 In addition to those cited we may add the vase in the British Museum, B 142 ( = diskos-throw- 
ing and javelin-throwing); one in Munich, no. 656 ( = javelin-throwing and jumping); two others 
in the British Museum, B 136 and 602 ( = diskos-throwing); another there, B 605 (javelin- 
throwing); etc. 


showing that such contests were important. We have already said 
that the pentathlon represented the whole physical training of Greek 
youths; consequently the pentathlete was looked upon as the typical 
athlete, being superior to all others in all-round development, even if 
surpassed by them in certain special events. It was for this reason that 

FIG. 44. Pentathletes. Scene from a Panathenaic Amphora in the 
British Museum, London. 

Polykleitos, in order to embody the principles of his athlete canon, 
made a statue of a javelin-thrower (the Doryphoros) as the best 
example of an all-round man. 

None of the statues of pentathletes at Olympia has been recovered 
with certainty in Roman copies. That some of them were represented 
at rest is shown by the base of the statue of the victor Pythokles of 
Elis, by the elder Polykleitos, which has been recovered. 1 This base 
supported two different statues in succession. The feet of the earlier 
one by Polykleitos were riveted into circular holes, and behind the right 
foot on the upper surface of the base was inscribed the artist's name, 
while the victor's appeared on the vertical front. This statue was later 
removed and was replaced by another, whose pose was different, as we 
see from the footmarks, which show that the feet were attached with 
lead in hollows. Probably the old inscription was renewed in archaic 

l lnschr. v. 01., 162, 163; 7. G. B., 91; upper surface outlined in Furtw., Mp., p. 263, fig. 110; 
Mtv., p. 472, fig. 80. For the discussion of Pythokles, see Mp., pp. 262 f. 


letters when this second statue was set up, the older letters being re- 
tained, perhaps, to conceal the theft. The original statue was removed 
by the first century B. C., or perhaps under Nero; 1 the new one was also 
inscribed as the work of Polykleitos. A base of the Hadrianic or 
Antonine age has been found in Rome, inscribed with the names Poly- 
kleitos and Pythokles. 2 Since the footmarks do not agree with those 
of either one of the Olympia statues, Petersen believes that the exist- 
ing footmarks are due to an older use of the base and that they have 
nothing to do with the statue of Pythokles. Perhaps the statue on the 
Roman base was the original one by Polykleitos removed from Olym- 
pia to Rome, though it is possible that it was only a copy, the original 
being elsewhere in Rome. While the later statue at Olympia had the 
feet squarely on the ground, the original one stood on the right foot, 
the left being drawn back and turned out, touching the ground only 
with the ball. Hence the left knee must have turned outwards, a 
natural position, if the head of the statue was turned slightly to the left. 
In other words, this is the usual Polykleitan scheme. Furtwaengler 
has made a strong though hardly convincing attempt to identify this 
original statue with a copy surviving in two replicas at Rome and 
Munich, which, as he believes, fit the conditions of the statue of 
Pythokles. 3 These copies represent a nude youth standing with the 
weight of the body on the right leg, the left drawn back and out- 
wards. The head is turned to the left, the right arm is held close to 
the side (the hand, perhaps, once holding a fillet), and the left forearm 
is outstretched from the elbow and holds an aryballos in the hand. 
The two works are manifestly Polykleitan in style the body, head, 
and hair treatment resembling that of the Doryphoros. He assumed 
that the feet corresponded in scale with the footmarks on the Olympia 

Helbig, in the first edition of his Fuehrer, recognized the kinship be- 
tween the Vatican statuette and the Doryphoros of Polykleitos, and was 
prone to accept Furtwaengler's identification; but later on, in the third 
edition, he ascribed the statuette only to the Polykleitan circle and 
denied that its foot position corresponded with that of the Pythokles 
base. Amelung also, while accepting its Polykleitan character, has 
shown that the feet of the statuette are closer together than those on 
the Olympia base and are placed at a slightly different angle. As for 
the Munich statue, both Helbig and Amelung have ruled it out of the 

1 Furtwaengler believed in the first century B. C.; Dittenberger and Purgold, in the first 
century A. D. : cf. Inschr. v. 01., p. 284. 

2 Gatti, B. Com. Rom., XIX, 1891, pp. 280 f., PI. X, 1; cf. Petersen, R. M., VI, 1891, pp. 304 f. 

3 Statuette in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vatican: Helbig, Fuehrer, l,32;Guide, 43; Amelung, Vat., 
I, no. 101 on p. 116, and Pis. XVI, XVII; Furtw., Mp., p. 264, fig. Ill ; Mto., p. 474, fig. 81; Reinach, 
Rep., II, 2, 549, 2; Clarac, 861, 2184; a black marble statue found at Porto d' Anzio in 1758, now 
in the Glyptothek: Furtwaengler-Wolters, Beschr. d. Glypt., z no. 458; Clarac, 858, 2175; it is 1.54 
meters high. 



evidence. The head, though similar to that of the statuette, also 
discloses marked differences, and the legs of the two works do not 
have the same pose. Loewy agrees with Amelung that the statue 
of Pythokles conformed with the type of the Diadoumenos espe- 
cially with the Vaison copy (see Fig. 28) 
and with that of the Doryphoros. 1 We 
can not, therefore, safely assume that the 
statue of Pythokles has been recovered in 
any existing copy. 2 A further variant of 
the works just discussed should be men- 
tioned here the beautiful marble statue 
of a boy victor in Dresden, known as the 
Dresden Boy (Fig. 45 ). 3 In this statue the 
leg position is nearly like that indicated 
by the marks on the Pythokles basis, 
though the left foot is not set so far back 
nor its tip so far out. The head is turned 
to the left and slightly lowered, the right 
arm hung to the side, and the left fore- 
arm was outstretched, the hand doubtless 
holding some athletic article, at which the 
boy is looking down, perhaps a diskos 4 or 
a fillet. This beautiful athlete statue has 
many stylistic points in common with the 
Diadoumenos, and shows similar Attic in- 
fluence, and its original may be referred 
with Furtwaengler to the later period of 
the master himself. It gives us an excel- 
lent idea how Polykleitos may have made 
his Olympia boy victors appear. A more 
remote variant seems to be furnished by 
a fourth-century B. C. bronze statuette of a 
youthful athlete in the Louvre. 5 Here the position of the feet, the 

FIG. 45. Statue of a Boy 
Victor (the Dresden Boy). 
Albertinum, Dresden. 

^Wiener Studien, XXIV, 1902, pp. 398 f.; he is, therefore, against the Pythokles ascription; see 
also Studniczka in Jh. oest. arch. Inst., 1906, p. 131. 2 C/. also Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 570 f. 

3 Hettner,Z)j> Bildw. d. kgl. Antikensamml. zu Dresden, no. 90( = adoryphoros); Furtw., Mp., PI. 
XII (whence our plate) and fig. 112 (head from cast, two views), on p. 267; discussion, pp. 265 f ; 
Mw., Pis. XXVI, XXVII (the head from a cast and the restored left forearm omitted) and text, 
pp. 475 f.; Clarac, 948, 2437. Furtwaengler mentions three other copies of the statue and three 
of the head. 

4 On a fourth-century B. C. Panathenaic prize vase we see an athlete in a similar pose holding a 
diskos in his left hand: Mon. d. I., X, 1874-78, PI. XLVIII, g, 10 (quoted by Furtwaengler, Mp., 
p. 266, n. 6). 

'Formerly in the Coll. Pourtales, and then in the Coll. Greau: W. Froehner, Cat. des bronzes 
antiques de la Collection Greau, 1885, PI. XXXII, p. 204, no. 964; de Ridder, Les Bronzes antiques 
du Louvre, I, 1913, PI. 19, no. 184, and p. 34; Mahler, Polyklet und seine Schule, pp. 57 f. and 
fig. 13; Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 278, Mw., p. 490; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 546, 3. It is 0.218 meter 
high. Froehner had interpreted the statuette as that of an oil-pourer, though the position of the 
hands is against it. 


turn of the head, and the direction of the gaze are the same as in 
the Dresden Boy. However, as the right arm is raised horizontally, 
Furtwaengler believed that the right hand held a fillet which the 
youth is letting fall into the palm of the left. 

That statues of pentathletes at Olympia were also represented in 
motion is shown by the footmarks on the recovered base of one of the 
two statues mentioned by Pausanias as set up in honor of the Elean 
Aischines, who won two victories some time between Ols. 126 and 132 
( = 276 and 252 B. C.) .* These marks show that the statue represented the 
victor in violent movement, since the left foot was turned outwards and 
the right one was brought almost to the edge of the base. 

We shall next consider in some detail how the pentathlete may have 
been represented at Olympia in the three characteristic contests of 
jumping, diskos-throwing, and javelin-throwing. We have already dis- 
cussed the runner, and in a future section we shall discuss the wrestler, 
both of whom contended in these events not only in the pentathlon, 
but also in the corresponding independent competitions. 


Jumping was a well-known contest in heroic days. In Homer, how- 
ever, it did not take place at the games of Patroklos, but only at those 
held by King Alkinoos. 2 Quintus Smyrnaeus has the Trojan heroes 
contend in jumping, 3 and the contest goes back to mythology. 4 Though 
Plato does not mention it, Aristotle does. 5 Later it became an essen- 
tial part of the pentathlon, though never an independent contest at 
the great games. It was probably considered to be the most represen- 
tative feature of the pentathlon, perhaps because of the customary use 
of the halteres in the physical exercises of the gymnasium. Jumping- 
weights were, in fact, the special symbol of the pentathlon, and, as we 
saw in the preceding chapter, were often the definitive attributes 
indicated on statues of pentathletes. 6 We shall next discuss the 
appearance and use of such jumping- weights. Their form is often a 
sure indication of the date of a statue. 

Juethner has made a careful study of the different shapes of halteres 
and his conclusions have been followed, for the most part, by Gardiner. 7 
The halteres do not appear in Homer, but were in existence at least by 
the beginning of the sixth century B. C., and a little later they probably 
appeared on pentathlete statues. To this period belongs the lead 

!?., VI, 14.13 ; Hyde, 139 and pp. 54-55; Foerster, 451, 456; Inschr. v. 01., 176. 

*0d., VIII, 103 and 128. On jumping, see Krause, I, pp. 383 f.; Gardiner, Ch. XIV, pp. 295 f.; etc. 

3 IV, 465 f. 4 C/. Stesichoros, apvd Athenaeum, IV, 72 (pp. 172 f.). 

6 De Incessu animalium, Ch. 3 (p. 705 a). 

6 As, e. g., on the statues at Olympia of the Elean pentathlete Anauchidas (P., V, 27.12) and 
Hysmon (P., VI, 3.10). See supra, p. 164. 

7 Juethner, Antike Turngeraete, pp. 3-13; Gardiner, Ch. XIV, pp. 295 f. and /. H. S., XXIV, 
1904, pp. 179 f., (especially pp. 181 f.). The following section is taken chiefly from these two 
sources. Cf. also Bronz. v. 01., pp. 180-1 ; Finder, A. A. t 1864, pp. 230 f. 


weight from Eleusis now in Athens, whose inscription records that it was 
dedicated by one Epainetos to commemorate his victory in jumping. 1 
On vase-paintings of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., we see numerous 
types, but two main ones. Early b.-f. vases show a semicircular piece 
of metal or stone with a deep depression on one side for a finger grip, 
the two club-like ends being equal (as in Figs. 36A and 44). In the 
early fifth century B. C., a club-like type came in, which shows many 
modifications in the size and shape of the ends. 2 In the fifth century 
B. C., the second main type appeared, of an elongated semispherical 
form, thickest in the middle and with the ends pointed or rounded. 
These correspond with the "archaic" ones, which Pausanias saw on the 
figure of Agon in the dedicatory group of Mikythos at Olympia 3 and 
describes as forming half an elongated circle and so fastened as to let 
the fingers pass through. We have two stone examples of this type: 
one found at Corinth, now in the Polytechnic Institute in Athens, 4 in 
which a hole is cut behind the middle for the fingers and thumbs, and 
a more primitive single one from Olympia. 5 Philostratos divides the 
Greek jumping-weights into "long" and "spherical," 6 which Juethner 
identifies with the two types just discussed. Gardiner, however, finds 
this impossible, since Pausanias speaks of one type as "archaic," and he 
consequently thinks that these were no longer in use in the time of Phil- 
ostratos. After the fifth century B. C. we have little evidence about 
halteres until Roman days, when a cylindrical type appears on Roman 
copies of Greek statues of athletes, on mosaics and wall-paintings. 7 
Thus it appears on the tree-trunk in two athlete statues in Dresden 8 and 
the Pitti Gallery in Florence, 9 and on the Lateran athlete mosaic from 
Tusculum of the imperial period. 10 In Roman days jumping-weights 
were used for the most part in medical gymnastics, like our dumb-bells. 11 

National Museum, no. 9075; Arch. Eph., 1883, fig. on p. 190; Juethner, fig. 1; Gardiner, p. 298, 
fig. 60. The inscription = C. I. A., IV, 422*. This weight is 4.5 inches long with concave sides 
and weighs 4 IBs. 2 oz. 

*E. g., one of lead, in the British Museum: /. //. S., XXIV, 1904, p. 182; Gardiner, p. 299, 
fig. 61 c. It weighs 2 Ibs. 5 oz. 

3 V, 26.3; the group dates from the second half of the fifth century B. C. : see Inschr. v. 01., nos. 

*Arch. Eph., 1883, fig. on p. 104; Juethner, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 300, fig. 62; Schreiber, Bilderadas, 
PI. XXII, fig. 10. It is 10 inches long. (The illustrations show one weight seen from three sides.) 

*Bronz. v. 01., p. 180, fig. 1101; Juethner, fig. 9; Gardiner, p. 299, fig. 61a (from cast in the Brit- 
ish Museum). It is probably of diorite and is tl.5 inches long, and weighs over 10 pounds. 

6 Ch. 55; cf. Lucian, Anach., 27 (ai /xoXu/SStcas x'P*"^ 1 70is>' Tail* xtpoiv t\ovT&, i. f., cylin- 
drical); Etym. magn., p. 71, 20. 

7 Such is the limestone halter from Kameiros, Rhodes, in the British Museum: B. M. Guide to 
Gk. and Rom. Life, 1908, fig. 41; Gardiner, p. 299, fig. 61 b. It is 7.5 inches long. 

8 Juethner, fig. 11. 9 Duetschke, 11,22. 

l Mon. d. I., VI, VII, 1857-63, PI. LXXXII; Annali, XXXV, 1863, pp. 397 f.; Gardiner, 
p. 177, fig. 22. 

"See Caelius Aurelianus, de Morb. acut. et chron., V, 2.38 ( = of the early ? fifth century A. D.). 
The imperial physicians recommended them: see Galen and Antyllos, apud Oribasium, Coll. 
Medicin., ed. Bussemaker et Daremberg, 1851, VI, 14 and 34, respectively; see Krause, I, pp. 395 
f., and Juethner, p. 16. 


Philostratos says that the jump was the most difficult part of the 
pentathlon. 1 It never existed as an independent competition despite its 
popularity in Greece. This popularity is attested by the frequency 
wtih which it is depicted on vases from the sixth century B. C. onward. 
Here the jumper is regularly shown with weights, and we can assume that 
many pentathlete statues were so represented, the sculptor ordinarily 
copying the kind of weight which was in use in his own age. While 
Philostratos in his day thought that the use of weights was merely to aid 
in exercise, Aristotle long before had rightly understood that the 
jumper could make a longer jump with than without them, 2 a fact 
easily proved by the feats of modern jumpers. While the modern 
record for the running broad jump is 25 feet 3 inches, 3 an English 
athlete jumped 29 feet 7 inches with the use of 5-pound weights, 4 
and a German officer in full uniform jumped 23 feet from a spring- 
board. 5 The recorded jumps of Phayllos at Delphi and of Chionis at 
Olympia, the former 55 feet and the latter 52, can not, however, be 
explained as ordinary broad jumps, even if we assume that the Greek 
jumper was far superior to the modern one. Such jumps would be im- 
possible even with springboards or raised platforms, and we have no 
evidence that the Greeks used such devices. We might explain them 
on the theory of triple jumps 6 though the difficulty of such a solution 
is very great or simply as mistakes in the records. Thus the record of 
Phayllos is found in a late epigram, in which this athlete is also said 
to have thrown the diskos 105 feet. 7 That of Chionis is, to be sure, 
given by Africanus. 8 But it is more than probable that v$' (52) of his 
record should read KJ3 f (22), since the Armenian Latin text reads duos 
et viginti cubitus. 9 

Vase-paintings tell us how the halteres were used. 10 The jumper 
swung them forward and upward until they were level with or higher 
than the head; then he brought them down, bending the body for- 
ward until the hands were below the knees, the jump taking place on 
the return swing. We find the preliminary swing represented most 
commonly on the vases; 11 we also see on them the top of the upward 

iCh. 55. z De Incessu anim., Ch. 3 (p. 705a). 

"Made by E. O. Gourdin, in Cambridge, U. S. A., July 23, 1921. 

4 See /. H. S., II, 1881, p. 218, n. 1; the jump took place at Chester in 1854; here is also 
recorded a standing jump of 13 ft. 7 in. with 23-lb. weights, at Manchester in 1875. 

6 Mentioned by Finder, Ueber d. Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen (quoted by Juethner, p. 16). 

6 So Fedde, p. 22. A record of 49 ft. 3 in. (hop, skip, and jump) was made at Harwich in 1861 : 
/. H. S., II, p. 281, n. 1. 

~'A. PL, 297; cf. schol. on Aristophanes, Acharn., 213, and other evidence gathered by Gar- 
diner, in J.H.S., XXIV, 1904, pp. 70 f. 

'Rutgers, p. 11. 

On the controversy about these jumps, see Gardiner, Fedde, //. cc., and A. A., 1900, pp. 104-6 
(Kueppers, Diels, and Stengel). On Greek jumping, see also Krause, I, pp. 383 f.; Finder, pp. 
108 f.; Fedde, pp. 14 f.; Grasberger, Erziehung und Unterricht, I, pp. 303 f.; Girard, L' education 
athenienne, 1889, pp. 200 f.; etc. 10 See Gardiner's summary in /. H. S., XXIV, 1904, p. 189. 

". g., on a r.-f. pelike in the British Museum: B. M. Vases, E 427; /. H. S., XXIV, 1904, 
p. 185, fig. 6; etc. 


swing, 1 the bottom of the downward swing, 2 the jumper in midair, 3 
and the moment just before alighting. 4 The act of landing is seen 
on an Etruscan wall-painting from a tomb at Chiusi. 5 Running 
jumps are the ones most commonly depicted. 6 

The representation of the jump, therefore, was specially adapted to 
the vase-painter and not to the sculptor. If any movement in the 
jump could have been represented to advantage in sculpture, it would 
have been the early position in which the weights were swung forward 
and upwards. This is the one represented on an incised bronze diskos 
from Sicily now in the British Museum, 7 where an athlete, with his right 
leg drawn back for the spring, is holding the weights in his outstretched 
hands. A small finely modelled bronze statuette dating from the mid- 
dle of the fifth century B. C., in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, 
may represent a jumper either just taking off, or perhaps just finishing 
the jump. 8 The athlete is standing with his left foot advanced, his 
knees bent back, and his body leaning forward, and is holding both arms 
in front, the palms downwards. Such a concentrated attitude reminds 
us strongly of Myron, under whose influence this statuette must have 
been made. Some have interpreted it as the representation of a diver, 
though the hands seem to be held too far apart and the body wrongly 
poised for that position, as we see it in a statuette of a diver from Peru- 
gia. 9 More likely a jumper is intended, as the attitude is very similar 
to that depicted on several vases. 10 However, as the jumper has no 

1 E. g., on a r.-f. krater in Copenhagen (?) : Anndi, XVIII, 1846, PI. M; Gardiner, p. 303, fig. 64; 
J.H. S.,l. c., p. 185, fig. 7 (left-hand figure). 

*E. g., on a r.-f. kylixin Bologna:/. H. S., /. c., p. 186, fig. 8; Gardiner, p. 304, fig. 65; Juethner, 
fig. 16; on interior of an early r.-f. vase, signed by Chelis, in the Louvre, G 15 : Pottier, Vases an- 
tiques, PI. 89; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 366, fig. 211. 

*E. g., on a r.-f. kylix from Orvieto, formerly in the Bourguignon Coll. in Naples, but now in 
Boston: A. Z., XLII, 1884, p. 243 (Meier), PI. XVI, 2b; Reinach, Rep. vases peints, I, p. 454, 
1, 5, 6; J. H. S., 1. c., p. 183, fig. 3; Gardiner, p. 305, fig. 66 (interior showing diskobolos, ibid., 
p. 326, fig. 80 = y. H. S., XXVII, 1907, p. 20, fig. 9); Juethner, p. 15, fig. 14; Girard, L'educ. 
athen., pp. 201, 207, figs. 22 and 27; Hoppin, Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases, p. 423, no. 44; Dar.-Sagl., 
Ill, i, p. 5, fig. 3691, IV, 2, p. 1055, fig. 6083. 

4 E. g., on a b.-f. imitation Corinthian amphora in the British Museum: B. M. Vases, B 48; 
middle figure is given in /. H. S., /. c., p. 183, fig. 4; Gardiner, p. 306, fig. 67; Juethner, fig. 15 
(three figures). 8 Inghirami, Mus. Chius., PI. CXXV (quoted by Gardiner). 

9 E. g., on a Panathenaic amphora in Leyden: /. H. S., XXVII, 1907 p. 260; on a later r.-f. 
kylix of Euphronios: Klein, Euphronios\ 1887, p. 306; /. H. S., XXIV, 1904, p. 188, fig. 9; 
Gardiner, p. 307, fig. 68. 

TR. M. Bronzes, 248, p. 26, fig. 10 (right); Gaz. arch., 1875, PI. XXXV, p. 131; Schreiber, Bilder- 
atlas, PI. XXII, no. 15; Murray, Hbk. Gk. Archeology, 1892, p. 123, fig. 53. The diskos is 8.25 inches 
in diameter and is to be dated about 500 B. C. On the other side is represented a jumper, with 
measuring cord in his hands, measuring his leap. A similar figure appears on a metrological 
relief at Oxford: /. H. S., IV, 1883, PI. XXXV, p. 335. 

"Richter, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes, no. 81, fig. on p. 54 (three views); Burlington 
Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art, 1904, p. 46, no. 37; Reinach, Rep., IV, 345, 9. 

9 Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 543, 7 (quoted by Miss Richter). 

10 . g., the jumper with halteres on the British Museum pelike already mentioned, E 427; see 
p. 216, n. 10; a still closer resemblance is found in a jumper without halteres on a r.-f. pelike 
discussed in J. H. S., XXIII, 1903, p. 272; Gardiner, p. 309, fig. 69. 


halteres, it can not represent a pentathlete, but must be an ordinary 
gymnasium athlete. 


The diskos-throw (6rKo/3oXta) goes back to mythology and heroic 
days. 1 In Homer, at the games of Patroklos, Achilles casts a metal 
mass called the <r6Aos. 2 This was the primitive type of diskos. Of 
such early contests and feats of strength we have a good record in the 
red-sandstone mass, weighing 143. 5 kilograms ( = 315 pounds), which has 
been found at Olympia, marked with a sixth-century inscription to the 
effect that one Bybon threw it over his head. 3 There is nothing ath- 
letic, however, about the use of such a stone or of the Homeric solos. 
The diskos was also known to Homer. 4 It was of stone, and in Pindar 
the heroes Nikeus, Kastor, and lolaos still hurl the stone diskos instead 
of the metal one of the poet's day. 5 The stone diskos appears on sixth- 
century vases as a white object, 6 but metal ones were introduced at 
the end of the sixth century B. C. A bronze one from Kephallenia ( ?) in 
the British Museum has a sixth-century inscription in the Doric dialect 
and in the alphabet of the Ionian Islands, which gives the dedication 
of Exoidas to the Dioskouroi. 7 Several others have been found in 
different parts of Greece, especially at Olympia. 8 Pausanias says 
that boys used a lighter diskos than men. 9 

While only unimportant monuments outside of vase-paintings illus- 
trate the jump, those illustrating the diskos-throw are rich and varied, 
including not only vases, but statues, statuettes, small bronzes, reliefs, 
coins, and gems. 10 

In his careful attempt at reconstructing the method of casting the 
diskos, E. N. Gardiner has distinguished seven different positions, 

1 Krause, I, pp. 439 f. E. g., Apollo unintentionally slays Hyakinthos while contending with 
him in diskos-throwing: Euripides, Helena, 1469 f.; etc. 

2 Iliad, XXIII, 826 f. Later imitators of Homer use the word also: e. g., Apoll. Rhod., Ill, 1366. 

3 Inschr. v. 01., 717; /. G. A., 370; Juethner, pp. 22-23. A larger block of volcanic rock weighing 
480 kilograms has been found at Santorin with an inscription dating from about 500 B. C. stating 
that one Eumastas lifted it from the ground: I. G., XIII, no. 449. See /. H. S., XXVII, 1907, 
p. 2. Such a scene is depicted on the interior of a r.-f. kylix in the Louvre, G 96; /. H. S., /. c., 
fig. 1. 

4 Od., IV, 626 and VIII, 186 f. The diskos-throw was well known as a measure: e. g., II., XXIII, 
43 1 . Scholiasts tried to show the difference between the solos and the diskos : see Juethner, pp. 19 f. 

& OL, X, 72; Isthm., I, 25. 

6 E. g., on a b.-f. amphora in the British Museum: B. M. Vases, B 271; /. H. S., XXVII, PI. I; 
Gardiner, p. 314, fig. 71; cf. the Panathenaic amphora, B 134 ( = Fig. 44); /. H. S., XXVII, 

IB. M. Bronus, no. 3207; Gardiner, p. 317, fig. 73; Rev. arch., XVIII, 1891, PI. XVIII, p. 45. 
It is 6.5 inches in diameter. The inscription is written retrograde. 

8 See list of fifteen in /. H. S., XXVII, p. 6; Gardiner, p. 316; eight of these are from Olympia. 

I, 35.5. 

10 Furtwaengler shows that there are numerous representations of Myron's Diskobolos on gems: 
Die antiken Gemmen, e. g., Pis. XLIV, nos. 26, 27, and LXVI, 8; cf. also a gem in the British 
Museum: B. M. Gems, 742 and PI. 11. 


which are illustrated by the monuments. 1 He shows that while the 
swing of the quoit was always the same, i. <?., in a vertical and not 
in a horizontal arc, and the throw was invariably made from a 
position like that of Myron's statue, the preliminary and certain 
other movements varied. It will be well, before discussing repre- 
sentations of the diskos-thrower in sculpture, very briefly to recapit- 
ulate his summary of positions, using the evidence which he and 
others have collected. First, the preliminary position or stance, 
with three variations: either the position of the Standing Diskobolos 
of the Vatican (PI. 6), which occurs in bronzes, but not on vases; 
or the position in which the diskobolos raises the quoit with the left 
hand level with the shoulder, which occurs on vase-paintings; 2 or that 
in which the diskos is held outwards in both hands level with the waist. 3 
From any of these stance positions, either with or without change 
of feet, we reach the second position, in which the diskos is raised in 
both hands and extended either horizontally to the front and level 
with the head, 4 or held above the head. 5 Thirdly the diskos is swung 
downwards and rests upon the right forearm, with either foot forward. 6 
This position leads up to that of Myron's statue, in which the diskos is 
swung as far back as possible (Pis. 22, 23, and Figs. 34, 35). 7 The fifth 

!/. //. S., XXVII, 1907, pp. 1 f., Pis. I-III, summary on p. 36; Greek AM. Sports, Ch. XV, pp. 
313 f. Cf. also E. Pernice, Jb., XXIII, 1908, Zum Diskoswurf, pp. 94 f., who corrects and 
augments the evidence furnished by Gardiner's article in the /. H. S. On the diskos and mode 
of casting, see also Juethner, pp. 18-36; Krause, I, pp. 442 f.; Grasberger, Erziehung und Unter- 
richt, I, pp. 321 f.; Gaz. arch., 1888, pp. 291 f. (J. Six); Dar.-Sagl., II, I, pp. 277 f.; Fedde, Der 
Fuenfkampf der Hellenen, pp. 37 f.; Girard, L'educ. athen., pp. 201 f.; Kietz, Der Diskoswurf 
bei den Griechen, 1892, pp. 15 f. 

*E. g., on a lekythos from Eretria: /. H. S., XXVII, p. 23, fig. 12. 

3 E. g., on a b.-f. Attic lekythos in the British Museum: B. M. Fuses, B 576; /. H. S., I. c., PI. II; 
Gardiner, p. 328, fig. 82; on a r.-f. kylix: /. H. S., p. 26, fig. 15; Gerhard, IV, PI. CCXCIV, no. 6. 

*E. g., on the reverse of a r.-f. kylix in the British Museum signed by Pheidippos: B. M. Vases, 
III, PI. I, E 6; /. H. S., /. c., p. 13, fig. 3; Gardiner, p. 323, fig. 76; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 368, fig. 
214; on a b.-f. kelebe in the British Museum: B. M. Vases, E 361; Gardiner, p. 324, fig. 77; on an 
Attic b.-f. panel-amphora in the University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia: Museum 
Journal, VI, No. 4 (Dec., 1915), fig. 90, p. 170; A. J. A., XX, 1916, p. 440, fig. 4; (the obverse of 
this vase, representing a boxing scene, is given in our Fig. 56); on a b.-f. amphora pictured by Ger- 
hard, IV, PI. CCLX., and Pernice, /. c., fig. on p. 98. The left foot is generally forward in this 
position: e. g., on a r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 795; /. H. S., /. c., p. 26, fig. 14; the right is for- 
ward on two b.-f. vases: Gerhard, Pis. CCLIX, 2 ( = our PI. 36 B), and CCLX. On a r.-f. 
amphora in Naples (Pernice, fig. on p. 96), a youth is represented holding the diskos with the 
right hand on the shoulder, against which his face is silhouetted as in the famous archaic relief 
from the Dipylon gate discussed supra, Ch. Ill, p. 127. 

*E. g., on the amphora pictured by Pernice, p. 99. 

*The left is forward on a r.-f. krater of Amasis from Corneto: /. H. S., XXVII, p. 16, fig. 5; 
Hartwig, Die griech. Meisterschalen, p. 416, fig. 56a; Gardiner, p. 324, fig. 78; the right is forward 
on a r.-f. pelike in the British Museum: B. M. Vases, E 395; /. H. S.,l. c., PI. Ill; Gardiner, p. 
325, fig. 79. The left is drawn back in a fifth-century B. C. bronze: /. H. S., /. c., p. 18, fig. 7; Bur- 
lington Fine Arts Club, Cat. Anc. Gk. Art, 1904, PI. L. Another example is found on a r.-f. kylix 
in Paris: /. H. S., 1. c., p. 27, fig. 17; Hartwig, Die griech. Meisterschalen, PI. LXIII, 2; Gardiner, 
p. 331, fig. 85. 

7 For variations, see early fifth-century B. C. coins of Kos in the British Museum: /. H. S., I. c., 
p. 30, fig. 19; Gardiner, p. 332, fig. 86. 


position is the beginning of the forward swing, when the body is straight- 
ened. 1 As the diskos swings downwards and the left foot advances, 
the sixth position is reached. 2 Lastly the right foot is advanced after 
the diskos is cast. 3 

A victor statue of a diskobolos 
might conceivably have taken 
any one of these seven positions. 
We have already considered the 
two statues, the Standing Disko- 
bolos of Naukydes in the Vati- 
can (PI. 6) and that of Myron 
(Pis. 22, 23, and Figs. 34, 35), 
the two most important works 
in sculpture to illustrate posi- 
tions of the throw. The statue 
of Naukydes is not taking aim, 
as Juethner maintains, nor look- 
ing down the course. The head 
is inclined a little to the right and 
downwards, and the eyes are di- 
rected to the ground only a short 
distance away, thus measuring 
the distance the left foot is to 
be advanced, when the diskos 
is finally swung forward for the 
cast, which takes place off the 
left and not off the right foot. 
The right forearm is rightly 
restored, as it thus appears 
on bronzes which imitate this 
4 A different stance 

stance." A different stance is 
shown in a fine bronze statuette 
in the Metropolitan Museum 
(Fig. 46), 5 dating from about 

FIG. 46. Bronze Statuette of a Disko- 
bolos. Metropolitan Museum, New 

1 E. g., on a Panathenaic amphora in Naples: /. H. S., XXVII, 1907, p. 32, fig. 20; Juethner, fig. 
31; Gardiner, p. 333, fig. 87; on a b.-f. hydriain the British Museum: B. M. Fases, E 164; /. H. S., 

1. c., p. 32, fig. 21; Gardiner, p. 334, fig. 88. 

Z E. g., on a r.-f. kylix in Boulogne: /. H. S., I. c., p. 34, fig. 23; Gardiner, p. 335, fig. 89; Hop- 
pin, Hbk. Atticr.-f. Vases, I, p. 370, no. 11; cf. Beazley, Attic r.-f. Fases in Amer. Mus., 1918, no. 19 
( = ascribed to Euergides). 

3 E. g., on the kylix just mentioned (the figure to the right). 

*E. g., the archaic Pourtales bronze: Panofka, Cabinet Pourtales, PI. XIII, 3; Reinach, Rep., II, 

2, 545, 3; cf. also another in the Antiquarium in Berlin: Inventar, no. 8570; A. A., 1904, p. 36, 
n. 7 and fig. on p. 35. The latter is 0.10 meter high. 

6 Mus. Bull., Ill, Feb., 1908, pp. 31-36; Richter. Greek, Roman, and Etruscan Bronzes, no. 78, 
p. 49 (three views); Cat. Class. Coll., pp. 89-90, figs. 52 and 53 (side views); Gardiner, p. 329, 
fig. 83. It is 9.25 inches tall. 


480 B. C. This little masterpiece of the transition period of Attic 
art, still disclosing archaic traits, represents a diskobolos standing 
firmly on both legs, the right being slightly advanced, and holding 
with the left hand the diskos level with the head. That he is pre- 
paring for intense action is seen by the way in which the toes catch 
the ground. Though the right arm is broken off from below the 
shoulder, we can infer from vase-paintings which show diskoboloi in 
the same position 1 that it was lowered and bent at the elbow and 
the hand left open. From this position the diskos will be raised 
high above the head with both hands, as in a bronze in Athens, 2 
which illustrates Gardiner's second position. 

The movement is carried a little further showing the moment 
of transition to the downward swing or third position in a fifth-cen- 
tury B. C. bronze in the British Museum. 3 Here a nude, beardless 
athlete is represented standingwith the right foot advanced and holding 
the diskos in both hands before him above the head. The right hand 
grasps the quoit underneath and the left at the top. 4 The third posi- 
tion is well illustrated by the tiny archaic bronze on the cover of a lebes 
in the British Museum, 5 which represents a nude and beardless youth 
standing with the left foot advanced and with the left hand raised, 
while the right holds the diskos. Almost the same pose is also seen in 
a small bronze in the Antiquarium, Berlin. 6 

Two archaic statuettes from the Akropolis, now in the National 
Museum in Athens, and recently published, should be mentioned in this 
connection. 7 The more archaic of these represents a youth in an atti- 
tude which has been misunderstood. De Ridder interpreted it as a 
dancing man, while Stais thought it represented a youth walking along 
with his left hand raised as if to ward off a blow. White, however, 

1 E. g., on a r.-f. krater in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, no. 561; on another in Munich: cf. 
J. D. Beazley, /. H. S., XXXI, 1911, PI. VIII, 2; both quoted by Miss Richter, /. c. 

2 In the National Museum, no. 7412; Stai's, Marbres et Bronzes, p. 321 and fig. on p. 270. It 
was found in the sanctuary of the Kabeiroi in Boeotia and is 0.19 meter high. C/. a similar 
position on a r.-f. amphora in Munich painted by Euthymides: no. 374; published by Hoppin, 
Euthymides and his Fellows, 1917, PI. II; Furtwaengler-Reichhold, Griech. Vasenmalerei, 

*B. M. Bronzes, no. 675; /. H. S., XXVII, p. 22, fig. 11; Murray 2 , 1, p. 274, fig. 59; Gardiner, 
p. 330, fig. 84; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 544, 10. It is 6.5 inches tall. 

4 Cf. also two very rude bronzes in the British Museum representing diskoboloi: B. M. Bronzes, 
nos. 502 (diskos held up in right hand), 504 (diskos in right hand), the first 3.37 inches tall, the 
other 4.87 inches; the latter has a fillet in the hair and so represents a victor. 

*B. M. Bronzes, no. 559; /. H. S., /. c., p. 17, fig. 6. As the whole lebes is only 18.5 inches tall, 
this lid figure is very small. 

*A. A., 1904, p. 36, fig. 8. Invertar, no. 8569. It is 0.115 meter high. 

'Published by H. G. E. White in J. H. S., XXXVI, 1916, pp. 16 f., Pis. I, II and 3 figs, in text. 
PI. I is the more archaic: Museum no. 6615; Arch. Eph., 1883, p. 86; Stai's, Marbres et Bronzes, 
p. 267; de Ridder, pp. 281-2, no. 757, and fig. 265. PI. II is the less archaic: Museum no. 6614; 
Arch. Eph., 1883, p. 46; /. H. S., X, 1889, pp. 268-9 (E. A. Gardiner); Stai's, op. cit., p. 267; 
de Ridder, pp. 275-7, no. 750, and fig. 257. 


showed that it (like another less perfect example from the Akropolis, 
no. 6594) represents a diskobolos standing with the right foot advanced 
and holding the diskos in front of the body with the right hand, resting 
it against the flat of the forearm, while the left arm is raised above the 
head. Thus it is another example illustrating the initial stage of Gar- 
diner's third position. The other statuette, wrongly mounted, should, 
according to White, be made to lean further forward; the knees are 
bent, the body swung forward from the hips, the head thrown back and 
upward, the right arm stretched forthwith the flat of the forearm upper- 
most and the left similarly placed. Gardiner and Stai's interpreted this 
figure as a charioteer, and de Ridder as either a jumper, who has raised 
his halteres preparatory to the leap, or a diskobolos. White has shown 
that the position of the right arm proves it to be a diskobolos, represented 
in a movement between Gardiner's third and fourth positions, just prior 
to that of Myron's statue. De Ridder believed both statues to be Aegine- 
tan, but no. 6614, when compared with Myron's statue, is certainly Attic, 
and resemblances in the treatment of the hair, eyes, and mouth show 
that both statuettes are of the same school. It has often been said that 
Myron's great statue had no predecessor, as it certainly had no succes- 
sor. Its fame was enhanced by the assumption that Myron passed at 
one stride from such statues as the Tyrannicides to that complex work. 
Such works, however, as these statuettes especially no. 6614 show 
that the preliminary problems had been solved on a humble scale before 
Myron undertook his consummate work. Here, then, we have works by 
artists who belonged to the very movement which produced Myron. 

For the last three positions analyzed by Gardiner (nos. 5, 6, 7) our 
only illustrations appear to be vase-paintings. 


Javelin-throwing (CLKOVTL^ eu>, CLKOVTHTIJLOS} was very old and was uni- 
versal in Greece, its origin being traced back to mythology. 1 Stassoff 
tried to trace it to Oriental sources, 2 but inasmuch as no such contest 
is shown on the monuments of Egypt or Assyria, Juethner is probably 
right in assuming that it was Greek in origin. In Homer it was a sepa- 
rate contest at the games of Patroklos. 3 Juethner has distinguished 
two types of javelin-throwing in the historical period : one in which the 
spear or akontion was pointed more or less upwards, 4 the other in which 

, H. N., VII, 201, traces its origin to Aetolus, son of Mars. Phrastor won a victory in 
such a contest at Olympia: Pindar, 01., X, 71. See Krause, pp. 465 f.; Juethner, pp. 36 f.; Gardi- 
ner, Ch. XVI, pp. 338 f.; id., J. H. S., XXVII, 1907, pp. 258 f.; Dar-Sagl., I, i, pp. 226 f.; Pauly- 
Wissowa, I, pp. 1183 f. (Reisch); Girard, L'educ. athen., pp.203 f.; Grasberger, Eniehung und 
Unterricht, I, pp. 327 f., and III, pp. 168 f.; etc. In the following account we are chiefly indebted 
to Juethner and Gardiner. 

2 See StassoflF apud Stephani, Comptes rendus de la comm. imper. archaeol., St. Petersburg, 1872, 
p. 302. Cf. Juethner, Ph., p. 64. 3 Iliad, XXIII, 884 f.; cf. 637. 

4 The athletic style appears on many vases, especially on r.-f. ones; see infra, pp. 223-4 and notes. 


it was held horizontally. 1 Only the former type is represented in 
illustrations of purely athletic competitions, the latter type referring to 
illustrations of the practical use of javelin-throwing, i. e., in war or 
in the chase. Vase-paintings of palaestra scenes almost invariably 
show javelins with blunt points; the throwers' heads are frequently 
turned back before the throw, and there is no sign of any target. On 
vase-paintings, however, which represent practical javelin-throwing 
from horseback, the javelins are pointed. This proves that in athletic 
contests the throw was for distance and not at a mark. 2 The javelin 
used in Greek games had several names, aKWi>, aK.bvTi.oVy etc. 3 It was 
about the height of a man, as we know from its appearance on a Spar- 
tan relief, 4 and from many vase-paintings representing palaestra scenes 
(Fig. 44) . It was thrown by means of a thong (ajKvXri, Lat. amentum), 
which was fastened near the centre and consisted of a detachable 
leathern strip from 12 to 18 inches long. This was bound tight, with 
a loop left, into which the thrower inserted his first and middle fingers. 5 
The method of casting is seen on many vases. 6 Gardiner has analyzed 
three different positions from vase-paintings. Usually the throw was 
made with a short run, though standing throws are also pictured. 7 
First the thrower extends the right arm back to its full length and, with 
the left hand opposite the right breast, holds the end of the spear and 

H'he javelin is held horizontally by the warrior on the interior of a b.-f. kylix in the British 
Museum: B. M. Vases, B 380; /. H. S., XXVII, p. 252, fig. 2; Gardiner, p. 342, fig. 93. It was com- 
monly held slopingly over the shoulder level with the head in representations of the athletic style; 
e. g., the second athlete from the left in the sixth-century B. C. b.-f. Panathenaic amphora in the 
British Museum (Fig. 44): B. M. Vases, B 134; cf. also a similar figure on the sixth-century 
B. C. amphora in Leyden : A. Z., XXXIX, 1881, PI. IX; Gardiner, p. 361, fig. 108. 

2 At Athens as early as the fifth century B. C. there were practical javelin contests from horse- 
back with a target, and such contests kept up in Thessaly to the time of Hadrian: Gardiner, 
pp. 356-8. Throwing the javelin at a target from horseback is seen on a Panathenaic 
amphora in the British Museum: Gardiner, p. 357, fig. 106; /. H. S., XXVII, PI. XX. Pindar 
mentions javelin-throwing three times, and in each case the throw was for distance: Nem., VII, 
70-1; Isthm., II, 35; Pyth., I, 44. Lucian, in a passage referring to the pentathlon at Olympia, 
says that athletes competed for distance: Anacharsis, 27. On this question, see Juethner, pp. 54 f. 

3 Hesychios calls it diroTo/j&s, /. v.; see also Pollux, X, 64. 

*A. Z., XLI, 1883, PI. XIII, 2, and cf. p. 228 (Milchhoefer). 

6 See Juethner, figs. 34, 35, 36 on pp. 40-41 (representing akontistai holding the javelin in one 
hand and the amentum in the other). Fastening the thong is commonly depicted on vases: e. g., 
a youth seated on the ground attaching the amentum is pictured on a r.-f. hydriain the British 
Museum: B. M. Vases, E 164; /. H. S., XXVII, p. 32, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 334, fig. 88; B.C. H., 
XXIII, 1899, p. 164, fig. 3; on a r.-f. kylix in Wuerzburg (no. 432), a youth is seen winding the 
amentum around the akontion, drawing one end of the thong tight by means of his left foot: 
Juethner, p. 42, fig. 37; Gardiner, p. 340, fig. 91; Dar.-Sagl., Ill, i, p. 599, fig. 4116; Hoppin, Hbk. 
Attic r.-f. Vases, I, p. 93, no. 7. On a r.-f. amphora from Vulci attributed to Euthymides, and now 
in the British Museum, we see an akontistes holding the spear pointed to the ground and drawing 
the amentum tight preparatory to the throw: B. M. Vases, E 256; /. H. S., XXVII, PI. XIX; 
Gardiner, p. 348, fig. 99; Hoppin, Euthymides and his Fellows, p. 49, Pis. IX, XI; id., Hbk., I, 
pp. 442-3, no. 19. For the various methods of attaching the amentum, see collection of draw- 
ings from vases in Gardiner, p. 341, fig. 92 = /. H. S., XXVII, p. 250, fig. 1. 

See J. H. S., XXVII, pp. 262 f.; Gardiner, pp. 350 f. 

7 . g., on a r.-f. kylix in Rome: /. //. S., XXVII, p. 266, fig. 14; Gardiner, p. 354, fig. 104; 
Juethner, p. 48, fig. 43. 



pushes it back, holding it downwards or horizontally. 1 Next he starts 
to run, turning his body sidewise and extending his left arm to the 
front. On a r.-f. Munich kylix 2 wesee the first and second positions. 
The youth on the left is steadying the javelin with the left hand, while 
the one on the right has just let it go. A further turn of the body to 
the right takes place and the right knee is bent, while the right shoulder 
is dropped and the hand is turned outwards. 3 The actual cast is very 
uncommon on vase-paintings, because of difficulty in representing it. 4 
Because of the assumed lack of sculptural monuments, Reisch 5 and 

others have wrongly doubted 
whether javelin-throwers were 
represented in sculpture as victors. 
There certainly is no a priori reason 
why athletic sculptors might not 
have made statues in any one of 
the three poses which Gardiner 
has distinguished on vase-paint- 
ings, even if this contest, like 
jumping, was better adapted to 
the painter than to the sculptor. 
Furthermore, we shall attempt to 
show that such monuments ac- 
tually did exist. 

The best example of such a jave- 
lin-thrower seems to be the Dory- 
phoros, the most famous statue of 
Polykleitos, in which he illustrated 

FIG. 47. Bust of the 
after Polykleitos, by 
Museum of Naples. 


his canon of athletic forms. The 
Doryphoros exists in many copies, 
all of which agree fairly well in 
style and proportions. K. Fried- 
richs, in his monograph Der Doryphoros des Polyklets, which appeared 
in 1863, 6 was the first to show that the statue found in 1797 in the 
Palaistra at Pompeii, and now in the Naples Museum (PI. 4), was 
a copy of the original bronze, as it shows all the peculiarities of the 

Downwards in the r.-f. amphora in the British Museum, mentioned above, E 256. 

2 No. 2667 (Jahn, no. 562 A); /. H. S., XXVII, 1907, p. 262, fig. 9; Gardiner, p. 349, fig. 100; 
Juethner, p. 47, fig. 41; Hoppin, Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases, p. 198, no. 8. 

3 E. g.,on a r.-f. kylix in the Torlonia collection :J.H. S., XXVII, p. 264, fig. 11; Gardiner, p. 351, 
fig. 102; Juethner, p. 58, fig. 49. 

4 E. g., badly done on the Munich kylix mentioned, no. 2667; also on a r.-f. kylix of Panaitios 
from Vulci in Munich, no. 2637 (Jahn, no. 795): A. Z., XXXVI, 1878, p. 66, PI. XI ( = Reinach, 
Rep. vases peints, I, p. 422, 2); /. H. S., XXVII, p. 264, fig. 12; Gardiner, p. 105, fig. 17; Schreiber, 
Bilderatlas, PI. XXI, 3; Baum., I, p. 613, fig. 672; Hoppin, Hbk., p. 426, no. 54; Dar.-Sagl, II, 2, 
p. 1452, fig. 3478; IV, 2, p. 1056, fig. 6086; on a r.-f. amphora in Munich (Jahn, no. 408) : /. H. S., 
XXVII, p. 265, fig. 13; Gardiner, p. 353, fig. 103; Furtwaengler-Reichhold, Griech. Fasenmalerei, 
PI. XLV. 5 P. 48. 6 See 23stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr. 


master's style known to us from tradition. 1 Mahler enumerates 
7 statues, 17 torsos, and 36 heads copied from the original, and the fine, 
but expressionless, Augustan bronze bust from the villa of the Pisos, 
Herculaneum, inscribed as the work of the sculptor Apollonios, son 
of Archios, of Athens, which is now in Naples (Fig. 47). 2 The best- 
preserved copy of the statue, the one in 
Naples, is surpassed in workmanship by 
the green basalt torso in the Uffizi Gal- 
lery in Florence 3 and by the marble one 
formerly in the possession of Count Pour- 
tales in Berlin. 4 A poorer copy is to be 
found in the Braccio Nuovo of the Vati- 
can (Fig. 48). 5 In these copies we see a 
thick-set youth standing with the weight 
of the body on the right leg, the left one 
thrown back and touching the ground 
only with the toes, seemingly ready to 
advance, though the shoulders do not 
partake of the walking action. He is 
represented, therefore, at the moment 
of transition from walking to a rest 
position in other words in a purely 
theoretical pose at rest, indeed, but 
just ready again to advance. 6 His left 
hand held a short akontion over the 
shoulder and not the long spear (Sopu), 
whence the name Doryphoros or spear- 
bearer is derived. 7 The head is turned 
to the same side as the advanced foot, 
which perhaps is an example of the 
monotony in the work of the master 
complained of by ancient critics; variety 
would have been attained by turning it 

FIG. 48. Statue of the Dory- 
phoros, after Polykleitos. 
Vatican Museum, Rome. 

B. B., no. 273; Bulle, 47, and pp. 97-102 and fig. 18; von Mach, 113; Collignon, I, pp. 488 f. 
and PI. XII; Rayet, I, PI. 29; Gardner, Sculpt., PI. XXXIV; Springer-Michaelis, p. 276, fig. 
496; F. W., 503. 

*Polyklet u. s. Schule, 1902. For the Apollonios bust, see B. B., no. 336; F. W., 505. An almost 
identical bust except for a wide fillet around the locks and shoulders was found in the tablinum 
of the same villa (Invent., no. 6164). Many of these heads doubtless come from busts or 
statues which decorated gymnasia and palaestrae. 

'Duetschke, III, no. 535 (0.81 meter high). 4 F. W., 507; cf. Rayet, I, text to PI. 29. 

8 No. 293; Amelung, Museums and Ruins of Rome, I, pp. 7 f.; id., Fat., I no. 126 on p. 151 and 
PI. 19; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 45; Guide, I, 58; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 545, 10. It is 2.11 meters high 
(Amelung). Cf. Loewy, Lysipp und Seine Stellung in der gr. Plastik, pp. 5-7 and 23-4; Hauser, 
Jh. oest. arch. Inst., XII, 1909, pp. 104-14. For other replicas, see Furtw., Up., pp. 228 f.; 
Mw., pp. 421 f. 6 Mahler, op. cit., p. 29. 

7 As we see from the careful copy on a Berlin gem: Helbig, Fuehrer, I, p. 31, fig. 3; Guide, I, p. 35, 
fig. 4; and on a funerary relief in Argos: A. M., Ill, 1878, pp. 287 f. and PI. XIII (Furtwaengler); 
B..B., 279A; Collignon, I, p. 491, fig. 250; F. W., 504; cf. Annali, LI, 1879, p. 219 (Brunn); 
Mitchell, Hist. Anc. Sculpt., 1883, p. 386 and fig. 176. 


in the opposite direction. In the carefully worked bronze original, which, 
however, must have had an insignificant intellectual aspect, the appar- 
ently simple problem hitherto vainly attempted in Greek art of rep- 
resenting a man standing almost motionless, but full of life, was for the 
first time solved. It is a long way from the motionless figures known 
as "Apollos," with their arms glued to the sides and their legs close 
together, to this vigorous athlete. As we have already indicated, 
Greek art developed the first step beyond the "Apollos" by further 
advancing one leg of a statue and, it may be, extending one forearm 
horizontally. The next step was to place one foot slightly sidewise 
and thus relieve it of the weight of the body the well-known scheme 
of the "free" and "rest" leg. At first the relaxation was slight, the 
"free" leg not being intended to move forward, nor the parts of the body 
to be much shifted. Polykletios' innovation consisted in having the 
legs so placed, one behind the other, that the figure, while apparently 
resting on one, 1 seemed to be advancing. On the ground of the 
familiar passage in Pliny cited, it has been generally assumed that Poly- 
kleitos introduced the walking motive into sculpture. However, this 
motive was probably the invention of the earlier Argive school, bor- 
rowed by Polykleitos for his canon, as seen in the statue of the so-called 
Munich Xing (Zeusfy, of the Glyptothek, which Furtwaengler has 
shown to be a work of about 460 B. C. 2 

Does the Doryphoros represent a pentathlete victor ? Since Quintilian 
says that it appears ready for war or for the exercises of the palaestra, 3 
Helbig and others have classed it as a warrior, perhaps one of the Achil- 
leae mentioned by Pliny 4 as set up in the Greek gymnasia. Furt- 
waengler stressed the incorrectness of calling an athlete a Doryphoros^ 
a name originally given to an attendant bearing a lance (56pu), and 
so inapplicable to the statue of Polykleitos, which represented not a 
server, but an athlete carrying an akontion (witness the Berlin gem 
already mentioned) but later 6 concluded that an athlete statue with 
the akontion might have been vaguely described in late art jargon as a 
spear-bearer. Consequently he found probable the interpretation of the 
various doryphoroi mentioned by Pliny 7 as victor statues, and thought 
that the original of the Doryphoros of Polykleitos might very well 

H'he uno crure insistere of Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 56. Here Pliny quotes Varro to the effect 
that Polykleitos' statues were almost exactly after the same type (paene adunum exemplum). 

2 See Mp., pp. 212 f. and figs. 90 and 91 (head, two views); Mw., pp. 403 f., and Pis. XXIV, 
XXV. For the statue, see also Furtw.-Wolters, Beschr. d. Glypt. 2 , no. 295 ( = god or athlete); 
Kekule, Jb., Ill, 1888, p. 37 and PI. 1 (=Polykleitan and Zeus); B. B., 122. 

3 De instil. Orat., V, 12.21. 

4 //. N., XXXIV, 18. *A. M., Ill, 1878, p. 292, n. 2. Mp., pp. 163 and 228; Mw., p. 420. 

IE. g., that of Ktesilaos ( = Kresilas; see below) in H. N., XXXIV, 76; of Polykleitos, ibid., 55, and 
of Aristodemos, ibid., 86. 


have represented an Olympic pentathlete, which was originally set up 
at Argos, where it was also adopted for a figure on the heroic grave- 
relief already mentioned, which represented the youth with a spear over 
his shoulder standing beside a horse. Bulle also thinks that the statue 
represented a victor athlete set up in some sacred spot. 

For its interpretation as the statue of a pentathlete victor, an added 
proof is furnished by the discovery of a late Roman copy of it at Olym- 
pia. 1 This may very well have been the dedication of an athlete of 
late date of the first century B. C. or of the first A.D. who preferred 
to be represented by a copy of the famous work of Polykleitos rather 
than by a new statue. Treu's contention that the torso is too large for 
a victor statue, 2 becauseLucian says that theHellanodikai did not allow 
statues of victors to be over life-size, 3 falls to the ground, since we know 
that exceptions to the rule existed at Olympia. 4 He agrees with Col- 
lignon 5 in interpreting it as a decorative statue, which surely involves 
an anachronism in the middle of the fifth century B. C.; and his argu- 
ment that its good preservation shows it to have been set up in an interior 
room, perhaps of the Bouleuterion, in whose ruins it was found, ad- 
ducing this as additional evidence of its decorative character, is no proof, 
since victor statues at Olympia seem sometimes to have been housed. 6 
Thus the theory that the Doryphoros represents a pentathlete victor 
is well within the range of possibilities. 

Two bronze statuettes in the Metropolitan Museum, 7 New York, 
belonging to the second half of the fifth century B. C., may be repre- 
sentations on a small scale of pentathletes with the akontion. The first 
shows a youth standing with the weight of the body on the left foot, the 
right drawn slightly back. The left hand, held close to the side, may 
have carried an akontion, the right arm being extended. The other, 
more carelessly executed, represents a youth standing similarly with his 
weight on the left foot, the right being drawn back. Here again the 
left arm is hanging by the side, and probably held the same attribute as 
the first statuette. The right arm is also bent at the elbow. A patera 
may have been held in the outstretched hand of each. The square 

'This torso is of Pentelic marble, like many of the later victor statues at Olympia, and is fleshier 
than the Naples and Vatican copies: Bildw. v. 01., Textbd., p. 250 and fig. 284 (back view); 
Tafelbd., PL LXII, I; Furtw., Mp., p. 228, Mw., p. 420. It is in the Museum at Olympia. 

The Naples copy is 1.99 meters high; see Kalkmann, Die Proport. des Gesichtsin d. gr. Kunst, 
53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 1893, p. 53; the Olympia torso is 1.10 meters high for the pre- 
served part (Treu). 3 Pro Imag., 11. 

*E. g., the statue of Polydamas, P., VI, 5.1; the base of the statue of Kallias, Inschr. v. 01., 
no. 146; of Eukles, ibid., no. 159; etc. 

5 Collignon, I, p. 490; he believed that the original statue by Polykleitos stood in a Gymnasion 
at Argos. . 

C/. infra., Ch. VIII, p. 342 and n. 2. 

'Richter, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes, nos. 87 (pp. 56f., and fig., showing front and back, 
on p. 57; cf. Cat. Class. Coll., p. 114, fig. 72; it is from Cyprus), and 88 (fig. on p. 58; Mus. Bull., 
Dec., 1913, p. 270, Richter). No. 87 is 6.25 inches tall; 88 is 5.56 inches. 


build, short thighs, flat abdomen, long skull, and oval face are all 
Polykleitan characteristics, and remind us of the series of kindred 
works already discussed, which, as Furtwaengler believed, went back to 
the original statue of the boy wrestler Xenokles at Olympia, the work 
of the younger Polykleitos. 1 


Wrestling (TrdXrj) is perhaps the oldest, and in any case is the most 
universal, of athletic sports. Wall-paintings at Beni-Hasan on the Nile, 
dating from about 2000 B. C., show nearly all the grips and throws now 
known. 2 Plato says that this sport was instituted in mythical times. 3 
In Greece its origin is lost in mythology. 4 The very name palaistra, 
"wrestling school," indicates the early importance of the contest. 
It was one of the most popular of Greek sports from the time of Homer 
down. 5 This popularity is shown by the frequency with which 
it appears in mythology and art. Early b.-f. vases picture Herakles 
wrestling with giants and monsters. Here we see the same holds 
and throws as in the palaestra scenes on later r.-f. vases. The whole 
history of coins down to imperial days shows such scenes. No other 
exercise required so much strength and agility, and consequently wrest- 
ling matches early became a part of the great games. At Olympia 
wrestling was introduced in Ol. 18 ( = 708 B. C.), the same year in which 
the pentathlon was instituted. 6 The boys' match appeared there less 
than a century later in Ol. 37 ( = 632 B.C.). 7 Pausanias mentions 
statues erected to 36 victors (for 45 victories), which makes this contest 
second only in importance to boxing there. 

There were two sorts of wrestling in Greece, wrestling in the proper 
sense (bpQri TraX^), where each tried to throw his antagonist to the 
ground, making his shoulders touch three times, and ground wrestling 

1 Mp., pp. 279 f. Furtwaengler wrongly ascribed the statue of Xenokles to the elder Ploykleitos. 

2 See the fine drawings of these and other groups from tomb no. 17 (of Khety) in Champollion, 
Monuments de I'Egypte et de la Nubie, 1845, IV, Pis. CCCLXXII-CCCLXXVIII; PI. CCCL- 
XXIII, 3 =Perrot-Chipiez, I, p. 793, fig. 521; CCCLXXIV, 4 = ibid., p. 792, fig. 520. Another 
scene from the tomb of Nevothph is pictured in Champollion, PI. CCCLXIV, I. See also 
Arch. Survey of Egypt, Beni Hasan, Pt. II, 1894, PI. XV; cf. a poor reproduction of several scenes 
in Springer-Michaelis, p. 27, fig. 68. 

*De Leg.,VII,796A,E,C. 

4 Philostr., Imag., II, 32 (p. 857), ascribes its origin to Hermes' daughter Palaistra; Apollodoros, II, 
4.9, says that the same god's son Autolykos was the teacher of Herakles. Pausanias, 1, 39. 3, says 
that the systematic instruction in the art began with Theseus. Eustathius, schol. on //., XXIII, 
p. 1327, says that Kerkyon discovered it. In a scholion on Pindar, Nem.,V, 49, Boeckh, p. 465, 
Pherekydes and Polemon are quoted as saying that Theseus' charioteer Phorbas invented the art, 
and Istros is quoted as saying that Athena taught Theseus. At Olympia Herakles was a victor 
in wrestling: P., V, 8.4. 

*Aj ax (Tel am on) and Odysseus contended in a wrestling bout which ended in a draw: II., XXIII, 
710-734; in line 701, and in Od., VIII, 126, it is called 7raXawvuo<r{^ &.\eytivii; it appears among the 
Phaiakians in Od., VIII, 103, 246. It was pictured along with boxing on the shield of Herakles 
by Hesiod : Scut., 302 ( = eX*^) . 

P., V, 8.7; Ph., 12. 'P., V, 8.9. 


, a\ivdrjffis}, where the fight was continued on the ground by 
using every means, except biting and gouging, till one was exhausted. 
The first kind was the only one used in the event called TrdXrj at Olym- 
pia, as well as in the pentathlon; the other was used only in the pan- 
kration. In this section we shall discuss only the first. 1 A recently 
discovered papyrus of the second century A. D., containing brief 
instructions for wrestling lessons intended to help the TratSorpi/Srjs, indi- 
cates that every movement in the contest was systematically taught. 2 
The various positions used grips and throws are shown by many 
monuments, vase-paintings, gems, coins, 3 statuettes, and statues. The 
vases 4 especially illustrate the various holds assumed by wrestlers 
during a bout front (owrcuns), side (7rapd0<ns), wrist, arm, neck 
(rpax^Atfew), and body holds. Still others illustrate the various 
throws flying mare, 5 heave, 6 buttocks and cross-buttocks (edpav 
<rrpe<eii>), and tripping (u7roo7ceXieu>). We here reproduce two such 
paintings. The first, the obverse of a r.-f. amphora from Vulci, signed 
by Andokides and now in Berlin (Fig. 49), 7 shows two positions. In 
the central group the wrestler on the left side has grasped his oppo- 
nent's left wrist with his right hand. The latter, however, has ren- 
dered the grip useless by passing his own right hand behind his 
opponent's back and grasping his right arm just below the elbow. 
In this way he keeps his opponent from turning round, which move- 
ment would not have been possible if the latter had grasped him 
by the upper arm. In the group of wrestlers to the right we see an 
illustration of a body hold. Here a youthful athlete has lifted his 
bearded antagonist clear off his feet preliminary to throwing him. 
However, the one lifted from the ground has caught his foot around his 

K)n rules and representations of wrestling in literature and art, see especially E. N. Gardiner, 
/. H. S., XXV, 1905, pp. 14-31; pp. 263-293, and Pis. XI and XII; id., Greek AM. Sports, Ch. 
XVIII, pp. 372-401 ; cf. Krause, I, pp. 400 f ; Grasberger, Erziehung u. Unterricht, I, pp. 345 f. An 
excellent account of a wrestling match is found in the oldest Greek prose romance, the Atthiopica 
of Heliodoros, X, 31 f.; cf. also the fine account of a bout between Diomedes and Aias in Quintus 
Smyrnaeus: IV, 215 f.; etc. 

2 Grenfell and Hunt, Oxy. Pap., Ill, 466; discussed by Juethner,with part of the text and trans- 
lation, in his edition of the de Arte gymn. of Philostratos, p. 26. On the method of selecting 
antagonists at Olympia, the number engaged, byes, etc., see Gardiner, pp. 374-5. 

3 For coins in the British Museum, see Gardiner, p. 373, fig. 109, a, b, c (from Aspendos, 
of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C), d (from Herakleia in Lucania, of the fourth), e, f (from 
Syracuse, of about 400 B. C.), g (from Alexandria of the time of Antoninus Pius); see also id., 
J. H. S., XXV, p. 271, fig. 9. 

4 See especially, Gardiner, II. cc. 'Described by Lucian, Anach., 24. 

Described by Quintus Smyrnaeus, IV, 215 f. and Nonnos, XXXVII, 553 f.; discussed in /. H. S., 
XXV, pp. 25 f. 

'No. 2159; A. J. A., XI, 1896, p. 11, fig. 9; /. H. S., XXV, p. 270, fig. S; Gardiner, p. 386, fig. 
116; Furtwaengler-Reichhold, Die griech. Vasenmcderei, III, pp. 73 f., and PI. CXXXIII; Ger- 
hard, Trinkschalen und Gefaesse des k. Museums zu Berlin und anderer Sammlungen, 1848-50, 
Pis. XIX, XX; Overbeck, Griech. Kunstmythol., Ill, Apollon, p. 400, n. 1 and PI. XXIV, 2; W. 
Klein, Die griech. Vasen mil Meistersignaturen*, 1886, no. 4; Hoppin, Hbk. Attic r.-f. Vases, I, 
p. 32, PI. on p. 33. 



opponent's leg, which is an illustration of tripping. On a r.-f. kylix 
in the University of Pennsylvania Museum in Philadelphia (Fig. SOa). 1 
we see a body hold preparatory to the heave; here to the right are two 
youths wrestling, and to the left stands a bearded trainer with his rod. 
One wrestler has already lost his balance and is supporting himself 
with both hands on the ground, while the other with his left hand holds 
the other's right arm down, and with his right prepares to throw him 
over his head. 

From vase-paintings, then, we can see what positions the sculptor 
might have used in representing groups of wrestlers. For the posi- 

FIG. 49. Wrestling Scenes. From Obverse of an Amphora, by Andokides. 

Museum of Berlin. 

tions of individual figures of wrestlers, we are guided by several 
statues and small bronzes. The preliminary position (owrcuns) 
seems to be best represented by the bronze statues of wrestling 
boys discovered at Herculaneum in 1754, and now in the Museum of 
Naples (Fig. 5 1). 2 These figures have been variously interpreted as 

'No. 2444; Trans. Univ. Pern. Mus., II, 1906-1907, PI. XXXV, a, and pp. 140 f. (W. N. 
Bates); J. D. Beazley, Attic r.-f. Vases in Amer. Museums, 1918, p. Ill (Lysis, Laches, and 
Lykos group); Gardiner, p. 392, fig. 122. 

^Invent., 5626-5627; B. B., 354; Comparetti e de Per.ra, La Villa Ercolanese dfi Pisoni, 1883, 
PI. XV, 2 and 3; Bulle, 91; Gardiner, p. 378, fig. 110 ( = one statue); von Mach, 289; Reinach, 
Rep., II, 2, 541 ( = one statue); etc. They appear to be boys of about sixteen, and consequently 
may represent contestants in the iraXri waiduv. The statues are 1.18 meters high (Bulle). The 
advanced foot in no. 5626 is wrongly restored. 



runners, 1 diskoboloi, 2 and wrestlers. Their attitude, bent forward 
with outstretched hands, implies the utmost expectancy. If they 
were runners, they would lean further forward; as they are standing, 
they could not begin to run without loss of time in raising the heels of 
the forward feet. If, on the other hand, they represented diskos- 
throwers at the moment just subsequent to the throw, their right 
feet would be advanced and not their left, in order to recover their 
balance, as we have seen above in considering Gardiner's seventh 
position. The position of their arms, however, and the expression 
of their faces make it almost certain that they are wrestlers eagerly 

FIG. 50. Wrestling and Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. 
University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia. 

watching for an opening. The two statues certainly belong together, 
and may have been set up as antagonists in the villa in whose ruins they 
were found. F. Hauser was the first to show that the form of body 
and head in both was the same. 3 While most critics believe that they 
are Hellenistic in origin, Bulle is certainly right in showing that the body 
ideal expressed is Lysippan i. e., long legs and slender trunk even 
if he goes too far in ascribing them to the master himself, basing his 
conclusion chiefly on the similarity of their ears with those of the 
Apoxyomenos (PI. 29). A good illustration of a hand or wrist grip 
is afforded by a small wrestler group, which decorates the rim of a 
bronze bowl from Borsdorf. 4 This is a poorly wrought Etruscan work of 
fifth-century B.C. Greek origin. The two wrestlers have already gripped 

'Kalkmann, Jb., X, 1895, p. 64, n. 49 (dolichodromoi). 

2 C/. Gardiner, p. 382. 

Jb., IV, 1889, pp. 116, n. 8; cf. Benndorf, Jh. oest. arch. Inst., IV, 1901, pp. 172-3 and n. 12. 
Mahler wrongly thought that the heads were different: Polyklet u. s. Schule, p. 18; he assigned 
one to the fifth century B. C., the other to the influence of Praxiteles. Benndorf believed the 
two figures to be copies of one statue, later used to make a group. 

4 Bulle, no. 90; in the Landesmuseum of Darmstadt: see Adamy, Archaeol. Samml. des grossherz. 
Hess. Museums, 1897, p. 21, no. 19. The figures are only 0.075 meter high. 



and their heads are close together, though the lunge in each case is much 
exaggerated. Similar are the two groups on the rim of a bronze bowl 
in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 1 A third-century B. C. Etruscan 
cista in the Metropolitan Museum, 2 has a handle on the lid in the form 
of two nude wrestlers, whose bodies are inclined toward one another, 
their heads in contact, and their arms locked behind their heads. 
Groups of wrestlers in similar attitudes commonly appear as cista han- 
dles. 3 A portion of a bronze group of wrestlers was dredged from the 

FIG. 51. Bronze Statues of Wrestlers. Museum of Naples. 

sea near Kythera and is now in Athens. 4 The heave is represented 
by a metope from the Theseion representing the wrestling bout 
between Theseus and Kerkyon. 5 A later moment is seen in a bronze 
wrestling-group in Paris. 6 The cross-buttocks is illustrated by a small 
Hellenistic bronze group in the collection of James Loeb in Munich, of 

'Bulle, p. 179, fig. 40; Reinach, Rep., IV, 318, 2; for other similar ones, cf. ibid., II, 2, 539, 2 
(cover of a cista from Praeneste), 5 (in the Louvre), 6 (in Vienna = E. von Sacken, Die ant. Bronz. 
d. k. k. Muenz-und Ant.-Cabinetes in Wien, 1871, PI. XLV, 7), and III, 155, 3 (in Forman Col- 
lection, London). 

2 Richter, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes, no. 124 and fig. on p. 79; it is 4.5 inches high. 

3 E. g., Walters, B. M. Bronzes, no. 639; Mon. d. I., X, 1877, PI. XLV, 1 a.; Babelon et Blan- 
chet, Cat. des bronzes antiques de la Bibl. Nationale, 1895, no. 935. 

^HavaOrjvaia, II, Plates. 

s Gardiner, p. 395, fig. 126; /. H. S., XXV, p. 286, fig. 23; Gardner, Hbk., p. 328, fig. 81. 

"Gardiner, p. 396, fig. 127; Clarac, 802, 2014. 


which five other copies are known. 1 Here two athletes, one bearded 
and the other beardless, are just ending the bout. The youth is in the 
power of the man, who stands behind him and presses him down by 
holding his arms backward. All the other replicas differ from the Loeb 
example in that the victor has both legs and not one in front of the right 
leg of the vanquished wrestler. A good illustration of tripping is seen 
in another related series of groups known to us in five bronze copies. 
These represent a wrestler on the ground supporting himself on his 
left arm, while over him stands the victor, whose left foot is twisted 
around the other's right. These groups are, like the preceding, also 
Roman provincial copies of a Hellenistic original. 2 The two groups 
are very similar, the only real difference being that the vanquished 
wrestler in the second series still has his left arm free and holds him- 
self up on his right knee. Both series seem to have been influenced 
by the marble pancratiast group in the Uffizi (PL 25). 3 The head of 
an athlete in the Museo delle Terme, Rome, 4 shows by its strongly 
projecting neck that it comes from the statue either of a runner ready 
to start or of a wrestler about to grip his adversary. The face is fourth- 
century B.C. Attic in character and the head may, therefore, come from 
Euphranor's circle. Pliny speaks of a panting wrestler (luctator anhe- 
lans) by the statuary Naukeros, which must have exhibited the con- 
testant in intense movement. 5 It might have represented him after 
victory, as in the painting of Parrhasios discussed above, which 
pictured a hoplitodrome after the race, breathing hard. 6 Pliny also 
mentions a painting of a wrestler by Antidotes without describing it. 7 
As we have already remarked, doubtless some of the apoxyomenoi 
and perixyomenoi mentioned by Pliny were also wrestlers. 

Whether wrestling-groups were set up at Olympia is doubtful. Char- 
iot-groups were indeed common, but there is no reason why the 

*J. Sieveking, Die Bronzen der Samml. Loeb, 1913, pp. 52-4 and PI. XXI; it is 0.165 meter high. 
Others there listed include one in the British Museum: /. H. S., XXV, 1905, PI. XI, b (front 
and back), and text on p. 288; Gardiner p. 398, fig. 129; another from Vienne in Bonn; two in 
Paris, in the de Clercq and Warrocque collections respectively; and a fifth, whose location is 
unknown. All are of rough Roman workmanship, either of the second or first centuries B. C. 

2 See Petersen in R. M., XV, 1900, pp. 158 f.; Klein, III, pp. 309 f.; Sieveking, op. cit., p. 53, n. 1. 
The copies are in Florence (Galleria di Firenze, III, PI. 123, 2; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 538, 5); in St. 
Petersburg (Comptes rendus de la comm. imper. archeol., St. Petersburg, 1867, PI. I, pp. 5 f., text 
by Stephani; /. H. S., XXV, 1905, p. 290, fig. 25; Gardiner, p. 399, fig. 130; Reinach, Rep., II, 
2, 538, 1 and 3) ; in Constantinople, from Antioch (Jb., XIII, 1898, PI. XI and pp. 177 f., Foerster; 
Rev. arch., XXXV, 1899, PI. XVIII, pp. 207 f., Joubin; /. H. S., 1905, p. 291, fig. 26; Gardiner, 
p. 400, fig. 131); in the Louvre, from Egypt (no. 361; Jb., XVI, 1901, fig. on p. 51; Reinach, 
Rep., II, i, 234, 2); and in the British Museum (B. M. Bronzes, 853 and PI. XXVII, middle one 
below). In the St. Petersburg copy the arms of the victor are changed around. 

'Duetschke, III, 547; Bulle, 184; von Mach, 288; F. W., 1426; Reinach, Rep., I, 523, 1. 

4 Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 1382 ( = Attic); Jb., XXV, 1910, PI. VII, and pp. 171 f. (Bieber = Euphra- 
nor); cf. R. M.,Vl, 1891, p. 304, n. 2 (Petersen = Skopaic) ; Furtw., Mw., p.515,n. 4( = Skopaic). 

*H. N., XXXIV, 80. 

#. N., XXXV, 71;soReisch, p. 45, n. 5. See supra, p. 206. 

7 #. N., XXXV, 130. It was probably votive in character. 


victorious wrestler should have had himself coupled with his defeated 
opponent. Pausanias, moreover, mentions no such groups. We are 
therefore safe in inferring that in most, if not in all, cases the wrestler 
would content himself with a single statue, and this might represent 
him in any position in which he was not actually interlocked with his 
adversary. That such statues represented him both in repose and in 
motion is attested by recovered bases. The footprints on the base of the 
statue of the Elean wrestler Paianios, a victor of the early third century 
B. C., 1 shows us that he was represented as standing in repose, the weight 
of the body resting on the right leg, the left being drawn back and touch- 
ing the ground with the toes only. A hole in the base may have been 
for a spear on which the victor's hand rested, though the statue is not 
that of a pentathlete. The perfectly preserved footprints on the base 
of the statue of the boy wrestler Xenokles by Polykleitos the Younger 
show that he was represented as standing with his weight on the right 
leg, the left being slightly advanced and to one side, though resting 
flat on the ground. The head was probably turned a little to the right. 
Thus the wrestler was poised ready to grip his adversary. 2 This statue 
must have been a favorite among athlete monuments, since the same 
motive appears in various Roman copies, which Furtwaengler assigns 
to the immediate circle of the pupils of Polykleitos. The statue of 
the Argive wrestler Cheimon by Naukydes may have represented him 
in motion, since Pausanias, in mentioning two statues of the victor, 
one in Olympia and the other in the temple of Concord at Rome, says 
that they were among the most famous works of that sculptor. From 
this encomium Reisch has assumed that the one at Olympia was 
represented in lively motion. 3 


Boxing, like wrestling, was one of the oldest sports in Greece, as it 
has been everywhere else. The fist is the simplest and most natural 
of all weapons. 4 Boxing was popular already in Homer, matches being 
described both in the Iliad and the Odyssey. 5 Homer speaks of it as 
aXe7eii>i7, 6 and this "painful" character is also mentioned by 

K)!. 141 ( = 216 B.C.): P., VI, 16.9; Hyde, 167; Foerster, 471; Inschr. v. 01, 179. 

"^Inschr. v. 01., 164; drawing of the base also in Furtw., Mp., p. 279, fig. 118; Mw., p. 491, fig. 85. 
The inscription dates from the end of the fifth or beginning of the fourth century B. C., which 
shows that the statue was the work of the younger Polykleitos. Xenokles won sometime 
between Ols. (?) 94 and 100 ( = 404 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85 and p. 41; Foerster, 308. 

3 Pp. 45-6; he won in Ol. 83 ( = 448 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; P.,. VI, 9.3; Hyde, 88; Foerster, 285. 

4 C/. Lucretius, V, 1282: arma antiqua manus ungues dentesque fuerunt; Hor., Sat., I, 3.101; etc. 

B Between Epeios and Euryalos, II., XXIII, 653 f.; Odysseus and Iros, Od., XVIII, 1 f.; cf. 
the match between Entellus and Dares in Virgil, Aen., V, 362 f. ; Polydeukes and Amykos in 
Theokr., XXII, 80 f.; and in Apollon. Rhod., Argon., II, 67 f. For the Homeric and Virgilian 
matches, see Fencing, Boxing, and Wrestling, 1889 (Badminton Library), pp. 125 f. 

6 I1., XXIII, 653; he uses the same epithet of wrestling, ibid., 701, and Od., VIII, 126. Eustath. 
ad II., XXIII, p. 1322, speaks of the irvKTrjs r\ria'nrovo'5. 

BOXERS. 235 

Xenophanes. 1 However, boxing was far older than epic poetry. We have 
already seen that it was the only form of real athletics in Aegean Crete. 
One of the oldest representations of a boxing match is seen on the frag- 
ments of a bronze shield discovered there in the grotto of Zeus on 
Mount Ida. Here on a single concentric ring are seen two warriors, 
armed like Assyrians with corslets, shields, and helmets, fighting with 
doubled fists. 2 The high antiquity of boxing in Greece is also shown 
by myths. 3 At Olympia Apollo is said to have beaten Ares, 4 and Poly- 
deukes won a victory there. 5 Apollo appears as the god of boxing in the 
Iliad, 6 and the Delphians sacrificed to Apollo HvKTrjs. 7 Herakles, 
Polydeukes, Tydeus, and Theseus were all famed boxers; the latter 
was said to have invented the art. 8 The historical boxing match 
was introduced at Olympia in Ol. 23 ( = 688 B. C.), and Onomastos of 
Smyrna, the first victor, instituted the rules of the contest. 9 The 
boys' contest was instituted in Ol. 41 ( = 616 B. C.) . 10 It was by far the 
most popular contest there. Of the 192 monuments erected to 187 
victors mentioned by Pausanias, 56, or nearly one-third, were erected 
to men and boy boxers for 63 victories. 

Greek boxing 11 is conveniently divided into two periods by the kind 
of glove used in the matches. From Homer down to the end of the 
fifth century B. C., soft gloves (i/zaires, i/zcu>res \ewTol or jueiXtxcu) were 
used; from then to late Roman days the heavy gloves (cr<cupcu or i^avres 
6eis) were the fashion. The weighted Roman cestus was not used 
in the Greek contest. Before discussing representations of boxers 
in art, we shall devote a few words to these two kinds of boxing-gloves, 
which frequently give us the date of a given monument. 12 The Cretans 
are thought to have worn boxing-gloves, as they seem to be visible 
on the so-called Boxer Vase from Hagia Triada (Fig. 1). Here, on the 
top and lower two rows, a leather gauntlet appears to cover the arm to 
beyond the elbow, being padded over the fist and confined at the wrist 
by a strap. Mosso derives the later Greek glove, which appears on 
athlete statues, from this primitive thong. 13 In any case the antiquity 

&\yiv6ea<ra: frag. 19, 1. 4 ( = Philos. Fragm., ed. Didot, I, p. 104 =Athen., X, 6, p. 
414a). Apollon. Rhod. calls it as tuirrivka trvy^axiriv, II, 76-7. The parts injured were 
especially the nose, ears, cheeks, chin, and teeth; cf. Krause, p. 516 and n. 18. 

2 SeeOrsi, Museo ltd. di antich. class., II, PI. V, p. 808; cf. Juethner, pp. 65-6, and Frothingham, 
A. J. A., IV, 1888, p. 444. 

3 See Krause, pp. 497 f. Ph., 9, says that it was an invention of the Spartans and was first used 
among the Bebrykes. 

4 P., V, 7.10; cf. Plut., Quaest. conviv., VIII, 4.4 (which speaks of victories of Apollo in boxing). 

6 P., V, 8.4. "XXIII, 660. 7 Plut., /. c. 

8 The schol. on Pindar, Nem., V, 89, Boeckh, p. 465, says that Theseus instituted the art of boxing. 

P., V, 8. 7; Afr., s. v. Onomastos; Ph., 12; Homeric Hymn to Apollo, 149; cf. Foerster, 28. The 
date is also given by Ph., /. c. 10 P., V. 8. 9; Ph., 13. 

"See K. T. Frost,/. H. S., XXVI, 1906, pp. 213f ; Gardiner, Ch. XIX, pp. 402 f.; Krause, pp. 497 f. 

12 See Krause, I, pp. 502 f.; Juethner, pp. 65 f.; Gardiner, pp. 403 f. 

13 Mosso, The Palaces of Crete, 1907, p. 339, and fig. 160 on p. 341. Orsi, /. c., believes the 
object over the fists in the bronze shield fragment from Mount Ida to be part of a glove, though 
Juethner rejects this view, interpreting it merely as an ornament. 


of the glove in Greece is attested by its origin being ascribed to the 
myth of Amykos, king of the Bebrykes. 1 Gloves were already known to 
Homer, who speaks of "well-cut thongs of ox-hide." 2 They are not 
mentioned in any detail before the time of Pausanias and Philostratos, 
so that we are mostly dependent for our knowledge of them on the 
monuments. The simplest form consisted of long, thin ox-hide thongs, 
which were wound round the hands, the soft gloves (1/jLavres juaXa- 
Kcorepot or jueiXt'xeu) of later writers. 3 They were used, not to deaden 
the blow, but to increase its force. Vase-paintings show that the thongs 
were about 10 or 12 feet long before being wound. 4 On the exterior 
of a r.-f. kylix from Vulci by Douris, in the British Museum, showing 
chiefly boxing scenes, we see two youths standing before a paidotribes 
preparing to put on the thongs (Fig. 54) . 5 One of them is holding the 
unwound thong in his outstretched hands. A similar figure appears 
on the r.-f. vase in Philadelphia already discussed (Fig. 50b), which 
represents a palaestra scene. 6 This scene has been wrongly interpreted 
as an illustration of the game of o-Ko/TrepSTj described by Pollux 7 as a 
sort of tug-of-war, the unwound thong being explained as the rope used 
in this game, 8 and the hurling-sticks stuck in the ground at either end 
as goals instead of akontia. A wound thong is seen hanging on the wall 
to the left. Philostratos describes how the boxing thongs were put on, 9 
and vase-paintings illustrate the method. 10 The bext example of the 
thongs on statuary is afforded by the bronze arm found in the sea off 
Antikythera (Cerigotto) (Fig. 52), which Svoronos 11 believes to be a rem- 
nant of the statue of the Nemean victor Kreugas of Epidamnos, which 

iSchol. on Plato, de Leg., VIII, 796 A; Clem. Alexandr., Strom., 1, 16.76. 

2 ljuaTas ivrnr/Tovs /3oos d-xpauAoto: II., XXIII, 684. In the Odyssey Iros and Odysseus fight with 
bare fists. 

*E. g., P., VI, 23.4 and VIII, 40. 3 ; Apoll. Rhod., Argon., II, 52-53 ; cf. Plato, de Leg., VIII, 830 B. 

*E. g., on a r.-f. kylix in the British Museum: B. M. Vases, E 63, and PI. Ill; Juethner, p. 68, 
fig. 54; Gardiner, p. 403, fig. 132; it represents boxers with bundles of thongs in their hands 
standing before an official. 

*B. M. Fases, E 39; /. H. S., XXVI, PI. XII; Gardiner, p. 404, fig. 133 ; Juethner, p. 66, fig. 53 ; 
Hoppin, Hbk. Attic r.-f. Fases, p. 237, PI. On the interior of another a youth is seen, thongs in 
hand, standing before an altar: Murray, Designs from Gk. Fases in the British Museum, PI. VI, 24. 

6 Museum no. 2444; Trans. Univ. Penn. Mus., II, 1906-1907, PI. XXXV, b, and p. 142 (text by 
W. N. Bates). 

7 IX, 116. A similar game is mentioned by Plato, Theaet., XXVII ( = 181 A). On both games, see 
Krause, pp. 323 f. 

8 Juethner, pp. 69 f., rightly explains such objects as boxing thongs. 

Ch. 10; r/. P., VIII, 40.3. 

10 E. g., on the kylix just mentioned, E 39; on a r.-f. amphora in Munich (Jahn, no. 411B) : Hart- 
wig, Die griech. Meisterschalen, p. 410, fig. 55; on the interior of a r.-f. kylix in Munich, no. 1156: 
Juethner, p. 70, fig. 56; and on the interior of the r.-f. kylix in the British Museum to be discussed, 
E 78 ( = Fig. 55): Murray, Designs from Gr. Fases in the B. M., PI. XIV, 55; Juethner, p. 72, 
fig. 58; Gardiner, p. 406, fig. 134; on a r.-f. amphora in the Hofmuseum in Vienna by Epiktetos we 
see (figure at the left) a boxer who is just finishing tying the thongs on his left hand and wrist: 
Dar-Sagl., IV, i, p. 755, fig. 5854; Schneider, Arch.-epigr. Mitt, aus Oesterr.,V, 1881, pp. 139 f., 
and PL IV; Hoppin, Hbk. Attic r.-f. Fases, p. 334, no. 25, and PI. on p. 335. 

"Tafelbd., PI. V, no. 4; Textbd., p. 35. 



stood in the temple of Apollo Lykios in Argos. 1 Pausanias says that 
Kreugas was crowned notwithstanding that he was killed by his adver- 
sary Damoxenos, and his description of the soft glove corresponds so 
closely with the one on the recovered arm that it seems as if it had been 
written in the presence of the statue : "In those days boxers did not yet 
wear the sharp thong (l/xas 6us) on each wrist, but boxed with the soft 
straps (jueiAt'xcus), which they fastened under the hollow of the hand in 
order that the fingers might be left bare; these soft straps were thin 
thongs (tjuaj/res XeTrrof) of raw cowhide, plaited together in an ancient 
fashion." 2 The strap allowed the ends of the fingers to project, and was 
held together by a cord wound around the forearm, just as Philostratos 

FIG. 52. Bronze Arm of Statue of a Boxer, found in the Sea off 
Antikythera. National Museum, Athens. 

says. These jiictXi'xat were used at the great games through the fifth 
century B. C., and were continued in the palaestra in the fourth. Early 
in the latter century the a<cupcu mentioned by Plato 3 and other writers 
appeared. We see them on Panathenaic vases of that century and on 
Etruscan cistae of the following one. 4 About the same time the regu- 
lar Ijucu/res 6cts came in, 5 but the old jueiXtxcu r something similar 
were still used in the exercises of the palaestra. 6 

Our best illustration of these more formidable gloves on statuary is 
the gauntlet clearly represented on the forearms of the Seated Boxer 

'P., VIII, 40.5; cf. II, 20. 1. 

2 VIII, 40.3. Cf. the statues of Damoxenos and Kreugas by Canova in the Gabinetto di Canova 
of the Vatican, to see in how exaggerated a way a modern sculptor has interpreted the boxing 
bout of these famous athletes: Helbig, Fuehrer, I, nos. 136, 137; Guide, 139, 140; Pistolesi, // 
Vaticano Descritto, IV, 91. 

3 Df Leg, VIII, 830 B; Plut., de Profectibus in virtute, IX (80 B); Pollux, III, 150; Bekker, 
Anted, gr., 1814-1821, 1, p. 62, 1. 25. 

*E. g>, on an amphora in the British Museum: B. M. Pases, B 607; Mon. d. I., X, 1874-78, 
PI. XLVIII, e 2; Gardiner, p. 407, fig. 135; Juethner, p. 83, fig. 67; on the Ficoroni Cista in the 
Museo Kircheriano, Rome: Helbig, Fuehrer, II, \7S2;Guide, 437; Juethner, p. 82, fig. 66, a, c. On 
this cista, see F. Behn, Die ficoronische Cista, Arch. Studie, 1907; O. Jahn, Die ficoronische Cista, 
1852; etc. 

6 Late writers generally use the terms <r<paipeu and l^avrts 6e interchangeably. 

*E. g., iwlffipaipa in Plut., Praecept. ger. resp., 32 ( = 825 e). 



of the Museo delle Terme (Fig. 53). Here a close-fitting glove covers 
each forearm, leaving the upper joints of the fingers free and the palm 
open. It extends to above the wrist and ends in a rim of fur. Over it 
are drawn three thick bands of leather, which cover the first joints of 
the fingers and are fastened together on the outside of the hands with 
metal clasps. A soft pad keeps these bands from chafing the fingers. 
They are kept in place and the wrists are strengthened by two narrow 

FIG. 53. Forearm with Glove. From the Statue of 
the Seated Boxer (PI. 16). Museo delle Terme, 

straps which are interlaced several times around hand and wrist. 
Similar gloves appear on the Sorrento boxer in Naples (Fig. 57), 1 on the 
bronze forearm of a statue from Herculaneum in Naples, 2 on a left fist 
found in 1887 in the arena at Verona, 3 and on many other statues and 
fragments. The last representation in art of this sort of glove appears 
on the Roman relief in the Lateran, which dates from the time of 
Trajan, and represents a fight between two pugilists. 4 The metal 

^Juethner, p. 78, fig. 63; Gardiner, p. 409, fig. 137. For this and the delle Terme glove, see 
Huelsen, R. M., IV, 1889, pp. 175 f. 

2 Juethner, p. 79, fig. 64; Antichi di Ercolano, Bronzi, II, pp. 411 f. 
3 In the Museo Civico there; mentioned by Juethner, p. 78. 
4 Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 1145; Guide, 625; Baum., I, p. 524, fig. 566; Juethner, p. 85, fig. 68. 

BOXERS. 239 

cestus was a Roman invention. None of the late Greek Writers 
neither Plutarch, nor Pausanias, nor Philostratos makes any men- 
tion of this loaded glove. The "sharp thongs" were enough to cause 
all the injuries mentioned by the writers of the Greek Anthology}- 
The cestus, perhaps used in the later gladiatorial shows in Greece, 
but never in the great games there, gave the death blow to real 
boxing. Virgil describes it and the vicious results of its use. 2 

There are fewer representations of boxing matches on vases than of 
almost any other Greek sport, despite its great popularity. Gardiner 
has collected a number of vase-paintings dating from the sixth to the 
fourth centuries B.C., which illustrate the different positions assumed 
by boxers in action attack, slipping, ducking, and leg and arm move- 
ments. We reproduce two from r.-f. kylikes in the British Museum. In 
one by Douris (Fig. 54) 3 we have, besides the group already mentioned 
of two athletes preparing to put on thongs, three pairs of boxers engaged 
in a bout. In two groups one of the contestants is seen from behind; in 
all three the boxers extend their left arms for guarding and draw the 
right back for hitting the fists being level with the shoulders. In one 
group we see the beginning of the fight, in the other two the middle, 
perhaps, and the end of it, respectively. In the last scene one con- 
testant has fallen to the ground on his knee, and his conqueror has 
swung his right hand far back for a final blow, only to be stopped by 
the other, who raises his finger in token of defeat. On the other vase 
we see, besides a scene from the pankration, two pairs of boxers 
sparring (Fig. 55). 4 Here in one group the contestants do not have 
their fists doubled, but keep their fingers opened. On an Attic b.-f. 
Panathenaic panel-amphora in the University Museum in Philadel- 
phia (Fig. 56), 5 we see bearded boxers sparring, while a boxer with 
thongs in his right hand stands to the right, and a trainer with his rod 
at the left. Statues of victorious boxers at Olympia were represented 
either in motion, i. e., probably in the position of sparring, or in repose, 
like that of the boy boxer Kyniskos by the elder Polykleitos discussed in 
the preceding chapter. The same foot position visible on the Kyniskos 
base 6 occurs on two other Olympia bases, which, therefore, must have 

^The word /xftpjuqices, A. G., XI, 78, may be merely a comic name for the gloves certain pro- 
tuberances ("metal studs" or "nails" = Liddell and Scott, s.v.) looking like warts (jj.vpfii]Klai);cf. 
Pollux, III, ISO. 

*Aen., V, 404-5; 468-71. 3 B. M. Vases, E 39; /. H. S., XXVI, 1906, PI. XII. 

*B. M. f^ases, E 78; /. H. S., XXVI, PI. XIII; Gardiner, p. 436, fig. 151. 

*Mus. Journ., VI, no. 4 (Dec., 1915), p. 169, fig. 89; text by Dr. S. B. Luce, who believes this 
class of vases to be a prototype of the "Nolan" vases; another "Nolan" amphora is given, ibid., 
fig. 90 (also published in A. J. A., XX, 1916, p. 440, fig. 4), which shows a diskobolos, who is 
holding a diskos in a way similar to that on a r.-f. kelebe in the British Museum (B. M. Vases, 
B 361; Gardiner, p. 324, fig. 77). On the division of Attic b.-f. amphorae into "panel-amphorae" 
and "red-bodied amphorae," see H. B. Walters, Hist. Anc. Pottery, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman, 
1905, I, pp. 160-62. 

Inschr. v. 01, 149. 



supported Polykleitan statues represented in repose. One of these, in 
the form of an astragalos, will be discussed further on in our treatment 
of pancratiast statues; the other supported the statue of the boy boxer 
Hellanikos of Lepreon, who won a victory in Ol. 89 ( = 424 B. C.). 1 In 

FIG. 54. Boxing Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix by Douris. 
Museum, London. 


this case the statue was also life-size, the left foot was firmly placed, and 
the right was set back resting on the ball, the stride being a little longer 
than in the case of the Kyniskos. Three other Olympia bases supported 
statues of boxers represented in repose, those of the boy Tellon from 
the Arkadian town Oresthasion, 2 of the Epidaurian Aristion by the 

l lnschr. v. 01. , 155 (renewed); the date of the victory is given by P., VI, 7.8; Hyde, 65; Foer- 
ster, 263. 

*Inschr. v. 01., 147, 148. The statue stood equally on both feet, the left being slightly advanced. 
He won in 01. 77 ( = 472 B. C.) : Oxy. Pap.; P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237. 



elder Polykleitos, 1 and of the Rhodian Eukles by Naukydes of the 
Polykleitan circle. 2 Furtwaengler believed that a number of existing 
statues of the Hermes type reproduced the statue of Aristion, because of 
a similar foot position. Among them the Pentelic marble one in 

FIG. 55. Boxing and Pankration Scenes. From a r.-f. Kylix. British 

Museum, London. 

Lansdowne House, London, is the best preserved, and most faith- 
fully reproduces the Polykleitan style. 3 

l lnschr. v. 01., 165 (renewed); base drawn in outline in Furtw., Mp., p. 288, fig. 123; Mw., 
p. 503, fig. 90. He won in 01. 82 ( = 452 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376. 
Here the body weight rested upon the left foot, the right being flat on the ground and turned to 
one side, i. e., in the old scheme of Hagela'idas and his school. 

2 Inschr. v. 01., 159 (renewed); /. G. B., 86. This statue was in the same attitude as that of 
Aristion and was slightly over life-size. He won some time between Ols. (?) 90 and 93 ( = 420 
and 408 B. C.): P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297. 

2 Michaelis, p. 446, no. 35; Clarac V, 946, 2436 A (wrongly = Antinous). See Furtw., Mp., 
pp. 288 f. (and fig. 124); Mw., pp. 503 f. (and fig. 91). Height 1.75 meters (Michaelis). 



We may infer how a Polykleitan statue of a boxer at rest looked, from 
the Roman copy of one in Kassel. 1 Here a youth just out of boyhood is 
represented as standing with the weight of the body resting upon the right 
leg and the head turned to the right. The forearms are covered with 
gloves, the right fist being raised for attack and the left for defense. 
Another marble statue, representing a 
boxer in repose, was found in a fragment- 
ary condition in Sorrento in 1888, and is 
now in the National Museum at Naples 
(Fig. 57). 2 It is inscribed as the work of 
Koblanosof AphrodisiasinKaria,whom 
we know as a copyist of the first century 

FIG. 56. Boxing Scene. From a 
b.-f. Panathenaic Panel-Amphora. 
University of Pennsylvania Mu- 
seum, Philadelphia. 

FIG. 57. Statue of a Boxer, 
from Sorrento. By Koblanos 
of Aphrodisias. Museum of 

A. D., and who was active in reproducing Greek works for the Roman 
market. 3 The body forms are too badly injured for us accurately to 

1 Furtw. > Mp., p. 246, fig. 99; Mw., p. 447, fig. 69; a headless copy in Lansdowne House: 
Michaelis, p. 438, 3; Clarac, V, 851, 2180 A. Here the present head is of different marble from 
the torso and does not belong to it; the body forms recall those of the Doryphoros. It is 1.49 
meters high. 

Wot. Scav., 1888, pp. 289 f. (Barracco); Atti dell' Accad. di Napoli, 1889, pp. 35 f. (Sogliano); 
R. M., IV, 1889, pp. 179 f. (Huelsen); Kalkmann, Die Proport. d. Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst, 
53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., 1893, PI. Ill (profile and front views), and fig. on p. 68 (head); 

B. B., no. 614 (statue), 615 (head, two views); Juethner, p. 84; etc. 

3 Furtwaengler (Statuenkopien im Altertum) and Sogliano (/. c.) date the statue in the period of 

BOXERS. 243 

date the original from which this copy was made, but the head gives us 
the clue, as its style appears to be a connecting link between that of 
the seated statue of Herakles, in the Palazzo Altemps in Rome 1 and 
the Munich Oil-pour er (PI. II), 2 as it shows affinity to both. Though 
Sogliano referred it to the school of Lysippos and Juethner to the 
beginning of the fourth century B. C., it shows indubitable Myronian 
characteristics and may have been the work of Myron's pupil Lykios, 
who is known to us as an athlete sculptor. 3 In this statue the youth 
is resting his weight on his right leg, the left, with full sole on the 
ground, being turned to one side. The left forearm is extended out- 
wards and to the side, the head leaning toward the right leg in other 
words, the athlete is represented in an attitude similar to that of the 
Idolino (PI. 14). As there is an olive crown in the hair, it seems reason- 
able to conclude that the original statue was that of an Olympic victor. 
By the beginning of the fifth century B.C., if not earlier, boxers were 
represented in violent motion, as we saw in the case of the statue of the 
boy boxer Glaukos, by the Aeginetan sculptor Glaukias, 4 represented in 
the act of sparring (<majuax<''). Whether he was represented as facing 
an imaginary antagonist or as merely punching a bag we can not say, 
though the latter seems the more probable. The motive is depicted in 
many art works, notably in the figure of a youth punching a bag which 
hangs from a tree on the Ficoroni cista in the Museo Kircheriano, Rome, 5 
and in that of another represented on the so-called Peter cista in the 
Museo Gregoriano Etrusco of the Vatican, whose engraved scenes show 
exercises of the palaestra. 6 The same motive is seen also in a statuette 
in the Museo Chiaramonti of the Vatican, which is proved to be that 
of a boy boxer by the glove on the right hand. 7 Here the boy is rep- 
resented with the right foot far advanced and rising on the toes 
of both feet, the right shoulder being drawn back, the right forearm 
raised, and the left extended forwards. The marble torso of a copy 
of the same original on a large scale is in Berlin. 8 While Amelung 

'B. B., no. 613; Kalkmann, Die Prop, des Gesichts, Pis. I (statue) and II (head, two views). 

2 B. B., nos. 132, 134-5; F. W., 462. 

3 P1., H. N., XXXIV, 50 and 79. For this view, see text to B. B., no. 614. Furtwaengler had 
suggested Lykios as the sculptor of the Oil-pourer: Mp., p. 259. 

4 Though winning in Ol. 65 ( = 520 B. C.), his statue was set up later by his son: P., VI, 10.1-3; 
Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster, 137. The word <r/cia^ax*t' (lit. "to fight in the shade," and hence 
to practice in the gymnasium) is used synonymously with xtipovo^elv in the sense "to spar:" Plato, 
df Leg., VIII, 830 C; P., VI, 10. 3; Pollux, III, 150; etc. Cf. Paul's phrase in / Corinthians, 9, 26. 
A derived meaning is "to fight with a shadow": e. g., Plato, Apol., 18 D; etc. DioChrysostom, Or., 
XXXII (367 M), speaks of xtipovoiMvvrts as gymnasium practisers. See Krause, pp. 510 f. 

6 Theca>pl>Kojwas such a bag used by athletes :cf. the proverb, TrpfaK<j}pwovyvnva$ta6ai, "to labor 
in vain": Diog., 7, 54. The Ficoroni cista has been mentioned supra, p. 237, n. 4. The descrip- 
tion and use of the bag are given by Ph., 57. 6 Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 704; Guide, II, 207. 

T Amelung, Vat., 1, 372 B, pp. 554-5 and PI. LVIII; Clarac, 883, 2256. It is 0.535 meter high. 

*Btschr., no. 469; Overbeck, Griech. Kunstmyth., Ill, Apollon, pp. 218 f. and fig. 14 (restored), 
interpreted the torso as that of an Apollo; but the Phrygian coin there pictured (Muenztafel.IV, 
3 1), of the time of Lucius Verus, may merely show that the motive later was transferred to the god. 


believes that the original of both statuette and torso was a bronze 
of the second half of the fourth century B.C.,Furtwaengler thought that 
the torso went back to the severe style of the fifth century, and that 
this original once stood in Olympia, where it might have served as the 
inspiration for a carelessly worked bronze statuette of a boxer found 
there, which repeats the motive of the torso and similarly belongs to 
the fifth century B.C. (Fig. 2). 1 The Olympia statuette also has the 
right foot advanced, the upper part of the body leans backward, and 
the left arm with open palm is outstretched for defense, while the 
right with balled fist is held up ready to strike. It certainly is a votive 
offering of an Olympic victor doubtless one of the small reductions, 
which were not uncommonly erected for economy's sake. 2 Whether 
the Aeginetan Glaukias also made victor statues in repose is doubtful. 

Waldstein, on insufficient grounds, has argued that the so-called 
Strangford Apollo in the British Museum (Fig. 14) 3 is a copy of the 
statue at Olympia of the famous Thasian boxer and pancratiast 
Theagenes by Glaukias. Its close observation of nature finds its 
analogy in the statues of the Aeginetan pediment groups (see Figs. 20, 
21). The statue of the boy boxer Athenaios of Ephesos, by an un- 
known sculptor, was represented as lunging at his adversary, as we see 
from the footmarks on the recovered base. The left foot was advanced 
and turned outwards, while the right one touched the ground only with 
the toes. 4 Similarly the statue of the boxer Damoxenidas by Niko- 
damos of Arkadia was represented as about to strike. On its recovered 
base the left foot stood solidly upon the ground, while the right foot 
was drawn back and touched the ground only with the toes if we 
judge rightly from the size of the missing part of the stone. 5 The 
statue of the Ionian boxer Epitherses by Pythokritos of Rhodes seems 
to have had but one foot flat upon the ground, and consequently must 
have been represented in motion, though we are not sure of the posi- 
tion of the other, since one stone of the base is missing. 6 

The bronze plate from the base of the statue of the boy boxer 
Philippos, an Azanian of Pellene, was found at Olympia and has been 
referred to the end of the fourth or beginning of the third century B. C. 7 

l Bronzen v. 01., Textbd., pp. 21-2; Tafelbd., PI. VIII, no. 57. It is only 0.112 meter high. 

*E. g., Bronzen v. 01., PI. VIII, nos. 51-54 (statuettes); PI. VI, nos. 59 and 63 (arm and right 
lower leg respectively); cf. Reisch, p. 39. 

3 J. H. S., I, 1880, p. 199. See B. B., no. 51; F. W., 89; etc. Theagenes won in Ols. 75, 76 
( = 480, 476 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; P., VI, 11.2 f.; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196. 

'Inschr. v. 01., 168. He won some time between Ols. ( ?) 99 and 103 ( = 384 and 368 B. C.) : P., 
VI, 4.1; Hyde, 36; Foerster, 419. 

5 Inschr. v. 01., 158; /. G. B., 98; he won some time between Ols. (?) 95 and 100 ( = 400 and 380 
B.C.): P., VI, 6.3; Hyde, 54; Foerster, 319. 

K Inschr.v. 01., 186;I.G.B., 176. He won two victories in boxing sometime between Ols. (?) 144 
and 147 ( = 204 and 192, B. C.): P., VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147; Foerster, 510, 512 (who dates the artist 
toward the middle of the second century B. C.; but I have followed the earlier dating of Hiller von 
Gaertringen, Woch. f. kl. Philol., X, 1893, p. 856, which date has been accepted by Dittenberger). 

>Inschr. v. 01., 174. 



However, since Pausanias says that Myron made the statue, 1 various 
attempts have been made to reconcile the discrepancy in dates. Our 
own solution is that the statue seen by Pausanias did not represent 
Philippos at all, but some earlier unnamed Arkadian boxer, who was 
contemporary with Myron. 2 Years later the Azanian boy Philippos 
won a victory at Olympia and at- 
tached the recovered epigram to the 
old base, in which he implored Zeus 
to let the ancient glory of Arkadia 
be revived in him, and also a newer 
one in which he said that he had re- 
stored the statue of Myron. 3 Pausa- 
nias saw the newer one, but omitted 
to mention the older, which was prob- 
ably illegible from weathering. He 
therefore thought that the original 
Myronian statue used by Philippos 
represented the latter victor. 4 The 
words on the affixed plate beginning 
co5 (TTCLS 6 TleXacryos en' 'AX^eiw 7ro/ca 
TTVKTO.S K. T. A., may refer to the posi- 
tion of the boxer rather than to a 
portrait of the victor. 5 We have 
long ago hazarded the suggestion 6 
that the so-called Pollux of the 
Louvre (Fig. 58), 7 whose body forms 
recall the Marsyas and whose head 
recalls the Diskobolos, may go back 
to the statue of the unnamed Arka- 
dian by Myron. 8 But the uncer- 
tainty which we have found in a 
former section 9 in assigning this and 
kindred works to Myron or to Py- 
thagoras leaves it only a suggestion. 

FIG. 58. Statue known as Pollux. 
Louvre, Paris. 


2 See Hyde, de olymp. Stat., pp. 39-41. There 
01. 80 or 84 ( = 460 or 444 B. C.) has been sug- 
gested for the original victory. 

"Philippos won some time between Ols. (?) 119 and 125 ( = 304 and 280 B. C.): Hyde, 79 a. 

4 Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 575, in discussing my solution of the difficulty, call it "sinnreich, aber 
dock ungemein kompliziert," and the assumption that a victor would use an older statue of a fellow 
countryman to celebrate his own victory "sehr bedenklich" 

6 Cf. Dittenberger, Inschr. v. 01., p. 296. 

*0p. cit., p. 41. See also supra, p. 188. 

Won. d. I., X, 1874-78, PL II (head, two views); Annali, XLVI, 1874, PL L and pp. 51 f. 
(Brizio); Photo. Giraudon, no. 1207. 

8 Furtwaengler sees in this statue a work by Pythagoras: Mp., p. 171 f.; Mw., pp. 345 f.; Brizio, 
/. c., ascribes it to Hagelaidas. 9 Supra, pp. 180-1. 



The pankration (irayKpaTiovY was a combination of boxing and wrest- 
ling, in which the contestants fought either standing, or prone on the 
ground. While the wrestler merely tried to throw his opponent in a 
series of bouts, the pancratiast continued the fight on the ground until 
one or the other acknowledged defeat. The etymology of the word 
shows that it was a contest in which every power of the contestants 
was exerted to the utmost. 2 Strangling, pummeling, kicking, and, in 
fact, everything but biting and gouging were allowed. Both Lucian 3 
and Philostratos 4 speak of the prohibition against biting and gouging, 
which statements Gardiner thinks are quotations from the rules gov- 
erning the contest at Olympia, as they are twice quoted by Aristo- 
phanes. 5 Philostratos, however, says that the Spartans allowed both 
biting and gouging, but that the Eleans allowed only strangling. A 
case of gouging the eye of an opponent with the thumb is seen on the 
r.-f. kylix in the British Museum, already mentioned (Fig. 55). 6 Here 
the official is rushing up with his rod to punish such a breach of the 
rules. Philostratos calls the men's pankration the "fairest" of contests 
at Olympia, probably in reference to the impression made on the spec- 
tators by the various positions of the contestants, who had to rely quite 
as much on skill as on strength. Pindar wrote eight odes in praise 
of this contest. 7 However, even though it was carefully regulated 
at Olympia by rules, it was a dangerous sport TO deivov aed\ov, 6 
TrajKpaTLOV KaXeovffiv, in the words of the protesting philosopher Xeno- 
phanes. 8 But it was never the brutal sport which some modern writers 
have pictured it. 9 Plato, to be sure, kept it out of his ideal State, 10 
not, however, because of its brutality, but merely because its distinc- 
tive feature, the struggle on the ground, was of no service in training 
a soldier. The Greeks themselves considered the boxing match far 
more dangerous. Inasmuch as gloves were not used in the pankra- 
tion, this seems reasonable. 11 We have in the preceding section men- 

!Qn the pankration, see Gardiner, Ch. XX, pp. 435 f.; id., J. H. S., XXVI, 1906, pp. 4 f. and 
Pis. III-V; Krause, I, pp. 534 f.; etc. 

2 For the etymology, see Plato, Euthydem., 271 C, D; definition, Pollux III, 150; Plut., Quaest. 
conviv., II, 4 (containing also fanciful etymologies of irAXij); cf. Philostr., Imag., II, 6 (contain- 
ing a full account of the contest in the description of the death of Arrhachion); cf. schol. on 
Plato, de Rep., I, 338 C, D. 

*Vita Demonactis, 49 (against biting). *L. c. (against biting and gouging). 

*Aves, 442-3 ; Pax, 898-9. 

6 E 78; another example is seen on a r.-f. kylix in Baltimore: Gardiner, p. 437, fig. 152; /. H. S., 
XXVI, p. 9, fig. 3 ; Hartwig, Die griech. Meisterschalen, PI. LXIV; Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 629, fig. 350. 

'Nem., II, III, V; Isthm., IV, V, VI, VII, VIII. 

"Frag. 19, 1. 5 (ap. Athenaeum, X, 6=414a). 

9 E. g., Mahaffy, in his Old Greek Life, 1886, p. 56; see Gardiner, pp. 435-7, in refutation of 
such an exaggerated view. l De Leg., VIII, 832 E; 834 A. 

"Older writers, if. g., Faber, Agonisticon (published in 1592),!, 9, p. 1828, thought that the glove 
was used, an opinion long ago refuted by Krause, I, p. 539, n. 2. Waldstein, /. H. S., I, 1880, 
p. 185, wrongly says that the pancratiast sometimes wore gloves. Pausanias does not mention 
them, nor do we see them on any of the vase-paintings. 


tioned the epithets applied to boxing. Pausanias, in speaking of the 
boxing match between Theagenes and Euthymos, says that the former 
was too much wearied by that contest to enter the pankration, and was 
in consequence compelled to pay a talent to the god and another to 
Euthymos. 1 In speaking of another contest, between Kapros and 
Kleitomachos, he records that the latter told the umpires that the 
pankration should be brought on before he had received hurts from 
boxing. 2 Artemidoros states that no wounds resulted from the 
pankration. 3 However, death by strangulation was often the result of 
the bout. Thus the pancratiast Arrhachion was crowned after he had 
been throttled by his adversary, for just before expiring he was able 
to put one of the toes of his opponent out of joint and the pain 
caused the latter to let go his grip. 4 Pausanias tells also how the 
boxer Kreugas was slain by Damoxenos in the pankration at Nemea, 
but adds that the body of the former was proclaimed victor. 5 

The pankration was not known to Homer, though later writers as- 
cribed its invention either to Theseus or Herakles, the typical mythical 
examples of skill as opposed to brute force. 6 It was introduced at 
Olympia in Ol. 33 ( = 648 B. C.), 7 long after the separate events, wrest- 
ling and boxing, had appeared there. The boys' contest was insti- 
tuted at Olympia in Ol. 145 ( = 200 B.C.), 8 though it had appeared 
elsewhere much earlier. 9 It must have been a popular sport at 
Olympia, since Pausanias records statues erected to twenty victors 
for thirty victories in this contest. 

Vase-paintings 10 show many grips and throws of the pankration 
the flying mare, leg hold, 11 tilting backwards by holding the antag- 
onist's foot, "chancery" (i. e., catching the adversary around the neck 
with one arm and hitting his face with the other fist), stomach throw 
(i. ^.,seizingthe adversary by the arms or shoulders and at the same time 
planting one's foot in the other's stomach, and then throwing him over 
one's head), 12 jumping on the back of one's opponent, 13 strangling, 
wrestling and boxing combined, and kicking and boxing combined. 

'VI, 6.5. 

*VI, 15.5 Cf. also V, 17.10, where, in describing the boxing match between Admetos and 
Mopsos represented on the chest of Kypselos,he says ol Si &iroTero\nrjK6Tes irwrtveiv a hint of 
the dangerous character of boxing. 

3 0neir., 1,62. This, at best, seems to be an exaggeration. 4 Philostr.,/. c. 5 VIII, 40.3-5. 

'To Theseus: schol. on Pindar, Nem., V, 89, Boeckh, p. 465; cf. schol. on Nem., 111,27, Boeckh, 
p. 442; to Herakles: P., V, 8.4. 

7 P., V, 8.8; Ph., 12; and Afr. "P., V, 8.11; Ph., 13. 

9 E. g., at Nemea; Pindar composed Nem., V, in honor of the boy Pytheas of Aegina, who 
won in (?) 485 B. C.; it was introduced at Delphi in the 61st Pythiad: P., X, 7.8; at the Isthmus 
in mythical times: P., V, 2.4. 

"Collected by Gardiner, op. cit. "Described by Lucian, Anachar., I. 

12 This throw is depicted on the walls of the tombs of Beni-Hasan on the Nile and is practised 
to-day by the Japanese; it is described by Dio Cassius, LXXI, 7. 

13 K\ina.Kiffnfc: described by Soph., Trachiniae, 520f., and the schol.; see also Ovid, Met., IX, 51. 
Cf. J. H. S., XXVI, 1906, pp. 15-16. 



Ground wrestling is very commonly depicted on vases and especially 
on gems, since such groups were adapted to oblong or oval spaces. 1 
We reproduce a pancratiast scene from a Panathenaic amphora of Kit- 
tos, dating from the fourth century B.C., in the British Museum (Fig. 
59) . 2 This is a conventional representation of wrestling and boxing 
combined. The pancratiast at the right of the group has rushed in 
with his head down and has been caught around the neck by his adver- 
sary's arm, a hopeless position, from which he can not escape. The 
latter is either about to complete the neck hold (if it be an actual case 

FIG. 59. Pankration Scene. From a Panathenaic Amphora by Kittos. 
British Museum, London. 

of "chancery"), or perhaps to hit him with his right hand. A third 
pancratiast is looking on from the extreme right, while a paidotribes, 
switch in hand, appears at the left. The fight on the ground is well 
depicted on the r.-f. kylix of the British Museum already discussed as 
showing boxing scenes (Fig. 55). 3 

We have but few representations of pancratiasts in sculpture. The 
preliminary sparring known as d/cpoxeipicrjuos 4 must have character- 
ized the statue of the Sikyonian pancratiast Sostratos at Olympia by an 
unknown sculptor, since Pausanias says that this victor was known as 
6 d/cpoxepo 1 LTrjs, explaining the epithet as that of one who gained his 

1 E. g-, on four Graeco-Roman gems in the British Museum pictured in /. H. S., XXVI, p. 10, 
fig. 4; Gardiner, p. 447, fig. 162. 

2 . M. Vases, B 604; /. H. S., XXVI, PI. Ill; Gardiner, p. 442, fig. 157. 3 E 78. 

4 Mentioned by Plato, Alcibiades,l, 107 E; Ph., 50; Pollux, III, 150; Suidas,j. v. d/cpoxeiptfeffflai 
and s. v. SoxrTpaTos;Lucian, Lexiphanes,S;de Saltatione, 10;Reisch, ap. Pauly-Wissowa, I, p. 1197; 
Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 548; Grasberger, Erziehungund Unterricht, I, pp. 349-50; Krause, I, pp. 
421 f., 510 f.; /. H. S., XXVI, pp. 13-15, where Gardiner discusses the word in ancient writers 
and concludes that it had nothing to do with wrestling, but only with boxing (both the separate 
event and part of the pankration), and meant "to spar lightly with an opponent for practice." 


victories by seizing and bending his adversaries' fingers, holding them 
fast till he yielded. 1 Since a Delphian inscribed base 2 gives the same 
number of victories as Pausanias, we infer that they were given also 
on the Olympia base, the source of Pausanias' information. Since 
nothing is said, however, of Sostratos' mode of fighting in the Delphi 
inscription, Pausanias must have argued it from the pose of the statue. 
The Sicilian wrestler Leontiskos of a century earlier, whose statue was 
by Pythagoras, had, according to Pausanias, used similar tactics, for 
"he vanquished his adversaries by bending back their fingers." 3 These 
cases show that statues of pancratiasts and wrestlers were frequently 
represented in vigorous lunging attitudes as well as in groups. The 
epigram on the base of the monument of the pancratiast Teisikrates 
at Delphi shows that the statue was represented in a similar way. 4 
The same lunging attitude is also shown on the Halimous grave-relief. 5 
Sometimes the contest ended with the preliminary sparring, though 
usually it developed into wrestling and boxing. 

A good representation of a pancratiast trying to kick his antagonist 
seems to be furnished by the small bronze statuette from Autun, South 
France, now in the Louvre (Fig. 60). 6 This statuette is of mediocre 
workmanship, its hard muscles, imperfect proportions, and realism 
showing that it comes from the Hellenistic period of Greek art. It 
represents a bearded athlete, who holds his hands ready to strike and 
his left foot raised apparently to kick his adversary's leg. The foot is 
just ready to return to its original position, so that the motive of this 
poor little statuette discloses a transient period of time between two 
movements, just as the Diskobolos and Marsyas of Myron did. We 
have already noted 7 that on the head is a cap with a ring in the 
top, by which it could be suspended as a decorative piece, or per- 
haps as part of a steelyard. Hauser believes that this motive was 
known to the elder Polykleitos and that this is the interpretation 
of that sculptor's statue of a nudus talo incessens mentioned by 
Pliny, a statue which has formed the basis for much discussion 
among archaeologists. 8 The Plinian passage, therefore, is to be 

'He won three victories inOls.(?) 104, (?) 105, and 106 ( = 364-356 B.C.): P..VI.4.1; Hyde,37; 
Foerster, 349, 353, 359. This explanation of Pausanias has been accepted by Krause and most 
modern authorities, but is found untenable by Gardiner, who bases his interpretation, not on Pau- 
sanias, but on the accurate definition of Suidas. 

2 5. C. H., VI, 1882, pp. 446 f. 

3 He won in Ols. 81 and 82 ( = 456 and 452 B. C.): Oxy. Pap.; P., VI, 4.3; Hyde, 38; Foerster, 
202, 203; cf. Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 59. He was probably merely represented in the prelim- 
inary tactics of getting a grip. 

'See Reisch, p. 46; /. G. B., 120. 

*Anz. d. Wiener Akad., 1887, pp. 86 f. (Benndorf); Reisch, /. c. 

'A. de Ridder, Les bronzes antiques du Louvre, I, 1913, PI. 63, no. 1067, and p. 131 ( = pancra- 
tiast); Rev. arch., 1869, II, p. 292; Bulle, no. 96 (right); Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 543, 4. It is 0.275 
meter high. 7 See supra, p. 167. 

*#. TV., XXXIV, 55. Hauser, Jh. oest. arch. Inst., XII, 1909, pp. 116 f. His reasoning is ac- 
cepted by Bulle. 



translated as "the nude man attacking with his heel (talo}" in other 
words, it describes a statue represented as kicking, which was allow- 
able in the pankration. The manuscripts of Pliny all read talo, which 
Benndorf 1 thought could be retained only by assuming that the natu- 
ralist mistranslated his Greek source JV/JLVOS dcrrpayaAc*) eiriKd/jievos, 
translating the word eTruceijuews "standing upon," as incessens "pur- 
suing." He therefore assumed that Polykleitos' statue stood upon an 

FIG. 60. Bronze Statuette of a Pancratiast (?), 
from Autun, France. Louvre, Paris. 

astragalos (talus] basis, which he believed was the forerunner of the 
statue of Opportunity (Kcupos) by Lysippos, 2 and he referred it to the 
knuckle-bone basis found at Olympia. 3 Woelfflin, 4 however, has shown 
that talo incessens can only mean "mit einem Knochel nach Jemand 
einwerfen." Following this, Furtwaengler showed 5 how impossible on 

l Ges. Stud, zur Kunstgesch., Festschr. fuer A. Springer, 1885, pp. 260. 2 See S. Q., 1463-67. 

*Bildw. v. 01., Tafelbd., PI. LV, 4-5;Textbd., pp. 212 f., and fig. 239; F. W., no. 336; cf. Immer- 
wahr, Kulte und Mythen Arkadiens, I, 1891, p. 288. 

*Archivfuer lateinische Lexikographie u. Grammatik, IX, 1894, 1, pp. 109 f. 

6 Mp., p. 249, n. 2; Mw., pp. 451-2; he adduced two passages from Ovid's Met., XIV, 402 (saevis- 
que parant incessere telis), and XIII, 566-7 (telorum lapidumque incessere iactu coepit). 


grammatical and other grounds it was to read talo in Benndorf's sense, 
since the passage then would mean "advancing towards" or "pursuing," 
by means of a knuckle-bone, which is manifestly nonsense. The word 
could be only instrumental in use, as Woefflin said, i. e., the weapon 
by means of which the man was attacking. Furtwaengler, therefore, 
followed Benndorf's earlier alternative reading telo, assuming that 
Pliny mistakenly wrote talo because he was influenced by the presence 
of the same word in the passage immediately following: duosque pueros 
item nudos talis ludentes qui vocantur astragalizontes. 1 But Hauser's 
interpretation of talo meets all the conditions better, since it keeps the 
manuscript readings, makes grammatical Latin, and seems to be illus- 
trated by the statuette in question. 

Sometimes the statues of Olympic pancratiasts were represented at 
rest with the weight of the body equally on both legs, as we see from the 
recovered basis of the statue of the Athenian Kallias by the Athenian 
sculptor Mikon. 2 Furtwaengler has identified a statue in the Somzee 
Collection as a copy of this work. 3 The footprints on the recovered base 
of the statue of the Rhodian Dorieus show that it was represented at 
rest with one leg slightly advanced. 4 We have actual remnants of 
statues of Olympic pancratiasts in the marble head found at Olympia, 
which we are to assign to the statue of the Akarnanian Philandridas by 
Lysippos, mentioned by Pausanias (Frontispiece and Fig. 69), 5 and the 
beautiful statue of Agias discovered by the French at Delphi in 1894, 
a work by the same sculptor (PI. 28 and Fig. 68). 6 

The struggle on the ground implies groups and not single statues. 
Our best representation of such a group is furnished by the famous 
marble one in the Ufnzi, Florence (PI. 25). 7 Though having no pre- 
tensions to be a victor monument, this group is the most important 
monument extant connected with the pankration, a fine anatomical 
study from Hellenistic times, evincing the direct influence of Lysippos 

'This explanation has been followed by Treu, Bildw. v. 01., I. c.; Sittl, Parerga zur alien Kunst- 
gesch., p. 24; Klein, II, pp. 362 f.; Jex-Blake, p. 235; and others. 

*Inschr. v. 01., 146; 7. G. ., 41. He won in Ol. 77 ( = 472 B. C.): Oxy Pap.; P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 
SO; Foerster, 208. 

^Collection Somzee, 1897, Pis. 3-5; see Hyde, to no. 50, on p. 8. Its quiet and reserved pose 
recalls that of the Pelops of the East gable of the temple of Zeus at Olympia (Bildw. v. 01. , 
Tafelbd., PI. IX, 2; Textbd., pp. 46 f.). Because of its archaic grace, though it shows no trace 
of archaic stiffness, it might even be referred to the school of Kritios and Nesiotes. 

*lnschr. v. 01., 153; /. G. B., 29. He won the pankration in Ols. 87, 88, 89 ( = 432-424 B. C.); 
P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 61; Foerster, 258, 260, 262. 

6 VI, 2.1; to be discussed infra, Ch. VI, pp. 293 f. 

*B. C. H., XXI, 1897, pp. 592 f. Agias was not only a victor at Delphi three times, at Nemea 
five times, and at the Isthmus five times, but was also an Olympic victor in the pankration, 
Ol. (?) 80 ( = 460 B. C.): see inscription, B. C. H., 1. c., p. 593, and for the date of the Olympic 
victory, K. K. Smith, in Class. Philol.,V, 1910, pp. 169 f.; cf. A. J. A., XIII, 1909, pp. 447 f. 

'Duetschke, III, no. 547; Amelung, Fuehrer, 66; B. B., 431; Bulle, 184; von Mach, 288; F. W., 
1426; Reinach, Rep., I, 523, 1; Clarac, V, 858 A, 2176; M. W., I, XXXVI, 149; /. H. S., XXVI, 
1906, p. 19; Gardiner, p. 449, fig. 163. The group is 0.98 meter high and 0.71 meter broad 


in its proportions. 1 It shows affinity of design to certain sculptures 
from the frieze of the Great Altar at Pergamon. 2 Pliny speaks of a 
symplegma by Kephisodotos, the son of Praxiteles, at Pergamon, but 
that group was of an erotic character and can not have had anything to 
do with the Florentine one. 3 Unfortunately the group in question has 
been much restored, though the restoration in the main is right. The 
heads, though probably antique, do not seem to belong to the statues, 
but both appear to be copies of the head of one of the Niobids, with 
which group the pancratiasts were discovered in 1583. The right arm 
of the uppermost athlete seems to have been wrongly restored; in any 
case this athlete is not strangling his opponent. One youth has thrown 
the other down on to his knee, and his left leg is intertwined with the 
left leg of the other, and he is drawing back his arm to aim a blow. The 
wrestler underneath supports himself upon his left arm, and the inten- 
tion of his opponent is to destroy this support by a blow of the fist, 
which would bring the contest to a sudden conclusion, since the right 
arm of the under youth is fast and he must defend himself with the 
left. As Gardiner points out, such a situation is illustrated by Helio- 
doros' description of the match between Theagenes and an Aethiopian 
champion. 4 The un^er man's position, however, may suddenly change 
and the issue yet be in his favor. Many writers have explained the 
group as ordinary wrestlers, 5 but Gardiner has conclusively shown 
that it belongs t6 the pankration, since in wrestling the contest is ended 
when one of tne contestants has been thrown, while here the struggle 
is continuing on the ground. 6 

Kapros of Elis was the first of seven Olympic victors to emulate the 
fabled feat of Herakles by winning the pankration and wrestling 
matches on the same day that is, he was the first professional strong 
man. 7 The other six all came from the East. It has been suggested 8 
that the colossal Farnese Herakles found in Rome in the ruins of the 
Baths of Caracalla in 1540 and now in Naples, inscribed as the work of 
the Athenian Glykon, which represents the hero leaning wearily on his 

1 Bulle dates it at the beginning of the third century B. C.; both he and Amelung believe it to 
be the work of a follower of Lysippos; see also B. Graef, Jb., IX, 1894, pp. 119 f., who believes that 
the original heads of the group are preserved, the one still on the under pancratiast, the other on 
the statue of a Niobid in the Uffizj (Duetschke, III, no. 253), the head now on the upper pan- 
cratiast being a modern copy of it. See Amelung's reply in A. A., 1894, pp. 192 f. 

2 E. g., von Mach, Pis. 265 f. 

*H. N., XXXVI, 24; see note ad loc. by Jex-Blake. 

*Aeth., X, 31, 32; quoted in full by Krause, II, pp. 912 f. 

"Duetschke, Wolters, von Mach, and Lucas (the latter in Jb., XIX, 1904, pp. 127f. and figs.) 
thought that the wrestling groups on the Roman mosaic of the Imperial period found in Tus- 
culum in 1862 were influenced by the Florence group: Mon. d. I., VI, VII, 1857-63, PI. LXXXII; 
Annali, XXXV, 1863, pp. 397 f.; Schreiber, Bilderatlas, PI. XXIII, 10; Gardiner, p. 177, fig. 22. 

/.#.S.,XXV, 1905, p. 30. 

7 He won in 01. 142 ( = 212 B. C.) : P., VI, 15.10; cf. V., 21.10; Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475. 

*E. g., by Gardiner, p. 146. 


Marble Group of Pancratiasts. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. 


club against a rock, 1 may represent the type of these professional strong 
men, who called themselves the successors of Herakles. But such 
a suggestion is as unfounded as the one already examined, which iden- 
tifies the original of the Seated Boxer of the Museo delle Terme (PI. 
16 and Fig. 27) with Kleitomachos of Thebes, the redoubtable oppo- 
nent of Kapros, since the dates in both cases are against such identi- 
fications. The Farnese statue and other replicas of the same original 2 
obviously revert to a Lysippan original, though they are considerably 
metamorphosed by the taste of a later age. Such big swollen muscles 
at first sight appear to be alien to the sculptor of the graceful Agias, 
but that the Naples copy by Glykon who, from the inscription on the 
base, must be referred to the first century B. C. 3 really represents the 
work of Lysippos seems well established by the fact that a smaller copy, 
though still over life-size, of poorer workmanship, in the Pitti Gallery 
in Florence, is inscribed as AUO-ITTTTOU epyov . 4 This type of weary hero 
appears in the Telephos group on the small Pergamene frieze, but is 
even earlier, since the latter seems to have been borrowed from a statue 
which is reproduced on a coin of Alexander, which was struck at least as 
early as 300 B. C. 5 The type of Herakles wearied by his superhuman 
labors was inaugurated still earlier by Lysippos, who was fond of repre- 
senting the hero in many poses, seated and standing, resting and labor- 
ing. We might mention his colossal bronze statue of Herakles, which 
was set up in Tarentum and then carried to Rome and placed on the 
Capitol by Q. Fabius Maximus, when Tarentum was captured in 209 
B. C., and was later transferred to the Hippodrome at Constanti- 
nople, where it remained until the sack of that city by the Franks in 
1202. 6 It is hazardous, therefore, to reject the evidence, and it will be 
best to see in the original a genuine Lysippan work, as do Bulle, Over- 
beck, von Mach, Schnaase, 7 and others, and so to make Glykon respon- 
sible only for the exaggerations of his own copy. Thus we have to face 
the fact of divergent styles in the great bronze founder of the fourth 

"Bulle, no. 72; B. B., 285; von Mach, 236; Collignon, II, p. 427, fig. 222; Overbeck, II, p. 448, 
fig. 221; F. W., 1265; M. W., 1, PI. XXXVIII, 152; Reinach, Rep., I, 465, 1, 2, 3; Clarac, V, 789, 
1978; Gardiner, p. 147, fig. 21; etc. It is 3.17 meters high (Bulle). 

2 An excellent one is in the Uffizi: Amelung, Fuehrer, 40; Reinach, Rep., I, 474, 1; a colossal 
replica was found in the sea off Antikythera: Arch. Eph., 1902, Suppl., PI. B, 7; one in the Pitti 
Gallery will be mentioned immediately. 3 7. G. B., 345. 

'Duetschke, II, no. 36; Amelung, Fuehrer, p. 134; B. B., 284; M. W., XXXVIII, 151 ; Reinach, 
Rep., II, i, 210, 5. For the inscription, see /. G. B., 506; it has been needlessly attacked as a for- 
gery an ancient one by Winckelmann, A/on. Inediti, pp. LXXVI f., and a modern one by Maffei, 
Ars critica, III, i, p. 76 (both quoted by Duetschke), and more recently by Stephani, Der aus- 
ruhende Herakles, pp. 164 f. The inscription is at least as old as the sixteenth century, as it is 
mentioned by Flaminius Vacca (see Duetschke). 

'Numism. Ckron., Ser. 3, III, 1883, PI. I, 5, p. 9. 

Mentioned by Strabo, VI, 3.1 ( = C. 278), and described by the late writer Niketas, Chron. de 
signis Constant.,^ (who wrongly calls Lysippos Lysimachos). 

iGesch. d. bild. Kuenste, IP, pp. 245 f. 



century B. C., even if we admit with Richardson that "for our peace of 
mind this statue might well have been sunk in the sea." 1 

Long ago, I referred the life-size bronze portrait-like head of a boxer or 
pancratiast found at Olympia, now in the Athens Museum (Figs. 61A 
and B), 2 to one of two statues of the pancratiast Kapros mentioned 
by Pausanias. 3 The remnant of a wild-olive crown in the hair proves 
that it comes from the statue of an Olympic victor. Its bruised ap- 
pearance may, however, betoken the punishment administered by the 
gloves of a boxer rather than by the bare fists of a pancratiast. That 

. c-sw^ ' -^ 

I*,* \*. "-> ' 

A B 

FIG. 61 . Bronze Head of Boxer ( ?), from Olympia. National Museum, Athens. 

Greek sculpture was not always ideal we have seen from the descrip- 
tion of the Seated Boxer of the Museo delle Terme (PI. 16 and Fig. 27). 
This peculiarly life-like head is another example of the same realism; it 
would be hard to name a more brutal and repellent piece from the whole 
range of Greek sculpture. The profession of this bruiser is evident in 
every feature, for the sculptor has betrayed it by the swollen ears, flat 
nose, thick neck, swollen cheeks, projecting under lip, frowning brows, 
and unkempt hair and beard. All these traits especially the treat- 
ment of the eyes give to it the sullen gloomy look so characteristic 
of boxers and pancratiasts. 4 The man appears to be awaiting the attack, 

!P. 234. *Bronz. v. 01., Tafelbd., PI. II, 2a and 2; Textbd., pp. 10-11; F. W., 323. 

3 De olymp. Stat., p. 56. 

MDn the "finsterer Blick" of this class of victor monuments, see Furtw., Mp., p. 173; Mw., p. 348; 
and Bronz. v. 01., Text, pp. 10-11. 



his contracted brows showing alert expectation, and his closed lips great 
determination. Furtwaengler, Bulle, Flasch, and others have dated 
it in the fourth century B. C., and are fain to see in it the work of 
an artist of the immediate circle of Lysippos or Lysistratos; 1 but its 
exaggerated realism seems rather to point to a later period, not earlier 
than the third century B. C. 2 The bronze foot of a victor statue also 
found atOlympia (Fig.62) 3 has been assigned by Furtwaengler to one of 
the statues of Kapros, an ascription which we also have followed. 4 The 

FIG. 62. Bronze Foot of a Victor Statue, from 
Olympia. Museum of Olympia. 

position of this foot shows as an experiment with a living model has 
disclosed great movement, which makes it obvious that it comes from 
a statue in lively motion, probably of a boxer or pancratiast. It belongs 
to the statue of a strong man of coarse build; there is not the slightest 
trace of unnecessary flesh on it, but the whole is vigorous muscle, even 
the swollen veins being clearly visible in the photograph. While Furt- 
waengler finds its stylistic parallels in the copies of the Pergamene 
works of the third century B. C., e. g., the Dying Gaul statues, the 
material and form of the base fitting that period, Wolters emphasizes 
its stylistic analogy to the bronze head just discussed. 

The monuments which represent equestrian victors will be left for 
another chapter. 

'Thus Furtwaengler assigns it to the statue of the Akarnanian pancratiast (Philandridas) 
mentioned by Pausanias, VI, 2.1; see Bronz. v. 01., p. 11. I have assigned an earlier marble 
head to Philandridas, infra, pp. 293 f. 

2 So Overbeck, II, p. 168; Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 534; F. W., /. c.; etc. 

'Bronz. v. 01., Tafelbd., PI. Ill, 3, 3a; Textbd., pp. 11-12; F. W., no. 324. 

4 De olymp. Stat., p. 56. 




PLATES 26-27 AND FIGURES 63-67. 

In the preceding chapters we have considered the monuments of 
victors in various gymnic contests, in which the victor won by his own 
strength and skill. In the present chapter we shall be concerned 
chiefly with the monuments set up by victors at Olympia in chariot- 
and horse-races, in which the victory did not depend upon the athletic 
prowess of the victor, but upon the skill of his charioteer or jockey and 
the endurance of his horses. 1 Though such events were not in the 
strict sense a part of Greek athletics, they formed a very important 
feature of the festival at Olympia as elsewhere. 2 Indeed the four-horse 
chariot-race was the most spectacular and brilliant event at Olympia. 
Chariot-races, and to a less extent horse-races, were the sport only of 
the rich kings, princes, and nobles. 3 Thus victories were won in these 
events at Olympia in the fifth century B. C. by Hiero and Gelo, kings 
of Syracuse, and Arkesilas IV of Kyrene; in the fourth, by Philip II 
of Macedonia, and in Roman days by Tiberius, Germanicus, Nero, and 
many others. Alkibiades in Ol. 91 ( = 416 B. C.), i. <?., in the midst of the 
great Peloponnesian war, entered seven chariots at Olympia and won 
three prizes. 4 Sometimes a city entered a chariot or horse. Thus in 
Ol. 77 ( = 472 B.C.) the public chariot of Argos, and in Ol. 75 ( = 480 
B. C.) the public horse of the same city, won at Olympia. 5 Such entries 
show not only the expense attending these contests, but also their 
importance in the eyes of the Greeks. 

Hippodromes, chariot-races, and horse-races were very common in 
Greece. A votive inscription in the museum at Sparta, dating from 
near the middle of the fifth century B. C., enumerates sixty victories by 
Damonon and his son Enymakratidas in both chariot- and horse-races 
at eight different meets in or near Lakonia, and Damonon was merely 

1 Cf. P., VI, 20, 13: jri5eitj rwTi7M'7s re tyt&xuv Ka.1 liriruv WKIIT^TOS; Pindar, 01., Ill, 36 f.: 
QariTOV iyutva. ..... &vSpSn> r'aptTds irtpi /cat p ip.<pa.pna.Tov 8i<ppri\aaia.s. 

2 On the hippodrome and its events at Olympia and elsewhere, see A. Martin, in Dar.-Sagl., Ill, 
I, 1900, pp. 193 f. (art. Hippodromos) ; on the chariot, Saglio, ibid., I, 2, pp. 1633 f. (art. 
Currus);K. Schneider, in Pauly-Wissowa,VIII, pp. 173 5 f.; Julius, in Baum., I, pp. 692 f.; Pollack, 
Hippodromica, Diss. inaug., 1890; Gardiner, Ch. XXI, pp. 451 f.; Krause, I, pp. 557 f.; etc. 

3 See Isokrates, XVI (de Bigis), 33 (p. 353 c); Xenophon, de Re equestr., II, i; Aristotle, Politics, 
VI, 3.2 ( = 1289 b 35), VIII, 7.1 ( = 1321 all); Plut.,<fc Adul. etAmic., Chs. 7 and 16 (latter quoting 
Karneades). On the expense of horse-breeding (liriror potpia) , see also Xen., Ages., I, 23; id., 
Oecon., II, 6; Plut., Ages., XX, 1; Pindar, Isthm., II, 38; IV., 29; etc. 

4 The first, second, and fourth, according to Thukyd., VI, 16; the first, second and third, according 
to Eurip., fragm. 3 ( = P. I. G., II, p. 266), and Isokr., de Bigis, 34 (p. 353 d). See Foerster, 275. 

6 See Oxy. Pap., II, p. 222. 



a local victor, unknown at Olympia. 1 Greeks of Sicily and Magna 
Graecia were especially fond of such contests, as we see these constantly 
represented on coins of different cities there from the beginning of the 
fifth century B. C. on. 2 However, only a few of the sites of these many 
hippodromes are now known, and only one can be positively identi- 
fied, that mentioned by Pausanias on Mount Lykaios in Arkadia. 3 
The others are known from literary sources. 4 The one at Olympia was 
destroyed in the course of centuries by the floods of the Alpheios, and its 
exact location can not be determined, though we know in general that it 
lay somewhere southeast of the Altis, between the river and the Stadion, 
and surmise that it ran somewhat parallel to the latter. 5 

Its measurements, however, are known to us from a Greek metro- 
logical parchment manuscript in the old Seraglio, Constantinople, which 
dates from the eleventh century A.D. 6 According to it the length of the 
course, i. e., from the starting-point to turning-post and return, was 
about 8 stades (1538 meters, 16 centimeters) or nearly 1 mile. One of 
the two sides which Pausanias says were of unequal length 7 was 3 
stades and 1 plethron long. The breadth of the course at the starting- 
point was 1 stade and 4 plethra. We are told, however, that only a 
portion of the entire course, six stades, or about two-thirds of a mile, 
was traversed in the various races. 

The oldest literary account of a Greek chariot-race is found in Homer 
in the description of the games of Patroklos the longest and finest 
episode there described. 8 But the first trace of such a contest goes 

1 Besides 24 victories of both in various running races. The older part of the inscription (with 
a chariot-group in relief) was discovered by Leake: see Travels in the Morea, 1830, II, p. 521, and 
PL 71 (at the end of III); better reproduction by Dressier and Milchhoefer, A. M., II, 1877, 
pp. 318 f.; /. G. A., 79; Tod, Sparta Museum Cat,, no. 440. The newer portion is discussed in B. 
S. A., XIII, 1906-07, pp. 174 f. "See Hill, Coins of Sicily, pp. 43 f. 

,*VHI, 38.5; see Exped. scientif. en Moree, 1831-1838, II, p. 37, and Pis. XXXIII, XXXIV. 
It was 240 by 105 meters in extent, though the actual course was probably only a stade long. 

4 See list in Pauly-Wissowa, VIII, pp. 1743-4. 

'Described by P., V, 15.5 f., and VI, 20.10 f. For its position, see Doerpfeld, Ergebn. v. 01., I, 
p. 78; Curtius u. Adler, Olympia und Umgegend, 1882, p. 30; Boetticher, Olympia: Das Fest u. 
seine Staette 2 , 1886, p. 119; G. Herrmann, de Hippodromo olympiaco, 1839 (=0pusc., VII, pp. 388). 
Five attempts at reconstruction are given by Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, pp. 643 f., and PI. VI: those of 
Visconti (1796); A. Hirt (Gesch. d: Baukunst bei d. Alien, 1827, III, pp. 148 f., and PI XX, 8; 
reproduced in Baum., I, p. 693, fig. 750; Smith, Diet. Antiq. 3 , 1890, I, p. 963; Frazer, IV, p. 83, 
fig. 6); Lehndorff (Hippodromos, 1876); Pollack (op cit., p. 52); Wernicke (Jb., IX, 1894, p. 199). 
To these should be added those of A. Martin (op. cit., p. 198, fig. 3844); Weniger (Klio, IX, 1909, 
p. 303, the aphesis transcribed by Gardiner, p. 453, fig. 164). See also Guhl u. Koner, Das Leben 
d. Gr. u. Roem.*, 1893, pp. 233 f. and Fig. 271 ( = restoration of Pollack), and cf. Krause, 1, 
p. 150, n. 9. 

6 See Blass, in Hermes, XXIII, 1888, p. 222 (n. 1); R. Schoene, A. A., 1897, pp. 77-8; id., Jb., 
XII, 1897, pp. 150 f. (NeueAngaben ueber den Hippodrom zu Olympia); Caspar, in article on 
Olympia in Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, p. 177 and n. 5; Frazer, V, p. 617; etc. 7 VI, 20.8. 

8 I1., XXIII, 262-650. The four-horse chariot-race fills more than one and one-half times as 
many verses as the seven other contests combined (vv. 651-897). Homer's description was often 
imitated by later poets, especially by Sophokles, Electro, 698-763 (race at Delphi); Nonnos, 
Dionys., XXXVII, 103-484; Quintus Smyrnanis, IV, 500-595; Statius, Theb., VI, 274-527; etc. 
Hesiod describes a race as wrought on Herakles' shield: Scut., 305 f. 


back to mythology, to the story of Pelops and Oinomaos contending 
for the hand of the latter's daughter Hippodameia. 1 This mythical 
race began at the village of Pisa in Elis and ended at the altar of 
Poseidon on the Isthmus of Corinth. 2 The chariot-race was the chief 
if not the only event at the oldest funeral games in Greece, those men- 
tioned by Pausanias as held in honor of Azan, the son of Arkas, in 
Arkadia. 3 It figured largely in mythology 4 and was represented in 
many works of art. 5 At Olympia it was one of the earliest, and perhaps 
the earliest, of the events. Pausanias says that the four-horse chariot- 
race was introduced there in Ol. 25 ( = 680 B. C.), 6 but this may merely 
mean, as Gardiner points out, the date of exchanging the older prehis- 
toric two-horse chariot for the one drawn by four horses. In any case 
the antiquity of the race at Olympia is shown by the great number of 
early votive offerings in the form of models of chariots and horses, 
which have been found there in a stratum extending below the founda- 
tions of the Heraion. 


By the middle of the third century B. C. the fully developed pro- 
gramme of equestrian events at Olympia and elsewhere consisted of six 
races, three for full-grown horses (reXeioi), and three for colts (ircoXot); 
for each of these two classes there were a four-horse chariot-race (ap/za, 
TtdpiTnrov), a two-horse chariot-race (0-woopis), and a horse-race (/ceXrjs), 

ap/jari reXet<j>, o-vvupldi reXetp, /ceXryrt reXeuo- 

#PJLtaTl TTOoXlKCO, aVV&plbl TTOoXlKTJ, KeXrjTL TTCoXlKCf). 

These six events comprised the ay&v ITTTTI/C^S at Olympia, Delphi, 
Nemea, Corinth, Athens, and elsewhere, as opposed to the ayuv 7u/x^u6s. 7 
The distinction between horses and colts was apparently a matter which 
was decided by the Hellanodikai at Olympia. Thus, Pausanias 
recounts how the Spartan victor Lykidas entered a pair of colts for 
the chariot-race, and that one of them was rejected by the judges; 
he thereupon entered both for the race with full-grown horses and 

P., V, 10.6-7; VI, 21.6-7; VIII, 14.10-11; etc.; Pindar, 01., I, 67 f. 

*Diod., IV, 73.3. 3 VIII, 4.5. 

*E. g., Nestor won at the games of Amarynkeus, Iliad, XXIII, 630 f. On such myths, see 
Krause, I, pp. 558 f. 

*E. g., the race between Pelops and Oinomaos was represented on the chest of Kypselos, P., V, 
17.7, and in the sculptures on the East gable of the temple of Zeus at Olympia, P., V, 10.6-7. 
It appears also on many early vases: e. g., on the Franfois vase in Florence and the Amphiaraos 
vase in Berlin. For the latter, see A/on. d. I., X, 1874-78, Pis. IV-V; Annali, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f. 
(Robert); Gardiner, p. 29, fig. 3. 


7 See Plato, de Rep., Ill, 19 ( = 412 B); Isokr., de Bigis, 33 (p. 353 c); Dio Cassius, LII, 30; 
Hdt., I, 167; Andok., 4, 26 (Contra Alcib.); Soph., Electra, 698; etc. 


won it. 1 Though such a story does not fit the date of Lykidas, who 
won before the colt-race was introduced at Olympia, it shows the 
method of selection. 2 The race in which the chariot was drawn by 
four full-grown horses (iTriruv TeXeiuv Spo/ios) was introduced, as we 
have seen, in Ol. 25. The contestants drove twelve times round the 
course, a distance of seventy-two stades or over eight miles. 3 Pau- 
sanias mentions the monuments of eighteen such victors at Olympia 
for nineteen victories. The race in which the chariot was drawn by 
four colts (7rcoXcoj> apiJLa) was introduced in Ol. 99 ( = 384 B.C.), 4 and 
extended eight times round the course, or about 5.5 miles. 5 Pausa- 
nias mentions the monuments of only two such victors at Olympia. 6 
The race in which the chariot was drawn by pairs of full-grown horses 
(owcopis) was introduced in Ol. 93 (408 B. C.) and extended eight times 
round the course. 7 Pausanias mentions but one victor in this event 
at Olympia 8 and an Olympic victress who had a statue erected to 
her in Sparta for such a victory. 9 This was probably the original 
chariot-race at Olympia revived in Ol. 93, since the two-horse chariot 
was the historical descendant of the Homeric war-chariot. 10 Panath- 
enaic vases show that this race existed at Athens in the sixth century 
B. C., side by side w T ith the four-horse chariot-race and horseback-race. 
The earliest of these vases, the so-called Burgon vase in the British 
Museum, 11 was a prize there for this event. The race in which the 
chariot was drawn by a pair of colts (avvupls TrwXcoi/) was introduced 
at Olympia in the third century B. C., in Ol. 129 ( = 264 B. C.), 12 and 
extended three times around the course. Pausanias mentions no 
monument erected to a victor in this race. The horse-race (I'TTTTOS 
was instituted in Ol. 33 ( = 648 B. C.) 13 , and the foal-race (-TrcoAos 
nearly four centuries later, in Ol. 131 (256 B. C.). 14 Neither of 

*VI, 2.2; he won in the hoplite-race and chariot-race in Ols. (?) 83, 84 ( = 448,444 B. C.): Hyde, 
12; Foerster, 211 A. 

2 Foerster thinks that the story arose from the small size of one of the horses in the monument 
of Lykidas. 

3 These and the following figures are given in the Constantinople MS. The length of the four- 
horse chariot-race there given agrees with passages in Pindar (01. , II, SO; III, 33; VI, 75; cf. 
Pyth., V, 33, for Delphi) and the scholiasts (on OL, III, 59, Boeckh, p. 102, and Pyth., V, 39, 
Boeckh, p. 380). See also Pollack, Hippodromica, pp. 103 f., and Gardiner, p. 457. 

4 P., V, 8.10. 

6 Length stated by the MS. and by a scholiast on Pindar, Pyth., V, 39, Boeckh, p. 380. 

'Those of Troilos of Elis, who won in Ol. 103 ( = 368 B. C.): P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 345; 
Inschr. v. OL, 166; and of Akestorides of Alexandria in theTroad, who won between Ols. 142 and 
144 ( = 212 and 204 B. C.): P., VI, 13.7; Hyde, 119 and pp. 49-50; Foerster, 501; Inschr. v. OL, 184. 

7 For the date, see P., V, 8.10; Xen., Hell., I, 2.1; for the event, Krause, I, pp. 567 f. 

8 Troilos, already mentioned, who won in 01. 102 ( = 372 B. C.) and had a statue by Lysippos: 
P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338. 

9 Euryleonis: P., Ill, 17.6; Foerster, 344. 

10 The ffwupls was introduced at Delphi in 398 B. C., while the apjuo rk\tu>v was introduced there 
in 582 B. C.: see Dar.-Sagl., Ill, i, p. 202, for these and other dates of equestrian events at 
the Pythian games. 

11 S. M. Pases, B 130. 12 The date is given in the Armenian version of Afr.; cf. also P., V, 8.11. 

"P-.V, 8.8. "P., V, 8.11. 


these races was known to Homer, for KeXerifei*' in the Iliad, 1 as we 
saw in Chapter I, refers only to the acrobatic feat of vaulting from 
the back of one horse to that of another. Pausanias mentions monu- 
ments erected to eight victors (for nine victories) in the regular horse- 
race at Olympia. We conclude from a passage of his work 2 that 
the riding-race consisted of one lap only or six stades, about two- 
thirds of a mile. A mule chariot-race (d-Trr)*^) was introduced in Ol. 
70 ( = 500 B.C.), and a trotting-race with mares (/cdXTrr;) in Ol. 71 
( = 496 B. C.), but both were abolished in Ol. 84 ( = 444 B. C.). 3 Paus- 
anias mentions one monument erected to an anonymous victor in 
KaXirri, who won some time between Ols. 72 and 84 ( = 492 and 444 B. C.) . 4 
He mentions the first victor in the mule-race, Thersias of Thessaly, 
but this does not occur in his periegesis of the Altis. 5 Only three 
other victors in this event are known to us, and they came from 
Sicilian towns. 6 

Equestrian events were discontinued at Olympia in the first century 
B. C., owing to the waning of interest in athletics in consequence of the 
Roman conquest of Greece in 146 B. C. They were revived thereafter 
under the Empire only spasmodically and were destined finally to be 
replaced by the amusements of the Roman circus. Thus we learn from 
the Armenian version of Africanus that the chariot-race ceased at 
Olympia in Ol. 178 ( = 68 B.C.). It must, however, have been re- 
instated toward the end of the century, since Tiberius Claudius Nero 
afterwards the Emperor Tiberius won in Ol. 194 ( = 4 B.C.). 7 It again 
went into disuse, since Africanus says that it, TraAcu KcoAufleis, was re- 
introduced in Ol. 199 ( = 17 A.D.), when Germanicus, the adopted son 
of Tiberius, won.* Once more it was discontinued, and again renewed 

1 XV, 679-84; Hesiod, Scut., 285 f. On myths relating to it, see Krause, I, p. 582, n. 1. We 
read of equi desultorii at the games inaugurated by Caesar in Rome: Sueton., Julius, 39. See 
supra, p. 3 2 VI, 13.9. 

3 P., V, 9.1. Polemon, frag. 21 (=F. H. G., Ill, p. 122), apud schol. on Pindar, OL, V, Argum. 
(Boeckh, p. 117), says that the /cdX?^ ceased in 01. 84 ( = 444 B. C.), if we accept Boeckh's correc- 
tion irS' for 08'. A scholiast on Pindar, 01., V, lines 6 and 19 (Boeckh, pp. 1 19 and 122) says 01. 85 
( = 440 B.C.); another on 01., VI, Argum. (Boeckh, p. 129), saysOl. 85 or 01. 86. ButOl. 85 may 
be reconciled with Pausanias' and Polemon's date by assuming that the proclamation of aboli- 
tion fell in 01. 84, but that the event was first omitted in Ol. 85; see Bentley, Diss. upon the 
Epistles of Phalaris, p. 200 (ed. W. Wagner). 

<VI, 9.2; Hyde, 84. 

6 V, 9.1; he won Ol. 70 ( = 500 B. C.); Foerster, 157. 

Anaxilas of Rhegion, whose victory fell sometime between Ols. (?) 70 and 76 ( = 500 and 476 
B. C.), and was celebrated by Simonides, frag. 7 ( = P. 1. G., Ill, p. 390); Agesias of Syracuse, 
whose victory fell Ol. (?) 77 ( = 472 B. C.), and was celebrated by Pindar, OL, VI; and Psaumis of 
Kamarina, whose victory, falling Ol. (?) 81 ( = 456 B. C.), was sung by the pseudo-Pindar, OL, V 
(=P. I. G., I, pp. 109 f.); he also won in the chariot-race in 01. (?) 82 ( = 452 B. C), a victory 
sung by Pindar in OL, IV. See Foerster, nos. 173, 210, 234, and 238. 

Unschr. v. OL, 220, 221; Foerster, 601. 

8 The corrupt text of Africanus is here corrected by Gelzer, S. Jul. Afr. und die byzant. Chrono- 
graphie, 1880, I, pp. 168 f. Gardiner, p. 165, n. 3, wrongly gives the victory of Germanicus as 
Ol. 194, thus confusing it with that of Tiberius. 


in Ol. 222 ( = 109 A.D.), according to the same authority, who, however, 
does not name any victor for that date. Just when this discon- 
tinuance took place, we can not say, but it was certainly after Ol. 211 
( = 65 A. D.), when the emperor Nero is known to have won victories 
in various kinds of chariot-races. 1 Three Olympiads before, an Elean, 
Tiberios Klaudios Aphrodeisios, had also won the horse-race. 2 


Representations of the various chariot-races are commoner than 
those of any other Olympic contest, appearing on vases, reliefs, coins, 
and gems. 3 There seem to have been two distinct types of racing- 
chariot in Greece. 4 The four-horse chariot was a modification of the 
heroic two-horse war-chariot, which was a low car on two wheels, sur- 
mounted by a box consisting of a high framework, open only at the 
rear, and large enough to contain the chieftain and the charioteer. 
The war-chariot was known to both Mycenaean Greece and Crete. 
There is a relief of uncertain date in the Museum of Candia, which rep- 
resents a chariot and charioteer. 5 It is far superior to the type of char- 
iots appearing in relief on the grave-stones found at Mycenae, 6 though 
the type on both is of the same general pattern, having the same box 
and four-spoked wheels. On the Mycenaean reliefs the box seems to 
rest directly upon the rim of the wheel, and the portrayal of a single 
horse is very inartistic. On the Candia relief, however, there are at 
least two horses discernible, and both the horses and the warrior, who 
is about to mount the car, are lifelike. The Greek racing-car was much 
lighter than the Homeric and Mycenaean war-chariot, and the box had 
room only for the charioteer. It was drawn usually by four horses. 
The Athenian type appears on Panathenaic vases throughout the whole 
history of the manufacture of these vases, 7 and also on Macedonian 
and Sicilian coins. On certain vases of later date the car is still lighter 
and has larger wheels. One of the earliest racing-cars is seen on a 

^oerster, 642-647. 

01. 208 ( = 53 A. D.); Foerster, 634. 

3 Most of the gems representing such contests, however, refer to the Roman circus. 

4 For illustrations of the two, see Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, pp. 1636 f., figs. 2203 f., and cf. Gardiner, 
pp. 458 f.; an excellent illustration of a four-horse chariot and driver is seen on an Attic-Corinthian 
goblet (dinos) in the Louvre: Perrot-Chipiez, X, PI. II, opp. p. 116; also several at rest and 
racing on the Francois Vase: Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 141, fig. 93, p. 154, fig. 101 (=>Furtw.-Reich- 
hold, Griech. Fasenmalerei, 1904-1912, Pis. Ill, 10, and XI-XIL). 

5 Von Mach, no. 5. 

"See, e. g., P. Gardner, Sculptured Tombs of Hellas, 1896, figs. 18-20. 

7 C. Smith, B. S. A., Ill, 1896-7, pp. 183 f., dates these prize amphorae from the middle of the 
sixth to the close of the fourth centuries B. C., as the last of the series is dated 313 B. C. In this 
article he publishes a mosaic found on Delos (PI. XVI, a) and dating from the early second cen- 
tury B. C., which reproduces a Panathenaic amphora with an illustration of a chariot-race the 
latest date at which either a prize-amphora (or picture of one) can be proved to have been used. 
He believes (p. 187) that it is the representation of an amphora won long before by the ancestor 
of the owner of the mosaic, carefully preserved in his family. 


vase in the British Museum, 1 dating from the eighth century B.C. It 
seems to be a two-horse car, as we should expect at this early date, 
though the artist has drawn but one horse. The charioteer is clothed 
in a long chiton, a custom which was generally kept throughout the 
history of the chariot-race. The regular two-horse type of chariot 
appears on vases as a cart, the body of the old war-chariot being so 
diminished that nothing is left but the driver's seat with a square open 
framework on the sides. The driver rests his feet on a footboard sus- 
pended from the pole. 2 Perhaps this represents a peculiarly Athenian 
type of chariot, since the two-horse chariot on coins of Philip II, son of 
Amyntas and father of Alexander the Great, a victor at Olympia in 
both horse-racing and charioteering, resembles the ordinary four-horse 
car, and the driver stands instead of sits. 3 The mule-car was like the 
two-horse chariot, as we see in representations of it on coins of Rhegion 
and Messana. 4 The best illustrations of racing with four-horse cars 
are afforded by coins of Sicilian cities. 5 We see an excellent repre- 
sentation of such a race on a sixth-century B. C. Panathenaic vase 
recently found at Sparta, on which a chariot driven by a standing 
charioteer is represented as passing a pillar on the right, and therefore 
perhaps near the end of the race. 6 The harnessing of two horses to a 
racing-car is seen on an archaic b.-f. hydria in Berlin (PI. 26). 7 Here 
a third horse appears, led by a nude youth, who is crowned, and who 
therefore probably represents a victorious horse-racer. Several other 
b.-f. vase-paintings showing four-horse chariots have been collected by 
Gerhard. 8 However, we are not dependent upon vase-paintings and 
coins to judge of the magnificence of Greek chariots of the historical 
period, for we have actual remains of them war-chariots, to be sure, 
but not very unlike the ones used at the corresponding dates in Olym- 
pia. Among these is the fine bronze biga found in the grave of an 
Italian prince at Monteleone, Etruria, in 1902, and now one of the chief 

1 B. M. Guide to Greek and Roman Life, 1908, p. 200. 

*E. g., on a Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum, dating from the sixth century B. C.: 
B. M. Vases, B 132; Gardiner, p. 458, fig. 166; cf. also a silver tetradrachm from Rhegion in the 
British Museum, from the early fifth century B. C.: Gardiner, p. 460, fig. 168. 

"Philip won KiXqn in 01. 106 (=356 B. C.) : Plut., Alex., 3 and 4; cf. Justin, XII, 16, 6; &PHCLTI 
twice at unknown dates: Foerster, 360, 364, 370. As we have no record of a victory by him 
ffWwpiSi, the two-horse chariot appearing on his coins (e. g., a gold stater in the British Museum, 
Gardiner, p. 459, fig. 167, right) may refer to unrecorded victories, or else may be interpreted 
(with Gardiner) as a pun on his name. 

*E. g., on the silver tetradrachm of Rhegion in the British Museum. This and other coins 
commemorate the victory in this event of the Rhegion prince Anaxilas, already mentioned: 
Aristotle, frag. 228z,ap. Pollux, V, 73 (/". H. G., II, p. 173); Foerster', 173. 

*E. g., a decadrachm of Akragas (dating from the end of the fifth century B. C.) and another of 
Syracuse (from the beginning of the fourth century B. C.) in the British Museum; reproduced by 
Gardiner, p. 465, fig. 172. 

5. S. A., XIII, 1906-7, PI. V; Gardner, p. 456, fig. 165. 

7 Gerhard, IV, Pis. CCXLIX and CCL; Dar.-Sagl., /. c., fig. 2219. It was formerly in Lucien 
Bonaparte's collection. 

*A. V., Pis. CCLI-CCLIV. 


treasures of the Metropolitan Museum in New York. 1 This is a war- 
chariot of the beginning of the sixth century B. C., the only complete 
ancient bronze chariot now known. The restored frame of wood is 
sheathed with thin bronze plates richly ornamented with reliefs 
in repousse. Because of its form and its relationship to chariots 
appearing on archaic Ionic monuments of Asia Minor, for example, 
on the reliefs of sarcophagi from Klazomenai, and because of the 
strong resemblance between its decorative designs and those of 
archaic Italian monuments of lonicizing style, Furtwaengler has 
classed it as the product of Ionic Greek art. Professor Chase, on 
the other hand, finds these decorations pure Etruscan in character, 
comparing them with the reliefs on three bronze tripods in the posses- 
sion of Mr. James Loeb, which are dated some half a century later. 2 In 
any case this chariot is "das glaenzendste, vollstaendigste" archaic 
metal work yet recovered. In the British Museum there are consid- 
erable remnants of the chariot-group of King Mausolos and his wife 
Artemisia, which once stood on the apex of the Mausoleion at Halikar- 
nassos, the work, according to Pliny, 3 of Pythis (or Pytheos), the archi- 
tect and historian of the tomb. 4 Besides the figures of the royal pair, 
we have the head of one horse, the hinder half of another, fragments 
of still others, and one wheel of the chariot. 5 


Great artists were engaged to set up chariot-groups at Olympia and 
elsewhere. Many of the quadrigae and bigae mentioned by Pliny as 
the works of sculptors and painters must have been agonistic offerings. 6 
Aeginetan sculptors were especially in favor at Olympia. Thus Onatas, 
in conjunction with the Athenian Kalamis, made a group for King 
Hiero, 7 and Glaukias made another for Hiero's brother Gelo; 8 Simon 
made an equestrian group for Phormis, 9 and Philotimos made a statue 
for the horse-racer Xenombrotos of Kos. 10 The oldest dedication by 
a chariot victor at Olympia was the votive offering of Miltiades, the 
son of Kypselos, of Athens, which consisted of an ivory horn of Amal- 

J B. B., 586-7 and figs. 1-14 (text by Furtwaengler); Richter, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman 
Bronzes in the Metropolitan Museum, 1915, pp. 17 f., no. 40, and figs.; P. Ducati, Jh. oest. arch. 
Inst., XII, 1909, pp. 74 f.; J. Offord. R. Arch., S6r. IV, III, 1904, pp. 305-7 and Pis. VII-IX, 
etc. Closely allied in style to its decorative designs are fragments of another chariot found at 
Perugia and now distributed among the Perugia, Munich, and British Museums: Petersen, A. M., 
X, 1894, pp. 253 f. ; B. B., 588-589. Cf. also fragments of similar technique from Capua: 
Froehner, Cat. de la Collection Dutuit, 1897-1901, II, p. 199, no. 250, and Pis. 190-195. 

2 A. J. A., XII, 1908, pp. 312 f., with plates and figures. 

H. N., XXXVI, 31. "Vitruv., de Arch., VII (Praef.), 12-13. 

'See B. M. Sculpt., II, nos. 1000-1005 and PI. XVI; for discussion of the group, /. H. S., XXX, 
1910, pp. 133-162 (J. B. K. Preedy). 

*E. g., XXXIV, 71 (Calamis tt alias quadrigas bigasque fecit se impart, equis sine aemulo ex- 
pressis); XXXV, 99 (Aristides . . . pinxit et currentes quadrigas); XXXIV, 78 (Euphranor); 
64 (Lysippus . . . fecit et quadrigas multorum generum); 66 (Euthykrates); 80 (Pyromachos); 
88 (Menogenes); 86 (Aristodemos). 

T P., VI, 12.1; to be mentioned infra, p. 279. 8 P., VI.9.4-5. P.,V,27.2. "P., VI, 14.12. 


theia, inscribed with archaic letters and set up in the treasury of the 
Sikyonians. Miltiades won his victory in OI. ( ?) 54 ( = 564 B.C.)- 1 The 
next oldest dedication at Olympia was that of a chariot, without any 
human figure, by the Spartan Euagoras, who won three victories in 
Ols. (?) 58-60 ( = 548-540 B. C.). 2 This custom of dedicating merely 
the model of a chariot continued sporadically into the third century 
B. C. Thus Polypeithes of Sparta, who won a victory near the end of 
the sixth century B. C., 3 dedicated a chariot, while a figure of his 
father, the wrestler Kalliteles, stood beside it. 4 A Pythian victor, 
Arkesilas IV, son of Battos IV, king of Kyrene, who won a victory in 
the 31st Pythiad ( = 462 B. C.), dedicated a chariot at Delphi. 5 At the 
beginning of the fourth century B. C. the Spartan princess Kyniska set 
up "bronze horses less than life-size" in the pronaos of the temple of 
Zeus at Olympia. The recovered base shows that Paunasias was right 
about the size of this votive offering. 6 Theochrestos of Kyrene, who 
won some time between Ols. (?) 100 and 122 ( = 380 and 292 B. C.), 7 
and Glaukon of Athens, who won in the third century B. C., 8 also set up 
votive chariots. The recovered base of Glaukon's chariot shows that it 
was small. Sometimes a chariot victor, for economy's sake, contented 
himself with dedicating merely a statue of himself in honor of his vic- 
tory a custom which continued from the sixth to the third centuries 
B. C. Perhaps one of the oldest examples of such a dedication of which 
we have record is that of the Elean Archidamas, who won a victory at 
an unknown date, but certainly some time after Ol. 66 ( = 515 B. C.). 9 
In the fifth century B. C., the Spartans Anaxandros 10 and Lykinos 11 

!?., VI, 10.8 and 19.6, and cf. 10.8; Hdt., VI, 36; Hyde, 99a and p. 44; Foerster, 105. Pausanias 
here confuses this elder Miltiades with the son of Kimon, as does also the pseudo-Andok., IV, 33. 

2 P, VI, 10.8; cf. Hdt., VI, 103; Hyde, 99b and p. 44; Foerster, 77-79. 

'Some time between Ols. (?) 68 and 70 ( = 508 and 500 B. C.): P., VI, 16.6; Hyde, 160 and 
pp. 58-9; Foerster, 797 (undated). 

4 Kalliteles won some time between Ols. (?) 66 and 68 ( = 516 and 508 B. C): Inschr. v. 01., 632; 
Hyde, 161; Foerster, 774 (undated). 

6 Pindar, Pyth., V, 34 f.; date given by schol. on Pytk., IV, Argum., Boeckh, p. 342. Pindar's 
Pyth., IV and V celebrate this victory. The same scholiast also records a chariot-victory of 
Arkesilas at Olympia in Ol. 80 ( = 460 B. C.); Foerster, 229. 

P., V, 12.5; Inschr. v. 01., 634; /. G. B., 100. Kyniska won two chariot-victories in Ols. (?) 96, 
97 ( = 396, 392 B. C.), and for them also had an equestrian group set up in the Altis, the work 
of the Megarian artist Apellas, which we shall discuss later: P., VI, 1.6 f.; Hyde, 7; Foerster, 
326, 333; see infra, p. 267. 7 P., VI, 12.7; Hyde, 108; Foerster, 801 (undated). 

"He won some time between Ols. (?) 128 and 137 ( = 268 and 232 B. C.): P., VI, 1.9; Hyde, 
169; Foerster, 446; Inschr. v. 01, 178. 

P., VI, 17.5; cf. 10.6-8. In the latter passage (8) Pausanias says that Kleosthenes, who won 
in Ol. 66, was the first to dedicate his statue together with a chariot and horses and the statue of a 
charioteer. Foerster, 38, following Westermann, believes that Archidamas is the name which has 
fallen out of Phlegon, fragm. 4 ( = F. H. G., Ill, p. 605), that of a victor from Dyspontion in Elis, 
and therefore wrongly gives the date of the victory as Ol. 27 ( = 672 B. C.); for a refutation of 
this view and an indeterminate date, see Hyde, 182 and p. 62. 

10 He won Ol. (?) 79 ( = 464 B. C.): P., VI, 1.7; Hyde, 8; Foerster, 233. 

"He won in two events, the hoplite-race and charioteering, in Ols. (?) 83, 84 ( = 448, 444 B. C.): 
P., VI, 2.1-2; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211A. Perhaps one of his two statues by Myron represented 
his charioteer (so Foerster), though more probably the two statues represented the victor for his 
two victories. 


dedicated merely statues of themselves. In the fourth century B. C. the 
Elean victors Timon, 1 whose monument was by Daidalos, Troilos, 
whose monument was by Lysippos, 2 and Telemachos, whose statue 
was by Philonides, 3 set up statues in honor of their victories. The 
footprints on the inscribed base of the statue of Telemachos show that 
he was represented standing at rest with both feet flat on the ground. 
This was probably the position of the statues of the other two victors 
mentioned. The statue of the Spartan victor Polykles, surnamed 
Polychalkos, stood in a singular group. He was represented as being 
greeted on his return home by his children, one of whom held a small 
grace-hoop in his hand, while the other was trying to snatch the victor 
ribbon from his father's hand. 4 We learn from Diogenes Laertios that 
the tyrant Periandros of Corinth vowed to set up a golden statue of 
himself if he won the chariot-race. 5 

The first instance chronologically recorded by Pausanias of a chariot 
victor dedicating his statue along with chariot and horses is that of 
king Gelo of Syracuse, the group being the work of the Aeginetan Glau- 
kias. 6 The first instance of a victor dedicating his statue in a group 
with chariot, horses, and charioteer, is that of Kleosthenes of Epidamnos, 
the group being the work of the Argive Hagelai'das. 7 Even the names 
of the horses were inscribed on this monument. 8 The owner of the 
chariot, to be sure, took the prize, but he felt that the victory was due to 
the horses and driver, and so he associated them with himself in the 
monument. Sometimes the victor acted as his own charioteer. Thus 
the Spartan Damonon, already mentioned as the hero of many chariot 
victories in and near Sparta, tells in the inscription appearing on his 
votive relief that he was his own charioteer. 9 In the first Isthmian 
Ode Pindar congratulates Herodotos of Thebes, who won the chariot- 
race ( ?) in 458 B. C., on not entrusting his chariot to strangers, but driving 

'He won some time between Ols. (?) 98 and 101 ( = 388 and 376 B.C.): P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17; 
Foerster, 3 10; his statue stood beside that of his son Aigyptos on horseback; the latter won /ceXrjri 
about the date of his father's victory: P., VI, 2. 8; Hyde 18; Foerster, 301. The two monuments 
were by the Sikyonian Daidalos. 

2 He won trwtaplSi Kal TfOplmrv in Ols. 102, 103 ( = 372, 368 B. C.): P., VI, 1.4; Hyde, 6; Foer- 
ster, 338, 345. 

3 He won some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 ( = 320 and 260 B. C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 
122; Foerster, Sll: Inschr. v. 01., 177. 

4 Polykles won in Ol. (?) 89 ( = 424 B. C.): P., VI, 1.7; Hyde, 9; Foerster, 796 (undated). For 
this athletic genre group, see Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 534. On children's hoops (rpoxoi), see 
L. Becq de Fouquieres, Les Jeux des Anciens*, 1873, Ch. VIII, pp. 159 f. 

6 1, 96 (quoting Ephoros, fragm. 106 = /\ //. G., 1, pp. 262-3). Periandros won a chariot victory 
at Olympia at the end of the seventh or beginning of the sixth century B. C.: Foerster, 80, who 
assumes that it was a statue of Zeus, and not of Periandros. 

6 Gelo won in Ol. 73 ( = 488 B. C.): P., VI, 9.4; Hyde, 90; Foerster, 180; Inschr. v. OL, 143. This 
inscription on the recovered base and another from the base of the monument of Pantarkes, who 
won apparently in the chariot-race at the end of the sixth century B. C. (Inschr. v. 01. , 142; Foer- 
ster, 149), are the two oldest inscriptions known of chariot victors at Olympia. 

7 He won Ol. 66 ( = 516 B. C.) : P., VI, 10.6-7; Hyde, 99; Foerster, 143. 

8 P., VI, 10.7. 9 We have mentioned the inscribed relief supra, pp. 257 and 258, and n. 1 

on p. 258. 


it himself. 1 Thrasyboulos seems to have driven his father's car at the 
victory commemorated by the sixth Pythian Ode, sung in honor of the 
chariot victory of Xenokrates of Akragas in 490 B. C. at Delphi. Kar- 
rhotos, the charioteer of Arkesilas of Kyrene already mentioned, was 
the latter's brother-in-law. 2 Similarly Aigyptos appears to have ridden 
his own horse at Olympia instead of entrusting it to a jockey. 3 Sopho- 
kles, in the Electra, has the hero Orestes drive his own chariot at the 
Pythia. Kyniska, the daughter of king Archidamas of Sparta, was the 
first woman to enter the contests at the race-course and the first to win 
an Olympic victory with her chariot. 4 Apart from the small votive 
offering, already mentioned as standing in the temple of Zeus, she had 
also a victor-group at Olympia, by the sculptor Apellas, consisting of 
chariot, horses, charioteer, and herself. The rounded form of the 
recovered base, 5 in connection with the description of Pausanias, per- 
mits us to assume that the statue of the princess stood in front on the 
projecting rounded portion of the pedestal. This is the contention of 
Loewy, who opposes the theory of Furtwaengler 6 that the statue stood 
away from the rest of the group, since Pausanias makes no mention of 
such an arrangement. In any case, the charioteer in the group can not 
have been separated from the car. 

In an unpublished paper by my former teacher, Dr. Alfred Emer- 
son, which was read by Professor D. M. Robinson before the Archae- 
ological Institute of America at its Christmas meeting in Providence 
in 1910, and entitled The Case of Kyniska, 7 the argument was made that 
the chariot was in miniature; that the statue of Kyniska was a por- 
trait, because of the wording of the recovered epigram; and, lastly that 
the smallest of the so-called bronze dancers from the villa of the Pisos 
in Herculaneum, now in Naples, is a late reproduction of the statue at 
Olympia by Apellas. Emerson thinks that Pliny no doubt often visited 
the villa and may well have had these statues in mind when he mentioned 
Apellas as the author of several statues of women adorning themselves. 8 

The monument erected by Hiero, son of Deinomenes and brother 
and successor of king Gelo at Syracuse, who won two horse-races and 
a four-horse chariot victory at Olympia in Ols. 76, 77, 78 ( = 476- 
468 B. C.), 9 consisted of a bronze chariot, on which the charioteer was 
mounted, and on either side a race-horse with a jockey on each. Onatas 
made the chariot (and possibly the statue of the driver), while Kalamis 

15. 2 Pindar., Pyth., V, 26. For the above examples, see also Gardiner, p. 463. 

3 P., VI, 2.8; he was represented on horseback. "P., Ill, 8.1 ; cf. VI, 1.6. 

*Inschr. v. 01., 160; Loewy, I. G. B., 99; see A. G., XIII, 16. *A. Z., XXXVII, 1879, p. 151. 

'Noted in A. J. A., XV, 191 1, p. 60. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 86: et adornantes sefeminas. For the five larger bronze figures, see Inv., 5604-5, 
5619-21; for the smaller sixth figure, usually known as the Praying Child, see Inv., 5603. All six 
are pictured in E. R. Barker's Buried Herculaneum, 1908, Figs. 18-19. 

P., VI, 12.1; cf. VIII, 42.9-10; Oxy. Pap.; Hyde, 105; Foerster, 199, 209, and 215. Pindar 
celebrates the victory of 476 B. C. in his first Olympian ode. 


sculptured the horses and jockeys. Such a division among sculptors 
was not uncommon at Olympia. Thus the Aeginetan artist Simon and 
the Argive Dionysios made a group in common for Phormis, which we 
have already mentioned, consisting of two horses and two charioteers. 1 
The Chian Pantias and the Aeginetan Philotimos made a group in 
common for Xenombrotos of Kos, victor in horse-racing, and for 
his son, the boy boxer Xenodikos, which consisted of statues of the 
man and the boy on horseback. 2 Pliny mentions a four-horse chariot- 
group for which the elder Praxiteles made the charioteer and Kalamis 
the chariot, adding that Praxiteles did this out of kindness, not wish- 
ing it to be thought that Kalamis had failed in representing the man 
after succeeding in representing the horses. 3 

In some of the Olympic chariot-groups doubtless the charioteer was 
represented at the moment of entering the chariot or already in it. 
Sometimes a figure of Nike took the place of the charioteer, in order 
that the victor's exploit might be more exalted. Thus Pausanias, in 
mentioning the bronze chariot of Kratisthenes of Kyrene by Pythag- 
oras of Rhegion, 4 says that statues of Nike and Kratisthenes himself 
are mounted upon the car. The Nike in some cases was replaced by 
the figure of a young maiden, who stood beside the victor, as in the 
cases of the Elean Timon 5 and the Macedonian Lampos. 6 Pliny notes 
a similar example in reference to the chariot of Teisikrates, a Delphian 
victor in the two-horse chariot-race. 7 The maiden in all these cases 
may have been merely a Nike personified or a mortal. 8 Pliny records 
that the painter Nikomachos, son and pupil of Aristeides, painted a 
Victoria quadrigam in sublimine rapiens. 9 The figure of Nike appears 
often on reliefs. Thus on a terra-cotta sarcophagus from Klazomenai 
we see a two-horse chariot driven by a boy, while alongside is a winged 
female figure -Iris or Nike -mounting it. 10 The moment of victory is 
shown on an Attic marble votive relief representing a four-horse chariot, 
now in the British Museum. Here a figure of Nike is represented as 

!?., V, 27.2. See supra, pp. 28, 62, and 163. 2 P., VI, 14.12. 

*H. N., XXXIV, 71. On the basis of this and other references, Reisch built up a theory that 
there was also a fourth-century B. C. Kalamis, the contemporary of the younger Praxiteles: 
Jh. oest. arch. Inst., IX, 1906, pp. 199 f. He was followed by Amelung (R. M., XXI, 1906, 
pp. 285 and 287) and Studniczka (Abh. d. k. saechs. Gesellsch. d. Wiss., philolog.-histor. Klasse, 
XXV, no. IV, 1907, pp. 5 f.). Furtwaengler has shown the weakness of such an argument and 
has rightly referred the monument mentioned by Pliny to the great Kalamis and his younger 
contemporary, the elder Praxiteles: Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1907, pp. 160 f. 

4 P., VI, 18.1. Kratisthenes won Ol. (?) 83 ( = 448 B. C): Hyde, 185; Foerster, 193A. 

6 P., VI, 12.6; Hyde, 105d. The same Timon is mentioned again: P., VI, 2.8; Hyde, 17. This 
monument may have been set up for a second victory or even for the victory mentioned by Paus- 
anias, VI, 2.8; however, I have classed it as an honor dedication, assuming two monuments: 
Hyde, p. 45. 

Lampos won some time after Ol. (?) 105 ( = 360 B. C.): P., VI, 4.10; Hyde, 44; Foerster, 420. 
Philippi, the native city of Lampos, was founded in Ol. 105 by Philip, father of Alexander, on the 
site of an older town, Krenides. 7 #. N., XXXIV, 89; it was by the statuary Piston. 

8 Reisch, p. 49, believes that she represented a Nike apteros; Rouse, p. 164, also believes that 
such figures were Victories. H. N., XXXV, 108. "Ant. Denkm., 1, 4, 1889, PI. XLIV. 


floating in the air and extending a wreath (now wanting) towards the 
head of the charioteer, who is draped with a tunic girdled at the waist, 
as he mounts the car. If the charioteer in this relief is a female (which 
is doubtful), it may be the personification of the city to which the 
winner belongs. 1 On a votive relief in Athens a horse is represented 
as being crowned by Nike. 2 On a relief in Madrid Nike is represented as 
driving a chariot. 3 A quadriga with a female figure, apparently Nike, 
appears on a relief dedicated to Hermes and the Nymphs, which was 
found in Phaleron. 4 Doubtless some of the chariot-groups at Olympia 
represented movement the start, the course, or the end of the race 
as do these and similar reliefs. 5 We should add that the figure of Nike 
was not confined to equestrian monuments. On the Ficoroni cista in 
Rome is represented the boxing match between Polydeukes and Amykos 
among the Bebrykes. In the centre we see Amykos hanged to a tree by 
the hands, while to the right stands Athena, and above her Nike is 
flying with a crown and fillet of victory for Polydeukes. 6 


From this discussion of the literary evidence about the monuments 
of chariot victors at Olympia and elsewhere, we shall turn to a brief 
consideration of certain existing works of sculpture, reliefs and statues, 
which will serve to illustrate the manner in which the sculptor repre- 
sented this class of victor monuments. 

The motive of representing a figure in the act of mounting a chariot 
is old. Amphiaraos was thus represented on the chest of Kypselos at 
Olympia 7 and appears in a similar pose on the b.-f. Corinthian vase from 
Cerveteri, now in Berlin, which we have already mentioned. 8 Among 
reliefs we shall first discuss the Parian ( ?) marble one found in 1 822 near 
the Propylaia at Athens and now in the Akropolis Museum (Fig. 63). 9 
Here we see represented a robed figure stepping into a chariot, holding 
the reins in the extended hands. This Attic work, perhaps dating from 

1 B. M. Sculpt., I, 814; Museum Marbles, IX, PI. XXXVIII, fig. 2. A. H. Smith (op. ft/., no. 814; 
cf. Guide to Greece-Roman Sculpt., I, no. 176) also mentions another similar votive tablet in the 
British Museum. It is mounted on a pilaster and represents the visit of Dionysos to Ikarios. 
Such tablets seem to have been commonly dedicated by agonistic victors. 

2 Schoene, Griech. Reliefs, 1872, PL XVIII, fig. 80; F. W., 1142; von Sybel, Kat. d. Skulpt. zu 
Athen, 1881, no. 7014. Here only the arms and wings of Nike are left. 

3 E. Huebner, Die antiken Bildw. in Madrid, 1862, 241, 559; Annali, XXXIV, 1862, PI. G., and 
p. 103;Reisch, p. 51. 

4 Arch. Eph., 1893, pp. 128 f. (Kabbadias) and PI. IX; Rouse, p. 177. 

5 C/. Reisch, pp. 49-50; Rouse, p. 176. 6 Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 1752; Guide, I, 437. 

7 P.,V, 17.8. 8 Frazer,III,p.609,fig.77;etc. See supra,?. 13 and n. 1. 

9 We have already discussed the style and date of this relief in Ch. Ill, pp. 128-9. For the relief, 
see Dickins, no. 1342 and illustration on p. 275; von Sybel, Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen, no. 5039; 
Baum., I, p. 342, fig. 359; Studniczka, Jb., XI, 1896, p. 265, fig. 7; Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 664, 
fig. 342; B. B., 21; von Mach, 56; Collignon, I, pp. 378 f. and fig. 194; Overbeck, I, p. 203 and 
fig. 47; Le Bas, Voyage archeol. (Reinach's ed.), pp. 50-51 and PI. I; F. W., 97; cast in British 
Museum, B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 155. A small piece of the adjacent slab to the right (found on the 
eastern slope of the Akropolis in 1859-1860), fitting the main block exactly, shows two horses' 
tails and one hind leg and proves that the chariot was represented at rest. 


the very beginning of the fifth century B. C., has long been admired for 
its vigor and grace. Whether the figure is male or female, human or 
divine, is still a matter of debate. The head is too badly weathered to 
make the decision final. The upper part of the figure of Hermes (?) 
on another fragment, which appears to come from the same relief and 
which was found near the south wall of the Akropolis in 1859, 1 has 
made it seem reasonable to call the charioteer a god, perhaps Apollo. 2 

FIG. 63. Charioteer Mounting a Chariot. Bas-relief 
from the Akropolis. Akropolis Museum, Athens. 

The hair of Hermes and of the charioteer is arranged in the old 
Attic krobylos fashion. This also makes it natural to interpret the 

This fragment contains a head whose pointed beard and petasos have been thought to indicate 
the god: Dickins, no. 1343; Collignon, I, p. 378, fig. 195; von Mach, fig. 11, opp. p. 58; Conze, 
Nuooe Memorie dell' Institute, II, pp. 408 f. and PI. XIII A; F. W., 96. 

2 So O. Hauser, Jb., VII, 1892, pp. 54 f.; he is followed by Robinson, Cat. of Museum of Fine 
Arts, Boston, no. 33. J. Braun, Gesch. d. Kunst, 1858, II, pp. 188 and 549 (quoted by F. W.), 
Conze, op. cit., Michaelis, Der Parthenon, 1870, p. 123, Helbig, Das homerische Epos*, 1887, 
p. 179 and n. 11, Springer-Michaelis, pp. 207-8 (and fig. 389), Dickins, and many others, also 
interpret the figure as male. 


charioteer as male, despite the slender and delicate arms and hands, 
which appear to be female. 1 But such effeminate male figures are not 
unknown to Attic art, which was characterized by grace and softness. 2 
The line of the breast, however, shows no such fulness as archaic 
masters were wont to give to female forms, and hence this figure may 
very well be that of a male. Schrader has tried to refer the slab to the 
frieze of the Old Temple of Athena, which, he believes, survived the 
sack of the Akropolis by Xerxes, 3 thus assuming a chariot-frieze 
similar to the later one appearing on the Mausoleion at Halikarnassos, 
which antedated similar scenes on the Parthenon frieze by nearly a cen- 
tury. As the Parthenon slabs represent mortal charioteers, who are 
doubtless males, the relief may also represent a mortal. However, the 
Akropolis relief may have had nothing to do with any temple frieze nor 
with the adornment of a great altar of Athena, as Furtwaengler con- 
tended, 4 but may be from a votive monument set up by a chariot 
victor. 5 

We see a good representation in relief of a chariot-group on one side 
of the arched roof of the so-called Chimaera tomb discovered by Sir 
Charles Fellows at Xanthos in Lykia. Here is represented a chariot 
drawn by four horses, in which stands a charioteer, with sleeved tunic 
and Phrygian cap, and an armed figure. Because of the figure of the 
Chimaera in the lower right-hand corner, the charioteer, despite the 
absence of Pegasos, has been called Bellerophon. 6 

H'his coiffure, however, appears on several female heads: e. g.,on the Harpy monument, F. W., 
127 f. Knapp (Nikt in d. Vasenmalerei, p. 10), Brunn (Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1870, II, pp. 213 f.), 
W. Mueller (Quaestiones vestiariae, 1890, p. 44), Collignon, Overbeck, Friedrichs-Wolters, Reisch 
(p. 49), and many others call the figure of the charioteer female. 

*E.g., the headless draped statue, resembling the Korai, in the Akropolis Museum: B.B.,551. 

3 A. M., XXX, 1905, pp. 305 f. (especially 321) and Pis. XI, XII (the rebuilding of the temple 
referred to the time of Peisistratos). He also (p. 320) favors the well-known view of Doerpfeld 
(A. M., XII, 1887, pp. 25-61, 190-211; XV, 1890, pp. 420-439) that the Hekatompedon or Old 
Temple of Athena, rebuilt by the Athenians shortly after the Persian wars, existed not only 
down to 406 B. C., when Xenophon says that it was burnt (Hell., I, 6), but down at least 
to the time of Pausanias. This view is held by J. Harrison, Mythology and Monument! of 
Ancient Athens, 1890, pp. 505 f., Dickins, /. c., and many archaeologists. It has been rejected 
by many others, e. g., Petersen (A. M., XII, pp. 62-72), Wernicke (ibid., pp. 184-189), and in 
extenso Frazer (/. H. S., XIII, 1892-1893, pp. 153-187; reprinted in his edition of Pausanias, 
II, pp. 553-82). Murray, I, p. 143 and fig. 35, referred the relief to one of the metopes of the 
Old Temple of Athena. 

'Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1906, II, pp. 147 f.; cf. also ibid., 1905, pp. 433 f. 

B Springer-Michaelis (/. c.) think that it may represent a chariot victor; similarly Purgold (Arch. 
Eph., 1885, p. 251). Boetticher (Die Akropolis, 1888, pp. 85-6) believes that it represents a 
Panathenaic victor. 

6 In the British Museum: B. M. Sculpt., II, 951 and PI. XIII; Sir Charles Fellows, An Account of 
Discoveries in Lycia, 1841, p. 166. The Chimaera may be introduced as /a heraldic device of the 
owner of the tomb (Smith). Bellerophon appears on Pegasos on a relief from a rock tomb of 
Pinara: B. M. Sculpt., I, 760. We should also compare with these the reliefs found by Fellows 
at Xanthos and now in the British Museum. They show a two-horse chariot with a seated 
charioteer (F. W., 131; Murray, I, PI. IV), a two-horse chariot with a charioteer and a seated 
man (F. W., 133; Murray, PI. Ill), and a young rider (F. W., 134). See Fellows, pp. 172, 176; 
Murray, I, pp. 124 f. 



On the north frieze of the Parthenon there were originally at least 9 
four-horse chariot groups, 1 while on the south frieze there were 10 such 
groups. 2 These various groups represent a ceremonial chariot-race 
called the apobates, known at Athens and in Boeotia and a favorite 
contest at the Panathenaic games. 3 This race preserved the tradition 
of Homeric warfare, when the chieftain was driven to battle in his 
chariot, but dismounted to fight, remounting only to pursue or avoid his 
enemy. During the race, while the charioteer kept the horses at full 
speed, the apobates dismounted, ran alongside the chariot, and mounted 
again. In the last lap he dismounted and ran beside the chariot to 
the goal. 4 In the North frieze we see the charioteer in the chariot, 
and the apobates, armed with shield and helmet, either stepping down 
from the chariot or standing beside it; while a third figure, a marshal, 
stands nearby. Thus on slab XIV we see the apobates about to step 
down; on slab XV he is standing up in the chariot; on slab XVII 
(Fig. 64) he is leaning back, supporting himself by means of his right 
hand, which grasps the chariot rail, and is just ready to step down; on slab 
XXII he is remounting the chariot. In the scenes on the South frieze, 
on the other hand, the apobates is not represented as dismounting, 
but is standing either inside the chariot or by its side. The South 
frieze, therefore, represents preparation or the beginning of the race, 
while the North one represents the actual course. There is, therefore, 
as Gardiner points out, no need to accept Michaelis' theory that the 
two friezes portray different motives, the North one representing the 
apobates at the games and the South one representing war-chariots. 
The double character of the race is shown by inscriptions which make 
both charioteer and apobates equally victors. Many other reliefs show 
the apobates dismounting. Thus, on a fragmentary relief found in 1886 
at the Amphiareion at Oropos and now in Athens, 5 we see a nude and 
beardless youth standing in a chariot, which is moving rapidly to the 
left. He has a helmet on his head and a shield in his left hand and 

iMichaelis, Der Parthenon, 1870, slabs XI-XXIII; B. M. Sculpt., I, no. 325. The charioteers on 
slabs XII and XIV have long, close-fitting tunics. 

2 Michaelis, op. cit., slabs XXIV-XXXIV; B. M. Sculpt., no. 327. 

3 Theophrastos, ap. Harpokr., s. v. iirofi arris, says that it was peculiar to Athens and Boeotia, but 
there is evidence of its existence elsewhere, e. g., at Aphrodisias in Karia (C. I. G., II, no. 2758, G. 
col. IV, line 3, p. 507, and C. col. IV, 1.3), Naples (ibid., no. 5807, 1. 4), Rome (C. I. L., VI, z, 10047, 
b, line 8 =pedibus ad quadrigam), etc. On the race at the Panathenaia, see Michaelis, op. cit., pp. 
324 f.; Mommsen, Heortologie, 1864, pp. 153 f., and Die Fested. Stadt Athen im Altertum, 1898, pp. 
89 f. ; and for the race in general, Pauly-Wissowa, I, pp. 2814 f. 

4 For a description of the race, see Bekker, Anecd. gr., I, pp. 425-6 and Dionys. Halikarn.,Vll, 73, 
2-3; the former account says that the apobates mounted the chariot in full course by setting his foot 
on the wheel and dismounted again; the latter only that he dismounted in the last lap; the two are 
apparently describing different moments of the same race. 

B National Museum, no. 1391; Svoronos, II, pp. 340-1, Tafelbd., PI. LVI (right); noted in 
A. M., XII, 1887, p. 146, no. 1; Stals, Marbres et Bronzes, p. 237 and fig.; Arch. Eph., 1910, 
pp. 251 f.; Reisch, p. 51. Sta'is gives the measurements as 0.60 meter high and 0.36 meter broad. 



holds on to the rim of the chariot, as in the Parthenon frieze slab just 
mentioned. To his right is a charioteer with his arms outstretched to 
hold the reins. As this relief is obviously influenced by the Parthenon 
frieze, it must stand midway between that frieze and the Hellenistic 
relief to be described below. Another relief, found at Oropos in 1835 1 
and dating from the first half of the fourth century B. C., represents 
a four-horse chariot moving to the left and containing two persons. 
One is the charioteer, who has long waving hair and a short beard and 
is clothed in the usual long tunic; the other is a nude apobates, who is 

FIG. 64. Apobates and Chariot. Relief from 
the North Frieze of the Parthenon, Athens. 

armed with helmet and shield and holds on to the rim of the chariot 
with his right hand, the upper part of his body being inclined back- 
wards, the knees bent, and the shield held away from the body. 2 We 
can not say whether these two reliefs from the Amphiareion represent 
offerings of apobatai, who were victorious at races held in Oropos or 
elsewhere in Boeotia, or represent the victorious Panathenaic apo- 
batai. They may well be ex votos to the hero Amphiaraos at the 
games held in Oropos. We see an excellent illustration of an apobates 
in the very act of dismounting on a Hellenistic votive relief discovered 
in 1880 on the Akropolis, which dates from the end of the fourth cen- 
tury B. C. 3 A marble relief, supposably from Herculaneum, but now 

1 A. M., Ill, 1878, pp. 410-14, no. 193 (Koerte); A/on. d. /., IV, 1844-48, PI. 5; Annali, PI. XVI, 
1844, pp. 166 f. (F. J. Welcker), and PI. E. 

2 A third relief from Oropos, showing the same subject, is in Berlin (no. 725): see Furtwaengler, 
Samml. Sabouroff, I, PI. XXVI (and text, on the subject of the race). 

*B. C. H., VII, 1883, PI. XVII and pp. 458 f. (Collignon); Gardiner, p. 238, fig. 34; F. W., 1836. 


in Portugal, 1 represents a figure dressed in a long chiton. Wolters 
suggests that it may represent an apobates, but the absence of the 
usual armor makes it probable that a charioteer is intended. In 
a future section we shall discuss the apobates in the horse-race at 
Olympia known as Ka\Trrj. 

FIG. 65. Charioteer. Relief from the small Frieze of 
the Mausoleion, Halikarnassos. British Museum, 


The best-preserved slab from the small Parian marble chariot-frieze 
from the Mausoleion of Halikarnassos, now in the British Museum, 
represents a male figure standing in a chariot (Fig. 65). 2 This long- 
haired charioteer, dressed in a tunic which extends to the feet and is 
girded at the waist, is leaning forward in an eager attitude. The folds 

x lts antiquity has been questioned by Kekule, who is quoted by F. W.; see on no. 1838. 

*B. M. Sculpt., II, 1037, PI. XVIII; von Mach, 231',Ant.Dfnkm.,lI,2, 1893-4, PI. XVIII, 0; 
Collignon, II, p. 327, fig. 165; Newton, Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, 1865, II, p. 133,. 
PI. XVI; Gardner, Hbk., p. 430, fig. 111. It is 2 feet 1.5 inches high. 


of his garment curved to the wind show the speed of his horses, and the 
mutilated face discloses a look of intense excitement. The deep-set 
eyes and overhanging brows recall the Tegea heads of Skopas (Fig. 73) 
and the combatants pictured on the so-called Alexander Sarcophagus 
discovered near Sidon in 1887 and now in Constantinople. 1 The pose 
is so characteristic and spirited that it was copied by later artists on 
reliefs and gems. 2 The same pose, forward inclination of the body, 
half-opened mouth, and intense look seem to be reproduced in a statue 
of the fourth century B. C. now in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston 
(PI. 27). 3 Robinson, because of the similarity of its head to certain 
heads of Apollo published by Overbeck, 4 interpreted this statue as 
Apollo starting to run. Von Mach, however, has pointed out that its 
head bears a more striking resemblance to that of a Kore in Vienna. 5 
Klein interpreted it as a jumper, assuming that the two supports on the 
legs were for the wrists, indicating that the arms were held downwards, 
the hands, then, holding halteres. But von Mach makes it clear that 
these supports are not parallel, as Klein thought, but that they diverge 
outwards and consequently may have made the connection with the 
sides of a chariot rim. Furthermore, the likeness to the figure on the 
Mausoleion frieze (Fig. 65) makes it probable that we are here concerned 
with a charioteer. The objection to this theory on the ground of 
nudity is baseless. Though the conventional garb of the charioteer in 
Greek art from the eighth century B.C. onwards 6 was certainly a long, 
close-fitting chiton, there are several examples in existence of nude 
charioteers. 7 Similarly the objection that the artificial head-dress does 
not belong to a charioteer is equally erroneous. Klein has shown that it 

1 For the sarcophagus, see the work of Hamdy Bey and Th. Reinach, Une necropole royale a 
Sidon, 1892; Text, pp. 272 f., and Pis. XXIII-XXVIII, XXX-XXXI, XXXIV-XXXVII; 
also Studniczka, Jb., IX, 1894, pp. 211 f. (who assigned it to Lysippos' pupil, Eutychides); 
Judeich, ibid., X, 1895, pp. 165 f. and figs. 1-6; /. H. S., XIX, 1899, pp. 273 f.; Gardner, Hbk., 
pp. 466 f. and fig. 124 ( = Hamdy-Bey et Reinach, PI. XXIX); von Mach, 379-83; Richardson, 
p. 242, fig. 116; Springer-Michaelis, p. 348, fig. 627; etc. 

2 Weseeit, e. g., on the cuirass of the statue of Augustus in the Vatican: von Mach, no. 418. 

3 Von Mach, no. 232; Robinson, Report of the Trustees of the Museum of Fine Arts, 1897, pp. 18-19; 
Klein, Praxitelische Studien ( = Suppl. to his Praxiteles), 1899, p. 1; in n. 1 Klein says that the 
statue was found in the Tiber. 

*Griech. Kunstmythol., III, Apollon, pp. 149 f. 5 Noted by Klein, op cit., figs. 5 and 7. 

*E. g., on the vase in the British Museum, discussed in Guide to Greek and Roman Life, 1908, 
p. 200. Here the driver stands clothed in the regular chiton like that on the Charioteer from Delphi. 
(Fig. 66.) We see similarly clothed charioteers on various r.-f. vases: e. g., on those pictured by 
Gerhard, IV, Pis. CCLI-CCLIII; on those enumerated by Hauser, Jb., VII, 1892, p. 60 (including 
some r.-f. ones, e.g., the fifth-century B. C. one from Corneto by Euxithoos and Oltos = Baum., 
Ill, PI. XCIII, 2 and p. 2141). Hauser also adds the draped charioteer in the Helios group from 
the Great Pergamene Altar relief (pictured in Baum., II, PI. XXXIX, and pp. 1255-6). The 
general statement of W. Mueller (Quaestiones vestiariae, Goettingen, 1880, p. 44), nam aurigae 
semper fere longa tunica sola vestiti sunt, is, of course, correct. 

1 E. g., the statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori to be mentioned infra, p. 276; also other examples 
in Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 536, 6 (in Rome: B. Com. Rom., I, 1888, PI. XV) and 7 (in Athens: Jb., I, 
1886, p. 173; Stais, op cit., p. 221). We see nude charioteers entering two four-horse chariots on a r.-f. 
lebes, formerly in the collection of Lucien Bonaparte, now in Munich: Gerhard, IV, PI. CCLIV 


appears on several heads of boys, and, as von Mach says, it is certainly 
no better suited to Apollo or a jumper than to a boy driving colts 
in a chariot-race. The pose of the Boston statue also reminds us 
somewhat of that of the small bronze statue of a boy found in the Rhine 
nearXanten in 1858 and nowin Berlin. 1 This is a Roman work seemingly 
inspired by a Greek prototype, and has been interpreted variously as 
the statue of Bonus Eventus, Novus Annus, and Dionysos. However, 
here again the forward inclination of the body points to the interpre- 
tation of a charioteer, 2 despite its nudity. The nude statue found 
on the Esquiline in 1874 and now in the Palazzo dei Conserva- 
tori, Rome, which has already been mentioned, 3 has been shown to be 
that of a charioteer by a comparison with figures on Attic vases which 
represent mortals and gods entering chariots, and with a figure on the 
so-called Satrap Sarcophagus in Constantinople. 4 The youth is rep- 
resented as standing on his left foot; he places his right on the chariot 
floor and extends his hands to hold the reins. The statue seems to be a 
mediocre Roman copy of a Greek original bronze of about the middle 
of the fifth century B. C., as it shows certain traces of archaism. Furt- 
waengler has assigned it to the sculptor Kalamis along with a closely 
connected group of monuments. 5 

Finally, in this connection, even though it has nothing to do with 
monuments set up at Olympia, we shall discuss the life-size bronze 
statue of the Charioteer discovered by the French in 1896 in the excava- 
tions of Delphi, and now the cynosure of the village museum there. 
(Fig. 66. ) 6 This example of ripe archaic art is one of the finest 

JVon Mach, no. 274; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 488, 7: A. Z., XVIII, 1860, pp. 1 f. (Friedrichs) and 
Pis. CXXXIII, CXXXIV; Banner Jb., XXVI, PI. IV. It is 4 ft. 7 in. tall and represents a boy 
of about 14. 

2 Friedrichs, though at first, because of the crown on the hair, interpreting it as a Bonus Eventus 
(A. Z., XVIII, 1860, pp. 1 f.), later (Beschr. d. Skulpt., no. 4, pp. 5-6) called it a charioteer. 

*B. Com. Rom., XVI, 1888, Pis. XV, XVI, 1, 2 (pp. 335 f.); Joubin, pp. 134 f., and fig. 40; 
Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 973 (restored on p. 557, fig. 29) ; Guide, 597 (restored on p. 442, fig. 28) ; Furtw., 
Mp., pp. 81-82; Mw., pp. 115-116; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 536, 6. Mentioned supra, p. 275, n. 7. 

4 Hamdy Bey and Th. Reinach, line necropole royale d Sidon, PI. XXII, 2. 

"Including the Hestia Giustiniani in the Museo Torlonia, Rome: B. B., 491; von Mach, 75; 
the so-called Aspasia head, with copies in Paris (Photo Giraudon, no. 1219) and Berlin (A. Z., 
XXXV, 1877, PI. VIII, two views), and the Apollo-on-the-Omphalos in Athens (PI. 7B); he as- 
signs the later related Athena in the Villa Albani to Praxias, the pupil of Kalamis and contempo- 
rary of Pheidias: F. W., 524; Mp., p. 78, figs. 29 and 30 (head); Mw., pp. 112-113, figs. 19 and 20 
(head). However, as Richardson points out, pp. 137 and 207, the Hettia bears a strong resem- 
blance to the East gable figures at Olympia, especially to those of Sterope and Hippodameia, 
and to several female statues in Copenhagen: Arndt, La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, Pis. VII ( = Joubin, 
p. 161, fig. 53), XXXVIII, and fig. 3 on p. 13. 

C. R. Acad. Inscr., 1896, pp. 178, 186, 362, 388, and Pis. I, II; A. A., 1896, pp. 173 f. (with 
fig.); Homolle, in Mon. Piot, IV, 1897, Pis. XV, XVI, pp. 169 f.; id., B. C. H., XXI, 1897, pp. 579, 
581-3; Fouilles de Delphes, IV, 1904, Pis. XLIX, L (4 views); Bulle, 199 and fig. 134 on p. 460; 
von Mach, 60; H. B. Walters, Art of the Anc. Greeks, 1906, PI. XXVIII; Gardner, Sculpt., pp. 
49 f. and Pis. VIII, IX; G. F. Hill, One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture, 1909, pp. 7-8 and 
PI. V; Springer-Michaelis, p. 225, fig. 482; Robinson, Cat. Mus. Fine Arts in Boston, Suppl., pp. 
1 f., no. 85; cast in British Museum, B. M. Sculpt., Ill, 2688; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 536, 1. It is 
5 feet 10.75 inches high (A. H. Smith) or 1.80 meters (Bulle). 


Statue of a Charioteer (?). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 



bronzes yet recovered in Greece. Its ancient fame is disclosed by the 
fact that it was copied in many monuments down to the end of an- 
tiquity. 1 The figure is clothed in a short-sleeved chiton, which reached 
nearly to the ground, and is girded above the waist. With the figure 
were found also fragments of reins, 
which were held in the extended 
right hand, portions of three horses, 
a chariot pole, and the left arm and 
hand of a second figure, that of a 
boy or woman, showing that the 
Charioteer was part of a group. 
The group rested on a base on 
which was cut a two-line metrical 
inscription, the ends of which are 
preserved. The first line ends 
HoXufaXos 14 aveOrjKev. A part of 
the inscription is lost and another 
part, including the above words, is 
written over the erased original, 
which is still partly legible. The 
original inscription gives the name of 
the first dedicator as ending in tXas. 
From this ending Professor Wash- 
burn recovers the name 'Ap/cecrtXas. 
He refers the original dedication 
to Arkesilas IV of Kyrene, 2 and 
identifies it with the group known 
from Pausanias to have been dedi- 
cated at Delphi by the people of 
Kyrene, representing Battos and 
the figure of Libya crowning him 
in a chariot and the charioteer per- 
sonified as Kyrene outside, the whole 
being the work of the Knossian 
sculptor Amphion. 3 Svoronos 4 fol- 
lows Washburn's suggestion and 
identifies the Charioteer with Bat- 
tos, believing that the fragment of 
the left arm found with the statue 

^ee Svoronos, p. 131, n. 3. 

"O. M. Washburn, Berl. Philol. Wochenschr., 
XXV, 1905, cols. 1358 f.; A. J. A., X, 1906, 
pp. 151-3; XII, 1908, pp. 198-208. 

'P., X, 15.6. 

4 L. c., and Berl. Philol. Wochenschr., 1905, 
col. 1549. 

FIG. 66. Bronze Statue of the 
Delphi Charioteer, Museum of 


is from the statue of Kyrene represented as a charioteer. 1 Ingenious 
as the theory is, there are chronological difficulties in the way of 
accepting it unreservedly. Thus Amphion's pupil Pison worked on 
the Spartan memorial of Aigospotamoi at Delphi in 404 B. C. 2 Fur- 
thermore, the ending tXas may equally well refer to Anaxilas, the tyrant 
of Rhegion, as the original dedicator, 3 in which case it seems reason- 
able to assume that the group might have been the work of Pythag- 
oras, the great sculptor of Rhegion. 4 A Greek scholar believes that 
the original dedicator was Gelo, and that his name was erased and 
replaced by that of his brother Polyzalos; he consequently dates the 
group shortly after Gelo's death in 478 B. C. 5 He refers it to Glaukias 
of Aegina, while Joubin 6 classes the Charioteer as an Attic work. 
However, the whole subject of Greek sculpture in the years just 
after the Persian war period is too complicated to name definitely the 
artist of this simple and severe work. Its deficiencies are as appar- 
ent as its virtues. Thus the parallel folds of the chiton show little of 
the form beneath; the feet are too flatly placed on the ground, and 
the contour of the head and face is not altogether graceful. 7 What- 
ever the original purpose of the group was, it may well have been 
used by Polyzalos to honor the Pythian victory of his brother Hiero. 8 
From it, then, we can get, perhaps, an idea of the magnificence of 
Hiero's monument by Onatas and Kalamis at Olympia. 


The hippie victor at Olympia frequently dedicated merely the model 
of his victorious horse without the jockey, just as the early chariot 

iLechat, Rev. Arch., XI, 1908, pp. 126 f., Furtw., Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1907, II, pp. 157 f., 
Studniczka, Jb., XXII, 1907, pp. 133 f., and others, support Washburn's view. 

2 P., X, 9.7-8; cf. VI, 3.5, where Amphion is called the pupil of Ptolichos, the pupil of Kritios. 

3 So von Duhn, A. M., XXXI, 1906, pp. 421 f.; a conclusion also reached independently by 
E. A. Gardner, Sculpt., p. 51. 

4 So von Duhn, Gardner, and Mahler; the latter in Jh. oest. arch. Inst., Ill, 1900, pp. 142 f. 
Furtwaengler, I.e., found von Duhn's view that the Charioteer is an original work of Pythagoras 
untenable. He also combated his interpretation ot TroXvfaXos as a proper name, preferring 
the suggestion of Washburn that it might be an adjective. However, in a former article (Sitzb. 
Muen. Akad., 1897, pp. 129 f.) he had emphasized the similarity between the statue and a bronze 
statuette in London (B. M. Bronzes, 515 and PI. XVI; Sitzb., 1. c., PI. V, two views) which he 
believed was almost certainly a product of Magna Graecia. He found the style of the Charioteer 
Ionic-Attic without Pelopcnnesian affiliations, and referred it to Amphion or to some unknown 
artist of the circle of Kritios and Nesiotes. For a similar view, see Homolle, Mon. Piot, IV, 
1897, p. 207. Pettier (ap. Homolle, /. c.) assigned it to Kalamis. Cf. also Lechat, Pythagoras de 
Rhegion, 1905, p. 100. 

8 A. D. Keramopoullos, A. M., XXXIV, 1909, pp. 33 f. Homolle, op. cit., pp. 176 f., and 
O. Schroeder, A. A., 1902, pp. 12 f., had also referred it to Gelo's dedication. 

6 P. 152. 7 See G. F. Hill, /. c. 

8 Besides the Olympic victories already recorded, Hiero also won the chariot-race at Delphi in 
Pythiad 29 ( = 470 B. C.), and the horse-race there twice in Pythiads 26 and 27 (-482 and 478 
B. C.); he also won a chariot-race probably at the Theban lolaia in (?) 475 B. C.; Pindar cele- 
brates the four victories in Pyth., I-III; Bergk, P. 1. G., 6 1, pp. 175 f. 


victor dedicated a chariot without the charioteer. We have evidence of 
several instances of this custom from the sixth century B.C. on. Kro- 
kon of Eretria dedicated a small horse of bronze in the Altis. 1 The 
Corinthian Pheidolas dedicated a model of his horse alone, but for a 
different reason. 2 The jockey who rode for him fell off at the start, 
but the mare, named Aura, continued the race and reached the goal as 
victor. The owner was allowed by the judges to set up a monument to 
her. The sons of Pheidolas were also victors in the horse-race 3 and set 
up a horse on a column with an epigram upon it ITTTTOS tiri trri/Xfl 
TreTroiijjuej'os KCU ciriy paju/id eoru/ CTT' ai>TC*>. Just how this monument 
looked is doubtful. Pausanias may have seen the bronze horse of the 
father Pheidolas, and nearby a column with a bas-relief representing 
the horse of the sons; 4 or the horse may have stood on top of the column 
in the round, since the epigram was er' aur4> (on the horse) and not 
CTT' aurfj (on the stele). 5 

More frequently a jockey was seated upon the model of the horse, 
just as we see frequently on vase-paintings. In the Olympic monu- 
ment of King Hiero already mentioned, race-horses with boys seated 
upon them stood on either side of the chariot in honor of his two vic- 
tories in the horse-race and one in the chariot-race. 6 Another Olympia 
group represented the boy horse-racer Aigyptos on horseback, and his 
father, the chariot victor Timon, standing beside him. 7 This is also a 
case in which the victor (Aigyptos) acted as his own jockey. In the 
group representing Xenombrotos of Kos, the horse-racer, and his son, 
the boy boxer Xenodikos, by the Aeginetan Philotimos and the Chian 
Pantias respectively, the boy was seated on a horse and the statue of 
the father stood nearby. 8 The base of this group has been recovered, 
large enough to have carried the two monuments. 9 Pliny says that the 
sculptors Kanachos and Hegias made groups of horse-racers. 10 We have 
seen that Pausanias mentions others by Kalamis and Daidalos. The 
work of Kalamis, the immediate predecessor of Pheidias, an artist 
noted for his grace and softness and as an unrivaled sculptor of horses, 11 
must have been excellent. 

'P., VI, 14.4; he won either before 01. 67 ( = 512 B. C.) or in Ols. 69 or 70 ( = 504 or 500 B. C.): 
Hyde, 126 and p. 52; Foerster, 778 (undated). 

2 He won ^XTJTI in Ols. 66 or 67 ( = 516 cr 512 B. C.): P., VI, 13.9; Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129, 
149a (two victories). 

'They won in Ol. 68 ( = 508 B. C): P., VI, 13.10; Hyde, 121; Foerster, 152. 

So Hyde, pp. 50-1. 6 So Hitz.-BIuemn., II, 2, p. 598. 

P., VI, 12.1. 7 P.,VI, 2.8. 

"Xenombrotos won in Ol. (?) 83 ( = 448 B. C.) : Hyde, 133 (following Robert, 0. S., pp. 180-181) ; 
Foerster, 327; Xenodikos in Ol. (?) 84 ( = 444 B. C.): Hyde, 134; Foerster, 332. 

'Inschr.v. 01., 154; /. G. A., 552a; Robert,0. S., pp. 179-81. However, Kirchhoff referred this base 
to the statue of a runner: A. Z., XXXIX, 1881, p. 84; and Dittenbergertothe victor D[amasi]ppos, 
who won in some running race at an unknown date: Foerster, 812. Robert read the mutilated 
inscription tXeuriTTTros ("horse-driving") instead of the proper name Aajueurnnros. 

"H. N., XXXIV, 75 and 78 (celetiwntes pueri). "Pliny, XXXIV, 71. 



When we turn to the monuments which illustrate the horse-race, we 
find as varied a number vase-paintings, reliefs, coins, statuary, etc. 
as in the case of chariot victors. 

Vase-paintings show that the jockey was generally nude and rode 
without stirrups or saddle. We see nude long-haired jockeys on 
horseback with whips pictured on a sixth-century B. C. Panathenaic 
amphora in the British Museum. 1 One also appears on a silver tetra- 

FIG. 67. Horse-Racer. From a Sixth-Century B. C. b.-f. Panathenaic Vase. 
British^Museum, London. 

drachm in the same museum, which commemorates the Olympic 
victory of Philip II of Macedonia. 2 Here the victorious mounted 
jockey has a palm in his hand, the symbol of his victory. On the other 
hand, the jockey is sometimes represented as wearing a close-fitting 
short-sleeved chiton. We see such a one on an archaic b.-f. Pan- 
athenaic vase of the sixth century B.C. in the British Museum (Fig. 67). 3 
In front of the mounted youth on this vase stands a herald in official 
robes, from whose mouth issue the words "the horse of Dyneiketos is 
victorious." Behind the jockey is an attendant bearing a wreath 
in his left hand and holding a prize tripod over his head. The short 
chiton also appears on a horse-racer on the Amphiaraos vase. 4 We see 
racing boys on a proto-Corinthian lekythos in the museum at Taranto, 

1 B. M. Vases, B 133; Gardiner, p. 461, fig. 169; see also a Panathenaic amphora pictured in 
Perrot-Chipiez, X, p. 129, fig. 92 (left). 

'Gardiner, p. 459, fig. 167 (left). He won K &r,ri in Ol. 106 ( = 356 B. C.): Plut., Alex., 3; Foer- 
ster, 360. Cf. a similar jockey on horseback on a coin of Tarentum: Head, Guide to the Principal 
Gold and Silver Coins . ... in the British Museum, PI. XXIV, 7. 

>B. M. rases, B 144; Gerhard, IV, PI. CCXLVII (lower half); Gardiner, p. 243, fig. 37. 

4 See supra, p. 13 and n. 1. 


with tripods as prizes. 1 A fine example of five nude horse-racers also 
appears on a vase pictured in the Daremberg-Saglio Dictionary. 2 Here 
one has fallen from his horse and is being dragged by the bridle. 

A boy on a galloping horse is shown on aterra-cotta relief from Thera. 3 
On a funerary marble relief from Sicily, now in the Museo Gregoriano, 
Rome, a rider is represented urging his horse on with a whip. 4 An 
Athenian relief shows victorious ephebes leading horses, 5 while another 
from Athens shows a mounted boy. 6 Horsemen representing Athenian 
knights appear on many slabs of the Parthenon frieze, 7 either mounted 
or standing by their horses. 

The inscribed base of Onatas found on the Akropolis seems to have 
borne the statue of a horse-racer. 8 The bronze statue of Isokrates at 
Athens, which represented him as a TTCUS KeKrjrlfav, is mentioned by the 
pseudo-Plutarch. 9 A bronze statuette in Athens from Dodona rep- 
resents an ephebe on a galloping horse. 10 A statue in the Palazzo Or- 
landi in Florence represents a horse-rider. 11 In the Akropolis Museum 
there are two monuments which we should mention in this connection. 
One is the lower part of the statue of a nude rider on horseback, the 
mutilated horse being represented as pawing the ground with its fore- 
foot. Closely resembling it in scale and finish, though more developed 
in style, is another fragmentary statue of a horse without a rider, the 
latter probably to be understood as standing in front of the horse, as in 
some of the riders pictured on the Parthenon frieze. The two are good 
examples of pre-Persian Attic sculpture. 12 A later example is the small 
bronze statuette of an ephebe represented as a horseman (the horse is 
lacking) discovered recently at the French excavations at Volubilis in 
Morocco. This almost perfectly preserved work has been referred to 

'Mentioned in /. H. S., XIV, 1894, p. 66 (H. Stuart Jones). 

2 III, I, p. 200, fig. 3846 (from Dubois-Maisonneuve, Introd. dl'fitude des vases, PI. XLIII); 
others are there mentioned, e. g., Man. d. /., I, 1829-33, PI. XXII, 3b and II, 1834-38, 
PI. XXXII (bottom). 

3 B. C. H., V, 1881, pp. 436 f., with figure (Collignon). This and the following three reliefs are 
mentioned by Rouse, p. 176. 

4 F. W., 1206, formerly interpreted as Alexander and Boukephalos. 

6 Von Sybel, Kat. d. Skulpt. zu Athen, 1881, no. 307. 

Von Duhn, in A. Z., XXXV, 1877, pp. 167, no. 89 (cf. no. 88). 

7 On the North frieze, Michaelis, Der Parthenon, 1870, Tafelbd., slabs XXIV-XLII; B. M. 
Sculpt., I, 325, pp. 175 f.; West frieze, Michaelis, slabs II, IV, VI-VII, IX-XI; B. M. Sculpt., 
326, pp. 179-80; South frieze, Michaelis, slabs I, III, X-XVI, XXII-XXIII; B. M. Sculpt., 327, 
pp. 181-85. 

"C. /. A., IV, 2, 373, line 99; cf. Studniczka, Arch. Eph., 1887, p. 146. 

Vit. X Oral., 42 (p. 839b); he says that it stood in the ball-court of the maidens known as arreph- 
oroi. Pausanias, I, 18.8, also mentions a statuette of Isokrates on a column near the Olympieion. 

10 Carapanos, Dodone et ses ruines, 1877, p. 183 and PI. XIII, 1; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 527, 1. 

"Arndt-Amelung, Einzelaufnahmen, no. 242. 

12 Dickins, nos. 700, found in 1887 (height 1.12 meters, length of fragment 0.76 me:er) and 697 
(height 1.13 meters); Winter, Archaische Reiterbilder von der Akropolis, Jb., VIII, 1893, pp. 135- 
156, figs. 13a and b, 14a and b; Collignon, I, pp. 358-9, figs. 180 and 181; Schrader, Arch. Marmor- 
Skulpt. im Akropolis-Museum zu Athen, 1909, p. 81, figs. 72-3 (assuming a Chian sculptor for 
no. 700); B. B., 459; no. 700=Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 639, fig. 327; 697 = ibid., p. 637, fig. 326. 
Winter, in the article cited, gives fourteen cuts of such archaic horse monuments. 


the first half of the fifth century B. C. 1 The position of the hands 
holding the reins reminds us strongly of the Delphi Charioteer (Fig. 66). 
The diadem in the hair shows that a victor is represented. A small 
bronze statuette in the Loeb collection in Munich represents a boy 
riding a prancing horse, which is standing on its hind legs. This vigor- 
ous, but poorly finished, work is decorative in character and probably 
once belonged to the crown of a candelabrum. It appears to be either 
an Etruscan or early Roman work based on a Hellenistic original. 2 


In a previous section we discussed the apobates chariot-race run at 
the Panathenaic games in Athens, in which the apobates leaped down 
and ran to the goal abreast of the chariot. We shall now briefly speak 
of a similar race at Olympia (the KaXirr)) in which the rider leaped from 
his mare in the last lap and ran with her to the goal. 3 There is no 
certain illustration in sculpture or on vase-paintings of this race, but 
Gardiner believes that something like it appears on coins of Tarentum, 
on which a nude youth, armed with a small round shield, is represented 
in the act of jumping from his horse. 4 The military character of this 
race, like that of the apobates chariot-race discussed, is shown by the 
shield held in the left hand of the dismounting horseman. Helbig has 
shown that the Greek knight of the sixth century B. C. was merely a 
mounted infantryman, the successor of the Homeric warrior who used 
his chariot merely for pursuit or flight, while actually fighting from the 
ground. 5 Just so the knight rode to battle on his horse, but dismounted 
when near the enemy, leaving the horse in charge of his squire, as the 
Homeric chieftain left his chariot in charge of his charioteer. This old 
custom of the heroic age survived not only in the Panathenaic chariot- 
race, but also, for a few years in the fifth century B. C., in the Olympic 
mare-race known as the KaXirr]. It seems to have been instituted there 
for military reasons in order to revive the old form of fighting that had 
gone out of use just at the close of the sixth century B.C., but it endured 
for only a half century, from Ols. 71 to 84 ( = 496 to 444 B.C.). The 
corresponding chariot-race at Athens and elsewhere continued at least 
to the end of the fourth century B. C. 

^ee preliminary account by Th. Reinach in C. R. Acad. Inscr., 1919, (Jan.-Feb.), pp. 56-59 
and fig. on p. 58. It is 49 centimeters high. 

2 J. Sieveking, Die Bronz. d. Samml. Loeb, 1913, p. 70, PI. 29; it is 0.12 meter high. An exact copy 
is in the Cabinet des Medailles in Paris; Babelon et Blanchet, Cat. des bronzes ant. de la 
Bibliotheque Nationale, 1893, no. 893. For further examples of horsemen in bronze and marble, 
see Reinach, Rep., II, 2, pp. 527-533. 

3 The race is described by P., V, 9.2; cf. Plutarch, Quaest. conviv., V, 2 (675 C.) For possible 
examples in sculpture, see Reinach, Rep., II, 2, pp. 532-3. 

*E. g., on a silver stater of the early third century B. C. from Tarentum in the British Museum: 
Gardiner, p. 462, fig. 170 (right). 

& Les iTTTrets atheniens, 1902 (Extrait des Memoires de V Acad. des Inscr. et Belles-Lettres, Vol. 
XXXVII). Cf. Gardiner, pp. 71-2. 




In closing this chapter we shall say a few words about monuments 
erected to trumpeters, heralds, and musical victors at Olympia, though 
such contests had nothing to do with athletics. 

Contests for trumpeters and heralds were held in many parts of 
Greece. 1 They were introduced at Olympia in Ol. 96 ( = 396 B. C.), 
when Timaios of Elis won as trumpeter and Krates of Elis as herald. 2 
Pausanias mentions an altar, near the entrance to the stadion, upon 
which trumpeters and heralds stood when competing. 3 Such contests 
seem to have been mere displays of lung power. Herodoros, for ex- 
ample, who won as trumpeter at Olympia ten times in the last quarter 
of the fourth and beginning of the third century B. C. 4 , could blow two 
trumpets at once so loud that no one could stand near him. 5 To 
perform such a feat he was said to be a very large man. 6 Diogenes, 
son of Dionysios of Ephesos, won five victories in trumpeting at Olym- 
pia. He was twice periodonikes and also won many other victories 
at the Isthmus, Nemea, and elsewhere eighty in all. 7 We have an 
excellent bronze statuette of a trumpeter, which was found in the 
Hieron of Athena Chalkioikos at Sparta, dating from the middle of 
the fifth century B. C., about a century and a half before the event was 
introduced at Olympia. 8 This "little masterpiece of Spartan art," 
whose style resembles that of the Olympia pediment sculptures, rep- 
resents a nude man standing, the left arm hanging by his side, while the 
right is bent upwards to the mouth, where it held a tubular object 
pointing upwards. Since the lips are tightly compressed, Dickins 
has interpreted the object as a trumpet. A much damaged bronze 
statuette in the British Museum represents a man playing on a long 

^Heralds (icifawces), trumpeters (aaXTria-rai), flutists (afrXTjTat), cithara-players 
and those who sang with them (/a0apcj>5oi), are mentioned as victors in many inscriptions: e. g., 
at Oropos, C. 7. G. G. S., I, nos. 419-20; at Tanagra, ibid., 540; at Plataiai, ibid., 1667; at 
Thespiai, ibid., 1760 and 1773; on Mt. Helikon, ibid., 1776; at Akraiphia, ibid., 2727; at Koro- 
neia, ibid., 2871; etc. Cf. Frazer, III, p. 628. Also on Samos: see inscription discussed in 
J. H. S., VII, 1886, p. 150. 

2 Afr.; Foerster, nos. 302 (Timaios) and 303 (Krates); they are not mentioned by Pausanias 
in his account of the introduction of various contests at Olympia, V, 8.6 f. Lucian mentions the 
contests of heralds at Olympia: de morte Peregrini, 32. 

3 V, 22.1. 

4 Nestor (F. H. G., Ill, p. 485*, quoted by Athenaeus, X, 7, p. 415a) says that he was periodo- 
nikes ten times, while Pollux (IV, 89) says seven times. For the dates of the victories, which fell 
some time between Ols. (?) 113 and 122 ( = 328 and 292 B. C.), see Foerster, nos. 395, 399, 402, 
404, 406, 411, 415, 422, 425, and 428. 

5 Athen., X, 7 (p. 414e). 

6 Amarantos of Alexandria, apud Athen., /. c., says that he was 3.5 ells in height; Pollux, /. c., four 
ells. Athenaeus relates examples of his voracity. 

'For the inscribed basis of his statue at Olympia, see Inschr. v. 01. , 232; cf. Foerster, 815-19 
(undated). The inscription appears to belong to the first century A. D. 

*B. S. A., XIII, 1906-7, pp. 146-7 (Dickins) and fig. 3; cf. A. ]. A., XIII, 1909, p. 83 and fig. 6. 
It is 0.131 meter high. 


trumpet-shaped instrument. 1 Trumpeters also appear now and then 
on r.-f. Attic vases of the middle of the fifth century B. C. 

Music victors played a greater role at Delphi than elsewhere, since 
music from the first was the chief interest there. Monuments to such 
victors, though few in number, by little-known artists were set up there, 
but they seem to have enjoyed the same meagre honor at Delphi as the 
statues of athletic victors. 2 We have record of a statue of the Epi- 
zephyrian Locrian kitharoidos Eunomos, set up in his native town in 
honor of his Pythian victory over Ariston of Rhegion. Timaios says that 
this monument showed a cicada seated on the singer's lyre. 3 Whether 
such monuments at Delphi or elsewhere were regarded as victor or 
votive in character, we can not say. 4 Pausanias mentions several 
statues of poets and musicians, mostly mythical, on Mount Helikon, 
which were set up partly in consequence of victories won there or else- 
where. 5 Of these the statue of the Thracian or Odrysian Thamyris 
was represented as a blind man holding a broken lyre; 6 that of Arion 
of Methymna as riding a dolphin; 7 that of Hesiod, seated, as holding a 
lute on his knees; and that of the Thracian Orpheus with Telete at his 
side and round about beasts in stone and bronze listening to his song. 
Of the statue of the Argive Sakadas, Pausanias says that the sculp- 
tor, not understanding Pindar's poem on the victor, made the flutist 
no bigger than the flute. 8 The epigram on the statue of the Sikyonian 
flutist Bacchiadas, mentioned by Athenaeus as standing on Mount 
Helikon, 9 was votive in character. The inscribed base of the statue of 
the kitharoidos Alkibios has been found on the Athenian Akropolis. 10 
Musical contests are pictured on many imitation Panathenaic vases, 
and many Greek reliefs seem to have been set up in honor of such vic- 
tors. Among the latter we might instance the one in the Louvre rep- 
resenting Apollo, Artemis, and Leto, 11 and another found in Sparta in 
1885, which represents Artemis pouring a libation before Apollo. 12 

At Olympia flute-playing accompanied certain of the events of the 
pentathlon. Pausanias says that the reason why the flute played a 

1 B. M. Bronzes, 223 (quoted by Dickins, /. c.). 2 See P., X, 9. 2. 

3 Fragm. 65 (=F. H. G., I, 207, quoted by Strabo, VI, 1.9, C. 260). For the story about his 
victory, see Timaios, Strabo, /. c., Clemens Alexandr., Protrept., I, p. 2, and poetically in A. G., 
VI, 54 (Paulus Silentiarius), and IX, 584. 

*Cf. Reisch, p. 52. 5 IX, 30. 2 f. 

6 In another passage, X, 7. 2, Pausanias says that Thamyris won a prize for singing at the 
Pythian games; he also mentions a painting of him by Polygnotos: X, 30. 8. On Thamyris, cf. 
also P., IV, 33. 3 and 7. 

7 For the story of the poet Arion and the dolphin, see P. Ill, 25. 7. 

8 In X, 7.4, Pausanias says that Sakadas won in flute-playing at Delphi three times, the first in 
the third year of Ol. 48 ( = 585 B. C.). In another passage, II, 22.8, he says that Sakadas was 
the first to play the "Pythian tune" on the flute. For a description of this tune, see Pollux, IV, 
84, and Strabo, IX, 3.10 (C. 421). 

"XI V, 24 (p. 629a) . 10 C. I. A. , 1, 3 57. 

"Froehner, Notice, no. 16; Clarac, 122, 342; M. W., I, PI. 13, 46; etc. 

UA. M., XII, 1887, pp. 378 f. (Wolters) and PI. XII. 


Pythian air while the athletes jumped was that this air was sacred to 
Apollo, who had beaten Hermes in running and Ares in boxing at 
Olympia. 1 Thus on the chest of Kypselos a flutist was represented 
as standing between Admetos and Mopsos at their boxing match. 2 
But the explanation given by Philostratos seems more sensible, 
that leaping was a difficult contest, and that the flute stimulated the 
jumpers. 3 At Argos, at the games in honor of Zeus Z0uos, wrestlers 
contended to the tune of the flute. 4 Many vase-paintings illustrate 
flute-playing at the pentathlon. 5 At Olympia only a few monuments 
were set up in honor of musical victors, and these seem to have been 
statues erected honoris causa, instead of primarily for victories. An 
example is that of the Sikyonian flutist Pythokritos, who won a vic- 
tory as av\r]TT]s in the sixth century B. C. 6 Pausanias says that his 
monument was that of a small man with a flute wrought in relief on 
an inscribed slab. The explanation of such a description probably is 
that the size of the flute made the victor appear small, just as in the 
case of the monument of Sakadas just mentioned. 7 We know that 
artists, poets, prose writers, musicians, and actors all had an audi- 
ence at Olympia, and that statues were often erected there in honor 
of such men, though these are not to be treated as victor monuments 
and do not properly fall within the scope of the present work. 8 

*V, 7.10; cf. Plutarch, de Musica, 26. Athenaeus, IV, 39 (p. 154a), quotes from the first 
book of the catalogue of Olympic victors by Eratosthenes to the effect that the Etruscans used 
to box to the music of the flute. 

2 P., V, 17. 10. "Ph., 55. "Plut., /. c. 

6 See Pinder, Ueber den Fuenfkampf d. Hellenen, 1867, pp. 97 f. 

6 He won some time between Ols. (?) 58 and 62 ( = 548 and 532 B. C.): P., VI, 14.9-10; Hyde, 
128b and p. 52. He also won six victories at Delphi and fluted at the pentathlon: cf. P., /. c. 
and Ph., 55. 

7 So Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 604. An example, on the other hand, of a very small man erecting a 
large statue is that of the poet Lucius Accius, whose statue was set up in the temple of the Cam- 
enae in Rome: Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 19; cf. Bernouilli, Roem. Ikonogr., I, p. 289. 

*E. #., to Aristotle of Stagira: P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41b; to Gorgias of Leontini: P., VI, 17.7; 
Hyde, 184a; Inschr. v. 01., 293; etc. 



PLATES 28-30 AND FIGURES 68-77. 


If in these later years our knowledge of Skopas has been greatly 
augmented by the discovery of the Tegea heads (Fig. 73), that of 
Lysippos has been almost revolutionized. With the discovery in 1894 
at Delphi of the group of statues dedicated by the Thessalian Daochos 2 
in honor of various members of his house, whose dates covered nearly 
two centuries, 3 an entirely new impetus was given to the study of the 
last of the great Greek sculptors. Homolle immediately recognized the 
fourth-century origin of the group, and at first pronounced the statue 
of Agias Lysippan; 4 later he saw in the types, poses, and proportions 
of the group the mixed influences of Praxiteles, Skopas, and Lysippos, 
but referred the Agias to the school of Skopas, 5 while still later he again 
pronounced it Lysippan. 6 But its true character was not destined 
to be long in doubt. When Erich Preuner 7 found almost the same 
metrical inscription, which was on the base of the best preserved statue 
of the group, that of Agias (PI. 28 and Fig. 68), 8 in the traveling journal 
of Stackelberg, 9 copied from a base in Pharsalos, the Thessalian home of 

first part of the present chapter appeared under the caption, Lysippus as a Worker in 
Marble, in A. ]. A., 2d Series, XI, 1907, pp. 396-116, and figs. 1-6; the second part, entitled, 
The Head of a Youthful Heracles from Sparta, appeared ibid., XVIII, 1914, pp. 462-478, and 
fig. 1. Both parts have been rewritten. The author is indebted to the former editor-in-chief, 
Dr. James M. Paton, for permission to use the original papers in writing the present chapter. 

2 First noted by Homolle, Gaz. B.-A., XII, 1894, III Ser., pp. 452 f.; id., B. C. H., XXI, 1897, 
pp. 592 f.; id., ibid., XXIII, 1899, pp.421 f.; id., Rev. Arch., 1900, p. 383; P. Gardner, /. H. S., 
XXV, 1905, pp. 234 f. (The Apoxyomenos of Lysippos). For a good summary and a new identi- 
fication of the figures of the group (without discussing the style), see Miss E. M. Gardner and 
K. K. Smith, A. J. A., XIII, 1909, pp. 447 f. (PI. XIV and 21 text-cuts). 

3 The group was composed of nine statues: three of athletes, those of the brothers Agias, a pan- 
cratiast, Telemachos, a wrestler, and Agelaos, a boy runner; four statesmen, and the son of the 
dedicator, and one unknown: B. C. H., XXI, pp. 592 f.; Silzb. Muen. Akad., 1913, III, no. 4, 
pp. 45-46. 

*Gaz. B.-A., XII, 1894, p. 452 : "un des meilleures exemples de la maniere de Lysippe." 

*E.C.H., XXI, 1897, p. 598. 

*B. C. H., XXIII, 1899, pp. 470-1: "Uauteur de la statue d' Agias ..... ne pent etre 
cherche que dans I' ecolede Lysippe ou dans sadependance immediate ..... " On p. 472 he says 
that in the Agias we have a statue "qui approche aussi pres que possible d'un original de Lysippe." 

''Ein delphisches JVeihgeschenck, 1900; for the inscription referring to the statue of Agias, see 
B. C. H., XXI,1897, pp. 592-593. Preuner's ingenious theory was based on a combination of the 
inscriptions on the bases of the group. 

s Fouilles de Delphes, IV, 1904, Pis. LXIII (full length), LXIV (head); statue of Sisyphos I, 
PI. LXV; Sisyphos II, LXVIII (=B. C. H., XXIII, PI. IX); Agelaos ( = 5. C. H., XXIII, PI. IX). 
For the Agias, see also B. C. H., XXIII, 1899, Pis. X (head, two views) and XI (statue); von Mach, 
234; Springer-Michaelis, p. 336, fig. 596; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 549, 11 (before the discovery of the 
lower legs). The name is to be spelled either Agias or Hagias; the former has now become usual. 

9 Baron Otto Magnus von Stackelberg (1760-1836) visited Pharsalos in September 1811. 


Statue of the Pancratiast Agias, from Delphi. Museum of Delphi. 


Daochos, with the additional information that Lysippos of Sikyon 
made the statue, our views of the work of that artist had to undergo a 
thorough revision. For this discovery brought the Agias if not the 
others of the group into direct relation to Lysippos by documentary 
evidence, while the easily recognized Lysippan characteristics of the 
statue the slender body and limbs, the small head, the proportions 
and pose confirmed this connection on stylistic grounds. It became 

FIG. 68. Head from the Statue of Agias (PI. 28). 
Museum of Delphi. 

clear that Daochos had set up a series of statues in honor of his an- 
cestors both at Pharsalos and Delphi. Whether the Thessalian group 
was of bronze, as is generally held, owing to the widespread belief 
that Lysippos worked only in metal, and the Delphian group was com- 
posed of contemporary marble copies of those originals, will be dis- 
cussed further on. If the marble group was a copy, we may infer that 
it reproduced the original statues, not mechanically and laboriously as 
was often the case in Roman days, but accurately; for having employed 
a noted artist in the one case, the dedicator would have desired an 
accurate reproduction of the work in the other. 



But another statue, the Apoxyomenos, of the Vatican (PL 29), 1 ever 
since its discovery by Canina in 1849, had held the honored place 
of being regarded as the centre of the stylistic treatment of Lysippos. 
Seldom has the discovery of a Roman copy of a Greek original proved 
so important for the study of ancient sculpture as this athlete statue, 
which was found in an appropriate place, in the ruins of a building, 
which almost certainly was a Roman bath. Despite unimportant 
restorations, the statue is well preserved. The fingers of the right hand 
holding the die were wrongly restored by the sculptor Tenerari at the 
suggestion of Canina who wrongly interpreted the passage in Pliny 
(XXXIV, 55), which refers to two works by Polykleitos, destringentem 
se et nudum talo incessentem, as meaning one and the same monument. 2 
This slightly over life-size statue represents a nude athlete, who is stand- 
ing with legs far apart, employed in scraping the sand and oil from his 
extended right arm with a strigil held in the left hand. This, as we saw 
in Chapter III, was a common palaestra motive. 3 Despite certain por- 
trait-like features, this statue may not represent an individual victor, 
but, like Myron's great work, an athletic model. The words of Pliny, 4 
which mention one of the best-known works of Lysippos in antiquity 
it heads the list in his account of the sculptor as an athlete destrin- 
gentem se, and his statement in another passage 5 that Lysippos intro- 
duced a new canon into art capita minora faciendo quam antiqui, 
corpora graciliora siccioraque, per quae proceritas signorum major vid- 
eretur, i. e., a canon of bodily proportions essentially different from 
that of Polykleitos, seemed to have their best illustration in the slender 
and graceful body and limbs, and noticeably small head of this statue. 
It was, therefore, though admittedly a Roman work, long regarded 
as a direct copy of the Lysippan original, and as faithfully representing 
his style in every detail. 6 Such a view, of course, was founded entirely 
on circumstantial evidence, and could not survive any positive evidence 
to the contrary which might come to light in the future. G. F. Hill, in 
speaking of the insufficient evidence on which the Apoxyomenos had 
been accepted as the key to Lysippan style, rightly remarks: "It is more 
scientific, until we acquire documentary evidence of excellent character, 

'In the Braccio Nuovo: Amelung, Fat., I, p. 86, no. 67 and PI. XI; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, no. 23; 
Guide, I, no. 31; B. B., 281 (head = 487); Bulle, 62 (head = 213); and reconstruction in a bronzed 
cast on a high pedestal in the Museum of the University of Erlangen, ibid., pp. 117-18, fig. 22, a, 
b, c (cf. Muenchner Jb. f. bild. Kunst., 1906, p. 36); von Mach, 235; Baum., II, p. 843, fig. 925; 
Mon. d. I., V, 1849-53, PI. XIII; Rayet, II, PI. 47 (text by Collignon); Overbeck, II, p. 157, 
fig. 182; Collignon, II, p. 415, fig. 218; Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkm., PI. XXXIV and pp. 107-10; 
Springer-Michaelis, p. 337, fig. 603; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 546, 2; Clarac, V, 848B, 2168A; F. W., 
1264; etc. 

2 C/. F. W., p. 449, paragraph 2 of the notes. E. Braun (Annali, L, 1850, pp. 223 f.) first iden- 
tified the statue with Lysippos' Apoxyomenos; cf. also Brunn (Bulletino d. Inst., 1851, p. 91). 

3 Cf. Becker, Callus, 3 III, p. 108; and especially J. Kueppers, Der Apoxyomenos des Lysippos, in 
Progr. des Banner Gymnas., 1869. *H. N., XXXIV, 62. *>Ibid., XXXIV, 65. 

6 Especially its surface modeling was supposed to confirm Pliny's criticism of the master: 
op. cit., XXXIV, 65. 

Statue of the Apoxyomenos, after Lysippos or his School. 
Vatican Museum, Rome. 


to classify our extant examples of ancient art as representing tendencies 
rather than men." 1 The Lysippan character of the Vatican statue had not 
been seriously attacked until the discovery of the Agias. Its original was 
certainly a work worthy of Lysippos. Its rhythm, proportions, and fine 
modeling have received praise of connoisseurs ever since its discovery. 
Its difficult pose had been remarkably well executed. While appearing 
at rest, the statue suggests vigorous action both by its supple limbs and 
the suppressed excitement indicated by the partly opened lips, an ex- 
citement befitting a victorious athlete. Perhaps it was the difficulty 
of such a pose that best explains why the Apoxyomenos has left no other 
copy. 2 The very excellence of the Vatican statue prejudiced us in 
favor of regarding it as an illustration of Lysippos' ideal of bodily pro- 
portions. But we really knew very little of the original Apoxyomenos, 
only what we gathered from Pliny, that Lysippos made such a statue 
and that it was carried to Rome by M. Agrippa and was set up in front 
of his Thermae, whence it was removed by the enamored Tiberius to 
his bed-chamber, only to be restored when the populace remonstrated. 
As for the proportions of the supposed copy in question, they only 
prove that this statue goes back to an original which was not earlier 
than Lysippos, but not that it was by the master himself. 3 The dis- 
covery of the Agias showed us at last on what slender foundations our 
theory had been built. Despite certain well-marked similarities in the 
pose, proportions, and relatively small head characteristics which were 
not even exclusively Lysippan, since they are just as prominent in cer- 
tain other works, e. g., in the warriors of the Mausoleion frieze between 
the Agias and the Apoxyomenos, nevertheless just as striking differences 
appear, which make it difficult to keep both statues as examples of the 
artistic tendency of one and the same artist, even if we should assign 
them to different periods of his career. 



These differences are most apparent in the surface modeling and 
facial expression of the two works. In the Agias the muscles are not 
over-emphasized in detail, but show the simple observation of nature 
characteristic of artists who worked before the scientific study of 
anatomy at the Museum of Alexandria had reacted upon sculpture. In 
the Apoxyomenos, on the other hand, we see an intentional display of 
the new learning in the labored and detailed treatment of the muscles, 
which disclose a knowledge of anatomy unknown before the Hellenistic 
age. This academic treatment, culminating later in such realistic works 
as the Laocoon and the Farnese Herakles, can hardly have antedated the 
beginning of the third century B.C., when anatomy was studied by the 

l One Hundred Masterpieces of Sculpture, 1909, p. 39. 

2 Unless we except the Athenian torso to be mentioned infra, p. 290, n. 4. 

3 Cf. Tarbell, Congress of Arts and Sciences, St. Louis, 1904, III, p. 614. 


physicians Herophilos and Erasistratos, a date after the close of the 
activity of Lysippos. We see no trace of this influence in the Agias. 
Moreover, the face of the latter discloses the intense expression, which is 
elsewhere seen only in works supposed to be by, or influenced by, Skopas, 
which recalls what Plutarch 1 said of Lysippos' portraits of Alexander, 
that they reproduced his masculine and leonine air (auroO TO appevuTrov 
KO.L Aeoi'TCoSes) ; for a comparison of this face with that of the Apoxy- 
omenos, which exhibits the lifelessness and lack of expression so char- 
acteristic of many early Hellenistic works, makes it still more evident 
that we must be on our guard against assuming that both works are 
representative of the same sculptor. The essential differences in 
physical type and artistic execution between the two statues have 
been well summarized by K. T. Frost in a letter published by Prof. 
Percy Gardner in the latter's treatment of the same subject. 2 After a 
careful analysis of these differences, Frost closes by saying: "It is diffi- 
cult to believe that the two statues represent works by the same artist; 
it is not only the type of man, but the way in which that type is ex- 
pressed which forms the contrast." He compares the Apoxyomenos with 
the Borghese Warrior (Fig. 43) as true products of the Hellenistic age. 

When we consider these differences between the two statues, we see 
that our judgment of Lysippan art must depend on how we interpret 
them. We may either flatly reject the Apoxyomenos and put the 
Agias in its place as representing the norm of Lysippan art, or keep the 
Apoxyomenos and reject the Agias as evidence; or lastly we may keep 
both as characteristic works of two different periods in the artistic 
career of Lysippos, explaining the differences as the result of influence 
or of the lapse of years. A recent writer, to be sure, has cut the Gor- 
dian knot by rejecting both statues, and placing the Apoxyomenos of 
the Uffizi which we have treated at length in a preceding chapter 
(PI. 12) as the key to our knowledge of the art of Lysippos. 3 But 
such a solution of the problem raises even more difficulties. Long 
before the Agias came to light some critics, indeed, had doubted whether 
the Apoxyomenos really represented the work of Lysippos, as its 
Hellenistic character seemed evident. Thus, in 1877, Ulrich Koehler, 4 
following a still earlier judgment, 5 had come to the conclusion that the 
Vatican statue was only a free reproduction of Lysippos' masterpiece 
and attributed its Hellenistic characteristics to the Roman copyist; 
but even yet the school which long recognized the Apoxyomenos as the 

l De Alex. Magn.fort. autvirt., Or at. II, 2 (p. 335, b, c); S. Q., no. 1479. 

V- H. S., XXIII, p. 130, n. 28; it is also quoted by Gardner, Sculpt., pp. 220-1. 

3 See Ada Maviglia, L'attivitd artistica di Lisippo ricostruita su nuova base, 1914. For the Uffizi 
statue, see supra, pp. 136-137. 

4 In his discussion of the Athenian torso, which he believed was another copy of the original 
of the Vatican statue: A. M., II, 1877, pp. 57-8, PI. IV; Reinach, Rep., II, 2, 819, 1. This torso 
had the left leg free, while the Vatican one had the right one free; it is also dry and hard in its 
technique. 8 That of Emil Braun, in Annali, L, 1850, p. 249. 


norm of Lysippos has its supporters, 1 though many archaeologists 
have now supplanted the Apoxyomenos by the Agias.' 2 ' Others, not 
willing to renounce the Apoxyomenos as evidence, accept both it and 
the Agias as characteristic works of the master, appealing to the length 
of his career to explain the differences, and suggesting that in his youth 
Lysippos was under the influence of Skopas, but later in life attained 
independence, and followed a more anatomical rendering for his athlete 
statues. 3 However, despite the fact that other artists must have in- 
fluenced Lysippos, 4 the Agias can not be shown to be a youthful work 
of his, nor can the special influence of Skopas be shown to have been 
that of master on pupil, but rather of one great master on another and 
equally great contemporary. The difficulty about penetrating the ob- 
scurity surrounding Lysippos comes largely from the fact that he bor- 
rowed traits from several of his predecessors and contemporaries. The 
influence of Polykleitos, Skopas, and Praxiteles, and especially of the 
last two, as Homolle emphasized in his study of the Daochos group, 6 
can be certainly traced in the Agias. Fraulein Bieber, in a recent 
article, 6 while denying that Lysippos had anything to do with the 
Delphian group, tries to prove that one figure in it shows the influence 
of Praxiteles, another that of Polykleitos, and a third that of Skopas. 
She believes that the sculptor of the Agias had seen the original bronze 
statue, the work of Lysippos, which stood in Pharsalos. However, we 
may leave any such conclusion to one side, and judge between the 
Agias and the Apoxyomenos solely on the merits of the two statues. 

The differences between them appear to us too great to be reconciled 
on any such principles as those just rehearsed, for their style and tech- 

*E. g., Loewy, R. M., XVI, 1901, p. 392. Furtwaengler, Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1904, II, p. 379, 
n. 1, says that the Agias "dem Lysipp gaenzlich feme steht," and assigns it to an Athenian artist. 

Especially the Gardner brothers: P. Gardner, /. H. S., XXIII, 1903, pp. 130-131 (where he 
identifies the Apoxyomenos with the Perixyomenos of Daippos, the son or pupil of Lysippos, a 
work mentioned by Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 87); ibid., XXV, 1905, pp. 234 f., especially p. 236 (on 
pp. 255 f. he dates the Apoxyomenos just after 300 B. C., though ultimately deriving it from the 
school of Lysippos); id., Class. Rev., 1913, p. 56; E. A. Gardner, Sculpt., p. 222; Hbk., p. 443. T. L. 
Shear, A. J. A., XX, 1916, p. 292, makes the Agias the centre of his treatment of Lysippos. Still 
others who think that the two statues can not be by the same sculptor are cited by Wolters, 
Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1913, III, no. 4, p. 44, n. 3. See also F. Paulson, Delphi, 1920, pp. 288-289. 

*E. g., Collignon, Lysippe, p. 31; Amelung, R. M., XX, 1905, pp. 144 f.; id., Vat., I, p. 87 
(where he says that the Agias offers the closest analogies in style to the Apoxyomenos); Michaelis, 
Die archaeol. Entdeckungen des iQten Jahrh., 1906, p. 276; A Century of Archceological Discoveries 
(transl. of preceding, by Bettina Kahnweiler, 1908), p. 323; id., Springer-Michaelis, p. 335; for 
others, cf. Wolters, /. c., n. 2. 

<Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 61 ( = S. Q. no. 1444), quotes Douris as saying that Lysippos was the 
pupil of no artist. He tells how the painter Eupompos advised the sculptor as a boy naturam 
ipsam imitandam, esse non artificem. Such a judgment, of course, can .not be literally true, as 
every artist is to a large extent a child of his age and circumstances. Cf. Jex-Blake, pp. xlviii f., 
for the anecdotal character of Pliny's statement. That the statement comes, perhaps, from 
Eupompos is the view of Kalkmann, Quellen der Kunstgeschichte des Plinius, 1898, p. 165. 

"B.C.H., XXI, 1897, p. 598; id., XXIII, 1899, p. 471; cf. T. L. Shear, A. J. A., I.e. On the rela- 
tion of Skopas to Lysippos, see P. Gardner, /. H. S., XXIII, 1903, pp. 126 f., and E. A. Gardner, 
Sculpt., p. 198. The influence of Skopas is especially observable in Lysippos' treatment of fore- 
head and eyes and in the consequent intensity of expression. 

Jb., XXV, 1910, pp. 172-3. 


nique seem to represent two distinct periods of art. If one is to be 
rejected, the connection of the Agias with Lysippos certainly rests on 
better evidence than does the Apoxyomenos. By separating them com- 
pletely, it is possible both to assign to Lysippos the early date which 
other evidence points to, and to remove the Apoxyomenos entirely from 
the fourth century B. C., thus explaining its later modeling, compara- 
tively expressionless features, body-build (which shows the use of three 
planes, instead of two), and other Hellenistic details. We should, then, 
see in its original a work not by Lysippos at all, but by some pupil or 
later member of his school, a work retaining merely traces of the style 
of the master. In thus eliminating the Apoxyomenos we are justified 
in following Homolle's lead in assigning the statue of Agias to Lysippos, 
in spite of arguments which have been adduced against attributing 
it to Lysippos and in spite of recent criticism of the inscriptions of 
the Delphian bases, by which Wolters tries to prove that the inscrip- 
tion on the base of the statue of Agias, and consequently the Agias 
itself, antedate the inscription and dedication at Pharsalos. 1 We may, 
therefore, until further discoveries prove the contrary, consider it as 
the centre of our treatment of that sculptor. Whether the Apoxyo- 
menos is to be explained as emanating from the immediate environment 
of Lysippos, or is to be regarded as a work illustrating the last phase of 
his development, or the innovation of another master in any case it 
seems to us clearly to belong to an age essentially different from that 
which conceived the Agias. 2 

As the Agias is a statue of a victor in the pankration, we can learn 
from it how Lysippos represented such an athlete. In giving up the 
Apoxyomenos, we must also give up statues of athletes which have 
hitherto been assigned to Lysippos on the basis of their resemblance to 
it, and the future ascription of statues of this class must be based on 
stylistic resemblances to the statue of Agias. Thus, for example, we 
should give up the statue of a youth in Berlin, and the two statues of 
athletes represented in lunging attitudes in Dresden, which Furtwaeng- 
ler, on the basis of the Apoxyomenos, believed were copies of originals 
by Lysippos, 3 and the Roman male head in Turin, published by A. J. B. 
Wace, 4 whose original is somewhat later than that of the Apoxyomenos. 

^ee Wolters, /. c., pp. 45 f. Most scholars have followed the contention of Preuner that the 
statue at Pharsalos was the older: e. g., Kern, I. G., IX, 2, 249. 

2 C/. Hill, op. cit., p. 39. 

3 Mp., p. 364 and n. 2; Mw., p. 597 and n. 3; for the Berlin athlete, see Beschr. d. ant. Skulpt., 
no. 471; for a copy of the Berlin head in the Museo delle Terme, Rome, see Helbig, Fuehrer, II, 
1380&V; Jb., XXVI, 1911, p. 278, n. 1 ; and cf. R. M., XX, 1905, pp. 147 f., figs. 5-7; for the Dresden 
statues, see Hettner, Bildw. d. kgl. Antiken-samml., nos. 245-6; one of these has a beardless head, 
which is analogous to a more beautiful head in Copenhagen: La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, no. 1072. Of 
this head, which is earlier than that of the Apoxyomenos, Furtwaengler says that it is "one of the 
finest and most purely Lysippan works in existence." In Mp., p. 338, he mentions a bronze 
statuette of Hermes from Athens now in Berlin (Invent. 6305) "in the swinging posture of the 
Apoxyomenos," and says that it is of the purest Lysippan style. 

V- H. S., XXVI, 1906, pp. 239-40 and PI. XVI; Duetschke, IV, 151. 



On the basis of the Agias, on the other hand, we may regard as Lysippan 
the statue of an athlete in Copenhagen, 1 and perhaps the Parian mar- 
ble statue of an athlete from the Palazzo Farnese now in the British 
Museum, 2 with copies in Paris and Rome. 3 This latter statue Furt- 
waengler ascribed to the school of Kalamis of the fifth century B. C., 
on account of the similarity of its style to that of the Apollo-on-the- 
Omphalos (Fig. 7B) and of its motive to that of the Lansdowne Herakles 
(Fig. 71 and PI. 30); however, A. H. Smith finds it very similar to the 
Agias, and so rightly refers it to the fourth century B. C. 


Impressed by its remarkable likeness to the head of the Agias, I 
hazarded the opinion some years ago, 4 that the much discussed Pentelic 
marble head from Olympia (Frontispiece and Figure 69) 5 was Lysippan, 
and attempted to bring it into relation 
with the statue of the Akarnanian pan- 
cratiast (whose name I restored as Phi- 
landridas), which Pausanias 6 says was the 
work of Lysippos. Since then, after a 
careful revision of the evidence, this ear- 
lier opinion has become conviction, and I 
now have no hesitancy in expressing the 
belief that in this vigorous marble head 
we have to do with an original work by 
Lysippos himself. It will be our task briefly 
to rehearse the reasons for making such 
an ascription, despite the serious and 
weighty objections which might be raised 
against it. 

At first this head was ascribed with sur- 
prising unanimity to the school of Prax- 
iteles, 7 and subsequently, after the discov- 
ery of the Tegea heads, with almost 
equal unanimity to that of Skopas. Treu, who first published the 
head, 8 pointed out its near relationship to the Hermes of Praxiteles, 
which appeared to him to be obvious, notwithstanding the injured con- 

l La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, no. 240; Mahler ascribes this work to Lysippos: Polykl. u. s. Sch., 1902, 
p. 153, n. 1. 

2 5. M. Sculpt., 1747, p. 102; Mp., p. 298 and fig. 126; Mw., pp. 515 and 517 and fig. 93; cf. 
Mrs. Strong, in Strena Helbigiana, 1900, p. 297. It is 6 ft. 8 in. high without the plinth (Smith). 

3 A better copy is the torso in the Louvre, Photo Giraudon, no. 1289; a head is in the Lateran, 
no. 891. 

*De olymp. Stat., Halle, 1902, and enlarged, 1903, pp. 27 f. 

*Bildw. v. 01., Tafelbd., PL LIV, 3-4, and Textbd., p. 209, fig. 237; Ausgr. v. Ol.,V, 1881, PL XX. 

VI, 2.1. 7 The head is still exhibited at Olympia in the same room as the Hermes. 

*A. Z., XXXVIII, 1880, p. 114; cf., Ausgr. v. Ol.,V, pp. 13-14. 

FIG. 69. Marble Head, from 
Olympia. Museum of 


dition of the chin, nose, mouth, and brows. He found the general pro- 
portions, the shape of the cranium and forehead, and the form of the 
cheeks and mouth the same in both, while the differences, such as the 
deeper cut and wider opened eyes with their yopybv expression, the 
hair, and the fact that the head is harder, leaner, and bonier than that 
of the Hermes., were all explained by the different character given to the 
statue of a victor orHerakles. Many other archaeologists, as Boetticher, 1 
Laloux and Monceaux, 2 and Furtwaengler, 3 have also seen sure signs of 
the hand of Praxiteles or his school in the graceful attitude, delicate 
chiseling, and finish of the work. Still others, 4 however, found every 
characteristic of Skopas in this head. Even Treu in his later treatment 
of the head found it more Skopaic than Praxitelian, and yet, by a careful 
analysis, 5 he conclusively showed that the formation of the eyes, the 
opening of the mouth, and the treatment of the hair were so different 
in the heads from Tegea (and especially in that of the Herakles, Fig. 73) 
as to preclude the possibility of assigning them and the head from 
Olympia to the same sculptor, and so declared for some independent 
sculptor among the contemporaries of Skopas. However, he did not 
see Lysippos in this allied but independent artist, though he admitted 
the resemblance of the head in question to that of the Agias, as also 
Homolle, 6 Mahler, 7 and other critics have done. 


A detailed comparison of this head with that of the Agias will show 
wherein the wonderful resemblance so striking at first glance con- 
sists and will disclose its Lysippan character. Neither head is a por- 
trait, nor even individualized; the Agias could be no portrait, for Agias 
was the great-grandfather of Daochos, who enlisted the services of his 
contemporary Lysippos in erecting his statue, and he won his victory 
in the pankration more than a century before this statue was set up. 8 
A glance at the head from Olympia also clearly discloses its ideal char- 
acter; for it is no portrait of Philandridas, but the victor /car' coxV in 
the pankration. The small head of the Agias under life-size first 
arrests attention as the chief characteristic of the whole statue and 
(taken with the other proportions of the body) as the chief mark of its 
Lysippan origin. As Homolle says, it is not that small heads are not 
found outside the school of Lysippos or before his day for Myron can 

I 0lympia\ 1886, pp. 343 f. and PI. XVI (right). 

2 Restauration d'Olympie, 1889, p. 137. 3 In Roscher, Lex., I, 2, s. v. Herakles, p. 2166. 

4 . g., Graef, R. M., IV, 1889, pp. 189-226, especially p. 217; von Sybel, in Luetzow's Zeitschr. 
fuer bild. Kunst, N. F., II, pp. 253 f. 

6 Bildw. v. 01., pp. 209 and n. 1. . C. H., XXIII, 1899, pp. 456-7. 

1 Polyklet u. seine Schule, p. 149. 

8 Preuner (op. cit., p. 12) dates the dedication 339-331 B. C.; Homolle (B. C. H., XVIII, 1899, 
p. 440) more closely, 338-334 B. C. Preuner dates Agias' victory about 450 B. C. 



furnish examples of them but it is only with Lysippos and after him 
that we see a conscious intention of having the proportions thus re- 
duced. Now the head from Olympia is also less than life-size, 1 but as 
the head alone is preserved, we can only assume that the proportions 
it bore to the body were similar to those we see in the statue of Agias. 
The conformation of the crania of both is, as in Attic works, round, with 
small, only slightly projecting occiputs, as opposed to the squareness of 
Polykleitan heads, which are longer from front to back and flatter on 
top showing how Lysippos in this respect departed from the creator 
of the Doryphoros. This cranial conformation is almost identical in the 
two heads, as is clearly shown in Fig. 70, where one is drawn in profile 
over the other. 


FIG. 70. Profile Drawings of the Heads of the Agias 
and the Philandridas. 

The head of the Agias is turned slightly upward and to the left. 
Treu found traces of the use of a file on the back of the neck of the head 
from Olympia, which show from their position, what also was clear 
from the muscles of the throat, that this head also was inclined some- 
what to the left and upward, possibly more than that of the Agias. 
The outlines of the face lean and bony in both are oval, in the head 
from Olympia somewhat broader, rounder, and fleshier toward the chin. 
In both the forehead is remarkably low, with a low depression or crease 
in the middle, and with a prominently projecting superciliary arcade, 
which breaks the continuous line from forehead to nose very percep- 
tibly. This line is concave above and below, but convex at the projec- 
tion itself, though this is less prominent in the Agias. The powerful 
framing of the eyes, which are deep-set and thrown into heavy shadows 
by the projecting bony structure of the brows and the overhanging 
masses of flesh, the eyeballs slightly raised and peering eagerly into the 
far distance, the slight upward inclination of the head, and the 
prominent forehead drawn together, all combine to give both heads 

'Treu, Bildw. v. 01., p. 208, gives these measurements: height with neck, 0.270 meter; height 
of head alone, 0.215 meter; breadth efface, 0.127 meter; height of face, 0.155 meter. 


(though young and vigorous) a pensive, even a sad look of heroic dig- 
nity, a look seemingly of one who takes no joy nor pleasure in victory, 
though it is not mournful. This humid and pensive expression was 
doubtless a characteristic of works of Lysippos it was, as we know, 
present in his portraits of Alexander but he did not treat it with as 
great intensity as did Skopas. 

The eyeballs in both heads are strongly arched, though the inner 
angles are not so deep as in Skopaic heads; the raised upper lids 
form a symmetrically narrow and sharply defined border over the eye- 
ball, and in neither head is this lid covered by a fold of skin at the outer 
corners, as in the Tegea heads; the mass of flesh at the outer corners is 
heavier in the head from Olympia, and the expression of the eyes is more 
free and defiant than in the more meditative Agias. In both, the cheek 
bones are high and prominent. The elegant contour of the lips of the 
Agias is wholly wanting in the head from Olympia, in which the lips are 
broken off, like the nose and the chin, but it is clear that the lips were 
slightly parted, just showing the teeth not, however, as in the Tegea 
examples, as if the breath were being drawn with great effort. The 
look of pensiveness is also increased by the open lips. The contour of 
the jawbone is not so visible as in the Agias, where it is clearly discern- 
ible beneath the closely drawn skin, giving the face a look of greater 
leanness, as of an athlete in perfect training. 

In both heads the swollen and battered ears, though small, are promi- 
nent, and in both the hair is closely cropped, as becomes the athlete. 
The hair of the Agias does not show so much expression as is displayed 
in that of some Lysippan heads, nor the fine detail we should expect 
from Pliny's statement that Lysippos made improvements in the 
rendering of the hair 1 for it is in great measure only sketched out. 
In Lysippan portraits of Alexander the hair is generally expressively 
treated, and this is often the case in early Hellenistic heads. 2 How- 
ever, we should not expect an elaborate treatment of the hair in the 
statue of a pancratiast. The head from Olympia also shows great 
simplicity in this regard. As in Skopaic heads, the hair is fashioned 
into little ringlets ruffled straight up from the forehead in flat relief, 
but here the curls are shorter and more tense. It covers the temples 
and surrounds the ears as in the Agias, but it is not, as there, bounded 
by a round, floating line across the forehead, nor divided into little 
tufts modeled in relief radiating in concentric circles from the top of 
the head. While lacking in detail, the hair of the Agias is treated 
carefully, and with the greatest variety. Narrow bands, perhaps the 
insignia of victory, despite their small size, encircle both heads; in 
the Agias the band is dexterously used to heighten the effect of variety 

1 H. N., XXXIV, 65. 

2 The hair, however, of the Apoxyomenos is an exception, for, even if worked out with some care, 
it is devoid of expression. 



in the hair by alternately flattening and swelling it here and there. In 
neither head is there any sign of the use of the drill to work out the 
tufts of the hair; only the chisel was used. 1 

Finally, the whole expression of these two ideal heads is one of force 
and energy, of heroic dignity tempered by pensiveness and pathos, 
which is, in the head from Olympia at least, even a little dramatic. 
Both heads, while ideal, show close observation of nature in modeling 
and expression; and both show the predilection of Lysippos for types in 
which force and energy predominate, and his indifference to the softer 
and more delicate types of manly beauty so characteristic of his con- 
temporary, Praxiteles. 

In the foregoing comparison, we have tacitly assumed that this mar- 
ble head is from an athlete statue, and, moreover, that it, as the Agias y 
represents a victor in the pankration, though many have seen in it the 
representation not of a victor, but of a youthful Herakles. 2 The swollen 
ears and the band in the hair might pass equally well for either, just as 
the fact that it was unearthed near the ruins of the Great Gymnasion (if 
it were necessary to assume that the statue once stood there) might be 
adduced as evidence for either interpretation; for statues of athletes 
as well as those of Herakles and Hermes (as we have shown in Ch. II) 3 
adorned palaestrae and gymnasia. That the head is of marble and 
slightly under life-size seems to lend some support also to the belief that 
it is a fragment of a statue of Herakles, on the assumption that statues 
of victors in the Altis were uniformly of bronze, an assumption, how- 
ever, not supported by the facts, as will be shown in Chapter VII. So 
some have seen the heroic features of the youthful hero in the yopj6v 
of the eyes, the energetic forehead, closely cropped hair, muscular neck, 
and almost challenging inclination of the head seemingly corresponding 
with an energetic raising of the left shoulder. 4 In Chapter III we saw 
that swollen ears were of little use in determining whether a given head 
belongs to the statue of a victor or to one of Herakles, since they formed 
no personal characteristic, but only a professional one common to athletes 
and to gods, if these latter were concerned with athletics. 5 Where 
personal attributes are absent, it is often difficult, therefore, to deter- 
mine whether an ideal athlete or Herakles is intended, for it may be the 
hero in the guise of the athlete, or an athlete in the guise of the hero. 
The head under discussion, then, may furnish merely another illustra- 
tion of the process of assimilation of type which we have already dis- 
cussed. Thus it is not surprising that some have regarded this head as 

HThe use of the drill is seen in the Praxitelian Hermes, but is not seen in the Tegea heads, nor is 
it common in the first half of the fourth century B. C. : cf. Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 309. 

*So Treu, Bildw. v. Ol., p. 208 (though formerly in A. Z., XXXVIII, 1880, p. 114, he called 
it a pancratiast with Herakles features); Reisch, p. 43, n. 1; Flasch, in Baum., p. 1104 00; Furt- 
waengler, in Roscher's Lex. , s. v. Herakles, I, 2, p. 2166; etc. 

3 See pp. 75 and 94. *E. g., Treu, Bildw. v. OL, pp. 208 f. *Supra, pp. 167 f. 



that of a youthful Herakles. Yet such a view is wrong; for, apart from 
all considerations which we shall adduce to identify it with the Akarna- 
nian pancratiast, and in the absence of distinguishing attributes, if we 
compare it with another Lysippan 
head from a statue generally recog- 
nized as that of a Herakles the 
famous Pentelic marble one in Lans- 
downe House, London (PI. 30 and 
Fig. 71), l which Michaelis long ago 
characterized as "unmistakably in 
the spirit of Lysippos" we can see 
how fundamentally different is the 
whole spiritual conception of the 
two, and how differently an ath- 
lete (even if highly idealized) and a 
hero are treated by the same sculp- 
tor. If we once recognize a victor 
in the head from Olympia, then 
the swollen ears, the fierce, barbar- 
ous look of the eyes, and the half- 
painful expression of the mouth, 
all concur in convincing us that we 
here have to do with a victor in 
boxing or the pankration, the two 
most brutal and dangerous contests. 

FIG. 71. Head of the Statue of 
Herakles (PI. 30). Lansdowne 
House, London. 


Having established, then, the Lysippan character of the head and 
the probability that it comes from the statue of a boxer or pancratiast, 
we shall next discuss the evidence for identifying it with one of the 
monuments mentioned by Pausanias in his periegesis of the Altis. He 
names only five statues of victors by Lysippos : tho