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Gift of 


Esther Jean Spencer 


STANFORD 
UNIVERSITY 
LIBRARIES 





. 07 


DEMOSTHENES 
ON THE CROWN 


(FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS) 


AHMOSOENOYS TIEPI TOY STE®ANOY 


DEMOSTHENES 
ON THE CROWN 


EDITED BY 


WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN 


Hon. LL.D. anv D.C.L. 
ELIOT PROFESSOR OF GREEK LITERATURE (EMERITUS) 
IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY 


tf 
Lrevite babies 
1, 


Neto Work 
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Lp. 


1905 


All rights reserved 


Ze IN Cr, 


LES. 
WGb 


(C2 


COPYRIGHT, 1904, 
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 


a 


Set up and electrotyped. Published January, 1904. Reprinted 
March, 1905. 


Norwood Press 
J. 8. Cushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. 
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. 


TO 
HENRY JACKSON 


IN TOKEN OF 
A FRIENDSHIP OF MORE THAN THIRTY YEARS 





viil PREFACE 


in itself. With this view, I have given what may seem undue 
prominence to the negotiations which led to the Peace of Philo- 
crates ; for a minute knowledge of these is absolutely necessary 
to a correct understanding of the brief but cogent argument of 
Demosthenes in Cor. §§ 17—52, and to a fair judgment of the 
whole political course of both Demosthenes and Aeschines at 
this decisive crisis in the history of Athens. Much new light 
has been thrown upon the period which I have treated from 
inscriptions recently discovered by the French explorers at 
Delphi and from the Corpus Jnscriptionum Atticarum, In pre- 
paring this sketch I have made constant use of Grote and of 
Schaefer’s Demosthenes und Seine Zeit, 

In revising the text I have in most cases followed the au- 
thority of the Codex %, especially when it is supported by its 
companion L'. See Essay vu. In preparing the commentary 
I have been constantly aided by the long line of editors, whose 
names are too familiar to need mention. I must, however, ex- 
press my great obligation to Westermann and Blass, especially 
for references to parallel passages and for other illustrations. I 
have found it impossible to give credit for every remark and 
reference which may be borrowed from these or other recent 
editors: many of these are found in the notes of Dissen and the 
older editors, and many have long been in my own collection of 
notes. Nothing is harder to trace than old references, and 
most of those relating to Demosthenes on the Crown may now 
be assumed to be common property. 

I take great pleasure in expressing (not for the first time) 
my deep indebtedness to Dr Henry Jackson of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, who did me the inestimable service of reading and 
revising the proofs of the large edition. There are few pages in 
that volume which have not had the benefit of his criticism. 

For the picture of the Scythian bowman in page 280 I am 
indebted to the kindness of my former. pupil, Miss Florence A. 
Gragg, who photographed the figure in the Museum at Athens. 





PREFACE ix 


I have avoided many discussions of grammatical points in 
the notes by references to my Syntax of the Greek Moods and 
Tenses (M.T.), and I have occasionally referred to my Greek 
Grammar (G.). The references to Grote 1x.—xll. are made to 
the first edition; those to earlier volumes to the second edition. 

I have made no attempt to be neutral on the question of the 
patriotism and the statesmanship of Demosthenes in his policy 
of uncompromising resistance to Philip. It seems to me that 
the time for such neutrality is past. I cannot conceive how any 
one who knows and respects the traditions of Athens, and all 
that she represents in the long contest of free institutions against 
tyranny, can read the final attack of Aeschines and the reply of 
Demosthenes without feeling that Demosthenes always stands 
forth as a true patriot and statesman, who has the best interests 
of his country at heart and upholds her noblest traditions, while 
Aeschines appears first as a trimmer and later as an intentional 
(if not a corrupt) ally of Philip in his contest with Athens. That 
the policy of resistance to Philip’s aggressions failed at last is no 
discredit to the patriotism or the statesmanship of Demosthenes. 
Can any one, even at this day, read the pathetic and eloquent 
appeal of Demosthenes to posterity in Cor. §§ 199—208, and 
not feel that Athens would have been unworthy of her glorious 
past if she had submitted to Philip without a struggle for liberty, 
even if Chaeronea and all its consequences had been seen by 
her in advance? Her course was plain: that of Demosthenes 
was even plainer. 


W. W. GOODWIN. 


HARVARD UNIVERSITY, 
CAMBRIDGE, MASS., 
November 6, 1903. 


CONTENTS 


ORATION ON THE CROWN . ‘ Fr ‘ é : ‘ 


HISTORICAL SKETCH :— 


I. From the Accession of Philip to 352 B.c. . 
ll. Early Life of Demosthenes.—Events from 352 to 
348 B.C. 
III. The Peace of Philocrates 
IV. Six years of nominal Peace, 346—340 B.c. . 
V. The War with Philip, from 340 B.c. to the Battle 
of Chaeronea in 338 B.C. 
Table of Dates : ° . 
The Attic Year 
Essay I. Argument of the Oration, with remarks on 
§§ 120,121. . ° ° , : 
Essay II. The ypady wapayopwy . . .~ 
Essay HI. The Suit against Ctesiphon 
Essay IV. Trials of Aeschines and Philocrates in 343 B.c. 
Essay V. _ Constitution of the Amphictyonic Council 
Essay VI. The Hero Physician and the Hero KaAapirys 
Essay VII. Manuscripts of the Oration on the Crown 
INDEXES ° ° . . . . . . 


20I1—205 


205—209 
210—228 


228—237 


237—249 
250—254 


255, 256 


257—264 
264—269 
269—273 
273—277 
277, 278 
278—280 
281—283 


285—296 





AHMOZOENOYS 


Sarep atk paric® wep ipov Kab THS U ! 
cioeBela te kal dd&ns, TodTo" opti ear 7 ure 


) Tov avridicov cbpBouror roijcacOa 
Mgr, 


Geos ipiv, 


é fhpw yoy 


MeETEpAS 5 


ep Tou mas axovev & bpas enoo bei (oxerAcov yap 
div ein TOUTO ye), AXA TOUS vemous Kal Tov dpxoy, ev 2 
@ Tpos amract Tos GAO Sucatows al ToUTO Yyéyp a- 


mrat, TO 060 


epre hos i) hbtryd & qin te 
pow axpodcac bar, 


Touro 8 éaT 


ov povoy TO sé Baik hibit p pa noev ovoe TO ted 
mt Tony 


Th, tod by 


ebvoiav Lanv amobovvat, GAXA TO kal 7H rater “Kal THs 
arronory (a, ws BeBovdnrat kal mpoypnrat Tay ayor.- 
foudver ExacTos, ovTws €acat ypyjcacPat. 


formula after teary? pév (see §§ 8, 18, 
sate 7 2351 248: cf. 267). Thucydides 
erally has this, but often éreira dé, 
Omep éotl: sc. efxoua:, refer- 

ring to the whole sentence drep... 
dxpodvafa:. ‘The relation of dep to 
roUro here is clearly that of 4 re a} 


to the following totro.—éotl pad 
trip ipdv, concerns you especially 
(more than myself). 

6. eboreBelas: referring to the oath 
(§2). Greek edoéSec reached a lower 
level than our frety, including nega- 
tive abstinence from impiety, so that 


one who does not break his oath is so 
far ebre83}s.—TovTO TapagThras bpiv, 
may pul this inte your hearts: Trotro 
refers back emphatically to the omit- 
ted antecedent of dep, as ovrws (§ 27) 
to that of @s, and is explained by pi 
Tov dvridicop K.7.A, 

8. rot wis...Set: explained by 7rd 
kal.. xptoac bat (end of § 2): cf. rept 
Tov Sryriva tpdrov xpi fHv, Plat. Rep. 

352 D. . 

§2. 1. rdw Spkov: the Heliastic 
oath, which each judge had sworn. 
The document in XXIV. 149—I5I 
purporting to be this famous oath 
(hardly authentic) has this clause: cal 
dkpodcoua Tol Kary ydpov Kal rot dro- 


hovyoupévov duolws dudoty, For the 


connection of the laws with the oath, 
see note on § 6% 

z ee se j ust provisions. 

3: u: this (2) or depo- 

aiobae aD is far preferable to the 
emendation axpodcec Oa, the fut. infin. 
being exceptional with ré, The infin, 
with 76 here denotes simply “he pro- 
vision for hearing both sides imparti- 
a//y and is not in oratio obliqua (MAT. 
96, 111), 

4. TO pH Wpokareyvwxévar : 
having decided against (kara) either 
party in advance, the perf. expressing 
completion (M.T. tog): 7d wh rpo- 
karayravac would be timeless, like rd 
dxpodcacGa (above) and rd drodotrat 
and 7d éaoa (below).—otBe (sc. 
pbvov), mor abet, cf. § 93%"). 

5. tonv (pred.), tr hoard measure. 
—Kal Ti ie. fo 
allow everyone to “opt not only (wal) 
that order of argument but also Meee 
that general plan of defence which etc 

6, drohoylg refers strictly to the 
defence, which alone remained.—as... 
éxacros: Exaeros is made subject of 
the relative clause, as this precedes; 
we reverse the order, and translate 
it with yp}oarfa.—rav dywovto- 

txacros (not éxdrepos), Acc. to 
eil, is “tout homme qui plaide sa 








AHMOZOENOY= 


pe?) A€yo Ta Temtpayyer’ EuavT@, ovK EyeLv 
un monies Ta Kxatnyopnueva do—w ovd ed’ ols 5 
akia timaobar decxvivacs éeav & ed’ a Kat rerrolnka 
mal merorlrevpar Baditw, rorAddas Aéyew avayKa- 
aPrjoopa mept €wauTou. mepdoopat pep OU ws 
HETpLOTATA TOUTO Tro”eiv* 6718 av TO Tpayy’ avTo 
avayedsy, rovTou TH aitiay obtds eats Sixasos Bye" 10 
0 ToLOvTOY ayer’ évarnadwevos. Jpe 
Olina & bpas mavras, @ dvdpes ‘AGnvaior, av § 
GuoXoyhoa Kowov elvat tovrovl Tov ayav’ éuol cal 
Krynoipartt cai ovdév €Xarrovos afvoy a1rovd7s euol: 
mavTov pev yap amroctepeicbar AvTnpdv ert Kal 
NareTov, dAdws Te Kav UT’ éyPpod Tw TOTO GUp- 5 
Balvy, wdduota 6é Tis wap’ buoy edvolas Kal didav- 
Opwrias, dommep nai TO TvyEly ToOUTMY péyLoTOY 


. Groktocarba: see § 50°. 
kal werolyka kal qeroAlrev- 
pot: a familiar form of rhetorical 
amplification (opposed to modern 
ideas of style), for which ordinary 
z eomied would use reroXlrevuac alone. 
ér instances are BeSotAnrac Kail 
wpoppyra (§ 2°), rerpayyerwr cal we- 
wokirevsémwre and xareweidou «al 
GiéBadres (§ 118-7), érpaygde ral 
GueE Hen (8 § 13°), GudSadhde wal Gvefgec 
(§ 14*), edléakas wal duets (§ 22"), 
modeuety kal SiapdperOac (§ 31*). In 
these cases one verb is generic and 
the other specific; but sometimes two 
verbs of nearly or quite the same 
meaning are used together for a simi- 
lar rhetorical effect, as rpdrrew xal 
rm 624), Sseteden) byrwy (§ 72"), 
(lw, proceed, more formal 
8, ws thd me f, the full form 

ra:¢ oO 

ws Ay Sévwuat werpwrara, § 256°. 
9. 8 TL. .dvayKdly, whatever the 
case itself may require of me (lit. com- 
pel me): with dvayxdfw without an 


infin, cf, Quint, XI, 1, 22, qui Aoc se 
coegisset, 

10. Slkaros yew: the common 
personal construction (M.T. ms. 
The apodosis is future in sense, alter 
the future & rs ay dvaryKa oy. 

II. Towtrov dyav, @ eos like 
this, i.e. in which Ctesiphon is in- 
dicted and Demosthenes accused : cf. 
§§ 12—16., 


§ 5. 1 ao 
and L): d» after a comma <- geal le 
when words belonging to the same 


clause precede, as here duds wdvrar 
(M.T. 222), 


a : 
deprived oa anything: cf. wavraxob, 
pp 814, ne: 

7. So@mep, (by so much) as: 
implied rooovrw is felt as 


padora (sc. kurnpdy xal yaher') — 


Kal before rd rvyery ex 
parallelism (so to speak Cause 


fosing and gaining the privileges: 
ceed ka diuexwhtdn, § 60', and note, 








AHMOZOENOY=2 
fom gor lie 


Kat 7 mapacyov éavToy icoy Kal Kotvoy appoTtépos 
axpoaTny,ov’tw THY Sidyvwow ToinoeTat Trepl amrav- 
TOV. 

MédA@yv Sé tov te idlov Biov Tavr0s, @S E0LKE, 
Adyor Sudovat TH wepov Kal Tov KOLA TeTOALTEUpLEVOY, 
BotAopae waduv Todis Geovs mapaxaheoat, Kal évap- 
tiov bev ebyopat TpP@TOV Mev, bony evvotay eEXov 
éym SiaTero 77 moka Kal Tacw viv, TooavTHY 
imdpEa por eis Tovtovi tov ayava, ere? & Te 
perra ovvolcey kab ™pos evdoElay Kon Kal ™ pos 
evodBeav éxdoT@, TOUTO 7a ao Theat Tacw vpty 

vaore me 
mept Tauro THs ‘ypadas vy 

Ei pev oty mept ay Biae , edie KaTnyopnoev 
Aicyivns, Kayo wept avtov trod mpoBovhevpatos 
evOds dv amedoyovunv’ erred S ove éAaTTw Adyor 


t, Shall receive kindly, 


take under his, protection. 


z Kowov: impartial. 
otrw repeats with emphasis the 
idea of wapacyor...dxpoaryv.bud- 
yer, decision (between two sides). 
$8. 2. Adyow Sibdva, fo render 
an account, used often of the formal 
accounts which all officers of state 


In §§ 9—52 the orator replies to 


charges which are foreign to the in- 
dictment (@fw rs ypapfjs). We have 
Oe. an wrap in §9; then (2) he 

rivate life in §§ 10, 
IL; He then ie his public policy in 
§§ 12—52. 

Under (3) we have an introduc- 
tion (§§ 12—16), and the defence of 
his policy concerning the Peace of 
Philocrates (§§ 17—52). The last 
contains an introduction (§ 17), the 
narration (§§ 18—49, and the con- 
clusion (§§ 50—52). 

9, 1. el...Kxarnyépyrev, ie. 2f 


rendered at the e¥@uvva:: see Aesch, 
lll. 11, 12, and ef. § 625 (below), Ad- 
yor... Pe vsargs 

6. 6 7...éederw: see note on drep 
abe dbfys, § *, 

8. jap war: sc, Tobs Beovs 
(subj.), as in § 1°.—rotro yvdvas, fo 
give that judgment, 


he had confined his accusation (in his 
speech) fo the charges in his indict- 
ment (ypadt): see the same distinc- 
tion esas Kary yopet and «plpe. in 


§ 1568 
mpoPovhesparos : the strict name 

of a ‘bil which had passed only the 
Senate, though the less exact yajpiona 
was often Ma to it: see § 561. 

3. ev0us "(liebe pyy, J should 
afonce proceed (lit, be now 
to my defence, etc. Cf. ie bores 0 
thdrrea, guile as much (as in his proper 
accusation), 








AHMOZOENOYS 


TOV perplov, iva pndev eraybes Ady, xelpova Kal 
ee Kai TOUS povs iretAndate Kal yuyvecxere, TOUT@ 
pev pnd vrép THY GdAX@v TicTEveTE Carer yap @S 
opolors amavr’ émharrero), éuot 8, hv mapa wayta 
TOV xpdvov evVOLaY evdeberyO” ‘rl ToAAGY arydvev 
TOV MpdTepov, Kal vuvl tap bee aoyeobe, xanonOns é 
av, Atoxivn, TOUTO arose etinOes anys, To ot 
wept TOV mem pary pevOOY Kab TrejroALTeuméevov Adryous 
adévra' we irpos tas rodopias Tas mapa ood 
sadieartas ov 5 8) Toijow@ TOUTO’ oy OUTW TETU- 5 
popar’ adr wep pev Tov TeToNTEULEVeY a 


Katepevoou Kal diuSarres eLerdow, Tis 5€ moprreias 
TAaVvTAS THS avedny yeyernpévys voTtepov, av Bovdo- 


peévors axovev % TovTo.cl, 


12. éwlwoh\ev dyavev: see §§ 240, 
250, where he speaks of being brought 
to trial “daily” after the battle of 
ONE TL. 1, xaxofOys..ebnbes $n: 

I. Kako @ 

BS Lent Hacer mapovouacla,the sar- 
eastic effect of which, as pronounced by 
Demosthenes, can easily be imagined. 
kaxonlys, i-natured, malicious, is in 
antithesis to etinées, apeptantael “e 
the double sense of our sz ii mat 

idea (imperfectly expressed ) saiast- 
clows (1//-natured Pivee ve though jou 
are, you conceived this perfectly simple 
(silly) motion. 

3. jwerpaypévev Kal qweroltrev- 

pévoov : Si hake on 5 45. te 

cl. TeTup al, 1X 

em If ruga ecianates with Tupay 
or Tudws, rerd@wuai must mean / am 
distracted or crased, like éuSpérrynros 
(§ 243’). If it is derived from rigos, 
mist or smoke (see Lidd, & Sc.), rerv- 
@wpyat means / am stupefied, befogged 
or wrapl in smoke. 

7. woprelas, ridalary ( procession- 
talk). See Harpocr.: rourelas kai 
wopmevecy darri rol Aocdoplas Kal 


pune Oncomat. 


Aocdopetv, TheScholiahave: op 
welas, \owdoplas, UBpews: ev Tails rou- 
wails mpogwweid Tives pres Ga- 
éoxwrrov rods dAdous, ws év dopra 
walfovres, éwl duatGy depduevor, See 
. audits, § 1227, and ropwrevecw, 
I2z4 = 
&. dvtinv, doose/y, without check: 
cf. deine and Aveots.—dv...rovrowt : 
if these (judges) shall wish to hear it. 
ee Thuc. VI. 46, 7a Nucla mw pos dex o- 
ae #v, and other examples in M.T. 
goo. Whiston compares Liv. XXI. 50, 
quibusdam volentibus novas res fore. 


§§ 12—16. After thus dismissing 
the private charges as unworthy of a 
reply, he comes to the charges against 
his conduct with regard to the Peace 
of Philocrates in 346 B.c. In this 
introduction he dwells on the outrage 
of bringing such grave charges against 
a statesman in a way which neither 
allows the accused a fair opportunity 
to defend himself, nor gives the state 
any adequate remedy against him if 
he is guilty, while it may entail grave 
consequences on an innocent person, 








AHMOZOENOY= 


Oeiv ta SHup Kal doyou Tuyeiv—ovd ev érnpetas 
taée. Kal dOdvov rodTo movetv—ovTe pa Tods Deods 
opbas éyov ovre ToduTinov ote Sixatov cor, @ 
avdpes "A@nvaiows adr’ éd’ ols adicodyTd mp’ éwpa 


fa A 


THY woray, obot ye Tt yMcavrois 


oe viv erparyqidet 


iorrgyi Geet 


rabveruara pine eay et pep eicaryyeX 
Tov?’ € éwpa, cigaryyehhovra kal TovToY TOV rpdrov ¢ els 


PY ea 


KpicwW K 


alataira ‘Tap’ ipiv, et dé ypapovra Tapda- 10 


vO_G, a codsiew ypadomevoy* ov yap Shirov Krnot- 


we may translate ore), we can give 
the emphatic od’ (2) the force of s¢i/? 
more dasaa, Bl.), and translate, for 
fo try to take away my right to come 
before the people and be heard—still 
more to do this by way of malice and 
5 is neither right nor patriotic 
see note on 4) nor rade ddacpeto at 
is conative (cf. § 2075), For dgat- 
petoOat as subject (where we might 
expect rd dq@aipeicfar, were it not 
for the following 7d mpoce)Geiv), see 
Thuc. 11. 38, dptvacbac dé, ry 
waveiy Ore &yyurdtw Keluevor, ‘dvrk- 
mwahov op ede Thy Tiwwolay dva- 
AauBdve.—trd mporeOetv... ruxelv 
here is the right of every “accused 
citizen to be heard before the popular 
court, which is here called d7juos, as 
it is often addressed Ah *A@yvaiot. 
2. ey brypelas rdéfea, dy way of 
(venting) malice: cf. § 6 ings T Heo 
rafe, and xx. 81, ér éy p00 pepe. 


So It. a 
3. .. obre...oUre after of: see 
Eur. oo “322 (N.), otk Err otre 
Tei yos ore Xpjmara oir’ dddo Suc gi- 
eye older ws yur). 
ev: stronger than 
Spier. —ToAtTiKoy, properly belonging 
fo the state (see § 246"), here due to 
the state from a citizen: cf. X. 74, ox 
fows ofdé woNitinws, Such conduct, 
it is meant, is mof fair to the state. 


In 1X. 48, wokcrix@s refers to the 
simple old-fashioned Spartan style 
of warfare. 

5. &' ols...dpa: a condensed 
form for éri rots dducjpacw a déc- 
sei: aes éewpa, 

THALKovroLs (el Fe Ty 
cabtaheea npg them to have been 
so great, yoSe Kal SueEqe (see 
note on § 4°), set forth in &is he 
style (i.e. pompously), referring to 
theatrical days of Aeschines, like tro- 
kplverat, § 15°. Cf, xix. 189, Tatra 


Tpaywoer, 

&. (sc. Slxaior Hr, 5 
me seen SE +f in l, 4), Ae 

# fo 2 en é 

9. douyybiowes 
pevov (II) express the manner of 
xpHcGa:, and with it make the apo- 
doses to the conditions el...dapa and 
el... wapdvoua (sc, édpa). eloayyéddww 
is fo indict by elcayyedla (a state 
prosecution), as ypdpoua is (prop- 
erly) “ tuaict by ordinary ypapy. 
Notice the distinction between "ypda- 
gorvra mTapdvoua, sie illegad 
indicting. for oor ilega i yp etn For 
indictt Sa. or 
the d sohie meaning of the passive 
of ypddw see note on § 564. 

II. od yap... o: of yap 
dyrov belongs to both clauses, K THO. 
wer and due 6’ K.7.d.2 for it surely 





AHMOZOENOY= 


mpos &u éyOpay mpoicratat, ovdanod § éri ravrnv 
ae €uol. TH érépou Entra enititar apene 
cba dalverar. Kaito. mpos amracw, & dvdpes 
"A@nvaior, Tois adXos ols av eitreiv tis drép Krn- 
aipavrTos exot, Kal TovUT éuovye Soxet Kai par’ 
cixdTas av Néyev, OTe THS tuetépas ExOpas mas 
ed’ hav avTav dixarov jv Tov é€eracpov rroveic Oar, 
ob TO mev pos AAAAOUS ayoviterOa mapaXetrey, 
érépw 8 btw Kaxdv Tt Swooper Enteiv’ irepBorr yap 
adiclas Tord ye. 

Ilavra pev rolvwy ta Katnyopnudv’ opoiws éx 1 
TovTwy av tis ldo. ovTe dSixaiws ovr’ er’ adnOeias 
ovdemias eipnueva* Bovropar b€ Kai xa” ev Exactov 
avtav ébetdcat, Kal pddiac? boca irép THs eipryyys 
Kat THS TpecPelas KaTeevcaTo pov, Ta TeTpay- 
per’ éauT@ peta Pidoxpdrous avatibels enol. ore 


he puts foremost in (at the head of) 
Ais 1 = suid. uy 

. ovbapot, wowhere, ie, never: 
ef ot in § 125! with following év- 
ravda,—trl ravTyy, upon this ground 
(that of our enmity), keeping the 
figure of dryvrnxds duol, having met 
me—or with a view fo this, i.e. to 
fsht if out (West., Weil, Bl): cf. 
yra, 


oe dwihyrneas; § 1255. 

8, émeriplay Abedéo Bar, ie. to 
inflict dryula, which Ctesiphon would 
incur as a public debtor if he were 
unable to pay his fine if convicted. 

§16. 3. Soxei, personal, sc. ris 
(from 2): we translate if seems that 
one might say, because we must use a 
ch verb to express dy Aéyerw (M.T. 
754). 

5. Slkasov qv, we onpht (M.T. 
416): here of present time. efe- 
Tarpov rovetoBat, fo settle up. 

7, érépw Sto... Lyrety, fo seek wheat 
other man we can harm, érépw 
standing emphatically before the in- 


direct interrogative trw: the direct 
question would be érépy rim... 
Sworower ; 


For the argument of §§ 17—52 
on the Peace of Philocrates, with its 
three divisions, see note before § 9. 

§ 17. 1. Gpolws with rdvra, al! 


alike, 
2. tf Gdnbelas obbemias, with no 
regard to truth, 
or. obf, with [ou 


3. elpypéva: 
PR a ay, singly.—txacrov : obj. of 
éterdoat ( West.) : cf. cad’ Eva Exarrop 
qvav droorepety, XXI. 142. 

4. vrep (like wepi): see note on 


g§, 
6. dwarlels éuol, pucting upon me. 
Originally Acschines pebie Kimselt 
on his close connection with Philo- 
crates in making the peace: see I, 
174, Thy elpheny The 6c €uol ral Pido- 
kpdrous yeyernuérny. (See § 215, and 
note; and Hist. § 23.) 





14 


AHMOSOQENOYS 


movynoos amaca dutotHKe, xat ov? of picodvTes 
Aaxedatpoviovs ovTws iayvoy @oTe avereiv avTovs, 


ov? of mpotepov Ov exeivwv apyovTes KUpioe TOV 


TOMY FoaV, ANAG TIS TV aKpLTOS Kal Tapa Tov- 
TOS Kai mapa Tois GAXOS Gtracw eps Kal Tapayy. 
tavta 8 opav o Diduriros (ou yap wv adavi) tois 
Tap éKdoTos mpodoras xphmara avaricxov mdavras 
TUveK pove kat pos avrous erdparren* “els” év ols 
nudpTavoy adAo Kal Kaxas eppdvoun, avTos Tape- 
oxevdtero kal kata ravrev edvero. ws d& Tadat- 
TWPOULMEVOL TH KEL TOU TrOA€wou of ToTe prev Bapeis 
viv & atrvyeis OnBaio: havepol waow hoav avayxa- 
cOncopevor Katadevyew edb twas, Plu os, iva wh 
ToUTO ‘yévoiTo pndée cuvédOorevy ai trodes, tpiv pev 


10 


19 


elpnyny éxetvors be RorPeav émnyyelXaro. 


Ti ovv 20 


cuvnyavicat ait@ mpos Td daBey oAdyou deliv tmas 


kcdvras eFaTraT@pevous ; 


8. SvorriKe, was in dissension 
(distracted).—ot prrotvres: these 
were especially the Messenians and 
Arcadians, with their new cities Mes- 
sene and Megalopolis, established by 
Epaminondas, and the Argives. 

10, ot wpdérepov Gpxovtes are oli- 
garchies which were maintained by 
Sparta in Peloponnesus before Leuc- 
tra, and were overthrown by the later 
revolutions. 

Il. Gxpuros gps Kal rapax%, 
hopeless strife and confusion. Axpuros 
is not admitting of settlement (xplows). 

§ 19. 2. mpoddrats: for the names 
of some of these see § 48; a longer 
acm list is given in § 295. 

brought into colli- 

sion (knocked together): cf. evvéxpovoy, 
163°, and fvyxpovev, Thuc. 1. 44.—év 
ols voy GAAot, i7 others’ blun- 
ders, of. ols ebruxfxecas, § 185, év ols 
émioret@yre in § 1005, ép ols elony- 


% Tav addov ‘EXAHvar, 


yedAbuny in § 2501, év ols ceuvbvouac 
in § 2584, év ols Errouwer in § 2864, 
év ols ebrixnoer in § 323°, év abrots 
ols yaplforra: in IX. 63. 

5. Kara wavrov épvero, fe was 
growing above all their heads, i.e. so 
as to threaten them all. 

6. TH pha: cf, dexérys yeyorws, 
Aesch, IIL. orn) —Bapets, overdearing, 
offensive. 

7. wiv 6 aruyeis: after 33 
See Schol., and notes on §§ 18 mt 
352°. —évayxacOnodpevor : in or, obé, 
hee the personal pavepal Foray. 

Karadetyey ép bpas: no such 
possibility is suggested by the language 
of Demosthenes at the time of the 
peace; but times had changed. 

§ 20. 2. oAlyov Getv, full form of 
édlyou (M.T. 779), qualifies are 
elarar., alesoud willing dupes: 


goes 5 
' eA fvev: the actual subject 


AHMOZOENOY= 


pera trovTov picOwoas éri radta Piroxpatns 6 
‘Ayvovotos, o ads, Alayivn, Kowv@vos, oly Oo €mos, 
ove’ av od dvappayns wWevdcuevos, of b€ ouvertrdvtTes 
drov Syrore &vexa (€@ yap TovTd vy ev T@ TaperTt) 10 
EvBovros cai Kndicodav: éyo & ovdév ovdapod. 
GA’ Gues, ToUTwy ToLovTw@V dvTwv Kal em’ aiThs THs 22 
arnbelas otrw Secxvupever, eis TOV? Heer avardelas 
@or éToApa Adyewv ws ap’ ey@ Wpds THO THS elpHvys 
aitios yeyevioOar Kal Kex@duKa@S elnv THY TOAD 
peTa xotvod cuvedpiov Tav “EAAnver tavTnY Totn- 


aacba. 
eltrot ; 


pevov pe TiS TOAEDS, 


Vv v nels 


Hyavaxtnod iS, ') maperOor 


elt’ @—rti av eire@v oé tis opbas mpoc- 
éoTl Orrov av Ta Ov, 


dnwe 


Kal ouppay lav Hrbenv vu 


TH ALKaUT NY wpacw 
@v adatpou- 


Tavta &@ viv Katnyopeis ebidaEas cal SeERAPES; 10 
Kal nv ef TO K@ADTAL THY TOV “EAANVeY KoLvoviay 23 


ereTpake eyo Didlrr@, col Td wt) ciryhoat Novrrov 


g. of8 Gv ob hiappayiis, m0f even 
if you split: cf. the common impre- 
cation d:apparyelns (Ar. Av. 2). See 


nae: on § 17°. 
ron Sho Shore tvexa, for what- 


Sine rreason(stonay have been): Ojrore, 
like od», es Srris indefinite, This 
is as strong language as Demosthenes 
wishes to use of Eubulus, after his 
death. See Hist. § 14. 

11. ofSapod: cf. § 157, and tor 
throv, § 227. Demosth. is fully justi- 
fied in this strong denial. 

§ 22. 1,2. ee Serxvupevoy : 
eit ‘arb .T. 842). 
vijr Gat, anieadt elnv: 
ie tags dhects see M.T. 103, 109. 
The mite sentence (j—6) ds dp... 
wowjoacda: refers to the elaborate 
charge of Aeschines (58—64), that 
Demosthenes pressed the negotiations 
for peace with indecent haste and 
thereby excluded other Greek states 
from the benefits of the treaty, The 


answer in § 23 is perfectly satisfactory, 
(See Hist. §§ 15, 24. 

5. ovvebplov: a special meeting 
of delegates to be summoned by Ath- 
ens from various Greek states, which 
never met; not the regular synod of 
the allies of Athens, which was in ses- 
sion when the peace was made(Aesch. 
Ill. 69, 70). 

6. @, Tl Gv...mpomelwrou; daroruus- 
wots followed by a question: for the 
regular position of av before elrwp, 
see M.T, 224. Ch dric edrw; Ar. 
Nub, 1378. 

7. teri Sov: temporal, like 
odauod in § 21!!.—wapav belongs to 
dpdv...qyardxrnoas, H...duelp Ges ; (as 
a whole): the meaning is, were you 
ond eine wien ‘at? saw re ete, er 
mpagiv Ka axlav: the gen 
before the castle In § 0 the 
order is reversed, 


§ 23, 2,3. émwerpdneav: even the 


best Mss. of Demosth, give this form 








b> 


20 AHMOZSOENOYS 


yvaoker* ei S¢ Bovredwy éya mpocdyew tos mpé- 
oes opnv deiv, rodTd pov diaBarre. adrAW Tl expr 
pe Tov; pn mpocayey ypavrar tovs él rove’ 
jeovtas, iv piv SvarexyOdow; Oday ph Kata- 5 


veiwat Tov apytTéxTova avTois KedeVoar; GAN ep 


toiv Suoiv dBoroiv eFempouy av, ef ur) TOOT’ eypddn. 
Ta puixpa cupdépovta THs WéAews Eder pe HvAaT- 
tev, Ta © bda, OorTrep o'TOL, TeTpaKevat; ov Syrrov, 


Aeye Toivuy wor TO WHditpa TovTL AaBwv, 6 cadds 10 


obros eldas TapEeBn: 
2, mpordye.v Tovs wpéo Bas (sc, els 


Thy éxx\nolay): these were the am- 
bassadors sent by Philip to negotiate 
the peace. Foreign embassies first 
presented themselves to the Senate, 
which by a decree provided for their 
introduction to the Assembly: see 
Aesch. 11. 58, rais d¢ femxais ampe- 
aBelars  Bovhy ras els ror dijuor 
wpogddovs mpofovkete:r, Such a bill 
was proposed by Demosth, in the 
senate before the arrival of the am- 
bassadors, appointing a special meet- 
ing of the Assembly to receive them 
on the eighth of Elaphebolion: after- 
wards the discussion of the peace was 
postponed to the eighteenth and nine- 
teenth. 

5. O€av...KeAetoa. (sc. éxpir): 
ought I not to have ordered the 
architect (of the theatre) fo assign 
them seats (as I did)? @éav, place to 
see; cf, éBewpovy (7): this would be 
the wpoedpla (Aesch. 111, 76), The 
stone Dionysiac theatre was at this 
time building under the direction of 
Lycurgus; and the lessee was called 
dpyiréxtwy, as an important part of 
his duties was the superintendence of 
the work of building. See Dorpfeld 
and Reisch, Griech, Theater, 74—<4o, 
where the building of the theatre is 
assigned to about 350—325 1.C. 
Aeschines (61, 76) makes this official 


politeness of Demosthenes one ground 
of his grotesque charge of flattering 
Philip! To this Demosth, alludes in 
§ 294°, ds yap éuol diukurwurpoy, x7 .h, 
Aesch., however, mentions only the in- 
troduction of the envoysto the theatre. 

6. év totv Svotv oBodolv, in she 
fwo-obol seats, the threepenny seats 
of the ordinary citizens, The duwfedla, 
which was then given from the theoric 
fund as festival money to every citizen 
who asked for it, paid the entrance 
fee to the theatre. It is implied that 
the distinguished strangers could have 
been admitted, like other people, to 
the common seats by merely paying 
their two obols. With év roiv duvoiy 
éBodoty cf. év rots ly@iow, Ar. Vesp. 
789 (see Ran, 1068), zw the fish 
market, ev 7@ wipy, Eq. 1 375: 

7. el pH Tor éypady, Le. Aad 
L not proposed my bill, 

8. Ta piKpa cupdépovra ; it is jo- 
cosely assumed that Aesch. objected 
to the higher price which the state 
probably paid for the front seats, or 
perhaps to the state paying for the 
seats at all.ovAdrrew, jwerpaxévan: 
the change of tense may perhaps be 
seen in a paraphrase; wes if my auty 
to watch the petty interests of the state, 
after I had sold her highest interests 
like these men? With dAa, whole, 
entire, cf, r@yv Bho ri, § 278%, 


TTEP! TOY =TE®ANOY 


WHO*ISMA AHMOS@ENOYS. 


[Es dpxovros Mynoididov, ExatopBaoyvos Evy cai veg, 
@vAys zpvravevovons [lavdiovidos, Anpooberns Aypoobe- 
cimev, ready Pidurxos drooreiAas mpéc Bas 

bpooyoupevas yKas, eddy Oat 5 
teas ot ac Te AGyvaiwy, dros bv ¥ cipivy 
Ay Recht 7 eneybipsees OED éy Ty mpwry exxAnola, Tpe- 
oBas decOa éx ravrwv "AOqvalww iidy wevre, robs BF ye- 
porovnberras dmrodypeivy, pydepiav twepBodjy rowvpévovs, 
orov Gy ovra avvGavwyrat Tov Pidurrov, Kai obs Spxovs 
AaBeiy te rap aerov ant Soue riy raxioryy eri rats do- 
Aoyqnavats cuvOyKats alta mpds TOV ‘AGryvaiaw Srjnov, oup- 
) S Kal ToUs €xaTépwv Tuppayous. mper/Jes 
yp@your E5BovAos "AvadAvorios, Aicyivns KoOwxidns, 
Kydicoday “Pauvovows, Anuoxparys PAveis, KAcwy Ko- 


nae 


Guoxidys. 


at 


§ 29. This decreeisa good speci- 
men ofignorant forgery. The Archon's 
name and the date are both wrong; 
it is called a decree of the Senate and 
the People, when it was ed by 
the Senate alone; it provides for the 
appointment of five envoys when there 
were ten, and these had been ap- 
pointed long before; it provides for 
the oaths to be taken by Athens and 
her allies, when these had already 
been taken; and most of the five 
ae. of the ee a wrong. 

I, t rvpcépoy ; 
ef. 28°, where x" cuupépovra (with 
the gen.) is a pure substantive. 

4. tTpeig bdovs pfjvas: “sat still in 


Patra yparparros éuov Tote wal TO TH TWoAEL 
cumpepov ov TO Dirirry fnrodvTds, Bpayd dpovrt-"*”” 
Tavres ol xpnerot mpécBeas obro xabavr dv Maxe- 
Sovia tpeis Grouvs pijvas, ws HAGE Dirdewos ex 
@paxns wayra Kataotpewduevos, éFov ruepav déxa, 


Macedonia three whole months,” js 
of course a rhetorical exaggeration, 
which is corrected by Demosth, him- 
self. In x1x. 57 he says dredqywioaper 
Tpets utjvas SAovs (cf, 158), somewhat 
less incorrectly; but in 58—6o he 


gives the exact dates, by which we 


see that the embassy was absent from 
Athens only about ten weeks. (See 
Hist. § 33.) 

5. WavTa Kkaracrpedpuevos: see 
§ 27.—éfdv...dptyOar...cdrai: etsy 
represents €fj», and agente is a proper 
perfect (M.T. 109); lit. i¢was tn our 
power to have (already) arrived and 
fo save the towns, ie. we might have 
done both of these, 





AHMOSOENOYS 


opoiws 5& Trpi@v  TeTTapwy, els Tov “EAAHoTrovTOV 
apiy@at nal Ta yopia c@oar, AaBevTas Tods SpKous 
mpl éxeivov efedely avTa* ov yap av inbar’™ airav 
TapovT@y Huav, i} ovK dv wpifouer avTov, Mate THS 
eipjuns av Sunpapryce Kal ov« dv aucdrep’ elye, wal 
THY eipnvnv Kal Ta yopla. 

To pev toivuy ev ty mpecfeia mpa@Tov Kréupa 
pev Dirdrrov Swpoddknua 88 tov adixov TovTwy 
avOpwrav tovwvTov éyéveto* imép of Kai ToTe Kal 
viv Kal del opodoy@ Kal rodepeiv Kal dvadéper Oar 
rovros. érepov 8 edOds edekns ere Tovrov peifor | 
kaxovpynpa Geacacbe. érredy) yap w@pmordynoe THY | 
eipnvny o Diderros mpokaBav tiv Opacny cia 
ToUToUs ovyl TeicbévTas ‘To éuw Wndicpati, madw 
@veiTat Tap avTay bres uy amtwev €x Maxedovias 
éws Ta THS oTpatelas THS emi Tos DPwxdas evrpera 


moumoarto, tva ph, Sedp’ arayyeXavrov Huav drt 


6, dpolws, guize as well (as in ten 
days): the common reading maAdor 
would mean rather. 

Q. Twv=el rapper, i/wehad 
been there, For the various past tenses 
with dy, all of which are in 8—10, see 
M.T. 413: thus rir elp. dy drypap- 
THe 18 Ae would Aave failed’ to se- 
eure the peace (which he had already 
secured by our absence), and ob« av 
dudbrep elye is he would not have 
had both (as he did have). 

§ 31. 1. kAéupo pev: cf, wip ehérre 
vow, Il. 1. 132. The position of pér 
shows that the seven words. before 
KAéupe belong to both «cA\déuue and 
dwpoddxenua. 

4. Twokeuetv kal Biacéper Oar: these 
represent (in ov. ob/.) the past, the pre- 
sent, and the emphatic future indicated 
by rére, viv, and del (M.T. 32, 119). 

32, 2, Gd rodrovs ovyl e- 
oBéivras (without rods) is, decause of 


their disobedience like werd Dupaxotoas 
olxiGeloas, Thuc. VI. 3, and post 
urbem conditam, This is rare in 
Greek, where we should expect 1a 7 
ph wee @ijvac (M.T.829"), See § 42°, 
with rap... uicrdwoderwr. 

4. a@vetrat...dre¢ ph Gmripev, Ae 
bribes them (to effect) that we shail 
not depart (M.T, 339): dimer (as 
fut. M.T, 29) is more regular after 
wretrac than dwlwyer, and has com- 
mended itself to nearly all recent 
editors, though it rests only on a 
grammarian’s authority, (DBekker’s 
Anecd. p. 129 *.) 

tw... roujoavro, after the his- 
toric present @pefrar. The clause 
with ws has a final force (M.T. 614), 
the idea being that he bribed them to 
wait /ong enough for him to get his 
army ready. 

6. wa py...mrorfjoat (11); the pur * 


pose of dretras, 





AHMOSOENOYS 
tives Ov Hoav of mapa TovTOV Adyou TOTe pyOevTes, 35 


«al bv ods dravt’ am@deto ; ws ov dei GopuBeicOa 
T@ WapeXnrvbdvac Didirmov elaw TlvAdv: éorar 
yap aravl dca BovrAgcol ipeis, dv’ éyn® jovylav, 
kai axovoerbe Svoiv 7) Tprdv hpepav, ols ev exOpos 
Het, HiAov avTov yeyevnpuevov, ols dé didos, Tovvav-— 
riov éyOpdv. od yap Ta pjwata Tas oUKEldTnTas €bn 
BeBawoiv, para ceuvas ovouafov, adda TO TavTa 
ovpdépe* cuudepev d¢ Dirirmr@ cal Daxedor cai 
ipiv duolws aract Ths avadynoias Kal TAS BapvTn- 
Tos amad\ayAva. THs Tov @nBaiwr, Taira & | 


aopevas tives HKovov avTod bia THY Tol’ wrovcav 


am@TéyGevav mpos Tovs OnBaiovs. 


&35, 1. ol...pm0évres: see the 
fuller account of this speech in xrx, 
20—22. Aeschines said that the 
Thebans had set a price on his head 
for his anti-Theban advice to Philip. 
See Hist. § 34. 

3. TO wapeAnAvPévar: he begged 
the people not to be disturbed by 
news that Philip 4ad already passed 
Thermopylae. 

5,6. ols pev, the.Phocians; ols ¢, 
the Thebans. 

7. para: e.g. the Thebans’ title 
of allies of Philip (cf. § 213°). 

paha wEepvas Ovopalwv, usta 
wery solemn expressions. He often 
jokes about the weurdrys of Aesch, 
See §§ 130, 133, 258, and XIx. 23. 

9. Tupdhépav’ cupdbépay: a strik- 
ing dvacrpop7y. | 

10, dvahynrlas, want of feeling, 
explained by the Schol. as dvair@yelas. 
There can be little doubt that this 
word, like dvalo@ynrox in § 432, refers 
to the dulness and lack of keen per- 
ception for which the Thebans were 
proverbial. See Nep. Epam. 5, 2, 
namque illi genti plus virium quam 
ingenii, and Alcib. 11, 3, omnes enim 


ti ovv cuveBn peTa 


Boeotii magis firmitati corporis quam 
ingenii acumini inserviunt; Cic. de 
Fato Iv. 7, Athenis tenue caelum, ex 
quo acutiores putantur Attici; crassum 
Thebis, itaque pingues Thebani et 
valentes; Hor. Epist. 0. I, 244, 
Boeotum in crasso aere natum, This 
dulness, and the consequent illiteracy 
of Thebes compared with Athens, 
gave rise to the proverb Bowriav bp, 
Pind, Ol, VI. go: see the Schol., ra 
dpxator Svedos, rovréort THY Wakacay 
diaBodhv rhy éxi ry duovelg. Aristotle, 
Eth, Il. 7, 7; er of a man lacking 
in pdS8os, ely 6 dv ris wacvdperos F 
dvddynrTos, ef pndér poBoiro, pire 
gepoy wre kiuara, and in Ill. 1, 7, 
of those insensible to pleasure, éA\el- 
wovres d¢ rd wepl rds HOovds Kal Arrow 
H det xalpovres ob} wary ylvorrac- 
ov yap dvipwruxy éorw H Toa’Ty 
dvaic@yela, Aristotle here means 
stupidity and slowness, not moral 
obliquity, by both drdAyyros and 
dvactOynola.—Baputyros: cf. § 19, 

§ 36. 2. rh 76? drotcay (cf. 
veri, § 3157): a mild way of speak- 
ing of the enmity against Thebes in 
346 B.c. See § 18% with note. 








} 


i (\ Rabu ' “| dvnpnvro 


Ap 
\ 
hk bu. plA* cb 


28 


AHMOZ6ENOY= 


was "ADAG yap cwIren Tonka eis Aoyous ods autixa 42 


paddov tows dpudoet. Aéyer, 
emit Tas arrodeiEers @S Ta TOUT@Y v adixruara Tov 


érdvetipe 8) wade © | 


a 


yuri Tapdvtev Tpayudtwv yéyovev aitia. 


Ered) yap eEnmdrna be pev wpeis intro Tov 5 


@irirrov dia TovTwv Tay év tais mpecBelas picOw- 
cdvTwy éavTovs Kal ovdev adnbes dpiv amayyet- 
Aavrov, eEnmatnvto bé of Tadait@pot Pexeis Kat 


i ge 


TATTUGTOL 


al TWodes auT@v, Ti eyeveTo; Of ev Ka- 
errarol xal avalaOntot © Baior pirov, 
EvEpryeTnY, owrhpa rov @idvrrov mryouvTo 


éxeivos FV avrois: ovdé hwvyy jKovov el Tis GAAO TL 


BotrAorTo AEyev. 


ipeis 8 ipopwpevot Ta Tempay- 5 
péva Kai dSvoyepaivovtes ayeTe THY elpyvyVY dpws- 
ov yap tv 6 Tt dy érroveite. Kai ot Addot 8 “EDXAnves, 


ouoiws wiv medhevaxicuevo. kai StnpaptnKotes av 
jATiTay, Wyov THY eipnvnv [aopevot, Kal] avTol Tpd- 


after his destruction of Thebes in 
335 B.c.; Aeschines was not. See 
Grote x11, 59—62. 

§§ 42—49. After the digression 
in § 41, the orator here speaks of the 
disastrous consequences which have 
come from the peace and from the 
corruption by which it was made, and 
of the miserable fate of most of the 
traitors in Greece who aided Philip 
in his schemes. 

§ 42. 5. émrebh here has three 
pluperfects, while commonly it has 
the less precise aorist, as in §§ 251,321 
(M.T. 59). So in Latin postguam 
wenit ig more common than fost- 
quam venerat. Both éredy and fost- 
guam contain the idea of after that, 
which the plpf. only eran 

6. TOUTMY TaV......pirQuardv- 
Twy (i.e. of éuloOwoar) : cathealt dud 
Tovrous ob>~xl weabérras, § 327,and see 
note. 


: et advale@nro.: see note 
on § 35 


wave’ éxetvos qv: ch wdvr’ fv 
*Ahétavdpos, XXIII, 120; Ei Sova abrots 
wdavra #v, Thuc. Vill. 95; Demetrius 
1is unus omnia est, Liv. XL. II. 

4. ov6€,..Botkoirro (M.T. 462): 
ijrovoy is strongly frequentative, like 
qyotrro (3), and do r: is anything 
opposed to Pl\or, evepyerny, cwrhpa. 

5 dhopmpevor, viewing with sus- 
picion (bwé like sud in suspicio). 

. ov...éroutre: most Mss, (but 
not 2) add wor. This passage rep- 
resents the state of mind in which 
Demosthenes delivered his speech on 
. Peace (V.) in 346 B.c, See Hist. 

40. 

9. [acrpevor, kal]: = and the new! 
found Oxyrhynchus papyrus (2nd wk 
A.D.) omit these words.—a 
mwoAkeuotpevot, fough they themselves 
tn a certain way had been warred 


ad) 


TWavT ° 


32 


———l 


AHMOSOENOYS 
| ( Ae " 
| mepirotet, kal dia tovs moXdovs ‘TovTwrl Kal toby 5 
yee avOtatapevous trois tperdpors Bovdrrjpaow ipels dare fy 
a Be ~ e@ot cal Eupeo Bor, errel Oia ye ipas avrovs mdaXat av “A vl 
ATWAMAELTE. HAN Oe . bee ns 
Kai wepi ev trav tote wTpayPevrwv v ett 60 
maT fae fim 8 ay aL. St a 
pan’) ' TOANG Aevyely, kal ravra nyoupal wrel@ TOV (KAVOV |i). 
na Oe elpaeBai. aitios © otros, daomep éwroxpaciay tid 
soe WL pou Tis Tovnpias Tis éavtod [Kal Tov adiunudtov] ~ ) ». 
KatacKeddoas, jv avaryKaiov Av pos TODS VewTepous 541 he 
TOV Tempayuevav aTroNUcadOal. Trapn’wyhnale O Aa 
isws of kal mplv eye eitreiv oTioby elddtes THY ToUTOU 
Tote pucOapviay, xairot pidriav ye al Eeviav adr 51 
ovopdte, Kal viv eliré mov A€yov 6 THY "AXeEav- 


* 


wat 


‘ % 


Spouv Eeviav averdifwv époil, 


6. terre oOo kal EupicGon, ic. you 
survive to be vena, 

. bid...adrovs, if you were left 
fo yourselves (M.T., 472). The orator 
surprises his audience by this original 
reason why the Athenian benitors have 
been saved from the fate of traitors 
in other states, i.e, the honest citizens 
thwart their schemes and thus save 
them from the ruin of success. This 
brilliant attack is followed up sharply 
in what follows. 

§§ 50—5S2: the peroration to the 
argument on the Peace of Philocrates. 

§ 50, 1, Tév TréTe wpayKvrwy, 
i.e, the transactions concerning the 
peace. This suggestion that he will 
drop the subject makes this sudden 
recurrence to the charge of venality 
all the more effective. 

3. alrios, ie. of my speaking 
wrelw Tor lkavde. ip, as if were 
(M.T. 867), with éwdoxpaclay, not 
with xaracKxeddcas.—twroxpaclay, a 
rittke of stale ile ¥ os Savile 
rs) refuse (esp. Aeet-laps) of last 
Yes feast A hesterna), Y his 
burst of indignation refers especially 


eyo cot Feviay 


_to the audacity of Aeschines (111, 60) 


in charging Demosthenes with the 
same codperation with Philocrates in 
making the peace which he had once 
claimed for himself asa merit (1. 174). 
See § 17° (above), Demosthenes calls 
this treatment “ deluging me with the 
stale refuse of his own villainy.” 

4. [Kal rév &biucnpatev] is in all 
Mss., but is omitted in many ancient 
quotations of the 


— : the youngest judges 
seca might have been only foolieen 
years old in 346 B.C, 

6. droktcacba, fo clear myself 
of: see Thuc. VII. 87, dwohter@at 
mwpds atro’s tas d:aSohds.—rapywe- 
yAnoGe: addressed to the older judges 
(cf. évox det, § 4°). 

§ 51. 1. idrlayv, Eevlav, properly 
friendship and Lesa evap ere 
seem to be used with little thought of 
the distinction. Cf. terlay "AX\ebdy- 
dpov (3) and obre id, Edvow obre 
"Adee. Gidow (below). 

ery: wv: cf. elre gwrdyp, 
Aeschyl, Ag. 205, “spake, saving.” 

, BveSthov: Aesch. had said (66), 





pee TOV mporydvey & 


, 
sais 


, lng TOY =TE¢ANOY 


Kheiv racy THY xeipa, TO TKEAOS TEeTNpwLEVO?, 
ovAndetn HEpos | 
Oa, TOUTO Tpole“evoy, Mate TH hoiT@ pera 
ns Ch; wal pny ov6e rovrd 7 obéels 68 © F 

eirreiv TOApr oa, os TO “T@ pev ev Terry Tpadevre, facet le 


4! 


) TUX) Tov o@paTos § 


 xapie addEm tére y Gyrt wal pixpo, TocavTny 
Yruyiav ee eds eyyeveras ote Tis TOV on) 


2 peda 


erifuphoas 
tpiv & ovew *AOnvaios Kal cata rip 


Kal TovT eis TOY vouV 


jpepay cxdorny ev wat kal Adyous kal Deopjpace 


vov a 


Tv Kaklay imaptas & 


epee nd éOeXovras mapaxaphaat Dirlrry. ob8 ay 10 
; yotiev, Rovrrov toivuy Ww Kal ei a 


TavTa 


— — 


crournpal’ o op@ot Tocav- 


hl ‘ill Aaa S| 


 e 


iy 4 yore 


zas €revOeplas avremary- s) 


v 69 


vden Gpa Tacw ols éxeivos Exparrey adicav bas éva 


Me bates 


pig Xen. An. I. 6, 1, repre- 
ing dwéreuor abrots Tas Kepadds 

G 1995, with examples). 
saw i.e. always ready to 

wie followed vf & ri huwkebels, 


(so 2 and L): 


i d and adorned it. 
See Strab. vit. fr. 23: Thy IéA\ar 


4. ‘ : 
Aristotle ( a4 
os, the great-souled, or high- 


minded eee Boxer elvar 6 peyd\wy 


: ef. 
our piieses sake & tas fis head. 


q. tv -wacr,..Gewphpact, ic. in all 


“Sixatas. TOUT €7rOLEiTE pev ipeis €€ Avie 


that you dear and see: Oeopyua is 


. épaet, beholdi. 
memorials: ears by a slight cone 
including héyour : cf, Aeschyl. Prom. 
21 ore Gwrhy ore Tov poppy Bpor Gv 


Py 

9. wakxlay: see note on § 204.— 
trdptan, like éyyeréoGar (4), sepenie 
on wpocijKer.—a [TOUS 
eS as self-offered volunteers : cf. 
§ 99 


10, 088" Gv els: see MT. 219: 
obd' els (separated) = ne unus guidem, 
not a man, 

§ 69. 1. Gvaynatoy dpa; ef. dvary- 
xaiov cal dixaov dua, § 9°. 

2. tmparrev dbtxév: in strong an- 
tithesis to évayrwioHac dexalws. 

3. € Gpxfjs: this refers strictly 
only to the time of his own leadership 
(«al obs érokiTevduny xpévovs). But 
he modestly and speciously appears to 
represent his own vigorous policy as a 
continuation of earlier energy. Yet 








AHMOZOENOYS 


pdvov ebvous éavTois GAA Kal dpovipous avOpo- 


Tous Kal pavTes elvac* 


mavTa yap éxBéBnxev & 10 


mpoeimrarte. Kal pape « Ort TOK pev dv ypjpat edwxe 81 
Dior ibys ai bor’ eye peor, rorrAd Se Kyrelrapxos 
aor’ eye "Eperpiay, TOAAG O airos 0 Didumros 


aote Tae imapxev éq 


bpas avr@ 
ddiov ponder eb eAeyxe5 04 ‘ find 2 a 


D Kal qept Tay 
4 ret pe rerig, 
rol@y dice 


pn dev’ e& eratew * Tavrayov, ovoels ayvoei, Kal TavT@v 
qKLcTa oU* of yap Tapa ToD Kie:tapyou Kat Tov 82 
Pidtiatidov téTe mpéa Bes Seip’ adixvovp Tapa 
col Karé\uoy, Aioxyivn, Kal ov mpovkeves a avTav * 
oils 7 wev modus ws eyOpodrs cali ovte Sixata ove 


oumpépovra Adyovras amnAacev, col S 


joav pirot. 


ov Tolvuy expan rovrapy ovdiv, & Braadnuav repr 
éuod Kal A€yav as clara pev KaBov Bow 8 avado- 
cas. aAX’ ov av, Gra Boas per EXO; mavoe. Se 


obSéror éav pn oe ovTOL Tavowow aTip@oavTeEs 


§ B81. 4. dere rail’ irdpyey, 
ie. that he might have these (the two 
towns under ah two tyrants) fo depend 
on, ie, a8 éwitexlopara eal ripe 


*"Arriepy (§ 71). 

5 Sév erfar (sc. subj. 
abrév): cf. the active constr. in Plat. 
Ap. 23 A, @ dv &\dow éfeheyEw. 

6, wavraxod, anywhere: cf. rdu 
Twv, § §4.—wavrev qKirra ov: a 
sudden outburst of personality. 

§ 82. 2. ddicvotpevor...caré- 
Avov: the tenses imply that such 
envoys of the tyrants were regular 
guests of Aeschines, 

3. «arédvov: /odved (as we say 
put wp), lit. def down, originally wn- 
harnessed ; cf. Od. Iv, 25, xarahtco- 
perv @eéas Urrovs.—t iy ara, 
you were their wpétevos: this might be 
metaphorical; but there is good reason 
for thinking that Aeschines was the 
oficial representative at Athens of 
Oreus, if not of Eretria. 


5. GriAacev, rejected (i.e. their 
proposals). 

6. ov tolvuv...odbev: i.e. nothi 
of the kind was ever successful wi 
me, referring ' to wokhd wer dy x pijyar 
Edwxe x.7.A. in § $1}, 

7. Os riwmd...dvaheras: quoted 
from memory from the speech of 
Aesch. (218), od & olvat AaBov per 
ceclynxas, dvrakweras d¢ xéxparyas. 

8. xe, you keep on shouting: 
cf. Ar, Nub, 509, rl cumrdfes Eywr; 
(M.T. 837), The Scholia understand 
Xphmara with Exw» (as with \aBdy) ; 
there may be a double meaning in 
éxwr.—ratcre...ratowoty, you well 
not a unless pion p e stop you, 

9. vres, i. by not giving 
you a ‘fit of their votes, the result 
of which would be the partial driula 
of losing the right to bring a similar 
suit hereafter, with a fine of 1000 
drachmas. This was actually the 
result of this trial. 





AHMOZSOENOY= 


kordvcas tov “EAAijorovrov adAoTpLO 


to Wi tepaag tl tee 


vat Kat’ 5 


exelvous Tovs ypdvous ; twels, avdpes “AGnvaior. To 
S tpets bray Adyw, tHv md Adyw. Tis F 6 7H 
moder Aéyov Kal ypadar nal rpdrtwv Kal da =: Sip 3 
éaurip els Ta Tpdypar’ abedas Sidovs ; eyo. GAAA 89 
piv jrika tadT abérAncev &rravtas, ovKér ex TOD 
Adyou dei pabeiv, AX’ Epyw ti ‘ Oyap TOTE 


évaTas méAeuos dvev Tod KaAHY 


ab’ deyxelv év 


maou Tois kata Tov Blov apOovarépos Kal edwvoTe 


mn 00 Yen Tronake a 
ows Ounryer Up yor 
P ny : od 


matpiios Thpovcw of 


elpnv7s, nv obTot Kata TRS 
naorol emt raise’ HedAovoas 


erxmlow, Sv Siapaptotev, ead perdoyouv dv dpeis of 
‘ta Bédtiota Bovdrdpevor Tors Oeors 


8,9. Aéywv...660t¢: these parti- 
ciples are imperfect, and so con- 
trasted with the preceding Bonéjoas 
etc. Few venture to accept dows for 
dijovs, though it is supported by = 
and L. Vémel says: “‘ Nec puto De- 
mosthenis aures tolerasse continuatas 
syllabas—d@s dovs. Sed in talibus 
nihil affirmarim.” 

§ 89. 2, & rod Adyou, in the 
familiar antithesis to tpyq. 

6 tvrrds, whick broke out (és 
évéory): cf. ve Tixet, Was upon HS, 
§ 139". : 

4. Gvev, desides (without reckon- 
ing): cf. [X11] 7,dvev rod cuppéperr, 
and XXIII, 112, dvev rovrov.—ey 
Tact... ou yev vpds, saw you supplied 
(carried you through) with all the 
necessaries of life in greater abun- 
dance and cheaper. 

6. Tis viv elpfhwns: rijs él “AXe- 
Edvipov (Schol.), the peace of De- 
mades, under which Athens had been 
living since Chaeronea,—#v...typoi- 
ow: the Macedonian party had been 
strorig enough to prevent Athens 
from openly helping Thebes in her 
revolt 335 B.C., or the Peloponnesians 


sunt ees 
QUTELTE, 1) 
under Agis in 330. See Grote x1I. 


44, 59; spree 
ol: cf. the sarcastic 


with a view to ir a po é 
gain: €dalfovet yap eats bévra 
tov ‘ANéfavipow dard rv Teprdr pe- 
ies os xaplferGar ws mpoddrais 

Scho 

S—10. Kal perdoyouey...pi pera- 
Sotev: this reading of = me an 
entirely different sense from that of 
the common text, cal ui werdoyouer... 
pndeé peradoter. The meaning is, 
May they fail in these their hopes; 
and may they rather be allowed to 
Share with you patriots in the blessings 
jor which you pray, that they may not 
tnvolve you in the calamities which 
would result from their policy. Mi 
peradoter cannot be a mere continua- 
tion of the wish of perdoxour: the 
asyndeton would be too harsh. It 
must be a final clause, assimilated to 
the optative perdoyouer (M.T. 182), 
as in €\@ot drws yéroro wT hptos, 
ie Eum. 2971 Sook. PR aay. 

vkqvar yvotev, Soph. 24. 
See M.T. 181. I know no other 














AHMOZOENOY=S 


hrrov éuod, Wopimeve avi tod mit ei NETO. 


ob phy od évravl’ “@Xarrov “Exar 


amen Geiv. 
avTOV EpwTnoas. 
Aews eyOpov U] éov eivat 


icauas Gori” 


yoy 8 ert Tavra wopevoopat, Tocoirov 
morepov oé Tis, Aioyivn, THs mo- 5 


celta 


ni €“ov Onrov Ort. 


ov pev Vv 7 pr wou Sienv Kata Tovs vomous wuTrép 


Tovtav Aafeiv, elzrep ndikovv, eEddevTes, ev ais 
LOdvais, év tats ypadais, év rais addaus Kpiceowv” 
ov O eye pev ab@os amract, Tois vowos, TO ypdv@, 125 
Th mpobecpia, TO KekplaVai rep) mdvrev TokhaKis 


§ 124. 2. euod: with obser Frrop, 
—oprreverv (cf. roumelas,§ 117): re- 
ferring to ¢£ audfns, § 1227, and \oi- 
doplav, § 123%. 

3 arrov txwv awedOetv, fo cet 
off with any fess (than he has given) : 

is fatal principle of paying off 
vituperation in the same base coin is 
the weak justification of the scurrility 


which follows (§§ 128—131) and else- 
where. 

5. wdrepov...df; here o7 tes; 
hardly differs from @@pev; the third 
person without ris in these questions 
is rare (M.T. 289). 

7, Ov, where, explained by év...xpl- 


greciv, TOUTWY : sor eee 
present, as representing the whole. 

8. ia expresses habitual 
neglect. 

g. ev0dvarg: ie. by bringing a 
suit inconnection with my et@ura: (see 
note on § 1175), like the ypagi wapa- 
wperfelas against Aeschines (XIX.). 

ypadats: here ordinary pudlic surts, 
not including eleayyeAla, evra, etc, 
which come under ypagal in its wider 
sense. See § 249%. 

§125. 1, ov §...d0G05, dur 
where I am scot-free, opposed to of 
nev hy, § 124'—rols vdpots...mpd- 
repov; these four grounds of immu- 
nity (explaining dracw) do not all 
exclude each other, véuou in fact 


including all the rest, and 
being in great part identical 
deo pig. 


2. Th Berpla, the limitations 
of time te hy aw to bringing certain 
actions. Debts were outlawed in five 
years, and this limitation applied to 
many other cases. The mover of a 
law was personally liable to the ypagy 
maparouwyv only one year. Of course 
in this suit nothing could make 
Demosthenes personally amenable to 
any law, as he was only Ctesiphon's 
advocate; but the meaning of d@@os 
is that no suit could now legally be 
brought against him personall 

any of the offences with which he is 
charged before the court. He bitterly 
complains of the er given to 
Aeschines by the form of this suit to 
accuse him of crimes for which he 
could not indict him: see §§ 9—16.— 
Tip Ke AAGKIS TpdTepoy (sc. 
éué): probably referring to the cases 
mentioned in §§ 83, 222—224, which 
covered important parts of the present 
case. He may also refer to actual 
indictments against himself: for the 
time since Chaeronea we have his 
statement in §§ 249, 250, e.g. nara 
Thy jucpay éexdorny expivduny. See 
note on § 2245, For the law for- 
bidding new trials of cases already 
decided, see XXIV. 55, otk é€g@ mepl 


porg 
1 po- 





























TTEPI 


‘ a ad A A 
Mpos Ubas eimrely trepl TOY KOLVODV. 


TOY =TE®ANOY 


167 


ei pey yap 


éyes, Aloyivn, tav tro rovroy Tov qALov etmeiy 
avOparrav Saris GO@os ris DPerlrrov mpdtepov Kab 
yov Hs ’AndeEdvdpou duvactelas yéyover, f TaY 5 
“EAAnVov 4 tav BapBdpwr, gorw, cvyywpa Tv 
épnv—ete Troyny eite Svotvyiay ovopdlev BovreE— 


mavrwv yeyevnobat. 


et 8 kal ray pnderro@ror idev- 271 


Tov eye pnde dwoviav axnxodrwy e400 TroAXol ToAAd 
kal Seva remrcvOact, wi pdvoyv nat’ avdpa, adda Kal 
qoras drat xal €Ovn, rdcw Sixaidtepov cal arnOe- 
aTEepovy THY amavrav, ws Eoxev, avOpwTrav TUynD 5 
Kony xal hopay Tiva wpaypaTwv yarerny Kal ov>y 


olay ée tovTwy aitiav yyeicAat. 


ov Totvuy ravr 272 


3 ? A A \ ’ “A 
adels eve tov mapa Tovrotol memoNTevpevoy attia, 


317 


Kal tavr’ eidws Sr, cal eb py TO GAOV, pépos vy’ érrt- 


Barra rhs Bracdynplas Grract, nal pardora aoi. 
el pey yap éyo Kat’ énavtTov avToxpatwp tmepl Tav 5 


far more of his “fortunes” than of 
his “fortune.” See remarks before 
notes on § 252. 

§ 270. 3. td rodrov rév HAvov, 
as we say, under the Sun (poetic). 
See Il. v. 267, Sco fac ix hd7 
hédeby re: Od. Xv. 349, {dover i’ 
atryas terloco. 

4. GOgos, unharmed: cf. § 125}, 
where we have the original meaning, 
Jree from Owh, penalty, as in XXIII. 78, 
raurns pev (Slens) ddqos adlera:, he ts 
acquitted, 

5. Svuvacrelas: see §§ 67% 8, 3227, 
with notes. 

8. wdavrev yeyevfjobat, Las | hated 
to the lot of us all: xdvrwy reters to 
all the Athenians, opposed to rip 
underwmror lidvrwy éuéin § 2711, He 
might admit (he implies) that his own 
fortune had extended to Athens, were 
it not that foreign states had suffered 
the same il] fortune. 


§ 271. 3. Kar &v&pa, ie. indi- 
viduals, as opposed to wédes and 
E0vn. 

6. dopdv twa rpaypdroy, a rush 
of events: popd in this sense (zpetus) 
belongs to ¢époyar, used as in fig 
@épera:r, Plat. Phaedr. 254 A, and 
pepduevos, with a rusk (M.T. 837): 
gopdy, crop, in § 612, belongs to dépw, 
bear, produce.—ovy olav er, not what 
tt should be (present in time, M.T. 
417); &ec here is ought to be (but is 
not). 

§ 272. 3. émBdAde: see note on 
7d éwtBddrov pépos, § 2547. 

Gao: sc. rots ’"AOnvalors (cf. 
wdvrwy, § 2708). 

5. et pev...dBoudevdpnyv is past, 
while 4» ad», its apodosis, is present. 
—kar dsnaurdv atroxpdrap, a7 abso- 
lute autocrat: cf. abrds abroxpdrwp, 


§ 235°. 





TTEP! TOY =TESANOY 


179 


"Axovers, Aloyivn, xal év atr@ TovTm wndev dpap- 290 
tety éott Gedy cal wavta KxatopOody; ov Te 
cupBovrA@ THY TOU KaTopOoiv Tos aywulopdvous 


aveOnxe Sivaptv, adra Tots Geois. 


tl ovv, ® KaTdapar’, 


éuol mept rovrwv Aodopel, Kal Adyets & col Kal Trois 5 
aois ot Geol tpdeaav eis Keharny ; 

TloAAd tolvuy, & avdpes ‘AGnvaior, kal ddda 291 
KaTnyopnxéros avrod Kal Kkatepevopdvov, pddor’ 
€Oavpaca wavrov bre tav cupfeBnxérwv téTe TH 
wore prnobels ody ws dv ebvous nai Sixaros woXl- — 
ms gaye THY yvounv, obdS eSdpucer, od8 erable 5 
TovovTov ovdey TH WuyY7, GAN émrdpas THY Povnv Kal 


fixed rule that death is appointed for 
all, potpay...€roper (sc. Zeds Bporots). 
The two verses contain the éx Ads 
xplots ; but the change of construction 
in potpay...€ropey is awkward, and év 
Borg is an unnatural addition to . 9. 
It is now known that under duaprety 
éort Geod (or Oedy) xal rdvra Kxarop- 
Ooty is a verse of the epigram of 
Simonides on the heroes of Mara- 
thon, of which two other lines are 
preserved : 


‘EAAfvwr wxpopaxolvres *APnvatos 
Mapadan 

xpvcopbpwr Midwy éorbpecay Sbva- 
poy, 


Kirchhoff (Hermes vi. pp. 487— 
489) quotes from a MS. scholium: Aéyee 
6¢ Zipwwldns dv éxcypdupare pydévre 
abr éxt rots Mapadin recoiorv AGn- 
valwy roy orlxov rotrovy, Mnder 
duaprety éore Oeod cal wdvra 
carop0otv. See Bergk, Poet. Lyr., 
Simon. fr. 82, with the note. See 
Themist. Or. Xxul. p. 276 B, éwet 
be rd under duaprdvery fiw ris pboews 
xetras THs dvOpwalyys,...7d éxlypaypa 
drAnOeorepov & "AOhynocy éxcyéyparras 
évy rp tagy Te Snuorly: xal yap rots 
Geots pbvars TO wadvTa Karopboipy 


dwovéuec. These two quotations refer 
to a verse in which “ never to fail and 
always to succeed ”’ is called a divine 
prerogative; while in the same words 
in the inscription quoted by Demos- 
thenes these are called a privilege 
sometimes granted by the »Gods to 
favoured mortals (see § 290). The 
original verse of Simonides, unde... 
xaropOoty (without é» Priory), was 
probably used, as a_ well-known 
verse, in the genuine epigram on 
those who fell at Chaeronea (still 
without ¢y Bory), but with a different 
meaning; and in this new sense it 
was quoted by Demosthenes in § 290. 
The writer of our epigram probably 
borrowed the genuine line (perhaps 
from the text of Demosthenes), and 
added the whole of v. 10. See notes 
of West. and BI. 

§ 290. 4. dvéOnxe: the epigram or 
its composer, or perhaps # wéXs, is 
the subject. 

. @...elg xehoAtv; cf. XIX. 130, 
& viv els xepadrhy vdpas abrp Set rpé- 
ya, and § 2948 (below). 

§ 291. 4. as Gv: sc. foxe or 
oxoln: cf. § 1978, 

5. trXe THY yueuny, was disposed. 








TEP! TOY 2TE®ANOY 


199 


TOUTOUS pev avtous Ka’ éavrods ¢ @ets Kal mpow- 


Wit, 


Aes év 19 kal Oardrty moijoate, tiv S& ois 5 
Aowrrois THY TaxyloTHy \aTradhayiy 2 TOD errnpTnpevov 
déBov Sdre nal cwrnplav aodarj. 


4. atrovs xa0’ davrots: the 
; aah ea psa for by themselves. 

Kal wpodAag moihoare, 
cause ripe to be destroyed utterly and 
before their time: see Shilleto’s note 
on XIX. 172, €&dAns dwrodoluny Kai 
mpowhns. Westermann quotes an 
inscription of MHalicarnassus from 
Keil, Sched. Epigr. p. 36: é&d&Ans 
kal wapw dns Eorw xal yévos éx yévous, 
xal phre yf Bar) abr ufre Oddaoca 


TT fe 

5. &y xij wal Oaddrry, i.e. in all 
their ways. 

6. 


txnprnplvev, impending: for 
the passive of éwapr® see XXIII. 


140, rocoGros értprynrac défos. Cf. 
Aesch. 1. 175, péBous értprnca rois 
adxpowpuévos, i.e. J caused terrors to 
hang over them (impendere). 

7. owryplav hebaht, tc) safety which 
cannot be shaken. 

With these solemn but hopeful 
words of good cheer, Demosthenes 
leaves his case and his reputation 
with perfect confidence in the hands 
of the judges. Since the success of 
his burst of eloquence in §§ 51, 52, 
he has felt no anxiety about the 
judgment, and his courage has in- 
creased steadily in every stage of his 


argument. 


HISTORICAL SKETCH 


FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP OF MACEDON TO THE 
BATTLE OF CHAERONEA. 


I. FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP IN 359 TO 352 B.C. 


I. The battle of Mantinea and the death of Epaminondas in 
362 B.C. mark the beginning of a new era in Greek history. The 
brilliant statesmanship and military genius of Epaminondas had raised 
Thebes to the highest position as a military power, and had reduced 
Sparta from her leadership of Greece to a condition of extreme 
danger. Sparta was held in check by the new hostile towns of 
Megalopolis and Messene, and she had for the first time seen an 
invading army within her streets. Athens now thought it expedient 
to forget her ancient enmity, and to make common cause with her old 
rival; at Mantinea Athens and Sparta fought side by side against 
Thebes. The death of Epaminondas at the moment of victory broke 
the spirit and the power of Thebes; Athens was suddenly relieved 
of her great alarm, and now no longer feared the removal of her 
Propylaea to the Cadmea of Thebes. Greece was left without a head, 
and Athens was encouraged to hope for a recovery of the leadership 
which she had lost by the Peloponnesian War. 

z. During the five succeeding years Athens devoted herself to 
establishing her power in the North, especially in her old dominion, 
the Thracian Chersonese, which came anew into her possession in 
357 B.C. Earlier in the same year she had made her famous expedition 

201 - 


204 HISTORICAL SKETCH [384- 


religious pride of Greece and the munificence of strangers had stored 
the temple, had been melted down to supply the needs of his 
mercenaries. Philomelus was killed in a skirmish in 354 B.c.; his 
successor Onomarchus continued the spoliation of the temple with still 
greater energy. He and his successors gave the most precious relics, 
as the necklaces of Helen and of Harmonia, to their wives or 
mistresses to wear. This state of things caused a scandal throughout 
Greece, which made it easy and attractive for an unscrupulous out- 
sider like Philip to intervene on the side of piety, and thus to pose as 
the champion of the God of Delphi. This Philip did at the earliest 
opportunity. 

5. He had already interfered in Thessaly by aiding the Aleuadae 
of Larissa against Lycophron, despot of Pherae. In 353—352 B.c. 
he attacked Lycophron with such vigour that the despot invoked the 
aid of Onomarchus. The Phocians had now become so powerful that 
they had marched forth from Delphi and were practically masters of 
Boeotia and of the whole region south of Thermopylae. A force 
of Phocians under Phayllus, the brother and afterwards the successor 
of Onomarchus, which marched to the aid of Lycophron, was defeated 
by Philip, and compelled to retreat beyond Thermopylae. Onomarchus 
then entered Thessaly with his whole army, and defeated Philip in two 
battles. But Philip soon returned with a new army, and defeated the 
Phocians completely. Onomarchus, it was said, was slain in the 
retreat by some of his own men. Lycophron abandoned Pherae, 
which was taken by Philip, who also captured the seaport of Pagasae, 
which gave him control of the Pagasaean Gulf. The Phocian army 
was annihilated; but Phayllus took his brother's command, and easily 
raised another mercenary force by offering double pay, which the sacred 
treasures still provided }. 

6. While this new force was collecting, the road through Ther- 
mopylae lay open to Philip. Since his defeat of the Phocians he was 
hailed as a protector by their enemies; and he was already recognized 
as the avenger of Apollo, who was to restore the holy temple to its 
rightful lord; and it was confidently expected that he would pass 
Thermopylae with his army and become a power in central Greece. 
But at this momentous crisis Athens became fully alive to the danger 


1 Grote x1. 40o8—418, 





xs FRTOLU4E SKETCH 7e- 


a i f : — eee = : 
a Set Seatica Sonam Durcng 21 sears be acest w brag 
ee Sas Wes Fe oe emcacors: sur al cus onee he 
wae esas ae fe pee comes Ge secret ihe sewioss of 


& = Me 2- 3s sor come 39 Tol. a hes eas awarded hs fll 
Games. et sews. Ss se Se Getiverec ss two oratioas against 
Agios “rr ant xwvcr) Bor be foand © posse w obtain 
erfer tis sane ar Sos damages from ms wiv oppomest. The training 
ae ee at Sete wc Dereosctenes gaeed m prenaring for this 
east camess. ant 5s exseseace a the coerts. were br no means Jost. 
Be Send Sims a che 2ge of twesty-tivee. mamly dependent on 
hme ¥ iar sumpor:: zc Se acopted the profession of Acyeypedos or 
legal acecser. the cuties of which incladed writimg speeches for clients 
we deliver cr cour- But he soon aimed at something much higher 
tham wricre speeches and giving advice in private Lwsuits. Before 
be was tirty vears old he had distinguished himself as an advocate 
im cases of Emportant public interest, in which the constitutionality of 
bess or decrees was jadicully tested. His arguments in such cases 
(355—35! BC.) are those against Androtion (xx), Leptines (xx.), 
Tisnocrates (XXIV.). and Aristocrates (xxmI.). He had already twice 
appeared as a speaker in the Athenian Assembly, once in 354—353, 
whea he delivered his speech on the Symmories (XIVvV.), proposing a 
reform in the system of assessing taxes and equipping the navy, and 
once again in 353—352, when he defended the rights of Megalopolis: 


(xv1.) against Spartan aggression. In neither of these public speeches 
is there anything which shows that the orator was seriously anxious 


about the dangers which already threatened Athens from the north; 
but he probably thought that the moment for open and energetic 
and action on his part against Philip had not yet come. 

g Probably the sudden panic in 352, which roused Athens to 
her energetic movement to Thermopylae (§ 6), gave the question of 
checking Philip a more serious importance. A few months later 
(Nov. 352) the alarming news came that Philip was besieging Heraion 
Teichos, a fortified post near the Thracian Chersonese. Again Athens 
acted with energy, and voted to equip forty triremes and to levy a tax 


351 B.C.] FIRST PHILIPPIC 207 


of sixty talents. But a report that Philip was ill, followed by another 
that he was dead, stopped these preparations, and nothing was done!. 
Philip’s cruisers committed some daring aggressions on the coasts 
of Euboea and even of Attica. In the spring of 351 the Athenian 
Assembly met to consider his hostile behaviour, which was now a 
familiar subject. Demosthenes was the first to speak, and he spoke 
with no uncertain sound. This earliest of his speeches against Philip, 
the First Philippic, is an earnest and solemn appeal to the people to 
take decisive steps against an enemy who is every day becoming more 
dangerous. Demosthenes is now thoroughly aroused, and henceforth 
the single object of his political life is to excite the Athenians to 
effective action against Philip. He now proposes a new plan for a 
permanent military and naval force, to supersede the spasmodic efforts 
of the past. In this speech he established his claim to statesmanship, 
on the ground of “seeing things in their beginning and proclaiming 
them to others”; and in his final review of his political life twenty- 
one years later he appeals to this with honest pride?. So far as we 
know, this great speech produced no effect. 

A few months after the First Philippic, probably in the autumn of 
351, Demosthenes made his speech in the Assembly for the Freedom 
of the Rhodians (xv.). 

10. Philip’s intrigues in Euboea soon made new troubles. Since 
the victorious expedition in 357 (§ 2) Euboea had been nominally in 
friendship with Athens. But after Philip gained control of southern 
Thessaly (§ 5), he constantly used his influence to alienate the island 
from Athens. In the First Philippic letters were read from Philip to 
Euboeans, showing hostility to Athens; and we hear of his cruisers 
off Geraestus®. Early in 350 the Athenians were asked to help 
Plutarchus, a sort of despot in Eretria, who was hard pressed by his 
enemies and professed to be a friend of Athens. Against the strong 
opposition of Demosthenes, it was voted to send an army to help 
him, under the command of Phocion. This expedition had various 
fortunes in a few weeks. Plutarchus proved treacherous, and the 
Athenians were for a time in great danger; but Phocian gained a 


1 Dem. III. 4, IV. II. 
2 Cor. § 246: ldety rd wpdypara dpyéueva x.T.d. 


8 Iv. 34, 37. 


348 B.C.] OLYNTHIAN WAR 209 


giving her Potidaea, which he took from Athens in 356 (§ 3). But 
the rapid advance of Philip’s power in 353—352 alarmed the enter- 
prising city, and in the autumn of 352 she was in friendship, if not 
in alliance, with Athens’. In the autumn of 349 an embassy from 
Olynthus came to Athens, asking help against an attack from Philip, 
and proposing a formal alliance2. Athens accepted the alliance; but 
nothing was done with sufficient energy to save Olynthus or any of her 
confederate towns. Three embassies came from Olynthus to Athens, 
and three fleets were sent by Athens to Olynthus; the last fleet was 
still at sea when Olynthus fell. The city was captured, after a brave 
defence, by the help of traitors within the walls, probably in the early 
autumn of 348%. Many Athenian citizens were captured with the city. 
With Olynthus fell the other Chalcidic towns, and the destruction was 
complete and terrible. Seldom had anything shocked the feelings of 
the Grecian world like this. Travellers in Peloponnesus (Aeschines 
among others) saw on the roads troops of Olynthian captives driven 
off to slavery ‘. 

During the Olynthian war Demosthenes delivered his three 
Olynthiacs, masterpieces of eloquence, full of earnest appeals to the 
patriotism and public spirit of the Athenians and to their sense of duty 
and honour. The wise prediction of the First Philippic, “if we do not 
now fight Philip there (in the north), we shall perhaps be compelled 
to fight him here5,” is now repeated in fresh words and with redoubled 
force. No more powerful arguments were ever addressed to any people; 
and yet the quieting influence of Eubulus and his party prevented all 
efficient and timely action. At the end of the Olynthian War (348) 
Demosthenes was probably in his thirty-sixth year. All the public 
speeches made by him before the events of 347—346 B.c. have already 
been mentioned. 


1 Dem. XXIII. 109, ef7’ "Ord vOc04 uev oacs 7d WéANOV wpOOpPar, K.T.r. 

41.2) 7. 

8 Diod. XvI. 53, POelpas xphuact...Evducpdryy re cal Aacbévny, x.r.d. See 
Dem. VIII. 40, IX. 56, 66, XIX. 265, and Grote xI. 454 ff. 

4 Dem. XIX. 305, 306, and Grote XI. 505, 510. § Iv. 50. 


347 B.C.] EUBULUS AND AESCHINES 211 


versally respected, incorruptibly honest, but a strong advocate of peace 
at any price’. Of Aeschines we then hear for the first time in political 
life. The famous rival of Demosthenes was the son of respectable 
parents, who had been reduced to poverty in the Peloponnesian War. 
We cannot accept as historical either of the two accounts of his parent- 
age and his youth which are given by Demosthenes?. Neither orator 
is authority for the life or personal character of the other. Like 
Demosthenes, he was left to his own resources to earn his living; but he 
was less favoured by genius and by fortune than his rival. As a young 
man he was a play-actor and took many important parts, as that of 
Creon in the Antigone and that of Oenomaus in the tragedy of 
Sophocles of that name*®. He also did service as a clerk, publicly 
in the Senate and Assembly, and privately in the employ of Aristophon 
and Eubulus. His friendly relations with Eubulus were often of great 
service to him in his public life. He was strong and vigorous, had a 
powerful voice, and was a ready speaker‘. In all these respects Nature 
had given him a great advantage over Demosthenes; but he lacked the 
steady rhetorical training by which his rival, even as a young man, made 
himself an accomplished orator. Though he was about six years older 
than Demosthenes, he appeared in public life much later. 

15. On the occasion referred to (§ 14), probably in the winter or 
spring of 348—347, Eubulus addressed the Assembly, calling Philip 
the common enemy of the Greeks and swearing by his children that 
he wished that Philip were dead. He proposed a decree for sending 
embassies to the Peloponnesus and all other parts of Greece— 
Demosthenes says, “all but to the Red Sea”—to summon an Hellenic 
synod at Athens and inaugurate a general Greek war against Philip5. 
This measure was eloquently supported by Aeschines and was adopted 
with enthusiasm. Demosthenes says that Aeschines then professed 
to be the first Athenian who had discovered that Philip was plotting 
against the Greeks. Aeschines was one of the envoys sent out; and 
on his return he repeated the fine speeches which he had made in 


1 For Eubulus see Grote x1. 387, 388. 

2 Cf. Dem. xIx. 249, 250; Cor. 129, 130. 8 x1x. 246, 247; Cor. 180. 

4See Cic. de Orat. 111. 28: suavitatem Isocrates, subtilitatem Lysias, 
acumen Hyperides, sonitum Aeschines, vim Demosthenes habuit. 

§ Dem. XIX. 292, 304. 








343 BC.] SECOND PHILIPPIC—DELOS—PYTHON 229 


and deceitful, while Athens had been kept quiet by his partisans, who 
assured her of his fnendly intentions. He proposed a definite answer 
to the embassies, of which we can judge only by the firm character 
of the speech itself. We hear of no positive results of this mission, 
but we hear no more of the disputes in Peloponnesus which caused it, 
Still, Philip continued to acquire influence there, and the governments 
leaned on him for support and became more and more subservient to 
his wishes. 

43. In the same year there occurred the summary arrest and 
condemnation of Antiphon, a disfranchised citizen, who offered his 
services to Philip to burn the dockyards at the Piraeus. He was 
arrested by the authority of Demosthenes, and brought before the 
Assembly; but was released on the protest of Aeschines. He was 
again arrested by the intervention of the Areopagus, brought to trial 
and condemned to the rack and to death?. 

Not much later occurred an important trial before the Amphic- 
tyonic Council, in which the ancient right of Athens to control the 
temple of Delos was contested by the Delians. The Athenians chose 
Aeschines as their counsel in this case; but the Areopagus, to which 
the people had by special vote given the right to revise the election, 
rejected him and chose Hyperides in his place. The election was 
made in the most formal and solemn manner, each senator taking 
his ballot from the altar®. At the trial Hyperides delivered his famous 
Delian oration, in which he defended the cause of Athens so eloquently 
that her rights in the Delian temple remained undisturbed. 

44. A little later (probably before midsummer in 343 B.c.), Philip 
sent Python of Byzantium to Athens, to tell the old story of his un- 
alterable friendship and of his grief on hearing the calumnies which his 
enemies reported in the Assembly and the Athenians believed. He 
assured the people that he was ready to revise the peace if there was 
anything amiss in it, and begged them not to believe the orators who 
misrepresented him and his intentions. Python was an eloquent orator, 
a pupil of Isocrates, and his statement of Philip's grievances moved 
the Assembly greatly. He was accompanied by envoys from all Philip's 
allies, and he was supported by Aeschines. But his “tide of eloquence” 
was stemmed by Demosthenes, who replied to Philip’s complaints so 


1 Cor. 132, 133, with notes. 2 Ibid. 134, 135. 





342 B.C.] PHILIP IN EUBOEA AND EPIRUS 23! 


Demosthenes also discussed Philip’s letter in the same spite So far 
as we know, no result followed these negotiations. 

In the late summer or autumn of 343 B.c. Aeschines was brought 
to trial on the charge of zrapaxpeoBeia for his misconduct on the second 
embassy to Philip in 346. The speech of Demosthenes as accuser 
(xIx.) and that of Aeschines as defendant (11.) were delivered at the 
trial; and Aeschines, who was defended by Eubulus, was acquitted by 
a small vote. (See large edition, Essay IV.) 

46. At about this time Philip renewed his intrigues in Euboea. 
The formal peace which Athens had made with the towns of Euboea 
in 348 B.C. recognized the independence of the island*. Philip saw 
more and more plainly the importance of Euboea as a basis of opera- 
tions against Athens, and he never lost an opportunity of establishing 
his influence there. In 343—342 he supported Clitarchus, who had 
made himself tyrant of Eretria, and he sent troops to expel the popular 
party. An embassy sent by Athens on the motion of Demosthenes to 
counteract the intrigues of Philip was refused a hearing at Eretria, 
and the town fell into Philip’s power. The banished democracy took 
possession of Porthmus, a harbour of Eretria, and Philip sent against 
them 1000 soldiers and destroyed the walls of Porthmus. He also 
sent troops to Oreus, to establish there the tyrant Philistides; and 
under the Macedonian influence the popular leader, Euphraeus, was 
sent to prison, where he slew himself to escape the vengeance of his 
enemies®. Athens, by the help of Demosthenes, was more fortunate 
in establishing her influence at Chalcis, where two brothers, Callias 
and Taurosthenes, who had once acted in Philip’s interest, were now 
firm friends of the Athenians. Callias sent an embassy to Athens, and 
a treaty for mutual defence was made‘. Aeschines violently attacks 
Callias as a friend of Demosthenes and an enemy of Athens. 

47. In the winter of 343—342 Philip marched into Epirus, and 
placed Alexander, brother of his queen Olympias, on the throne®. 


1 The speech of Demosthenes is lost; but Aeschines probably alludes to it 
when he ridicules Demosthenes for “ quarrelling about syllables.” See Aesch. 
Iu. 83: ‘AANdvynooy édldou" x.7.X. 

2 See § 10 (above). 

8 Dem. IX. 57—62, 66: Cor. 71, 79, 81. 

* Aesch. II. 9I—93. 

5 See Paus, I, 115-5; Just. vir. 6, viii. 6. 1. 


341 B.C.) THIRD PHILIPPIC 233 


He stoutly objects to making any concessions to Philip at this crisis, 
and above all he protests against recalling Diopithes or passing any 
vote which might discredit him or his conduct in Thrace'. 

50. Soon after this speech, before midsummer 341, Demosthenes 
delivered his Third Philippic. This powerful argument deals with the 
whole history of Philip’s aggressions since the peace was made. He 
declares that Athens has been actually at war with Philip for a long 
time, indeed ever since the destruction of the Phocians*. He earnestly 
beseeches the people to recognize this fact and to prepare for active 
warfare. He justifies the recent proceedings of Athens in the Cher- 
sonese only as measures of defensive war, to which Philip’s offensive 
acts have driven her. It would be madness, he urges, for the Athenians 
to allow Philip to wage war on them and not to defend themselves by 
arms. 

The whole tone of the Third Philippic and the speech on the 
Chersonese shows that Demosthenes had no longer the least expecta- 
tion of maintaining even a nominal peace; while the increasing 
boldness of Philip’s aggressions shows that he merely aimed at 
securing all possible advantages before the inevitable declaration of war. 

51. We have only meagre and scattered accounts of the events of 
the year 341—340, before the outbreak of the war. One important 
result of the powerful arguments of Demosthenes was that Athens 
now universally recognized his leadership and gave him almost 
complete control of her foreign affairs. For this department, from 
this time until the battle of Chaeronea, he declares himself responsible 
in the fullest sense*. One of his wisest strokes of policy was his 
forestalling of Philip’s designs on Byzantium by his embassy thither, 
probably in the summer of 341. He thus secured for Athens the 
friendship and alliance of Byzantium, the control of the Hellespont, 


1 For a full discussion of these important events, which led directly to the 
renewal of the war with Philip, see the two orations of Demosthenes On the 
Chersonese (Vi1I.) and the Third Philippic (1x.). See Grote x1. 623—625. 

2 Dem. 1x. 19: dg Fs Hudpas dveTh\e Swxdas, dard radrys Eywy abrdy wokeuetv 
dplfowa, See also rx. 9, 15—18, and many similar passages in this speech. 

7 Cor. 59, 88, 218, 298 (ueylorwr...rpoords): cf. Cor, 320. Aeschines 
(111, 130) alludes to Demosthenes before the battle of Chaeronea as éumip- 
wAduevos Tis Sedoueryns bd iudy alr éfovelas, 











338 B.C.] BATTLE OF CHAERONEA 245 


assembly of Thebes was ruled by him as absolutely as that of 
Athens}. 

65. Of the campaign itself very little is known. We hear of one 
‘‘ winter battle” and one “ battle by the river,” in which the allies were 
victorious?._ These victories were celebrated by festivals and thanks- 
givings ; and they caused Philip to renew his solicitations for help in 
letters to the Peloponnesians. The alliance with Thebes was so 
popular in Athens, that Demosthenes, as its author, was publicly 
crowned at the Great Dionysia in the spring of 338% The allies 
suffered one serious defeat near Amphissa, which Philip — perhaps for 
the sake of appearances — finally attacked and destroyed*. He also 
captured Naupactus, put to death the Achaean garrison with its com- 
mander Pausanias, and gave the town to the Aetolians, thus fulfilling 
his promise of four years before’. At some time during this campaign, 
he sent a herald with proposals of peace to Thebes and Athens, which, 
it appears, the Boeotarchs were at first inclined to entertain. Even 
at Athens a peace-party appeared, with Phocion as its advocate. 
Aeschines relates that Demosthenes was so disturbed by the peace- 
movement at Thebes, that he threatened to propose to send an 
embassy to Thebes to ask for the Athenian army a free passage 
through Boeotia to attack Philip*. We hear no more of this move- 
ment, and a visit of Demosthenes to Thebes probably brought it to a 
speedy end. 

66. Our accounts of the battle of Chaeronea are as meagre as 
those of the preceding campaign’. This decisive battle was fought on 
the seventh of Metageitnion (either August second or September first), 
338 B.c. At first the battle was rather favourable to the allies; but 
soon the superior discipline of the Macedonians prevailed, and the 


1 Theopompus, fr. 239: see Plut. Dem. 18: bwnperety 5¢ uh udvov rods 
rrparryyods Ty Anpocbéve wowodvras 7d epoorarrépevoy AANA kal rods Bowwrdp- 
xas, SorxetoOa Se rds éxxdynolas awdoas oldey Frrov tw’ éxelvou rére ras 
OnBalwy # ras A@nvalwy. 

2 Dem. Cor. 216, 217. 

8 Ibid. 218, 222, 223. 

* Polyaen. Iv. 2, 8; Strab. 427; Aesch. II. 147. 

5 See § 47 (above). 6 Aesch, 111, 148—151. 

7 See Diod. xvi. 86. 


330 B.C.] PEACE OF DEMADES 249 


and in so doing gained the favour of Philip and his partizans, the sober 
sense of the people always recognized the services of men like Demos- 
thenes in better times and expressed itself whenever an occasion offered. 
There was no testimony of the public esteem and affection which Demos- 
thenes valued more highly than the choice of the people in making him 
their orator to deliver the eulogy on the heroes of Chaeronea'. Here 
the genuine feeling of patriotic gratitude to the man who had fought the 
battle of Grecian liberty almost single-handed impelled the citizens to 
reject all candidates who were in sympathy with Philip or his cause, 
including Aeschines and even Demades, and to choose the man who was 
most heartily identified with the lost cause for which these heroes had 
died. And the same public respect for Demosthenes and for his honest 
and unswerving devotion to what was now seen more clearly than ever 
to have been the cause of Grecian liberty, the cause which had made 
their ancestors glorious, was shown in the overwhelming vote by which 
the popular court acquitted Ctesiphon and condemned Aeschines, at the 
very moment when such a judgment might have been deemed a public 
defiance of Alexander’s authority, while the whole Greek world was 
ringing with the news of the victory of Arbela. 


1 Dem. Cor. 285. 








254 


339—338. 


338—337- 


337—336. 


337—336. 


335—334- 


331—330. 
330—329. 
324—323. 


323—322. 


322. 


HISTORICAL SKETCH 


Amphictyonic Council (early autumn of 339) chooses Philip 
general. (§62.) Shortly afterwards Philip passes Ther- 
mopylae and seizes Elatea. (§ 63.) 

Negotiations between Athens and Thebes, ending in 
alliance against Philip. (§§ 63, 64.) 

Campaign (winter and spring) : allies victorious in “winter 
battle” and “river battle.” Capture of mercenaries and 
destruction of Amphissa by Philip. (§§ 64, 65.) 

Battle of Chaeronea, 7th Metageitnion 338 (August 2 or 
September 1) : utter defeat of the allies. (§ 66.) Active 
measures at Athens. (§ 67.) 

Action of Philip. Peace of Demades. (§ 68.) 

Position of Demosthenes after the peace. He delivers the 
eulogy on those who fell at Chaeronea. (§ 69.) 

Demosthenes director of the Theoric Fund and retyorovs. 

Ctesiphon proposes to crown Demosthenes at the Great 
Dionysia (spring of 336). Aeschines brings ypady 
mapavopwy against Ctesiphon. (See 330—329.) 

Philip assassinated, summer of 336. Alexander succeeds 
him. 

Rebellion of Thebes. Alexander captures and destroys 
the city (autumn of 335). 

Alexander demands the delivery of Demosthenes, Lycurgus, 
Hyperides, and other Athenian orators. 

Aristotle returns to Athens and teaches in the Lyceum. 

Alexander’s victory at Arbela (Oct. 1, 331). 

Rebellion of Spartan King Agis (early in 330), crushed 
by Antipater. 

Aristophon Archon. Trial of suit of Aeschines against 
Ctesiphon (August, 330). Ctesiphon acquitted by more 
than four-fifths of the votes. See Essay III. 

Demosthenes condemned to a fine of 50 talents in the 
affair of Harpalus. Unable to pay, he went into exile. 
Death of Alexander the Great (May, 323) at Babylon. 

Triumphant recall of Demosthenes from exile. 

Death of Aristotle at Chalcis, autumn of 322. 

Death of Hyperides October 5, and of Demosthenes 
October 12, 322. 





250 HISTORICAL SKETCH 

This was a leap year of 384 days, beginning July 6 and ending July 24. 
Other arrangements are possible; but these would not affect any of 
the dates by more than a single day. 


Hecatombaeon (30 days) begins July 6, 347 B.C. 


I. 

2.  Metageitnion (29 , ) , August 5 9 
3- Boedromion (30 , ) y Sept 3 - 
4.  Pyanepsion (29 , ) 45, Oct. 3 s 
5- Maemacterion (30 , ) , Nov I ra 
6. Posideon (29 5») » Dec I 3 
7. [PosideonII.] (Go , ) 4» a 30 3 
8. Gamelion (29 » ) » Jan. 29, 346 B.c. 
9.  Anthesterion (30 , ) 4 Feb. 27 .»,, 
10. Elaphebolion (29 , ) 4 March 29_~ «O=«s, 
11. Munychion (30 » ) 5 April 27 9 
12. Thargelion (29 » ) 5» May 27 ”» 
13. Scirophorion (30 , ) 4 June 25 ” 


Thus Elaphebolion 18, 19 = April 15, 16; 
Munychion 3 = April 29; 


Thargelion 22 =June 17; 
Scirophorion 13 =July 7; 
ry) 233 = » ‘I73 
” 27 =» «121. 


Hecatombaeon 346—345 begins July 25. 


ESSAYS. 


The Argument of the Oration, with Remarks on §§ 120, 121. 


1. THE argument of this Oration follows no recognized model, 
and it cannot be brought under any rhetorical system of rules. The 
occasion was unique; and the orator treated it uniquely, and with a 
masterly skill which is far beyond the art of a mere rhetorician. 
Demosthenes is technically defending a client on a question of consti- 
tutional law; he is really defending his own public life and his reputa- 
tion as a patriot and a statesman against the unscrupulous charges 
of a personal enemy. He feels sure that the large body of his fellow- 
citizens who form the court will listen chiefly to his defence of himself 
and of his public policy and will overlook the technical questions of 
law; and he judges rightly. The skill, however, with which he keeps. 
these technical questions in the background, so that the judges shall 
never lose sight of the higher questions of state policy, and the art by 
which he conceals this art, are worthy of careful study. 

2. The indictment (ypady wapavépwv) brings three charges of 
illegality (wapavopa.) against Ctesiphon’s bill for conferring.a crown on 
Demosthenes: (1) the bill proposes to crown Demosthenes while he 
is a responsible magistrate (dpywv trevOuvos), which is forbidden by 
law; (2) it proposes to proclaim the crown in the theatre at the 
Great Dionysiac festival, whereas the law requires such a crown to be 
proclaimed elsewhere; (3) it violates the law forbidding the insertion 
of false statements into the public records, such false statements being 
found in the clauses of the bill which praise Demosthenes, especially 


S 257 





I.] THE ARGUMENT OF THE ORATION 261 


ness of the reply on the ev@vvat is soon forgotten amid the exciting 
events which led to Chaeronea. The three courses of events thus 
divided are so naturally distinct, that nothing is lost by their division 
to be compared with the double gain. 

6. The following is the course of the argument in the oration on 
the Crown!. 


I. Prooemium: §§ 1—8. 


II. Reply to charges foreign to the indictment (§§ 9—52) : — 
I. Introduction: § 9. 
2. Charges against private life: §§ 10, 11. 
3. Public policy (§§ 12—52) :— 
A. Introductory: §§ 12—16. 
B. Peace of Philocrates (§§ 17—52) :— 
(a) Introductory: § 17. 
(6) Narrative: §§ 18—49, 
(c) Conclusion: §§ 50—52. 


III. Reply to the charges of the indictment (§§ 53—125) :— 


1. Introductory: §§ §8—59. 
2. Defence of his public policy (confined chiefly to the period 
from 346 to 340 B.C.) and of his trierarchic law: §§.60— 
109. : 
3. Reply to charge of responsibility as a magistrate: §§ 110— 
119. me 3 oe 
_ 4 Reply to argument about the place of proclamation: §§ 120, 
121. ee ee 
5. Conclusion: §§ 129—196. | 
IV. Life and character of Aeschines: and his public policy in 
the interest of Philip, compared with his own agency 
‘in negotiating an -atliance with Thebes against Philip 
(§§ 126—226) : 
1. Parentage and life of Aeschines: §§ 126—181. 
2. Lesser political offences of Aeschines: §§ 182—138. 


? The subject of each of the seven main divisions is stated with greater detail 
in the notes where the division begins, See the remarks which precede the 
notes on §§ 1, 9, 53, 126, 227, 297, 324. 


LJ REMARKS ON THE ARGUMENT 263 


must have been a clause which did not make the passionate outbreak which 
followed appear ridiculous to the court. On the other hand, we cannot for a 
moment believe that Aeschines (32) produced a law requiring those who were 
crowned by the Senate or by the Assembly to be crowned before those bodies 
and nowhere else, and actually suppressed a clause of thaf very /aw, which 
allowed either Senate or Assembly to make an exception to the law at its 
pleasure, When we remember that this mutilated law must have been quoted 
in the indictment, read to the court by its clerk after being submitted to the 
scrutiny of the presiding Thesmothetae at the anacrisis, and also posted in the 
court-room (see note on § 1117), we cannot ascribe such audacity even to 
Aeschines, or such careless indifference at once to six archons, the court, and 
its officers, 

(2) Ithink we must assume (2) that Aeschines quoted a law forbidding 
the proclamation in the theatre, and that #475 /aw had no such addition as De- 
mosthenes appears to make to it, and (4) that Demosthenes quoted another law, 
which (as he claimed) applied to the same cases but had the proviso dav uw (or 
wav édv) Tivas 6 Siuos 4} Bovdkt) Yodlayras, etc. This supposes a conflict of 
laws, or at least two laws which could be harmonized only by a forced inter- 
pretation, The elaborate argument of Aeschines (37—39), to prove that no 
such conflict could occur in the Athenian laws, at once makes us suspect that 
this is the real solution. Even he admits that such conflicts migif sometimes 
occur, xy rt Towirov eiplexwoir (39). What now was the law which Demos- 
thenes brought before the court? It must have been the Dionysiac law, which 
Aeschines predicts (35) that Demosthenes will bring into the case, 

(3) Aeschines thus describes this law in 44: d:appHdnqe dwayopeter pr’ 
olxérny dwre\eudepody ev TH Gedrpy, wht bard Tov mudheT av 4 Inpwot Sy dvaryopel- 
erbat crepavotmevov wie be Addrov (gdyol) wndevds, } Ariwor elvac roy 
«jpvca, He argues that the words pid° br’ d\Aov pyderds cannot apply to 
any except foreign crowns, and then (47) adds: wal dca rotro mpowdOyxer 6 
vomodérns wh xnptrrecdat roy dddbrpior orépavory év To Oedrpy edv wh Yy- 
@lonrat 6 dqmos. It will be noticed that he does not quote the last clause 
(éa»...d70s) in connection with the law itself in 44, but only after Ais ows 
interpretation of the law in 47. This is of itself suspicious, as it conceals 
the only important point, the exact relation of this clause to the rest of the 
law. Now the clause in 47, wi xnptrrec@ac rdv adAdrpiov orépavoy év TQ 
Gedrpy, is certainly no part of the law, for with this the law could need 
no interpretation. Further, the authentic words following rhyv édv,..yngpl- 
oyrat in Demosthenes (121), rodrous & dvayopevérw, have no sense if added 
to these words in Aeschines (47). They have, however, a very significant 
meaning if added to 4 drimov elvac tov xjpuxa in Aeschines (44), supplying 





It. ] LHE SUIT AGAINST CTESIPHON 269 


that he says and does, with violating the law forbidding the falsification 
of the public records! It is absurd to suppose that the law in question 
had any reference to a case like this: for this would have exposed 
every personal compliment in a laudatory decree to public prosecution 
at any one’s will. It clearly related ‘to. malicious and fraudulent 
falsification of the public records in the Metroum by adding, erasing, 
or changing. And yet this is brought forward soberly and earnestly 
_ by Aeschines as a legal argument in support of his indictment. Of 
course Demosthenes, as the defendant’s advocate, was bound to reply 
to the plaintiff's argument, so that we cannot fairly compare this later 
with his earlier treatment of the ypady wapavouwv: But the case 
against Ctesiphon, as Aeschines presents it, is in striking contrast to. 
the cases against Leptines, Aristocrates, and others as Demosthenes 
presents them. 


III. 
The Suit against Ctesiphon. 


1. Late in the year of Chaerondas (June 337 B.c.) Demosthenes 
proposed and carried a measure for permanent repairs of the walls of 
Athens. The hasty work done under the excitement of the defeat at 
Chaeronea had been only temporary. A commission of ten retxorowi, 
one to be appointed by each tribe, was now established, to hold 
office during the following year, that of Phrynichus, 337—336 B.c.} 
Demosthenes was chosen by his own tribe, the Pandionis, to be one of 
this commission. The fortifications of the Piraeus were assigned him 
as his special charge, and he is said to have received ten talents from 
the state to be used in the work, to which he added a substantial 
amount on his own account, usually stated as a hundred minas 


1 Aesch. 111. 27. As Ctesiphon’s bill proposed to crown Demosthenes 
during his year of office, and as the bill was indicted shortly after it passed the 
Senate, the bill and the indictment belong to the year of Phrynichus (337—336). 
This agrees with the statement of Aeschines (219) that he brought the indictment 
before Philip’s death (summer of 336), and with other data. This chronology 
was once hopelessly confused by the date in the spurious indictment in 


Cor. § 54. 


v.] TRIALS OF PHILOCRATES AND AESCHINES 275 


serving Philip for bribes to the detriment of Athens. The Senate 
accepted the eioayyeAia, thus making the suit a public one’. It went 
for trial to a Heliastic court, and the state appointed advocates, among 
them Demosthenes, to assist Hyperides in managing the case. In his 
indictment (called etoayyeAia) Hyperides quoted verbatim five or six 
decrees of Philocrates in support of his charge*. There was no lack of 
decisive evidence. Philocrates had made an open show of his newly 
acquired wealth after the peace, by building houses, selling wheat, 
transporting timber, changing foreign gold openly at the bankers’ 
counters in Athens; and (according to Demosthenes) he had even 
confessed that he received money from Philip*{ He gave up his 
defence, and left the court and Athens before the judgment was 
declared; and in his absence he was condemned to death, the penalty 
which Hyperides proposed in his eiowyyeAia. He passed the rest of 
his life in exile*. This result shows how public opinion about the 
peace had changed in three years, so that Philocrates, whose word 
was law when the peace was made, was now left to his fate, friendless 
and helpless. No man of influence, like Eubulus, attempted to save 
him; and we hear of no anxiety lest his condemnation should cause 
enmity with Philip. Demosthenes, as prosecuting attorney for the 
state, complained that Philocrates alone was selected for prosecution 
while others equally guilty were left untouched *. 


1See note on Cor. § 250%, The state process called eloayye\a was 
provided for the special trial of (1) those charged with conspiracy against the 
democracy of Athens, (2) those charged with betraying towns or military or 
naval forces to public enemies, or with holding treasonable communication 
with these, (3) orators (pjropas) charged with being bribed by public enemies 
to give evil advice to the people. See Hyper, Eux. §§ 7, 8. It will be seen 
that eloayyeNa, so far from being applicable chiefly (or only) to crimes which 
were not provided for in the laws (as was once believed), is definitely restricted 
to certain high offences, all of which, moreover, might be dealt with by other 
processes, as is seen in the different treatment of the similar cases of Philo- 
crates and Aeschines, 

* Hyper. Eux. §§ 29, 30. 

§ Dem, x1x. 114: ef wh pdvoy wpoddyer wap’ duty dv TS Shuw woddAdxis, ddAd 
kal édelxvver buiv, ruporwrGr, olxobowdr,...EukpyOr, Td xpueloy KaTraddarri- 
pevos @avep@s érl rats rpardfas. Gold coins in Athens were generally foreign. 

4 Aesch. 1, 6, 111, 79, 81; Dinarch, 1. 28, 6 Dem, xix. 116—118, 














v.] THE AMPHICTYONIC COUNCIL 277 


5- He brought before the court his aged father, his two little 
children, and his two brothers, to excite pity}; and he finally called on 
Eubulus, Phocion, and other influential men to come forward as his 
supporters?. Eubulus addressed the court in his behalf, and probably 
urged prudential reasons for acquitting Aeschines. It might easily be 
thought by cautious men that the recent sacrifice of Philocrates was 
as much as it was safe to demand under the circumstances; and this, 
added to the influence of men like Eubulus and Phocion, probably 
saved Aeschines from conviction. We are told merely that he was 
acquitted by only thirty votes?; and this was no triumph—indeed, no 
justification—for a man in his position. 


V. 
The Constitution of the Amphictyonic Council. 


1. Aeschines (11. 116) gives eleven of the twelve tribes which 
formed the Amphictyonic Council as follows: Thessalians, Boeotians 
(“not merely Thebans”), Dorians, Ionians, Perrhaebians, Magnesians, 
Locrians, Oetaeans, Phthiotians (i.e. the Achaeans of Phthiotis), 
Malians, Phocians. He professes to give twelve names, and it is 
generally assumed that the Dolopians are accidentally omitted. An 
important inscription recently discovered at Delphi seems to me to 
show clearly that the Delphians are the omitted people. Bourguet, 
in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, 1896, p. 241, gives from 
this inscription a list of the Council at the time of Alexander. This 
has the Thessalians, “King Alexander,” Delphians, Dorians, Ionians, 
Perrhaebians (with Dolopians), Boeotians, Locrians, Achaeans (i.e. of 
Phthiotis), Magnesians, Aenianians, and Malians, each with two dele- 
gates. King Alexander now holds the two Phocian votes; the Aeni- 
anians represent the Oetaeans, of whom they were an important tribe; 
the Dolopians are included with the Perrhaebians ; and the Delphians, 
who are constantly mentioned in the Delphic inscriptions relating to 


1 Aesch. 11. 179, 180. 2 Ibid. 184. 
8 Vit. x. Orat. 840 C: ép J (rpecBela) KarnyopnGels bxd Anpocbérovs,... 
cuverrdvros abr@ EvBodnou,...tpidxovra Whos drépuyer. ° 


wi] THE HERO PHYSICIAN AND HERO Kadapitys 279 


Physician was called KaAapirns, this name might mean dowsan (or 
arrow-man) from xaAapos, in the sense of arrow, like owAirns from 
omAov. 

2. Reiske recognized in the Hero Physician the Scythian Toxaris, 
of whom Lucian gives a pleasant account in his Sxv@ys 7 Ipdégevos. 
Toxaris, according to Lucian, came to Athens in the time of Solon, by 
whom he was kindly received. He was a physician and a man of 
general cultivation, though not of high rank at home. When his 
countryman, Anacharsis, came to Athens, he was recognized and 
welcomed by Toxaris, who introduced him to Solon. Toxaris died 
and was buried in Athens. When the plague was raging in the 
Peloponnesian War, the wife of an Areopagite reported that Toxaris 
came forth from his tomb and told her that the plague would cease 
if the narrow streets of the city were freely sprinkled with wine. This 
was done, and the plague disappeared. The tomb was examined, and 
the remains of Toxaris were found within, which were identified by a 
mutilated inscription, and also by the figure of a Scythian sculptured 
on the gravestone, having in his left hand a strung bow and in his 
right what appeared to be a book (BiBdcov, ds éoxer), Lucian says that 
more than half of the figure was to be seen in his time, with the bow 
and the book entire. The upper part of the stone with the face was 
gone. The monument, he says, was not far from the gate Dipylum, 
on the left of the road leading to the Academy: the stone was lying 
flat on the ground. On account of his wonderful skill in stopping the 
horrors of the plague, Toxaris was made a hero and worshipped as 
the “Hero Physician.” He had a shrine within the city walls; and 
his tomb was always decked with wreaths, and miraculous cures were 
wrought there. * 

3. It happens that in the excavations outside the Dipylum gate 
at Athens a figure was found (now in the Museum at Athens) which 
in many respects agrees wonderfully with Lucian’s description. It 
represents a headless crouching Scythian, in his native dress, who 
had once held a bow in his left hand (the opening through which the 
bow passed still remains); while under the left arm and held by 
the right hand is what, when viewed in front, appears to be a writing 
tablet but from the side is seen to be a pointed quiver. The chief 
point in which this figure fails to agree with Lucian’s description is 
that Lucian calls the monument a ory, while this is a statue. This 





280 ESSAYS [vt. 


might be explained by the figure lying flat on the ground, as Lucian 
describes it; and it must have been flat on its back, or the pointed 
quiver could never have been mistaken for a book. If it was so 
covered by earth that only the front and the two hands, with the bow 
and the apparent book, were visible, it would have been a natural 
mistake to call it a oryAy. Indeed, any further exposure of the figure 
would at once have made the quiver visible. I therefore think there 
is sufficient evidence to identify this figure with the one seen by Lucian 
or his informant. See note on Cor. § 129°, 


Figure of Scythian Bowman, 








vil.] MSS. OF THE ORATION ON THE CROWN 283 


represent the Vulgate text emended by the help of mss. of the better 
class. B closely follows F, and is either copied from it or of a common 
origin with it. 

Other Mss. are now of less account, since the supremacy of 3 has 
been established}. 


1 A more detailed account of the important Mss. containing the Oration on 
the Crown will be found in the larger edition. 


Fa eR mace ee 


GREEK INDEX 


The references are made to pages, and relate especially to the notes. 


A 


dyarnroy elvar 138 

aydoaro 126 

dyvola (dy év) 38 

dyvwportvn 54, 128, 155 

&ypaga vouipa 169 

ayy, lawsuit, 4, 8, Il. 
edOety 61 

aywvrla 23 

dywrlfouat 3, 60, 111, 126, 162 

ddeav AaBety 175 

adlknua, audptnua, arvxnua, distin- 
guished 168, 169 

d5ix@ as perfect 187 

dOwos 76, 167 

airla § 

axhpuxros wéXenos 162 

axomrl 124 

dxovovoty, audtiunt, 30 

axpwrnpidtw 182 

addorwp 182 

GXLTHpios 100 

GANG viv 118 

duervov mpdrrew 157 

adumvevorel 190 

*Augixrioves 94, 96, 196. “Audixrtoce 
dégavra 99 

dupiuoBirnots ws 81 

"Appircéwy Sbypara 89 

dupdrepa taira 88, 108 

dvayxaérara (abrd rd) 78, 106 

dvatcOnzla, dvaleOnro: 24, 28, 79 

dvadaBety 103 

dvahynola, dvddynro 24, 28 

dy after comma 4; dy w. all past 
tenses of indic. 22 

dvamrvetoat 121 


ayava elc- 


dvapopd 137 

dvédnv 8 

dvev, besides, 52 

advravedety 143 

aurl, rather than, 66 

dvrwvovpevos (conative), bidding, 147 

&vw xa0fjro (in the Pnyx) 107 

vw kal kdrw dtaxux@y 67 

G&G, judge, 157; ad&t@ kal Séomac 5, 
23. déwoioa as impf. 124 

dtlwpa 94 

drhyrnxa 12,77 

GrAOs 189 

ard Bupot pépay pigpov 84 

dd wolas dpxijs; 95 

drodtcacGat 32 

drodwhévar wodAdnis 136 

droudrrwy 160 

drévora and parla 153 

dromepevyéra 138 

dwéppnra 75 

drociwwmrnows 3, 16, 121 

dmwocro\ets 65 

dmécrodos and drocré\hw 47, 65 

drépacis (of Areopagus) 84 

droyygiors and droyndlioua 82 

dpoupatos Olvduaos 149 

Eppynra 75 

dpx kal xardoracis 116 

dpxtréxrwy (of theatre) 20 

ds pev...ds 5€ 43 

Eorovdos rodeos 162 

dopadrds dovAevery 126 

ariuwoavres and driula 48 

arrns vfs 161 

aruxnOévra 132 

adrermayyéArous OeXovrds 41; cf. 6G 


285 


GREEK INDEX 


éxalarew 164 

*Enrevotvdde 111 

édrcBoplfers 74 

‘EdAnnxa, olxeta, and fenxd 191. 
“EAAnvexas xpdtes 36 

éuBeBnxws 152 

éuBpbyrnre 150 

"“Eurovoa 81 

éy pepld: 110 

év ob Séovri 83 

éy xepoly Exerv 140 

évdotérara amrdyrwy 40 

évacrixe: 87 

évjv (personal) 117 

%purra 161 

érvécouy (figurative) 29 

évords 52 

évraid’ dwhyrnxas; 77 (cf. 12) 

é& apdtns 75 

€& Sy Sys 123 

éfacrobmevos 196 ; éfnrovunv 27 

etaipyns (76 y') 97 

éfapécacPat 239 

éterdfecOa: and étéracis 109 (w. 
references), 170, 190, 195 

éferac pbs (rare) 12 

ééjpxe, satis erat, 121, 122 

éflorauat w. acc. and dat. 195 

é&dd0us wefds 59 

Fiw Svrwy 134 

éfwrers kal rpowdets 199 

éwayyedla 274 

éwayyeAdpevos 68 

éwaxGets 78 

éré5wxa 68 

érefirnce 83 

éweiddy w. aor. subj. 30 

éreidy w. plupf. and aor. 28 

éxecra (without dé) after rpG@rov péy 
I, 13 

éwetecpydoaro 88 

érepwrhow 51 

éryvecer 68 

értpayat gO 

érjpea and érnpediw 9, 10, 86, 
195 

ernprnuénov 199 

éx’ addnbelas edteuiae 12 

éx’ &rlow 52 

éwi rijs d\nGelas 140 

éxl rots cupBaoww 122, 174 


287 


érl yphyact 29 

éridécers 108 “(cf ex 5cxa.) 

émiorarns Tol vaurixod 82; ¢€. Trdv 
mpuravewy 106; ¢€. ray mpoddpwy 
107 

feist 12, éwerlwa (rd) 11 

émirelxyio pa and émcrecxiopbs 43, 51 

éppdcOa ppdoas 97 

%oriv Sov (temporal) 16 

éorl rpds Hdorhy 3 

torw yap 170 

Erepos of Alexander—@repo: of the 
Macedonians 197, 198. &repoy= 
a\rérpiov 23. érépy Sry 12, Erepos 
Aéyos ofros 29 

etnbes 8 

ebbuvar, 66, 67—72, 76, 273. 
éwreonpalverGe 154 

eSvora 1 (see note), 6, 109, 168, 170, 
193, 196, 197 

eBvous 123, 179 

evot caBot 161 

eUrpoowmous 94 

evo éBaa 2 

éf’ avrof 140 

Epddros 195 

épeornxbra (xlyduvov) 111 (w. refer- 
ences) 

Epvyor xaxdy, ebpov Ayervor 160 

éxpijv, 5a, etc., not implying unreal 
condition 38 ‘(w. refer.). 

Exwy w. Starere 1 

éwroxpacla 32 

€ws (final) 22 


evduvas 


Zz 
SHros 73, 135, 168 


Sdvrwv kal Syrwr 43 


H 
400s, H6n 66, 69, 126, 169 
qrxla (ol éy) Ii 
Hueddev 100, 118 


hiv...aweoradpévy (not plupf.) 17 
hiv, hxe, xarel\nwras (tenses) 106 


Oéay xaravetuat 20 

Geds masc. and fem. (4 6eés, for 
Athena) 1 

Oepiords 33 


GREEK INDEX 


O 


Oivduaos 114, 149 

ofxouat w. partic. 27, 39 

Sha, (rd) 20, 128, 171, 187 

SreGpos 78 

éhLyou deity 14 (cf. wsxpod) 

é\oAvEat 160 

opolws, guite as well, 22 

duwpdquiov 176 

ornvlea w. unreal cond. 114 

oriirny & lrwda 145 

Srous (rots wev) so 

Srdos Karerrpépero 150 

dro: weupbelny and Soe éwréupOny 20, 
150 

draovedirore (rel.) g2 

orocroroir 190 

Spa wh 8 77 

OpOiyy Che) sc. dddy 67 

épGGs Exar 10 

dpxov drokapSdvew and dwrododva 
18, 19 

opyeiy éri rijs abrijs (sc. dyxdpas) 172 

ds curqdew 40 

ér: before direct quotation 26, 109 

Grou dqmwore Evexa 16 

Gry dwéxetro 123 

ov ydp; 84, 85 

ob...€vraida 76, "7 

od Av els 41 

obd" éyyis 9, 57 

005 8cria 136 

ov5 ovrws 124 

obdauod (temporal) 12, 16 

ovde (sc, mbvov) 2, 54 

ovk dy érpécBevoay (iter.) 137 

ouK Fv...el uh worhoee g! 

oxouy érl y' ols 191 

odour ovdé 172 

ovola and rlunua 63, 1 58 

ode, obre, obre, after ob 10 

ovrw uéxpt wbppw 103 

ovx Orws...dd\rAd 81- 

ovx dpgs; and dpds; 144, 164, 172 

OpOahpdr éxxdmresBat 40, 41 


II 


wadayuyetoy 159 
wdvra hv (Tim) 28 
wadvra Td WoANd 121 


U 


289 


Tarraxol, anywhere, 48 

warrwr, anything, 4 

Tapa rovro yéyore 144 

Tapayeypauuero, vduoe 67 

TapaKkyra. go 

wapampecBela 88, 274 

Tapdoynmos 149 

wapacrioa 2, 6 

waparatdweror 129, 135, 176 

mapediero 47 

mwapefévra and wrpoebévyra 187 

Wapeia: 6 

wapeeiy Gowep vépos 116, 117 

wapnxohovbes 102, mwapynxodovOnxéra 
108 

wapwy 16, 49, 71, 138, 147 

waoa % olxoupévn 31 

warppos ("“Aré\\wv) 89 

wetpav diddvac 64, 121 

wéuntov pépos Tdv Wihdwy 164 (cf. 

pos) 


weraicba. 164 

meptHadhopevos 143 

wepléervor 177 

wepuelpyaruar 44 

wepehdeiv, wepudvar 95, 96 

wepleorw 79. wepietvar xphuard ry 
14! 

wepudety w. pres. or aor. partic. or 
infin, 39 

wepiovglas (éx) 3 

weplrpiupa d-yopas 78 

wAnolov deltas 110 

NlyGor 185 

wer; 30 (w. refer.), 89. 
diwwOévrt; 33, 79 

rod and rpdrrw 4, 38, 1 51 

wohireiac (Aristotle) 39, 40 

wokiretverfar 86 

woMlrevpa 84, 85 

TWoKTiKa Tats whdeot I 51 

wodtrixh Kal Koh 191 

woXtrixdy 10 

TOAAW péorre 85 

Tourela and rouretew 8, 75, 76. Cf. 
€€ dudins 

Tornodvrwy oxevOv 120 

wpakis, fortune, 196. xpativ xal ouUL- 
paxlay 16, 118 

wpdrrw and rod 4, 38, 1 51 

xpd Tis ddnOelas 101 


wdGer... 


GREEK INDEX 


Tpayydd, rpaywila 10, 78 
Tpiaxdarot, of 61, 62, 108 
Tpinpavryns 80 
Tpitaywuorys 80, 130, 162, 165 
Tpurdvn 184 

Tuyxdvw w. perf. partic. 75 
Tupranorpla 174 

tux dv, perhaps, 138 

T@ SiapOapHvat uh 152 
tav & (without pév) 74 
Tov Kad buds 55 

Tay PUYTWY KAaKWY 100 


Y 


vdart, év TP Eu 87, 88 

vis Arrns 161 

Vraxovcate QI 

umdpxw 1, 3, 17, 37, 48, 55, 60, 67, 
85, 109, III, 141, 142, 145, 164, 
181. ra&v vrapxdvrwy éexarépots, 92. 
br7jpxeyv w. infin. like @e etc. 188 

vrelAnpa, VrelXnupat 166 

vrép and wepl 7 (w. refer.), 12 

umep 7 &v Ex Opwy BeBovreuvpévor 146 

varep tua 2 

vrepnpdvws 156 

vrevOuvos 67, 68, 70, 71, 117 

vroxplyvecOae 11, 176 

vrouvhpad dpav 41 

vrooKkeNlfev 86 

vrovdos Hovxla 189 

vrwporla, év 62 

Upopwpevor 28 


} 
op Tis; 76 
POdbvov Sixn 74 
giiirmiouds 181 
giroverxla 89 
goray 164 


291 


gopd rpayydrwy 167 
dpovpd (Spartan) 56 
dpoupol (Athenian} It 

pvecOa card wavTwy 14 
purarrépevos rd NumHoat 159, 192 
dtyTwy Kax@y 100 

guwvas, waoas dpfxe 121 

pura Saxptev 176 


x 
xdpaxa 51 
Xetuappovs 97 
xoluxas Kal EvNoy 80 
Xenudrwy cbvrakis 145 
xpi» mpocdoxay w. two protases 120, 
XpHRy and xpjy dy 120 
xpnoré (ironical) 194 
XpHrar~e Ady 156 


v 


Viipow awd Bwpod pépey 84 
Yuxpérns 158 


Q 

cporoyetr’ dy 11 

Gy BeBiwxey 80 

Gy éruxev 80 

@vetra: Srws uh Aripev 22 

wvotpevos (conative) 152 

ws w. partic. (not cond.) 170 

ws dy &xnr evvolas 170 

ws els EXdXLora 151 

ws érépws 50, 131, 188 

dowep (not conditional) 169, 170; 
@omwep ovx 198 Gowep dy el 
dyyovpevor 133 

Gore w. pres. and aor. infin. 41, 48; 
w. perf. and pres. infin. 159; w. 
infin, and dy 13; w. indic. 23, 73. 
ore ob w. infin, 173 


ENGLISH INDEX 


The references are made to pages. 


A 

Abydos 186 

Achaeans 146 

Aeacus, Rhadamanthus, and Minos 78 

Aegina 56 

Aeschines: parentage and youth 79, 
8o, 211; as clerk 161, 211; as 
actor 114, 162, 163; opposes Philip 
w. Eubulus 211, 212; at Megalo- 
polis 212; envoy to Philip 213, 
221, 224, 226; suit ag. Timarchus 
274; rejected as counsel in case of 
Delos 83, 84, 229; supports Python 
85, 229; tried for rapamwpecBela and 
acquitted, Essay IV.; speech at 
Delphi (339 B.C.) 239—-241; envoy 
(w. Demades) to Philip after Chae- 
ronea 247; indicts Ctesiphon, trial 
of case and acquittal of Ctesiphon, 
Essay III.; voluntary exile at 
Rhodes 272; five periods of life 
164; his two brothers 194 

Aleuadae of Larissa, aided by Philip 
31, 204 

Alexander I. of Macedonia 125 

Alexander the Great: born 203; 
destroys Thebes 27, 28, 254; de- 
mands Attic orators 28; receives 
crowns from Athens 196; dies at 
Babylon 254 

Amphictyonic Council 94, 96, Essay 
V.; summoned by Philip in 346 B.c. 
226; addressed by Aeschines 239— 
241 

Amphipolis 42, 202, 203, 214 


Amphipolitan War 15, 202 

Amphissa destroyed by Philip 245 _ . 

Amphissian War stirred up by Aesch. 
9I—IOI, 103, 240, 241 

Anacharsis 279 

Anacoluthon 77 

Anaxinus 85 

Antiphon condemned 82, 229 

Aphobetus, brother of Aesch. 194 

Aphobus 206 

Apollo, rarp@os of Athens 89 

Arbela, battle of 249, 254, 270, 271 

Arbiters, public 111 

Arcadians 14 

Areopagus 82, 83, 229 

Aristides 145 

Aristodemus 15, 210 

Aristoleos of Thasos 122 

Aristonicus 49, 73, 139 

Aristophon 42, 102, 137 

Aristotle quoted 40, 127, 169; birth 
205; tutor of Alexander 232; in 
Athens in 330 B.C. 197; death 205, 
254 

hata: of Sicyon 31, 182; of 
Naxos 122 

Artemisium 129 

Assembly (Athenian), two meetings 
to discuss peace in 346 B.C. 217— 
221 

Athenian Confederacy (New) 202 

Athens and Philip at war (340 B.c.) 
235—237 

Atrometus, father of Aesch. 79—81 

Attic year 255, 256 


292 


ENGLISH INDEX 


B 
Battalus 113, 114 
Boeotians, dvacOnola and dvadynola 
of 24 
si he 47> 51, 53; 
233—236 


143, 202, 


Cc 


Callias of Chalcis 146, 231, 234; 
embassies tu Pelopon. w. Demosth. 


234 
Callisthenes, decree of 25, 225 
Callistratus, heard by Demosth. 59, 


137 
Cephalus 137, 155 
Cephisophon 16, 45 


_ Cersobleptes 222 


Chaeronea, battle of 39, 150, 163, 
245, 246; panic in Athens follow- 
ing 246; measures of Hyperides, 
Lycurgus, and Demosthenes after 
246, 247; eulogy of Dem. upon 
heroes of 175, 176, 249 

Chares 91, 236 

Charidemus 69 

Chersonese 47, 201; favavind of 87, 
235; Demosth, speech on 232 

Chios 145, 202 

Cirrha, plain of 94, 240 

Clepsydra 87, 88 

Climax, example of 113 

Clitarchus of Eretria 48, 
killed 235 

Collytus 114 

Corcyra 145, 146 

Corinthian War 56, 57; battle of 
Corinth 57 

Corinthians 146 

Cos 202 

Cottyphus 96, 243 

Cresphontes 114 

Ctesiphon bee to Philip) 210, 213 

Ctesiphon (defendant in case of the 
Crown) 10, 35, 270, 272 

Curses in Senate and Assembly 8o, 
81, 173 

Cyrsilus 126 


231; 


D 


Decelean War 57 
Delian contest at Delphi 83, 84 


293 


Delphi, temple of, pillaged by Pho- 
clans 203, 204, 212; destroyed 
about 373 B.c., rebuilt before 330 
B.C. 239. Inscriptions recently 
found 226, 227 

Demades, envoy to Philip 173, 175; 
peace of 248 

Demomeles 139 

Demosthenes: birth 205; father’s 
death 205; under guardians 205; 
consults Isaeus 206; suit against 
Aphobus 206; voluntary trierarch 
59; speeches ag. Androtion, Lep- 
tines, Timocrates, and Aristocrates 
206, 268; on Symmories and for 
Megalopolis 206; First Philippic 
37, 87, 181, 207, 209; speech for 
Rhodians 207; assaulted by Midias 
208; suit against Midias 208; 
Olynthiacs 209; twice Senator 210, 
251; envoy to Philip 213; speech 
before Philip 214; 2nd embassy to 
Philip 221—223; ransoms prisoners 
222; Second Philippic 47, 87, 228; 
arrests Antiphon 229; speech on 
the Peace 228; opposes Python 
229, 2303 discusses Philip’s letter 
231; indicts Aeschines for rapa- 
mpeo Bela Essay 1V.; opposes Phili 
in Euboea 231; mission to Corint 
and Achaea 232; speech on Cher- 
sonese 232; Third Philippic 233; 
embassy to Byzantium 233; em- 
bassies to Pelopon. (w. Callias) and 
formation of league ag. Philip 234; 
frees Euboea from tyrants 235; 
receives thanks and crowns from 
Byzantium and Perinthus 236, 237; 
trierarchic reform 61—66, 237; 
speech after seizure of Elatea 109— 
113, 244; negotiations with Thebes 
244; energy after Chaeronea 246, 
247; delivers eulogy on the fallen 
175, 249; speech on the Crown 
249, Essays I. and III. Later 
events (330—322 B.C.) 254. Death 
at Calauria 254 

Dercylus 225 

Dexileos, monument of, w. inscrip- 
tion 57 


Diondas 138, 153 


294 


Dionysiac Theatre 20 
Diotimus 69 
Documents in text of Dem. 21, 34, 
114 
Dodona, oracle of 156 
ee and Reisch on Dionysiac 
eatre 20 


Elatea, seizure of 90, 97, 103, 106, 
243, 244 

Embassies of Athens to Philip (346 
B.C.): First 213—215; Second 
221—223; Third (to Thermop.) 
224, 225, returns to Athens 225, 
sent again to Philip 225, 226 

Empusa, 81 

Epaminondas 14, 58, 201 

Epigram on heroes of Chaeronea (not 
genuine) 177, 178 

Epilogue, Aristotle on 183 

Euboea 42, 43, 47, 48, 50, 145, 146, 
186, 202, 207, 231, 234, 235 

Eubulides, speech against 82 

Eubulus 16, 42, 102; w. Aeschines 
against Philip 210—212 

Euphraeus 231 

Euripides: Hec. 1—3 quoted 165; 
Telephus 43 

Eurybatus 17 

Eurydice (Philip’s mother) 214 


F 


Foreign policy of Athens 37, 38, 191 
Fortune 128, 188; of Demosth. 164, 
167—169; of Athens 155—157 


G 


Gildersleeve cited 110 

Glaucothea, mother of Aesch. 81, 159 
Glaucus 194 

Grain imported by Athens 51 

Greek League formed by Philip 248 


H 


Haliartus, battle of 56 
Halonnesus 42, 230, 235 

Halus and Halians 213, 214, 217, 222 
Harmosts and Decarchies of Lysander 


56 


ENGLISH INDEX 


Hegemon 175 

Hegesippus 230 

Heliastic oath 2, 5, 74 

Hellespont 43, 143, 148, 235—237 

Hero Kadapirns and Hero Physician 
79, 80, Essay V1. 

Hyperides 73, 83, 139, 153, 175, 246 


I 


Illyrians 29, 150 
Infin. w. 76 2, 50 
Iphicrates 58, 214 
Isaeus 206 


K 
Kings of Thrace 150 


L 

Lasthenes 31 
Leuctra, battle of 13, 58. 

insolence ” of Thebes 58 
Long walls of Athens destroyed 56 
Lycidas 126 
Lycophron of Pherae 204 
Lycurgus (Athens) 20, 246 
Lynceus, verse of 165 
Lysander’s governments 56 
Lysicles condemned 163 


“ Leuctric 


M 


Mantinea, battle of 58, 201; walls 
of 185 
Manuscripts of oration on the Crown 


Marathon, heroes of 129 

Mausolus of Caria 202 

Megalopolis 14, 58, 201, 206, 212, 228 
Megara 43, 56, 145, 146, 190 
Melantus 153 

Messene 14, 58, 20%, 228 


Methone 203 
Midias 158, 208, 239 
Munychia 65 
Mysians 43 

N 
Nausicles 69 


ENGLISH INDEX 


O 


Oath by the heroes of Marathon 129 

Oenomaus 114. O0cn. dpoupatos 149 

Olympias (Philip’s queen) 231 

Olynthiacs of Demosth. 209 

Olynthus and Olynthiac confederacy 

203, 208. Olynthus captured by 

‘Philip 209, 210 

Onomarchus 204 

Orators demanded by Alexander 27 

Oreus and Eretria freed 47, 234, 235 

Oropus 59 


P 


Peace of Demades 52, 248 

Pella 41, 214, 222 

Peparethus ravaged 42, 235 

Perf. subj., opt., and infin, 16, 20, 21, 
24, 30, 112, 113 

Perillus (of Megara) 31, 182 

Perinthus besieged by Philip 51, 53, 
235, 236 

Phalaecus 212 

Phayllus 204, 212 

Philammon 194 

Philip II. of Macedon: succeeds to 
the throne 202; takes Amphipolis 
202; Amphipolitan War w. Athens 
202, 203; founds Philippi, captures 
Pydna, Potidaea, and Methone 
203; interferes in Thessaly 204; 
aggressions upon Athens 206, 207; 
intrigues in Euboea 207; attacks 
Olynthiac confederation 208; takes 
Olynthus 209, 210; proposes peace 

. w. Athens 210; receives Ist em- 
bassy 214; sends embassy to 
Athens 215; receives 2nd embassy 
222; march to Thermopylae 222, 
223; surrender of Phocians to 
225; celebrates victory in Sacred 
War 226; summons Amphictyonic 
Council, and is made a member 
226; celebrates Pythian games 227; 
asks recognition of Athens as an 
Amphictyon 227, 228; at peace 
w. Athens (346—340 B.C.) 228; 
intrigues in Peloponnesus 228; 
sends Python to Athens 229; sends 


295 


letter to Athens 230; supports 
tyrants in Euboea 231; enters’ 
Epirus 231; subjugates Thessaly 
232; makes Aristotle Alexander’s 
tutor 232; attacks Chersonese 
232; dispute about Halonnesus 
230, 235; ravages Peparethus 235; 
besieges Perinthus and Byzantium 
235, 236; letter to Athens, declaring 
war 236; Scythian expedition 237; 
made general of Amphictyons in 
Amphissian War 242, 243; seizes 
Elatea 243; destroys Amphissa 245; 
proposes peace w. Athens 245; 
victory at Chaeronea 245, 246; 
drunken revels after battle 176; 
sends Demades to Athens 247; 
peace of Demades 248; assassi- 
nated 254, 270 

Philistides at Oreus 48, 231; killed 


234 

Philochares, brother of Aesch. 194. 

Philocrates, peace of 210—221 

Philomelus 203 

Phocian (Sacred) War 13, 14, 23— 
25, 203, 212, 213, 227 

Phocians plunder temple of Delphi 
203, 212; send envoys to Philip 
222; surrender Thermopylae to 
Philip 25, 225; punishment of 226, 
227; records of payments of fine 
226 

Phocion 91, 173, 207, 236, 248 

Phrynon of Rhamnus 210 

Pindar quoted 183 

Pluperfect in -ev and -7 16, 17 

Plutarchus of Eretria 207 

Pnyx at Athens 107 

Polybius cited 181 

Porthmus destroyed 43, 231 

Potidaea 42, 203, 209 

Prisoners ransomed by Demosth. 
165, 166 

Property tax 158 

Proxenus 213, 221 

Prytanes, Proedri, etc. 106—108 

Pydna 42, 202, 203 

Pythian games in 346 B.C. 227 

Pythocles res 

Python at Athens 85, 229, 230 





296 


R 


Rhodes 202, 272 
River battle 135, 245 


S 


Salamis 129. Ships in battle of 147 

Scythian exped. of Philip 237 

Senate and Assembly summoned by 
Prytanes 106, 107 

Serrhium, etc. 19, 42 

Simonides, epigram on heroes of 
Marathon 179 

Simus of Larissa 31 

Solon 5; poem of 156 

Sosicles 153 

Sparta invaded by Epaminondas 201 

Statesman and ovxopdyrns compared 
117 

Subj. and fut. indic. contrasted 110; 
subj. and opt. 94 

Symmories, leaders of 61, 62, 108 

Symmories, speech on 13, 37, 206 

Synod of allies of Athens 16; reso- 
lution of 217, 218 


T 


Talent (Attic), modern value of 205 
Tamynae, battle of 208 
Taurosthenes of Chalcis 231 
Telephus 43 

Theagenes 185 


ENGLISH INDEX 


Theatre, Dionysiac 20 

Thebes after Leuctra 58; feeling of 
Demosth. towards 13; coolness 
of Thebes and Thessaly towards 
Philip in 339 B.C. 92, 238; Thebes 
allied w. Athens in 339 B.C. 244; 
Athenian army in 133, 134; de- 
stroyed by Alexander 13, 27, 28 

Themison of Eretria 59 

Theoric fund 68 

Thermopylae, Philip checked at 23, 
69, 205, 206; surrender of, by 
Phocians 25, 225 

Theseum 79, 278 

Thrace, kings of 150 

Thracian gold mines 19 

Thrasybulus of Collytus 137 

Timarchus, trial of 274 

Timolaus 3! 

Toxaris 79; see Essay VI. 

Triballi 29, 237 

Tribute of Athens 145 

Trierarchs 59, 63. Trierarchic re- 
form of Dem. 61—66 

Tromes (Atrometus) 81 


WwW 


War between Philip and Athens 
(Amphipolitan) 15, 202, 203; re- 
newed in 340 B.C. 44, 45s 236 

Winter battle (339—338 B.C.) 97; 
135» 245- 


-? 


MNT 


Ey b105 040 360 97? 


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