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47. LAMARTINE'S HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Of 184:
*8 & 50. JUNIUS'S LETTERS, with Notes, Additions, Essay, Index, &c. 6 vols.
19, 55, 60, 65, 71. VASARI'S LIVES OF THE MOST CELEBRATED PAINTER!
SCULPTORS, AND Ai?Ci-!!TECTS. Translated by MBS. FOSTES, with .Note
Complete iu 5 Vols., with Index.
BOHN'S CLASSICAL LIBEAEY.
DEMOSTHENES.
LONDON :
It. CLAY, PKINTEK, BREAD STREET HILL.
THE
OLYNTHIAC
AND OTHER PUBLIC ORATIONS
DEMOSTHENES.
CHARLES RANN KENNEDY.
LONDON:
HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, CO VENT GARDEN.
1852.
CONTENTS.
PREFACE i
CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT 20
ORATIONS : —
First Olynthiac 37
Second Olynthiac 45
Third Olynthiac 52
First Philippic 60
On the Peace 73
Second Philippic 81
On Halonnesus : 89
On the Chersonese 100
Third Philippic 115
Fourth Philippic 132
On the Letter 149
The Letter of Philip .156
On the Duties of the State 164
On the Navy Boards • 176
On the Liberty of the Rhodians . 189
For the Megalopolitans 204
On the Treaty with Alexander 217
APPENDICES : —
I. Olynthus 227
II. Athenian Money and Mines 251
III. The Thracian Chersonese 257
IY. The Property Tax 299
Y. The Trierarchy 304
741963
PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.
MY. principle aim in undertaking this work is to produce a
readable version of Demosthenes, adhering to the original as
closely as is consistent with the primary object. Brevity and
simplicity of style, together with the choice of apt and forcible
words, are the most essential elements of a good translation.
It is sometimes asked, and there seem to be various
opinions on the question, whether a translation should be
literal ? It depends, I say, upon the object which you pro-
pose to accomplish. If you are composing a translation to
be used in the Hamiltonian method of teaching, or as a mere
help to the idle student against his day of examination, then
you must be literal. And to perform such a task is not very
difficult. But if you seek to accomplish a higher purpose,
it is not to be done in this way : a work of another order
becomes necessary.
The primary object of a good translation is, that it may be
read with pleasure, or at least without difficulty, by your
countrymen ; and secondary to this is the assisting of the
student in his perusal of the original. It is true, that for
both these purposes a certain degree of closeness is necessary :
but the first of these cannot be attained by a literal version,
on account of the varying idioms of languages ; whereas the
second may be accomplished by a good readable version.
Nor does the matter rest here. I say that the classical
student will derive much greater benefit from a readable ver-
sion than he could from a literal. I speak of the real and self-
improving student, not the cramming idler, nor yet the mere
school-boy. Let us only see what his wants are.
VOL. I. B
11 PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.
Such a person, in studying a Greek author, is not to look
to a translation for a perfect analysis of the construction of
sentences. This he should find out independently, from those
principles of grammar wherewith his mind has been long
storing itself, from glossaries, notes and commentaries. A
translation which undertook to solve all the student'-s gram-
matical difficulties, would be nothing more than a long note ;
having indeed its use, but not performing the service of a
good translation.
The student, looking elsewhere for a thorough explanation
of the syntax, may fairly consult the translator as an exponent
of the true meaning of every sentence. And this is one piece
of service which the translator renders him. But he has a
right to look for much more than this ; viz. good English,
choice words, and all the other elements of good writing; in
short, the full sense of the original expressed in such a way as
an Englishman would have expressed it himself, allowing for
unavoidable discrepancies.
No man will deny the importance of these things. One of
the objects of studying foreign languages is, to obtain a more
perfect mastery over your own. And a translation, either in
prose or verse, may in this respect be made a useful medium
of instruction, testing the powers and capabilities of your
own tongue in comparison with those of another. Lord
Brougham very truly observes :
" Even to scholars the experiment is not without interest
of trying how far the two languages can be used, so as to
render in the «one the thoughts couched originally in the
other ; and even to scholars the comparative trial of the
structures of the two, their resemblances, their differences, and
their contrasts, is very interesting."
To attain the advantage here proposed, it is manifest that
the version must be thoroughly English; or there can be no
comparison at all. But I must turn now to another view of
the question.
While it is the translator's duty to produce (if possible)
such a work as, placed side by side with the original, shall be
PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Ill
in point of style and composition not unworthy of it, he must
be sure to preserve all needful accuracy in regard to the sense
and meaning. The term itself implies that he must do this.
A translation is different from an imitation.
He must adhere to the original. He must be accurate.
But, how closely must he adhere? what degree of accuracy
must he observe ? are questions that naturally occur, and can-
not well be answered except practically, by examples. I will
give just now some examples to illustrate my views; but will
first endeavour, as far as I am able, to express my opinion in
general words.
It is the business of the translator to express the full sense
briefly, simply, forcibly; to add nothing, omit nothing ; never
to amplify or exaggerate. He should not servilely imitate
constructions, or follow the order of words, yet not depart
even from them unnecessarily. The production of good Eng-
lish he will regard as essential ; to this everything must give
way but the sense of the author. Within the limits of these
two conditions, faithful interpretation and good writing, he
may turn and twist his sentences with a considerable degree
of latitude and freedom. But these limits will always pre-
serve him from unreasonable vagaries. While he does not
affect to teach grammatical rules, they must be the guide to
his own version, or he cannot translate faithfully, so that he
will always afford a clue to the construction, and will never
mislead.
To accomplish all this, not only must you be thoroughly
familiar with the language which you translate, but you
should have deeply studied your own, and even know several
besides.
It is an essential condition of producing a good translation,
that you should be able to produce a literal one. Only this is
far from being all. There are hundreds of good scholars who
are able to do this, but who are not competent to write well.
And on the other hand, clever men and practised writers have
failed in translation because they never took due pains to
study the original language. Hence we have had so many
B2
IV PBEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.
bad translations from opposite causes. The literal translators
necessarily fail, for want of a sufficiently high aim, a proper
conception of their duty. The readable have been men who
neglected or despised the niceties of scholastic learning. There
are others also, from whose acquirements more might have
been expected, who, carried away by the fervour of their
imagination, or not liking the trouble of attending to words,
have considered it sufficient to give the general meaning of
an author, clothing it often in language which is purely their
own.
To the class of loose translators belongs Leland. His ver-
sion of Demosthenes is the best of the English, and has con-
siderable merit. He appears also to have been a pretty good
scholar, so that his faults are generally attributable rather to
negligence than ignorance. I shall now proceed to show, by
a few examples, what my views of proper translation are.
The following is from the Oration on the Crown; and
I agree with Lord Brougham, that there is an unnecessary
departure from the simplicity of the original : —
TOVTO TO \j;TJ(j)l(TliJLa TOV TOTE Trj TTo'Xet 7T£|Ot0TaVra KLV^VVOV
TrapeXdelv eTroirjffer wffirep VE<J)OQ.
Leland : By this decree that danger, which hung lowering
over our state, was in an instant dissipated like a cloud.
So also this : OutT aV ac ravra tyyaeiev. Leland : No! Lei
not the presumptuous assertion once be heard.
In the Oration on the Chersonese, Demosthenes says that
Philip has beaten the Athenians, r<Z TrporspoQ trpog TOIQ Trpcty-
JJ.CKTL •yiyveffdat, that is, by being before us in his operations,
first at his worlc, first in the -field ; the last of which trans-
lations, though it might serve, as being a smart idiomatical
phrase, wants comprehensiveness. Leland has : Ms superior
vigilance in improving all opportunities ; which is too vague.
But here let me observe, I don't complain because his ver-
sion does not show that the dative case is governed by the
preposition, or on any ground of that kind. It was not his
business to deal with a point of grammar, but to give a good
translation. You might have it thus : by commencing his
PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. V
operations earlier. I object to Leland's version, because the
meaning is too vaguely expressed.
In the same oration we have : Avo eV Ev/3o/p mreorjjo-e
rvpdvrovc, TOV per dwavriKpv rrjfe 'AmKrfe £irtT£i')(icrag9 TOV ft
eVt 2faa'0w, vpelg & ovde TCLVT aVeXvVafffo, el prj^ev aXXo
f/3ou'Xe<T0e? a'AX' cta/care* ctye'orare £T?XOJ> ort auVw.
Leland : Euboea is commanded by his two tyrants ; the one,
just opposite to Attica, to keep you perpetually in awe ; the
other to Sciathus. Yet you have not attempted to oppose even
this. No, you have submitted : you have been insensible to
your wrongs.
In this passage there are six instances in which the trans-
lator has needlessly departed from the original :
First, — the word his does not sufficiently express that Philip
placed the tyrants in Euboea. Observe, I don't complain of the
change of construction. He was perfectly at liberty to invert it,
and say, two tyrants were placed by him in Euboea, had such
inversion been required to make a neater sentence. The
objection is, that the point of the matter is expressed too
loosely.
Secondly, — -eTriTeL^iffac is not expressed fully enough.
Thirdly, — the word perpetually is not in Demosthenes.
Fourthly, — oppose is riot a correct version of cnreXvo-tto-fe.
Fifthly, — the words el prfev aXXo efiovXerrde are omitted.
Sixthly, — the last clause is an entire mistranslation.
Francis thus translates the passage : —
Philip hath established two kings in Euboea ; one at Ere-
tria, which he hath fortified, opposite to the coast of Attica ;
the other at Oreum, to awe your island of Sciathos. Nor have
you asserted your own dignity by opposing these injuries, (since
you seem unwilling to attempt any nobler design,) but even
indolently suffered them ; apparently remitted to him your own
proper rights.
Francis has committed the same error as Leland in the
aVfXufrao-Oe, and has distinctly mistranslated the £7rirei\t(TaQ
which Leland has only shirked. Philip did not fortify Eretria,
but established in it the sway of Clitarchus, his own partisan,
VI PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.
and thus made him, and through him Eretria itself, a fortress
against Attica ; that is, a rallying point, a point d'appui, for
the enemies of Athens, from which they might at any time
sally forth, as the Lacedaemonians did from Decelea, to attack
and ravage the country. And so Jacobs has it : ah feindlichen
Hort. Pabst : in drohender fester Stellung.
Francis has avoided some errors of Leland ; but, besides a
too great verbosity, which is his constant fault, I must notice
another, which is too frequently committed, viz. the insertion
of explanatory words, the proper place for which is a note, and
not the text. Here we have the words Eretria, Oreum, and
our island, added to Demosthenes j and we might just as well
have had the names of the tyrants, or any other historical fact
introduced. The translation should be confined to the text.
A correct literal translation is : —
lie established two tyrants in Euboea, one opposite Attica,
fixing him like a hostile fortress, the other against Sciathus;
and you have not even got rid of these nuisances, if you would
do nothing else : you have allowed them ; you have manifestly
given way to him.
Here the word nuisances is not wantonly added, for it is
contained in the ravra, and some such word is necessary to be
introduced.
It may further be observed, that the literal translation of
el fjirictv ct'XXo eftovXeade is hardly sufficient to convey to an
English reader the exact meaning of the original, which, fully
expressed, is : these nuisances, at least, you should have got rid
of, though you would do nothing else ; yet you have never done
so, &c. But this expansion would weaken the translation too
much. Therefore, I adopt a turn of expression which in
English is equivalent to the Greek form, as those who are
familiar with the Greek form will understand : and I trans-
late thus :
He established two tyrants in Euboea, one like a hostile
fortress opposite Attica, one threatening Sciathus : and these
nuisances you have never got rid of; not even this would you
attempt : you have submitted ; left the road open to him clearly.
PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Vll
In the four preceding examples I cannot doubt that Leland
understood the text of his author. He has translated him
loosely from carelessness. And, it may be observed, that,
while he has mistranslated Demosthenes, he has not departed
from the general sense and meaning. But this is not always
so : and persons addicted to very loose translating frequently
wander from the argument as well as from the words. Take
the next example from the Oration on the Chersonese :
'Hjuete ovre \prj fiara eiGfyepetv j3ov\6fj.eda, OVTE avrol
.... vvTy cVei&prcp OVTWQ eloper, rci TJ^cYep
Which means : —
We are unwilling to pay contributions, or to perform military
service, .... and yet, with such disposition, we are not con-
tent to mind our own business.
That is ; the Athenians will neither take the proper means
to carry on war, nor will they abstain from public business and
Grecian politics. But Leland translates the last clause : Thus
we proceed quite regardless of our interests : entirely mistaking
the sense, which Auger puts clearly enough. Ainsi disposes,
nous ne pouvons nous resoudre a ne nous meler que de ce qui
nous regarde.
Having thus noticed a few errors on the side of excessive
freedom, let me turn to those which are equally injurious, on
the side of excessive accuracy ; whose tendency is, to degrade
translation into a schoolboy exercise. I must again have
recourse to examples.
Take the famous oath : —
Ma rovg Mapa0a»vi TrpoKLV^vvevcravTag TWV irpoyovuv.
By your ancestors who met the peril at Marathon.
A person who reviewed Lord Brougham's translation in the
Times, insists that it should be translated thus : —
By those of your forefathers, who at Marathon were the first
to encounter the brunt of danger.
And I equally insist, that the critic's translation is de-
testable, as emasculating all the vigour of the clause. It is
true that he expresses the genitive case more fully, and I
Vlll PEEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.
would require the schoolboy to do so in his lesson ; but that
is a totally different affair. Here it is essential to have the
fewest possible words, to preserve the spirit of the appeal, and
something may be sacrificed for this purpose. My translation,
however, is not incorrect : it does not exclude the partitive
signification, but only leaves a trifling ambiguity, which de-
ceives no man. But here are eight words for TrpoKivtivvtv-
GCLVTCLQ, and the ?rpo virtually translated twice, by first and
brunt. Over-accuracy always leads to verbiage.
Jacobs has : —
Bei den Ahnherrn schwor* ich, die zu Marathon kampften.
Shortly before the last passage we have : Et yap ravra
Trpoeiro d/covtrt, Trept wv ov^tva KLV^VVOV ovnv ov% vVeyLteiyav
04 TTpOyOVOlj TIQ OV"^L Ka.T£7TTVff£V GLV (TOU.
Lord Brougham has : —
For if she had given up without a struggle .all that your
forefathers encountered every danger to win, ivho but would
have spurned you, JEschines ?
His reviewer has : —
For if voluntarily and without an obstinate struggle, those
honours had been abandoned, for which our ancestors braved
every danger, where is the man ivho would not have spit on
you with loathing ?
Lord Brougham's is far the preferable version. In the
other, the words voluntarily, obstinate, and with loathing,
though intended to exhibit a wonderful accuracy, are utterly
unwarranted. And as to KareVrvcrsv, which Lord Brougham
is charged with frittering away, the critic needs to be in-
formed, that metaphors cannot always be transferred from
one tongue to another. It happens sometimes, that a meta-
phorical expression, by frequent use, becomes familiar to the
people of the country, but if literally translated into another
language, it sounds harsh or strange to those who are not
accustomed to it. I might call the critic a goose in English,
but if I called him anser in Latin, the point would be lost.
The phrase classi immittit habenas sounds ill, if literally ren-
dered in English, though it has been so. We know that
y
"^ PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. X j IX
had become a common word of abuse at Athens,
and, being such, is well enough represented by such a word as
despicable. I do not, however, absolutely say, that the meta-
phor here may not be preserved ; I only object to a criticism
which assumes its positive necessity. But if perfect accuracy
is insisted upon, why add the words with loathing ? Jacobs
has the simple angespuckt.
I should prefer, in Lord Brougham's version, the substitu-
tion of what for all that; and the omission of you before
JEscliines. The introduction of the last word, instead of youy
may be good, to escape too many monosyllables.
In the Oration on the Crown, we have : —
Kcu yap ardpa iSiq. mi TTO\IV Koivy irpoQ TO. taXXterra TUJV
VKapyovTwv del del TretpaaSat -a Xonrd TrpaVreiv.
Lord Brougham and his critic both commit the error of
attempting to translate i%ly and Koivrj literally ; the one hav-
ing, individuals in their private concerns, and the state in public
affairs ; and the other, a man individually, and a state collec-
tively. The former of these is better in point of composition,
the latter is closer to the original ; but they are both faulty,
by making prominent that which in Greek is a mere flourish,
and cannot be represented in our language. It is clear at once
that the words individually and collectively add nothing to the
sense in the above translation. It is a rhetorical antithesis
not very unlike that of plv and £e, which is perpetually re-
curring, and has an elegance and a usefulness about it, which
we can seldom express. Sometimes, indeed, it happens, that
Hev and £e may be represented by such expressions as, on the
one hand, and on the other; but it is rare that they assume so
much importance in the sentence.
Leland has avoided this puerility : —
By the most illustrious of their former actions it is, that private
men or public bodies should model their succeeding conduct.
The only thing which I object to here is, public bodies, as
being hardly dignified enough. Translate : —
For both individuals and communities should ever strive to
model their future conduct by the noblest of their past.
X PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.
Is there anything here left unexpressed 1 That is the test of
a faithful translation. Are not the words avdpa iSiq, Trpdrreiv
fully enough represented by the words individuals their
conduct ? Or what further is wanted ? It is no slight advan-
tage, in my view, that the last translation is shorter than any
other. Yet, brief as it is, it has one word more than the Greek,
and this shows how important it is to struggle for brevity.
The best versions in the world will exceed the Greek in num-
ber of words, if they are faithful ; for obvious reasons. 'Arrjp
is a man ; Trpdrrw, / do, or, / am doing ; Trparrfrw, let him
do; ravra, these things; QiXiTTTrov troXepovvTOQ, Philip being
at war, or, while Philip is at war. These and the like ex-
pansions are inevitable ; but they make it the more necessary
to aim at brevity, wherever it can be had, consistently with
good writing. The translator must seize upon every compen-
sation which he can lay hold of, to Attain this object ; though
it may cost him ten times the trouble of the ordinary method.
OvoeV aXXo rj xXevafft vpaQ, he only mocks you. Don't trans-
late it, he does nothing else but mock you, though this be the
literal translation ; because, by so doing, you lose an advan-
tage, which your own language here affords, as a set-off against
many disadvantages. The literal version entails upon you
the extra word does, from which you escape by using the
idiomatical turn. This may seem very simple ; but I find by
experience, that from inattention to such simple matters
hardly any translation in our language is what it ought to be.
"Eon yap 'e^iv Kctl raXXorpta. (Orat. de Halonneso.)
Translate : For it is possible to hold the property of others;
or, if you please, with Leland : For a man may possess the
property of others.
The sentence expressed at full is : For it is possible to hold
the property of others, as well as your own.
The last five words demonstrate the meaning of icai. Why
do I omit them1? Because that full demonstration is pur-
chased at the price of too much verbiage ; and the idea is
sufficiently expressed without it, if you read the sentence
properly, laying the emphasis where you ought. The trans-
PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION". XI
lator, using that reserve which good - taste requires, relies
on the intelligence of the judicious reader. And with this
reliance, I don't think it necessary to put any words in
italics.
The German translators, Jacobs and Pabst, express the KOL
by aucli. But in English neither also nor even, nor anything
short of a paraphrase can fairly represent it. Auger has, Car
on pent avoir le bien d'autrui. If I am asked why I do not
adopt the turn of Leland or Auger, who are both shorter
than I am, my answer is, that I wish to avoid the ambiguity
of their sentences, which might be construed as importing
that it was lawful to have the property of others ; and an
emphatic word like possible is better than may or can.
Here a ^p) Trpajerej eVetoaj/ ri yeVrjrat j (First Philippic.)
Literally : When will you do what is necessary ? When
what has happened ?
Better : When ivill you perform your duty ? In what
event ?
Where Demosthenes urges the Athenians avrovg e£terai, I
often translate it, to serve in person; because the literal
expression is inadequate : and to march out yourselves gives
but half the sense, as it refers to naval expeditions as well
as land services.
QVT el pi pire yevoijj.rii', I neither am, nor wish to be.
AmreXw 'e-^v. I have ever had is sufficient, without adding
and still continue to have : for this makes too many words.
'E/c/^e^ TTT&XWI' TrXovGioi yeyovcLGiv , EK c)' d^6^d)v errijjLOL.
From poor have become wealthy., from obscure honourable.
But it is a little better to say : Have risen from poverty to
wealth, from obscurity to honour.
Milton has imitated the Greek construction : —
How earnest thou speakable of mute ?
And in poetry I like it, but it does not suit so well in prose.
Tac tvQvvaQ iTreffrjfjLaiveaOe. You, passed my audit, or you
approved my account. But not, as more than one translator
has it, you passed and approved my accounts.
I notice this once for all, in order to condemn the practice,
Xll PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.
common with some translators, of putting two words for one.
This they do, either because they doubt which is the better
word, and think, if they have both, they must be right ; or
because neither word seems sufficient of itself, and they are
anxious to convey every tittle of the sense. But it is better
to exercise a little reserve, than to indulge this rage for
accuracy.
It frequently happens that a turn or paraphrase is not only
allowable, but absolutely necessary ; as in the following ex-
ample from the Oration on the Crown : —
Ov yap SI'ITTOV KTrjcrKJMJJVTa JJLEV Ivvarai ^LLJKEIV Si* ejjLe, E/JLE Be9
EiTTEp £t;€Xey£etJ' eVo/zi£ev, avrov OVK av cypai^aro.
In this passage, which all the English versions that I have
seen mistranslate, it is only necessary to see that the first
negative governs both clauses, and nothing is more simple.
But if we translate the words without a little management,
they make nonsense ; as thus : —
For surely lie cannot prosecute jEschines on my account,
and would not have indicted me myself } had he thought he
should convict me.
That is wrong, because, though the Greek ov may apply to
both clauses, the English cannot is prevented from doing so
by the change of tense. Otherwise it might have been lite-
rally rendered, as in the following : —
Ov')(, rj cru Kvi%£i, aov
Kaivfjg CE vuntyrjQ IpEpu
Not disliking your person and smitten with passion for
the new bride.
Here I must give the sense by a turn: —
Surely it cannot be, that he is able to prosecute JEscliines on
my account, and would not have indicted me myself, had he
thought he could convict me.
But a little further deviation from the original form gives
a more effective translation : —
Surely, if he can prosecute Otesiphon on my account, he
would not have forborne to indict me myself, had he thought he
could convict me.
PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Xlll
Auger saw the meaning : —
On ne dira pas sans doute qitun homme, qui pent bien &
cause de moi accuser Ctesiphon, ne mleut pas accuse moi-meme,
s'il cut cru pouvoir me convaincre.
Jacobs is a little too wide : —
Denn Jcann er den Ctesiphon gerichtlich verfolgen um mein-
etwillen, so Iconnte er auch mich selbst anklagen, wenn er den
Beweis gegen mich zufuhren hoffte.
Pabst is better. But all the English translators whom I
have seen are entirely wrong. They seem to have followed
Taylor. Leland's and Spillan's I subjoin : —
Leland : He cannot pursue Ctesiphon on my account ; and
that he hath not directed his impeachment against me, can pro-
ceed ^but from a consciousness thatjsuch impeachment could not
be supported.
Spillan : For he cannot prosecute Ctesiphon through me, but
if he thought he could convict me, he would not have impeached
Mm.
One more example, and I have done. We have at the
beginning of the first Olynthiac : —
"Ore Toivvv rov0' OVTWQ e'x6tJ TrpocrtiKei TrpodvpWQ edeXe
T<J)V fiovXofjLevwv ffvufiovXeveiv* ov yap p.6vov el TL
TJ-KEI Tig, rovr ay aKOvtravTeg Xa/3otre, a'XXa uat TTJQ
V")(r)g v7roXaju/3avw TroXXa rHJv ^tovruv SK rov Trapct-
li'iotQ av eVeXQetv ftTTfTv.
The literal translation is : —
Since therefore this is the case, you should be willing cheer-
fully to hear those who desire to advise you. For then, not
only, when men have come prepared with useful counsel, will
you hear and receive it, but I consider it also part of your
good fortune, that it will occur to some persons to offer many
fit -suggestions at the moment.
In the last clause there is a change of construction, or a
slight ellipse. The argument runs thus : —
Not only luill you get useful counsel which men have pre-
pared beforehand, but much more; for I consider, &c.
First, to improve the baldness of the literal translation,
PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.
av Xafioire. may be thrown into an English form
thus : you, will have the benefit of hearing.
Secondly, YJKEL admits of a turn. It refers to the orator
who has come to the assembly, a matter of common reference
with Demosthenes. And the word is so placed in the sentence
as to have no emphasis of importance. 'EffKeppevog TJKEL TLQ
is little more than eaKeTrrai TLQ, or ecrKeppevoi elffiv oi Xeyorreg.
Just as we often translate 6 Trapiuv the orator, without deem-
ing it necessary to say the person who comes forward on the
hustings; so we may deal with rjKei in this place.
Thirdly, a turn may be found for the eVtoic av eVeXOeiv, &c.
and we may amend the translation thus : —
So shall you have the benefit of hearing not only sucJi counsel
as your orators have devised beforehand, but more than this;
for I esteem it part of your good fortune, that many useful
suggestions will occur to some speakers at the moment.
Or it may thus be shortened : —
So shall you have the benefit of all counsel, whether precon-
sidered or not; for, &c.
The best turn is given by Auger: —
Outre que vous pouvez profiler des reflexions sages qiCun
orateur apporte ft, la Tribune, vous etes encore assez heureux
pour qidl vienne sur le champ a quelques-uns des avis utiles.
And this I adopt. But it may be well to compare this with
other translations.
Francis has : —
In this disposition therefore you ought to hear with a favour-
able attention whoever is willing to propose his advice. Not only
should you hear the salutary scheme which hath been formed
and matured by reflection, but I deem it an instance of your
good fortune, that some of your orators are capable of conceiv-
ing upon the instant such expedients as may be useful to the
public.
Here we see that Francis, by mistranslating Xa/3otre av,
departs from the logic of the orator, which is this — You
should be willing to hear all men, for thus you will not miss
any good counsel. Whereas Francis makes the second clause
PEEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. XV
a repetition of the injunction, as if XctjGotre aV signified yon
ought to receive.
And Leland is in this respect little better : —
It is your part therefore readily and cheerfully to attend to
all who are disposed to offer their opinions. For your regards
need not to be confined to those whose counsels are the effect oj
premeditation; it is your good fortune to have men among you
who can at once suggest many points of moment.
Jacobs gives the argument correctly : —
Denn nicht bios, was Einer nach vorlaufiger Ueberlegung
hier Nutzliches vortrdgt, werdet Ihr anhoren und zu Herzen
nehmen.
I only object to zu Herzen nehmen, as being a little too
strong for \a/3oiT£. He passes over the rjicet as I do.
An anonymous German version lying before me commits
the error of Francis : —
Denn nicht bios das, was Einer nach vorhergegangener
Ueberlegung Nutzliches hier vorbringt, musst Ihn anhoren
und erfassen.
So does Pabst : —
Ihr miisset nehmlich nicht bios es anhoren und ergreifen
wenn jemand vorbereitet auftritt, um etwas Nutzliches vorzu-
bringen.
I may seem to have been a long time in discussing a
question upon a few words. But my object is to show how
translation should be conducted, what are the difficulties
attending it, and how they are to be overcome. The literal
version is but the first stage of the process, though it is the
stumbling-block with ill-taught scholars. Having analysed
your sentence, and made yourself perfect master of its con-
struction and meaning, the next thing is to translate it. And
this part of the affair is the principal difficulty, requiring a
great command of your own language, and the exercise of much
thought and discretion. Nor am I induced to say this only
by observing the failures of others, but from the consciousness
of my own deficiencies, and the conviction that I have fallen
very far short of my own aims and endeavours.
XVI PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.
I now come to another question, which is of some import-
ance in translating Demosthenes, viz. how the translator is
to deal with all the public and political nomenclature of the
Athenians, the civil and military titles, names of offices and
institutions, terms of law and jurisprudence. On this subject
I am not disposed in the least to depart from the principle
which I adopted many years ago, when I made my first essay
on Demosthenes, and which I stated thus : —
" As a general rule, I think it better to translate into
English than to Anglicize the Greek. Thus I say jury, parish,
indictment, in preference to dicast, deme, graphe. It is true
that in each of these cases the word but imperfectly describes
the thing intended ; for instance, the proceedings upon our
indictment are very different from those of the Athenian pro-
secution so described. But, on the other hand, the vernacular
term conveys the idea more pleasingly to the common reader ;
and be it remembered, a translation is more for the use of the
unlearned than of the learned. I strive therefore to be as
little as possible un-English ; and while I always seek for the
word which corresponds most nearly with the original, I am
satisfied if it corresponds in some essential points."
I adhere to the above as the true principle of translation.
Only with respect to the word Sfjpoe, I am now more inclined
to adopt the version of toivnship, which Mr. Whiston has used
in the Archeeological Dictionary.
The critic of Lord Brougham, whom I have before men-
tioned, and who may be taken to represent a certain class of
scholars, strongly censures his lordship for attempting to con-
vert the logistse, liturgies, liturgi, &c., into English. And yet
the same person insists that ypatyiti shall be an indictment, and
£icrayyeX/a an impeachment; in which he is right, but that
is inconsistent with his general condemnation of Lord
Brougham's plan.
That indeed it is impossible fully to carry out the opposite
system, is manifest. For how would you translate lypd^aro pe %
He brought a graphe against me ! But who could tolerate
this?
PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. XV11
You must introduce into your text a heap of monstrosities,
to please the ear of the pedant, and disgust every other.
Graphe, deme, psephism, dicast, agora, bema, liturgy, phyle,
dice, ecclesia, symmory, chorege, logist, euihyne, stratege, hoplite,
metis, cleruckian, hegemony, bule, deter, lexiarchic, ecmartyry,
anacrisis, hypomosy, &c.
Nothing is easier than to do this. You have only to abdi-
cate the functions of the translator, and save yourself some
thought and trouble.
But as to the logic of the matter, it is true, that for many
of these ancient terms it is not possible to find a perfectly
apposite translation. But it does not follow that you are not
to translate at all.
The @ov\rj of five hundred at Athens was very differently
constituted from any English senate or council. But it may
be translated by either of those words, because there is enough
of similarity for that purpose.
Nor needs a court of justice to be called a dicastery, (or, as
Mr. Grote will have it, a dikastery,) because there is a differ-
ence in the mode of legal procedure at Athens and in England.
All this is sheer pedantry !
Judicial tribunals and deliberative bodies are things of
universal existence. A court, a judge or juror, a council, a
member or president of that council, may just as well be
found at Athens as at Rome, or in London.
Shall I refuse to translate ravg, a ship, because Attic
triremes and pentecontors are different from English steam-
boats and men-of-war ? Or shall I insist on calling a Roman
sword a gladius, because it was different from our own 1 Do
we make no attempt to translate buris, temo, dentale, stiva,
because Virgil's plough would not suit a modern agricul-
turist 1 The pedant would give his own pupil a sound whip-
ping if he brought any such excuse.
Srpar?7ydg is commonly translated general. Yet the func-
tions of the Athenian 2r/)ttr/?yoe are far from corresponding
perfectly with those of a modern general. For, besides that
he had various civil duties to perform, both as an adminis-
VOL. i. c
XV111 PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION".
trative and judicial functionary, he was an admiral as well as
general, there being no such distinction between the two ser-
vices as we have in England. But I am content with the
translation of general for all that.
In short, in the translation of many common words we are
compelled by the difference of times and circumstances to be
guilty of some inaccuracy. For example, TrXely is rendered
to sail, in many cases where not sails but only oars impelled
the ship ; and it is commonly preferred to the word navigate,
as being of more ordinary use. 'iTTTmc is rendered "knights,
though our word conveys a somewhat different idea. Charta
and papyrus are called paper, though the material was dif-
ferent from ours. The meals, the articles of dress of the
Greeks and Romans, do not correspond with ours ; but we
make the best of it, and translate them. If I call the Roman
lectus, a couch, I do not present an idea of its form, or of the
mode in which Roman gufests were placed at table. You
must go to the dictionary of antiquities, or to some commen-
tary, for an explanation of that. So, if I translate Xetrovpy/a,
a public office, service, or duty, I do not exhibit the peculiar
nature of the service ; yet I give a positive translation of the
word, which is good as far as it goes.
But I grant there is some discretion to be observed. We
must look also to the other side of the question. There are
some terms entirely untranslateable. Archon cannot be con-
verted into English any more than consul. I do not reduce
the Attic money to English, which would cause confusion ;
and for the same reason I do not imitate Leland in adopting
the names of the Roman months. Further, I would eschew
all fanciful similarities, all undignified expressions. I would
not call any ancient vehicle a hackney-coach or a cabriolet,
nor any ancient functionary a Lord Mayor. Nor do I approve
of Francis converting ra|/ap^ot and <f>v\ap"%ot into colonels and
aids-de-camp. There is some truth in what Olivet says of
the use of such terms, that to put them in the mouth of
Demosthenes is like painting Alexander or Cessar in a peruke
or an embroidered coat.
PKEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. XIX
I agree also with what Pope says with respect to a transla-
tion of Homer : —
" The use of modern terms of war and government, such as
platoon, campaign, junto, or the like, into which some trans-
lators have fallen, cannot be allowable ; those only excepted,
without which it is impossible to treat the subjects in any
living language."
I have observed a similar rule in the translation of Virgil.
But I must remark, that prose and poetry stand on a some-
what different footing. Archaisms are often allowable and
good in poetry, to give it (as Pope says) a venerable cast ;
and, on the other hand, many modern words are fit for prose,
which would not be suitable for poetry — as campaign.
In all these things taste and judgment are required. You
must take care that your translations are as apposite as pos-
sible ; and when you resort to words which can give but an
imperfect idea of the original, select only such as are digni-
fied, simple, significant, having rather a general and perma-
nent, than a local or ephemeral character. I see, for example,
no objection to words such as the following : —
Prince, general, captain, officer, commissioner, deputy, pre-
sident, clerk, secretary, assessor, treasure?; paymaster, collector,
board, rate, property-tax, register, audit, tribe, township,
assembly, chairman, bill, decree, motion, resolution, statute, ad-
vocate, jury, summons, action, indictment, plea, verdict, damages,
fine, information, arbitrator, award, mortgage, trespass,
But I will detain the reader no longer. I wish I were -as
sure that I had carried out my principles well, as I am that
the principles themselves are sound.
c"2
CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT
EVENTS DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES.
B.C.
385 Demosthenes is born.
This was just nineteen years after the termination of the Pelopon-
nesian war. Greece was reposing under the peace of Antalcidas,
and the power of Sparta had reached its height.
883 Philip of Macedon is born.
His father, Amyntas II., has disputes with the Olynthians con-
cerning their encroachment on his territories, and applies to
Sparta for aid.
Apollonia and Acanthus, two of the Chalcidian cities, send an em-
bassy to Sparta for the same purpose.
Sparta declares war against Olynthus, and sends a force under
Eudamidas which takes possession of Potidsea.
382 Phcebidas, sent from Sparta to reinforce Eudamidas, stops on his
road at Thebes, and seizes the Cadmea, in which he places a
Lacedaemonian garrison. An oligarchical government is esta-
blished at Thebes, at the head of which are Archias and Leon-
tiades, devoted to Sparta. A multitude of Theban exiles fly to
Athens ; among them Pelopidas.
Teleutias, brother of Agesilaus, is sent with a larger force against
Olynthus; is joined by a Theban contingent, by Amyntas, and
Derdas prince of Elymia.
The Spartans require Athens to dismiss the Theban exiles.
Athens refuses.
Teleutias defeats the Olynthians in a battle near the city, and
shuts them in their walls.
381 Teleutias is defeated by the Olynthians, and slain.
380 Agesipolis, one of the kings, is sent with reinforcements from
Sparta ; takes Torone, and dies of a fever. Polybiades succeeds
to the command, and besieges Olynthus.
379 The Olynthians sue for peace, and submit to join the Peloponnesian
confederacy.
Pelopidas and his associates return to Thebes, where, having slain
Archias and Leontiades, they are joined by their countrymen,
and attack the Spartan garrison. A body of Athenian volunteers
come to their assistance, and the garrison capitulates.
CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT,' OF0 EVES.TS. 21
B.C.
378 Demosthenes loses his father, and is placed under the care of three
guardians.
The Spartans send their king Cleombrotus into Boeotia.
Chabrias, with an Athenian force, occupies the pass at Eleutherse ;
Cleombrotus enters by another road, and having dispersed a
Theban force at Plateea, takes possession of Thespiae, where he
leaves Sphodrias, with a part of his army, and then returns to
Peloponnesus.
The Athenians, alarmed at the Spartan invasion, condemn their
generals who had aided in the recovery of the Cadmea.
Sphodrias marches against Athens, to surprise the Piraeus; ad-
vances as far as the Thriasian plain, and retreats, after^ plunder-
ing the country.
The Athenians prepare for war with Sparta; strengthen the
Piraeus 5 increase their fleet, and make alliance with Thebes.
Chios, Byzantium, Khodes, and Mitylene revolt from Sparta, and
renew their confederacy with Athens.
Sphodrias is recalled, and Agesiiaus sent with a large Pelopon-
nesian army into Bceotia. He ravages the Theban territory, but
having encountered an Athenian and Theban force, commanded
by Chabrias and Gorgidas, is repulsed, and returns home, leaving
Phoebidas in command at Thespise.
Phoabidas, after gaining partial success against Gorgidas, is de-
feated and slain.
377 Agesiiaus again invades Boeotia ; is joined by a force of Olynthian
cavalry, gains some advantage over the Thebans, and, after
strengthening the oligarchical party at Thespiae, crosses over to
Megara, where he falls ill.
The Sacred Band, consisting of three hundred men, is established
at Thebes.
Acoris, king of Egypt, at war with Persia, engages the services of
Chabrias, who, on complaint made by Artaxerxes, is recalled by
the Athenians, and Iphicrates sent to assist the satrap Pharna-
bazus.
376 Cleombrotus is sent into Boeotia, where he is repulsed by the-
Athenians and Thebans, and returns home.
A Peloponnesian fleet is sent out under the command of Pollis, to
intercept the corn-ships bound for Athens. Chabrias totally de-
feats this fleet at JSTaxos.
Athens regains her ascendancy in the JEgean sea, and many of the
islands return under her protection.
Timotheus sails with a fleet to Corcyra, which renews her alliance
with Athens.
Jason of Pherae establishes his power or influence over most of the
towns of Thessaly.
375 Timotheus is successful against the Peloponnesians in the Ionian
sea.
Pelopidas fails in an attempt to surprise Orehomenos, is attacked
on his retreat by a superior force of Spartans at-Tegyra. The
Spartans are put to the rout, and their generals slain.
.CilROXG LOGICAL ABSTEACT OF EVENTS
374 The Thebans send an army into Phocis, which is in alliance with
Sparta. Cleombrotus crosses the Gulf of Corinth, to the assist-
ance of the Phocians, and forces the Thebans to retreat.
The Athenians attempt to make peace with Sparta, but this is
interrupted by a dispute concerning some Zacynthian exiles
restored by Timotheus. A Peloponnesian fleet under Mnasippus
is sent to recover Corcyra. The Athenians determine to relieve
it, and despatch Timotheus with a fleet from Athens, who is
forced for want of supplies to cruise about the ^Egean isles and
the coast of Macedonia and Thrace.
Pharnabazus and Iphicrates invade Egypt, which, after partial suc-
cess, they are compelled to evacuate. Iphicrates quarrels with
Pharnabazus, and .returns to Athens.
373 Mnasippus lands in Corcyra, and blockades the city, but is
routed in a sally, and retires with his fleet to Leucas.
Timotheus is recalled to Athens, and brought to trial, but ac-
quitted. Iphicrates, Callistratus, and Chabrias, succeed to the
command.
The Athenians sail to Corcyra, and capture a Syracusan fleet sent
to the aid of Mnasippus. Cephallenia is brought over to the
Athenian alliance.
The Thebans surprise Platsea, and raze the city to the ground. The
inhabitants, allowed to depart, take refuge in Athens, and are
admitted to the privileges of citizens.
Thespise is taken, and shares the same fate.
372 Iphicrates crosses to Acarnania, and carries on the war against the
Peloponnesians with various success; is preparing to invade
Laconia.
371 The Athenians send ambassadors to Sparta, to conclude peace.
The Thebans, invited to join in the embassy, send Epaminondas.
Peace is made between the Peloponnesians and the Athenian con-
federacy. Epaminondas refuses to concur in the treaty on behalf
of Thebes, because she was required to acknowledge the independ-
ence of the Boeotian towns.
Cleombrotus is ordered to march from Phocis into Boeotia ; en-
counters the Thebans under Epaminondas at Leuctra, is totally
defeated and slain.
Jason of Pherae arrives at Leuctra after the battle. By his medi-
ation an armistice is effected, and the Lacedaemonian army
retreats into Peloponnesus.
A congress is held at Athens, and attended by most of the Pelo-
ponnesian states, who resolve to maintain the independence
declared by the peace of Antalcidas.
The Mantineans rebuild their city, which had been dismantled by
the Lacedaemonians.
A democratical movement takes place in Peloponnesus.
The Arcadians, encouraged by Epaminondas, resolve to build a new
city, to become the seat of a federal government, to be called
Megalopolis. Pammenes is sent with a small Theban force into
Arcadia.
DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 23
B.C.
371 Tegea and Orchomenos, under the influence of Sparta and aristo-
cratical institutions, oppose the Arcadian union. The Tegeans
are defeated, and their city taken. Sparta declares war.
370 Amyntas II. dies, leaving three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and
Philip. Alexander ascends the throne.
Jason of Pherae announces his intention of marching to Delphi
and presiding over the Pythian games. He collects a large army,
and excites alarm; but is murdered a short time before the
festival. His brothers Polydorus and Polyphron succeed him.
Agesilaus marches to Mantinea, ravages the country, and returns to
Sparta.
The Thebans prepare to invade Peloponnesus ; collect troops from
Phocis, Locris, Thessaly, and various states of northern Greece.
Iphicrates is sent with an Athenian squadron to Macedonia, where
he was encouraged by Amyntas to try for the recovery of Am-
phipolis, but returns without success.
369 Pelopidas and Epaminondas lead the Theban army to Mantinea ;
are joined by the Arcadians, Eleans, and Argives, and invade
Laconia. The Spartans are unable to oppose them in the field,
but, reinforced by a small body of Peloponnesian auxiliaries,
prepare to defend the capital. The Thebans, after ravaging the
country, approach Sparta, are repulsed in a skirmish, and retire.
The Theban army enters Messenia, to accomplish the project of
Epaminondas for the building of a new city, and the separation,
of that province from Laconia. The building is rapidly carried
on under Theban protection. The city is called Messene, and
peopled by the Messenian insurgents, with a multitude of exiles
and revolted Helots. Epaminondas, leaving a garrison there,
prepares for his return to Thebes.
The Lacedaemonians send an embassy to Athens, to implore her
assistance, which is granted, and Iphicrates is sent with an army
to Peloponnesus.
Polyphron of Pheraa, having survived Polydorus, is murdered by
his nephew Alexander, who assumes the office of Tagus, and
oppresses the Thessalian towns. The Aleuadse of Larissa in-
voke the aid of Alexander, king of Macedon, who marches to
. their relief, and puts a garrison in Larissa and Cranon : but he
is hastily recalled to Macedonia, in consequence of intrigues
against him by his mother Eurydice and her paramour
Ptolemy.
Iphicrates stations himself at the Isthmus of Corinth, to oppose
Epaminondas, who passes by a different road, repulsing the
Athenian cavalry.
368 The Thessalians apply to Thebes for aid against Alexander of
Pheraa. Pelopidas is sent into Thessaly, while Epaminondas
marches for the second time to invade Peloponnesus.
Dionysius of Syracuse sends a body of Celts and Iberians to the
aid of Sparta.
The Spartans send an army to the Isthmus, and are joined by the
Corinthians and Athenians under Chabrias. Epaminondas forces
24 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS
B.C.
368 • their lines, and effects a junction with his allies ; after a short
and unimportant campaign he makes an attempt on Corinth, is
repulsed by Chabrias, and returns home.
Alexander of Macedon is murdered, and Ptolemy assumes the
regency.
The Arcadians carry on the war with success in the absence of
Epaminondas.
Pelopidas, having marched to Larissa, and restored tranquillity,
is invited into Macedonia, to compose the disputes in the royal
family. He forces Ptolemy to give security for preserving the
kingdom to the heirs of Amyntas ; takes hostages from him, and
receives the young Philip into his charge. Philip is taken to
Thebes, where he resides for several years.
The satrap Ariobarzanes makes an ineffectual attempt for the paci-
fication of Greece.
Alexander of Pherae raises new disturbances. Pelopidas, sent on
an embassy to Thessaly, is seized by him and thrown into prison.
Alexander obtains the assistance of Athens, and defeats a body
of Thebans who are sent against him, among whom Epaminon-
das, in temporary disgrace for the ill-success of his last cam-
paign, was serving as a private soldier.
The Thebans destroy Orchomenos in Boeotia.
367 Iphicrates sails with an armament to the coast of Macedonia, for
the purpose of recovering Amphipolis ; is invited by Ptolemy and
Eurydice to assist them against Pausanias, who aspired to the
throne. He expels Pausanias, but is unable to reduce Amphipo-
lis, which is supported by the Olynthians.
Epaminondas marches again into Thessaly, and effects the release
of Pelopidas.
Archidamus, commanding the troops of Lacedsemon, Athens, and
Corinth, with Syracusan auxiliaries, gains a great victory over
the Arcadians and Argives on the borders of Laconia.
Pelopidas is sent on an embassy to Susa, and obtains the Persian
king's sanction for the projects of the Thebans. On his return a
congress is held at Thebes, and attended by the king's deputy, but
the Greek states refuse to accept the dictation of Persia.
366 Demosthenes comes of age, and brings an action against his
guardians for mal-administration of his estate, in which he ob-
tains a verdict.
Iphicrates, with Charidemus of Oreus, sails to attack Amphipolis,
but is opposed by Ptolemy and the Olynthians.
Epaminondas marches into Achaia, but without much success. Of
the Achaean states Sicyon only is secured to the Theban
alliance.
Themison of Eretria surprises Oropus. The Athenians send
Chares to recover it, but the city is put in possession of the
Thebans.
Athens makes a separate peace with the Arcadians.
365 Corinth and the Achseans make peace with Thebes.
Elis and Arcadia go to war, contending for the Triphylian towns.
DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 25
B.C.
365 Ptolemy is slain by Perdiccas III. who ascends the throne of
Macedon.
The Amphipolitans negotiate with Iphicrates for the surrender of
their town, and give him hostages; but he, being recalled to
Athens, delivers the hostages to Charidemus, who goes off into
the service of Cotys, king of Thrace, and sends back the hostages
to Amphipolis.
364 Sparta assists Elis against the Arcadians, who defeat Archidamus.
The Arcadians invade Elis, and attempt to exclude the Eleans from
the presidency of the Olympic games. The battle of Olympia is
fought, in which the Arcadians and Argives are defeated by the
troops of Elis and Achaia.
Callisthenes commands the Athenian fleet on the Macedonian
coast, and makes war against Perdiccas, but agrees to an armis-
tice. He is superseded by Timotheus, who takes Torone and
Potidaea.
The Thebans are again invited into Thessaly, to give assistance
against Alexander of Pherae. Pelopidas goes with a small troop
to Pharsalus, where he collects an army of Thessalians. Alex-
ander is defeated in the battle of Cynoscephalas, but Pelopidas is
slain. Peace is made between Thebes and Alexander.
363 Dissensions arise between Mantinea and the other Arcadians. It
is proposed to make peace with Elis and Sparta. The Thebans
prepare for another invasion of Peloponnesus. The Mantineans
ally themselves to Sparta.
Timotheus takes Pydna and Methone.
The Thebans send a fleet to Byzantium, to detach it from the
Athenian alliance. Laches is sent to oppose it, but without
effect.
Alexander of Pheraa sends out a squadron to infest and plunder
the small JEgean islands, and lays siege to Peparethus. The
Athenians having sent Leosthenes against him, he sails to Attica,
takes several Athenian ships, and plunders the Piraeus.
362 Epaminondas leads his army into Peloponnesus, and, joined by his
Arcadian allies, assaults Sparta, but is repulsed.
The Athenians send a force of six thousand men to the assistance
of the Spartans. They march to Mantinea.
Epammondas, retreating from Laconia, marches to attack Man-
tinea. His cavalry are defeated by the Athenians, who sally from
the town.
Agesilaus marches with his army to join the Athenians and Man-
tineans. Epaminondas advances to attack them, and the battle
of Mantinea is fought, one of the most celebrated in Grecian
history. On the one side are Boeotians, Thessalians, Eubreans,
Locrians, and other northern allies, together with troops of
Sicyon, Argos, Arcadia, and Messenia, to the number of thirty-
three thousand. On the other, Lacedaemonians, Athenians,
Mantineans, and troops of Elis and Achaia ; considerably less
in number. After an obstinate resistance, Epaminondas breaks
the centre of the enemy, but is slain in the moment of victory.
-6 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS
SC2 A general peace follows, but the Spartans alone refuse to acknow-
ledge the independence of Messenia.
Timotheus, assisted by the satrap Ariobarzanes, takes Sestus, Cri~
thote, and Elseus, in the Thracian Chersonese ; and afterwards
lays siege to Samos.
The satraps revolt from the king of Persia. They are promised
assistance by Tachos, king of Egypt, Mausolus, king of Caria,
and most of the maritime parts of the empire.
Miltocythes rebels against Cotys, king of Thrace, and engages the
Athenians to assist him, by promising to cede to them the Cher-
sonese. Cotys amuses the Athenians by negotiation, and over-
comes Miltocythes.
361 Samos capitulates after a siege of eleven months.
Orontes betrays the conspirators to Artaxerxes. Datames, satrap
of Cappadocia, is murdered. Tachos, preparing to make war
against Persia, engages Agesilaus to command his army, and
Chabrias for his admiral.
Agesilaus is sent with a thousand Spartans to Egypt, but quarrels
with Tachos, and transfers his services to Nectanabis, to whom
the Egyptian army revolts. Tachos flies to Persia, and Agesilaus
establishes Nectanabis in the dominion of Egypt.
Artaxerxes Mnemon; dies, and his son, Artaxerxes Ochus, ascends
the throne of Persia.
360 Timotheus and Charidemus attack Amphipolis, which receives suc-
cour from Macedonia and Olynthus, and the Athenians are defeated.
Cotys marches into the Chersonese, and gets possession of Sestus.
Agesilaus dies on his return from Egypt.
Pammenes is sent with Theban troops to quell disturbances in
Arcadia ; establishes the preponderance of Megalopolis.
Artaxerxes makes an attempt to reconquer Egypt, which fails.
359 Perdiccas is slain in a battle with the Illyrians, leaving an infant
son, Arnyntas. Philip ascends the throne of Macedon
At this time the Illyrians are preparing for a new invasion, the
Pifionians make an irruption from the north, and there are two
pretenders to the crown — Pausanias, assisted by Cotys, and
Argseus, supported by the Athenians.
Philip accommodates matters with Cotys, and marches against
Argseus, whom he defeats. He returns the Athenian prisoners
without ransom, and makes peace with Athens. He then re-
duces the Pagonians to submission, and invades Illyria. Bardylis,
the Illyrian prince, is defeated in a great battle, and a portion of
his dominions is ceded to Macedonia.
358 Cotys, assisted by Charidemus, lays siege to Crithote and Elaeus.
but soon after is murdered, leaving three sons, Amadocus, Beri-
sades, and Cersobleptes, among whom the dominions of Cotys
are divided.
Charidemus takes Cersobleptes under his protection, and defeats
the Athenian force.
Miltocythes again raising disturbances, is taken prisoner by Chari-
demus, who sends him to Cardia, where he is put to death.
DURING THE LIFE OP DEMOSTHENES. 27
B.C.
353 Philip lays siege to Amphipolis.
The Olynthians send an embassy to Athens, to negotiate an alliance,
which is prevented by the intrigues of Philip. He conciliates
the Olynthians by the cession of Anthemus, and soon afterwards
obtains possession of Amphipolis. He then marches to Pydna,
which is surrendered to him.
Alexander of Pherse is murdered. Tisiphonus and his brothei
Lycophron get the command.
357 Berisades and Amadocus combine against Cersobleptes, and aie
assisted by Athenodorus, the Athenian general. Cersobleptes is
forced to enter into a convention, by which the kingdom is
equally divided, and the Chersonese ceded to Athens, with the
exception of Cardia.
The Athenians quarrel with Philip about Amphipolis. He makes
an alliance with the Olynthians.
The Thebans send an army into Euboea, from which, after much
fighting, they are expelled by the Athenians.
Chares is sent to take possession of the Chersonese, which, after
some opposition from Charidemus, he effects.
The Social War breaks out, in which Byzantium, Chios, Cos, and
Rhodes revolt from the Athenian league. The Athenians attack
Chios, and are defeated ; Chabrias is slain.
The Phocians send succour to some of the Boeotian towns, attempt-
ting to revolt from Thebes. The Thebans procure an Amphic-
tyonic decree against the Phocians for having cultivated a portion
of the consecrated plain near Delphi. This was the origin of the
Sacred War.
356 Philip takes Potidoaa, with the assistance of the Olynthians, and
gives it up to them.
Alexander is born.
Parmenio, Philip's general, gains a victory over the Illyrians.
Philip takes the mine district of the Pangaeus from the Thasians, and
establishes a new colony at Crenides, which he names Philippi.
The Athenians besiege Byzantium, but the siege is raised by the
fleet of the allies. Chares, Timotheus and Iphicrates command
the Athenian forces, but the two latter are recalled on the com-
plaint of Chares.
The allies ravage Lemnos, Imbrus, and Samos, and levy contribu-
tions in the JSgean.
Chares, for want of supplies, lends assistance to Artabazus against
the Persian satraps.
Philomelus, the Phocian general, takes possession of Delphi, and
defeats the Locrians of Amphissa. He negotiates an alliance with
Athens and Lacedaemon, while the Locrians obtain promises of
assistance from Thebes and Thessaly.
Corcyra revolts from Athens.
355 The king of Persia threatens Athens with war on account of the
aid furnished by Chares to Artabazus.
The Athenians terminate the Social War by acknowledging the
independence of the revolted states.
28 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS
B. C.
355 Timotlieus and Iphicrates are brought to trial for misconduct in
the war. Timotheus is found guilty, and goes into exile. Shortly
after, he dies at Chalcis.
The Athenians send an expedition against Olynthus, without
success.
Chares takes Sestus.
Philonielus again defeats the Locrians, and being threatened with
a general war, seizes the treasures of Delphi and collects a
body of mercenaries. The Thessalians and Boeotians, having
marched into Locris, are defeated by Philomelus, who is strongly
reinforced from Peloponnesus.
Demosthenes makes the speeches against Leptines and Androtion.
354 The Thebans, largely reinforced, give battle to Philomelus in the
denies of Parnassus. He is defeated and slain. Onomarchus
succeeds to the command, and the Thebans retire.
Philip sends Macedonian troops to assist Callias of Chalcis against
Plutarch of Eretria. The latter applies to Athens for assistance,
and is opposed by Demosthenes, who makes his first public speech
on this occasion. The Athenians determine to assist Plutarch,
and Phocion is sent with an army to Euboea. He defeats Callias
and the Macedonians at TamynEe, and establishes popular
government at Eretria.
The Athenians debate about making war with Persia. Demos-
thenes dissuades them in his speech de Symmoriis.
353 Onomarchus takes Thronium, and invades Boeotia. Here he takes
Orchomenus, but is defeated by the Thebans at Chseronea.
Lycophron, now sovereign of Pherse, enters into alliance with
Onomarchus, and endeavours to oppress the independent Thes-
salians.
The Spartans declare war against Megalopolis, and apply for assist-
ance to Athens. Demosthenes makes his speech pro Megalo-
politanis, in which he urges the Athenians to espouse the other
side. They remain neutral.
Demosthenes delivers the oration against Timocrates.
Philip takes Methone after a long siege, in which he lost an eye.
The Macedonian party prevail at Eretria, and dissolve the con-
nexion with Athens.
Mausolus, king of Caria, dies, and is succeeded by his widow
Artemisia.
The Phoenicians revolt from Artaxerxes, and enter into alliance
with Nectanabis. Cyprus soon after revolts.
352 Philip, invited by the Thessalians, marches against .Lycophron,
defeats Phayllus, brother of Onomarchus, and takes Pagasas.
Onomarchus marches with a large army into Thessaly, and defeats
Philip in two battles, who retreats to Macedonia. Onomarchus
then invades Boeotia, defeats the Thebans, and takes Coronea ;
but is recalled to Thessaly by intelligence that Philip had re-
turned with large reinforcements. The decisive battle of Pagasas
is fought, in which Onomarchus is defeated and slain. Philip
expels Lycophron from Pherse, and takes the city of Magnesia.
DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 29
B.C.
352 He then prepares to invade Phocis, and marches to Thermopylae,
but finds the pass guarded by an Athenian force, and retreats.
Phayllus, joined by a large force of auxiliaries from Sparta, Achaia,
and Athens, invades Boeotia, but is defeated by the Thebans.
Philip sends out a fleet, plundering the Athenian coast, and ravages
Lemnos, Imbrus, and Scyros. He himself marches into Thrace,
where, after long being occupied in the interior extending his
power over the different tribes, he turns towards the coast of the
Propontis and attacks Heraaum.
Demosthenes speaks the first Philippic.
The oration against Aristocrates is delivered.
Thebes, Argos, Sicyon, and Messene send assistance to Megalopolis.
The Spartans, assisted by mercenaries from Phocis, after various
indecisive battles, are compelled to make peace.
Artaxerxes makes great preparations to recover Phoenicia and
Cyprus.
351 Phayllus overruns the country of the Epicnemidian Locrians, is
defeated by the Boeotians at Abaa, afterwards defeats them at
Aryca, and dies ; is succeeded by his nephew Phalaacus.
The democratical party at Rhodes solicit the aid of Athens,
and are supported by Demosthenes in his speech de Libertate
JRhodiorum.
Artemisia, queen of Criia, dies, and is succeeded by Idrieus, who,
at the command of Artaxerxes, collects a large armament for the
reduction of Cyprus. Phocion the Athenian is joined with
Evagoras in the command of this expedition.
The Thessalians remonstrate with Philip for retaining Pagasae and
Magnesia.
350 Phalaacus invades Boeotia, and takes Chaaronea, from which he is
again driven by the Thebans, who invade and ravage Phocis.
Philip takes Apollonia, and threatens the Chalcidian towns. The
Olynthians send to Athens to negotiate alliance.
Pitholaus, brother of Lycophron, recovers Pheraa, and Philip is
invited to expel him. On his return from Thessaly he marches
into the Chalcidian peninsula, and lays siege to Stagira.
Cyprus submits to Artaxerxes. Temnes, king of Sidon, assisted by
Mentor at the head of Greek mercenaries, defeats the Persian
satraps.
Demosthenes brings an action against Midias, which is afterwards
compromised.
3-19 The Thebans receive a large subsidy from Persia, to enable them to
carry on the war against Phocis.
The Olynthians send an embassy to Athens to implore assistance.
A warm debate takes place, in which Demosthenes speaks the
first Olynthiac. The Athenians vote alliance, and despatch
Chares with a small force. The second and third Olynthiacs are
delivered at short intervals after this.
Meanwhile Stagira capitulates ; Torone is taken, and most of the
Chalcidian towns hasten to make terms with Philip. The Olyn-
thians send another embassy, pressing for more effectual assist-
SO CHEONOLOG1CAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS
B.C.
349 anc3. A larger armament is sent from Athens; and put under the
command of Charidemus.
The Olynthians, dissatisfied with Charidemus, send a third embassy,
and entreat the aid of a native Athenian force. This is sent ;
but arrives too late.
Artaxerxes marches in person against the Phoenicians. Temnes
betrays Sidon, and the Phoenicians submit. Mentor is taken into
the service of Persia.
348 Philip takes Mecyberna, the port of Olynthus, and lays siege to the
city. After various ineffectual sallies, Olynthus is betrayed to
Philip, who razes it to the ground .
Phalsecus is deposed from his command by the Phocians. The
Sacred War languishes.
Artaxerxes sends to the Greek states to collect mercenaries for the
invasion of Egypt. Athens and Sparta refuse assistance. The
Thebans send Lacrates with a thousand men; the Argives
Kicostratus with three thousand. The Asiatic Greeks furnish a
contingent, and the king marches in person into Egypt. The
conquest of Egypt is ultimately effected, but the exact date is
uncertain.
347 Philip celebrates his triumph over Olynthus by a festival at Dium
in Pieria.
An assembly is held at Athens, to consider the expediency of
rousing the Greeks against Philip. JEschines is sent for that
purpose to Arcadia. The negotiations of Athens are unsuccessful.
Philip causes it to be intimated at Athens that he is desirous of
peace. A decree passes at Athens to send ambassadors to treat
with him.
The Thebans, suffering by the depredations committed on their
territories from the hostile garrisons in Boeotia, invite Philip to
terminate the Sacred War. The Phocians pray for aid of the
Athenians, and offer to put them in possession of Nicaea, Thro-
nium, and Alponus. Meanwhile Phalsecus regains his power in
Phocia, and refuses to admit the Athenian troops.
Parmenio besieges Halus in Thessaly.
Demosthenes, JEschines, and eight other ambassadors, are sent to
Pella to treat for peace. They return in the beginning of the
following year.
346 Parmenio and Antipater are sent to Athens to negotiate the peace.
A congress of the allies is held, and peace is concluded, on the
terms of each party keeping his own possessions ; but the Phocians
and Cersobleptes are not named in the treaty.
The ten Athenian ambassadors are sent to Macedonia to receive
Philip's oath of ratification. On arriving at Pella, they find that
Philip has marched into Thrace. There he had seized upon the
Sacred Mount, and stripped Cersobleptes of a considerable part
of his dominions. On his return to Pella he takes the ambassa-
dors with him to Pherae, and there ratifies the peace. He then
dismisses them, hastens to Thermopylae, takes Nicaea, Thronium,
and Alponus, and being joined by the Boeotians, marches into
DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 31
B. C.
346 Phocis. Archidamus with the Spartan troops, and Phalascus
with his mercenaries, retire to Peloponnc.-us, while the Phocian
towns are either taken by storm or capitulate.
The Athenians, alarmed at this intelligence, begin to prepare for
their own defence, but are reassured by a letter of Philip.
A council of Amphictyons is held at Delphi, and sentence passed
on the Phocians for their sacrilege. Philip becomes a member
of the council, and is chosen to preside at the Pythian games.
The lost Boeotian towns are restored to Thebes by Philip, and
Nicsea given to the Thessalians.
The Amphictyonic Council send an embassy to Athens, to notify
their election of Philip, and demand her recognition of it.
Demosthenes delivers his Oration on the Peace, in which he dis-
suades the Athenians from opposing the Amphictyonic league.
345 Philip promises to assist the Messenians and Arcadians against
hostilities threatened by Lacedasmon.
The Athenians send Demosthenes at the head of an embassy to
Messene and Argos, to counteract the influence of Philip.
Diopittes is sent with a body of Athenian settlers to the Thracian
Chersonese, who become involved in disputes with the Cardians,
Philip ravages Illyria, and takes many of the towns in that dis-
trict ; after which he marches into Thessaly, where the regnant
family had again made head, and expels them, leaving strong
garrisons in Pherse and Magnesia. Soon afterwards he causes
the whole country to be divided into tetrarchies, and governed
by his own partisans.
3-14 Philip sends Python to Athens, to complain of the Athenian em-
bassy to Peloponnesus. Demosthenes speaks the second
Philippic.
Sostratus the pirate, having seized the island Halonnesus, is ex-
pelled by Philip. The Athenians demand its return.
Philip sends Python again to Athens, to adjust his disputes. The
Athenians send Hegesippus and other envoys to make proposals
for the amendment of the treaty.
The Cardians resist the attempt of Diopithes to take a portion of
their territories, and apply to Philip for assistance.
343 Philip sends a letter to the Athenians, stating the terms which he
is willing to consent to. Demosthenes and Hegesippus oppose
them as unreasonable. The extant speech de Halonneso is sup-
posed to be that of Hegesippus.
Phocion is sent to protect Megara against a conspiracy to betray it
into the hands of the Macedonians. He secures it by fortifying
Nicsea, and completing the long walls.
Philip invades Cassopia in Epirus, and annexes it to the dominions
of his brother-in-law Alexander.
Demosthenes, Hegesippus, and Lycurgus are sent into Achaia and
Acarnania, to form a league against Philip, to oppose his designs
upon Ambracia and the western parts of Greece. They are suc-
cessful, and an Athenian force is sent into Ambracia. Philip
retreats from Epirus.
32 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS
B.C.
343 Aristodemus with an Athenian force makes an unsuccessful attempt
upon Magnesia.
JSschines is brought to trial by Demosthenes for misconduct in the
embassy, and acquitted.
Philip sends assistance to the Cardians. and marches into the inte-
rior of Thrace to attack Teres. Diopithes, having collected a
large body of mercenaries, endeavours to interrupt the conquests
of Philip.
342 A Macedonian force is sent to Oreus in Euboea, and establishes
Philistides as governor. Clitarchus, a partisan of Philip, is
secured in the government of Eretria.
Philip sends a letter to Athens, complaining of the proceedings of
Diopithes as an infraction of the peace. Demosthenes makes the
speech de Cliersoneso.
Philip completes the conquest of Thrace, and drives Cersobleptes
from his kingdom. He then marches toward the Propontine
coast.
341 Demosthenes speaks the third Philippic. Early in the year Philip
besieges Selymbria.
Twenty Athenian corn-ships, intended for the relief of Selymbria,
are captured by Philip. The Athenians complain, and the ships
are restored.
Phocion is sent with troops to Eubcea, and expels Clitarchus and
Philistides. Demosthenes is crowned by the people for having
advised this expedition.
Selymbria is taken, and Philip proceeds to besiege Perinthus.
The Athenians, under the advice of Demosthenes, apply for assist-
ance to Persia.
340 Philip sends his letter to the Athenians (which is still extant), in
which, after reproaching them for their conduct, he virtually
declares war.
He sends an army into the Chersonese.
The Persians relieve Selymbria, and Philip, leaving troops to
blockade it, lays siege to Byzantium.
Demosthenes goes to Byzantium, to offer Athenian succour, which
is accepted, and Chares is sent with a fleet ; but the Byzantines
refuse to receive him, and Phocion is sent in his stead. At the
same time assistance is sent from Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, and
also from other parts of Greece.
Philip is compelled to raise the siege of Perinthus and Byzantium,
and his troops are driven out of the Chersonese. He breaks up
his camp, and marches into Scythia.
Artaxerxes is poisoned by the satrap Bagoas, and his son Arses
succeeds him.
339 JEschines goes as one of the Athenian deputies to the Amphic-
tyonic Council. He accuses the Locrians of Amphissa, for having
cultivated the sacred plain. The Delphians having attacked
Cirrha, are put to flight, and a resolution is passed to convoke
an extraordinary meeting at Thermopylae. At this meeting,
unattended by Athens' or Thebes, war is declared against the
DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 33
B.C.
339 Locrians, and Cottyphus appointed to command an Amphictvonic
army. He invades Locris, but without effect.
Philip, on his return from Scythia, is attacked by the Triballi, and
is wounded in a hard-fought battle.
Phocion carries on successful operations against Philip in the
north, but is severely wounded in an incursion into Macedonia.
Another Amphictyonic assembly is convened, at which Philip is
elected general to carry into effect the decree against the
Locrians.
333 Philip marches through Thessaly, and takes possession of Elatea,
which he begins to fortify.
The Athenians in alarm hold an assembly of the people, at which
Demosthenes proposes to send an embassy to Thebes. This
is resolved upon, and Demosthenes himself heads the embassy.
Meanwhile the Athenians muster all their troops, and collect a
body of ten thousand mercenaries.
An assembly is convoked at Thebes, and attended by Python on
Philip's behalf; but Demosthenes prevails on the Thebans to
become allies of Athens.
Philip marches against Amphissa, and defeats Chares, who had
been sent to succour the Locrians. After two indecisive battles,
the hostile armies meet at Chseronea. Philip is at the head of
thirty-two thousand men, chiefly Macedonians and Thessalians.
On the other side are the forces of Athens and Thebes, with a few
auxiliaries from Peloponnesus, somewhat inferior in number.
Philip gains a decisive victory.
The Athenians take energetic measures for the defence of their
city. Demosthenes pronounces the funeral orations in honour of
the slain. Lysicles the general is condemned to death.
Ctesiphon proposes a decree, that Demosthenes be crowned at the
Dionysian festival for his services in repairing the fortifications,
and his general merits as a citizen. For .this a prosecution is
instituted against him by ^JEschines.
Philip grants peace to the Athenians, and puts a Macedonian
garrison into Thebes. The Boeotian towns are emancipated,
and Oropus given to Athens.
Philip holds a congress of the Greeks at Corinth, and declares war
against Persia. He makes a triumphant march through Pelo-
ponnesus, and obtains universal submission.
337 Attains and Parmenio are sent with a force into Asia Minor, to
liberate the Greek cities.
Philip is engaged in a war with the Illyrians, after which he cele-
brates his marriage with Cleopatra, and is involved in domestic
broils.
Arses is murdered, and Darius Codomanus raised to the throne of
Persia.
336 A great festival is held at JEgsa in Macedonia, to solemnize the
marriage of Philip's daughter with the king of Epirus; and
attended from all parts of 'Greece. During the solemnity, Philip
is murdered by Pausanias, one of his guards.
D
34 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS
B.C.
336 Demosthenes receives speedy information of Philip's death, and
takes instant measures to free the Greeks from Macedonia.
Ambassadors are sent to the Greek states, and a correspondence
commenced with Attains in Asia, and also with the Persian Court.
A general rising is meditated in Greece, and also among the
northern tribes.
Alexander hastens to Thermopylae, joined by the Thessalians, and
holds an Amphictyonic council, at which he is elected general of
the Greeks. Thence he marches into Boaotia, and procures the
submission of Thebes, The Athenians send ambassadors to
conciliate him, and among them Demosthenes, who, after going
as far as Cithseron, returns. Alexander then proceeds to Corinth,
where at a general congress he is chosen to conduct the war
against Persia.
335 Alexander marches into Thrace, defeats the Triballi, crosses the
Danube, and, after receiving the submission of some barbarous
tribes, returns through Paeonia to attack the Illyrian prince
Cleitus. While he is- yet in Illyria, he hears of the revolt of
Thebes.
The Thebans, having blockaded the Macedonian garrison in the
Cadmea, send to divers Greek states for assistance. Demosthenes
persuades the Athenians to vote alliance, and himself furnishes-
the Thebans with a supply of arms. Elis and other cities of
Peloponnesus send troops to the aid of Thebes, but they
march no further than the Isthmus, hearing of the advance of
Alexander.
Alexander besieges Thebes, which after a desperate resistance is
taken by storm, and razed to the ground.
The Athenians send a deputation to appease Alexander, who re-
quires them to deliver up the principal leaders of the war-party,
among them, Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Lycurgus. But he
is persuaded by Demades to waive this demand.
334 Alexander crosses the Hellespont into Asia Minor.
Battle of Granicus.
Memnon intrigues with the Greek states, especially Laeedaemon, to
excite a rising against Macedonia. His death, which happens-
soon after, is fatal to the Persian cause.
333 Battle of Issus.
332 Siege of Tyre.
The Lacedaemonians send an embassy to Darius.
Agis, king of Sparta, sails to Crete, and reduces the island under
the Persian dominion.
331 Alexandria in Egypt is founded.
Battle of Arbela.
Alexander enters the Persian capital.
Agis forms a confederacy in Peloponnesus.
330 Antipater marches to suppress an insurrection in Thrace. The
Lacedaemonians, commanded by Agis, rise in arms, and, joined
by the Eleans and Achaians, besiege Megalopolis. Antipater
DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 35
B.C.
330 hastens to its relief, and an obstinate battle is fought, in which
Agis is defeated and slain.
jEschines brings on the trial of Ctesiphon, and the two Orations
for the Crown are delivered. Ctesiphon is acquitted, and
jEschines retires in exile to Rhodes, where he opened a school of
rhetoric, and died many years after.
Darius is murdered.
328 Alexander sets out on his march for India.
327 Porus is overcome.
326 The army embarks on the Indus.
325 Alexander returns to Persia.
324 An order sent by Alexander is read at the Olympic games, com-
manding the reception of exiles by the Greek states. Demos-
thenes goes to Olympia to remonstrate with the Macedonian
envoy. The Athenians send an embassy to Alexander, to com-
plain of this measure.
Messages are sent to the Greek cities, requiring them to pay
divine honours to Alexander.
Harpalus, flying from Babylon with a large treasure, arrives in
Athens. Antipater demands that he shall be given up by the
Athenians, who throw him into prison, and pass a decree, on the
motion of Demosthenes, to lodge his treasure in the Acropolis.
A large portion of it is missing, and, on inquiry being insti-
tuted by the Areopagus, Demosthenes (among others) is charged
with having received a bribe from Harpalus. He is found
guilty, and sentenced to pay a fine of fifty talents.
Unable to pay this, he flies to Megara, and remains in exile.
323 Alexander dies at Babylon.
The Athenians resolve on war, and send ambassadors to stir up
the Greeks. A general rising takes place, and Leosthenes the
Athenian is chosen commander. Sparta remains neutral, and
the Boeotians adhere to Macedonia.
Leosthenes defeats the Boeotians at Plateea, and marches to meet
Antipater in Thessaly. Antipater is totally defeated, and takes
refuge in Lamia, where he is blockaded.
Macedonian envoys are sent to Peloponnesus, to counteract the
efforts of the Athenians. Demosthenes opposes them success-
fully in Argos, Corinth, and Arcadia.
Demosthenes is recalled from exile by the Athenians, and a ship
sent to bring him home.
Leosthenes is killed in a sally from Lamia. Antiphilus succeeds
him as general.
The siege of Lamia is raided by the advance of Leonatu*, who is
himself defeated and slain ; but Antipater effects a junction with
his army, and receives large reinforcements from Macedonia.
322 The Athenian fleet is defeated by the Macedonian.
A Macedonian force lands at Marathon and ravages Attica, but is
defeated by Phocion.
36 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OP EVENTS.
B.C.
322 Antipater attacks the Greeks with a greatly superior army at
Crannon in Thessaly, and gains a doubtful victory, which be-
comes decisive by the general desertion of the allies.
Antipater advances against Athens, which submits, and receives a
Macedonian garrison.
The Athenians are compelled to remodel their constitution, and
adopt a property qualification, which disfranchises a large num-
ber of citizens.
Demosthenes and Hyperides, with other orators of the war party,
are demanded by Antipater. Demosthenes flies first to ^Egina,
and afterwards to Calaurea, where he takes refuge in the temple
of Neptune. Pursued by Archias, the Macedonian emissary, he
puts an end to his life by poison.
THE
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
THE FIEST OLYNTHIAC.
THE ARGUMENT.
Olynthus was a city in Macedonia, at the head of the Toronaic gulf, and
north of the peninsula of Pallene. It was colonized by a people from
Chalcis in Euboea, and commanded a large district called Chalcidice,
in which there were thirty-two cities. Over all this tract the sway of
Olynthus was considerable, and she had waged wars anciently with
Athens and Sparta, and been formidable to Philip's predecessors on
the throne of Macedon. Soon after Philip's accession, the Olynthians
had disputes with him, which were at first accommodated, and he
gratified them by the cession of Anthemus. They then joined him
in a war against Athens, and he gave up to them Potidsea, which
had yielded to their united arms. After the lapse of some years,
during which Philip had greatly increased his power, and acquired
considerable influence in Thessaly and Thrace, the Olynthians
became alarmed, and began to think him too dangerous a neighbour.
The immediate cause of rupture was an attack which he made on one
of the Chalcidian towns. An embassy was instantly sent to Athens,
to negotiate an alliance. Philip, considering this as an infraction of
their treaty with him, declared war against them, and invaded their
territory. A second embassy was sent to Athens, pressing for assist-
ance. The question was debated in the popular assembly. Demades,
an orator of considerable ability, but profligate character, opposed the
alliance. Many speakers were heard; and at length Demosthenes
rose to support the prayer of the embassy, delivering one of those
clear and forcible speeches, which seldom failed to make a strong im-
pression on his audience. The alliance was accepted, and succours
voted.
The orator here delicately touches on the law of Eubulus, which had
made it capital to propose that the Theoric fund should be applied to
military service. This fund was in fact the surplus revenue of the
civil administration, which by the ancient law was appropriated to
the defence of the commonwealth ; but it had by various means been
diverted from that purpose, and expended in largesses to the people,
38 THE OBATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
to enable them to attend the theatre, and other public shows and
amusements. The law of Eubulus perpetuated this abuse. (See my
article Theorica in the Archaeological Dictionary.) Demosthenes,
seeing the necessity of a war supply, hints that this absurd law ought
to be abolished, but does not openly propose it.
There has been much difference of opinion among the learned as to the
order of the three Olynthiac orations ; nor is it certain, whether they
were spoken on the occasion of one embassy, or several embassies. The
curious may consult Bishop Thirl wall's Appendix to the fifth volume
of his Grecian History, and Jacobs' Introduction to his translation.
I have followed the common order, as adopted by Bekker, whose edi-
tion of Demosthenes is the text of this translation ; and indeed my
opinion is, on the whole, in favour of preserving the common order,
though the plan of this work prevents my entering into controversy
on the question. To enable the reader more fully to understand the
following orations, I have in an Appendix to this volume given a brief
account of Olynthus, showing its position with reference to Mace-
donia, and the importance of its acquisition to Philip. The historical
abstract prefixed to this volume is intended chiefly to assist the
reader in reference to dates. Such occurrences only are noticed as
may be useful to illustrate Demosthenes.
I BELIEVE, men of Athens, you would give much to know,
what is the true policy to be adopted in the present matter
of inquiry. This being the case, you should be willing to
hear with attention those who offer you their counsel. Be-
sides that you will have the benefit of all preconsidered advice,
I esteem it part of your good fortune, that many fit sugges-
tions will occur to some speakers at the moment, so that from,
them all you may easily choose what is profitable.
The present juncture, Athenians, all but proclaims aloud,
that yo'u must yourselves take these affairs in hand, if you
care for their success. I know not how we seem disposed in
the matter.1 My own opinion is, vote succour immediately,
and make the speediest preparations for sending it off from
Athens, that you may not incur the same mishap as before;
send also ambassadors, to announce this, and watch the pro-
ceedings. For the danger is, that this man, being unscru-
pulous and clever at turning events to account, making
concessions when it suits him, threatening at other times,
(his threats may well be believed,) slandering us and urging
our absence against us, may convert and wrest to his use some
1 This is a cautious way of hinting at the general reluctance to adopt
a vigorous policy. And the reader will observe the use of the first per-
son, whereby the orator includes himself in the same insinuation.
THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 39
of our main resources. Though, strange to say, Athenians, the
very cause of Philip's strength is a circumstance favourable to
you.1 His having it in his sole power to publish or conceal
his designs, his being at the same time general, sovereign,
paymaster, and everywhere accompanying his army, is a great
advantage for quick and timely operations in war ; but, for a
peace with the Olynthians, which he would gladly make, it
has a contrary effect. For it is plain to the Olynthians, that
now they are fighting, not for glory or a slice of territory, but
to save their country from destruction and servitude. They
know how he treated those Amphipolitans who surrendered
to him their city, and those Pydneans who gave him admit-
tance.2 And generally, I believe, a despotic power is mis-
trusted by free states, especially if their dominions are
adjoining. All this being known to you, Athenians, all else
of importance considered, I say, you must take heart and
spirit, and apply yourselves more than ever to the war, con-
tributing promptly, serving personally, leaving nothing un-
done. No plea or pretence is left you for declining your
duty. What you were all so clamorous about, that the
Olynthians should be pressed into a war with Philip, has of
itself come to pass,3 and in a way most advantageous to you.
For, had they undertaken the war at your instance, they
1 After alarming the people by showing the strength of their adver-
sary, he turns off skilfully to a topic of encouragement.
2 Amphipolis was a city at the head of the Strymonic gulf, in that
part of Macedonia which approaches western Thrace. It had been built
formerly by an Athenian colony, and was taken by the Spartan general
Brasidas in the Peloponnesian war. Ever since Athens regained her
character of an imperial state, she had desired to recover Amphipolis,
which was important for its maritime position, its exportation of iron,
and especially from the vicinity of the forests near the Strymon, which
afforded an inexhaustible supply of ship-timber. But she had never
been able to accomplish that object. Philip, who at that time possessed
no maritime town of importance, was for obvious reasons anxious to win
Amphipolis for himself; and he got possession of it partly by force of
arms, partly by the treachery of certain Amphipolitans who were
attached to Ms interest. It seems the Athenians had been amused by a
promise of Philip to give up the town to them. The non- performance
of this compact led to their first long war with him. Immediately after
the capture of Amphipolis, Philip marched against Pydna, and was ad-
mitted into the town.
3 Compare Virgil, ^En. ix. 6.
Turne, quod optanti Divum promittere nemo
Auderet, volvenda dies en attulit ultro.
40 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
might have been slippery allies, with minds but half resolved
perhaps : but since they hate him on a quarrel of their own.
their enmity is like to endure on account of their fears and
their wrongs. You must not then, Athenians, forego this
lucky opportunity, nor commit the error which you have
often done heretofore. For example, when we returned from
succouring the Euboeans, and Hierax and Stratocles of Am-
phipolis came to this platform,1 urging us to sail and receive
possession of their city, if we had shown the same zeal for
ourselves as for the safety of Euboea, you would have held
Amphipolis then and been rid of all the troubles that en-
sued. Again, when news came that Pydna,2 Potidsea, Me-
• thone, Pagasae, and the other places (not to waste time in
enumerating them) were besieged, had we to any one of these
in the first instance carried prompt and reasonable succour,
we should have found Philip far more tractable and humble
now. But, by always neglecting the present, and imagin-
ing the future would shift for itself, we, 0 men of Athens,
have exalted Philip, and made him greater than any king
of Macedon ever was. Here then is come a crisis, this
of Olynthus, self-offered to the state, inferior to none of the
former. And methinks, men of Athens, any man fairly esti-
mating what the gods have done for us, notwithstanding
many untoward circumstances, might with reason be grateful
to them. /Our numerous losses in war may justly be charged
to our owTn negligence ; but that they happened not long -ago,
and that an alliance, to counterbalance them, is open to our
acceptance, I must regard as manifestations of divine favour.
It is much the same as in money matters. If a man keep
what he gets, he is thankful to fortune ; if he lose it by im-
1 The hustings from which the speakers addressed the people. It was
cut to the height of ten feet out of the rock which formed the boundary
wall of the assembly ; and was ascended by a flight of steps.
2 Potidsea was in the peninsula of Pallene, near Olynthus, and was
therefore given by Philip to the Olynthians, as mentioned in the argu-
ment. Methone and Pydna are on the Macedonian coast approaching
Thessaly. Pagasse is a Thessalian town in the Magnesian district. It
was the seaport of Pherae, capital of the tyrant Lycophron, against
whom Philip was invited to assist the Thessalian s. Philip overcame
Lycophron, and restored republican government at Pherse ; but Pagasas
he garrisoned himself, and also Magnesia, a coast-town in the same
district.
THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 41
prudence, he loses withal his memory of the obligation. So
in political affairs, they who misuse their opportunities forget
even the good which the gods send them ; for every prior
event is judged commonly by the last result. Wherefore,
Athenians, we must be exceedingly careful of our future
measures, that by amendment therein we may efface the
shame of the past. Should we abandon these men1 too, and
Philip reduce Olynthus, let any one tell me, what is to pre-
vent him marching where he pleases ? Does any one of you,
Athenians, compute or consider the means, by which Philip,
originally weak, has become great ? 1 Having first taken Am-
phipolis, then Pydna, Potidsea next, Methone afterwards, he
invaded Thessaly. Having ordered matters at Pherse, Pagasse,
Magnesia, everywhere exactly as he pleased, he departed for
Thrace ; where, after displacing some kings and establishing
others, he fell sick | again recovering, he lapsed not into indo-
lence, but instantly attacked the Olynthians. I omit his
expeditions to Illyria and Pseonia, that against Arymbas,'2 and
some others.
Why, it may be said, do you mention all this now ? That
you, Athenians, may feel and understand both the folly of con-
tinually abandoning one thing after another, and the activity
which forms part of Philip's habit and existence, which makes
it impossible for him to rest content with his achievements.
If it be his principle, ever to do more than he has done, and
yours, to apply yourselves vigorously to nothing, see what
the end promises to be. Heavens ! which of you is so simple
as not to know, that the war yonder will soon be here, if we
are careless 1 And should this happen, I fear, 0 Athenians,
that as men who thoughtlessly borrow on large interest, after
a brief accommodation, lose their estate, so will it be with us ;
found to have paid dear for our idleness and self-indulgence,
we shall be reduced to many hard and unpleasant shifts, and
struggle for the salvation of our country.
To censure, I may be told, is easy for any man ; to show
what measures the case requires, is the part of a counsellor.
I am not ignorant, Athenians, that frequently, when any dis-
appointment happens, you are angry, not with the parties in
• Here he points to the Olynthian ambassadors.
2 Arymbas was a king of the Molossians in Epirus, and uncle of
Olympias, Philip's wife.
42 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
fault, but with the last speakers on the subject } yet never,
with a view to self-protection, would I suppress what I deem
for your interests I say then, you must give a two-fold assist-
ance here ; first, save the Olynthians their towns,1 and send
out troops for that purpose ; secondly, annoy the enemy's
country with ships and other troops ; ; omit either of these
courses, and I doubt the expedition will be fruitless., For
should he, suffering your incursion, reduce Olynthus, he will
easily march to the defence of his kingdom ; or, should you
only throw succour into Olynthus, and he, seeing things out
of danger at home, keep up a close and vigilant blockade, he
must in time prevail over the besieged. Your assistance
therefore must be effective, and two-fold.
Such are the operations I advise. As to a supply of money :
you have money, Athenians ; you have a larger military
fund than any people ; and you receive it just as you please.
If ye will assign this to your troops, ye need no further sup-
ply; otherwise ye need a further, or rather ye have none at
all. How then ? some man may exclaim : do you move
that this be a military fund 1 Verily, not I.2 My opinion
indeed is, that there should be soldiers raised, and a military
fundj/and one and the same regulation for receiving and per-
forming what is due; only you just without trouble take
your allowance for the festivals. It remains then, I imagine,
that all must contribute, if much be wanted, much, if little,
little. Money must be had; without it nothing proper can
be done. Other persons propose other ways and means.
Choose which ye think expedient ; and put hands to the
work, while it is yet time.
It may be well to consider and calculate how Philip's
1 The Chalcidian towns. See the Argument. Philip commenced his
aggressions upon the Olynthians by reducing several of these.
2 There is some studied obscurity in this passage, owing to the neces-
sity under which the speaker lay of avoiding the penalty of the law ;
and a little quiet satire on his countrymen, who seemed desirous of
eating their pudding and having it too. The logic of the argument
runs thus — My opinion is, that we ought to have a military fund, 'and
that no man should receive public money, without performing public
service. However, as you prefer ta.king the public money to pay for
your places at the festivals, I will not break the law by moving to apply
that money to another purpose. Only you gain nothing by it ; for, as
the troops must be paid, there must be an extraordinary contribution,
or property tax, to meet the exigency of the case.
THE FIRST OLYXTHIAC. 43
affairs now stand. They are not, as they appear, or as an
inattentive observer might pronounce, in very good trim,
or in the most favourable position. He would never have
commenced this war, had he imagined he must fight. He
expected to cany everything on the first advance, and has
been mistaken. | This disappointment is one thing that trou-
bles and dispirits him ; another is, the state of Thessaly.1
That people were always, you know, treacherous to all men ;
and just as they ever have been, they are to Philip. They
have resolved to demand the restitution of Pagasee, and have
prevented his fortifying Magnesia; and I was told, they
would no longer allow him to take the revenue of their har-
bours and markets, which they say should be applied to the
public business of 'Thessaly, not received by Philip. Now, if
he be deprived of this fund, his means will be much straitened
for paying his mercenaries. V And surely we must suppose,
that Paeonians and Illyrians, and all such people, would rather
be free and independent than under subjection ; for they are
unused to obedience, and the man is a tyrant. So report
says, and I can well believe it ;* for undeserved success leads
weak-minded men into folly ; and thus it appears often, that
to maintain prosperity is harder than to acquire it. There-
fore must you, Athenians, looking on his difficulty as your
opportunity, assist cheerfully in the war, sending embassies
where required, taking arms yourselves, exciting all other
1 Philip's influence in Thessaly was of material assistance to him in
his ambitious projects. It was acquired in this way. The power esta-
blished by Jason of Pheree, who raised himself to a sort of royal autho-
rity under the title of Tagus, had devolved upon Lycophron. His sway
extended more or less over the whole of Thessaly ; but was, if not
generally unpopular, at least unacceptable to the great families in the
northern towns, among whom the Aleuadse of Larissa held a prominent
place. They invoked Philip's aid, while Lycophron was assisted by the
Phocian Onomarchus. After various success, Onomarchus was defeated
and slain, and Lycophron expelled from Pherae. This established
Philip's influence, and led to his being afterwards called in to termi-
nate the Sacred war. How far the assertions of Demosthenes, respecting
the discontent of the Thessalians, are true, cannot exactly be told.
They are confirmed, however, in some degree by the fact, that at the
close of the Sacred war Philip restored to them Magnesia. A new
attempt by the regnant family caused Philip again to be invited, and
Thessaly became virtually a province of Macedonia. Among other
advantages therefrom was the aid of a numerous cavalry, for which
Thessaly was famous.
44 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
people ; for if Philip got such an opportunity against us, and
there was a war on our frontier, how eagerly think ye he
would attack you ! Then are you not ashamed, that the
very damage which you would suffer, if he had the power,
you dare not seize the moment to inflict on him 1
And let not this escape you, Athenians, that you have now
the choice, whether you shall fight there, or he in your coun-
try. If Olynthus hold out, you will fight there and distress
his dominions, enjoying your own home in peace. If Philip
take that city, who shall then prevent his marching here 1
Thebans ? I wish it be not too harsh to say, they will be
ready to join in the invasion. Phocians ? who cannot defend
their own country without your assistance. Or some other
ally ? But, good sir, he will not desire ! Strange indeed, if,
what he is thought fool-hardy for prating now, this he would
not accomplish if he might. As to the vast difference be-
tween a war here or there, I fancy there needs no argument.
If you were obliged to be out yourselves for thirty days only,
and take the necessaries for camp-service from the land, (I
mean, without an enemy therein,) your agricultural popu-
lation would sustain, I believe, greater damage than what
the whole expense of the late war 1 amounted to. /But if a
war should come, what damage must be expected 1 ' There is
the insult too, and the disgrace of the thing, worse than any
damage to right-thinking men.
On all these accounts, then, we must unite to lend our
succour, and drive off the war yonder ; the rich, that, spend-
ing a little for the abundance which they happily possess,
they may enjoy the residue in security; the young,2 that
gaining military experience in Philip's territory, they may
become redoubtable champions to preserve their own; the
1 The Ampliipolitan war, said to have cost fifteen hundred talents.
2 Strictly, those of the military age, which was from eighteen years
to sixty. Youths between eighteen and twenty were liable only to serve
in Attica, and were chiefly employed to garrison the walls. Afterwards
they were compellable to perform any military service, under the
penalty of losing their privileges as citizens. The expression in the
text, it will be seen, is not rendered with full accuracy ; as those of the
military age can only be called young by comparison. But a short and
apt antitheses was needed. Sometimes I have "the serviceable," or
" the able-bodied." Jacobs : die waffenfaliigen Ji'mglinge, and else-
where, die Rustige.
THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 45
orators, that they may pass a good account l of their states-
manship; for on the result of measures will depend your
judgment of their conduct. May it for every cause be
prosperous.
HE SECOND OLYNTHIAC.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Athenians had voted an alliance with the Olynthians, and resolved
to send succours. But the sending of them was delayed, partly by
the contrivance of the opposite faction, partly from the reluctance of
the people themselves to engage in a war with Philip. Demosthenes
stimulates them to exertion, and encourages them, by showing that
Philip's power is not so great as it appears.
ON many occasions, men of Athens, one may see the kind-
ness of the gods to this country manifested, but most sig-
nally, I think, on the present. / That here are men prepared
for a war with Philip, possessed of a neighbouring territory
and some power, and (what is most important) so fixed in
their hostility, as to regard any accommodation with him as
insecure, and even ruinous to their country; this really
appears like an extraordinary act of divine beneficence. It
must then be our care, Athenians, that we are not more
unkind to ourselves than circumstances have been; as it
would be a foul, a most foul reproach, to have abandoned
not only cities and places that once belonged to us, but also
the allies and advantages provided by fortune.
To dilate, Athenians, on Philip's power, and by such dis-
course to incite you to your duty, I think improper : and
why ? Because all that may be said on that score involves
matter of glory for him, and misconduct on our part. The
more he has transcended his repute,2 the more is he uni-
versally admired; you, as you have used your advantages
1 Every man, who is required to justify the acts for which he is re-
sponsible, may be said to be " called to account." But Demosthenes
speaks with peculiar reference to those accounts, which men in official
situations at Athens were required to render at the close of their
administration.
2 Jacobs otherwise : uber sein Verdienst gelungen.
46 THE OEATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
unworthily, have incurred the greater disgrace. This topic,
then, I shall pass over. Indeed, Athenians, a correct observer
will find the source of his greatness here,1 and not in himself.
<" But of measures, for which Philip's partisans deserve his
gratitude and your vengeance, I see no occasion to speak
now. Other things are open to me, which it concerns you
all to know, and which must, on a due examination, Athe-
nians, reflect great disgrace on Philip. To these will I
address myself.
To call him perjured and treacherous, without showing
what he has done, might justly be termed idle abuse. But
to go through all his actions and convict him in detail, will
take, as it happens, but a short time, and is expedient, I
think, for two reasons : first, that his baseness may appear
in its true light ; secondly, that they, whose terror imagines
Philip to be invincible, may see he has run through all the
artifices by which he rose to greatness, and his career is just
come to an end. I myself, men of Athens, should most
assuredly have regarded Philip as an object of fear and
admiration, had I seen him exalted by honourable conduct ;
\ but observing and considering I find, that in the beginning,
when certain persons drove away the Olynthians who desired
a conference with us, he gained over our simplicity by en-
gaging to surrender Amphipolis, and to execute the secret
article 2 once so famous ; afterwards he got the friendship of
the Olynthians, by taking Potidsea from you, wronging you
his former allies, and delivering it to them ; and lastly now
the Thessalians, by promising to surrender Magnesia, and
undertake the Phocian war on their behalf, f In short, none
who have dealt with him has he not deceived. He has risen
by conciliating and cajoling the weakness of every people in
turn who knew him not. \/As, therefore, by such means he
1 In this assembly, by the contrivance of venal orators, or through
the supineness of the people. In the first Philippic there is a more
pointed allusion to the practices of Philip's adherents, who are charged
with sending him secret intelligence of what passed at home. Such men
as Aristodemus, Neoptolemus, perhaps Demades and others are referred
to. ^Bschines had not yet begun to be a friend of Philip.
2 A secret intrigue was carried on between Philip and the Athenians,
by which he engaged to put Amphipolis in their hands, but on the un-
derstanding that they would deliver up Pydna to him. Demosthenes
only mentions the former part of the arrangement, the latter not being
honourable to his countrymen.
THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 47
rose, when every people imagined lie would advance their
interest, so ought he by the same means to be pulled down
again, when the selfish aim of his whole policy is exposed.
To this crisis, 0 Athenians, are Philip's affairs come; or let
any man stand forward and prove to me, or rather to you,
that my assertions are false, or that men whom Philip has
once overreached will trust him hereafter, or that the Thes-
salians who have been degraded into servitude would not
gladly become free, t
But if any among you, though agreeing in these state-
ments, thinks that Philip will maintain his power by having
occupied forts and havens and the like, this is a mistake.
True, when a confederacy subsists by good-will, and all parties
to the war have a common interest, men are willing to co-
operate and bear hardships and persevere.^ But when one
has grown strong, like Philip, by rapacity and artifice, on the
first pretext, the slightest reverse, all is overturned and
broken up.1 Impossible is it, — impossible, Athenians, — to
acquire a solid power by injustice and perjury and falsehood.
Such things last for once, or for a short period ; maybe, they
blossom fairly with^hope;2 but in time they are discovered
and drop away.3 I As a house, a ship, or the like, ought to
have the lower parts firmest, so in human conduct, I ween, the
principle and foundation should be just and true. But this
is not so in Philip's conduct. /
I say, then, we should at once aid the Olynthians, (the
best and quickest way that can be suggested will please me
1 The original dv^xa/iTlG'€ ™ " shakes off," or " throws off," as a horse
does his rider, when he rears and tosses up his neck. It will be observed
that Demosthenes is very high-flown in his language here, passing from
one metaphor to another. Leland translates these words, " overthrows
him, and all his greatness is dashed at once to the ground." Francis :
"hath already shaken off the yoke and dissolved their alliance."
Wilson : " turneth all things upside down and layeth it flat in the end."
Auger, better: suffisent pour Vebranler et la dissoudre. Jacobs : reiclit
A lies umzusturzen und aufzulosen. Pabst, very nearly the same.
2 So in Henry VII I. Act. iii. Sc. 2.
Such is the state of man : to-day he puts forth
The tender leaves of hope, to-morrow blossoms,
And wears his blushing honours thick upon him.
3 Like the leaves of a flower ; pursuing the last metaphor. So says
Moore, in The Last Hose of Summer : " the gems drop away." Jacobs :
Jiillt sie von selbst zusammen. Pabst : stilrzt in sick selbst zusammen.
48 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
most,) and send an embassy to the Thessalians, to inform
some of our measures, and to stir up the rest ; for they have
now resolved to demand Pagasas, and remonstrate about
Magnesia. But look to this, Athenians, that our envoys
shall not only make speeches, but have some real proof
that we have gone forth as becomes our country, and
are engaged in action. All speech without action appears
vain and idle, but especially that of our commonwealth ; as
the more we are thought to excel therein, the more is our
speaking distrusted by all. You must show yourselves
greatly reformed, greatly changed, contributing, serving per-
sonally, acting promptly, before any one will pay attention
to you. And if ye will perform these duties properly and
becomingly, Athenians, not only will it appear that Philip's
alliances are weak and precarious, but the poor state of his
native empire and power will be revealed.
To speak roundly, the Macedonian power and empire is
very well as a help, as it was for you in Timotheus' time
against the Olynthians; likewise for them against Potidaea
the conjunction was important ; and lately it aided the Thes-
salians in their broils and troubles against the regnant
house : and the accession of any power, however small, is
undoubtedly useful. But the Macedonian is feeble of itself;
and full of defects. The very operations which seem to con-
stitute Philip's greatness, his wars and his expeditions, have
made it more insecure than it was originally. Think not,
Athenians, that Philip and his subjects have the same
likings. He desires glory, makes that his passion, is ready
for any consequence of adventure and peril, preferring to a
life of safety the honour of achieving what no Macedonian
king ever did before. They have no share in the glorious
result ; ever harassed by these excursions up and down, they
suffer and toil incessantly, allowed no leisure for their em-
ployments or private concerns, unable even to dispose of
their hard earnings, the markets of the country being closed
on account of the war. By this then may easily be seen,
how the Macedonians in general are disposed to Philip. His
mercenaries and guards, indeed, have the reputation of ad-
mirable and well-trained soldiers, but, as I heard from one
who had been in the country, a man incapable of falsehood,
they are no better than others. For if there be any among
THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 49
them experienced in battles and campaigns, Philip is jealous
of such men and drives them away, he says, wishing to keep
the glory of all actions to himself; his jealousy (among
other failings) being excessive. Or if any man be generally
good and virtuous, unable to bear Philip's daily intemper-
ances, drunkenness, and indecencies,1 he is pushed aside and
accounted as nobody. The rest about him are brigands and
parasites, and men of that character, who will get drunk and
perform dances which I scruple to name before you. My
information is undoubtedly true; for persons whom all
scouted here as worse rascals than mountebanks, Callias the
town-slave and the like of him, antic-jesters,2 and composers
of ribald songs to lampoon their companions, such persons
Philip caresses and keeps about him. Small matters these
may be thought, Athenians, but to the wise they are strong
indications of his character and wrongheadedness. f Success
perhaps throws a shade over them now; prosperity is a
famous hider of such blemishes; but, on any miscarriage,
they will be fully exposed. And this (trust me, Athenians)
will appear in no long time, if the gods so will and you
determine, jf For as in the human body, a man in health
feels not partial ailments, but, when illness occurs, all are in
motion, whether it be a rupture or a sprain or anything else
unsound; so with states and monarchs, whilst they wage
1 The original signifies a certain lascivious dance, which formed a
part of riotous festivities. We gather from history that the orator's
description here is not wholly untrue, though exaggerated. Thirlwall
thus writes of Philip : " There seem to have been two features in his
character which, in another station, or under different circumstances,
might have gone near to lower him to an ordinary person, but which
were so controlled by his fortune as to contribute not a little to his suc-
cess. He appears to have been by his temperament prone to almost
every kind of sensual pleasure ; but as his life was too busy to allow him
often to indulge his bias, his occasional excesses wore the air of an
amiable condescension. So his natural humour would perhaps have led
him too often to forget his dignity in his intercourse with his inferiors ;
but to Philip, the great king, the conqueror, the restless politician, these
intervals of relaxation occurred so rarely, that they might strengthen
his influence with the vulgar, and could never expose him to contempt.'"
It has been observed, that Philip's partiality for drinking and dancing,
his drollery, and a dash of scurrility in his character, endeared him
especially to the Thessalians. See Jacobs' note on this passage.
2 MI/J.OVS 7e\oW, players of drolls, mimes, or farces. Our ancient
word droll signifies, like (JU/JLOS, both the actor and the thing acted.
VOL. I. E
«50 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
external war, their weaknesses are undiscerned by most men,
but the tug of a frontier war betrays all.
If any of you think Philip a formidable opponent, because
they see he is fortunate, such reasoning is prudent, Athenians.
Fortune has indeed a great preponderance — nay, is everything,
in human affairs, y Not but that, if I had the choice, I should
prefer our fortune to Philip's, would you but moderately per-
form your duty, y For I see you have many more claims to
the divine favour than he has. But we sit doing nothing;
and a man idle himself cannot require even his friends to act
for him, much less the gods. \j No wonder then that he,
marching and toiling in person, present on all occasions,
neglecting no time or season, prevails over us delaying and
voting and inquiring. I marvel not at that; the contrary
would have been marvellous, if we doing none of the duties
of war had beaten one doing ah1. But this surprises me, that
formerly, Athenians, you resisted the Lacedaemonians for the
rights of Greece, and rejecting many opportunities of selfish
gain, to secure the rights of others, expended your property
in contributions, and bore the brunt of the battle ; yet now
you are loth to serve, slow to contribute, in defence of your
own possessions, and, though you have often saved the other
nations of Greece collectively and individually, under your
own losses you sit still. This surprises me, and one thing-
more, Athenians ; that not one of you can reckon, how long
your war with Philip has lasted, and what you have been
doing while the time has passed. You surely know, that
while you have been delaying, expecting others to act, ac-
cusing, trying one another, expecting again, doing much the
same as ye do now, all the time has passed away. Then are
ye so senseless, Athenians, as to imagine, that the same
measures, which have brought the country from a prosperous
to a poor condition, will bring it from a poor to a prosperous?
Unreasonable were this and unnatural; for all things are
easier kept than gotten. The war now has left us nothing
to keep ; we have all to get, and the work must be done by
ourselves. I say then, you must contribute money, serve in
person with alacrity, accuse no one, till you have gained your
objects ; then, judging from facts, honour the deserving,
punish offenders; let there be no pretences or defaults on
your own part ; for you cannot harshly scrutinize the con-
THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 51
duct of others, unless you have done what is right yourselves.
'Why, think you, do all the generals l whom you commission
civoid this war, and seek wars of their own ? (for of the
generals too must a little truth be told.) Because here the
prizes of the war are yours; for example, if Amphipolis be
taken, you will immediately recover it; the commanders
have all the risk and no reward. But in the other case the
risks are less, and the gains belong to the commanders and
soldiers ; Lampsacus,2 Sigeum, the vessels which they plunder.
So they proceed to secure their several interests : you, when
you look at the bad state of your affairs, bring the generals
to trial; but when they get a hearing and plead these neces-
sities, you dismiss them. The result is that, while you are
quarrelling and divided, some holding one opinion, some
another, the commonwealth goes wrong. Formerly, Athe-
nians, you had boards 3 for taxes ; now you have boards for
1 A system of employing mercenary troops sprang up at the cl ose of
the Peloponnesian war, when there were numerous Grecian bands
accustomed to warfare and seeking employment. Such troops were
eagerly sought for by the Persian satraps and their king, by such men
us Jason of Pherae, Dionysius of Syracuse, or Philomelus of Phocis.
Athens, which had partially employed mercenaries before, began to make
use of them on a large scale, while her citizens preferred staying at
home, to attend to commerce, politics, and idle amusements. The ill
effects however were soon apparent. Athenian generals, ill supplied
with money, and having little control over their followers, were tempted
or obliged to engage in enterprises unconnected with, and often adverse
to, the interests of their country. Sometimes the general, as well as the
troops, was an alien, and could be very little depended on. Such a
person was Charidemus, a native of Oreus in Euboea, who commenced
his career as captain of a pirate vessel. He was often in the service of
Athens, but did her more harm than good. See my article Mercenarii,
Arch. Diet.
- Chares, the Athenian general, was said to have received these
Asiatic cities from Artabazus, the Persian satrap, in return for the
service he had performed. Probably it was some authority or privileges
in those cities, not the actual dominion, that was conferred upon him.
Sigeum, which is near the mouth of the Hellespont, and was a con-
venient situation for his adventures, was the ordinary residence of
Chares.
3 This refers to the institution of the crvfji/nopicu, or boards for manage-
ment of the property-tax at Athens, as to which see Appendix IV. The
argument of Demosthenes is as follows — The three hundred wealthier
citizens, who were associated by law for purposes of taxation, had
become a clique for political purposes, with an orator at their head, (he
intentionally uses the term T^ye/x&z/, chairman of the board,} to conduct
E2
52 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
politics. There is an orator presiding on either side, a
general under him, and three hundred men to shout; the
rest of you are attached to the one party or the other. This
you must leave off ; be yourselves again ; establish a general
liberty of speech, deliberation, and action. If -some are ap-
pointed to command as with royal authority, some to be
ship-captains, tax-payers, soldiers by compulsion, others only
to vote against them, and help in nothing besides, no duty
will be seasonably performed; the aggrieved parties will still
fail you, and you will have to punish them instead of your
enemies. I say, in short; you must all fairly contribute,
according to each man's ability; take your turns of service
till you have all been afield ; give every speaker a hearing,
and adopt the best counsel, not what this or that person
advises. If ye act thus, not only will ye praise the speaker
at the moment, but yourselves afterwards, when the condi-
tion of the country is improved.
THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Athenians had despatched succours to Olynthus, and received, as
Libanius says, some favourable intelligence ; more probably, however,
some vague rumours, which led them to imagine the danger was for
the time averted. They began, very prematurely, as the result showed,
to be confident of success, and talked of punishing Philip for his pre-
sumption. In this they were encouraged by certain foolish orators,
who sought to flatter the national prejudices. Demosthenes in this
oration strives to check the arrogance of the people ; reminds them of
the necessity of defensive rather than offensive measures, and espe-
cially of the importance of preserving their allies. He again adverts
(and this time more boldly) to the law of Eubulus, which he intimates
ought to be repealed; and he exhorts the Athenians generally to
make strenuous exertions against Philip.
NOT the same ideas, men of Athens, are presented to me,
when I look at our condition, and when at the speeches which
the business of the assembly, while they stood to shout and applaud his
speeches. The general, who held a judicial court to decide disputes
about the property-tax, and who in matters of state ought to be inde-
pendent, was subservient to the orator, who defended him in the
popular assembly.
THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 53
are delivered. The speeches, I find, are about punishing
Philip ; but our condition is come to this, that we must
mind we are not first damaged ourselves. Therefore, it seems
to me, these orators commit the simple error of not laying
before you the true subject of debate. That once we might
safely have held our own and punished Philip too, I know
well enough ; both have been possible in my own time, not
very long ago. But now, I am persuaded, it is sufficient in
the first instance to effect the preservation of our allies.
When this has been secured, one may look out for revenge
on Philip ; but before we lay the foundation right, I deem it
idle to talk about the end.
The present crisis, 0 Athenians, requires, if any ever did,
much thought and counsel. Not that I am puzzled, what
advice to give in the matter ; I am only doubtful, in what
way, Athenians, to address you thereupon. For I have been
taught both by hearsay and experience, that most of your
advantages have escaped you, from unwillingness to do your
duty, not from ignorance."* I request you, if I speak my mind,
to be patient, and consider only, whether I s,peak the truth,
and with a view . to future amendment. V You see to what
wretched plight we are reduced by some men haranguing for
popularity.
I think it necessary, however, first to recal to your me-
mory a few past events. You remember, Athenians, when
news came three or four years ago, that Philip was in Thrace
besieging Heraeum.1 It was then the fifth month,2 and after
much discussion and tumult in the assembly you resolved
to launch forty galleys, that every citizen under forty-five 3
should embark, and a tax be raised of sixty talents. That
year passed ; the first, second, third month arrived ; in that
1 A fortress on the Propontis, (now Sea of Marmora,) near Perinthus.
This was a post of importance to the Athenians, who received large
supplies of corn from that district.
2 Corresponding nearly to our November. The Attic year began in
July, and contained twelve lunar months, of alternately 29 and 30 days.
The Greeks attempted to make the lunar and solar courses coincide by
cycles of years, but fell into great confusion. See Calendarium in Arch. Diet.
3 This large proportion of the "serviceable citizens, T£V tv 7/A.i/a'a,
shows the alarm at Athens. Philip's illness seems to have put a stop
to his progress in Thrace at this period. Immediately on his recovery
he began his aggression against Olynthus. See the Chronological Abstract
prefixed to this volume.
THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
month, reluctantly, after the mysteries,1 you despatched
Charidemus with the empty ships and five talents in money ;
for as Philip was reported to be sick or dead, (both rumours
came,) you thought there was no longer any occasion for
succours, and discontinued the armament. But that was
the very occasion ; if we had then sent our succours quickly,
as we resolved, Philip would not have been saved to trouble
us now.
Those events cannot be altered. But here is the crisis of
another war, the cause why I mentioned the past, that you
may not repeat your error. How shall w^e deal with it, men
of Athens ? If you lend not the utmost possible aid, see how
you will have manoeuvred everything for Philip's benefit.
There were the Olynthians, possessed of some power ; and
matters stood thus : Philip distrusted them, and they Philip.
We negotiated for peace with them ; this hampered (as it
were) and annoyed Philip, that a great city, reconciled to us,
should be watching opportunities against him. We thought
it necessary by all means to make that people his enemies ;
and lo, what erewhile you clamoured for, has somehow or
other been accomplished. Then what remains, Athenians/but
to assist them vigorously and promptly 1 I know not. , For
besides the disgrace that would fall upon us, if we sacrificed
any of our interests, I am alarmed for the consequences, see-
ing how the Thebans are affected towards us, the Phocian
treasury exhausted, nothing to prevent Philip, when he has
subdued what lies before him, from turning to matters here.
Whoever postpones until then the performance of his duty,
wishes to see the peril at hand, when he may hear of it else-
where, and to seek auxiliaries for himself, when he may bo
auxiliary to others ; \| for that this will be the issue, if we
throw away our present advantage, we all know pretty well. ^
But, it may be said, we have resolved that succours are
necessary, and we will send them ; tell us only how. Marvel
not then, Athenians, if I say something to astonish the mul-
titude. Appoint law-revisors :2 at their session enact no
1 The Eleusinian Mysteries, in honour of Ceres and Proserpine, called
The Mysteries from their peculiar sanctity.
a A provision was made by Solon for a periodical revision of the
Athenian laws by means of a legislative committee, called No.uoPe'rcn.
(See my article Nomothetes, Arch. Diet.) They were chosen by lot from
THE THIRD OLYXTHIAC. 55
statutes, for you have enough, but repeal those which are at
present injurious ; I mean, just plainly, the laws concerning
our theatrical fund, and some concerning the troops, whereof
the former divide the military fund among stayers-at-home
for theatrical amusement, the latter indemnify deserters, and
so dishearten men well inclined to the service. \/ \Vhen you
have repealed these, and made the road to good counsel safe,
then find a man to propose what you all know to be desirable. V/
But before doing so, look not for one who will advise good
measures and be destroyed by you for his painsV Such a
person you will not find, especially as the only result would
be, for the adviser and mover to suffer wrongfully, and, with-
out forwarding matters, to render good counsel still more
dangerous in future. V Besides, Athenians, you should require
the same men to repeal these laws, who have introduced
them, v It is unjust, that their authors should enjoy a popu-
larity which has injured the commonwealth, while the ad-
viser of salutary measures suffers by a displeasure that may
lead to general improvement.^ Till this is set right, Athenians,
look not that any one should be so powerful with you as to
transgress these laws with impunity, or so senseless as to
plunge into ruin right before him.
Another thing, too, you should observe, Athenians, that a
decree is worth nothing, without a readiness on your part to
do what you determine// Could decrees of themselves compel
you to perform your duty, or execute what they prescribe,
neither would you with many decrees have accomplished
little or nothing, nor would Philip have insulted you so longV
Had it depended on decrees, he would have been chastised
long ago.^ But the course of things is otherwise. ^ Action,
posterior in order of time to speaking and voting, is in
efficacy prior and superior. V This requisite you want ; the
others you possess. There are among you, Athenians, men
competent to advise what is needful, and you are exceedingly
quick at understanding it ; aye, and you will be able now
the judicial body, on a reference to them by a vote of the popular
assembly. Demosthenes says, "enact no statutes," instead of saying, " let
the committee enact no statutes." This is because the committee would
be taken from the people themselves, and the part are treated as the
whole. So in speeches to juries we shall frequently observe that in
mentioning: the decision of some other jury he says, "you did this or
that," as it they were the same persons.
56 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
to. perform it, if you act rightly. For what time or season
would you have better than the present 1 When will you do
your duty, if not now ? Has not the man got possession of
all our strongholds ? And if he become master of this
country, shall we not incur foul disgrace ? Are not they, to
whom we promised sure protection in case of war, at this
moment in hostilities? Is he not an enemy, holding our
possessions — a barbarian ] — anything you like to call him 1
But, 0 heavens! after permitting, almost helping him to
accomplish these things, shall we inquire who were to blame
for them ? '. I know we shall not take the blame to ourselves. ,
For so in battles, no runaway accuses himself, but his general,
his neighbour, any one rather ; though, sure enough, the
defeat is owing to all the runaways ; .for each who accuses
the rest might have stood his ground, and had each done so,
they would have conquered. / Now then, does any man not
give the best advice ? Let another rise and give it, but not
censure the last speaker. Does a second give better advice 1
Follow it, and success attend you ! Perhaps it is not pleasant :
but that is not the speaker's fault, unless he omits some
needful prayer.2 To pray is simple enough, Athenians, col-
lecting all that one desires in a short petition : but to decide,
when measures are the subject of consideration, is not quite
so easy ; for we must choose the profitable rather than the
pleasant, where both are not compatible.
But if any one can let alone our theatrical fund, and sug-
gest other supplies for the military, is he not cleverer1? it
may be asked. I grant it, if this were possible : but I wonder
if any man ever was or will be able, after wasting his means
in useless expenses, to find means for useful. The wishes of
1 Barbarians (among the Greeks) designates persons who were not of
Hellenic origin. Alexander, an ancestor of Philip, had obtained admis-
sion to the Olympic games by proving himself to be of Argive descent.
But the Macedonian people were scarcely considered as Greeks till a
much later period ; and Demosthenes speaks rather with reference to the
nation than to Philip personally.
2 Demosthenes sneers at the custom of introducing into the debate
sententious professions of good-will, and prayers for prosperity ; a poor
substitute (he would say) for good counsel. Compare Yirg. Georg.
III. 454.
Alitur vitium vivitque tegendo,
Dum medicas adhibere manus ad vulnera pastor
Abnegat, et meliora Deos sedet omina poscens.
THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 57
men are indeed a great help to such arguments, and there-
fore the easiest thing in the world is self-deceit ;i for every
man believes what he wishes, though the reality is often
different.' See then, Athenians, what the realities allow, and
you will be able to serve and have pay.y It becomes not a
wise or magnanimous people, to neglect military operations
for want of money, and bear disgraces like these ; or, while
you snatch up arms to march against Corinthians and Me-
garians, to let Philip enslave Greek cities for lack of pro-
visions for your troops.
I have not spoken for the idle purpose of giving offence : I
am not so foolish or perverse, as to provoke your displeasure
without intending your good : but I think an upright citizen
should prefer the advancement of the commonweal to the
gratification of his audience. / And I hear, as perhaps you do,
that the j speakers in our ancestors' time, whom all that ^ad-
dress you praise, but not exactly imitate, were politicians after
this form and fashion ; — Aristides, Nicias, my namesake,1
Pericles. V But since these orators have appeared, who ask,
What is your pleasure 1 what shall I move 1 how can I oblige
you *? ;the public welfare is complimented away for a moment's
popularity, and these are the results ; the orators thrive, you
are disgraced. \l Mark, 0 Athenians, what a summary con-
trast may be drawn between the doings in our olden time and
in yours, v It is a tale brief and familiar to all ; for the ex-
amples by which you may still be happy are found not abroad,
men of Athens, but at home. V Our forefathers, whom the
speakers humoured not nor caressed, as these men caress you,
for five-and-forty years took the leadership of the Greeks by
general consent, and brought above ten thousand talents into
the citadel ; and the king of this country was submissive to
them, as a barbarian should be to Greeks ; and many glorious
trophies they erected for victories won by their own fighting
on land and sea, and they are the sole people in the world who
have bequeathed a renown superior to envy. Such were their
merits in the affairs of Greece : ^ee what they were at home,
both as citizens and as men. \ Their public works are edifices
and ornaments of such beauty and grandeur in temples and
1 Demosthenes, the general so distinguished in the Peloponnesian
war, who defeated the Spartans at Pylus, and afterwards lost his life iu
Sicily.
#0 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
consecrated furniture,, that posterity have no power to sur-
pass them. In private they were so modest and attached to
the principle of our constitution, that whoever knows the
style of house which Aristides had, or Miltiades, and the
illustrious of that day, perceives it to be no grander than
those of the neighbours. Their politics were not for money-
making • each felt it his duty to exalt the commonwealth.1
By a conduct honourable towards the Greeks, pious to the
gods, brotherlike among themselves, they justly attained a
high prosperity.
So fared matters with them under the statesmen I have
mentioned. How fare they with you under the worthies of
our time ? Is there any likeness or resemblance 1 I pass over
other topics, on which I could expatiate ; but observe : in
this utter absence of competitors, (Lacedaemonians depressed,
Thebans employed, none of the rest capable of disputing the
supremacy with us,) when we might hold our own securely
and arbitrate the claims of others, we have been deprived of
our rightful territory, and spent above fifteen hundred talents
to no purpose ;\| the allies, whom we gained in war, these per-
sons have lost in peace, and we have trained up against
ourselves an enemy thus formidable, v Or let any one come
forward and tell me, by whose contrivance but ours Philip
has grown strong. V Well, sir, this looks bad, but things at
home are better. \What proof can be adduced ? , The parapets
that are whitewashed ? The roads that are repaired ] foun-
tains, and fooleries ? 2 f Look at the men of whose statesman-
ship these are the fruits. They have risen from beggary to
opulence, or from obscurity to honour ; some have made their
private houses more splendid than the public buildings ; and
in proportion as the state has declined, their fortunes have
been exalted.
What has produced these results 1 How is it that all
went prosperously then, and now goes wrong 1 Because an-
ciently the people, having the courage to be soldiers, controlled
the statesmen, and disposed of all emoluments ; any of the
1 As Horace says : —
Privatus illis census erat brevis,
Commune magnum.
2 Jacobs : und solclies Gescliwdtz. The proceedings of Eubulus are
here more particularly referred to.
THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 59
rest was happy to receive from the people his share of honour,
office, or advantage. Now, contrariwise, the statesmen dis-
pose of emoluments ; through them everything is done • you
the people, enervated, stripped of treasure and allies, are be-
come as underlings and hangers-on, happy if these persons
dole you out show-money or send you paltry beeves ; 1 and,
the unmanliest part of all, you are grateful for receiving your
own. NJ /They, cooping you in the city, lead you to your plea-
sures, and make you tame and submissive to their hands.^ It
is impossible, I say, to have a high and noble spirit, while you
are engaged in petty and mean employments :y whatever be the
pursuits of men, their characters must be similar. ]f By Ceres,
I should not wonder, if I, for mentioning these things, suf-
fered more from your -resentment than the men who have
brought them to pass. / For even liberty of speech you alloy/
not on all subjects; I marvel indeed you have allowed
it here./
Would you but even now, renouncing these practices, per-
form military service and act worthily of yourselves / would
you employ these domestic superfluities as a means to gain
advantage abroad ; perhaps, Athenians, perhaps you might
gain some solid and important advantage, and be rid of these
perquisites, which are like the diet ordered by physicians for
the sick. V As that neither imparts strength, nor suffers the
patient to die,iso your allowances are not enough to be of
substantial benefit, nor yet permit you to reject them and
turn to something else. Thus do they increase the general
apathy. What ? I shall be asked : mean you stipendiary
service? Yes, and forthwith the same arrangement for all,
Athenians, that each, taking his dividend from the public,
may be what the state requires. Is peace to be had ? You
1 Entertainments were frequently given to the people after sacrifices,
at which a very small part of the victim was devoted to the gods, such
as the legs and intestines, the rent being kept for more profane pur-
poses. The Athenians were remarkably extravagant in sacrifices,
Demades, ridiculing the donations of public meat, compared the republic
to an old woman, sitting at home in slippers and supping her broth.
Demosthenes, using the diminutive fatSut, charges the magistrates with
supplying lean and poor oxen, whereas the victims ought to be healthy
and large, r&em. See Virgil, Mn. xi. 739.
Hie amor, hoc studiurn ; dum sacra secundus aruspex
Nuntiet, ac lucos vocet hflstia pinguis in altos.
60 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
are better at home, under no compulsion to act dishonourably
from indigence. Is there such an emergency as the present ?
Better to be a soldier, as you ought, in your country's cause,
maintained by those very allowances. Is any one of you be-
yond the military age ? What he now irregularly takes with-
out doing service, let him take by just regulation, superin-
tending and transacting needful business. Thus, without
derogating from or adding to our political system, only re-
moving some irregularity, I bring it into order, establishing a
uniform rule for receiving money, for serving in war, for
sitting on juries, for doing what each according to his age can
do, and what occasion requires. I never advise we should give to
idlers the wages of the diligent, or sit at leisure, passive and
helpless, to hear that such^a one's mercenaries are victorious ;
as we now do. Not that I blame any one who does you
a service : I only call upon you, Athenians, to perform on
your own account those duties for which you honour
strangers, and not to surrender that post of dignity which,
won through many glorious dangers, your ancestors have
bequeathed.
I have said nearly ah1 that I think necessary. I trust you
will adopt that course which is best for the country and
yourselves.
THE FIEST PHILIPPIC.
THE ARGUMENT.
Philip, after the defeat of Onomarchus, had marched towards the puss of
Thermopylae, which, however, he found occupied by the Athenians,
who had sent a force for the purpose of preventing his advance.
Being baffled there, he directed his march into Thrace, and alarmed
the Athenians for the safety of their dominions in the Chersonese.
At the same time he sent a fleet to attack the islands of Lemnos and
Imbrus, infested the commerce of Athens with his cruisers, and even
insulted her coast. In Thrace he became involved in the disputes
between the rival kings Amadocus and Cersobleptes, espousing the
cause of the former ; and for some time he was engaged in the inte-
rior of that country, either at war with Cersobleptes, or extending his
own influence over other parts of Thrace, where he established or
expelled the rulers, as it suited him. It was just at that time that
Demosthenes spoke the following oration, the first in which he called
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 61
the attention of his countrymen to the dangerous increase of Philip's
power. He had become convinced by 'the course of events, and by
observing the restless activity of Philip, that Athens had more to-
fear from him than from Thebes, or from any new combination of the
Grecian republics. The orator himself, perhaps, hardly appreciated
the extent of Philip's resources, strengthened as he was now by .the
friendship of Thessaly, possessed of a navy and maritime towns, and
relieved from the presence of any powerful neighbours. What were
the precise views of Demosthenes as to the extent of the impending
danger, we cannot say. It was not for him to frighten the Athenians
too much, but to awaken them from their lethargy. This he does in
a speech, which, without idle declamation or useless ornament, is
essentially practical. He alarms, but encourages, his countrymen ;
points out both their weakness and their strength; rouses them to a
sense of danger, and shows the way to meet it ; recommends not any
extraordinary efforts, for which at the moment there was no urgent
necessity, and to make which would have exceeded their power, but
unfolds a scheme, simple and feasible, suiting the occasion, and calcu-
lated (if Athenians had not been too degenerate) to lay the founda-
tion of better things.
HAD the question for debate been anything new, Athenians,
I should have waited till most of the usual speakers1 had
been heard ; if any of their counsels had been to my liking,
T had remained silent, else proceeded to impart my own.
But as the subject of discussion is one upon which they have
spoken oft before, I imagine, though I rise the first, I am
entitled to indulgence. For if these men had advised pro-
perly in time past, there would be no necessity for deliberat-
ing now.
First I say, you must not despond, Athenians, under your
present circumstances, wretched as they are ; for that which
is worst in them as regards the past, is best for the future.
What do I mean ? That your affairs are amiss, men of
Athens, because you do nothing which is needful; if, not-
withstanding you performed your duties, it were the same,
there would be no hope of amendment.
Consider next, what you know by report, and men of expe-
rience remember; how vast a power the Lacedaemonians had
not long ago, yet how nobly and becomingly you consulted
1 By an ancient ordinance of Solon, those who were above fifty years
of age were first called on to deliver their opinion. The law had ceased
to be in force ; but, as a decent custom, the older men usually com-
menced the debate. There would be frequent occasions for departing
from such a custom, and Demosthenes, who was now thirty-three, assigns
his reason for speaking first.
62 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
the dignity of Athens, and undertook the war 1 against them
for the rights of Greece. Why do I mention this 1 To show
and convince you, Athenians, that nothing, if you take pre-
caution, is to be feared, nothing, if you are negligent, goes as
you desire. Take for examples the strength of the Lace-
daemonians then, which you overcame by attention to your
duties, and the insolence of this man now, by which through
neglect of our interests we are confounded. But if any
among you, Athenians, deem Philip hard to be conquered,
looking at the magnitude of his existing power, and the loss
by us of all our strongholds, they reason rightly, but should
reflect, that once we held Pydna and Potidsea and Methone
and all the region round about as our own, and many of the
nations now leagued with him were independent and free,
and preferred our friendship to his. Had Philip then taken
it into his feead, that it was difficult to contend with Athens,
when she had so many fortresses to infest his country, and he
was destitute of allies, nothing that he has accomplished
would he have undertaken, and never would he have ac-
quired so large a dominion. But he saw well, Athenians,
that all these places are the open prizes of war, that the
possessions of the absent naturally belong to the present,
those of the remiss to them that will venture and toil.
Acting on such principle, he has won everything and keeps
it, either by way of conquest, or by friendly attachment and
alliance ; for all men will side with and respect those, whom
they see prepared and willing to make proper exertion. If
you, Athenians, will adopt this principle now, though you
did not before, and every man, where he can and ought to
give his service to the state, be ready to give it without
excuse, the wealthy to contribute, the able-bodied to enlist ;
in a word, plainly, if you will become your own masters, and
cease each expecting to do nothing himself, while his neigh-
bour does everything for him, you shall then with heaven's
permission recover your own, and get back what has been
frittered away, and chastise Philip. Do not imagine, that
1 He refers to the war in which Athens assisted the Thebans against
Lacedsemon, and in which Chabrias won the naval battle of Naxos.
That war commenced twenty-six years before the speaking of the first
Philippic, and would be well remembered by many of the hearers. See
the Historical Abstract in this volume.
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 63
his empire is everlastingly secured to him as a god. There
are who hate and fear and envy him, Athenians, even among
those that seem most friendly; and all feelings that are in
other men belong, we may assume, to his confederates. But
now they are all cowed, having no refuge through your
tardiness and indolence, which I say you must abandon forth-
with. For you see, Athenians, the case, to what pitch of
arrogance the man has advanced, who leaves you not even
the choice of action or inaction, but threatens and uses (they
say) outrageous language, and, unable to rest in possession of
his conquests, continually widens their circle, and, whilst we
dally and delay, throws his net ah1 around us. When then,
Athenians, when will ye act as becomes you 1 In what event ?
In that of necessity, I suppose. And how should we regard the
events happening now ? Methinks, to freemen the strongest
necessity is the disgrace of their condition. Or tell rne, do
ye like walking about and asking one another : — is there any
news ? Why, could there be greater news than a man of
Macedonia subduing Athenians, and directing the affairs of
Greece I Is Philip dead ? No, but he is sick. And what
matters it to you ? Should anything befal this man, you will
soon create another Philip, if you attend to business thus.
For even he has been exalted not so much by his own
strength, as by our negligence. And again ; should anything
happen to him ; should fortune, which still takes better care
of us than we of ourselves, be good enough to accomplish
this; observe that, being on the spot, you would step in
while things were in confusion, and manage them as you
pleased; but as you now are, though occasion offered Amphi-
polis, you would not be in a position to accept it, with
neither forces nor counsels at hand.1
However, as to the importance of a general zeal in the dis-
charge of duty, believing you are convinced and satisfied, I
;sav no more.
As to the kind of force which I think may extricate you
from your difficulties, the amount, the supplies of money,
the best and speediest method (in my judgment) of pro-
viding all the necessaries, I shall endeavour to inform you
1 Important advice this, to men in all relations of life. Good luck is
for those who are in a position to avail themselves of it.
llli poma cadunt qui poma sub arbore quserit.
64 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
forthwith, making only one request, men of Athens. When
you have heard all, determine ; prejudge not before. And let
none think I delay our operations, because I recommend an
entirely new force. Not those that cry, quickly! to-day!
speak most to the purpose ; (for what has already happened
we shall not be able to prevent by our present armament ;)
but he that shows what and how great and whence procured
must be the force capable of enduring, till either we have
advisedly terminated the war, or overcome our enemies : for
so shall we escape annoyance in future. This I think I am
able to show, without offence to any other man who has a plan
to offer. My promise indeed is large ; it shall be tested by the
performance ; and you shall be my judges.
First, then, Athenians, I say we must provide fifty war-
ships,1 and hold ourselves prepared, in case of emergency, to
embark and sail. I require also an equipment of transports
for half the cavalry2 and sufficient boats. This we must have
ready against his sudden marches "from his own country to
Thermopylae, the Chersonese, Olynthus, and anywhere he
likes. For he should entertain the belief, that possibly you
may rouse from this over-carelessness, and start off, as you
did to Euboea,3 and formerly (they say) to Haliartus,4 and very
lately to Thermopylae. And although you should not pursue
just the course I would advise, it is no slight matter, that
1 The Athenian ship of war at this time was the Trireme, or galley
with three ranks of oars. It had at the prow a beak (tpfioXov), with a
sharp iron head, which, in a charge, (generally made at the broadside,)
was able to shatter the planks of the enemy's vessel. An ordinary
trireme carried two hundred men, including the crew and marines.
These last (eTr/jScmu) were usually ten for each ship, but the number was
often increased. The transports and vessels of burden, whether merchant
vessels or boats for the carriage of military stores, were round-bottomed,
more bulky in construction, and moved rather with sails than oars.
Hence the fighting ship is called raxe?a, swift. It carried a sail, to be
used upon occasion, though it was mainly worked with oars.
2 The total number was one thousand, each tribe furnishing one
hundred.
3 The expedition about five years before, when the Thebans had sent
an army to Euboea, and Timotheus roused his countrymen to expel them
from the island. Of this, Demosthenes gives an animated account at
the close of the oration on the Chersonese.
4 B. c. 395, when the war between Thebes and Sparta had begun, and
Lysander besieged Haliartus. He was slain in a sally by the Thebans
and Athenians.
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC, 65
Philip, knowing you to be in readiness — know it he will for
certain; there are too many among our own people who re-
port everything to him — may either keep quiet from appre-
hension, or, not heeding your arrangements, be taken off his
guard, there being nothing to prevent your sailing, if he give
you a chance, to attack his territories. Such an armament,
I say, ought instantly to be agreed upon and provided. But
besides, men of Athens, you should keep in hand some force,
that will incessantly make war and annoy him : none of"
your ten or twenty thousand mercenaries, not your forces on
paper,1 but one that shall belong to the state, and, whether
you appoint one or more generals, or this or that man or any
other, shall obey and follow him. Subsistence too I require
for it. What the force shall be, how large, from what source
maintained, how rendered efficient,,! will show you, stating
every particular. Mercenaries I recommend — and beware of
-doing what has often beejfi injurious — thinking all measures
below the occasion, adopting the strongest in your decrees,
you fail to accomplish th§ least — rather, I say, perform and
procure a little, add to it afterwards, if it prove insufficient.
I advise then two thousand soldiers in all, five hundred to be
Athenians, of whatever age you think right, serving a limited
time, not long, but such time as you think right, so as to
relieve one another : the rest should be mercenaries. And
with them two hundred horse, fifty at least Athenians, like
the foot, on the same terms of service; and transports for
them. Well ; what besides 1 Ten swift galleys : for, as
Philip has a navy, we must have swift galleys also, to con-
voy our power. How shall subsistence for these troops
be provided ? I will state and explain ; but first let me tell
you, why I consider a force of this amount sufficient, and
why I wish the men to be citizens.
Of that amount, Athenians, because it is impossible for us
now to raise an army capable of meeting him in the field :
we must plunder 2 and adopt such kind of warfare at first :
* Literally "written in letters ;" that is, promised to the generals or
fillies, but never sent. Jacobs : eine Macht die auf clem Matte stelit.
Compare Shakspeare, Henry IV., Second Part, Act I,
We fortify in paper and in figures,
"Using the names of men instead of men.
2 Make predatory incursions, as Livy says, " populabtmdi magis quam
justo more belli." Jacobs : den Krieg als Freibeuter fuhren. Another
VOL. I. F
66 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
our force, therefore, must not be over-large, (for there is not
pay or. subsistence,) nor altogether mean. Citizens I wish to
attend and go on board, because I hear that formerly the
state maintained mercenary troops at Corinth,1 commanded
by Polystratus and Iphicrates and Chabrias and some others,
and that you served with them yourselves ; and I am
told, that these mercenaries fighting by your side and you
by theirs defeated the Lacedaemonians. But ever since your
hirelings have served by themselves, they have been vanquish-
ing your friends and allies, while your enemies have become
unduly great. Just glancing at the war of our state, they
go off to Artabazus 2 or anywhere rather, and the general
follows, naturally ; for it is impossible to command without
giving pay. What therefore ask 1 1 To remove the ex-
cuses both of general and soldiers, by supplying pay, and
attaching native soldiers, as inspectors of the general's con-
duct. The way we manage things now is a mockery. For
if you were asked : Are you at peace, Athenians ? No, indeed,
you would say ; we are at war with Philip. Did you not
choose from yourselves ten captains and generals, and also
captains and two generals 3 of horse 1 How are they em-
German: Streifauge zu maclien (guerilla warfare). Leland : "harass
Lira with depredations." Wilson, an old English translator : " rob and
spoil upon him."
1 He alludes to the time when Corinth, Athens, Thebes, and Argos
were allied against Sparta, and held a congress at Corinth, B. c. 394.
The allies were at first defeated, but Iphicrates gained some successes,
and acquired considerable reputation by cutting off a small division
(mora) of Spartan infantry.
2 Diodorus relates that Chares, in the Social war, having no money to-
pay his troops, was forced to lend them to Artabazus, then in rebellion
against the king of Persia. Chares gained a victory for the satrap,
and received a supply of money. But this led to a complaint and
menace of war by the king, which brought serious consequences. See the
Historical Abstract.
3 There were chosen at Athens every year
1 Ten generals (one for each tribe),
Ten captains (one for each tribe),
Two generals of cavalry, 'linrapxoi.
Ten cavalry officers (one for each tribe), QvXapvoi.
In a regular army of citizens, when each tribe formed its own divi-
sion, both of horse and foot, all these generals and officers would be
present. Thus, there were ten generals at Marathon. A change took
place in later times, when the armies were more miscellaneous. Three,
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 67
ployed T Except one man, whom you commission on service
abroad, the rest conduct your processions with the sacrificers.
Like puppet-makers, you elect your infantry and cavalry
officers for the market-place, not for war. Consider, Athe-
nians ; should there not be native captains, a native general
of horse, your own commanders, that the force might really
be the state's 1 Or should your general of horse sail to Lem-
nos,1 while Menelaus commands the cavalry fighting for your
possessions $ I speak not as objecting to the man, but he
ought to be elected by you, whoever the person be.
Perhaps you admit the justice of these statements, but
wish principally to hear about the supplies, what they must
be and whence procured. I will satisfy you. Supplies, then,
for maintenance, mere rations for these troops, come to ninety
talents and a little more : for ten swift galleys forty talents,
twenty minas a month to every ship; for two thousand
soldiers forty more, that each soldier may receive for rations
ten drachms a month \ and for two hundred horsemen, each
receiving thirty drachms a month, twelve talents.2 Should
any one think rations for the men a small provision, ho
judges erroneously. Furnish that, and I am sure the army
itself will, without injuring any Greek or ally, procure every-
thing else from the war, so as to make out their full pay. I am
ready to join the fleet as a volunteer, and submit to anything,
if this be not so. Now for the ways and means of the supply,
which I demand from you.
[Statement^ of ways and means. ,]
This, Athenians, is what we have been able to devise.
When you vote upon the resolutions, pass ^hat you4 approve,
Athenian generals were frequently employed, and at a still later period
only one. Demosthenes here touches on a very important matter, which
we can well understand, viz. the necessity of officering the foreign mer-
cenaries from home.
1 To assist at a religious ceremony held annually at Lenmot;. where
many Athenians resided.
2 As to Athenian money, see Appendix II.
3 Here the clerk or secretary reads the scheme drawn up by Demos-
thenes, in the preparing of which he was probably assisted by the finan-
cial officers of the state. What follows was. according to Dionysius,
spoken at a different time. The curious may consult Leland, and Jacobs'
introduction to his translation.
* /. e, some measure, if not mine, whereby the war may be waged
F2
G8 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
that you may oppose Philip, not only by decrees and letters,
but by action also.
I think it will assist your deliberations about the war and
the whole arrangements, to regard the position, Athenians,
of the hostile country, and consider, that Philip by the winds
and seasons of the year gets the start in most of his opera-
tions, watching for the trade-winds l or the winter to com-
mence them, when we are unable (he thinks) to reach the
spot. On this account, we must carry on the war not with
hasty levies, (or we shall be too late for everything,) but with
a permanent force and power. You may use as winter quar-
ters for your troops Lemnos, and Thasus, and Sciathus, and
the islands2 in that neighbourhood, which have harbours and
corn and all necessaries for an army. In the season of the
year, when it is easy to put ashore and there is no danger
from the winds, they will easily take their station off the coast
itself and at the entrances of the seaports.
How and when to employ the troops, the commander ap-
pointed by you will determine as occasion requires. What
you must find, is stated in my bill. If, men of Athens, you
will furnish the supplies which I mention, and then, after
completing your preparations of soldiers, ships, cavalry, will
oblige the entire force by law to remain in the service, and,
while you become your own paymasters and commissaries,
demand from your general an account of his conduct, you
will cease to be always discussing the same questions without
forwarding them in the least, and besides, Athenians, not
only will you cut off his greatest revenue — What is this ?
He maintains war against you through the resources of your
allies, by his piracies on their navigation — But what next ]
You will be out of the reach of injury yourselves : he will
not do as in time past, when falling upon Lemnos and
Imbrus he carried off your citizens captive, seizing the ves-
sels at Gersestus he levied an incalculable sum, and lastly,
made a descent at Marathon and carried off the sacred
effectually. The reading of ironfffare, adopted by Jacobs after Schaefer,
is not in congruity with the sentence.
1 The Etesian winds blowing from the north-west in July, which
would impede a voyage from Athens to Macedonia and Thrace.
2 As Scopelus, Halonnesus, Peparethus, which were then subject to
Athens.
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 69
galley 1 from our coast, and you could neither prevent these
things nor send succours by the appointed time. But how
is it, think you, Athenians, that the Panathenaic and Dio-
nysian festivals 2 take place always at the appointed time,
whether expert or unqualified persons be chosen to conduct
either of them, whereon you expend larger sums than upon
any armament, and which are more numerously attended
and magnificent than almost anything in the world ; whilst
all your armaments are after the time, as that to Methone,
to Pagasse, to Potidsea 1 Because in the former case every-
thing is ordered by law, and each of you knows long before-
hand, who is the choir-master 3 of his tribe, who the gym-
nastic 4 master, when, from whom, and what he is to receive,
and what to do. Nothing there is left unascertained or un-
defined : whereas in the business of war and its preparations
all is irregular, unsettled, indefinite. . Therefore, no sooner
have we heard anything, than we appoint ship-captains, dis-
pute with them on the exchanges,5 and consider about ways
1 A ship called Paralus, generally used on religious missions or to
carry public despatches.
2 The Panathenaic festivals were in honour of Pallas or Athene, the
protectress of Athens, and commemorated also the union of the old
Attic towns under one government. There were two, the greater held
every fourth year, the lesser anually. They were celebrated with sacri-
fices, races, gymnastic and musical contests, and various other amuse-
ments and solemnities, among which was the carrying the pictured robe
of Pallas to her temple. The Dionysia, or festival of Bacchus, will be
spoken of more fully hereafter.
3 The choregus, or choir-master, of each tribe, had to defray the
expense of the choruses, whether dramatic, lyric, or musical, which
formed part of the entertainment on solemn occasions. This was one
of the Aem>up7icu, or burdensome offices, to which men of property were
liable at Athens ; of which we shall see more in other parts of our
author.
4 The gymnasiarch, like the choregus, had a burden imposed on him
by his tribe, to make certain provisions for the gymnasium, public
place or school of exercise. Some of the contests at the festivals being
of a gymnastic nature, such as the Torch-race, it was his duty to make
arrangements for them, and more particularly to select the ablest youths
of the school for performers.
3 For every ship of war a captain, or trierarch, was appointed, whose
duty it was, not merely to command, but take charge of the vessel, keep
it in repair, and bear the expense (partly or wholly) of equipping it.
In the Peloponnesian war we find the charge laid upon two joint
captains, and afterwards it was borne by an association formed like the
Symmoriae of the Property Tax. Demosthenes, when he came to
7.0 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and means ; then it is resolved that resident aliens and house-
holders l shall embark, then to put yourselves on board instead:
but during these delays the objects of our expedition are lost;
for the time of action we waste in preparation, and favour-
able moments wait not our evasions and delays. The forces
that we imagine we possess in the meantime, are found, when
the crisis comes, utterly insufficient. And Philip has arrived
at such a pitch of arrogance, as to send the following letter
to the Eubceans :
\Tlie letter is read.~\
Of that which has been read, Athenians, most is true,
unhappily true ; perhaps not agreeable to hear. And if what
one passes over in speaking, to avoid offence, one could pass
over in reality, it is right to humour the audience : but if
graciousness of speech, where it is out of place, does harm in
action, shameful is it, Athenians, to delude ourselves, and by
putting off everything unpleasant to miss the time for all
operations, and be unable even to understand, that skilful
makers of war should not follow circumstances, but be in
advance of them ; that just as a general may be expected to
lead his armies, so are men of prudent counsel to guide
circumstances, in order that their resolutions may be accom-
plished, not their motions determined by the event. Yet
you, Athenians, with larger means than any people, — ships,
infantry, cavalry, and revenue — have never up to this day
made proper use of any of them ; and your war with Philip
differs in no respect from the boxing of barbarians. For
among them the party struck feels always for the blow;*
strike him somewhere else, there go his hands again ; ward or
look in the face he cannot nor will. So you, if you hear of
the head of affairs, introduced some useful reforms in the system of the
Trierarchy.
The exchange, dvriSoffis, was a stringent but clumsy contrivance, to
enforce the performance of these public duties by persons capable of
bearing them. A party charged might call upon any other person to
take the office, or exchange estates with him. If he refused, complaint
was made to the magistrate who had cognisance of the business, and the
dispute was judicially heard and decided.
1 Freedmen, who had quitted their masters' house, and lived
independently.
2 Compare Yirgil, JEn. ix. 577.
Ille manum projecto tegmine demens
Ad vulDus tulit.
THE FIRST PH-ILIPriC. 71
Philip iii the Chersonese, vote to send relief there, if at
Thermopylae, the same; if anywhere else, you run after his
heels up and down, arid are commanded by him; no plan
have you devised for the war, no circumstance do you see
beforehand, only1 when you learn that something is done, or
about to be done. Formerly perhaps this was allowable :
now it is come to a crisis, to be tolerable no longer. And it
seems, men of Athens, as if some god, ashamed for us at our
proceedings, has put this activity into Philip. For had he
been willing to remain quiet in possession of his conquests
and prizes, and attempted nothing further, some of you,
I think, would be satisfied with a state of things, which
brands our nation with the shame of cowardice and the
foulest disgrace. But by continually encroaching and grasp-
ing after more, he may possibly rouse you, if you have not
altogether despaired. I marvel, indeed, that none of you,
Athenians, notices with concern and anger, that the beginning
of this war was to chastise Philip, the end is to protect our-
selves against his attacks. One thing is clear : he will not
stop, unless some one oppose him. And shall we wait for
this ? And if you despatch empty galleys and hopes from
this or that person, think ye all is well 1 Shall we not em-
bark? Shall we not sail with at least a part of our na-
tional forces, now though not before 1 Shall we not make
a descent upon his coast ? Where, then, shall we land ?
some one asks. The war itself, men of Athens, will discover
the rotten parts of his empire, if we make a trial ; but if
we sit at home, hearing the orators accuse and malign one
another, no good can ever be achieved. Methinks, where a
portion of our citizens, though not all, are commissioned with
the rest, Heaven blesses, and Fortune aids the struggle : but
where you send out a general and an empty decree and hopes
from the hustings, nothing that you desire is done; your
enemies scoff, and your allies die for fear of such an arma-
ment. For it is impossible, — aye, impossible, for one man to
execute all your wishes : to promise,2 and assert, and accuse
this or that person, is possible ; but so your affairs are ruined.
1 This loose mode of expression, which is found in the original,
<I designedly retain.
2 Chares is particularly alluded to. The " promises of Chares " passed
into a proverb.
72 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES,
The general commands wretched unpaid hirelings; here
are persons easily found, who tell you lies of his conduct;
you vote at random from what you hear : what then can be
expected 1
How is this to cease, Athenians ? When you make the
same persons soldiers, and witnesses of the general's conduct,
and judges when they return home at his audit; l so that you
may not only hear of your own affairs, but be present to see
them. So disgraceful is our condition now, that every
general is twice or thrice tried2 before you for his life, though
none dares even once to hazard his life against the enemy :
they prefer the death of kidnappers and thieves to that which
becomes them ; for it is a malefactor's part to die by sentence
of the law, a general's to die in battle. Among ourselves,
some go about and say that Philip is concerting with the
Lacedaemonians the destruction of Thebes and the dissolution,
of republics; some, that he has sent envoys to the king;3
others, that he is fortifying cities in Illyria : so we wander
about, each inventing stories. For my part, Athenians, by
the gods I believe, that Philip is intoxicated with the magni-
tude of his exploits, and has many such dreams in his imagina-
tion, seeing the absence of opponents, and elated by success ;
but most certainly he has no such plan of action, as to let the
silliest people among us know what his intentions are ; for
the silliest are these newsmongers. Let us dismiss such talk,
and remember only that Philip is an enemy, who robs us of
our own and has long insulted us; that wherever we have
expected aid from any quarter, it has been found hostile, and
that the future depends on ourselves, and unless we are
willing to fight him there, we shall perhaps be compelled to
fight here. This let us remember, and then we shall have
1 The audit or scrutiny of his conduct which every officer of the
republic had to undergo, before a jury, if necessary, at the end of his
administration. In the case of a general, the scrutiny would be like a
court-martial. The Athenian people, (says Demosthenes,) as represented
by the citizen soldiers, would themselves be witnesses of the general's
conduct. These same soldiers, when they came home, or at least a
portion of them, might serve on the jury ; and so the people would be
both witnesses and judges.
2 Chares was tried several times. Capital charges were preferred also
against Autocles, Cephisodotus, Leosthenes, Callisthenes.
3 The king of Persia, generally called the kitig by the Greeks.
ON THE PEACE, 73
determined wisely, and have done with idle conjectures.
You need not pry into the future, but assure yourselves it
will be disastrous, unless you attend to your duty, and are
willing to act as becomes you,
As for me, never before have I courted favour, by speaking
what I am not convinced is for your good, and now I have
spoken my whole mind frankly and unreservedly. I could
have wished, knowing the advantage of good counsel to yc-u,
I were equally certain of its advantage to the counsellor : so
should I have spoken with more satisfaction. Now, with an
uncertainty of the consequence to myself, but with a convic-
tion that you will benefit by adopting it, I proffer my advice.
I trust only, that what is most for the common benefit will
prevail.
THE ORATION OX THE PEACE.
THE ARGUMENT.
To understand as well the subject of this oration, as the motives of
Demosthenes, who here recommends a course of action different
from the vigorous measures counselled by him on other occasions, it
is necessary to take a short review of the preceding events, and
observe the position in which Athens stood at the time when the
speech was delivered.
Philip, after taking Olynthus, turned his thoughts to new objects, of
which the more immediate were, first, to get possession of the Greek
towns on the Hellespont and the Chersonese ; secondly, to get a foot-
ing in southern Greece. The first of these seemed comparatively easy
since the reduction of Olynthus ; the Second was more difficult, and
could only be accomplished by the aid or sufferance of certain Greek
states. But the continuance of the Sacred war afforded Philip an
opportunity of which he skilfully availed himself. Phalsecus, son of
Onomarchus, had maintained his ground against the enemy, and
both Thebans and Thessalians began to be desirous of Macedonian aid.
But Athens was in alliance with Phocis, and Philip had seen some
few years before, when the Athenians occupied the pass of Thermopylae,
that they were still capable of vigorous efforts, if under able direction
or any strong excitement. It became therefore his policy to conci-
liate Athens for the present. He caused it to be announced by means
of his agents and partisans, that he was desirous of peace, and reports
of various acts of kindness done by him to Athenian citizens in
Macedonia were studiously disseminated. This seems to have been
the period at which Philip gained over to his interest, or even retained
74: THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
in his service, divers active members of the Athenian assembly.
Among them was Philocrates, who first made a formal motion, that
Philip should have leave to open a negotiation. Soon after he carried
a decree to send ambassadors to Philip, and ten were despatched,
among them Philocrates himself, jEschines, and Demosthenes. They
returned with a letter from Philip, and were soon followed by three
Macedonian envoys of high distinction, Antipater, Parmenio, and
Eurylochus. The Athenians met in assembly ; peace was determined
on, and the ambassadors were again ordered to sail to Macedonia to
receive the oath of Philip. In the meantime Philip had marched
into Thrace, where he defeated Cersobleptes, the king of that country,
and took possession of a part of his dominions. From this expedition
he had not returned when the Athenian ambassadors arrived at Pella,
the Macedonian capital. , Here they waited a month, and, on Philip's
return, were induced by that monarch, who had secretly prepared for
his invasion of Phocis, to accompany him as far as Pherae in Thessaly.
From Pherse they departed for Athens, and Philip marched straight
to Thermopylae. The Athenians, deceived by his promises, were
lulled into security ; Phalaecus, seeing no hope of assistance, withdrew
from Phocis, while Philip, strengthened by the forces of Thessaly and
Thebes, overran the country, and took possession of Delphi. An
Arnphictyonic council was convened to sit in judgment on the sacri-
legious Phocians. Sentence was passed on them, which (besides other
penalties) deprived them of their seat in the council of Amphictyons,
and transferred their privileges to the king of Macedonia.
The first intelligence of these transactions was received at Athens with
consternation. Measures were taken to put the city in a state of
defence, as if an invasion were threatened. Philip sent a calm letter
of remonstrance, which allayed the fears of the people, but did not
abated their anger and ill-humour. A feeling of disappointment
was mingled with shame for their own credulity, and alarm at the
increase of Macedonian influence. They saw too, with deep vexation,
that Philip, instead of conferring any benefit upon Athens, as they had
fondly hoped he would, had exerted himself to promote the advantage
of Thebes, which, by his assistance, recovered her subject Boeotian
towns, and even obtained some of the Phocian territory for herself.
Nothing more strongly marked the state of public feeling at Athens,
than her refusal at this time to attend the Pythian games, at which
Philip had been chosen to preside by the Arnphictyonic decree. The
Athenians by absenting themselves made a sort of protest against his
election.
It was in this state of things that Macedonian ambassadors, accompanied
by Thessalian and Boeotian, arrived at Athens, to demand from her a
formal sanction of the decree by which Philip had become a member
of the Arnphictyonic council. An assembly was held to consider the
question. The people were exceedingly clamorous, and applauded
those orators who opposed the claim of Philip. JSschines, who sup-
ported it, could scarcely obtain a hearing. Demosthenes at length
addressed the assembly, and, without advising any dishonourable
submission, or even direct concession to what the envoys required,
strongly dissuaded his countrymen 'from taking any course which
ON THE PEACE, 75
might draw Athens into a war. It was not that Philip was less to be
dreaded now than he was before; on the contrary, his power had
greatly increased ; but this was not the time to provoke his hostility,
backed as he was by Thessaly and Thebes ; and even if Athens could
stand alone against such a combination, a mere Amphictyonic title
was not a proper subject of quarrel.
It appears that the Athenians came to no formal vote on this matter,
but their anger was so far calmed by the arguments of Demosthenes,
that the envoys departed with full confidence that the peace would
not be broken.
I SEE, men of Athens, our affairs are in great perplexity and
confusion, not only because many interests have been sacri-
ficed, and it is useless to make fine speeches about them, but
because, for preserving what remains, you cannot agree upon
any single expedient, some holding one opinion, and some
another. And besides, perplexing and difficult as deliberation
of itself is, you, Athenians, have rendered it far more so.
For other men usually hold counsel before action, you hold it
after : the result of which during all the time of my remem-
brance has been, that the censurer of your errors gets repute
and credit as a good speaker, while your interests and objects
of deliberation are lost. Yet, even under these circum-
stances, I believe, and I have risen with the persuasion, that
if you will desist from wrangling and tumult, and listen as
becomes men on a political consultation of such importance,
I shall be able to suggest and advise measures by which our
affairs may be improved and our losses retrieved.
Well as I know, Athenians, that to talk before you of one-
self and one's own counsels is a successful artifice with
unscrupulous men, I think it so vulgar and offensive, that
I shrink from it even in a case of necessity. However, I
think you will better appreciate what I shall say now, by
calling to mind a little that I said on former occasions. For
example, Athenians, when they were advising you in the
troubles of Eubcea to assist Plutarch,1 and undertake a dis-
1 Callias, sovereign of Chalcis, had invited Philip into Eubcea, to
assist him against Plutarch, sovereign of Eretria ; Plutarch applied to
Athens for assistance, and Phocion was sent with an army into Eubcea,
where, by the carelessness of 'treachery of Plutarch, he was exposed in a
defile at Tamynse, and attacked by Callias with a superior force of Chalci-
dians and Macedonians. He gained the victory, but to punish Plutarch
expelled him from Eretria. This happened B. c. 354. After Phocion
quitted the island, a Macedonian party began to prevail at Eretria, and
Philip got possession of the city, defeating and taking prisoner Molossus,
the Athenian commander.
76 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
creditable and expensive war, I, and I alone, stood forward to
oppose it, and was nearly torn to pieces by the men who for
petty lucre have seduced you into many grievous errors.
A short time later, when you incurred disgrace, and suffered
what no mortals ever did from parties whom they assisted,
you all acknowledged the worthlessness of their counsels
who misled you, and the soundness of mine. Again, Athe-
nians, when I saw that Neoptolemus1 the actor, privileged
under colour of his profession, wras doing serious mischief to
the state, managing and directing things at Athens on Philip's
behalf, I came and informed you, not from any private
enmity or malice, as subsequent occurrences have shown.
And herein I shall not blame the advocates of Neoptolemus,
(for there were none,) but you yourselves ; for had you been
seeing a tragedy in the temple of Bacchus, instead of it being
a debate on the public weal and safety, you could not have
heard him with more partiality, or me with more intolerance.
But I suppose you all now understand, that he made his
journey to the enemy, in order (as he said) to get the debts
there owing to him, and defray thereout his public charges at
home ; and, after urging this argument, that it was hard to
reproach men who brought over their effects from abroad, as
soon as he obtained security through the peace, he converted
into money all the real estate which he possessed here, and
has gone off with it to Philip. Thus two of my warnings,
justly and rightfully pronounced in accordance with the
truth, testify in my favour as a counsellor. A third, men of
Athens, I will mention, this one only, and straight proceed to
the subject of my address. When we ambassadors, after
receiving the oaths on the peace, had returned, and certain
men were promising that Thespiae and Platasa2 would be
repeopled ; that Philip, if he got the mastery, would save the
Phocians, and disperse the population of Thebes ;3 that Oropus4
1 IsTeoptolemus on some professional engagement at Pel la had probably
been bribed by Philip. He was active in promoting the peace, and
afterwards abandoned his country for Macedonia.
2 Thespise and Platsea were taken and rased to the ground by the
Thebans under Epaminondas, B. c. 373.
3 That is, dismantle the city, and disperse the inhabitants into
villages in order to destroy their power. An example of such a Sioitcicris
was the dismemberment of Mantinea by the Spartans in the year
B.C. 385.
4 Oropus was a border town, for the possession of which Thebes and
OX THE PEACE. 77
would be yours, and Eubcea given as compensation for Am-
phipolis, with more of the like hopes and delusions, which led
you on, against policy, equity and honour, to abandon the
Phocians; you will find, I neither aided in any of these
deceits, nor held my tongue. I warned you, as you surely
remember, that I knew not of these things nor expected
them, and deemed it all idle gossip.
These instances, wherein I have shown greater foresight
than others, I mention not by way of boast, nor ascribe,
Athenians, to any sagacity of my own, nor will I pretend to
discover or discern the future from any but two causes, which
I will state : first, men of Athens, through good fortune,
which I observe beats all the craft and cleverness of man;
secondly, because I judge and estimate things disinterestedly,
and no one can show that any lucre is attached to my politics
or my speeches. Therefore, whatever be your true policy, as
indicated by the circumstances, I have a correct view of it ;
but when you put money on one side as in a balance, it
carries away and pulls down the judgment with it, and he
that does so can no longer reason upon anything justly or
soundly.
The first thing which I maintain to be necessary is this.
Whether you seek to obtain allies, or contribution, l or aught
else for the state, do it without disturbing the present peace ;
not that it is very glorious or worthy of you, but, whatever
be its character, it had better suited our interests never to
have made peace, than to break it ourselves : for wre have
thrown away many advantages, which would have rendered
the war then safer and easier for us than it can be now.
Secondly, Athenians, we must take care that these people
assembled and calling themselves Amphictyons2 are not by
Athens had long contended. Themison of Eretria had taken, it from
Athens, and put it in the hands of the Thebans.
1 I.e. money contributed by allies. When the Athenians reestab-
lished their confederacy, which had been dissolved by the Pelopon-
nesian war, the payments received from the allies received the name of
contributions, ffwrafys, as less obnoxious than tribute, <(>6pos.
2 The Amphictyonic league, at the head of which Philip was now
placed, was a federal union of Hellenic (or Greek) tribes, having for its
object the maintenance of a common religion and nationality. The
various deputies met twice a-year, in the spring at Delphi, in the autumn
at Anthela near Thermopylae. They met, not only to celebrate games
and festivals, but to transact the business of the league, to determine
T8 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
us necessitated, or furnished with a plea, to make a common
war against us. I grant, if we renewed the war with Philip
on account of Amphipolis, or any such private quarrel, in
which Thessalians, Argives and Thebans are not concerned,
none of them would join in it, and least of all — hear me
before you cry out — the Thebans : not that they are kindly
disposed to us, or would not gratify Philip, but they see
clearly, stupid as one may think them,1 that, if they had
a war with you, the hardships would all be theirs, while
another sat waiting for the advantages. Therefore they
would not throw themselves into it, unless the ground and
origin of the war were common. So if we again went to war
with the Thebans for Oropus or any private cause, I should
fear no disaster, because our respective auxiliaries would assist
us or them, if either country were invaded, but would join
with neither in aggression. Such is the spirit of alliances
that are worth regard, and so the thing naturally is. People
are not friendly either to us or the Thebans, to the extent of
equally desiring our safety and our predominance. Safe they
would all have us for their own sakes; dominant, so as to
become their masters, they would not have either of us.
What then, say I, is the danger? what to be guarded against?
Lest in the coming war there be found a common plea, a
common grievance for all. If Argives. and Messenians, and
Megalopolitaris, and some of the other Peloponnesians, who
are in league with them, are hostile to us on account of our
negotiating with the Lacedaemonians and seeming to take up
some of their enterprises; if the Thebans are (as they say)
our enemies, and will be more so, because we harbour their
questions of international law and religion. The oracular sanctity of
Delphi gave a dignity to these meetings, but the rivalry and jealousies
of the more powerful Greek states did not permit them (in general) to-
be controlled by Amphictyonic decrees. The three Sacred wars are
instances in which their decrees were enforced by combination ; but in
the two last, for which Philip's aid was invited, there was but little
enthusiasm in the cause from any motive of religion or patriotism. The
meeting at which Philip had been chosen president was so tumultuous
and, irregular, that the Athenians would not allow it to be a legal con-
vocation of the Amphictyonic body. Philip greatly resented this,
because his election was considered to establish the title of his country-
men to rank among the Greek nations.
1 Boeotian stupidity was proverbial. So Horace,, Epist. II. i. 224.
Bceotum in crasso jurares acre natum.
ON THE PEACE. 79-
exiles and in eveiy way manifest our aversion to them;
Thessalians again, because we harbour the Phocian exiles,
and Philip, because we oppose his admission to the Amphic-
tyonic body ; I fear that, each incensed on a private quarrel,
they will combine to bring war upon you, setting up the
decrees of the Amphictyons, and be drawn on (beyond what
their single interests require) to battle it with us, as they did
with the Phocians. For you are surely aware, that now the
Thebans and Philip and the Thessalians have cooperated,
without having each exactly the same views. For example,
the Thebans could not hinder Philip from advancing and
occupying the passes, nor yet from coming last and having
the credit of their labours. True, in respect of territorial
acquisition, something has been done for them ; but in regard
to honour and reputation, they have fared wretchedly ; since,
had Philip not stept in, they would (it seems) have got
nothing. This was. not agreeable to them, but having the
wish without the power to obtain Orchomenos and Coronea,
they submitted to it all. Of Philip, you know, some persons
venture to say, that he would not have given Orchomenos
and Coronea to the Thebans, but was compelled to do so.
I wish them joy of their opinion,1 but thus far I believe,
that he cared not so much about that business, as he desired
to occupy the passes, and have the glory of the war, as being
determined by his agency, and the direction of the Pythian
games. Such were the objects of his ambition. The Thes-
saiians wished not either Philip or Thebes to be aggrandised,
since in both they saw danger to themselves ; but sought to
1 Demosthenes did not entirely scout the suggestion made with regard
to Philip's views ; but perhaps he thought that Philip could not venture
to offend his Theban allies then ; and one of the means of humbling:
Athens was, to increase the power of her neighbour. If it be asked why
Philip might not have seized upon Elatea at this time, as well as eighr.
years later, I should say, not on account of the peace with Athens, but
because he desired to rest upon his Amphictyonic honours, and have the
full benefit of the moral ascendency which he had acquired. It was not
clear that his grand object, which was rather to lead than to conquer
Greece, might not be obtained without a war against any of her principal
states. Afterwards, when the Athenians, under the active administra-
tion of Demosthenes, baffled his efforts in the north, and showed a deter-
mination to counteract all his projects, it became necessary for him to
strike a decisive blow, even at the risk of irritating Thebes. He ran
this risk, and succeeded, but not without danger.
30 THE ORATIOXS OF DEMOSTHENES.
obtain these two advantages, the synod at Thermopylae, and
the privileges at Delphi;1 for which objects they aided the
confederacy. Thus you will find that each party has been
led into many acts unwillingly : and against this danger,
being such as I describe, you must take precautions.
Must we then do as we are bidden, for fear of the conse-
quences 1 and do you recommend this ? Far from it, I
advise you so to act, as not to compromise your dignity, to
avoid war, to prove yourselves right-thinking, just-speaking
men. With those who think we should boldly suffer anything,
and do not foresee the war, I would reason thus. We permit
the Thebans to have Oropus ; and if one asked us why, and
required a true answer, we should say, To avoid war. And to
Philip now we 'have ceded Amphipoiis by treaty, and allow
the Cardians2 to be excepted from the other people of the
Chersonese ; and the Carian3 to seize the islands Chios, Cos,
andjUhodes, and the Byzantines to detain 4 our vessels ; evi-
dently because we think the tranquillity of peace more
beneficial than strife and contest about such questions. It
were folly then' and utter absurdity, after dealing thus with
each party singly on matters of vital moment to ourselves,
to battle now with them all for a shadow at Delphi,
1 The Thessalians were peculiarly aggri^gHj^Bir exclusion
•(during the Sacred war) from the national synod; and from the oracle
and festivities of Delphi. Their country had been the cradle of the
Hellenic race, their deputies were the most numerous in the council, and
their vicinity to the 'places of meeting gave them a greater interest in
the proceedings. Hence they most eagerly pressed for punishment of
the Phocians. The tribes of Mount (Eta proposed, that the male popu-
lation of Phocis should be precipitated from the Delphian rock ; which
cruelty was not permitted by Philip. To gratify the Thessalians,
Philip put them in possession of Nicsea, one of the towns near the pass
of Thermopylae, but even there he kept a Macedonian garrison. The
'Thebans had expected to have that town themselves, and were disap-
pointed.
2 Cardia was a city at the north-western extremity of the Chersonese,
•and from its position on the isthmus was considered the key of the
peninsula. Among the towns ceded to Athens by Cersobleptes, Cardia
had not been included ; but the Athenians afterwards laid claim to it,
and Philip supported the Cardians in resisting that claim.
3 Idrieus, king of Caria, who was now in possession of these islands,
which had revolted from Athens in the Social war.
1 Compel them to go into their port to pay harbour duties.
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 81
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC.
THE ARGUMENT.
Soon after the close of the Phocian war, the attention of Philip was
called to Peloponnesus, where the dissensions between Sparta and
her old enemies afforded him an occasion of interference. The
Spartans had never abandoned their right to the province of Mes-
senia, which had been wrested from them by Epaminondas; and
since Thebes was no longer to be feared, they seem to have conceived
hopes of regaining their lost power. The Argives and the Arcadians of
Megalopolis were in league with Messenia, but Sparta had her allies
in the Peloponnesus, and even Athens was suspected of favouring
her cause. It does not appear that any open hostilities had taken
place ; but about this time the fears of the Messenians induced them
to solicit the alliance of Philip. He willingly promised them his
protection, and sent a body of troops into the Peninsula. The
progress which Macedonian influence was making there having
alarmed the Athenians, they sent Demosthenes with an embassy to
counteract it. He went to Messene and to Argos, addressed the
people, and pointed out the dangers to which all Greece was exposed
by Philip's ambition. It seems that he failed in rousing their sus-
picions, or they were too much occupied by an immediate peril to heed
one that appeared remote. Philip however resented this proceeding
on the part of the Athenians, and sent an embassy to expostulate
with them, especially on the charge of bad faith and treachery which
had been preferred against him by Demosthenes. Ambassadors from
Argos and Messene accompanied those of Macedon, and complained
of the connexion that appeared to subsist between Athens and
Lacedsemon, hostile (they thought) to the liberties of Peloponnesus.
In answer to these complaints, Demosthenes addressed his second
Philippic to the Popular Assembly ; repeating the substance of what
lie had said to the Peloponnesians, vindicating his own conduct, and
denouncing the Macedonian party at Athens. The embassy led to no
immediate result; but the influence of Demosthenes at home was
increased.
IN all the speeches, men of Athens, about Philip's measures
and infringements of the peace, I observe that statements
made on our behalf are thought just and generous,1 and all
1 Generous, as regards the Greek states, whose independence the
Athenians stand up for. This praise Demosthenes frequently claims
for his countrymen, and, compared with the rest of the Greeks, they
deserved it. Leland understood .the word <pi\av6puTrovs in the same
VOL. I. G
THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
who accuse Philip are heard with approbation ; yet nothing
(I may say) that is proper, or for the sake of which the
speeches are worth hearing, is done. To this point are the
affairs of Athens brought, that the more fully and clearly
one convicts Philip of violating the peace with you, and
plotting against the whole of Greece, the more difficult it
becomes to advise you how to act. The cause lies in all of
us, Athenians, that, when we ought to oppose an ambi-
tious power by deeds and actions, not by words, we men of
the hustings1 shrink from our duty, of moving and advising,
for fear of your displeasure, and only declaim on the
heinousness and atrocity of Philip's conduct; you of the
assembly, though better instructed than Philip to argue
justly, or comprehend the argument of another, to check
him in the execution of his designs are totally unprepared.
The result is inevitable, I imagine, and perhaps just. You
each succeed better in what you are busy and earnest about ;
Philip in actions, you in words. If you are still satisfied
with using the better arguments, it is an easy matter, and
there is no trouble : but if we are to take measures for the
correction of these evils, to prevent their insensible progress,
and the rising up of a mighty power, against which we could
have no defence, then our course of deliberation is not the
same as formerly ; the orators, and you that hear them, must
prefer good and salutary counsels to those which are easy
and agreeable.
First, men of Athens, if any one regards without unsasiness
the might and dominion of Philip, and imagines that it
threatens no danger to the state, or that all his preparations
are not against you, I marvel, and would entreat you every
one to hear briefly from me the reasons, why I am led to
form a contrary expectation, and wherefore I deem Philip an
enemy ; that, if I appear to have the clearer foresight, you
sense, though he translates it humane. We use the term philanthropic
in a sense not unlike that of the orator ; but, as Leland truly observes,
" the distinction of Greek and barbarian precluded the rest of mankind
from a just share in Grecian philanthropy ; " and he might have added,
that their notions of slavery were not in accordance with an enlarged
humanity. Therefore, I prefer a word of a less arrogant meaning.
Jacobs: Ullig. Francis: •' filled with sentiments of exceeding mode-
ration."
1 Auger has : " nous qui montons & la tribune.
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 83
may hearken to ine ; if they, who have such confidence and
trust in Philip, you may give your adherence to them.
Thus then I reason, Athenians. What did Philip first
make himself master of after the peace ?• Thermopylae and
the Phocian state. Well, and how used he his power ? He •
chose to act for the benefit of Thebes, not of Athens. Why
so ? Because, I conceive, measuring his calculations by
ambition, by his desire of universal empire, without regard
to peace, quiet, or justice, he saw plainly, that to a people of
our character and principles nothing could he offer or give,
that would induce you for self-interest to sacrifice any of the
Greeks to him. He sees that you, having respect for justice,,
dreading the infamy of the thing, and exercising proper fore-
thought, would oppose him in any such attempt as much as
if you were at war : but the Thebans he expected (and
events prove him right) would, in return for the services
done them, allow him in everything else to have his way, and,
so far from thwarting or impeding him, would fight on his
side if he required it. From the same persuasion he be-
friended lately the Messenians and Argives, which is the
highest panegyric upon you, Athenians; for you are adjudged
by these proceedings to be the only people incapable of
betraying for lucre the national rights of Greece, or bartering
your attachment to her for any obligation or benefit. And
this opinion of you, that (so different) of the Argives and
Thebans, he has naturally formed, not only from a view
of present times, but by reflection on the past. For as-
suredly he finds and hears that your ancestors, who might
have governed the rest of Greece on terms of submitting to
Persia, not only spurned the proposal, when Alexander,1 this
man's ancestor, came as herald to negotiate, but preferred to
abandon their country and endure any suffering, and there-
. l Alexander of Macedon, son of Amyntas, was sent by Mardonius,
the Persian commander, to offer the most favourable terms to the Athe^
nians, if they would desert the cause of the Greeks. The Spartans at
the same time sent an embassy, to remind them of their duty. The
spirited reply which the Athenians made to both embassies is related
by Herodotus. The Thebans submitted to Xerxes, and fought against
the Greeks at the battle of Platsea. The Argives were neutral, chiefly
from jealousy of Sparta. They demanded half the command of the
allied army, as a condition of their assistance, but this could not bo
complied with.
84 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
after achieved such exploits as all the world loves to mention,
though none could ever speak them worthily, and therefore
I must be silent; for their deeds are too mighty to be
uttered1 in words. But the forefathers of the Argives and
Thebans, they either joined the barbarian's army, or did not
oppose it ; and therefore he knows that both will selfishly
embrace their advantage, without considering the common
interest of the Greeks. He thought then, if he chose your
friendship, it must be on just principles; if he attached him-
self to them, he should find auxiliaries of his ambition.
This is the reason of his preferring them to you both then
and now. For certainly he does not see them with a larger
navy than you, nor has he acquired an inland empire and
renounced that of the sea and the ports, nor does he forget
the professions and promises on which he obtained the peace.
Well, it may be said, he knew all this, yet he so acted, not
from ambition or the motives which I charge, but because
the demands of the Thebans were more equitable than yours.
Of all pleas, this now is the least open to him. He that bids.
the Lacedaemonians resign Messene, how can he pretend,
when he delivered Orchomenos and Coronea to the Thebans,
to have acted on a conviction of justice ?
But, forsooth, he was compelled, — this plea remains — he
made concessions against his will, being surrounded by Thes-
salian horse and Theban infantry. Excellent ! So of his
intentions they talk; he will mistrust the Thebans; and
some carry news about, that he will fortify Elatea. All
this he intends and will intend, I dare say; but to attack
the Lacedaemonians on behalf of Messene and Argos he does
not intend; he actually sends mercenaries and money into
the country, and is expected himself with a great force. The
Lacedaemonians, who are enemies of Thebes, he overthrows;
the Phocians, whom he himself before destroyed, will he now
preserve 1
And who can believe this 1 I cannot think that Philip,
1 The simple ciVetV in the original is more forcible than if it had
been eVcuveu/, or the like. Compare Shakspeare, Coriolanus, Act ii. sc. 2.
I shall lack voice : the deeds of Coriolanus
Should not be uttered feebly
For this last,
Before and in Corioli, let me say,
I cannot speak him home.
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 85
either if he was forced into his former measures, or if he
were now giving up the ThebanS, would pertinaciously oppose
their enemies; his present conduct rather shows that he
adopted those measures by choice. All things prove to a
correct observer, that his whole plan of action is against our
state. And this has now become to him a sort of necessity.
Consider. He desires empire: he conceives you to be his
only opponents. He has been for some time wronging you,
as his own conscience best informs him, since, by retaining
what belongs to you, he secures the rest of his dominion :
had he given up Amphipolis and Potideea, he deemed himself
unsafe at home. He knows therefore, both that he is
plotting against you, and that you are aware of it; and,
supposing you to have intelligence, he thinks you must hate
him; he is alarmed, expecting some disaster, if you get the
chance, unless he hastes to prevent you. Therefore he is
awake, and on the watch against us ; he courts certain people,
Thebans, and people in Peloponnesus of the like views, who
from cupidity, he thinks, will be satisfied with the present,
and from dulness of understanding will foresee none of the
consequences. And yet men of even moderate sense might
notice striking facts, which I had occasion to quote to the
Messenians and Argives, and perhaps it is better they should
be repeated to you.
Ye men of Messene, said I, how do ye think the Olynthians
would have brooked to hear anything against Philip at those
times, when he surrendered to them Anthemus, which all
former kings of Macedonia claimed, when he cast out the
Athenian colonists and gave them Potidsea, taking on himself
your enmity, and giving them the land to enjoy 1 Think ye
they expected such treatment as they got, or would have
believed it if they had been told ? Nevertheless, said I, they,
after enjoying for a short time the land of others, are for a
long time deprived by him of their own, shamefully expelled,
not only vanquished, but betrayed by one another and sold.
In truth, these too close connexions with despots are not safe
for republics. The Thessalians, again, think ye, said I, when
he ejected their tyrants, and gave back Nicsea and Magnesia,
they expected to have the decemvirate1 which is now esta-
1 Thessaly was anciently divided into four districts, each called a
tetras, and this, as we learn from the third Philippic, was restored soon.
(> THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
blished ? or that he who restored the meeting at Pylse l would
take away their revenues ? Surely not. And yet these
things have occurred, as all mankind may know. You behold
Philip, I said, a dispenser of gifts and promises : pray, if you
are wise, that you may never know him for a cheat and a;
deceiver. By Jupiter, I said, there are manifold contrivances
for the guarding and defending of cities, as ramparts, walls,
trenches, and the like : these are all made with hands, and
require expense; but there is one common safeguard in the
nature of prudent men, which is a good security for all, but
especially for democracies against despots. What do I mean?
Mistrust. Keep this, hold to this; preserve this only, and
you can never be injured. What do ye desire 1 Freedom.
Then see ye not that Philip's very titles are at variance
therewith ? Every king and despot is a foe to freedom, an
antagonist to laws. Will ye not beware, I said, lest, seeking
deliverance from war, you find a master *?
They heard me with a tumult of approbation ; and many
other speeches they heard from the ambassadors, both in my
presence and afterwards ; yet none the more, as it appears,
will they keep aloof from Philip's friendship and promises.
And no wonder, that Messenians and certain Peloponnesians
should act contrary to what their reason approves ; but you,
after the termination of the Sacred war. The object of Philip in
effecting this arrangement was, no doubt, to weaken the influence
of the great Thessalian families by a division of power; otherwise
the Phersean tyranny might have been exchanged for an oligarchy
powerful enough to be independent of Macedonia. The decemvirate
here spoken of (if the text be correct) was a further contrivance
to forward Philip's views ; whether we adopt Leland's opinion, that
each tetrarchy was governed by a council of ten, or Schaefer's, that
each city was placed under ten governors. Jacobs understands the
word decemvirate not to refer to any positive form of government, but
generally to designate a tyranny, such as that which the Laced eemo-
nians used to introduce into conquered cities. So, for example, the
Eomans might have spoken of a decemvirate after the time of Appius.
However this be, Philip seems to have contrived that the ruling body,
whether in the tetrarchy or the decadarchy, should be his own creatures.
Two of them, Eudicus and Simus, are particularly mentioned by
Demosthenes as traitors.
1 Pylce, which signifies gates, was a name applied by the Greeks to
divers passes, or denies, but especially to the pass of Thermopylae, which
opened through the ridges of Mount (Eta into the country of the
Epicnemidian Locrian?, and was so called from the hot sulphureous
springs that gushed from the foot of the mountain.
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 87
who understand yourselves, and by us orators are told, how
you are plotted against, how you are inclosed ! you, I fear,
to escape present exertion, will come to ruin ere you are
aware. So doth the moment's ease and indulgence prevail
over distant advantage.
As to your measures, you will in prudence, I presume,
consult hereafter by yourselves. I will furnish you with
such an answer as it becomes the assembly to decide upon.
[Here the proposed answer ivas read.]1
It were just, men of Athens, to call the persons who
brought those promises, on the faith whereof you concluded
peace. For I should never have submitted to go as ambas-
sador, and you would certainly not have discontinued the
war, had you supposed that Philip, on obtaining peace, would
act thus ; but the statements then made were very different.
Aye, and others you should call. Whom ? The men who
declared — after the peace, when I had returned from my
second mission, that for the oaths, when, perceiving your
delusion, I gave warning, and protested, and opposed the
abandonment of Thermopylae and the Phocians — that I,
being a water-drinker,'2 was naturally a churlish and morose
fellow, that Philip, if he passed the straits, would do just as
you desired, fortify Thespise and Platsea, humble the Thebans,
cut through the Chersonese3 at his own expense, and give
you Oropus and Euboea in exchange for Ainphipolis. All
these declarations on the hustings I am sure you remember,
though you are not famous for remembering injuries. And,
the most disgraceful thing of all, you voted in your con-
fidence, that this same peace should descend to your poste-
rity ; so completely were you misled. Why mention I this
now, and desire these men to be called ? By the gods, I will
tell you the truth frankly and without reserve. Not that
I may fall a-wrangling, to provoke recrimination before you/
1 Whether this was moved by the orator himself, or formally read as
his motion by the officer of the assembly, does not appear.
2 It was Philocrates who said this. There were many jokes against
Demosthenes as a water-drinker.
3 This peninsula being exposed to incursions from Thrace, a plan
was conceived of cutting through the isthmus from Pteleon to Leuce
Acte, to protect the Athenian settlements. See the Appendix to this
volume, on the Thracian Chersonese.
4 Similarly Auger : " Ce n'est pas pour m'attirer les invectives de
mes anciens adversaires en les invectivant moi-m£me." Jacobs other-
wise : Niclit um (lurch Sclim'dlmngen mir auf gleic/ie Weise Gehor bei
88 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and afford my old adversaries a fresh pretext for getting
more from Philip, nor for the purpose of idle garrulity. But
I imagine that what Philip is doing will grieve you hereafter
more than it does now. I see the thing progressing and
would that my surmises were false; but I doubt it is too
near already. So when you are able no longer to disregard
events, when, instead of hearing from me or others that these
measures are against Athens, you all see it yourselves, and
know it for certain, I expect you will be wrathful and ex-
asperated. I fear then, as your ambassadors have concealed
the purpose for which they know they were corrupted,
those who endeavour to repair what the others have lost may
chance to encounter your resentment; for I see it is a
practice with many to vent their anger, not upon the guilty,
but on persons most in their power. Whilst therefore the
mischief is only coming and preparing, whilst we hear one
another speak, I wish every man, though he knows it well, to
be reminded, who it was1 persuaded you to abandon Phocis
and Thermopylae, by the command of which Philip com-
mands the road to Attica and Peloponnesus, and has brought
it to this, that your deliberation must be, not about claims
and interests abroad, but concerning the defence of your
home and a war in Attica, which will grieve every citizen
when it comes, and indeed it has commenced from that day.
Had you riot been then deceived, there would be nothing to
distress the state. Philip would certainly never have pre-
vailed at sea and come to Attica with a fleet, nor would he
have marched with a land-force by Phocis and Thermopylae :
he must either have acted honourably, observing the peace
and keeping quiet, or been immediately in a war similar to
that wrhich made him desire the peace. Enough has been
said to awaken recollection. Grant, 0 ye gods, it be not all
fully confirmed ! I would have no man punished, though
death he may deserve, to the damage and danger of the
country.
Eucli zu verscliaffen. But I do not think that tjj.a.vT<p \6yois Troi^ffta can
bear the sense of \6yov TUXOJ/-U, " get a hearing for myself." And the
orator's object is, not so much to sneer at the people by hinting that
they are ready to hear abuse, as to deter his opponents from retaliation,
or weaken its effect, by denouncing their opposition as corrupt. Leland
saw the meaning : " JSTot that, by breaking out into invectives, I may
expose myself to the like treatment."
1 He means jEschines.
ON HALONNESUS, 89
THE ORATION ON HALONNESUS.
THE ARGUMENT.
The occasion from which this Oration has received its title, was a dis-
pute between Philip and the Athenians concerning the small island
of Halonnesus, which lies off the coast of Thessaly, below the
entrance to the Thermaic gulf. A group of small islands here,
among which were also Sciathus, Scopelus, and Peparethus, belonged
to Athens. Halonnesus, not long after the termination of the
Phocian war, was taken by a pirate named Sostratus. He, having
given annoyance to Philip, was expelled by that king from the
island ; but Philip, instead of restoring it to the Athenians, kept it in
his own hands. At this the Athenians took umbrage, and probably
thought that Halonnesus being so near to Eubcea, as well as to the
other islands, it might be dangerous to leave it in Philip's possession.
An embassy was sent to Macedonia, B. c. 343, to negotiate about this,
and also various other subjects of dispute which at that time existed,
sucli as Amphipolis, Potidsea, and the affairs of the Chersonese. At
the head of the embassy was Hegesippus, a friend of Demosthenes.
The claims made by the Athenians were deemed by Philip so pre-
posterous, that he rejected them at once, and dismissed the envoys.
Soon after, he sent an embassy to Athens, with a letter written by
himself, in which he pointed out the extravagance of their demands,
but expressed his willingness to make certain concessions. With
respect to Halonnesus, he contended that it had become his by con-
quest, the Athenians having lost it, but offered to make them a
present of the island. The letter was read in the assembly. All
that we know of it is from the following speech, in which the orator
comments on its various statements, and endeavours to show that
Philip was in the wrong. The whole of the speech has not come
down to us ; for it appears to have contained a resolution, moved by
the orator, by way of reply to Philip.
Most modern critics, following Libanius, have come to the opinion, that
not Demosthenes, but Hegesippus, was the author of this Oration.
The argument rests, not only upon the style of the Oration itself,
which is beneath the general character of Demosthenes, but also on
collateral circumstances, some of which will be noticed in the course
of the notes. There is, indeed, good evidence that Demosthenes
made a speech on the same question, and also that he took the same
views upon it as Hegesippus, with whom he generally agreed in
politics. This may account for the fact, that the only extant speech
on the subject has been attributed to Demosthenes, when his own is
lost.
MEN of Athens, never can we who maintain your rights in
this assembly be deterred by the complaints of Philip from
90 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
advising you for the best. It would be monstrous, if our
privilege on the hustings could be destroyed by his epistles.
I will first, men of Athens, go through the articles of Philip's
letter; and then I will answer the statements of the am-
bassadors.
Philip begins about Halonnesus, saying, it belongs to him,
but he gives it you. He denies your claim to restitution, as,
he neither took it from Athens, nor detains it from her. He
addressed the like argument to us, on our embassy to Mace-
don ; } that he had won the island from pirates, and it was
properly his own. It is not difficult to deprive him of this
argument, by showing its fallacy. All pirates seizing places
wrongfully, and fortifying themselves therein, make excur-
sions to annoy other people. One who has chastised and
vanquished the pirates surely cannot urge with, reason, that
what they robbed the owners of becomes his property. If
you grant this, then, supposing that pirates seized a place in
Attica,2 or Lemnos, or Imbrus, or Scyrus, and some persons
dislodged the pirates, what is to prevent that place where the
pirates were, and which belonged to us, from instantly
becoming their property who chastised the pirates ? Philip
is not ignorant of the injustice of this plea; he knows it
better than any one; but he expects you will be cajoled by a
set of men, who, having undertaken to manage things here as
he desires, are performing that service now. Moreover, he
cannot fail to see, that under either title, whichever you
adopt, you will have the island, whether it be given, or
given back.3 Why then is it material to him, not to use
1 This tends to prove that Hegesippus was the speaker. For he con-
ducted the embassy referred to, and Demosthenes did not accompany
him.
2 The example put by the. orator carries the argument no further,
looking on it as a question of international law. The right of the new
conqueror might depend on the length of time since the first conquest,
or any other circumstances, showing an acquiescence therein by ihe
original owner. If France now were to take Gibraltar from England,
this would afford no -casiis belli for Spain against France. No doubt
the general argument here rests on the piratical character of the first
seizure. And yet a successful robber becomes a conqueror after a
certain lapse of time.
3 This passage is relied on by Weiske as a proof that Demosthenes
made the speech ; because it is an undoubted fact, that Demosthenes was
ridiculed by ^Eschines and others for the distinction which he drew
OX HALONNESUS. 91
the just phrase and restore it to you, but to use the unjust,
and make it a present? His object is, not to charge it to
you as an obligation, (for such an obligation would be ridicu-
lous,) but to display to all Greece, that the Athenians are glad
to receive their maritime dependencies from the Macedonian.
This you must not allow, men of Athens.
When he says that he wishes to submit to arbitration on
these questions, he only mocks you, in asking Athenians to
refer a dispute with a man of Pella concerning their title to*
the islands. And besides, if your power, which delivered
Greece, is unable to preserve your maritime dominion, and
the judges to whom you refer, and with whom the award
rests, preserve it for you, supposing Philip does not corrupt
them; do you not confessedly, by taking such course, re-
nounce all possessions on the continent, and demonstrate to
the world that you will not contend with him for any, when
even for possessions on the sea, where you consider your
strength lies, you contend not by arms, but litigation 1
Further, he says he has sent commissioners here to settle a
judicial treaty,1 to be in force not after ratification in your
between the giving and the giving back of the island. It proves very
little, in my opinion. The argument here used must have occurred to
any orator who spoke on the same side of the question, and was doubt-
less urged both by Hegesippus and Demosthenes. It is far from being*
a captious quibble. Daily it happens that men refuse to take as a gift
what they claim as a right. But with nations this is a more important
matter than with individuals : what is pride in the one case, is policy
in the other. The point was first made by Philip himself. If he was so
anxious about the distinction, the question naturally arose, why was he
so ? and the reason was not difficult to see.
1 Arrangements (called (TVJJ.@O\O) were sometimes made between
different countries, for the administration of justice between their
respective people. These arrangements would embrace certain general
principles of jurisprudence, according to which any dispute between a
native and an alien should be determined by the tribunal of either
country ; the complainant always seeking justice in the court of his
adversary's domicile. Thus, supposing such a legal tariff to be agreed
upon, between Athens and Philip, an Athenian having a complaint
against one of his subjects would prefer his suit in Macedonia, but
the judge must decide the cause not entirely by Macedonian law, but in
accordance with the articles of the compact ; and conversely if a Mace-
donian were the plaintiff. For further information see title Symbolon
in the Archaeological Dictionary. The argument of the orator here is
somewhat captious. How the proposed arrangement could affect the
claim of Athens to Potidsea, does not appear. Philip's letter indeed
92 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES,
court, as the law commands, but after reference to him;
giving an appeal to himself from your judgment. He wishes
to get this advantage of you, and procure an admission in
the treaty, that you make no complaint for his aggressions on
Potidcea, but confirm the lawfulness both of his taking and
holding it. Yet the Athenians who dwelt in Potidsea, whilst
they were not at war, but in alliance with Philip, and not-
withstanding the oath which Philip swore to the inhabitants
of Potidsea, were deprived by him of their property. I say,
he wishes to get your absolute acknowledgment, that you
complain not of these wrongful acts, nor deem yourselves
injured. That there is no need of a judicial treaty between
Athens and Macedonia, past times may suffice to show.
Neither Amyntas, Philip's father, nor any other kings of
Macedon, ever had such a contract with our state ; although
the intercourse between us was formerly greater than it is
now : for Macedonia was dependent on us, and paid us
tribute,.1 and we then resorted to their ports, and they to ours,
more frequently than now, and there were not the monthly
sittings punctually held, as at present, for mercantile causes,2
dispensing with the necessity of a law- treaty between such
distant countries. Though nothing of the sort then existed,
it was not requisite to make a treaty, so that people should
sail from Macedonia to Athens for justice, or Athenians to
Macedonia : we obtained redress by their laws and they by
ours. Be assured, therefore, these articles are drawn for an
admission that you have no further pretence for claiming
Potidsea,
might have thrown some light on the question. It is not improbable
that Potidaea may have been named for the seat of Macedonian jurisdic-
tion, as being more convenient for the trial of international causes than
Pel la, or any inland town. Athens then, agreeing to the arrangement,
might be said to have acknowledged Philip's right.
1 We have seen a similar boast in the third Olynthiac. But neither of
the statements is to be understood as strictly true. While the kings of
Macedonia possessed no towns on the coast, they (no doubt) submitted
to the maritime supremacy of Athens, and paid harbour dues and tolls,
which might be called tribute in loose language. Or it may be a mere
oratorical nourish, for which the dependency of the maritime towns and
the friendly relations between Athens and Macedonia afforded some
colour.
2 The sittings here alluded to had not very long been established.
They were held in the six winter months for the speedy trial of mer-
cantile suits.
ON HALONNESUS. 93
As to pirates, you ought jointly, he says, you and him-
self, to guard the sea against these depredators : but he really
asks to be introduced by us to maritime power, for you to
confess that you are unable even to keep guard of the sea
without Philip, and further for the privilege to be granted
him of sailing about and touching at the islands, under the
pretence of watching pirates, so that he may corrupt the
islanders and seduce them from you; and besides restoring
to Thasus1 by means of your commanders the exiles whom
he harboured, he designs to gain over the other islands, by
sending his agents to sail with your commanders on the joint
protective service. And yet some persons deny that he wants
the sea. But, without any want, he is equipping galleys,
building docks, seeking to send out armaments and incur no-
trifling expense for maritime enterprises on which he sets no
value.2
Do you think, then, Athenians, that Philip would ask you
to make these concessions, if he did not despise you, and rely
on the men whom he has chosen to be his friends here 1 men
who are not ashamed to live for Philip and not for their coun-
try, and think they carry home his presents, when all at home
they sell !
Concerning the peace, which the ambassadors sent by him3
permitted us to amend, because we made an amendment,
which all mankind allow to be just, that each party should
hold his own, he denies that he gave the permission, or that
his ambassadors so stated to you; doubtless, having been
instructed -by his friends here, that you remember not what is
said before the people. This, however, of all things it is im-
possible for you to forget; since it was in the same assembly
1 Thasus is an island off the coast of Thrace opposite the mouth
of the Nestus. It was celebrated for its wine, and also for its marble
quarries and mines. The gold mines on the adjacent continent be-
longed to the Thasians, when they were seized by Philip. The island,
having been wrested from the Athenians in the Peloponnesian war, was
afterwards recovered, and at this time they kept a garrison in it.
2 So Jacobs : das ihm so gleichgultig ist. And Keiske so explains it
in his index. The irony is of course continued. Pabst, however, contends
that this is wrong, and takes the more ordinary construction of the
words : worauf er den grossten Werth legt.
3 This Macedonian embassy preceded the one from Athens, which
Hegesippus conducted, and which conveyed the Athenian proposals for
the amendment of the treaty.
94: THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
that his ambassadors addressed you, and that the decree was
drawn; and so it is not possible, as the words had just been
spoken and the decree was instantly read, that you could
have passed a resolution which misrepresented the ambas-
sadors. Wherefore, this charge in his letter is not against
me, but against you, that you sent a decree in answer to
something which you never heard. And the ambassadors
themselves, whom the decree misrepresented, when you read
them your answer and invited them to partake your hos-
pitality, ventured not to come forward and say, " You mis-
represent us, Athenians, and make us to have stated what
we never did," but went their way in silence.
I wish, men of Athens, (as Python,1 who was then ambas-
sador, obtained credit with you for his address,) to remind
you of the very words which he spoke. I am sure you will
remember them ; they were exactly like what Philip has now
written. While he complained of us who decry Philip, he
found fault with you also, that notwithstanding his intentions
to serve you, his preference of your friendship to that of any
of the Greeks, you oppose him yourselves, and listen to
slanderers who ask him for money and abuse him : that b}-
such language — when people report that he was calumniated,
and you listened to it — his feelings are altered, finding him-
self mistrusted by those whom he had purposed to befriend.
He therefore advised the public speakers not to disparage
the peace, for it were better not to break peace; but if there
were aught amiss in the articles, to rectify it, as Philip would
concur in any resolution of yours. Should they persist in
slander, without proposing anything themselves, by which
the peace might stand and Philip cease to be suspected, you
ought not (he said) to attend to such persons.
You heard and approved these statements, and said that
Python's argument was just. And just it was. But he
1 Python of Byzantium, who was an able speaker and diplomatist, and
employed with great advantage by Philip in his negotiations with other
states. Demosthenes seems to have been the only man who could cope
with him, and boasts in his speech on the Crown, that on one occasion
he reduced him to silence in the presence of a multitude of ambassadors.
Perhaps it was on the embassy here referred to ; or it might be on that
which gave occasion to the second Philippic. It is probable, but not
certain, that this was the same Python who murdered Cotys, king of
Thrace.
ON HALONNESUS, 95
made those statements, not that any articles might be can-
celled, which were advantageous to Philip, and for the inser-
tion of which he had spent large sums of money, but at the
suggestion of his instructors here, who thought no man
would move anything counter to the decree of Philocrates,
which lost Amphipolis. I, men of Athens, have never dared
to make an unlawful motion, but I made one contravening
the decree of Philocrates, which was unlawful, as I will show.
The decree of Philocrates, according to which you lost Am-
phipolis, ran counter to the former decrees, through which
you acquired that territory. Therefore that decree of Philo-
crates was unlawful, and it was impossible for the author of
a legal motion to move in accordance with an unlawful
decree. But moving in accordance with those former decrees,
which were lawful and preserved your territory, I moved a
lawful resolution, and convicted Philip of deceiving you, and
desiring, not to amend the peace, but to bring your honest
counsellors into discredit.
That he then allowed the amendment and now denies it,
you all know. But he says Amphipolis belongs to him,
because you declared it to be his, when you resolved he
should keep what he held.1 You did indeed pass that reso-
lution, but not that Amphipolis should be his : for it is
possible to hold the property of another, and all holders hold
not their own. Many possess what belongs to others ; there-
fore this sophistry of his is absurd. And he remembers the
decree of Philocrates, but has forgotten the letter which he
sent you when he was besieging Amphipolis, in which he
acknowledged that Amphipolis was yours; for he promised
after its reduction to restore it to Athens, as it belonged to
her, and not to the holders. So they, it seems, who occupied
Amphipolis before Philip's conquest, held the domain of
Athenians, but, since Philip has conquered it, he holds not
the domain of Athenians, but his own. Olynthus too, Apol-
lonia and Pallene, belong to him, not by usurpation, but in
his own right. Think you he studies in all his despatches to
you, to show himself by word and deed an 'observer of what
1 The treaty had for its basis the principle of the uti possidetis, to
adopt the expression of modern diplomacy. According to the true
construction of this, Amphipolis would belong to Philip, and the
reasoning of the orator is unsound.- But no doubt, in the whole affair
of Amphipolis, and the peace also, Philip overreached the Athenians.
96 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
the world calls justice, or rather has he set it at defiance, when
a land, which the Greeks and the Persian monarch have
voted and acknowledged to be yours, he asserts to be not
yours, but his own ?
As to the other amendment which you made in the articles,
that the Greeks not included in the peace should be free
and independent, and, if any one attacked them, should be
succoured by all parties to the treaty, you deeming it equi-
table and righteous, that not only we and our allies, and
Philip and his allies, should enjoy the peace, while those who
were neither our allies nor Philip's were exposed, and might
be oppressed by the powerful, but that they also should have
security by your peace, and we should lay down our arms and
enjoy peace in reality ; although he confesses in the letter, as.
you hear, that this amendment is just, and that he allows it^
he has taken their town from the Pherseans and put a
garrison in the citadel, doubtless to make them independent ;
he marches against Ambracia,1 bursts into three Cassopian2
cities, Pandosia, Bucheta, and Elatea, colonies of Elis, after
ravaging their territories, and gives them in vassalage to his
kinsman Alexander. Proofs how much he desires the freedom
and independence of Greece !
Respecting his continual promises of doing you important
service, he says that I misrepresent and slander him to the
Greeks ; for he never promised you anything. So impudent
is this man, who has written in a letter, which is now in the
senate-house, (when he declared he would silence us his
opponents if the peace were made,) that he would confer on
you such an obligation as, were he sure of the peace, he
would instantly communicate ; implying that these favours>
intended for us in the event of peace, were ready and pro-
1 Philip's expedition against Ambracia followed the campaign in
Epirus, which took place in B.C. 343. His designs against Ambracia were
defeated by the exertions of the Athenians, who formed a league against
him, and sent troops to assist the Ambracians. Demosthenes in the
third Philippic speaks of an embassy, in which both himself, and
Hegesippus were engaged, which had the effect of stopping Philip's
invasion of Ambracia and Peloponnesus.
2 Cassopia is a district of Epirus, which Philip invaded B.C. 343, and
added to the kingdom of Alexander his brother-in-law, between whom
and Philip's uncle, Arymbas, the province of Epirus was divided. The
Cassopian Elatea must not be confounded with the Phocran.
OX HALONNESUS. 97
vided. After the peace was made, the good things intended
for us all vanished, and among the Greeks has been wrought
such ruin as you have seen. In his present letter he pro-
mises you, that if you will trust his friends and advocates,
and punish us who slander him to the people, he will greatly
serve you. Such, however, will be the character of his
service; he will not return you your own, for he claims it
himself ; nor will his grants be in this part of the world, for
fear of offending the Greeks : but I suppose some other
land and locality will be found, where his gifts may take
effect.
As to the places which he has taken during the peace,
taken from you in contempt of the treaty and violation of
its terms, since he has nothing to urge, but stands convicted
of injustice, he offers to submit to a fair and impartial tri-
bunal, on a question which, of all others, requires no arbitra-
tion, for the number of days determines it. We all know
the month and the day when the peace was concluded. As
surely do we know in what month and on what day Ser-
rium, Ergisce, and the Sacred Mount1 were taken. These
transactions are not so obscure; they need no trial; it
is notorious to all, which month was the earlier, that in
which the peace was signed, or that in which the places were
captured.
He says also that he has returned all our prisoners who
were taken in war. Yet in the case of that Carystian,2 the
friend of our state, for whom you sent three embassies to
demand his liberty, Philip was so anxious to oblige you that
he killed the man, and would not even suffer him to be taken
up for burial.
It is worth while to examine what he writes to you about
1 These were places in Thrace, taken by Philip from Cersobleptes.
2 Carystus is a town of Euboea. The Proxenus, or public friend of a
foreign state, was one who protected its interests in his own country,
performing duties not unlike that of a modern consul. A relation of
mutual hospitality subsisted (as the word imports) between him and the
citizens of the friendly state ; and he was expected to entertain the
ambassadors, or any persons who came on public business. (See title
Hospitium, Arch. Diet.) We have no word by which Proxenus can be
translated ; nor any indeed which expresses the double relation of host
and guest, as |e^os and hospe-s do. In German we have Siaatsgast-
freund.
VOL. I. H
08 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
the Chersonese, and likewise to ascertain what his conduct
4s. All the district beyond Agora/ as if it were his own,
and belonged not to you, he has given into the posses-
sion of Apollonides the Cardian. Yet the boundary of
the Chersonese is not Agora, but the altar of Terminal
Jupiter, which is between Pteleum and Leuce-Acte, where
the canal was to be cut through the Chersonese, as the
inscription on the altar of Terminal Jupiter shows. Mark
the words : — •
This holy altar built by native hands,
'Twixt Pteleum and the Chalky Beach it stands,
Stands for the limit of their just domains,
The guardian He who in Olympus reigns.
This < territory, large as most of you know it to be, he
"claims : part he enjoys himself, part he has given to others,
and so he reduces all your property into his possession.
And not only does he appropriate ,the country beyond Agora,
:but also with reference to the Cardians, who dwell on this
side Agora, he writes in his present letter, that if you have
any difference with the Cardians, (who dwell in your domi-
nions,) you must refer it to arbitration. They have a
difference with you ; see if it is about a small matter. They
say, the land they inhabit belongs to them, not to you; that
yours are mere occupations in a foreign country, theirs are
possessions in their own; and that your fellow- citizen, Cal-
lippus of Pseania,2 alleged this in a decree. And here they
are right ; he did so allege, and, on my indicting him for an
unlawful measure, you acquitted him; and thus he has
caused your title to the land to be contested. But if you
could bring yourselves to refer this dispute with- the Cardians,
whether the land be yours or theirs, why should not the
1 This was a place in the Chersonese, the whole of which, except
Cardia, belonged to Athens. The orator contends, that the boundary
of the Chersonese was a line drawn across the isthmus from Pteleum to
Leuce-Acte, the latter of which places was probably named from the
white cliffs on the beach. In the centre of this line was erected the
altar, which anciently separated the boundaries of those towns. Agora
was within the line. For further information concerning the Chersonese,
see the following oration, a,nd Appendix III.
2 Paeania is one of the townships, S^ot, into which Attica was divided.
Libanius says, it was Hegesippus who preferred this indictment against
Callippus.
ON HALOXNESUS. , 99
other people of the Chersonese be dealt with on the samo
principle 1 His treatment of you is so insolent, that he says,
if the Cardians will not submit to arbitration, he will compel
them, as if you were unable even to compel Cardians to do
you. justice. As you are unable, he says he will himself
compel them. Don't you really find him a great benefactor]
And some men have declared this epistle to be well written ;
men who are far more deserving of your detestation than
Philip. He, by constant opposition to you, acquires honour
and signal advantage for 3 himself: Athenians who exhibit
zeal, not for their country, but for Philip, are wretches that
ought to be exterminated by you, if you carry your brains in
your temples, and not trodden down in your heels.1
, It now remains, that to this well-drawn epistle and the
speeches of the ambassadors I propose an answer, which in
my opinion is just and expedient for Athens.
1 Libanius censures the coarseness of this expression, and contends
that Demosthenes never could have used it. Weiske thinks differently,
and quotes the examples of coarse language adduced against his rival by
JEschines. (Or. cont. Ctes.) Libanius, however, thinks that the whole
•«tyle of this oration is beneath the Demosthenic character. The reader
must form his own opinion. It has been remarked, both by Photius
and Dr. Johnson, that there may be much difference between the best
and the worst productions of an author. Yet there is in most good
authors a general character, by which those who are familiar with them
may form a judgment of what is genuine.
100 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
THE ORATION ON THE CHERSONESE.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Athenians had sent a body of citizens, commanded by Diopithes,
to receive allotments of land in the Chersonese, and at the same
time to protect the interests of Athens by acting as an army of
observation. They soon fell into disputes with the Cardians about
the limits of their territory. Philip, who at this time was engaged
in a Thracian war, sent assistance to the Cardians ; but Diopithes,
having collected a troop of mercenaries, kept the field successfully,
and, not content with acting on the defensive, carried the war
into Thrace, assisted the enemies of Philip, and wrested from him
some of his conquests. Philip, whp, as we have seen in the last
oration, had written before to the Athenians on the subject of Cardia,
now wrote them a letter complaining of the conduct of Diopithes,
charging them with an infringement of the peace. This letter arrived
early in the summer of the year B.C. 342, and an assembly was imme-
diately called to consider what measures should be taken. The Mace-
donian party were vehement in denouncing Diopithes, and urging his
recal. Demosthenes, seeing that Athens, though nominally at peace
with Philip, was really defending herself against his aggressions, rose
to justify Diopithes, insisted on the necessity, which he had so strongly
urged in the first Philippic, of keeping a permanent force on the
northern coast, and contended that the army of Diopithes should rather
be reinforced, than recalled at a time when its presence was pecu-
liarly necessary. He again warns his countrymen of impending
danger, and points out the measures which, as men of spirit and
prudence, they ought to pursue.
This oration is full of good sense and manly eloquence. It had the
success which it deserved. Diopithes was continued in his com-
mand ; and the exertions of Athens in the next few years had the
effect of preserving the Chersonese and the Bosphorus.
Diopithes was father to Menander, the celebrated comic poet, whose
plays have been copied by Terence. •
For further information on the subject of the Chersonese, see Appendix
III. to this volume.
IT were just, men of Athens, that the orators in your assem-
bly should make no speeches to gratify either friendship or
malice, but every one declare what he considers for the best,
especially when you are deliberating on public measures of
importance. However, since there are persons who are
ON THE CHERSONESE,
impelled to address you from factious motives, or others which
I cannot name, it becomes you, Athenians, the majority,
laying all else aside, to determine and to do what you find
beneficial to the state. The serious question here is, the
position of the Chersonese, and the campaign in Thrace,
which Philip has now for upwards of ten months been
carrying on; yet most of the speeches have been about
Diopithes, his conduct and designs. It seems to me, that on
a charge against any of these men, whom according to the
laws you may punish when you please, it is in your option
either to proceed immediately or at a later time, and need-
less for me, or for any one, to argue the point strongly : but
for the defence of our dominions, which PhiKp, our standing
enemy, and now in * great force about the Hellespont, is
making haste to conquer, and, if we are once too late, we
shall never recover, our duty is to consult and prepare with
the utmost speed, and not for clamours and charges about
other matters to run off from this.
I wonder at many things which are commonly said here,
but I have been particularly surprised, Athenians, at what
I lately heard a man declare in the Council,1 that a states-
man's advice should be, either to make war decidedly, or to
observe the peace. True; if Philip keeps quiet, neither
holding any of our territories contrary to the treaty, nor
packing a world of enemies against us, there is nothing to
say : peace we must absolutely observe, and I see every
readiness on your part. But if the conditions of the peace,
which we swore to, are recorded and open to inspection ; if it
appears that from the beginning, (before Diopithes and the
settlers,2 who are accused as authors of the war, ever sailed
from Athens,) Philip has robbed us of divers territories, of
which you still complain in these unrepealed resolutions, and
has been all along incessantly gathering the spoil of other
nations, Greek and barbarian, for the materials of an attack
upon you, what mean they by saying we must have war or
1 The Council or Senate of Five Hundred, of which Demosthenes
became a member when he was thirty-six years of age.
2 The settlers called K\rjpovxoi were citizens sent out to receive parcels
of land in some country dependent on Athens, but who still retained
rights of Athenian citizenship, whether or not they permanently resided
abroad. The word signifies " allotment-holders," or "allottees of lands."
Jacobs : die A nsiedler.
OF DEMOSTHENES.
peace? We have no choice in the matter: there remains
but one most just and necessary course, which these men
purposely overlook. What is it ? To defend ourselves
against an aggressor. Unless indeed they mean, that, so long
as Philip keeps aloof from Attica and Piraeus, he neither
wrongs you nor commits hostility.1 But if they put our
rights on this principle, and so define the peace, besides that1
the argument is iniquitous, monstrous, and perilous for
Athens, as I imagine is evident to all, it happens also to be
inconsistent with their complaint against Diopithes. For
why, I wonder, should we give Philip licence to do what he
pleases, provided he abstain from Attica, while Diopithes is
not suffered even to assist the Thracians, without our saying
that he makes war? Here, it will be granted, they are shown7
in the wrong : but the mercenaries make sad work ravaging
the Hellespontine coast, and Diopithes has no right to detain
vessels, and we must not allow him ! Well; be it so ! I am
content. Yet I think, if they really give this counsel in(
good faith, as their object is to disband a force in your
service, while they denounce the general who maintains it,
they ought likewise to show that Philip's army will be dis-
banded if you follow their advice. Otherwise, observe, they
just bring the country into the same way, through which all
our past measures have miscarried.2 For you surely know,
that by nothing in the world has Philip beaten us so much, as
by being earlier in his operations. He with an army always
attending him, knowing his own designs, pounces on whom
he pleases in a moment :3 we, when we hear that something
1 Philip sought to conquer Athens in Thrace, as Napoleon to conquer
England in Egypt or Portugal. And we shall find that precisely the
same arguments were used in our Parliament, to show the necessity of
continuing the French war, which Demosthenes here urges to alarm the
Athenians against Philip.
2 I follow the common reading d-n6\(a\ev. The explanation which
Schaefer gives of his own reading does not satisfy me.
3 More closely, "is upon the eneim-, whom he pleases to attack, in a
moment." Francis : " surprises upon the instant whom he thinks
proper to destroy;" which is not bad, except for the last two words.
Leland is too wide : " can in a moment strike the blow where he
pleases." Jacobs is good : steht augenblicklicli Jedem gegenuber, den er
angreifen will. Compare Virgil, Georgic III.
Hosti
Ante expectatum positis stat in agmine castris.
ON THE CHEESOXESE. 103-
is going on, begin to bustle and prepare. . Methinks the:
result is, that he very quietly secures what he goes for; we
arrive too late, and have incurred all the expense for nothing.
Our enmity and our hostile intention we manifest, and get
the disgrace of missing the time for action.
Then be sure, Athenians, now, that all the rest is talk and
pretence, the real aim and contrivance is, that while you re-
main at home, and the country has no force abroad, Philip
may accomplish what he pleases without interruption. First,
consider what is actually going on. Philip is staying with a<
large army in Thrace, and sending for reinforcements, as eye-"
witnesses report, from Macedonia and Thessaly. Now, should
he wait for the trade-winds, and then march to the siege of
Byzantium,1 think ye the Byzantines would persist in their
present, folly, and would not invite you and implore your
assistance ? I don't believe it. No ; they will receive any
people, even those they distrust more than us, sooner than
surrender their city to Philip; unless indeed he is before-
hand with them and captures it. If then we are unable to
sail northwards, and there be no help at hand, nothing can
prevent their destruction. Well! the men are infatuated and
besotted. Very likely; yet they must be rescued for all
that, because it is good for Athens. And this also is not
clear to us, that he will not attack the Chersonese : nay, if
we may judge from^Se letter which he sent us, he says he
will chastise the people in the Chersonese.' Then if the
present army be kept on foot, it will be able to defend that
country, and attack some of Philip's dominions ; but if it be
once disbanded, what shall we do, if he march against the
Chersonese 1 Try Diopithes, I suppose. And how will our
affairs be bettered 1 But we shall send succour from Athens.
And suppose the winds prevent us ? Oh, but he won't come I
And who will insure that ? Do you mark and consider, men
of Athens, the approaching season of the year, against which
certain persons desire to get the Hellespont clear of you, and
deliver it up to Philip ? Suppose he should leave Thrace,
1 Athens and Byzantium had not been on good terms since the Social
war. Even at this period the Byzantines looked with more suspicion
upon the Athenians than on Philip. Yet less than a year elapsed before
the predictions of Demosthenes were fulfilled. Athens was in alliance
with Byzantium, and defending her successfully against Philip.
104: THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and without going near Chersonesus or Byzantium, (I beg
you also to consider this,) he should invade Chalcis or
Megara, as he lately did Oreus,1 think you it is better to
resist him here and suffer the war to approach Attica, or to
find employment for him yonder ] I think the last.
With such facts and arguments before you, so far from dis-
paraging and seeking to disband this army, which Diopithes
is endeavouring to organize for Athens, you ought yourselves
to provide an additional one, to support him with money
and other friendly cooperation. For if Philip were asked,
" Which would you prefer, that these soldiers of Diopithes,
whatever be their character, (I dispute not about that.)
should thrive and have credit at Athens, and be reinforced
with the assistance of the state, or that they should be dis-
persed and destroyed at the instance of calumniators and
accusers ? " — I think he would say, the latter. And what
Philip would pray to the gods for, certain persons among us
are .bringing about j and after this you ask how the state is
ruined !
I wish, therefore, to examine with freedom our present
affairs, to consider how we are dealing with them, and what
we are ourselves about. We like not to contribute money,
we dare not take the field, we cannot abstain from the public
funds, we neither give supplies to Diopithes nor approve
what he finds for himself, but grumble and inquire how he
got them, and what he intends to do, and the like ; and yet,
though thus disposed, we are not willing to mind our own
business, but with our mouths applaud those who speak
worthily of the state, whilst in action we cooperate with their
adversaries. You like always to ask the speaker — What
must we do 1 I will ask you this — What must I say 1 For
if you will neither contribute, nor take the field, nor abstain
from the public funds, nor give supplies to Diopithes, nor let
alone what he finds for himself, nor be content to mind your
own business, I have nothing to say. If to these men, so
prompt to accuse and calumniate, you already give such a
licence, as to hear them complain by anticipation of projects
which they impute to Diopithes, what can one say ?
1 Oreus of Euboea was betrayed to Philip not long before this time,
as explained in the third Philippic. The designs of Philip on Megara
were baffled.
ON THE CHERSONESE. 105
But the probable effect of such conduct some of you
should hear. I will speak frankly ; indeed, I could not
speak otherwise. All the generals who have ever sailed from
Athens, (or let me suffer any penalty,) take money from Chians,
from Erythreeans,1 from whom they severally can, I mean
from the people who dwell in Asia. Those who have one or
two galleys take less, those who have a greater fleet, more.
And the givers give not, either the small or the larger sums,
for nothing, (they are not so mad,) but by way of bargain,
that the merchants who leave their harbours may not be
wronged or plundered, that their vessels may be convoyed, or
the like. They say they give benevolences : 2 that is the
name of the presents. And so Diopithes, having an army,
is well aware that all these people will give money : for how
else do you suppose, that a man who has received nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own to pay withal, can
maintain his troops 1 From the skies 1 Impossible. He
goes on with what he collects, begs, or borrows. Therefore
they, who accuse him before you, in effect warn all people to
give him nothing, as being sure to be punished for his inten-
tions, much more for his acts, either as principal or auxiliary.
Hence their clamours — he is preparing a siege ! he is
giving up the Greeks ! So concerned are many of these
persons for the Asiatic Greeks : perhaps quicker to feel for
strangers than for their country. And this is the meaning
of our sending another general to the Hellespont.3 Why, if
Diopithes commits outrage and detains vessels, a small, very
small summons, men of Athens, can stop it all; and the
laws prescribe this, to impeach the guilty parties, but not to
watch them ourselves at a great expense and with a large
navy, for that were the extreme of madness. Against our
enemies, whom we cannot bring under the laws, it is right
1 Erythrae is a city of Asia Minor.
2 It is singular that the same name should be given so many cen-
turies after to the illegal contributions which were extorted by some of
our English kings from their subjects, under the pretence of their being
voluntary gifts. Edward the Fourth and Henry the Seventh were most
oppressive in this way.
3 The argument is — This is what my opponents mean by recon-
mendina:, that another general should be sent to supersede and send
back Diopithes. Such a course is wholly unnecessary, for you can
summon him home by an order of state.
10G THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and needful to maintain troops, and despatch a fleet, and con-
tribute money; but against ourselves a decree, an impeach-
ment, the state-galley,1 are sufficient. Thus would men of
discretion act ; malignant and mischievous politicians would
proceed as these do. And that certain of these men are thus
disposed, bad though it be, is not the worst. For you of the
assembly are so minded now, that if any one comes forward
and says, that Diopithes is the author of all your misfor-
tunes, or Chares, or Aristophon, or what citizen he likes to
name, you instantly assent and shout approbation; but if
one rises to speak the truth — Athenians, you are trifling ; of
all these misfortunes and troubles Philip is the cause; had
he only kept quiet, the state would have had no trouble — you
are unable to contradict these statements, yet, methinks, you
are annoyed, and feel as if something were lost. The reason
is— and pray allow me, when I speak for the best, to speak
freely — certain statesmen have long since got you to be
severe and terrible in the assemblies, in warlike preparations
feeble and contemptible. If the party blamed be one whom
you are certain to find within your reach, you say aye, and
are content : but if one be accused, whom you cannot punish
without vanquishing him by arms, you appear confounded
and pained at the exposure. It ought, Athenians, to have
been the reverse ; your statesmen should have accustomed
you to be mild and merciful in the assembly, since there
your dealings are with citizens and allies; in warlike prepara-
tions they should have shown you to be terrible and severe,
since in them the contest is with adversaries and foes. But
by excessive coaxing and humouring they have brought you
to such a condition, that in the assembly you give yourselves-
airs and are flattered at hearing nothing but compliments,,
whilst in your measures and proceedings you are putting
everything to hazard.
By Jupiter ! suppose the Greeks called you to account for
the opportunities which you have indolently lost, and asked
you, saying, " Men of Athens, you send us ambassadors on
every occasion, and assert that Philip is plotting against us
1 The Paralus, or the Salaminia, which were employed for state pur-
poses, and sometimes to fetch home criminals to be tried or punished.
Thus the Salaminia was despatched to bring Alcibiades back from
Sicily. ;
ON THE CHERSONESE. 107
and all the Greeks, and that we should take precautions
against the man, and more to the same effect :" (we must'
admit and acknowledge it; for so we do :) "and yet, 0 ye
wretchedest of mankind, though Philip has been ten months
away, and by illness and winter and wars prevented from
returning home, you have neither liberated Eubcea, nor
recovered any of your dominions. He, on the contrary,
whilst fyou were staying at home, at ^leisure, in health, (if
men so acting may be called in health,) established two rulers
in Eubcea, one like a hostile fortress opposite Attica, one
threatening Sciathus ; 1 and these nuisances you have never
got rid of; not even this would ye attempt; you have sub-
mitted, left the road open to him clearly, and made it mani-
fest that, if he died a hundred -times, you would stir never a
step the more. Then wherefore send embassies and make ac-
cusations and give us trouble ? " If they asked this, what could
we answer or say, men of Athens ? I really cannot tell.
There are some persons indeed, who imagine they confute
the speaker by asking, What must we do 1 I can give them
a perfectly just and true answer — Do not what you are now
doing : however, I will enter into more full detail; and I
trust they will be as ready to act as to interrogate. First,
men of Athens, you must be satisfied in your minds that
Philip is at war with the republic, and has broken the peace ;
(pray cease reproaching one another about this;) that he is
ill-disposed and hostile to all Athens, to her very ground, and
(I may say) to all her inhabitants, even those who think they
oblige him most. Or let them look at Euthycrates and
Lasthenes the Olynthians,2 who fancied themselves on the
most friendly footing with him, but, since they betrayed their
country, are sunk to the most abject state. But there is
nothing that his wars and his schemes are directed against so
1 Clitarchus was established in Eretria, which is opposite the coast of
Athens ; Philistides in Oreus, which is in the north of Euboea. The
island of Sciathus is a little above Euboea, and off the Magnesian coast
of Thessaly. As the group of islands, of which Sciathus was one,
belonged to Athens, Oreus was a dangerous position to be occupied by
an enemy,
2 They betrayed Olynthus to Philip, and went to reside afterwards at
his court. But they were universally scouted as traitors, and on their
complaining to Philip, he said, the Macedonians were a plain-spoken
people, who called a spade a spade.
108 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
much, as our constitution; nothing in the 'world is he so
earnest to destroy. And this policy is in some sort natural
for him. He knows perfectly, that even if he conquer every-
thing else, he can hold nothing secure, while your democracy
subsists; but on the occurrence of any reverse, (and many
may happen to a man,) all who are now under constraint will
come and seek refuge with you. For you are not inclined
yourselves to encroach and usurp dominion; you are famous
for checking the usurper or depriving him of his conquest;
ever ready to molest the aspirants for empire, and vindicate
the liberties of all people. He likes not that a free spirit
should proceed from Athens, to watch the moments of his
peril : far otherwise ; nor is his reasoning weak or idle.
First then, you must assume him for this reason to be an
irreconcilable enemy of our constitution and democracy :
without such conviction upon your minds, you will have no
zeal for public duty. Secondly, you must be assured that all
his operations and contrivances are planned against our
country, and, wherever he is resisted, the resistance will be for
our benefit. None of you surely is so foolish, as to suppose
that Philip covets those miseries1 in Thrace, (for what else
can one call Drongilus, and Cabyle, and Mastira, and the
places which he is taking and conquering now 1) and to get
them endures toils and winters and the extreme of danger,
but covets not the Athenian harbours, and docks, and galleys,
and silver-mines,2 and revenues of such value ; and that he
will suffer you to keep them, while for the sake of the barley
and millet in Thracian caverns he winters in the midst of
horrors.3 Impossible. The object of that and every other
enterprise is to become master here. What then is the
duty of wise men ? With these assurances and convictions,
to lay aside an indolence which is becoming outrageous and
incurable, to pay contributions and to call upon your allies,
1 I thought it better to adhere to the original, which explains itself,
than to use any such expression as " paltry villages," or " bicoques," or
elenden Besitztlmmern. Jacobs has the simple Armseligkeiten.
2 The mines of Laurium in Attica. See Appendix II.
3 The original fiapddpy signifies a pit, into which condemned crimi-
nals were thrown at Athens. It is pretty much the same as if we were
to speak of the black hole : and the horrors of Thrace would convey
to an Athenian the same sort of idea as the horrors of Siberia to an
Englishman.
OX THE CHERSONESE. 109
see to and provide for the continuance of the present force,
that, as Philip has a power ready to injure and enslave all
the Greeks, so you may have one ready to save and to suc-
cour all. It is not possible with hasty levies to perform any
effective service. You must have an army on foot, provide
maintenance for it, and paymasters and commissaries, so
ordering it that the strictest care shall be taken of your
funds, and demand from those officers an account of the
expenditure, from your general an account of the campaign.
If ye so act and so resolve in earnest, you will compel Philip
to observe a just peace and abide in his own country, (the
greatest of all blessings,) or you will fight him on equal
terms.
It may be thought, and truly enough, that these are
affairs of great expense and toil and trouble : yet only con-
sider what the consequences to us must be, if we decline
these measures, and you will find it is our interest to perform
our duties cheerfully. Suppose some god would be your
surety — for certainly no mortal could guarantee such an
event — that, notwithstanding you kept quiet and abandoned
everything, Philip would not attack you at last, yet, by
Jupiter and all the gods, it were disgraceful, unworthy of
yourselves, of the character of Athens and the deeds of your
ancestors, for the sake of selfish ease to abandon the rest of
Greece to servitude. For my own part, I would rather die
than have given such counsel; though, if another man
advises it, and you are satisfied, well and good; make no
resistance, abandon all. If however no man holds this
opinion, if, on the contrary, we all foresee, that the more we
let Philip conquer the more ruthless and powerful an enemy
we shall find him, what subterfuge remains 1 what excuse for
delay 1 Or when, 0 Athenians, shall we be willing to perform
our duty? Perad venture, when there is some necessity. But
what may be called the necessity of freemen, is not only
come, but past long ago : and surely you must deprecate that
of slaves. What is the difference? To a freeman, the greatest
necessity is shame for his proceedings; I know not what
greater you can suggest : to a slave, stripes and bodily chas-
tisement ; abominable things ! too shocking to mention !
I would gladly enter into every particular, and show how
certain politicians abuse you ; but I confine myself to one.
110 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
When any question about Philip arises, people start up and
cry, What a blessing it is to be at peace ! what a burden to
maintain a large army ! certain persons wish to plunder our
treasury! — and more to the same effect; by which they
amuse you, and leave him at leisure to do what he pleases.
The result is, to you, Athenians, ease and idleness for the
present, which, I fear, you may hereafter think dearly pur-
chased; to these men, popularity and payment for their
speeches. Methinks it is not you that need persuading to
peace, who sit here pacifically disposed; but the person who
commits hostilities : let him be persuaded, and all is ready on
your part. . Burdensome we should deem, not what we expend
for our deliverance, but what we shall suffer in case of our re-
fusal to do so. Plunder of the treasury should be prevented by
a plan for its safe keeping, not by abandonment of our in-
terests. But this very thing makes me indignant, that some
of you, Athenians, are grieved at the thought of your trea-
sury being robbed, though it depends on yourselves to keep
it safe and to chastise the peculator, yet are not grieved at
Philip's conduct, seizing thus successively on every country
in Greece, and seizing them for his designs upon you.
What then is the reason, men of Athens, that while Philip
is thus openly in arms, committing aggressions, capturing
cities, none of these persons ever say that he is making war ;
but they denounce as authors of the war, whoever advises
you to oppose him and prevent these losses ? I will explain.
Their desire is, that any anger, which may be naturally excited
by your sufferings in the war, may be turned upon your honest
counsellors, so that you may try them instead of resisting
Philip, and they themselves be accusers instead of paying
the penalty of their conduct. Such is the meaning of their
assertion, that there is a war-party among you ; and such is
the object of this present debate. I am indeed sure, that,
before any Athenian moved a declaration of war, Philip had
taken many of our possessions, and recently sent succour to
Cardia, If however we choose to assume that he is not at
war with us,, it were extreme folly in him to convince us of
our mistake. But when he marches to attack us; what shall
we say ? He will assure us that he is not making war, as he
assured the people of Oreus when his troops were in their
•country, as he assured the Phereeans before he assaulted their
ON THE CHERSONESE. Ill
walls, and the Olynthians at first, until he was actually in
'their territories with his army. Shall we then declare, that
men who bid us defend ourselves make war 1 If so, we must
be slaves : nothing else remains, if we neither resist nor are
suffered to be at peace. And remember, you have more at
stake than other people : Philip seeks not to subdue, but to
extirpate our city. He knows for certain, you will not
submit to servitude ; you could not if you would, being ac-
customed to empire ; and if you get the opportunity, you
will be able to give him more annoyance than all the rest of
the world.
You must therefore be convinced that this is a struggle
for existence : these men who have sold themselves to Philip
you must execrate and cudgel to death ; for it is impossible,
impossible to overcome your enemies abroad, until you have
punished your enemies (his ministers) at home. They will be
the stumbling-blocks that prevent your reaching the others.1
Why do you suppose Philip now insults you, (for to this, in
my opinion, his conduct amounts,) and while to other people,
though he deceives them, he at least renders services, he is
already threatening, you ? For example, the Thessalians by
many benefits he seduced into their present servitude : how
he cheated the wretched Olynthians, first giving them Potidsea
and divers other things, no man can describe : now he is
enticing the Thebans by giving up to them Breotia, and
delivering them from a toilsome and vexatious war. Thus
did each of these people grasp a certain advantage, but some
of them have suffered what all the world know, others will
suffer what may hereafter befal them. From you — all that
has been taken I recount not : but in the very making of
the peace, how have you been abused ! how despoiled ! Of
Phocis, Thermopylae places in Thrace, Doriscus, Serrium,
Cersobleptes himself ! Does he not now possess the city of
•Cardia and avow it ? Wherefore, I say, deals he thus with
1 The word Trpofiohos is explained by "Wolf : " impedimentum, sive
sit scopulus in mari, sive vallum in terra." Leland translates the sen-
tence : " else, while we strike on these, as so many obstacles, our
enemies must necessarily prove superior to us." This is both vague
and weak. Auger avoids the simile. Francis introduces " quicksands."
Pabst : es ist unvermeidlich, dass Ihr an sie wie an Klippen anstosst,
und dadurch aufgehalten werdet. Jacobs: immer wird durch sie,
wie durch Pelsen des A nstosses, Euer Fortgang gehemmt werden.
112 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
other people, and not in the same manner with you1? Because
yours is the only state in which a privilege is allowed of
speaking for the enemy, and an individual taking a bribe
may safely address the assembly, though you have been
robbed of your dominions. It was not safe at Olynthus to
be Philip's advocate, unless the Olynthian commonalty had
shared the advantage by possession of Potidsea : it was not
safe in Thessaly to be Philip's advocate, unless the people of
Thessaly had shared the advantage, by Philip's expelling
their tyrants and restoring the Pylsoan synod : it was not safe
in Thebes, until he gave up Bceotia to them and destroyed
the Phocians. Yet at Athens, though Philip has deprived
you of Amphipolis and the Cardian territory, nay, is even
making Eubcea a fortress to curb us, and advancing to
attack Byzantium,1 it is safe to speak on Philip's behalf.
Therefore of these men, some, from being poor, have be-
come rapidly rich, from nameless and obscure, have become
honoured and distinguished; you have done the reverse,
fallen from honour to obscurity, from wealth to poverty;
for I deem the riches of a state, allies, confidence, attach-
ment, of all which you are destitute. And from your
neglecting these matters and suffering them to be lost, Philip
has grown prosperous and mighty, formidable to all the
Greeks and barbarians, whilst you are abject and forlorn,
magnificent in the abundance of your market, but in pro-
vision for actual need ridiculous. I observe however, that
some of our orators take different thought for you and for
themselves. You, they say, should be quiet even under
injustice; they cannot live in quiet among you themselves,
though no man injures them.
Then some one steps forward and says, "Why, you won't
move any resolution, or run any risk;; 2 you are cowardly and
faint-hearted." Let me say this : bold, brutal, and impudent
I neither am nor wish to be ; yet, methinks, I possess far
more courage than your headstrong politicians. For a man
who, neglecting the interest of the state, tries, confiscates,
1 Not that Philip had commenced any operations against Byzantium,
but from his march in that direction Demosthenes rightly conjectured
that he had designs thereupon.
2 By subjecting yourself to a ypa<pr) irapav6fj.w, "indictment for
having proposed an illegal decree;" and also to the general respon-
sibility which a statesman incurred by advising important measures.
ON THE CHERSONESE. 113
bribes, accuses, does not act from any courage, Athenians;
the popularity of his speeches and his measures serves for a
pledge of security, and he is bold without danger. But one
who acting for the best frequently opposes your wishes, who
never speaks to flatter but always to benefit you, and
adopts a line of policy in which more depends on fortune
than on calculations, while he makes himself responsible to
you for both, this is a courageous man, aye, and a useful
citizen is he; not they who for ephemeral pleasure have
thrown away the main resources of the country ; whom I am
so far from emulating or esteeming as worthy citizens of
Athens, that if I were asked to declare, what service I had
done the state, although, ye men of Athens, I could men-
tion services as ship-captain and choir-master, payment of
contributions, ransom of prisoners, and similar acts of libe-
rality, I would mention none of them; I would say, that
I espouse a different course of politics from these, that
although I might perhaps, like others, accuse and bribe and
confiscate and do everything which these men do, I have never
engaged myself in such a task, never been induced either by
avarice or ambition; I continue to offer counsel, by which
I sink below others in your regard; but you, if you followed
it, would be exalted. So perhaps might tne speak without
offence. I consider it not the part of an honest citizen, to
devise measures by which I shall speedily become the first
among you, and you the last among nations : with the
measures of good citizens the advancement of their country
should keep pace : their counsel should still be the salutary,
rather than the agreeable : to the latter will "nature herself
incline ; to the former a good citizen must direct by argu-
ment and instruction.
I have ere now heard an objection of this kind, that true
it is I always advise for the best, yet my services are only
words, and you want deeds and something practical. Upon
which I will tell you my sentiments without reserve. I do
not think a counsellor has any other business but to give the
best advice: and that this is so, I can easily demonstrate.
You are aware doubtless, that the brave Timotheus once
harangued the people, urging them to send troops and save
the Euboeans, when the Thebans were attempting their con-
quest; and to this effect he spake : — "What 1 do you delibe-
YOL. I. I
114 THE OBATIOXS OF DEMOSTHENES.
rate," said he, " when you have Thebans in the island, how to
deal with them, how to proceed 1 Will you not cover the
sea, Athenians, with your galleys? Will you not start up
and march to Piraeus? will you not launch your vessels ?"
Thus Timotheus spake and you acted,1 and through both
together success was obtained. But had his advice been ever
so good, as it was, and you shrunk from exertion and dis-
regarded it, would any of those results have accrued to
Athens ? Impossible. Then do likewise in regard to my
counsels or any other man's; for action look to yourselves,
to the orator for the best instruction in his power.
I will sum up my advice, and quit the platform. I say,
you must contribute money, maintain the existing troops,
rectifying what abuses you may discover, but not on the
first accusation disbanding the force. Send out ambassadors
everywhere, to instruct, to warn, to effect what they can for
Athens. Yet further I say, punish your corrupt statesmen,
execrate them at all times and places, to prove that men of
virtue and honourable conduct have consulted wisely both for
others and themselves. If you thus attend to your affairs,
and cease entirely neglecting them, perhaps, perhaps even yet
they may improve. But while ye sit here, zealous as far as
clamour and applause, laggards when any action is required,
I see not how any talking, unaided by your needful exertions,
can possibly save the country.
1 Diocles and Chares conducted this expedition, which took place
B.C. 357, and which, after various combats in the island of Euboea, ended
in the expulsion of the Thebans. Just at that time the finances of the
Athenians were exceedingly low, and the generosity of the wealthier
citizens was largely taxed to provide necessaries for the armament.
Demosthenes himself came forward as a liberal contributor. The lan-
guage of Timotheus on this occasion may be compared with Virgil's
^Eneid, IY. 592.
Non arma expedient totaque ex urbe sequentur,
Deripientque rates alii navalibus 1 lie,
Ferte citi flammas, date vela, impellite remos.
THE THIED PHILIPPIC. 115
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC.
THE ARGUMENT.
This speech was delivered about three months after the last, while
Philip was advancing into Thrace, and threatening both the Cher-
sonese and the Propontine coast. No new event had happened, which
called for any special consultation ; but Demosthenes, alarmed by
the formidable character of Philip's enterprises and vast military
preparations, felt the necessity of rousing the Athenians to exertion.
He repeats in substance the arguments which he had used in the
Oration on the Chersonese ; points out the danger to be apprehended
from the disunion among the Greek states, from their general apathy
and lack of patriotism, which he contrasts with the high and noble
spirit of ancient times. From the past conduct of Philip he shows
what is to be expected in future; explains the difference between
Philip's new method of warfare and that adopted in the Pelopon-
nesian war, and urges the necessity of corresponding measures for
defence. The peaceful professions of Philip were not to be trusted ;
he was never more dangerous than when he made overtures of peace
and friendship. The most powerful instruments that he employed
for gaining ascendancy were the venal orators, who were to be found
in every Grecian city, and on whom it was necessary to inflict signal
punishment, before they had a chance of opposing foreign enemies.
The advice of Demosthenes now is, to despatch reinforcements to the
Chersonese, to stir up the people of Greece, and even to solicit the
assistance of the Persian king, who had no less reason than them-
selves to dread the ambition of Philip.
The events of the following year, when Philip attacked the Propontine
cities, fully justified the warnings of Demosthenes. And the extra-
, ordinary activity, which the Athenians displayed in resisting him,
shows that the exertions of the orator had their due effect. Even
Mitford confesses, with reference to the operations of that period,
that Athens found in Demosthenes an able and effective minister.
MANY speeches, men of Athens, are made in almost every
assembly about the hostilities of Philip, hostilities which
ever since the treaty of peace he has been eommitting as well
against you as against the rest of the Greeks; and all (I am
sure) are ready to avow, though they forbear to do so, that
our counsels and our measures should be directed to his
humiliation and chastisement : nevertheless, so low have our
affairs been brought by inattention and negligence, I fear it
is a harsh truth to say, that if all the orators had sought to
i 2
116 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
suggest, and you to pass resolutions for the utter ruining of
the commonwealth, we could not methinks be worse off than
we are. A variety of circumstances may have brought us to
this state; our affairs have not declined from one or two
causes only : but, if you rightly examine, you will find it
chiefly owing to the orators, who study to please you rather
than advise for the best. Some of whom, Athenians, seeking
to maintain the basis of their own power and repute, have no
forethought for the future, and therefore think you also
ought to have none ; others, accusing and calumniating prac-
tical statesmen, labour only to make Athens punish Athens,
and in such occupation to engage her, that Philip may have
liberty to say and do what he pleases. Politics of this kind
are common here, but are the causes of your failures and
embarrassment. I beg, Athenians, that you will not resent
my plain speaking of the truth. Only consider. You hold
liberty of speech in other matters to be the general right of
all residents in Athens, insomuch that you allow a measure
of it even to foreigners and slaves, and many servants may
be seen among you speaking their thoughts more freely than
citizens in some other states; and yet you have altogether
banished it from your councils. The result has been, that in
the assembly you give yourselves airs and are flattered at
hearing nothing but compliments, in your measures and pro-
ceedings you are brought to the utmost peril. If such be
your disposition now, I must be silent : if you will listen to
good advice without flattery, I am ready to speak. For
though our affairs are in a deplorable condition, though
many sacrifices have been made, still, if you will choose to
perform your duty, it is possible to repair it all. A paradox,
and yet a truth, am I about to state. That which is the
most lamentable in the past is best for the future. How is
this ? Because you performed no part of your duty, great or
small, and therefore you fared ill : had you done all that
became you, and your situation were the same, there would
be no hope of amendment. Philip has indeed prevailed
over your sloth and negligence, but not over the country:
you have not been worsted; you have not even bestirred
yourselves.
If now we were all agreed that Philip is at war with
Athens and infringing the peace, nothing would a speaker
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC* 117
need to urge or advise but the safest and easiest way of
resisting him. But since, at the very time when Philip is
capturing cities and retaining divers of our dominions and
assailing all people, there are men so unreasonable as to
listen to repeated declarations in the assembly, that some of
us are kindling war, one must be cautious and set this matter
right : for whoever moves or advises a measure of defence, is
in danger of being accused afterwards as author of the war.
I will first then examine and determine this point, whether
it be in our power to deliberate on peace or war. If the
country may be at peace, if it depends on us, (to begin with
this,) I say we ought to maintain peace, and I call upon the
amrmant to move a resolution, to take some measure, and
not to palter with us. But if another, having arms in his
hand and a large force around him, amuses you with the
name of peace, while he carries on the operations of war,
what is left but to defend yourselves 1 You may profess to
be at peace, if you like, as he does \ I quarrel not with that.
But if any man supposes this to be a peace, which will
enable Philip to master all else and attack you last, he is a
madman, or he talks of a peace-., observed towards him by
you, not towards you by him. This it is that Philip pur-
chases by all his expenditure, the privilege of assailing you
without being assailed in turn.
If we really wait until he avows that he is at war with us,
we are the simplest of mortals : for he would not declare
that, though he marched even against Attica and Pirseus, at
least if we may judge from his conduct to others. For
example, to the Olynthians he declared, when he was forty
furlongs from their city, that there was no alternative, but
either they must quit Olynthus or he Macedonia; though
before that time, whenever he was accused of such an intent,
he took.it ill and sent ambassadors to justify himself. Again,
he marched towards the Phocians as if they were allies, and
there were Phocian envoys who accompanied his march, and
many among you contended that his advance would not
benefit the Thebans. And he came into Thessaly of late as
a friend and ally, yet he has taken possession of Pherae : and
lastly he told these wretched people of Oreus,1 that he had
1 When he established his creature Philistides in the government of
Oreus, as mentioned in the last oration and at the end of this.
118 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
sent his soldiers out of good-will to visit them, as he heard
they were in trouble and dissension, and it was the part of
allies and true friends to lend assistance on such occasions.
People who would never have harmed him, though they
might have adopted measures of defence, he chose to deceive
rather than warn them of his attack ; and think ye he would
declare war against you before he began it, and that while
you are willing to be deceived 1 Impossible. He would be
•the silliest of mankind, if, whilst you the injured parties
make no. complaint against -him, but are accusing your own
countrymen, he should terminate your intestine strife and
jealousies, warn you to turn against him, and remove the
pretexts of his hirelings for asserting, to amuse you, that
he makes no war upon Athens. 0 heavens ! would any
rational being judge by words rather than by actions, who is
at peace with him and who at war? Surely none. Well
then ; Philip immediately after* the peace, before Diopithes
was in command or the settlers in the Chersonese had been
sent out, took Serrium and Doriscus, and expelled from
Serrium and the Sacred Mount the troops whom your
general had stationed there.1 What do you call such con-
duct ? He had sworn the peace. Don't say — what does it
signify? how is the state concerned? — Whether it be a trifling
matter, or of no concernment to you, is a different question :
religion and justice have the same obligation, be the subject
of the offence great or small. Tell me now ; when he sends
mercenaries into Chersonesus, which the king and all the
Greeks have acknowledged to be yours, when he avows him-
self an auxiliary and writes us word so, what are such pro-
ceedings? He says he is not at war; I cannot however
admit such conduct to be an observance of the peace; far
1 This general was Chares, to whom Cersobleptes had entrusted the
defence of those places. The Sacred Mount was a fortified position on
the northern coCt of the Hellespont. It was here that Miltocythes
intrenched himself, when he rebelled against Cotys ; and Philip took
possession of it just before the peace with Athens was concluded, as
being important to his operations against Cersobleptes. The state-
ment, of Demosthenes, that the oaths had then been taken, is, as Jacob
observes, incorrect ; for they were sworn afterwards in Thessaly. But
the argument is substantially the same ; for the peace had been agreed
to, and the ratification was purposely delayed by Philip, to gain time
for the completion of his designs.
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 119
otherwise : I say, by his attempt on Megara,1 by his setting
up despotism in Eubcea, by his present advance into Thrace,
by his 'intrigues in Peloponnesus, by the whole course of
operations with his army, he has been breaking the peace and
making war upon you; unless indeed you will say, that
those who establish batteries are not at war, until they apply
them to the walls. But that you will not say : for whoever
contrives and prepares the means for my conquest, is at war
with me, before he darts or draws the bow. What, if any-
thing should happen, is the risk you run ? The aliena-
tion of the Hellespont, the subjection of Megara and Euboea
to your enemy, the siding of the Peloponnesians with him.
Then can I allow, that one who sets such an engine at work
against Athens is at peace with her? Quite the contrary.
From the day that he destroyed the Phocians I date his com-
mencement of hostilities. Defend yourselves instantly, and
I say you will be wise : delay it, and you may wish in vain
to do so hereafter. So much do I dissent from your other
counsellors, men of Athens, that I deem any discussion
about Chersonesus or Byzantium out of place. Succour
them — I advise that — watch that no harm befals them, send
all necessary supplies to your troops in that quarter; but let
your deliberations be for the safety of all Greece, as being in
the utmost peril. I must tell you why I am so alarmed at
the state of our affairs : that, if my reasonings are correct,
you may share them, and make some provision at least for
yourselves, however disinclined to do so for others : but if,
in your judgment, I talk nonsense and absurdity, you may
treat me as crazed, and not listen to me, either now or in
future.
That Philip from a mean and humble origin has grown
mighty, that the Greeks are jealous and quarrelling among
1 Not long before this oration was delivered, Philip was suspected of
a design to seize Megara. Demosthenes gives an account, in his speech
on the Embassy, of a conspiracy between two Megarians, Ptaeodorus and
.Perilaus, to introduce Macedonian troops into the city. Phocion was
sent by the Athenians to Megara, with the consent of the Megarian
people, to protect them against foreign attack. He fortified the city
and port, connecting them by long walls, and put them in security.
The occupation of Megara by Philip must have been most perilous to
.Athens, especially while Euboea and Thebes were in his interest ; he
vv-puld thus have enclosed her as it were in a net.
120 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
themselves, that it was far more wonderful for him to rise
from that insignificance, than it would now be, after so
many acquisitions, to conquer what is left ; these and similar
matters, which I might dwell upon, I pass over. But I
observe that all people, beginning with you, have conceded to
him a right, which in former times has been the subject of
contest in every Grecian war. And what is this ? The
right of doing what he pleases, openly fleecing and pillaging
the Greeks, one after another, attacking and enslaving their
cities. You were at the head of the Greeks for seventy-three
years,1 the Lacedaemonians for twenty-nine;2 and the
Thebans had some power in these latter times after the
battle of Leuctra. Yet neither you, my countrymen, nor
Thebans nor Lacedaemonians, were ever licensed by the
Greeks to act PS you pleased; far otherwise. When you, or
rather the Athenians of that time, appeared to be dealing
harshly with certain people, all the rest, even such as had
no complaint against Athens, thought proper to side with
the injured parties in a war against her. So, when the
Lacedaemonians became masters and succeeded to your em-
pire, on their attempting to encroach and make oppressive
innovations,3 a general war was declared against them, even
1 This would be from about the end of the Persian war to the end of
the Peloponnesian, B.C. 405. Isocrates speaks of the Athenian sway as
having lasted sixty-five or seventy years. But statements of this kind
are hardly intended to be made with perfect accuracy. In the third
Olynthiac, as we have seen, (page 57), Demosthenes says, the Athenians
had the leadership by consent of the Greeks for forty-five years. This
would exclude the Peloponnesian war.
2 From the end of the Peloponnesian war to the battle of Naxos>
B. c. 376.
3 The Spartans, whose severe military discipline rendered them far
the best soldiers in Greece, were totally unfit to manage the empire, at
the head of which they found themselves after the humiliation of
Athens. Their attempt to force an oligarchy upon every dependent
state was an unwise policy, which made them generally odious. The
decemvirates of Lysander, and the governors (ap/noffral) established in
various Greek cities to maintain Lacedaemonian influence, were re-
garded as instruments of tyranny. It was found that Spartan gover-
nors and generals, when away from home, gave loose to their vicious
inclinations, as if to indemnify themselves for the strictness of domes-
tic discipline. It became a maxim in their politics, that the end
justified the means. The most flagrant proof was given by the seizure
of the Cadmea at Thebes ; a measure, which led to a formidable con-
federacy against Sparta, and brought her to the verge of destruction.
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 121
by such as had no cause of complaint. But wherefore
mention other people? We ourselves and the Lacedae-
monians, although at the outset we could not allege any
mutual injuries, thought proper to make war for the injustice
that we saw done to our neighbours. Yet all the faults com-
mitted by the Spartans in those thirty years, and by our
ancestors in the seventy, are less, men of Athens, than the
wrongs which, in thirteen incomplete years that Philip has
been uppermost,1 he has inflicted on the Greeks : nay they
are scarcely a fraction of these, as may easily be shown in
a few words. Olynthus and Methone and Apollonia, and
thirty-two cities2 on the borders of Thrace, I pass over; all
which he has so cruelly destroyed, that a visitor could hardly
tell if they were ever inhabited : and of the Phocians, so
considerable a people exterminated, I say nothing. But
what is the condition of Thessaly 1 Has he not taken away
her constitutions and her cities, and established tetrarchies,
to parcel her out,3 not only by cities, but also by provinces,
for subjection 1 Are not the Eubcean states governed now
by despots, and that in an island near to Thebes and Athens?
Does he not expressly write in his epistles, " I am at peace
with those who are willing to obey me ?" Nor does he write
so and not act accordingly. He is gone to the Hellespont ;
he marched formerly against Ambracia; Elis, such an im-
portant city in Peloponnesus, he possesses;4 he plotted lately
1 I.e. in power ; but, as Smead, an American editor, truly observes,
eVi7ToAa£ei has a contemptuous signification. Jacobs : oben schwimmt.
The thirteen years are reckoned from the time when Philip's inter-
ference in Thessaly began ; before which he had not assumed an im-
portant character in southern Greece.
2 The Chalcidian cities.
3 This statement does not disagree with the mention of the
5e«a5apxta in the second Philippic. Supposing that Thessaly was not
only divided into tetrarchies, four provinces or cantons, but also
governed by decemvirates of Philip's appointment, placed in divers of
her cities, then by the former contrivance she might be said 5ouA€i5e*j»
Kary eflj/T], by the latter /caret TroAets. It is not clear indeed whether
several decemvirates, or one for the whole country, is to be understood.
The singular number is equally capable of either interpretation.
4 That is to say ; a Macedonian faction prevailed in Elis. The demo-
cratical party had some time before endeavoured to regain the ascen-
dancy, by aid of the Phocian mercenaries of Phalsecus ; but they ad
been defeated by the troops of Arcadia and Elis.
122 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
to get Megara : neither Hellenic nor Barbaric land contains
the man's ambition.1 And we the Greek community, seeing
and hearing this, instead of sending embassies to one an-
other about it and expressing indignation, are in such a
miserable state, so intrenched in our separate towns, that to
this day we can attempt nothing that interest or necessity
requires; we cannot combine, or form any association for
succour and alliance; we look unconcernedly on the man's
growing power, each resolving (methinks) to enjoy the in-
terval that another is destroyed in, not caring or striving for
the salvation of Greece : for none can be ignorant, that
Philip, like some course or attack of fever or other disease, is
coming even on those that yet seem very far removed. And
you must be sensible, that whatever wrong the Greeks sus-
tained from Lacedaemonians or from us, was at least in-
flicted by genuine people of Greece ; and it might be felt in
the same manner as if a lawful son, born to a large fortune,
committed some fault or error in the management of it; on
that ground one would consider him open to censure and
reproach, yet it could not be said that he was an alien, and
not heir to the property which he so dealt with. But if a
slave or a spurious child wasted and spoiled what he had no
interest in — Heavens ! how much more heinous and hateful
would all have pronounced it ! And yet in regard to Philip
and his conduct they feel not this, although he is not only no
Greek and noway akin to Greeks, but not even a barbarian of
.a place honourable to mention; in fact, a vile fellow of
Macedon, from which a respectable slave could not be pur-
chased formerly.
What is wanting to make his insolence complete? Besides
his destruction of Grecian cities, does he not hold the
'Pythian games, the common festival of Greece, and, if he
comes not himself, send his vassals to preside *? Is he not
master of Thermopylae and the passes into Greece, and holds
he not those places by garrisons and mercenaries ? Has he
not thrust aside Thessalians, ourselves, Dorians, the whole
1 So Juvenal, Sat. X. 169 :
JSstuat infelix angusto limite mundi,
Ut Gyarse clausus scopulis parvaque Seripho.
And Virgil, Mn. IX. 644 :
Nee te Troja capit.
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 123
Amphictyonic body, and got preaudience of the oracle,1 to
which even the Greeks do not all pretend1? Does he not write
to the Thessalians, what form of government to adopt ? send
mercenaries to Porthmus,2 to expel the Eretrian com-
monalty; others to Oreus, to set up Philistides as ruler?
Yet the Greeks endure to see all this; methinks they view it
as they would a hailstorm, each praying that it may not fall
on himself, none trying to prevent it. And not only are the
outrages which he does to Greece submitted to, but even the
private wrongs of every people : nothing can go beyond this !
Has he not wronged the Corinthians by attacking Ambracia3
and Leucas? the Achaians, by swearing to give Naupactus4 to
the ^Etolians? from the Thebans taken Echinus?5 Is he
not marching against the Byzantines his allies 1 From us —
I omit the rest — but keeps he not Cardia, the greatest city of
the Chersonese? Still under these indignities we are all
1 This privilege, which had belonged to the Phocians, was transferred
to Philip. It was considered an advantage as well as an honour in
ancient times ; for there were only certain days appointed in every
month, when the oracle could be consulted, and the order of consulta-
tion was determined by lot in common cases. The Delphians used to
confer the right of pre-consultation on particular states or persons as a
reward for some service or act of piety. Thus the Spartans received it ;
and Croesus, king of Lydia, for the magnificent presents which he sent
to the temple.
2 Porthrnus was the port of Eretria, on the strait, opposite Athens.
The circumstances are stated by Demosthenes at the latter end of the
speech. By expelling the Sr^os of Eretria, he means of course the
popular partjr, die Volkspartei, as Pabst has it ; but they would by
their own partisans be called the people.
8 Divers colonies were planted on the north-western coast of Greece
by the Corinthians> and also by the Corcyrseans, who were themselves
colonists from Corinth. Among them were Leucas, Ambracia, Anac-
torium, Epidamnus, and Apollonia. Leucas afterwards became insular,
by cutting through the isthmus. Philip's meditated attack was in
343 B. c. after the conquest of Cassopia. Leucas, by its insular position,
would have been convenient for a descent on Peloponnesus. We
have seen that this design of Philip was baffled by the exertions of
Demosthenes.
4 Naupactus, now Lepanto, lay on the northern coast of the Corinth-
.ian gulf. At the close of the Peloponnesian war it came into the hands
of the Achaians, from whom it was taken by Epaminondas, but after
his death they regained it. The JEtolians got possession of the town
some time after, perhaps by Macedonian assistance.
5 The Echinus here mentioned was a city on the northern coast of the
Maliac gulf in Thessaly.
124 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
slack and disheartened, and look towards our neighbours, dis-
trusting one another, instead of the common enemy. And
how think ye a man, who behaves so insolently to all, how
•will he act, when he gets each separately under his control 1
But what has caused the mischief1? There must be some
cause, some good reason, why the Greeks were so eager for
liberty then, and now are eager for servitude. There was
something, men of Athens, something in the hearts of the
multitude then, which there is not now, which overcame the
wealth of Persia and maintained the freedom of Greece, and
quailed not under any battle by land or sea ; the loss whereof
has ruined all, and thrown the affairs of Greece into confu-
sion. What was this ? Nothing subtle or clever : simply
that whoever took money from the aspirants for power or the
corruptors of Greece were universally detested : it was dread-
ful to be convicted of bribery; the severest punishment was
inflicted on the guilty, and there was no intercession or
pardon. The favourable moments for enterprise, which
fortune frequently offers to the careless against the vigilant,
to them that will do nothing against those that discharge all
their duty, could not be bought from orators or generals;
no more could mutual concord, nor distrust of tyrants and
barbarians, nor anything of the kind. But now all such
principles have been sold as in open market, and those im-
ported in exchange, by which Greece is ruined and diseased.1
What are they 1 Envy where a man gets a bribe ; laughter
if he confesses it ; mercy to the convicted ; hatred of those
that denounce the crime : all the usual attendants upon cor-
ruption.2 For as to ships and men and revenues and
abundance of other materials, all that may be reckoned as
constituting national strength — assuredly the Greeks of our
day are more fully and perfectly supplied with such advan-
tages than Greeks of the olden time. But they are all
rendered useless, unavailable, unprofitable, by the agency of
these traffickers.
1 'ATroAcuA.6 in reference to foreign affairs ; vty&rriKcv in regard to
internal broils and commotions. Compare Shakspeare, Macbeth IV. 3.
0 nation miserable,
When filial t tliou see thy wholesome days again]
2 He glances more particularly at Philocrates, Demades, and
JEschines.
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 125
That such is the present state of things, you must see,
without requiring my testimony : that it was different in
former times, I will demonstrate, not by speaking my ovrii
words, but by showing an inscription of your ancestors,
which they graved on a brazen column and deposited in the
citadel, not for their own benefit, (they were right-minded
enough without such records,) but for a memorial and ex-
ample to instruct you, how seriously such conduct should be
taken up. What says the inscription then 1 It says: "Let
Arthmius, son of Pythonax the Zelite,1 be declared an out-
law,2 and an enemy of the Athenian people and their allies,
him and his family." Then the cause is written why this
was done : because he brought the Median gold into Pelo-
ponnesus. That is the inscription. By the gods ! only con-
sider and reflect among yourselves, what must have been the
spirit, what the dignity of those Athenians who acted so 1
One Arthmius a Zelite, subject of the king, (for Zelea is in
Asia,) because in his master's service he brought gold into
Peloponnesus, not to Athens, they proclaimed an enemy of
the Athenians and their allies, him and his family, and out-
lawed. That is, not the outlawry commonly spoken of : for
what would a Zelite care, to be excluded from Athenian
franchises 1 It means not that ; but in the statutes of homi-
cide it is written, in cases where a prosecution for murder is
not allowed, but killing is sanctioned, " and let him die an
outlaw," says the legislator : by which he means, that whoever
kills such a person shall be unpolluted.3 Therefore they
considered that the preservation of all Greece was their own
concern : (but for such opinion, they would not have cared,
whether people in Peloponnesus were bought and cor-
rupted :) and whomsoever they discovered taking bribes, they
1 Zelea is a town in My si a. Arthmius was sent by Artaxerxes into
Peloponnesus, to stir up a war against the Athenians, who had irritated
him by the assistance which they lent to Egypt. JEschines says
that Arthmius was the vpdj-evos of Athens, which may partly account
for the decree passed against him.
2 Of the various degrees of dri/j.ia at Athens I shall speak hereafter.
I translate the word here, so as to meet the case of a foreigner, who had
nothing to do with the franchises of the Athenians, but who by their
decree was excommunicated from the benefit of all international law.
3 That is, his act being justifiable homicide, he shall not be deemed
(in a religious point of view) impure. As to the Athenian law of
homicide, see my article Phonos in the Archaeological Dictionary.
126 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
chastised and punished so severely as to record their names
in brass. The natural result was, that Greece was formidable
to the Barbarian, not the Barbarian to Greece. "Tis not so
now : since neither in this nor in other respects are your
sentiments the same. But what are they 1 You know your-
selves : why am I to upbraid you with everything ? The
Greeks in general are alike and no better than you. There-
fore I say, our present affairs demand earnest attention and
wholesome counsel. Shall I say what 1 Do you bid me, and
won't you be angry ?
[Here is read the public document which Demosthenes produces,
after which he resumes his address. *]
There is a foolish saying of persons who wish to make us
easy, that Philip is not yet as powerful as the Lacedaemonians
were formerly, who ruled everywhere by land and sea, and
had the king for their ally, and nothing withstood them • yet
Athens resisted even that nation, and was not destroyed. I
myself believe, that, wrhile everything has received great im-
provement, and the present bears no resemblance to the past,
nothing has been so changed and improved as the practice of
war. For anciently, as I am informed, the Lacedaemonians
and all Grecian people would for four or five months, during
the season2 only, invade and ravage the land of their enemies,
with heavy-armed and national troops, and return home
again : and their ideas were so old-fashioned, or rather
national, they never purchased 3 an advantage from any ;
theirs was a legitimate and open warfare. But now you
doubtless perceive, that the majority of disasters have been
1 The Secretary of the Assembly stood by the side of the orator, and
read any public documents, such as statutes, decrees, bills and the
like, which the orator desired to refer to or to verify. It does not
appear what the document was, which Demosthenes caused to be read
here. If we may judge from the argument, it was some energetic reso-
lution of the people, such as he would propose for an example on the
present occasion.
2 The campaigning season, during the summer and fine time of the
year. The Peloponnesians generally invaded Attica when the corn was
ripe, burning and plundering all in their route. Thucydides in his
history divides the year into two parts, summer and winter.
3 Compare the old lines of Eunius :
Non cauponantes bellum sed belligerantes
Ferro, non auro, vitam cernamus utrique.
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 127
effected by treason ; nothing is done in fair field or combat.
You hear of Philip marching where he pleases, not because
he commands troops of the line, but because he has attached
to him a host of skirmishers, cavalry, archers, mercenaries,
and the like. When with these he falls upon a people in
civil dissension, and none (for mistrust) will march out to
defend the country, he applies engines and besieges them. I
need not mention, that he makes no difference between winter
and summer, that he has no stated season of repose. You,
knowing these things, reflecting on them, must not let the
war approach your territories, nor get your necks broken,
relying on the simplicity of the old war with the Lacedaemo-
nians, but take the longest time beforehand for defensive
measures and preparations, see that he * stirs not from home,
avoid any decisive engagement. For a war, if we choose,
men of Athens, to pursue a right course, we have many
natural advantages; such as the position of his kingdom,
which we may extensively plunder and ravage, and a thousand
more ; but for a battle he is better trained than we -are.1
Nor is it enough to adopt these resolutions and oppose him
by warlike measures : you must on calculation and on prin-
ciple abhor his advocates here, remembering that it is impos-
sible to overcome your enemies abroad, until you have
chastised those who are his ministers within the city. Which,
by Jupiter and all the gods, you cannot and will not do 1
You have arrived at such a pitch of folly or madness or —
I know not what to call it : I am tempted often to think,
that some evil genius is driving you to ruin — for the sake of
scandal or envy or jest or any other cause, you command
hirelings to speak, (some of whom would not deny themselves
to be hirelings,) and laugh when they abuse people. And
this, bad as it is, is not the worst : you have allowed these
persons more liberty for their political conduct than your
faithful counsellors : and see what evils are caused by listening
to such men with indulgence. I will mention facts that you
will all remember.
In Olynthus some of the statesmen were in Philip's inte-
1 Chaeronea proved the wisdom of this advice. Similar counsel was-
given by Pericles in the Peloponnesian war. Had the Athenians
attempted to meet the invading army in the field, they must inevi-
tably have been defeated in the early period of the war.
128 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
rest, doing everything for him ; some were on the honest
side, aiming to preserve their fellow-citizens from slavery.
Which party now destroyed their country ? or which betrayed
the cavalry,1 by whose betrayal Olynthus fell ? The creatures
of Philip j they that, while the city stood, slandered and
calumniated the honest counsellors so effectually, that the
Olynthian people were induced to banish Apollonides.
Nor is it there only, and nowhere else, that such practice
has been ruinous. In Eretria, when, after riddance of
Plutarch 2 and his mercenaries, the people got possession of
their city and of Porthmus, some were for bringing the
government over to you, others to Philip. His partisans
were generally, rather exclusively, attended to by the wretched
and unfortunate Eretrians, who at length were persuaded to
expel their faithful advisers. Philip, their ally and friend,
sent Hipponicus and a thousand mercenaries, demolished the
walls of Porthmus, and established three rulers, Hipparchus,
Automedon, Clitarchus. Since that he has driven them out
of the .country, twice attempting their deliverance : once
he sent the troops with Eurylochus, afterwards those of
Parmenio.
What need of many words *? In Oreus Philip's agents were
Philistides, Menippus, Socrates, Thoas, and Agapseus, who
now hold the government : that was quite notorious : one
Euphreeus, a man that formerly dwelt here among you, was
labouring for freedom and independence. How this man was
in other respects- insulted and trampled on by the people of
Oreus, were long to tell : but a year before the capture, dis-
covering what Philistides and his accomplices were about, he
laid an information against them for treason. A multitude
then combining, having Philip for their paymaster, and acting
under his direction, take Euphrseus off to prison as a dis-
turber of the public peace. Seeing which, the people of
Oreus, instead of assisting the one and beating the others to
death, with them were not angry, but said his punishment
1 After Olynthus was besieged by Philip, various sallies were made
from the city, some of which were successful. But the treachery of
Lasthenes and his accomplices ruined all. A body of five hundred
horse were led by him into an ambuscade, and captured by the
besiegers. See Appendix I.
2 When he was expelled by Phocion after the battle of Tamynse,
u. c. 354.
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 129
was just, and rejoiced "at it. So the conspirators, having full
liberty of action, laid their schemes and took their measures
for the surrender of the city ; if any of the people observed
it, they were silent and intimidated, remembering the treat-
ment of Euphrseus ; and so wretched was their condition, that
on the approach of such a calamity none dared to utter a
word, until the enemy drew up before the walls : then some
were for defence, others for betrayal. Since the city was
thus basely and wickedly taken, the traitors have held despotic
rule ; people who formerly rescued them, and were ready for
any maltreatment of Euphraeus, they have either banished or
put to death ; Euphrseus killed himself, proving by deed,
that he had resisted Philip honestly and purely for the good
of his countrymen.
What can be the reason — perhaps you wonder — why the
Olynthians and Eretrians and Orites were more indulgent to
Philip's advocates than to their own 1 The same which
operates with you. They who advise for the best cannot
always gratify their audience, though they would ; for the
safety of the state must be attended to : their opponents by
the very counsel which is agreeable advance Philip's interest.
One party required contribution ; the other said there was
no necessity : one were for war and mistrust ; the other for
peace, until they were ensnared. And so on for everything
else ; (not to dwell on particulars ;) the one made speeches to
please for the moment, and gave no annoyance ; the other
offered salutary counsel, that was offensive. Many rights did
the people surrender at last, not from any such motive of
indulgence or ignorance, but submitting in the belief that all
was lost. Which, by Jupiter and Apollo, I fear will be your
case, when on calculation you see that nothing can be done.
I pray, men of Athens, it may never come to this ! Better
die a thousand deaths than render homage to Philip, or sacri-
fice any of your faithful counsellors. A fine recompense have
the people of Oreus got, for trusting themselves to Philip's
friends and spurning Euphrseus ! Finely are the Eretriaii
commons rewarded, for having driven away your ambassadors
and yielded to Clitarchus 1 Yes ; they are slaves, exposed to
the lash and the torture. Finely he spared the Olynthians,
who appointed Lasthenes to command their horse, and ex-
pelled Apollonides ! It is folly and cowardice to cherish such
VOL. i. K
130 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
hopes, and, while you take evil counsel and shirk every duty,
and even listen to those who plead for your enemies, to think
you inhabit a city of such magnitude, that you cannot suffer
any serious misfortune. Yea, and it is disgraceful to exclaim
on any occurrence, when it is too late, " Who would have
expected it ? However — this or that should have been done,
the other left undone." Many things could the Olynthians
mention now, which, if foreseen at the time, would have pre-
vented their destruction. Many could the Orites mention,
many the Phocians, and each of the ruined states. But
what would it avail them? As long as the vessel is safe,
whether it be great or small, the mariner, the pilot, every
man in turn should exert himself, and prevent its being over-
turned either by accident or design : but when the sea hath
rolled over it, their efforts are vain. And we, likewise,
0 Athenians, whilst we are safe, with a magnificent city,
plentiful resources, lofty reputation — what l must we do ?
Many of you,2 I dare say, have been longing to ask. Well
then, I will tell you ; I will move a resolution : pass it, if you
please.
First, let us prepare for cur own defence ; provide ourselves,
1 mean, with ships, money, and troops — for surely, though all
other people consented to be slaves, we at least ought to
struggle for freedom. When we have completed our own
preparations and made them apparent to the Greeks, then. let
us invite the rest, and send our ambassadors everywhere with
the intelligence, to Peloponnesus, to Rhodes, to Chios, to the
king, I say; (for it concerns his interests, not to let Philip
make universal conquest;) that, if you prevail, you may
.have partners of your dangers and expenses, in case of neces-
sity, or at all events that you may delay the operations. For,
1 Smead remarks here on the adroitness of the orator, who, instead
of applying the simile of the ship to the administration of the state,
Which he felt that his quick-minded hearers had already done, suddenly
interrupts himself with a question, which would naturally occur to the
audience.
2 You, ot KaQj)iJL€voi. See my observations in the preface. I cannot
forbear noticing the manner in which Francis translates the following
vll Af epcw . " Let Jupiter be witness, with what integrity I shall declare
my opinion." The original means nothing of the kind. It is rare
that vr) Aia can be translated literally with effect. Jacobs here has
wohlan.
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC. 131
since the war is against an individual/ not against the col-
lected power of a state, even this may be useful ; as were the
embassies last year to Peloponnesus, and the remonstrances
with which I and Polyeuctus, that excellent man, and Hege-
sippus, and Clitomachus, and Lycurgus, and the other envoys'
went round, and arrested Philip's progress, so that he neithei
attacked Ambracia nor started for Peloponnesus. I say no'
however, that you should invite the rest without adopting
measures to protect yourselves : it would be folly, while you
sacrifice your own interest, to profess a regard for that of
strangers, or to alarm others about the future, whilst "for the
present you are unconcerned I advise not this: I bid you
send supplies to the troops in Chersonesus, and do what else
they require ; prepare yourselves and make every effort first,
then summon, gather, instruct the rest of the Greeks. That
is the duty of a state possessing a dignity such as yours. If
you imagine that Chalcidians or Megarians will save Greece,
while you. run away from the contest, you imagine wrong.
Well for any of those people, if they are safe themselves.
This work belongs to you. : this privilege your ancestors be-
queathed to you, the prize of many perilous exertions. But
if every one will sit seeking his pleasure, and studying to be
idle himself, never will he find others to do his work, and
more than this, I fear we shall be under the necessity of
doing all that we like not at one time. Were proxies to be
had, our inactivity would have found them long ago ; but
they are not.
Such are the measures which I advise, which I propose :
adopt them, and even yet, I believe, our prosperity may be
re-established. If any man has better advice to offer, let him
communicate it openly. Whatever you determine, I pray to
all the gods for a happy result.
1 Because a state is a permanent power ; a single man is liable to a
variety of accidents, and his power terminates with his life.
132 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC.
THE ARGUMENT.
The subject of this Oration is the same as the last, viz., the necessity
of resistance to Philip. The time of its delivery would appear to
have been a little later, whilst Philip was yet in Thrace, and before
he commenced the siege of the Propontine towns. No new event is
alluded to, except the seizure of Hermias by the satrap Mentor, the
exact date of which is uncertain. The orator urges here, still more
strongly than he had done in the third Philippic, the necessity of
applying to' Persia for assistance. His advice was followed, and a
negotiation was opened with that monarchy, which led to the effective
relief of Perinthus. There is a remarkable passage in this speech, on
the importance of general unanimity, which seems to imply that dis-
putes had arisen between the richer and poorer classes, chiefly in
regard to the application of the public revenue. The view which is
here taken on the subject of the Theoric distributions is so different
from the argument in the Olynthiacs, that modern critics have
generally considered this Oration to be spurious. Another ground
for such opinion is, that it contains various passages borrowed from
other speeches, and not very skilfully put together. Yet the
genuineness seems not to have been doubted by any of the ancient
grammarians.
BELIEVING, men of Athens, that the subject of your consul-
tation is serious and momentous to the state, I will endeavour
to advise what I think important. Many have been the faults,
accumulated for some time past, which have brought us to
this wretched condition ; but none is under the circumstances
so distressing as this, men of Athens ; that your minds are
alienated from public business ; you are attentive just while
you sit listening to some news, afterwards you all go away,
and, so far from caring for what you heard, you forget it
altogether.
Well ; of the extent of Philip's arrogance and ambition, as
evinced in his dealings with every people, you have been in-
formed. That it is not possible to restrain him in such
course by speeches and harangues, no man can be ignorant :
or, if other reasons fail to convince you, reflect on this.
Whenever we have had to discuss our claims, on no occasion
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 133
have we been worsted or judged in the wrong ; we have still
beaten and got the better of all in argument. But do his
affairs go badly on this account, or ours well? By no
means. For as Philip immediately proceeds, with arms in
his hand, to put all he possesses boldly at stake, whilst we
with our equities, the speakers as well as the hearers, are
sitting still, actions (naturally enough) outstrip words, and
people attend not to what we have argued or may argue, but
to what we do. And our doings are not likely to protect any
of our injured neighbours : I need not say more upon the
subject. Therefore, as the states are divided into two parties,
one that would neither hold arbitrary government nor submit
to it, but live under free and equal laws ; another desiring to
govern their fellow-citizens, and be subject to some third
power, by whose assistance they hope to accomplish that
object ; the partisans of Philip,1 who desire tyranny and
despotism, have everywhere prevailed, and I know not whether
there is any state left, besides our own, with a popular con-
stitution firmly established. And those, that hold the govern-
ment through him, have prevailed by all the means efficacious
in worldly affairs ; principally and mainly, by having a person
to bribe the corruptible ; secondly, a point no less important,
by having at their command, at whatever season they re-
quired, an army to put down their opponents. We, men of
Athens, are not only in these respects behindhand ; we cannot
even be awaked ; like men that have drunk mandrake 2 or some
other sleeping potion ; and methinks — for I judge the truth
must be spoken — we are by reason thereof held in such dis-
repute and contempt, that, among the states in imminent
danger, some dispute with us for the lead, some for the place
of congress ; others have resolved to defend themselves sepa-
rately rather than in union with us.
Why am I so particular in mentioning these things 1 I
1 I agree with Pabst and Auger that entivov signifies Philip. Schaefer
takes it neutrally.
2 Used for a powerful opiate by the ancients. It is called Mandra-
.gora also in English. See Othello, Act III. Sc. 3.
Not poppy, nor mandragora,
Nor all the drowsy syrups of the world,
Shall ever medicine thee to that sweet sleep
Which thou ow'dst yesterday.
i
134 THE OEATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
seek not to give offence ; so help me all the powers of heaven 1
I wish, men of Athens, to make it clear and manifest to you
all, that habitual sloth and indolence, the same in public
matters as in private life, is not immediately felt on every
occasion of neglect, but shows itself in the general result.1
Look at Serrium and Doriscus ; which were first disregarded
after the peace. Their names perhaps are unknown to many
of you : yet your careless abandonment of these lost Thrace
and Cersobleptes your ally. Again, seeing these places neg-.
lected and unsupported by you, he demolished Porthmus, and
raised a tyrant in Eubcea like a fortress against Attica. This
being disregarded, Megara was very nearly taken. You were
insensible, indifferent to all his aggressions ; gave no intima-
tion that you would not permit their continuance. He pur-
chased Antrones,2 and not long after had got Oreus into his
power. Many transactions I omit ; Pherse, the march against
Ambracia, the massacres at Elis,3 and numberless others : for
I have not entered upon these details, to enumerate the
people whom Philip has oppressed and wronged, but to show
you that Philip will not desist from wronging all people
and pursuing his conquests, until an effort is made to prevent
him.
There are persons whose custom it is, before they hear any
speech in the debate, to ask immediately — " What must we
do?" — not with the intention of doing what they are told,
(or they would be the most serviceable of men,) but in order
to get rid of the speaker. Nevertheless you should be advised
what to do. First, 0 my countrymen, you must be firmly
convinced in your minds, that Philip is at war with our
1 Auger : " pre*sentent a la fin un total effrayant."
2 A town in Thessaly. We do not know all the details of Philip's
proceedings in that country, but we have seen enough to show, that
under the guise of a protector he was not far short of being the master
of the Thessalian people. Some of their towns were actually in his
possession, as Pherse and Pagasse. But that the Thessalians were never
entirely subjugated to Macedonia, and still retained a hankering after
independence, was proved at a later period by their desertion of
Antipater.
3 The Elean exiles, having engaged in their service a body of the
Phocian mercenaries, made an irruption into Elis, but were defeated.
A large number of prisoners were taken and put to death. This
happened B. c. 343. The government of Elis was at that time in the
hands of a Macedonian party.
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 135
state, and has broken the peace ; that, while he is inimical
and hostile to the whole of Athens, to the ground of Athens,
and I may add, to the gods in Athens, (may they exterminate
him !) there is nothing which he strives and plots against so
much as our constitution, nothing in the world that he is so
anxious about, as its destruction. And thereunto he is driven
in some sort by necessity. Consider. He wishes for empire :
he believes you to be his only opponents. He has been a
long time injuring you, as his own conscience best informs-
' him ; for by means of your possessions, which he is able to
enjoy, he secures all the rest of his kingdom : had he given
up Amphipolis and Potideea, he would not have deemed him-
self safe even in Macedonia. He knows therefore, both that
he is plotting against you, and that you are aware of it ; and,
supposing you to have common sense, he judges that you
detest him as you ought. Besides these important consi-
derations, he is assured that, though he became master of
everything else, nothing can be safe for him while you are
under popular government : should any reverse ever befal
him, (and many may happen to a man,) all who are now
under constraint will come for refuge to you. For you are
not inclined yourselves to encroach and usurp dominion ;
but famous rather for checking the usurper or depriving him
of his conquests, ever ready to molest the aspirants for empire,
and vindicate the liberty of all nations. He would not like
that a free spirit should proceed from Athens, to watch the
occasions of his weakness ; nor is such reasoning foolish or
idle. First then you must assume, that he is an irreconcile-
able enemy of our constitution and democracy ; secondly, you
must be convinced, that all his operations and contrivances
are designed for the injury of our state. None of you can be
so silly as to suppose, that Philip covets those miseries in
Thrace, (for what else can one call Drongilus and Cabyle
and Mastira and the places which he is said now to occupy ?)
and that to get possession of them he endures hardships and
winters and the utmost peril, but covets not the harbours
of Athens, the docks, the galleys, the silver mines, the reve-
nues of such value, the place and the glory — never may he
or any other man obtain these by the conquest of our city \ —
or that he will suffer you to keep these things, while for the
sake of the barley and millet in Thracian caverns he winters
136 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
in the midst of horrors.1 Impossible. The object of that
and every other enterprise of Philip is, to become master here.
So should every man be persuaded and convinced ; and
therefore, I say, should not call upon your faithful and upright
counsellor to move a resolution for war :2 such were the part
of men seeking an enemy to fight with, not men forwarding
the interests of the state. Only see. Suppose for the first
breach of the treaty by Philip, or for the second or third, (for
there is a series of breaches,) any one had made a motion for
war with him, and Philip, just as he has now without such '
motion, had aided the Cardians, would not the mover have
been sacrificed ? 3 would not all have imputed Philip's aid of
the Cardians to that cause ? Don't then look for a person to
vent your anger on for Philip's trespasses, to throw to Philip's
hirelings to be torn in pieces. Do not, after yourselves voting
for war, dispute with each other, whether you ought or ought
not to have done so. As Philip conducts the war, so resist
him : furnish those who are resisting him now4 with money
and what else they demand ; pay your contributions, men of
Athens, provide an army, swift-sailing gallies, horses, trans-
ports, all the materials of war. Our present mode of opera-
tion is ridiculous ; and by the gods I believe, that Philip
could not wish our republic to take any other course than
what ye now pursue. You miss your time, waste your
money, look for a person to manage your affairs, are discon-
tented, accuse one another. How all this comes about, I will
.explain, and how it may cease I will inform you.
Nothing, 0 men of Athens, have you ever set on foot or
-contrived rightly in the beginning : you always follow the
-event, stop when you are too late, on any new occurrence
prepare and bustle again. But that is not the way of pro-
ceeding. It is never possible with sudden levies to perform
1 See the note in the Oration on the Chersonese, page 108, where the
same words nearly are repeated.
2 He deprecates here, as elsewhere, the factious proceedings of certain
opponents, who sought to fasten the responsibility of a war on the
orator, by forcing him to propose a decree. This (argues Demosthenes)
was unnecessary, as they were at war already.
3 Pabst, following Wolf, takes this in the more limited sense of being
carried off to prison : ins Gefdngniss geworfen. The English trans-
lators, who have " torn to pieces," understand the word in the same
sense that I do, as meaning generally " destroyed, exterminated."
* Referring to Diopithes and his troops in the Chersonese.
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 137
any essential service. You must establish an army, provide
maintenance for it, and paymasters, and commissaries, so
ordering it that the strictest care be taken of your funds ;
demand from those officers an account of the expenditure,
from your general an account of the campaign ; and leave not
the general any excuse for sailing elsewhere or prosecuting
another enterprise. If ye so act and so resolve in earnest,
you will compel Philip to observe a just peace and remain
in his own country, or will contend with him on equal
terms ; and perhaps, Athenians, perhaps, as you now inquire
what Philip is doing, and whither marching, so he may be
anxious to learn, whither the troops of Athens are .bound,
and where they will make their appearance.
Should any man think that these are affairs of great expense
and toil and difficulty, he thinks rightly enough : but let
him consider what the consequences to Athens must be, ir
she refuse so to act, and he will find it is our interest to
perform our duties cheerfully. Suppose you had some god
for your surety — for certainly no mortal could guarantee a
thing so fortunate — that, although you kept quiet and sacri-
ficed everything, Philip would not attack you at last, yet, by
Jupiter and all the gods, it would be disgraceful, unworthy
of yourselves, of the dignity of your state, and the deeds of
your ancestors, for the sake of selfish indolence to abandon
the rest of Greece to servitude. For my part, I would rather
die than have advised such a course : however, if any other
man advises it, and can prevail on you, be it so ; make no
defence, abandon all. But if no man holds such an opinion,
if on the contrary we all foresee, that, the more we permit
Philip to conquer, the more fierce and formidable an enemy
•we shall find him, what subterfuge remains ? what excuse for
delay ? Or when, 0 Athenians, shall we be willing to act as
becomes us 1 Peradventure, when there is some necessity.
But what may be called the necessity of freemen is not only
come, but past long ago ; and that of slaves you must surely
deprecate. What is the difference 1 To a freeman shame for
what is occurring is the strongest necessity ; I know of none
stronger that can be mentioned : to a slave, stripes and bodily
chastisement ; abominable things ! too shocking to name !
To be backward, men of Athens, in performing those ser-
vices to which the person and property of every one are
138 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
liable, is wrong, very wrong, and yet it admits of some excuse :
but refusing even to hear what is necessary to be heard, and
fit to be considered, this calls for the severest censure. Your
practice however is, neither to attend until the business
actually presses, as it does now, nor to deliberate about any-
thing at leisure. When Philip is preparing, you, instead of
doing the like and making counter-preparation, remain list-
less, and, if any one speaks a word, clamour him down : when
you receive news that any place is lost or besieged, then you
listen and prepare. But the time to have heard and consulted
was then when you declined ; the time to act and employ
your preparations is now that you are hearing. Such being
your habits, you are the only people who adopt this singular
course : others deliberate usually before action, you deliberate
after action.
One thing1 remains, which should have been done long
ago, but even yet is not too late : I will mention it. Nothing
in the world does Athens need! so much, as money for
approaching exigencies. Lucky events have occurred, and,
if we rightly improve them, perhaps good service may be
done. In the first place, those,2 whom the king trusts and
regards as his benefactors, are at enmity and war with Philip.
Secondly, the agent and confidant3 of all Philip's preparations
against the king has been snatched off, and the king will hear
all the proceedings, not from Athenian accusers, whom he
might consider to be speaking for their own interests, but
from the acting minister himself; the charges therefore will
be credible, and the only remaining argument for our ambas-
sadors will be, one which the Persian monarch will rejoice to
hear, that we should take common vengeance on the injurer
of both, and that Philip is much more formidable to the king,
if he attack us first ; for, should we be left in the lurch and
suffer any mishap, he will march against the king without
1 He means negotiation with Persia, to obtain pecuniary assistance.
2 The Thracians, who had always been regarded as benefactors of the
Persian king since they assisted Darius on his 'invasion of Scythia.
Philip was making war in Thrace at this time, and had subjected a>
considerable part of the country.
3 Hermias, governor of Atarneus in Mysia, who for his treasonable
practices against Artaxerxes was seized by Mentor and sent in chains
to Susa, where he was put to death. He was a friend of Aristotle, who
was at his court, when he was taken prisoner. The philosopher after-
wards married his sister.
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 139
fear. On all these matters then I advise that you despatch
an embassy to confer with the king, and put aside that non-
sense which has so often damaged you — "the barbarian,"
forsooth, "the common enemy" — and the like. I confess,
when I see a man alarmed at a prince in Susa and Ecbatana,
and declaring him to be an enemy of Athens, him that for-
merly l assisted in reestablishing her power, and lately made
overtures2 — if you did not accept them, but voted refusal,
the fault is not his — while the same man speaks a different
language of one who is close at our doors, and growing up
in the centre of Greece to be the plunderer of her people ;
I marvel, I dread this man, whoever he is, because he dreads
not Philip.
There is another thing too, the attacking of which by
unjust reproach and improper language hurts the state, and
affords an excuse to men who are unwilling to perform any.
public duty : indeed you will find that every failure to dis-
charge the obligation of a citizen is attributable to this. I
am really afraid to discuss the matter ; however, I will speak
out.
I believe I can suggest, for the advantage of the state, a
plea for the poor against the rich, and for men of property
against the indigent \ could we remove the clamour which
some persons unfairly raise about the theatric fund,3 and the
1 In the confederate war, when the Persian fleet enabled Conon to
defeat the Lacedaemonians at Cnidus, B.O. 394.
2 Artaxerxes had applied both to Athens and Lacedsemon to aid him
in the recovery of Egypt, which for many years had been held in a
state of revolt. Both these states refused to assist him. He then
applied to Thebes and Argos, each of which sent an auxiliary force.
3 Boeckh, Schaefer and others, regard it as conclusive against the
genuineness of this Oration, that a different view is here taken on the
subject of the Theoric fund from that which Demosthenes had expressed
in the Olynthiacs. And certainly it is a strong argument. It is pos-
sible, however, that circumstances may have induced him to modify his
opinion, or he may have thought it dangerous to meddle with the law
of Eubulus at the present crisis, which called for the greatest unani-
mity among all classes. We may partly gather from this speech, that
there had been some agitation among the lower classes, occasioned by
the complaints of the wealthy against this law. Any agitation tending
to a spirit of communism must have been extremely dangerous at
Athens, where the people had such power of mulcting the higher
classes by their votes in the popular assembly and courts of justice. It
might therefore be better to let the people alone with their theatrical
140 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
fear that it cannot stand without some signal mischief. No
greater help to our affairs could we introduce;1 none that
would more strengthen the whole community. Look at it
thus. I will commence on behalf of those who are con-
sidered the needy class. There was a time with us, not long-
ago, when only a hundred and thirty talents came into the
state;2 and among the persons qualified to command ships
or* pay property-tax, there was not one who claimed exemp-
tion from his duty because no surplus existed:3 galleys
sailed, money was forthcoming, everything needful was done.
Since that time fortune happily has increased the revenue,
and four hundred talents come in instead of one, without loss
to any men of property, but with gain to them ; for all the
wealthy come for their share of the fund, and they are
welcome to it.4 Why then do we reproach one another on
this account, and make it an excuse for declining our duties,
unless we grudge the relief given by fortune to the poor ? I
would be sorry to blame them myself, and I think it not
right. In private families I never see a young man behaving
treats, their fees and largesses, than to provoke retaliation by abridging
such enjoyments. Leland observes on the subject as follows — "All that
the orator here says in defence of the theatrical appointments is expres-
sed with a caution and reserve quite opposite to his usual openness and
freedom ; and which plainly betray a consciousness of his being incon-
sistent with his former sentiments. How far he may be excused by the
supposed necessity of yielding to the violent prepossessions of the
people, and giving up a favourite point, I cannot pretend to determine.
But it is certainly not very honourable to Demosthenes, to suppose with
Ulpian, that his former opposition was merely personal, and that the
death of Eubulus now put an end to it."
1 Viz., than the removal of this clamour and alarm about the theatric
fund.
2 This must be understood (according to Boeckh) of the tribute onty,
which came in from the allies. The total revenue of Athens must have
greatly exceeded this.
3 There was as much ground for legal exemption then as there is
now ; and yet it was never claimed. Why should the rich seek to be
relieved from their burdens because of an abundance of revenue] That
abundance is for the general benefit of the state, not for theirs in parti-
cular. Such appears to be the argument, perhaps not quite satisfac-
tory ; but such it is. Pabst, apparently reading d$' eavrov, has : der
nicht aus eigenem Antrieb seine Schuldigkeit zu tliun bereit war, weil
kein Gelduberschuss vorhanden war.
4 J. e. the Theoric fund, in which every member of the common-
wealth had a right to share.
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 141
so to his elders, so unfeeling or so unreasonable, as to refuse
to do anything himself, unless all the rest will do what he
does. Such a person would certainly be amenable to the
laws against undutiful conduct : ' for I ween there is a tribute
assigned to parents both by nature and by law, which ought
to be cheerfully offered and amply paid. Accordingly, as
each individual among us hath a parent, so should we regard
the whole people as parents of the state, and, so far from
depriving them of what the state bestows, we ought, in the
absence of such bounty, to find other means to keep them,
from destitution. If the rich will adopt this principle, I
think they will act both justly and wisely; for to deprive
any class of a necessary provision, is to unite them in dis-
affection to the commonwealth.
To the poor I would recommend, that they remove the
cause, which makes men of property discontented with the
present system, and excites their just complaints. I shall
take the same course on behalf of the wealthy as I did just
now, and not hesitate to speak the truth. There cannot, I
believe, be found a wretch so hard-hearted — I will not say
among Athenians, but among any other people — who would be
sorry to see poor men, men without the necessaries of life,
receiving these bounties. Where then is the pinch2 of the
matter ? where the difficulty 1 When they see certain persons
transferring the usage established for the public revenue to
private property, and the orator becoming immediately
powerful with you, yea, (so far as privilege can make him,)
immortal, and your secret vote contradicting your public
1 Pabst : die Gesetze wegen unyebulirliclier Beliandlung der Eltern.
KaKoxris, " maltreatment," was a technical term in the Attic law, de-
noting a failure of duty on the part of husband?, children, or guardians,
towards their wives, parents, or wards, for whicli they were liable to be
tried and punished in a suit called KaKwa-ews SIKTJ. The jurisdiction
over this offence belonged to the Arch on, who was the protector of all
family rights.
2 The expression " Where is the rub ?" would be still nearer to the
original, and the expression reminds one of the line in Hamlet :
To sleep ! perchance to dream ! aye, there's the rub.
Reiske says the simile is taken from the collision of ch.-i riots in the
race; but this is confining it too much. His vernacular explanation
is : woran stosst es sick ? wo ist der Haken ? Pabst has : woran stosst
sich die Sache, und was erzeuyt den Verdruss ?
142 THE OEATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
clamour.1 Hence arises mistrust, hence indignation. We
ought, 0 ye men of Athens, to have a just communion of
political rights; the opulent holding themselves secure in
their fortunes, and without fear of losing them, yet in time
of danger imparting their substance freely for the defence of
their country; while the rest consider the public revenue as
public, and receive their share, but look on private property
as belonging to the individual owner. Thus it is that a small
commonwealth becomes great, and a great one is preserved.
To speak generally then, such are the obligations of each
class; to ensure their performance according to law, some
regulation should be made.
The causes of our present troubles and embarrassment are
many and of ancient date : if you are willing to hear, I will
declare them. You have quitted, 0 Athenians, the position
in which your ancestors left you ; you have been persuaded
by these politicians, that to stand foremost of the Greeks, to
keep a permanent force and redress injured nations, is all
vanity and idle expense ; you imagine that to live in quiet, to
perform no duty, to abandon one thing after another and let
strangers seize on all, brings with it marvellous welfare and
abundant security. By sucli means a stranger has advanced
1 Having admonislied the higher classes to pay their^ property-tax
and perform their public services cheerfully, and without seeking to
be relieved at the expense of the public revenue, he proceeds to re-
mind the lower classes of their duty. He warns them, that, while
they receive a benefit from the funds of the state, they must not en-
deavour to increase those funds unduly by an invasion of the rights
of property. His language is not open, but would easily be under-
stood by his audience. The Athenians ought not to promote law-
suits to increase court-fees ; not to encourage prosecutions against
wealthy citizens, in order to obtain fines and confiscations. He in-
sinuates that there was too much cause for complaint already, lov
Xiyovra is, not as Schaefer contends, the rich man pleading his cause
before the people, but, as Wolf ^explains it, the popular orator or in-
former, who speedily rose to favour and influence, of which it was not
easy to deprive him. His opponent, speaking in a just cause, might be
applauded at the time, but the votes showed what was the real bias of
the people. In courts of justice at Athens the voting was usually by a
secret ballot ; (see my article Psephus in the Archaeological Dictionary ;)
and there being a large number of jurors, it would be difficult to dis-
cover by whose votes the verdict was obtained. It is impossible to read
the frequent appeals made by Athenian speakers to the passions and
prejudices of the jury, without seeing that there was some ground for
the insinuations of the orator in this passage.
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 143
to the post which you ought to have occupied, has become
prosperous and great, and made large conquests; naturally
enough. A prize there was, noble, great, and glorious, one
for which the mightiest states were contending all along; but
as the Lacedaemonians were humbled, the Thebans had their
hands full through the Phoolan war, and we took no regard,
he carried it oft without competition. The result has been,
to others terror, to him a vast alliance and extended power;
while difficulties so many and so distressing surround the
Greeks, that even advice is not easy to be found.
Yet, perilous as I conceive the present crisis to be for all,
no people are in such danger as you, men of Athens; not
only because Philip's designs are especially aimed at you, but
because of all people you are the. most remiss. If, seeing the
abundance of commodities and cheapness in your market,
you are beguiled into a belief that the state is in no danger,
your judgment is neither becoming nor correct. A market
or a fair one may, from such appearances, judge to be well or
ill supplied : but for a state, which every aspirant for the
empire of Greece has deemed to be alone capable of opposing
him, and defending the liberty of all — for such a state !
verily her marketable commodities are not the test of pro-
sperity, but this — whether she can depend on the goodwill of
her allies; whether she is puissant in arms. On behalf of
such a state these are the things to be considered; and in
these respects your condition is wretched and deplorable.
You will understand it by a simple reflection. When have
the affairs of Greece been in the greatest confusion 1 No
other time could any man point out but the present. In
former times Greece was divided into two parties, that of the
Lacedeemonians and ours : some of the Greeks were subject
to us, some to them. The Persian, on his own account, was
mistrusted equally by all, but he used to make friends of the
vanquished parties, and retain their confidence, until he put
them on an equality with the other side ; after which those
that he succoured would hate him as much as his original
enemies. Now however the king is on friendly terms with
all the Greeks, though least friendly with us, unless we put
matters right. Now too there are protectors1 springing up
1 This is said with some irony : many states offer to come forward as
protectors, but only on condition of taking the lead: they will not join
144 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
in every quarter, and all claim the precedency, though some
indeed have abandoned the cause, or envy and distrust each
other — more shame for them — and every state is isolated,
Argives, Thebans, Lacedsemonians, Corinthians, Arcadians,
and ourselves. But, divided as Greece is among so many
parties and so many leaderships, if I must speak the truth
freely, there is no state whose offices and halls of council
appear more deserted by Grecian politics than ours. And
no wonder ; when neither friendship, nor confidence, nor fear
leads any to negotiate with us.
This, ye men of Athens, has come not from any single
cause (or you might easily mend it,) but from a great variety
and long series of errors. I will not stop to recount them,
but will mention one, to which all may be referred, beseech-
ing you not to be offended, if I boldly speak the truth.
Your interests are sold on every favourable opportunity :
you partake of the idleness and ease, under the charm
whereof you resent not your wrongs; while other persons
get the reward.1 Into all these cases I could not enter now :
but when any question about Philip arises, some one starts up
directly and says — " We must have no trifling, no proposal of
war" — and then goes on to say — "What a blessing it is to
be at peace ! what a grievance to maintain a large army ! " —
and again — "Certain persons wish to plunder the treasury" —
and other arguments they urge, no doubt, in the full convic-
tion of their truth.2 But surely there is no need of per-
suading you to observe peace, you that sit here persuaded
already. It is Philip (who is making war) that needs persua-
sion : prevail on him, and all is ready on your part. We-
should consider as grievous, not what we expend for our
the common cause on fair terms. Many of the translations nri?s the
sense here. Leland understands it rightly : " there are several cities
which affect the character of guardians and protectors." Auger con-
founds this sentence with the next : " il a* eleve de tous cote's plusieura
puissances qui aspirent toutes a la primaute*."
1 Schaefer rightly explains n^as to mean the price received for
treason. But most of the translators, following Wolf, understand it to
mean the honours won by Philip. ToTs a5t/coGcni/ is rendered by Auger,
Leland, and Francis, "the traitors." I think it rather refers to, or at
least includes, the enemies who profited by the treason, and made con-
quests from Athens : of course meaning Philip in particular.
2 There is no difficulty in this, if we understand it to be ironical;
and no need of any amendment.
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 145
deliverance, but what we shall suffer in case of refusal.
Plunder of the treasury should be prevented by devising a
plan for its safe custody, not by abandoning our interests.
Yet this very thing makes me indignant, that some of you
are pained at the thought of your treasury being robbed,
though it depends on yourselves to guard it and to punish
the criminal, but are not pained to see Philip plundering
Greece, plundering as he does one people after another, to
forward his designs upon you.
How comes it, ye men of Athens, that of this flagrant
aggressor, this capturer of cities, no one has ever declared
that he commits hostility or injustice, while those who counsel
against submission and sacrifice are charged as the authors of
war 1 The reason is, that people wish to cast upon your
faithful counsellors the blame of any untoward events in the
war; for war must necessarily be attended with many mis-
fortunes. They believe that, if you resist Philip with one
heart and mind, you will prevail against him, and they can
be hirelings no longer; but that if on the first outcry1 you
arraign certain persons and bring them to trial, they by
accusing such persons will gain a double advantage, repute
among the Athenians and recompense from Philip ; and that
you will punish your friendly advisers for a cause for which
you ought to punish the traitors. Such are the hopes, such
the contrivance of these charges, "that certain persons wish
to kindle a war." I am sure however, that, without any
Athenian moving a declaration of war, Philip has taken
many of our possessions, and has recently sent succour to
Cardia. If we choose to assume that he is not making war
against us, he would be the simplest of mankind to convince
us of our mistake : for when the sufferers disclaim the in-
jury, what should the offenders do ? But when he marches
to attack us, what shall we say then 1 He will assure us
that he is not making war, as he assured the Orites when his
troops were in their country, as he assured the Phereeans
before he assaulted their walls, and the Olynthians in the
first instance, until he was in their territories with his army.
Shall we then say, that persons who bid us defend ourselves
1 Leland : "the first unhappy accident." Francis gives the right
meaning, but with too many words: "the first tumults occasioned by
any unfortunate success." Spillan : " the first alarm."
VOL. I. L .
146 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
kindle a war ? If so, we must be slaves ; for nothing else
remains.
But remember : you have more at stake than some other
people. Philip desires not to subjugate your city, but to
destroy it utterly. He is convinced, you will not submit to
be slaves; if you were inclined, you would not know how,
having been accustomed to command : you will be able,
should occasion offer, to give him more trouble than any
people in the world. For this reason he will show us no
mercy, if he get us into his power : and therefore you must
make up your minds, that the struggle will be one for life and
death. These persons, who have openly sold themselves to
Philip, you must execrate, you must beat their brains out :
for it is impossible, I say impossible, to vanquish your foreign
enemies, until you have punished your enemies within the
city : these are the stumbling-blocks that must cripple your
efforts against the foreigner.
From what cause, do ye think, Philip insults you now ; (for
his conduct, in my judgment, amounts to nothing less;) and
while he deceives other people by doing them services — tnis
at $ least is something — you he threatens already ? For
example, the Thessalians by many benefits he seduced into
their present servitude : no man can tell how he cheated the
poor Olynthians, giving them first Potidsea and many other
places : now he is luring the Thebans, having delivered up
Boeotia to them, and freed them from a tedious and
harassing war. Of these people, who each got a certain
advantage, some have suffered what is notorious to all, others
have yet to suffer what may befal them. As to yourselves;
the amount of your losses I do not mention : but in the
very making of the peace how have you been deceived ! how
plundered ! Lost you not the Phocians, Thermopylae, country
towards Thrace, Doriscus, Serrium, Cersobleptes himself?
Holds. he not Cardia now, and avows it? Why then does he
behave thus to other people, and in a different way to you ?
Because our city is the only one where liberty is allowed to
speak for the enemy, where a man taking a bribe may safely
address the people, though they have been deprived of their
possessions. It was not safe at Olynthus to advocate Philip's
cause, without the Olynthian people sharing the benefit by
possession of Potidaea. It was not safe to advocate Philip's
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC. 147
cause in Thessaly, without the people of Thessaly sharing the
benefit, by Philip's expelling their tyrants and restoring the
Pylseaii Synod. It was not safe at Thebes, until he restored
Boeotia to them, and destroyed the Phocians. But at Athens,
though Philip has taken from you Amphipolis and the
Cardian territory, and is even turning Euboea into a hostile
post, and advancing to attack Byzantium, it is safe to speak
on Philip's behalf. Yea, among these men, some have risen
rapidly from poverty to ^wealth, from meanness and obscurity
to repute and honour, whilst you, on the contrary, have
Mien from honour to obscurity, from wealth to indigence.
For the riches of a state I consider to be allies, confidence,
good-will; of all which you are destitute. And by your
neglecting these things, and suffering your interests thus to
be swept away, Philip has grown prosperous and mighty,
formidable to all the Greeks and barbarians, whilst you are
forlorn and abject, in the abundance of your market magni-
ficent, but in your national defences ridiculous.1
Some of our orators, I observe, take not the same thought
for you as for themselves. They say that you should keep
quiet, though you are injured; but they cannot themselves
keep quiet among you, though no one injures them. Come,
raillery apart, suppose you were thus questioned, Aristode-
mus,2 — " Tell me, as you know perfectly well, what every one
else knows, that the life of private men is secure and free
from trouble and danger, whilst that of statesmen is exposed
to scandal3 and misfortune, full of trials and hardships every
1 The whole of tae foregoing passage is taken, with some little varia-
tion, from the speech on the Chersonese. It certainly would seem
strange, if this Oration had been forged by any grammarian, that he
should have borrowed thus by wholesale from Demosthenes. There is
perhaps less difficulty in the supposition that Demosthenes repeated his
own words.
2 This man was a tragic actor, and charged by Demosthenes with
being a partisan of Philip He was the first person who proposed
peace with Macedonia, shortly before the embassy of ten. "See the
Argument to the Oration on the Peace.
3 I have taken fyiXainov in the passive sense, as it is explained by
Reiske and Schaefer, though it scarcely suits the character of the word.
Compare Shakspeare, Henry V. Act IV. Sc. 1.
0 hard condition, twin-born with greatness,
Subjected to the breath of every fool !
What infinite heart's ease must kings neglect,
That private men enjoy !
L2
148 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
day, how comes it that you prefer, not the quiet and easy
life, but the one surrounded with peril ? " — what should you
say? If we admitted the truth of what would be your
best possible answer, namely, that all you do is for honour
and renown, I wonder what puts it into your head, that you
ought from such motives to exert yourself and undergo toil
and danger, whilst you advise the state to give up exertion
and remain idle. You cannot surely allege, that Aristode-
mus ought to be of importance at Athens, and Athens to be
of no account among the Greeks. Nor again do I see, that
for the commonwealth it is safe to mind her own affairs only,
and hazardous for you, not to be a superlative busy-body.1
On the contrary, to you I see the utmost peril from your
meddling and over-meddling, to the commonwealth peril
from her inactivity. But I suppose, you inherit a reputation
from your father and grandfather, which it were disgraceful
in your own person to extinguish, whereas the ancestry of
the state was ignoble and mean. This again is not so. Your
father was a thief,2 if he resembled you, whereas by the
ancestors of the commonwealth, as all men know, the
Greeks have twice been rescued from the brink of destruc-
tion. Truly the behaviour of some persons, in private and
in public, is neither equitable nor constitutional. How is it
equitable, that certain of these men, returned from prison,
should not know themselves, while the state, that once pro-
tected all Greece and held the foremost place, is sunk in
ignominy and humiliation ?
Much could I add on many points, but I will forbear. It
is not, I believe, to lack of words that our distresses have
been owing either now or heretofore. The mischief is when
you, after listening to sound arguments, and all agreeing in
their justice, sit to hear with equal favour those who try to
defeat and pervert them ; not that you are ignorant of the
men; (you are certain at the first glance, who speak for hire
and are Philip's political, agents, and who speak sincerely for
1 All the translators have mistaken T£V &\\<av ir\iov, which is simply
"more than others," as Wolf explains it.
2 This seems to shock Leland, who spoils the pungency of the ex-
pression by rendering it : "Your father was like you, and therefore base
and infamous." Auger remarks : " L'invective de Demosthene est fort
gloquente, mais bien violente. L'amour de la patrie, contre laquelle
sans doute agissait Aristodeme, peut seul en excuser la vivaeite."
ON THE LETTER. 149
your good;) your object is to find fault with these, turn the
thing into laughter and raillery, and escape the performance
of your duty.
Such is the truth, spoken with perfect freedom, purely
from good-will and for the best : not a speech fraught with
flattery and mischief and deceit, to earn money for the
speaker, and to put the commonwealth into the hands of our
enemies. I say, you must either desist from these practices,
or blame none but yourselves for the wretched condition of
your affairs.
THE ORATION ^ON THE LETTER.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Athenians had been persuaded by the advice of Demosthenes to
solicit the aid of Persia. This was accorded, and events had hap-
pened on the Propontine coast, which made it peculiarly needful.
Towards the close of the year B.C. 342 Philip commenced the siege
of Selymbria, and early in the following year, that city having been
taken, laid siege to Perinthus. But here he met with an obstinate
resistance : Perinthus was strong by nature and well fortified. The
satraps of Western Asia had supplied it with a stock of provisions
and ammunition, and a large body of Greek mercenaries. Byzan-
tium also had sent assistance. Philip, after making great efforts to
take Perinthus by storm, turned the siege into a blockade, and
marched northward against Byzantium. Here he was no more
successful than he had been at Perinthus. The Byzantines had well
prepared themselves to resist his attack, and received powerful aid
not only from their old allies of Cos, Chios, and Rhodes, but also
from other parts of Greece, and especially from Athens. In order to
reconcile the Byzantines to his countrymen, with whom they had
been at variance ever since the Social war, Demosthenes himself
undertook a voyage to the Bosphorus. By his exertions an alliance
was concluded, and an Athenian fleet was sent under the command of
Chares; but Chares being feared and disliked by the Byzantines, they
refused to admit him into the town; and afterwards Phocion was^
despatched with a hundred and twenty ships and a considerable body
of troops. The result of these effective measures was, that Philip*
was baffled in his attempts on both cities, and compelled to raise the
siege.
In the meantime important operations had taken place elsewhere. An
expedition had been sent under the command of Phocion to Eubcea,
of which we have no detailed account, but the result was, that the
150 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Macedonian party was overpowered, and Clitarchus and Philistides,
the partisans of Philip, were expelled from the island. A fleet was
then sent by the Athenians into the Pagaseean bay, which took some
Thessalian towns, and seized Macedonian merchant-men on the
coast. The island of Halonnesus was recovered from Philip by a
sudden incursion of the Peparethians. This was revenged by Philip,
who ravaged Peparethus, and compelled the islanders to restore their
conquest.
Philip saw that peace with Athens could no longer be preserved even in.
name. Under this conviction, and not, as Mitford says, in alarm at
the fourth Philippic, he wrote a letter to the Athenians, (the letter
which follows this Oration,) in which he reproaches them with the
various acts of hostility which they had committed, and concludes
with a virtual declaration of war. An assembly was held, at which
this letter was read, and Demosthenes is supposed to have delivered
the following speech in reply to it. The exact time when the letter
was received is uncertain; but it would appear from the internal
evidence, to have been after the siege of Perinthus had commenced,
and before that of Byzantium, f he arguments of Philip produced
no effect ; things had gone too far for reconciliation ; and it was not
difficult for Demosthenes to obtain a decree for the vigorous prosecu-
tion of the war.
It will be seen on a perusal of the letter and answer/ that the orator
does not attempt, to meet the specific charges and complaints of
Philip. We have nothing but the old arguments, showing the
necessity of succouring Perinthus and Byzantium, as formerly of
succouring Olynthus ; the real weakness of Philip's empire, and the
good chance that by vigorous measures it might be overturned.
Mitford considers that it was impossible to confute the reasoning of
Philip, and therefore that bold invective was the only thing that re-
mained for the orator. And even Leland says, it would have been
difficult to answer the letter particularly, because, though Athens
had the better cause, she had committed many irregularities. I
cannot agree with this view of the question. If Philip had been the
good-natured easy person that Mitford represents, who was raised to
the surface of Greek affairs by the merest accidents, and rather had
greatness thrust upon him by the opposition of the Athenians, than
either sought or desired it himself, then indeed the acts of hostility
which Philip complains of might justly be regarded as breaches of
good faith, and violations by Athens of the law of nations. But I
read the history of the times very differently. Philip had been for
many years pursuing his career of conquest steadily and successfully.
The Chersonese, Euboea, all the possessions of the Athenians, their
commerce and their corn-trade, were at this time in imminent
danger. "War between Athens and Macedonia, if not open, was
understood : argument was out of the question.
But why should Philip address a letter of complaint to a people so bent
on hostilities! Why did the wolf complain of the lamb] An ag-
gressive power has never lacked a pretext for making war in either
ancient times or modern. It was a part of Philip's system, not only
in his dealings with Athens, but with other states, to make friendly
ON THE LETTER. 151
overtures and pacific professions, when he meditated some decisive
blow. By this means he gained credit for moderation with neutral
states, and he created a party for himself within the state which he
had designs upon. He put colourable arguments into the mouths of
his adherents, distracted the efforts of the people, and at all events
gained time for the prosecution of his schemes. It is argued with
much force and justice in the exordium of the Oration on Halon-
nesus, that the tendency of such correspondence was, to deter the
adversaries of Philip from expressing their opinions freely.
But for motives of this kind, Philip would hardly have adopted the
strain of remonstrance which we read in the Letter. He could never
seriously believe, that the Athenians would resign their claims on
Amphipolis, because it belonged to Macedonia in very early times, or
would give up the Persian alliance because it was a disgraceful con-
nexion. It should be observed however that the Athenians afforded
him a handle .for using such arguments, by declaiming in the same
style themselves when it suited them; and Philip perhaps was
pleased at the idea of beating them with their own weapons. The
language of the epistle is simple and dignified, and may be regarded
as a good specimen of a diplomatic paper. The pith lies in the
last clause, which contains a threat of war.
For these reasons it could scarcely have been worth while for the
orator, to answer every particular charge contained in the Letter.
!Nor can such omission be deemed an agument against the genuine-
ness of the Oration. This however has been doubted by many critics;
and it may be allowed, that a good part of the speech is not very
suitable to th.3 occasion upon which it purports to have been spoken.
ATHENIANS ! that Philip, instead of concluding peace with
us, only deferred the war, has now become manifest to you
all. Ever since he gave Halus to the Pharsalians,1 and
settled the Phocian business, and subdued all Thrace, making
fictitious charges and inventing unjust pretexts, he has been
actually carrying on war against Athens; and now in the
letter which he has sent he avowedly declares it. That it
becomes you, neither to fear his power nor to withstand him
ignobly, but with men and money and ships, in short, with
all you have unsparingly to prosecute the war, I will en-
deavour to show.
In the first place, 0 Athenians, you may expect that the
gods are your greatest allies and defenders, when Philip,
violating his faith and disregarding his oaths to them, has
1 Parmenio was besieging Halus in Thessaly during the first embassy
of the Athenians for peace. Philip told the ambassadors, he desired
their mediation between the people of Halus and Pharsalus. He after-
wards took the former city, and gave it up to the Pharsalians, who were
his devoted allies.
152 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
perfidiously broken the peace. In the second place, he has
exhausted all the tricks by which he once rose to greatness,
continually deceiving some people and promising them signal
benefits. It is understood by the Perinthians and Byzantines
and their allies, that he wishes to deal with them in the same
manner that he dealt with the Olynthians formerly: it
escapes not the Thessalians, that he designs to be the master
of his allies and not their chief: he is suspected by the
Thebans, for holding Nicsea1 with a garrison, for having crept
into the Amphictyonic council, for drawing to himself the
embassies from Peloponnesus,2 and stealing their confederacy
from them : so that of his former friends some are at war
with him irreconcilably, some are no longer hearty auxi-
liaries, all are jealous and complaining of him. Besides —
what is of no small moment — the satraps of Asia have just
thrown in mercenary troops for the relief of Perinthus, and
now that hostility has begun between them, and the peril is
imminent if Byzantium should be reduced, not only will
they assist us with alacrity themselves, but they will urge
the Persian king to supply us with money ; and he possesses
greater wealth than all nations put together; he has such
influence over proceedings here, that in our former wars with
Lacedsemon, whichsoever side he joined, he caused them to
vanquish their opponents, and now siding with us he will
easily beat down the power of Philip.
With these advantages, I will not deny, that Philip has by
favour of the peace snatched from us many fortresses and
harbours and other like conveniences for war ; yet I observe,
that if an alliance is consolidated by good-will, and all who
take part in the wars have a common interest, the union is
firm and lasting; whereas, if it be kept up by deceit and
violence, with insidious and ambitious views, (as this of
1 On account of its neighbourhood to the pass of Thermopylae.
2 The Messenians and Arcadians. See the Argument to the second
Philippic. Those people had been the allies of the Thebans since the
time of Epaminondas, but were now more inclined to Philip, as being
better able to protect them. Jacobs renders the following words : und
ein Bundniss mil Jenen beabsichtigt hat, reading irpocupov/j.€vos.
Miifprd, who in his history of Greece has given a full translation of
Philip's letter and the speech in answer, renders this passage vaguely :
" The Peloponnesians he requires to attend him by their embassies,
and to make their alliance with him exclusive."
ON THE LETTER. 153
Philip is,) any slight pretence, any accidental failure, shakes
to pieces and destroys it all in a moment.1 And by much
consideration, men of Athens, I find, not only that the allies
of Philip have come to distrust and dislike him, but that
even his own subjects are not well-disposed or loyal, or what
people imagine. Generally speaking, the Macedonian, power,
as an auxiliary,2 is important and useful, but by itself it is
feeble, and ridiculously disproportioned to these gigantic
enterprises. Moreover this very man by his wars, his expe-
ditions, and all the proceedings which may seem to establish
his greatness, has rendered it more precarious for himself.
Don't suppose, men of Athens, that Philip and his subjects
delight in the same things. Bear in mind, that he desires
glory, they security; he cannot gain his object without
hazard ; they want not to leave parents, wives, and children
at home, to wear themselves out and risk their lives for him
every day.3
Hence one may judge, what the feelings of the Macedonian
people towards Philip are. As to his guards and the leaders
of his mercenaries, you will find they have a reputation for
courage, yet live in greater terror than men of no repute.
For those are in danger only from the enemy ; these fear
flatterers and calumniators more than battles : those together
with the whole army fight their opponents in the field ;
these have their full share in the hardships of war, and it is
also their peculiar lot to dread the humours of the king.
Besides, if any common soldier does wrong, he is punished
according to his desert ; but with these men, it is when they
have achieved the most signal success that they are most
outrageously vilified and abused. No reasonable man can dis-
believe this statement ; for he is reported by those who have
1 Compare the second Olynthiac, p. 47, where this same passage
occurs with some variation.
2 The following is Mitford's translation of this passage — "The Mace-
donian power is become considerable by accretion. Of itself it is weak,,
and utterly unproportioned to support the authority which mus '; ulti-
mately rest on it." 'fhis is a strange mistake. Jacobs' version is: —
Kannzwar die makedonische M adit als Zugabe einen Ausschlag geben,
an sick uber ist sie schwach, und in Kucksicht auf die Grosse der ' Sadie
verachtlich.
3 Many of these observations are applicable to France, harassed and
worn out by conscriptions in the latter part of Napoleon's reign.
154 THE OKATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
lived with him to be so covetous of honour,1 that, wishing all
the noblest exploits to be considered his own, he is more
offended with the generals and officers who have achieved
anything praiseworthy, than with those who have altogether
miscarried.
How then, under such circumstances, have they for a long
time faithfully adhered to him ? Because for the present, men
of Athens, success throws a shade over all this : good fortune
covers the faults of men, screens them wonderfully : but let
him fail in something, and all will be fully revealed. It is
the same as in the human body. When a man is healthy, he
has no feeling of local disorders ; but when he falls ill, every
sore is felt, whether he has a rupture, or a sprain, or any
member not perfectly sound. Just so with monarchies or
other states : whilst they are successful in war, their weak-
nesses are imperceptible to most men ; but when they have
suffered a reverse, (which Philip very likely will, having taken
on him a burden beyond his strength,) all their difficulties
become manifest to the world.
Yet if any Athenian, seeing that Philip has been fortunate,
therefore thinks it hard and terrible to contend with him,
such person, I grant, exercises a prudent forethought. For
indeed fortune is the prime — nay, the sole mover in all the
business of mankind. Nevertheless in many respects might
our good fortune be preferred to Philip's. The leadership
that we have received from our ancestors takes its date, not
before Philip only, but (let me say roundly) before all the
kings that ever reigned in Macedonia. They have paid tribute
to the Athenians, but Athens has never paid tribute to any
nation. We have more title than Philip to the favour of the
gods, inasmuch as we have invariably shown more regard to
religion and justice.
1 In the similar passage, in the second Olynthiac, p. 49, I have
translated $i\<m/Ja jealousy, not, with the majority of translators,
ambition. My reason was, that the Greek word appears to be used in a
bad sense, which would not be suitably expressed by ambition. I con-
cede however that jealousy does not comprehend the whole meaning.
Kor would any single word. Shakspeare's "jealous in honour " has a
somewhat different application. The expression in the text here is
Shakspearian. See Henry V. Act IY. Sc. 3.
But if it be a sin to covet honour,
I am the most offending soul alive.
ON THE LETTER. 155
How comes it then, that Philip has obtained more successes
than you in the former war ? Because, 0 men of Athens, (I
will tell you candidly,) he takes the field himself, he toils, he
faces the danger, letting slip no opportunity, omitting no
season of the year : whilst we — the truth must be spoken r—
sit idling here, delaying always and voting, and asking in the
market-place if there is any news. But what greater news
could there be, than- a man of Macedonia contemning Athe-
nians, and daring to send such an epistle as you have just
heard ? Again ; he keeps soldiers in his pay, aye, and some
of our orators besides, who, imagining they carry his presents
home, are not ashamed to live for Philip, and perceive not,
that they are selling for petty lucre all that belongs to their
country and themselves. We neither attempt to disturb any
of his proceedings, nor like to maintain mercenaries, nor dare
to take the field in person. It is no wonder then, that he has
gained advantages over us in the former war : it is rather
strange that we, doing nothing that becomes a people at war,
expect to vanquish one who pursues all the measures neces-
sary to conquest.
You must reflect on all this, men of Athens, consider that
we have not even the power of saying we are at peace — since
Philip has now declared war and commenced it in earnest —
spare not any treasures, public or private ; march eagerly all
to battle, wherever occasion calls ; and employ better generals
than before. Let none of you suppose, that by the same
proceedings l which have damaged the commonwealth it can
again recover and improve. Imagine not, that while you are
as remiss as you have been, others will strive zealously for
your welfare. Bear in mind how disgraceful it is, that you-r
fathers underwent numerous hardships and fearful dangers
warring with the Lacedaemonians, whilst you will not coura-
geously defend even the well-earned honours which they
bequeathed you ; and that a man springing from Macedonia
is so enamoured of danger, that, to enlarge his empire, he has
1 Auger and the English translators take 81' §>v — 5ia TOVTUV to mean,
persons, supposing yap to refer only to the last clause of the preceding
sentence. I understand yap as referring to the whole of the orator's
advice, not to the last point only. The reader will find that in the
similar passage in the second Olynthiac (26, Bekker's edition) the words
T£V avTu>v TTpd^cav are introduced ; which makes it more probable that
TOVTWV here is neuter. Jacobs and Pabst take it as I do.
156 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
been wounded all over his body fighting with the enemy,
whilst Athenians, whose birthright it is to submit to none,
but to conquer all in war, through slackness or effeminacy
desert the conduct of their ancestors and the interests of their
country.
Not to be tedious, I say we must all prepare ourselves for
war ; the Greeks we must invite, not by words but by deeds,
to espouse our alliance. All speech is idle, unattended by
action ; and Athenian speech the more so on this account,
that we are reputed more dexterous in the use of it than any
of the Greeks.
THE LETTER OF PHILIP.
THE ARGUMENT.
This is the Letter' to which the preceding Oration purports to be »
reply. For the circumstances which gave rise to it, see the Argument
of the Oration.
PHILIP to the senate and people of Athens greeting : —
Whereas I have frequently sent ambassadors, that we may
abide by our oaths and agreements, and you paid them no
regard, I thought proper to write to you concerning the
matters in which I consider myself aggrieved. Marvel not
at the length of this epistle ; for, there being many articles of
complaint, it is necessary to explain myself clearly upon all.
First then; after Nicias the herald was snatched from my
dominions, you chastised not the culprits, but imprisoned the
injured party for ten months ; and my letters, of which he
was the bearer, you read on the hustings.1
Secondly, when the Thasians were receiving in their port
the Byzantine galleys and all pirates that chose to enter, you
took no notice, although the treaty expressly declares, that
whoever act thus shall be enemies.
Again, about the same time Diopitkes made an irruption
1 It is mentioned by Plutarch that a letter from Philip to his Queen.
Olympias, which fell into the hands of the Athenians, was returned un-
opened. But whether it was on this or another occasion, does not
appear.
THE LETTER OF PHILIP. 157
into my territory, carried off the inhabitants of Crobyle and
Tiristasis } for slaves, and ravaged the adjacent parts of Thrace ;
proceeding to such lawless extremities, that he seized Amphi-
lochus who came to negotiate about the prisoners, and, after
putting on him the hardest durance, took from him a ransom
of nine talents. And this he did with the approbation of the
people. Howbeit, to offer violence to a herald and ambas-
sadors is considered impious by all nations, and especially by
you. Certain it is, when the Megarians killed Anthemo-
eritus,2 your people went so far as to exclude them from the
mysteries, and erect a statue before their gates for a monu-
ment of the crime. Then is it not shameful that you are
seen committing the same offence, for which, when you were
the sufferers, you so detested the authors ?
Further, Callias 3 your general took all the towns situate
1 Crobyle must have been in Thrace. Tiristasis is mentioned by Pliny
as a place in the Chersonese. Probably then it was near Cardia, not far
from the isthmus.
2 The Athenians, having charged the people of Megara with pro-
faning a piece of consecrated ground, sent Anthemocritus to admonish
them to desist from the sacrilege. The Megarians put him to death,
and drew upon themselves the wrath of their powerful neighbours, who
passed the decree of excommunication here referred to. The monument
which recorded their impiety was to be seen in the time of Pausanias,
on the sacred road leading from Athens 10 Eleusis.
3 This is the same Callias, ruler of Chalcis, whom we have seen
opposing the Athenians at the time when Phocion was sent to assist
Plutarch of Eretria. (See the Oration on the Peace, p. 75, note.) At
the battle of Tamynae Callias had been aided by Macedonian troops ;
but after the departure of Phocion, and the decline of the Athenian
interest in Euboea, he formed the scheme of bringing the whole island
under his own sway, or at least of making it independent. This did
not suit the views of Philip, and Callias, having lost his favour, tried to
form a connexion with the Thebans. Failing in this attempt, he
determined to unite himself to Athens, and accordingly came over and
concerted with Demosthenes and his party a plan for a revolution in
Euboea. It was not possible to accomplish this by negotiation, owing
to the strength of Macedonian influence, which was confirmed by the
occurrences at Oreus and Eretria. (See the Oration on the Chersonese,
p. 107, note 1.) At length, by the exertions of Demosthenes, a decree
•was passed to send troops into Euboea ; and Phocion, to whom the com-
mand was entrusted, overpowered the Macedonian garrisons, and ex-
pelled Clitarchus and Philistides from the island. This was B.C. 341.
Afterwards, it seems, an Athenian force, under the command of Callias,
crossed the narrow strait that separates the north of Eubcea from
Thessaly, and made the attack, which Philip here speaks of, on the
towns in the bay of Pagasee.
158 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
in the Pagasaean bay, towns under treaty with you and in
alliance with me ; and sold all people bound for Macedonia,
adjudging them enemies ; and on this account you praised
him in your decrees. So that I am puzzled to think, what
worse could happen, if you were confessedly at war with me :
for when we were in open hostility, you used to send out pri-
vateers and sell people sailing to our coast, you assisted my
enemies, infested my country.
Yet more j you have carried your animosity and violence
so far, that you have even sent ambassadors to the Persian,
to persuade him to make war against me : a thing which is
most surprising : for before he gained Egypt and Phoenicia,
you resolved,1 in case of any aggression on his part, to invite
me as well as the other Greeks to oppose him ; but now you
have such an overflow of malice against me, as to negotiate
with him for an offensive alliance. Anciently, as I am in-
formed, your ancestors condemned the Pisistratids for bringing
the Persian to invade Greece : y6t you are not ashamed of
doing the same thing, for which you continue to reproach the
tyrants.2
In addition to other matters, you write in your decrees,
commanding me to let Teres3 and Cersobleptes rule in Thrace,
because they are Athenians. I know nothing of them as
being included in the treaty of peace with you, or as inscribed
on the pillars, or as being Athenians ; I know however, that
Teres took arms with me against you, and that Cersobleptes
was anxious to take the oaths separately to my ambassadors,
1 The time referred to is B.C. 354, when there was a rumour of a
Persian invasion, and a proposal at Athens to declare war against Arta-
xerxes, upon .which Demosthenes made the speech de Symmoriis.
Phoenicia and Egypt were recovered some years after that. The argu-
ment of Philip is, that since the recovery of those provinces Persia was
more dangerous than before, and therefore it was more disgraceful for a
Greek state to be connected with that monarchy.
2 If the Emperor of Russia at the present day was to reproach England
with the alliance of Turkey, designating the Sultan as the common
enemy of Europe, we should scarcely think it worth a serious reply.
His relation to us is not unlike that of Philip to the Athenians; nor
would it be very surprising, if some years hence an English garrison
occupied Constantinople.
3 Of Teres nothing is known, but from this passage: he must have
been a prince in the interior of Thrace. As to Cersobleptes, so fre-
quently mentioned in the orations of Demosthenes, see Appendix III
on the Thracian Chersonese.
THE LETTER OF PHILIP. 159
but was prevented by your generals pronouncing him an
enemy of Athens. How can it be equitable or just, when it
suits your purpose, to call him an enemy of the state, and
when you desire to calumniate me, to declare the same person
your citizen — and on the death of Sitalces,1 to whom you im-
parted the freedom of your city, to make friendship imme-
diately with his murderer, but on behalf of Cersobleptes to
espouse a war with me ? — knowing too as you must, that, of
the persons who receive such gifts, none have the least regard
for your laws or decrees ? However — to omit all else and be
concise — you bestowed citizenship on Evagoras of Cyprus/
1 It is impossible, for the reasons stated in Jacobs' note, that this can
refer to the Sitalces, King of the Odrysse, and ally of the Athenians,
whose wars and death ;are related by Thucydides. He fell in a battle
with the Triballi, and was succeeded by his nephew Seuthes. It was
his son Sadocus, and not he, that was made a citizen of Athens. Tour-
neil tries to get over the difficulty by suggesting that Seuthes was sus-
pected of murdering him ; but there is no evidence that the Athenians
entered into treaty with Seuthes till long afterwards. However, the
circumstances here mentioned exactly apply to Cotys, father of Cerso-
bleptes, who had the honour of Athenian citizenship conferred on him,
for which he showed very little gratitude in his subsequent conduct,
and accordingly, when he was murdered., by Python and Heraclides of
JEnus, the Athenians rewarded them with citizenship and a golden
crown. Sitalces therefore may have been a mistake, or a slip of the pen,
for Cotys. Mitford had come to the same conclusion before Jacobs.
2 Evagoras, the friend of Conon, who assisted the Athenians in the re-
establishment of their independence, was made a citizen of Athens, and
statues of him and of Conon were placed side by side in the Ceramicus.
He aimed at becoming absolute master of Cyprus, and was engaged in
a long war against the Persian king, in which he was ultimately over-
powered, but, on submission to Artaxerxes, was permitted to rule in Sala-
mis. On his death, B.C. 374, he was succeeded by his son Nicocles, who
was father of the Evagoras here referred to. Nicocles did not reign
long, and the young Evagoras was afterwards driven from Salamis by a,
successful usurper. Cyprus was at this period divided among several
princes, who afterwards joined the great rebellion of Phoenicia and
Egypt against Artaxerxes. Meanwhile Evagoras had passed into the
service of the Persian king, and was perhaps dwelling in Caria, when
Idrieus the prince of Caria appointed him, together with Phocion the
Athenian, to command the armament collected for the reduction of
Cyprus. This was B.C. 351. Cyprus was reduced in the following
year ; but Evagoras, instead of being rewarded, as he expected, with
the principality of his native town, was appointed to a government in
Asia. In this he misconducted himself, and fled to Cyprus, where he
was arrested and put to death. The honour which it appears he re-
ceived, of Athenian citizenship, may have been owing to respect to his
160 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and Dionysius of Syracuse,1 and their descendants. Tf you can
persuade the people who expelled each of those princes to re-
instate them in their government, then recover Thrace from
me, all that Teres and Cersobleptes reigned over. But if
against the parties, who mastered Evagoras and Dionysius,
you will not utter a word of complaint, and yet continue to
annoy me, how can I be wrong in resisting you 1
On this head I have many arguments yet remaining, which
I purposely omit. But as to the Cardians, I avow myself
their auxiliary ; for I was allied to them before the peace,
and you refused to come to an arbitration, although I made
many offers, and they not a few. Surely I should be the basest
of men, if, deserting my allies, I paid more regard to you,
who have harassed me all along, than to those who have
always been my steadfast friends.
Another thing I must not leave unnoticed. You have
arrived at such a pitch of arrogance, that, while formerly
you did but remonstrate with me 6n the matters aforesaid, in
the recent case, where the Peparethians complained of harsh
treatment, you ordered your general to obtain satisfaction
from me on their account.2 Yet I punished them less severely
than they deserved. For they in time of peace seized Halon-
nesus, and would restore neither the place nor the garrison,
though I sent many times about them.' You objected3 not
to the injury which the Peparethians /had 'done me, but only
grandfather's memory and his connexion with Phocion. Or perhaps
the honour inherited from his grandfather may be referred to, or pos-
sibly Philip may be confounding the elder and younger Evagoras. At
all events, the comparison is not a happy one.
1 This refers to the younger Dionysius, twice expelled from Syracuse,
first by Dion, B.C. 356, afterwards by Timoleon, B.C. 343. He \vas in
alliance with Sparta, and sent troops to her assistance against Kpami-
nondas. His connexion with Athens began, after she had niMcle common
cause with Sparta: from that time many Athenians resorted to his
court, and (among others) Plato is <?aid to have visited him.
* Peparethus is in the same group of islands with Halonnesus.
Philip's ravaging of Peparethus is spoken of in the Oration for the
Crown. As to these circumstances, see the Argument to the Oration on
Halonnesus.
3 The critics find a difficulty here, because eVto-^Trrw commonly
governs a dative case ; and it has been proposed to read eVeovce^acrfle,
which Auger, Jacobs, and Schaefer prefer. But it might well be, that
Philip's Greek was not the very best Attic; of which there is more
than one example to be found in this letter.
THE LETTER OF PHILIP. 161
to their punishment, well knowing that I took the island
neither from them nor from you, but from the pirate Sos-
tratus. If now you declare, that you gave it up to Sostratus,
you acknowledge to having commissioned pirates ; but if he
got possession against your will, what hardship have you
suffered by my taking it and rendering the coast safe for
navigators 1 I had such regard for your state, that T offered
you the island ; yet your orators would not let you accept it,
but counselled you to obtain restitution, in order that, if I
submitted to your command, I might confess my occupation
to be unlawful, if I refused to abandon the place, your com-
monalty might suspect me. Perceiving which, I challenged
you to a reference of the question, so that, if it were decided
to be mine, the place should be given by me to you, if it were
adjudged yours, then I should restore it to the people. This
I frequently urged ; you would not listen ; and the Pepare-
thians seized the island. What then became it me to do 1
Not to punish the violators of their oaths ? not to avenge
myself on the perpetrators of these gross outrages 1 If
the island belonged to the Peparethians, what business had
Athenians to demand it 1 If it was yours, why resent you
not their unlawful seizure 1
To such a degree of enmity have we advanced, that, wishing
to pass with my ships into the Hellespont, I was compelled
to escort them along the coast through the Chersonese with
my army, as your colonists according to the resolution of
Polycrates were making war against me, and you were sanc-
tioning it by your decrees, and your general was inviting the
Byzantines to join him, and proclaiming everywhere, that he
had your instructions to commence war on the first oppor-
tunity. Notwithstanding these injuries, I refrained from
attacking either your fleet or your territory,1 though I was
1 I take TTJS TroAccos to be the genitive governed by roSv rpirjpcoif and TTJS
%cfy>as, while all other translators take it to be dependent on d.-K^a\&>^v.
Leland and Spillan render it " your city," meaning the city of Athens,
I suppose. Jacobs and Pabst are to the same effect. It appears to me,
that there is no reference here to any measures against Attica or the
city of Athens, nor to any other hostilities against her but such as
might have been taken in the neighbourhood of the Hellespont.
Philip says: " I did not attack either the ships or the territory of your
stale;" that is ; " I neither attacked your fleet which was watching in
the Hellespont to prevent the passage of mine into the Propontis, nor
VOL. I. M
162 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
in a condition to take the greater part, if not all ; and I have
persisted in offering to submit our mutual complaints to arbi-
tration. Consider now, whether it is fairer to decide by arms
or by argument, to pronounce the award yourselves or per-
suade others to do so : reflect also, how unreasonable it is,
that Athens should compel Thasians and Maronites to a
judicial settlement of their claims to Stryme,1 yet refuse to
determine her disputes with me in the same manner, espe-
cially when you know, that, if beaten, you will lose nothing,
if successful, you will get what is in my possession.
The most unaccountable thing of all, in my opinion, is this
— when I sent ambassadors from the whole confederacy/ that
they might be witnesses, and desired to make a just arrange-
ment with you on behalf of the Greeks, you would not even
hear what the deputies had to propose on the subject, though
it was in your power, either to secure against all danger the
parties mistrustful of me, or plainly to prove me the basest
of mankind. That was the interest of the people, but it
suited not the orators. To them — as persons acquainted with
your government say — peace is wrar, and war is peace : for
they always get something from the generals, either by sup-
porting or calumniating them, and also, by railing on your
hustings at the most eminent citizens and most illustrious
did I commit any hostilities in the Chersonese, but only marched
through it, as a measure of necessity, passing along the coast to protect
my fleet." — The presence of a land force on the coast, to protect a fleet,
was not uncommon in Greek warfare. — Francis saw the difficulty of
supposing an allusion to the city of Athens, and has rendered it : " We
restrained ourselves from attempting aught against your republic, your
galleys, and your territories." And Auger too, whose translation is : " Je
vous e*pargnai ; je ne touchai ni a vos vaisseaux ni a vos domaines."
Next to the construction which I adopt, I should prefer taking the two
last genitives as an epexegesis of rfjs ir6\€ws. By the TO. ir\e7a-ra %
7rcu/Ta, I understand both the ships and the towns in the Chersonese.
Philip's boast would be an extraordinary one, according to the majority
of the translators. Mitford avoided the difficulty by rendering rijs
.voters, " your towns. "
1 Maronea and Stryme were neighbouring towns, on the coast of
Thrace, north-east of the island of Thasos. Stryme was founded by
the Thasians, whom the Maronites endeavoured to deprive of their
colony.
2 This seems to have been the embassy that led to the second Philip-
pic. See the argument to that Oration. -By "the whole confederacy,"
he means the Amphictyonic union, and affects to treat the Athenians as
belonging to it.
THE LETTER OF PHILIP. 163
foreigners, they acquire credit with the multitude for being-
friends of the constitution.
Easy were it for me, at a very small expense, to silence
their invectives, and make them pronounce my panegyric.1
But I should be ashamed to purchase your good-will from
these men, who — besides other things — have reached such a
point of assurance, as to contest Amphipolis with me, to
which I conceive I have a far juster title than the claimants.
For if it belongs to the earliest conquerors, how can my
right be questioned, when Alexander my ancestor first occu-
pied the place, from which, as the first fruits of the captive
Medes, he brought the offering of a golden statue to Delphi ? 2
Or, should this be disputed, and the argument be, that it
belongs to the last possessors, so likewise I have the best title ;
for I besieged and took the place from a people, who expelled
you and were planted by the Lacedaemonians.3 But we all
hold cities either by inheritance from our ancestors, or by
conquest in war. You claim this city, not being either the
first occupants or the present possessors, having abode for a
very short period in the district, and after having yourselves
given the strongest testimony in my favour. For I have
1 This observation laid Philip open to a severe retort. What experi-
ence had he of the facility of bribing orators at Athens or elsewhere ? Ir
he had none, it was a gratuitous piece of slander, and an insult to the
Athenians, to suppose their leading statesmen so corruptible. If he
spoke from experience, he proved the justice of what Demosthenes
asserted of him, and the danger to be apprehended from his intrigues.
2 Auger has justly remarked, that Philip's assertion here is contrary
to the historical evidence which has been handed down to us. The city
of Amphipolis did not exist in the time of this Alexander, but was
founded many years after by Hagnon the Athenian. Nor is there any
account of his having gained a victory over the Persians, though
Herodotus speaks of the golden statue which he erected at Delphi. He
was at first compelled to follow in the train of Xerxes, though he after-
wards came over to the Greeks, and his desertion was considered by
them as highly meritorious. It is not unlikely, that there were tra-
ditions concerning him in Macedonia, unknown to the southern Greeks,
and Philip himself might well put faith in them. Supposing the facts
here asserted to be true, the argument, as against the Athenians, who
set up a prior title in point of time, was conclusive. But, except as an
argumentum ad hominem, it could be worth little or nothing.
3 After the death of Brasidas, the Amphipolitans paid divine honours
to his memory, and treated him as their founder, destroying every
vestige of Hagnon the Athenian. Therefore they are spoken of as
being a Lacedaemonian colony.
164: THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
frequently written in letters concerning it, and you have
acknowledged the justice of my tenure, first by making the
peace whilst I held the city, and next by concluding alliance
on the same terms. How can any property stand on a firmer
title than this, which was left to me originally by my fore-
fathers, has again become mine in war, and thirdly has been
conceded by you, who are accustomed to claim what you have
not the least pretensions to ?
Such are the complaints which I prefer. As you are the
aggressors, as by reason of my forbearance you are making
new encroachments, and doing me all the mischief you can,
I will in a just cause defend myself, and, calling the gods to
witness, bring the quarrel between us to an issue.
THE ORATION ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE.
THE ARGUMENT.
The object of this Oration is, to show the necessity of making a
proper application of the public revenue, and compelling every
citizen to perform service to the state. With respect to the first
point, the advice given in the first and third Olynthiacs is in sub-
stance repeated, viz. that the Theoric distributions should be put on
it different footing ; that the fund should either not be distributed at
ail, or that every man should accept his share as a remuneration for
service in the army and navy, or the discharge of some other duty.
This was but a circuitous way of proposing (as before observed) that
the law of Eubulus should be repealed. (See the Argument to the
first Oiynthiac.) It is here further recommended, that the duties
required by the state should be systematically divided among all
classes, and performed with regularity. No specific plan however is
pointed out.
At what time or on what occasion this speech was delivered, we cannot
determine. It is mentioned in the exordium, that an assembly of the
people was held to consider how certain public moneys should be dis-
posed of. But this gives us no clue to the circumstances. There is
no mention of Philip, or of any historical event in connexion witlx
the subject. It is stated by the orator, that he had discussed the same
question before ; and perhaps it may be inferred from hence, that the
present speech was later than the Olynthiacs. Again, it may be pre-
sumed to have been earlier than the fourth Philippic, in which
Demosthenes appears to have changed or modified his views on the
ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. 165
subject of the theoric fund. If however the fourth Philippic be not
genuine, as some persons contend, the last argument can have no
weight.
In consequence of this uncertainty, commentators are not agreed as to
the date of the Oration before us. Pabst and some others think it
was spoken soon after the Olynthiacs. Mitford, following Ulpian,
places it before all the Philippics. Leland and Francis place it after
the Philippics ; but there is very little ground for their opinion.
Dionysius makes no mention of this speech in his letter to Ammaeus ;
and some critics have thought it spurious.
WITH respect to the present money and the purpose for
which you hold the assembly, men of Athens, it appears to
me that two courses are equally easy ; either to condemn
those who distribute and give away the public funds, to gain
their esteem who think the commonwealth is injured by such
means, or to advocate and recommend the system of allow-
ances, to gratify those who are pressingly in need of them.
Both parties praise or blame the practice, not out of regard
to the public interest, but according to their several condi-
tions of indigence or affluence. For my part, I would neither
propose that the allowances be discontinued, nor speak against
them ; yet I advise you to consider and reflect in your minds,
that this money about which you are deliberating is a trifle,
but the usage that grows up with it is important. If you
will ordain it so, that your allowances be associated with the
performance of duty, so far from injuring, you will signally
benefit the commonwealth and yourselves. But if for your
allowances a festival or any excuse be sufficient, while about
your further obligations you will not even hear a word, beware
lest, what you now consider a right practice, you may here-
after deem a grievous error.
My opinion is — don't clamour at what I am going to say,
but hear and judge — that, as we appointed an assembly for
the receiving of money, so should we appoint an assembly for
the regulation of duties l and the making provision for war ;
1 2tWa|rs, which often signifies an assessment of taxes or tribute, is
here used in a more enlarged sense, importing a general arrangement of
political duties, under which every citizen is obliged to perform some
service befitting his age and condition ; for example, to pay taxes, or
serve in the army, or hold some civil office. Thus the word bears a
meaning similar to Shakspeare's Act of Order: Henry V. Act I.
Sc. 2. I have adopted a title to the Oration, which seemed nearer to
the sense than any of the old. Leland calls it;. The Oration on the
Regulation of the State. Francis, On the State of the Republic.
166 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and every man should exhibit not only a willingness to hear
the discussion, but a readiness to act, that you may derive
your hopes of advantage from yourselves, Athenians, and not
be inquiring what this or that person is about. All the
revenue of the state, what you now expend out of your
private fortunes to no purpose, and what is obtained from
your allies, I say you ought to receive, every man his share,
those of the military age as pay, those exempt from the roll l
as inspection-money,2 or what you please to call it ; but you
must take the field yourselves, yield that privilege to none ;
the force of the state must be native, and provided from these
resources ; that you may want for nothing while you perform
your obligations. And the general should command 3 that
force, so that you, Athenians, may experience not the same
results as at present — you try the generals, and the issue of
your affairs is, "Such a one, the son of such a one, impeached
such a one ;" nothing else — bat what results 1 — first, that your
allies may be attached to you not by garrisons, but by com-
munity of interest; secondly, that your generals may not
have mercenaries to plunder the allies, without even seeing
the enemy, (a course from which the emoluments are theirs
in private, while the odium and reproach fall upon the whole
country,) but have citizens to follow them, and do unto the
enemy what they now do unto your friends. Besides, many
operations require your presence, and (not to mention the
advantage of employing our own army for our own wars,) it
is necessary also for other purposes. If indeed you were
content to be quiet, and not to meddle with the politics of
Pabst, Ueber die Einrichtung des Staats. Auger, Sur le Gouverne-
ment de la Republique. Wolf, De Ordinandd Republica. From
some of these expressions it might be inferred, that the speech was
about constitutional reform.
1 The roll in which were inscribed the names of all citizens qualified
to serve in the cavalry or heavy-armed infantry. Men past the military
age were exempt.
2 Pabst : Aufsehergebuhren. It would be the duty of these persons,
who received such fees, to inspect the militia roll, see that it was com-
plete, that all the qualified citizens took their turns of service, were
properly armed and equipped, &c.
3 Le. really and effectually command it; not be reduced by their
necessities to relax the discipline of the troops, or to employ them on a
service foreign to the interests of Athens. See the second Olynthiac,
p. 51, note 1.
ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. . 167
Greece, it would be a different matter : but you assume to
take the lead and determine the rights of others, and yet
have not provided, nor endeavour to provide for yourselves,
a force to guard and maintain that superiority. Whilst
you never stirred, whilst you kept entirely aloof, the people
of Mitylene l have lost their constitution ; whilst you never
stirred, the Ehodians 2 have lost theirs — our enemies, it may
be said — true, men of Athens ; but a strife with oligarchies
for the principle of government should be considered more
deadly than a strife with popular states on any account
whatsoever.
But let me return to the point — I say, your duties must
be marshalled ; there must be the same rule for receiving
money and performing what service is required. I have dis-
cussed this question with you before, and shown the method
of arranging you all, you of the heavy-armed, you of the
cavalry, and you that are neither, and how to make a common
provision for all. But what has caused me the greatest
despondency, I will tell you without reserve. Amid such a
number of important and noble objects, no man remembers
any of the rest, but all remember the two obols.3 Yet two
obols can never be worth more than two obols ; whilst, what
I proposed in connexion therewith, is worth the treasures of
the Persian king — that a state possessing such a force of
infantry, such a navy, cavalry, and revenue, should be put in
order and preparation.
Why, it may be asked, do I mention these things now 1
For this reason. There are men shocked at the idea of en-
listing all the citizens on hire, whilst the advantage of order
and preparation is universally acknowledged. Here then, I
say, you should begin, and permit any person that pleases to
deliver his opinion upon the subject. For thus it is. If you
can be persuaded to believe, that now is the time for making
arrangements, when you come to want them, they will be
ready : but if you neglect the present time as unseasonable,
you will be compelled to make preparations, when you have
occasion for their use.
1 The establishment of oligarchy at Mitylene is again allude^, to in
the speech on the Liberty of the Rhodians.
2 For further particulars with respect to the Rhodians, see the argu-
ment to the speech above referred to.
3 The sum distributed as the price of admittance to the theatres.
1GS THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
It has been said before now, I believe, Athenians, not by
you the multitude, but by persons who would burst if these
measures were carried into effect — "What benefit have we got
from the harangues of Demosthenes? He comes forward
when he likes, he stuffs1 our ears with declamation, he abuses
the present state of things, he praises our forefathers, he excites
and puffs up our imaginations, and then sits down." I can
only say, could I persuade you to follow some of my counsels,
I should confer upon the state such important benefits, as, if
I now attempted to describe them, would appear incredible
to many, as exceeding possibility. Yet even this I conceive
to be no small advantage, if I accustom you to hear the best
advice. For it is necessary, 0 men of Athens, that whosoever
desires to render your commonwealth a service should begin
by curing your ears. They are corrupted: so many false-
hoods have you been accustomed to hear, anything indeed
rather than what is salutary. For instance — let me not be
interrupted by clamour, before I have finished— certain
persons lately, you know, broke open the treasury : 2 and all
the orators cried out, that the democracy was overthrown, the
laws were annihilated ; or to that effect. Now, ye men of
Athens — only see whether I speak truly — the guilty parties
committed a crime worthy of death ; but the democracy is
not overthrown by such means. Again, some oars were
stolen : 3 and people clamoured for stripes and torture, saying
1 Compare Shakspeare, Henry IY. Second Part, Prologue :
Stuffing the ears of men with false reports.
2 The O7rur0u5o/xos was a chamber at the back of the Parthenon, used
for a treasury.
3 If this circumstance in any way related to the story of Antiphon,
mentioned in the Oration on the Crown, it might help to determine the
date of this Oration. But the connexion is not sufficiently apparent.
Leland has the following note on this passage : "We cannot welt
suppose, that the depredations made in their naval stores were really so
slight and inconsiderable as they are represented in these extenuating
terms. A design had lately been concerted of a very momentous and
alarminsr nature, and an attempt made on the naval stores at Athens,
which Demosthenes himself laboured with the utmost zeal to detect
and punish. A man named Antiphon had been for some time con-
sidered an Athenian citizen, till by examination of the registers he
was found to be really a foreigner, was accordingly deprived of all the
privileges of a native, and driven with ignominy from the city.
Enraged at this disgrace, he went to Philip, and proposed to him to
steal privately into Athens and set fire to the arsenal. The Macedonian
ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. 169
the democracy was in danger. But what do I say 1 I agree
with them, that the thief merits death ; but I deny that the
constitution is by such means overturned. How indeed it is
in danger of subversion, no man is bold enough to tell you ;
but I will declare. It is when you, men of Athens, are under
bad leading,1 a helpless multitude, without arms, without
order, without unanimity; when neither general nor any
other person pays regard -to your resolutions, no one will
inform you of your errors, or correct them, or endeavour to
effect a change. This it is that happens now.
And by Jupiter, 0 Athenians, another sort of language is
current among you, false and most injurious to the constitu-
tion ; such as this, that your safety lies in the courts of
justice, and you must guard the constitution by your votes.
It is true, these courts are public tribunals for the decision of
your mutual rights ; but by arms must your enemies be van-
quished, by arms the safety of the constitution must be main-
tained. Voting will not make your soldiers victorious, but
thev who by soldiership have overcome the enemy provide
you with liberty and security for voting and doing what
3^011 please. In arms you should be terrible, in courts of
justice humane.
If any one thinks I talk a language above my position, this
very quality of the speech is laudable. An oration to be
listened readily to the proposal, and by bribes and promises encouraged
him to make the attempt. Antiphon repaired to Athens, and was
lodged in the port, ready to put the enterprise into execution, when
Demosthenes, who received intimation of the design, flew to the
Piraeus, seized and dragged the delinquent before an assembly of the
people. Here the clamours of the Macedonian party were so violent,
that the accusation was slighted, and Antiphon dismissed without the
formality of a trial. He departed, triumphing in his escape, to pursue
his designs with greater confidence. But the court of Areopagus,
whose province it was to take cognizance of all matters of treason
against the state, caused him to be again seized and examined. Torture
forced from him a full confession of his guilt, and sentence of death was
passed and executed upon him. The detection of so dangerous a
design might have quickened the vigilance of the people, and exaspe-
rated their resentment against the least attempts made on their military
stores." This seems to have happened some time after the peace.
] So Pabst : schlecht geleitet. Auger : " ma! gouverne. " Leland :
"without conduct." Wolf takes it in a different sense : <; male educati."
Francis: "held in contempt." I take rn^eVot to be used as in
Thucydides, II. 65, OVK ^yero fj,ci\\ov VTT avroD T) avros ?fte.
170 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
spoken for a state so illustrious, and on affairs so important,
should transcend the character of the speaker, whoever he
be ; it should approximate to your dignity rather than his.
Why none of your favourites speak in such a style, I will
explain to you. The candidates for office and employment go
about and cringe to the voting interest,1 each ambitious to be
created 2 general, not to perform any manlike deed. Or if
there be a man capable of noble enterprise, he thinks now,
that starting with the name and reputation of the state, pro-
fiting by the absence of opponents, holding out hopes to you,
and nothing else, he shall himself inherit your advantages —
which really happens — whereas, if you did everything by
yourselves, you would share with the rest, not in the actions
only, but also in their results. Your politicians and that
class of men, neglecting to give you honest advice, ally them-
selves to the former class : and as you once had boards for
taxes, so now you have boards for politics ; an orator pre-
siding, a general under him, and three hundred men to shout
on either side ; while the rest of you are attached some to
one party, some to the other.3 Accordingly — this is what
you get by the system — such and such a person has a brazen
statue ; here and there is an individual more thriving than
the commonwealth : you, the people, sit as witnesses of their
good fortune, abandoning to them for an ephemeral indolence
your great and glorious heritage of prosperity.
But see how it was in the time of your ancestors ; for by
domestic (not foreign) examples you may learn your lesson of
1 Pabst : Gelien mit sklavischer Demuth herum, um sicli die Begun*
stigung durch, Stimmen zu verschaffen. Auger : " Vous font bassemenfc
la cour, et briguent vos suffrages." Tfjs eVl rat x*lpoTovt'i(T9ai %apn-os, I
understand to mean, " favour or interest for being elected," xapts being
" the favour of the voters towards the candidate." But Reiske takes
X«pjs to signify "the courting of the voters by the candidate," and thus*
explains it : " Ea gratia activa, ea contentio alii gratificandi, studiura
placendi alii, penes quern sit potestas tibi honorem, quern ambis, suf-
fragio tuo addicendi."
2 I have followed Reiske in giving a simple meaning to rcXeo-drj^ai:
But Schaefer thinks, and perhaps with reason, that it means something
more. He says : " Yidetur locutio esse oratoris stomachantis : singuii
operam dantes ut strategic initientur mysteriis : Jeder sicli abmuhend
zum Strategos geweiht zu werden. Pabst translates it : Sicli zu Strategen
weihen zu lassen : thinking it refers to the solemnity of an election by
votes, as contradistinguished from an appointment by lot.
3 See the second Olynthiac, p. 51, note 3.
ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. 171
duty. Themistocles who commanded in the sea-fight at
Salamis, and Miltiades who led at Marathon, and many
others, who performed services unlike the generals of the
present day — assuredly they were not set up in brass nor
overvalued by your forefathers, who honoured them, but
only as persons on a level with themselves. Your forefathers,
0 my countrymen, surrendered not their part in any of those
glories. There is no man who will attribute the victory, of
Salamis to Themistocles, but to the Athenians ; nor the
battle of Marathon to Miltiades, but to the republic. But
now people say, that Timotheus took Corcyra,1 and Iphicrates
cut off the Spartan division,2 and Chabrias won the naval
victory at Naxos : 3 for you seem to resign the merit of these
actions, by the extravagance of the honours which you have
bestowed on their account upon each of the commanders.
So wisely did the Athenians of that day confer political
rewards ; so improperly do you. But how the rewards of
foreigners? To Menon the Pharsalian, who gave twelve
talents in money for the war at Eion4 by Amphipolis, and
1 Timotheus brought back Corcyra to the Athenian alliance, B.C. 376.
The Lacedaemonians attempted to recover it three years after, but were
defeated.
2 At Lechaaum near Corinth. See the first Philippic, p. 66, note ] .
The division of the Lacedaemonian army called popa, which Iphicrates
defeated, was little more than four hundred men. The fame of the
exploit, so disproportioned to the numbers engaged, was owing, partly
to the great renown of the Spartan infantry, which had not been
defeated in a pitched battle for a long period before, and partly to the
new kind of troops employed by the Athenian general. These were the
peltastce or targeteers, who were something between heavy-armed and
light-armed soldiers, combining in some degree the advantages of both.
Their shield (pella) was lighter, their spear and sword were longer.
Until this occasion they had never been fairly tried against the heavy
troops of the line. Afterwards they came into more general use.
3 Which annihilated the Spartan navy, B.C. 376. In this battle
Phocion first distinguished himself.
4 Eion is a city on the Strymon below Amphipolis. In the eighth
year of the Peloponnesian war, when Brasidas had taken Amphipolis,
he sailed down the Strymon to attack Eion, but the town had been put
in a posture of defence by Thucydides the historian, who came to its-
relief with some ships from Thasos. There is no mention in Thucydides
of Menon the Pharsalian. Brasidas had partisans in Pharsalus, and
marched through Thessaly on his expedition to Chalcidice, aided by
some of the nobles of that country. But the Thessalian people in
general sided with the Athenians, and an endeavour was made to pre-
vent his march. Afterwards they stopped the passage of the Spartan
172 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
assisted them with two hundred horsemen of his own re-
tainers/ the Athenians then voted not the freedom of their
city, but only granted immunity from imposts.2 And in
earlier times to Perdiccas,3 who reigned in Macedonia during
the invasion of the Barbarian — when he had destroyed the
Persians who retreated from Platsea after their defeat, and
completed the disaster of the king — they voted not the
freedom of their city, but only granted immunity from
imposts ; doubtless, esteeming their country to be of high
value, honour, and dignity, surpassing all possible obligation.
But now, ye men of Athens, ye adopt the vilest of mankind,
menials and the sons of menials, to be your citizens, receiving
a price as for any other saleable commodity. And you have
fallen into such a practice, not because your natures are in-
ferior to your ancestors, but because they were in a condition
to think highly of themselves, while from you, men of Athens,
this power is taken away. It can never be, methinks, that
your spirit is generous and noble, while you are engaged in
petty and mean employments ; no more than you can be
abject and mean-spirited, while your actions are honourable
and glorious. Whatever be the pursuits of men, their senti-
ments must necessarily be similar.
Mark what a summary view may be taken of the deeds
performed by your ancestors and by you. Possibly from such
comparison you may rise superior to yourselves. They for
a period of five-and-forty years took the lead of the Greeks
by general consent, and carried up more than ten thousand
reinforcements. We can have no difficulty therefore in believing this
story of Menon. There was little regular government in Thessaly ; and
the great families, among whom it was parcelled, would not always agree
in their policy and alliances.
1 The Penestce of Thessaly were serfs or vassals, whose condition was
somewhat like, though superior to, that of the Laconian Helots. They
were in fact the ancient inhabitants, reduced to a state of dependence by
the Thessalian conquerors.
2 Such an immunity, when granted to a foreigner, would exempt
him from customs and harbour dues. In the case of a person like
Menon, it would be little more than an honorary distinction. But to
a citizen or a foreigner residing at Athens an exemption from duties
and taxes would be more important, as we shall see hereafter.
3 It was Alexander who reigned in Macedonia at this time. This
then is either a mistake of the orator, or we may suppose with Lucche-
sini, that Perdiccas, the son of Alexander, was governor of a princi-
pality, and therefore dignified with the kingly title.
ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. 173
talents into the citadel ; and many glorious trophies they
erected for victories by land and sea. wherein even yet we
take a pride. And remember, they erected these, not merely
that we may survey them with admiration, but also that we
may emulate the virtues of the dedicators.1 Such was their
conduct : but for ours — fallen as we have on a solitude2
manifest to you all — look if it bears any resemblance. Have
not more than fifteen hundred talents been lavished ineffec-
tually on the distressed people of Greece 1 3 Have not all
private fortunes, the revenues of the state, the contributions
from our allies, been squandered 1 Have not the allies, whom
we gained in the war, been lost recently in the peace ? * But
forsooth, in these respects only was it better anciently than
now, in other respects worse. Very far from that I Let us
examine what instances you please. The edifices which they
left, the ornaments of the city in temples, harbours, and the
like, were so magnificent and beautiful, that room is not left
1 The trophy, which consisted of armour and spoils taken from the
enemy, was hung up, usually on a tree, near the field of battle, and con-
secrated to some god, with an inscription showing the names of the
conquerors and the conquered. See Juvenal, Sat. X. 133.
Bellorum exuviae, truncis affixa tropaeis
Lorica, et fracta de casside buccula pendens,
Et curtum temone jugum, victseque triremis
Aplustre.
And Virgil, Mu. XI. 5.
Ingentem quercum decisis undique ramis
Constituit iumulo, fulgentiaque induit arma,
Mezenti ducis exuvias; tibi, magne, tropeeum,
Bellipotens.
But sometimes pillars of brass and stone were erected, as lasting
memorials of important victories.
2 I.e. an absence of competitors.
3 What this refers to is unknown. It has been suggested, that Athens
may have sent supplies of corn for the relief of certain Greek cities.
Schaefer, justly considering this an unsatisfactory explanation, prefers
the reading of dTro<TTo\ovs, which Pabsfc follows, and translates, jur die
Seemacht der Hdlenen. There is still however a difficulty in under-
standing what TCOJ/ 'E\\T}V(av means. The passage is suspicious, as being;
a clumsy adaptation of a similar passage in the third Olynthiac. See
p. 58 of this volume.
What this particularly refers to, cannot be understood without
determining the date of the Oration.
174 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
for any succeeding generation to surpass them : yonder gate-
way,1 the Parthenon, docks, porticoes, and other structures,
which they adorned the city withal and bequeathed to us.
The private houses of the men in power were so modest and
in accordance with the name of the constitution, that if any
one knows the style of house which Themistocles occupied,
or Cimon, or Aristides, or Miltiades, and the illustrious of
that day, he perceives it to be no grander than that of the
neighbours. But now, ye men of Athens— as regards public
measures — our government is content to furnish roads, foun-
tains, white-washing, and trumpery; not that I blame the
authors of these works ; far otherwise ; I blame you, if you
suppose that such measures are all you have to execute. As
regards individual conduct — your men in office have (some of
them) made their private houses, not only more ostentatious
than the multitude, but more splendid than the public
buildings ; others are farming land which they have pur-
chased of such an extent, as once they never hoped for in a
dream.
The cause of this difference is, that formerly the people
were lords and masters of all ; any individual citizen was glad
to receive from them his share of honour, office, or profit.
JSTow, on the contrary, these persons are the disposers of emo-
luments ; everything is done by their agency ; the people
are treated as underlings and dependents, and you are happy
to take what these men allow you for your portion.
Accordingly the affairs of the republic are in such a state,
that, if any one read your decrees and recounted your actions
directly afterwards, no man would believe that both came
from the same persons. Take for example the decrees
that you passed against the accursed Megarians,2 when
they were cultivating the sacred ground; that you would
sally forth and prevent and not allow it : your decrees in
1 The Propylaea, which could be seen from the Pnyx, where the
people assembled, and were pointed to by the orator. This was an
ornamental fortification in front of the Acropolis, considered the most
beautiful structure in Athens. It was constructed of white marble, at
an immense expense, in the time of Pericles, and took five years in
building. Particular descriptions of it may be found in Thiri wall's and
Grote's Histories of Greece, and various works on the Antiquities of
Athens.
2 See the Letter of Philip, p. 157, note 2.
ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE. 175
regard to the Phliasians,1 when they were driven lately into
exile ; that you would assist, and not abandon them to the
murderers, and invite the Peloponnesians who were inclined
to join you. All these wrere honourable, men of Athens, and
just and worthy of the country : but the deeds that followed
them, utterly worthless.2 Thus by decrees you manifest
your hostility, yet cannot execute a single undertaking : for
your decrees are proportioned to the dignity of the state,
while your power corresponds not with them. I would advise
you — and let no man be angry with me — to lower your
pride and be content with minding your own business, or to
provide yourselves with a greater force. If I knew you to
be Siphnians or Cythnians3 or any other people of that sort,
I would have advised you to lower your pride; but, as you
are Athenians, I recommend the providing a force. It were
disgraceful, men of Athens, disgraceful, to desert that post of
magnanimity, which your ancestors bequeathed to you.
Besides, even should you desire to withdraw from Grecian
affairs, it is not in your power. For many feats have been
performed by you from the earliest time; and your esta-
blished friends it were disgraceful to abandon, your enemies
you cannot trust and suffer to become great. In short, the
position which your statesmen hold relative to you — they
cannot retire when they choose — is precisely that which you
have arrived at : for you have interfered in the politics of
Greece.
I can sum up all that has been spoken, men of Athens.
1 The Phliasians had for some time been at enmity with their neigh-
bours the Argives, partly in consequence of their attachment to
Sparta. When the Thebans invaded Peloponnesus, BC. 366, Chares
was sent from Athens to assist the Phliasians, whose city -was threatened
by the confederates. The events here referred to must have been of a
much later date, though we cannot exactly determine it. We learn
from Diodorus, that as early as B.C. 374 some Phliasian exiles made an
ineffectual attempt to betray their city to the Argives. It seems, this
attempt was afterwards repeated with more success. Whether Philip
had anything to do with it, as Lucchesini supposes ; or whether the
A/gives alone, or in conjunction with their Peloponnesian allies,
effected the reduction of Phlius, we cannot ascertain. The exiled
party implored the assistance of Athens, and obtained the promises
which the orator refers to.
2 I agree with Schaefer's interpretation. Others take the words
differently, as Auger : " Les actions qui devoient suivre, oil sont-elles V9
3 Siphnos and Cythnos are small islands in the .flSgean sea.
176 THE ORATLONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
Your orators never make you either vicious or good, but you
make them whichever you please : for you aim not at what
they desire, but they at what they suppose to be your objects.
You therefore must begin by having noble purposes, and all
will be well. Either men will abstain from unworthy coun-
sels, or will gain nothing by them, having none to follow their
advice.
THE ORATION ON THE NAVY BOARDS.
•, •
THE ARGUMENT.
This was (according to Dionysius) the first speech delivered by Demos-
thenes before the popular assembly. The date of it was B.C. 354; the
occasion as follows.
In the second year of the Social war Chares, who commanded the
Athenian fleet, either from inability to maintain his troops, or from
motives of selfish avarice, or both causes combined, went into the
service of Artabazus, the Ionian satrap, then in revolt against
Artaxerxes. To him Chares rendered important assistance, and
received a rich recompense in money. At first this measure was
approved of at Athens ; but in the beginning of the next year an
embassy was sent by Artaxerxes, to prefer a formal complaint against
Chares, for his violation of the peace between Athens and Persia.
Chares was immediately ordered to quit the service of Artabazus;
but the Athenians soon received intelligence, that the Persian king
was making vast naval preparations, and they conjectured, not without
reason, that these were intended to support their revolted allies.
Accordingly they hastened to put an end to the Social war, in which
they had met with nothing but disasters, and the same year a nego-
tiation was opened with the allies, and a peace concluded, by whick
their independence was acknowledged.
Meanwhile the Persian armament was still talked of at Athens, and
there were rumours of a threatened invasion, which excited alarm in
some, and stirred up the patriotism of others. Statesmen of the old
school recalled to mind the glorious days of their ancestors, and
imagined the time was come for taking vengeance on the common
enemy of Greece. Isocrates was a patriot of that class, as we learn
from his extant orations. Others, less honest than Isocrates, took
advantage of the general agitation, and would, for selfish purposes,
have precipitated their country into a useless and unseasonable war.
An assembly was held to consider what measures should be adopted.
A proposal was actually made, to declare war against Persia, and
invite the other states of Greece to join in the common cause.
Orators who supported this motion declaimed about the older times,
boasted of Marathon and Salamis, flattered the vanity of their
ON THE NAVY BOABDS. 177
countrymen, and appealed to the national prejudices. What the
temper of the assembly was, may partly be gathered from the
following Oration. Demosthenes rose, (then in his thirty-first year of
age, according to others, in his twenty-eighth ;) and in a calm and
temperate speech dissuaded the Athenians from adopting any such
absurd resolution. He pointed out the folly of commencing hostili-
ties, which they had not sufficient means to carry on : that the
project of uniting the Greeks for such a purpose was chimerical :
they were too jealous of one another and especially of Athens, to
join in any aggressive war, though they might possibly combine to
resist a Persian invasion, if it were really attempted. At present
there was no cause for alarm : if Athens would keep quiet, the
Persian king would leave her alone ; but if she attacked him without
provocation, he would in all probability get some of the Greek people
on his own side. The true way of averting the supposed danger was,
not to begin the attack, but to put the country in a posture of
defence, so that, whether menaced with war from Persia or from any
other quarter, they might not be taken unprepared. How to make
their defensive preparations, was the chief thing to be considered ;
and to this question Demosthenes addressed himself in so masterly
and practical a style, that in the youthful orator might already be
discerned the future statesman.
In this speech there is no effort to make a display of eloquence : it is
confined to the giving of useful and simple advice. A definite plan
is proposed for the regulation of the Athenian navy, by which the
number of ships might be increased to three hundred, and a pro-
vision made for their speedy and punctual equipment. To effect this
object, Demosthenes proposes a reform, from which the Oration takes
its title, in the system of Symmorice, or Boards for the Management
of the Trierarchy : for a full explanation whereof I must refer to
Appendix Y. at the end of this volume. The details of the proposed
scheme are plainly set forth in the Oration itself, and will easily be
understood by the reader, when he has made himself acquainted
with the general features of the existing law.
It is pleasing to see Demosthenes, at the outset of his political career,
coming forward to moderate the intemperate zeal of the people,
to allay the ferment excited by factious demagogues and foolish
dreamers — showing himself at the same time attached to the govern-
ment of his country, and even to the form of her institutions, while
he is desirous of adapting them to circumstances, and correcting the
abuses by which their proper working was impeded. Here indeed
is struck the key-note of that which for many years continued to be
the policy of this great man : viz. to uphold the dignity of Athens on
the basis of wise laws, to maintain her independence by the spirit and
exertions of her own people, to rally round her, for empire and for
safety, a host of willing confederates, united by the bonds of common,
interest, mutual confidence and esteem.
IT appears to me, 0 Athenians, that the men who praise
your ancestors adopt a flattering language, not a course
beneficial to the people whom they eulogise. For attempting
VOL. I. x
178 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
to speak on subjects, which no man can fully reach by words,
they carry away the reputation of clever speakers themselves,
but cause the glory of those ancients to fall below its estima-
tion in the minds of the hearers. For my part, I consider
the highest praise of our ancestors to be the length of time
which has elapsed, during which no other men have been able
to excel the pattern of their deeds. I will myself endeavour
to show, in what way, according to my judgment, your pre-
parations may most conveniently be made. For thus it is.
Though all of us who 1 intend to speak should prove ourselves
capital orators, your affairs, I am certain, would prosper
none the more : but if any person whomsoever2 came forward,
and could show and convince you what kind and what
amount of forj|j^will be serviceable to the state, and from
what resources it should be provided, all our present appre-
hensions would be removed. This will I endeavour to do, as
far as I am able, first briefly informing you, what my opinion
is concerning our relations with the king.
I hold the king to be the common enemy of all the Greeks;
yet not on this account would I advise you, without the rest,
to undertake a war against him. For I do not observe that
the Greeks themselves are common friends to one another ;
on the contrary, some have more confidence in him than in
certain of their own people. Such being the case, I deem it
expedient for you, to look that the cause of war be equitable
and just, that all necessary preparations should be made, and
that this should be the groundwork of your resolution. For
I think, men of Athens, if there were any clear and manifest
proof that the Persian king was about to attack the Greeks,
they would join alliance and be exceedingly grateful to those,
who sided with and defended them against him : but if we rush
into a quarrel before his intentions are declared, I fear, men of
Athens, we shall be driven to a war with both, the king and '
the people whom we are. anxious to protect. He will suspend
his -designs — if he really has resolved to attack the Greeks —
will give money to some of them and promise friendship i
they, desiring to carry on their private wars with better
1 Eeiske makes a difficulty about the ot jueAAoz/res \tyziv. I under-
stand it thus. Demosthenes guessed that many other orators woul'd
. follow him on the opposite side of the question. He endeavours oy a
gentle sarcasm to weaken the effect of their arguments.
2 This is a modest allusion to himself.
ON THE NAVY BOARDS. 179
success, and intent on projects of that kind, will disregard the
common safety of all.
I beseech you, not to betray our country into such embar-
rassment and folly. For you, I see, cannot adopt the same
principles of action in reference to the king as the other
Greeks can. It is open, I conceive, to many of them^ to pro-
secute their selfish interests and neglect the body of the
nation : it would be dishonourable in you, though you had
suffered wrong, to punish the offenders in such a way, as to
let any of them fall under the power of the barbarian.
Under these circumstances, we must take care, that we our-
selves engage not in the war upon unequal terms, and that
he, whom we suppose to entertain designs upon the Greeks, do
not gain the credit of appearing their friend* * How can it be
managed 1 By giving proof to the world, that the forces of
our state are mustered and prepared, and that possessing such
forces we espouse sentiments of justice. To the over-daring,
who are vehement in urging you to war, I have this to say :
— It is not difficult, in the season for deliberation to earn the
repute of courage, or, when danger is nigh, to be exceeding
eloquent : it is however both difficult and becoming, in the
hour of danger to exhibit courage, in counsel to find better
advice than other men.
It is my opinion, men of Athens, that a war with the king
would distress our republic, though any action in the course
of the war would be an easy affair. Why so 1 Because, me-
thinks, every war necessarily requires a fleet and money and
posts ; and of all these things I perceive that he has a greater
abundance than ourselves : but for action, I observe, nothing
is so much needed as brave soldiers, and of these, I imagine,
wre and our confederates have the greater number. My advice
therefore is, that we should by no means begin the war,
though for action we ought to be fully prepared. If indeed
there were one description of force wherewith barbarians
could be resisted, and another wherewith Greeks, we might
reasonably perhaps be regarded as arraying ourselves against
Persia: but since all arming is of the same character; and
your force must amount to the same thing,1 namely, the
means of resisting your enemies, of succouring your allies, of
1 Jacobs: es immer dabei auf dieselben Hauptsaclien ankommt.
Pabst : €3 bei einer Kriegsmacht auf dieselben Hauptpunkte ankommt.
N'2
180 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
preserving your valuable possessions ; why, when we have
professed enemies,1 do we look out for others 'I why do we not
rather prepare ourselves against the former, and be ready to
resist the king also, if he attempt to injure us ?
And now you invite the Greeks to join you. But if you
will not act as they desire, some of them having no good-will
towards you, how can you expect they will obey your call ?
Because, forsooth, they will hear from you that the Persian
has designs against them. And pray, do you imagine they
don't foresee it themselves'? I believe they do: but at present
this fear outweighs not the enmity, which some of them bear
towards you and Cowards each other. Your ambassadors then
will only travel round and rhapsodize.2 But when the time
1 This refers principally to the Thebans, between whom and the
Athenians an enmity had subsisted ever since the severance of their
alliance, when the Athenians, jealous of the growing power of Thebes
under Epaminondas, went over to the side of Sparta. This enmity was
increased by the events of the Sacred war, which had now been raging
for two years, and in which the Thebans were engaged as principals on
one side, while the Phocians received assistance from Athens and
Lacedeemon. The Locrians and most of the tribes of Thessaly, then in
alliance with Thebes, are to be reckoned among the enemies, whom
Demosthenes refers to : perhaps also the Olynthians and the revolted
subjects of Athens.
* I have chosen to preserve the original word, which has come into
use familiar enough in our own language. Francis has done the same.
Leland has: "the remonstrances of your ambassadors will but appear
like the tales of idle wanderers." Jacobs : werden eure Gesandten
niclits ausrichten, sondern mit irhem Spruche wie Bdnkelsdnger
umhtr ziehn. The meaning is, that they will go about from city to
city, and repeat the same idle tale or sing-song, which no one will listen
;to : as Pabst expresses it : vergeblich dasselbe Lied wiederholen. The
rhapsodists were a class of persons who in the early times of Greece
went about reciting pieces of poetry, and in particular the Homeric.
By the constant practice of reciting, they could retain an immense
number of verses in their memory ; and, before the art of writing was
much known, this talent was a source of amusement and instruc-
tion, and made the rhapsodist welcome wherever he came. In the
time of Demosthenes this class of men had fallen into disrepute, and
indeed their occupation was nearly gone. Afterwards pcn//o>5etj> came
to be synonymous with (j)\vap€w, "to talk nonsense, to string words
together without meaning;" and in this sense the word has been appro-
priated to our own language. Compare Shakspeare, Hamlet, Act III.
£c. 4.
Oh, such a deed,
As from the body of contraction plucks
The very soul, and sweet religion makes
A rhapsody of words.
ON THE NAVY BOARDS. . 181
comes, if what we now expect be really brought to pass, I fancy
none of the Greek community rate themselves so high, that,
when they see you possessed of a thousand horse, as many in-
fantry soldiers as one could desire, and three hundred ships,
they would not come with entreaties, and regard such aid as
their surest means of deliverance. The consequences then are — •
by inviting them now, you are suppliants, and, if your petition
be not granted, you fail : whereas, by waiting your time and
completing your preparations, you save men at their own
request, and are sure they will all come over to you.
Swayed by these and the like considerations, men of Athens,
I sought not to compose a bold harangue of tedious length :
but have taken exceeding pains in devising a plan, the best
and the speediest, for getting your forces ready. It will
be for you, to hear it, and, if it meet your approval, to vote
for its adoption.
The first and most essential part of preparation, men of
Athens, is to be so disposed in your minds, that every citizen
is willing and earnest to perform his duty. For you see,
0 Athenians : whenever you have had a common wish, and
every man has thought afterwards, that the accomplishment
belonged to himself, nothing has ever escaped you ; but when
you have wished only, and then looked to one another, each
expecting to be idle while his neighbour did the work, none
of your designs have been executed.
You being so animated and determined, I advise that we
fill up the twelve hundred and make two thousand, adding:,
eight hundred to them : for if you appoint that number,..,
1 reckon that, after deducting the heiresses and wards, and
holders of allotments and partnership property,1 and persons ;
1 The persons here enumerated were exempt from service of tlie^
Trier ar clda. Heiresses and wards were exempt, because, although thej
might have property enough to defray the contingent expense, yetthrv
service was connected with a personal trust, which by reason of ses:
and age they were incapable of performing. The colonial allottees
(K\-npouxoi) were exempt, by reason of their absence. (See p. 101, note 2.)
Kowcwol are any partners or joint owners, who would fairly be exempt,
when the share of each was not sufficient to qualify him ; as in the
case suggested by Harpocration, of brothers having an undivided in-
heritance. The operation of the law would be as follows. The state in
the first instance looks to the visible property of the citizens, such as
land, houses, stock in trade or agriculture. A register is formed of the
twelve hundred owners of property most competent to §e.rve the office
182 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
in reduced circumstances, you will still have your twelve
hundred members. Of them I think you should make
twenty boards, as at present, each having sixty members.
Each of these boards I would have you divide into five sec-
tions of twelve men, putting always with the wealthiest person
some of the least wealth, to preserve equality. And thus
I say the members ought to be arranged : the reason you will
understand, when you have heard the whole scheme of arrange-
ment. But how about the ships 1 I recommend you to fix
the whole number at three hundred, and forip. twenty divisions
of fifteen vessels each, giving five of the first hundred and
five of the second hundred and five of the third hundred to
each division ; then allot one division of fifteen ships to every
board of men, and let the board assign three ships to each of
their own sections.
When these regulations have been made, I propose — as the
of trierarch. This register continues the same, until circumstances
have happened which call for an alteration ; and, practically speaking,
the same families continue for a long period in the register. But (says
Demosthenes) the thing worked so, that at any given time, when there
•was a call for service, the register could not be depended on for the
•whole number. Thus, the name of Timon is found in the register ; but
Timon is dead, and the estate has descended to his three sons, or his
three brothers, who are not liable, because the share of each is inade-
quate. Or Timon has sold his property, and it is in the hands of three
or four partners. Or Timon has mortgaged it, and become himself too
poor to undertake the office. There would not be time always to
investigate the excuses alleged by the registered party, or the condition
of his heirs or successors. That false excuses and evasions were some-
times resorted to, we learn from the orators. On the other hand, the
presumption against a maa, from his name being in the register, would
sometimes operate unjustly to a man in reduced circumstances. The
law of the exchange was indeed a mode of relief, but attended with
difficulty. (See Appendix Y.)
We may suppose, that when a registered estate was found to have
devolved upon several joint proprietors, the excuse would at once be
admitted in the first instance ; though, if a man's separate estate, toge-
ther with his joint estate, were of the requisite amount, one can hardly
suppose he would escape ultimate liability. Thus, if Callias be one of
Timon's heirs, his share of that inheritance not being sufficient to serve
the trierarcliy, and his other property not being sufficient, but both
together being sufficient, he would not have his name immediately
substituted for Timon's, but the fact afterwards appearing, either in a
judicial contest, or on a general revision of the register, his name would
be entered.
With respect to the adjectives opfyavMwv, &c.; I understand (rw^druiVf
"persons of the class of orphans," &o.
ON THE NAVY BOARDS. 183
rateable capital of the country is six thousand talents l — in
order that your supplies may be apportioned, you should
divide this capital and make a hundred parts of sixty talents
each ; then allot five of these hundredth parts to each of the
twenty larger boards, and let the board assign one hundredth
part to each of their own sections ; so that, if you have need
of a hundred ships, sixty talents may be applied2 to the
expense, and there may be twelve to serve as commanders ; 3
if of two hundred, there may be thirty talents applied to the
expense, and six persons to serve ; if of three hundred, there
may be twenty talents defraying the expense, and four
persons to serve.
In the same manner, 0 Athenians, I advise that all the
furniture of the ships, which is out on loan,4 should be valued
according to the register, and divided into twenty parts ;
that you then allot one good5 portion to every large board ;
that every board distribute equal shares among their own
sections; that the twelve in each section call their imple-
ments in, and get the ships which are severally allotted to
them in readiness. Thus do I think the supplies, the vessels,
the commanders, and the collection of implements, may be
most effectually provided and arranged. How the manning
may be made sure and easy, I proceed to explain.
I say the generals should divide the dockyards into ten
departments, taking care that there be thirty docks in each
as near as possible to one another ; and when they have done
this, let them attach two boards and thirty ships to each
of these departments, then allot the tribes and the several
commanders to each dockyard, so that there may be two
boards, thirty ships, one tribe. And whichever department
be allotted to a tribe, let them divide it in three and the
1 See Appendix IV.
2 I.e. that shall be the proportion of the whole rateable capital, upon
which a tax shall be levied to meet the expense. It is a short way of
expressing this. See Appendix IV. and V.
3 Trierarcks. The name was kept up, when it had become a matter
of contribution and civil trust, rather than of naval service. So, the
Lord High Admiral of our own government might never have seen
the sea.
4 It was customary for individuals to borrow the naval implements
and stores from the public arsenal, when the state had no occasion for
them.
5 Al. ^prjcrrwj/, debtors.
184 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
ships likewise, and then allot the third of a tribe to each, so
that of the whole dockyards there may be one division belong-
ing to every tribe, and the third of a tribe may have the third
part of every division, and you may know, in case of neces-
sity, first, where the tribe is stationed, next, where the third
of the tribe next, who are the commanders and how many
ships there are ; and the tribe may have thirty ships, and
every third of a tribe have ten. Let the system be only put
in train, and though we should forget something now — for it
is difficult to make all the details perfect — it will be ascer-
tained in the working ; and there will be one arrangement
for all the ships and every division.
In regard to money and real supplies, I know that I am about
to make an extraordinary statement, yet still it shall be made ;
for I am persuaded that, on a correct view, I alone shall be
found to have declared and predicted the truth. I say, we
ought not at present to speak of money : a supply there is,
if occasion require it, ample, honourable, and just : if we look
for it immediately, we shall not think we have it even in
reserve ; so far shall we be from providing it now ; but if we
leave it alone, we shall have it. What then is this supply,
which hath no being now, but will exist hereafter ? — for cer-
tainly it is like a riddle. I will explain.
You see the extent of this city, men of Athens. It contains
treasures equal, I may almost say, to the rest of the states
put together. But the owners are so minded, that — if all
your orators alarmed them with intelligence that the king
was coming, that he was at hand, that the danger was in-
evitable— if, besides the orators, an equal number of persons
gave oracular warning — so far from contributing, they would
not even discover their wealth or acknowledge the possession.
Yet if they knew that these proceedings, so terrible in report,
were actually begun, there is not a man so foolish, who would
not be ready to give and foremost to contribute. For who
would rather perish with all his possessions, than contribute
a part of his possessions to preserve himself and the re-
mainder 1 Thus, I say, we have money against the time of
actual need, but not before. And therefore I advise you not
to search for it now. Indeed what you would raise, if you
determined to raise it, would be more ridiculous than nothing
at all. For example : — Let a tax be proposed of one per cent
OX THE NAVY BOARDS. 185
— there are sixty talents. Let twice as much, namely two
per cent, be proposed — there are a hundred and twenty. But
what is this to the twelve hundred camels, which, these
men say, carry the king's gold 1 Let me suppose however,
that we contributed the twelfth of our property, five hun-
dred talents. This you would not submit to ; but if you
did pay it, the sum would be insufficient for the war. Your f
proper course then is, to complete your other preparations ;
let the owners retain their money for the present ; (it can-
not be in better keeping1 for the state ;) and should the
occasion ever arrive, then take it from them in voluntary
contributions.
These, 0 my countrymen, are practicable measures, thes©
are honourable and advantageous, fit to be reported as your
proceedings to the king ; and by them no little terror would
be excited in him. He knows right well, that by three hun-
dred galleys, whereof we furnished a hundred, his ancestors lost
a thousand ships ; and he will hear that we ourselves have now
equipped three hundred ; so that, were he ever so mad, he could
hardly deem it a light matter to provoke the hostility of our
republic. Should he however entertain an overweening con-
fidence in his wealth, even this he will find to be a weaker
support than yours. He is coming, they say, with gold. ;
But if he give it away, he will lack supplies : for even wells
and fountains are apt to fail, if you draw from them con-
stantly and by wholesale. He will hear that the valuation of
our land is a capital of six thousand talents. That we shall
defend it against invaders from that quarter, his ancestors
who were at Marathon would know best : and certainly, as
long as we are victorious, money can never fail us.
Nor is there, as it appears to me, any ground for what
some persons fear, that having money he will collect a large
body of mercenaries. I do indeed believe, that against Egypt2
1 Direct taxation in time of peace, when there is no urgent necessity,
is like killing the goose for the golden eggs.
2 Egypt had been in a state of revolt from Persia ever since the
reign of Darius Kothus. An attempt was made to recover it by his
successor Artaxerxes Mnemon, who engaged the services of the Atlie^
nian Iphicrates, and sent him with a powerful fleet and army under the
satrap Pharnabazus B.C. 374. This expedition failed, owing to the mis-
conduct of Pharnabazus. After the accession of Artaxerxes Ochus,
repeated efforts were made to reconquer this valuable province. At
186 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and 0 routes,1 and any other barbarians, many of the
Greeks would be willing to serve in his pay, not that he may
subdue any of those adversaries, but in order to obtain sup-
plies for themselves to relieve their several necessities. Against
Greece however I do not believe that any Grecian would
march. For whither could he betake himself afterwards?
Go to Phrygia and be a slave 1 — Kemember, a war with the
barbarian can be for no other stake, than for country and
life and customs and freedom and everything of the kind.
Who then is so wretched, that he would sacrifice himself,
parents, sepulchres, fatherland, for the sake of a paltry pit-
tance ? I believe, no man. But further — it . is not even the
king's interest, that mercenaries should conquer the Greeks.
"For they that conquer us must have been his masters already :
and he desires, not to subdue us and then be dependent on
others, but to rule, if possible, over all ; if that be not possible,
at least over his present subjects.
Should any one think the Thebans will be on his side— I
know it is difficult to speak to you about that people : you
hate them so, you will not like to hear even the truth or any-
thing favourable of them — however men who are considering
important questions must not omit any useful argument on
any pretext. My opinion then is, the Thebans, so far from
being likely to join him in any attack upon Greece, would
length about the year B.C. 348 or later the king collected a considerable
force of Greek mercenaries, and marched against Egypt in person.
Mentor of Rhodes, and the Theban Lacrates greatly distinguished
themselves in the king's service on this occasion, and Egypt was again
brought under the dominion of Persia ; in which it remained until the
overthrow of that empire by Alexander.
1 Orontes was satrap of Mysia in the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon.
He joined the great conspiracy of the satraps and the king of Egypt in
the year B.C. 362. He was chosen to command their forces, and en-
trusted with a large fund which had been collected to carry on the war.
He was induced however to change sides ; and the trust which had been
reposed in him enabled him to betray his party to the king most
effectually. Other rebels followed his example ; and this confederacy
•which at one time had threatened the very existence of the Persian
monarchy, was suddenly dissolved. What "became of Orontes after
•wards, is unknown. The other satraps who joined this coalition were
Ariobarzanes of Phrygia, -Autophradates of Lydia, Datames of Cappa-
docia, and Mausolus king of Caria. Datames was a man of great
ability. The treacherous manner in which his destruction was accom-
plished is recorded by Cornelius Nepos, who wrote his life.
ON THE NAVY BOzVRDS. 187
give a large sum of money, if they had it, for the opportunity
of repairing their former offences against her.1 But supposing
the Thebans to be so utterly wrongheaded, of this at least you
are all aware, that, if the Thebans are in his interest, their
enemies must necessarily be in the interest of the Greeks.
I believe then, that our cause (the cause of justice) and its
adherents will be better armed against all adversaries than
the traitors and the barbarian can be. And therefore my
advice is — be not over-alarmed at the war; neither be led on
to commence it. I do not see indeed, that any other people
of Greece have reason to fear this war. For which of them is
ignorant, that whilst, looking on the Persian as a common
enemy, they were in concord among themselves, they enjoyed
many advantages ; but since they have regarded him as a
friend and quarrelled about private disputes with each other,
they have suffered greater calamities than could have been
wished in pronouncing a curse upon them ? Then should we
fear a man, whom fortune and heaven declare to be unpro-
1 The Thebans had always been reproached for siding with Xerxes
against the Greeks. (See the second Philippic, p. 83.) After the
capture of Thebes by Alexander, this old charge was (not very fairly)
revived against them by their enemies : " studia in Persas non praa-
sentia tan turn, verum et vetera adversus Grsecise Hbertatem increpantes;
quamobrem odium eos omnium populorum esse :" as Justin says. The
penalty which had been denounced against them ever since the Persian
war was then inflicted, and Thebes was rased to the ground.
Here we find Demosthenes speaking more liberally of the Thebans
than his countrymen were wont to do. The Athenians, besides their
recent grounds of quarrel, had a long standing enmity with that people,
arising out of various causes. The Thebans had been their most bitter
opponents in the Peloponnesian war, and at its termination had pro-
posed to destroy Athens altogether. Their merciless treatment of the
Plateeans, both in that war, and afterwards B.C. 373, when they destroyed
the city, could never be forgotten by the Athenians, between whom and
the Plataeans the closest friendship had subsisted ever since the battle
of Marathon. Neighbourhood had brought the two people into frequent
contest about their frontiers; and their estrangement was increased
by dissimilarity of character, customs, and institutions. Athenians
sneered at Boeotian stupidity, while they had reason to dread Theban
arms : and Thebans were jealous of a city, which by its external splen-
dour and attractions of every kind so greatly eclipsed their own.
Sixteen years after this speech was delivered, Thebes and Athens were
united in a mortal struggle against a common enemy ; yet owing to
their long dissension, the utmost difficulty was found in bringing them
together; and this was only effected by the powerful exertions of
Demosthenes.
188 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
fitable as a friend, and useful as an enemy ] Let us do no
such thing ! Yet do him no injustice either ; having regard
to ourselves, and to the disturbances and jealousies among
the other people of Greece. If it were possible with one heart
and with combined forces to attack him alone, such an injury
I would not have pronounced an injustice. But since this
cannot be, I say we must be cautious, and not afford the
king a pretence for vindicating the rights of the other Greeks.
As long as we remain quiet, any such attempt on his part
would awaken suspicion ; but if we are the first to commence
hostilities, it will naturally be thought, that he courts their
friendship because of his enmity with us.
Do not expose the melancholy condition of Greece, by con-
voking her people when you cannot persuade them, and mak-
ing war when you cannot carry it on. Only keep quiet, fear
nothing, and prepare yourselves. Let it be reported of you
to the king — not (for heaven's sake) that all the Greeks and
the Athenians are in distress and 'alarm and confusion ; which
is very far from the truth — but that, if falsehood and perjury
were not considered as disgraceful by the Greeks, as by him
they are considered honourable, you would have marched
against him long ago ; that you will forbear to do this for
your own sakes, but you pray unto all the gods, that he may
be inspired with the same madness that his ancestors were
formerly. Should he come to reflect on these matters, he will
find that your resolutions are taken with prudence. He
knows assuredly, that Athens by her wars with his ancestors
became prosperous and great, whilst by the repose, which she
enjoyed before, she was not raised above any Grecian state so
much as she is at present. And as to the Greeks, he per-
ceives that they stand in need of some mediator, either a
voluntary or an involuntary one ; and he knows that he
should himself step in as such a mediator, if he stirred up
war. Therefore the accounts that he will receive from his
informants will be intelligible and credible.
Not to trouble you, men of Athens, with over-many words,
I will give a summary of my advice and retire. I bid you
prepare yourselves against existing enemies, and I declare
that with this same force you should resist the king and all
other people, if they attempt to injure you ; but never com-
mence an injustice either in word or deed. Let us look that
ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS. 189
our actions, and not our speeches on the platform, be worthy
of our ancestors. If you pursue this course, you will do ser-
vice, not only to yourselves, but also to them who give the
opposite counsel ; since you will not be angry with them
afterwards for your errors committed now.1
THE ORATION ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS.
SHE ARGUMENT.
This Oration was delivered B.C. 351 on the following occasion.
Jn the island of Rhodes, as in divers other of the Grecian states, there
had been many contests between the deraocratical party and the
oligarchical. At the close of the Peloponnesian war it was in the
hunds of an oligarchy, under the protection of Lacedcemon. About
the year 396 Conon, being at the head of a considerable fleet in that
part of the jEgean, drove the Peloponnesians from the port of
Rhodes, and compelled the islanders to renew their connexion with
Athens. Democracy was then re-established ; but four years after-
wards the opposite faction again prevailed, a Spartan fleet made its
appearance, the popular leaders and the friends of Athens were
banished or put to death. For the next thirty years or more following
that event little is known of Rhodian history. After the destruction
of the Spartan navy, Rhodes with most of the ^Egean isles returned
to the Athenian confederacy, and we may fairly presume that a new
democratical revolution was effected in the island during that period.
But in the year 358 a rupture of a most serious kind took place
between Rhodes and Athens, pregnant with disastrous consequences
to both. This was the breaking out of the Social war, the immediate
causes of which are obscurely reported to us, though there is suffi-
cient evidence to show, that the provocation to revolt proceeded
from the misconduct, or at least the imprudence of the Athenians
themselves.
We learn from various parts of Demosthenes, especially from the
Oration on the Chersonese, (p. 105,) how the Athenian commanders
at this period, sent out with inadequate forces and supplies, were
tempted or driven to commit irregularities, amounting often to acts
of plunder and violence, in order to maintain their armaments or
carry on their wars. Not confining their aggressions to the enemies
1 The speech of Demosthenes was so far successful, that it calmed the
excitement of the Athenians ; and they were content to make a show of
preparation, without adopting any actual measures of war. In the
following Oration he refers with some satisfaction to this result.
190 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
of Athens, or even to neutrals, they harassed the allies, by extorting
from them loans and contributions, and thus brought the name of
their country into general odium and discredit. It seems that Chares,
having the command of a fleet destined to act against Amphipolis,
and conceiving himself to hold large discretionary powers, sailed to
Rhodes, and by his vexatious and arbitrary proceedings so irritated
the people, that they were ready on the first opportunity to throw off
their connexion with Athens. The islands of Cos and Chios had
been alienated from the Athenians by similar causes, and desired to
recover their independence. These three states entered into a league
with Byzantium, which in fact had been meditated some years before,
and raising a fleet powerful enough set the Athenians at defiance,
commenced the Social war, which, after a three, years' continuance,
was terminated (as we have seen) by a peace humiliating to Athens,
B.C. 355.
In the course of this war the allies received assistance from Mausolus,
king of Caria. He had formed the design of annexing Rhodes to
his own dominions, to which it was so conveniently adjacent ; but
there was little hope of accomplishing this purpose, unless he could
sever it from the Athenian alliance. The oligarchical party in Rhodes,
still watching for a new revolution, were easily brought over to his
views ; and at the close of the war a Carian garrison was introduced into
the island, which established the oligarchy, and in effect brought the
island in subjection to a foreign yoke. The Rhodians had no hopes of
recovering their liberty ; they had lost the protection of a powerful
state; while Mausolus could obtain effectual aid from the Persian king,
whose vassal he was, and to whom it was important to acquire any of
the islands near Asia Minor. Mausolus died in the year B.C. 353, and
was succeeded by his queen Artemisia. In her reign the government
of Rhodes became oppressive to the people ; who at length resolving
to throw off their yoke, sent a deputation to Athens, to implore her
assistance. These petitioners, who were not very favourably received
at Athens, found an advocate in Demosthenes.
It was natural to expect, that there would be a strong feeling at Athens
against a people who had deeply injured her. A very few years had
elapsed since the Social war, and the events were fresh in the memory
of all. To overcome this feeling of resentment was the principal
difficulty which an advocate of the Rhodian people had to encounter.
Demosthenes appeals to the higher and nobler feelings of his country-
men. Motives of honour, generosity and compassion should in-
fluence Athenians : it was not worth while to remember the wrongs
done them by so insignificant a people as the Rhodian; they should
consider only what was due from them to Athens and to Greece. It
was their duty as well as their interest, to vindicate the liberties of a
Greek people under oppression, and more especially to defend the
cause of popular government against oligarchs and tyrants. Unless
they] did so, their own constitution rcight soon be in danger ; for '.
there was a perpetual strife going on between oligarchy and demo-
cracy, and, if all other democracies were put down, the Athenian must
be assailed at last. It was urged on the other side, that interference
with Rhodes might provoke the hostility of the Persian king.
ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS. 191
Demosthenes contends, that the loss of Rhodes, which did not
properly belong to him, was not likely to provoke the king ; that in.
the present state of the Persian empire both he and Artemisia would
probably remain neutral ; but that at all events the Athenians ought
to espouse the cause of the Rhodian people, even at the risk of
Persian hostility.
I THINK, men of Athens, that on a consultation of such
moment you ought to grant liberty of speech to every one
of your advisers. For my own part, I have never thought
it difficult to make you understand right counsel — for to
speak plainly, you seem all to possess the knowledge your-
selves— but to persuade you to follow it I have found dif-
ficult ; for when any measure has been voted and resolved,
you are then as far from the performance as you were from
the resolution before.
One of the events, for which I consider you should be
thankful to the Gods, is that a people, who to gratify their
own insolence went to war with you not long ago, now place
their hopes of safety in you alone. Well may we be rejoiced
at the present crisis : for if your measures' thereupon be
wisely taken, the result will be, that the calumnies of those
who traduce our country you will practically and with credit
and honour refute. The Chians, Byzantines, and Rhodians,
accused us of a design to oppress them, and therefore com-
bined to make the last war against us. It will turn out, that
Mausolus, who contrived and instigated these proceedings,
pretending to be a friend of the Ehodians, has deprived them
of their liberty ; the Chians and Byzantines, who called them
allies, have not aided them in misfortune ; whilst you, whom
they dreaded, are the only people who have wrought their
deliverance. And, this being seen by all the world, you will
cause the people in every state to regard your friendship as
the token of their security : nor can there be a greater bless-
ing for you, than thus to obtain from all men a voluntary
attachment and confidence.
I marvel to see the same persons advising you to oppose
the king on behalf of the Egyptians,1 and afraid of him in the
1 This can have no reference to the expedition, conducted by the
king in person, when by aid of the Greek mercenaries he finally con-
quered Egypt. For that expedition certainly took place at a later
period, though the exact date is a matter of controversy. See Thirl-
wall's History of Greece, vol. vi. p. 142, note 2. It appears from
192 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
matter of the Rhodian people. All men know, that the latter
are Greeks, the former a portion offois subjects. And I think
some of you remember, that, when you were debating about
the king's business, I first came forward and advised — nay, I
was the only one, or one of two, that gave such counsel —
that your prudent course in my opinion was, not to allege
your quarrel with the king as the excuse for your arming, but
to arm against your existing enemies, and defend yourselves
against him also, if he attempted to injure you. Nor did I
offer this advice without obtaining your approval ; for you
agreed with me. Well then : my reasoning of to-day is con-
sistent with the argument on that occasion.1 For, would the
Diodorus, that there had been various attempts made by Artaxerxes to
recover Egypt, and it is likely enough that the Egyptian king applied
to Athens for succour, and that the question of granting succour was dis-
cussed at Athens. The Athenians however appear to have abstained from
all interference, not wishing to violate their treaty of peace with Persia.
Chabrias indeed was appointed to command the fleet of Tachos in
361 B.C., but Diodorus expressly states that he was not sent out by his
country, but went as a volunteer at the solicitation of Tachos. On the
last occasion, when Artaxerxes applied to Athens for assistance against
Egypt, the Athenians refused it, but promised neutrality. The passage
of Diodorus above referred to is in lib. xvi. s. 40, and the words are
as follows : — " The Egyptians having revolted from Persia at a former
period, Artaxerxes Ochus, not liking war, remained himself inactive,
but despatched troops and generals, and incurred numerous failures by
the cowardice and ignorance of his commanders. Wherefore he was
despised by the Egyptians, but forced to submit, by reason of his in-
dolence and love of peace. At this crisis however, as the Phoenicians
and princes of Cyprus had followed the example of the Egyptians, and
broken into rebellion out of contempt for his authority, he was roused
to anger and resolved on war with his revolted subjects. He decided
not to commission generals, but to contend in person for the preserva-
tion of his empire." It appears from another circumstance in the nar-
rative of Diodorus, that the king had not commenced his final invasion
of Egypt when this speech was delivered. It did not take place,
according to the historian, till after he had given orders for the expedi-
tion against Cyprus; but those orders were given to Idrieus, after he
had succeeded to the kingdom of Caria, which w^as at the close of the
year 351 ; and at the time of the speech Artemisia was alive. There is
a great difficulty attending the inference that we must draw from
Diodorus, that the king only once invaded Egypt in person ; for it is
not only inconsistent with the express statement of Isocrates, quoted by
Thirl wall in the passage above-mentioned, but it is not easily recon-
cilable with the language of Demosthenes in this Oration, (below,
page 194.)
_ J The argument runs thus — I advised you then [in the last Oration]
ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS. 193
king take me to his counsels, I should advise him as I advise
you, in defence of his own possessions to make war upon any
Greeks that opposed him, but not to think of claiming domi-
nions to which he had no manner of title. If now it be your
general determination, Athenians, to surrender to the king all
places that he gets possession of, whether by surprise, or by
deluding certain of the inhabitants, you have determined, in
my judgment, unwisely : but if in the cause of justice you
esteem it your duty, either to make war, if needful, or to
suffer any extremity ; in the first place, there will be the less
necessity for such trials, in proportion as you are resolved to
meet them ; and secondly, you will manifest a spirit that
becomes you.
That I suggest nothing new, in urging you to liberate the
Ehodians — that you will do nothing new, in following my
counsel — will appear, if I remind you of certain measures
that succeeded. Once, 0 Athenians, you sent Timotheus out
to assist Ariobarzanes,1 annexing to the decree, " that he was
not to declare war against Persia, because such war would have been
aggressive, and attended with serious difficulties. At the same time I
recommended you to make defensive preparations, as the surest means
of averting hostilities on the side of Persia, or defeating them if under-
taken. I now advise you to assist the Khodians, on the same principle
that I counselled measures of defence ; because they are a Greek people,
with whom the Persian king has no right to interfere. It is not his
interest to interfere with them, if he sees you in earnest (as you ought
to be) for their defence : so I should tell him myself, if I were his
adviser : and therefore I calculate he will be neutral.
The state of the Persian empire at this time fully justified the calcu-
lation of Demosthenes. See the last note.
1 Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia, was concerned in the rebellion of
B.C. 362. See p. 186, note. It seems that, in soliciting Athenian aid,
which he obtained the more easily on account of his connexion with the
state — he having received the honour of citizenship — Ariobarzanes had
concealed the object of his preparations ; and therefore the Athenians,
in sending Timotheus, took the precaution of restricting his powers in
the way mentioned by the orator. „ Timotheus, in return for some
service which he had done, was helped by the satrap to get possession of
Sestus and Crithote in the Chersonese. Cornelius Kepos praises the
Athenian general, because, instead of getting any private recompense
from Ariobarzanes, he had looked only to the advantage of his country ;
while Agesilaus, who had gone out on the same service, took a pecu-
niary reward for himself. Timotheus then proceeded to besiege Samos,
which was occupied by a Persian garrison, and took it in the course of
the following year. Isocrates the orator, who acted as the secretary of
VOL. I. 0
194 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
not to infringe your treaty with the king." Timotheus, seeing
that Ariobarzanes had openly revolted from the king, and
that Samos was garrisoned by Cyprothemis, under the ap-
pointment of Tigranes, the king's deputy, renounced the
intention of assisting Ariobarzanes, but invested the island
with his forces and delivered it. And to this day there has
been no war against you on that account. Men will not
fight for aggressive purposes so readily as for defensive. To
resist spoliation they strive with all their might ; not so to
gratify ambition : this they will attempt, if there be none to
hinder them ; but, if prevented, they regard not their oppo-
nents as having done them an injury.
My belief is, that Artemisia would not even oppose this
enterprise now,1 if our state were embarked in the measure.
Attend a moment and see, whether my calculation be right
or wrong. I consider — were the king succeeding in all his
designs in Egypt, Artemisia would make a strenuous effort
to get Rhodes into his power, not from affection to the king,
but from a desire, while he tarried in her neighbourhood,2
to confer an important obligation upon him, so that he
might give her the most friendly reception : but since he
Timotheus, was at the siege of Samos, and praises the general for
having taken it with little or no cost to Athens.
The occupation of Samos by the Persians was an infringement of the
peace of Antalcidas, by the terms of which the Greek islands were to
be independent. Therefore the conduct of Timotheus, in wresting
Samos from Persia, afforded an apt illustration for the argument of
Demosthenes.
1 Leland erroneously translates this as follows : " !N"or do I think
that Artemisia will act contrary to these principles." The position of
of the word ot)5e shows this to be wrong. Jacobs renders it: Glaube
icli nun aber, dass Artemisia der Stadt, wenn sie sich auf dieses
Unternehmen einliesse, Jceinen Widerstand thun wurde.
2 These words, ir\^<nov avrr\s Siarpipoj/ros e/ceiVov, which are loosely
rendered by most translators, suppose the case of Artaxerxes having
conquered Egypt in person. In that event he would be brought nearer
to Caria, than if he had remained at Susa. Then would Demosthenes
put this case here, if he had not heard of. an expedition conducted by
the king in person] One can hardly think he would. Leland and
other critics, assuming that Demosthenes speaks of the final invasion
which led to the conquest of Egypt, explain the words, irpdrroj/ros a's
XiytTo.1 Kal Si-fyuaprrj/coTos, by suggesting that false rumours may have
.come to Athens. This however does not solve the whole difficulty; and
it seems more probable, that there were two occasions on which Arta-
xerxes marched in person against Egypt. See p.' 191, note.
ON THE LIBERTY OF THE BHODIANS. 195
fares as they report, having miscarried in his attempts, she
judges that this island — and so the fact is — would be of no
further use to the king at present, but only a fortress to over-
awe her kingdom, and prevent disturbances. Therefore it
seems to me, she would rather you had the island, without
her appearing to have surrendered it, than that he should
obtain possession. I think indeed, she will send no suc-
cours at all,1 but, if she do, they will be scanty and feeble.
As to the king — what he will do, I cannot pretend to know ;
but this I will maintain, that it is expedient for Athens to
have it immediately understood, whether he means to claim
the Rhodian city or not : for, if he should, you will have to
deliberate not on the concerns of Rhodes only, but on those
of Athens and all Greece.
Even2 if the Rhodians, who are now in the government,
had held it by themselves, I would not have advised you to
espouse their cause ; not though they promised to do every-
thing for you. But I see, that in the beginning, in order to
put down the democracy, they gained over a certain number
.of citizens, and afterwards banished those very men, when
they had accomplished their purpose. I think therefore,
that people who have been false to two parties,3 would be no
steadier allies to you. And never would I have proffered this
counsel, had I thought it would benefit the Ehodian people
only ; for I am not their state-friend,4 nor is any one of them
connected with me by ties of private hospitality. And even
if both these causes had existed, I would not have spoken,
unless I had considered it for your advantage. Indeed, as
far as the Rhodians are concerned, if the advocate for their
1 To the Rhodian government, in case of Athenian interference : as
Schaefer rightly explains it.
•• 2 Leland mistranslates this : " Yet, were these Rhodians who now
possess the city strong enough to maintain their possession, I should
not have advised you to grant them aid :" as if Demosthenes actually
did advise the Athenians to aid the Rhodian government. And then
he has a long note, which is transcribed by Jacobs, to explain this mis-
.translation. The meaning of Demosthenes is as follows : — If this had.
been a question not between Rhodes and a foreign power, but only
between the Rhodian government and the popular party, still I would
have advised you to side with the latter against the former.
3 I.e. to the people- at large, and to the select few whom they asso-
ciated with themselves in the first instance.
4 See p. 97, note 2.
o2
196 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
deliverance may be allowed to say so, I am rejoiced at what
has happened — that, after grudging to you the recovery of
your rights, they have lost their own liberty ; and, when they
might have had an alliance on equal terms with Greeks and
their betters, they are under subjection to barbarians and
slaves, whom they have admitted into their fortresses.1 I
•would almost say. that, if you determine to assist them, these
events have turned out for their good. For, during pro-
sperity, I doubt whether they would have learned discretion,
being Rhodians;2 but since they are taught by experience,
that folly is mightily injurious to men, they may possibly
perhaps become wiser for the future ; and this I think would
be no small advantage to them. I say therefore, you should
endeavour to rescue these people, and not harbour resent-
ment, considering that you too have often been deceived by
miscreants, but for no such deceit would you allow that you
merited punishment yourselves.
Observe also, men of Athens, that you have waged many
wars both against democracies and against oligarchies — this
indeed you know without my telling — but for what cause you
have been at war with either, perhaps not one of you con-
siders. What are the causes 1 Against democratical states
your wars have been either for private grievances, when you
could not make public satisfaction, or for territory, or boun-
1 Vitruvius relates a stratagem, by which Artemisia got complete
dominion of Rhodes. The Rhodians had plotted with a party in
Halicarnassus to overthrow the Carian government, and sent a fleet
with troops to assist in the execution of their design. The troops
landed and advanced to the city, where the inhabitants were ranged
under the walls as if to give them a friendly reception. But this was
clone by order of Artemisia, who had discovered the plot and laid an
ambush for the Rhodians. They were surrounded and slain. Artemisia
took their ships, and put a Carian force on board, which sailing to
Ehodes, and being mistaken by the people for their own armament
returning, got possession of the Rhodian capital. If the story be well
founded, the occurrence was probably later than this Oration, which
refers to no act of hostility between the Rhodians and the ruler of
Caria. It should be noticed, that besides the capital city of Rhodes,
there were other considerable and much more ancient towns in the
island, Lindus, lalysus, and Camirus.
2 Homer calls the Rhodians ayepwx01* which is translated magnanimi
or superbi, and seems to be a term of praise. Though the orator
speaks slightingly of them, they became celebrated for their commerce
and their laws.
OX THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS. 197
claries, or a point of honour, or the leadership : against
oligarchies, for none of these matters; but for your constitu-
tion and freedom. Therefore I would not hesitate to say, I
think it better that all the Greeks should be your enemies
with a popular government, than your friends under oligar-
chal. For with freemen I consider you would have no diffi-
culty in making peace when you chose; but with people
under an oligarchy even friendship I hold to be insecure. It
is impossible that the few can be attached to the many, the
seekers of power to the lovers of constitutional equality.
I marvel none of you conceive — when the Chians and
Mitylenseans are governed by oligarchies, when the Rhodians
and nearly all people are about being drawn into this slavery
— that our constitution is in the same peril : and none
consider, it is impossible, if all establishments are on the prin-
ciple of oligarchy, that they will let your democracy alone.
They know too well, that no other people will bring things
back to the state of liberty : therefore they will wish to
destroy a government, from which they apprehend mischief
to themselves. Ordinary doers of wrrong you may regard as
enemies to the sufferers only ; they that subvert constitutions
and transform them into oligarchies must be looked upon,
I say, as the common enemies to all lovers of freedom. And
besides, men of Athens, it is right that you, living under self-
government, should show the same feeling for a free people in
misfortune, that you would expect others to have for you in
case of a similar calamity ; which I trust may never befal !
Though indeed it may be said that the Rhodians have had
their deserts, the occasion is not a fit one for triumph : the
fortunate should always be seen to interest themselves for the
benefit of the unfortunate, since the future is uncertain to
all men.1
I often hear it said before this assembly, that, when our
commonwealth was in misfortune, certain people were soli-
citous for its preservation; among whom — I will here
1 The Melian orator, in the debate written by Thucydides, warns the
Athenians not to be cruel and oppressive to others, for fear of retaliation
at some future time ; lest, rendering no mercy, they should find none.
Demosthenes recommends a still higher policy, to succour the unfor-
tunate ; to win golden opinions in the hour of prosperity, and secure
friends against the day of misfortune.
198 • THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
mention a little circumstance of the Argives alone.1 I would
not have you, famous as you have ever been for succouring
the distressed, appear in a matter of this kind inferior to the
Argives : who, inhabiting a country adjacent to the Lacedse-
monians, seeing them to have dominion over land and sea, did
not fear or hesitate to show their attachment to you, but even
passed a vote — when ambassadors had come from Lacedsemoii
(as we are told) to demand certain Athenian refugees — that,
unless they departed before sunset, they should be adjudged
enemies. Would it not be disgraceful, my countrymen, if,
when the commons of Argos dreaded not the power and
empire of the Lacedaemonians in those times, you, who are
Athenians, should be frightened at a person of barbarian
origin, and a woman too ? They indeed might allege, that
they have often been defeated by the Lacedaemonians : whereas
you have often vanquished the king, and not once been
defeated either by the king himself or by his subjects ; for, if
ever the king has obtained an advantage over our state, he
has obtained it in this way — and in no other — by bribing the
betrayers of Greece and the basest of her people. And even
such advantage has not benefited him. At the very time, when
he had enfeebled Athens by aid of the Lacedaemonians, you
will find him struggling for his kingdom with Clearchus and
Cyrus.2 Thus he has neither beaten us openly, nor done him-
self any good by his intrigues. There are some, I observe^
who are used to slight Philip 3 as a person of no account, but
1 This occurred soon after the Peloponnesian war, when Athens was
under the dominion of the thirty tyrants, and a large number of Athe-
nian citizens were compelled to seek safety in exile.
2 It was to the pecuniary assistance of Persia, obtained by the
management of Lysander, that the Spartans were mainly indebted for
their success in the Peloponnesian war. A few years afterwards Cyrus,
who had been most active in the Spartasi<*cause, marched from his
province in Asia Minor to contend for the crown with his brother
Artaxerxes. Clearchus commanded the Greek mercenaries in his
service. The death of Cyrus, who was slain charging at the head 01
his troops in the battle of Cunaxa, delivered Artaxerxes and his king-
dom from further danger. This expedition is the subject of Xenophpn's
Anabasis. The retreat of the ten thousand Greeks, (after the treacherous
murder of their generals,) under the skilful conduct of Xenophon
himself, is one of the most interesting pieces of Grecian history.
3 About a year only had elapsed since the speaking of the first
Philippic. Whatever effect that speech may have produced at the time,
it seeins to have made no lasting' impression. The inaction of Philip
ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS. 199
'dread the king as an enemy terrible to any that he chooses.
However, if we are not to oppose the one, because he is con-
temptible, and yield everything to the other, because he is
formidable, against whom shall we take the field, 0 Athenians'?
There are persons here, men of Athens, famous for advo-
cating the rights of others against you ; to whom I would
give one little piece of advice — to undertake the defence of
your rights against others, that they may set an example of
dutiful conduct. It is absurd for any one to instruct you in
•the principles of justice, without acting justly himself: and it
is not just, that a citizen should have considered the argu-
ments against you, and not the arguments in your favour.
Look you, I pray ! How happens it there is none in Byzan-
tium, who will admonish them not to take possession of
Chalcedon,1 wiiich belongs to the king, and you held it once,
•and by no manner of title is it theirs ? — also that they are
not to make Selymbria,2 a city formerly in your alliance,
tributary to themselves, and that Byzantium is not to deter-
mine the limits of the Selymbrian territory, contrary to the
-oaths and the treaties, by which it is declared that the cities
shall be independent ? And none has there been to advise
Mausolus in his lifetime, none since his death to advise Arte-
misia, not to seize upon Cos3 and Rhodes and other Grecian
in the two following years relieved the Athenians from any immediate
apprehension of danger. They were roused to new alarm by the
rupture of Philip with Olynthus.
1 Chaleedon, founded by the Megarians on the Asiatic coast of the
Bosphorus, was called the city of the blind, because the settlers had
overlooked the more beautiful spot on the European coast, where after-
wards Byzantium (site of the modern Constantinople) was built. The
fate of Chalcedon, like many other towns similarly situated, was to fall
alternately under the dominion of Persia, Athens, -and Lacedaemon.
It was taken from the Lacedemonians by Alcibiades, but surrendered to
Lysander after the <SW^sive battle of aEgos-Potamos. The peace of
Antalcidas restored it to Persia. At this time the Byzantines, who had
acquired considerable power since the Social war, were endeavouring to
draw it over to their alliance.
2 Selymbria is on the Propontine coast, between Byzantium and
Perinthus.
3 The island of Cos, celebrated as the birthplace of Hippocrates
the physician and Apelles the painter, lies a little off the coast of
Caria, not far from Halicarnassus. It is mentioned in the Oration on
the Peace, that Cos, Chios, and Rhodes were seized upon by the Carian
government. (See p. 80.) Shortly before this time the city of Cos had
200 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
cities, which the king their master ceded by his treaty to the
Greeks, and for which the Greeks of that period sustained
numerous perils and honourable contests. Or, if they have
both of them1 such a monitor, yet seemingly there are none
to follow his advice.
I esteem it a just measure, to restore the Rhodian demo-
cracy : yet, granting it were not just, when I look at the
conduct of these people, I conceive it right to advise the
measure.2 And why ] Because, 0 Athenians, if all men
were inclined to observe justice, it would be disgraceful for
us alone to refuse ; but, when all the rest are seeking the
power to do wrong, for us to profess high principle and
undertake no enterprise, would in my opinion be not justice,
but cowardice. I see that men have their rights allowed
them in proportion to their power : of which I can produce
an example familiar to you all. There are two treaties
between the Greeks and the king ; that which our republic
made, which is universally praised^ and this latter one, con-
cluded by the Lacedaemonians, which is the subject of com-
plaint.3 And the definition of rights in both the treaties is
been rebuilt on a scale of great splendour, and had become one of the
richest and most beautiful in Greece.
1 I.e. the Byzantines and Artemisia.
2 Demosthenes may seem here to be setting up expediency against
right and justice ; but his reasoning, properly understood, does not
amount to this. He means to say — in the politics of nations it is im-
possible, that the same rules of justice, which ought to regulate the
conduct of individuals towards each other, can be strictly applied. To
a great people, in order that they may perform their duty to weaker
states and administer justice on a large scale, the maintenance of power
is essential. They must not permit their neighbours, because they are
nominally at peace with them, to commit aggressions upon neutral states.
The end of such acquiescence would be the destruction of their own
empire. Such is the principle on which in modern times our own and
other governments have frequently gone to war, to preserve the balance
of power in Europe. To apply this argument to the present case —
Persia has a treaty of peace with Athens : therefore Athens ought not
to attack Persia. But Persia has oppressed Rhodes : therefore Athens
may break the treaty with Persia, because Persia has committed art
injustice, tending (at least in its remote consequence) to ruin Athens.
In reality the protection of Rhodes against Persia is not an act of
injustice ; but granting for argument's sake that it is, Athens has done
right in committing it; and the discussion about justice or injustice is
nothing but a verbal dispute.
3 The first of these treaties is supposed to be the peace of Cimon,
ON THE LIBERTY OF THE RHODIANS. 201
not the same. For, although private political rights are
granted by the laws impartially to all, the same for the weak
as for the strong ; the rule of Hellenic right is prescribed by
the greater powers to the less. 1
Since then it is your fixed resolution to pursue a just
policy,2 you must look that you have the means to carry it
according to which the Greek cities on the coast of Asia Minor were
made independent, the Persian king was precluded from approaching
the coast within the distance of a day's journey on horseback, and from
sending any ship of war between the Cyanean islands at the mouth of
the Bosphorus and the Chelidonian islands off the Lycian coast.
Whether this peace was made after the battle of the Eurymedon, gained
by Cimon over the Persians B. c. 466, or after his expedition to Cyprus
B.C. 449, has been a matter of controversy; and some historians have
doubted whether such a peace was ever made.
The second of the treaties here referred to is the peace cf Antalcidas,
negotiated by the Lacedaemonians B.C. 387; according to which the
Greek cities were to be independent, Sparta retaining her dominions in
Peloponnesus, and Athens keeping only Lemnos, Imbrus, and Scyrus;
the Greek cities of Asia, and the islands of Cyprus and Clazomenaa
were acknowledged to belong to the Persian empire. The Laceda>
monians, by sacrificing the Asiatic Greeks to Persia, detached that
monarchy from the Athenian alliance, and were enabled to maintain
their own ascendancy over the Grecian states.
1 The argument is thus pursued — In national affairs right follows
might. An illustration of this is afforded by the two treaties with
Persia. In each case the various claims and questions of right were
settled upon a different plan, and according to a different rule.- This
proves that there can be no fixed principle of international justice, by
which the relations of different states to each other can be immutably
preserved. The civil law of every free country prescribes a uniform rule
of right and justice for all. But there is no such rule in the law of
nations, as experience demonstrates.
2 This observation is in accordance with the argument as above
explained. He assumes that his countrymen were sincerely desirous of
acting on the principle of justice, but contends that they could not
carry out their purposes by abstaining from interference with other
nations. If they espoused the cause of the oppressed, they would be
looked up to and respected as the patrons of freedom ; if they kept
aloof, they would be despised, and their allies would gradually fall away
from them. Jacobs translates this clause : DaEuch nun die Kenntniss
dessen, was zu thun recht ist, niclit mangelt. Leland and Francis read
Kal 7roie?j/. Leland has : " You assume the character of arbitrators and
defenders of justice." Francis: "It becomes the dignity of your
character to determine those bounds [of justice] for others, and to act
in consequence of that determination." Pabst follows Jacobs ; but their
version of tyvofKevat iroitiv is incorrect, liciske and Schaefer explain it
rightly.
202 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
out. Such means you will possess, if you are supposed to be
the common protectors of Grecian liberty. It is, doubtless,
very difficult for you to adopt proper measures. The rest of
mankind have one battle to fight, namely, against their
avowed enemies : if they conquer those, nothing hinders them
accomplishing their desires. You, Athenians, have a double
contest ; that which the rest have, and also another, prior to
that, and more arduous : for you must in council overcome a
faction, who act among you in systematic opposition to the
state. Since therefore through these men it is impossible
for any good measure to be effected without a struggle,
the natural consequence is that you lose many advantages.
Perhaps the chief cause why so many adopt this line of
politics without scruple, is the support afforded them by their
hirers : at the same time you are yourselves chargeable with
blame. You ought, 0 Athenians, to hold the same opinion
concerning the post of civil duty, as you hold concerning the
military. What is that ? You consider that one, who deserts
the post assigned by his general, should be degraded and
deprived of constitutional privileges.1 It is right therefore,
that men who desert the political post received from their
ancestors, and support oligarchical measures, should be dis-
abled to act as your counsellors. Among your allies you
regard those to be the most attached, who have sworn to have
the same friends and enemies with yourselves ; and yet of
your statesmen you esteem those the most faithful, who to
your certain knowledge have sided with the enemies of
Athens.
However — matter of accusation against these men, matter
of censure against the people, is not hard to discover : the
difficulty is to know, by what counsels or what conduct our
present evils may be repaired. This perhaps is not the occa-
sion to speak of all : could you only give effect to your policy
by some useful effort, things in general perhaps, one after
another, would go on improving. My opinion is, that you
should take this enterprise vigorously in hand, and act
1 An Athenian who deserted the army in time of war was liable to
prosecution by a process"called AerTroaTparfot ypafy-f). One who deserted
his post or rank was] liable to a \€nrora^iov ypa^-fj. A conviction for
either of such offences was followed by disfranchisement, an^ia. The
Generals were the presiding magistrates, who took cognizance of these
matters.
OX, THE LIBERTY OP THE BHODIANS. 203
worthily of the state, remembering, that you love to hear
men praise your ancestors and recount their exploits and
speak of their trophies. Consider then, your forefathers
erected these, not that you may view and admire them only,
but that you may imitate also the virtues of the dedicators.'
1 The speech of Demosthenes produced no effect. Athens abstained
from interference ; the Ehodians continued under the government of an
oligarchy, and subjection to Caria. (See pp. 80 and 167 of this volume.)
Artemisia died soon after the delivery of this Oration, having reigned
two years. She is said to have been inconsolable for the death of her
husband Mausolus, whose ashes she drank dissolved in scented water,
and to whose memory she paid the most extravagant honours. The
monument which she erected was so magnificent as to be considered
ope of the wonders of the world ; and from this the name of Mau-
soleum has been applied to all sepulchres built on a grand scale. She
invited the most eminent literary men to her court, and offered a reward
for the best funeral panegyric. Theopompus the historian, a native of
Chios, and pupil of Isocrates, gained the prize. Artemisia was succeeded
on the throne by her brother Idrieus, who reigned seven years.
204 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
THE ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS.
THE ARGUMENT.
Megalopolis was an Arcadian city near the frontiers of Laconia. It was
founded in the year B.C. 371, and, being designed for the metropolis of
the whole Arcadian people, who then united themselves into one
body, it was built on a scale of magnitude corresponding with that
purpose, having a circumference of more than six miles, and received
the name of the great city. Next to Athens, it is said to have been
the most beautiful city in Greece. The population was obtained by
migration from the existing Arcadian towns, no less than forty
of which were required to contribute to it. Most of these were
entirely deserted "by their inhabitants, others were reduced to the
condition of villages dependent on Megalopolis. A supreme council
of ten thousand, taken from the whole Arcadian body, held their
public deliberations in the capital. About half a century afienvards,
when it was besieged by Polysperchon, there were found to be fifteen
thousand citizens capable of bearing arms in its defence.
The chief object of building this metropolis was, to establish a per-
manent union among the Arcadians and preserve their national
independence. Before that time, the Arcadians as a body had
very little influence in the affairs of Peloponnesus, though they
occupied a large portion of its territory. They had generally been
in the alliance of Sparta, whose armies they strengthened by a brave
and hardy race of soldiers. It was therefore the policy of Sparta to
keep them feeble and divided among themselves. In the time of the
Peloponnesian war Mantinea, then the principal city of Arcadia,
formed a small confederacy among her neighbours, renounced her
connexion with the Lacedaemonians, and joined an offensive alliance
with Athens and Argos. But this was soon put an end to. The
Mantineans were compelled, by the success of the Lacedaemonian
arms, to abandon their confederacy ; and at a later period, B.C. 387,
paid dearly for their disaffection to Sparta, by having their city
dismantled and being dispersed into villages.
The defeat of the Spartans'at Leuctra changed the aspect of affairs in
Greece. The prestige of ancient victory was gone ; and it was soon
found that the vast alliance, of which Sparta had been the head, and
which had enabled her for many years to give the law to Greece,
would crumble almost entirely away. One of the first effects of this
change in Peloponnesus was the rebuilding of Mantinea; which was
soon followed by the establishment of Megalopolis. But the heaviest
blow to the pride and power of Lacedaemon was the loss of her
ancient province of Messenia, which for more than three centuries
FOE THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 205
had been the fairest portion of her domain. Whether the Arcadians
could have maintained their independence against Sparta without
foreign aid, may perhaps be doubted ; but this last revolution was
wholly due to the arms of Thebes and the genius of Epaminondas.
That general, having assembled a large army in Boeotia, marched across
the isthmus and was joined in Arcadia by his Peloponnesian allies.
At the head of an overpowering force he invaded and ravaged
Laconia. Troops of divers people — who not many years before had
followed the Lacedemonians in their wars, or would hardly have
dared to face them in the field — Thebans, Phocians, Locrians,
Euboeans, Thessalians, Acarnanians, Argives, Arcadians, Eleans,
marched now almost without opposition to the gates of Sparta; and
nothing but the shadow of the Spartan name preserved that haughty
capital from destruction. Epaminondas did not venture to make
a general assault upon the town, but, after continuing his ravages for
some time longer, proceeded to execute his well-laid scheme, which
he rightly judged would reduce Sparta to the condition of a second
or third-rate power in Greece.
The Messenian population had long been, like the Laconian helots, in
a state of vassalage to Sparta, but were ripe for insurrection at any
favourable opportunity, as they had proved during the Athenian
occupation of Pylus. The march of Epaminondas into Laconia was
the signal for a universal rising of that people, who were now again
to form a nation, and to build a capital city under the protection of
the Theban general. But it was not only the existing inhabitants
of the country, by whom this task, of reconstituting the nation, was
to be accomplished ; for which, after their long servitude, they might,
not have been so well fitted by themselves. Messenian exiles from
every quarter, and especially those of Naupactus, who had been
expelled after the Peloponnesian war, and migrated to Sicily and
Africa, were invited to return to their ancient home, and assist in
the glorious restoration. It has been mentioned as a remarkable
example of the love of country, tha,t these exiles, during so long an
absence, had jealously preserved their ancestral usages and the
purity of their original language. They returned in great numbers
and formed the nucleus of a Messenian government. The new
city was founded on the site of the ancient Ithome, Epaminondas
laying the first stone, and received the name of Messene. This was
B.C. 369.
The humiliation of Sparta was now complete. She had no power to
disturb the new settlement. She was hemmed in by a chain of
enemies, who cut off her communication with Peloponnesus ; by the
Messenians on the west, the Arcadians and Argives on the north.
Her war with Thebes continued for eight more years. The succour
of Athens and her few remaining allies saved her from further dis-
asters ; and the death of her great enemy, Epaminondas, brought on
a general peace, B.C. 361.
From the negotiations of this peace the Lacedaemonians kept aloof,
refusing to acknowledge the independence of Messenia, which they
regarded as a deep disgrace to themselves. Their spirit, though
depressed, was not extinguished ; and they only waited for an oppor-
206 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
tunity of recovering their lost dominion. Archidamus, son of
Agesilaus, who had acquired honour in the late war by the tearless
victory, (in which [he defeated the Arcadians and Argives without
losing a single Spartan life,) kept alive the ambitious hopes .of his
countrymen, and continually stimulated them to fresh exertions. Hte
was a man of ardent character ; to recover Messenia was the principal
object of his desire; in which he had even been encouraged by
a pamphlet of Isocrates, entitled Archidamus, and still extant. In
the course of seven or eight years events occurred which, favoured the
views of this prince. There had been disturbances in Arcadia. • The
Sacred war had broken out, in which the principal parties were Phocis
and Thebes. An obstinate struggle was yet going on ; neither party
had gained any decisive advantage, and both were greatly weakened.
The Phocian generals had carried the war into the enemy's country :
some of the Boeotian towns had been taken ; and the Thebans, dis-
tressed at home, and burdened with heavy expenses, seemed no longer
in a condition to assist their Peloponnesian. allies.
Under these circumstances, about the year 353, Archidamus thought the
time had arrived to effect a counter-revolution, which should restore
the influence of his' country. His real aim was the destruction
of Megalopolis and Messene. But to avow this purpose, or attempt
to -execute it without further pretext than the desire to satisfy
Spartan ambition, might have drawn on him the hostility of those
| states, which were unconnected with the Theban alliance. Accord-
ingly, he conceived the idea of announcing a principle, which would
secure certain advantages to the states hostile to Thebes, and induce
them to concur in his own scheme of aggrandizement. He gave it
out, that ancient rights ought to be resumed ; that Athens should
have Oropus, the towns of Thespise, Plateea, and Orchonumus should
be restored ; Elis and Phlius should have certain claims, conceded to
them. While he published these declarations, he kepi in. the back
ground that portion of the scheme, in which Sparta was*' interested,
viz. the recovery of Messenia and the dissolution of .the Arcadian
union.
^Notwithstanding all the care which Archidamus took to conceal his
""views, they could not fail to be apparent ; and it was soon understood
that the warlike preparations in Laconia were designed against
Megalopolis. Two embassies were sent at the same time to Athens,
one by the Spartans, and one by the Megalopolitans, each to .solicit
assistance in the approaching war. The Spartan ambassadors re-
minded the Athenians of their former alliance, and showed what
advantage would accrue to them from the plan of Archidamus, by
which Thebes their old enemy would be depressed. The Megalo-
politan deputies urged the justice of their own cause, and the danger
that would result from the revival of Spartan supremacy. . \
There were many speakers 011 both sides in the Athenian assembly.
Demosthenes espoused the cause of the Megalopolitans, and delivered
what Auger pronounces to be one of the most subtle of his orations.
He begins by condemning the warmth with which both parties had
assailed their adversaries. It became them, (he argues,) without any
feeling or prejudice for or against either of the contending states, to
FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 207
decide the question by reference to justice and the good of Athens.
Justice required that no people should be oppressed by another.
Their alliance with Sparta had been based on that principle, and
they had saved her from ruin ; but if Sparta commenced ambitious
enterprises inconsistent with the spirit of their alliance, they were
justified in breaking it off. It was the interest of Athens, that
neither Sparta nor Thebes should be too powerful. The dissolution
of Megalopolis would lead to the re-conquest of Messenia, and that
would destroy the balance of power in Peloponnesus. The advantage
offered to Athens might be obtained in a more honourable manner,
without sacrificing the Peloponnesians ; and as to Thebes, it was
better to weaken her by conferring an obligation upon her allies, arid
attaching them to Athens, than by allowing them to suffer injustice.
IT appears to me, 0 Athenians, that both are in fault, they
who have spoken for the Arcadians and they who have spoken
for the Lacedaemonians. For as if they were deputies from
either people, not citizens of Athens, to which both direct
their embassies, they accuse and attack one another. This
might be the duty of the envoys ; but to speak independently
on the question, and consider your interests dispassionately,
was the part of men who presume to offer counsel here. I
really think — setting aside the knowledge of their persons
and their Attic tongue — many would take them for either
Arcadians or Laconians.
I see how vexatious a thing it is to advise for the best.
For when you are carried away by delusion, some taking one
view and some another, if any man attempts to advise a
middle course, and you are too impatient to listen, he will
please neither party and fall into disgrace with both. How-
ever, if this be my case, I will rather myself be thought a
babbler, than leave you to be misled by certain people, con-
trary to my notion of Athenian interests. On other points
I will speak, with your permission, afterwards; but will begin
with principles admitted by all, and explain what I consider
your wisest course.
Well then : no man will deny it to be good for Athens,
that both the Lacedaemonians and our Theban neighbours
should be weak. But things are in this sort of position, if .we
may form a conjecture from the statements repeatedly made
in our assembly — the Thebans will be weakened by the reesta-
blishment of Orchomenus/ Thespise, andPlatsea; the Lacedee-
1 The Boeotian cities were at an early period connected by a federal
union, each having an independent government. Thebes was at their
head, and received a council of deputies from the league. Every state
208 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.
monians will grow powerful again, if they subdue Arcadia and
take Megalopolis. We must mind therefore, that we suffer
not the one people to wax mighty and formidable, before the
other has become weak ; that the power of Lacedsemon do
not increase (unremarked by iis) in a greater degree than it
is well for that of Thebes to be reduced. For we shall hardly
say this, that we should like to have Lacedsemonians instead
of'Thebans for our rivals. It is not this we are anxious for,
but that neither may have the means of injuring us : so shall
we enjoy the best security.
But granting this ought to be so 1 — it were scandalous for-
sooth, to take those men for allies, against whom we were
arrayed at Mantinea, and then to assist them against the
people, with whom we shared the peril of that day. I think
so too, but with one addition — "provided the others are
willing to act justly." If all will choose to observe peace, we
appointed a Boeotarch, who took his share of military command and
some other executive duties. In process of time Thebes asserted an im-
perial authority over the federal cities, and most of them were compelled
to submit. Platsea espoused the alliance of Athens, and for a long
time enjoyed her protection, but in the Peloponnesian war fell a victim
to Theban revenge. The exiles returned and rebuilt the city after the
peace of-Antalcidas, but it was again destroyed by the Thebans B.C. 373.
Thespiee was destroyed about the same time; having long been suspected
of disaffection to Thebes and favour to Athens. The Thebans had dis-
mantled its walls in the Peloponnesian war, though the flower of the
Thespian youth had fallen in their cause at the battle of Delium.
Orchomenus was taken and depopulated by the Thebans B.C. 368. They
had resolved on that measure some years before, but were induced by
Epaminondas to change their intention. Afterwards, being alarmed by
a conspiracy of certain Orchomenian exiles, they fell upon the city,
massacred the adult citizens, and sold the women and children for
slaves. During the Phocian war, and shortly before or after the date of
this Oration, Orchomenus was seized upon by the Phocian general,
Onomarchus, and occupied as a fortified post. At the close of that war
it was delivered by Philip to the Thebans, who razed it to the ground.
After the battle of Cheeronea Philip caused all these three cities,
PJataaa, Thespiae, and Orchomenus, to be restored.
1 Yiz. that neither Lacedaemonians nor Thebans should be powerful
•&c. Most of the translators seem to have neglected the word SeTv in
this clause. Jacobs has: Aber dieses Alles zugegeben. Auger: "Nous
conviendrons peut-6tre de ce point." Pabst and Francis commit the
same error. Leland errs only in giving too much force to 5eIV : " But it
will be said — yes ! this is indeed a point of utmost moment."
The force of the argument is not impaired by this trifling error. But
inattention to minutiae sometimes leads to considerable mistakes ; and
I therefore notice it for the sake of the student.
FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 200
shall not help the Megalopolitans ; for there will be no neces-
sity ; and thus we shall be in no opposition to our fellows in
arms : one people are, as they profess, our allies already, the
other will become so now. And what more could we desire ?
But should they1 attempt injustice and determine on war —
then — if this be the only question, whether we ought or ought
not to abandon Megalopolis to the Lacedaemonians, although
it would be unjust, I concede the point; let things take their
course, don't oppose your former partners in danger : but if
you all know, that after taking that city they will march to
attack Messene, let any of the speakers who are now so hard
upon the Megalopolitans tell me, what in that case he will
advise us to do. None will declare. However, you all know,
that you would be obliged to support them, whether these
men recommend it or not, both by the oaths that we have
sworn to the Messenians,2 and because it is expedient that
their city should be preserved. Reflect therefore in your
minds, whether it would be more noble and generous, to begin
your resistance to Lacedaemonian aggression with the defence
1 I.e. the Lacedaemonians; whom the orator does not expressly
name, because they are uppermost in his mind, since the clause ending
Ttav Irepcoj/.
2 This engagement was probably entered into at the general peace,
which was concluded after the battle of Mantinea, and by which the
Athenians, as well as other states of Greece, recognised the independence
of Messenia. Pausanias mentions, that at this time, when the assistance
of Athens was prayed for by the Messenians, it was promised in the
event of a Spartan invasion.
It is quite clear from the argument of Demosthenes, that the claims
of Megalopolis upon the Athenians stood upon a different footing from
those of Messene, not being grounded upon any former alliance. Yet
in the narrative of Diodorus, XV. 94, we read that the Athenians sent
a body of troops under Pammenes to quell an insurrection in Arcadia,
which broke out in about a year's time after the peace, and threatened
to dissolve the Megalopolitan community ; that Pammenes reduced the
malcontents to submission, and compelled those who had seceded from
Megalopolis, and gone back to their ancient homes, to return to the
capital. The name of Pammenes, a distinguished Theban general and
colleague of Epaminondas, pretty well indicates (as Thirlwall has
remarked) that ®7j(3aiovs ought to be read in Diodorus instead of
'AQyvaiovs. Besides, (independently of the proof afforded by this
Oration,) what could be more improbable, than that the Megalopolitans
should so soon after the battle of Mantinea request the assistance of
Athens, their opponent] On the other hand, what more probable, thaa
that they should solicit the aid of Thebes, their ally ]
VOL. I. P
210 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
of Megalopolis., or with that of Messene. You will now be
considered as protectors of the Arcadians, and striving for the
maintenance of that peace, for which you exposed yourselves
in the battle-field : whereas then it will be manifest to the
world, that you desire Messene to stand not so much for the
sake of justice, as for fear of Lacedsemon. Our purposes and
our actions should always be just ; but we must also be careful,
that they are attended with advantage.
There is an argument of this kind urged by my opponents,
that we should attempt to recover Oropus,1 and, if we now
make enemies of the men who would assist us to gain it, we
shall have 110 allies. I also say, we should try to recover
Oropus : but, that Lacedsemon will be our enemy, if we join
alliance with the Arcadians who wish to be our friends, they
of all men, I consider, are not at liberty to. assert, who per-
suaded you to assist the Lacedaemonians in their hour of
danger. The men who argue thus actually persuaded you —
when all the Peloponnesians 2 came to Athens and desired to
march with you against the Lacedaemonians — to reject their
1 Oropus was on the confines of Attica and Boeotia, on the coast oppo-
site Eretria in Euboea. It anciently belonged to Athens, but frequently
changed masters. In the twentieth year of the Peloponnesian war it
was betrayed to the Boeotians and Eretrians, It became independent at
the close of the war ; but a few years after, the Thebans took advantage
of some internal disturbances to seize upon the city, which they re-
moved nearly a mile from the coast, and annexed to the Boeotian con-
federacy. A new revolution some time after restored it to Athens. But
in the year 366 B.C. Themison, ruler of Eretria, got possession of it by
the aid of some exiles. The Athenians marched against him, but, the
Thebans also making their appearance with an army, they were induced
to leave Oropus under Theban protection, until the dispute could be
amicably settled. The Thebans however kept it in their own hands ;
and so it remained until after the battle of Chseronea, when Philip gave
it up to the Athenians.
2 This statement accords not with the narrative of Xenophon, who
makes no mention of such an application to Athens, though he states
that the Athenians invited a congress to their own city, which was
attended by many of the Peloponnesians. Diodorus however relates,|that
in the second year after the Jbattle of Leuctra the Spartans sent a force into
Arcadia, and took possession of Orchomenus ; that they were afterwards
defeated by Lycomedes of Mantinea, but the Arcadians, still fearing
the power of Sparta, even after they had been joined by the Eleans and
Argives, sent an embassy for assistance to Athens. The Athenians
having refused their request, they applied to the Thebans, who sent an
army under Epaminondas and Pelopidas.
FOR THE MEGALOPOL1TANS. 211
overtures, (on which account, as a last resource, they applied
to Thebes,) and to contribute money and risk your lives for
the safety of Lacedeemon. You would hardly, I think, have
been disposed to save them, had they told you, that after their
deliverance, unless you suffered them to have their own way
and commit injustice again, they should owe you no thanks
for your protection. And indeed, however repugnant it may
be to the designs of the Spartans, that we should adopt the
Arcadian alliance, surely their- gratitude, for having been
saved by us in a crisis of extreme peril, ought to outweigh
their resentment for being checked in their aggression now.
How then can they avoid assisting you to gain Oropus, or
being thought the basest of mankind ? By the gods I can-
not see.
I wonder also to hear it argued, that, if we espouse the
Arcadian alliance and adopt these measures, our state will be
chargeable with inconstancy and bad faith. It seems to me,
0 Athenians, the reverse. Why ? Because no man, I appre-
hend, will question, that in defending the Lacedaemonians, and
the Thebans1 before them, and lastly the Euboeans,2 and
making them afterwards her allies, our republic has always
had one and the same object. What is that ? To protect
the injured. If this be so, the inconstancy will not be ours,
but theirs who refuse to adhere to justice ; and it will appear,
that while circumstances change, through people continually
encroaching, Athens changes not.
It seems to me, the Lacedaemonians are acting the part of
very crafty men. For now they say, that the Eleans ought
to recover a certain part of Triphylia,3 the Phliasians Trica-
1 He alludes to the war that followed the seizure of the Cadmea,
commenced by the invasion of Cleombrotus B.C. 378. See the Historical
Abstract.
2 When the Thebans attempted to get possession of the island. See
the Oration on the Chersonese, p. 113.
3 Triphylia was a small province on the Cyparissian bay, between
Elis and Messenia. Concerning this there had been many disputes
between the Eleans and the Arcadians. The chief town was Lepreum,
which in the Peloponnesian war became the cause of a rupture between
Elis and Sparta. The Eleans had assisted Lepreum against the
Arcadians, on condition of receiving half the Leprean territory : for
which the Lepreans afterwards paid a sort of rent or tribute of one
talent to Olympian Jupiter. On their refusing to pay this during the
war, the matter was referred to Sparta, who decided in .favour of the
p2
212 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
ranum,1 certain other Arcadians their territory, and we
Oropus : not from a desire to see us each possessing our own
— far from this — it would be late for them to have become
generous — but to make it appear as if they helped all to
recover their claims, so that, when they march themselves to
attack Messene, all these people may readily join and assist
them, or be deemed ungrateful, after having obtained their
concurrence in the question of their own several claims, for
not returning the obligation. My opinion is, first, that our
state, even without sacrificing any Arcadian people to the
Lacedsemonians, may recover Oropus, both with their aid, if
they are willing to be just, and that of others who hold that
Theban usurpation ought not to be tolerated. Secondly,
supposing it were evident to us, that, unless we permit the
Lacedaemonians to reduce the Peloponnese, we cannot obtain
possession of Oropus, allow me to say, I deem it more advi-
sable to let Oropus alone, than to abandon Messene and
Peloponnesus to the Lacedsemonians. I imagine, the question
between us and them would soon be about other matters.
However — I will forbear to say what occurs to me — only
I think, we should in many respects be endangered.
Lepreans ; whereupon the Eleans went over to the alliance of Argos and
Athens. In the year B.C. 366, the Arcadians were in possession of
Triphylia, when a body of their exiles who had fled to Elis assisted the
Eleans to surprise Lasion, one of the Triphylian towns. A war then
broke out between Arcadia and Elis, in which the Eleans greatly
suffered, though at the close of the war they distinguished themselves
by a victory, gained over the Arcadians and Argives at Olympia. It
was the time of the festival, which the enemy had determined to
celebrate tinder the presidency of Pisa ; the games had actually begun,
when they were vigorously attacked and routed by the Eleans on the
sacred ground.
1 Tricaranum was a fortress in the Phliasian territory. The city of
Phlius was on the confines of Argolis, Achaia, and Arcadia. During
the Theban war, when most of their allies had deserted the Lacedae-
monians, Phlius continued faithful, and was exposed to the attacks of
3ier neighbours. The Argives fortified Tricaranum, and kept it as a
hostile post, making incursions to plunder the Phliasian country, and
attack the city, which at one time was nearly surprised by an Argive-
Arcadian force assisted by some exiles. The Phliasians, whose con-
stancy is praised by Xenophon, baffled all the attempts of their
enemies. In the year 366 Chares the Athenian was sent to their
assistance, and took Thyamia, another hostile fortress occupied by the
Slavonians. Tricaranum, it seems, remained in possession of the
Argives. See further as to the history of Phlius, p. 175, note 1.
FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 213
As to what the Megalopolitans have done against you (as
they say) under the influence of Thebes, it is absurd to bring
that now as a charge against them, and yet, when they proffer
their friendship, with an intention of doing you good instead
of harm, to mistrust and look for an excuse to reject them,
without considering that, the more zealous they prove this
people to have been in the Theban cause, the more will they
themselves deserve your anger, for having deprived Athens of
such allies, when they applied to her before they applied to
Thebes. It looks indeed, as if they wished a second time to
turn these people to another alliance.
I am sure — to judge from rational observation — and I
think most Athenians will agree with me, that, if the Lace-
daemonians take Megalopolis, Messene will be in danger ; and,
if they take that also, I predict that you and the Thebans
will be allies. Then it is much better and more honourable
for us, to receive the Theban confederacy as our friends, and
resist Lacedaemonian ambition, than, out of reluctance to
preserve the allies of Thebes, to abandon them now, and have
afterwards to preserve Thebes herself, and be in fear also for
our own safety. I cannot but regard it as perilous to oiir
state, should the Lacedaemonians take Megalopolis, and again
become strong. For I see, they have undertaken this war,
not to defend themselves, but to recover their ancient power :
what were their designs, when they possessed that power, you
perhaps know better than I, and therefore may have reason
to be alarmed.
I would fain ask the men, who tell us and say, they detest
the Thebans and the Lacedaemonians, whether they detest
whom they detest respectively out of regard to you and your
interests, or detest Thebans for the sake of Lacedaemonians,
and Lacedaemonians for the sake of Thebans. If for their
sakes, to neither as rational beings ought you to listen : if
they say for your sake, wherefore do they exalt either people
unduly 1 It is possible, surely possible, to humble Thebes
without increasing the power of Lacedaemon. Aye ; and
it is much easier too. I will endeavour to show you how.
It is well known, that up to a certain point all men (how-
ever disinclined) are ashamed not to observe justice, and that
they openly oppose the transgressors, especially where any
people suffer damage : it will be found moreover, that what
214: THE. ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
mars everything, and originates every mischief, is the unwil-
lingness to observe justice uniformly. Therefore, that no such
obstacle may arise to the depression of Thebes, let us declare
that Thespise and Orchomenus and Platsea ought to be re-*
established, and let us co-operate with their people and call on
others to assist us — -just and honourable were this, not to
regard with indifference the extermination of ancient cities — •
but let us not abandon Megalopolis and Messene to the ag-
gressors, nor, on the pretence of Thespise and Plataea, suffer
existing and nourishing cities to be annihilated, If such bo
your declared policy, every one will desire, that Thebes shoulcl
no longer hold her neighbour's dominion. If not — in the first
place, we may expect to find these men oppose the other
scheme, when they see that the establishment of those towns
would be their own ruin : secondly, we shall have an inter-
minable business of 'it ourselves ; for where indeed can it end,
if we continually allow existing cities to be destroyed, and
require those which are in ruins to be restored 1
It is urged by the most plausible speakers, that the pillars1
1 It was the practice among Grecian states to inscribe their treaties
on pillars of stone or brass, which, so long as the treaties remained iu
force, were religiously preserved, and exposed to view in temples and
other public places. And it was frequently provided in the treaty itself,
where the pillars recording it should be deposited. Thus, in the treaty
of peace between Athens, Lacedaemon, and their respective allies, in
the tenth year of the Peloponnesian war, it was stipulated that pillars
should be erected at Olympia, Delphi, and the Isthmus ; and also in the
Acropolis at Athens, and in the temple of Apollo at Amyclae. In the
treaty between A thens, Elis, Argos, and Mantinea, made in the follow-
ing year, it was agreed that stone pillars should be set up by the Athe-
nians on the Acropolis, by the Argives in the temple of Apollo in their
market-place, by the Mantineans in the temple of Jupiter in their market-
place; and that they should jointly erect one of brass at Olympia*
This (among many others) was seen by Pausanias in the Olympian
temple.
There is some difficulty attending the words that follow : ol 8e tyaal ^kv
avTols OVK elj/ai crr^Aas, aAAa TO (Tv/j.(p€pov eiVcu TO TTOLOVV i"r\v <pi\iav. I
have followed the interpretation of Leland and Pabst, which makes good
sense and agrees with the tenor of the argument. Jacobs however
expresses a doirbt whether the words will admit of that interpretation ;
and Ulpian, whom Keiske follows, explains them, $a(rl yap ^ inrdpx*iy
(TT^Aas, " they say they have no pillars." Now it is impossible to admit
this last explanation, when Demosthenes, without denying the truth oi.
the Megalopolitan statement, still insists that the pillars should be
taken down. It may also be urged that if this be the true meaning,
the latter clause would scarcely harmonize with the former; for if the
FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 215
of their treaty with Thebes must- be taken down, if they
mean to be our steadfast allies. These people say, that with
them it is not pillars, but interest that binds friendship, and
they consider those who assist them to be allies. Granting
such to be their views, my notion is this. I say, we should
both require of them the destruction of the pillars, and of the
Lacedaemonians the observance of peace ; if either party refuse
to comply, whichever it be, we should side immediately with
those that will. Should the Megalopolitans, notwithstanding
the maintenance of peace, adhere to the Theban alliance, it
will surely be evident to all, that they favour the ambition of
the Thebans instead of justice. On the other hand, if the
Megalopolitans in good faith espouse our alliance, and the Lace-
daemonians do not choose to observe peace, they will surely
prove to the world, that they are striving not only for the
restoration of Thespise, but for an opportunity of conquering
Peloponnesus while the Thebans are entangled in this war>
One thing in certain men surprises me ; that they dread the
enemies, of Lacedeemon becoming allies of Thebes, and yet
see no danger in the Lacedaemonians conquering them;
although we have actual experience furnished by the past,
that the Thebans always use these allies against Lacedsemon,
whereas the Lacedaemonians, whilst they had the same people,
used th*em against us.
I think further, you ought to consider this. If you reject
the Megalopolitans — should their city be destroyed and them-
selves dispersed,1 the Lacedaemonians at once become power-
ful : should they chance to escape, (as unhoped-for events
people of -Megalopolis had no pillars, further argument was useless.
Besides, it is very unlikely they had none. The doubt of Jacobs is
founded upon too minute a view of grammatical nicety. It would have
been better had the order of words been, ov o-TTjAas aAAa TO crv^epov
elVca. At the same time, the words as they stand may, according
to strict rules of grammar, be literally translated thus : " They say that
with them it is not pillars, it is interest that makes friendship," — the
eii/at being repeated twice. The sentence is not so well constructed as
in the other case; but we cannot always expect from an author the
most neat and elegant modes of expression. In this clause lay an
emphasis on OVK and on 0^77 Aas, but not upon e?j/cu, and then the reading
will express the true sense.
Few persons will approve of Schaefer's conjecture, substituting Kevas
for elwu, or Weiske's far-fetched explanation of— OVK elmt for ou5a,uoC el^ou,
1, G. ov$€vos Xoyov.
1 Into villages. See p. 76, note 3.
216 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
do happen,) they will in justice be steadfast allies of the
Thebans.1 If you accept them for allies, the immediate con-
sequence to them will be deliverance by your means — but
passing from their case — let us consider what may be looked
for and apprehended with reference to Thebes and Lacedsemon.
Well then : if the Thebans be vanquished in war, as they
ought to be, the Lacedaemonians will not be unduly great,
having these Arcadians for their rivals, living near them. If
the Thebans chance to recover and come off safe, they will
at all events be the weaker for these men having become our
allies and been preserved through us. So that in every point
of view it is expedient, that we should not abandon the Arca-
dians, and that they should not appear (in case they do escape)
to have owed their deliverance to themselves, or to any other
people but you.
I have spoken, 0 Athenians, (Heaven is my witness,) not
from private affection or malice towards either party, but
what I consider advantageous for you : and I exhort you not
to abandon the Megalopolitans, nor indeed any other of the
weaker states to the stronger.
1 The event proved the justice of this remark. Demosthenes could
not prevail on the Athenians to follow his counsel. They joined the
alliance of neither party. Archidamus commenced war against the Arca-
dians, who were assisted by Argos, Sicyon, and Messene. In the course of
the same year, Philip having defeated Onomarchus in the great battle of
Pagasee, the Thebans were enabled to send forces to the succour of their
old allies. On the other hand, the Lacedaemonians were reinforced by
some Phocian mercenaries ; and the war was carried on for two years
with various success, and at length terminated by a truce. The Arca-
dian confederacy, however, were alienated from Athens, and the bad
effects of this were discovered some time after, when, alarmed at the
designs of Sparta, they applied not to Athens, but to Philip, for assist-
ance, and thus caused Macedonian influence to extend itself in Pelopon-
nesus. See the Argument to the Second Philippic.
ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 217
ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER.
THE ABGUMENT.
This is one of the Orations which has generally been considered spurious ;
yet as it is published in Becker's and other editions of Demosthenes,
it finds a place in this translation.
It purports to be an address to the Athenian people, rousing them to
take arms against Alexander king of Macedon, and shake off the
ignominious yoke to which they were subjected, on account of certain
injurious acts committed by that monarch in violation of his engage-
ments. It appears that in the year B.C. 335, a treaty was entered into
between Alexander and the Greek states, according to which a general
peace was to be maintained by all the members of the Greek com-
munity, both with Macedonia and among themselves, every state
enjoying political independence, and Alexander being the common
protector of all. It is alleged that Alexander had broken the treaty
by sundry acts of interference with Greek cities, more especially
Messene, where the sons of Philiades had by his influence regained
possession of the government. Another complaint is, that some
Athenian ships returning from the Euxine had been seized by Mace-
donian officers; and that Athens had been insulted by a Macedonian,
galley sailing into the Piraeus without leave.
The date of the speech may have been B.C. 334, after Alexander had
crossed over into Asia.
IT is right, 0 Athenians, that those who bid you observe
your oaths and engagements should, if they do so from con-
viction, have your entire concurrence. For I think nothing
so becomes a people who enjoy self-government, as to be
regardful of equity and justice. The persons then, who are so
vehement in urging this course, should not trouble you with
declamations on the principle, while their conduct is directly
opposite ; but should submit to inquiry now, and either have
you under their direction in such matters for the future, or
retire and leave you to advisers who expound the rules of
justice more truly — so that you may either tamely endure
your wrongs, and let the aggressor have his way, or, preferring
justice to every other consideration, you may be above all
reproach, and consult your own interest without delay.1 From
1 /. e. by taking arms against Alexander, which is a measure of
prudence as well as justice.
218 .THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
the very terms of the treaty, from the oaths by which the
common peace was ratified, you may see at once who the
transgressors are. — in what important particulars, I will
briefly explain.1
Were you asked, men of Athens, what would most strongly
excite your indignation, methinks you would all say, that if
you were constrained 2 — I mean, if the Pisistratids were alive
at this day, and an attempt were made to reinstate them by
force, that you would snatch up your arms and encounter
every peril rather than receive them ; or, yielding, you must
be slaves, like those that are purchased in the market — and
far worse,3 inasmuch as no man will kill a servant wantonly,
while the subjects of tyrants are notoriously destroyed without
trial, and have outrages also committed upon their wives and
children. Well then — Alexander has, contrary to his oath
and the. express conditions of the general peace, brought back
to Messene the sons of Philiades, her tyrants.4 In so doing
has he paid regard to justice — or has he not rather acted on
1 Reiske explains it differently : " ea brevitate, quee locum habet in
tanta argument! amplitudine ;" i.e. "briefly, considering the importance
and magnitude of the question."
2 Schaefer thinks the words si rts dvajKafyt ought to be connected
with aya.va.KT'fio-a.t.Te, from which they have been disjoined by an error of
the copyist. I connect them with the following clause, and explain it
thus : — The orator was intending simply to add 7r£oo-8e|a<r&u robs Tleun-
o-Tgcm'Sas, but then it occurring to him that the family of Pisistratus
were extinct, he inserts the hypothetical clause €i fja-av K. r. A., which
interrupting the first train of thought, the sentence becomes somewhat
irregular. We need not be surprised at examples of loose construction
among the orators. At the present day few of our public speakers
attend closely to rules of syntax. An Attic audience was more fastidious
than an English, yet would tolerate occasional anacolutha. Many of
these would be retained in the published orations ; and some even by
design ; for now and then a loose mode of speech is more happy than a
formal sentence.
3 Keiske takes roffovry juaAAoz/ in connexion with agirdcravras Uv—
u/ro/ieu/aj. I agree with Pabst and Leland, who connect it witli
$ov\€vew.
4 Philiades was tyrant of Messene in the lifetime of Philip. His
sens, Neon and Thrasylochus, were expelled for oppressive conduct,
but afterwards restored by Alexander. They are mentioned in the
Orations on the Crown among the list of traitors, by whom, as Demos-
thenes contends, Grecian liberty was sold to Macedonia. Polybius
however maintains that the reproaches of Demosthenes were unjust,
and that the connexion of these men with Macedonia was for their
country's benefit. (XVII. 14.)
ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 211)
his own arbitrary principles, in contempt of you and the
common agreement ? If then such violence done to your-
selves would rouse your utmost resentment, you ought not to
remain passive, when it has been committed elsewhere in
violation of the oaths taken to you : nor should certain per-
sons here require us to observe the oaths, yet leave to men
who have so flagrantly broken them a liberty like this. It
cannot indeed be permitted, if you mean to do your duty :
for it is further declared in the articles, that whoever- acts as
Alexander has done shall be deemed an enemy by all parties
to the peace, himself and his country, and that all shall take
arms against him. Therefore, if wre perform our engagements,
we shall treat the restorer of these exiles as an enemy.
Perhaps these friends of tyranny may say, that the sons of
Philiades reigned in Messene before the treaty was made,
and therefore Alexander restores them. But the argument is
ridiculous — to expel tyrants from Lesbos, who reigned before
the treaty, that is, the tyrants of Antissa and Eresus,1 on the
plea that such form of government is oppressive ; yet hold
that it makes no difference in Messene, when the same nui-
sance is established !
Besides — the treaty prescribes in the very commencement,
that the Greeks shall be free and independent. Would it not
be the height of absurdity, that the clause making them free
and independent should stand first in the treaty, yet that
one who reduces them to servitude should not be deemed to
have violated the compact ? If then, 0 men of Athens, we
mean to abide by our oaths and covenants, and do that act of
justice which they require of you, as I just now mentioned,
we must certainly take up arms and march against the
offenders with such allies as will join us. Or think ye that
opportunity has such force sometimes, as to carry out policy
without right2 — and now, when opportunity and policy meet
1 Antibsa and Eresus are cities in Lesbos.
2 "Sic construe," says Wolf — Ivxvtw ^parreiy TOV crvfj-fyzpov K.CU &j/€v
TOV StKCUOV 'O KCLtpOS l(J"X.V€L TTpaTTClU TO <rVfJ.<p£pOVt TOVTGffTl, 8WCZTCU,
Reiske : " Brevius sic dictum est, quod plenius et planius ad hunc
modum dixisset : OUTCOS laxveiv acre fiidfeo-Bcu j][*ds KOI &vtv TOV Si/auou,
&c. tantum valere ut cogat nos"
Schaefer : " tu audi Wolfium."
Reiske explains the indirect meaning of the words, and Wolf their
direct meaning. But the point of the matter is intelligible enough
220 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
together for the same right, will ye wait for any other time,
to assert your own freedom and the freedom of all Greece 1
I come to another point under the articles. It is written,
that if any persons subvert the constitutions, which existed in
the several states when they swore the oaths of ratification,
they shall be deemed enemies by all parties to the peace.
Now consider, men of Athens : the Achaians, of Peloponnesus
were living under popular government. Among them, the
Macedonian has overthrown the democracy of Pellene, ex-
pelling most of the citizens : their property he has given to
their servants, and set up Chaeron the wrestler as tyrant. We
are parties to the treaty, which directs us to regard as ene-
mies the authors of such proceedings. Then must we obey
this article of the convention, and treat them as enemies — or
will any of these hirelings be impudent enough to say no —
these hirelings of the Macedonian, who have grown rich by
betraying you ? For assuredly they are not ignorant of these
proceedings : but they have arrived at such a pitch of inso-
lence, that, guarded by the armies of the tyrant, they exhort
you to abide by the violated oaths, as if perjury were his pre-
rogative ;l they compel you to abolish your own laws, releas-
ing persons who have been condemned in courts of justice,
and forcing you into numerous other unconstitutional acts.
Naturally enough. It is impossible that men who have sold
themselves to oppose their country's interests, should care for
laws or oaths : they use their empty names, to cajole people
who assemble here for pastime, not for discussion, and who little
think that the calm of the moment will lead to strange dis-
turbances hereafter. I repeat, as I declared at the outset —
hearken to them who advise you to observe the treaty : unless
they consider, in recommending observance of the oaths, that
they forbid not the commission of injustice, or suppose, that
the establishment of despotism instead of democracy and the
without a paraphrase ; and in translating we need not cut down every
figurative expression into plain prose. French translators are apt to do
this, aiming chiefly at clearness, in which they excel. Auger's version
is : " Ou bien, pensez-vous que 1'occasion est quelquefois suffisante pour
nous faire suivre notre inter£t aux depens de la justice 1 "
1 I have borrowed this expression from Leland. We might say —
"he had the privilege of perjury." But Leland's word better suits a
monarch. Auger : "cornme si ce Prince disposoit du parjure en maitre
absolu."
ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 221
subversion of constitutional governments will be felt by
none.
But what is yet more ridiculous — it is in the articles, that
all members of the congress,1 all guardians of the public safety,
shall see that in the confederating states there be no blood-
shed or banishment contrary to the laws established in each,
no confiscations of property, nor divisions of land, nor abolish-
ing of debts, nor liberating of slaves for revolutionary pur-
poses. They however — so far from checking any of such
proceedings — even help to bring them about. Are they not
worthy of death, when they promote such plagues in our
cities, plagues which (because they are so grievous) the whole
body were commissioned to prevent ? 2
I will show you a further breach of the articles. It is
declared, that it shall not be lawful for exiles3 to make an
1 Which met at Corinth, where the treaty was made.
2 The nominative case to tTri-ratav is either at crvi/eTJKai or al ir6\€is.
3 From most of the Greek cities there were exiles, banished for
political causes, and ready to take advantage of any revolution, to
return to their country. If these were many in number, more espe-
cially if they were connected with a party at home, or supported by a
foreign power, they would cause considerable uneasiness to the govern-
ment. Such for example were the exiles from Elis and Phlius, who
have already come under our notice. (See pp. 134, 174, notes.) Such
also were the Boeotian exiles, while their country was subject to Thebes,
As the treaty of Corinth recognised the independence of the Greek
states, and preserved their institutions inviolate, the clause regarding
exiles was in the spirit of such arrangement, and introduced as an
additional security. Alexander conceded this, being intent on the
Persian war, and wishing at that time to conciliate the Greeks ; after-
wards, caring less about their favour, he, or his regent Antipater, sought
to extend Macedonian influence by means of a different kind. Of the
facts mentioned here little is known from other sources : but this
restoration of the exiles is a measure not only probable of itself, but in
accordance with one taken by Alexander at a later period, of which an
account is given by Diodorus. About a year before his death, Alex-
ander caused an edict to be published at Olympia, by which the Greek
cities were commanded to receive back their exiles, except such as
had committed sacrilege or murder. Great consternation was produced
by this order, the object of which was to make the Macedonian
interest, by means of the returned exiles, preponderant in every state.
Demosthenes was sent to Olympia, to remonstrate with Nicanor the
Macedonian envoy. Kicanor however had no option but to execute his
master's commission. The alarm of the Athenians was increased by
the appearance of a large body of their exiles at Megara. They resolved
to send an embassy to Alexander, to entreat his forbearance. This was
done, and the mission was successful : but on Alexander's death, which
222 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES,
excursion with arms from any cities included in the peace, to
attack any other city comprehended in the peace ; if they do,
the city from which they start shall be excluded from the
treaty. Well ! The Macedonian has carried his arms about
•with so little scruple, that he has never yet laid them down,
but still marches wherever he can with arms in hand, and
more now than before, inasmuch as by an edict he has
restored various exiles in different places, and the wrestling-
master in Sicyon. If we are bound then to obey the terms
of the convention, as these men declare, the states guilty of
such conduct are under treaty with us no longer. I allow,
if the truth is to be suppressed, we must not say they are
the Macedonian : but when these traitorous ministers of
Macedonia never cease urging you to fulfil the conditions of
the treaty, let us hearken to their counsel, as it is just, and
let us deliberate — putting them under your ban, as the oath
requires — how to treat people whose tempers are so im-
perious and insolent, who are always either forming or exe-
cuting some designs, and making a mockery of the peace.
How can my opponents dispute the propriety of this 2 Do
they require the clauses against our country to be in force,
and not allow those which are for our protection1? Does this
appear to be justice ? Will they confirm whatever is against
us in the oaths and favourable to our adversaries — yet think
proper continually to oppose any fair advantage that is
secured to us against them ?
To convince you still more clearly, that the Greeks will
never charge you with infringing any part of the convention,
but will even thank you for taking upon yourselves to expose
the guilty parties — I will, as the articles are numerous, glance
cursorily at a few points.
I believe one article is, that all the contracting parties
may navigate the sea, that none shall molest them, that none
of them shall force a vessel into port ; that whoever breaks
this condition shall be deemed an enemy by all parties. Now,
men of Athens, you know perfectly well, that this has been
done by the Macedonians. They have come to be so lawless,
followed soon after, a rising of the Greeks took place, which had well-
nigh overthrown the Macedonian power. This was the war called the
Lamian, in which the Athenians and their allies were at first victorious,
but were finally crushed by Antipater.
OX THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 223
that they carried into Tenedos all our vessels from the Euxine,
and under pretences refused to release them,1 until you
determined to man a hundred ships of war and launch them
immediately, and appointed Menestheus to the command.
Is it not absurd, when the wrongs done by others are of such
number and magnitude, that their friends here, instead of
restraining them the transgressors, should advise us to observe
a compact so little regarded ? As if it were further declared,
that trespass should be allowed to one party, and not even
resistance to the other ! Were not their acts both lawless
and senseless, when they violated their oaths to such an
extent, as had well-nigh justly deprived them of their mari-
time supremacy 1 2 And as it is, they have left you this plea
beyond a question, when you choose to enforce it : for as-
suredly they have not the less broken the convention, because
they left off committing trespasses : they are only fortunate
in profiting by your indolence, that will not even take advan-
tage of a right.
The most humiliating circumstance is this — that whilst all
others, Greeks and barbarians, dread your enmity, these
upstarts 3 alone compel you to despise yourselves, either per-
suading or forcing you into measures, as if they were, states-
men of Abdera or Maronea,4 not of Athens. At the same
time they weaken your power, and strengthen that of your
adversaries ; and yet (without perceiving it) acknowledge our
republic to be irresistible ; for they forbid her to maintain
justice justly,5 as though she could easily vanquish her
enemies, if she chose to consult her own interests. And their
notion is reasonable. For as long as we can be indisputably
1 Schaefer takes a^eTcray in the sense of eVauVaj/To.
2 Alexander having by the treaty been declared generalissimo of
the Greeks, a supremacy both on land and sea was accorded to Mace-
donia, although that kingdom did not actually possess so large a fleet
as Athens. The Athenians furnished twenty galleys to the armament
which conveyed Alexander across the Hellespont.
3 The original j/eo7rAovrot (nouveamx riches, as the French say,) is
noticed by Libanius as a term not likely to be used by Demosthenes.
So is j88e\vpev<reTc«. The former appears to me a very good word. We
have none that exactly corresponds with it.
4 These were cities in Thrace. Abdera was famous for the stupidity
•of the inhabitants, though it produced Democritus the philosopher.
5 Because they recommend that the Athenians should observe tiie
treaty, and the Macedonians be allowed to break it.
224 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES,
masters of the sea alone, we may find other defences for the
land, in addition to our existing force, especially if by good
fortune these men, who are now guarded by the tyrant's
armies, should be put down, some of them destroyed, some
proved to be utterly worthless.
So grave an offence (in addition to what I have mentioned
before) has the Macedonian committed in the affair of the
ships. But the most outrageous and overbearing act of the
Macedonians is what has lately occurred — their daring to sail
into the Pirseus contrary to our convention with them. And
you must not regard it as a light matter, men of Athens,
because there was only one ship ; but l as an experiment on
our patience, that they may have liberty to do it with more,
and a contempt of the agreement, as in the former instances.
That they meant to creep along by degrees, and accustom us
to tolerate such intrusions, is evident from this only — the
commander who put into port, (who ought with his galley to
have been instantly destroyed by you,) asked permission to
build small boats in our harbours — does it not show that their
contrivance was, instead of sailing into port, to be inside at
once ? And if we allow small boats, we shall shortly allow
vessels of war ; if a small number at first, very soon a large.
It is impossible, you know, to make this excuse,2 that in
Athens there is plenty of ship-timber, (which is brought with
trouble from a distance,) and a scarcity in Macedonia, (which
supplies it at the cheapest rate to nil purchasers.) No. They
looked both to build vessels here, and to man them in the
same harbour, although it was expressed in the treaty, that
nothing of the kind should be allowed. And these liberties
will increase more and more. With such contempt in every
way do they treat our republic, through their instructors
here, who suggest to them what course to pursue. And such
is the estimate which, in common with these men, they have
formed of Athens, that she is inexpressibly feeble and imbecile,
1 I do not, with Schaefer and Pabst, understand /xe'ya before or*, but
simply take wroA^TrreW to be repeated. The words OVK tfyp6vTiffa.v K. T. \.
may be literally translated: "They [in so doing] disregarded the
common articles, just as they disregarded the articles before men-
tioned : " that is : " they disregarded the convention in this particular,
as they disregarded those articles which I mentioned before."
2 Understand iroi-fjo-ou TOVTO, " to say they did it because," £c.
ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 225
that she has no forethought for the future, nor takes any
account how the tyrant observes the treaty.1
That treaty, 0 Athenians, I exhort you to obey, in such
manner as I explained, insisting 2 (under the privilege of my
age) that you might at the same time exercise your rights
without reproach, and use without danger the opportu-
nities which impel you to your good. For there is a fur-
ther addition to the articles — " if we will be parties to the
common peace." This, " if we will," means also a different
thing — " if we ever ought to cease shamefully following others,
and forgetting those honours, of which we, beyond all people,
have won so many from the earliest time." Therefore, with
your permission, men of Athens, I will move, as the treaty
commands, to make war upon the transgressors.3
1 Wolf has a note on this passage, not very complimentary to the
Athenians — " Recte quidem senserunt, nisi Demosthenes ubique
mentitur, qui talem nobis depingit Atheniensem populum, ut asino
ignavissimo, qui vix contis et fustibus excitari queat, comparandus
videatur."
2 I connect $i€$sfiaiw(ra}j.f}v with Ka.6d.ircp, a.v with xp^a^ai' ^he
following sentence I have rendered according to Schaefer's interpreta-
tion; but so far agree with Reiske, that I think it is too ill-written tc, t
be worth a note.
3 Almost all critics, ancient and modern, have pronounced this
Oration to be spurious. Libanius ascribes it to Hyperides, Ulpian to
Hegesippus. History affords no confirmation of the fact that such a
speech ever was made. And it would also be strange, if Demosthenes
had purposed to make war against Alexander, that there should be no
allusion to it in either of the speeches on the Crown. Auger makes the
following remarks on the inferiority of the style :
" Quoique ce discours se trouve dans les oeuvres de De"mosthene, tous
les critiques s'accordent a dire qu'il n'est pas de Demosthene. Je suis
tres fort de leur avis. Je n'y trouve point cette vehemence et cette
rapidite de style, cette nettete", cette clarte lumineuse, cette profondeur
dans les idees, qui caracterisent Demosthene."
Francis says :
" Our editors have preserved to us the Orations upon Halonnesus and
Alexander's treaty with Athens, even while they hold them written by
other authors, and unworthy of our orator's character. The translator
therefore hopes to be forgiven his not attempting to preserve what
in themselves are confessedly spurious, and, if they were genuine, would
be injurious to the reputation of his author. A painting would do
little honour to the cabinet of the curious, merely because ignorance
and false taste had once given it to the divine Raphael."
The only commentator that I have seen, who maintains the genuine-
ness of this Oration, is Leland. It is but fair to hear his reasons :
" Critics seem willing to ascribe this oration to Hegesippus, or to
VOL. I, Q
226 THE ORATIONS OF ' DEMOSTHENES.
Hyperides. It is observed that the style is diffuse, languid, and
disgraced by some affected phrases ; and that the whole composition by
no means breathes that spirit of boldness and freedom which appears in
the orations of Demosthenes. But these differences may possibly be
accounted for, without ascribing it to another author. Dejection and
vexation, a consciousness of the fallen condition of his country, despair
and terror at the view of the Macedonian power, might have naturally
produced an alteration in the style and manner of the orator's address.
A great epic genius, when in its decline, is said by Longinus to fall
naturally into the fabulous. In like manner, a great popular speaker,
when hopeless and desponding, checked and controlled by his fears,
may find leisure to coin words, and naturally recur to affected expres-
sions, when the torrent of his native eloquence is stopped. Nor is the
Oration now before us entirely destitute of force and spirit. It appears
strong and vehement, but embarrassed. The fire of Demosthenes some-
times breaks forth through all obstacles, but is instantly allayed and
suppressed, as if by fear and caution. The author, as Ulpian expresses
it, speaks freely, and not freely : he encourages the citizens to war, and
yet scruples to move for war in form ; as if his mind was distracted
between fear and confidence. In a word, I regard this Oration on the
Treaty with Alexander as the real work of Demosthenes, but of
Demosthenes dejected and terrified, willing to speak consistently with
himself, yet not daring to speak all that he feels. It may be compared
to the performance of an eminent painter, necessarily executed at a
time when his hands or eyes laboured under some disorder, in which we
find the traces of his genius and abilities obscured by many marks of
iris present infirmity."
APPENDIX I.
OLYNTHUS.
THE taking of Olynthus was one of the turning-points of Philip's
success, and merits particular attention.
Olyntlius was the chief city of the Chalcidic peninsula, which is
separated from the inland part of Macedonia by a range of moun-
tains, crossing from the Thermaic to the Strymonic gulf. The
peninsula itself runs out into three smaller peninsulas or tongues of
land, the eastern of which is overshadowed by Mount Athos, and was
•called Acte; the central was named Sithonia, and the western
Pallene. The whole district was called Chalcidice, on account of the
numerous colonies planted there by the Chalcidiaus of Euboea. la
€arly times, and long before Athens took a prominent part in Grecian
affairs, Chalcis and Eretria, the chief cities of Euboea, had acquired
considerable eminence, and sent out colonies not only to the northern
parts of Greece, but to Sicily and Italy. Of their Macedonian colo-
nies the most ancient was Methone, founded by the Eretrians in
Pieria. in the Chalcidic region there were established upwards of
thirty towns, many of Euboic origin. The principal among them
were, Apollonia, Stagira, Acanthus, Cleonse, Argilus, Mende, Scione,
Torone, Mecyberna, Anthemus, Sane, -ZEneia, Spartolus, Potidaea.
This last city, so important in Athenian history, was founded by
Corinth.
Olyntlius, which stood at the head of the Toronaic gulf, was origi-
nally inhabited by a Bottisean tribe ; but having been taken by Arta-
bazus, the Persian satrap, who massacred the population, it was
repeopled by Chalcidians.1 At the close of the Persian war, the
Greek cities on that coast became attached to the general confe-
deracy, of which Athens was at the head. But Potideea and many of
the Chalcidian cities were induced to revolt from Athens, B.C. 432,
chiefly by the persuasion of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, and under
promise of assistance from Peloponnesus. Perdiccas at the same
time advised, that the inhabitants of the smaller towns on the coast
should remove to Olyntlius, and concentrate their power in that city,
vhich, on account of its position, a little inland, was less exposed to
(1) Herodotus, vli. 127.
Q2
228 APPENDIX I.
an attack from the sea. This was done, and by such means Olynthus
became the capital of the Chalcidic population.1
During the Peloponnesiau war, although Potidaea was taken, the
members of the Chalcidian league maintained their independence
against Athens. In the third year of the war they defeated the
Athenians near Spartolus. It was partly at their invitation that
Brasidas was sent to attack the Athenian possessions in the neigh-
bourhood ; and it was their jealousy that in a great measure pre-
vented the restitution of Amphipolis, after the peace of Nicias. In
the eleventh year of the war the Olynthians took Mecyberna, which
was defended by an Athenian garrison. This place, which is near
Olynthus on the Toronaic gulf, they afterwards made the port of
their own city.2 A truce followed between Athens and Olynthus ; and
the misfortune of the Athenians in Sicily prevented them from making
any further attempt to restore their empire in this quarter.
At the close of the Peloponnesian war, when the power of Athens was
annihilated, a new prospect was opened to the ambition of the Olyn-
thians. Potidaea and many other towns joined their confederacy. A
large military force was kept on foot, and they began to turn their
thoughts to the establishment of a navy, for which their peninsular
situation and the abundance of ship-timber in the country were emi-
nently favourable. It might have been better for them, had they
confined their attention (at least for some time) to the acquisition of
maritime power ; but the weakness of their neighbours tempted them
to make inland conquests in Thrace and Macedonia, which led to
a combination against them before their strength was sufficiently con-
solidated. History is silent as to any operations in Thrace, but we
are informed, that they had acquired considerable influence among
the independent Thracian tribes, who inhabited the country stretch-
ing eastward of the Strymon towards Rhodope ; and it is probable
that they coveted possession of the mine district of Pangaus. But
the hostilities in which they engaged with Amyntas king of Mace-
donia led to most important results. At first they were completely
successful : they either took or seduced from his allegiance a great
number of Macedonian towns. They even got possession of Pella,
which afterwards became the capital of Macedonia; and Amyntas,
' who had about the same time suffered a great defeat from the
Illyrians, appeared to have lost all his dominions. Diodorus says,
that he surrendered Pella to the Olynthians in the time of his
distress, and they refused to restore it when his affairs were retrieved.
However this be, it was certainly in their hands shortly before the
year B.C. 383, when Sparta commenced the war, which I am about to
mention.3
(1) Tlmcydides, i. 58. The war in the Chalcidic is related in divers parts of his
history. See particularly iv. 79; v. 21, 38, 39, 80; vi. 7. -
. (2) Fragment from the end of Strabo's seventh book, rti? 'O\v\>0ov Zirivftov e<rnv.
(3) The history of these events is related by Xenophon, Hellen. lib. v. c. 2, 3
Diodorus Siculus, lib. xv. c. 19—23.
OLYNTHUS. 229
Amyntas applied to Sparta for aid ; but it was not his solicitation
so much, as one from another quarter, that induced the Lacedae-
monians to interfere. Apollonia and Acanthus, the two greatest
(next to Olynthus) of the Chalcidian cities, had sent an embassy to
Sparta for the same purpose, to implore her protection against the
Olynthians, who threatened them with war, unless they would join
their confederacy.
It may seem surprising, that people situated as these were,
exposed to aggression from powerful states and monarchies, should
not have perceived the advantage of a federal union such as that of
which Olynthus was the head. But this was the feeling of Greek
states in general; they preferred independence to safety. The same
jealous feeling had overthrown the Athenian empire ; it was destined
to work the ruin of Olynthus, and lead ultimately to the subjugation
of Greece. Apollonia and Acanthus had never joined the league
which had been formed under the advice of Perdiccas; the conditions
of which, though liberal, involved a submission to Olynthus as the
ruling state. Apollonia had once been the most considerable city of
the district ; it lay far inland, about twelve miles from Olynthus, at
the foot of the Cissaean mountains. Acanthus was a coast-town on
the Strymonic gulf, north of the isthmus of Mount Athos, across
which the famous canal was cut for Xerxes. The Acanthians were
the first people that revolted from Athens, when Brasidas came into
their country. Their jealousy of Athens was now transferred to
Olynthus.
The ambassadors from these two cities were introduced by the
Ephors to the Spartan assembly, which was attended by deputies
from the Peloponnesian allies. The Acanthian envoy addressed to
them an elaborate speech, in which he set forth the growing power
and ambitious projects of Olynthus, her military force and resources,
the towns that she had wrested from Macedonia, the extreme weak-
ness of Amyntas, and the danger that threatened themselves. He
stated that he had left ambassadors from Thebes and Athens at
Olynthus, and that the Olynthians had passed a resolution to nego-
tiate alliance with those cities. Many of the Chalcidians were
ready to revolt, he said, if the Lacedaemonians would send them
assistance.
The Spartans and their allies were prevailed on by these argu-
ments, and it was resolved that an army of ten thousand men should
be raised in Peloponnesus, to carry on the war. The Acanthian
ambassadors requested that a Spartan general with a smaller force
should be at once sent off; and accordingly Eudamidas was de-
spatched with two thousand men, to be followed by his brother
Phoebidas with reinforcements.
Eudamidas marched to Thrace, and put garrisons in the towns
that were friendly to him. Potidaea immediately revolted, and there
lie established himself, and commenced hostilities against Olynthus.
230 APPENDIX I.
Pboebidas, who was sent after him, stopped on his road at Thebes,
and seized the Cadmea, a measure, which had the immediate effect
of bringing Thebes under subjection to Sparta, though it ultimately
]ed to "the overthrow of the Spartan empire. Teleutias, brother of
Agesilaus, followed with the bulk of the Peloponnesian army, and
passing Thebes on his way, received a contingent of horse and foot
from that city. Amyntas had been ordered to join him with as large
a force as lie could collect, and Derdas, prince of Elymia, was soli-
cited for aid on behalf of Amyntas his kinsman.
When Teleutias arrived at Potideea, he was joined by these auxili-
aries, and marched directly against Olynthus. According to Xeno-
phon, the first campaign was favourable to Teleutias ; the Olynthians,
after a battle which they had very nearly gained, were shut within
their walls, and the Spartans ravaged the country; though, after the
dismissal of the Macedonian and Elymian troops, the Olyuthians-
made destructive incursions into the hostile states, and plundered
their territories. Diodorus relates that the Spartans were defeated
in several battles, and mentions no victory won by Teleutias. But
both he and Xenophon agree in the result, which Xenophon assigns
to the second campaign, viz. that Teleutias fell in a hard-fought
battle under the walls of Olynthus, in which his army was completely
routed and dispersed. •
The Lacedemonians, on receiving intelligence of this defeat, felt
the necessity of making still greater exertions. A large army, chiefly
of volunteers, was raised in Peloponnesus, and put under the com-
mand of Agesipolis, one of the kings. He marched through Thessaly,
which supplied him with a troop of cavalry ; and being joined %
Derdas and Amyntas, whose zeal in the cause was nowise abated, he
marched straight against Olynthus. His force was so overpowering,
that the Olynthians dared not meet him in the field, but confined
themselves to the defence of the city, which they had well stored
with provisions against a siege. Agesipolis ravaged the country, and
took Torone, soon after which he was seized with a fever and died.
Polybiades was sent out as his successor, and commenced the siege
of Olynthus with great vigour. The Olynthians were defeated in
various sallies, and the siege was turned into a blockade ; yet they
held out till the following year, B.C. 379, when they submitted to
Sparta, on the terms of becoming her dependent allies. This in-
volved the necessity of following the Lacedaemonians in all their
wars ; and accordingly, we find a body of Olynthian cavalry serving
afterwards under the Spartan general against Thebes.1
In ten years after this event important changes had taken place
in Greece. The power of Sparta was broken by the Theban war ;
Epaminondas had been at her gates, and threatened her very exist-
ence. Her navy had been beaten by the Athenians in the J3gean and
(1) Xenoph. Hellen. lib. v. c. 4, s. 64.
OLYNTHUS. 231
Ionian seas. Athens had regained her maritime supremacy ; most
of the JEgean islands, besides Corcyra and Byzantium, had again
become her allies. Thebes was the only state that appeared to be
her rival.
In another ten years events had happened of more immediate con-
cern to the Olynthians. During a long peace they had risen again to
prosperity, and seem to have resumed in a great degree their sway or
influence over the Chalcidian peninsula. It is not stated either by
Xenophon or Diodorus, that all the dominion which Olyntlms exer-
cised in the peninsula was taken away by the Lacedaemonians. We
may rather suppose that her willing allies were left to be subject to
her as before ; for so long as Olyntlms was subservient to Sparta, it
was even better for Sparta that she should be at the head of a re-
spectable confederacy. Certain it is that the influence of Olyntlms
greatly revived after the humiliation of Sparta. Demosthenes1 gives
us to understand that she had become at a much Inter period more
powerful than she was before the Spartan war. But at the time
that we are now speaking of a new enemy appeared. Athens, having
become mistress of the sea, had turned her attention to the coasts of
Macedonia and Thrace, with a view to recover the towns and depen-
dencies which formerly belonged to her. Many expeditions were
sent for that purpose, especially against Amphipolis, the possession
of which was greatly coveted by the Athenians. These measures
necessarily brought them into conflict with the Olynthians, who saw
with alarm the revival of an empire which threatened their own in-
dependence. A war ensued, of which we have no full or clear account,
but the general result was to the disadvantage of Olynthus ; for many
cities near her coast were taken by the Athenians, and especially
Methone, Pydna, Potidsea, and Torone, the two last of which had
probably been reannexed'to theOlynthian alliance. Such things had
occurred, and the relations between Athens and Olynthus were still
of a hostile character, when, at the close of this last decennial period,
B.C. 359, Philip ascended the throne of Macedon.
In order that the position of things at this time may be under-
stood, it is necessary to state more particularly what had passed in
the interval.
Amyntas, ever since the restoration of his kingdom by the aid of
the Lacedaemonians, had remained firmly attached to that people ,
and his friendship was extended afterwards to Athens, when the
Athenians had entered into a treaty of peace and alliance with Sparta.
In the year B.C. 371 a congress was held at Athens, attended by the
Spartans and their allies, to settle the affairs of Greece. A deputy of
Amyntas was there, who publicly declared that Amphipolis belonged
(1) De Falsa Leg. 425. He also represents the terms of peace with Sparta to have
been more favourable to Olynthus : OTTW? t](3ov\ov-ro rov Tr6\e/jiov KartOevro. But
we must make allowance for exaggeration in this passage, where the orator is drawing
a contrast between two periods.
232 APPENDIX I.
to Athens, and that he would support her in the assertion of her
claim.1 With such encouragement, the Athenians conceived hopes
of recovering their ancient colony ; and Iphicrates was selected as
the most suitable person to accomplish that object, on account of his
personal friendship with Amyntas, who had adopted him for a son.
it does not distinctly appear when the first expedition was sent
against Amphipolis. Amyntas died in the year B.C. 370, and the
opportunity for obtaining his assistance was gone. The Amphipoli-
tans themselves were averse to the alliance of Athens, from which
they had been entirely alienated ever since the revolution effected
by Brasidas. However, in the year B.C. 368, Iphicrates was sent
to the coast of Thrace on an exploring expedition, with a small
armament.
It happened soon after this, that Alexander, who succeeded
Amyntas. was murdered, and Pausanias, a pretender to the crown,
Laving gained a large party in Macedonia, and collected some force,
invaded the country, and took various towns on the coast. Eurydice,
the queen-mother, sent for Iphicrates, who was still cruising in the
neighbourhood, and reminding him of his former attachment to
Amyntas, implored his protection for her children, Perdiccas and
Philip, the latter of whom was then about fifteen years of age. Iphi-
crates espoused the cause of the queen, judging it, doubtless, the best
policy for Athens. Turning then his arms against Pausanias, he
expelled him from the kingdom ; after which, being at liberty to pro-
secute his main design, he took into his service Charidemus of Oreus,
-with a body of mercenary troops, and commenced operations against
Amphi|)olis.
Charidemus, a native of Oreus in Euboea, who from this time
began to make a figure in Athenian warfare, was a soldier of fortune,
-who had first been a slinger, and afterwards set up a pirate vessel,
with which he infested the JSgean sea. Having contrived to draw
together a band of needy adventurers like himself, he became the
leader of a mercenary force, ready to engage himself in the service of
Athens, or the Persian king, or any other government that would
-employ him. Iphicrates at this period was glad to engage such a
*nan; and Charidemus was retained in his service for upwards of
three years.
Of the operations of Iphicrates we have no detailed account. We
learn that he was completely disappointed in his expectations of Ma-
cedonian aid. After the expulsion of Pausanias, the government fell
into the hands of a man named Ptolemy, suspected to be the queen's
paramour, and even to have been the murderer of Alexander. So
far from assisting Iphicrates to recover Amphipolis, he exerted his
OLYXTHUS. 233
influence1 the other way, probably through fear of the Thebans.2
Iphicrates for three years kept up a sort of blockade on the coast,
and at length prevailed on the Amphipolitans to negotiate for the sur-
render of their city. Matters had gone so far, that hostages were
given to him for the performance of the agreement. But an unac-
countable event occurred, which baffled all the calculations of the
commander. Iphicrates, having been recalled home, left the hostages
with Charidemus; -who, on receiving an order from the Athenians
to bring them to Athens, sent them back to Amphipolis. Mitford
conjectures, (and possibly he is right,) that the hostages had been
entrusted to the faith of Iphicrates ; that Charidemus, being under
an engagement to Iphicrates, did not consider himself bound to obey
orders from Athens. The Amphipolitans might regard the Athenian
decree as a breach of faith, and as evidence of a treacherous design.
Under some such impression, they broke off all further negotiation.
The Athenians then appointed Callisthenes to command the fleet.
But now Perdiccas, who had killed the regent and assumed the
government of Macedonia, appeared as their enemy, and declared war.
Callisthenes defeated him m battle, and compelled him to solicit
an armistice. But that general, for some unexplained reason, was
recalled to Athens, and put to death. Timotheus was his successor ;
who so ably managed affairs, that in a few years he effected many
important conquests for his country.
Timotheus, on taking the command, engaged the services of
Charidemus, it being desirable to strengthen his armament by the
mercenaries of that officer; for the Athenians had got into the
practice of sending out vessels without a proper complement of men,3
trusting to their generals to supply the deficiency. Charidemus
however, obtaining what he thought a more profitable employment
under Cotys, king of Thrace, broke his promise to Timotheus, and
carried away his own troops with some of the Athenian vessels.
Timotheus, left to his own resources, vigorously prosecuted the war;
and then it was that Olynthus, as the principal protector and ally of
Amphipolis, came into serious conflict with the Athenians.*
Whether this proceeding on the part of Olynthus was the cause,
or the effect, of a change in the policy of Macedonia, we cannot tell.
Perdiccas abided by his engagement with Callisthenes, and not long
(1) The words aWTrpcn-Te rfj iroXet do not warrant us in supposing that Ptolemy
made war against Iphicrates, especially when it is said of Perdiccas immediately after,
eiro\ent](Te TIJ vroXet. yEschin. ib. 32.
(2) Pelopidas, invited into Macedonia by the nobles, compelled Ptolemy to give
hostages for his good conduct, with a view to preserve the crown to the heirs of
Amyntas. Philip himself is said to have been one. But the date and circumstances
of this transaction are matters of controversy. See Plutarch in vit. Pelop. Thirlwall,
Grecian Hist. v. 164. Leland's Life of Philip, i. 41.
(3) Kev«9 vavy, with no more than the bare nautical crew. Demosth. Ol. xxix.
(4) The words of Demosthenes, contra Aristoc. 669, are not referable, as Thirlwall
intimates, to the time of Iphicrates, but to the time when Timotheus was commander.
But it is very probable that the Olynthians, though not openly at war with Athens,
had secretly aided the Amphipolitans against Iphicrates.
234, APPENDIX I.
afterwards entered into an alliance with Athens, and cooperated with
Timotheus against the Olyiithians.1 The result was that Timotheus
captured Potidsea and Torone and divers other towns on the Chal-
cidian coast, by which the power of Olynthus was seriously impaired.
If we could implicitly adopt the statement of Isocrates,2 he reduced
the whole of Chalcidice ; but this would have increased the power of
Athens, and the weakness of Olynthus, to a degree which is not
reconeileable with the events that followed. All that we can fairly
gather from the words of Isocrates is, that, the influence of Athens
was greatly extended in the Chalcidian peninsula, and that some of
the cities joined her alliance, perhaps without receiving an Athenian
garrison. Isocrates might be disposed to exaggerate the merits of
Timotheus, who had been his friend and benefactor. Yet history
furnishes strong testimony to the abilities of that general. He
appears to have had more capacity for operations on a great scale
than either Iphicrates or Chabrias. The good discipline which he
kept among his troops, and the uprightness and moderation of his
character, were greatly instrumental to his success. ^Eschines says,
that he added seventy-five cities to the dominions of Athens : Iso-
crates mentions only twenty-four, referring perhaps to such only, as
were actually taken by arms. His reputation for success was so
freat, that a picture represented him sleeping in a tent, whilst
ortune was catching cities for him in a net.
The operations of Timotheus against Olynthus began about the
year B.C. 364. Two years after that we find him making war in the
Hellespont, where he took the cities of Sestos and Crithote in the
Chersonese. He was occupied for eleven months in the siege of
Samos, which ultimately capitulated. Isocrates boasts of his -friend,
that with a fleet of thirty sail and eight thousand targeteers, and
without any cost to the state, he had reduced an island, for the con-,
quest of which Pericles had employed two hundred galleys and
spent a thousand talents of the public money.
During all this time, Amphipolis had, with the aid of the Olyn-
thians, successfully defended herself. But in the year B.C. 360
Timotheus resolved to make another effort for the conquest of that
important city. The Olynthians, in close alliance with the Amphi-
politans, prepared to defend them, and engaged the services of
Charidemus, who set sail from Cardia, but was captured on his way
by the Athenian fleet, and compelled to unite his forces to those of
Athens. Timotheus sailed up the Strymon, and landed his troops to
attack the city ; but here his fortune failed him. He was attacked
by an army superior to his own, and compelled to make a disastrous
(1) Demosth. Ol. ii. 14.
(2) On the Exchange, 119. XaXiacieiVuTravTa? KareTroX^no-ev. These words agree
with the literal expression of Cornelius Nepos, Olynthios subegit. (Vit. Tiraoth.)
Compare Demosth. Philipp. i. 41. Ei'xojuei/ — irdvra. rov TOTTOV -rovrov olne'iov KUK\W.
Dinarch. cont. Demosth. 91.
OLYNTHUS. 235
retreat. This was Hie last attempt which the Athenians made to
recover Amphipolis by arms.1
In the following year Perdiccas was slain in battle by the Illyrians,
and Philip ascended his throne. At this time the king of Macedonia
possessed not a single maritime town of importance.2 Athens had
Pydna and Methone, Potidsea and some other towns of Chalcidice,
besides possessions in the Chersonese. She was in alliance with
Byzantium and other Propontine cities. Thasos, Lemnos, and
Imbrus belonged to her ; and also the group of islands off the coast
of Thessaly. She had thus the means, with her powerful navy, of
infesting all the northern continent of the ^Egean, and making a
sudden descent where she pleased for the purposes of war or con-
quest. Olynthus seemed the only power capable of opposing her in
that neighbourhood ; but Olynthus had been much weakened ; and
there can be little doubt, that, had the affairs of Athens been con-
ducted by a Pericles, Olynthus and the whole of Chalcidice must soon
have fallen under Athenian dominion. Yet in the space of a twelve-
month from this time the position of things became so totally
changed, that we find Olynthus, the old enemy of Athens, courting
her alliance, and even Amphipolis doing the same, not from any fear
of Athenian armaments, but from dread of a more formidable power.
That power was Philip ; whose extraordinary successes and rapid
movements had already excited alarm in his own neighbourhood.
Never did any king succeed to his throne under greater dis-
advantages than* Philip. He was only twenty-three years of age.
His kingdom was threatened on all sides. In the west the Illyrians,
flushed with recent victory, were preparing for a new inroad. The
Pseonians made an incursion from the north, and ravaged his country.
At the same time there appeared two pretenders to the crown ; .
Pausanias, the ancient rival of Perdiccas, who was now assisted by
Cotys, king of Thrace; and Argseus, who was supported by the
Athenians. Argseus had made them his friends by promising to
forward their designs against Amphipolis and Olynthus ;3 and accord-
(1) Thirlwall, v. 189.
(2) Anthemus was perhaps on the sea, but had no importance except from its
vicinity to Olynthus. Perdiccas had probably taken it from the Olynthians in the
late war.
(3) Diodorus, xvi. 3. The following words respecting Amphipolis, tfex^'p^o'e -rfc
TroXeto?, d<pei? avrrjv O.VTOVO/JLOV, may seem perhaps to imply, that Philip at this time
possessed the city, but there is more than one difficulty in the way of such a suppo-
sition. In the first place, there is no historical evidence that Amphipolis had at this
time been taken or occupied by Macedonian troops. Perdiccas had very lately been
in alliance with Athens, nor is there any reason to suppose that he had turned
against her at the last, when Timotheus attacked Amphipolis. Even if he did so, it
does not follow that the Amphipolitans received a Macedonian garrison. In the next
place, it is not very likely that Philip would have given up Amphipolis if he really
possessed it ; especially at the time indicated by Diodorus, when he was about to
attack the Athenian forces. He would hardly be desirous of conciliating the Athenians
at that moment. On the other hand, it would be his interest to conciliate the
Olynthians and Amphipolitans, and ccnfirm them in their hostility to Athens. With
such view it would have been a wise measure to declare that Amphipolis should be
236 APPENDIX I.
ingly an Athenian armament-, under the command of Mantias, was
sent to Methone, with directions to advance from thence, and support
his cause in Macedonia.
Meanwhile Philip, doubtful on which side to defend himself, made
terms for the present with the Pa3onians, bribed Cotys to abandon
the cause of Pausanias, and proceeded to attack Argaus and the
Athenians. They had marched from Methone thirty miles into the
interior of Macedonia, to ^Ega3, the ancient capital of the kingdom,
where they expected to find a party in their favour. In this hope
they were disappointed, and made a hasty retreat, but were over- '
taken and attacked by Philip. Their general Mantias had remained
at Methone, and the troops, after suffering a severe loss, retreated to
a hill, where, having no means of escape, they capitulated and were
allowed to depart on giving up the Macedonian exiles. Philip carried
his lenity so far, that he restored to the Athenians all the booty which
lie had taken; and being anxious at this time to conciliate them, he
sent ambassadors with a letter to Athens, proposing peace and amity
with the republic, and renouncing all claim of his own to Amphipolis.
The proposal was joyfully accepted.1
No sooner was this danger averted than Philip hastened to chas-
tise the Pa3onians. It so happened, their kiii£ Agis had just died.
Philip invaded their country, overthrew them in battle, and reduced
them to entire subjection. Immediately afterwards he marched into
lllyria, and rejecting the offers of peace made by the old king
Bardylis, defeated that veteran warrior in a hard-fought battle, in
which more than seven thousand Illyrians were slain. Bardylis then
obtained peace, on condition of ceding to Macedonia all the country
that lay to the east of Lake Lychnus.
The next step taken by Philip was one yet bolder, and pregnant
with more momentous consequences. Without any delay, and ap-
parently without any ground of quarrel, he advanced and laid siege
To Amphipolis. We are told by Diodorus, that the Arnphipolitans
Irad afforded him some pretext for war. But we need look for
no further cause or pretext, than Philip's own interest and ambition.
Great must have been the surprise and alarm of the Olynthians, to
see their old enemy, the king of Macedonia, at the head of a power-
ful army Hushed with conquest, besieging a city scarcely less con-
siderable than their own, and connected by close alliance with them-
selves. A semibarbarous continental monarch, with a large standing
-army, was a power far more to be dreaded than even Athens, the
mistress of the sea. Perhaps they began to see, that a union on
liberal terms with Athens was the best protection for the Greek
cities on the coast. At all events they resolved to apply for Athenian
aid, and an embassy was sent for that purpose.
independent both of Athens and Macedonia. 'Efex^p»io-e then may signify nothing
more than Trapexwpnae, " he withdrew all claim to dominion over the city." See
Thirl wall, v. 173.
(1) Diodorus, xvi. 4. Leland's Life of Philip, i. 86. Demosth. contra Aristoc. 660.
OLYNTHUS. 237
But whatever sensation the attack upon Amphi polls might produce
at Olynthus, it created neither alarm nor surprise among the Athe-
nians. They were quite prepared for the event. Philip had by
vague promises deluded them into a belief, that he meant to take
Amphipolis for them. No distinct engagement to that effect seems
ever to have been made ; but after the receipt of Philip's letter, in
which he had given a hint of his friendly intentions, Antiphon and
Charidemus l were sent from Athens to conclude terms of alliance,
and especially to treat with him on the subject of Amphipolis. They
did so, and an understanding was come to, that Philip, if he got
possession of that city, should surrender it to Athens, and the
Athenians should, as a recompense, deliver up Pydna to him. Pydna
was strictly a Macedonian town, and formerly belonged to the king-
dom, while Athens had, on more than one account, a strong claim to
Amphipolis ; so that there appeared nothing objectionable in this
arrangement, nor any great difficulty about carrying it into effect.
There was indeed no formal treaty to bind the parties ; but such
a contract, from its very nature, could not safely be reduced to writ-
ing ; and therefore, when the ambassadors communicated the result
of their negotiation to the Athenian magistrates, it was considered
perfectly satisfactory, and the people were given to understand that
Amphipolis would soon be theirs.2
Under this persuasion, the people of Athens not only spurned
the application of the Olynthians, but at a later period, when the
Amphipolitans themselves, pressed by the besieging army, sent a
deputation to Athens and offered to surrender their city, the oiler
was refused.3
We can hardly wonder at this conduct on the part of the Athe-
nians. To have entered into terms with Olynthus or Amphipolis
after their engagement with Philip, might well have been considered
not only a breach of faith, but an unwise policy at that time. There
appeared no reason to distrust Philip. The kings of Macedonia had
frequently been allies of Athens, ever since the time of the second
Perdiccas. Their friendship had certainly been precarious, but their
hostility had not been very violent or very mischievous. Philip himself
had merited the gratitude of the Athenian people by his generosity.
On the other hand, Olynthus had for a long time past been the enemy
of Athens. The Amphipolitans had exhibited a malignant hostility
ever since their revolt in the Peloponnesian war, and their repudia-
tion of the treaty with Jphicrates caused their promises to be
suspected.
Philip sent a letter to the Athenians, renewing his assurances,*
and meanwhile the siege of Amphipolis was pressed with vigour.
(1) Not Charidemus of Oreus, but an Athenian of the same name.
(2) Tnirlwall, v. 192. Leland's Philip, i. 96. This was the TO 0pyXoy/ievo*
dnopptnov. (Olynth. ii. 19, page 48 in this volume.)
(3) Olynth. i. 11 ; ii. 19. (4) Contra Aristoc. 659. De Halonn. 28
238 APPENDIX I.
Diodorus says, it was taken by storm ; Demosthenes, that it was be-
trayed. It is likely enough, that there was an Amphipolitari party
favourable to Macedonia, and that, after the siege had continued for
some time, and there appeared no prospect of relief, this party in-
duced the citizens to capitulate.
To hold out long would have been impossible ; for not only had
Athens refused assistance, but even the Olynthians had abandoned
the cause of their ally. Had the Olynthians taken the same vigorous
measures against Philip, which they did against Timotheus, the issue
might perhaps have been doubtful. But Philip, anxious to get
speedy possession of Amphipolis, and not to be embarrassed at so
critical a time by a war with the Olynthians, bought off their opposi-
tion by the cession of Anthemus, a town in their neighbourhood,
\vhich had formerly belonged to them.1 Having thus disarmed the
two opponents, from whom he had most to fear, Amphipolis became
an easy prey.
But Philip had now to consider, whether he should keep his
promise to the Athenians, and offer to deliver up Amphipolis in
exchange for Pydna. He appears to have made up his mind with
very little hesitation ; for immediately after the capture of the one
city, he appeared with his army before the walls of the other. Here
also he found a party in his favour. Whether he had concerted any
plans with them beforehand, does not appear; but' by their assistance
he was admitted into Pydna without difficulty ; and it soon became
apparent, that he intended to keep both cities on his own account,
and set the Athenians at defiance.
The Athenians, as might have been expected, were not slow to
express their resentment of such treachery ; but how to avenge
themselves on the deceiver, was a more difficult matter. Whether
Philip was able at this time to cope single-handed with the power of
Athens, may be doubted ; but he was too prudent to venture on such.
a chance. An opportunity was open to him, for obtaining an impor-
tant ally, and he hastened to seize it. Experience had proved, that
a combination between two of the three powers, (Athens, Olynthus,
and Macedonia,) would turn the. scale against the third. Philip pro-
posed to the Olynthians to join them in an offensive war against
Athens, to expel the Athenians froai their possessions on the Mace-
donian coast, and to share the spoils. This offer was accepted. The
war that followed was called the Amphipolitan war, and, as far
as Philip and the Athenians were concerned, it lasted till the year
B.c 346, when peace was concluded by the Embassy of Ten. On the
part of Athens, the war was prosecuted with neither skill nor vigour.
She incurred a large amount of expense in fruitless expeditions, and
hardly obtained a single advantage.2 Her efforts were indeed, during
(1) As to the position of Anthemus, see Thirlwall, v. 194.
(2) Oiynth. iii. 36. Tamynse and Thermopylae were creditable affairs, but brought
no permanent advantage to Athens.
OLYNTHUS. 239
a part of this time, distracted by the Social war, and by the affairs of
Euboea and the Chersonese. The loss of Byzantium and the confe-
derate islands, followed by that of Corcyra, crippled her power, and
greatly reduced her revenues j1 nor was the cession of the Cher-
sonese by any means a sufficient compensation.
The most important achievement by the united arms of Philip and
the Olynthians, was the reduction of Potidsea. An Athenian garrison,
stationed here, and holding considerable property in the town, was
obliged to surrender. Philip, to whom, the merit of the conquest
was principally due, seized the Athenian possessions, and gave them
up, together with the town itself, to the Olynthians : the garrison he
treated kindly and sent back to Athens.2
Philip does not appear to have taken an active part in any other
military operation in favour of Olynthus. It cannot however be
doubted, that the war was carried on in Chalcidice between Athens
and Olynthus for several years, and that divers of the Chalcidian
towns were again wrested from the Athenian alliance, and brought
back to the Olynthian ; among others, Torone, which was taken by
Philip from the Olynthians at a later period.3 "We read of an expedi-
tion sent by the Athenians against Olynthus somewhere about this
time,4 which turned out a failure. Philip might well leave Athens
and Olynthus to fight it out by themselves, when he knew that the
Athenians had their hands so full ; and the Chalcidians were easily
persuaded to desert the cause of Athens, when not controlled by a
garrison. Leland sagaciously observes,5 that Philip saw the
advantage of keeping his own army undivided, while he left Potidsea
and other places to be garrisoned by the Olynthians.
Philip indeed was turning his attention to another quarter, where
he had an important conquest to make on his own account. This
was the mine district of Mount Pangasus, which commenced on the
left bank of the Strymon, and extended eastward as far as Scapte
Hyle, where lay the property of Thucydides the historian. Erom
the Pangeean hills flowed the Hebrus with its golden sands. There
were mines here both of gold and silver. The Thasians, who had
mines also in "their own island, had planted various colonies for
mining purposes on the adjoining continent. The principal of these
(1) Philipp. iv. 141.
(2) Diod. xvi 8. Dem. cont. Aristoc. 656. De Halcnn. 79.
(3) Demosthenes more than once enumerates the towns taken by Philip from the
Athenians, apparently in historical order, thus — Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea,
Methone, (Olynth. i. 11, 12; Philipp. i. 41.) Had any other important town been
taken by him during the same period, Demosthenes would hardly have forborne to
mention it. On the other hand, he \vas not so likely to speak in these orations of
conquests made by the Olynthians alone, towards whom he desired his countrymen to
have none but friendly feelings. In the Oration de Chers. 105, Philip is said to have
given to the Olythians Uoridaiav KCU 7r6\\' erepa. His assistance, no doubt, enabled
them to get other places. In the Oration of Demosthenes on the Embassy (426), it
is represented that all the Chalcidian cities had again become allies of Olynthus.
Compare yEschines De Falsa Leg. 37.
(4) Contra Midiarn, 566, 578. The date of this expedition was probably the year
B.C. 355. (5) Life of Philip, i. 105.
240 APPENDIX I.
was Datus. They had lately formed a new settlement more inland,
called Crenides, in a beautiful spot, watered by numerous mountain-
rivulets, and abounding with veins of gold. The Thasians were
subject to Athens ; and Philip had no hesitation in expelling them
from their possessions, and seizing upon the whole district. At;
Crenides he established a Macedonian colony ; the place was soon
enlarged into a considerable city, and called from the founder
Philippi. A new method of working the mines was adopted, the
waters being drained off into canals ; and in a short time they yielded
to the king of Macedonia such an amount of revenue, as enabled
him not only to maintain a large standing army, but to extend his
influence among the Greek states by corruption. A gold coin was
struck, called Phiiippeum, which quickly circulated over Greece; and
from this time Philip owed his success as much to his gold as to his
arms, according to the general tradition of antiquity,1 as expressed
in the well-known lines of Horace —
Diffidit urbium
Portas vir Macedo, et subruit aemulos
Reges muneribus.
The last-mentioned conquest was effected B.C. 356, not long after
the reduction of Potidasa. In the same year his son Alexander was
born. For the two following years Philip was (comparatively
speaking) inactive ; that is, in a military point of view; for we cannot
doubt that he was actively engaged in the affairs of his kingdom,
directing its internal administration, improving the revenue, forti-
fying and embellishing his towns,2 training his army, collecting
mercenary soldiers, stores and materials. He commenced at the
same time (what no Macedonian king had done before) the establish-
ment of a navy, for which the coast-towns that he now possessed,
and especially Amphipolis (whose situation was like that of the
modern Antwerp), afforded him abundant facilities. He was busy with
his negotiations in foreign states, sending emissaries wherever he
• was likely, either by corruption or otherwise, to promote Macedonian
influence. The effects of this were soon visible in Eubcea, where in
the year 354 his intrigues fomented the quarrel between Callias and
Plutarch, and drew the Athenians into the perilous battle of
Tamynse.
In the year 353 Philip laid siege to Metlione, a city on the Ther-
maic Gulf, about five miles from Pydna. It was held by the
Athenians, and strongly fortified. To them it was useful as a
saHying-place into the interior of Macedonia, as had been seen in the
case of Argseus, as well as on former occasions.3 Philip was there-
fore extremely anxious to take it. The Methoneans defended
(1) Demosth. cont. Lept. 476. Diodorus, xvi. 8. Leland's Life of Philip, i. 110.
Thirwall, v. 202.
(2) Justin, viii. 3, where it is related that he defrauded the contractors of their
money. But this is not credible. (3) Thucydides, vi. 7.
OLYNTHUS. 241
themselves with the utmost obstinacy, and the siege lasted for nearly
a twelvemonth.
While Philip was eagerly pressing the attack, he was wounded in
the eye by an arrow shot from the walls. The arrow being extracted
was found to have this inscription : " Aster to Philip's right eye."
It is said that Aster, being a skilful archer, had offered his services
to Philip, assuring him that he could kill any birds flying. "Well !"
said Philip, " I will employ you when I make war upon starlings."
Aster, in revenge for the slight, threw himself into Methone, and
shot this arrow which deprived Philip of the sight of one eye. Philip
ordered the arrow to be shot back with another inscription : " If
Philip takes Methone, he will hang Aster," a threat that was after-
wards executed.
The city was open to relief from the sea, and a blockade would
have been unavailing. The Athenians were actually sending fresh
succours, when Philip ordered a general assault. A large number of
besiegers had mounted the battlements, when, to cut off their retreat,
Philip ordered the scaling-ladders to be removed, leaving his men to
conquer or to perish. They fought with desperation, and carried
everything before them. The besieged laid down their arms. Philip
accepted their surrender on these conditions, that they should be
suffered to depart with one suit of apparel only, that the city and all
within it should be given up to pillage. Methone was razed to the
ground.1
Immediately after this followed the campaign in Thessaly, the
defeat and death of Onomarchus, the expulsion of the tyrants of
Pherse, the capture by Philip of Pagasse and Magnesia, his march to
Thermopylae, and his retreat on finding the pass occupied by Athe-
nian troops. Erom Thessaly he marched into Thrace. In the interior
of that country were various tribes, ruled by divers princes. One
at least of these had not long before conspired with the Illyrians and
Pseoniaus to make war against Macedonia.2 Philip resolved to
avenge this insult, and at the same time to establish his own influence
among the barbarous tribes, who were able to furnish useful recruits
to his armies.3 Here Philip was occupied for some time, establishing
friendly princes in their dominions, and expelling others;4 after
which he suddenly marched to the Propontine coast, and attacked
Herseum, a fortress near Perinthus, held by the Athenians, and im-
portant to them for the protection of their corn-trade. The alarm
which this excited at Athens, the vigorous resolutions and dilatory
measures of the people are particularly mentioned by Demosthenes.5
(1) Diodorus, xvi. 34. Demosth. Philipp. i. 50. Leland's Life of Philip, i. 194.
(2) Diodorus, xvi. 22.
(3) The Thracian Peltastae made excellent light troops, and had often been employed
by the Athenians. See Thucydides, vii. 9, 27, 30.
(4) Touf n±v tK/3aAu>v, TOU? dt Karao-T/jo-a? rail/ /3atriXe'a)v. Demosth. Olynth. i. 13.
(5) Olynth. iii. 29. Demosthenes intimates, that if the armament first decreed had
sailed in time, they might have surprised Philip during his illness and destroyed
him, oil* av 7jvu»x^c'< vv* ilfJ-^v fca^etj.
VOL. I. R
242 APPENDIX I.
The siege was begun in the latter end of the year 352, nor does if
clearly appear whether or not Herseum was taken. Philip however,
fatigued by his long marches and incessant toil, fell dangerously ill;
and for a time his military operations were suspended. No sooner
had he recovered, than he quitted Thrace, and marching towards
Chalcidice, early in the year 351, surprised the Olynthians by making
a hostile inroad" into the peninsula.1
Why or on what pretence he took such a step, is doubtful. Ife
appears however, that some time before this the Olynthians had
broken off their connexion with Philip and made friendly overtures
to the Athenians.2 They had discovered soon after the capture of
Potidsea,that Philip would do nothing more for them, that he was begin-
ning to make conquests on his own account in their neighbourhood,
and acquiring power of a formidable character. They were acquainted
with the value of the mine-district, and saw the great advantages
that he was deriving from it. To them, living on the confines of
Macedonia, all his plans and proceedings, his naval and military pre-
parations, became speedily known. The fall of Methone, one of
the strongest fortresses of Greece, revealed to them, that few cities
would be protected by their walls from ,the assault of the Macedonian
army. The late occurrences jn Thessaly and Thrace must have
greatly increased their apprehensions. Philip had defeated in a
pitched battle the veterans of Onomarchus, and made the Thessalians
his allies. Olynthus was surrounded by his power on every side.
Eor even the sea was now open to Philip. He had not indeed such
a navy as could meet the Athenians in a fair sea-fight ; but he sent
out piratical expeditions to infest their commerce and plunder their
allies.3 His cruisers had lately made a descent upon Lenmos and
Imbrus, captured a fleet of merchant-men off the Eubcean coast,
and even sailed into the bay of Marathon and carried off the Athe-
nian state-galley.4
The time when the Olynthians began to change their policy was
about the year 353, perhaps before the siege of Methone. Overtures
were soon afterwards made to Athens for peace ; and they were joy-
fully accepted.5 Yet, although the two cities had resumed their friendly
intercourse, it does not appear that an offensive alliance had been
formed between them against Macedonia, and certainly the Olyn-
thians had taken no hostile measures, at the time when Philip, as
(1) Olynth. i. 13. EvOvs 'OAuv0/o<p e?rexe/prio-ev. "He made an aggression (or an
attack) upon the Olynthians." The words themselves are ambiguous, not denoting
any particular mode of aggression ; and it is probable, that if Philip had committed
any decided act of hostility, Demosthenes would not have mentioned it so slightly.
(2) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 652. That speech was delivered in the year 352.
The orator assigns no cause for a rupture between Philip and the Olynthians, except
their alarm at his growing power. Athens and Olynthus were at that time friends,
but not allies: u/uuc (piXovv TreTro/rji/Tcu, 0a<ri de nai o-ujujuaxui;? -TroitjaecrOaLi.
(3) Justin, viii. 3. " Piratiearn exercere instituit." Ib. ix. 1.
(4) This happened after his Thessalian campaign; and, as Thirlwall observes, he
probably made use of the ships which he found in the harbour of Pagasae. Vol. v.
284. ^Esch. De Fals. Leg. 37. (5) Olynth. i. 11 ; iii. 30.
OLYNTHUS. 243
above mentioned, crossed the Chalcidian frontier. It is likely enough
that Philip considered, or chose to consider, the revival of their con-
nexion with Athens an act of hostility towards himself ; and un-
doubtedly from that time he looked with an evil eye upon Olynthus.1
But another cause of offence is alleged by Justin.2 Pliilip had three
lialf-brothers, Archelaus, Aridseus, and Menelaus. One of these,
Archelaus, he had put to death for treason; the other two escaped,
and found refuge in Olynthus.
Whatever may have been Philip's pretext, he now appeared in the
character of an enemy ; though what overt act of hostility he com-
mitted, is not disclosed to us. Erom the loose language of the
orator I should infer, that Philip at this time showed his teeth with-
out biting ; he infringed (as we should say) the law of nations by
some aggressive act, but his enterprise, whatever it was, did not
succeed. He may have crossed the mountains and attempted to sur-
prise some towns, or seduce them from the Olynthian confederacy;
not succeeding in this, he retired, like the lion who has missed his
spring, to wait for a better opportunity.
This view is confirmed by the subsequent conduct of Philip. Ifc
was nearly two years before war actually broke out, by his invasion of
Chalcidice.3 He had little else meanwhile to engage his attention.
The Sacred war was left to run its course without his interference.
Athens had a breathing time allowed her. A few murmurs were
heard from the Thessalians, for his holding Pagasa3 and Magnesia ;
but them he pacified by promises, and in the year 350 conferred a
new obligation upon them by the expulsion of Pilliolaus from Pherse.
But all this while he was silently and secretly preparing for the
destruction of Olynthus, which he saw was essential to the accom-
plishment of his further objects. Therefore he suspended his opera-
tions against Athens, and lulled her into a false security. She had
been roused by the first Philippic in 352. Little more than a year
had passed, when all the alarm had died away, and Philip was talked
of as a person from whom nothing was to be feared.4 This was jusfc
what the king of Macedon desired. He had rightly judged, that the
Athenians would not make a good use of the respite which he allowed
• (1) Olynth. iii. 30. (2) Justin, vii. 4; viii. 2, 3.
r (3) Thirlwall (Hist. v. 289) conjectures that Apollonia was taken soon after Methone.
But the reason which he assigns is unsatisfactory, namely the mention which
Demosthenes makes of the three cities, Olynthus, Methone, and Apollonia, in the
third Philippic, p. 117. They are only mentioned together on account of their im-
portance, and the similarity of their fates. If Apollonia had then been taken, it
would have brought on a war earlier, and probably Demosthenes would have spoken
of it.
(4) Demosth. de Rhod. lib. 197. It may be thought that even Demosthenes was-
not then fully alive to the real state of things, as he quotes what was -said of Philip
without contradicting it. But it was not his business to mix two questions together.
He may well have thought, that it would strengthen Athens to gain Rhodes for an
ally, ar.d that to keep the Athenian forces in active employment, was a means of
preparing them for war with Macedonia. It might not be prudent to tell the people
all his reasons. I think however, that Demosthenes was not yet sensible of the
danger to be apprehended from an extensive system of corruption.
R2
244 APPENDIX I.
them. He feared that, if lie attacked the Olynthians at once, he
might have to encounter the whole force of the Chalcidian body, a
formidable conjunction, when the Olynthians alone could bring into
the field ten thousand infantry and a thousand horse ; and still more
difficult to overcome, should they be reinforced by Athenian auxi-
liaries. His safest course was, to divide his enemies and cripple
their means of resistance. How was this to be done ?
Philip had discovered by experience, if he had not learned by his
residence at Thebes, that in most Grecian cities there were different
parties contending for the upper hand ; that the influence of faction
was strong ; that corruptible citizens were always to be found, and
that the Taws gave equal liberty of speech to the patriot and the
traitor. Acting on this persuasion, he sent his emissaries to the
Chalcidian towns, and in each of these, by dint of artifice and intrigue,
established a Macedonian party. Gold was lavished without stint.
He had now ampler means than before; since, in addition to the
resources of his own kingdom, and what he had gained by plunder, he
was receiving a large portion of the revenues of Thessaly.1 Bribery
he judged to be the best economy ; it would save him expense
in the end, by rendering his conquest mbre easy ; and the price of
corruption would be reimbursed by the spoil of the vanquished.2
In none of these towns was Macedonian gold more efficacious than
in the capital itself. Olynthus beheld many of her citizens grow
suddenly rich ; their stock of possessions was increased, no one knew
how ; they improved their houses and displayed an unusual magni-
ficence.3 *Yet were the people so blinded, they withheld not their
confidence from such men. It was studiously disseminated, that
Philip had been their benefactor, that he would be still, and that
Macedonian protection was their best security. Thus, instead of
preparing for their defence betimes, instead of throwing themselves
into the arms of Athens, and soliciting her immediate co-operation
against the common enemy, they left him to choose the moment
of attack and began to prepare when it was too late.
Towards the end of 350 B.C., Philip at the head of a powerful army
inarched into Chalcidice, determined to effect its final conquest. He
made no declaration of war, but summoned town after town, as he ad-
vanced, to surrender. Which first opened its gates to him, is uncertain.
Diodorus, who does not profess to give the details of the campaign,
relates that he laid siege to Stagira 4 and razed it to the ground.
Apollonia 5 shared the same fate. Other towns, intimidated or cor-
(1) Olynth. i. 15.
(2) Diodorus, xvi. 54. Hence callidus cmptor Olynthi. Juvenal, Sat. xii. 45.
(3) Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 426. Mitford contends that these were only innocent
presents, Hist. Gr. iv. p. 432.
(4) Such is the true reading, instead of Te/pav, xvi. 52.
(5) Demosth. Philipp. iii. 117. From this passage it might perhaps he inferred, that
thirty-two Chalcidian cities were actually destroyed by Philip. The number is
probably exaggerated. I can imagine that his jealousy of the Chalcidian race would
prompt him to take severe measures. Potidaea he preserved. Or. de Halonn. 80.
OLYNTHUS. 245
rupted, hastened to make terms with the conqueror. After reducing
the whole, or nearly the whole, of the peninsula, he marched against
Olynthus.
What were the Olynthians doing all this time ? On the first intel-
ligence of Philip's invasion they sent to Athens, imploring succour.
They sent to Philip also, to demand an explanation : he assured
them positively, that he was not at war with them, and still continued
his progress. They sent again, and received the same answer;
Philip affecting to treat the Chalcidians as independent, and refusing
to hear any remonstrance on their behalf. It was not till he had
approached within five miles of the capital, that he threw off the
mask, and told them plainly, that either they must quit Olynthus, or
he Macedonia.1
On the arrival of the Olynthian ambassadors at Athens, an asscm-
bl\r was immediately called to consider what should be done. The
feeling was almost universal, to send assistance to Olynthus.
Demades2 alone opposed it ; but on what grounds we are not in-
formed. Probably he enlarged on the difficulty of contending with
Philip in Chalcidice, and the want of sufficient funds to carry on the
war. He was the first Athenian orator in the pay of Macedonia.
Philip had calculated on a burst of popular enthusiasm at Athens,
and a warlike vote in favour of Olynthus ; but he calculated also oa
confusion and delay, and, to augment these, a clever and reckless
man like Demades was exceedingly useful. The debate seems to
have turned on questions of ways and means — how the troops were
to be provided, when to be despatched — what number — whether
citizens or mercenaries, &c. Demosthenes, who rose after many
speakers had been heard, breaking at once into the subject, con-
tended that an Athenian force should be sent off immediately, that
the crisis was important, they ought to take arms in person, and con-
tribute to the expenses of the war. He had little difficulty in pro-
curing a vote for a considerable armament.
Some days elapsed before any troops could be got ready, and in the
meantime Demades and his party were busy creating obstacles, and
disheartening the people. They had for the last two years, without
any formal truce, been enjoying a respite from war, and were now
called upon to make new exertions. The first excitement caused by
the Olynthian embassy had a little cooled. It was thought necessary
to convene another assembly : Demosthenes made a second speech,
in which he encouraged the Athenians, showed the precarious nature
of Philip's power, and the importance of prosecuting the war. At
length succours were shipped off; not such a force however as the
urgency of the case required, and probably not all that had been
(1) Demosth. Philipp. iii. 113; iv. 147.
(2) Suidas in v. AnjuadM?. He was a man of natural wit and eloquence, but of a
coarse mind and profligate character. Throughout his Whole life he was in oppo-
sition to Demosthenes, and quite his match on some occasions. Many anecdotes are
told of him in Plutarch's Lives of Phocion and Demosthenes.
246 APPENDIX I.
decreed, but only two thousand mercenaries, commanded by Chares.
Hardly had they gone, when the misgivings of the people were ex-
changed for an overweening confidence : such was the fickle temper
of the people. It was imagined, that Athens and Olynthus would be
inore than a match for Macedonia, and the general talk was about
punishing Philip for his perfidy. In this state of the public feeling
another assembly was held ; the cry was for war ; the orators spoke in
a tone of exultation, as if what was to be done had been done already.
Demosthenes, himself perhaps not fully alive to the danger, yet
appreciating it far better than the others, reminded his countrymen
that the question was not about punishing Philip, but about saving
Olynthus. He saw that very inadequate succours had been sent ;
the citizens were reluctant to serve in person ; there was a difficulty
about providing for the expenses ; 110 one had dared to propose an
application of the surplus revenue, though Demosthenes had hinted
the expediency of such a measure. He ventured now to press this
point more openly, urged the necessity of making a great sacrifice,
and concluded with an eloquent appeal, calling upon the Athenians
to maintain the ancient honour of their country.1
Chares meanwhile had sailed to the Chalcidian coast. There he
made a sudden descent, and cut off a body of stragglers from Philip's
army. Content with this achievement, and not finding himself strong
enough to attempt a more serious diversion, he returned to Athens,
and, in honour of his victory, gave a public entertainment, which cost
no less than sixty talents. The money, it seems, was obtained from
the spoils of Delphi, given by the Phocians to Chares for some ser-
vice that he had done. While the Athenians were amused with this
piece of vanity, and little thinking of the serious nature of the case,
(1) The notion, that the three Olynthiac Orations were connected with the three
Olynthian embassies, though derived from the respectable authority of Dionysius,
and assented to by Leland and many other critics, is wholly unsupported by the
internal evidence of the Orations themselves, in whatever order we like to arrange
them. The arguments are all of a general character. The necessity of assisting the
Olynthians, and assisting them vigorously and effectively, is urged over and over
again ; but there is no reference to that extremity of danger, as to which Demosthenes
could not have been silent, if he had spoken on the occasion of the third embassy. In
not one of the speeches is there the slightest mention of a second or third embassy,
or any allusion to the operations of Chares, or Charidemus, or Philip. Neither his-
tory nor probability confirms the fancy of Dionysius. It is likely that there would be
several debates upon the original resolution, to embark in the war: Philochorus says
that on the occasion of the first embassy, ot 'A^i/cuo* avfJi/JLa^iav re fnotrjcravro Kai
/3ot]0etav e-xe^av, whereas on the two second embassies there is no mention by him
of any formal vote. And this view agrees with the arguments of Libanius. When
the second message — and still more when the third — arrived from Olynthus, there was
no need of debate ; the principle had been agreed to ; every one saw that the case was
ixressing ; and succours were sent off without any opposition. It may be gathered
from Philochorus, that ambassadors came on the second occasion from the Chalcidian
body, so that the deputation being more imposing, and the emergency more critical,
one need not be surprised that the Athenians did not wait for a speech from Demos-
thenes, before they sent off their reinforcements. Besides, it is likely that the
Athenians were preparing reinforcements in the interval between the first and second
expedition, never intending the troops of Chares to be their only succours. I fully
assent to what is said by Jacobs on this point in the introduction to his translation
of the Olynthiacs.
OLYNTHUS. 247
a second embassy came from the Olyntbians and their confederates,
imploring immediate succour, representing that their country was
overrun by the Macedonian army, and they were in the greatest dis-
tress. The Athenians sent off directly a body of four thousand mer-
cenaries, of the middle-armed kind, with a hundred and fifty horse,
and appointed Charidemus to the command.1
Charidemus, who was in the Hellespont when the armament sailed
from Athens, as soon as he received notice of his appointment, has-
tened to Olynthus. Philip had by this time reduced a considerable
part of Chalcidice, and had sent some of his forces into Pallene,
probably to summon. Potidsea. Charidemus put himself at the head
of his troops, in conjunction with those of Olynthus, attacked the
Macedonians in Pallene, and took some prisoners. Afterwards, to
make a diversion, he sailed to Bottisea, where he landed and ravaged
the country. Returning to Olynthus, instead of pursuing his in-
structions, or concerting any plan with the people whom he was sent
to protect, he gave himself up to vicious pleasure, indulging his
licentious humour so far as to offer a gross insult to the Olynthian
magistrates.2 This was not to be tolerated ; nor were his military-
services any compensation for his misbehaviour. The Olynthians had
no confidence in his abilities as a general, and not much in the valour
of his troops, who were mercenary adventurers like himself. In the
extremity of their alarm, they sent once more to Athens, praying for
a reinforcement of native Athenians. This was granted. Two thou-
sand heavy-armed citizens, and three hundred cavalry, were shipped
off, and Chares, who was then in Athens, had influence enougli to
procure his own reappointment as general.3
Philip, little disturbed by the proceedings of Chares or Charidemus,
had been steadily pursuing his object. Having entered the Sithonian
peninsula, and received the submission of Torone, he marched to
Mecyberna, whose gates were opened to him by the same treachery.
He was now within a few miles of Olynthus, and it was here that he
made the terrible denunciation, which left to the Olynthians no hope
of mercy. They marched bravely to meet him with all the forces
they could muster, and were defeated. They hazarded a second
battle with no better success, and were shut up within their walls.4
Philip immediately commenced the siege, and made bold efforts to
carry the place by assault ; for he knew the importance of time, and
feared the arrival of fresh succours from Athens. Yet, so obstinate
was the defence, that all his efforts were baffled, and he was repulsed
(1 ) Philochorus, apud Dionys. Epist. ad Amm. ix. Theopompus, apud Athen xii. 43.
Leland (in the Life of Philip, ii. 13) states that Chares was sent for by the Athenians ;
but the passage of jEschines (De Fals. Leg. 37) refers to a different time.
(2) Theopompus, apud Athen. x. 47. El? TOCTOVTOV Trpc/JjAtfei/ aKputriat, io(rre
^.eipiiKtov n Trapu rtts /SouATjf T»K TWI/ 'O\vvBiiav alreiv eirexeiptta-ev, o rt]v /uti/ 6'^t»
»jv €uet3tc Kai %dpiev, eru^^ave <5e /uerci Aepdov TOV MaKe^ot/o? alxM«^tt)TOI/ 7€7ef»|-
jjit-vov. The name of Derdas, the Elymian prince, may seem to suggest that this
Derdas was a person of rank.
(3) Philochorus, 1. c. (4) Diodorus, xvi 53.
248 APPENDIX I.
from the 'walls with considerable loss. The prompt arrival of Chares
might have saved Olynthus. But now began to be seen the effects
of Macedonian bribery. One of the most eminent Olynthians, and
the commander of their forces, was Apollonides, who had served his
country with zeal and fidelity. As long as he was entrusted with the
conduct of affairs, there was little hope that treason would prosper.
The Macedonian party accused him before the people, as the author
of their misfortunes. It is the nature of men who are in trouble td>
lay the blame somewhere. The Olyntliians were unhappily persuaded
to deprive Apollonides of his command, and to confer it- uponEuthy-
crates and Lasthenes, the paid agents of Philip. From that moment
the doom of Olynthus was sealed.1
Meetings were now held in the city to propose negotiations with
Philip; but the people were not yet prepared for submission. The
Athenians were expected ; their soldiers, though outnumbered, were
brave ; they had a fine body of five hundred horse, which had greatly
distinguished itself in the field. It was resolved to try the effect
of a sally. But the design was betrayed to Philip. Lasthenes,
who commanded the horse, led them into an ambuscade, where they
were surrounded by the Macedonians, and made prisoners of war.2
This consummate piece of treachery threw the whole city into
consternation. No man any longer could trust his neighbour. The
besieging army surrounded the walls. If Chares had arrived, it would
have been too late now.3 Olynthus was not on the sea, so that he
could throw his forces into the town ; and he was not strong enough
to attack Philip in his lines. All hope of raising the siege was gone ;
and the Olynthians, in utter despair, were driven to surrender. The
only terms which they could obtain were, that their lives should
be spared.
Thus, in less than a year from the time that he invaded Chalcidice,
Philip terminated the war, and entered Olynthus in triumph. He
kept his promise to the inhabitants, and spared their lives, putting to
death only his fugitive brothers, Menelaus and Aridasus : * but the
whole body of the Olynthian people, without distinction of sex, age,
or rank, were put up to sale by public auction, and reduced to
slavery.5 The walls, the houses, the whole city of Olynthus was
demolished ; and the lands distributed as a reward among the officers
of Philip.6
(1) Philipp. 67, 79. It is true, as Thirlwall (Hist. Gr. v. 314) observes, that
€K/3a\flv does not necessarily signify that Apollonides was expelled, but it may
signify that, and there is no reason to think that it does not. So Leland takes it ; (Life
of Philip, ii. 22.)
(2) Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 426.
(3) What Chares did with himself, does not appear. Probably finding he could not;
relieve Olynthus, he did nothing, and attempted nothing. Some Athenians were
taken in Olynthus by Philip, as we learn from JEschines, (De Fals. Leg. 30.) but
clearly not Chares or his troops.
(4) Justin, viii. 3.
(5) LHodorus, xvi. 53. Dinarchus cont. Dem. 93. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 439..' ]
(6) Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. v. 316, citing Theopompus.
OLYNTHUS. 249
The total destruction of this great city, which had once defied
Laeedsemon in the plenitude of her power, excited a feeling of
dismay throughout the whole of Greece. "Has Philip destroyed
Olynthus ? " said one ; " he himself never raised such a city ! " But
nowhere was it felt so deeply as at Athens. The grief and indigna-
tion of the people were mingled with sharne and fear. The words of
Demosthenes were recollected, — that unless they saved Olyntlius, the
war would soon be on their own frontiers. In the iirst moment o-f
their anger, they passed a vote of outlawry against the traitors who
had sold their country, making it lawful to slay them wherever they
could be found. Chares came in for his share of their resentment,
yet contrived, by means of his influence, to escape any public cen-
sure.1 What became of Charidemus is unknown : whether he was
slain in battle, or whether he saved his life and liberty. No more is
heard of him in Athenian history.
Euthycrates and Lasthenes received the recompense of their
treason, though not exactly in the way that they expected. Philip
maintained them at his court, but only as servile dependents and
parasites. The Macedonian courtiers held them in contempt, the
soldiers reviled them for their baseness. On one occasion they com-
plained to Philip. " Never mind," said lie ; l' the Macedonians are
a blunt people ; they call a spade a spade." 2
The conquest of Olynthus was of the utmost importance to Philip.
It secured his dominions from being attacked by Athens or any other
maritime power. The Chalcidian peninsula had separated one part
of his kingdom from the other, and, while it remained subject to
Olynthus, gave an access to his enemies into the heart of Macedonia.
Now it became a province of his own; and the severe measures
which he resorted to, in rooting out the hostile population, prove
how anxious he was to prevent all disturbances in that quarter for
the future. A glance at the map will show us what progress Philip
had made in the ten years since he ascended the throne. From
the bay of Pagasa3 to the mouths of the Nestus in Thrace, all the
coast of Northern Greece had been brought under his power.
Thessaly was devoted to him. His territories were extended on the
Illyrian and Pa30nian frontiers; and he had made an impression
u^pon Thrace. In the north he menaced the Athenian dominions in
Chersonesus ; while on the south he came in contact with Eubcea,
and alarmed Athens for her own safety.
While the Athenians were lamenting the disasters of the late war,
and preparing to send embassies among the Greek states, to raise
up a new confederacy against Macedonia, Philip had given orders
for a solemn festival in honour of the Muses to celebrate his triumph,
Archelaus, one of his predecessors, had instituted this festival afc
(1) Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 10. The interpretation of this passage is doubtful. See
Mitford, Gr. Hist. iv. Le^and's Life of Philip, ii. 30.
(2) Demosth. de Chers. 9U ; de Coron. 241. Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 31.
250 APPENDIX I.
j33g8e, after the model of the Olympian. It was held by Philip at
Dium in Pieria, a district of his own kingdom, on the borders of
Thessaly, sacred from the earliest time to the goddesses of song.
It was solemnized with extraordinary pomp, with games, sacrifices,
banquets, and theatrical exhibitions, and continued for nine days.
Nor was this intended by Philip for an idle display. A concourse of
visitors flocked from all parts of Greece, to enjoy his hospitality ;
and while all were dazzled with the grandeur of the spectacle, and
impressed with admiration of the king's fortune and power, many
eminent men from foreign states were won over to his friendship :
military adventurers were lured by his gifts and promises, and led to
believe that the camp of Philip was the place to look for honour
and reward.1
It is pleasing to record one or two acts of clemency and generosity
on the part of the conqueror. At the sale of Olynthian citizens, at
which Philip himself was present, one prisoner, who was about to
be put up to auction, loudly demanded his liberty, declaring that
he was a friend to the king, and desiring to be brought near him,
that he might prove his word. This having been allowed by the
king, the man begged him in a whisper to let fall the skirt of his
robe, as he was exposed in an indecent manner. Philip entered
into the joke, and said : " Yes ; this man is my friend : let him be
set at liberty." 2
At a banquet given during the festival, Philip, observing the
melancholy countenance of Satyrus the actor, and that, while other
artists and performers claimed a recompense for their services, he
alone asked for nothing, inquired the cause. "I am indifferent,"
replied Satyrus, " to what the others desire ; there is one favour
I would gladly ask, and one that Philip could easily grant, but I fear
he would refuse it me." Philip pressed him to speak out, and de-
clared that he would deny him nothing : on which Satyrus preferred
his request as follows : — " Apollophanes of Pydna was my friend.
When he was murdered, his relations sent his two daughters, then
children, to Olynthus, as a place of security. They are among the
captives of the fallen city, and are now of marriageable age. I pray
and beseech you to give me them. But I would have you know what
is the nature of the boon I ask. It is one from which I seek no
personal advantage. If you deliver them to me, I shall give them
each a marriage portion, and they shall be treated in a manner worthy
of me and of their father." This speech was received with a tumult
of applause from all the company : Philip was greatly affected, and
set the girls free, although Apollophanes their father had been one
of the murderers of his brother Alexander.3
Diodorus adds, that there were numerous other instances in which.
Philip displayed a similar generosity.
(1) Diodorus, xvi. 55. (2) Leland, 1. c.
(3) Deraosth. De Fals. Leg. 402. Diodorus, 1. c.
ATHENIAN MONEY AND MINES. 251
APPENDIX II.
ATHENIAN MONEY AND MINES.
PHIDOJT, an ancient king of Argos, said to have lived in the eighth
century before Christ, was the first person in Greece who established
a system of weights and measures, and also a coinage in silver and
copper. It acquired the name of the JEginetan, because the people
of -ZEgina, by their commercial intercourse with other parts of
Greece, brought it into general use. There was another system
called the Euboic, introduced to the Greeks by the people of Chalcis
and Eretria, who at an early period were celebrated for their com-
mercial activity, and who worked mines of silver and copper in
their own island.1
In fact however, both these systems were derived from the East,
having been invented in very ancient times by the Chaldees of
Babylon, and brought into Greece by the commerce of the Phoeni-
cians. The standard of weights, which became known as the
Euboic, was one used in Asia for gold. Herodotus expressly in-
forms us, that in the reign of Darius I. the silver tribute collected
from the satrapies of the Persian empire was estimated by the
Babylonian talent, the gold tribute by the Euboic.2 Whether
Herodotus means that the term Eutoic was adopted by the Persian
government, or only the weight so called by the Greeks, does not
appear.
The denominations under both these systems were the same,
although the scales v:ere different ; viz. the talent, the mina, the
drachm, and the obol; which bore the following invariable relation
to each other :
A talent = 60 minas.
A mina = 100 drachms.
A drachm = 6 obols.
The word talent originally signified weight, that is, any weight, or
weight in general ; and was also used to signify a pair of scales. In
such sense it is used by Homer. Afterwards the term was applied to
a specific weight, and became the principal standard in the Greek
(1) For more full information upon this subject the reader is referred to the
Archaeological Dictionary, titles Nummus and Pondera.
(2) Herod, iii. 89.
252 APPENDIX II.
systems. Mina was a term of oriental origin. Drachm and old are
Greek words. Drachm is said by the lexicographers to signify a
handful, that is, as much coin as could be held in the clenched hand.1
Obol takes its name from a spit, which it somewhat resembled in
figure.2
The weights under each system were as follows :
^Eginetan talent about 96 Ib.
Euboic talent „ 80 Ib.
The denominations of money in Greece were the same as those of
weight, and the proportions the same likewise. Money (as is well
known) has always been founded on a system of weight. In process
of time the coinage ceases to represent the original standard,
although the name is preserved. Eor example a pound, in our own
country, formerly represented a pound weight of metal; now it
signifies a sum of twenty shillings. So in Greece an Euboic talent
(in a pecuniary sense) anciently denoted eighty pounds of silver —
that being the metal generally current in Greece — afterwards its
value would be measured by the number of drachms that were paid
for it; and, if the drachm-piece had fallen below the ancient standard
of weight, so would the talent.
The JEginetan system was adopted in Peloponnesus and most of
the Dorian states. The Euboic prevailed in the Ionian settlements,
and in Attica. Solon however, for certain political reasons which
will be noticed elsewhere, lowered the standard of money, and the
Attic talent, according to his regulation, was reduced about twenty-
seven per cent.3 The money computed on the Solonian scale is that
which we have generally to deal with in perusing the Attic writers.
Judging from the ancient coins which have been preserved, the
value of the Attic money has been thus estimated in English :
£ s. d.
An obol = 0 0 1£
A drachm = 009-
A mina = 3150
A talent = 225 0 0
The value however has been put by others both higher and lower.
It must be observed that the talent and the mina are sums only,
the drachm and the obol are coins also. And it will be found in
perusing the orators, that the Athenians generally made their com-
putations in drachms, so that, when no specific sum is mentioned,
drachms are understood.
The coinage at Athens was principally silver, consisting of drachms
and obols, with fractions and multiples of those pieces. The obol
and half-obol were small coins, like our silver penny. There were
(1) As if it were Spay/^/, from <3p«a-<rto. It must then have been a copper coin,
when it received that name.
(2) 'O/3e\»9 is a spit or broach. Scapula says in his Lexicon of the Obol: " Ab
o/3eAo? derivatum putatur, quod 6/3eAoD nguram haberet, ita tamen ut non in acuturn
desineret."
(3) The Euboic scale still continued in use at Athens for merchandise, though the
scale for money was altered. See Grote's Hist, of Greece, Hi. 228.
ATHENIAN MONEY AND MINES.
253
also copper coins, as the quarter-obol, the chalcus.1 The following is
a table of Attic coins :
The four-drachm piece
The two- drachm piece
The drachm ....
(val
ue) 3 0
1 6
0 9
The obol . .
The half-obol . .
The quarter-obol.
The four-obol piece .
The three-obol piece .
The two-obol piece
0 6
0 4*
0 3
The chalcus . .
The lepton . .
(value) ,
IV
*f } farthings.
I)
Tluis the lowest Attic coin was pretty "nearly equal to the French
centime.
There was no gold coined at Athens before the time of the Mace-
donian empire. But there was gold in circulation, the coinage of
other countries, chiefly the stater and the daric.
The gold stater was equal in value to twenty drachms, or fifteen
shillings. It was first coined by Crcesus king of Lydia, or at least
first became known to the Greeks as a Lydian coin. There were
various other staters brought into Greece from Asia Minor and the
islands; for example, from Smyrna, Cyzicus, Phocsea, Samos,
Siphnos, Thasos.
The daric, named after the first Darius, who reformed the Persian
currency, was of the same value as the stater. This coin, which
had an extensive circulation, was retained by the Macedonian kings,
who melted down all the gold coinage of Greece, and had their own
image stamped upon it.
There were also half-staters and half-darics in circulation, which
are mentioned by Greek writers.
The daric was stamped on one side with the figure of an archer,
winch gave rise to a good saying of Agesilaus, related by Plutarch.
While the Spartan king was overrunning the provinces of Asia
Minor, Tithraustes the satrap, to get rid of so formidable an enemy,
sent Timocrates of Rhodes with fifty talents of gold into Greece, to
stir up war against Lacedsemon. This money was distributed in
Thebes, Argos, and Corinth — Xenophon says the Athenians had no
share of it2 — and the effects were quickly seen. The Spartans,
alarmed at the confederacy against them, recalled Agesilaus ; where-
upon he declared " that a thousand Persian archers had driven him
out of Asia."
There was but a scanty supply of the precious metals in Greece at
an early period, while the eastern monarchs collected the treasures of
Cholcis, Lydia, Phrygia, Armenia, and India. The wars of Xerxes
opened a more extensive intercourse with Asia, and enriched the
Greeks by commerce and by plunder. Thus, and by an increase in
the produce of their native mines, money became more plentiful
among them; and in the time of Demosthenes its value was five
times less than in the days of Solon. The relative value of gold to
(1) So its name imports.' XaXKo? is copper.
(2) Hell. iii. 5. 1.
254 APPENDIX II.
silver, in the time of Herodotus, was thirteen to one, in the time of
Demosthenes, ten to one.
The Greek islands that most abounded in precious metals were
Samos, Siphnos, and Thasos, in which there was both gold and
silver. The mines of Thasos were anciently worked by the Phoeni-
cians, to whom the Greeks were at an early period indebted for their
supply of metal in general. They brought the common metals from
Spain and Arabia, tin 1 from Britain, and probably taught* the art of
mining to the Greeks. The Thasians found gold and silver on the
adjacent continent of Thrace. But when the island was conquered
by Cimon, their settlements also fell into the hands of the Athe-
nians, who worked the mines until the close of the Peloponnesian
war. The gold, which they obtained from this district, they used
not for coinage, but for commercial purposes. Philip afterwards
took possession of these mines, and worked them, as we have already
seen, with great advantage.2
There were silver mines also in Thessaly. But the most valuable
in Greece were those of Laurium in Attica, to which Xenophon has
devoted a long chapter of his treatise on the Athenian revenues, and
on which in modem times a dissertation has been written by Bockh,
the celebrated author of the Staatshaushaltuny der Athener^ or
Public Economy of Athens, from whom English scholars have derived
most of their information upon these subjects.
The mines of Laurium were the property of the Athenian people,
but were worked by private speculators, to whom the state granted
allotments, receiving a certain sum by way of premium or purchase-
money, and receiving a perpetual rent of a 24th part of the produce.
These persons were thus in point of law tenants of the state ; but
for most purposes might be regarded as the absolute owners. Many
wealthy citizens embarked their capital in the mining business, which
they carried on by means of agents or subtenants. Nicias had seve-
ral mines, with a thousand slaves at work in them, for each of whom
he received from his lessee a clear rent of an obol a day. Thus was
Laurium an important source of revenue to Athens. When Dece-
leia was occupied by the Lacedaemonian army, she suffered greatly by
losing the profit of the mines. They had yielded a considerable
income in the time of Themistocles, who persuaded his countrymen
to apply the money to shipbuilding, instead of distributing it among
themselves. In the time of Demosthenes, though he speaks in high
terms of the value of this property,3 the quantity of silver obtained
was diminished ; and Strabo tells us, that in the first century of the
Christian era the Laurian mines were exhausted.
Foreigners in Attica were allowed equal privileges with citizens in
(1) They purchased it in the Cassiterides Insulse"(Scilly Isles), so called anciently
from the Greek Kao-atVepo?, tin. The islanders are supposed to have obtained the
tin from the mainland of Britain.
(2) See p. 240 of this volume.
(3) See the Oration de Chcrsoncso, p. 100; the fourth Philippic, 135.
ATHENIAN MONEY AND MINES. 255
the renting of the mines :l so anxious was the state, that they should
be let. To prevent frauds on the revenue, every mine in work was
required to be registered, and an indictment lay against any person
who evaded this regulation.2
Xenophon, who seems to have thought that the riches of Laurium
were inexhaustible, recommended that his countrymen should improve
their finances by abolishing the middle-men, and letting the mines,
together with mining-slaves, to the working tenants, in the same way
that other revenues were let to farm. He advised that they should
buy slaves gradually, until they had got three slaves to every citizen ;
and he calculated that the mines would afford profitable employment
for all, and the revenue would be immensely increased.
The trade of Athens was much promoted by the purity of her
silver coin, which was everywhere exchanged with advantage, while
that of other states would only pass at hume. One instance only is
recorded of her issuing a debased gold coinage ; but this was in
a time of distress, at the close of the Peloponnesian war.3 The right
of coining money was (no doubt) vested in the state, and forgery was
a capital crime.4
The Attic coins were generally stamped with a head of Pallas on
one side, and an owl (her sacred bird) on the other. Hence the
point of the story told by Plutarch, in his life of Lysauder — That
general sent Gylippus with a bag of money to Sparta. Gylippus
unsewed the bottom of the bag, took out a portion of the money, and
sewed it up again. But unfortunately for him, the bag contained a
paper which gave an account of the sum sent home. The magistrates,
finding the money short, were surprised, and made inquiries. Gylippus
had concealed the stolen coins, which were Athenian with the owl-
stamp, under the tiles of his house ; but his servant, who was in the
secret, betrayed him by declaring, that he had observed a great many
owls roost in the Ceramicus.5 The theft was thus discovered, and
Gylippus tarnished the good name which he had acquired by his vic-
tories at Syracuse.
Although the Attic money has been reduced into terms of our own,
to give the reader some notion of its value, it is plain enough, that
the relative values of Attic and English money could only be fully
determined by a comparison of the quantities of the precious rnetals,
the different modes of living in the two countries, and many other
considerations of the same kind. Eor these reasons, besides the
awkwardness of making Demosthenes talk of pounds shillings and
pence, I have, in the translation, adhered to the Attic terms for
money. The following particulars will help to throw some light on
the subject.
(1) Xenophon, Te Vectig. iv. 12. The student should peruse this treatise.
(2) This was called dfpd<pov /^eruXXou fpa<ptj.
(3) But even this instance is questioned by Grote. Hist, of Greece, iii. 153.
(4) Demosth. cont. Lept. sub fin.
(5) A pun on the Ceramicus at Athens and Kepa^ot, tiles.
256 APPENDIX II.
An Athenian could live respectably on the interest of a talent, —
that is, on seven or eight minas a-year. In the speech written by
Demosthenes against Boeotus, the plaintiff * says he had been sup-
ported and educated out of such an income. Isseus speaks of an
estate of fifty minas as sufficient to live comfortably, but not to per-
form public services. The expenses of Demosthenes, his mother and
sister, during his minority, amounted to seven minas annually, exclu-
sive of house rent. His father, who was a merchant,2 left to his
family an estate of fourteen talents, and is represented as a person of
considerable property. But we read of larger fortunes than his at
Athens. Conon possessed 40 talents ; Nicias 100 ; Alcibiades still
more. One of the richest men was Callias son of Hipponicus, whose
property was valued at 200 talents, partly acquired by the plunder
of the Persian war. He had a son Hipponicus (who was killed at the
battle of Delium) who gave his daughter in marriage to Aleibiades,
•with a portion of 10 talents, and a promise of 10 more after the
birth of a son ; the largest portion ever given by a Greek.
I have spoken of seven or eight minas as being the interest of
a talent ; that is, about twelve or thirteen per cent, per annum. Such
in fact was a common rate of interest at Athens, but it was con-
sidered low ; eighteen per cent, being frequently paid for loans on
good security. There were no laws against usury ; and although
usurious money-lenders were regarded, as they have been in all ages,
with an evil eye by the people, much higher rates than those above
mentioned were exacted from needy borrowers, and wherever the
risk was considerable. Thus, we read of thirty per cent, being paid
on a bottomry contract for one summer. The lowness of personal
credit, frequency of wars, instability of governments, and imperfection
of national law, besides other causes of risk, would render all mercan-
tile adventures perilous. The chief money-lenders at Athens were
bankers ; who kept the cash of their customers pretty much in the
same manner as bankers of the present day, and made a profit by
lending it out to others. They were serviceable to their customers
in various ways ; as the depositaries of important documents ; as
referees ; as witnesses to payments and other transactions between
them and third persons; and generally by extending their credit.
They were usually men of high repute in the commercial world.
Isocrates3 tells us that money was lent to them without witnesses ;
and this need not surprise us, when we consider that writing mate-
rials were not so plentiful or easy to be had, and men were obliged
to place more reliance on their agents.
The interest above referred to has been calculated, after the
English fashion, by the year : but it must be remembered that it was
usually reserved at Athens by the month, which makes it really
Iiigher.
(1) The person for whom Demosthenes composed the speech, pp. 1014, 1023.
<2) Thirlwall's Hist. v. 247. (3)_Trapeziticus, 358.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 257
APPENDIX III.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE.
THE peninsula known anciently by the name of the Thracian l
Chersonese is washed on its eastern coast by the Hellespont, on its
west by the J]]gean sea. It stretches about fifty-two miles in length
from its most southern point to the isthmus where it joins the con-
tinent of Thrace. The isthmus was between four and five miles
long-, being the same length as the isthmus of Corinth. It contained
in Xenophon's time eleven or twelve cities. There were many good
harbours on the coast, and the land was generally fertile both for
corn and pasture. We read in Thucydides, that in the time of the
Trojan war this land was cultivated' by the Greek army for their
subsistence. It was here, according to the legend, that Polydorus, the
son of Priam, was murdered by the treacherous king Polymnestor.2
The southernmost town was Elseus, opposite Sigeum in the Troad.
Here was a tomb and temple of Protesilaus, the first of the Grecian
warriors who leapt ashore at the siege of Troy, and who was slain by
Hector, according to the prediction of the oracle.3
Sors quoque riescio quern fato design;it iniquo,
Qui primus Danaum Troada tangat humum.
The temple was conspicuous on the shore, and held in great
veneration. It contained valuable treasures in gold and silver,
which were seized by Artayctes, the Persian satrap, during the
invasion of Xerxes ; for which the people of Elseus were so incensed
against him, that afterwards, when he fell into the hands of the
Athenians, they caused him to be crucified, and his son to be stoned
to death before his eyes.4
Prom Elseus the land curves eastward to the promontory of
Cynossema, or Dog's- tomb, so called from Hecuba, the queen of
Priam, who was fabled to have been changed into a dog and buried
there.5 The projection at this point is sharp and angular.6 After-
(1) The student must not confound this with the Tauric Chersonese, (the modern
Crim Tartary,) which projects into the Euxine sea beyond the Borysthenes ; the
ancient name of which is preserved in the present town of Cherson.
(2) Xenophon, Hell. iii. c. 2, s. 10. Thucydides, i. 11. Herodotus, vi. 36. Virgil,
j£n. iii. 49. Euripid. Hecuba, 8.
(3) Ovid, Epist. Laodamiae, 93.
(4) Herod, ix. 116, 120. Thucyd. viii. 102.
(5) Euripid. Hecuba, 1265. Ovid, Metamorph. xiii. 560. Diodorus Siculus, xiii.40.
(6) Thucyd. viii. 104. As to the situation the reader may consult Goeller's note.
VOL. I. S
258 APPENDIX III.
wards it bends inward, and forms a deep bay, on which are the
towns of Madytus and Sestus.
Sestus stood at the northern corner of the bay, nearly at the point
where the strait is narrowest, so as to command the entrance. It
was an jEolic city, of ancient foundation, famous both in history and
in song. The story of Leander is familiar to all readers. Hero
with lier torch in the Sestian watch-tower lighted him over the
deep, as he swam from Abydos. Their love-tale is the theme of two
epistles of Ovid; and in modern times the feat of Leander was
imitated by Lord Byron, who swam across the Hellespont at the
same point. The classic lines in the Bride of Abydos have added a
further interest to the spot :
The winds are high on Helle's wave,
': As on that night of stormy water,
"When Love who sent forgot to save
The young, the beautiful, the brave,
The lonely hope of Sestos' daughter.
Oh ! when alone along the sky
Her turret torch was blazing high,
Though rising gale, and breaking foam,
And shrieking sea-birds warn'd him home ;
And clouds aloft, and tides below,
With signs and sounds forbade to go,
He could not see, he would not hear,
Or sound or sign foreboding fear ;
His eye but saw that light of love,
The only star it hail'd above ;
His ear but rang with Hero's song,
" Ye waves, divide not lovers long ! "
* * * * *
Oh yet — for there my steps have been ;
These feet have press'd the sacred shore ;
These limbs that buoyant wave hath borne —
Minstrel ! with tnee to muse, to mourn,
To trace again those fields of yore,
Believing every hillock green
Contains no fabled hero's ashes,
And that around th' undoubted scene
Thine own broad Hellespont still dashes,
Be long my lot ! and cold were he
Who there could gaze denying thee !
The stream of the Hellespont flows rapidly toward the ./Egean,
and gave the Greeks the idea of a river rather than a sea ; whence
probably was derived Homer's epithet of broad, which has been the
subject of much controversy.1
The sea of Helle is the sea where Helle, the sister of Phryxus,
was drowned, falling from the golden rani ; according to the ancient
legend : 2
Et satis amissa locus hie infamis ab Helle est;
Utque mihi parcat, crimine nomen habet.
Invideo Phryxo, quern per freta tristia tutum,
Aurea lanigero vellere vexit ovis.
Her tomb was at the Isthmus. The modern name of the strait is
(1) 'Erri irXaret 'EXXtiffirovrtf). Iliad, vii. 86; Odyssey, xxiv. 82.
(2) Ovid, Leand. Epist. Hi!
THE THRACTAN CHERSONESE. 259
the Dardanelles, apparently a compound of her name and the Asiatic
city of Dardanus.
It was to a rugged part of the coast between Sestus and Madytus,
that Xerxes carried his double bridge of boats across the strait,
^bout a mile in length from Abydos. The army was seven days in
crossing. Then it marched right up to the isthmus, and turning off
to the left passed along the shore of the Sinus Melanis, and arrived
at Doriscus on the Thracian coast, where the king held a grand
review of his forces.1
The bridge was afterwards broken by a storm, and when Xerxes
arrived at the Hellespont on his retreat, he carried his troops over
in sailing vessels to Abydos. Herodotus mentions another story, of
which he declares his own disbelief; that Xerxes crossed over to
Asia in a single vessel from Eion on the Strymon, and was only
saved from shipwreck by causing his Persian followers to jump over-
board.2 To this last story, as it would seem, Juvenal alludes in the
following lines : 3
Ille taraen qua,lis rediit Salamine relicta,
In Corum atque Eurum solitus saevire flagellis,
"Barbarus, JEolin nunquam hoc in carcere passes,
Ipsum compedibus qui vinxerat Ennosigaeum.
Sed qualis rediit ! nempe una nave cruentis
Fluctibus, ac tarda per densa cadavera prora.
Further to the north was the little stream called JSgos Potamos,
or Goat's Hiver, near to which the great fleet of the Athenians,
through the negligence of their commanders, was captured by
Jjysander in the last year of the Peloponnesian war. It was exactly
opposite the Mysian Lampsacus, which was given by the Persian
king to Themistocles, to supply him with wine; as Magnesia for
liis bread, and Myus for his meat.4 This city was long famous for
its wealth and luxury, and also for the worship of the god Priapus,
\vho had a temple there. To this Virgil alludes in the line :5
Hellespontiaci servet tutela Priapi.
Further on was the city of Crithote, and a little beyond was
Paetya.
The terminus of the Chersonese at an early period was a supposed
line drawn from Pactya to Cardia, where the wall was afterwards
built. Cardia was a Milesian settlement, and stood at the head of
the Melanis Sinus. In later times it became a city of importance,
and was considered the key of the peninsula ; its possession giving
facility for a hostile inroad from the interior of Thrace.6
Tor the better understanding of that part of Athenian history
•which relates to the occupation of the Chersonese by Athens, it will
be needful to give a brief account of the Thracian kingdom.
(1) Herod, vii. 33, 56, 59. (2) Ib. viii. 117, 118. (3) Juv. Sat. x. 178.
<4) Thucyd. i. 138. Cornelius Nepos in vit Themist.
(5) Georgics.iv. 111. See Pausanias, ix. 31. For the artifice by which Anaximenes
the Orator saved Lampsacus from the wr.ith of Alexander, see Pausanias, vi. 18.
(G) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 681.
s2
260 APPENDIX III.
The people inhabiting the country that lay between the ./Egean
sea and the Danube, the Strymon and the Euxine, were known
generally to the Greeks by the name of Thracians. They consisted
of numerous tribes. Could they have been united (says Herodotus)
under a single monarch, they would have been invincible.1 The
more warlike and ferocious among them were the mountaineers who
dwelt on the ridges of Hsemus and Rhodope. Those who lived in
the plain were more peaceable, especially those who came into,
contact with the Greek colonies on the J3gean and Propontine
coasts. They were devoted to the worship of Mars and Bacchus.2'
With their warlike character was mixed a wild religious enthusiasm ;
and down to a very late period they were notorious among the nations
for quarrelling over their cups : Horace says,
Non ego sanius
Bacchabor Edonis.
And again,
Natis in usum laetitioe scyphis
Pugnare Thracum est.
In the time of the Peloponuesian war the most considerable of the
tribes were the Odrysa3, who occupied the centre of the country
below Mount Haemus. The sway of their king Sitalces extended
from the city of Abdera to the Euxine and the mouths of the
Danube. He was in alliance with Athens, and in pursuance of his
engagement with her led an innumerable host to attack Perdiccas
and the Chalcidians. His invasion excited the utmost terror all
through Macedonia and Thessaly ; but the Athenians derived little
advantage from it; for Sitalces, after ravaging the enemy's country
for some time, entered into a negotiation with Perdiccas and returned
home. Thucydides expresses the same opinion with Herodotus as
to the formidable character of the Thracian people, if they could all
have been united.3
The first connexion of the Athenians with the Thracian Chersonese
took place in the following way. The story is somewhat romantic.
In the time of Pisistratus the Chersonese was inhabited by a
Thracian tribe called Doloncians. They, pressed by a war of the
Absinthians, sent their princes to Delphi to consult the oracle ;
which directed them to invite the first person who offered them
hospitality to come and settle among them as their chief. The
princes passed through Phocis and Boeotia and came to Athens.
There, as they walked through the town, their strange dress and
arms were observed by Miltiades, the son of Cypselus ; who invited
them to his house and entertained them. They told him of the
oracle, and entreated him to comply with it. Miltiades was a man of
good family and wealth, and not very well satisfied with his position
(1) Herod, v. 3, 7.
(2) 'O epnti M«"T<9 Aiowffof, Euripid. Hecuba, 1267. He was the god of the
Orphic mysteries, perhaps derived from Egypt. Herod, ii, 81, 103.
(3) Thucyd. ii. 95—101.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 2G1
in Athens, where Pisistratus held the supreme rule. He was there-
fore not indisposed to accept the offer of the strangers. He took
the precaution, however, to consult the oracle in person, and having
received a favourable answer, proceeded with the Doloncians and a
body of Athenian emigrants to the Chersonese, where he was made
ruler of the country, and building; a wall from Pactya to Cardia
repressed the incursions of the Absinthians.1
Divine honours were paid to Miltiades after his death by the
Chersonesites, who looked upon him as the founder of a colony.2
He was succeeded by his nephew Stesagoras, son of Cimon ; who
having been soon after assassinated, his brother Miltiades was sent
by Hippias from Athens, to take possession of the government.
This happened B.C. 518. The young Miltiades commenced his reign
by seizing the persons of the Chersonesite princes, whom he sus-
pected probably of being concerned in his brother's murder ; he then
established a body of mercenaries, and strengthened his connexion
by marrying the daughter of a Thracian king.
About three years after, viz. B.C. 515, Darius invaded Scythia.
He crossed by a bridge of boats over the Thracian Bosphorus, and
marched through the eastern part of Thrace to the Danube, where
the lonians, who commanded the fleet, had prepared a bridge for his
passage. Many Thracian chiefs joined his army, and among others,
Miltiades ; for the Chersonese, though ruled by the Athenian prince,
was tributary to the Persian empire. Miltiades remained with the
lonians who guarded the bridge, while Darius was in the enemy's
country. He advised them to break it up, after the expiration of
the sixty days which Darius had prescribed for his return ; but this
advice was overruled, and Darius re-crossed the Danube in safety.
Megabazus the satrap was left in Thrace to complete the subjugation
of the country. Miltiades returned to the Chersonese, where for
many years he reigned without disturbance, except for a short
period, when he was driven out by a Scythian invasion.3
At length, however, after he had reigned about twenty-four years,
Miltiades was compelled to fly from his kingdom for fear of Persian
hostility. After the suppression of the Ionian revolt, B.C. 494,
(1) Herod, vi. 34 — 39. The Athenians had at an early period occupied Sigeum in the
Troad, and so became known in the Chersonesite region before the migration under
Miltiades.
(2) OiKto-Tfjj. See Thucyd. v. 11. Cornelius Nepos confounds the elder Miltiades
with the younger.
(3) Herod, iv. 89—98, 137; vi. 40. Thirlwall, in an appendix to the second volume
of his history, contends that the counsel imputed to Miltiades at the Danube was a
fiction, and that his second flight from the Chersonese was occasioned by his having
taken Lemnos from the Persians. The arguments which he advances in support of
this view are exceedingly strong. Grote, on the other hand, in his History of Greece,
vol. iv. 368, maintains that the story of Herodotus, as to the advice given by
Miltiades, is correct ; but that Herodotus ascribed the first flight of Miltiades from
the Chersonese to the wrong cause ; viz. to his fear of the Scythian incursion ; whereas
the real cause was the fear of Persia. The dates of Herodotus can scarcely be made
to agree with this latter view. Miltiades was a man very likely to have invented
the story.
262 APPENDIX III
Darius sent his Phoenician fleet to chastise the cities on the European
side of the Hellespont and Propontis, which had assisted his rebel-
lious subjects. Miltiades, conscious of having merited the kind's-
displeasure, either for his treacherous counsel on the Danube, or by
some other act of disloyalty, prepared for flight. He set sail from
Cardia with five ships, while the Phoenician fleet was -anchored at
Tenedos. One of the ships, containing his eldest son Metiochus,
was captured by the Phoenicians, who sent him a prisoner to Susa.
Darius, instead of visiting the father's crime upon the son, treated
him with the utmost generosity; gave him a Persian lady in marriage,
and an estate with her. Miltiades escaped to Athens, where he was
again admitted to the rights of citizenship. He was reserved for a
more glorious destiny than the government of a Thracian principality.
In a few years afterwards he was the hero of Marathon. The cities
of Chersouesus, all excepting Cardia, were brought under subjection
to the Persian king.1
So things remained till after the defeat of the second Persian in-
vasion. The united fleet of the Greeks sailed then to the Hellespont,
where finding the bridge of Xerxes broken, the Peloponnesians re-
turned home ; the Athenians, under Xanthippus, stayed to recover
the dominion of Miltiades. All the Persian troops in the neighbour-
hood were drawn from the different towns into Sestus, which was
strongly fortified. The Athenians laid siege to that city, and took it
after a long resistance, putting Artayctes the satrap to death as we
have already seen. Among other spoils which fell into their hands-
were the cables of the famous bridge, which they carried home to be-
deposited in the temples of Athens.2
It was Cimon, the son of Miltiades, who completed the conquest of
Chersonesus. After the departure of the Athenian fleet from Sestus,.
the Persians came over again, and recovered their possessions. Cimon
sailed against them with only four galleys, defeated a much larger
squadron, and chased the Persians out of the peninsula, together
with a body of continental Thracians, whom they had invited to their
assistance.3 To this period we may refer the following story related
by Plutarch : 4—
The Athenians and their allies having taken a great number of
barbarians prisoners in Sestus and Byzantium, Cimon, being chosen
to divide the booty, put the naked prisoners in one lot, and the rich
attire and jewels in another. The allies complaining of this as an
unequal division, he said they might take which lot they pleased,
and the Athenians would be content. Herophytus of Samos advised
the allies to take the ornaments, and leave the slaves to the Athenians.
This was done, and Cimon at first was laughed at for his liberality ;
but soon after, the parents and kinsmen of the prisoners came from
Lydia and Phrygia, and paid a high price for their ransom ; whereby
(1) Herod, vi. 33, 41, (2) Herod, ix. 114—121. Thucyd. i. 89.
(3) Plutarch in vit. Cimon. (4) Ibid.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 263
Cimon collected money enough to maintain his fleet for four mouths,
and even to reserve something for the Athenian treasury.
At a later period, when Pericles held the administration at Athens,
it being his policy to extend the influence of his country by esta-
blishing numerous colonies, he sent out a thousand Athenians to take
allotments of land in the Chersonese, and caused the wall across
the isthmus, which had been damaged by hostile inroads, to be
repaired.1
In the last six years of the Peloponnesian war the Hellespont and
Propontis became the scene of most important military operations,
which it will be sufficient briefly to notice ; — viz. the battle gained by
the Athenians off the headland of Cynossema 2 — the action off Abydos,
where they defeated the Peloponnesian fleet under Mindarus 3 — the
victory of Alcibiades at Cyzicus in the Propontis * — his successful
sieges of Chalcedon and Byzantium.5 The importance of the struggle
in these seas will be apparent, when we consider that they were the
freat thoroughfare of the corn-trade, on which Athens was entirely
ependent for the subsistence of her people. Eubcea, once the
granary of Athens, had revolted.6 Attica was virtually in the hands
of the enemy, by means of the garrison at Deceleia. Yet it was im-
possible to starve out the Athenians whilst they possessed a navy
which protected their commerce, and enabled them to import corn
from the shores of the Hellespont and the Euxine. This had forcibly
struck Agis the Spartan king, who commanded at Deceleia, as from
that fortress one day he espied a multitude of corn-ships sailing into
the Piraeus. It was no use, he said, to exclude the Athenians from
Attica, unless they stopped the passage of corn by sea : and accord-
ingly he advised that measures should be taken to cut off their com-
merce. His advice was followed ; and on this in fact the issue of the
war ultimately turned.7
Hitherto the Athenians had been victorious in the northern seas ;
but in the year B. c. 405, Lysander, already famous by his victory at
Notium, sailed with a considerable fleet to Abydos, then in alliance
with the Peloponnesians. From hence he sailed to Lampsacus, a few
miles north of Abydos, which he attacked by sea, while the Abydenes,
under Thorax the Lacedsemonian, besieged it from the land side.
That city had just been taken by storm, when the Athenian fleet,
consisting of 180 ships, arrived at Elseus. It was commanded by
six generals, Conon, Philocles, Adimantus, Menander, Tydeus, and
Cephisodotus. Hearing that Lampsacus was taken, they sailed up
the channel, and, putting in at Sestus for provisions, proceeded to
^Egos Potamos, just opposite Lampsacus, where the enemy still
lay at anchor. The width of the channel at this point was lifteen
(1) Plutarch in vit. Pericl. " (2) Thucyd. viii. 104. i
(3) Xenoph. Hellen. i. c. 1, s. 5. (4) Ib. s. 16.
(5) Ib. c. 3, s, 2, 14. (6) Thucyd. viii. 95.
(7) Xenoph. Hellen. i. c. 1, s. 35.
264 APPENDIX III.
furlongs ; the two fleets were in sight of each other, and a decisive
battle was expected.1
Early the next morning the Athenians crossed the Hellespont, and
drew up in order of battle opposite the harbour of Lampsacus.
Lysander, whose fleet seems to have been inferior in number, had
given strict injunctions to his men to make every preparation for a
sea-fight, but not to stir from their position. The Athenians con-
tinued offering battle till late in the afternoon, when, finding that the
enemy would not move, they sailed back to JBgos Potamos. Lysander
ordered two or three of his swiftest ships to follow them, and see
what they did after landing : his own troops he kept on board till the
messengers returned. These operations on both sides were repeated
for four days. The Athenians each day, after returning to their
station, dispersed themselves to Sestus and other places to seek
provisions.
It so happened, there was one vigilant eye which discerned the
stratagem of the Spartan general. Alcibiades, in disgrace and exile
since the affair of Notium, had retired to an estate which he pos-
sessed in the Chersonese, not far from Pactya ; there he had fortified
three castles, to serve him, in case of peed, for places of refuge.
From one of these, which stood near the coast, he descried the
manoeuvres of the hostile fleets. Seeing the peril of his countrymen,
he rode on horseback down to the Athenian camp, and pointed out to
the generals two important oversights which they had committed, —
first, that they had stationed their fleet on an open beach, without
cover or shelter; secondly, that they were too far removed from
Sestus, to which they were obliged to resort for a market, and which
was nearly two miles off. He advised them to sail to Sestus imme-
diately, where they would enjoy the convenience of the town and
harbour, and have it in their power to fight when they pleased. He
reproved them also for their negligence in suffering the crews to be
dispersed, when the enemy was so near. This wise counsel was
utterly disregarded. Tydeus and Menander reminded him, they were
the generals, not he, and ordered him to be gone. He told the few
friends who accompanied him out of the camp, that if the generals
would put themselves under his directions, he could bring to their
aid a body of Thracians, and that he would force Lysander into a
battle by attacking him on land. This was looked upon as an idle
boast ; but very likely it was no more than the truth, for it appears
that Alcibiades during his sojourn in the Chersonese had made ex-
cursions beyond the isthmus, and ingratiated himself with some of
the princes in the interior of Thrace. All he could say, however, had
no effect.2
On the fifth morning the Athenians advanced to Lampsacus, and
(1) Xenoph. Hellen. ii. c. 1, s. 16—29.
(2) Plutarch in vit. Alcib. Id. in vit. Lysand. Diodorus Siculus, xiii. 105.
Cornelius Nepos in vit. Alcib.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 2G5
returned as before, looking with contempt on the Peloponnesians for
their cowardice ; and landing again, they dispersed themselves with
still greater carelessness over the country. The captains that followed
them were ordered by Lysander to watch the moment of their dis-
persal, then to row back, and, when they were half-way, to hoist a
shield. He himself kept his whole fleet in readiness. The shield
was raised, and the Peloponnesian galleys, with Thorax and his land
forces on board, were soon crossing the channel at full speed. Conon
saw their advance, and gave the signal to his men to come on board ;
but it was too late ; they were scattered too far ; and of the whole
fleet only eight ships besides his own could be manned and put to
sea. One of these was the Paralus or state-galley, which sailed off
to Athens, to bear the melancholy tidings. Conon with the other
eight escaped from the enemy, and found refuge in Cyprus ; from
which, some years after, he issued forth to be the restorer of his
country. Meanwhile the rest of the fleet became, without a struggle,
the prize of Lysander. The few Athenians who had run down to
their ships were put to the sword ; the rest were pursued over the
country, and nearly the whole body of them were made prisoners,
and massacred in cold blood in the streets of Lampsacus.1
Thus, by the extraordinary negligence of the Athenian commanders,
Lysander acquired the glory of terminating the Peloponnesian war.
The Chersonese, together with the rest of her empire, was lost to
Athens ; and it was more than forty years before she recovered any
of her dominion in this quarter. The Spartans did not seize the
vacant possession for themselves, but, content with having destroyed
the Athenian empire, and established their own preponderating in-
fluence, left the inhabitants to a nominal independence. Lysander
indeed, having taken Sestus, gave up the whole town as a property
to his troops ; but the Spartan government were displeased at his
conduct, and restored the Sestians to their rights.2 We may pre-
sume that many Athenian colonists were compelled to migrate.
Alcibiades, deeming it unsafe to remain in the neighbourhood, de-
parted, with all the treasure that he could carry away, into Bithynia,
where, having been plundered by Thracian robbers, he sought the
protection of the satrap Pharnabazus, who assigned him a dwelling
in Phrygia, and for a time treated him kindly, but afterwards, at the
instance of Lysander, caused him to be treacherously murdered.3
The Chersonesite Greeks, no longer under the protection of a
powerful empire, were again exposed to the inroads of their conti-
nental neighbours, insomuch that it was almost useless to cultivate
the land. In the year B.C. 398 Dercyllidas, the Spartan general, wiio
was then with his army at Lampsacus, was informed by some commis-
(1) According to Pausanias, ix. 32, four thousand prisoners were massacred, and
their bodies left unburied.
(2) Plutarch in vit. Lysand.
(3) Diodorus, xiv. 11. Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos in vit. Alcibiad.
266 APPENDIX III.
sioners from home, that a deputation of the Chersonesites had been
at Sparta, praying to have the isthmus fortified against the barbarous
Thracians. It seems that little or none of the old wall was then re-
maining. Dercyllidas marched into Thrace, and after passing some time
at the court of Seuthes, king of the Odrysa?, arrived at the isthmus,
where he first chased away the marauders, and then set his troops to
work at the fortification, dividing the ground among them in portions,
and stimulating them by rewards. The new wall was completed in
half a year.1
The great kingdom of the Odrysse, after the death of Sitalces,
who was slain by the Triballi B.C. 424, was inherited by his nephew
Seuthes. He enjoyed a long and prosperous reign. His revenues
are ! said to have amounted to four hundred talents a-year, besides
presents to an equal amount in gold and silver, which it was usual
for the kings of Thrace to receive.2 Towards the end of the fifth
cenUry B.C. this kingdom had devolved upon Amadocus or Medocus ;
but it was divided and greatly weakened. A prince named Meesades
ruled the southern and eastern parts, extending to the lower shores
of the Euxine and the Propontis, as far as the city of Ganus. The
tribes subject to him were named Melanditse, Thyni, and Tranipsa;.
But he was expelled from his kingdom, and his son Seuthes was
brought up at the court of Amadocus. Seuthes, when he arrived
at man's estate, endeavoured, with the assistance of the Odrysian
monarch, to recover his dominions, but was unable to do more than
live by plunder.3 Alcibiades had made friends of both these princes
in the year B.C. 405, but what position Seuthes then held we are not
informed.4 Indeed we have so little historical information about the
Thracian people, except when they are brought into contact with the
southern Greeks, that it is difficult to make out the geography of
the country reigned over by their kings, or the boundaries of the
various tribes that composed the nation. We read occasionally of
incursions made by particular tribes into the territories occupied by
Greek colonies ; and ifc appears clear enough that the mountaineers
of Hsemus and llhodope always maintained a rude independence
against the Thracian monarchs of the plain.5 When Xenophon and
his Cyrean troops, on their retreat from Persia, arrived on the coast
of the Bosphorus, in the year B.C. 4CO, Seuthes applied to him for
assistance against his rebellious subjects. This, after some delay,
was granted. Xenophon marched from Perinthus into the interior
of the country, defeated the rebellious mountaineers, and reestablished
the power of Seuthes, from whom he with some difficulty obtained
the promised reward for his soldiers.6 It has already been mentioned
that Dercyllidas the Lacedaemonian was hospitably entertained at the
(1) Xenoph. Hell. iii. c. 2, s. 8. Diodorus, xiv. 38.
(2) Thucyd. ii. 97 ; iv. 101. (3) Xenoph. Anab. vii. c. 2, s. 32—38.
(4) Diodorus, xiii. 10.5.
(5) Thucyd. ii. 96. Xenoph. Hell. v. c. 2, s. 17. Eiodorus, xiv. 12; xv. 36
(6) Xenoph. Anah. vii. c. 1, s. 5— c. 7, s. 55.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 2 67
court of Seuthes. We read that in the year B.C. 392 Thrasybulus,
then commanding an Athenian fleet in the JEgean, visited the Cher-
sonese, and brought over Amadocus and Seuthes to the alliance of
Athens.1 A few years later Seuthes was again disturbed by insur-
rection, and in his distress applied for the aid of Iphicrates, who had
rendered himself famous by the success of his peltaslse or targeteers.
By the arms of that general he recovered his dominion.2
In the year B.C. 382 Cotys succeeded to the monarchy of Thrace;
but whether to the kingdom of Amadocus as well as that of Seuthes
does not appear. The latter he certainly possessed ; and it is not
unlikely that he enlarged his power by conquest of the former. The
long sojourn of Iphicrates in Thrace — for since the peace of Antal-
cidas he had no employment for his troops in the south — had brought
him into connexion with Cotys, to whom, after the death of Seuthes,
he transferred his services. Cotys, to reward and attach him more
closely to his own interests, gave him his daughter in marriage, and
assigned to him for his domain a Thracian town called Drys, situated
near the mouth of the Hebrus, which Iphicrates strengthened by
fortifications, and by the introduction of a Greek colony.3 Thus,
says Grote,4 " Iphicrates became a great man in Thrace, yet by no
means abandoning his connexion with Athens, but making his posi-
tion in each subservient to his importance in the other. While he was
in a situation to favour the projects of Athenian citizens for mercan-
tile and territorial acquisitions in the Chersonese and other parts of
Thrace, he could also lend the aid of Athenian naval and military art,
not merely to princes in Thrace, but to others even beyond those
limits ; since we learn that Amyntas, king of Macedonia, became so-
attached or indebted to him as to adopt him for his son.33
Here it is convenient to notice the loose and irregular practices of
which the Athenian generals of this period were so frequently guilty,
but which scarcely drew upon them any rebuke or censure from their.
own people. I allude to their constant residence abroad, their roaming-
in quest of adventures, their service under foreign princes, forming
connexions with them by marriage and otherwise, receiving gifts of
cities and fortified posts, and acting independently without the order
or permission of the state. Much of this may be traced to the con-
sequences of the Peloponnesian war. A large number of men accus-
tomed to warfare were thrown out of employment, and glad to find
any service where pay and plunder could be got. The march of the
ten thousand Greeks into Persia was one of the first demonstrations
(1) Diodorus, xiv. 94. (2) Cornelius Nepos in vit. Iphicrat.
(3) Suiclas, s. v. KOTU? and Apu?. Anaxandridas apud Athen. iv. 6, where there is-
an amusing description of the wedding feast. A good saying of Menestheus, the son
of Iphicrates, is related by Cornelius Nepos : " Is cum interrogaretur, utrum pluris
patrem matremve faceretf matrem inquit. Id cum omnibus inirum videretur ; at
ille, merito inquit facio. Nam pater, quantum in se fuit, Thracem me genuit;
contra mater Atheniensem." The absence of Iphicrates in Thrace is mentioned by
Isaeus, de Menecl. Hered. s. 7. (4) History of Greece x. 146.
268 APPENDIX III.
given of the importance of this class of men. The remnant that
returned under Xenophon were employed in Asia Minor by the Lace-
vlEemonians. Athens owed her restoration to the foreign troops com-
manded by Conon. Mercenary soldiers began to be necessary for
iier wars. Her generals, if successful, acquired an influence over
them, and in proportion as the soldiers were attached to the general,
he was less under the control of the state. Thus was the power of
the state weakened, and a change wrought in the temper and feelings
of the people. Necessity itself prevented the Athenians from scru-
tinizing the conduct of their generals too nicely. They were com-
pelled to send them out unprovided with the sinews of war; and the
generals had no choice but to get money in irregular ways, — by
contributions from allies, by plunder, or by foreign service. When
Athens began to' recover her maritime empire, she ought to have
established a better rule of discipline. But she did not ; the people
imagined that they could make foreign conquests in the same
scrambling way that they had extricated themselves from their diffi-
culties. Hence, not only did they allow such men as Iphicrates and
Timotheus to use their armaments on expeditions that were not im-
mediately connected with the interests of Athens, but they tolerated,
if they did not encourage, the mischievous irregularities of such men
as Chares and Charidemus. It is true, the Athenians sometimes pro-
fited by these irregularities, but they lost by them in the long run.
"We shall see presently what damage was done to the affairs of Athens
in the Chersonese by the adventurer Charidemus. And even Iphi-
crates, greatly as he had served his country on former occasions, was
induced by his alliance with Cotys to commit open treason.1
These remarks are quite distinct from another charge, which has
been brought against the Athenian people both in ancient and modern
times, viz. that their leading men resided abroad, because, owing to
the jealousy of their fellow-citizens, they could not live in comfort
and security at home. Theopompus was the original author of such
accusation, which has been repeated by Cornelius N epos in the Life
of Chabrias : —
"Non enim libenter erat ante oculos civium suorum, quod et
vivebat laute, et indulgebat sibi liberalius quam ut invidiarn vulgi
posset etfugere. Est enim hoc commune vitiurn in rnagnis liberisque
civitatibus, ut invidia glorias comes sit, et libenter de his detrahant,
quos eminere videant altius; neque animo a3quo pauperes alienam
opulentam intuentur forturiam. Itaque Chabrias, quoad ei. licebat,
plurimum aberat. Neque vero solus ille aberat Athenis libenter, sed
omnes fere principes fecerunt idem, quod tantum se ab invidia puta-
bant ab futures, quantum a conspectu suorum recessisseut. Itaque
Conon plurimum Cypri vixit, Iphicrates in Thracia, Timotheus Lesbi,
-Chares in Sigeo."
(1) See pages 51, 105, 189, 232, of this volume. Also Thirhvall, Gr. Hist. v.
209—212.
THE THKACIAN CHERSONESE.
Grote, who has given proof of a clearer insight into the spirit of
Greek history, and especially of Athenian character, than any English
historian who has preceded him, successfully refutes the sweeping-
charge of Theopompus and Nepos. I cannot do better than quote
his own words: 1
" That the people of Athens, among other human frailties, had
their fair share of envy and jealousy, is not to be denied ; but that
these attributes belonged to them in a marked or peculiar manner,
cannot (in my judgment) be shown by any evidence extant, and most
assuredly is not shown by the evidence here alluded to.
" Chabrias was fond of a life of enjoyment and luxurious indul-
gence. If, instead of being an Athenian, he had been a Spartan, he
would undoubtedly have been compelled to expatriate, in order to
f ratify this taste ; for it was the express drift and purpose of the
partan discipline, not to equalize property, but to equalize the
habits, enjoyments, and personal toils, oi the rich and poor. This is
a point which the admirers of Lycurgus — Xenophon and Plutarch —
attest not less clearly than Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, and others.
If then it were considered a proof of envy and ill-temper, to debar
rich men from spending their money in procuring enjoyments, we
might fairly consider the reproach as made out against Lycurgus and
Sparta. Not so against Athens. There was no city in Greece where
the means of luxurious and comfortable living were more abundantly
exhibited for sale, nor where a rich man was more perfectly at liberty
to purchase them. Of this the proofs are everywhere to be found.
Even the son of this very Chabrias — Ctesippus— who inherited the
appetite for enjoyment, without the greater qualities, of his father —
found the means of gratifying his appetite so unfortunately easy at
Athens, that he wasted his whole substance in such expenses.
(Plutarch, Phocion, c. 7 ; Athenseus, iv. p. 165.) And Chares was
even better liked at Athens in consequence of his love of enjoyment
and licence — if we are to believe another fragment (238) of the same
Theopompus.
" The allegation of Theopompus and Nepos, therefore, is neither
true as matter of fact, nor sufficient, if it had been true, to sustain
the hypothesis of a malignant Athenian public, with which they
connect it. Iphicrates and Chabrias did not stay away from
Athens because they loved enjoyments or feared the envy of their
countrymen ; but because both of them were large gainers by doing
so, in importance, in profit, and in tastes. Both of them loved war
and had great abilities for war — qualities quite compatible with a
strong appetite for enjoyment; while neither of them had either
taste or talent for the civil routine and debate of Athens when at
peace. Besides, each of them was commander of a body of peltasts,
through whose means he could obtain lucrative service as well as.
foreign distinction ; so that we can assign a sufficient reason why
(1) History of Greece, x. 147.
270 APPENDIX III.
both of them preferred to be absent from Athens during most part
of the nine years that the peace of Antalcidas continued. After-
wards, Iphicrates was abroad three or four years in service with the
Persian satraps, by order of the Athenians : Chabrias also went, a
long time afterwards, again on foreign service, to Egypt, at the same
time when the Spartan king As^esilaus was there ; (yet without
staying long away, since we find him going out on command from
Athens to the Chersonese in 359 — 358 B.C. — Demosth. cont.
Aristoc. p. 677 ;) but neither he, nor Agesilaus, went there to escape
the mischief of envious countrymen. Demosthenes does not talk of
Iphicrates as being uncomfortable in Athens, or anxious to get out
of it : see Orat. cont. Meidiam, p. 535."
The case of Conon residing at Cyprus, as Grote justly remarks,
is far from being an illustration of Athenian jealousy or ill-temper.
It is not a case at all in point, as from any common history may be
gathered.
But I must return from this digression.
Events that occurred somewhere about the year B.C. 362 brought
Cotys into collision with the Athenians.
Towards the close of the year B.C. 363 Timotheus, who then com-
manded the Athenian fleet in the ^Egean, was sent to the coast of
Asia Minor to assist Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia. Ariobarzanes
about h've years before had sent an agent to Delphi, named Philiscus,
who held a congress for the pacification of the Greek states. The
Thebans thwarted his views, upon which Philiscus threatened them
with war, and began to levy troops against them.1 The Athenians,
then in alliance with Lacedaemon against Thebes, conferred the
honour of citizenship on Ariobarzanes and his deputy ;2 and the con-
nexion thus formed with the satrap apparently led to the mission of
Timotheus. What were the precise objects of the Athenians, we are
not informed. It appears however that in the same year the Thebans
sent a naval armament under the command of Epaminondas to the
Hellespont and Propontis, which defeated a small force under Laches
at Byzantium. Epaminondas was well received at that city, and
exerted himself (not without effect) to detach it from the Athenian
alliance.3 After scouring the seas for some time, he was obliged to
return home to attend to more pressing affairs, but his appearance in
the jEgean had greatly alarmed the Athenians ; and it is probable
that they desired the aid of the Persian satrap, (especially in money,)
to counteract the efforts of the Thebans in that direction. Ario-
barzanes had views of his own, which caused him to need the
assistance of an able general like Timotheus. In fact, he was
meditating revolt from his master Artaxerxes, and wanted men and
officers. The Athenians had some suspicion of his intention; and
therefore,4 while they permitted their general to cooperate with the
(1) Xenoph. Hell. vii. c. 1, s. 27. (2) Demosth. centra Aristoc. 666, 687.
(3) Diod. xv. 79. Isocr. Phil. 59. (4) Demosth. de Rhod. Lib. 192, 193.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 271
satrap, to save appearances, they inserted a clause in their decree,
forbidding any infringement of their treaty with the king of Persia.
Agesilaus was allowed by the Spartans to go out on the same
mission, but without any such limitation of his powers. The result
of the expedition — as far as concerns our present inquiry — was, that
Timotheus, in requital of the services which he rendered, was
assisted by Ariobarzanes to get possession of Sestus and Crithote ;
and the Athenians, having thus again got a footing on their ancient
territory, were encouraged to claim the whole dominion of the
Chersonese.1
Cotys, who considered the peninsula as rightly belonging to his
own kingdom, by no means acquiesced in this claim. He had already
made an attempt on the town of Sestus, which was defeated by
Agesilaus,2 and he now prepared for war with the Athenians. He
engaged in his service Iphicrates, who being at this time out of em-
ployment, and in some disgrace on account of his bad success at
Amphipolis, did not scruple to assist his father-in-law against his
country.3 Timotheus nevertheless took Elseus, carried the war into
Thrace, and acquired a considerable amount of plunder. But he
had not much leisure for operations in the Chersonese ; for he was
now called off to the siege of Samos, where he was occupied for
nearly a twelvemonth, until some part of the year B.C. 361. At the
end of that year he went on his last disastrous expedition against
Amphipolis ; and we do not find him again employed as general until
the occasion of the Social war.4
Meanwhile Cotys had been greatly alarmed by a rebellion which
broke out in his own kingdom. A Thracian chieftain, named Mil-
tocythes, at the close of the year 362, rose in arms, and seized upon
the Sacred Mountain.5 He sent off an embassy to Athens, proposing
alliance and offering to give up to her the Chersonese. Ergophilus,
then commanding on that coast, prepared to support him : but
Cotys, probably under the advice of Iphicrates, sent a submissive
letter to the Athenians, which induced them to suppose they should
gain more by the friendship than by the punishment of that monarch;
and accordingly they sent oat a new general, Autocles, with a com-
mission which gave him discretionary power to act according to
circumstances. The result of this double-faced policy was, that
Miltocythes, having no assurance of support, and rather supposing
the Athenians were against him, abandoned his stronghold, and
withdrew : Cotys, being relieved from danger, soon gave the Athe-
nians to understand that they had merited no recompense from him.
They vented their anger upon Autocles, whom they brought to trial
for having permitted the rebellion to be quashed; and sent out
(1) Isocratts, On the Exchange, 115, 319. Cornelius Nepos in vit. Timoth.
(2) Xenoph. Agesil. ii. 26. * (3) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 663.
(4) See page 2.H of this volume.
(5) A district about fifteen miles north of the Chersonese, stretching west of the
river Zoralus, nearly down to the sea above Ganus,
272 APPENDIX III.
Menon as his successor. Menon in a short time was superseded by
Timomachus. Neither of them gained any success in their warlike
operations against Cotys. He on the contrary was able to annoy the
Athenian commerce; and the presence of a naval force in the
northern seas became necessary for the protection of the corn- trade,
not only against Cotys, but also against the Byzantines and others
who detained the Athenian vessels and intercepted their supplies.1
Towards the end of the year B.C. 361 Cotys led an army into the
Chersonese, and contrived, with assistance from Abydos, which had
generally been hostile to Athens, to take Sestus. In this enterprise
he was no longer aided by Iphicrates, who, either drawing a dis-
tinction between offensive arid defensive measures, or repenting of
his past conduct, or for some other cause dissatisfied with his father-
in-law, would serve no longer against Athens. He had, as Demos-
thenes represents, saved Cotys from ruin — referring probably to the
rebellion of Miltocythes — and expected from his gratitude, that he
would change his policy towards Athens : but instead of this, his
own service was required for further hostilities. Refusing to comply
with this demand, and fearing the resentment of the king, he retired
to Antissa, and afterwards to Drys.2 The Athenians overlooked his
treasonable conduct, and employed him at a later period in the Social
war. Cotys, deprived of his ablest officer, engaged in his stead
Charidemus.
Of this adventurer's character I have already spoken. After the
defeat of Timotheus, under whom he had served by compulsion, at
Amphipolis, he had passed over to Asia, and, breaking an engage-
ment which he had entered into with Memnon and Mentor, brothers-
in-law of the satrap Artabazus, took forcible possession of Scepsis,
Cebren, and Ilium, in the Troad. These being inland towns, he had
no means of maintaining himself against the power of the satrap,
who soon collected his forces for a siege. Charidemus, in his distress,
wrote a letter to Cephisodotus, then the Athenian commander in the
Hellespont, begging the loan of some ships to convey him and his
troops from Asia, and promising in return to reduce the Chersonese
under Athenian dominion. He was lucky enough to escape without
such help; for Mentor and Memnon, hearing of the design, persuaded
Artabazus to let him go. Charidemus, having crossed over to the
Chersonese, instead of performing his promise to Cephisodotus,.
joined the army of Cotys, from whom probably he expected a more
ample reward, and proceeded with him to besiege Elseus and Crithote.3
The siege of these places had continued for some time without
(1) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 655, 658; contra Polyclem. 1207, 1210, 1211, 1213.
(2) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 663,664. It is possible that a feeling of rivalry against
Timotheus influenced the conduct of Iphicrates. Timotheus threatened him with a
7pa0»; fei/tar, but they were afterwards reconciled, and joint commanders in the
Social war. See Demosth. contra Timoth. 1204. Cornelius Nepos in vit. Iphic. and
Timoth.
(3) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 670—672.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 273
success, when the Athenians were relieved from further peril by the
violent death of Cotys, who was assassinated by two natives of
JEnus, Python and Heraclides. The alleged motive of the deed
was revenge for some insult which Cotys had offered to their father.
Cotys with much energy and strength of character united the rude
ferocity common among his people. He was addicted to hard
drinking and licentious habits, and it not un frequently happened,
that the courtiers and companions of the king were the victims of
his intemperance. Strange stories are told of him by Theopompus
• — that he used to make excursions over his kingdom, and wherever
he found pleasant spots, well wooded and watered, he established
places of entertainment, to which he resorted with his generals and
officers, and gave himself up to sensual enjoyment. Sacrifices to the
gods formed a part of these festivities, until the habit of unrestrained
indulgence overcame his piety as well as his discretion, and he con-
ceived the idea that he was beloved by the goddess Minerva. Eull
of this belief, he actually ordered a wedding feast, and fitted up a
nuptial chamber for his bride. In a state of intoxication he awaited
her arrival ; till at length, becoming impatient, he sent one of his
guards to see if the goddess had come. The guard informed him
that there was no one in the chamber, and for this unwelcome news
was shot by the king with an arrow. A second messenger shared
the same fate : a third, more prudent, told him, the goddess had
been waiting for him some time. Another story is, that, being
jealous of his queen, he killed her in a most brutal manner, cutting
her up the middle with his own sword. Such was the man, who now,
for some outrage upon a Greek citizen, fell a victim to filial vengeance.1
The murderers fled to Athens, and were well received. The Athe-
nians were weak enough to pass a vote, conferring on them the
honour of citizenship and crowns of gold. Nothing could justify
this step. It would have been wrong in the Athenians to have
jnurdered Cotys themselves, whether as a tyrant or an enemy ; and
if so, it could not be decent to reward others for doing such a deed.
I mention this, because some writers speak loosely about tyrannicide,
as if the Greeks were excusable for encouraging it. Python, one of
the brothers, did not regard the honour bestowed on him as in any
way binding him to the interests of Athens ; for not long afterwards
lie passed over into the service of Philip.2
Another instance of the same folly, on a more memorable occasion
— when the Athenians, on the news of Philip's death, offered sacrifice
to the gods, and voted a crown to Pausanias, his murderer — is thus
animadverted on by Plutarch in the life of Demosthenes : —
" Eor my part, I cannot say that the behaviour of the Athenians
' (1) Aristotle, Polit. v. 8, 12. Theopompus apud Athen. xii. 42.
(2) Demosth. contra Aristocr. 659, (i<32. Whether this Python was the same as the
Byzantine Python, who at a later period distinguished himself as an orator and
ambassador of Philip, is a matter of doubt. See Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. v. 221, (note,)
who assigns good reasons for believing them to be the same. Jacobs' Dem. 319.
VOL. I. T
274 APPENDIX III.
on this occasion was at all decent or honourable, to crown themselves
with garlands, to sacrifice to the gods, for the death of a prince, who
in the midst of his success and victories, when they were a conquered
people, had used them with so much clemency and humanity. It
was a practice both unworthy and base, to make him free of their
city, and honour him while he lived ; and yet, as soon as he fell by
treason, to set no bounds to their joy, to insult over his death, and
sing triumphant songs of victory, as if by their own valour they had
conquered him."
The death of Cotys occurred B.C. 358. Three princes claimed the
succession, to the whole, or to different parts of his kingdom ; Cerso-
bleptes, Berisades, and Amadocus. Cersobleptes was the son of
Cotys ; the other two were either sons, or more distant relatives.
They were all very young, and sought the aid of Greek generals to
make good their pretensions. Charidemus espoused the cause of
Cersobleptes, whose sister he had married : Berisades was supported
by Athenodorus, a citizen of Athens, with whom he had formed a
nuptial alliance; Amadocus by Simon and Bianor, who were
similarly connected with him.1
Meanwhile Cephisodotus, the Athenian commander, ignorant of
the plans of Charidemus, arrived at Perinthus with ten ships to-
claim the fulfilment of the promises which he had made in the Troad.
Charidemus with some cavalry and light troops, watching his oppor-
tunity, attacked the Athenian soldiers while they were on shore
taking their meal, and slew a considerable number of them. Hft
continued his hostilities for seven months, and the Chersonese again
became the scene of war. Cephisodotus sailed with his squadron
to Alopeconnesus, a promontory on the south-west coast of the
Peninsula, lying over against Imbrus, where a band of pirates had
established themselves ; but Charidemus, marching across the country,
attacked the Athenians, and forced Cephisodotus into a disadvan-
tageous convention. As soon as this was known at Athens, it was
indignantly repudiated. Cephisodotus was recalled, and sentenced
to a fine of five talents. Athenodorus was appointed to take his
place.2
No war had hitherto broken out between Cersobleptes and the
other two princes ; nor does it exactly appear over what parts of
the kingdom they respectively reio-ned, except that Cersobleptes
must have held the country north of the Chersonese and the Propon-
tine coast; Amadocus seems to have had dominion west of the
Hebrus.3 It happened that about this time Miltocythes made a new
attempt to get the crown, but was betrayed, and delivered into the
(1) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 623, 624, 661, 674. Isocrates, De Pace, 164. Grote,
Hist, of Greece, x. 518. Thirlwall, v. 222.
(2) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 675, 676. The pirates were sent probably by Alex-
ander of Pheras. See Thirlwall, 1. c. Reiske thinks differently. See his Index in
Demosth.
(3) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 681.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 275
hands of Charidemus. That general was at Cardia, which city had
at his special desire been reserved to him by the terms of the conven-
tion. Knowing that it was the custom of the Thracians not to put
their prisoners to death, he gave up Miltocythes, not to Cersobleptes,
but to the Cardian people"; who, to gratify Charidemus, took the
captive and his son out in a boat, slew the son before his father's
eyes, and then threw the father into the sea. This act of cruelty
roused the anger of the Thracians. Berisades and Amadocus united
their forces against Cersobleptes, who was charged as the author of
the crime ; and concluded an alliance with Athenodorus, who was
now upon the coast. The object of the princes was to enlarge their
dominions, or secure themselves in wrhat they already possessed ;
that of the Athenians was to obtain a cession of the Chersonese.
Cersobleptes, assailed by a superior force, was driven into a treaty,
whereby it was agreed that the kingdom of Cotys should be equally
divided among the three princes, and the Chersonese should be ceded
to Athens. This occurred in the beginning of the year 357. Cha-
brias, who had been appointed to succeed Athenodorus, came with a
single ship only to the coast of Thrace, expecting to receive a formal
surrender of the Chersonese. But Athenodorus had in the meantime
been compelled for want of money to disband his troops ; Charide-
mus then persuaded Cersobleptes to renounce his engagement ; and
Chabrias, entirely destitute of means, was in his turn forced into a
convention more hu-miliating than that of Cephisodotus. It was
soon reported to the Athenian assembly, where, after an angry
debate, the act of Chabrias was repudiated, and ten commissioners
were chosen with instructions to go out to Thrace, and either pro-
cure a ratification of the treaty, or take measures for war. The com-
mission was despatched, but, being unprovided with force, it produced
no result but evasion and delay on the part of Cersobleptes and
Charidemus, while Berisades and Amadocus sent letters of complaint
to Athens. There seemed no prospect of bringing the affairs to a
desirable issue, unless the Athenians could send an armament strong
enough to overawe their opponents. This was not accomplished till
the conclusion of the war in Euboea.
During the above-mentioned operations in Thrace, the Athenians
were for about a month engaged in a harassing war in Euboea, to
expel the Thebans, who had made an attempt to establish their power
in the island. Great exertions were made on that important occa-
sion, although the finances of the state were in a low condition. A
body of mercenaries was raised, who together with the citizen troops
were put under the command of Chares and Diocles. After various
skirmishes, in which sometimes the Athenians and sometimes the
Thebans had the advantage, an armistice was agreed upon, and the
Thebans evacuated Eubcea.1 The troops were then at liberty to be
' (1) Diodorus, xvi. 7. Demosth. contra Mid. 570. De Cherson. 103. Msch*
contra Ctesiph. 65.
T2
276 APPENDIX III.
sent elsewhere, and accordingly they were shipped off to the Helles-
pont under the command of Chares. It was no longer in the power
of Charidemus to resist the demands of the Athenians ; and at length
he made, on behalf of Cersobleptes, an actual surrender of all the
territories of the Chersonese. There was one exception however,
which, though not deemed of importance at the time, led to serious
disputes at a later period. That was the city of Cardia ; which by a
special clause, at the instance of Charidemus, was declared to be in-
dependent ; on the ground, as it would seem, that it lay without the
boundaries of the Peninsula. Thrace was partitioned among the
three princes ; and this was supposed to be an additional security to
the Athenian power.1
While their ancient dominion of the Chersonese, its territory and
its revenue,2 were thus recovered by the Athenians, events had
occurred elsewhere, which greatly counterbalanced the advantage ; 3
and new disasters were at hand. In this very year, B.C. 357, the
Social war broke out. Byzantium, Chios, Cos, and Rhodes revolted
from Athens, and waged against her a successful war until their inde-
pendence was acknowledged B.C. 355. Corcyra had also thrown off
her allegiance. Potidaea was taken by Philip B.C. 356. The Olyn-
thians were wresting from Athens her dominion in Chalcidice.4
These misfortunes appear to have encouraged the Sestians, not-
withstanding the compact entered into by Cersobleptes, to dispute the
sovereignty of Athens and assert their own independence. It was
not till the end of the Social war, that the Athenians were able to
chastise them. Chares then besieged and took Sestus. The im-
portance of the place, which from its position, commanding the
passage of the Hellespont, was called the corn-bin of the Piraeus,5
was thought to justify a rigorous punishment. Chares massacred all
the adult population, and reduced the others to slavery. Soon after-
wards the Athenians, imitating the policy of Pericles, sent out a
body of their own citizens to take possession of the vacant land in
Chersonesus, and thereby to strengthen and consolidate the empire
of Athens.6 Such resumption of their ancient rights appears to
have given cause of offence. Isocrates, who about this time wrote a
pamphlet, in the form of an oration, recommending his countrymen
to maintain an equitable peace with their allies, and to give up a
useless struggle for empire, condemns these colonial acquisitions as
impolitic and unjust.7
Philip of Macedon had not hitherto taken any part in the contests
of the Thracian kings, either among themselves or with the Athe-
(1) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 676—679, 681, 623.
(2) As to the amount see Demosth. contra Aristoc. 657.
(3) The capture of Amphipolis and Pydna by Philip, and his offensive league with
the Olynthians. See Appendix I. pp. 236 — 238.
(4) Appendix I. 239. (5) Tn\/a rov ne<pcut'cor. Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 10.
(6) Diodorus, xvi. 34. ^Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 37.
(7) Isocrates, De Pace, 159. Compare Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 6.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 277
nians. Cotys had, after the death of Perdiccas, espoused the cause
of the pretender Pausanias, but had been induced by presents or
promises to abandon it.1 Philip, occupied elsewhere, remained at
peace with Cotys, and for some years made no attempt to encroach
upon Thracian ground beyond the bank of the Nestus. But about
the year B.C. 353 he conceived the idea of forming an alliance with
Cersobleptes, and attacking the Athenians in the Chersonese. How
far Cersobleptes himself encouraged this design, is not very clear.
Since the treaty, by which he finally surrendered Chersonesus to the
Athenians, he had apparently been on amicable terms with them.
An Athenian fleet was constantly stationed in the Hellespont, ready
to act if occasion required; and the partition of the Thracian
kingdom among three princes restrained the ambitious projects of
each.2 The death of Berisades disturbed this peaceful arrangement,
and led to new combinations. He died somewhere about the year
B.C. 353, leaving children under the guardianship of Athenodorus.
That Cersobleptes meditated war against both Amadocus and the
sons of Berisades, is distinctly asserted by Demosthenes.3 Philip
took advantage of these occurrences, to propose an alliance with
Cersobleptes, for the conquest of Thrace and the expulsion of the
Athenians from Chersouesus. In furtherance of this purpose he
marched to Maronea, and had an interview with Apollonides, an
envoy of the Thracian king. At the same time a negotiation was
opened with Pammenes the Theban general, who some time before
had been sent to Asia to assist Artabazus against the Persian
satraps. It does not appear from the language of the orator, that
Pammenes had any direct communication with Philip; but rather
that he communicated only with Cersobleptes. The project how-
ever was disconcerted by Amadocus, who refused to the king of
Macedon a passage through his territory; and for the present the
designs of Philip upon Thrace were suspended.4
Then followed an extraordinary measure on the part of the Athe-
nians, which we must attribute partly to the weakness of their
government, partly to financial embarrassment, and the difficulty
which they experienced in finding troops and money for the support
of their empire. Charidemus, as we have seen, had been one of
their most active opponents in the recovery of the Chersonese.
Yet no sooner had he been brought to reason by the arrival of
Chares in the Hellespont, than the Athenians passed a decree
bestowing on him the franchise of their city and a golden crown.5
His military skill and his influence in Thrace were highly extolled at
Athens, where he contrived to secure a party in his favour ; and it
was said that he was the only person capable of recovering Amphi-
polis. The report of an intended alliance between Philip and Cer-
(1) Diodorus, xvi. 2, 3. (2) Demosth. contra Ari?toc. 623, 680.
(3) Ibid. 624. (4) Ibid. 681.
(5) Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 23. Libanius in Argum. Or. Demosth. contra Aristoc.
278 APPENDIX III.
sobleptes, of which it seems Chares had informed his countrymen by
letter,1 excited alarm at Athens ; and the partisans of Charidemus
deemed it a favourable opportunity to promote his advancement. It
was necessary, they said, to keep on good terms with Cersobleptes,
and for that purpose they should secure the attachment of Chari-
demus, his favourite minister. It was contended also, that he had
rendered signal service to Athens in the surrender of the Chersonese.
One Aristocrates now moved a decree, making it a capital crime
against the laws of Athens to kill Charidemus. The people were
persuaded to pass this decree; but the mover was afterwards prose-
cuted by Euthycles, for whom Demosthenes composed an elaborate
speech, showing that the measure of Aristocrates was not only
contrary to the spirit of the Athenian law, but was fraught with
danger to the country; that Charidemus was a profligate and
treacherous person, who had always been the enemy of Athens;
that the effect of the decree would be to deter Athenodorus and the
other Greek commanders in Thrace from opposing Charidemus ; that
by his aid Cersobleptes would crush the rival princes, and, once
master of the whole Thracian kingdom, would drive the Athenians
from Chersonesus. It is from this oration that we get most of the
historical materials relating to Athenian affairs in Thrace. The trial
took place in the year B.C. 352. Notwithstanding all the exertions
of the orator, Aristocrates was acquitted, and the decree confirmed.2
Strange as it was to pass such a decree in favour of this man, the
event in some measure accorded with the declarations of his party.
Cersobleptes from this time became the firm friend of Athens, while
Amadocus, seeing his cause abandoned by the Athenians, espoused
the alliance of Philip, and assisted his projects in Thrace.3
It was in this same year that Philip, after gaining his great
victory in Thessaly, made an expedition into Thrace, which is said
by Thirlwall to be one of the most obscure parts of his history. It
does not appear that he made at this time any attack upon Cerso-
bleptes, although he approached so near as to alarm the Athenians
who had settled in the Chersonese.4 His invasion was at first
directed to the interior, and perhaps to the central and northern
parts of the kingdom, where he was engaged for a considerable time,
chastising hostile tribes, and establishing his own dependents in
authority and power. He may very likely have assisted Amadocus
in pushing his conquests over the territory of his neighbours. It is
vaguely stated by the Athenian orators, that he made what kings he
pleased, and we know not enough of Thracian history to get more
precise information.5 No certain account of Philip's movements
(1) Demosth. contra Aristoc. 682.
(2) The whole of this speech should be perused, to obtain a proper insight into the
events of the period. See Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. v. 290—293.
(3) Harpocration s. v. 'A/idtWor. Demosth. de Chers. 105. Philipp. iv. 133.
(4) jEschines, De Fals. Leg. 37.
(5) Isocrates, Philipp. 86. Demosth. Olynth. i. 13. See p. 241 of this volume.
In
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 279
readied the Athenians, until they heard that he had marched east-
ward to the Propontine coast, and laid siege to Herseum.1 The
importance of this place, which was held by an Athenian garrison
for the protection of the corn-trade, was well understood by the
people. They instantly convened an assembly, voted an armament
of forty galleys, to carry out all the citizens under forty-five years of
age, and ordered sixty talents to be raised by general contribution.
It was then the month of November in the year 352. Notwith-
standing the energetic resolutions of the people, nine months were
consumed in preparation. Reports came to Athens, that Philip was
•dead or ill, and this served as an excuse for delay. At length, in
the autumn of 351, ten galleys were despatched with the bare crews
only, and a sum of five talents. Charidemus, who was then at
Athens, and had probably been sent by Ccrsobleptes to wrarn the
Athenians of the danger, was appointed to the command. Such a
force would hardly have been sufficient to check the progress of
Philip, had he been inclined to pursue it. But it was then con-
sidered by the Athenians, that the danger was past. And so in fact
it was. For Philip had been seized with a severe illness, and
returned to his own kingdom.2
For above four years Philip abstained from any further aggression
in that quarter. But in the year B.C. 347, having consolidated his
power by the reduction of Olynthus and Chalcidice, he prepared him-
self for new schemes of conquest. His most formidable enemies
were the Athenians. It was necessary to humble them. Two methods
of doing so presented themselves : first, to put himself at the head
of the Amphictyonic confederacy, invade Phocis, terminate the Sacred
xvar, and acquire a preponderating power in southern Greece;
secondly, to invade the Chersonese, drive the Athenians from the
coast of the Hellespont and Propontis, and starve them out, as the
Lacedaemonians had done, by stopping their importation of corn.
For this last purpose it was necessary to subdue the kingdom of
Cersobleptes, which lay between him and the Chersonese, and pro-
tected the Greek cities on the northern shore of the Propontis. To
accomplish his objects more easily, Philip had recourse to stratagem.3
It may seem to us, reading history after the event, that Philip
might with ease have overrun the kingdom of Cersobleptes and the
Oiersonese in spite of any resistance which the Athenians could have
offered ; and that afterwards he might have led an overpowering army
into Phocis, and beaten down all opposition. Such, however, was
not the view which he himself took of the matter. It was a maxim
with that politic prince, not to employ force, where he could succeed
In Athenaeus, xiii. r>57, mention is made of Cothelas, a Thracian prince, who sub-
mitted to Philip, and gave his daughter Meda to be one of his wives or concubines.
(1) As to its situation near Perinthus, see Herodotus, iv. 90.
(2) Demosth. Olynth, iii. 29.
(3) Demosth. de Cor. 254. De Fals. Leg. 367, 3D7.
280 APPENDIX III.
as well by negotiation or intrigue ; nor to let his enemies combine,
but to separate arid beat them one after another. Nor were the diffi-
culties in his way so inconsiderable. The Athenians, driven from the
Macedonian and Chalcidic shores, having fewer garrisons to main-
tain, and fewer objects to distract their attention, might concentrate
all their naval power for the defence of the Hellespont, which they
felt to be so important. The commerce of Macedonia had already
suffered greatly by the presence of their cruisers. Again, they might
with the Lacedaemonians send troops to the assistance of Prialacus,
and occupy the pass of Thermopylae, as they had done some years
before. In such case the issue of the war in Phocis might be doubt-
ful, even with the forces of Thebes and Thessaly at his disposal. It
was well known how Demosthenes had exerted himself to rouse his
countrymen against Macedonia. Defeat would be greatly injurious
to Philip's reputation and prospects ; and he saw a way of gaining
his ends without incurring any such risk.1
He caused a negotiation for peace to be opened with the Athe-
nians, and so contrived matters, that the first formal proposal came
from the Athenians themselves. His wishes were made known at
Athens by some Euboean ambassadors, and by other indirect commu-
nications. The Athenians, weary of an unprofitable war, were not
indisposed to accept his overtures. A motion was then made by
Philocrates, that he should have liberty to send a herald to Athens.
The motion was carried ; and Philocrates, having been prosecuted
for it, was successfully defended by Demosthenes, who appears at
this time to have been in favour of a peace. Aristodemus the actor
was sent to Macedonia, to treat for the ransom of the Athenian pri-
soners, who had been taken at Olyntlms ; and on his return reported,
that Philip was desirous not only of peace, but of alliance with
Athens. Thereupon Philocrates moved and carried another decree,
to send ambassadors to Philip with full powers to negotiate a treaty.
Ten ambassadors were appointed accordingly — JBschines, Demosthe-
nes, Aristodemus, Philocrates, Ctesiphon, Phrynon, latrocles, Nau-
sicles, Dercylus, Cimori. Another was added, to represent the
Athenian confederacy; Aglacreon of Tenedos. They started for
Macedonia in the beginning of the year 346 B.C.2
The transactions of this embassy are revealed to us by the two
principal ambassadors, jEschines and Demosthenes, in their celebrated
speeches on the trial which took place a few years after, on which
jEschines was charged by his rival with corruption and treason. The
speeches must be perused with the closest attention by any one who
desires to gain full information ; and even this will not be satisfac-
tory ; for the speeches so abound in contradictions, and have so little
(1) Demosth. Olynth. ii. 20. De Cherson. 105. De Cor. 276. De Fals. Leg. 442.
Diodorus, xvi. 54. Pausanias, viii. 7.
(2) jEschines, De Fals. Leg. 29, 30. Demosth. de Cor. 232. ^Eschines contra
Ctes. 62.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 281
the appearance of fairness and candour, that it is difficult even to
form an opinion of the truth.1 Here it will be sufficient to notice-
what concerns the subject before us.
Parmeuio, Philip's general, was besieging Halus in Thessaly ;
Philip himself was at Pella, preparing for a new invasion of Thrace,
when the ambassadors arrived. They were admitted to an audience,
and addressed the king in order of seniority. JEschines made a long
speech about the ancient, connexion between Iphicrates and Amy 11-
tas, and the rightful claims of his countrymen to Amphipolis. De-
mosthenes, either abashed in the presence of a man against whom he-
had so fiercely declaimed at home, or feeling that no arguments of
his could have any effect on this occasion, after speaking a few words,
stopped suddenly short, and made an abrupt ending. Neither of
them said a word about the terms or conditions of the proposed
treaty. It was known to them, that Philip was about to march
against Cersobleptes ; yet, although that prince was an ally of Athens,
no remonstrance was made on his behalf. Philip promised only, that
he would make no attack upon the Chersonese pending his nego-
tiation with the Athenians. He made a formal reply to the state-
ments of the ambassadors, invited them to supper, and afterwards
dismissed them with a letter to the people of Athens, in which he
assured them of his pacific intentions, and sincere wish to become
their ally and benefactor. It was arranged that his own ministers
should speedily follow the ambassadors to Athens, where the condi-
tions of peace were to be decided on.2
The ambassadors, on their return, made a report of their proceed-
ings to the senate and people, and delivered Philip's letter. On the
motion of Demosthenes, two soecial days, the seventeenth and
eighteenth of Elaphebolion (March), were appointed to consider the
offers of peace and alliance. Before that time the ministers of Philip
arrived; three distinguished men, Parmpnio, Antipater, and Eury-
lochus. They were hospitably entertained by Demosthenes himself,
who showed them marked attention, and from first to last displayed
an earnest desire to press the conclusion of the treaty. A congress
of deputies from the Athenian allies was then sitting at Athens, who
passed a resolution, that, as the envoys sent to rouse the Grecian
states to the defence of their freedom had not returned, it was better
to wait for their return before debating the question of peace.
jEschines condemns Demosthenes for having frustrated this resolu-
tion by his decree, which fixed an arbitrary day for the discussion.
Demosthenes probably thought that, as things had gone so far, it
(1) See Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. v. 338. Mitford, Gr. Hist. iv. c. 39, s. 4; c. 40, s. 2.
Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 56.
(2) jEsch. De Fals. Leg. 31—33, 38, 39. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 353, 354. De
Halonn. 85. Plutarch, in the Life of Demosthenes, gives a different account of his
address to Philip on the embassy. He represents, that Philip took more pains to-
reply to Demosthenes than to the other ambassadors, though in other respects he
treated him with less kindness and civility.
282 APPENDIX III.
was better to terminate the war as soon as possible, and prevent
Philip's designs upon the Chersonese. On the first day of the
assembly there was a stormy debate, of which we have no clear or
consistent account. There was much discussion, whether peace only,
or peace and alliance should be agreed upon. Various proposals were
made about the restoration of Amphipolis, the Phocians, and other
matters. The Macedonian envoys would not hear of Amphipolis
being given up ; nor would they permit the Phocians to be treated
as allies of Athens. Of Cersobleptes they did not condescend to
speak, but insisted on the recognition of Cardia as an independent
state in alliance with Macedonia. Philocrates supported them in
all their claims, but met with much opposition, and even from
JEschines himself, if we can trust the assertion of Demosthenes, who
charges him with having espoused different sides on the first and
second days, as if he had been brought over in the meantime.
jEschines denies this, and alleges that it was impossible he could
Lave spoken on the second day, as Demosthenes prevailed on the
presidents to put the question without debate. However this be,
certain it is, that on the second day the treaty with Philip was con-
cluded almost in the very terms proposed by his ministers.1
Before the ministers of Philip had departed, there came to Athens
a representative of Cersobleptes, one Critobulus, a citizen of Larnp-
sacus ; who demanded, on behalf of the Thracian king, that he should
be included in the treaty as one of the allies of Athens. This, if
JEschiues is to be believed, was opposed by Demosthenes, but carried
by the people in spite of him ; whereas Demosthenes asserts, that
Critobulus was afterwards prevented from taking the oath by
JEschines. A different account is given by Philip himself, in his
letter to the Athenians, viz. that Cersobleptes desired to make a
separate treaty with him, but was prevented by the Athenian generals,
who represented him to be an enemy of the Athenians. It is not
indeed clear, that what Philip alleges took place at Athens, or had
any connexion with the proceedings of which we are now speaking.
That Cersobleptes, however, was excluded from the treaty is certain ;
and the probability is, that Philip's ministers at Athens would not
permit his name to be inserted.2
An embassy was now appointed to proceed immediately to Mace-
donia, to receive Philip's oath in ratification of the treaty. The
same ambassadors were chosen as before. While they were yet
preparing for departure, a letter was brought from Chares, who
commanded the Athenian fleet in the Hellespont, announcing that
Cersobleptes had lost his kingdom, and Philip had seized the Sacred
Mountain. The senate, in alarm, passed a decree, ordering the am-
(1) jEsch. De Fals. Leg. 34— 36, 39. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 345. JEscli. contra
Ctes. 62, 63.
(2) JKsch. De Fals. Leg. 38, 39; contra Ctes. 63, 64. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 395,
398. Epist. Philipp. ad Athen. 160.
THE THRACIAX CHERSONESE. 283
bassadors to set put instantly upon their mission. This was on the
third of Munychion, or April.1
Philip had in truth been making the best use of his time, while
the Athenians were deliberating about peace and alliance with him.
In the very month (Elaphebolion) when his ambassadors were sent
to Athens, he was overrunning the kingdom of Thrace. Myrtium,
Ergisce, Serrium, Doriscus, cities on the .^Egean coast, yielded to his
arms. He seized upon the fortresses of the Sacred Mountain, de-
feated Cersobleptes in divers battles, and compelled him to deliver up
liis son as a hostage, and engage to pay tribute to Macedonia. No
attempt was made by the Athenian general Chares to check the
progress of Philip. How far he may have been guilty of neglect, as
^Eschines insinuates he was, it is impossible, in the absence of his-
torical evidence, to determine. Athenian troops are said to have
been stationed at Serrium, and on the Sacred Mountain, and to have
been driven away by Philip. We may presume they were not strong
enough to offer any resistance to his arms.2
The Athenian ambassadors proceeded to Oreus in Eubcea, from
whence they were to be conveyed by sea to the nearest place where
they could find the king of Macedon. Notwithstanding this injunc-
tion of the senate, they lost some time at Oreus, and then took a
circuitous route to Pella, by which they consumed twenty-three days.
At Pella they had to wait nearly a month, while Philip was in Thrace.
He returned with the son of Cersobleptes, and the reports of his con-
quest were confirmed. Meanwhile embassies from divers parts of
Greece had arrived at Philip's court, the most important being those
from Thessaly, Thebes, and Lacedsemon. Warlike preparations were
going on. It was easy to see that Phocis was their object, and that
Philip was about to take some decisive step for the termination of
the Sacred war. What were the Athenian ambassadors to do ? They
had no power to interfere with Philip's designs. Their business was
simply to receive Philip's oath and signature to the treaty, the terms
of which had already been drawn up. It is true, there was a clause
in their instructions, empowering them generally to consult the in-
terest of the commonwealth. But it might be dangerous to construe
this with too much latitude, and, unless it authorized them to break
off the treaty altogether, any mere remonstrance of theirs against
the proceedings of Philip would be disregarded by him. The result
may be briefly stated. Philip preserved silence as to his intentions,
(1) ^schin. De Fals. Leg. 40. Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 389. De Coron. 235.
The decree set forth in this last passage is manifestly incorrect. See Jacobs' note
(20) to his translation of the Oration on the Crown.
(2) Diodorus, xvi. 71. Justin, viii. 3. Demosth. de Coron. 234, 235. De Fals.
Leg. 390, 447, 448. JEsch. De Fals. Leg. 37, 38. It is here stated, that Antiochus
was sent to find Chares, and inform him, that the people of Athens were astonished,
that, while Philip was marching against the Chersonese, they did not even know
•where their general or his armament was. It is not quite clear, whether the story
has reference to this period. Compare Or. de Chers. 105. Philipp. iii. 114; iv. 133.
jEsch. contra Ctes. 65.
284 APPENDIX III.
and induced the Athenian ambassadors to accompany him as far as
Pliera?, on the pretext that he desired their mediation between the
Pharsalians and the people of Halus. The signature of the treaty
was delayed until their arrival at Pherae. Here he demanded, that
both Halus and the Phocians should be expressly excepted from it,
and the colleagues of Demosthenes, in opposition to his opinion,
allowed the clause to be introduced. This first excited the suspicions
of Demosthenes, according to his own account ; yet, although a letter
was sent by his colleagues to Athens, misrepresenting the position of
affairs, he took no step himself to warn his countrymen or counteract
the danger. The ambassadors returned to Athens, where they arrived
on the thirteenth of Scirrophorion (June), while Philip set out on his
march for Thermopylas. The success of his schemes was complete.
An assembly was held at Athens on the sixteenth, when ^Eschines
and Philocrates buoyed up their countrymen with hopes of advantage
to be derived from Philip's expedition. The capitulation of Pha-
Ia3cus, the occupation of Phocis and ThermopylaB, the delivery of the
Boeotian cities to Thebes, and the election of Philip into the Am-
phictyonic council, awakened them from their delusion.1
Among the many perplexing questions which suggest themselves
to the historian concerning these transactions, the most interesting
are those which arise upon the conduct of Demosthenes himself.
How came it that he allowed the peace to be concluded, without
having Cersobleptes and the Phocians comprehended in its provisions ?
He complains himself of their exclusion. He complains of the delay
on the second embassy, which enabled Philip to conquer Thrace be-
fore the peace was ratified. But, assuming that JEschines has not
answered this charge, it does not appear how Philip could have been
prevented from completing his conquest, if the ambassadors had
caught him during his progress; for he would still have contended,
that Cersobleptes, not being named in the treaty, was not entitled to
its benefits. Demosthenes indeed might argue, that, as the peace
was made with Athens and her allies, Cersobleptes, being an ally of
Athens, was virtually included in it. But if so, Philip was to blame
for violating the treaty, rather than JEschines and others for having
sanctioned it : and all parties were in some measure to blame, for
having left so important a question open to dispute. But if we look at
the circumstances, it can hardly be thought that Philip committed any
breach of faith by pursuing his Thracian campaign. The ambassadors,
on their first visit to Pella, were distinctly apprised of his intentions ;
and therefore, if it had been intended to give protection to Cerso-
bleptes, there ought to have been an express clause to that effect.
It may be that Demosthenes, never having been friendly to Cerso-
bleptes, or regarding the success of Philip in a Thracian war as
doubtful, or thinking the danger remote, did not think it worth
(1) jEsch. De Fals. Leg. 40, 41, 44, Demosth. rie Coron. 236, 237. De Pace, 59.
Philipp. ii. 74, De Fals, Leg. 355, 359. Diodorus, xvi. 60, 64.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 285
while to require such a clause ; or perhaps he considered that peace
was desirable for the security of the Chersonese. With respect to
the Phocians, it did not appear at the time when the peace was first
made, what the designs of Philip were. It might be open to the
Athenians, notwithstanding the treaty, or even the rather on that
account, to insist that Philip should not pass the Straits of Ther-
mopylae for the purpose of any hostile invasion. And it might well
seem, that there was plenty of time for the consideration of any
future question concerning Phocis. When, however, Demosthenes
was the second time at Pella, when he found that Cersobleptes had
been subdued, and vast preparations made for an invasion of Phocis,
then his eyes were opened to the danger ; he saw that the peace was
a delusion ; that the Phocians would be overwhelmed, unless his
countrymen came to their assistance ; and that there was no secu-
rity against Philip's ulterior projects. The danger was augmented,
in his opinion, when Philip had prevailed on his colleagues to ex-
clude the Phocians expressly from the benefits of the peace ; and
then, it seems, he first suspected that JEschines was a traitor. His
true course then was, to return instantly to Athens, to call a special
meeting of the people, and urge them to take arms and march with
the Lacedaemonians to the defence of Phocis. But for this his
courage or presence of mind was not sufficient, and he let things
take their course. Afterwards, when jEschines and Philocrates,
playing the game of Philip, amused the Athenian people with reports
of his friendly intentions, Demosthenes raised a warning voice : but
it was too late ; the people, thinking that his colleagues were in
the secrets of Philip, believed them rather than him ; and Demos-
thenes himself did not then assume that confident tone, either as
counsellor or accuser, which was likely to gain credence to his asser-
tions. In the speech which he delivered three years afterwards on
the subject of the embassy, having a case to make out against
jEschines, — and there was a very good one as far as regarded his
conduct upon the second journey to Pellp — he overcharges it by
imputing blame to ^Eschines for mistakes, in which ^Eschines was
either not implicated at all, or no more implicated than others : and
he may have been partly induced to do so by the consciousness,
that he himself was to some extent duped and deluded in common
with the rest of his countrymen, and had neglected to provide those
guarantees and securities for his country, which were indispensable
in a negotiation with so crafty a monarch as Philip.
The general result of the whole proceedings was, that Philip had
made a conquest of Thrace ; he had acquired the honour of termi-
nating the Sacred war, by which he greatly increased his influence
and ascendancy in Greece ; he had conferred obligations upon the
people of Thebes and Thessaly, and been elected a member of the
Am phictyonic council ; he had got possession of Nicaea, Thronium,
and Alponus, which commanded the pass of Thermopylae, and gave
286 APPENDIX III.
him admittance into Phocis and Boeotia. The only advantage which
Athens had gained by the peace, was the security of Chersonesus ;
and even that, as Demosthenes justly observed, was in reality
weakened by the augmentation of Philip's power.1 It was at this
time that Isocrates, struck with admiration at the achievements of
Philip, composed a pamphlet in the form of an address to that
monarch ; in which, eulogizing his good fortune and magnanimity, he
exhorts him to effect by his influence a pacification of all the Greek
states, and then to unite them under his own standard for a war
against the Persian empire.
For the chain of events which followed, but which cannot here
be enlarged upon — such as the debate on the embassy of Amphio
tyons to Athens ; the negotiations in Peloponnesus ; the intrigues
of Philip at Megara; his invasion of Epirus and Ambracia; the
establishment of his partisans in Eubcea — the reader is referred to
the Historical Abstract in this volume, and the arguments and notes
to divers Orations.2
In the year following the peace, that is, B.C. 345, the Athenians
sent a body of their citizens to take allotments of land in the
Chersonese. The object was, not so much to make a provision for a
poor class of emigrants, as to establish an army of observation, to
strengthen their position in that important peninsula. At the head
of them was Diopithes, a man of considerable military ability. The
colonists in taking possession of their lands, (allotted to them in the
neighbourhood of the Isthmus, where it was peculiarly necessary to
establish a protective force, and where probably they occupied the
ancient fortresses of Alcibiades,) came into collision with the
Cardians, between whose domains and those of Athens the boun-
daries were not very well defined. No immediate rupture took
place; but the grounds were laid of a quarrel which afterwards
became serious.3 Philip meanwhile was extending his power in the
north and north-west. He attacked the Triballi, with whom, his
Thracian conquests had brought him into contact. He invaded
Illyria, and, after ravaging the country and taking many towns,
returned home laden with spoil.4 It was perhaps during his absence
on this expedition that an embassy arrived from Artaxerxes, and was
received by Alexander, then only twelve years old, who astonished
the Persian envoys by the questions he put to them concerning the
state of the Persian empire, the army, the roads, and the character
of their king.5 About the same time Philip, to secure and con-
solidate his power in Thrace, began to found new cities in different
(1) De Fals. Leg. 365, 366.
(2) See the Argument to the Oration on the Peace, p. 73. Argument to the
second Philippic, p. 81. Argument to the Oration on Halonnesus, p. 89. Text and
notes in pp. 96, 119, 123, 134, 157.
(3) Libanii Argumentum in Demosth. Or. de Cherson.
(4) Diodorus, xvi. 69. Justin, viii. 6. Demosth. de Coron. 240.
(5) Plutarch in Vit. Alexand. v. Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 149. Thirlwall
assigns this story to a later period : Gr. Hist. vi. 91.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 287
parts of the kingdom, peopling them either with Macedonian
colonists, or with the inhabitants of countries which he had con-
quered and depopulated. One of these was Cabyla, situated on the
river Taxus, among the tribe of the Asti below Mount Hsemus.
Another was Philippopolis, on the river Hebrus, between the ridges
of Hsemus and Rhoaope, which, from the vile character of the
population transported to it, received the nickname of Poneropolis,
or Rogue-town/ Returning from his northern expeditions, Philip
marched into Thessaly, where a new revolution at Pherse called for
his interference ; and he was for some time occupied in settling the
government of the Thessalian provinces on a new basis, calculated to
secure Macedonian ascendancy.2
Demosthenes and his party watched all the movements of Philip
with anxiety. In the second Philippic, which was spoken in the year
B.C. 344, we find a particular allusion to Philip's proceedings in
Thessaly. But during the same year an event occurred, which
induced the Athenians to send envoys to Philip, with a formal
complaint against him for infraction of the peace. This was the
seizure by him of the island Halonnesus, which had a short time
before been wrested from the Athenians by Sostratus a pirate.
Sostratus, having committed plunder on the Macedonian coast, was
expelled by Philip, who, regarding the island as a fair conquest, kept
it for himself. The Athenians, taking a different view of the matter,
resolved to demand restitution; and an embassy having been decreed
for that purpose, it was thought proper at the same time to speak of
other grievances, arising out of the late treaty of peace. Philip
thereupon sent Python to Athens ; who, in a speech made before the
people, which was heard with applause, gave them strong but vague
assurances of his master's desire to settle their disputes amicably,
and to amend the treaty in any way that was reasonable.3 This led
to another embassy from Athens, at the head of which was Hegesip-
pus, instructed to demand such concessions as from the language of
Python it was imagined they could obtain. Among them were an
alteration of that article in the treaty, which declared that both
parties should retain what they possessed. It was proposed to
substitute a clause, "that each should have his own;" the Athenians
having especially in view the restoration of Amphipolis.4 Another
amendment was, that Greek states not included in the treaty should
be free and independent. This was demanded, in order to prevent
(1) Diodorus, xvi. 71. Justin, viii. 5. Strabo, vii. 320. Leland's Life of Philip,
ii. 147. Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vi. 32. Demosthenes de Cherson. 100. Philipp. iv.
135. It is doubtful, whether the orator is there speaking of places conquered by
Philip, or settlements founded by him. His own knowledge of the facts was
probably imperfect. Nor can the date of these settlements be determined accurately.
(2) Diodorus, xvi. 69. Demosthenes, Philipp. ii. 71; iii. 119. De Coron. 241.
Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vi. 13, 14.
(3) Or. de Halonneso, 77, 78, 81, 82, and Liban. Argument, j
(4) Ib. 83. Confer Epist. Philipp. 165.
288 APPENDIX III.
Philip's making new conquests, or extending liis influence in Greece;
tmd it had particular reference to his aggressions in Thessaly and
Epirus.1 A third proposal was, that those places which Ir'hilip had
taken after the peace should be restored ; meaning in particular the
towns and fortresses in Thrace which he had got possession of since
the negotiation had begun : for the Athenians had now discovered
their mistake in not insisting that hostilities should be suspended on
both sides during the progress of the treaty, and they sought to
rectify it by an equitable construction, that the peace was to be
reckoned as having commenced before the final ratification.2 A
complaint was also preferred on the subject of Cardia and the
Chersonese, which will be presently explained.
Phil'ip was so incensed at these demands, that he could hardly
treat the ambassadors with common civility, and even ordered the
poet Xenoclides to quit his dominions, because he had received them
with hospitality.3 Nevertheless he sent a letter by them to Athens,
in which he discussed the various questions which had been raised.
Halonnesus, he said, was his own by right of conquest, but he was
-willing to make a present of it to the Athenians : an offer which
roused the indignation of the orators.4 With regard to Amphipolis
lie asserted with perfect justice, that thd treaty, which took the basis
of the uti possidetis, had confirmed his title ;5 and he said the Athe-
nians had misconstrued the language of his ministers. He agreed to
introduce a clause providing for the independence of the Greek
states, and offered to refer the dispute concerning Cardia and the
Th racian towns to arbitration.6
A debate was held on this letter in the Athenian assembly, where
Demosthenes and his party declaimed against it with vehemence.
The oration on Halonnesus, which is printed among the works of
Demosthenes, is ascribed by the best critics to Hegesippus. 7 That
their arguments prevailed, and that the offers of Philip were rejected,
we may infer from the events that followed. Halonnesus was not
given up. Shortly afterwards the Peparethians made a descent on
the island, and surprised the Macedonian garrison. Philip sent fresh
troops to recover his conquest, and then revenged himself by ravaging
the island of Peparethus ; for which the Athenians again demanded
satisfaction, but in vain.8
The dispute about the Chersonese was a question' of boundary.
The Cardians had applied to Philip for assistance against the en-
croachments of the Athenian settlers ; and Philip, as their ally — as
such he was acknowledged by the late treaty of peace — had engaged
(1) Or. de Halonneso, 81. Confer Philipp. iii. 118, 120.
(2) Ib. 85. Confer Philipp. iii. 114. De Coron. 233, 234.
{3} Demosth. De Pals. Leg. 447. (4) See p. 90 of this volume, notes 2 and 3.
(5) See p. 95, note 1. (6) Or. de Halonn. 87. Confer Philipp. Epist. 161.
(7) vEschin. contra Ctes. 65. Jacobs' Introduction to the Oration on Halonnesus,
p. 298 et seq. Ib. note 3, p. 314.
(8) Philipp. Epist. 162. Demosth. de Coron. 248. Plutarch in Vit. Demosth.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 289
to support them.1 Cardia was (no doubt) included within the ancient
wall across the Isthmus ; so that its territories, or most of them,
lay within the Peninsula. The Athenians, dissatisfied with the
treaty which declared Cardia independent, were anxious at all events
to straiten its limits, while the Cardians contended that they, as resi-
dents, had a much better title to land in Chersonesus than Athenian
colonists, who came to a country which was not their home, still
retaining their rights as citizens of Athens. Another question arose
about the boundary of the Chersonese itself. The old wall must have
been destroyed, in or before the time of Cotys : for there had been a
talk of cutting a canal through the Isthmus, and a promise held out
that Philip would do it at his own expense.2 The intended line of
the canal was not in the direction of the wall, but further on, perhaps
making a shorter cut, from Pteleum to Leuce Acte.3 Midway be-
tween these two places stood an altar of Jupiter, erected apparently
to mark their boundaries. Hegesippus contended that this altar was
the land-mark of the Chersonese. And his argument was a little
helped by the circumstance of 'the projected canal. Philip, conceiv-
ing that the town of Agora,4 which stood midway between Pactya
and Cardia, in the line of the old wall, marked the extreme limit of
Chersonesus, had taken possession of a tract of land which lay be-
tween it and the altar. This, according to Hegesippus, was an act of
injustice to Athens ; and the offence was not diminished by his having
given a portion of the land to Apollonides of Cardia. Philip dis-
dained to make any answer to this complaint, but, with respect to
the boundary question between the Athenians and his allies, he
repeated his proposal of an arbitration. The Cardians made the same
offer; but it did not suit the Athenians, who, while they asserted
their own title to Cardia itself, knew that it could not be supported
by international law in derogation of their own compact, and that
there was an unrepealed decree at Athens which distinctly acknow-
ledged the rights of the Cardiaus. To find an impartial umpire would
have been almost impossible ; and neither party could seriously have
entertained the project.5
The remonstrances on neither side having produced any result,
Philip, in the year B.C. 343, sent troops into Chersonesus to assist
the Cardians.6 Diopithes, unable with his Athenians only to resist
this accession of force, collected a body of mercenaries, and then,
returning to the attack, drove the Macedonians out of the Peninsula.
Not content with this advantage, he roused Cersobleptes and the
Thracians to take arms to recover their independence. It has been
remarked by Pausanias, that none but the Romans ever effected a
complete conquest of Thrace.7 Philip, absent at this time inEpirus,
(1) Demosth. De Fals. Leg. 396. Philipp. Epist. 161.
(2) Philipp. ii. 73. (3) This place is mentioned by Lysias, contra Alcib. 142.
(4) Herodotus, vii. 58. (5) Or. de Halonn. 86, 87. Philipp. Epist. 161.
(6) Demosthenes, De Coron. 274. De Cherson. 104. Philipp. iii. 114; iv. 147.
(7) Pausanias, i. 9.
VOL. I. U
290 APPENDIX III.
found it necessary on his return to march with a powerful army
against his rude eastern neighbours, to protect his infant settlements,
and reestablish his power in the country. But this time it was not
quite so easy a matter. Besides Cersobleptes, an Odrysian prince
named Teres, who had formerly been Philip's ally, had now risen in
arms against him ; and Diopithes seized every opportunity to make
diversions in their favour. While Philip was engaged in the interior,
Diopithes attacked the adjoining parts of Thrace, which were subject
to Macedonia. Two cities, Crobyle and Tiristasis — probably on or near
to the Sacred Mountain — he took by storm, and made the garrisons
prisoners. Amphilochus, a Macedonian, who came to demand their re-
lease, was himself cast into prison, and forced to pay a heavy ransom.1
The length of time, that Philip was occupied in Thrace, proves the
great difficulties which he encountered. After nearly a twelve-
month's campaign he was obliged to send for large reinforcements
from Macedonia and Thessaly ; and not being at leisure to turn his
arms against Diopithes, he sent a letter to Athens, to complain of his
conduct.2 The charge was, that Diopithes by attacking his allies, and
assisting his enemies, had violated the treaty of peace. The manifest
object was to gain time, and to cripple the efforts of an active gene-
ral, by setting his countrymen against him. Philip knew that the
Macedonian party at Athens would second his endeavours ; and sb in
fact they did. A clamour was raised against the general, not only
for making war against Macedonia, but for divers irregularities of
which he had been guilty. Diopithes, being at the head of a troop
of mercenaries, unprovided for by any supply from home, had adopted
the same methods of raising money, which Chares and others before
him had done ; that is to say, he had begged, borrowed, or extorted
it from merchants, from the islands, or cities on the coast of Asia.
The orators opposed to him declaimed loudly against these practices,
and pressed for his recall.3 They were answered by Demosthenes in
one of the most powerful speeches which he ever addressed to the
Athenian assembly.
The true question for ; the people to consider was (said he), not
the conduct of Diopithes, but the safety of Athens. If Diopithes
had raised troops and money by improper means, it was the fault of
the Athenians themselves, who had not supplied him with the
materials of war. There would be time enough to punish him here-
after : to recall him now, and leave the Hellespont and the Chersonese
unguarded, was what Philip and his partisans most desired, but what
no friend of his country could advise. It was not Diopithes who had
first broken the peace, but Philip himself, by his proceedings in
Thrace, in Epirq^, and elsewhere. If Philip might attack the allies
(1) Philipp. Epist. 159, 160. Demosth. de Cherson. 92. Liban. Argument.
(2) Demosth. de Cherson. 90, 93. Liban. Argument.
(3) Demosth. de Cherson. 95, 96. Olynth. ii. 26. Compare Isocrates de Pace,
164, 165, 167, 168.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 291
of Athens, why might not Diopithes defend them ? Philip was
virtually attacking Athens in Thrace : all his plans and operations
were directed against Athens. If their armament was withdrawn
from the Hellespont, there would be nothing to prevent him from
besieging the Propontine cities or invading the Chersonese. Unless
they found employment for him where lie was, he might attack
Megara or Eubcea, or even march against Attica. Instead of dis-
couraging Diopithes, they ought to support him ; instead of disband-
ing their forces, they ought to increase them. It was idle to wait
until Philip declared war : this he would never do until he was at
their gates. They should exert themselves in every possible way ;
shake off their indolence, submit to pecuniary contribution and to
military service ; send embassies among the Greek states and excite
them to arms ; for not Athens only, but all Greece was in peril.
Finally, they should denounce and punish the corrupt statesmen who
sold their interests to the enemy, and prove to men of a different
stamp that they could serve their country with honour arid advantage.
Such was the substance of this oration. The arguments were
sound and just,1 and produced the desired effect on the hearers.
Philip's complaint was disregarded; and the Athenians not only
retained Diopithes in his command, but prepared to give him
vigorous support.
Philip however was not deterred by any resolution of the Athe-
nian assembly from prosecuting his designs. It may be gathered
from his extant letter, that the Athenians had sent a message
informing him that Teres and Cersobleptes were allies and citizens
of Athens, and requiring him not to meddle with their dominions.2
At such an intimation the king of Macedon would only smile. He
was determined, if possible, to crush the rebellious princes of
Thrace, and knowing by experience how lightly they regarded the
observance of treaties, and how easily they repaired the disasters of
a short campaign, 'he encamped himself in their country during the
winter of 1S42-1841, with the intention of completing his conquest
(1) Other writers however have expressed a different opinion. I am surprised to
read the following remarks in Thlrlwall, Gr. Hist. vi. 36 :— " Diopithes "retained his
command, and it may be presumed, after such a mark of his sovereign's approba-
tion, was not much more circumspect in his conduct. There can be no doubt that
he had given cause for such complaint, and that in his invasion of Thrace, at least,
if not in his hostilities with Cardia, he had violated both the letter and the spirit of
the treaty with Philip. The wisest, as well as the most honourable course would
have been, to disavow his proceedings, and remove him from his command. Demos-
thenes, we may be sure, would have been very willing that an armament should have
been sent under another general to supply his place. But he knew that a decree to this
effect would probably be only so far executed as to disarm Diopithes, and to leave
the Athenian interests near the seat of war unprotected. How far he was misled by
the fallacy of his own reasoning, which appears to a modern reader flagrantly
sophistical, we cannot determine. His view however of the perilous position of his
country is not the less sound, and maybe admitted as an excuse for some indistinct-
ness of ideas as to the precise line of separation between offensive and defensive
measures. Compare Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 201— 210. Jacobs' Introduction to
his translation of the speech. Mitford, iv. 521. (2) Philipp. Epist. 160.
U2
2 112 APPENDIX III.
in the spring, and then proceeding to those ulterior measures, for
which his war in Thrace was paving the way.1 Demosthenes had
rightly conjectured, that, although the Byzantine people were in
alliance with Philip, he would not hesitate to attack them, if they
presumed in any manner to thwart his purposes, or even refused to
cooperate with him.2 He saw how important the possession of the
Propontine cities would be to Philip ; that it would enable him to
intercept the commerce of Athens with the Euxine and the
Hellespont, and in a short time to deprive her of Chersonesus.
The long continuance of the campaigns in Thrace, while it created
in the minds of other men a doubt of Philip's success, caused
uneasiness to Demosthenes, who saw in it an indication of Philip's
perseverance in his plans. What Philip was exactly about, was
unknown to Demosthenes himself; as we may infer from the vague
manner in which he speaks of Drongilus, Mastira, and other places
which Philip was either taking or fortifying.3 It was enough for
him that a Macedonian army was advancing to the neighbourhood of
the Greek coast : and the very uncertainty augmented his alarm.
In this state of suspense, an assembly was held at Athens, and
Demosthenes deemed it necessary to animate his countrymen to
fresh exertions. He delivered the oration which is known by the
name of the Third Philippic, which in substance repeats the argu-
ments already urged in the oration on the Chersonese. The
Athenians had not done their duty. They had not sent sufficient
reinforcements to the Hellespont. Clitarchus and Philistides, parti-
sans of Philip, had been suffered to establish themselves in Eubcea.
The peril was imminent. He urges them to reinforce Diopithes both
with, men and money; to apply for succour to Peloponnesus, to
Rhodes and Chios, the ancient allies of Byzantium, and also to the
king of Persia. This is memorable as the first occasion on which
Demosthenes advised an alliance with Persia. He was justified by
the necessity of the case ; and it shows how critical the position of
affairs had in his opinion become.4
Philip, having completed the overthrow of Teres and Cersobleptes,5
and settled other affairs in the interior of Thrace, suddenly marched
southward, and appeared in the neighbourhood of Chersonesus.
(1) Demosthenes, de Cherson. 101. Philipp. iv. 135.
(2) De Cherson. 93. Philipp. iii. 118, 120; iv. Hy. De Coron. 254.
(3) De Cherson. 100.
(4) Philipp. iii. Ill, 125, 126, 129. Compare Philipp. iv. 139, 140.
(5) Philipp. Epist. 161. I have referred the passage in Diodorus, xvi. 71, to the
first and not the second war with Cersobleptes, notwithstanding the date which he
assigns, because it agrees better with his facts. He states that the Propontine cities,
which had been attacked by Cersobleptes, became allies of Philip after his defeat.
But this cannot apply to the second war, after which they became hostile to Philip,
and in which they probably rendered secret assistance to Cersobleptes and the
Athenians. (Philipp. Epist. 159, 163. Diod. xvi. 74.) It does apply to the first war,
after which Byzantium undoubtedly became Philip's ally. (Dem. Philipp. iii. 120.
De Coron, 254.) Nor is it likely that Cersobleptes, after being so humbled in
346 B.C., and giving his son as a hostage to Philip, would have ventured to attack
the cities on the Greek coast on his own account.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 293
His immediate purpose was, not to attack the Athenian general, but
to protect the passage through the Hellespont of a Macedonian
fleet, which he had ordered to sail to the Propontis. He was pre-
paring to besiege Selymbria, a city which stood on the Propontine
coast between Byzantium and Perinthus ; and, that the siege might
be brought to a speedy issue, he resolved to invest it both by land
and sea. Speed was of great importance to him on this occasion.
Selymbria was an ally, or subject, of Byzantium.1 It might receive
aid from that powerful city. Its capture might determine the sub-
mission botli of Byzantium and Perinthus, which had hitherto
refused to join him in any offensive measures against the Athenians.2
Once master of the whole Propontine coast, it would not be difficult
for him to bring the Athenians to terms ; and the command of the
Bosphorus would facilitate that, which had become the great object
of his ambition, the invasion of Persia.3 His intentions were a
profound secret. He knew that the Athenian forces in the Helles-
pont were ready to attack him, if they could find an opportunity,
and would certainly, unless he took precautions, intercept the
advance of his fleet. Accordingly, while his vessels were sailing up
the Hellespont, he himself, making a sudden irruption into Cher-
sonesus, marched along the coast for their protection. The presence
of a land force on the shore was often of great service in the
maritime warfare of the Greeks : 4 and Philip very likely desired,
not only to strike terror into the Athenians, but also to mask his
real design with respect to Selymbria. It does not appear that any
actual hostilities took place between the troops of Athens and
Macedonia. Diopithes was probably not strong enough to meet
Philip in the field, though his naval and military force would enable
him to protect the Chersonesite cities. Philip still affected to be at
peace with Athens, and complains in his letter, that the warlike
measures of Diopithes and the Chersonesites had placed him under
the necessity of entering their territories. He alleges also, that it
was in his power, if he had chosen, to capture the fleet and fortresses
of the Athenians ; an assertion to which we can hardly give credence,
more especially as it is not consistent with his previous complaint.5
When his fleet had passed through the straits, Philip marched
rapidly to Selymbria, which was soon blockaded on all sides. The
Greek cities were so surprised by this movement, that they had no
time to send relief, and Selymbria in the course of the year was
forced to capitulate. An incident occurred during this time which
marks the dubious character of the relations between Athens and
Philip. Twenty Athenian corn-ships, passing from the Propontis to
the Hellespont, were seized by Amyntas, the Macedonian admiral,
(1) Demosthenes, de Rhod. Libert. 198. (2) Demosthenes, de Coron. 254.
(3) Polybius, iii. 6. (4) Thucydides, ii. 86, 90; vii. 53.
(5) Philipp. Epist. 163. The ravaging of the Chersonese mentioned in Demosth.
de Coron. is not referable to this occasion.
294
APPENDIX III.
and carried away as prize. Messengers were sent from Athens to
demand restitution; who brought back the following letter:1 —
" Philip, king of Macedon, to the Senate and people of Athens,
greeting: — Your ambassadors, Cephisophon, Democritus, and Poly-
critus, have been with me, and conferred about the restoration of the
ships which Laomedon commanded. I must indeed regard you as
very simple, if you imagine I do not see, that your ships were
despatched under the pretence of conveying corn from the Hellespont
to Lemnos, but really to assist the Selymbrians whom I am besieging,
and who are not comprehended in our treaty of peace. These orders
were given to your commander, without the sanction of the people
of Athens, by certain magistrates and other persons not now in
office, who are urgent for the people to break off the treaty and begin
war again, and are far more anxious to accomplish this than to assist
the Selymbrians. And they suppose that such an event will be
a source of profit to them. I do not think it will be advantageous
either to you or to me. Accordingly, I restore the vessels which have
been carried into my ports, and for the future, if you will not permit
your statesmen to pursue their malignant policy, but rebuke them for
it, I will, on my part, endeavour to maintain the peace. Farewell."
The correspondence was a piece of coquetry on both sides. Philip
had made a lucky prize of some merchantmen, but was well aware
that he might be greatly embarrassed in his operations by the ships
of war, which the Athenians could send against him. The Athenians,
in order to obtain restitution of their squadron, had condescended to
use the language of peaceful negotiation. Philip adopted the same
artifice, hoping that possibly, by a small sacrifice, he might purchase
their neutrality in his contest with the Propontine cities. He soon
found himself mistaken.
Selymbria having been surrendered, Philip laid siege to Perinthus.
There can be little doubt that the Perinthians and Byzantines had
not only attempted to relieve Selymbria, but had been concerting
measures of defence with Diopithes and the Athenians. It was
enough for Philip that they had refused to join him in an offensive
war ; and he had no more hesitation in attacking them, than he had
formerly in besieging Olyntlms. Succour however was promptly
sent from Byzantium, and the Propontine fleet, assisted by the Athe-
nian, was more than sufficient to protect Perinthus from blockade.
Philip resolved to take it by storm. The Macedonian army was
thirty thousand strong, and well provided with all the materials for
a siege. The usual methods were resorted to, of battery, scale, and
mine. Movable towers were advanced against the wall, and the
besieged were driven from their ramparts by a storm of missiles. A
breach was effected, but the citizens rushed to the opening and
defended it obstinately, until it was repaired by a new wall. At
length, after a hard struggle, which was continued by night as well
(1) Demosthenes, de Coron. 249—251.
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 295
as by day, the whole outer circle of defence was carried by the be-
siegers. But their difficulties had still to begin again. Perinthus
was built on a sloping isthmus : the houses stood close together on
a succession of terraces ; and the passages were blocked up by the
inhabitants, so that each terrace formed a new rampart, on which
a more desperate resistance had to be encountered. The numbers
and discipline of the Macedonians might still have prevailed, had not
a powerful reinforcement been sent into the town by Arsites, Satrap
of Phrygia. A negotiation had, under the advice of Demosthenes,
been opened with the Persian king,1 who, alarmed at the ambition
and victorious progress of Philip, ordered his Satraps to render every
possible assistance to the Perinthians. A large body of mercenaries
came to their relief, with all kinds of provisions and military stores.
They were commanded by Apollodorus, an Athenian. Philip, seeing
that all his efforts to take the city were unavailing, withdrew from
the attack ; and leaving one half of his army before Perinthus, marched
with the other half to surprise Byzantium, which, weakened by its
efforts to relieve the Perinthians, he hoped to find unprovided for
defence.2
Before he left Perinthus, or perhaps shortly before he commenced
the siege, he had sent a letter to the Athenians, which is still extant,
and is a remarkable document. It is a letter of reproof and menace.
In style it is clear and forcible, in argument weak, except where it
confutes the false points made by his adversaries. He complains of
various breaches of treaty, and violations of international law, com-
mitted by the Athenians ; referring particularly to the operations of
Diopithes in Thrace. He denounces their embassy to Persia as an
offence against the Greek community. He defends his own conduct
with respect to Cardia and the Thracian princes, and declares that
his march into Chersonesus was necessitated by the hostilities of the
Athenian general and the Chersonesites themselves. His own pacific
intentions had been manifested by the Amphictyonic embassy after
the peace, when the Athenians spurned every proposal made to secure
the safety of Greece. For this the orators were chargeable, who con-
sulted their own interests rather than the advantage of their country.
In every respect the Athenians were the aggressors : he had given
them no provocation ; he had shown the utmost forbearance : but as
this had produced no effect, he must decide the quarrel by arms.3
Such arguments might have come well from a king who remained
quietly at home, and interfered not with his neighbours. But coming
from the conqueror of Olynthus, the invader of Epirus and Thrace, the
dictator of Thessaly, the plotter in Eubrea and Megara, they appear
(1) Demosthenes, Or. ad Epist. 153. Philipp. iv. 139, HO. The orator and
his countrymen were both reproached for this, but unjustly. Demosthenes has
also been censured for receiving money from Persia; but the real question is, for
•what purpose he received it, and how he used it. See Philipp. Epist. 160. Plutarch
in Vit. Demosth. jEschines contra Ctes. 88, 90.
(2) Diodorus, xvi. 74 — 76. Pausanias, i. 29.
(3) Philippi Epistola. Sde p. 156 of this volume.
296 APPENDIX III.
somewhat ludicrous, until one reflects what the real object of Philip
was — viz. to encourage his own party at Athens, including not only
his paid advocates, but all who were afraid of war, or selfishly
attached to mercantile pursuits, or to a life of idleness and amuse-
ment. He might distract the counsels of the Athenians, impede their
warlike preparations, and so create a diversion in his own favour.
There is a current of ill-humour in the letter, arguing that he
had. been annoyed by the Athenian operations in the Hellespont,
and that he discerned symptoms of more than usual vigour in their
administration.1
Demosthenes, at this time all-powerful at Athens, replied to the
letter by an animated speech, in which, repeating the old arguments,
he urged his countrymen to redouble their exertions in the war.2 They
had been greatly encouraged by the success of their arms in Eubcea,
from which, at the close of the year B.C. 341, they expelled the
tyrants Clitarchus and Philistides. It was the generalship of Phocion,
the counsel of Demosthenes, that secured this important victory;
and the latter was rewarded with a golden crown.3
The Byzantines, on the approach of Philip, sent an embassy to
Athens to solicit succour; and such was the state of public feeling,
that the Athenians were easily induced to forget former injuries, and
pass a decree in their favour. It was resolved, on the motion of
Demosthenes, that the pillar, on which the treaty with Philip was
inscribed, should be taken down, and an armament sent instantly to
the Propontis.4 He himself went beforehand to encourage the
people of Byzantium, and conclude a treaty of alliance.5 It seems
there was a party in that city who preferred submission to Macedonia.
Demosthenes silenced their opposition, confirmed the waverers, and
animated the people to resistance.6 The Athenian armament arrived ;
but great was the disappointment of the Byzantines when they found
that Chares was in command. Chares was the man whose rapacious
exactions ha'd brought on the Social war ; who had caused the revolt
of Corcyra; who had massacred the Sestian population.7 He was
generally feared and detested throughout the JSgean and the Helles-
pont. The citizens refused to receive his fleet into their harbour, so
that he was forced to cruise about the Euxine, committing piracy,
and subsisting by plunder. An attack which he made on the Mace-
donian fleet was disgracefully repulsed. When the news of this
(1) Mitford praises the energy of Demosthenes at this period. Hist, of Greece, iv.
c. 41, s. 1.
(2) Demosth. Oratio ad Epistola. See p. 149 of this volume. Whether we have
this oration in an entirely genuine state, may perhaps be doubted.
(3) Demosthenes, de Coron. 253. Diodorus, xvi. 74.
(4) Philochorus apud Dionys. Epist. ad Amm. i. 11. (This, according to him,
was the first formal breaking of the peace.) Plutarch in Vit. Demosth.
(5) He had advised this course in the case of Olynthus, 7rpe.a-(3eiav 7rt/j.Treiv >m?
Tat}-r' epel KO.I Trapearai TOIS Trpd^/JiaiTt. Olynth. i. 10.
(6) Demosth. de Coron. 308. JEschines contra Ctes. 90, sneers at his rival's boast.
(7) Diodorus, xv. 95. Argument. Isocr. de Pace. Compare pp. 18&, 276, of this
volume. •
THE THRACIAN CHERSONESE. 297
came to Athens, it excited indignation among the people, who re-
garded the disrespect shown to their general as an insult to them-
selves. Demosthenes had not returned; and the people in their
angry mood were about to take some rash step ; when Phocion ad-
dressed them in a calm speech, showing, that the fault lay in the
character of their general, and not in the fickleness of their allies. A
vote was then carried jto send reinforcements, and Phocion himself
was put in command. He sailed immediately to the Bosphorus, and
landing his forces on the beach, encamped outside the walls. He
had an intimate friend in Byzantium, one of the principal statesmen,
named Cleon, who had formerly been his fellow-student in the
Academy at Athens. Cleon pledged his own responsibility for the
good behaviour of his friend ; and Phocion was at once admitted into
the city, where both he and his soldiers excited the esteem and
admiration of the Byzantines by their zeal, their valour, and their
sobriety.1
Philip had in the meantime been vigorously carrying on the siege ;
but Byzantium was not only strong by its position and its fortifi-
cations,2 but had received considerable succours from Cos, Chios,
llhodes, and other states of Greece. On Phocion's arrival, the aspect
of affairs was so greatly changed, that Philip deemed it prudent to
abandon his enterprise. He raised the siege both of Byzantium and
Perinthus, and after ravaging the territory that lay between those
cities, retired to his own kingdom.3 That on his way he made an
attempt to surprise the cities of Chersonesus, is indeed very pro-
bable; and that his failure was owing partly to the courageous
resistance of Diopithes and the inhabitants, partly to the activity of
the gallant Phocion. Plutarch relates, that Phocion, after expelling
Philip from Byzantium, captured some of his ships, and recovered
places which Philip had taken and garrisoned; that then he made
incursions into the enemy's territory, and levied contributions ; but,
being at length wounded in a battle with the Macedonians, was
forced to return. Erom this vague narrative it may be collected,
that Phocion sailed with his fleet to the Chersonese, to protect it
against Philip's inroad ; that having chased him from thence, he pur-
sued his victory into the continent of Thrace, and recovered some of
the fortresses which Philip had there taken. This is more reason-
able, than to suppose that Phocion invaded Macedonia ; and it partly
agrees with the statement of Justin, and witli that of Demosthenes,
which implies that the Chersonese had been in danger.4
Such was the issue of this memorable campaign ; the first in which
Philip suffered defeat and loss of reputation. Perinthus and Byzan-
(U Plutarch in Vit. Phoc. s. xiv. Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 257.
(2) Pausanias, iv. 31.
(3) Diodorus, xvi. 77.
298 APPENDIX III.
tium testified their gratitude to the Athenians by a joint decree,
which is preserved to us in the oration of Demosthenes on the
Crown. By this it was resolved, that the rights of citizenship, inter-
marriage, and other honourable privileges, should be conferred on
their allies — that three colossal statues should be erected in the
harbour of Byzantium, representing the people of Athens crowned
by the Byzantines and Perinthians — and that a religious deputation
should be sent to the Isthmian, Nemean, Olympian, and Pythian
festivals, to proclaim these well-earned honours to the Grecian world.
Nor were the Chersonesites behindhand in their acknowledgments.
The inhabitants of Sestus, Eleus, Madytus, and Alopeconnesus,
honoured the senate and people of Athens with a golden crown, and
built an altar consecrated to Gratitude and the Athenian people, in
requital for the preservation of their country, their laws, their liberty,
and their sanctuaries. Demosthenes justly boasted, that these
glories were in a great measure attributable to his own counsels and
exertions.1
Of Diopithes, whose able measures contributed so much to the
discomfiture of Philip, history says nothing further. We may infer
that he died shortly afterwards; for Aristotle mentions a present
having been sent to him from the King of Persia, which arrived after
his death. The exact date however is uncertain.2
Within two years after these occurrences the liberties of Greece
were extinguished at Chseronea. The Athenians were still permitted
to retain their possessions in Chersonesus, though their real inde-
pendence was gone. In the year 334 B.C., twenty Athenian galleys
assisted in the transportation of Alexander's army from Sestus to
Abydos. At a somewhat later period the Chersonese itself fell under
Macedonian dominion. Lysimachus built a town at the Isthmus, be-
tween Pactya and Cardia, which was named after him Lysimachia.3
During the reign of Philip the Thracian Chersonese gave birth
to one great, man — Eumeues of Cardia — concerning whom Plutarch
writes as follows : 4 —
" Duris reports that Eumenes the Cardian was the son of a poor
wagoner in the Thracian Chersonese, but liberally educated, both as
a scholar and a soldier; that, while he was very young, Philip,
passing through Cardia, amused himself with seeing the youth of the
place perform their gymnastic exercises ; and, being struck with the
cleverness and activity of Eumenes, took him at once into his service.
But the more credible story is, that Philip promoted him on account
of the friendship which he bore to his father, whose guest he had
often been."
Eumenes accompanied Alexander into Asia as his principal secre-
tary, and after his death played a conspicuous part in the theatre of
the world.
(1) Demosthenes, de Coron. 255—257. (2) Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 8, 11.
(3) Strabo, Excerpta ex lib. sept, fine, 26. Polybius, xviii. 34.
(4) In Vit. Eumen. init.
THE PROPERTY TAX. 299
APPENDIX IV.
THE PROPERTY TAX.
WE frequently read in Demosthenes of contributions1 for the
service of the state, of the reluctance of the Athenians to pay contri-
butions, the necessity of contributing^ &c. These expressions almost
always relate to an extraordinary tax, in the nature of a property or
income tax, which was levied at Athens in times of danger and
necessity, to defray the expenses of war.
In ancient times there was no such thing as a standing army in
any Grecian state, and little occasion to employ a military force for
any length of time at a distance from home. The citizens formed
a national militia for the defence of their country, and were bound to
serve for a certain period at their own expense. Afterwards, when
wars became long and frequent, not only was it necessary to pay the
citizens who performed military duty, but large bodies of mercenary
soldiers had to be maintained at the public cost. For this purpose
the Athenians resorted to the extraordinary tax above mentioned,
when the proceeds of their ordinary revenue were found insufficient.
The first instance that we know of this tax being levied was in
the fourth year of the Peloponnesian war, when two hundred talents
•were raised to carry on the siege of Mitylene. The principle of its
assessment however was established long before, according to the
classification of the people by Solon, which I am about to explain.
Solon distributed all the citizens of Athens into four classes,
according to the amount of their property, which he caused to
be assessed and entered in a public schedule. The highest class
were those whose land yielded an annual income of five hundred
measures (medimni) of corn, and hence they were called Pentacosio-
medimni.2 The second class consisted of those whose income
amounted to three hundred measures: they were therefore called
Triacosiornedimni ; and also Knights, because they were reckoned
able to keep a war-horse. The third class were those whose income
amounted to two hundred measures :3 they were called Zeugit®, or
(1) The expressions are eio-0opa, contribution or payment of property-tax :
e\cr<pt:^eiv, to contribute, to pay, SfC. : sometimes elo-tptpetv xp'/M<*Ta, ela-<ptpeiv etc TO
dn/ji6aiov.
(2) The H^I/JLVOS was about a bushel and a half. The estimate might also be made
by the MCTPUT*/?, or nine-gallon measure.
preference to Bockh's. See his History
in liquid produce, and then it was calculated by the MCTPUT*/?, or nine-gallon measure.
(3) I have here followed Grote's view in preference to Bockh's.
of Greece, iii. 157.
300 APPENDIX IV.
yeomen, because they were able to keep a yoke of oxen. The fourth
and most numerous class comprised all whose income was below the
last amount. They constituted the free labouring population.
These classes had their respective duties and* privileges. The
highest honours of the state, that is the offices of the nine Archons
and Senate of Areopagus, were reserved for the first class. They also ,
took the principal military commands. Posts of inferior distinction
were filled by the second and third classes, who were bound to mili-
tary services, the one on horseback, the other as heavy-armed soldiers
on foot. Among these three classes — besides direct taxation — there
were distributed, according to certain rules, the honourable but
expensive duties that bore the name of Liturgia?- The members of
the fourth class were disqualified to hold any office of dignity. They
served as light troops in the army, and manned the ships ; but were
exempt from the expensive duties and all direct taxation.
Solon thus introduced a new feature into the constitution of
Athens, viz. a property qualification. His classes were distinctions
not of caste, nor of birth, but of wealth only. The scale is stated as
if none but landed property were taken into account. This was to be
expected in the infancy of a state not yet enriched by commerce.
Perhaps, however, as Grote supposes, 'property of other kinds was
intended to be included, since it served as the basis of every man's
liability to taxation.
As the state became more democrat leal, the distinctions between
the four classes were gradually abolished, and the highest offices of
the republic were thrown open to all. But the principle, according
to which they were assessed to the public taxes, was preserved from
first to last.
The members of the first three classes were entered in the state-
schedule as possessed of a certain taxable capital, which was esti-
mated by reference to their income, but in a proportion diminishing
according to the scale of such income; and they paid taxes according
to the sums for which they were respectively rated in the schedule.
The rateable property of the first-class man was calculated at twelve
years' purchase of his income ; that of the second-class man at ten
years3 purchase ; that of the third-class man at five years' purchase.
The medimnus then being taken as worth a drachm; the first-class
man, whose income was exactly 500 drachms, the minimum qualifica-
tion of his class, stood rated in the schedule for a capital of 6,000
drachms, or one talent ; or, if his income were larger, for a capital
proportionally increased. The second-class man, whose income was
exactly 300 drachms, the minimum qualification of his class, stood
rated for 3,000 drachms, and so on, in proportion, for any income
between 300 and 500 drachms. The third-class man, whose income
was exactly 200 drachms, the minimum qualification of his class,
(1) Public offices. See Appendix V.
THE PROPERTY TAX. 301
stood rated for 1,000 drachms, and so on, in proportion, for any
income between 200 and 300 drachms. The members of the fourth
class were not taxed, as we have already mentioned.
If therefore a property tax had been levied of one per cent., the
poorest man of the first class wonld have paid, upon 6,000 drachms,
60 drachms; the poorest of the second class, upon 3,000 drachms, 30;
the poorest of the third class, upon 1,000 drachms, 10. Thus the
mode of assessment established by Solon was, in some measure, like
a graduated income-tax.
With the advance of wealth and power pecuniary contributions
became more frequent ; and then there is no doubt that the personal
property of Athenians formed a considerable part of their rateable
capital. Also, while the Solonian principle of graduation was main-
tained, the scale of assessment must have been altered, and the
number of classes was probably increased.
In the year B.C. 377, in the Archonship of Nausinicus, when the
Athenians had joined the alliance of Thebes against Sparta, a new-
valuation was made of the whole taxable capital of the country,
which amounted, as Demosthenes states in round numbers, to 6,000
talents, and according to Polybius, who perhaps gives the exact
estimate, to 5,750 talents.1 This, it must be understood, was the
capital estimated for the purpose of taxation, not the whole capital of
the people, which was (as Bockh supposes) five or six times that
amount.
At the same time, for the better management of the property-tax, the
following method was introduced. Prom each of the ten Attic tribes
were selected 120 of the wealthiest citizens, making a body of 1,200,
from whom again were selected the wealthiest 300, 30 from each tribe,
to exercise a general superintendence. To this select body of 300
the State looked for immediate payment of the tax, in case of need.
They might be called upon to advance the whole sum required ; and
then have to be reimbursed by contributions from the rest. To
facilitate this, the 1,200 were divided into 20 Symmetries^ or Boards,
of 60, two for every tribe, whose business it was to collect the taxes
from the members of their respective tribes, a certain number of
whom were assigned to each Board. The course then was, that the
300 advanced the tax ; they obtained contribution from the 900 by
means of the Boards ; and the Boards exacted contribution from the
general body of rate-payers. Every Board had its Chairman,2 and
subordinate officers to collect the rates, summon defaulters, &c.
It appears that in the year referred to a property-tax was imposed.
Demosthenes, then an infant of seven years, his father having just
died, was returned by his guardians as possessing an estate of fifteen
talents. He was assessed by the state at three talents, and this was
the highest scale of assessment, as he himself expressly tells us in
(1) See p. 183 of this volume. (2) '
302
APPENDIX IV.
his oration against Apliobus.1 It seems also, that the tax extended
as low as to estates of twenty-five minas. Bockh has supposed, that
there were four classes of rate-payers ; the first having estates which
amounted to twelve talents ; the second, estates amounting to six
talents; the third, estates amounting to two talents; the fourth,
estates amounting to twenty-five minas; — that these classes were
assessed at one fifth, one sixth, one eighth, and one tenth of the
value of their estates, respectively. If we adopt this hypothesis,
which, whether exact or not, is equally good for the purpose of illus-
tration ; and if we further assume, that a tax of five per cent, was at
that time levied;2 the following tables will serve to exhibit specimens
of the entries in the Athenian rate-book : —
FIRST CLASS.
Name of Person.
Value of Property.
Taxable Value.
Tax.
Onetor
Timotheus
Demosthenes
Phsenippus
30 talents
25 talents
15 talents
12 talents
6 talents
5 talents
3 talents
2 tal'ents, 24 min.
•
18 minas.
15 minas.
9 minas.
720 drachms.
SECOND CLASS.
Name of Person.
Value of Propcriy.
Taxable Value.
Tax.
Timocrates
Philo
Menestheus
Antidorus
10 talents
9 talents
8 talents
6 talents
1 tal. 40 min.
1 tal. 30 min.
1 tal. 20 min.
1 talent
5 minas.
450 drachms.
4 minas.
3 minas.
THIRD CLASS.
Name of Person.
Value of Property.
Taxable Value.
Tax.
Strepsiades
Nausicrates
Phanias
Euphron
5 talents
4 talents
3 talents
2 talents
3750 drachms j
30 minas
2250 drachms
15 minas
187 drachms, 3 obols.
150 drachms.
112 drachms, 3 obols.
75 drachms.
(1) Contra Aphobum, 815, 816.
(2) Bbckh thinks that a tax of five per cent, was actually imposed at that time,
and that the amount which it produced was three hundred talents. He relies upon
the words of Demosthenes, cont. Androt. p. 606. Grote contends that he is wron^.
See the note to his History of Greece, p. 158, vol. x.
THE PROPERTY TAX.
303
FOURTH CLASS.
Name of Person.
Value of Property.
Taxable Value.
Tax.
Archippus
Stratocles
Tisias
Mantitheus
1 talent, 30 minas
1 talent
30 minas
25 minas
9 minas
6 minas
3 minas
250 drachms
45 drachms.
30 drachms.
15 drachms.
12 drachms, 3ohols.
Many of the details connected with the Athenian property-tax
resembled those which we have become familiar with in our* own
country, and which serve to make the tax generally odious. Every
citizen had to make a return of the value of his property, to be
entered in the register ; and his return was open to cavil and dispute.
Examples of such disputes were common ; the officers being often
induced, from motives of personal dislike, to surcharge the rate-
payer. Thus numerous inequalities crept into the register from time
to time. The process called the Exchange was allowed in respect of
this tax, as well as in respect of the Lttwyue.1 Any citizen who
believed himself to be overcharged, while his neighbour, as rich or
richer than himself, bore not his fair share of the burden, might call
upon the other to take his place, or submit to an exchange of pro-
perty. This was designed as a measure of relief, like our own right
of appeal against an unequal rate ; but it must have been attended
with a vast deal of trouble and annoyance. The Generals held a court
for the decision of all disputes relative to the rating, collecting, &c.,
and also to the process of the Exchange. The whole affair was under
their control and superintendence ; and it was their business parti-
cularly to see, that the richest citizens were included in the select
body of three hundred.
The tax could never be imposed without a decree of the people,
which fixed the amount, the number of classes, the estates included
in each, the scales of assessment, &c. It is clear from many passages
in Demosthenes,2 that there was great reluctance on the part of the
people to impose this tax, and that it required some special necessity
to make it tolerable. Demosthenes himself, during his minority,
paid eighteen minas property-tax to the state, on a capital of fifteen
talents;3 so that in ten years he paid one-fiftieth part of his property.
This (says Bockh) cannot be deemed an unreasonable tax, when we
consider that the capital of Demosthenes might in that time have
been doubled by good management on the part of his guardians ; and
more especially, when we consider the low rate of the custom duties,
and the cheapness of the necessaries of life at Athens. The graduated
(1) See Appendix V.
(2) See particularly the first Olynthiac, p. 44 of this volume ; second Olynthiac,
p. 52; on the Chersonese, p. 104; on the Navy Boards, pp. 184, IS;").
(3) Contra Aphobum, 825.
304 APPENDIX V.
scale of assessment, (according to Solon's plan of taxing the rich in
a higher proportion than the poor,) though contrary to the English
principle of taxation, appears to me to have been exceedingly fair.
And it must be observed in favour of the nntaxed Athenian multitude,
that they showed no disposition to impose the burden unnecessarily
or too often.
"When the tax was granted, there could be no exemption from it,
on personal or any other grounds. The mines, being public property,
were not included in the assessment. Aliens resident in Attica were
subject to the tax, but were included in a distinct register from the
citizens, and were rated on a higher scale.
APPENDIX V.
THE TRIEKARCIIY.
ATHENS owed her glory and her empire to her navy. Until she
turned her attention to the sea, she was but a second or third-rate
power among the states of Greece. The character therefore, of her
naval establishment, aiid the provisions made by law for its main-
tenance, are matters of considerable interest to the reader of Athenian
history.
The situation of Attica was eminently favourable for maritime en-
terprise ; being a kind of peninsula, with most commodious harbours,
in the centre of the Grecian world. Solon perceived these natural
advantages, and laid the foundation of a navy, by imposing on each
of the forty-eight divisions,1 into which the country was then distri-
buted, the charge of providing a ship. But it was not till after the first
Persian war that the importance of a national marine came to be
fully understood ; and the person who first enlightened the Athenians
on the subject was Themis tocles. It has already been mentioned,
that he persuaded them to apply the rent of the Laurian silver-mines
to ship-building.2 This was in the year B. c. 483. Athens had been at
war with JEgina, and had been compelled some years before to borrow
Corinthian galleys to meet her enemy at sea. Peace had not yet been
established, and the navy of JBgina was still greatly superior. The-
mistocles prevailed on his countrymen to increase theirs to two hun-
dred ships ; and soon afterwards he procured a law to be passed, that
THE TRIERARCHY. 305
twenty triremes, or ships of war, should be built every year. The
wisdom of these measures was proved by the victories of Artemisium
and Salamis.1 I subjoin the comment of Grote :2 —
" In recommending extraordinary efforts, to create a navy, as well
as to acquire nautical practice, Themistokles displayed all that saga-
cious appreciation of the circumstances and dangers of the time, lor
which Thucydides gives him credit. Not only was there the struggle
with jEgina, a maritime power equal or more than equal, and within
sight of the Athenian harbour, — but there was also in the distance a
still more formidable contingency to guard against. The Persian
armament had been driven with disgrace from Attica back to Asia ;
but the Persian monarch still remained with undiminished means of
aggression and increased thirst for revenge ; and Themistocles knew
well that the danger from that quarter would recur greater than ever.
He believed that it would recur again in the same way, by an expe-
dition across the ./Egean, like that of Datis to Marathon ; against
which the best defence would be found in a numerous and well-
trained fleet. Nor could the large preparations of Darius for renew-
ing the attack remain unknown to a vigilant observer, extending as
they did over so many Greeks subject to the Persian empire. Such
positive warning was more than enough to stimulate the active
genius of Themistocles, who now prevailed upon his countrymen to
begin with energy the work of maritime preparation, as well against
Mgina. as against Persia. Not only were two hundred new ships
built, and citizens trained as seamen, — but the important work was
commenced, during the year when Themistocles was either archon or
general, of forming and fortifying a new harbour for Athens at Piraeus,
instead of the ancient open bay of Phalerum. The latter was indeed
somewhat nearer to the city, but Piraeus, with its three separate
natural ports, admitting of being closed and fortified, was incom-
parably superior in safety as well as in convenience. It is not too
much to say, with Herodotus, that the JSginetan war was the salva-
tion of Greece, by constraining the Athenians to make themselves a
maritime power."
After the second Persian war, Athens became the head of a great
naval confederacy, comprising all the JBgean islands and a great
number of sea-port towns on the continent. It was arranged which
of the allied states were to find money, and which of them ships.
Treasurers were appointed by the Athenians to receive the contribu-
tions, which at first amounted to 460 talents. These began in a
short time to fall into arrear, and were exacted by compulsion.
Many of the allies, being reluctant to perform military service, agreed
to contribute money instead of ships; and thus, while the fleet of the
Athenians was augmented out of the general fund, their citizens, by
(1) Thirhvall, Gr. Hist. ii. 269. (2) History of Greece, v. 69.
VOL. I. X
306 APPENDIX V. '
a system of laborious training, and by constant and regular employ-
ment, became decidedly the best seamen in Greece.1
To be mistress of the sea was necessary for the safety as well as
for the preeminence of Athens. Her enemies, the Lacedsemonians
and their allies, could bring into the field a land-force which she was
unable to encounter ; and by ravaging Attica, or occupying it with
their armies, could deprive her people of all the ordinary means of
subsistence. But having the command of the sea, she could import
the necessaries of life from a distance, while her own ramparts pro-
tected her against all assaults from land, and the long walls which
connected her city and harbour gave her the advantages of an island.
It was Themistocles who formed the design, but it was Pericles who
brought it to the test, and fully proved its wisdom. To use our own
expression, the wooden walls of Athens were her real security. At
the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, she had three hundred
galleys fit for service. A hundred of the best were laid by, and
captains appointed for them, to be employed only on extraordinary
occasions.2
The duty of providing ships, which in Solon's time had been dis-
tributed among the 48 divisions of the people — which number was
increased by Clisthenes to 50 — devolved afterwards upon the state at
large. Ship-building was superintended by the Council of Five-hun-
dred. Each ship of war was the property of the state; and in general
also the furniture and stores. Pay and provisions for the crew and
the marines3 were found by the public. On the Sicilian expedition
every sailor received a drachm a day from the treasury.4
The command of a ship, or the trierarchy, was one of those public
duties,5 which were imposed upon wealthy citizens without further
reward than the honour of the service. Each appointment was made
by the generals according to a scale of property; and the ships were
assigned to the different captains by lot.
It was a duty attended with expense, as well as personal responsi-
bility. The captain had to find the crew, to keep his galley in repair,
and to restore it, together with the tackle and furniture, in as good
a condition as he received them, making allowance for ordinary wear
and tear and inevitable contingencies. But a crew was not always
readily to be got, and the captain frequently found it necessary to
allure men to the service by bounties or extra pay. Again, the ship
and stores might not be in a good condition when the captain first
received them; and divers captious questions might arise on the
subject of repairs, mismanagement. &c. To repair an old ship might
cost as much as to build a new one. Heavy liabilities might thus fall
upon the captain ; and therefore Cleon, in the Knights of Aristophanes,
threatens his rival, that he will get him appointed to an old ship with
a rotten mast. There were Admiralty officers,6 whose business it was
(1) Thucydides, i. 96, 99. (2) Thucydides, i. 93; ii. 13, 24, 65. (3) 'Em/larai.
(4) Thucydides, vi. 31. (5) Aemn^t'cu. (6) 'ATroaToXeZr.
THE TRIERARCHY. 307
to see to the equipment of the vessels and to expedite their sailing.
On one occasion we find them empowered by a special decree to
imprison those captains who had not left the pier by a certain time ;
while, on the other hand, a reward of a crown was given to the man
who first brought his vessel off the stocks.1
The command lasted for a year, at the end of which a successor
was appointed, and it became his duty to enter upon the office imme-
diately. If the ship was absent, he was compelled to join it under a
severe penalty, and also to reimburse his predecessor for any ex-
penses which he had incurred beyond the legal period. An action
might be brought to recover such expenses; of which we have an ex-
ample in the speech written by Demosthenes for Apollodorus against
Polycles.2
the expense varied from forty minas to a talent. During his year
of service the captain enjoyed an immunity from all other offices of
burden ; nor could he be required to serve again for two years.
Personal exemption from the trierarchy was very rarely granted,
and only as a special honour. Leptines passed a law to prohibit all
exemptions, against which, as being unjust to the few persons who
enjoyed the privilege, and useless as a measure of public economy,
Demosthenes made one of his best early speeches, and procured its
repeal. There were however certain classes of persons exempted by
the general policy of the law. Thus, the nine archons could not be
called upon to command ships, as being incompatible with their
magisterial duties. Orphans were not liable to serve any office till a
year after the expiration of their minority. As to the other cases
mentioned in the speech on the Navy Boards, I may refer to my
note on the passage.3
Notwithstanding the inconveniences and hardships to which the
captains were exposed in the performance of their duty, there was no
reluctance to undertake it in the early times of Athenian greatness.
Those who could afford it were glad of the opportunity to display
their public spirit, their patriotism, and their valour. To command
the best ship, or to have the best outfit, was an object of emulation.
There were occasions when wealthy men made presents of ships to
the state. Thus Clinias, the father of Alcibiades, brought his own
galley to the battle of Artemisium. And if the best seamen were
not to be had without additional cost, the captain would willingly
defray it out of his own purse. Of this a splendid example is fur-
nished by Thucydides in his description of the armament which
sailed against Syracuse.4 " This," says he, " was the most costly
and magnificent which had ever been sent from Athens. It was fitted
out at a vast expense both on the part of the captains and the state.
(1) See the Oration of Demosthenes, de Coron. Trierarch. 1228, and the Argument.
(2) Or. contra Polyclem, 1206. There are many details in this speech, which
make it useful for the student to peruse. (3) Page 181.
(4) Thucydides, vi. 31, 32. Plutarch, in the Life of Alcibiades, makes the fleet to
consist of nearly a hundred and forty sail.
308 APPENDIX V.
Por the treasury gave a drachm a day to every seaman, and provided
empty galleys, sixty men-of-war, and forty transports ; while the
captains found the crews for them, and gave gratuities, in addition to
their pay, to the officers and superior rowers. Their ensigns and
equipments were of the most expensive kind; for every commander
was anxious that his own ship should be remarkable for its speed
and beauty." He then notices the rivalry between the land and
naval forces ; the immense outlay incurred by private citizens for
their own arms and accoutrements; and the provision which the
captains must have made for their future expenditure during the
campaign. He then describes the launching of the fleet, after a
solemn libation and prayers to the gods for success, in which an
immense concourse of spectators on shore, citizens and strangers, all
joined. The galleys, having first sailed out in line, kept up a race as
far as jEgina. Such was the spirit of that day, when Athens had
risen to the meridian of her glory.
At a later period things had greatly changed. After the disasters
in Sicily, neither the state nor private citizens had the same means
at their disposal. As a measure of relief, two captains were fre-
quently appointed to one ship; each of whom took the command
alternately, or one paid the other a sum of money to take the whole
command. This led afterwards to the practice of providing deputies,
which was found highly injurious to the naval service ; for the deputy
was generally a person who took the office for the lowest price, and
sought to make a profit of it. Having such purpose only in view, he
would be disposed to neglect his duties, to curtail the time of public
service, to attend to his own business rather than the business of the
state, and to reimburse himself for his outlay by plunder, piracy, and
extortion.1 Of the irregularities committed by Athenian officers in
the period subsequent to the Peloponnesian war, and the mischievous
consequences which resulted from them, so much has already been
said in this volume, that it will be unnecessary to recur to the subject.
The appointment of deputies was, no doubt, illegal, and subjected
the real servant of the state to a penalty ; but having been permitted
in times of distress and difficulty, it grew^ into a custom, and was
connived at, except where any actual mischief occurred. Thus, after
a sea-fight in which the Athenians were defeated by Alexander of
Pheree, the captains who had delegated their command were brought
to trial by Aristophon, and convicted of a treasonable desertion of
duty.2 "Had not the jury been merciful," says the orator, "nothing
could have saved them from capital punishment."
Other abuses also crept into the management of the trierarchy.
The burden was not always equally distributed. The appointments,
which ought to have been made according to a scale of property,
were often capricious and unfair; and when public virtue had
(1) Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. v. 215. (2) Demosthenes, de Coron. Trierarch. 1230.
THE TEIERARCHY. 309
decayed, and citizens were not easily found, who were willing to
sacrifice their private interests to their country, an unjust appoint-
ment was regarded as an act of oppression. Jacobs truly observes,
that individual patriotism, although it may do wonders on extraordi-
nary occasions, ought not to be made the basis of a legal ordinance ;
and that the Athenians discovered their mistake in placing too much
reliance upon it.1 Little can be expected from the self-sacrifice of
private citizens, where the state does not perform its own part
honestly and well. Demosthenes complains, that the commanders
were often nominated on the spur of the moment, when the arma-
ment ought to have been ready to sail ; and that, while they were
contesting their liability, and the people were inquiring how the ways
and means were to be provided, the time for action had slipped
away.2 The captains, thus suddenly appointed, were put to extreme
hardship ; since it might be difficult, or even impossible, to procure
a crew by the time of departure ; and we read that, in order to
escape the imprisonment, to which they were liable by law for
neglect of duty, .they would fly to the temple of Diana, which was a
kind of sanctuary, at Munychia, or appeal as suppliants to the
popular assembly.3
An attempt was made to rectify the injustice of unfair appoint-
ments by a method called the Exchange, which is said to have been
introduced by Solon. The course was as follows : — If a man charged
with the command of a ship thought that another, who was not
charged, was better able to bear the burden, he might propose to
transfer the office to him, or to make an exchange of estates. If the
other declined these terms, he might be summoned before the
Generals, who exercised a jurisdiction for the decision of all disputes
relating to the naval appointments. If the case could not be settled
by them without a formal trial, it had to be brought into court before
a jury ; and the main question for the jury was, whether under all
the circumstances the complainant was entitled to the relief he
prayed for. If they decided in his favour, the defendant was forced
to choose, whether he would take the office or the exchange. If he
took the office, there would be no further trouble. But if the exchange
was accepted, a complication of difficulties might arise. Each of the
parties was obliged to give to the other an inventory of his property
within three days after the making the demand ; and, to prevent any
fraudulent concealment, a summary power was given to each to
enter and make search upon the house and land of his opponent, and
to seal up every chamber, closet, barn, outhouse, or other place
where his effects might be deposited. An oath was also taken by
each that he would make a full disclosure of all that he possessed,
and a fair and complete transfer. For the whole property of a man,
real and personal, together with all claims and obligations attached
(1) Introduction to his translation of the speech De Symmoriis, p. 9.
(2) Philipp. i. 50. Page 69 of this volume. (3) Demosthenes, de Coron. 262.
310 APPENDIX V.
thereto, was at once in point of law transferred by the exchange ;
except, indeed, property in the Laurian mines, the ownership whereof
was vested in the state, and the occupant was a mere lessee.1 Here
was another fertile source of litigation. Whether each party had
made a bond fide disclosure ; whether any effects had been concealed
or removed ; whether any false or fraudulent claims were put in ;
these and a multitude of similar questions were likely enough to
spring out of such an arrangement. It was a clumsy contrivance
altogether.2
In the year B.C. 358 an attempt was made to improve the naval
service and lighten the burden of the trierarchy, by putting it under
the management of Boards, much in the same way as the property-
tax had been some years before.3 This was by the law of Periarider.
The ships required at any time were equally divided among the
Boards, who again apportioned the burden among their own members,
so that a single ship was assigned to five or more persons, and com-
monly to sixteen.4 The trierarchy so constituted was no longer a
personal service, but a sort of pecuniary obligation imposed upon the
associated members. There was of course a real captain — in the
natural sense of the word — who might either be one of the managing
trierarchs, or a deputy appointed by them ; but the name of trierarch
was still given to them all. Their duties, with respect to the equip-
ment of the vessels, keeping them in repair, &c., were the same as
under the previous system. But it seems, the wealthier members
abused their trust by letting out the command for the lowest price,
and making a profit by the contributions of the other members.6
And in other respects the arrangements were defective, which caused
Demosthenes, in the year B.C. 354, to propose the reforms set forth
in the Oration on the Navy Boards. His principal objects were, to
insure the full complement of serviceable members, by adding eight
hundred to the twelve hundred whose names were on the navy list —
to divide the boards into sections, each having about the same
average of property, and then to apportion the ships, the stores, and
the allowance made by the state, equally among them ; to make also
a commodious arrangement of the docks, so that the captains might
always know where to find their own ships, and that when the time
came for sailing there might be no confusion or delay.6
The reform of Demosthenes was not carried ; nor does he appear
even to have brought it forward as a motion before the assembly.
And for many years he did not recur to the subject.
(1) See p. 254.
(2) The speech of Demosthenes against Phaenippus gives us some account of these
proceedings. Also the speech against Aphobus, 840, 841 ; and that against Midias,
539, 540. (3) See the last Appendix, p. 301.
(4) Called o-ui/TeXets— joint contributors.
(5) A talent was a common price, as we learn from Demosth. contra Mid. 564.
(6) See pp. 181 — 184 of this volume. On the whole of this subject, as well as that
of the last Appendix, the reader, if he has time, should consult the admirable work
of Bbckh.
THE TRIERARCHY. 311
But after the year B.C. 346, it became apparent that the naval
service had been greatly neglected. Miscarriage and defeat had at-
tended almost all the Athenian expeditions. This was partly owing to
the want of proper regulations in the war department at home. The
expense of the trierarchal office was shirked by those who could best
afford it, while, falling on men of moderate and small fortunes, it
greatly abated their zeal in the performance of public duties. But
from the time last mentioned Demosthenes had been gradually rising
to the head of the Athenian administration. He saw more than ever
the necessity for an improvement, and especially for such a regula-
tion of the trierarchy as would distribute the burden fairly among all
classes. In the year B.C. 340, about or before the time when war
against Philip was formally decreed, he procured the passing of a law,
by which the burden of the trierarchy was made to fall more equally
upon property. It provided that every man whose estate was valued
at ten talents should take charge of one galley; at twenty talents,
two galleys ; at thirty talents, three galleys ; but no man should be
charged with more than three galleys and one boat : while men
whose estates were estimated at less than ten talents should contri-
bute in a fair proportion to the expense of one galley. The result
was that the poorer citizens were greatly relieved, while men, who
had under the old system borne but a sixteenth part of the cost of a
single ship, were charged with two ships under the amended law.
Demosthenes boasts of the important advantages which resulted
from his plan. There was no longer any complaint of oppression or
unfairness ; the duties were cheerfully undertaken ; the ships punc-
tually sailed ; and none were lost or captured during the whole of
the war. That the author of such a law should have made enemies
among the wealthy few, who profited by the old abuses, and espe-
cially of those who were opposed to war with Macedonia, was a
thing to be expected. He was indicted for having proposed it, but
triumphantly acquitted, the prosecutor not obtaining a fifth part of
the votes.1
That the Athenians were greatly indebted to Demosthenes for
their success at Byzantium, has been already shown ;2 and it is pos-
sible that this very law may have contributed to the result. Such
is the opinion of Thirlwall, who writes on the subject as follows :3 —
" It seems probable that the success of the expedition was in a
great measure due to Demosthenes, not only as the mover of the
decree which ordered it, but still more on account of a law which he
procured to be passed nearly at the same time, and which effected a
most important reform in the naval service of Athens. Down to this
time a regulation had subsisted, which affords a remarkable instance
how. even under the most purely democratical institutions, the grossest
(1) Demosthenes, de Coron. 260—262. (2) Page 296 of this volume. '
(3) History of Greece, vi. 51. Demosthenes himself does not claim for his law any
credit on this account. It had perhaps not been long enough in operation.
312 APPENDIX V.
injustice may be authorized by the laws in favour of the wealthy.
The citizens who were liable to the charges of the trierarchy were
distributed into classes, each of sixteen members, without any respect
to difference of fortune. By the existing law these sixteen were
made to contribute equally to the expense of one galley. Demos-
thenes had attempted at an earlier period to remedy this abuse,
which was of course cherished by many powerful patrons. We do
not know whether his proposal was rejected, or whether means were
found to evade the execution of it. The evil seems at least to have
been as crying as ever, when the necessity of a vigorous effort in
behalf of Byzantium enabled him to carry his plan. Its object was
to distribute the whole burden of the trierarchy with reference not
to persons, but to property : so that the part which fell on each con-
tributor should be in exact proportion to his means. Demosthenes
himself spoke with exultation of the success of his measure ; and the
charges, by which his adversaries endeavoured to detract from his
merit, are hardly intelligible, and are the less deserving of notice, as
they do not seem to impeach the equity and utility of the reform."
CORRIGENDA.
PAGE 22. For " and retires with his fleet to Leucas," read " and slain. His fleet
retires to Leucas."
Page 23. Expunge the following :— " Iphiorates is sent with an Athenian squadron to
Macei"
polis,
Page,...
Perinthus."
Page 54. For "with the empty ships," read " with ten empty ships."
Page 23. Expunge the following :— " Ipniorates is sentwitn an Atneman squaaro
acedonia, where he was encouraged by Amyntas to try for the recovery of Amphi-
)lis, but returns without success."
Page 32. For "The Persians relieve Selymbria," read "The Persians relieve
& Delect ©atnlope al
NEW BOOKS AT REDUCED PRICES
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THE COMPLETE CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS AND REMAINDERS, IN 100 PAGES, K
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FINE ARTS, ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE, PAINTING, HERALDRY,
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ANGLER'S SOUVENIR. Fcap. 8vo, embellished with upwards of 60 beautiful Engravings on
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ARTIST'S BOOK OF FABLES, comprising a Series of Original Fable?, illustrated by 280
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gilt, 9s. 1845
BARBER'S ISLE OF WIGHT. 42 fine Steel Plates, and DR. MANTELL'S GEOLOGICAL MAP.
8vo, gilt, cloth, 10s. Gd. 1848
BEWICK'S SELECT FABLES, with a Memoir, 8vo, with several Portraits of Bewick, and
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BILLINGTON'S ARCHITECTURAL DIRECTOR, being an approved Guide to ArchU
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Art, &c. and a Glossary of Architecture. New Edition, enlarged, 8vo, 100 Plates, cloth lettered
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BOOK OF COSTUME, from the earliest period to the present time. Upwardsof 200 beautiful
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BOOK OF GEMS, OR THE POETS AND ARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN.
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BOOK OF GEMS, OR THE MODERN POETS AND ARTISTS OF GREAT
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BOOK OF RAPHAEL'S CARTOONS, BY CATTERMOLE. 8vo. with an exquisite
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BOOK OF SHAKSPEARE GEMS. A Series of Landscape Il'ustrations of the most inte-
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WASHINGTON- IRVING, JESSE, W. HOWITT, WORDSWORTH, IXHLIR, and others. 8vo,
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BOOK OF WAVERLY GEMS. A Scries of 64 hiehly-fialshed Line Engravings p' th' t/>ost
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CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS
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BRITTONS CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF LINCOLN, 4to, 16 fine Plates, by LE KETJX,
(pub. at 3*. 3.?.), cloth, \L 5*. R«yal 4to, Large Paper, cloth II. lit. 6d. 1837
This vomiiie was published to complete Mr. Britton's Cathedrals, an«i I* wanting in most of
t'ie eetfi.
BRYAN'S DICTIONARY OF PAINTERS AND ENGRAVERS. New Edition, cor-
rrcted, greatly enlarged, and continued to ..he present time, by GKORGE STANLEY, Esq., com*
plete in one large volume, impl. 8vo, numerous plates of monograms, 21. 2s.
BULWER'S PILGRIMS OF THE RHINE. 8vo. Embellished with 27 exquisite Lina En-
gravings after David Roberts, Maciise, and Parris (pub. at li. 11.?. Gd.), cloth gijt, lit.
BURNETT'S ILLUSTRATED EDITION OF SIR JOSHUA REYNOLDS ON
PAINTING, 4to, 12 fine Plates, cloth (pub. at 21. 2*.), li. Is. 1842
— i the same, large paper, royal 4to, proof impressions of Plates, cloth (pub. at 41 4s.), 2^. 2*.
CANOVA'S WORKS, engraved in outline by Moses, with Descriptions and a Biographical
Memoir by Cicognara. 3 vols. imp. 8vo, 155 plates, and fine Portrait by Worthington, half-
bound morocco 'vpub. at6/. 12s.) 21. 5s.
- the same, 3 vols. 4to, large paper, half-bound, uncut (pub. at 91. IBs.), 41 4s.
.. the same, 3 vols. 4to, large paper, India Proofs, in parts, (pub. at lol. 15*.) 71. lOt.
CARTER'S ANCIENT ARCHITECTURE OF ENGLAND. Illustrated by 103 Copper-
plate Engraving, comprising upwards of Two Thousand specimens. Edited by JOHN BRIT-
TON, E>vi. Royal folio (pub. at 12/. 12*.), half-bound morocco, it.. 4s. 1837
CARTER'S ANCIENT SCULPTURE AND PAINTING NOW REMAINING
IN ENGLAND, from the Earliest Period to the Ri ign of Henry VIII. With Historical and
Critical Illustrations, by DOUCE, GOUGH, MEYR. CK, DAWSON TURNER, and BRITTON.
Royal folio, with i2o large Engravings, many of whl-.h are beautifully coloured, and several
illuminated with gold (pub. at 15/. 15*.), half bound morocco, SI. 8s. 1838
CARTERS GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE, and Ai cient Buildings in England, with 120
Views, etched by himself. 4 vols. square 12mo (pub. it 21. 2s.), half morocco, 18s. 1824
CATLIN'S NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. ' 2 vo to. impl. 8vo. 360 Engravings (pub. at
21. 12s. Gd.), cloth, emblematically g-ilt, II. 10*. ' 1848
CATTERMOLE'S EVENINGS AT HADDON HA'.L. 24 exquisite Engravings »n Steel,
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CHAMBERLAINE'S IMITATIONS OF DRAWINGS from the Great Masters, in the
Royal Collection, engraved by BARTOLOZZI and others, impl. fol. 70 Plates (pub. at 12^. 12s.),
half-bound morocco, gilt edges, 5i. 5*.
CLAUDE'S LIBER VERITATIS. A Collection of 300 Engravings in imitation of the original
Drawings of CLAUDE, by EARLOM. 3 vois. folio (pub. at 31i. 10s.), hall-bound morocco, gilt
edges, M. 10s.
CLAUDE, BEAUTIES OF, 24 FINE ENGRAVINGS, containing some of his choicest
Landscapes, beautifully Engraved on Steel, foiio, with descriptive letter-press, and Portrait,
in a portfolio (pub. at 3*. 12s.), \l. 5s.
COESVELT'S PICTURE GALLERY. With an Introduction by Mas. JAMESON. RoyaUto
90 Plates beautifully engraved in outline. India Proofs (pub. at 54. 5s.), half-bound morocco
extra, 3/. 3*. 1836
COOKE'S SHIPPING AND CRAFT. A Series of 65 brilliant Etchings, comprising Pictur-
esque, but at the same time extremely accurate Representations. Royal 4to (pub. at 3^. 18s. 6of.},
gilt cloth, li. lls. &d.
COOKE'S PICTURESQUE SCENERY OF LONDON AND ITS VICINITY, so beau-
tiful Etchings, after Drawings by CALCOTT, STAN FIELD, PROUT, ROBERTS, HARDING,
SPARK, and COTMAN. Royal 4to. Proofs (pub. at ai,), gilt cloth, 21. 2s.
CONEY'S FOREIGN CATHEDRALS, HOTELS DE VILLE, TOWN HALLS,
AND OTHER REMARKABLE BUILDINGS IN FRANCE, HOLLAND, GERMANY,
AND ITALY. 32 fine large Plates. Imperial folio (pub. at IM. 10s.), half morocco, gilt edges,
31. 13s. 6d. 1842
CORNWALL, £N ILLUSTRATED ITINERARY OF; including Historical and Descrip.
tire Accounts. Imperial 8vo, illustrated by 118 beautiful Engravings on Steel and Wood, by
LAXUELLS, HINCHCLIFFE, JACKSON, WILLIAMS, SLY, etc." after drawings by C&BSWICK.
(Pub. at 16«.), half morocco, 8s. 1842
Cornwall is undoubtedly the most interesting county in England.
CORONATION OF GEORGE THE FOURTH, by SIR GKORGK NAYLER. in a Series of
above 40 magnificent Paintings of the Procession, Ceremonial, and Banquet, ccrc^reiiending
faithful portraits of many of the distinguished Individuals who were present; wn a historical
and dtscriptive letterpress, atlas folio (pub. at 521. 10s.), half bound morocco, gilt edges,
COTMAN'S SEPULCHRAL BRASSES IN NORFOLK AND SUFFOLK, tending to
illustrate the Ecclesiastical, Military, and Civil Costume of former ages, with Letter-press
Deicriptioas, etc. by DAWSON TURNER, Sir S. MEYUICK, etc. 173 Plates. Ttie enamelled
Brass-s are syleiujully illuminated, 2 vols. iir.pl. *t° half-bound morocco gilt edges, 61. Cs. 1&36.
• ttta sasae, large paper, imperial folio, half mwoceo, giH cJ^-ea, S/. 8».
PUBLISHED Oil SOLD BY H. G. BOHN. $
COTMAN'S ETCHINGS OF ARCHITECTURAL REMAINS in rarious counties la
England, with Letter-press Descriptions by RICKMAN. 2 vols. imperial folio, containing iM
nighly spirited Etchings (pub. at 24^.), half morocco, 8^. 8*. 1833
DANIELL'S ORIENTAL SCENERY AND ANTIQUITIES. The original magnified
edition, 150 splendid coloured Views, OK the largest scale, of the Architecture, Antiquities, and
La-idscape Scenery of Kiiidoostau, 6 vols. in 3, elephant folio (pub. at 2101.), elegantly half-
bound morocco, 52^. 10s.
DANIELL'S ORIENTAL SCENERY, 6 vols. in 3, small folio, 150 Plates (pub. at 181. 18,.
half-bound morocco, Gl. 6*.
This is reduced Irani the preceding Iarg3 work, and is uncoloured.
DANIELL'S ANIMATED NATURE, being Picturesque Delineations of the most interesting
Subjects from all Branches of Natural History, 125 Engravings, with Letter-press Dtjacupti'UiB
2 vols. small folio (pub. at 15/. 15a.), half morocco (uniform with the Oriental Scenery), 31. 3».
DON QUIXOTE, PICTORIAL EDITION. Translated by JARVIS, carefully revised-
With a copious original Memoir of Cervantes. Illustrated by upwards of 820 beautiful Wood
Engravings, after the celebrated Designs of TONY JOHAXXOT, including 16 new and beautiful
large Cuts, by ARMSTRONG, now fiist added. 2 vols. royal 8vo (pub. at 21. 10*.), cloth gi.t,
It. 8«. 1843
GALLERY, a Series of 50 Beautifully Coloured Plates from the most Celebrated
i in this Remarkable Collection; executed by II. COCKUURN (Custodian). All
mounted on Tinted Card-board in tlie manner o Drawings, imperial folio, including 4 very
large additional Plates, published separately at ;rom 3 to 4 guineas each, and not before
included in the Series. In a handsome portfolio, w U> morocco back (nub. at 4<M.), 10^. lfi».
" This is one of the most splendid and interesting of the British Picture Galleries, and has
for some years been qui*e unattainable, even at the full price."
EGYPT AND THE PYRAMIDS— COL. VYSE'S GREAT WORK ON THE
PYRAMIDS OF GIZEH. With an Appendix, by J. S. PERRING, ESQ., on the Pyramids at
Abou Roash, the Fayoum, &c. &c. 2 vols. imperial 8vo, with 60 Plates, lithographed by
HAGHE (pub. at 21. 12s. 6d.)» 1'. !*• 1840
EGYPT— PERRING'S FIFTY-EIGHT LARGE VIEWS AND ILLUSTRATIONS OF
THE PYRAMIDS OF GIZEH, ABOU ROASH, &c. Drawn from actual Survey and
Admeasurement. With Notes and References to Col. Vyse's great Work, also to Deno'n, the
great French Work on Egypt, Rosellini, Belzoni, Burckhardt, Sir Gardner Wilkinson, Lane,
and others. 3 Parts, elephant folio, the size of the great French " Egypte" (pub. at 15*. 15*.)
in printed wrappers, 3^. 3*.; half-bound morocco, 4/. 14a. Gci. 1842
ENGLEFIELD'S ISLE OF WIGHT. 4to. 50 large Plates, Engraved by COOKE, and a Geo
logical Map (pub. 71. 7«.), cloth, 21. 5s. 1816
FLAXMAN'S HOMER. Seventy-five beautiful Compositions to the ILIAD and ODYSSEY,
engraved under FLAXMAN'S inspection, by PIROLI, MOSES, and BLAKE. 2 vols. oblong folio
(pub. at bl. as.), boards 2t. 2s. 1805
FLAXMAN'S /tSCHYLUS, Thirty-six beautiful Compositions from. Oblong folio (pub. at
21. 12*. 6d.), boards U. Is. 1831
FLAXMAN'S HESIOD,, Thirty -seven beautiful Compositions from. Oblong folio (pub. at
2*. 12j». 6</.), boards II. at. 1817
" Flaxman's unequalled Compositions from Homer, JEschylus, and Hesiod. have long
been the admiration of Europe; of their simplicity and beauty the pen is quite incapable ol
conveying an adequate impression." — Sir Thomas Lawi ence.
FLAXMAN'S ACTS OF MERCY. A Series of Eight Compositions, in the manner of
Ancient Sculpture, engraved in imitation of the original Drawings, by F. C. LEWIS. Oblong
folio (pub. at 21. 2s.), half-bound morocco, 16s. 1831
FROiSSART. ILLUMINATED ILLUSTRATIONS OF. Seventy-four Plates, printed in
Gold and Colours. 2 vols. super-royal 8vo, hall-bound, uncut (pub. at 4^. 10«.), 3i. lo».
j.-. the same, large paper, 2 vols. royal 4to, half-bound, uncut (pub. at 10». 10s.); 61. C*.
AND CANDY'S POMPEIANA; or, - Topography, Edifices, and Ornaments csf
Pompeii. Original Series, containing the Res\lit-of the Excavations previous to iSlB 2 vol*
royal 8vo, best edition, with upwards of 100 beautiful Line Engravings by GOODALL, COOK*
HEATH, PYE, etc. (pub. at 11. 4».), boards, 3i. 3«. 1824
GEMS OF ART. 36 FINE ENGRAVINGS, after REMBRANDT, CUYP, REYNOLDS, Pous-
SIN, MURIMO, TENIEKS, CORREGIO, VANDEB.VELUE, folio, proof impressions, in portfolio
(pub. at 8/. 8*.) , II. lla.Gd.
GILLRAY'S CARICATURES, printed from the Original Plates, all engraved by himself
between 1779 and 1810, comprising the best Political and Humorous Satires of the Reign of
George the Third, in upwards of COO highly spirited Engravings. In 1 hirge vol. atlas foiio
(exactly uniform with the original Hogarth, as sold by the advertiser), half-bound red morocco
extra, gilt edges, Bl. &$.
GJLPIN'S PRACTICAL HINTS UPON LANDSCAPE GARDENING, with somt
Remarks on Domestic Architecture. Royal £vo, Plates, cloth (pub. at II.), 7*.
GOETHE'S FAUST, ILLUSTRATED BY RETZSCH in 26 beautiful Outlines. Royal
Itojfuub. at II. !«.), gilt c'~.th. 10*. 6d.
This edition contains a translation of the original poem, witn historical and descriptive noUt,
B a
CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS
GOODWIN'S DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE. A Series of New Designs for Mansions,
Villas, Rectory-Houses, Parsonage-Houses; Bailiff's, Gardener's, Gamekeeper's, and Park-
Gate Lodges: Cottages and other Residences, in the Grecian, Italian, and Old English Style
of Architecture : with Estimates. 2 vols. royal 4to, 96 Plates (pub. at bl. bs.), cloth, 21. 12s. "Gd,
/^RINDLAY'S (CAPT.) VIEWS IN INDIA, SCENERY, COSTUME, AND ARCHI-
TECTURE : chii G- en the Western Side of India. Atlas 4to. Consisting of 36 most beauti-
fully coloured Plates, highly finished, in imitation of Drawings; with Descriptive Lettei-
press. (Pub. at 121. 12,s.), half-bound morocco, gilt edges, 8/. 85. 1830
This is perhaps the most exquisitely-coloured volume of landscapes ever produced.
HANSARD'S ILLUSTRATED BOOK OF ARCHERY. Being the complete History and
Practice of the Art: interspersed with numerous Anecdotes; forming a complete Manual foi
the P^wman. 8vo. Illustrated by 39 beautiful Line Engravings, exquisitely finished, by
ENGLEHtART, PORTBURY, etc., after Designs by STEPHASOFF (pub. at li. 11s. Gd.), gilt cloth,
10s. Gd.
HARRIS'S GAME AND WILD ANIMALS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA. Large imp!.1
folio. 30 beautifully coloured Engravings, with 30 Vignettes of Heads, Skins, &c. (pub. at
101. 10*.), hf. morocco, 6«. 6«. I8i4
HARRIS'S WILD SPORTS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA. Imp!. 8vo. 26 beautifully co-
loured Engravings, arid a Map (pub. at 21. 2s.), gilt cloth, gilt edges, ll. Is. 1844
HEATH'S CARICATURE SCRAP BOOK, on CO Sheets, containing upwards of 1000 Comic
Subjects after SEYMOUR, CRUIKSHAKK, PHIZ, and other eminent Caricaturists, oblong folio
(pub. at 21. 2s.), cloth, gilt, 15s.
This clever and entertaining volume 5s now enlarged by ten additional sheets, each con-
taining numerous subjects. It includes the whole of Heath's Omnium Gatherum, both Series;
Illustrations of Demonology and Witchcraft ; Old Ways and New Ways; Nautical Dictionary;
Scenes in London; Sayings and Doings, etc.; a series of humorous illustrations of Proverbs,
etc. As a large and almost infinite storehouse of humour it stands alone. To the -young
artist it would be found a most valuable collection of studies; and to the family circle a con-
stant source of unexceptionable amusement.
HOGARTH'S WORKS ENGRAVED BY HIMSELF. 153 fine Plates (including the two
well-known " suppressed Plates"), with elaborate Letter- press Descriptions, by J. NICHOLS.
Atlas folio (pub. at 50/.), half-bound morocco, gilt <back and edges, with a secret pocket for
suppressed plates, 71. Is. 1822 (
HOLBEIN'S COURT OF HENRY THE EIGHTH. A Series of 80 exquisitely beautiful
Portraits, engraved by BARTOI.OZZI, COOPER, and others, in imitation of the original]
Drawings preserved in the Royal Collection at Windsor; with Historical and Biographical!
Letter-press by EDMUND LODGE, ESQ. Published by JOHN CHAMBERLAINE. Imperial 4to
(pub. at 15/. las.), half-bound morocco, full gilt back and edges, 51. 15s. Gd. 1812
HOFLAND'S BRITISH ANGLER'S MANUAL; Edited by EDWARD JESSE, ESQ.; or,
the Art of Angling in England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland; including a Piscatorial Account
of the principal Rivers, Lakes, and Trout Streams; with Instructions in Fly Fishing, Trolling,
and Angling of every Description. With upwards of 80 exquisite Plates, many of which are
highly-finished Landscapes engraved on Steel, the remainder beautifully engraved on Wood:
8vo, elegant in gilt cloth, 12«. 1848
HOPE'S COSTUME OF THE ANCIENTS. Illustrated in upwards of 320 beautifully-
engraved Plates, containing Representations of Egyptian, Greek, and Roman Habits and
Dresses. 2 vols. royal 8vo, New Edition, with nearly 20 additional Plates, boards, reduced
to '21. 5s. 1841
HOWARD (FRANK) ON COLOUR, as a MEAKS of ART, being an adaptation of the Expe-
rience of Professors to the practice of Amateurs, illustrated by 18 coloured Plates, post 8vo,
cloth gilt, 8*.
In this able volume are shown the ground colours in which the most celebrated painters
•worked. It is very valuable to the connoisseur, as well as the student, in painting and water-
colour drawing.
HOWARD'S (HENRY, R. A.) LECTURES ON PAINTING. Delivered at the Royal
Academy, with a Memoir, by his son, FRANK HOWARD, large postSvo, cloth, 7*. Cd. 1848
HOWARD'S (FRANK) SPIRIT OF SHAKSPEARE. 483 fine outline Plates, illustrative of
all the principal Incidents in the Dramas of our national Bard, 5 vols. 8vo (pub. at 14/. 8s.),
Cloth, 21. 2s. 1827—33
*** The 483 Plates may be had without the letter-press, for illustrating all 8vo editions of
Shakspeare, for 11. 11s. Gd.
HUMPHREY'S (H. NOEL) ART OF ILLUMINATION AND MISSAL PAINTING,
illustrated with 12 splendid Examples from the Great Masters of the Art, selectedfrom Missals;
i all beautifully illuminated. Square 12mo, decorated binding, 11. Is.
HUMPHREY'S COINS OF ENGLAND, a Sketch of the progress of the English Coinage,
from the earliest period to the present time, with 228 beautiful fac- similes of the most interest-
ing specimens, illuminated in gold, silver, and copper, square 8vo, neatly decorated binding, ia».
HUNT'S EXAMPLES OF TUDOR ARCHITECTURE ADAPTED TO MODERN
HABITATIONS. RoyaA 4to, 37 Plates (pub. at 21. 2s.), half morocco ll. 4*.
HUNTS DESIGNS FOR PARSONAGE-HOUSE? ^LMS-HOUSES, ETC. Royal
4*,o 21 Plates (p-.,b. at 11. It.), half morocco, 14«. 1M1
PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY II. G. BOHN.
HUNT'S DESIGNS FOR GATE LODGES, GAMEKEEPERS' COTTAGES, ETC-
Royal 4to, 13 Plates (puo. at II. !«.), half morocco, 14*. lg]l
HUNT'S ARCHITETTURA CAMPESTRE; OR, DESIGNS FOR LODGES, GAR-
DENERS' HOUSES, KTC. IN THE ITALIAN STYLE. 12 Plates, royal 4to (pub. at
II. is.), half morocco, 14s. i&7
ILLUMINATED BOOK OF CHRISTMAS CAROLS, square 8vo. 24 Border* illuminated
in Gold and Colours, and 4 beautiful Miniatures, richly Ornamented Binding (pub. at It. 5s.),
15*. 1846
ILLUMINATED BOOK OF NEEDLEWORK, By MRS. OWEN, with a liistn-y ofNeedio-
work.bv the COUNTESS of WILTON, Coloured Plates, post 8vo (pub. at 18s.), gilt cljtu, y». 1817
ILLUMINATED CALENDAR FOR 1850. Copied from a celebrated Missal known as t»ie
" Hours " of the Duke of Anjou, imperial 8vo, 30 exquisite Miniatures and Borders, in gold aud
colours, Ornamented Binding (pub. at 21. 2«.), 15s.
ILLUSTRATED FLY-FISHER'S TEXT BOOK. A Complete GvJde to the Science of Trout
and Salmon Fishing. By THEOPHJLUS SOUTH, GENT. (Ei>. CHITTY, BARRISTER). With
23 beautiful Engravings on Steel, alter Paintings hy COOPER, NEWTON, FIELDING, LEE, and
others. 8vo (pub. at It. 11s. (W.). cloth, gilt, ids. Gd. 1845
ITALIAN SCHOOL OF DESIGN. Consisting of 100 Plates, chiefly engraved by BARTO-
LOZZI, after the original Pictures and Drawings of GVERCINO, MICHAEL ANGELO, DOMENI-
CHINO, ANNIBALE, LUDOVICO, and AGOSTINO C>RACCI, PIETRO »A CORTONA, CARLO MA-
RATTI, and others, in the Collection of Her Majesty. Imperial 4to (pub. at 101. 10«.), half mo-
rocco, gilt edges, 3^. 3s. 1812
JAMES'(G. P. R.) BOOK OF THE PASSIONS, royal 8vo, illustrated with 16 splendid
Line Engravings, after drawings by EDWARD COURBOULD STEPHANOFF CHALON, KENNY
MEADOWS, and JENKINS; engraved under the superintendence of CHARLES HEATH. New
arid improved edition (just published), elegant in gilt cloth, gilt edges (pub. at II. Us. Gd.)
12s.
JAMESON'S BEAUTIES OF THE COURT OF CHARLES THE SECOND. 2 vols.
impl. 8vc. 21 beautiful Portraits (pub. at 21. 5s.), cloth, II. Is. 1838
JOHNSON'S SPORTSMAN'S CYCLOPEDIA of the Science and Practice of the Field, the
Turf, and the Sod, or operations of the Chase, the Course, and the Stream, in one very thick
vol. 8vo, illustrated with upwards of 50 Steel Engravings, alter COOPER, WAUJJ, HANCOCK, and
others (pub. at 11. 11s. 6t/.), cloth, 15s.
KNIGHT'S (HENRY GALLY), ECCLESIASTICAL ARCHITECTURE OF ITALY,
FROM THE TIME OF CONSTANT1NE TO THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. With an
Introduction and Text. Imperial folio. First Series, containing 40 beautiful and highly inte-
resting Views of Ecclesiastical Buildings in Italy, several of which are expensivelyilluminated
in gold and colours, half- bound morocco, 5/. 5*. 1843
Second and Concluding Series, containing 41 beautiful and highly interesting Views of Eccle-
siastical Buildings in Italy, arranged in Chronological Order; with Descriptive Letter-press.
Imperial folio, half-bound morocco, &l. 5s. 1814
KNIGHT'S (HENRY GALLY) SARACENIC AND NORMAN REMAINS. Toillus-
trate the Normans in Sicily. Imperial folio. 30 large Engravings, consisting of Picturesque
Views, Architectural Remains, Interiors ar.d Exteriors of Buildings, with. Descriptive Letter-
press. Coloured like Drawings, half-bound morocco, 81. 8s. 1846
But very few copies are now tirst executed in this expensive manner.
KNIGHT'S PICTORIAL LONDON. 6 vols. bound in 3 thick handsome vols. imperial 8vo,.
illustrated by C50 Wood Engravings (pub. at 3^. 3s.), cloth, gilt, II. 18s.
LONDON.— WILKINSON'S LONDINA ILLUSTRATA ; OR, GRAPHIC AND
HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS of the most Interesting and Curious Architectural
Monuments of the City and Suburbs of London and Westminster, e.g., Monasteries, Churches,
Charitable Foi ' "
Theatres, and
Historical and Descriptive Letter-press (pu
iments 01 me t,ity ana jmnuros 01 i,onaon ami Westminster, e.g., naons»*ene»» yuurwuc»i
itable Foundations, Palaces, Halls, Courts, Processions, Places of early Amusements,
fres, and Old Houses. 2 vols. imperial 4to, containing '.'07 Copper-plate Engravings, with,
>rical and Descriptive Letter-press (pub. at 26/. 5s.), half-bound morocco, bl. 5s. 1819-25
LOUDON'S EDITION OF REPTOiM ON LANDSCAPE GARDENING AND
LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE. New Edition, 250 Wood Cuts, Portrait, thick 8vo, cloth
lettered (pub. at 11. Ids.), 15s.
LYSON'S ENVIRONS OF LONDON; being an Historical Account of the Towns, Villages
and Hamlets in the Counties of Surrey, Kent, Essex, Herts, and Middlesex, 5 vols. 4to, Platek
(pub. at 10/. 10s.), cloth, 21. 10s.
The same, large paper, 5 vols. royal 4to (pub. at 151. 15s.), c?oth, 3/. 3i.
MACGREGORS PROGRESS OF AMERICA FROM TH£ DISCOVERY BY
COLUMBUS, to the year 1846> comprising its History and Statistics, 2 remarkably thick
volumes, imperial »ro. cloth lettered (pub. at 41. Ms. Gd.), 1^. lls. <>d.
MARTIN'S CIVIL COSTUME OF ENGLAND, from the Conquest to the Present Perio*-
from Tapestry, MSS. &o Vto>-*l Uo 61 Vl»ic«, J^autifjlij Illuminated in Gold aud Colours,
cloth, »ilt V Vn <!d
CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS
MEYRICK'S PAINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF ANCIENT ARMS AND ARMOUR,
a Critical Inquiry into Ancient Armour as it existed in Europe, but particularly in England,
from the Norman Conquest to the Reign of Charles II, with a Glossary, etc. by SIR SAMUEL
HUSH MEYRICK, LL.D., F.S.A., etc., new and greatly improved Edition, corrected and en-
larged throughout by the Author himself, with the assistance of Literary and Antiquarian
Friends (ALBERT WAY, etc.), 3 vols. imperial 4to, illustrated by more than 100 Plates,
splendidly illuminated, mostly in gold and silver, exhibiting some ol the finest Specimens
existing in England; also a new Plate of the Tournament of Locks and Keys (pub. at 211.),
half-bound morocco, gilt edges, 10*. 10*. 1844
SIR WALTER SCOTT justly describes this collection as " THE INCOMPARABLE ARMOURY."
~-Edinburoh Review.
MEYRICK'S DESCRIPTION OF ANCIENT ARMS AND ARMOUR, in the Collec-
tion of Goodrich Court, 150 Engravings by Jos. SKELTON, 2 vols. folio (pub. at 111. lit.),
half morocco, top edges gilt, 4*. 14*. Qd.
MILLINGEN'S ANCIENT UNEDITED MONUMENTS; comprising Painted Greek
Vases, Statues, Busts, Bas-Reliefs, and other Remains of Grecian Art. 62 large and beautiful
Engravings, mostly coloured, with Letter-press Descriptions, imperial 4to (pub. at 94. 9s.),
half morocco, 41. 14.?. 6d. 1822
MOSES' ANTIQUE VASES, CANDELABRA, LAMPS, TRIPODS, PATERXE,
Tazzas, Tombs, Mausoleums, Sepulchral Chambers, Cinerary Urns, Sarcophagi, Cippi; and
other Ornaments, 170 Plates, several of which are coloured, with Letter-press, by HOPS, small
8vo (pub. at SI. 3*.), cloth, 1*. 5s. 1814
MURPHY'S ARABIAN ANTIQUITIES OF SPAIN; representing, in 100 very highly
finished line Engravings, by LE KEUX, FINBJBN, LANDSEER, G. CHOKE, &t», the most
remarkable Remains of the Architecture, Sculpture, Paintings, and Mosaics of the Spanish
Arabs now existing in the Peninsula, including the magnificent Palace of Alhambra; the
celebrated Mosque and Bridge at Cordova; the Royal Villa of Generaliffe; and the Casa de
Carbon : accompanied by Letter-press Descriptions, in 1 vol. atlas folio, original aud brilliant
impressions of the Plates (pub. at 42*.), half morocco, 121. 12*. 1813
MURPHY'S ANCIENV CHURCH OF BATALHA, IN PORTUGAL, Plans, Ele-
vations, Sections, and Views of the; with its History and Description, and an Introductory
Discourse on GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE, imperial folio, 27 fine Copper Plates, engraved
by LOWRY (pub. at 61. 6s.), half morocco, 21. 8*. 1795
NAPOLEON GALLERY; Or Illustr;itions of the Life and Times of the Emperor, with 99
Etchings on Steel by REVEIL, and other eminent Artists, in one thick volume post 8vo. (pub.
at II. Is.), gilt cloth, gilt edges, 10*. Qd. 1S46
NICOLAS'S (SIR HARRIS) HISTORY OF THE ORDERS OF KNIGHTHOOD
OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE; with an Account of the Medals, Crosses, and Clasps which
have been conferred for Naval and Military Services; together with a History of the Order of
the Guelphs of Hanover. 4 vols. imperial 4to, splendidly printed and illustrated by numerous
fine Woodcuts of Badges, Crosses, Collars, Stars, Medals, Ribbands, Clasps, etc", and many
large Plates, illuminated in gold and colours, including full-length Portraits of Queen Vic-
toria, Prince Albert, the King of Hanover, and the Dukes of Cambridge and Sussex. (Pub.
at 14*. 14*.), cloth, with morocco backs, 51. las. 6d. *** Complete to 1847
• " the same, with the Plates richly coloured but not illuminated, and without the
extra portraits, 4 vols. royal 4to. cloth, 3*. 10s. 6d.
"Sir Harris Nicolas has produced the first comprehensive History of the British Orders of
Knighthood: and it is one of the most elaborately prepared and splendidly printed works that ever
issued from the press. The Author appears to us to have neglected no sources of information,
and to have exhausted them, as far as regards the general scope and purpose of the inquiry.
The Graphical Illustrations are such as become a work of this character upon such a subject;
at, of course, a lavish cost. The resources of the recently revived art of wood-engraving have
been combined with the new art of printing in colours, so as to produce a rich effect, almost
rivalling that of the monastic illuminations. Such a book is sure of a place in every great library.
It contains matter calculated to interest extensive classes of readers, and we hope by our
specimen to excite their curiosity." — Quarterly Review.
NICHOLSON'S ARCHITECTURE; ITS PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE. 218
Plates by LOWRY, new edition, revised by Jos. GWILT, Esa., one volume, royal 8vo,
II. Us. Gel. 1848
For classical Architecture, the text book of the Profession, the most useful Guide to the
Student, and the best Compendium fpr the Amateur. An eminent Architect has declared
it to be "not only the most useful book of the kind ever published, but absolutely indispen-
sable to the Student."
PICTORIAL HISTORY OF GERMANY DURING THE REIGN OF FREDERICK
THE GREAT, including a complete History of the Seven Years' War. By FRANCIS
KUGLER. Illustrated by ADOLPH MENZEL. Royal 8vo, with above 500 Woodcuts (pub. at
I/. 8.v.), cloth gilt, 12*. 1845
PICTORIAL GALLERY OF RACE-HORSES. Containing Portraits of all the Winning
Horses of the Derby, Oaks, and St. Leger Stakes during the last Thirteen Years, and a His-
tory of the principal Operations of the Turf. By WILDRAKE (Geo. Tattersall, Esq.). R°yal
8vo, containing 95 beautiful Engravings of Horses, after Pictures by COOPEK, HERRING,
HANCOCK, ALKEJ*, &c. Also full-length characteristic Portraits of celebrated living Sports-
men ("Cracki of the Dav"), by SSYMOUJL (p*U». at 21. 2*.), scarlet cloth, gilt, li. is.
PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY H. G. KOHN.
PICTURESQUE TOUR OF THE RIVER THAMES, in its Western Course, indudimr
particulai DeicriptKm* of Ricuciond, Windsor, and Hampton Court. By Jons FISHE&
MURRAY. Illustrated W upwards of 100 very highly- finished Wood Engravings by On RUT
SMITH, BKANSTO\, LAXI.HM.S, LINTOV, and Other eminent artists; to which are added
set-Til beautiful Copper and Steel Plate Engravings by COOKE and others. One Urge band-
some volume, royal 8ro (pub. at It. 5*.), gilt cloth, l"i. <W. U45
The most beautiful volume of Topographical Li^aographs ever produced.
PINELLI'S ETCHINGS OF ITALIAN MANNERS AND COSTUME, Including ids
Carnival, Banditti, &c., 27 Plates, imperial 4to, hall-hound morocco, IJs. Koine, 1840
PRICE (SIR UVEDALE) ON THE PICTURESQUE in Scenery and Landscape Garden-
lag, with an Essay on the Origin of Taste, and much additional matter. By Sir THOMAS
DICK LAOUKR, Bart. 8vo, with GO beautiful Wood Engravings by MONTAGU STANLEY
(pub. at li. In.), gilt cloth, 12*. 1842
PUGINS GLOSSARY OF ECCLESIASTICAL ORNAMENT AND COSTUME'
setting forth the Origin, History, and Signification of the vaviu«.« Emblems, Devices and Sym-
bolical Colours, peculiar to Christian Designs of the Mitldle Ages. Illustrated by nearly 80
Ptetas, splendidly printed in gold and colours. Royal 4to, half morocco extra, top edges gilt,
PUGIN'S ORNAMENTAL TIMBER GABLES, selected from Ancient Examples in
England and Normandy. Royal 4to, ;10 Plates, cloth, II. la. 1830
PUGINS EXAMPLES OF GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE, selected from Ancient*
Edifices in England; consisting of Plans, Elevations, Sections, and Parts at large, with Histo-
rical and Descriptive letter-press, illustrated by 225 Engravings by LK KEUX. 3 vols. 4to
(pub. at 121. 12*.), cloth, 71. 17s. Cd. 1833
GOTHIC ORNAMENTS. 90 fine Plates, drawn on Stone by J. D. HARDING and
others. Royal 4to, half morocco, 3L 3s. 1844
•f UGIN'S NEW WORK ON FLORIATED ORNAMENT, with 30 plates, splendidly
printed in Gold and Colours, royal 4to, elegantly bound iu cloth, with rich gold ornaments,
3^. 3s.
RADCLIFFES NOBLE SCIENCE OF FOX-HUNTING, for the use of Sportsmen, royal
8vo., nearly 40 beautiful Wood Cuts of Hunting, Hounds, &c. (pub. at II. 8*.), cloth gilt,
10s. G</. 1839
RETZSCH'S OUTLINES TO SCHILLER'S "FIGHT WITH THE DRAGON,"
Royal ito., containing 16 Plates, Engraved by MOSES, stiff covers, 7*. 6d.
RETZSCH'S ILLUSTRATIONS TO SCHILLER'S "FRIDOLIN," Royal 4to., contain-
ing S Plates, Engraved by MOSES, stiff covers, 4s. 6d.
REYNOLDS' (SIR JOSHUA^ GRAPHIC WORKS. 300 beautiful Engravings (com-
prising nearly 4oo subjects) after this delightful painter, engraved on Steel by S. W. Reynolds.
3 vola! folio (pub. at 361.), half bound morocco, gilt edges, 121. 12s.
REYNOLDS' (SIR JOSHUA) LITERARY WORKS. Comprising his Discourses,
delivered at the Royal Academy, on the Theory and Practice of Painting; his Journey t«
..anders and Holland, with Criticisms on Pictures; Du Fresnoy's Art of Painting, with Notes
v o which is prefixed, a Memoir of the Author, with Remarks illustrative of his Principles and
tiactice, by BBECHEY. New Edition. 2 vols. fcap. 8vo, with Portrait (pub. at 18s.), gilt
• ;oth, !()«. 1846
44 His admirable Discourses contain such a body of just criticism, clothed in such perspicuous,
elegant, and nervous language, that it is no exaggerated panegyric to assert, that they will last
as long as the English tongue, and contribute, not less than the productions of his pencil, to
render his name immortal."— Northcote.
ROBINSON'S RURAL ARCHITECTURE; being a Series of Designs for Ornamental
Cottages, in 96 P!at»«, with Estimate*. Fourth, greatly Improved, Edition. Royal 4to (pub.
nt 4/. in.), half morocco, 2L. 5*.
ROBINSON'S NEW SERIES OF ORNAMENTAL COTTAGES AND VILLA*
06 Plates by HARDIKG and ALLOM. Royal 4to, half morocco, 21. 2*.
ROBINSON'S ORNAMENTAL VILLAS, 96 PlaUs (pub. at 4*. 4..), half morocco, 2l.lt.
ROBINSON'S FARM BUILDINGS. 56 Plates (pnb. at 21. 2«.), half morocco, II. lit. td.
ROBINSON'S LODGES AND PARK ENTRANCES. « Plates (pob. at 21. *».), half
morocco, ll. lit. Gd.
ROBINSON'S VILLAGE ARCHITECTURE. Fourth Edition, with additional Plate. 11
Plates (pub at ll. 16*.), half bound uniform, ll. i«.
16J/16*. ) half morocco, filt ftayes, 31. 13*. W.
CATALOGUE OF NEW £OOKS
RUDING'S ANNALS OF THE COINAGE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND ITS
DEPENDENCIES. Three vols., 4to., 159 plates, (pub. at 6*. 6*.) cloth, 4J. 4«. 1849
with leather hack, imperial 8vo, II. la.
SHAW AND BRIDGENS' DESIGNS FOR FURNITURE, with Candelabra and interior
Decoration, 60 Plates, royal 4to, (pub. at 3^. 3*.), half-bound, uncut, II. Us. 6d. 1838
The same, large paper, impl. 4to, the Plates coloured (pub. at 6/. 6s.), hf.-bd., uncut, 3/. 3*.
SHAW'S LUTON CHAPEL, its Architecture and Ornaments, illustrated in a series of 28
highly finished Line Engravings, imperial folio (pub. at 3^. 3*.), half mouxco, uncut, II. 16*.
1830
SILVESTRE'S UNIVERSAL PALEOGRAPHY, or Fac-similes of the writings of every
age, taken from the most authentic Missals and other interesting Manuscripts existing in the
Libraries of France, Italy, Germany, and England. By M. Silvestre, containing upwards of
300 large and most beautifully executed fac-similes, on Copper and Stone, most richly illumi-
nated in the finest style of art, 2 vols. atlas folio, half morocco extra, gilt edges, 311. 10*.
. The Historical and Descriptive Lptter-press by Champollion, Figeac, and Cham-
pollion, jua. With additions and corrections by Sir Frederick Madden. 2 vols. royal 8vo,
t cloth, II. 16*. 1850
. the same, 2 vols. royal 8vo, hf. mor. gilt edges (uniform with the folio work), 11. 8s.
SMITHS (C. J.) HISTORICAL AND LITERARY CURIOSITIES. Consisting of
Fac-simil*;s of interesting Autographs, Scenes of remarkable Historical Events and interesting
Localities, Engravings of Old Houses, Illuminated and Missal Ornaments, Antiquities, &c.
&c. , containing 100 Plates, some illuminated, with occasional Letter-press. In 1 volume 4to,
half morocco, uncut, reduced to 3/. 184«
SMITH'S ANCIENT COSTUME OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, From
the 7th to the Kith Century, with Historical Illustrations, folio, with 62 coloured plates illu-
minated with gold and silver, and highly finished (pub. at 10/. 10$.) half bound, morocco,
extra, gilt edges, 3/. 13*. 6d.
SPORTSMAN'S REPOSITORY; comprising a Series of highly finished Line Engraving*,
representing the Horse and the Dog, in all their varieties, by the celebrated engraver JOHM
SCOTT, from original paintings by Reinagle, Gilpin, Stubbs, Cooper, and La&dseer, accom-
panied by a comprehensive Description by the Author of the " British Field Sports," 4to, with
37 large Copper Plates, and numerous Wood Cuts by Burnett and others (pub. at 21. 12s. Gd.),
cloth gilt, II. It.
STORER'S CATHEDRAL ANTIQUITIES OF ENGLAND AND WALES. 4 vols.
8vo., with 256 engravings (pub. at 7^. 10s.), half morocco, 21. 12. 6d.
STOTHARD'S MONUMENTAL EFFIGIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 147 beautifuHy
finished Etchings, all of which are more or less tinted, and some of them highly illuminated in
gold and colours, with Historical Descriptions and Introduction, by KEMPS. Folio (pub. at
19/.), half morocco, 81. 8s.
STRUTT'S SYLVA BRITANN1CA ET S^OTICA; or, Portraits of Forest Trees, distin-
guished for their Antiquity, Magnitude, or Beauty, comprising 50 very large and highly-finished
painters' Etchings, imperial folio (pub. at 1U. 9s.), half morocco extra, gilt edges, it. 10*.
1826
STRUTT'S DRESSES AND HABITS OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND, from
the Establishment of the Saxons in Britain to the present time; with an historical and
Critical Inquiry into every branch of Costume. New and srreatly improved Edition, with Cri-
tical and Explanatory Notes, by J. R. PLANCHE', ESQ., FTs.A. 2 vols. royal 4to, 153 Plates,
cloth, 4L 4s. The Plates, coloured, 11. 7s. The Plates splendidly illuminated in gold, silver,
and opaque colours, in the Missal style, 20t. 1842
STRUTT'S REGAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL ANTIQUITIES OF ENGLAND-
Containing the most authentic Representations of all the English Mouarchs from Edward the
Confessor to Henry the Eighth; together with many of the Great Personages that were emi-
nent under their several Reigns. New and greatly improved Edition, by J. R. PLANCHE*
ESQ., F.S.A. Royal 4to, 72 Plates, cloth, 21. 2s. The Plates coloured, 41. 4s. Splendidly
illuminated, uniform with the Dresses, 12^. 12s. 1S42
STUBBS' ANATOMY OF THE HORSE. 24 fine large Copper-plate Engravings. Impe-
rial folio (pub. at 4Z. 4*.), boards, leather back, II. lls. Gd.
The original edition of this fine old woik, which is indispensable to artists. It has long been
considered rare.
TATTERSALL'S SPORTING ARCHITECTURE, comprising the Stud Farm, the Stall,
the Stable, the Kennel, Race Studs, &c. with 43 beautiful steel and wood illustrates, several
after HANCOCK, cloth gilt (pub. at I/, lls. Gd.), II. Is. 1859
TAYLOR'S HISTORY OF THE FINE ARTS IN GREAT BRITAIN. 2 vols. post
8vo. Woodcuts (pub. at 11. Is.), cloth, 7*. Gd. 1841
"The best view of the state of modern art."— United States' Gazette.
TOD'S ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES OF RAJASTHAN: OR. THE CEN
AND WESTERN RAJPOOT STATES OF INDIA, COMMONLY CALLED Rtj
, -
ANA). By Lieut. Colonel J. TOD, imperial 4to, embellished with above 28 extremely beauti-
ful line Engravings by FfNDEK, and capital large folding map (4J. H«. &d.)t cloth, 25*. 1839
PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY H. <& 3*OIIN.
TURNER AND GIRTIN'S RIVER SCENERY; folio, 20 beautiful engravings on steel
after the drawings of J. 1C. W. TURNER, brilliant impressions, in a portfolio, with morocco
back (pub. at St. S*.), reduced to 11. Us. 6d.
•• the same, with thick glazed paper between the plates, half bound morocco Kilt
edges (pub. at 6/. 6s.), reduced to 21. 2s.
WALKER'S ANALYSIS OF BEAUTY IN WOMAN. Preceded by a critical View of the
fencral Hypotheses respecting Beauty, by LEONARDO DA VJNCI, MENGS, WINCKELMANN.
IUMJ-, HOGARTH, BURKE, KNIGHT, ALISON, and others. New Edition, royal 8vo, illun-
trated by 22 beautiful Plates, after drawings from life, by H. HOWARD, by GAUCI and LANK
(pub. at 21. 2s.), gilt cloth, 11. Is. 184g
WALPOLE'S (HORACE) ANECDOTES OF PAINTING IN ENGLAND, with soma
Account of the Principal Artists, and Catalogue of Engravers, who have been born or reside J
in England, with Notes by DALLAWAY; New Edition, Revised and Enlarged, by RALPH
WORNUM, Esq., complete in 3 vols. 8vo, with nujnerous beautiful portraits and plates, 21. 2s.
WATTS'S PSALMS ANO HYMNS, ILLUSTRATED EDITION, complete, with indexes of
" Subjects," " First Lines," and a Table of Scriptures, 8vo, printed in a very large and beauti-
ful type,/embellishec with 24 beautiful Wood Ci^s by Martin, Westall, and others (pub. at
II. 1 *.), gilt cloth, 7*. 6<i.
WHISTON'S JOSEPHUS, ILLUSTRATED EDITION, complete; containing both the
Antiquities and the Wars of the Jews. 2 vols. 8vo, handsomely printed, embellished with 53
beautiful Wood Engravings, by various Artists (pub. at II. is.), cloth bds., elegantly gilt, 14*.
WHITTOCK'S DECORATIVE PAINTER'S AND GLAZIER'S GUIDE, containing tha
most approved methods offcniti '
Colour, Designs for DewOratinj
&c., with Examples from Anc
plates, of which 44 are coloured, (pub. at 21. Us.) cloth, 11. 10*.
•ed methods of imitating every kind of fancy Wood and Marble, in Oil or Distemper
, signs for Decorating Apartments, and the Art of Staining and Painting on Glass,
&c., with Examples from Ancient Windows, with the Supplement, 4to, illustrated witb 104
WHITTOCK'S MINIATURE PAINTER'S MANUAL. Foolscap 8vo., 7 coloured plates,
and numerous woodcuts (pub. at 5s.) cloth, 3*.
WIGHTWICK'S PALACE OF ARCHITECTURE, a Romance of Art and History. Impe-
rial 8vo, with 211 Illustrations, Steel Plates, and Woodcuts (pub. at 21. 12*. Gd.), cloth, II. 1*.
1840
WILD'S ARCHITECTURAL GRANDEUR of Belgium, Germany, and France, 24 fine
Plates by LE K.EUX, &c. Imperial 4to (pub. at 11. 18s.), half morocco, 11. 4*. 1837
WILD'S FOREIGN CATHEDRALS, 12 Plates, coloured and mounted like Drawings, in a
handsome portfolio (pub. at I'll. 12*.), imperial folio, 51. 5*.
WILLIAMS' VIEWS IN GREECE, 64 beautiful Line Engravings by MILLER, HORSBURGH,
and others. 2 vols. imperial 8vo (pub. at 61. 6*.), half bound mor. extra, gilt edges, 21. 12*. 6rf.
WINDSOR CASTLE AND ITS ENVIRONS, INCLUDING ETON, by LRITCK
REITCHIE, new edition, edited by E. JESSE, ESQ., illustrated with upwards of 50 beautiful
Engravings on Steel and Wood, royal 8vo., gilt cloth, 15»
WOOD'S ARCHITECTURAL ANTIQUITIES AND RUINS OF PALMYRA AND
BALREC. 2jvo!s. in 1, imperial folio, containing 110 fine Copper-plate Engravings, some
very large and folding (pub. at 71. 7*.), half morocco, uncut, 31. 13*. 6d.
jantural f^tstorj), agriculture, $rc.
ANDREWS' FIGURES OF HEATHS, with Scientific Descriptions. 6 vols. royal Rvo,
•with 300 beautifully coloured Plates (pub. at l5/.)i cloth, gilt, 71. 10*.
BARTON AND CASTLE'S BRITISH FLORA MEDICA; OR, HTSTORY OF TUB
MEDICINAL PLANTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. 2 vols. 8vo, illustrated by upwards of 2()0
Coloured Figures of Plants (pub. at 3*. 3*.), cloth, 11. 16s.
BAUER AND HOOKER'S ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE GENERA OF FERNS,
in which the characters of eacL Genus are displayed in the most elaborate manner, in a series
of magnified Dissections and Figures, highly finished in Colours. Imp. 8vo, Plates, G*. 1838-43
BEECHEY. — BOTANY OF CAPTAIN BEECHEY'S VOYAGE, comprHnsr an
Account of the Plants collected bj^Messrs. LAY and CO-JLIE, and other Officers of the
Expedition, during the Voyage to the Pacific and Bearing's Strate. By SIR WILLIAM
JACKSON HOOKER, and G^ A'. W. ARNOTT, ESQ., illustrated by 100 Plates, beautifully en-
graved, complete in 10 parts, 4to (pub. at 71. 10*.), bt. 1831-41
BEECHEY.— ZOOLOGY OF CAPTAIN BEECHEY'S VOYAGE, compiled from the
Collections and Notes of Captain BEECHEY and the Scientific Gentlemen who accompanied
the Expedition. The Mammalia, by Dr. RICHARDSON; Ornithology, by N. A. VIGORS, ESQ.,
Fishes, by. G. T. LAY, ESQ., and 'E. T. BENNETT, ESQ.; Crustacea, by RICHARD OWEN;
ESQ.; Reptiles, by JOHN EDWARD GRAY, ESQ.: Shells, by W. SOWKRBY, Es«.: and Geology,
by the Rev. Dr. BUCKLAND. 4to, illustrated b^ 47 Plates, containing many hundred figures,
beautifully coloured by SOWERBY (pub. at Si. 5*.), doth, 21. lit. W. 1W8
10 CATALOGUE OF »EW BOOKS
BCLTON'S NATURAL HISTORY OF BRITISH SONG BIRDS. Illustrated with
Figures, the size of Life, of the Birds, both Male and Female, in their most Natural Attitudes:
their Nests and Eggs, Food, Favourite Plants, Shrubs, Trees, &c. &c. New Edition, revised
and very considerably augmented. 2 vols. in 1, medium 4to, containing 80 beautifully coloured
plates (pub. at 81. 8*.)» half bound morocco, gilt backs, gilt edges, 3^. 3s. 1845
BRITISH FLORIST, OR LADY'S JOURNAL OF HORTICULTURE. 6 vols. 8vo, 81
coloured plates of flowers and groups (pub. at 41. 10*.), cloth, 11. Us. 1840
BROWN'S ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE LAND AND FRESH WATER SHELLS
OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND; with Figures, Descriptions, and Localities of all
the Species. Royal 8vo, containing on 27 large Plates, 330 Figures of all the known British
Species, in their full size, accurately drawn from Nature (pub. at 15*.), cloth, 10s. Qd. 1845
CURTISS FLORA LONDINENSIS; Revised and Improved by GEORGE GRAVES, ex-
tended and continued by Sir W. JACKSON HOOKER; comprising the History of Plants indi-
genous to Great Britain, with Indexes; the Drawings made by SYDEKHAM, EDWARDS, and
LINDLEY. 5 vols. royal folio (or 1<)9 parts), containing 047 Plates, exhibiting the full natural
site of each Plant, with magnified Dissections of the Parts of Fructification, &c., all beauti-
fully coloured (pub. at 87^. 4*. in parts), half bound morocco, top edges gilt, 301. 1835
DENNY— MONOGRAFHIA ANOPLURORUM BRITANNI/E, OR BRITISH
SPECIES OF PARASITE INSECTS (published under the patronage of the British Associa-
tion), 8vo, numerous beautifully coloured plates of Lice, containing several hundred magnified
figures, cloth, II. 11*. 6d. 1842
DON'S GENERAL SYSTEM OF GARDENING AND BOTANY. 4 volumes, royal 4to,
numerous woodcuts (pub. at lit. 8s.), cloth, II. 11s. 6d. 1831-1838
DON'S HORTUS CANTA3RIGIENSIS; thirteenth Edition, 8vo (pub. at 11. 4«.), cloth, 12*.
1845
DONOVANS NATURAL HISTORY OF THE INSECTS OF INDIA. Enlarged, by
J. O. WESTWOOD, Esq., F.L.S., 4to, with 58 plates, containing upwards of 120 exquisitely
coloured figures (pub. at 61. 6s.), cloth, gilt, reduced to 21. 2s. 1842
DONOVANS NATURAL HISTORY OF THE INSECTS OF CHINA. Enlarged, by
J. O. WESTWOOD. Esq., F.L.S., 4to, with 50 plates, containing upwards of 120 exquisitely
coloured figures (pub. at 61. 6s.), cloth, gilt, 21. 5s.
lt Donovan's works on the Insects of India and China are splendidly illustrated and ex-
tremely useful."— Naturalist.
"The entomological plates of our countryman Donovan, are highly coloured, elegant, and
useful, especially those contained in his quarto volumes ( Insects of India and China), where a
great number of species are delineated for the first time." — Swainson.
DONOVAN'S WORKS ON BRITISH NATURAL HISTORY. Viz.-Insects, 16 TO!S,
—Birds, 10 vols.— Shells, 5 vols.— Fishes, 5 vols.— Quadrupeds, 3 vols.— together 39 vols. 8vo.
containing 1198 beautifully coloured plates (pub. at 66/. 9s.), boards, 231. 17s. The same set of
39 vols. bound in 21 (pub. at "3/. 1G«.), half green morocco extra, gilt edges, gilt backs, 30{.
Any of the classes may be had separately.
* DOYLE'S CYCLOPEDIA OF PRACTICAL HUSBANDRY, and Rural Affairs in
General, New Edition, Enlarged, thick 8vo., with 70 wood engravings (pub. at 13*.), cloth,
8*. 6<*. 1843
DRURY'S ILLUSTRATIONS OF FOREIGN ENTOMOLOGY; wherein are exhibited
upwards of (it)0 exotic Insects, of the East and West Indies, China, New Holland, Nortli and
South America, Germany, &c. By J. O. WEST woo », Esu., F.L.S. Secretary of the Entomo-
logical Society, &c. 3 vols, 4to, 150 Plates, most beautifully coloured, containing above 600
figures of Insects (originally pub. at lot. 15*.), half bound morocco, 61. 16>. 6d. 1837
EVELYN'S SYLVA AND TERRA. A Discourse of Forest Trees, and the Propagation of
Timber, a Philosophical Discourse of the Earth : with Life of the Author, and Notes by Dr. A.
Hunter, 2 vols. royal 4to. Fifth improved Edition, with 40 Plates (pub. as, 5/. 5*.), cloth, 21.
1825
FITZROY AND DARWIN.— ZOOLOGY OF THE VOYAGE IN THE BEAGLE.
106 plates, mostly coloured, 3 vols. royal 4to. (pub. at 9^. ), cloth, a/. 5*. 1838-43
GREVILLE'S CRYPTOGAMIC FLORA, comprising the Principal Species found in Great
Britain, inclusive of all the New Species rerenMy discovered in Scotland. 6 vois. royal 8vo,
30>) beautifully coloured Plates (pub. at 16^. 16*.), ha If morocco, 8/. 8s. 1823-8
This, though a complete Work in itself, forms an almost indispensable Supplement to the
thirty-six volumes of Sowerby's English Botany, which does not comprehend Cryptogamous
Plants. It is one of the most scientific and best executed works on Indigenous Botany ever
produced in this country.
HARDWiCKE AND GRAY'S INDIAN ZOOLOGY. Twenty parts, forming two vols.,
royal folio, 202 coloured plates (pub. at '211.), sewed, Ml. 12*., or half morocco, gilt edges,
142. 14«.
HARRIS'S AURELIAN ; OR ENGLISH MOTHS AND BUTTERFLIES, Their
Natural History, together with the Plants on which they feed; New and greatly improved
Edition, by J. O. WESTWOOP, ESQ., F.L.S., &c., }n 1 vol. sm. folio, with 44 plates, containing
above 4oo figures of Moths, Butterflies, Caterpillars, &.c., and the Plants on which they feed,
exquisitely coloureu after the original drawings, half-bound morocco, 41. 4*. 1840
This eitremelr h&autiful work is the only one which contains our English Moths and Butter-
flies of the full natural sise, in all their changes of Caterpillar, Chrysalis, &c., with the plantt
•a which they f«**-
PUBLISHED OK SOLD BY II. G. BOHN. 11
HOOKER AND GREVILLE, ICONES FILICUM ; OR. FIGURES OF FERNS
With DESCRIPTIONS, many of which have been altogether unnoticed by Bol&ni«U, at hav«
not been correctly fiirured. 2 vols. folio, with 240 beautifully coloured Plates (pub. at 221. 4s. it
halt morocco, gilt edges, 12/. 12s. 1829-31
The grandest and most valuable of the many scientific Works produced by Sir William Hooker.
HOOKER'S EXOTIC FLORA, containing Figures and Descriptions of Rare, or otherwlRe
interesting Exotic Plants, especially of such as are deserving of being cultivated in our Gar-
dens. 3 vols. impeiial 8vo, containing 232 large and beautifully coloured Plates (pub. at 15/.),
cloth, 61. 6s. 1823-1827
This is the most superb and attractive of all Dr. Hooker's valuable works.
"The ' Exotic Flora,' by Dr. Hooker, is like that of all the Botanical publications of the in-
defatigable author, excellent; and it assumes an appearance of finish and perfection to
•which neither the Botanical Magazine nor Register can externally lay claim."— London.
HOOKER'S JOURNAL OF BOTANY; containing Figures and Descriptions of such Plants
is recommend themselves by their novelty, rarity, or history, or by the uses to which they are
api'litd in the Arts, in Medicine, nnd in Domestic Economy; together with occasional
Bol.inical Notices and Information, and occasional Portraits and Memoirs of eminent
Botanists. 4 vols. 8vo, numerous plates, some coloured (pub. at 31.), cloth, II. 1834-4a
guished Scientific Travellers. Complete in 3 Thick vols. royai 8vo, with 153 piatcs, many finely
coloured (pub. at 5*. 5*.), gilt cloth, 21. 12s. 6d. 1830-33
HOOKER'S FLORA BOREALI-AMERICANA ; OR, THE BOTANY OF BRITISH
NORTH AMERICA.
at 121. 12s.), 8*. The T
NORTH AMERICA. Illustrated by 240 plates, complete in Twelve Parts, royal 4to, (pub.
ehe Parts complete, done up in 2 vols. royal 4to, extra cloth, Bl.
HUISH ON BEES; THEIR NATURAL HISTORY AND GENERAL MANAGEMENT.
New and sreatly improved Edition, containing also the latest Discoveries and Improvements
in every department of the Apiary, with a description of the most approved HIVES now in use,
thick IL'mo, Portrait and numerous Woodcuts (pub. at 10,?. Gt/.), cloth, gilt, 6s. Gd. 1844
JOHNSON'S GARDENER, complete in 12 vols. with numerous woodcuts, containing the
Potato, one vol.— Cucumber, one vol.— Grape Vine, two vols.— Auricula and Asparagus, one
vol.— Pine Apple, two vols.— Strawberry, one vol.— Dahlia, one vol.— Peach, one vol.— Apple,
two vols.— together 12 vols. 12mo, woodcuts (pub. at li. 10s.)f cloth, 12*. 18*7
-. either of the volumes may he had separately (pub. at 2*. 6«f.), at It.
JOHNSON'S DICTIONARY OF MODERN GARDENING, numerous Woodcuts, very
thick 12mo, cloth lettered (pub. at 10s. Gd.), 4s. A comprehensive and elegant volume. 1846
LATHAM'S GENERAL HISTORY OF BIRDS. Being the Natural History and Descrip-
tion of ail Mie Birds (above four thousand) hitherto known or described by Naturalists, ritb
the Synonymes of preceding Writers; the second enlarged and improved Edition, compre-
hending afl the discoveries in Ornithology subsequent to the former publication, and a Geiftral
Index, 11 vols. in 10, Uo, with upwards of 20<) coloured Plates, lettered (pub. at 2G/. 8s.), cloth,
fl. 17s. tjd. Winchester, 1821-28. The same with the plates exquisitely coloured like drawings,
11 vols. in 10, elegantly half bound, green morocco, gilt edges, 12^. 12-».
TWIN'S NATURAL HISTORY OF THE BIRDS OF NEW SOUTH WALES.
Third Edition, with an Index of the Scientific Names and Synonymes by Mr. GOULD and Mr.
EYTON, folio, 27 plates, coloured (pub. at 4*. 4s.), hf. bd. morocco, 2i. 2*. 1838
LINDLEY'S BRITISH FRUITS; OR, FIGURES AND DESCRIPTIONS OF THE MOST
IMPORTANT VARIETIES OF FRUIT CULTIVATED IN GREAT BRITAIN. 3 vols.
royal 8vo, containing 152 most beautifully coloured plates, chiefly by Mns. WITHERS, Artist
to the Horticultural Society (pub. at 10*. 10s.), half bound, murocco extra, gilt edges, bl. 5*.
"This is an exquisitely beautiful work. Every plate is like a "highly finished drawing,
similar to those in the Horticultural Transactions."
LINDLEY'S DIGITALIUM MONOGRAPHIA. Folio, 28 plates of the Foxglove (pub. at
4/. 4*.), cloth, II. 11*. 6d.
. the same, the plates beautifully coloured (pub. at <M. «*.) , cloth, 21. 12«. 6d.
LOUDON'S (MRS.) ENTERTAINING NATURALIST, being Popular Descripticn*,
Tales, and Anecdotes of more than Five Hundred Animals, comprehending all the Quadrupeds,
Birds, Fishes, Reptiles, Insects, &c. of which a knowledge is indispensable in polite educa-
tion. With Indexes of Scientific aul Popular Names, an Kxplaration of Terms, and an Ap-
pendix of Fabulous Animals, illustrated by upwards of 500 beautiful woodcuts by BKWICK,
HARVEY, WHIMPER, and others. New Edition, revised, enlarged, and corrected to the
present state of Zoological Knowledge. In one thick vol. post Svo. gilt cloth, It. Gd. 1850
LOUDON'S (J. C.) ARBORETUM ET FRUTICETUM BRITANNICUM, or the
Trees and Shrubs of Britain, Native and Forciirn. delineated and described; with their propa-
gation, culture, management, and uses. Second improved Edition, 8 vols. Svo, with above
400 plates of trees, and upward* of 2300 wooilcut*.ui' trees and shrubs (pub. at 101.), at. 6*. 1844
12
CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS
MANTELL'S (DR.) NEW GEOLOGICAL WORK. THE MEDALS OF CREATION
-or First Lessons in Geology, and in the Study of Orsranic Remains; including Geological Ex"
cursions to the Is,?e of Sheppey, Brighton, Lewes, Tiigate Forest, Charnwood Forest, Farring-
don, Swindon, Calne, Bath, Bristol, Clifton, Matlork, Crich Hill, &c. By GIDEON ALGER-
NON MANTEI.L, ESQ., LL.D., F.R.S., &c. Two thick vols. foolscap 8vo, with coloured
Plates, and several hundred beautiful Woodcuts of Fo«sil Remains, cloth gilt, 11. Is. 1844
MANTELL'S WONDERS OF GEOLOGY, or a Familiar Exposition of Geological Phe-
nomena. Sixth greatly enlarged and improved Edition. 2 vois. post 8vo, coloured Plates, and
upwards of 200 Woodcuts, gilt cloth, 18s. 1848
MANTELL'S GEOLOGICAL EXCURSION ROUND THE ISLE OF WIGHT,
and along the adjacent Coast of Dorsetshire. In, J vol. post 8vo, with numerous beautifully
executed Woodcuts, and a Geological Map, cloth fOt, 12s. 1841
MUDIE'S NATURAL HISTORY OF BRITISH BIRDS; OR, THE FEATHERED
TRIBES OF THE BRITISH ISLANDS. 2 vols. 8vo. New Edition, the Plates beauti-
fully coloured (pub. at 11. 8s.), cloth gilt, 16s. 1835
"This is, without any exception, the most truly charming work on Ornithology which has-
hitherto appeared, from the days of Willoughby downwards. Other authors describe,.'
!Mudie paints; other authors give the husk, Mudie the kernel. We most heartily concur
with the opinion expressed of this work by Leigh Hunt (a kindred spirit) in the first few
numbers of his right pleasant London Journal. The descriptions of Bewick, Pennant,
Lewin, Montagu, and even Wilson, will not for an instant stand comparison with the
spirit-stirring emanations of Mudie's 'living pen,' as it has been called. We are not ac-
quainted with any author who so felicitously unites beauty of style with strength and nerve
of expression ; he does not specify, but paints." — Wood's Ornithological Guide.
RICHARDSON'S GEOLOGY FOR BEGINNERS, comprising a familiar Explanation of
Geology and its associate Sciences, Mineralogy, Physical Geology, Fossil Conchology, Fossil
Botany, and Palaeontology, including Directions for forming Collections, &c. By G. F.
.RICHARDSON, F.G.S. (formerly with Dr. Mantell, now of the British Museum). Second
Edition, considerably enlarged and improved. One thick vol. post 8vo, illustrated by upwards
of 260 Woodcuts (pub. at 10s. 6cZ.), clcth, 7s. Gd. ( 1846
SELBY'S COMPLETE BRITISH ORNITHOLOGY. A most magnificent work of the
Figures of British Birds, containing exact and faithful representations in their full natural size,
of all the known species found in Great Britain, 383 Figures in 228 beautifully coloured Plates.
2 vols. elephant folio, elegantly half bound morocco (pub. at 105^.), gilt back and gilt edges,
311. 10s. 1834
"The grandest work on Ornithology published in this country, the same for British Birds
that Audubon's is for the birds of America. Every figure, excepting in a very few instances of
extremely large birds, is of the full natural size, beautifully and accurately drawn, with all the
spirit of life."— Ornithologist's Text Book.
" What a treasure, during a rainy forenoon in the country, is such a gloriously illuminated
•work as this of Mr. Selby ! It is, without doubt, the most splendid of the kind ever published
in Britain, and will stand a comparison, without any eclipse of its lustre, with the most magni-
ficent ornithological illustrations of the French school. Mr. Selby has long and deservedly
ranked high as a scientific naturalist." — Blackwood's Magazine.
SELBY'S ILLUSTRATIONS OF BRITISH ORNITHOLOGY. 2 vols. 8vo. Second
Edition (pub. at 11. Is.), boards, 12*. 1833
SIBTHORP'S FLORA GR/ECA. The most costly and magnificent Botanical work ever pub-
lished. 10 vols. folio, with 1000 beautifully coloured Plates, half bound morocco, publishing
by subscription, and the number strictly limited to those subscribed for (pub. at 252/. ), 631.
Separate Prospectuses of this work are now ready for delivery. Only forty copies of the
original stock exist. No greater number of subscribers' names can therefore be received.
SIBTHORP'S FLORXE GR/EC/E PRODROMUS. Sive Plantarum omnium Enumeratio,
quas in Provinciis aut Insulis Graciae invenit JOH. SIBTHORP: Characteres et Synonyma
omnium cum Annotationibus JAC. EDY^ SMITH. Four parts, in 2 thick vols, 8vo"(pub. at
21. 2s.), 14s. Londini, 1816
SOWERBY'S MANUAL OF CONCHOLOGY. Containing a complete Introduction to the
Science, illustrated by upwards of 650 Figures of Shells, etched on copper-plates, in which the
most characteristic examples are given of all the Genera established up to the present time,,
arranged in Lamarckian Order, accompanied bv copious Explanations; Observations respect-
ing the Geographical or Geological di*ribution of each; Tabular Views of the Systems of
Lamarck and De B!ainville; a Glossary of Technical Terms, &c. New Edition, considerably
enlarged and improved, with numerous Woodcuts in the text, now first added, 8vo, cloth, 18s.
The plates coloured, cloth, 11. 16s. 1846
SOWERBY'S CONCHOLOGICAL ILLUSTRATIONS; OR, COLOFTIED FIGURES
OF ALL THE HITHERTO UNFJG-VRED SHELLS, complete in 200 Shells, 8vo, compris-
ing r.evefal thousand Figures, in parts, all beautifully coloured (pub. at 15/.), 71. 10«. 1845
SPRY'S BRITISH COLEOPTERA DELINEATED; containing Figures and Descriptions
of all the Genera of Biitish Beetles, edited by SHUCKARD, 8vo, with 94 plates, comprising 688
figures of Beetles, beautifully and most accurately drawn fpub. at -21. 2s. ), cloth, \l. Is. 1840
" The most perfect work vet published in this department of British Entomology."
STEPHENS' BRITISH ENTOMOLOGY. 12 vols. 8vo, loo coloured Plates (pub. at 21M:
half bound, 8^.&». 1828-46
——Or separately, LBPIDOPTERA, 4 vols. 41. 4s. COLEOPTERA, 5 vols. 4i. 4*. DERMAPTEH*.,
OKTHOP., NEUROP , &c | I vol U »< UVMWKOTTBUA, 2 vols. 21. te«
PUBLISHED OK SOLD BY H. G. liOim. 13
SWAINSON'S EXOTIC CONCHOLOGY; on, FIGURES AND DESCRIPTIONS OF
RARE, BEAUTIFUL, OR UN DESCRIBED SHELLS. Royal 4to, contahniv !>4 Jarire and
beautifully coloured ligures of Shells, half bound mcr. gilt edges (pub. at a/,. 5*}, 2l\ 12*. iw.
SWAINSON'S ZOOLOGICAL ILLUSTRATIONS; OR, ORIGINAL FIGURES AND
DESCRIPTIONS OF NEW, RARE, OR INTERESTING ANIMALS, selected chiefly
from the Classes of Ornithology, Entomology, and Concholojry. 6 vols. royal 8vo, containing
318 finely coloured plates (pub. at 16^. 1G*.), half bound morocco, gilt edges/9^. y*.
SWEET'S FLORA AUSTRALASICA; OR. A SELECTION OF HANDSOME OR
CURIOUS PLANTS, Natives of New Holland and the South Sea Islands. 13 N«>s. fort in-
1 vol. royal 8vo, complete, with 56 beautifully coloured plates (pub. at 31. 15*.), cloth, II. 16*.
1827-28
SWEET'S CISTINE/€; OR, NATURAL ORDER OF CISTUS, OR ROCK ROSE. 39
Nos. forming 1 vol. royal 8vo, complete, with 112 beautifully coloured plates (i.ub. at ol. Us.),
cloth, 21. 12*. 6d. 1828
44 One of the most interesting, and hitherto the scarcest of Mr. Sweet't beautilul publications."
^Miscellaneous <Bnglfs& literature,
IXCLUDIN'O
HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, POETRY AND THE
DRAMA, MORALS, AND MISCELLANIES.
BACON'S WORKS, both English and Latin. With an Introductory Essay, and copious
Indexes. Complete in 2 large vols. imperial 8vo, Portrait (pub. at 21. 2*.), cloth, 11. 1C*. 1838
SACON'S ESSAYS AND ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, with Memoir and Notes
by Dr. Taylor, square 12rno, with 31 Woodcuts (pub. at 4*.), ornamental wrapper, 2*. 6d.
1840
BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, from the Discovery of the
American Continent. Twelfth Edition, 3 vols, 8vo (published at 21. 10*.), cloth, II. lit. Gd.
1847
BATTLES OF THE BRITISH NAVY, from A.T>. looo to 1840. By JOSEPH ALLEW, of
Greenwich Hospital. 2 thick elegantly printed vols. foolscap 8vo, illustrated by 24 Portraits
of British Admirals, beautifully engraved on Steel, and numerous Woodcuts of Battles (pub.
at 11. Is.), cloth gilt, 14«. 1842
"These volumes are invaluable; they contain the very pith and marrow of our best Naval
Histories and Chronicles."— Sun.
"The best and most complete repository' of the triumphs of the British Navy which has yet
issued from the press." — United Service Gazette.
BORDERER'S, THE TABLE BOOK, or Gatherings of the Local History and Romance of
the English and Scottish Borders, by M. A. RICHARDSON (of Newcastle), 8 vols. bound in 4,
royal 8vo, Illustrated with nearly 1000 interesting Woodcuts, extra cloth (pv.b. at 3/. 10*.),
li. 11*. Kewcaslle, 1846
*»* One of the cheapest and most attractive sets of books imaginable.
EOSWELL'S LIFE OF DR. JOHNSON; BY THE RIGHT HON. J. C. CROKER,
Incorporating his Tour to the Hebrides, and accompanied by the Commentaries of all pre-
ceding Editors: with numerous additional Notes ami Illustrative Anecdotes; to which are
added "Two Supplementary Volumes of Anecdotes by HAWKINS, Piuzzi, MURPHY, TYERS,
REYNOLDS, STKEVKNS, and others. ID vols. 12me, illustrated by upwards of 50 Views, Por-
traits, and Sheets of Autographs, finely engraied on Steel, from Drawings by Stanfield, Hard-
ing, Xc., cioth, reduced to 11. 10*. 1818
This new, improved, and greatly enlarged edition, beautifully printed in the popular form ol
Sir Walter Scott, and Byron's Works, is just such an edition as Dr. Johnson himself loved and
rtM-oinmemled. In one of the Ana recorded in the supplementary volumes of the present edi-
tion, he says: " Books that you may carry to the fire, and hold readily in your hand, are the
most useful after ali. Such books form the mass of general and easy reading."
6OURRIENNES MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON, one stout, closely, but elegantly printed
vol., too! s:\-ip 12mo, with line equestrian Portrait of Napoleon and Fiontispiece (pub. at 5.».),
cloth, 3.5. (>d. 1614
BRITISH ESSAYISTS, viz., Spectator, Taller, Guardian, Rambler, Adventurer, Idler, and
Cnnnoiscur, 3 thick vols. 8vo, portraits (pub. at 21. at.), cloth, li. 7t. Either volume may be
had separate.
BRITISH POETS, CABINET EDITICN, containing the complete works of the principal
hn-.-iislj j nets, from Mi, tori to K;ike White. 4 vols. post Svo (size of Standard Library)
prijitt-d in a M-ry su;ali but beuuniii. tM>»-. ^ .Medallion Portraits (pub. at 21. 2».J, cloth, 15*.
14 CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS
BROUGHAM'S (LORD) POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, and Essay on the Britisk Const!!*-
tion, 3 vols. 8vo (pub. at It. 1U. 6ri.)f cioth, II. it. 1844-«
» British Constitution (a portion of the preceding work), 8vo. cloth, 3*.
BKOUGHAM'S (LORD) HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF STATESMEN, and other
Public Characters of t;ie time of George III. Vol. III. royal 8vo, with 10 <ine portraits
(pub. at II. Is.), clotht 10*. 6d. 1846
BROUGHAM'S (LORD) LIVES OF MEN OF LETTERS AND SCIENCE, Who
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1.S45
-— the same, also with the portraits, demy Svo (pub. at II. la.), cloth, 10*. 6d. 1846
BROWNE'S (SIR THOMAS) WORKS, COMPLETE, including his Vulgar Errors,
Religio Medici, Urn Burial, Christian Morals, Correspondence, Journals, and Tracts, many 01
them hitherto unpublished. The whole collected and edited by SIMON WILKIN, F.L.S. 4
vols. 8vo, fine Portrait (pub. at 21. St.), cloth, II. 11*. 6d. Pickering, 1836
"Sir Thomas Browne, the contemporary of Jeremy Taylor, Hooke, Bacon, Selden, and
Robert Burton, is undoubtedly one of tl» most eloquent and poetical of that great literary era
His thoughts are often truly sublime, and always conveyed ia the most impressive language.'
— Chamber*
BUCKINGHAM'S AMERICA; HISTORICAL, STATISTICAL, AND DESCRIPTIVE,
viz.: Northern States, 3 vols.; Eastern and Western States, 3 vols.; Southern or Slave States,
2 vols.; Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the other British Provinces in North
America, 1vol. Together 9 stout vols. Svo, numerous fine Engravings (pub. at 61. 10*. 6d.),
Cloth, 21. 12*. 6d. 1841-43
"Mr. Buckingham goes deliberately through the States, treating of all, historically and sta-
tistically—of their rise and progress, their manufactures, trade, population, topography, fer-
tility, resources, morals, manners, education, and so forth. Hit volumes ivill be found a ttore-
ftOHM of knowledge." <ithena;um.
"A very entire and comprehensive view of the United States, diligently collected by a mao
of great acuteness and observation." — Literary Gazette.
BURKE'S (EDMUND) WORKS. With a Biographical and Critical Introduction by Rooens.
2 vols. imperial 8vo, closely but handsomely printed (pub. at 21. 2s.), cloth, II. 10*. 1841
BURKE'S ENCYCLOPEDIA OF HERALDRY; OR, GENERAL ARMOURY
OF ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, AND IRELAND. Comprising a Registry of all Armorial
Bearings, Crests, and Mottoes, from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, including the
Terms. Third Edition, with a Supplement. One very large vol. imperial Svo, beautifully
printed in small type, in double columns, by WHITTINGHAM, embellished with an elaborate
Frontispiece, richly illuminated in gold and colours; also Woodcuts (pub. at '21. 2s,), clota
gilt, if. 5*. 1844
The most elaborate and useful Work of the kind ever published. It contains upwards of
30,000 armorial bearings, and incorporates all that have hitherto been given by Guillim, Ed-
mondson, Collins, Nisbet, Berry, Robson, and others; besides many thousand names which,
have never appeared in any previous Work. This volume, in fact, in a small compass, but
without abridgment, contains more than four ordinary quartos.
BURNS' WORKS, WITH LIFE BY ALLAN CUNNINGHAM, AND NOTES BY
SIR WALTER SCOTT, CAMPBELL, WORDSWORTH, LOC'KHART, &c. Royal Svo,
fine Portrait and Plates (pub. at 18s.), cloth, uniform with Byron, 10.i. Qd. 1842
This is positively the only complete edition of Burns, in a single volume, Svo. It contains
not only every scrap which Burns ever wrote, whether prose or verse, but also a considerable
number of Scotch national airs, collected and illustrated by him (not giver, elsewhere) and full
and interesting accounts of the occasions and circumstances of his various writings. The
very complete and interesting Life by Allan Cunningham alone occupies 164 pages, and the
Indices and Glossary are very copious. The "whole forms a thick elegantly printed volume,
extending in all to 848 pages. The other editions, including one published in similar shape,
•with an abridgment of the Life by Allan Cunningham, comprised in only 47 pages, and the
whole volume in only 504 pages, do not contain above two-thirds of the above.
CAMPBELL'S LIFE AND TIMES OF PETRARCH. With Notices of Boccaccio and hli
Illustrious Contemporaries. Second Edjtiou. 2 vols. Svo, flue Portraits and Plates (pub. at
II. 11*. 6d.), cloth, r>s. . 1844
GARY'S EARLY FRENCH POETS, a Series of Notices and Translations, with an Intro-
ductory Sketch of the History of French Poetry ; Edited by his Son, the Rev. HKXKV CARY.
foolscap, Svo, cloth, 5*. KMS
CARYS LIVES OF ENGLISH POETS, supplementary to Dr. JOHNSON'S "Lives."
Edited by his Son, foolscap Svo, cloth, 7s. 1815
CHATHAM PAPERS, >>eing the Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham
Edited by the Executors of his Son, John Earl of Chatham, and publish*! from the Origina-
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Murray, 1838-40
41 A production of greater historical interest could hardly be imagined. It is a standard
work, which will directly pass into every library."— Literary Gmette.
"There is hardly any man in modern times who fills so large a space in our history, and «f
whom we know so little, as Lord Chatham ; he was the greatest Statesman and Orator that
this country ever produced. We regard this Work, thciefore, as one of the greatest valo*."-~
Ediv.Lv.rgh. foww,
PUBLISHED Oil SOLD BT H. G. BORN.
CHATTERTON'S WORKS, Loth Prose and Poetical, Including his Letters; with Notic
of his Life. History of the Rowley Controversy, ;md Notes Critical nun Explanatory. 2 vol'
post 8vo. elegantly printed, with Engraved Fac-similes of Chatterton't Handwriting and th«
Rowley MSS. (pub. at 15*.), cloth, Os. Large Paper, 2 vols. crown 8vo (pub. at U. !».), cloth,
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LEE'S HEBREW GRAMMAR, compiled from the best Authorities, and principally from
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LIVII HISTORIA, EX RECENSIONS DRAKENBORCHII ET KREYSSIG;
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