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Gift of
Esther Jean Spencer
STANFORD
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARIES
. 07
DEMOSTHENES
ON THE CROWN
(FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS)
AHMOSOENOYS TIEPI TOY STE®ANOY
DEMOSTHENES
ON THE CROWN
EDITED BY
WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN
Hon. LL.D. anv D.C.L.
ELIOT PROFESSOR OF GREEK LITERATURE (EMERITUS)
IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY
tf
Lrevite babies
1,
Neto Work
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Lp.
1905
All rights reserved
Ze IN Cr,
LES.
WGb
(C2
COPYRIGHT, 1904,
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
a
Set up and electrotyped. Published January, 1904. Reprinted
March, 1905.
Norwood Press
J. 8. Cushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
TO
HENRY JACKSON
IN TOKEN OF
A FRIENDSHIP OF MORE THAN THIRTY YEARS
viil PREFACE
in itself. With this view, I have given what may seem undue
prominence to the negotiations which led to the Peace of Philo-
crates ; for a minute knowledge of these is absolutely necessary
to a correct understanding of the brief but cogent argument of
Demosthenes in Cor. §§ 17—52, and to a fair judgment of the
whole political course of both Demosthenes and Aeschines at
this decisive crisis in the history of Athens. Much new light
has been thrown upon the period which I have treated from
inscriptions recently discovered by the French explorers at
Delphi and from the Corpus Jnscriptionum Atticarum, In pre-
paring this sketch I have made constant use of Grote and of
Schaefer’s Demosthenes und Seine Zeit,
In revising the text I have in most cases followed the au-
thority of the Codex %, especially when it is supported by its
companion L'. See Essay vu. In preparing the commentary
I have been constantly aided by the long line of editors, whose
names are too familiar to need mention. I must, however, ex-
press my great obligation to Westermann and Blass, especially
for references to parallel passages and for other illustrations. I
have found it impossible to give credit for every remark and
reference which may be borrowed from these or other recent
editors: many of these are found in the notes of Dissen and the
older editors, and many have long been in my own collection of
notes. Nothing is harder to trace than old references, and
most of those relating to Demosthenes on the Crown may now
be assumed to be common property.
I take great pleasure in expressing (not for the first time)
my deep indebtedness to Dr Henry Jackson of Trinity College,
Cambridge, who did me the inestimable service of reading and
revising the proofs of the large edition. There are few pages in
that volume which have not had the benefit of his criticism.
For the picture of the Scythian bowman in page 280 I am
indebted to the kindness of my former. pupil, Miss Florence A.
Gragg, who photographed the figure in the Museum at Athens.
PREFACE ix
I have avoided many discussions of grammatical points in
the notes by references to my Syntax of the Greek Moods and
Tenses (M.T.), and I have occasionally referred to my Greek
Grammar (G.). The references to Grote 1x.—xll. are made to
the first edition; those to earlier volumes to the second edition.
I have made no attempt to be neutral on the question of the
patriotism and the statesmanship of Demosthenes in his policy
of uncompromising resistance to Philip. It seems to me that
the time for such neutrality is past. I cannot conceive how any
one who knows and respects the traditions of Athens, and all
that she represents in the long contest of free institutions against
tyranny, can read the final attack of Aeschines and the reply of
Demosthenes without feeling that Demosthenes always stands
forth as a true patriot and statesman, who has the best interests
of his country at heart and upholds her noblest traditions, while
Aeschines appears first as a trimmer and later as an intentional
(if not a corrupt) ally of Philip in his contest with Athens. That
the policy of resistance to Philip’s aggressions failed at last is no
discredit to the patriotism or the statesmanship of Demosthenes.
Can any one, even at this day, read the pathetic and eloquent
appeal of Demosthenes to posterity in Cor. §§ 199—208, and
not feel that Athens would have been unworthy of her glorious
past if she had submitted to Philip without a struggle for liberty,
even if Chaeronea and all its consequences had been seen by
her in advance? Her course was plain: that of Demosthenes
was even plainer.
W. W. GOODWIN.
HARVARD UNIVERSITY,
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.,
November 6, 1903.
CONTENTS
ORATION ON THE CROWN . ‘ Fr ‘ é : ‘
HISTORICAL SKETCH :—
I. From the Accession of Philip to 352 B.c. .
ll. Early Life of Demosthenes.—Events from 352 to
348 B.C.
III. The Peace of Philocrates
IV. Six years of nominal Peace, 346—340 B.c. .
V. The War with Philip, from 340 B.c. to the Battle
of Chaeronea in 338 B.C.
Table of Dates : ° .
The Attic Year
Essay I. Argument of the Oration, with remarks on
§§ 120,121. . ° ° , :
Essay II. The ypady wapayopwy . . .~
Essay HI. The Suit against Ctesiphon
Essay IV. Trials of Aeschines and Philocrates in 343 B.c.
Essay V. _ Constitution of the Amphictyonic Council
Essay VI. The Hero Physician and the Hero KaAapirys
Essay VII. Manuscripts of the Oration on the Crown
INDEXES ° ° . . . . . .
20I1—205
205—209
210—228
228—237
237—249
250—254
255, 256
257—264
264—269
269—273
273—277
277, 278
278—280
281—283
285—296
AHMOZOENOYS
Sarep atk paric® wep ipov Kab THS U !
cioeBela te kal dd&ns, TodTo" opti ear 7 ure
) Tov avridicov cbpBouror roijcacOa
Mgr,
Geos ipiv,
é fhpw yoy
MeETEpAS 5
ep Tou mas axovev & bpas enoo bei (oxerAcov yap
div ein TOUTO ye), AXA TOUS vemous Kal Tov dpxoy, ev 2
@ Tpos amract Tos GAO Sucatows al ToUTO Yyéyp a-
mrat, TO 060
epre hos i) hbtryd & qin te
pow axpodcac bar,
Touro 8 éaT
ov povoy TO sé Baik hibit p pa noev ovoe TO ted
mt Tony
Th, tod by
ebvoiav Lanv amobovvat, GAXA TO kal 7H rater “Kal THs
arronory (a, ws BeBovdnrat kal mpoypnrat Tay ayor.-
foudver ExacTos, ovTws €acat ypyjcacPat.
formula after teary? pév (see §§ 8, 18,
sate 7 2351 248: cf. 267). Thucydides
erally has this, but often éreira dé,
Omep éotl: sc. efxoua:, refer-
ring to the whole sentence drep...
dxpodvafa:. ‘The relation of dep to
roUro here is clearly that of 4 re a}
to the following totro.—éotl pad
trip ipdv, concerns you especially
(more than myself).
6. eboreBelas: referring to the oath
(§2). Greek edoéSec reached a lower
level than our frety, including nega-
tive abstinence from impiety, so that
one who does not break his oath is so
far ebre83}s.—TovTO TapagThras bpiv,
may pul this inte your hearts: Trotro
refers back emphatically to the omit-
ted antecedent of dep, as ovrws (§ 27)
to that of @s, and is explained by pi
Tov dvridicop K.7.A,
8. rot wis...Set: explained by 7rd
kal.. xptoac bat (end of § 2): cf. rept
Tov Sryriva tpdrov xpi fHv, Plat. Rep.
352 D. .
§2. 1. rdw Spkov: the Heliastic
oath, which each judge had sworn.
The document in XXIV. 149—I5I
purporting to be this famous oath
(hardly authentic) has this clause: cal
dkpodcoua Tol Kary ydpov Kal rot dro-
hovyoupévov duolws dudoty, For the
connection of the laws with the oath,
see note on § 6%
z ee se j ust provisions.
3: u: this (2) or depo-
aiobae aD is far preferable to the
emendation axpodcec Oa, the fut. infin.
being exceptional with ré, The infin,
with 76 here denotes simply “he pro-
vision for hearing both sides imparti-
a//y and is not in oratio obliqua (MAT.
96, 111),
4. TO pH Wpokareyvwxévar :
having decided against (kara) either
party in advance, the perf. expressing
completion (M.T. tog): 7d wh rpo-
karayravac would be timeless, like rd
dxpodcacGa (above) and rd drodotrat
and 7d éaoa (below).—otBe (sc.
pbvov), mor abet, cf. § 93%").
5. tonv (pred.), tr hoard measure.
—Kal Ti ie. fo
allow everyone to “opt not only (wal)
that order of argument but also Meee
that general plan of defence which etc
6, drohoylg refers strictly to the
defence, which alone remained.—as...
éxacros: Exaeros is made subject of
the relative clause, as this precedes;
we reverse the order, and translate
it with yp}oarfa.—rav dywovto-
txacros (not éxdrepos), Acc. to
eil, is “tout homme qui plaide sa
AHMOZOENOY=
pe?) A€yo Ta Temtpayyer’ EuavT@, ovK EyeLv
un monies Ta Kxatnyopnueva do—w ovd ed’ ols 5
akia timaobar decxvivacs éeav & ed’ a Kat rerrolnka
mal merorlrevpar Baditw, rorAddas Aéyew avayKa-
aPrjoopa mept €wauTou. mepdoopat pep OU ws
HETpLOTATA TOUTO Tro”eiv* 6718 av TO Tpayy’ avTo
avayedsy, rovTou TH aitiay obtds eats Sixasos Bye" 10
0 ToLOvTOY ayer’ évarnadwevos. Jpe
Olina & bpas mavras, @ dvdpes ‘AGnvaior, av §
GuoXoyhoa Kowov elvat tovrovl Tov ayav’ éuol cal
Krynoipartt cai ovdév €Xarrovos afvoy a1rovd7s euol:
mavTov pev yap amroctepeicbar AvTnpdv ert Kal
NareTov, dAdws Te Kav UT’ éyPpod Tw TOTO GUp- 5
Balvy, wdduota 6é Tis wap’ buoy edvolas Kal didav-
Opwrias, dommep nai TO TvyEly ToOUTMY péyLoTOY
. Groktocarba: see § 50°.
kal werolyka kal qeroAlrev-
pot: a familiar form of rhetorical
amplification (opposed to modern
ideas of style), for which ordinary
z eomied would use reroXlrevuac alone.
ér instances are BeSotAnrac Kail
wpoppyra (§ 2°), rerpayyerwr cal we-
wokirevsémwre and xareweidou «al
GiéBadres (§ 118-7), érpaygde ral
GueE Hen (8 § 13°), GudSadhde wal Gvefgec
(§ 14*), edléakas wal duets (§ 22"),
modeuety kal SiapdperOac (§ 31*). In
these cases one verb is generic and
the other specific; but sometimes two
verbs of nearly or quite the same
meaning are used together for a simi-
lar rhetorical effect, as rpdrrew xal
rm 624), Sseteden) byrwy (§ 72"),
(lw, proceed, more formal
8, ws thd me f, the full form
ra:¢ oO
ws Ay Sévwuat werpwrara, § 256°.
9. 8 TL. .dvayKdly, whatever the
case itself may require of me (lit. com-
pel me): with dvayxdfw without an
infin, cf, Quint, XI, 1, 22, qui Aoc se
coegisset,
10. Slkaros yew: the common
personal construction (M.T. ms.
The apodosis is future in sense, alter
the future & rs ay dvaryKa oy.
II. Towtrov dyav, @ eos like
this, i.e. in which Ctesiphon is in-
dicted and Demosthenes accused : cf.
§§ 12—16.,
§ 5. 1 ao
and L): d» after a comma <- geal le
when words belonging to the same
clause precede, as here duds wdvrar
(M.T. 222),
a :
deprived oa anything: cf. wavraxob,
pp 814, ne:
7. So@mep, (by so much) as:
implied rooovrw is felt as
padora (sc. kurnpdy xal yaher') —
Kal before rd rvyery ex
parallelism (so to speak Cause
fosing and gaining the privileges:
ceed ka diuexwhtdn, § 60', and note,
AHMOZOENOY=2
fom gor lie
Kat 7 mapacyov éavToy icoy Kal Kotvoy appoTtépos
axpoaTny,ov’tw THY Sidyvwow ToinoeTat Trepl amrav-
TOV.
MédA@yv Sé tov te idlov Biov Tavr0s, @S E0LKE,
Adyor Sudovat TH wepov Kal Tov KOLA TeTOALTEUpLEVOY,
BotAopae waduv Todis Geovs mapaxaheoat, Kal évap-
tiov bev ebyopat TpP@TOV Mev, bony evvotay eEXov
éym SiaTero 77 moka Kal Tacw viv, TooavTHY
imdpEa por eis Tovtovi tov ayava, ere? & Te
perra ovvolcey kab ™pos evdoElay Kon Kal ™ pos
evodBeav éxdoT@, TOUTO 7a ao Theat Tacw vpty
vaore me
mept Tauro THs ‘ypadas vy
Ei pev oty mept ay Biae , edie KaTnyopnoev
Aicyivns, Kayo wept avtov trod mpoBovhevpatos
evOds dv amedoyovunv’ erred S ove éAaTTw Adyor
t, Shall receive kindly,
take under his, protection.
z Kowov: impartial.
otrw repeats with emphasis the
idea of wapacyor...dxpoaryv.bud-
yer, decision (between two sides).
$8. 2. Adyow Sibdva, fo render
an account, used often of the formal
accounts which all officers of state
In §§ 9—52 the orator replies to
charges which are foreign to the in-
dictment (@fw rs ypapfjs). We have
Oe. an wrap in §9; then (2) he
rivate life in §§ 10,
IL; He then ie his public policy in
§§ 12—52.
Under (3) we have an introduc-
tion (§§ 12—16), and the defence of
his policy concerning the Peace of
Philocrates (§§ 17—52). The last
contains an introduction (§ 17), the
narration (§§ 18—49, and the con-
clusion (§§ 50—52).
9, 1. el...Kxarnyépyrev, ie. 2f
rendered at the e¥@uvva:: see Aesch,
lll. 11, 12, and ef. § 625 (below), Ad-
yor... Pe vsargs
6. 6 7...éederw: see note on drep
abe dbfys, § *,
8. jap war: sc, Tobs Beovs
(subj.), as in § 1°.—rotro yvdvas, fo
give that judgment,
he had confined his accusation (in his
speech) fo the charges in his indict-
ment (ypadt): see the same distinc-
tion esas Kary yopet and «plpe. in
§ 1568
mpoPovhesparos : the strict name
of a ‘bil which had passed only the
Senate, though the less exact yajpiona
was often Ma to it: see § 561.
3. ev0us "(liebe pyy, J should
afonce proceed (lit, be now
to my defence, etc. Cf. ie bores 0
thdrrea, guile as much (as in his proper
accusation),
AHMOZOENOYS
TOV perplov, iva pndev eraybes Ady, xelpova Kal
ee Kai TOUS povs iretAndate Kal yuyvecxere, TOUT@
pev pnd vrép THY GdAX@v TicTEveTE Carer yap @S
opolors amavr’ émharrero), éuot 8, hv mapa wayta
TOV xpdvov evVOLaY evdeberyO” ‘rl ToAAGY arydvev
TOV MpdTepov, Kal vuvl tap bee aoyeobe, xanonOns é
av, Atoxivn, TOUTO arose etinOes anys, To ot
wept TOV mem pary pevOOY Kab TrejroALTeuméevov Adryous
adévra' we irpos tas rodopias Tas mapa ood
sadieartas ov 5 8) Toijow@ TOUTO’ oy OUTW TETU- 5
popar’ adr wep pev Tov TeToNTEULEVeY a
Katepevoou Kal diuSarres eLerdow, Tis 5€ moprreias
TAaVvTAS THS avedny yeyernpévys voTtepov, av Bovdo-
peévors axovev % TovTo.cl,
12. éwlwoh\ev dyavev: see §§ 240,
250, where he speaks of being brought
to trial “daily” after the battle of
ONE TL. 1, xaxofOys..ebnbes $n:
I. Kako @
BS Lent Hacer mapovouacla,the sar-
eastic effect of which, as pronounced by
Demosthenes, can easily be imagined.
kaxonlys, i-natured, malicious, is in
antithesis to etinées, apeptantael “e
the double sense of our sz ii mat
idea (imperfectly expressed ) saiast-
clows (1//-natured Pivee ve though jou
are, you conceived this perfectly simple
(silly) motion.
3. jwerpaypévev Kal qweroltrev-
pévoov : Si hake on 5 45. te
cl. TeTup al, 1X
em If ruga ecianates with Tupay
or Tudws, rerd@wuai must mean / am
distracted or crased, like éuSpérrynros
(§ 243’). If it is derived from rigos,
mist or smoke (see Lidd, & Sc.), rerv-
@wpyat means / am stupefied, befogged
or wrapl in smoke.
7. woprelas, ridalary ( procession-
talk). See Harpocr.: rourelas kai
wopmevecy darri rol Aocdoplas Kal
pune Oncomat.
Aocdopetv, TheScholiahave: op
welas, \owdoplas, UBpews: ev Tails rou-
wails mpogwweid Tives pres Ga-
éoxwrrov rods dAdous, ws év dopra
walfovres, éwl duatGy depduevor, See
. audits, § 1227, and ropwrevecw,
I2z4 =
&. dvtinv, doose/y, without check:
cf. deine and Aveots.—dv...rovrowt :
if these (judges) shall wish to hear it.
ee Thuc. VI. 46, 7a Nucla mw pos dex o-
ae #v, and other examples in M.T.
goo. Whiston compares Liv. XXI. 50,
quibusdam volentibus novas res fore.
§§ 12—16. After thus dismissing
the private charges as unworthy of a
reply, he comes to the charges against
his conduct with regard to the Peace
of Philocrates in 346 B.c. In this
introduction he dwells on the outrage
of bringing such grave charges against
a statesman in a way which neither
allows the accused a fair opportunity
to defend himself, nor gives the state
any adequate remedy against him if
he is guilty, while it may entail grave
consequences on an innocent person,
AHMOZOENOY=
Oeiv ta SHup Kal doyou Tuyeiv—ovd ev érnpetas
taée. Kal dOdvov rodTo movetv—ovTe pa Tods Deods
opbas éyov ovre ToduTinov ote Sixatov cor, @
avdpes "A@nvaiows adr’ éd’ ols adicodyTd mp’ éwpa
fa A
THY woray, obot ye Tt yMcavrois
oe viv erparyqidet
iorrgyi Geet
rabveruara pine eay et pep eicaryyeX
Tov?’ € éwpa, cigaryyehhovra kal TovToY TOV rpdrov ¢ els
PY ea
KpicwW K
alataira ‘Tap’ ipiv, et dé ypapovra Tapda- 10
vO_G, a codsiew ypadomevoy* ov yap Shirov Krnot-
we may translate ore), we can give
the emphatic od’ (2) the force of s¢i/?
more dasaa, Bl.), and translate, for
fo try to take away my right to come
before the people and be heard—still
more to do this by way of malice and
5 is neither right nor patriotic
see note on 4) nor rade ddacpeto at
is conative (cf. § 2075), For dgat-
petoOat as subject (where we might
expect rd dq@aipeicfar, were it not
for the following 7d mpoce)Geiv), see
Thuc. 11. 38, dptvacbac dé, ry
waveiy Ore &yyurdtw Keluevor, ‘dvrk-
mwahov op ede Thy Tiwwolay dva-
AauBdve.—trd mporeOetv... ruxelv
here is the right of every “accused
citizen to be heard before the popular
court, which is here called d7juos, as
it is often addressed Ah *A@yvaiot.
2. ey brypelas rdéfea, dy way of
(venting) malice: cf. § 6 ings T Heo
rafe, and xx. 81, ér éy p00 pepe.
So It. a
3. .. obre...oUre after of: see
Eur. oo “322 (N.), otk Err otre
Tei yos ore Xpjmara oir’ dddo Suc gi-
eye older ws yur).
ev: stronger than
Spier. —ToAtTiKoy, properly belonging
fo the state (see § 246"), here due to
the state from a citizen: cf. X. 74, ox
fows ofdé woNitinws, Such conduct,
it is meant, is mof fair to the state.
In 1X. 48, wokcrix@s refers to the
simple old-fashioned Spartan style
of warfare.
5. &' ols...dpa: a condensed
form for éri rots dducjpacw a déc-
sei: aes éewpa,
THALKovroLs (el Fe Ty
cabtaheea npg them to have been
so great, yoSe Kal SueEqe (see
note on § 4°), set forth in &is he
style (i.e. pompously), referring to
theatrical days of Aeschines, like tro-
kplverat, § 15°. Cf, xix. 189, Tatra
Tpaywoer,
&. (sc. Slxaior Hr, 5
me seen SE +f in l, 4), Ae
# fo 2 en é
9. douyybiowes
pevov (II) express the manner of
xpHcGa:, and with it make the apo-
doses to the conditions el...dapa and
el... wapdvoua (sc, édpa). eloayyéddww
is fo indict by elcayyedla (a state
prosecution), as ypdpoua is (prop-
erly) “ tuaict by ordinary ypapy.
Notice the distinction between "ypda-
gorvra mTapdvoua, sie illegad
indicting. for oor ilega i yp etn For
indictt Sa. or
the d sohie meaning of the passive
of ypddw see note on § 564.
II. od yap... o: of yap
dyrov belongs to both clauses, K THO.
wer and due 6’ K.7.d.2 for it surely
AHMOZOENOY=
mpos &u éyOpay mpoicratat, ovdanod § éri ravrnv
ae €uol. TH érépou Entra enititar apene
cba dalverar. Kaito. mpos amracw, & dvdpes
"A@nvaior, Tois adXos ols av eitreiv tis drép Krn-
aipavrTos exot, Kal TovUT éuovye Soxet Kai par’
cixdTas av Néyev, OTe THS tuetépas ExOpas mas
ed’ hav avTav dixarov jv Tov é€eracpov rroveic Oar,
ob TO mev pos AAAAOUS ayoviterOa mapaXetrey,
érépw 8 btw Kaxdv Tt Swooper Enteiv’ irepBorr yap
adiclas Tord ye.
Ilavra pev rolvwy ta Katnyopnudv’ opoiws éx 1
TovTwy av tis ldo. ovTe dSixaiws ovr’ er’ adnOeias
ovdemias eipnueva* Bovropar b€ Kai xa” ev Exactov
avtav ébetdcat, Kal pddiac? boca irép THs eipryyys
Kat THS TpecPelas KaTeevcaTo pov, Ta TeTpay-
per’ éauT@ peta Pidoxpdrous avatibels enol. ore
he puts foremost in (at the head of)
Ais 1 = suid. uy
. ovbapot, wowhere, ie, never:
ef ot in § 125! with following év-
ravda,—trl ravTyy, upon this ground
(that of our enmity), keeping the
figure of dryvrnxds duol, having met
me—or with a view fo this, i.e. to
fsht if out (West., Weil, Bl): cf.
yra,
oe dwihyrneas; § 1255.
8, émeriplay Abedéo Bar, ie. to
inflict dryula, which Ctesiphon would
incur as a public debtor if he were
unable to pay his fine if convicted.
§16. 3. Soxei, personal, sc. ris
(from 2): we translate if seems that
one might say, because we must use a
ch verb to express dy Aéyerw (M.T.
754).
5. Slkasov qv, we onpht (M.T.
416): here of present time. efe-
Tarpov rovetoBat, fo settle up.
7, érépw Sto... Lyrety, fo seek wheat
other man we can harm, érépw
standing emphatically before the in-
direct interrogative trw: the direct
question would be érépy rim...
Sworower ;
For the argument of §§ 17—52
on the Peace of Philocrates, with its
three divisions, see note before § 9.
§ 17. 1. Gpolws with rdvra, al!
alike,
2. tf Gdnbelas obbemias, with no
regard to truth,
or. obf, with [ou
3. elpypéva:
PR a ay, singly.—txacrov : obj. of
éterdoat ( West.) : cf. cad’ Eva Exarrop
qvav droorepety, XXI. 142.
4. vrep (like wepi): see note on
g§,
6. dwarlels éuol, pucting upon me.
Originally Acschines pebie Kimselt
on his close connection with Philo-
crates in making the peace: see I,
174, Thy elpheny The 6c €uol ral Pido-
kpdrous yeyernuérny. (See § 215, and
note; and Hist. § 23.)
14
AHMOSOQENOYS
movynoos amaca dutotHKe, xat ov? of picodvTes
Aaxedatpoviovs ovTws iayvoy @oTe avereiv avTovs,
ov? of mpotepov Ov exeivwv apyovTes KUpioe TOV
TOMY FoaV, ANAG TIS TV aKpLTOS Kal Tapa Tov-
TOS Kai mapa Tois GAXOS Gtracw eps Kal Tapayy.
tavta 8 opav o Diduriros (ou yap wv adavi) tois
Tap éKdoTos mpodoras xphmara avaricxov mdavras
TUveK pove kat pos avrous erdparren* “els” év ols
nudpTavoy adAo Kal Kaxas eppdvoun, avTos Tape-
oxevdtero kal kata ravrev edvero. ws d& Tadat-
TWPOULMEVOL TH KEL TOU TrOA€wou of ToTe prev Bapeis
viv & atrvyeis OnBaio: havepol waow hoav avayxa-
cOncopevor Katadevyew edb twas, Plu os, iva wh
ToUTO ‘yévoiTo pndée cuvédOorevy ai trodes, tpiv pev
10
19
elpnyny éxetvors be RorPeav émnyyelXaro.
Ti ovv 20
cuvnyavicat ait@ mpos Td daBey oAdyou deliv tmas
kcdvras eFaTraT@pevous ;
8. SvorriKe, was in dissension
(distracted).—ot prrotvres: these
were especially the Messenians and
Arcadians, with their new cities Mes-
sene and Megalopolis, established by
Epaminondas, and the Argives.
10, ot wpdérepov Gpxovtes are oli-
garchies which were maintained by
Sparta in Peloponnesus before Leuc-
tra, and were overthrown by the later
revolutions.
Il. Gxpuros gps Kal rapax%,
hopeless strife and confusion. Axpuros
is not admitting of settlement (xplows).
§ 19. 2. mpoddrats: for the names
of some of these see § 48; a longer
acm list is given in § 295.
brought into colli-
sion (knocked together): cf. evvéxpovoy,
163°, and fvyxpovev, Thuc. 1. 44.—év
ols voy GAAot, i7 others’ blun-
ders, of. ols ebruxfxecas, § 185, év ols
émioret@yre in § 1005, ép ols elony-
% Tav addov ‘EXAHvar,
yedAbuny in § 2501, év ols ceuvbvouac
in § 2584, év ols Errouwer in § 2864,
év ols ebrixnoer in § 323°, év abrots
ols yaplforra: in IX. 63.
5. Kara wavrov épvero, fe was
growing above all their heads, i.e. so
as to threaten them all.
6. TH pha: cf, dexérys yeyorws,
Aesch, IIL. orn) —Bapets, overdearing,
offensive.
7. wiv 6 aruyeis: after 33
See Schol., and notes on §§ 18 mt
352°. —évayxacOnodpevor : in or, obé,
hee the personal pavepal Foray.
Karadetyey ép bpas: no such
possibility is suggested by the language
of Demosthenes at the time of the
peace; but times had changed.
§ 20. 2. oAlyov Getv, full form of
édlyou (M.T. 779), qualifies are
elarar., alesoud willing dupes:
goes 5
' eA fvev: the actual subject
AHMOZOENOY=
pera trovTov picOwoas éri radta Piroxpatns 6
‘Ayvovotos, o ads, Alayivn, Kowv@vos, oly Oo €mos,
ove’ av od dvappayns wWevdcuevos, of b€ ouvertrdvtTes
drov Syrore &vexa (€@ yap TovTd vy ev T@ TaperTt) 10
EvBovros cai Kndicodav: éyo & ovdév ovdapod.
GA’ Gues, ToUTwy ToLovTw@V dvTwv Kal em’ aiThs THs 22
arnbelas otrw Secxvupever, eis TOV? Heer avardelas
@or éToApa Adyewv ws ap’ ey@ Wpds THO THS elpHvys
aitios yeyevioOar Kal Kex@duKa@S elnv THY TOAD
peTa xotvod cuvedpiov Tav “EAAnver tavTnY Totn-
aacba.
eltrot ;
pevov pe TiS TOAEDS,
Vv v nels
Hyavaxtnod iS, ') maperOor
elt’ @—rti av eire@v oé tis opbas mpoc-
éoTl Orrov av Ta Ov,
dnwe
Kal ouppay lav Hrbenv vu
TH ALKaUT NY wpacw
@v adatpou-
Tavta &@ viv Katnyopeis ebidaEas cal SeERAPES; 10
Kal nv ef TO K@ADTAL THY TOV “EAANVeY KoLvoviay 23
ereTpake eyo Didlrr@, col Td wt) ciryhoat Novrrov
g. of8 Gv ob hiappayiis, m0f even
if you split: cf. the common impre-
cation d:apparyelns (Ar. Av. 2). See
nae: on § 17°.
ron Sho Shore tvexa, for what-
Sine rreason(stonay have been): Ojrore,
like od», es Srris indefinite, This
is as strong language as Demosthenes
wishes to use of Eubulus, after his
death. See Hist. § 14.
11. ofSapod: cf. § 157, and tor
throv, § 227. Demosth. is fully justi-
fied in this strong denial.
§ 22. 1,2. ee Serxvupevoy :
eit ‘arb .T. 842).
vijr Gat, anieadt elnv:
ie tags dhects see M.T. 103, 109.
The mite sentence (j—6) ds dp...
wowjoacda: refers to the elaborate
charge of Aeschines (58—64), that
Demosthenes pressed the negotiations
for peace with indecent haste and
thereby excluded other Greek states
from the benefits of the treaty, The
answer in § 23 is perfectly satisfactory,
(See Hist. §§ 15, 24.
5. ovvebplov: a special meeting
of delegates to be summoned by Ath-
ens from various Greek states, which
never met; not the regular synod of
the allies of Athens, which was in ses-
sion when the peace was made(Aesch.
Ill. 69, 70).
6. @, Tl Gv...mpomelwrou; daroruus-
wots followed by a question: for the
regular position of av before elrwp,
see M.T, 224. Ch dric edrw; Ar.
Nub, 1378.
7. teri Sov: temporal, like
odauod in § 21!!.—wapav belongs to
dpdv...qyardxrnoas, H...duelp Ges ; (as
a whole): the meaning is, were you
ond eine wien ‘at? saw re ete, er
mpagiv Ka axlav: the gen
before the castle In § 0 the
order is reversed,
§ 23, 2,3. émwerpdneav: even the
best Mss. of Demosth, give this form
b>
20 AHMOZSOENOYS
yvaoker* ei S¢ Bovredwy éya mpocdyew tos mpé-
oes opnv deiv, rodTd pov diaBarre. adrAW Tl expr
pe Tov; pn mpocayey ypavrar tovs él rove’
jeovtas, iv piv SvarexyOdow; Oday ph Kata- 5
veiwat Tov apytTéxTova avTois KedeVoar; GAN ep
toiv Suoiv dBoroiv eFempouy av, ef ur) TOOT’ eypddn.
Ta puixpa cupdépovta THs WéAews Eder pe HvAaT-
tev, Ta © bda, OorTrep o'TOL, TeTpaKevat; ov Syrrov,
Aeye Toivuy wor TO WHditpa TovTL AaBwv, 6 cadds 10
obros eldas TapEeBn:
2, mpordye.v Tovs wpéo Bas (sc, els
Thy éxx\nolay): these were the am-
bassadors sent by Philip to negotiate
the peace. Foreign embassies first
presented themselves to the Senate,
which by a decree provided for their
introduction to the Assembly: see
Aesch. 11. 58, rais d¢ femxais ampe-
aBelars Bovhy ras els ror dijuor
wpogddovs mpofovkete:r, Such a bill
was proposed by Demosth, in the
senate before the arrival of the am-
bassadors, appointing a special meet-
ing of the Assembly to receive them
on the eighth of Elaphebolion: after-
wards the discussion of the peace was
postponed to the eighteenth and nine-
teenth.
5. O€av...KeAetoa. (sc. éxpir):
ought I not to have ordered the
architect (of the theatre) fo assign
them seats (as I did)? @éav, place to
see; cf, éBewpovy (7): this would be
the wpoedpla (Aesch. 111, 76), The
stone Dionysiac theatre was at this
time building under the direction of
Lycurgus; and the lessee was called
dpyiréxtwy, as an important part of
his duties was the superintendence of
the work of building. See Dorpfeld
and Reisch, Griech, Theater, 74—<4o,
where the building of the theatre is
assigned to about 350—325 1.C.
Aeschines (61, 76) makes this official
politeness of Demosthenes one ground
of his grotesque charge of flattering
Philip! To this Demosth, alludes in
§ 294°, ds yap éuol diukurwurpoy, x7 .h,
Aesch., however, mentions only the in-
troduction of the envoysto the theatre.
6. év totv Svotv oBodolv, in she
fwo-obol seats, the threepenny seats
of the ordinary citizens, The duwfedla,
which was then given from the theoric
fund as festival money to every citizen
who asked for it, paid the entrance
fee to the theatre. It is implied that
the distinguished strangers could have
been admitted, like other people, to
the common seats by merely paying
their two obols. With év roiv duvoiy
éBodoty cf. év rots ly@iow, Ar. Vesp.
789 (see Ran, 1068), zw the fish
market, ev 7@ wipy, Eq. 1 375:
7. el pH Tor éypady, Le. Aad
L not proposed my bill,
8. Ta piKpa cupdépovra ; it is jo-
cosely assumed that Aesch. objected
to the higher price which the state
probably paid for the front seats, or
perhaps to the state paying for the
seats at all.ovAdrrew, jwerpaxévan:
the change of tense may perhaps be
seen in a paraphrase; wes if my auty
to watch the petty interests of the state,
after I had sold her highest interests
like these men? With dAa, whole,
entire, cf, r@yv Bho ri, § 278%,
TTEP! TOY =TE®ANOY
WHO*ISMA AHMOS@ENOYS.
[Es dpxovros Mynoididov, ExatopBaoyvos Evy cai veg,
@vAys zpvravevovons [lavdiovidos, Anpooberns Aypoobe-
cimev, ready Pidurxos drooreiAas mpéc Bas
bpooyoupevas yKas, eddy Oat 5
teas ot ac Te AGyvaiwy, dros bv ¥ cipivy
Ay Recht 7 eneybipsees OED éy Ty mpwry exxAnola, Tpe-
oBas decOa éx ravrwv "AOqvalww iidy wevre, robs BF ye-
porovnberras dmrodypeivy, pydepiav twepBodjy rowvpévovs,
orov Gy ovra avvGavwyrat Tov Pidurrov, Kai obs Spxovs
AaBeiy te rap aerov ant Soue riy raxioryy eri rats do-
Aoyqnavats cuvOyKats alta mpds TOV ‘AGryvaiaw Srjnov, oup-
) S Kal ToUs €xaTépwv Tuppayous. mper/Jes
yp@your E5BovAos "AvadAvorios, Aicyivns KoOwxidns,
Kydicoday “Pauvovows, Anuoxparys PAveis, KAcwy Ko-
nae
Guoxidys.
at
§ 29. This decreeisa good speci-
men ofignorant forgery. The Archon's
name and the date are both wrong;
it is called a decree of the Senate and
the People, when it was ed by
the Senate alone; it provides for the
appointment of five envoys when there
were ten, and these had been ap-
pointed long before; it provides for
the oaths to be taken by Athens and
her allies, when these had already
been taken; and most of the five
ae. of the ee a wrong.
I, t rvpcépoy ;
ef. 28°, where x" cuupépovra (with
the gen.) is a pure substantive.
4. tTpeig bdovs pfjvas: “sat still in
Patra yparparros éuov Tote wal TO TH TWoAEL
cumpepov ov TO Dirirry fnrodvTds, Bpayd dpovrt-"*””
Tavres ol xpnerot mpécBeas obro xabavr dv Maxe-
Sovia tpeis Grouvs pijvas, ws HAGE Dirdewos ex
@paxns wayra Kataotpewduevos, éFov ruepav déxa,
Macedonia three whole months,” js
of course a rhetorical exaggeration,
which is corrected by Demosth, him-
self. In x1x. 57 he says dredqywioaper
Tpets utjvas SAovs (cf, 158), somewhat
less incorrectly; but in 58—6o he
gives the exact dates, by which we
see that the embassy was absent from
Athens only about ten weeks. (See
Hist. § 33.)
5. WavTa Kkaracrpedpuevos: see
§ 27.—éfdv...dptyOar...cdrai: etsy
represents €fj», and agente is a proper
perfect (M.T. 109); lit. i¢was tn our
power to have (already) arrived and
fo save the towns, ie. we might have
done both of these,
AHMOSOENOYS
opoiws 5& Trpi@v TeTTapwy, els Tov “EAAHoTrovTOV
apiy@at nal Ta yopia c@oar, AaBevTas Tods SpKous
mpl éxeivov efedely avTa* ov yap av inbar’™ airav
TapovT@y Huav, i} ovK dv wpifouer avTov, Mate THS
eipjuns av Sunpapryce Kal ov« dv aucdrep’ elye, wal
THY eipnvnv Kal Ta yopla.
To pev toivuy ev ty mpecfeia mpa@Tov Kréupa
pev Dirdrrov Swpoddknua 88 tov adixov TovTwy
avOpwrav tovwvTov éyéveto* imép of Kai ToTe Kal
viv Kal del opodoy@ Kal rodepeiv Kal dvadéper Oar
rovros. érepov 8 edOds edekns ere Tovrov peifor |
kaxovpynpa Geacacbe. érredy) yap w@pmordynoe THY |
eipnvny o Diderros mpokaBav tiv Opacny cia
ToUToUs ovyl TeicbévTas ‘To éuw Wndicpati, madw
@veiTat Tap avTay bres uy amtwev €x Maxedovias
éws Ta THS oTpatelas THS emi Tos DPwxdas evrpera
moumoarto, tva ph, Sedp’ arayyeXavrov Huav drt
6, dpolws, guize as well (as in ten
days): the common reading maAdor
would mean rather.
Q. Twv=el rapper, i/wehad
been there, For the various past tenses
with dy, all of which are in 8—10, see
M.T. 413: thus rir elp. dy drypap-
THe 18 Ae would Aave failed’ to se-
eure the peace (which he had already
secured by our absence), and ob« av
dudbrep elye is he would not have
had both (as he did have).
§ 31. 1. kAéupo pev: cf, wip ehérre
vow, Il. 1. 132. The position of pér
shows that the seven words. before
KAéupe belong to both «cA\déuue and
dwpoddxenua.
4. Twokeuetv kal Biacéper Oar: these
represent (in ov. ob/.) the past, the pre-
sent, and the emphatic future indicated
by rére, viv, and del (M.T. 32, 119).
32, 2, Gd rodrovs ovyl e-
oBéivras (without rods) is, decause of
their disobedience like werd Dupaxotoas
olxiGeloas, Thuc. VI. 3, and post
urbem conditam, This is rare in
Greek, where we should expect 1a 7
ph wee @ijvac (M.T.829"), See § 42°,
with rap... uicrdwoderwr.
4. a@vetrat...dre¢ ph Gmripev, Ae
bribes them (to effect) that we shail
not depart (M.T, 339): dimer (as
fut. M.T, 29) is more regular after
wretrac than dwlwyer, and has com-
mended itself to nearly all recent
editors, though it rests only on a
grammarian’s authority, (DBekker’s
Anecd. p. 129 *.)
tw... roujoavro, after the his-
toric present @pefrar. The clause
with ws has a final force (M.T. 614),
the idea being that he bribed them to
wait /ong enough for him to get his
army ready.
6. wa py...mrorfjoat (11); the pur *
pose of dretras,
AHMOSOENOYS
tives Ov Hoav of mapa TovTOV Adyou TOTe pyOevTes, 35
«al bv ods dravt’ am@deto ; ws ov dei GopuBeicOa
T@ WapeXnrvbdvac Didirmov elaw TlvAdv: éorar
yap aravl dca BovrAgcol ipeis, dv’ éyn® jovylav,
kai axovoerbe Svoiv 7) Tprdv hpepav, ols ev exOpos
Het, HiAov avTov yeyevnpuevov, ols dé didos, Tovvav-—
riov éyOpdv. od yap Ta pjwata Tas oUKEldTnTas €bn
BeBawoiv, para ceuvas ovouafov, adda TO TavTa
ovpdépe* cuudepev d¢ Dirirmr@ cal Daxedor cai
ipiv duolws aract Ths avadynoias Kal TAS BapvTn-
Tos amad\ayAva. THs Tov @nBaiwr, Taira & |
aopevas tives HKovov avTod bia THY Tol’ wrovcav
am@TéyGevav mpos Tovs OnBaiovs.
&35, 1. ol...pm0évres: see the
fuller account of this speech in xrx,
20—22. Aeschines said that the
Thebans had set a price on his head
for his anti-Theban advice to Philip.
See Hist. § 34.
3. TO wapeAnAvPévar: he begged
the people not to be disturbed by
news that Philip 4ad already passed
Thermopylae.
5,6. ols pev, the.Phocians; ols ¢,
the Thebans.
7. para: e.g. the Thebans’ title
of allies of Philip (cf. § 213°).
paha wEepvas Ovopalwv, usta
wery solemn expressions. He often
jokes about the weurdrys of Aesch,
See §§ 130, 133, 258, and XIx. 23.
9. Tupdhépav’ cupdbépay: a strik-
ing dvacrpop7y. |
10, dvahynrlas, want of feeling,
explained by the Schol. as dvair@yelas.
There can be little doubt that this
word, like dvalo@ynrox in § 432, refers
to the dulness and lack of keen per-
ception for which the Thebans were
proverbial. See Nep. Epam. 5, 2,
namque illi genti plus virium quam
ingenii, and Alcib. 11, 3, omnes enim
ti ovv cuveBn peTa
Boeotii magis firmitati corporis quam
ingenii acumini inserviunt; Cic. de
Fato Iv. 7, Athenis tenue caelum, ex
quo acutiores putantur Attici; crassum
Thebis, itaque pingues Thebani et
valentes; Hor. Epist. 0. I, 244,
Boeotum in crasso aere natum, This
dulness, and the consequent illiteracy
of Thebes compared with Athens,
gave rise to the proverb Bowriav bp,
Pind, Ol, VI. go: see the Schol., ra
dpxator Svedos, rovréort THY Wakacay
diaBodhv rhy éxi ry duovelg. Aristotle,
Eth, Il. 7, 7; er of a man lacking
in pdS8os, ely 6 dv ris wacvdperos F
dvddynrTos, ef pndér poBoiro, pire
gepoy wre kiuara, and in Ill. 1, 7,
of those insensible to pleasure, éA\el-
wovres d¢ rd wepl rds HOovds Kal Arrow
H det xalpovres ob} wary ylvorrac-
ov yap dvipwruxy éorw H Toa’Ty
dvaic@yela, Aristotle here means
stupidity and slowness, not moral
obliquity, by both drdAyyros and
dvactOynola.—Baputyros: cf. § 19,
§ 36. 2. rh 76? drotcay (cf.
veri, § 3157): a mild way of speak-
ing of the enmity against Thebes in
346 B.c. See § 18% with note.
}
i (\ Rabu ' “| dvnpnvro
Ap
\
hk bu. plA* cb
28
AHMOZ6ENOY=
was "ADAG yap cwIren Tonka eis Aoyous ods autixa 42
paddov tows dpudoet. Aéyer,
emit Tas arrodeiEers @S Ta TOUT@Y v adixruara Tov
érdvetipe 8) wade © |
a
yuri Tapdvtev Tpayudtwv yéyovev aitia.
Ered) yap eEnmdrna be pev wpeis intro Tov 5
@irirrov dia TovTwv Tay év tais mpecBelas picOw-
cdvTwy éavTovs Kal ovdev adnbes dpiv amayyet-
Aavrov, eEnmatnvto bé of Tadait@pot Pexeis Kat
i ge
TATTUGTOL
al TWodes auT@v, Ti eyeveTo; Of ev Ka-
errarol xal avalaOntot © Baior pirov,
EvEpryeTnY, owrhpa rov @idvrrov mryouvTo
éxeivos FV avrois: ovdé hwvyy jKovov el Tis GAAO TL
BotrAorTo AEyev.
ipeis 8 ipopwpevot Ta Tempay- 5
péva Kai dSvoyepaivovtes ayeTe THY elpyvyVY dpws-
ov yap tv 6 Tt dy érroveite. Kai ot Addot 8 “EDXAnves,
ouoiws wiv medhevaxicuevo. kai StnpaptnKotes av
jATiTay, Wyov THY eipnvnv [aopevot, Kal] avTol Tpd-
after his destruction of Thebes in
335 B.c.; Aeschines was not. See
Grote x11, 59—62.
§§ 42—49. After the digression
in § 41, the orator here speaks of the
disastrous consequences which have
come from the peace and from the
corruption by which it was made, and
of the miserable fate of most of the
traitors in Greece who aided Philip
in his schemes.
§ 42. 5. émrebh here has three
pluperfects, while commonly it has
the less precise aorist, as in §§ 251,321
(M.T. 59). So in Latin postguam
wenit ig more common than fost-
quam venerat. Both éredy and fost-
guam contain the idea of after that,
which the plpf. only eran
6. TOUTMY TaV......pirQuardv-
Twy (i.e. of éuloOwoar) : cathealt dud
Tovrous ob>~xl weabérras, § 327,and see
note.
: et advale@nro.: see note
on § 35
wave’ éxetvos qv: ch wdvr’ fv
*Ahétavdpos, XXIII, 120; Ei Sova abrots
wdavra #v, Thuc. Vill. 95; Demetrius
1is unus omnia est, Liv. XL. II.
4. ov6€,..Botkoirro (M.T. 462):
ijrovoy is strongly frequentative, like
qyotrro (3), and do r: is anything
opposed to Pl\or, evepyerny, cwrhpa.
5 dhopmpevor, viewing with sus-
picion (bwé like sud in suspicio).
. ov...éroutre: most Mss, (but
not 2) add wor. This passage rep-
resents the state of mind in which
Demosthenes delivered his speech on
. Peace (V.) in 346 B.c, See Hist.
40.
9. [acrpevor, kal]: = and the new!
found Oxyrhynchus papyrus (2nd wk
A.D.) omit these words.—a
mwoAkeuotpevot, fough they themselves
tn a certain way had been warred
ad)
TWavT °
32
———l
AHMOSOENOYS
| ( Ae "
| mepirotet, kal dia tovs moXdovs ‘TovTwrl Kal toby 5
yee avOtatapevous trois tperdpors Bovdrrjpaow ipels dare fy
a Be ~ e@ot cal Eupeo Bor, errel Oia ye ipas avrovs mdaXat av “A vl
ATWAMAELTE. HAN Oe . bee ns
Kai wepi ev trav tote wTpayPevrwv v ett 60
maT fae fim 8 ay aL. St a
pan’) ' TOANG Aevyely, kal ravra nyoupal wrel@ TOV (KAVOV |i).
na Oe elpaeBai. aitios © otros, daomep éwroxpaciay tid
soe WL pou Tis Tovnpias Tis éavtod [Kal Tov adiunudtov] ~ ) ».
KatacKeddoas, jv avaryKaiov Av pos TODS VewTepous 541 he
TOV Tempayuevav aTroNUcadOal. Trapn’wyhnale O Aa
isws of kal mplv eye eitreiv oTioby elddtes THY ToUTOU
Tote pucOapviay, xairot pidriav ye al Eeviav adr 51
ovopdte, Kal viv eliré mov A€yov 6 THY "AXeEav-
*
wat
‘ %
Spouv Eeviav averdifwv époil,
6. terre oOo kal EupicGon, ic. you
survive to be vena,
. bid...adrovs, if you were left
fo yourselves (M.T., 472). The orator
surprises his audience by this original
reason why the Athenian benitors have
been saved from the fate of traitors
in other states, i.e, the honest citizens
thwart their schemes and thus save
them from the ruin of success. This
brilliant attack is followed up sharply
in what follows.
§§ 50—5S2: the peroration to the
argument on the Peace of Philocrates.
§ 50, 1, Tév TréTe wpayKvrwy,
i.e, the transactions concerning the
peace. This suggestion that he will
drop the subject makes this sudden
recurrence to the charge of venality
all the more effective.
3. alrios, ie. of my speaking
wrelw Tor lkavde. ip, as if were
(M.T. 867), with éwdoxpaclay, not
with xaracKxeddcas.—twroxpaclay, a
rittke of stale ile ¥ os Savile
rs) refuse (esp. Aeet-laps) of last
Yes feast A hesterna), Y his
burst of indignation refers especially
eyo cot Feviay
_to the audacity of Aeschines (111, 60)
in charging Demosthenes with the
same codperation with Philocrates in
making the peace which he had once
claimed for himself asa merit (1. 174).
See § 17° (above), Demosthenes calls
this treatment “ deluging me with the
stale refuse of his own villainy.”
4. [Kal rév &biucnpatev] is in all
Mss., but is omitted in many ancient
quotations of the
— : the youngest judges
seca might have been only foolieen
years old in 346 B.C,
6. droktcacba, fo clear myself
of: see Thuc. VII. 87, dwohter@at
mwpds atro’s tas d:aSohds.—rapywe-
yAnoGe: addressed to the older judges
(cf. évox det, § 4°).
§ 51. 1. idrlayv, Eevlav, properly
friendship and Lesa evap ere
seem to be used with little thought of
the distinction. Cf. terlay "AX\ebdy-
dpov (3) and obre id, Edvow obre
"Adee. Gidow (below).
ery: wv: cf. elre gwrdyp,
Aeschyl, Ag. 205, “spake, saving.”
, BveSthov: Aesch. had said (66),
pee TOV mporydvey &
,
sais
, lng TOY =TE¢ANOY
Kheiv racy THY xeipa, TO TKEAOS TEeTNpwLEVO?,
ovAndetn HEpos |
Oa, TOUTO Tpole“evoy, Mate TH hoiT@ pera
ns Ch; wal pny ov6e rovrd 7 obéels 68 © F
eirreiv TOApr oa, os TO “T@ pev ev Terry Tpadevre, facet le
4!
) TUX) Tov o@paTos §
xapie addEm tére y Gyrt wal pixpo, TocavTny
Yruyiav ee eds eyyeveras ote Tis TOV on)
2 peda
erifuphoas
tpiv & ovew *AOnvaios Kal cata rip
Kal TovT eis TOY vouV
jpepay cxdorny ev wat kal Adyous kal Deopjpace
vov a
Tv Kaklay imaptas &
epee nd éOeXovras mapaxaphaat Dirlrry. ob8 ay 10
; yotiev, Rovrrov toivuy Ww Kal ei a
TavTa
— —
crournpal’ o op@ot Tocav-
hl ‘ill Aaa S|
e
iy 4 yore
zas €revOeplas avremary- s)
v 69
vden Gpa Tacw ols éxeivos Exparrey adicav bas éva
Me bates
pig Xen. An. I. 6, 1, repre-
ing dwéreuor abrots Tas Kepadds
G 1995, with examples).
saw i.e. always ready to
wie followed vf & ri huwkebels,
(so 2 and L):
i d and adorned it.
See Strab. vit. fr. 23: Thy IéA\ar
4. ‘ :
Aristotle ( a4
os, the great-souled, or high-
minded eee Boxer elvar 6 peyd\wy
: ef.
our piieses sake & tas fis head.
q. tv -wacr,..Gewphpact, ic. in all
“Sixatas. TOUT €7rOLEiTE pev ipeis €€ Avie
that you dear and see: Oeopyua is
. épaet, beholdi.
memorials: ears by a slight cone
including héyour : cf, Aeschyl. Prom.
21 ore Gwrhy ore Tov poppy Bpor Gv
Py
9. wakxlay: see note on § 204.—
trdptan, like éyyeréoGar (4), sepenie
on wpocijKer.—a [TOUS
eS as self-offered volunteers : cf.
§ 99
10, 088" Gv els: see MT. 219:
obd' els (separated) = ne unus guidem,
not a man,
§ 69. 1. Gvaynatoy dpa; ef. dvary-
xaiov cal dixaov dua, § 9°.
2. tmparrev dbtxév: in strong an-
tithesis to évayrwioHac dexalws.
3. € Gpxfjs: this refers strictly
only to the time of his own leadership
(«al obs érokiTevduny xpévovs). But
he modestly and speciously appears to
represent his own vigorous policy as a
continuation of earlier energy. Yet
AHMOZOENOYS
pdvov ebvous éavTois GAA Kal dpovipous avOpo-
Tous Kal pavTes elvac*
mavTa yap éxBéBnxev & 10
mpoeimrarte. Kal pape « Ort TOK pev dv ypjpat edwxe 81
Dior ibys ai bor’ eye peor, rorrAd Se Kyrelrapxos
aor’ eye "Eperpiay, TOAAG O airos 0 Didumros
aote Tae imapxev éq
bpas avr@
ddiov ponder eb eAeyxe5 04 ‘ find 2 a
D Kal qept Tay
4 ret pe rerig,
rol@y dice
pn dev’ e& eratew * Tavrayov, ovoels ayvoei, Kal TavT@v
qKLcTa oU* of yap Tapa ToD Kie:tapyou Kat Tov 82
Pidtiatidov téTe mpéa Bes Seip’ adixvovp Tapa
col Karé\uoy, Aioxyivn, Kal ov mpovkeves a avTav *
oils 7 wev modus ws eyOpodrs cali ovte Sixata ove
oumpépovra Adyovras amnAacev, col S
joav pirot.
ov Tolvuy expan rovrapy ovdiv, & Braadnuav repr
éuod Kal A€yav as clara pev KaBov Bow 8 avado-
cas. aAX’ ov av, Gra Boas per EXO; mavoe. Se
obSéror éav pn oe ovTOL Tavowow aTip@oavTeEs
§ B81. 4. dere rail’ irdpyey,
ie. that he might have these (the two
towns under ah two tyrants) fo depend
on, ie, a8 éwitexlopara eal ripe
*"Arriepy (§ 71).
5 Sév erfar (sc. subj.
abrév): cf. the active constr. in Plat.
Ap. 23 A, @ dv &\dow éfeheyEw.
6, wavraxod, anywhere: cf. rdu
Twv, § §4.—wavrev qKirra ov: a
sudden outburst of personality.
§ 82. 2. ddicvotpevor...caré-
Avov: the tenses imply that such
envoys of the tyrants were regular
guests of Aeschines,
3. «arédvov: /odved (as we say
put wp), lit. def down, originally wn-
harnessed ; cf. Od. Iv, 25, xarahtco-
perv @eéas Urrovs.—t iy ara,
you were their wpétevos: this might be
metaphorical; but there is good reason
for thinking that Aeschines was the
oficial representative at Athens of
Oreus, if not of Eretria.
5. GriAacev, rejected (i.e. their
proposals).
6. ov tolvuv...odbev: i.e. nothi
of the kind was ever successful wi
me, referring ' to wokhd wer dy x pijyar
Edwxe x.7.A. in § $1},
7. Os riwmd...dvaheras: quoted
from memory from the speech of
Aesch. (218), od & olvat AaBov per
ceclynxas, dvrakweras d¢ xéxparyas.
8. xe, you keep on shouting:
cf. Ar, Nub, 509, rl cumrdfes Eywr;
(M.T. 837), The Scholia understand
Xphmara with Exw» (as with \aBdy) ;
there may be a double meaning in
éxwr.—ratcre...ratowoty, you well
not a unless pion p e stop you,
9. vres, i. by not giving
you a ‘fit of their votes, the result
of which would be the partial driula
of losing the right to bring a similar
suit hereafter, with a fine of 1000
drachmas. This was actually the
result of this trial.
AHMOZSOENOY=
kordvcas tov “EAAijorovrov adAoTpLO
to Wi tepaag tl tee
vat Kat’ 5
exelvous Tovs ypdvous ; twels, avdpes “AGnvaior. To
S tpets bray Adyw, tHv md Adyw. Tis F 6 7H
moder Aéyov Kal ypadar nal rpdrtwv Kal da =: Sip 3
éaurip els Ta Tpdypar’ abedas Sidovs ; eyo. GAAA 89
piv jrika tadT abérAncev &rravtas, ovKér ex TOD
Adyou dei pabeiv, AX’ Epyw ti ‘ Oyap TOTE
évaTas méAeuos dvev Tod KaAHY
ab’ deyxelv év
maou Tois kata Tov Blov apOovarépos Kal edwvoTe
mn 00 Yen Tronake a
ows Ounryer Up yor
P ny : od
matpiios Thpovcw of
elpnv7s, nv obTot Kata TRS
naorol emt raise’ HedAovoas
erxmlow, Sv Siapaptotev, ead perdoyouv dv dpeis of
‘ta Bédtiota Bovdrdpevor Tors Oeors
8,9. Aéywv...660t¢: these parti-
ciples are imperfect, and so con-
trasted with the preceding Bonéjoas
etc. Few venture to accept dows for
dijovs, though it is supported by =
and L. Vémel says: “‘ Nec puto De-
mosthenis aures tolerasse continuatas
syllabas—d@s dovs. Sed in talibus
nihil affirmarim.”
§ 89. 2, & rod Adyou, in the
familiar antithesis to tpyq.
6 tvrrds, whick broke out (és
évéory): cf. ve Tixet, Was upon HS,
§ 139". :
4. Gvev, desides (without reckon-
ing): cf. [X11] 7,dvev rod cuppéperr,
and XXIII, 112, dvev rovrov.—ey
Tact... ou yev vpds, saw you supplied
(carried you through) with all the
necessaries of life in greater abun-
dance and cheaper.
6. Tis viv elpfhwns: rijs él “AXe-
Edvipov (Schol.), the peace of De-
mades, under which Athens had been
living since Chaeronea,—#v...typoi-
ow: the Macedonian party had been
strorig enough to prevent Athens
from openly helping Thebes in her
revolt 335 B.C., or the Peloponnesians
sunt ees
QUTELTE, 1)
under Agis in 330. See Grote x1I.
44, 59; spree
ol: cf. the sarcastic
with a view to ir a po é
gain: €dalfovet yap eats bévra
tov ‘ANéfavipow dard rv Teprdr pe-
ies os xaplferGar ws mpoddrais
Scho
S—10. Kal perdoyouey...pi pera-
Sotev: this reading of = me an
entirely different sense from that of
the common text, cal ui werdoyouer...
pndeé peradoter. The meaning is,
May they fail in these their hopes;
and may they rather be allowed to
Share with you patriots in the blessings
jor which you pray, that they may not
tnvolve you in the calamities which
would result from their policy. Mi
peradoter cannot be a mere continua-
tion of the wish of perdoxour: the
asyndeton would be too harsh. It
must be a final clause, assimilated to
the optative perdoyouer (M.T. 182),
as in €\@ot drws yéroro wT hptos,
ie Eum. 2971 Sook. PR aay.
vkqvar yvotev, Soph. 24.
See M.T. 181. I know no other
AHMOZOENOY=S
hrrov éuod, Wopimeve avi tod mit ei NETO.
ob phy od évravl’ “@Xarrov “Exar
amen Geiv.
avTOV EpwTnoas.
Aews eyOpov U] éov eivat
icauas Gori”
yoy 8 ert Tavra wopevoopat, Tocoirov
morepov oé Tis, Aioyivn, THs mo- 5
celta
ni €“ov Onrov Ort.
ov pev Vv 7 pr wou Sienv Kata Tovs vomous wuTrép
Tovtav Aafeiv, elzrep ndikovv, eEddevTes, ev ais
LOdvais, év tats ypadais, év rais addaus Kpiceowv”
ov O eye pev ab@os amract, Tois vowos, TO ypdv@, 125
Th mpobecpia, TO KekplaVai rep) mdvrev TokhaKis
§ 124. 2. euod: with obser Frrop,
—oprreverv (cf. roumelas,§ 117): re-
ferring to ¢£ audfns, § 1227, and \oi-
doplav, § 123%.
3 arrov txwv awedOetv, fo cet
off with any fess (than he has given) :
is fatal principle of paying off
vituperation in the same base coin is
the weak justification of the scurrility
which follows (§§ 128—131) and else-
where.
5. wdrepov...df; here o7 tes;
hardly differs from @@pev; the third
person without ris in these questions
is rare (M.T. 289).
7, Ov, where, explained by év...xpl-
greciv, TOUTWY : sor eee
present, as representing the whole.
8. ia expresses habitual
neglect.
g. ev0dvarg: ie. by bringing a
suit inconnection with my et@ura: (see
note on § 1175), like the ypagi wapa-
wperfelas against Aeschines (XIX.).
ypadats: here ordinary pudlic surts,
not including eleayyeAla, evra, etc,
which come under ypagal in its wider
sense. See § 249%.
§125. 1, ov §...d0G05, dur
where I am scot-free, opposed to of
nev hy, § 124'—rols vdpots...mpd-
repov; these four grounds of immu-
nity (explaining dracw) do not all
exclude each other, véuou in fact
including all the rest, and
being in great part identical
deo pig.
2. Th Berpla, the limitations
of time te hy aw to bringing certain
actions. Debts were outlawed in five
years, and this limitation applied to
many other cases. The mover of a
law was personally liable to the ypagy
maparouwyv only one year. Of course
in this suit nothing could make
Demosthenes personally amenable to
any law, as he was only Ctesiphon's
advocate; but the meaning of d@@os
is that no suit could now legally be
brought against him personall
any of the offences with which he is
charged before the court. He bitterly
complains of the er given to
Aeschines by the form of this suit to
accuse him of crimes for which he
could not indict him: see §§ 9—16.—
Tip Ke AAGKIS TpdTepoy (sc.
éué): probably referring to the cases
mentioned in §§ 83, 222—224, which
covered important parts of the present
case. He may also refer to actual
indictments against himself: for the
time since Chaeronea we have his
statement in §§ 249, 250, e.g. nara
Thy jucpay éexdorny expivduny. See
note on § 2245, For the law for-
bidding new trials of cases already
decided, see XXIV. 55, otk é€g@ mepl
porg
1 po-
TTEPI
‘ a ad A A
Mpos Ubas eimrely trepl TOY KOLVODV.
TOY =TE®ANOY
167
ei pey yap
éyes, Aloyivn, tav tro rovroy Tov qALov etmeiy
avOparrav Saris GO@os ris DPerlrrov mpdtepov Kab
yov Hs ’AndeEdvdpou duvactelas yéyover, f TaY 5
“EAAnVov 4 tav BapBdpwr, gorw, cvyywpa Tv
épnv—ete Troyny eite Svotvyiay ovopdlev BovreE—
mavrwv yeyevnobat.
et 8 kal ray pnderro@ror idev- 271
Tov eye pnde dwoviav axnxodrwy e400 TroAXol ToAAd
kal Seva remrcvOact, wi pdvoyv nat’ avdpa, adda Kal
qoras drat xal €Ovn, rdcw Sixaidtepov cal arnOe-
aTEepovy THY amavrav, ws Eoxev, avOpwTrav TUynD 5
Kony xal hopay Tiva wpaypaTwv yarerny Kal ov>y
olay ée tovTwy aitiav yyeicAat.
ov Totvuy ravr 272
3 ? A A \ ’ “A
adels eve tov mapa Tovrotol memoNTevpevoy attia,
317
Kal tavr’ eidws Sr, cal eb py TO GAOV, pépos vy’ érrt-
Barra rhs Bracdynplas Grract, nal pardora aoi.
el pey yap éyo Kat’ énavtTov avToxpatwp tmepl Tav 5
far more of his “fortunes” than of
his “fortune.” See remarks before
notes on § 252.
§ 270. 3. td rodrov rév HAvov,
as we say, under the Sun (poetic).
See Il. v. 267, Sco fac ix hd7
hédeby re: Od. Xv. 349, {dover i’
atryas terloco.
4. GOgos, unharmed: cf. § 125},
where we have the original meaning,
Jree from Owh, penalty, as in XXIII. 78,
raurns pev (Slens) ddqos adlera:, he ts
acquitted,
5. Svuvacrelas: see §§ 67% 8, 3227,
with notes.
8. wdavrev yeyevfjobat, Las | hated
to the lot of us all: xdvrwy reters to
all the Athenians, opposed to rip
underwmror lidvrwy éuéin § 2711, He
might admit (he implies) that his own
fortune had extended to Athens, were
it not that foreign states had suffered
the same il] fortune.
§ 271. 3. Kar &v&pa, ie. indi-
viduals, as opposed to wédes and
E0vn.
6. dopdv twa rpaypdroy, a rush
of events: popd in this sense (zpetus)
belongs to ¢époyar, used as in fig
@épera:r, Plat. Phaedr. 254 A, and
pepduevos, with a rusk (M.T. 837):
gopdy, crop, in § 612, belongs to dépw,
bear, produce.—ovy olav er, not what
tt should be (present in time, M.T.
417); &ec here is ought to be (but is
not).
§ 272. 3. émBdAde: see note on
7d éwtBddrov pépos, § 2547.
Gao: sc. rots ’"AOnvalors (cf.
wdvrwy, § 2708).
5. et pev...dBoudevdpnyv is past,
while 4» ad», its apodosis, is present.
—kar dsnaurdv atroxpdrap, a7 abso-
lute autocrat: cf. abrds abroxpdrwp,
§ 235°.
TTEP! TOY =TESANOY
179
"Axovers, Aloyivn, xal év atr@ TovTm wndev dpap- 290
tety éott Gedy cal wavta KxatopOody; ov Te
cupBovrA@ THY TOU KaTopOoiv Tos aywulopdvous
aveOnxe Sivaptv, adra Tots Geois.
tl ovv, ® KaTdapar’,
éuol mept rovrwv Aodopel, Kal Adyets & col Kal Trois 5
aois ot Geol tpdeaav eis Keharny ;
TloAAd tolvuy, & avdpes ‘AGnvaior, kal ddda 291
KaTnyopnxéros avrod Kal Kkatepevopdvov, pddor’
€Oavpaca wavrov bre tav cupfeBnxérwv téTe TH
wore prnobels ody ws dv ebvous nai Sixaros woXl- —
ms gaye THY yvounv, obdS eSdpucer, od8 erable 5
TovovTov ovdey TH WuyY7, GAN émrdpas THY Povnv Kal
fixed rule that death is appointed for
all, potpay...€roper (sc. Zeds Bporots).
The two verses contain the éx Ads
xplots ; but the change of construction
in potpay...€ropey is awkward, and év
Borg is an unnatural addition to . 9.
It is now known that under duaprety
éort Geod (or Oedy) xal rdvra Kxarop-
Ooty is a verse of the epigram of
Simonides on the heroes of Mara-
thon, of which two other lines are
preserved :
‘EAAfvwr wxpopaxolvres *APnvatos
Mapadan
xpvcopbpwr Midwy éorbpecay Sbva-
poy,
Kirchhoff (Hermes vi. pp. 487—
489) quotes from a MS. scholium: Aéyee
6¢ Zipwwldns dv éxcypdupare pydévre
abr éxt rots Mapadin recoiorv AGn-
valwy roy orlxov rotrovy, Mnder
duaprety éore Oeod cal wdvra
carop0otv. See Bergk, Poet. Lyr.,
Simon. fr. 82, with the note. See
Themist. Or. Xxul. p. 276 B, éwet
be rd under duaprdvery fiw ris pboews
xetras THs dvOpwalyys,...7d éxlypaypa
drAnOeorepov & "AOhynocy éxcyéyparras
évy rp tagy Te Snuorly: xal yap rots
Geots pbvars TO wadvTa Karopboipy
dwovéuec. These two quotations refer
to a verse in which “ never to fail and
always to succeed ”’ is called a divine
prerogative; while in the same words
in the inscription quoted by Demos-
thenes these are called a privilege
sometimes granted by the »Gods to
favoured mortals (see § 290). The
original verse of Simonides, unde...
xaropOoty (without é» Priory), was
probably used, as a_ well-known
verse, in the genuine epigram on
those who fell at Chaeronea (still
without ¢y Bory), but with a different
meaning; and in this new sense it
was quoted by Demosthenes in § 290.
The writer of our epigram probably
borrowed the genuine line (perhaps
from the text of Demosthenes), and
added the whole of v. 10. See notes
of West. and BI.
§ 290. 4. dvéOnxe: the epigram or
its composer, or perhaps # wéXs, is
the subject.
. @...elg xehoAtv; cf. XIX. 130,
& viv els xepadrhy vdpas abrp Set rpé-
ya, and § 2948 (below).
§ 291. 4. as Gv: sc. foxe or
oxoln: cf. § 1978,
5. trXe THY yueuny, was disposed.
TEP! TOY 2TE®ANOY
199
TOUTOUS pev avtous Ka’ éavrods ¢ @ets Kal mpow-
Wit,
Aes év 19 kal Oardrty moijoate, tiv S& ois 5
Aowrrois THY TaxyloTHy \aTradhayiy 2 TOD errnpTnpevov
déBov Sdre nal cwrnplav aodarj.
4. atrovs xa0’ davrots: the
; aah ea psa for by themselves.
Kal wpodAag moihoare,
cause ripe to be destroyed utterly and
before their time: see Shilleto’s note
on XIX. 172, €&dAns dwrodoluny Kai
mpowhns. Westermann quotes an
inscription of MHalicarnassus from
Keil, Sched. Epigr. p. 36: é&d&Ans
kal wapw dns Eorw xal yévos éx yévous,
xal phre yf Bar) abr ufre Oddaoca
TT fe
5. &y xij wal Oaddrry, i.e. in all
their ways.
6.
txnprnplvev, impending: for
the passive of éwapr® see XXIII.
140, rocoGros értprynrac défos. Cf.
Aesch. 1. 175, péBous értprnca rois
adxpowpuévos, i.e. J caused terrors to
hang over them (impendere).
7. owryplav hebaht, tc) safety which
cannot be shaken.
With these solemn but hopeful
words of good cheer, Demosthenes
leaves his case and his reputation
with perfect confidence in the hands
of the judges. Since the success of
his burst of eloquence in §§ 51, 52,
he has felt no anxiety about the
judgment, and his courage has in-
creased steadily in every stage of his
argument.
HISTORICAL SKETCH
FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP OF MACEDON TO THE
BATTLE OF CHAERONEA.
I. FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP IN 359 TO 352 B.C.
I. The battle of Mantinea and the death of Epaminondas in
362 B.C. mark the beginning of a new era in Greek history. The
brilliant statesmanship and military genius of Epaminondas had raised
Thebes to the highest position as a military power, and had reduced
Sparta from her leadership of Greece to a condition of extreme
danger. Sparta was held in check by the new hostile towns of
Megalopolis and Messene, and she had for the first time seen an
invading army within her streets. Athens now thought it expedient
to forget her ancient enmity, and to make common cause with her old
rival; at Mantinea Athens and Sparta fought side by side against
Thebes. The death of Epaminondas at the moment of victory broke
the spirit and the power of Thebes; Athens was suddenly relieved
of her great alarm, and now no longer feared the removal of her
Propylaea to the Cadmea of Thebes. Greece was left without a head,
and Athens was encouraged to hope for a recovery of the leadership
which she had lost by the Peloponnesian War.
z. During the five succeeding years Athens devoted herself to
establishing her power in the North, especially in her old dominion,
the Thracian Chersonese, which came anew into her possession in
357 B.C. Earlier in the same year she had made her famous expedition
201 -
204 HISTORICAL SKETCH [384-
religious pride of Greece and the munificence of strangers had stored
the temple, had been melted down to supply the needs of his
mercenaries. Philomelus was killed in a skirmish in 354 B.c.; his
successor Onomarchus continued the spoliation of the temple with still
greater energy. He and his successors gave the most precious relics,
as the necklaces of Helen and of Harmonia, to their wives or
mistresses to wear. This state of things caused a scandal throughout
Greece, which made it easy and attractive for an unscrupulous out-
sider like Philip to intervene on the side of piety, and thus to pose as
the champion of the God of Delphi. This Philip did at the earliest
opportunity.
5. He had already interfered in Thessaly by aiding the Aleuadae
of Larissa against Lycophron, despot of Pherae. In 353—352 B.c.
he attacked Lycophron with such vigour that the despot invoked the
aid of Onomarchus. The Phocians had now become so powerful that
they had marched forth from Delphi and were practically masters of
Boeotia and of the whole region south of Thermopylae. A force
of Phocians under Phayllus, the brother and afterwards the successor
of Onomarchus, which marched to the aid of Lycophron, was defeated
by Philip, and compelled to retreat beyond Thermopylae. Onomarchus
then entered Thessaly with his whole army, and defeated Philip in two
battles. But Philip soon returned with a new army, and defeated the
Phocians completely. Onomarchus, it was said, was slain in the
retreat by some of his own men. Lycophron abandoned Pherae,
which was taken by Philip, who also captured the seaport of Pagasae,
which gave him control of the Pagasaean Gulf. The Phocian army
was annihilated; but Phayllus took his brother's command, and easily
raised another mercenary force by offering double pay, which the sacred
treasures still provided }.
6. While this new force was collecting, the road through Ther-
mopylae lay open to Philip. Since his defeat of the Phocians he was
hailed as a protector by their enemies; and he was already recognized
as the avenger of Apollo, who was to restore the holy temple to its
rightful lord; and it was confidently expected that he would pass
Thermopylae with his army and become a power in central Greece.
But at this momentous crisis Athens became fully alive to the danger
1 Grote x1. 40o8—418,
xs FRTOLU4E SKETCH 7e-
a i f : — eee = :
a Set Seatica Sonam Durcng 21 sears be acest w brag
ee Sas Wes Fe oe emcacors: sur al cus onee he
wae esas ae fe pee comes Ge secret ihe sewioss of
& = Me 2- 3s sor come 39 Tol. a hes eas awarded hs fll
Games. et sews. Ss se Se Getiverec ss two oratioas against
Agios “rr ant xwvcr) Bor be foand © posse w obtain
erfer tis sane ar Sos damages from ms wiv oppomest. The training
ae ee at Sete wc Dereosctenes gaeed m prenaring for this
east camess. ant 5s exseseace a the coerts. were br no means Jost.
Be Send Sims a che 2ge of twesty-tivee. mamly dependent on
hme ¥ iar sumpor:: zc Se acopted the profession of Acyeypedos or
legal acecser. the cuties of which incladed writimg speeches for clients
we deliver cr cour- But he soon aimed at something much higher
tham wricre speeches and giving advice in private Lwsuits. Before
be was tirty vears old he had distinguished himself as an advocate
im cases of Emportant public interest, in which the constitutionality of
bess or decrees was jadicully tested. His arguments in such cases
(355—35! BC.) are those against Androtion (xx), Leptines (xx.),
Tisnocrates (XXIV.). and Aristocrates (xxmI.). He had already twice
appeared as a speaker in the Athenian Assembly, once in 354—353,
whea he delivered his speech on the Symmories (XIVvV.), proposing a
reform in the system of assessing taxes and equipping the navy, and
once again in 353—352, when he defended the rights of Megalopolis:
(xv1.) against Spartan aggression. In neither of these public speeches
is there anything which shows that the orator was seriously anxious
about the dangers which already threatened Athens from the north;
but he probably thought that the moment for open and energetic
and action on his part against Philip had not yet come.
g Probably the sudden panic in 352, which roused Athens to
her energetic movement to Thermopylae (§ 6), gave the question of
checking Philip a more serious importance. A few months later
(Nov. 352) the alarming news came that Philip was besieging Heraion
Teichos, a fortified post near the Thracian Chersonese. Again Athens
acted with energy, and voted to equip forty triremes and to levy a tax
351 B.C.] FIRST PHILIPPIC 207
of sixty talents. But a report that Philip was ill, followed by another
that he was dead, stopped these preparations, and nothing was done!.
Philip’s cruisers committed some daring aggressions on the coasts
of Euboea and even of Attica. In the spring of 351 the Athenian
Assembly met to consider his hostile behaviour, which was now a
familiar subject. Demosthenes was the first to speak, and he spoke
with no uncertain sound. This earliest of his speeches against Philip,
the First Philippic, is an earnest and solemn appeal to the people to
take decisive steps against an enemy who is every day becoming more
dangerous. Demosthenes is now thoroughly aroused, and henceforth
the single object of his political life is to excite the Athenians to
effective action against Philip. He now proposes a new plan for a
permanent military and naval force, to supersede the spasmodic efforts
of the past. In this speech he established his claim to statesmanship,
on the ground of “seeing things in their beginning and proclaiming
them to others”; and in his final review of his political life twenty-
one years later he appeals to this with honest pride?. So far as we
know, this great speech produced no effect.
A few months after the First Philippic, probably in the autumn of
351, Demosthenes made his speech in the Assembly for the Freedom
of the Rhodians (xv.).
10. Philip’s intrigues in Euboea soon made new troubles. Since
the victorious expedition in 357 (§ 2) Euboea had been nominally in
friendship with Athens. But after Philip gained control of southern
Thessaly (§ 5), he constantly used his influence to alienate the island
from Athens. In the First Philippic letters were read from Philip to
Euboeans, showing hostility to Athens; and we hear of his cruisers
off Geraestus®. Early in 350 the Athenians were asked to help
Plutarchus, a sort of despot in Eretria, who was hard pressed by his
enemies and professed to be a friend of Athens. Against the strong
opposition of Demosthenes, it was voted to send an army to help
him, under the command of Phocion. This expedition had various
fortunes in a few weeks. Plutarchus proved treacherous, and the
Athenians were for a time in great danger; but Phocian gained a
1 Dem. III. 4, IV. II.
2 Cor. § 246: ldety rd wpdypara dpyéueva x.T.d.
8 Iv. 34, 37.
348 B.C.] OLYNTHIAN WAR 209
giving her Potidaea, which he took from Athens in 356 (§ 3). But
the rapid advance of Philip’s power in 353—352 alarmed the enter-
prising city, and in the autumn of 352 she was in friendship, if not
in alliance, with Athens’. In the autumn of 349 an embassy from
Olynthus came to Athens, asking help against an attack from Philip,
and proposing a formal alliance2. Athens accepted the alliance; but
nothing was done with sufficient energy to save Olynthus or any of her
confederate towns. Three embassies came from Olynthus to Athens,
and three fleets were sent by Athens to Olynthus; the last fleet was
still at sea when Olynthus fell. The city was captured, after a brave
defence, by the help of traitors within the walls, probably in the early
autumn of 348%. Many Athenian citizens were captured with the city.
With Olynthus fell the other Chalcidic towns, and the destruction was
complete and terrible. Seldom had anything shocked the feelings of
the Grecian world like this. Travellers in Peloponnesus (Aeschines
among others) saw on the roads troops of Olynthian captives driven
off to slavery ‘.
During the Olynthian war Demosthenes delivered his three
Olynthiacs, masterpieces of eloquence, full of earnest appeals to the
patriotism and public spirit of the Athenians and to their sense of duty
and honour. The wise prediction of the First Philippic, “if we do not
now fight Philip there (in the north), we shall perhaps be compelled
to fight him here5,” is now repeated in fresh words and with redoubled
force. No more powerful arguments were ever addressed to any people;
and yet the quieting influence of Eubulus and his party prevented all
efficient and timely action. At the end of the Olynthian War (348)
Demosthenes was probably in his thirty-sixth year. All the public
speeches made by him before the events of 347—346 B.c. have already
been mentioned.
1 Dem. XXIII. 109, ef7’ "Ord vOc04 uev oacs 7d WéANOV wpOOpPar, K.T.r.
41.2) 7.
8 Diod. XvI. 53, POelpas xphuact...Evducpdryy re cal Aacbévny, x.r.d. See
Dem. VIII. 40, IX. 56, 66, XIX. 265, and Grote xI. 454 ff.
4 Dem. XIX. 305, 306, and Grote XI. 505, 510. § Iv. 50.
347 B.C.] EUBULUS AND AESCHINES 211
versally respected, incorruptibly honest, but a strong advocate of peace
at any price’. Of Aeschines we then hear for the first time in political
life. The famous rival of Demosthenes was the son of respectable
parents, who had been reduced to poverty in the Peloponnesian War.
We cannot accept as historical either of the two accounts of his parent-
age and his youth which are given by Demosthenes?. Neither orator
is authority for the life or personal character of the other. Like
Demosthenes, he was left to his own resources to earn his living; but he
was less favoured by genius and by fortune than his rival. As a young
man he was a play-actor and took many important parts, as that of
Creon in the Antigone and that of Oenomaus in the tragedy of
Sophocles of that name*®. He also did service as a clerk, publicly
in the Senate and Assembly, and privately in the employ of Aristophon
and Eubulus. His friendly relations with Eubulus were often of great
service to him in his public life. He was strong and vigorous, had a
powerful voice, and was a ready speaker‘. In all these respects Nature
had given him a great advantage over Demosthenes; but he lacked the
steady rhetorical training by which his rival, even as a young man, made
himself an accomplished orator. Though he was about six years older
than Demosthenes, he appeared in public life much later.
15. On the occasion referred to (§ 14), probably in the winter or
spring of 348—347, Eubulus addressed the Assembly, calling Philip
the common enemy of the Greeks and swearing by his children that
he wished that Philip were dead. He proposed a decree for sending
embassies to the Peloponnesus and all other parts of Greece—
Demosthenes says, “all but to the Red Sea”—to summon an Hellenic
synod at Athens and inaugurate a general Greek war against Philip5.
This measure was eloquently supported by Aeschines and was adopted
with enthusiasm. Demosthenes says that Aeschines then professed
to be the first Athenian who had discovered that Philip was plotting
against the Greeks. Aeschines was one of the envoys sent out; and
on his return he repeated the fine speeches which he had made in
1 For Eubulus see Grote x1. 387, 388.
2 Cf. Dem. xIx. 249, 250; Cor. 129, 130. 8 x1x. 246, 247; Cor. 180.
4See Cic. de Orat. 111. 28: suavitatem Isocrates, subtilitatem Lysias,
acumen Hyperides, sonitum Aeschines, vim Demosthenes habuit.
§ Dem. XIX. 292, 304.
343 BC.] SECOND PHILIPPIC—DELOS—PYTHON 229
and deceitful, while Athens had been kept quiet by his partisans, who
assured her of his fnendly intentions. He proposed a definite answer
to the embassies, of which we can judge only by the firm character
of the speech itself. We hear of no positive results of this mission,
but we hear no more of the disputes in Peloponnesus which caused it,
Still, Philip continued to acquire influence there, and the governments
leaned on him for support and became more and more subservient to
his wishes.
43. In the same year there occurred the summary arrest and
condemnation of Antiphon, a disfranchised citizen, who offered his
services to Philip to burn the dockyards at the Piraeus. He was
arrested by the authority of Demosthenes, and brought before the
Assembly; but was released on the protest of Aeschines. He was
again arrested by the intervention of the Areopagus, brought to trial
and condemned to the rack and to death?.
Not much later occurred an important trial before the Amphic-
tyonic Council, in which the ancient right of Athens to control the
temple of Delos was contested by the Delians. The Athenians chose
Aeschines as their counsel in this case; but the Areopagus, to which
the people had by special vote given the right to revise the election,
rejected him and chose Hyperides in his place. The election was
made in the most formal and solemn manner, each senator taking
his ballot from the altar®. At the trial Hyperides delivered his famous
Delian oration, in which he defended the cause of Athens so eloquently
that her rights in the Delian temple remained undisturbed.
44. A little later (probably before midsummer in 343 B.c.), Philip
sent Python of Byzantium to Athens, to tell the old story of his un-
alterable friendship and of his grief on hearing the calumnies which his
enemies reported in the Assembly and the Athenians believed. He
assured the people that he was ready to revise the peace if there was
anything amiss in it, and begged them not to believe the orators who
misrepresented him and his intentions. Python was an eloquent orator,
a pupil of Isocrates, and his statement of Philip's grievances moved
the Assembly greatly. He was accompanied by envoys from all Philip's
allies, and he was supported by Aeschines. But his “tide of eloquence”
was stemmed by Demosthenes, who replied to Philip’s complaints so
1 Cor. 132, 133, with notes. 2 Ibid. 134, 135.
342 B.C.] PHILIP IN EUBOEA AND EPIRUS 23!
Demosthenes also discussed Philip’s letter in the same spite So far
as we know, no result followed these negotiations.
In the late summer or autumn of 343 B.c. Aeschines was brought
to trial on the charge of zrapaxpeoBeia for his misconduct on the second
embassy to Philip in 346. The speech of Demosthenes as accuser
(xIx.) and that of Aeschines as defendant (11.) were delivered at the
trial; and Aeschines, who was defended by Eubulus, was acquitted by
a small vote. (See large edition, Essay IV.)
46. At about this time Philip renewed his intrigues in Euboea.
The formal peace which Athens had made with the towns of Euboea
in 348 B.C. recognized the independence of the island*. Philip saw
more and more plainly the importance of Euboea as a basis of opera-
tions against Athens, and he never lost an opportunity of establishing
his influence there. In 343—342 he supported Clitarchus, who had
made himself tyrant of Eretria, and he sent troops to expel the popular
party. An embassy sent by Athens on the motion of Demosthenes to
counteract the intrigues of Philip was refused a hearing at Eretria,
and the town fell into Philip’s power. The banished democracy took
possession of Porthmus, a harbour of Eretria, and Philip sent against
them 1000 soldiers and destroyed the walls of Porthmus. He also
sent troops to Oreus, to establish there the tyrant Philistides; and
under the Macedonian influence the popular leader, Euphraeus, was
sent to prison, where he slew himself to escape the vengeance of his
enemies®. Athens, by the help of Demosthenes, was more fortunate
in establishing her influence at Chalcis, where two brothers, Callias
and Taurosthenes, who had once acted in Philip’s interest, were now
firm friends of the Athenians. Callias sent an embassy to Athens, and
a treaty for mutual defence was made‘. Aeschines violently attacks
Callias as a friend of Demosthenes and an enemy of Athens.
47. In the winter of 343—342 Philip marched into Epirus, and
placed Alexander, brother of his queen Olympias, on the throne®.
1 The speech of Demosthenes is lost; but Aeschines probably alludes to it
when he ridicules Demosthenes for “ quarrelling about syllables.” See Aesch.
Iu. 83: ‘AANdvynooy édldou" x.7.X.
2 See § 10 (above).
8 Dem. IX. 57—62, 66: Cor. 71, 79, 81.
* Aesch. II. 9I—93.
5 See Paus, I, 115-5; Just. vir. 6, viii. 6. 1.
341 B.C.) THIRD PHILIPPIC 233
He stoutly objects to making any concessions to Philip at this crisis,
and above all he protests against recalling Diopithes or passing any
vote which might discredit him or his conduct in Thrace'.
50. Soon after this speech, before midsummer 341, Demosthenes
delivered his Third Philippic. This powerful argument deals with the
whole history of Philip’s aggressions since the peace was made. He
declares that Athens has been actually at war with Philip for a long
time, indeed ever since the destruction of the Phocians*. He earnestly
beseeches the people to recognize this fact and to prepare for active
warfare. He justifies the recent proceedings of Athens in the Cher-
sonese only as measures of defensive war, to which Philip’s offensive
acts have driven her. It would be madness, he urges, for the Athenians
to allow Philip to wage war on them and not to defend themselves by
arms.
The whole tone of the Third Philippic and the speech on the
Chersonese shows that Demosthenes had no longer the least expecta-
tion of maintaining even a nominal peace; while the increasing
boldness of Philip’s aggressions shows that he merely aimed at
securing all possible advantages before the inevitable declaration of war.
51. We have only meagre and scattered accounts of the events of
the year 341—340, before the outbreak of the war. One important
result of the powerful arguments of Demosthenes was that Athens
now universally recognized his leadership and gave him almost
complete control of her foreign affairs. For this department, from
this time until the battle of Chaeronea, he declares himself responsible
in the fullest sense*. One of his wisest strokes of policy was his
forestalling of Philip’s designs on Byzantium by his embassy thither,
probably in the summer of 341. He thus secured for Athens the
friendship and alliance of Byzantium, the control of the Hellespont,
1 For a full discussion of these important events, which led directly to the
renewal of the war with Philip, see the two orations of Demosthenes On the
Chersonese (Vi1I.) and the Third Philippic (1x.). See Grote x1. 623—625.
2 Dem. 1x. 19: dg Fs Hudpas dveTh\e Swxdas, dard radrys Eywy abrdy wokeuetv
dplfowa, See also rx. 9, 15—18, and many similar passages in this speech.
7 Cor. 59, 88, 218, 298 (ueylorwr...rpoords): cf. Cor, 320. Aeschines
(111, 130) alludes to Demosthenes before the battle of Chaeronea as éumip-
wAduevos Tis Sedoueryns bd iudy alr éfovelas,
338 B.C.] BATTLE OF CHAERONEA 245
assembly of Thebes was ruled by him as absolutely as that of
Athens}.
65. Of the campaign itself very little is known. We hear of one
‘‘ winter battle” and one “ battle by the river,” in which the allies were
victorious?._ These victories were celebrated by festivals and thanks-
givings ; and they caused Philip to renew his solicitations for help in
letters to the Peloponnesians. The alliance with Thebes was so
popular in Athens, that Demosthenes, as its author, was publicly
crowned at the Great Dionysia in the spring of 338% The allies
suffered one serious defeat near Amphissa, which Philip — perhaps for
the sake of appearances — finally attacked and destroyed*. He also
captured Naupactus, put to death the Achaean garrison with its com-
mander Pausanias, and gave the town to the Aetolians, thus fulfilling
his promise of four years before’. At some time during this campaign,
he sent a herald with proposals of peace to Thebes and Athens, which,
it appears, the Boeotarchs were at first inclined to entertain. Even
at Athens a peace-party appeared, with Phocion as its advocate.
Aeschines relates that Demosthenes was so disturbed by the peace-
movement at Thebes, that he threatened to propose to send an
embassy to Thebes to ask for the Athenian army a free passage
through Boeotia to attack Philip*. We hear no more of this move-
ment, and a visit of Demosthenes to Thebes probably brought it to a
speedy end.
66. Our accounts of the battle of Chaeronea are as meagre as
those of the preceding campaign’. This decisive battle was fought on
the seventh of Metageitnion (either August second or September first),
338 B.c. At first the battle was rather favourable to the allies; but
soon the superior discipline of the Macedonians prevailed, and the
1 Theopompus, fr. 239: see Plut. Dem. 18: bwnperety 5¢ uh udvov rods
rrparryyods Ty Anpocbéve wowodvras 7d epoorarrépevoy AANA kal rods Bowwrdp-
xas, SorxetoOa Se rds éxxdynolas awdoas oldey Frrov tw’ éxelvou rére ras
OnBalwy # ras A@nvalwy.
2 Dem. Cor. 216, 217.
8 Ibid. 218, 222, 223.
* Polyaen. Iv. 2, 8; Strab. 427; Aesch. II. 147.
5 See § 47 (above). 6 Aesch, 111, 148—151.
7 See Diod. xvi. 86.
330 B.C.] PEACE OF DEMADES 249
and in so doing gained the favour of Philip and his partizans, the sober
sense of the people always recognized the services of men like Demos-
thenes in better times and expressed itself whenever an occasion offered.
There was no testimony of the public esteem and affection which Demos-
thenes valued more highly than the choice of the people in making him
their orator to deliver the eulogy on the heroes of Chaeronea'. Here
the genuine feeling of patriotic gratitude to the man who had fought the
battle of Grecian liberty almost single-handed impelled the citizens to
reject all candidates who were in sympathy with Philip or his cause,
including Aeschines and even Demades, and to choose the man who was
most heartily identified with the lost cause for which these heroes had
died. And the same public respect for Demosthenes and for his honest
and unswerving devotion to what was now seen more clearly than ever
to have been the cause of Grecian liberty, the cause which had made
their ancestors glorious, was shown in the overwhelming vote by which
the popular court acquitted Ctesiphon and condemned Aeschines, at the
very moment when such a judgment might have been deemed a public
defiance of Alexander’s authority, while the whole Greek world was
ringing with the news of the victory of Arbela.
1 Dem. Cor. 285.
254
339—338.
338—337-
337—336.
337—336.
335—334-
331—330.
330—329.
324—323.
323—322.
322.
HISTORICAL SKETCH
Amphictyonic Council (early autumn of 339) chooses Philip
general. (§62.) Shortly afterwards Philip passes Ther-
mopylae and seizes Elatea. (§ 63.)
Negotiations between Athens and Thebes, ending in
alliance against Philip. (§§ 63, 64.)
Campaign (winter and spring) : allies victorious in “winter
battle” and “river battle.” Capture of mercenaries and
destruction of Amphissa by Philip. (§§ 64, 65.)
Battle of Chaeronea, 7th Metageitnion 338 (August 2 or
September 1) : utter defeat of the allies. (§ 66.) Active
measures at Athens. (§ 67.)
Action of Philip. Peace of Demades. (§ 68.)
Position of Demosthenes after the peace. He delivers the
eulogy on those who fell at Chaeronea. (§ 69.)
Demosthenes director of the Theoric Fund and retyorovs.
Ctesiphon proposes to crown Demosthenes at the Great
Dionysia (spring of 336). Aeschines brings ypady
mapavopwy against Ctesiphon. (See 330—329.)
Philip assassinated, summer of 336. Alexander succeeds
him.
Rebellion of Thebes. Alexander captures and destroys
the city (autumn of 335).
Alexander demands the delivery of Demosthenes, Lycurgus,
Hyperides, and other Athenian orators.
Aristotle returns to Athens and teaches in the Lyceum.
Alexander’s victory at Arbela (Oct. 1, 331).
Rebellion of Spartan King Agis (early in 330), crushed
by Antipater.
Aristophon Archon. Trial of suit of Aeschines against
Ctesiphon (August, 330). Ctesiphon acquitted by more
than four-fifths of the votes. See Essay III.
Demosthenes condemned to a fine of 50 talents in the
affair of Harpalus. Unable to pay, he went into exile.
Death of Alexander the Great (May, 323) at Babylon.
Triumphant recall of Demosthenes from exile.
Death of Aristotle at Chalcis, autumn of 322.
Death of Hyperides October 5, and of Demosthenes
October 12, 322.
250 HISTORICAL SKETCH
This was a leap year of 384 days, beginning July 6 and ending July 24.
Other arrangements are possible; but these would not affect any of
the dates by more than a single day.
Hecatombaeon (30 days) begins July 6, 347 B.C.
I.
2. Metageitnion (29 , ) , August 5 9
3- Boedromion (30 , ) y Sept 3 -
4. Pyanepsion (29 , ) 45, Oct. 3 s
5- Maemacterion (30 , ) , Nov I ra
6. Posideon (29 5») » Dec I 3
7. [PosideonII.] (Go , ) 4» a 30 3
8. Gamelion (29 » ) » Jan. 29, 346 B.c.
9. Anthesterion (30 , ) 4 Feb. 27 .»,,
10. Elaphebolion (29 , ) 4 March 29_~ «O=«s,
11. Munychion (30 » ) 5 April 27 9
12. Thargelion (29 » ) 5» May 27 ”»
13. Scirophorion (30 , ) 4 June 25 ”
Thus Elaphebolion 18, 19 = April 15, 16;
Munychion 3 = April 29;
Thargelion 22 =June 17;
Scirophorion 13 =July 7;
ry) 233 = » ‘I73
” 27 =» «121.
Hecatombaeon 346—345 begins July 25.
ESSAYS.
The Argument of the Oration, with Remarks on §§ 120, 121.
1. THE argument of this Oration follows no recognized model,
and it cannot be brought under any rhetorical system of rules. The
occasion was unique; and the orator treated it uniquely, and with a
masterly skill which is far beyond the art of a mere rhetorician.
Demosthenes is technically defending a client on a question of consti-
tutional law; he is really defending his own public life and his reputa-
tion as a patriot and a statesman against the unscrupulous charges
of a personal enemy. He feels sure that the large body of his fellow-
citizens who form the court will listen chiefly to his defence of himself
and of his public policy and will overlook the technical questions of
law; and he judges rightly. The skill, however, with which he keeps.
these technical questions in the background, so that the judges shall
never lose sight of the higher questions of state policy, and the art by
which he conceals this art, are worthy of careful study.
2. The indictment (ypady wapavépwv) brings three charges of
illegality (wapavopa.) against Ctesiphon’s bill for conferring.a crown on
Demosthenes: (1) the bill proposes to crown Demosthenes while he
is a responsible magistrate (dpywv trevOuvos), which is forbidden by
law; (2) it proposes to proclaim the crown in the theatre at the
Great Dionysiac festival, whereas the law requires such a crown to be
proclaimed elsewhere; (3) it violates the law forbidding the insertion
of false statements into the public records, such false statements being
found in the clauses of the bill which praise Demosthenes, especially
S 257
I.] THE ARGUMENT OF THE ORATION 261
ness of the reply on the ev@vvat is soon forgotten amid the exciting
events which led to Chaeronea. The three courses of events thus
divided are so naturally distinct, that nothing is lost by their division
to be compared with the double gain.
6. The following is the course of the argument in the oration on
the Crown!.
I. Prooemium: §§ 1—8.
II. Reply to charges foreign to the indictment (§§ 9—52) : —
I. Introduction: § 9.
2. Charges against private life: §§ 10, 11.
3. Public policy (§§ 12—52) :—
A. Introductory: §§ 12—16.
B. Peace of Philocrates (§§ 17—52) :—
(a) Introductory: § 17.
(6) Narrative: §§ 18—49,
(c) Conclusion: §§ 50—52.
III. Reply to the charges of the indictment (§§ 53—125) :—
1. Introductory: §§ §8—59.
2. Defence of his public policy (confined chiefly to the period
from 346 to 340 B.C.) and of his trierarchic law: §§.60—
109. :
3. Reply to charge of responsibility as a magistrate: §§ 110—
119. me 3 oe
_ 4 Reply to argument about the place of proclamation: §§ 120,
121. ee ee
5. Conclusion: §§ 129—196. |
IV. Life and character of Aeschines: and his public policy in
the interest of Philip, compared with his own agency
‘in negotiating an -atliance with Thebes against Philip
(§§ 126—226) :
1. Parentage and life of Aeschines: §§ 126—181.
2. Lesser political offences of Aeschines: §§ 182—138.
? The subject of each of the seven main divisions is stated with greater detail
in the notes where the division begins, See the remarks which precede the
notes on §§ 1, 9, 53, 126, 227, 297, 324.
LJ REMARKS ON THE ARGUMENT 263
must have been a clause which did not make the passionate outbreak which
followed appear ridiculous to the court. On the other hand, we cannot for a
moment believe that Aeschines (32) produced a law requiring those who were
crowned by the Senate or by the Assembly to be crowned before those bodies
and nowhere else, and actually suppressed a clause of thaf very /aw, which
allowed either Senate or Assembly to make an exception to the law at its
pleasure, When we remember that this mutilated law must have been quoted
in the indictment, read to the court by its clerk after being submitted to the
scrutiny of the presiding Thesmothetae at the anacrisis, and also posted in the
court-room (see note on § 1117), we cannot ascribe such audacity even to
Aeschines, or such careless indifference at once to six archons, the court, and
its officers,
(2) Ithink we must assume (2) that Aeschines quoted a law forbidding
the proclamation in the theatre, and that #475 /aw had no such addition as De-
mosthenes appears to make to it, and (4) that Demosthenes quoted another law,
which (as he claimed) applied to the same cases but had the proviso dav uw (or
wav édv) Tivas 6 Siuos 4} Bovdkt) Yodlayras, etc. This supposes a conflict of
laws, or at least two laws which could be harmonized only by a forced inter-
pretation, The elaborate argument of Aeschines (37—39), to prove that no
such conflict could occur in the Athenian laws, at once makes us suspect that
this is the real solution. Even he admits that such conflicts migif sometimes
occur, xy rt Towirov eiplexwoir (39). What now was the law which Demos-
thenes brought before the court? It must have been the Dionysiac law, which
Aeschines predicts (35) that Demosthenes will bring into the case,
(3) Aeschines thus describes this law in 44: d:appHdnqe dwayopeter pr’
olxérny dwre\eudepody ev TH Gedrpy, wht bard Tov mudheT av 4 Inpwot Sy dvaryopel-
erbat crepavotmevov wie be Addrov (gdyol) wndevds, } Ariwor elvac roy
«jpvca, He argues that the words pid° br’ d\Aov pyderds cannot apply to
any except foreign crowns, and then (47) adds: wal dca rotro mpowdOyxer 6
vomodérns wh xnptrrecdat roy dddbrpior orépavory év To Oedrpy edv wh Yy-
@lonrat 6 dqmos. It will be noticed that he does not quote the last clause
(éa»...d70s) in connection with the law itself in 44, but only after Ais ows
interpretation of the law in 47. This is of itself suspicious, as it conceals
the only important point, the exact relation of this clause to the rest of the
law. Now the clause in 47, wi xnptrrec@ac rdv adAdrpiov orépavoy év TQ
Gedrpy, is certainly no part of the law, for with this the law could need
no interpretation. Further, the authentic words following rhyv édv,..yngpl-
oyrat in Demosthenes (121), rodrous & dvayopevérw, have no sense if added
to these words in Aeschines (47). They have, however, a very significant
meaning if added to 4 drimov elvac tov xjpuxa in Aeschines (44), supplying
It. ] LHE SUIT AGAINST CTESIPHON 269
that he says and does, with violating the law forbidding the falsification
of the public records! It is absurd to suppose that the law in question
had any reference to a case like this: for this would have exposed
every personal compliment in a laudatory decree to public prosecution
at any one’s will. It clearly related ‘to. malicious and fraudulent
falsification of the public records in the Metroum by adding, erasing,
or changing. And yet this is brought forward soberly and earnestly
_ by Aeschines as a legal argument in support of his indictment. Of
course Demosthenes, as the defendant’s advocate, was bound to reply
to the plaintiff's argument, so that we cannot fairly compare this later
with his earlier treatment of the ypady wapavouwv: But the case
against Ctesiphon, as Aeschines presents it, is in striking contrast to.
the cases against Leptines, Aristocrates, and others as Demosthenes
presents them.
III.
The Suit against Ctesiphon.
1. Late in the year of Chaerondas (June 337 B.c.) Demosthenes
proposed and carried a measure for permanent repairs of the walls of
Athens. The hasty work done under the excitement of the defeat at
Chaeronea had been only temporary. A commission of ten retxorowi,
one to be appointed by each tribe, was now established, to hold
office during the following year, that of Phrynichus, 337—336 B.c.}
Demosthenes was chosen by his own tribe, the Pandionis, to be one of
this commission. The fortifications of the Piraeus were assigned him
as his special charge, and he is said to have received ten talents from
the state to be used in the work, to which he added a substantial
amount on his own account, usually stated as a hundred minas
1 Aesch. 111. 27. As Ctesiphon’s bill proposed to crown Demosthenes
during his year of office, and as the bill was indicted shortly after it passed the
Senate, the bill and the indictment belong to the year of Phrynichus (337—336).
This agrees with the statement of Aeschines (219) that he brought the indictment
before Philip’s death (summer of 336), and with other data. This chronology
was once hopelessly confused by the date in the spurious indictment in
Cor. § 54.
v.] TRIALS OF PHILOCRATES AND AESCHINES 275
serving Philip for bribes to the detriment of Athens. The Senate
accepted the eioayyeAia, thus making the suit a public one’. It went
for trial to a Heliastic court, and the state appointed advocates, among
them Demosthenes, to assist Hyperides in managing the case. In his
indictment (called etoayyeAia) Hyperides quoted verbatim five or six
decrees of Philocrates in support of his charge*. There was no lack of
decisive evidence. Philocrates had made an open show of his newly
acquired wealth after the peace, by building houses, selling wheat,
transporting timber, changing foreign gold openly at the bankers’
counters in Athens; and (according to Demosthenes) he had even
confessed that he received money from Philip*{ He gave up his
defence, and left the court and Athens before the judgment was
declared; and in his absence he was condemned to death, the penalty
which Hyperides proposed in his eiowyyeAia. He passed the rest of
his life in exile*. This result shows how public opinion about the
peace had changed in three years, so that Philocrates, whose word
was law when the peace was made, was now left to his fate, friendless
and helpless. No man of influence, like Eubulus, attempted to save
him; and we hear of no anxiety lest his condemnation should cause
enmity with Philip. Demosthenes, as prosecuting attorney for the
state, complained that Philocrates alone was selected for prosecution
while others equally guilty were left untouched *.
1See note on Cor. § 250%, The state process called eloayye\a was
provided for the special trial of (1) those charged with conspiracy against the
democracy of Athens, (2) those charged with betraying towns or military or
naval forces to public enemies, or with holding treasonable communication
with these, (3) orators (pjropas) charged with being bribed by public enemies
to give evil advice to the people. See Hyper, Eux. §§ 7, 8. It will be seen
that eloayyeNa, so far from being applicable chiefly (or only) to crimes which
were not provided for in the laws (as was once believed), is definitely restricted
to certain high offences, all of which, moreover, might be dealt with by other
processes, as is seen in the different treatment of the similar cases of Philo-
crates and Aeschines,
* Hyper. Eux. §§ 29, 30.
§ Dem, x1x. 114: ef wh pdvoy wpoddyer wap’ duty dv TS Shuw woddAdxis, ddAd
kal édelxvver buiv, ruporwrGr, olxobowdr,...EukpyOr, Td xpueloy KaTraddarri-
pevos @avep@s érl rats rpardfas. Gold coins in Athens were generally foreign.
4 Aesch. 1, 6, 111, 79, 81; Dinarch, 1. 28, 6 Dem, xix. 116—118,
v.] THE AMPHICTYONIC COUNCIL 277
5- He brought before the court his aged father, his two little
children, and his two brothers, to excite pity}; and he finally called on
Eubulus, Phocion, and other influential men to come forward as his
supporters?. Eubulus addressed the court in his behalf, and probably
urged prudential reasons for acquitting Aeschines. It might easily be
thought by cautious men that the recent sacrifice of Philocrates was
as much as it was safe to demand under the circumstances; and this,
added to the influence of men like Eubulus and Phocion, probably
saved Aeschines from conviction. We are told merely that he was
acquitted by only thirty votes?; and this was no triumph—indeed, no
justification—for a man in his position.
V.
The Constitution of the Amphictyonic Council.
1. Aeschines (11. 116) gives eleven of the twelve tribes which
formed the Amphictyonic Council as follows: Thessalians, Boeotians
(“not merely Thebans”), Dorians, Ionians, Perrhaebians, Magnesians,
Locrians, Oetaeans, Phthiotians (i.e. the Achaeans of Phthiotis),
Malians, Phocians. He professes to give twelve names, and it is
generally assumed that the Dolopians are accidentally omitted. An
important inscription recently discovered at Delphi seems to me to
show clearly that the Delphians are the omitted people. Bourguet,
in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, 1896, p. 241, gives from
this inscription a list of the Council at the time of Alexander. This
has the Thessalians, “King Alexander,” Delphians, Dorians, Ionians,
Perrhaebians (with Dolopians), Boeotians, Locrians, Achaeans (i.e. of
Phthiotis), Magnesians, Aenianians, and Malians, each with two dele-
gates. King Alexander now holds the two Phocian votes; the Aeni-
anians represent the Oetaeans, of whom they were an important tribe;
the Dolopians are included with the Perrhaebians ; and the Delphians,
who are constantly mentioned in the Delphic inscriptions relating to
1 Aesch. 11. 179, 180. 2 Ibid. 184.
8 Vit. x. Orat. 840 C: ép J (rpecBela) KarnyopnGels bxd Anpocbérovs,...
cuverrdvros abr@ EvBodnou,...tpidxovra Whos drépuyer. °
wi] THE HERO PHYSICIAN AND HERO Kadapitys 279
Physician was called KaAapirns, this name might mean dowsan (or
arrow-man) from xaAapos, in the sense of arrow, like owAirns from
omAov.
2. Reiske recognized in the Hero Physician the Scythian Toxaris,
of whom Lucian gives a pleasant account in his Sxv@ys 7 Ipdégevos.
Toxaris, according to Lucian, came to Athens in the time of Solon, by
whom he was kindly received. He was a physician and a man of
general cultivation, though not of high rank at home. When his
countryman, Anacharsis, came to Athens, he was recognized and
welcomed by Toxaris, who introduced him to Solon. Toxaris died
and was buried in Athens. When the plague was raging in the
Peloponnesian War, the wife of an Areopagite reported that Toxaris
came forth from his tomb and told her that the plague would cease
if the narrow streets of the city were freely sprinkled with wine. This
was done, and the plague disappeared. The tomb was examined, and
the remains of Toxaris were found within, which were identified by a
mutilated inscription, and also by the figure of a Scythian sculptured
on the gravestone, having in his left hand a strung bow and in his
right what appeared to be a book (BiBdcov, ds éoxer), Lucian says that
more than half of the figure was to be seen in his time, with the bow
and the book entire. The upper part of the stone with the face was
gone. The monument, he says, was not far from the gate Dipylum,
on the left of the road leading to the Academy: the stone was lying
flat on the ground. On account of his wonderful skill in stopping the
horrors of the plague, Toxaris was made a hero and worshipped as
the “Hero Physician.” He had a shrine within the city walls; and
his tomb was always decked with wreaths, and miraculous cures were
wrought there. *
3. It happens that in the excavations outside the Dipylum gate
at Athens a figure was found (now in the Museum at Athens) which
in many respects agrees wonderfully with Lucian’s description. It
represents a headless crouching Scythian, in his native dress, who
had once held a bow in his left hand (the opening through which the
bow passed still remains); while under the left arm and held by
the right hand is what, when viewed in front, appears to be a writing
tablet but from the side is seen to be a pointed quiver. The chief
point in which this figure fails to agree with Lucian’s description is
that Lucian calls the monument a ory, while this is a statue. This
280 ESSAYS [vt.
might be explained by the figure lying flat on the ground, as Lucian
describes it; and it must have been flat on its back, or the pointed
quiver could never have been mistaken for a book. If it was so
covered by earth that only the front and the two hands, with the bow
and the apparent book, were visible, it would have been a natural
mistake to call it a oryAy. Indeed, any further exposure of the figure
would at once have made the quiver visible. I therefore think there
is sufficient evidence to identify this figure with the one seen by Lucian
or his informant. See note on Cor. § 129°,
Figure of Scythian Bowman,
vil.] MSS. OF THE ORATION ON THE CROWN 283
represent the Vulgate text emended by the help of mss. of the better
class. B closely follows F, and is either copied from it or of a common
origin with it.
Other Mss. are now of less account, since the supremacy of 3 has
been established}.
1 A more detailed account of the important Mss. containing the Oration on
the Crown will be found in the larger edition.
Fa eR mace ee
GREEK INDEX
The references are made to pages, and relate especially to the notes.
A
dyarnroy elvar 138
aydoaro 126
dyvola (dy év) 38
dyvwportvn 54, 128, 155
&ypaga vouipa 169
ayy, lawsuit, 4, 8, Il.
edOety 61
aywvrla 23
dywrlfouat 3, 60, 111, 126, 162
ddeav AaBety 175
adlknua, audptnua, arvxnua, distin-
guished 168, 169
d5ix@ as perfect 187
dOwos 76, 167
airla §
axhpuxros wéXenos 162
axomrl 124
dxovovoty, audtiunt, 30
axpwrnpidtw 182
addorwp 182
GXLTHpios 100
GANG viv 118
duervov mpdrrew 157
adumvevorel 190
*Augixrioves 94, 96, 196. “Audixrtoce
dégavra 99
dupiuoBirnots ws 81
"Appircéwy Sbypara 89
dupdrepa taira 88, 108
dvayxaérara (abrd rd) 78, 106
dvatcOnzla, dvaleOnro: 24, 28, 79
dvadaBety 103
dvahynola, dvddynro 24, 28
dy after comma 4; dy w. all past
tenses of indic. 22
dvamrvetoat 121
ayava elc-
dvapopd 137
dvédnv 8
dvev, besides, 52
advravedety 143
aurl, rather than, 66
dvrwvovpevos (conative), bidding, 147
&vw xa0fjro (in the Pnyx) 107
vw kal kdrw dtaxux@y 67
G&G, judge, 157; ad&t@ kal Séomac 5,
23. déwoioa as impf. 124
dtlwpa 94
drhyrnxa 12,77
GrAOs 189
ard Bupot pépay pigpov 84
dd wolas dpxijs; 95
drodtcacGat 32
drodwhévar wodAdnis 136
droudrrwy 160
drévora and parla 153
dromepevyéra 138
dwéppnra 75
drociwwmrnows 3, 16, 121
dmwocro\ets 65
dmécrodos and drocré\hw 47, 65
drépacis (of Areopagus) 84
droyygiors and droyndlioua 82
dpoupatos Olvduaos 149
Eppynra 75
dpx kal xardoracis 116
dpxtréxrwy (of theatre) 20
ds pev...ds 5€ 43
Eorovdos rodeos 162
dopadrds dovAevery 126
ariuwoavres and driula 48
arrns vfs 161
aruxnOévra 132
adrermayyéArous OeXovrds 41; cf. 6G
285
GREEK INDEX
éxalarew 164
*Enrevotvdde 111
édrcBoplfers 74
‘EdAnnxa, olxeta, and fenxd 191.
“EAAnvexas xpdtes 36
éuBeBnxws 152
éuBpbyrnre 150
"“Eurovoa 81
éy pepld: 110
év ob Séovri 83
éy xepoly Exerv 140
évdotérara amrdyrwy 40
évacrixe: 87
évjv (personal) 117
%purra 161
érvécouy (figurative) 29
évords 52
évraid’ dwhyrnxas; 77 (cf. 12)
é& apdtns 75
€& Sy Sys 123
éfacrobmevos 196 ; éfnrovunv 27
etaipyns (76 y') 97
éfapécacPat 239
éterdfecOa: and étéracis 109 (w.
references), 170, 190, 195
éferac pbs (rare) 12
ééjpxe, satis erat, 121, 122
éflorauat w. acc. and dat. 195
é&dd0us wefds 59
Fiw Svrwy 134
éfwrers kal rpowdets 199
éwayyedla 274
éwayyeAdpevos 68
éwaxGets 78
éré5wxa 68
érefirnce 83
éweiddy w. aor. subj. 30
éreidy w. plupf. and aor. 28
éxecra (without dé) after rpG@rov péy
I, 13
éwetecpydoaro 88
érepwrhow 51
éryvecer 68
értpayat gO
érjpea and érnpediw 9, 10, 86,
195
ernprnuénov 199
éx’ addnbelas edteuiae 12
éx’ &rlow 52
éwi rijs d\nGelas 140
éxl rots cupBaoww 122, 174
287
érl yphyact 29
éridécers 108 “(cf ex 5cxa.)
émiorarns Tol vaurixod 82; ¢€. Trdv
mpuravewy 106; ¢€. ray mpoddpwy
107
feist 12, éwerlwa (rd) 11
émirelxyio pa and émcrecxiopbs 43, 51
éppdcOa ppdoas 97
%oriv Sov (temporal) 16
éorl rpds Hdorhy 3
torw yap 170
Erepos of Alexander—@repo: of the
Macedonians 197, 198. &repoy=
a\rérpiov 23. érépy Sry 12, Erepos
Aéyos ofros 29
etnbes 8
ebbuvar, 66, 67—72, 76, 273.
éwreonpalverGe 154
eSvora 1 (see note), 6, 109, 168, 170,
193, 196, 197
eBvous 123, 179
evot caBot 161
eUrpoowmous 94
evo éBaa 2
éf’ avrof 140
Epddros 195
épeornxbra (xlyduvov) 111 (w. refer-
ences)
Epvyor xaxdy, ebpov Ayervor 160
éxpijv, 5a, etc., not implying unreal
condition 38 ‘(w. refer.).
Exwy w. Starere 1
éwroxpacla 32
€ws (final) 22
evduvas
Zz
SHros 73, 135, 168
Sdvrwv kal Syrwr 43
H
400s, H6n 66, 69, 126, 169
qrxla (ol éy) Ii
Hueddev 100, 118
hiv...aweoradpévy (not plupf.) 17
hiv, hxe, xarel\nwras (tenses) 106
Oéay xaravetuat 20
Geds masc. and fem. (4 6eés, for
Athena) 1
Oepiords 33
GREEK INDEX
O
Oivduaos 114, 149
ofxouat w. partic. 27, 39
Sha, (rd) 20, 128, 171, 187
SreGpos 78
éhLyou deity 14 (cf. wsxpod)
é\oAvEat 160
opolws, guite as well, 22
duwpdquiov 176
ornvlea w. unreal cond. 114
oriirny & lrwda 145
Srous (rots wev) so
Srdos Karerrpépero 150
dro: weupbelny and Soe éwréupOny 20,
150
draovedirore (rel.) g2
orocroroir 190
Spa wh 8 77
OpOiyy Che) sc. dddy 67
épGGs Exar 10
dpxov drokapSdvew and dwrododva
18, 19
opyeiy éri rijs abrijs (sc. dyxdpas) 172
ds curqdew 40
ér: before direct quotation 26, 109
Grou dqmwore Evexa 16
Gry dwéxetro 123
ov ydp; 84, 85
ob...€vraida 76, "7
od Av els 41
obd" éyyis 9, 57
005 8cria 136
ov5 ovrws 124
obdauod (temporal) 12, 16
ovde (sc, mbvov) 2, 54
ovk dy érpécBevoay (iter.) 137
ouK Fv...el uh worhoee g!
oxouy érl y' ols 191
odour ovdé 172
ovola and rlunua 63, 1 58
ode, obre, obre, after ob 10
ovrw uéxpt wbppw 103
ovx Orws...dd\rAd 81-
ovx dpgs; and dpds; 144, 164, 172
OpOahpdr éxxdmresBat 40, 41
II
wadayuyetoy 159
wdvra hv (Tim) 28
wadvra Td WoANd 121
U
289
Tarraxol, anywhere, 48
warrwr, anything, 4
Tapa rovro yéyore 144
Tapayeypauuero, vduoe 67
TapaKkyra. go
wapampecBela 88, 274
Tapdoynmos 149
wapacrioa 2, 6
waparatdweror 129, 135, 176
mapediero 47
mwapefévra and wrpoebévyra 187
Wapeia: 6
wapeeiy Gowep vépos 116, 117
wapnxohovbes 102, mwapynxodovOnxéra
108
wapwy 16, 49, 71, 138, 147
waoa % olxoupévn 31
warppos ("“Aré\\wv) 89
wetpav diddvac 64, 121
wéuntov pépos Tdv Wihdwy 164 (cf.
pos)
weraicba. 164
meptHadhopevos 143
wepléervor 177
wepuelpyaruar 44
wepehdeiv, wepudvar 95, 96
wepleorw 79. wepietvar xphuard ry
14!
wepudety w. pres. or aor. partic. or
infin, 39
wepiovglas (éx) 3
weplrpiupa d-yopas 78
wAnolov deltas 110
NlyGor 185
wer; 30 (w. refer.), 89.
diwwOévrt; 33, 79
rod and rpdrrw 4, 38, 1 51
wohireiac (Aristotle) 39, 40
wokiretverfar 86
woMlrevpa 84, 85
TWoKTiKa Tats whdeot I 51
wodtrixh Kal Koh 191
woXtrixdy 10
TOAAW péorre 85
Tourela and rouretew 8, 75, 76. Cf.
€€ dudins
Tornodvrwy oxevOv 120
wpakis, fortune, 196. xpativ xal ouUL-
paxlay 16, 118
wpdrrw and rod 4, 38, 1 51
xpd Tis ddnOelas 101
wdGer...
GREEK INDEX
Tpayydd, rpaywila 10, 78
Tpiaxdarot, of 61, 62, 108
Tpinpavryns 80
Tpitaywuorys 80, 130, 162, 165
Tpurdvn 184
Tuyxdvw w. perf. partic. 75
Tupranorpla 174
tux dv, perhaps, 138
T@ SiapOapHvat uh 152
tav & (without pév) 74
Tov Kad buds 55
Tay PUYTWY KAaKWY 100
Y
vdart, év TP Eu 87, 88
vis Arrns 161
Vraxovcate QI
umdpxw 1, 3, 17, 37, 48, 55, 60, 67,
85, 109, III, 141, 142, 145, 164,
181. ra&v vrapxdvrwy éexarépots, 92.
br7jpxeyv w. infin. like @e etc. 188
vrelAnpa, VrelXnupat 166
vrép and wepl 7 (w. refer.), 12
umep 7 &v Ex Opwy BeBovreuvpévor 146
varep tua 2
vrepnpdvws 156
vrevOuvos 67, 68, 70, 71, 117
vroxplyvecOae 11, 176
vrouvhpad dpav 41
vrooKkeNlfev 86
vrovdos Hovxla 189
vrwporla, év 62
Upopwpevor 28
}
op Tis; 76
POdbvov Sixn 74
giiirmiouds 181
giroverxla 89
goray 164
291
gopd rpayydrwy 167
dpovpd (Spartan) 56
dpoupol (Athenian} It
pvecOa card wavTwy 14
purarrépevos rd NumHoat 159, 192
dtyTwy Kax@y 100
guwvas, waoas dpfxe 121
pura Saxptev 176
x
xdpaxa 51
Xetuappovs 97
xoluxas Kal EvNoy 80
Xenudrwy cbvrakis 145
xpi» mpocdoxay w. two protases 120,
XpHRy and xpjy dy 120
xpnoré (ironical) 194
XpHrar~e Ady 156
v
Viipow awd Bwpod pépey 84
Yuxpérns 158
Q
cporoyetr’ dy 11
Gy BeBiwxey 80
Gy éruxev 80
@vetra: Srws uh Aripev 22
wvotpevos (conative) 152
ws w. partic. (not cond.) 170
ws dy &xnr evvolas 170
ws els EXdXLora 151
ws érépws 50, 131, 188
dowep (not conditional) 169, 170;
@omwep ovx 198 Gowep dy el
dyyovpevor 133
Gore w. pres. and aor. infin. 41, 48;
w. perf. and pres. infin. 159; w.
infin, and dy 13; w. indic. 23, 73.
ore ob w. infin, 173
ENGLISH INDEX
The references are made to pages.
A
Abydos 186
Achaeans 146
Aeacus, Rhadamanthus, and Minos 78
Aegina 56
Aeschines: parentage and youth 79,
8o, 211; as clerk 161, 211; as
actor 114, 162, 163; opposes Philip
w. Eubulus 211, 212; at Megalo-
polis 212; envoy to Philip 213,
221, 224, 226; suit ag. Timarchus
274; rejected as counsel in case of
Delos 83, 84, 229; supports Python
85, 229; tried for rapamwpecBela and
acquitted, Essay IV.; speech at
Delphi (339 B.C.) 239—-241; envoy
(w. Demades) to Philip after Chae-
ronea 247; indicts Ctesiphon, trial
of case and acquittal of Ctesiphon,
Essay III.; voluntary exile at
Rhodes 272; five periods of life
164; his two brothers 194
Aleuadae of Larissa, aided by Philip
31, 204
Alexander I. of Macedonia 125
Alexander the Great: born 203;
destroys Thebes 27, 28, 254; de-
mands Attic orators 28; receives
crowns from Athens 196; dies at
Babylon 254
Amphictyonic Council 94, 96, Essay
V.; summoned by Philip in 346 B.c.
226; addressed by Aeschines 239—
241
Amphipolis 42, 202, 203, 214
Amphipolitan War 15, 202
Amphissa destroyed by Philip 245 _ .
Amphissian War stirred up by Aesch.
9I—IOI, 103, 240, 241
Anacharsis 279
Anacoluthon 77
Anaxinus 85
Antiphon condemned 82, 229
Aphobetus, brother of Aesch. 194
Aphobus 206
Apollo, rarp@os of Athens 89
Arbela, battle of 249, 254, 270, 271
Arbiters, public 111
Arcadians 14
Areopagus 82, 83, 229
Aristides 145
Aristodemus 15, 210
Aristoleos of Thasos 122
Aristonicus 49, 73, 139
Aristophon 42, 102, 137
Aristotle quoted 40, 127, 169; birth
205; tutor of Alexander 232; in
Athens in 330 B.C. 197; death 205,
254
hata: of Sicyon 31, 182; of
Naxos 122
Artemisium 129
Assembly (Athenian), two meetings
to discuss peace in 346 B.C. 217—
221
Athenian Confederacy (New) 202
Athens and Philip at war (340 B.c.)
235—237
Atrometus, father of Aesch. 79—81
Attic year 255, 256
292
ENGLISH INDEX
B
Battalus 113, 114
Boeotians, dvacOnola and dvadynola
of 24
si he 47> 51, 53;
233—236
143, 202,
Cc
Callias of Chalcis 146, 231, 234;
embassies tu Pelopon. w. Demosth.
234
Callisthenes, decree of 25, 225
Callistratus, heard by Demosth. 59,
137
Cephalus 137, 155
Cephisophon 16, 45
_ Cersobleptes 222
Chaeronea, battle of 39, 150, 163,
245, 246; panic in Athens follow-
ing 246; measures of Hyperides,
Lycurgus, and Demosthenes after
246, 247; eulogy of Dem. upon
heroes of 175, 176, 249
Chares 91, 236
Charidemus 69
Chersonese 47, 201; favavind of 87,
235; Demosth, speech on 232
Chios 145, 202
Cirrha, plain of 94, 240
Clepsydra 87, 88
Climax, example of 113
Clitarchus of Eretria 48,
killed 235
Collytus 114
Corcyra 145, 146
Corinthian War 56, 57; battle of
Corinth 57
Corinthians 146
Cos 202
Cottyphus 96, 243
Cresphontes 114
Ctesiphon bee to Philip) 210, 213
Ctesiphon (defendant in case of the
Crown) 10, 35, 270, 272
Curses in Senate and Assembly 8o,
81, 173
Cyrsilus 126
231;
D
Decelean War 57
Delian contest at Delphi 83, 84
293
Delphi, temple of, pillaged by Pho-
clans 203, 204, 212; destroyed
about 373 B.c., rebuilt before 330
B.C. 239. Inscriptions recently
found 226, 227
Demades, envoy to Philip 173, 175;
peace of 248
Demomeles 139
Demosthenes: birth 205; father’s
death 205; under guardians 205;
consults Isaeus 206; suit against
Aphobus 206; voluntary trierarch
59; speeches ag. Androtion, Lep-
tines, Timocrates, and Aristocrates
206, 268; on Symmories and for
Megalopolis 206; First Philippic
37, 87, 181, 207, 209; speech for
Rhodians 207; assaulted by Midias
208; suit against Midias 208;
Olynthiacs 209; twice Senator 210,
251; envoy to Philip 213; speech
before Philip 214; 2nd embassy to
Philip 221—223; ransoms prisoners
222; Second Philippic 47, 87, 228;
arrests Antiphon 229; speech on
the Peace 228; opposes Python
229, 2303 discusses Philip’s letter
231; indicts Aeschines for rapa-
mpeo Bela Essay 1V.; opposes Phili
in Euboea 231; mission to Corint
and Achaea 232; speech on Cher-
sonese 232; Third Philippic 233;
embassy to Byzantium 233; em-
bassies to Pelopon. (w. Callias) and
formation of league ag. Philip 234;
frees Euboea from tyrants 235;
receives thanks and crowns from
Byzantium and Perinthus 236, 237;
trierarchic reform 61—66, 237;
speech after seizure of Elatea 109—
113, 244; negotiations with Thebes
244; energy after Chaeronea 246,
247; delivers eulogy on the fallen
175, 249; speech on the Crown
249, Essays I. and III. Later
events (330—322 B.C.) 254. Death
at Calauria 254
Dercylus 225
Dexileos, monument of, w. inscrip-
tion 57
Diondas 138, 153
294
Dionysiac Theatre 20
Diotimus 69
Documents in text of Dem. 21, 34,
114
Dodona, oracle of 156
ee and Reisch on Dionysiac
eatre 20
Elatea, seizure of 90, 97, 103, 106,
243, 244
Embassies of Athens to Philip (346
B.C.): First 213—215; Second
221—223; Third (to Thermop.)
224, 225, returns to Athens 225,
sent again to Philip 225, 226
Empusa, 81
Epaminondas 14, 58, 201
Epigram on heroes of Chaeronea (not
genuine) 177, 178
Epilogue, Aristotle on 183
Euboea 42, 43, 47, 48, 50, 145, 146,
186, 202, 207, 231, 234, 235
Eubulides, speech against 82
Eubulus 16, 42, 102; w. Aeschines
against Philip 210—212
Euphraeus 231
Euripides: Hec. 1—3 quoted 165;
Telephus 43
Eurybatus 17
Eurydice (Philip’s mother) 214
F
Foreign policy of Athens 37, 38, 191
Fortune 128, 188; of Demosth. 164,
167—169; of Athens 155—157
G
Gildersleeve cited 110
Glaucothea, mother of Aesch. 81, 159
Glaucus 194
Grain imported by Athens 51
Greek League formed by Philip 248
H
Haliartus, battle of 56
Halonnesus 42, 230, 235
Halus and Halians 213, 214, 217, 222
Harmosts and Decarchies of Lysander
56
ENGLISH INDEX
Hegemon 175
Hegesippus 230
Heliastic oath 2, 5, 74
Hellespont 43, 143, 148, 235—237
Hero Kadapirns and Hero Physician
79, 80, Essay V1.
Hyperides 73, 83, 139, 153, 175, 246
I
Illyrians 29, 150
Infin. w. 76 2, 50
Iphicrates 58, 214
Isaeus 206
K
Kings of Thrace 150
L
Lasthenes 31
Leuctra, battle of 13, 58.
insolence ” of Thebes 58
Long walls of Athens destroyed 56
Lycidas 126
Lycophron of Pherae 204
Lycurgus (Athens) 20, 246
Lynceus, verse of 165
Lysander’s governments 56
Lysicles condemned 163
“ Leuctric
M
Mantinea, battle of 58, 201; walls
of 185
Manuscripts of oration on the Crown
Marathon, heroes of 129
Mausolus of Caria 202
Megalopolis 14, 58, 201, 206, 212, 228
Megara 43, 56, 145, 146, 190
Melantus 153
Messene 14, 58, 20%, 228
Methone 203
Midias 158, 208, 239
Munychia 65
Mysians 43
N
Nausicles 69
ENGLISH INDEX
O
Oath by the heroes of Marathon 129
Oenomaus 114. O0cn. dpoupatos 149
Olympias (Philip’s queen) 231
Olynthiacs of Demosth. 209
Olynthus and Olynthiac confederacy
203, 208. Olynthus captured by
‘Philip 209, 210
Onomarchus 204
Orators demanded by Alexander 27
Oreus and Eretria freed 47, 234, 235
Oropus 59
P
Peace of Demades 52, 248
Pella 41, 214, 222
Peparethus ravaged 42, 235
Perf. subj., opt., and infin, 16, 20, 21,
24, 30, 112, 113
Perillus (of Megara) 31, 182
Perinthus besieged by Philip 51, 53,
235, 236
Phalaecus 212
Phayllus 204, 212
Philammon 194
Philip II. of Macedon: succeeds to
the throne 202; takes Amphipolis
202; Amphipolitan War w. Athens
202, 203; founds Philippi, captures
Pydna, Potidaea, and Methone
203; interferes in Thessaly 204;
aggressions upon Athens 206, 207;
intrigues in Euboea 207; attacks
Olynthiac confederation 208; takes
Olynthus 209, 210; proposes peace
. w. Athens 210; receives Ist em-
bassy 214; sends embassy to
Athens 215; receives 2nd embassy
222; march to Thermopylae 222,
223; surrender of Phocians to
225; celebrates victory in Sacred
War 226; summons Amphictyonic
Council, and is made a member
226; celebrates Pythian games 227;
asks recognition of Athens as an
Amphictyon 227, 228; at peace
w. Athens (346—340 B.C.) 228;
intrigues in Peloponnesus 228;
sends Python to Athens 229; sends
295
letter to Athens 230; supports
tyrants in Euboea 231; enters’
Epirus 231; subjugates Thessaly
232; makes Aristotle Alexander’s
tutor 232; attacks Chersonese
232; dispute about Halonnesus
230, 235; ravages Peparethus 235;
besieges Perinthus and Byzantium
235, 236; letter to Athens, declaring
war 236; Scythian expedition 237;
made general of Amphictyons in
Amphissian War 242, 243; seizes
Elatea 243; destroys Amphissa 245;
proposes peace w. Athens 245;
victory at Chaeronea 245, 246;
drunken revels after battle 176;
sends Demades to Athens 247;
peace of Demades 248; assassi-
nated 254, 270
Philistides at Oreus 48, 231; killed
234
Philochares, brother of Aesch. 194.
Philocrates, peace of 210—221
Philomelus 203
Phocian (Sacred) War 13, 14, 23—
25, 203, 212, 213, 227
Phocians plunder temple of Delphi
203, 212; send envoys to Philip
222; surrender Thermopylae to
Philip 25, 225; punishment of 226,
227; records of payments of fine
226
Phocion 91, 173, 207, 236, 248
Phrynon of Rhamnus 210
Pindar quoted 183
Pluperfect in -ev and -7 16, 17
Plutarchus of Eretria 207
Pnyx at Athens 107
Polybius cited 181
Porthmus destroyed 43, 231
Potidaea 42, 203, 209
Prisoners ransomed by Demosth.
165, 166
Property tax 158
Proxenus 213, 221
Prytanes, Proedri, etc. 106—108
Pydna 42, 202, 203
Pythian games in 346 B.C. 227
Pythocles res
Python at Athens 85, 229, 230
296
R
Rhodes 202, 272
River battle 135, 245
S
Salamis 129. Ships in battle of 147
Scythian exped. of Philip 237
Senate and Assembly summoned by
Prytanes 106, 107
Serrhium, etc. 19, 42
Simonides, epigram on heroes of
Marathon 179
Simus of Larissa 31
Solon 5; poem of 156
Sosicles 153
Sparta invaded by Epaminondas 201
Statesman and ovxopdyrns compared
117
Subj. and fut. indic. contrasted 110;
subj. and opt. 94
Symmories, leaders of 61, 62, 108
Symmories, speech on 13, 37, 206
Synod of allies of Athens 16; reso-
lution of 217, 218
T
Talent (Attic), modern value of 205
Tamynae, battle of 208
Taurosthenes of Chalcis 231
Telephus 43
Theagenes 185
ENGLISH INDEX
Theatre, Dionysiac 20
Thebes after Leuctra 58; feeling of
Demosth. towards 13; coolness
of Thebes and Thessaly towards
Philip in 339 B.C. 92, 238; Thebes
allied w. Athens in 339 B.C. 244;
Athenian army in 133, 134; de-
stroyed by Alexander 13, 27, 28
Themison of Eretria 59
Theoric fund 68
Thermopylae, Philip checked at 23,
69, 205, 206; surrender of, by
Phocians 25, 225
Theseum 79, 278
Thrace, kings of 150
Thracian gold mines 19
Thrasybulus of Collytus 137
Timarchus, trial of 274
Timolaus 3!
Toxaris 79; see Essay VI.
Triballi 29, 237
Tribute of Athens 145
Trierarchs 59, 63. Trierarchic re-
form of Dem. 61—66
Tromes (Atrometus) 81
WwW
War between Philip and Athens
(Amphipolitan) 15, 202, 203; re-
newed in 340 B.C. 44, 45s 236
Winter battle (339—338 B.C.) 97;
135» 245-
-?
MNT
Ey b105 040 360 97?
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