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Select Classics."
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^'
^ICEHO
ON THE
.t
IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL
OR
QUAESTIONUM TUSCULANARUM
LTBER T.
WITH NOTES AND AN APPENDIX.
BY M. STUART,
FrofcBsor of Sac. Literature in the Theol. Sem. at Andover.
ANDOVER :
rLAGG, GOULD, & NEWMAN.
1833.
Zo JS^.
;/y
1886, Jatt. 231»
CMftor
Sb« aein or ei €h VbUMii;
Entered aeeording to Act of Congress, in the year 1833, by
FLAG6, GOULD, AND NEWMAN,
in the Clerk^s office of the District Ck)urt of Massachasetts.
\
vo
PREFACE.
The occasion and design of publishing the little
volumes entitled Select Classics y may be stated in a few
words. It is customary with me, always to recommend
to my pupils in sacred philology, the daily reading of
some portion of a good Latin or Greek classical writer.
This 1 do, in order that they may increase their know-
ledge of the ancient languages, and be able to judge of
the difference between classical idioms and those of the
Scriptures. But this is not my only motive. Believing
that the study of the best Latin and Greek authors is
very important to the cultivation of an improved taste
in literature, and to the acquisition of tact and ability
in criticism and in writing, I feel it to be a matter of
serious consequence, that ever^ theological student
should devote some portion of his time to this employ-
ment.
But what shall he read ? Merely to repeat the read-
ing of college books, would be unattractive to most
students. And if they are to extend it beyond these
limits, what shall be selected ? A question of more
difficulty to the young student, (whose circle of ac-
quaintance with the classics is generally somewhat
narrow), than every one will be apt to imagine. And
even after he has made his choice, how shall he obtain
tiie pieoes which he desires ? They appear, more usu-
ally, only in the large collections; which he cannot
afiord to purchase. Or if separately printed, they are
not published, perhaps, in our country; or if they are,
most of them are merely copies of European editions,
which (the school-books excepted) are principally char-
acterized by notes on the various readings of the text ;
in which he, who studies for profit and 4)leasure, can
feel but little if any interest. Grammarians and crit-
ical editors alone can profit much by these. But the
IV PREFACE.
great mass of readers belong to neither of these classes.
Consequently, they need an ezegetical commentary.
They are, and ought to be, much- more interested to
know what the text in general means, than to know
how a solitary word or phrase, which now and then
occurs, is to be read.
The Select Classics which I now publish, are intend-
ed wholly for this latter class of readers. In particular
are they designed for young readers in our country,
who need to be allured and guided and encouraged,
with respect to classical study.
The plan which I have adopted, supersedes the ne-
cessity of printing a continuous translation. Every
passage, in which I have supposed that there could be
any difficulty, the student will find translated or ex-
Slained in the notes ; and some perhaps will even won-
er, that I have done so much in this way, rather than
so little. None, I would hope, will have reason to
complain, that the meaning of the author is not made
sufficiently evident ; so far, at least, as I am able to
understand and explain it. That I have always under-
stood it rightly, I would not venture to assert. I can
only say, that I have devoted tothe study of it, as much
time as I could possibly spare from my other duties and
studies ; and that I indulge the hope, that I shall not
often mislead the student.
If it should be asked, why I have been so liberal in
my biographical and historical notes and explanations ;
my answer is, that I have adopted this course for sev-
eral reasons. Most readers have not the sources at
hand, from which I have drawn more or less of them.
Many of these sources are in languages, which the stu-
dents in general of our country do not understand.
And even in cases where the reader may have access
to these sources, and be able to draw from them, it is not
often the case, when he sits down to spend a few leisure
moments in reading a classic, that he feels inclined to
load his table with biographical, geographical, chrono-
logical, and historical works, (not to mention many
other helps), in order that he may proceed with a due
understanding of his author.
It falls, moreover, within the special design of the
PREFACE. V
present publication, to render classical reading easy,
and attractive, and profitable. Whatever may be said
as'to the expediency of this, with reference to students
who are pursuing classical studies as a daily business,
and whose strength may sometimes be put to the trial
by the reading of text without note or comment; such
a principle is not applicable to the present case. I pub-
lish these volumes for the aid of those, who wish to re-
new their acquaintance with the classics, or to increase
their knowledge of them, with as little expense of time
and money as possible. To purchase all the helps,
which I have made use of for their benefit, would be
expensive ; to study them, would require time and
pains which many will hardly" deem themselves able to
spare.
It has been my endeavour, in the notes and appendix
to this work, to point out in what manner we should
read the Greek and Roman writers in order truly to
profit by them. If I have succeeded in the attempt, it
may encourage others to rise up as editors among us,
in the like way.
In the text of the present volume, I have not impli-
citly followed any one edition. I have had before me
the editions of Ernesti, of Rath, of Nobbe, and of Carey;
all recent editors; the three last, I believe, still living.
In doubtful cases I have selected that which seemed to
me the most probable reading ; and in this, I have some-
times agreed with one, and sometimes another, of these
editors. As we have no manuscripts in this country from
which a new edition of the text could be formed, I hare
done all in respect to it, that the nature of the case
seemed to admit. From none of these editions have
I derived any exegetical aid, which is worthy of being
mentioned. Rath's book is a large one, and filled with
notes ; but almost all of them are occupied with specu-
lations concerning the state of the text.
The punctuation, I may say, is wholly my own. I
found none with which I was satisfied. Carey's I re-
gard as the best; and Nobbe's stands next ; while that
of Ernesti often and almost of necessity obscures the
meaning of the text; at least it does so for me. By
otreful and diligent attention to the punctuation, I
VI PREFACE.
woald hope that I have made the sense more evideni
to the reader, in many passages, than it is in the com'
mon editions.
I was induced to engage in the present work, by the
express wish of my pupils, during the past year. Mj^
earnest hope and desire are, that they, and others asso-
oiated with them, may be profited by the study of it; af
it is specially designed for theological students. I would
indulge the hope, also, that others who pursue classical
study, may take an interest in it ; for I can scareelj
conceive of a topic more interesting, in a moral and
religious point of view, than the knowledge of what the
highest efforts of human reason could without revela*
tion and of thenjselves do, in developing the doctrine oi
the soul's immortality.
My present design is, to publish a second volume in
connexion with this, which is to consist of Plato*i
PhaedOf i. e. his treatise on the immortality of the soul.
The present volume is a specimen of the manner which
I mean to pursue, in respect to commentary, and to thi
critical examination of the author's arguments.
In the present volume, I have adapted the sections
(marked §) to the purpose of discriminating the largei
transitions of the author's discourse. I found these sg
discrepant from each other in my different editions, and
oftentimes so much at variance with what seemed tc
me the most desirable division of the text, that, aftei
consideration, I was induced to abandon the plan of fol-
lowing any one of them, and to mark the sections anew.
Another object obtained by marking them, is, to fadJU'
tmte references to the text, in the notes and elsewhere.
I have also introduced breaks or paragraphs in many
places of the text, where most editions make none,
Emesti has printed an almost unbroken text ; by which
the reader is often perplexed, and always fatigued.
I have also ventured to go a step further than any oi
the editions which I have seen, viz., to print the coUoqa^p
in the manner of a dialogue. Evenr reader will, I trust,
spontaneously give his assent to tnis.
In those cases where I have supposed there could be
any doubt, in the mind of the reader, with regard to
the Ablative case of the first declension, as distingaish-
PREFACE* VII
fd from the Nominative, I have marked the Ablative
in the usual way. Carey marks it always ; the German
editors, never. It is unnecessary to mark it for the
pmctised reader; but it is convenient for the unprac-
tised one to have it marked in doubtful cases. I have
marked such cases; but I.bave come, in the course of
jprinting, and when it was too late to retrace my steps,
to the entire conviction, that the method of Carey is
the best.
Here and there I have printed a whole sentence in
mpUals. My object is, to render conspicuous to the eye,
and easy to be found, such sentences as are eztraordi-
nary ibr the sentiment which they contain, or as will
serve for significant mottos in writing, or maxims in
conversation.
I oottld never be induced, placed in such circum-
stances as I am at present, to give my time and attention
to the exegesis of any heathen author, were I not con-
vinced that the study of such authors is important to the
interpreter of the sacred writings. It is because of the
bearing which such study has on the interpretation of
the Scriptures, and because of the deeply interesting
nature of the subjects discussed in the selection whieh
I have made, that I feel myself to be within the proper
sphere of my duty, while engaged in this work.
My reason for publishing my notes and strictures in
fioglish, is the same which induces almost all the lezi-
ccwraphera of Greek and Latin, at the present day, to
poolish their explanations in their own vernacular
language. He who expects to aid the young reader,
most make it not only possible for him to understand
his explanations, but a matter of course that they should
be understood without much effort or study. Where is
to be the end of interpretation, if each writer who at-
tempts to explain, is as difficult to be understood, as
the original on which he comments ? My object would
be entirely defeated, by pursuing such a course.
Should this work meet with a favourable reception, I
would hope to see some other individual proceed farther
in the execution of the plan now commenced. With
the little volume from Plato, should my life be spared
to finish it, I must bid adieu to this kind of labour.
fKA
t*
^t *■
Vlll
PREFACE.
My present duties and station call for all my
in another way ; and the guardians and frien<
Seminary witn which I am connected, expect,
a right to expect, that I should obey the ca
cheerfully shall 1 do it, if it may please a kii
dence to give me ability. Thus far, all the a1
have bestowed on the little volumes of Select
has been of direct and immediate advantage tc
getical studies. I cannot, therefore, but think
well spent; and especially so, if the undcrtakii
meet the public approbation so as to excite soi
scholars in our Country to publish such editio
classics, as may be the real means of literary a
improvement. We have been, long enough, e
the European method. More pieces which a
(only such should be published for the purpose
ing), from Plato, Xenophon, and other Greek \\
a moral and highly interesting nature ; and
pieces from the Latin ones ; might easily be
To all these I could wish to see added, Selecti
the Latin and Greek Christian Fathers ; writers
known, except by name, to most of our studc
deserving of more attention than our countr
given them. How can a system of education
Christian and liberalj which entirely excludes
How soon the volume containing the Pha
follow, I cannot definitely state at present. I
editing of it to bo a serious business indeed, i
ders a knowledge of the Platonic system absoli
cessary, in order to give the requisite explanati
one of all Plato's writings, partakes more of 1
philosophy than this.
The public will not therefore expect that thii
should be hastily published, when they consic
an undertaking it is, and also that I can gi^
ver^ small portion of my time to the work, as ]
duties must not in any wise be neglected. Stil
advanced nearly through the commentary on t
do, and would hope to conclude the work, du
winter or in the spring.
Moses Si
Andorer, Jan. 1833.
M. TUI^ill CIOERONIS
TUSCULANARUM QUAESTIONUM
AD M. BRUTUM
LIBER PRIMUS.
DE CONTEMNENDA MORTE.
^1.
Cum defensionum laboribus senatoriisque mu-
neribus, aut omnino, aut magna ex parte, essem
idiquando liberatus, retuli me, Brute, te hortante
maxime, ad ea studia, quae retenta animo, re-
missa temporibus, longo intervallo intermissa re-
vocavi. £t cum omnium artium, quae ad rectam
Vivendi viam pertinerent, ratio et disciplina stu-
dio sapientiae, quae philosophia dicitur, coo-
tineretur ; hoc mihi Latinis litteris illustrandum
pQtavi. Non, quia philosophia Graecis et litteris ^^
et doctoribus percipi non posset : sed meum sem-
per judicium fuit, omnia nostros aut invenisse
per se sapientius quara Graecos ; aut accepta ab
illis fecisse meliora, quae quidem digna statuis-
sent in quibus elaborarent. Nam mores et in-
stitotayitae, resque domesticas ac familiares, nos
profecto et melius tuemur et lautius ; rem vero
publicam nostri majores certe melioribus tern-
peraTerunt et insti^utis et legibus. Quid loquar
de re militari ? in qua cum virtute nostri mul do
turn valuerunt, turn plus etiam disciplined. Jam
ilia quae naturi non litteris assecuti sunt, neque
cum Graecia neque ulla cum gente sunt confe-
renda. duae enim tanta gravitas, quae tanta
constantia, magnitudo animi, probitas, fides,
2
14 TUSC. Q,UAEST£ONES : §§ 1,2.
quae tam excellens in omni genere virtus i
fuit, ut sit cum majoribus nostris compar
§2.
Doctrina Graecia nos et omni litteraruc
ere superabat ; in quo erat facile vincer
repugnantes. Nam cum apud Graecos an
simum sit e doctis genus poetarum, siq
Homerus fuit et Hesiodus ante Romam
tam, Archilochus regnante Romulo; serii
eticam uos accepimus. Annis enim fe
10 post Romam conditam, Livius fabulara de<
Claudio Caeci filio, M. Tuditano, consi
anno ante natum Ennium', qui fuit majo
quam Plautus ; et Naevius.
Sero igitur a nostris poetae vel cogniti
cepti. Quamquam est in Originibus, soli
86 in epulis canere convivas ad tibicinc
- 1 clarorum hominum virtutibus, honorem
;^J huic generi non fuisse, declarat orutio C
i^'ij in qua objecit lit probrum M. Nobiiiori, c
so in provinciam poctas duxisset ; duxerat
consul ille in Aetoliam, ut scimus, Ennium
minus igitur honoris erat poetis, eo niino]
dia fuerunt ; nee tamen sic qui magnis ir
in eo genere exstiterunt, non satis Grae
gloriae responderunt.
An censemusysi Fabio nobilissimo bomin
datum esset quod pingeret, non multos
apud nos futuros Polycletos et Parrhasios i
HONOS ALIT ARTESy OMNESQUE INCENDUNl
30STDDIA gloria; JACEMTQUE EA SEMPER,
APUO QUOSQUE IMPROBANTUR.
■ "I
TDSC. ^UAESTIONES : ^^ 3, 4. 15
§3.
Sammann eruditionem Graeci sitatn censebant
in nervorum vocumque cantibus. Igitur et
Bpaminondas (princeps, meo judicio^ Graeciae)
Bdibus praeclare cecinisse dicitur. Themisto-
slesque, aliquot ante annos cum in epulis recu-
sasset lyram, habitus est indoctior. Ergo in
Qraecia musici floruerunt, discebantque id om-
les; nee qui nesciebat satis excultus doctrini
patabaiur.
In summo apud illos honore geometria fuit ; lo
itaque nihil mathematicis illustrius. At nos
netiendi ratiocinandique utilitate hujus artis ter-
ninavimus modum. At contra, oratorem celer-
iter complexi sumus ; nee eum-primo eruditura,
aptum tamen ad dicendum ; post autem erudi-
ttini. Nam Galbam, Africanum, Laelium, doc-
tos fuisse traditum est ; studiosum autem eum,
qui lis aetate anteibat, Catonem ; post vero, Le-
pidum, Carbonem, Gracchos ; deinde ita mag-
no8, nostram ad aetatem^ut non multum aut ni«20
bil omnino Graecis cederetur.
§4.
Philosophia jacuit usque ad banc aetatem, nee
dllom habuit lumen litterarum Latinarum ; quae
illostranda, et excitanda nobis est, ut, si occupa*
tr profuimus aliquid civibus nostris, prosimus
etiam, si possumus, otiosi. In quoeo magis no-
bis est elaborandum, quod multi jam esse Latini
libri dicuntur scripti inconsiderate, ab optimis
illis quidem viris, sed non satis eruditis.
Fieri autem potest, ct recte quis sentiat,
bt id quod sentit polite eloqui non powsit ;
16 TUSC. QUAESTfONES : <5>^ 4, 5. I
sed mandare quemquam litteris cogitatioDes sa« | \
as, qui eas nee disponere nee illustrare possit, 1 1
uec delectatione aliqua allicere lectorem, homi* > *
nis est intemperanter abutentis et otio et litteris. |
Itaque suos libros ipsi legunt cum suis ; nee quis-
qnam attingit, praeter eos qui eandem licen-
tiam scribendi sibi permitti volunt. duare si
aliquid orator iae laud i nostra attulimus industrii, I
multo studiosius philosophiae fontes aperiemus, .
'®e quibus etiam ilia manabant. ;
§ 5. '
Sed ut Aristoteles, vir suratno ingenio, scien-
tiae copia, cum motus esset Isocratis rhetoris
gloria, docere etiam coepit adolescentes dicere^
et prudentiam cum eloquentia jungere ; sic no-
bis placet, nee pristinum dicendi studium depo-
nere, et in hac majore et uberiore arte versari. ^
Hanc enim perfectak fhilosophiam semper
judicavi, quae de maximis qcaestionibus
copiosE POSSET ORNATEQUE DiGERE ; in qnam
^exercitationem ita nos studiose operam dedirous,
ut jam etiam scholas, Graecorum more, habere
auderemus ; ut nuper, tuum post discessum, in
Tusculano, cum essent plures mecum famitiares,
tentavi quid in eo genere possem. Ut enim an-
tea declamitabam causas, quod nemo me diutiu
fecit ; sic haec nunc mihi senilis est declamatio.
Ponere jubebam de quo quis audire vellet ; ad
id, aut sedens aut ambulans, disputabam. Itt-
que dierum quinque scholasy ut Graeci appel-
aolant, in totidem libros contnli. Fiebat autem ita,
nt cum is qui audire Tellet dixisset quid sibi ri-
deretar, tam ego contra dicerem. Haec est enim,
1
TUSC. qUAESTIONES : §^ 5, 6. 17
nt scis, Tetus et Socratica ratio contra alte-
riufl opinionem disserendi ; nam ita facillime,
quid verisimillimuin esset, inveniri posse Socra-
tes arbitrabatur. Sed quo coramodius disputa-
tiones nostrae explicentur, sic eas exponam
quasi agatur res, non quasi narretur. Ergo ita
naacetor ex<Mrdium.
§ 6.
A. Malum mihi videtur esse mors.
M. lisne qui mortui sunt, an iis quibus mo-
riendum est ? lo
A, Utrisque. «
Jf. Est miserum, igitur, quoniam malum.
A. Certe.
M, Ergo et ii quibus evenit jam ut more-
rentur, et ii quibus eventurum est, miseri.
A. Mihi ita videtur.
M, Nemo ergo nou miser.
A, Prorsus nemo.
M, Et quidem, si tibi constare ris, omnes
qaieanque nati sunt eruntve, tion solum miseri, ao
itd etiam semper miseri. Nam si solos eos di-
eeres miseros quibus moriendum esset, neminem
to qnidem eorum qui viverent, exciperes ; mo-
yiendam est enim omnibus : esset tamen mise-
tvae finis in morte. duoniam autem etiam mor-
tal miseri sunt, in miseriam nascimur sempiter-
Mim. Necesse est enim miseros esse eos, qui
eeatum millibus annorum ante occiderunt, vel
potifis omnes quicumqne nati sunt.
A, Ita prorsus existimo. so
Jf. Die, quaeso, num te ilia torrent, triceps
apad inferos Cerberus, Cocyti fremitus, trans-
18 TDSC. qUAKSTIONKS : ^ 6.
▼eetk> Achwontis, mento sooimaiii aqaam attiiH
gens siti enectas Tantalus? Nuiii illad, qood
SMjphiM vvnat
Saxom •udaiu oitMido, neqae proficit hilum t
Fortasse etiain inexorabiles judices, Minos et
Rhadamanthus t Apad qiios nee te L. Crassus
defendet, nee M. Antonius ; nee, quoniam apud
Graecos judiees res agetur, poteris adhibere De-
mosthenem ; tibi ipsi pro te erit maximiL eoroni
10 causa dicenda. Haee fortasse metuis, et idcirco
mortem eenses esse sempiternum malum.
A, Adeone me delirare eenses, ut ista esse
credam ?
M. An tu haee non eredis 7
A. Minime vero.
M, Male hcreule narras.
A. Cur? quaeso.
M, Quia disertus esse possera, si eontra ista
dicerem.
^ A. Quis enira non in ejusmodi eausa? Aut
quid negotii est, haee poetarum et pictorum por-
tenta eonvineere ?
M. Atqui pleni sunt libri eontra ista ipsa
philosophorum disserentium.
A, Inepte sane; quis est enim tarn exoors,
quem ista moveant?
M, Si ergo apud inferos miseri non sunt, ne
sunt quidem apud inferos uHi.
A. Ita prorsus existimo.
30 M. Vb'i ergo sunt ii quos miseros dieis, aut
quem locum incolunt ? Si enim sunt, nusquam
esse non possunt.
A. Ego ?ero nusquam esse illos puto.
Jf. Igitur ne esse quidem.
I
TUSC. (^UAESTIONES : § 6. 19
A. Prorsus isto modo ; et taraea miseros ob id
psum qiiidem, quia nulli sunt.
M. Jam mallem Cerberum metueres, quam
Bta tain inconsiderate diceres.
A. duid tandem?
M, Cluem esse negas, eundem esse dicis ; ubi
Mi acumen tuum 1 Cum enim miserum esse di-
iis, turn eum qui non sit dicis esse.
A, Non sum ita hebes, ut istuc dicam.
M, duid dicis igitur 1 lo
A, Miserum esse (verbi causa) Marc. Cras-
mm, qui illas fortunas morte dimiserit ; miserum
Dn. Pompeium, qui tanta gloria sit orbatus; om-
nes denique miseros, qui hac luce careant.
M. Revolveris eodem ; sint enim oportet, si
miseri sunt ; tu autem modo negabas eos esse,
^ui mortui essent. Si igitur non sunt, nihil pos-
soot esse ; ita ne miseri quidem sunt.
A. Non dico fortasse etiam quod sentio ; nam
istuc ipsum, non esse cum fueris, miserrimum so
puto.
Jf. Cluid ? miserius quam omnino numquam
faisse? Ita qui nondum nati sunt, miseri jam
Bunt quia non sunt ; et nos ipsi, si post mortem
miseri futuri sumus, miseri fuimus antequam na*
tL Ego autem non commemini, antequam sum
oatos me miserum. Tu, si meliore memoria es,
rcdim scire ecquid de te recordere.
A. Ita jocaris quasi ego dicam, eos miseros
qui nati non sunt, et non eos qui mortui sunt, ^o
M. Esse ergo eos dicis.
A, Immo, quia non sunt cum fuerint, eo mis-
eros esse.
20 TUfiC. qUAESTIONES : § 6.
M, Pugnantia te loqui non vides ? duid eoim
tain pugnat, quam non modo miserum, sed om-
nino quidquam esse, qui non sit?.. An tu, egres-
8US porti Capena, cum Calatini, Scipionum,
SerTiliorum, Metellorura, sepulcra vides, niiseros
putas illos ?
A. Quoniam me verbo pre mis, postbac non
ita dicam miser os esse, sed tan turn miseros, ob id
ipsum quia non sunt.
10 M. Non dicis, igitur, miser est M, Crassus ;
sed tantum, miser M, Crassus,
A. Ita plane.
M, Quasi non necesse sit, quidquid isto modo
pronunties, id aut esse, aut non esse. An tu di-
alecticis ne imbutus quidem es ? In primis enim
hoc traditur: Omne pronuntiatum, (sic enim
mibi in praesentia obcurrit ut appellarem ol/oi/ua,
utar post alio si invenero melius), id ergo est
pronuntiatum, quod est ?erum aut falsum. Cum
aodicis igitur, miser M, Crassus, aut hoc dicis,
miser est M. Crassus, ut possit judicari venun
id falsumne sit ; aut nihil dicis omnino.
A, Age, jam concede non esse miseros qui
mortui sunt ; quoniam extorsisti ut fattrer, qui
omnino non essent, eos ne miseros quidem esse
posse. Quid ? Qui vivimus, cum raoriendum
sit, nonrie miseri sum us ? Quae enim potest in
vita esse jucunditas, cum dies et noctes cogi*
tandum sit, jam jamque esse moriendum ?
30 M, Ecqui ergo intelligis, quantum mali do
humana conditione dejeceris ?
A. Quonam modo ?
Jf. Quia, si mori etiam mortuis miserum es«
set, infinitum quoddam et sempiternum malum
TU8C. qUAESTIONES : ^ 6. 21
haberemas in vita. Nunc video calcem ; ad
qaam cum sit decursum, nihil sit praeterea
extimescendum. Sed tu mihi videris Ephichar-
mi, acuti nee insulsi hominis, ut Siculi, senten-
tiam sequi.
A, duam? non enim novi.
M, Dicaniy si potero, Latine ; scis enim me
Graece loqui in Latino sermone non plus soler^,
quam in Graeco Latine.
A. Et recte quidem ; sed quae tandem est lo
Epicharmi ista sententia?
M, Emori nolo; sed me esse mortuum nihil
atstimo,
A. Jam agnosco Graecum ; et quoniam coe-
gisti ut concederem, qui mortui essent eos mise-
ros non esse, perfice, si poles, ut ne moriendum
quidem esse, raiserum putem.
M. Jam istuc quidem nihil negotii est; sed
etiam majora molior.
A. duo modo hoc nihil negotii est? Autso
qaae sunt tandem ista majora ?
M, Qruia, quoniam si post mortem nihil est
mail, ne mors quidem est malum ; cui proximum
terapus est post mortem, in quo mali nihil esse
concedis. Ita ne moriendum quidem esse, ma-
lam est ; id est enim, perveniundum esse ad id,
qaod non esse malum confitemur.
A. Uberius ista, quaeso ; haec enim spinosiora
prius (ut confitear) me cogunt, quam ut assentiar^
Sed quae sunt ea, quae dicis te majora moliri ? 30
Jf. Ut doceam, si possim, non modo malum
non esse, sed bonum etiam esse mortem.
A. Non postulo id quidem ; aveo tamen au-
dire : ut enim non efficias qaod ris, tamen, mors
2*
22 TUSC. QUAESTIONES ! §§ G, 7.
ut malum non sit, efficiesi Sed nihil te inter-
pellabo ; continentem orationem audire malo.
M, Quid 1 si te rogavero aliquid, nonne res-
pondebis ?
A. Superbum id quidem esset ; sed, nisi quid
necesse erit, malo ne roges.
M, Geram tibi morem ; et ea quae vis, ut po-
tero, explicabo ; nee tamen quasi Pythius Apol-
lo, certa ut sint et fixa quae dixero ; sed ut ho-
'^munculus unus e multis, probabilia conjectura
sequens. Ultra enim quo progrediar, quam ut
veri Tideam similia, non habeo. Certa dicent ii,
qui et percipi ea posse dicunt, et se sapientes es-
se profitentur.
A, Tu, ut videtur ; nos ad audiendum parati
sumus.
M, Mors igitur ipsa, quae videtur notissima
res esse, quid sit, primum est videndum. Sunt
enim qui discessum animi a corpore putent esse
so mortem ; sunt qui nullum censeant fieri disces-
sum, sed animum et corpus occidere, animumqne
cum corpore exstingui. Qui discedere animum
censent, alii statim dissipari, alii diu permanere,
alii semper. Quid sit porro ipse animus, aut
ubi, aut unde, magna dissensio est. Aliis cor
ipsum, animus videtur ; ex quo ex^cordes, ve-^or^
deSf coH'Cordesque dicuntur ; et Nasica iile pro-
dens, bis consul, Corculum ; et, JEgregie eordth
tus homo, catus Aelius Sextus.
)i Empedocles animum esse censet cordi suflfb-
aam sanguinem ; aliis, pars quaedam cerebri
^iia est animi principntum tenere ; aliis, nee cor
TDSC. qUAESTIONES : ^^ 7, 8. 23
ipsam placet, nee cerebri quandam partem, esse
animutn : sed alii in corde, alii in cerebro, dix-
erunt animi esse sedem et locum. Animum au-
tem alii animcun ; ut fere nostri. Declarat no»
men ; nam et agere animam et efflare dicimus ;
[et animosoSy et bene animaios, et ex cmimi sen-
tentia] ; ipse autem animus ab anima dictus est.
Zeuoni Stoico animus, ignis videtur.
§8.
Sed haec quidem quae dixi, cor, cerebrum,
animam, ignem, vulgo ; reliqua fere singuli. ^"
Ut multi ante veteres, proxime autem Aristoxe-
nus, musicus idemque philosophus, ipsius corpo-
ris intentionem quandam ; velut in cantu et fidi-
bus quae Harmon ia dicitur, sic ex corporis toti-
us natura et figura, varios motus cieri, tamquam
in cantu sonos. Hie ab artificio suo non reces-
sit ; et tamen dixit aliquid quod ipsum, quale es-
set, erat multo ante et dictum et explanatum a
Platone. Xenocrates animi figuram et quasi
corpus negavit esse ; verum numerum dixit esse, ^
cujus vis, (ut jam antea Pythagorae visum erat),
in natura maxima esset. Ejus doctor, Plato,
triplicem finxit animam : cujus principatum, id
est rationem, in capite sicut in arce posuit ; et
duas partes parere voluit, iram et cupiditatem,
quas locis suis, iram in pectore, cupiditatem sub-
ter praecordia, locavit.
Dicaearchus autem, in eo sermone (quem Co-
rinthi habitum tribus libris exponit) doctornm
hominum disputantium, primo libro multos lo-^
qnentes facit; duobus, Pherecratem quendam
Phthioiam senem, quem ait a Deucalione ortum,
24 TUSC. QUAESTIONES : §§ 8, 9.
disserentem inducit, nihil esse oranino animam,
et hoc esse nomen totum inane, frustraque mi-
imalia et animantes appellari ; neque in bomine
inesse animum vel animam, nee in bestia ; vim-
que omnem earn, qua vel agamus quid vel senti-
amus, in omnibus corporibus vi?is aequabiliter
esse fusam^ nee separabilem a corpore esse ;
quippe quae nulla sit, nee sit quidquam nisi cor-
pus unum et simplex, ita figuratum ut tempera-
10 tione naturae vigeat et sentiat.
Aristoteles longe omnibus (Platonem semper
excipio) praestans et ingenio et diligentia, cum
quatuor ilia genera principiorum esset complex-
us e quibus omnia orirentur, quintam quandam
naturam censet esse, e qua sit mens ; cogitare
enim, et providere, et discere, et docere, et in-
venire aliquid, et tam multa alia, meminisse,
amare, odisse, cupere, timere, angi, laetari —
haec, et similia eorum, in horum quatuor gene-
29 rum nullo inesse putat. Quintum genus adhi-
bet, vacans nomine ; et sic ipsum animum ii^dt'
A«^f »ay appellat, novo nomine, quasi quandam
continuatam ^raotionem et perennem.
Nisi quae me forte fugiunt, hae sunt fere de
animo sententiae. Democritum enim, magnum
quidem ilium virum, sed levibus et rotundis cor-
pusculis efficientem animum concursu quodam
fortuito, omittamus ; nihil est enim apud iatos,
quod non atomorum turba conficiat. Harum
sententiarum quae vera sit, deus aliquis viderit ;
30 quae verisimillima, magna quaestio est. Utrum
TUSC. qUAGSTfONES : § 9. 25
igitur inter has sententias dijudicare malutnus,
an ad propositum red ire ?
A, Cuperem equidem utrumque, si posset ;
sed est difficile confundere. Quare si, ut ista
non disserantur, liberari mortis metu possumus,
id agamus ; sin id non potest, nisi hac quaes-
tione animorum explicata, nunc, si videtur, hoc ;
illud, alias.
M, Quod malle te intelligo, id puto esse com-
modius ; efficiet enim ratio, ut quaecumque vera lo
sit earum sententiarum quas exposui, mors aut
malum non sit, aut sit bonum potius. Nam si
cor, aut sanguis, aut cerebrum est animus, cer-
te, quoniam est corpus, interibit cum reliquo cor-
pore. Si anima est, fortasse dissipabitur ; si ig-
nis, exstinguetur ; si- est Aristoxeni harmonia,
dissolvetur. Quid de Dicaearcho dicam, qui nihil
omnino animum dicat esse ? His sententiis om-
nibus, nihil post mortem pertinere ad quemquam
potest ; pariter enim cum viik sensus amittitur. 90
Non sentientis autem, nihil est ullam in partem
quod intersit.
Reliquorum sententiae spem afierunt, si te
forte hoc delectat, posse animos,cum e corpori-
bus excesserint, in coelum quasi in domicilium
Buum pervenire.
A, Me vero delectat : idque primum ita esse
Telim ; deinde, etiam si non sit, mihi tamen
persuaderi velim.
Jf. Quid tibi ergo opera nostra opus est? 30
Nam eloquentia Platonem superare possumus?
EfoWe diligenter ejus eum librum, qui est de
animo ; amplius quod desideres, nihil erit.
A. Feci mehercule, et quidem saepius; sed.
26 TUSC. QUAESTIONES : §§9, 10.
NESCIO QUO MODO, DUM LEGO, ASSENTIOR ; CUM
POSUI LIBRUM, ET MECUM IPSE DB IMMORTALI-
TATR ANIMORUM COEPl COGITARE, ASSBN8IO OM-
NIS ILLA ELABITUR.
M. Quid hoc ? Dasne, aot manere animos
post mortem, aut morte ipsa interire ?
A. Do vero.
M, Quid, si maneant ?
A. Beatos esse concedo.
10 Jf. Si intereant?
A. Non esse miseros ; quoniam ne sint qni-
dem. Jam istuc, coacti a te, paullo ante conces-
simus.
M, Quo modo igitur, aut cur, mortem malum
tibi videri dicis ; quae aut beatos nos efficiet, anr-
mis manentibus; aut non miseros, sensu carentes.
§10.
A, Expone igitur, nisi molestum est, pri«
mum, si poles, animos remanere post mortem ;
tum si minus id obtinebis (est enim arduum),
aodocebis, carere omni malo mortem. Ego enim
istuc ipsum vereor, ne malum sit, non dico ca-
rere sensu, sed carendum esse.
Jf. Auctoribus quidem ad istam sententiam,
quam vis obtineri, uti optimis possumus ; quod
in omnibus causis et debet et solet valere pluri-
mum; et primum quidem omni antiquitate;
quae quo propius aberat ab ortu et divina pro-
genie, hoc melius ea fortasse, quae erant Tera,
cernebat.
39 Itaque unum illud erat insitum priscis illis,
quos Cascos appellat Ennius, esse in morte sen-
sum, neque excessu vitae sic deleri hominem ut
TUSC. qUAESTION£S : ^ 10. 27
fanditus interiret Idque cum multis aliis rebus,
turn e poQtificio jure et caeremoniis sepulcrorum,
iutelligi licet; quas maximis iogeniis praediti
Dec tanta cura coluissent, nee violatas tarn inex-
piabili religione sanxissent, nisi haesisset in eo-
rum mentibus, mortem non interitum esse omnia
tollentem atque delentem, sed quandam quasi
migrationem commutationemque vitae, quae in
Claris viris et faeminis dux in caelum soleret es-
se ; in ceteris humi retineretur, et permaneretio
tamen. Ex hoc, et nostrorum opinione, Ro'
mulus in caeh cum diis agit aevum, ut famae
assentiens dixit Ennius ; et apud Graecos, in-
deque perlapsus ad nos et usque ad Oceanum
Hercules, tantus et tarn praesens habetur
deus. Hinc Liber, Semela natus; eademque
famae celebritate Tyndaridae fratres, qui non
modo adjutores in proeliis victoriae populi Ro-
mani, sed etiam nuntii fuisse perhibentur.
Quid ? Ino, Cadmi filia, nonne Leucothea no- so
roinata a Graecis, Matuta habetur a nostris?
Quid? totum prope caelum, ne plures perse-
quar, nonne humano genere completum est?
Si ?ero scrutari vet^ra, et ex his ea, quae scripto-
res Graeci prodiderunt, eruere coner ; ipsi illi,
majorum gentium Dii qui habentur, hinc a nobis
prefect! in caelum reperientur. Quaere, quorum
demonstrantur sepulcra in Graecia ; reminis-
cere, quoniam es initiatus, quae traduntur mys-
teriis ; turn denique, quam hoc late pateat, in- 90
telliges.
Sed qui nonduro ea (quae multis post anuis
tradari coepissent) physica didicissent, tantum
libi persuaserant, quantum natura admonente
28 * TUBC. QUAESTI0NE8 : ^ 11.
cognoverant. Rationes et causaa rerum non
tenebaDt. Visis quibusdam saepe moYebantar
bisque maxime nocturnis, ut Tiderentur ii, qai
vita excesserant, vivere.
§ 11.
Ut porro firmissimum afferri Tidetur, eur deoe
esse credamus, quod nulla gens tarn fera, neoK
omnium tarn sit immanis, cujus mentem non im<
buerit deorum opinio. Multi de diis prava sea*
tiunt; id enim vitioso more effici solet ; omnei
10 tamen esse vim et naturam divinam arbitrantur
Nee Tero id collocutio hominum aut consensot
effecit ; non institutis opinio est coniirmata, non
legibus. Omni autem in re, consensio omniuni
gentium hx naturae putanda est. Quis est, igl
tur, qui suorum mortem primum non eo lugeat
quod eos orbatos vi'ie commodis arbitretur'
ToUe banc opinionem, luctum sustuleris. Ne
mo enim maeret suo incommode. Dolent for
tasse et anguntur ; sed ilia lugubris Iamentati<
so fletusque maerens ex eo est, quod eum quem di
eximus Titae commodis privatum arbitramur, id
que sentire. Atque haec ita sentimus natuW
dtice, nulla ratione, nullaque doctrini.
Maximum vero argumentum est, naturam ip
sam de immortalitate animorum tacitam judi
care, quod omnibus curae sunt, et maxime qui
dem, quae post mortem futura sint. Serit arba
res, quae akeri saeculo prosint, ut ait Statins ii
Synephebis ; quid spectans, nisi etiam posten
30 secula ad se pertinere 1 Ergo arbores seret dil
igens agricola, quarum adspiciet baccam ipM
nunqnam ; vir magnus legea^ instituta, rempab
TUSC. ^UAESTIONES : ^§ 11, 12. 29
licam noD seret? duid procreatio liberorum,
quid propagatio nominis, quid adoptiones filio-
rum, quid testamentorum diligentia, quid ipsa se-
pulcrorum monumenta, quid elogia significant,
nisi nos futura etianhcogitare? duid? illud num
dubitas, quin specimen naturae capi debeat ex op-
tima quaque natura ? duae est, igitur, melior in
hominum genera natura, quam eorum qui se na-
tos ad homines juvandos, tutandos, conservan-
dos arbitrantur ? Abiit ad deos Hercules ; num- lo
quam abiisset, nisi, cum inter homines esset, earn
sibi viam munivisset. Vetera jam ista, et reli-
gione omnium consecrata.
§ 12.
duid in hac republica tot tantosque viros, ob
rempublicam interfectos, cogitasse arbitramur ?
lisdemne ut finibus nomen suum, quibus vita,
termiuaretur ? Nemo umquam, sine magna spe
immortal itis, se pro patria offerret ad n^ortem.
Licait esse otioso Themistocli; licuit Epamin-
ondae ; licuit, ne et vetera et externa quaeram, ao
mihi. Sed, nescio quomodo, inhaeret in
MENTIBUS QUASI SAECULORUM QUODDAM AUGU-
RiuM FUTURORUM ; idque in maximis ingeniis al-
tissimisque animis et existit maxime, et apparet
facillime. duo quidem demto, quis tarn esset
amens, qui semper in laboribus et periculis viv-
eret ? Loquor de principibus.
duid poetae ? Nonne post mortem nobilitari
Tolunt ? Unde ergo illud :
Adtpicite o cives senis Ennii imaginis formam, 30
Hie vettruin pinzit maxima facta patrum.
Mercedem gloriae flagitat ab iis, quorum patrea
afl^rat glori&. Idemque :
30 TUSC. ^UAESTIONES : ^^ 12,13.
Nemo m« lacrymis decorat, dm fancra fleta
Faxit. Cor l Volito vivu* per ora virnm.
Sed quid poetas ? Opifices post mortem no-
bilitari volunt. duid enim Phidias sui similem
speciem inclusit in clypeo Minervae, cum inscri-
bere non liceret? Cluid nostri philosophi?
Nonne in his ipsis libris, quos scribunt de coQ-
temnenda gloria, sua nomina inscribunt ?
Quod si omnium consensus naturae vox est ;
loomnesque, qui ubique sunt, consentiunt esse
aliquid quod ad eos pertineat qui viti cesserint ;
nobis quoque idem existimandurn est. Et si,
quorum aut ingenio aut virtute animus excellit,
eos arbitramur (quia naturi optimd sunt) cer-
nere naturae vim maxime ; verisimile est, cum
optimus quisque maxime posteritati serviat, esse
aliquid cujus is post mortem sensum sit habiturus.
§13.
Sed ut deos esse, natura opinamur ; qualeS'
que sint, ratione cognoscimus : sic permanere
so animos, arbitramur consensu nationum omnium ;
qua in sede maneant qualesque sint, ratione dis-
cendum est. Cujus ignoratio finxit Inferos, eas-
que formidines quas tu contemnere non sine
causa videbare. Tn terram enim cadeutibas
corporibus, hisque humo tectis (e quo dictum
est humari), sub terra censebant reliquam vitam
agi mortuorum. Quam eorum opinionem mag-
ni errores consecuti sunt : quos auxerunt poetae.
Frequens enim consessus theatri, in quo sunt
ao mulierculae et pueri, movetur audiens tam gran-
de carmen :
Adsum, atque advenio Acheronte, viz, via alta atqoe ardua;
Per tpeluncas saxis structas asperis, pendentibus,
Maxinois ; ubt rigida coiutat craisa oaligo (aferumj
TCSC. (^UAESTIONES : ^ 13, 14. 31
Tantumque valuit error (qai mihi quidem jam
sublatus videtur), ut corpora cremata cum 8ci-
rent, tamen ea fieri apud Inferos fingerent, qaae
sine corporibus nee fieri possent nee intelligi.
Animos enim per se ipsos viventes, non poterant
mente complecti ; formam aliquam figuramque
quaerebant. Inde Homeri tota vfxvia ; inde ea
quae meus amicus Appius vexgofiaviela facie-
bat ; inde in vicinia nostra Averni lacus,
Unde animae excitantar, obteora umbra opertae, ostio |q
AIti Acheron tis, fa Iso sanguine, itnagines mortaoruna.
Has tamen imagines loqui volunt ; quod fieri nee
sine lingua, nee sine palato, nee sine faucium la-
terumve et pulmonum vi et figura potest. Nihil
enim animo videre poterant ; ad oculos omnia re-
ierebant. Magni autem est ingenii sevocare men-
tem a sensibus, et cogitationem a consuetudine
abducere. Itaque (credo equidem etiam alios tot
saeculis, sed) quod litteris exstet, Pherecydes
Syrius primum dixit, animos hominum esse sem-^o
piternos. Antiquus sane, fiiit enim meo regnan-
te gentili. Hanc opinionem discipulus ejus
Pythagoras maxime confirmavit : qui, cum Su-
perbo regnante in Italiam venisset, tenuit Mag-
Dam illam Graeciam cum honore disciplinae
torn etiam auctoritate : multaque saecula postea
sic viguit Pythagoreorum nomen, ut nulli alii
docti viderentur.
^14.
Sed redeo ad antiquos. Rationem illi senten-
tiae suae non fere reddebant, nisi quid erat nu-30
meris aut descriptionibus explicandum. Plato-
nem ferant, ut Pythagoreos cognosceret, in Ita-
32 TUSC. QUA.ESTIONES : § 14.
liam venisse, et didicisse Pythagorea omnia ; pri-
mumque de animonim aeternitate hoq soluia
seosisse idem quod Pythagoram, sed rationem
etiam attulisse ; quam (nisi quid dicis) praeter-
mittamus, et banc totam spem immortalitatia
relinquamus.
A. An tu, cum me in summam exspectatio-
nem adduxeris, deseris? Errare, meherculb,
MALO CUM Platone, (quem tu quanti facias scio,
10 et quem ex tuo ore admiror), quam cum istis
VERA SENTIRE.
M, Macte virtute ; ego enim ipse cum eodem
ipso non invitus erraverim. Num igitur dubi-
tamus, sicut pleraque, sic et hoc ? Quamquam
hoc quidem minime ; persuadent enim matbe-
matici, terrara in medio mundo sitam, ad univer-
si caeli complexum quasi puncti instar obtinere,
quod %ipTQOv illi vocant ; eam porro naturam
esse quatuor omnia gignentium corporum, at
90 quasi partita babeant inter se et divisa momenta.
Terrena et bumida, suopte nutu et suo pondere,
ad pares angnlos in terram et in mare ferantur;
reliquae duae partes, una ignea altera animalis,
ut illae superiores in medium locum mundi grav-
itate ferantur et pondere, sic bae rursum rectis
lineis in caelestem locum subvolent, sive ipsa
natur& superiora appetente, sive quod a graviori-
bus leviori naturi repellantut.
Quae cum constent, perspicuum debet esse,
doanimos, cum e corpore excesserint, sive ilii sint
animales (id est, spirabiles), sive tones', in sub-
lime ferri. Si vero aut numerus quidam sit ani-
mus, quod subtiliter magis quam dilucide dici-
tur ; aut quirUa ilia non oominata magis quam
Tusc. ai^ASSTioNxs : § 14, 15. 33
non intellecta natura ; multo etiam integriora ac
pnriora sunt, ut a terra longiasime se efferant
Homm igitur aliquid animus est, nee tam vege-
ta mens aut in corde cerebrore, aut in £mpe«
docleo sanguine demersa jaceat.
§15.
Dicaearcbum vero, cum Aristoxeno aequali et
condiscipulo suo, doctos sane homines, omitta-
mus ; quorum alter ne condoluisse quidem un-
quam videtur, qui animum se habere non senti-
at ; alter ita delectatur suis cantibus, ut eos eti- lo
am ad haec transferre conetur. Harmoniam au-
tem ex intervallis sonorum nosse possumus, quo>
rum varia compositio etiam harmonfas efficit
plures ; membrorum vero situs ct figura corpo-
ris, racans animo,quam possit harmoniam efficere
non video. Sed hie quidem, quamns eruditua
sit (sicut est), haec magistro concedat Aristot-
eli ; canere ipse doceat : bene enim. illo prover-
bio Graecorum praecipitur,
Quam quiaqoo norit artem, in hac M exereeat. SO
niam vero funditus ejiciamus Individ uorum
oorporum levium et rotundorum concursionem
fbrtuitam ; quam tamen Democritus concale-
fiictaro et spirabilem, id est, animalem esse vo-
luit. Is autem animus, qui, si est horum qua-
tuor generum ex quibus omnia constare dicun-
tor, ex inflammata anima constat, (ut potissimym
videri video Panaetio), sgperiora capessat ne-
cesae est ; nihil enim habent haec duo genera
proDi, et supera semper petont. Ita, sive di»>90
iipuitur, procul a lerris id evenif ; aife perma-
34 TUSC. <lUAE8TI0NEg : ^ 15, 16.
nent et conservant habitum saum, hoc etiam
magis necesse est ferantur ad caelum, et ab his
perrumpatur et dividatur crassas hie et concre*
• tus aer qui est terrae proximus : calidior est
enira, vel potius ardentior aoimus, qaam est hie
aer, quem modo dixi crassum atque concretam ;
quod ex eo sciri potest, quia corpora nostra, ter-
reno principiorum genere confecta, ardore animi
concalescunt.
§16.
10 Accedit, ut eo facilius animus evadat ex hoc
acre, quem saepe jam appello, eumque perram-
pat, quod nihil est aoimo velocius ; nulla est
celeritas, quae possit cum animi celeritate con-
tendere : qui si permanet incorruptus suique
similis, necesse est ita feratur, ut (^netret et
dividat omne caelum hoc, in quo nubes, imbres,
ventique coguntur, quod et humidum et caligi-
nosum est propter exhalationes terrae. . duam
regionem cum snperavit animus, naturamque sui
sosimilem contigit et agnovit, junctis ex anim^
tenui et ex ardore solis temperate ignibus in-
sistit, et finem altius se efferendi facit. Cum
enim sui similem et levitatem et caiorem adep-
tus, tamquam paribus examinatus ponderibus,
nullam in partem roovetnr ; eaque ei demam
naturalis est sedes, cum ad sui similem pene«
travit, in quo nulla re egens aletnr, et sustenta-
bitur iisdem rebus quibus astra sustentantur et
aluntur.
30 Cumque corporis facibus inflammari soleamas
ad omnes fere cupiditates ; eoque magis incendi,
quod iis aemulemur qui ea habeant quae nos
TUSC. <^UAS9TIONS9 : ^16. 35
habere cupiamus; profecto beati erimus, cum,
corporibus reiictis, et cupiditatum et aemulatio-
Dum erimus expertes. duodque nunc facimas,
cum laxati curis sumus, ut spectare aliquid veli-
mus et visere; id multo turn faciemus liberius,
totosque nos in contemplandis rebus perspicien«
disque ponemus, propterea quod et natura inest
mentibus nostris insatiabilis quaedam cupiditas
veri videndi : et orae ipsae locorum illorum quo
pervenerimus, quo faciliorem nobis cognitionem ^®
rerum caelestium, eo majorem cognoscendi cu-
piditatenKdabunt.
Haec enim pulchritudo, etiam in terris, patri-
am illam et avitam (ut ait Theophrastus) philo*
sophiam, cognitionis cupiditate incensam, exci-
tavit. Praecipue vero fruentur ek, qui turn
etiam, cum has terras incolentes circumfusi eraut
caligine, tamen acie mentis dispicere cupiebant.
Etenim si nunc aliquid assequi se putant, qui
ostium Ponti viderunt, et eas angustias, per^
quas penetravit ea quae est nominata,
Argo, quia Argivi in ea, delicti viri,
Veeti, petebant pellem inauratam arietts ;
aut ii, qui Oceani freta ilia viderunt,
Enropam, Libyamque rapax ubi dividit unda ;
quod tandem spectaculum fore putamus, cum
totam terram contueri licebit, ejusque cum si-
tura, formam, circumscriptionem, tum et ha-
bitabiles regiones, et rursum omni cultu propter
vim frigoris aut caloris vacantes ? so
Nos enim ne nunc quidem oculis cernimas
ea, quae videmus ; neque enim est ullus sensus
in corpora ; sed^ (at non ^ solum physici docent^
36 TUSC* ^UAESTIONES : ^ 16, 17.
Terum etiam medici qui ista aperta et pate&cta
viderunt), viae quasi quaedam sunt ad ocnlos,
ad aures, ad nares, a sede animi perforatae. Itft-
que saepe aut cogitatione, aut aliqua vi morbi
impediti, apertis atque integris et oculis et auuri*
bus, nee videmus, nee audimus ; ut facile intel-
ligi possit, animum et videre et audire, non eas
partes quae quasi fenestrae sunt animi : quibua
tamen sentire nihil queat mens, nisi id agat et
10 adsit.
Quid? quod eadem mente res dissiraillimas
comprehendimus, ut colorem, saporem, calorem,
odorem, sonum ? quae numquam quinque nnntiis
animus cognosceret, nisi ad eum omnia referren«
tur, et is omnium judex solus esset Atque ea
profecto turn multo puriora et diiucidiora cer*
nentur, cum, quo natura fert, liber animus per-
venerit. Nam nunc quidem, quamquam forami-
na ilia quae patent ad animum a corpore, cal-
aolidissimo artificio natura fabricata est, tameo
terrenis concretisque corporibus sunt intersepta
quodammodo. Cum autem nihil erit praeter
animum, nulla res objecta impediet, quo minus
percipiat quale quidque sit.
§17.
Quamvis copiose haec diceremus, si res pos-
tularet, quam multa, quam varia, quanta specta-
cula animus in locis caelestibus esset habitarus.
Quae quidem cogitans, soleo saepe mirari non-
nullorum insolentiam philosophorum, qui naturae
30 cognitionem admirantur, ejusque inventori et
principi gratias exultantes agunt, eumque vene-
rantur ut deum ; liberatos enim se per eum
TUSC^ atTAESTIONES I §<J 17, 18. 37
dicant gravissimis dominis, terrore sempiterno,
et diurao ac nocturno metu. Quo terrore ?
CIqo metu? Quae est anus tarn delira, quae
tiroeat ista, quae vos videlicet, si physica non
didicissetis, timeretis?
- Aeherasia templa, alta Orci ....
Falatia Leti, obnubila tenebria loca !
Non pudet pbilosopbum in eo gloriari, quod haec
non timeat, et quod falsa esse cognoverit? ex
quo intelligi potest, quam acuti natura sint, qui ^^
haec sine doctrina credituri fuerint.
Praeclarum autem nescio quid adepti sunt,
quod didicerunt, se, cum tempus mortis venisset,
totos esse perituros. Quod ut ita sit (nihil enlm
pugno), quid habet ista res aut laetabile, aut
gloriosumi Nee tamen mihi sane quidquam
occarrit, cur non Pytbagorae Jut et Platonis vera
sententia ; ut enim rationem Plato nullam affer-
rety (vide quid homini tribuam), ipsa auctoritate
me frangeret. Tot autem rationes attulit, ut90
velle ceteris, sibi certe persuasisse videatur.
§18.
Sed plurimi contra nituntur, animosquc quasi
capite damnatos morte multant. Neque aliud est
quidquam, cur incredibilis his animorum videa-
tur aeternitas, nisi quod nequeunt, qualis animus
sit vacans corpore, intelligere et cogitatione
comprehendere. Quasi vero intelligant, qualis
sit in ipso corpore, quae conformatio, quae
magnitudo, qui locus ; ut, si jam possent in bom-
ine vivo cerni omnia quae nunc tecta sunt, ca- so
surnsne in conspectum videatur animus ; an tan-
ta sit ejus tenuitas, ut fugiat aciem.
38 TUSC* <^UA.ESTIONE8 : §^ 18, 19.
Haec reputent isti, qui negant animom sioe
corpore se iotelligere posse. Videbunty quein in
ipso corpore intelligant. Mihi qaidem naturam
animi intuenti, multo difficilior occurrit cogita^
tio multoque obscurior, qualis animus in corpo-
re sit, tamquam alieuae domi ; quam qualis cum
exierit et in liberuni caelum, quasi domum,
venerit. Nisi enim, quod numquam vidimus, id
quale sit intelligere non possumus ; certe et De-
10 um ipsum, et divinum animum corpore libera-
tum, cogitatione complectt possumus.
Dicaearcbus quidem et Aristoxenus, quia di^
ficilis erat animi quid aut qualis esset intellig^
lia, nullum omnino animum esse dixerunt Est
illud quidem vel maximum, animo ipso animum
videre ; et nimirum banc habet vim praeceptum
Apollinis, quo monet ut se quisque noscat Non
enim, credo, id praecipit, ut membra nostra aut
staturam figuramve noscamus. Neque nos cor*
9opora sumus ; neque ego, tibi dicens boc, corpori
tuo dico. Cum igitur noscb te dicit, hoc
dicit : NoscE animum tuum. Nam corpus qai-
dem quasi vas est, aut aliquod animi receptacu-
lum. Ab animo tuo quidquid agitur, id agitar
a te. Hunc igitur nosse, nisi divinum esset,
non esset hoc acripris cujusdam animi praecep*
turn, sic, ut tributum deo sit, [hoc est, se ipsuio
posse cognoscere.]
§ 19.
Sed si qualis sit animus, ipse animus nesciet ;
30 die, quaeso, ne 6556 quidem se sciet ? ne mover!
quidem se ? Ex quo ilia ratio nata est Platonis,
quae a Socrate est in Phaedro explicata, a mc
TUSC. ^UAESTIONES I § lO. 39
antem posita est in sexto libro de Republica :
" duod semper movetur, aeternum est ; quod
aatem motum affert alicui, quodque ipsum agita-
tor aliunde, quando finem habet motus, vivendi
finem habeat necesse est. Solum igitur quod se
ipsum movet, quia numquam deseritur a se,
numqnam ne mover! quidem desinit ; quinetiam
ceteris quae moventur, hie fons, hoc principium
est movendi. Principii autem nulla est origo.
Nam e principio oriuntur omnia ; ipsum autem lo
nulla ex re alia nasci potest ; nee enim esset
principium, quod gigneretur aliunde. Cluod si
numquam oritur, ne occidit quidem umquam ;
nam principium exstinctum nee ipsum ab alio
renascetur, nee a se aliud creabit, siquidem
necesse est a principio oriri omnia. Ita fit, ut
fflotus principium ex eo sit, quod ipsum a se
fnoTetur. Id autem nee nasci potest, nee mo-
ri ; vel concidat omne caelum omnisque terra,
consistat necesse est, nee vim ullam nanciscatur so
qua prime impulsa moveator. Cum pateat igi-
tur, aeternum id esse quod se ipsum moveat,
quis est qui banc naturam animis esse tributam
neget ? Inanimum est enim omne, quod pulsu
agitatnr externo; quod autem est animal, id
motu cietur interiore et sue. Nam haec est
propria natura animi atque vis ; quae, si est una
ex omnibus quae se ipsa semper moveat, neque
nata certe est, et aeterna est."
Licet concurrant plebeii. omnes philosophi, 30
(sic enim ii qui a Platone et Socrate et ab ea
nmilia dissident, appellandi videntur), non mode
nihil umquam tam eleganter explicabunt, sed ne
hoc quidem ipsum quam aubtiliter conclusum
>
40 TUSC. aUAESTlONES : <^§ 19, 20.
sit, intelligent. Sentit igitur animus se moveri ;
quod cum sentit, illud una sentit, se vi sua non
aliena moveri ; nee accidere posse ut ipse um-
quam a se deseratur. E\ quo efficitur aeterni-
tas ; nisi quid babes ad haec.
A, Ego vero facile sum passus, ne in mentem
quidem mihi aliquid contra venire ; ita isti finveo
sententiae.
§20.
M, Quid ilia tandem ? Num leviora censes,
10 quae declarant inesse in animis boniinum divint
quaedam? quae si cernerem quemadmodum
nasci possent, etiam quemadmodum interirent
viderem. Nam sanguinem, bilem, pituitam,
ossa, nervos, venas, omnem denique meoiborum,
et totius corporis iiguram, videor posse dicere
unde concreta, et quo modo facta sint ; animuni
ipsum, si nibil esset in eo nisi id, ut per eum
viveremus, tam natura putarem bominis vitam
sustentari, quam vitis, quam arboris ; baec enim
so etiam dicimus vivere. Item si nihil baberet ani-
mus bominis, nisi ut appeteret aut refugeret, id
quoque esset ei commune cum bestiis.
Habet primum memoriam, et earn infinitaro,
rerum innumerabilium. duam quidem Plato
recordationem esse vult superioris vitae ; nam
in illo libro, qui inscribitur Menon, pusionem
quendam Socrates interrogat quaedam geometri-
ca de dimensione quadrati. Ad ea sic ille re*
spondet, ut puer ; et tamen, ita faciles interroga-
sotionessunt, ut gradatim respondens eodem per-
veniat quo si geometrica didicisset. Ex quo
effici vult Socrates, ut discere nihil aliud sit nisi
* TUSC. QUAESTIONES : § 21 . 41
recordari. duem locum multo etiam accuratius
explicat in eo sermone, quern habuit eo ipso die
quo excessit e vita ; docet eniin, quemvis, qui
omnium rerum rudis iesse videatur, bene inter-
roganti respondentem, declarare se non turn ilia
discere, sed reminiscendo recognoscere ; nee
vero fieri uUo modo posse, ut, a pueris, tot re-
rum atque tantarum insitas et quasi consignatas
ID animis notiones (quas ivvoiag vocant) habere-
mus, nisi animus, antequam in corpus intravis- lo
set, in rerum cognitione viguisset. Cumque ni-
hil esset, ut omnibus locis a Platone disseritur,
(nihil enim ille putat esse quod oriatur et inte-
reat, idque solum esse quod semper tale sit qua-
lem idtav appellat ille, nos speciem), non potuit
animus haec in corpore inclusus agnoscere ; cog-
nita attulit. Ex quo tam multarum rerum cogni-
tionis admiratio tollitur. Neque ea plane videt
animus, cum tam repente in insolitum tamque
perturbatum domicilium immigravit ; sed cum 20
06 collegit atque recreavit, tum agnoscit ilia
reminiscendo. Ita nihil aliud est discere^ nisi
recordari.
Ego autem, majore etiam quodam modo, me-
moriam admiror. duidest enim illud, quomem-
inimus ? Aut quam habet vim ; aut unde na-
tam ? Non quaero, quanta memoria Simonides
fuisse dicatur ; quanta Theodectes ; quanta is,
qui a Pyrrho legatus ad senatum est missus, Cy-
neas; quanta nuper Charmadas ; quanta, qui 30
rooda fuit, Scepsius Metrodorus ; quanta noster
Hortensius. De communi hominum memoria
loquor, et eorum maxime qui in aliquo majore
stodio et arte versantur ; quorum quanta mens
42 TUSC, ^UAESTIONES : ^ 21.
sit, difficile est existimare ; ita multa memin^
runt.
§21.
duorsum igitur haec dpectat oratio ? Cluae
sit ilia vis, et unde, intelligendum puto. Nob
est certe nee cordis, nee saiigainis, nee cerebri,
nee atomorum. Anima sit animus,^ ignisre,
nescio ; nee me pudet, ut istos, fateri nesctre
quod nesciam. Illud, si ulla alia de re obscura
affirmare posserti, (sive anima. sive ignis sit ani-
iomus),eum jurarem esse divinum. Quid enim,
obsecro te ; terrane tibi, aut hoc nebuloso et
caliginoso coelo, aut sata aut eoncreta videtar
tanta vis memoriae ? Si quid sit hoe non vides,
at quale sit vides ; si ne id quidem, et qutmium
sit profecto vides.
Quid igitur? Utrum capaeitatem aliqaaro
in animo putamus esse, quo, tamquam in aliqaod
vas, ea quae meminimus infundantur? Ahsnr-
dum id quidem ; qui enim fundus, aut quae
90 talis animi figura, intelligi potest. Aut quae
tanta omnino capacitas? An imprimi quasi
ceram animum putamus, et memoriam esse
signatarum rerum in mente vestigia? Quae
possunt verborum, quae rerum ipsarum, esse
vestigia ? Quae porro tam immensa magnitudo,
quae ilia tam multa possit effingere? Qaidj?
Ilia vis, quae tandem est quae investigat occulta,
quae inventio atque exeogitatio dicitur ? Er
hacne tibi terrena, mortal ique natura et cadar
30 eoncreta ea videtur ? Aut qui primus, q
summae sapientiae Pythagorae visum est, of
bus rebus imposuit nomina ? Aut qui dist
Tusc* q,nA£sTioNEs : § 32, 23* 43
t08 homines congregavit, et ad societatem vitae
convocavit ? Aut qui sonos vocis, qoi infiniti
videbantur, paucis littera'rum notis terminavil t
Aut qui errantium stellaram cursus, regressiones,
institiones notavit? Omnes magni ; etiam su-
periores, qui fruges, qui vestituoi, qui tecta, qui
cultum vitae, qui praesidia contra (eras, invene-
runt ; a quibus mansuefacti et exculti, a neces-
sariis artificiis ad elegantiora defluximus. Nam
^t auribus oblectatio magna parta est, inventa et iq
temperata varietate et natura sonorum.
Et astra suspeximus, turn ea quae sunt
infixa certis locis, turn ilia non re sed voca-
bulo errantia; quorum conversiones omnes-
que motus qui animo vidit, is docuit similem ani-
mum suum ejus esse, qui ea fabricatus esset in
caelo. Nam cum Archimedes lunae, solis, qnin-
que errantium, motus in sphaeram illigavit ; ef-
fecit idem quod ille, qui in Timaeo mundum
aedificavit, Platonis deus, ut tarditate et celeri- so
tate dissimillimos motus una regeret conversio.
Quod si in hoc mundo fieri sine deo non potest,
ne in sphaera quidem eosdem motus Archimedes
sine divino ingenio potuisset imitari.
§22.
Mihi vero ne haec quidem notiora et illustrio-
ra carere vi divina videntur, ut ego aut poetam
grave plenumque carmen sine caelesti aliquo
mentis instinctu putem fundere ; aut eloquen-
tiam sine quadam vi majore fluere, abundantem
sonantibus verbis uberibusque sententiis. Philo- so
sophia vero, omnium mater artium, quid est
aliud, nisi (ut Plato ait) donum, (ut ego), inventum
44 Tusc. ^UAESTiONEs : §§ 22, 23.
deorum 1 Haec nos primum ad illorum cultum ;
deinde ad jus homiDum, quod situm est in gen-
eris humani societate ; turn ad modestiam mag-
nitudlDemque animi, erudivit : eademque ab aoi-
mo, tamquam ab oculis, caliginem dispolit^ vt
omnia supera, infera, prima, ultima, media vide-
remus. Prorsus haec divina mthi videtur vis,
quae tot res efficiat et tantas. duid est enim
memoria rerum et verborum 1 duid porro in-
10 ventio ? Profecto id, quo nee in deo quidqufin
majus intelligi potest. Non enim ambrosia de-
cs, aut ncctare^ aut Juventate pocula minis-
trante, laetari arbitror ; nee Homerum audio,
qui Ganymedem a diis raptum ait propter for-
mam, ut Jovi bibere ministraret. Non justa
causa, cur Laomedonti tanta fieret injuria.
Fingebat baec Homerus, et humana ad decs
transferebat ; divina mallem ad nos. Cluae au-
tem divina ? Vigere, sapere, invenire^ memin-
Misse. Ergo animus (ut ego dico) divinus est;
ut Euripides audet dicere, deus : et quidem
si deus aut anima aut ignis est, idem est animus
hominis. Nam ut ilia natura caelestis et terra
vacat et humore ; sic utriusque harum rerum
humanus animus est expers. Sin autem est
quinta quaedam natura, ab Aristotele inducta ;
primum haec et deorum est et animcMrum.
$23.
Hanc DOS sententiam secuti, his ipsis verbis
in Consolatione haec expressimus : *' Animo-
rum nulla in terris origo inveniri potest ; nihil
30 enim est in animis mixtum atque concretum,
aut quod ex terra natum atque fictum esse vi«
TU8C. QUAESTIONES : ^^ 23,^24. 45
deatur ; nihil ne aut humidum quidem, aut fla*
bile, aut igneum. His enim in natnris nihil in-
est, quod vim memoriae^ mentis, cogitationis
habeat ; quod et praeterita teneat, et futura pro-
videat, et coipplecti possit praesentia ; quae sola
divina sunt. Nee invenietur umquam, unde ad
hominem venire possint, nisi a.deo. Singularis
est igitur quaedam natura atque vis animi, se
juncta ab his asitatis notisque naturi?. Ita quid-
quid est iliud, quod sentit, quod sapit, quod vivit, lo
quod viget, caeleste et divinum est ; ob eamque
rem, aeternum sit necesse est. Nee vero deus
ipse, qui inteliigitur a nobis, alio modo intelli-
gi potest, nisi mens soluta quaedam et libera,
segregata ab omni concretione mortali, omuiaque
sentiens et raovens, ipsaque praedita motu sem-
piterno.'* Hoc e genere, atque eadem e natura,
est humana mens.
§24.
Ubi igitur, aut qualis est ista mens? Ubi
tua, aut' qualis ? Potesne dicere? An, si om- :30
nia ad intelligendum non habeo quae habere
vellem, ne iis quidem quae habeo mihi per te
nti licebit? Non valet tantum animus ut se ip-
se videat ; at, ut^ oculus, sic animus se non vi-
dens alia cemit. Non videt autem (quod mini-
mum est) formam suam. Fortasse ; quamquam
id quoque ; sed relinquamus. Vim certe, sa-
gacitatem, memoriam, motum, celeritatem videt.
Haec magna, haec divina, haec sempiterna
sunt. Cluae facie quidem sit, aut ubi habitet, 3u
ne quaerendnm quidem est. Ut cum videmus
apectem primum oandoremque caeli; deinde
3*
4G TUSC. QUAESTIONES : § 24.
conversionis celeritatem tantam, quantam cogi-
tare non possumus ; turn ?icissitudines dierum
atque noctium, commutationesque temporum
quadripartitaSy ad niaturitatem frugum et ad
temperationem corpora m aptas ; eorumque om-
nium moderatorem et ducem solem ; lunamque
. accretione et diminutione luminis, quasi fasto-
rum notis signantem dies ; turn in eodem orbe
in duodecim partes distributo, quinque Stellas
loferri eosdem cursus constantissime servantes,
disparibus inter se motibus ; nocturnamque cae-
11 formam undique sideribus ornatam : turn glo-
buni terrae eminentem e mari fixum in medio
mundi universi loco, duabus oris distantibus ha-
bitabilem et cultum ; quarum altera, quam nos
incolimus,
Sub axe posita ad stellat septem, ande horrifer
Aquilonia stridor ^elidas molitur nives ;
altera australis, ignota nobis, quam vocant Grae-
ji3 ci (xvilj^d^ova ; ceteras partes incultas, quod aut
frigore rigeant aut urantur calore ; hie autem,
ubi habitamuSy non intermittit suo tempore,
Caelain niteseere, arborea frondescere,
Viteg laetificae pampinis pubescere,
Rami baccarum uberitate incurvescere,
Segetes largiri fruses, florere omnia,
FoDtes scatere, herbis prata cdnveatirior;
turn muhitudinem pecudum, partim ad vescen-
d.um, partim ad cultas agrorum, partim ad ve-
.^^ bendum, partim ad corpora vestienda ; homi-
nemque ipsum quasi contemplatorem caeli ac de-
orum, ipsorumque cultorem ; atque hominis util-
itati agros omnes et maria parentia-^haec igitur
et alia innumerabilia cum cernimus, possumus-
ne dubitare, quin his praesit aliquis yel Effector ,
Tusc. QUAESTioNEs : ^§ 24, 25. 47
si haec nata sunt (ut Platoni videtur), vel si sem"
per fuerint (ut Aristoteli placet), Moderator
tanti operis et muneris ? Sic mentem hominis,
quamvis earn non ?ideas, (ut deura non vides),
tamen, ut deum agnosgis ex operibus ejus,
SIC EX MEMORIA RERVM, ET , INVENTIONE, ET
CELERITATE MOTUS, OMNIQUE PULCHRITUDINE
VIRTUTIS, VIM DIVINAM BitSNTIS AGNOSCITO.
§ 25.
In quo igitur loco est? Credo equidem in
capite ; et cur credam, afferre possum. Sed lo
alias ; nunc ubi sit animus, certe quidem in te
est. Quae est ei natural Propria, puto, et
sua. Sed fac igneam, fac spirabilem ; nihil ad
id de quo aginius. Illud modo videto, ut deum
noris, etsi ignores et locum et faciem ; sic ani-
nium tibi tuum notum esse oportere, etiam si
ejus ignores et locum et formam. In animi au-
tem cognitione, dubitare non possumus, nisi
plane in physicis plumbei sumus, quin nihil sit
animis admixtum, nihil concretum, nihil copula- ^^
turn, nihil coagmentatum, nihil duplex. Quod
cum ita sit, certe nee secerni, nee dividi, nee
discerpi, nee distrahi potest ; nee interire igitur.
Est enim interitus quasi discessus et secretio ac
direraptus earum partium, quae ante interitum .
junctione aliqua tenebantur.
His et tali bus rationibus adductus, Socrates
nee patronum quaesivit ad judicium capitis, nee
judicibus supplex fuit; adhibuitque liberara
contumactam, a magnitudine animi ductam, non 30
a superbia. Et supremo vitae die, de hoe ipso
multa disseruit, et paueis ante diebus, cum facile
48 TUSC. ^UAESTIONES : § 25.
posset educi e custodia, noluit ; et cum paene
in manu jam mortiferum iliud teneret poculura,
locutus ita est, at non ad mortem trudi^ verum
in caelum videretur ascendere.
Ita enim censebat itaque disserutt : 'Duas
esse vias duplicesque cursus animorum a corpo*
re excedentium. Nam qui se humanis vitiis
contaminavissent, et se totos libidinibus dedidis^
sent, qui bus caecati ; vel domesticis vitiis atque
flagitiis se inquinavissent ; vel republica violanda
20 fraudes inexpiabiles concepissent ; iis devrum
quoddam iter esse, seclusum a concilio deorum.
Clui autem se integros castosque servavissent ;
quibusque fuisset minima cum corporibus conta-
gio, seseque ab his semper sevocassent ; essent*
que in corporibus tiumanis vitam imitati deorum;
his ad illos a quibus essent profecti, reditum
facilem patere.' Itaque commemorat, ut cygni
(qui non sine causa Apollini dicati sint, sed
quod ab eo divinationem habere videantur qua
>iO providentes quid in morte boni sit), cum cantu
et volnptate moriantur ; sic omnibus et bonis et
doctis esse faciendum. Nee vero de hoc quis-
quam dubitare posset ; nisi idem nobis accide*
ret, dtligenter de animo cogitantibus, quod iis
saepe usu venit, qui cum acriter oculis deficien-
tem solem intuerentur, ut adspectum omnino
amitterent : sic mentis acies, seipsa intuens,
nonnumquam hebescit, ob eamque causam con-
^^ templandi diligentiam amittimus. Itaque dubi-
tans, circumspectans, haesitans, multa ad?ersa
reverens, tamquam ratis in mari immenso, nos-
tra vehitur oratio.
Sed haec et vetera^ et a Graecis. Cato au-
Tusc. qvACSTioNEs : ^^ 25, 26. 49
tern sic abiit e ?ita, ut causaro rooriendi nactum
se esse gauderet. Vetat enim dominans ille
IN NOBIS DBUS, INJOSSU HINC N08 SUO DEMI6RA-
RE. Cum vero causam justam deus ipse dede-
rit, ut tunc Socrati, nunc Catoni, saepe multis ;
nae ille, medius fidius, vir sapiens, laetus ex his
tenebris in lucem illam excesserit ; nee tamen
ilia vincula carceris ruperit, leges enim vetant.
Sed tamquam a magistratu, aut ab aliqua potes-
tate legitima, sic a deo evocatus atque emii^sus, lo
exierit. Tota enim philosophorum vita, ut ait
idem, commentatio mortis est.
§26.
Nam quid aliud agimus, cum a roluptate, id
est a corpore ; cum a re familiari, quae est min-
istra et famula corporis ; cum a republica ; cum
a negotio omni^ sevocamus animum ? duid,
inquam, turn agimus, nisi animum ad seipsum
advocamus, secum esse cogimus, maximeque
a corpore abducimus? Secernere autem a
corpore animum, nee quidquam aliud est, quam 9o
emori discere. duare hoc commentemur, mihi
crede, disjungamusque nos a corporibus, id est,
consaescamus mori. Hoc et, dum erimus in
terris, erit ilii caelesti vitae simile ; et cum illuc
ex his vinculis emissi feremur, minus tardabitur
cursus animorum. Nam qui in compedibus cor-
poris semper fuerunt, etiam cum soluti sunt,
tardins ingrediuntur ; ut ii, qui ferro vincti mul-
tosannos fuerunt. Quo cum venerimus, turn
denique vivemus. Nam haec quidem vitaao
mors est ; quam lamentari possem, si liberet
A, Satis quidem tu in Gonsolatione eslamen-
50 Tusc.^UAESTiONEs: §§26,27.
talus ; quam cum lego, nihil malo quam has res
relinquere ; his vero modo auditis, multo magis.
M. Veniei tempus, et quidem celeriter, et
sive retractabis sive properabis; ?olat enim
aetas. Tantutn autem abest [ab eo] ut malum
mors sit, quod tibi dud urn videbatur, ut verear
ne homini nihil sit, non malum aliud certe, sed
nihil bonum aliud potius : siquidemvel dii ipsi,
vel cum diis futuri sumus.
§27.
10 A. duid refert? Adsunt, enim, qui haec
non probent.
M. Ego autem numquum ita te in hoc ser-
mone dimittam, uUa uti ratione mors tibi videri
malum possit.
A. Qui potes ; cum ista cognoverim ?
M, Qui possit, rogas? Catervae veniunt
contra dicentium, non solum Epicureorum (quos
equidem non despicio), sed nescio quo niodo
doctissimus quisque contemnit ; acerrime autem
deliciae meae, Dicaearchus, contra banc immor-
talitatem disseruit. Is enim tres libros scripsit,
(qui Lesbiaci vocantur, quod Mytilenis sermo
habetur), in quibus vult efficere animos esse mor-
tales. Stoici autem usuram nobis largiuntur,
tamquam cornicibus : diu mansuros aiuut ani-
mos ; semper, negant.
Num vis igitur audire, cur, etiam si ita sit,
mors tamen non sit in roalis ?
A. Ut videtur ; sed me nemo de immortalita-
30 te depellet.
M. Laudo id quidem ; etsi nihil nimis oportet
> Gonfidere. Movemur enim saepe aliquo acute
TUSC. QUAESTIONES : ^^^ 27, 28. 5 1
concluso ; labamus, mutamusque sententiam,
clarioribus etiam in rebus ; in his est enim ali-
qua obscuritas. Id igitur si accident, simus
arnmti.
A. Sane quidem ; sed ne accidat, providebo.
M, Num quid igitur est causae, quin amicos
nostros Stoicos dimittamus ? eos dico qui aiunt
animos manere e corpore cum excesserint, sed
non semper.
A. Istos vero ; qui quod tota in hac causa lO
difficillimum est suscipiant, posse animum
manere' corpore vacantem ; illud autem, quod
non modo facile ad credendum est, sed (eo con-
cesso quod volunt) consequens — id certe non
dant, ut cum diu permanserit ne intereat.
M. Bene reprehendis ; ut se isto modo res
habet. Credamus igitur Panaetio, a Platone
8U0 disentienti? quem enim omnibus locis
divinum, quem sapientissimum, quem sanctissi-
mum, quem Homerum philosophornm, appellat, so
hujus banc nnam sententiam de immortalitate
animorum non probat. Vult enim, quod nemo
negat, quidquid natum sit, interire ; nasci autem
animos, quod declaret eorum similitudo qui pro-
creantur ; quae etiam in ingeniis, non solum in
corporibus, appareat.
Alteram autem affert rationem ; nihil esse quod
doleat, quin id aegrum esse quoque possit ; quod
autem in morbum cadat, id etiam interiturum :
dolere autem animos ; ergo etiam interire. 30
§ 28.
Haec refelli possunt ; sunt enim ignorantis,
eom de aeternitate animoram dicatur, de mente
52 Tusc. QUAESTiONES : ^ 28, 29.
dici quae omni tarbido motu semper vacet ; non
de partibus iis in qui bus aegritudines, irae, libi-
dinesque rersentur : quas is, contra quern haec
dicuntur, semotas a mente et disclusas patat
Jam similitudo magis apparet in bestiis, quarum
animi sunt rationis eipertes ; hominam aateni
similitudo, in corporum figura magis ezstat. El
ipsi animi, magni refert quali in corpore ]ocati
sint ; multa enim e corpore existunt, quae acu-
^0 ant mentem ; multa, quae obtundant.
Aristoteles quidem ait, omnes ingeniosoe me*
lancholicos esse ; ut ego me tardiorem esse non
moleste feram. Enumerat multos ; idqae quasi
constet, rationem cur ita fiat affert. Quod si
tanta vis est ad habitum mentis in iis, quae gig-
nuntur in corpore, (ea sunt autem, quaecumque
sunt, quae similitudinera faciant) ; nihil necessi-
tatis affert cur nascatur animi similitudo. O*
mitto dissimilitudines.
99 Vellem adesse posset Panaetius. Vixit cum
Africano. Quaererem ex eo, cujus suorum sim-
ilis fuisset Africani fratris nepos ; facie vel pa-
tris) viti omnium perditorum, ita simiiis, at esset
facile deierrimus. Cujus etiam simiiis F. Cras-
si, et sapientis et eloquentis et primi hominis,
nepos ; multorumque aliorum virorum clarorum,
quos nihil attinet nominare, nepotes et filii 1
§29.
Sed quid agimus ? Oblitine sumus hoc nunc
nobis esse propositum, cum satis de aeternitate
30 dixissemus, ne si interirent quidem animi, quid-
quam mali esse in raorte ?
A. Ego rero memineram ; sed te de aetemi-
TUSC. Q,UAESTIONES I § 29. 53
tate dicentem aberrare a proposito facile patie-
bar.
M, Video te alte spectare, et velle in caelum
migrare.
A, Spero fore, ut contingat id nobis ; sed fac,
ut isti volunt, animos non remanere post mor-
tem ; video nos, si ita sit, privari spe beatiorie
▼itae.
If. Mali vero quid affert ista sententia ? FaC
enim sic animum interire ut corpus ; num igitur lo
aliquia dolor, aut omnino post mortem sensus, in
corpore est ? Nemo id quidem dicit ; etsi De-
inocritum insimulat Epicurus. Democritici ne-
gant. Ne in animo quidem igitur sensus rema-
net ; ipse enim nusquam est. Ubi igitur malum
esty quoniam nihil tertium est? An quoniam
ipse animi discessus a corpore non sit sine do-
lore 1 Ut credam ita esse, quam est id exiguum !
Et falsum esse arbitror ; et fit plerumque sine
sensu ; nonnumquam etiam cum voluptate. To- ao
tumque hoc leve est, qualecumque est ; fit enim
ad punctum temporis. lllud angit vel potius
excruciat, discessus ab omnibus iis quae sunt
bona in vita. Vide ne a malis dici verius possit.
Quid ego nunclugeam vitam homipum? vere
et jure possum. Sed quid necesse est, cum id
agam, ne post mortem miseros nos putemus fore,
etiam vitam efficere deplorando miseriorem ?
Fecimus hoc in eo libro, in quo nosmetipsos
quantum potuimus consolati sumus. A ma/tVao
Igitur mors abducit, non a bonis, verum si quae-
rimus.
Hoc quidem a Cyrenaico Hegesia sic copiose
disputatutj ut is a rege Ftolemaeo probibitus es-
54 Tusc. ^UAESTIONES : ^ 29, 30.
se dicatur ilia in scholis dicere ; quod malti,
his auditis, mortem sibi i|>si consciscerent
Callimachi qiiidem epigramma in AmbracioUm
Cleombrotum est ; quern ait, cum nihil ei acci-
disset adversi, e muro se in mare abjecisse, lee-
to Platonis libro. Ejus autem (quern dixi) He-
gesiae liber est, 'AnovtaQvigtaVy quod a vita qui-
dam, per inediam discedens, revocatur ab ami*
cis ; quibus respondens, vitae humanae enume-
10 rat incommoda. Possem id facere, etsi minus
quam ille qui omnino vivere expedire nemini
putat. Milto alios ; etiamne nobis expedit ? qui
et domesticis et forensibus solatiis ornamentis-
que privati, certe, si ante occidissemus, mors
nos a malisy uon a bonis abstraxisset.
§30.
Sit igitur aliquis, qui nihil mali habeat, nul-
lum a fortuna vulnus acceperit. Metellus ille
honoratis quatuor filiis; at quinquaginta Prii-
mus ; e quibus septem et decern justa uxore na-
20 tis. In utroque eandem habuit fortuna potestir
tern ; sed usa in altero est. Metellum enim
roulti filii, filiae, nepotes, neptes, in rogum im-
posuerunt ; Priamum tanta progenie orbatum,
cum in aram confugisset, hostilis manus intere^
mit. Hie, si vivis filiis, incolumi regno, occi-
disset,
Astante ope barbariea,
Tectis caelatift, laquoatia,
utrum tandem a bonis an a malis discessisset ?
30 Turn profecto videretur a bonis. At certe ei
melius evenisset ; nee tarn fiebiliter ilia caneren-
tur,
TUSC. qUAE3TI0N£S : ^ 30, 31. 55
Haee omnia vidi influninari,
Priamo vi vitam. evitari,
Jovifl aram sanguine turpari.
Quasi vero ista vel quidquam turn potuerit ei
melios accidere. Cluod si ante occidisset, turn
erentara omnino amisisset; hoc autem tem-
pore, sensom maiorum amisit.
Pompeio uostro familiari, cam graviter aegro-
taaset NeapoU, melius est factum. Coronati
Neapolitan! fuerunt; nimirum etiam Puteolaniio
Tiilgo ex oppidis publico gratulabantur. Inep-
tum sane negotium, et Graeculum ; sed tamen
fortunatum. Utrum igitur, si tum esset exstinc-
tos, a bonis rebus an a malis discessisset ? Cer-
le a miser is ; non enim cum socero bellum ges-
sisset ; non imparatus arma sumsisset ; non do-
mum reliquisset ; non ex Italia fugisset ; non,
exercitu amisso, nudus in servorum ferrum et
man us incidisset ; non liberi defieti ; non fortu-
nae omnes a victoribus possiderentur ; qui, si so
mortem tum obisset, in amplissimis fortunis oc-
ctdisset. Is, propagatione ?itae, quot, quantas,
quam incredibiles hausit calamitates 1 Haec
morte effugiuntur ; etiam si non evenerint, ta-
men quia possunt evenire. Sed homines ea si-
bi accidere posse non cogitant. Metelli sperat
sibi quisque fortunam ; perinde quasi aut plures
ibrtunati sint quam infelices ; aut certi quidquam
sit in rebus humanis ; aut sperare sit prudentius
quam timere.
§31.
Sed hoc ipsum concedatur, bonis rebus hom- so
ines morte privari ; ergo etiam carere mortuos
Yitae commodis, idque esse miserum ? ^ Certe,
56 TUSC. QUAESTIONES: § 31.
ita dicant, necesse est. An potest is, qui non
est, re ulla carere ? Triste enim est nomen ip-
8um carendi, quia subjicitur haec vis : * Habuit,
non habet ; desiderat, requirit, indiget ;* haec, opi-
nor, incommoda sunt carentis. Caret oculis,
odiosa caecitas ; liberis, orbitas. Valet hoc in
vivis; mortuorum autem, non roodo vitae com-
modis, sed ne vita quidem ipsi, quisqnam caret
De mortuis loquor, qui nuUi sunt. Nos qui ra-
10 mus, num, aut si cornibus caremus, aut pennis,
sit qui id dixerit? Certe nemo. Quid ita?
Quia cum id non habeas, quod tibi nee usu nee
natura sit aptum, non careas, etiam si sentias te
uon habere. Hoc premendum etiam atque eti-
am est argumentum, confirmato illo, de quo ( si
mortales animi sunt ) dubitare non possumns,
quin tantus interitus in morte sit, ut ne minima
quidem suspicio sensus relinquatur. Hoc igitar
probe stabilito et fixo, illud excutiendum est, ut
dosciatur quid sit carere ; ne relinquatur aliquid er-
roris in verbo. Carere, igitur, hoc significat:
Egere eo quod habere veUs. Inest enim veile in
carendo ; nisi cum sic, tamquam in febri, dicitur,
alia quadam notione verbi. Dicitur enim alio
modo etiam carere, cum aliquid non habeas, et
non habere te sentias, etiam si id facile patiare.
Carere in morte non dicitur ; nee enim esset^o*
lendum. Dicitur illud, bono carere; quod est
malum. Sed ne vivus quidem bono caret, si eo
30 non indiget. Sed in vivo intelligi tamen potest,
regno carere. Dici autem hoc in te satis subtil-
iter non potest ; potuisset in Tarquinio, cum reg-
no esset expulsus. At in mortuo ne intelligi
quidem potest, carere enim seniiends est. Neo
TUSG. QUASSTIONES : §^ 31 , 32. 57
sensus in mortuo ; ne carer e quidem, igitur, in
mortuo est. duamquam quid opus est in hoc
philosophari, cum rem non magnopere philoso-
pbia egere videamus ?
§32.
Quoties non modo ductores nostri, sed uni-
versi etiam exercitus, ad non dubiam mortem
concurrerunt ? Quae quidem si timeretur, non
L. Brutus, arcens eum reditu tyrannum quern
ipse expulerat, in proelio concidisset. Non cum
Laiinis decertans pater Decius, cum Etruscisio
filius, eum Pyrrho nepos, se hostium telis ob-
jecissent. Non uno bello pro patria cadentes,
Scipiones Hispania vidisset ; Paullum et Gemi-
num, Cannae ; Venusia, Marcellum ; Latini, AI-
binum ; Lucani, Gracchum. Num quis horum
miser hodie ? Ne tum quidem post spiritum ex-
tremum ; nee enim potest esse miser quisquam,
sensu peremto.
' At id ipsum odiosum est, sine sensu esse.'
Odiosum, si id essiBt carere. Cum vero per- so
spicuum sit, nihil posse in eo esse qui ipse non
sit ; quid potest esse in eo odiosum, qui nee
careat nee sentiat? Quamquam hoc quidem
nimis saepe ; sed eo quod in hoc inest omnis
aniroi contractio ex metu mortis. Qui enim
satis ?iderit, id quod est luce clarius, animo et
corpore consumpto, totoque animante delete, et
facto interitu universe, illud animal quod fuerit
factum esse nihil ; is plane perspiciet, inter Hip-
poceataurum qui numquam fuerit, et regemso
Agamemnonem, nihil interesse: nee pluris
nunc facere M. Camillum hoc civile bellum.
58 TUSC. i^UAESTIONES I §^ 32, 33.
quam ego, illo vivo, fecerim Romam ca[>tam.
Cur igitar et Camillas doleret, si haec post tre«
centos et quinquaginta fere annos event ara pa-
taret ; et ego doleam, si ad decern millia anno-
rum gentem aliquam urbe nostra potituram pu-
tem t Qaia tanta caritas patriae est, ut
EAM NON SENSU NOSTRO, SED SALUTE IPSIUS
METIAMUR.
§33.
Itaque non deterret sapientem mors, quae prop-
loter incertos casus quotidie imminet, propter
brcvitatem vitae numquam longe potest abe^se,
quo minus in omne tempus reipublicae suisque
consulat ; et posteritatem ipsam, cujus sensum
habiturus non sit, ad se putet pertinere. Quare
licet etiam mortalem esse animum, judicantem
aeterna moliri, non gloriae cupiditate quam sen-
surus non sis, sed virtutis, quam necessario glo-
ria, etiam si tu id non agas, consequatur. Na-
tura vero sic se habet, ut quo modo initinm no-
so bis rerum omnium ortus noster afTerat, sic exi-
tum mors ; ut nihil pertinuit ad nos ante ortaro,
«ic nihil post mortem pertinebit. In quo, quid
potest esse mali ? cum mors nee ad vivos perti-
neat, nee ad mortuos. Alteri nulli sunt ; alte-
ros non attingit. Quam qui leviorera faciunt,
somni simillimam voluntesse; quasi vero quis-
quam ita nonaginta annos velit vivere, ut, cum
sexaginta confecerit, reliquos dormiat. Ne sues
quidem idx velint, non modo ipse. Endymion
90 vero, si fabulas audire volumus, nescio quando,
in Latmo obdormi?it qui est mons Cariae ; non*
dum, opinor, est experrectus. Nam igitar eum
TUSC. Q,17AESTI0NES : <^§ 33, 34. 59
earare censes, com Luna laboret, a qua conso-
pitus putatur ut euin dormientem oscularetur 1
Qoid caret autem, qui ne sentit quidem ? Ha-
bes somnum imagioem mortis, eamque quotidie
induis. £t dubitas quin sensus in morte null us
sit, cum in ejus simulacro videas esse nullum
sensum?
§34.
Pellantur ergo istae ineptiae'paene aniles, ante
tempos mori miserum esse. Ciuod tandem tem-
pos? Naturaene? At ea quidem dedit usu-w
ram vitae, tamquam pecuniae, nulla praestituta
die. Quid est igitur, qbod querare, si repetit
cum vult 1 ea enim conditione accepcras. li-
dem, si puer parvus occidit, aequo animo feren-
dum putant ; si vero in cunis, ne querendum
quidem. Atqui ab hoc acerbius exegit natura,
quod dederat. Nondum gustaverat, inquiunt,
▼itae suavitatem ; hie autem jam sperabat mag-
na, quibus frui coeperat. At id quidem ipsum in
Ceteris rebus melius putatur, aliquam partem^
Sam nullam attingere ; cur in vita secus ?
namquam non male ait Callimachus, multo
saepius lacrymasse Priamum quam Troilum.
EorunI autem, qui exacta aetate moriuntur, for-
tnna laudatur. Cur ? Nam reor nullis, si vita
longior daretnr, posset esse jucundior. Nihil
est enim profecto homini prudentii dulcius;
quam, ut cetera auferat, affert certe senectus.
QrOae yero aetas longa est? Aut quid omnino
homini longum ? Nonne 9o
Modo pueroi, roodo adoleseentei, in cargo | tergo inMquens,
Nm •pinantM anecmU ttt -
I
60 TUSC. QUAESTrONES ! §§ 34, 35.
senectus ? Sed quia ultra nihil habemus, ]
longum ducimus. Omnia ista, perinde ut <
que data sunt pro rata parte, ita, longa aut t
via dicuntur.
Apud Hypanim fluvium, qui ab Euro]
parte in Pontum infinity Aristoteles ait bestic
quasdam nasci, quae unum diem vivant
his igitur, hora octava quae mortua est, prov
ta aetate mortua est ; quae vero occidente sc
lodecrepita; eo magis, si etiam solstitiali c
Confer nostram longissimam aetatem cum
ternitate ; in eadem propemodum brevitate, c
illae bestiolae, reperiemur.
§35.
Contemnamus igitur omnes ineptias, (qi
enim levius huic levitati nomen imponan
totamque vim bene vivendi in animi robore
magnitudine, et in omnium rerum humanari
contemptione ac despicientia, et in omni virt
ponamus. Nam -nunc quidera cogitationil
90 mollissimis efieminamur, ut, si ante mors advi
tet quam Chaldaeorum promissa consecuti ;
mus, spoliati magnis quibusdam bonis, ilk
destitutique videamur. Cluod si exspectando
desiderando pendemus animis, cruciamuis &Q
mur ; pro dii immortales ! quam iter iliud juci
dum esse debet, quo cpnfecto, nulla reliqua <
ra, nulla soUicitudo futura sit 1
Quam me delectat Theramenes ; quam eli
animo est I Etsi enim flemus, cum legim
aotamen non miserabiliter vir clarus emoriU
qui, cum conjectus in carcerem triginta jut
tyrannorum venenum ut sitiens obduxisset,
TUSC. qUAESTlONES : §§ 35, 36. 61 .
Hquum sic e poculo ejecit ut id resonaret ; quo
sonitu reddito, arridens, Propino, inquit, hoc
pulchro "Critiaey qui in euro fuerat taeterrimus.
Graeci enim in conviviis solcnt nominare, cui
poculum tradituri sint. Lusit vir egregius ex-
tremo spiritu, cum jam praecordiis conceptam *
mortem contineret ; vereque ei, cui venenum
praebiberat, mortem est earn auguratus quae
brevi consecuta est.
§36.
Quis banc animi maximi aequitatem in ipsa io
morte laudaret, si mortem malum judicaret 1 Va-
dit in eundem carcerem, atque in eundem pau-
cis postannis scyphum, Socrates ; eodem scelere
judicum, quo tyrannorum Theramenes. Quae
est igitur ejus oratio, qua facit eum Plato usum
apud judices, jam morte mulctatum 1 '' Magna
me/' inquit, '' spes tenet, Judices, bene mihi
evenire, quod mittar ad mortem. Necesse est
enim, sit alterum de duobus ; ut aut sensus ora-
nino omnes mors auferat, aut in alium quendam 20
locam ex his locis morte migretur. Ciuamob-
reiDy sive sensus exstinguitur, morsque ei som-
no similis est qui nonnumquam etiam sine visis
somniorum placatissimam quietem afTert ; dii bo-
ni, quid lucri est mori ! Aut quam multi dies
reperiri possunt, qui tali nocti anteponantur ?
Cui si similis futura est perpetuitas omnis con-
sequentis temporis, quis me beatior ? Sin vera
sunt quae dicuntur, migrationem esse mortem
in eas oras, quas qui e vita excesserunt incolunt ; 90
id multo jam beatius est, te, cum ab iis qui se
jadicum numero haberi vclint evaseris, ad eo9 •
4
62 TUSC. QUAESTIONES I §§ 36, 37.
venire qui vere judices appellentur, Minoem,
Rljadamanthum, Aeacum, Triptolemum, con*
venireque eos, qui juste et cum fide vixerint.
Haec peregrinatio mediocris vobis videri potest!
Ut vero colloqui cum Orpheo, Musaeo, Homero,
Hesiodo liceat, quanti tandem aestimatis ? E-
quidem saepe emori (si fieri posset) vellem, ut ea
quae dico mihi liceret invenire. duanta delec-
tatione autem afiicerer, cum Palamedem, cum
ioAjacem,cum alios judicio iniquo circumventos,
convenirem ? Tentarem etiam summi regis,
qui maximas copias duxit ad Trojam, et Ulyssi,
Sisyphique prudentiam ; nee ob eam rem, cum
haec exquirerem sicut hie faciebam, capite dam-
narer. Ne vos quidem, Judices, ii qui me ab-
solvistis, mortem timueritis. Nee enim cuiquam
bono mali quidqnam evenire potest, nee vivo,
nee mortuo ; nee umquam ejus res a diis immor-
talibus negligentur. Nee mihi ipsi hoc accidit
g^fortuito; nee vero ego iis, a quibus aceusatus
sum, aut a quibus condemnatus, habeo quod suc-
censeam, nisi quod mihi nocere se crediderunt."
Et haec quidem hoc modo ; nihil autem meli-
us extremo : ** Sed tempus est," inquit, "jam
bine abire me, ut moriar ; vos, ut vitam agatis ;
utrum autem sit melius, dii immortales soiunt;
bominem quidem scire arbitror neminem."
§37.
Nae ego baud paullo hunc animum malim,
quam eorum omnium fortunas qui de hoc jadi*
carerunt. Etsi, quod praeter decs negat scire-
quemquam, id scit ipse, utrum melius sit ; nftm
dixit ante. Sed suum illud, nihil ut affirmet^i
tenet ad extremum. m
TUSC. (^UAESTIONES : § 37. 63
>s autem tcneamus, ut nihil censeamus esse
m, quod sit a natura datum omnibus ; iniel-
lusque, si mors malum sit, esse sempiter-
malum. Nam vitae miserae mors finis esse
ur ; mors si est misera, finis esse nullus po-
d quid ego Socratem, aut Theramenem,
itantes viros virtutis et sapientiae gloria,
nemoro, cum Lacedaemonius quidam, cujus
omen quidem proditum est, mortem tanto- lo
contempserit, ut, cum ad eam duceretur,
latus ab Ephoris, et esse^ vultu hilari atque
. dixi^setqne ei quidam inimicus : Contem-
leges Lycurgi ? responderit : ^' Ego ve-
i maxfmam gratiam habeo, qui me ea poena
taverit, quam sine mutuatione et sine versura
m dissolvere." O virum Spart^ dignum!
ihi quidem, qui tam magno animo fuerit,
^ns damnatus esse videatur.
lies innumerabiles nostra civitas tulit. Sed aa
duces et principes nominem, cum legiones
at Cato saepe aiacres in eum locum profec-
inde redituras se non arbitrarentur ? Pari
Lacedaemonii in Thermopylis occiderunt,
OS Simonides :
Die, hoBpeg, Spartae, not te hie ridisge jaeentM,
Dum sanctig patriae legibaa obseqaimur.
J ille dux Leon id as dicit ? Pergite animo
, Lacedaemonii; hodie apud Inferos fortas*
mabimus, Fuit haec gens fortis, dum Ly- 30
leges vigebant] ; e quibus unus, cum
IS ho6tis in colloquiodixisset glorians : " So-
irae jaculoram multitadine et sagittarum
Idebitis." In umbra, inquit, igitar pugna-
64 Tusc. quAESTiONES : §§ 37, 38.
Ftros commemoro ; qualis tandem Lacaena?
quae cum filium in proelium miaisset, et intei>
fectum audisset, '' Idcirco," inquit, ^* genueram,
ut esset qui pro pairia mortem non dubitaret oo-
cumbere."
Esto; fortes et duri SpartiataC'; magnam ha-
bet vim reipublicae disciplina. Qruid ? Cyre-
naeum Theodorum, philosophum non ignobilem,
noone roiramur? cui cum Lysimachus rex cru-
i^cem minaretur, " Istis quaeso/' inquit, "ista
horribilia minitare purpuratis tuis; Theodori
quidem nihil ioterest/humine an sublime putres-
cat."
§38.
Cujus hoc dicto admoneor, ut aliquid etiam
de humatione et, sepultura dicendum existimem ;
rem non difficilem, iis praesertim cognitis quae
• (de nihil sentiendo) paullo ante dicta sunt. De
qua Socrates quidem quid senserit, apparet in
eo libro in quo moritur ; de quo jam tarn multa
^diximus. Cum enim de immortalitate animo-
rum disputavisset, et jam moriendi tempus urge-
ret, rogatus a Critone quemadmodum sepeliri vel-
let, " Multam vero," inquit, " operam, araici,
frustra consumpsi. Critoni enim nostro non'per-
suasi me hinc avolaturum, neque quidquam mei
relicturum. Verumtamen, Crito, si me assequi
potueris, aut sicubi nactus eris, ut tibi videbitar,
sepelito. Sed, mihi crede, nemo me vestriim,
cum hinc excessero, consequetur."
30 Praeclare id quidem, qui et amico permiserit,
et se ostenderit de hoc toto genere nihil labortr
re. Durior Diogenes, et is idem sentiens, mi
(ut Cynicus) asperius, projici se jasait inhanw-
TUSC. qUAESTIONES : ^38. 65
•
turn. Turn amici : Volucribusne et feris ?
Minime vero, inquit; sed bacillum propter me quo
abigam, ponitote. dui poteris ? illi, non enim
senties. Cluid igitur. mihi ferarum laniatus
oberit, nihil sentienti ?
Praeclare Anaxagoras ; qui cum Lampsaci
moreretur, quaerentibus amicis, velletne Clazo-
menas in patriam, si quid ei accidisset, afierri :
Nihil necesse est, inquit ; undique enim ad Infe-
ros tantundem viae est. lo
Totaque de ratione humationis unum tenen-
dum est; ad corpus illam pertinere, sive oc-
ciderit animus sive vigeat. In corpore autem
perspicuum est, vel exstincto animo vel elapso,
nullum residere sensum.
Sed plena errorum sunt omnia. Trahit Hec-
torem^ ad currum religatum, Achilles. Lace-
rari eum et sentire, credo, putat. Ergo hie ul-
ciscitur, ut quidem sibi videtur. At ilia sicut acer-
bissimam rem maeret : 20
Vidi, videre quod me pasaa aegerrime,
Bectorem quadrijogo curra raptarier.
Quem Hectorera ? Aut quamdiu ille erit Hec-
tor? Melius Accius, et aliquando sapiens
Achilles :
Immo enimvero corpus Priamo reddidit Bectorem abituli.
Non igitur Hectora traxisti, sed corpus quod fu-
erat Hectoris.
Ecce alius exoritur e terra, qui matrem dor-
mire non sinat : do
llatar, te appello, ta quae coram somno suspeniam levas,
Keqve te mei miseret ; surge, et sepeli natum.
Haec euro pressis et flebilibus modis, qui totis
tkeatris niaestitiam inferant^ coacinuntur \ dv&
66 Tusc. (^UAESTioNES : §§ 38, 39.
cile est, non eos qui iohumati sint iiiiseros jadi-
care.
— ^ Friiu qaam ferae, volaeraique;
metuit, ne laceratis membris minus bene utator :
ne combustis, non extimescit.
Nen relliqaias sic meas siris, denodatis ossibna,
Per terrain aaoie delibutaa foede divexarier.
Non intelligo quid metuat, cum tarn bonos scpte-
narios fundat ad tibiam.
10 Tenendum est igitur, nihil curandum esse
post mortem, cum multi inimicos etiam mortuos
poeniantur. Execratur, luculentis sane versi-
bus, apud Ennium Thyestes, primum ut naufra-
gio pereat Atreus. Durum hoc sane ; talis enim
interitus non est sine gravi sensu. Ilia inania :
— Ipge lomniig saxis fixus asperis, eviseeratas,
Latere pendens, aaxa aparfens tabo, sanie, et saaf uina atro.
Non ipsa saxa magis sensu omni vacabant,
quam ille latere pendens, cui se hie cruciatum
90 censet optare. Quae essent dura, si sentiret,
nulla sine sensu sunt. Illud vero perquam ina-
ne :
Neque gepulcrum, quo recipiatar, habeat, portom corporia,
Ubi, remissa bumana vita, corpus requiescat a malis.
Vides quanto haec in errore versentur ; portum
esse corporis, et requiescere in sepulcro putat
mortuum : magna culpa Pelopis, qui non eru-
dierit filium nee docuerit, quatenus essetquidque
curandum.
5 39.
^ Sed quid singulorum opiniones animadver-
tam, nation um varies errores perspicere cam
liceat? Condiunt Aegjrptii mortuos, et
TUSC. QUAESTIONES : § 39. 67
domi servant. Persae etiam cercl circumlitos
condunt) ut quam maxime permaneant diuturna
corpora. Magorum raos est, non humare corpo-
ra suoram, nisi a feris sint ante laniata. In
Hyrcania plebs publicos alit canes ; optimates,
domesticos. Nobile autem genus canum illud
scimus esse. Sed pro sua quisque facultate pa-
rat, a quibus lanietur ; eamque optimam illi esse
censent sepulturam. Permulta alia colligit Chry-
sippus, ut est in omni historia curiosus ; sed ita ^^
taetra sunt quaedam, ut ea fugiat et reformidet
oratio. Totus igitur hie locus est contemnen-
dus in nobis, non negligendus in nostris ; ita
tamen, ut mortuorurn corpora nihil sentire senti-
amus. Quamtum autem consuetudini, fainae-
que dandum sit, id curent vivi ; sed ita ut intel-
ligant nihil ad mortuos pertinere.
Sed profecto mors tum aequissimo animo op-
petitur, cum suis se laudibus vita occidens con-
solari potest. Nemo parum diu vixit, qui virtu- 30
tis perfectae perfecto functus est munere. Mul-
ta mihi ipsi ad mortem tempestiva fuerunt ;
quaoF utinam potuissem obire. Nihil enim jam
acquirebatur ; cumulata erant officia vitae, cum
fortune bella restabant. Quare, si ipsa ratio
minus periiciet ut mortem negligere possimus ;
at vita acta perficiat, ut satis superque vixisse
videamur. Quamquam enim sensus abierit, ta-
men summis et propriis bonis et laudis et glo-
riae, quam vis non sentiant, mortui non carent. 30
Etsi enim nihil in se habeat gloria cur expeta-
tur, tamen virtutem tamquam umbra sequitur.
Verum multitudinis judicium de bonis, si quan-
do est, magis laudandum est, quam illi ob ^'^tCL
rem beati.
68 TUSC. QUAESTIONES : § 40.
§40.
Non possum autem dicere^ quoquo modo hoc
accipiatur, Lycurgum, Solonem, legum et publi*
cae disciplinae carere gloria ; Themistoclem,
Epaminondam, bellicae virtutis. Ante enim
Salaminam ipsam Neptunus obruet, quam Sala-
minii tropaei memoriam ; priusque Boeotia
Leuctra tollentur, quam pugnae Leuctricae glo-
ria. Multo autem tardius fama deseret Curium,
Fabricium, Calatinum, duo Scipiones, duo Afri-
locanos, Maximum, Marcellum, Paullum, Cato-
nem, Laelium, innumerabiles alios ; quorum
similitudinem aliquam qui arripuerit, non earn
fami populari sed vera bonorum laude metiens,
iidenti animo (si ita res fert) gradietur ad mor-
tem : in qua aut summum bonum, aut nullum
malum esse cognovimus.
Secundis vero suis rebus volet etiam mori ;
non enim tam cumulus bonorum jucundus esse
potest, quam molest a decessio. Hanc senten-
*>tiam significare videtur Laconis ilia vox ; qui,
cum Rhodius Diagoras, Olympionices nobilis,
uno die duo filios victores Olympiae vidisset, ac-
cessit ad senem, et gratulatus, Morere, Diagora,
inquit, non enim in caelum adscensurus es.
Magna haec et nimium fortasse Graeci putant,
▼el tam potius putabant ; isque, qui hoc Diago-
rae dixit, permagnum existimans tres Olympio-
nicas una e domo prodire, cunctari ilium dia-
tins in vita, fortunae objectum, inutile putabat
soipsi. Ego autem tibi quidem quod satis esset,
paucis verbis (ut mi hi videbar), responderam ;
concesseras enim, nullo in malo mortuos esse.
Sed ob earn causam contendi, ut plura diceremi
TUSC. <^UAE8TI0NES : §§ 40, 41. 69
quod in desiderio et luctu haec est consolatio
maxima. Nostrum enim, et nostra causS, sus*
ceptum, dolorem, modice ferre debemus, ne
nosmetipsos amare videamur.- Tlla suspicio in-
tolerabili doiore cruciate si opinamur eos quibus
orbati sumus, esse cum aliquo sensu in iis malis
quibus vulgo opinantur. Hanc excutere opinio-
nem mihimet volui radicitus ; eoque fui fortasse
longior.
A, Tu longior? Non mihi quidem ; priori©
enim pars orationis tuae faciebat, ut mori cupe-
rem ; posterior, ut modo non nollera, modo non
laborarera. Omni autem oratione illud certe
perfectum est, ut mortem non ducerem in malis. .
§ 41.
M. Num igiiur etiam rhetorum epilogum de-
sideramus ? An jam hanc artem plane relinqui-
mus?
A, Tu vero istam ne reliqueris, quara semper
ornasti ; et quidem jure ; ilia enim te, verum si
loqui volumus, ornaverat. Sed quinam est iste 30
epilogus ? Aveo enim audire, quidquid est.
M, Deorum immortalium judicia solent in
scholis proferre de morte, nee vero ea fingere
ipsi, sed Herodoto auctore, aliisque pluribus.
Primum, Argiae sacerdotis (Cleobis et Biton)
filii praedicantur. Nota fabula est. Cum enim
illam ad solemne et statum sacrificium curru ve-
hi jus esset, satis longe ab oppido ad fanum,
morarenturque jumenta ; tunc juvenes ii, quos
modo nominavi, Teste posita, corpora oleo pe-30
runxerunt, ad jugum accesserunt. Ita sacerdos
advecta in faaiim, cum' Currus esset ductus ^
4»
70 TUSC. QUAESTIONES : § 41.
filiis, precata a dea dicitur, ut illis praemium da-
ret pro pietate quod maximum homioi dari
posset a deo. Post epulatos cum matre adoles^
centesy somno se dedisse ; mane inventos esse
mortuos.
Simili precatione Trophonius et Agamedes
usi dicuntur : qui, cum Apollini Delphis tem-
plum exaedificavissent, venerantes deum, petie-
runt mercedem non parvam quidem operis et la-
loboris sui, nihil certi sed quod esset optimum ho-
mini. Cluibus Apollo se id daturum ostendit,
post ejus diei diem tertium; qui, ut illuxit,
mortui sunt reperti. Judicavisse deum dicuut ;
et eum quidem deum, cui reliqui dii concessis-
sent ut praeter ceteros divinaret.
Afiertur etiam de Sileno fabella quaedam ;
qui, cum a Mida captus esset, hoc ei muneris
pro sua missione dedisse scribitur ; docuisse roi-
gem, non nasci homini longe optimum esse;
"-^proximum autem, quam primum mori. dua
est sententia in Cresphonte usus Euripides :
Nam no8 deoebat, coetm eelebrantef*, domam,
Latere abi esset aliquis in lucem editus,
Humanae vitae varia repatantes mala ;
At, qui labores morte finisset graves,
Uunc omni amicos laude et laetitia exequi.
Simile quiddam est in consolatione Crantoris ;
ait enim, Terinaeum quendam Elisium, cum
graviter filii mortem maereret, venisse in psycho-
30 mantium, quaerentem quae fuisset tantae cala^
mitatis causa. Huic in tabellis tris hujusmodi
versiculos datos :
bnaris h<niiiiiet in vtte BMniibnt errant:
Eatbynotis potitur fatoriun mooere, letho.
Bic not ntiliof finiri ipeique Ubiqne.
TUSC. ^UAESTIONES : §§ 41, 42. 71
His et talibus aactoribus usi, confirmant
causam rebus a diis immortalibus jadicatam.
Aicidamas quidam, rhetor antiquus, in primis
nobilis, scripsit etiam Laudationem Mortis ;
quae constat ex enumeratione humanorum ma-
lorum ; cui rationes ese quae exquisitius a phi*
losophis colliguntur, defuerunt, ubertas orationis
non defuit. Clarae vero mortes pro patria oppe-
litae, non solum gloriosae rhetoribus, sed etiam
beatae videri solent. Repetnnt ab Erechtheo, lo
cujus etiam filiae cupide mortem expetiverunt
pro vita civium ; Codrum, qui se in medios
immisit hostes veste famulari, ne posset agnosci
si esset ornatu regio ; quod oraculum erat da-
tum, si rex inter fectus esset, victrices Athenas
fore. Menoeceus non praetermittitur ; qui ora-
culo edito largitus est patriae suum sanguinem.
Iphigenia Aulide duci se immolandam jnbet, ut
hostium sanguis eliciatur suo. Veniunt inde ad
propiora. Harmodius in ore, et Aristogiton ; ^
Lacedaemonius Leonidas, Thebanus Epami-
nondas vigent. Nostros non norunt ; quos enu-
merare longum est. Ita sunt multi, quibus vi-
demus optabiles mortes fuisse cum gloria.
§42.
Quae cum ita sint, magna tamen eloqnentia
est utendum, atque ita velut superiore e loco oon-
cionandum, ut homines mortem yel optare incip*
iant, vel certe timere desistant. Nam si supre*
roas ille dies non extinctionem, sed commuta-
tionem affert loci, quid optabilius ? Sin autem^o
perimit ac delet omnino, quid melius quam in
mediis vitae laboribus obdormiscere^ et vl^cAiOr
72 TUSC. QUAESTIONES : §42.
niventem somno coDsopiri sempiterno ? Quod si
fiat, melior Ennii quam Solon is oratio. Hie
enim noster,
N«mo me lacrymii decoret (iaqatt) neo funera fleta
Fazit.
At vero sapiens ille,
Mora mea ne careat laeryrais: linqaamus amicia
MaerorenO} ut celebrent funera cum gemitu.
Nos vero, si quid tale acciderit ( ut a deo de-
^^ nuntiatum videatur ) ut exeamus e vita, laeti et
agentes gratias pareamus ; emittique nos e custo-
dia et levari vinculis arbitremur, ut aut in aeter-
nam et plane in nostram domum remigremus,
aut omni sensu molestiaque careanras. Sin au-
tem nihil denuntiabitur, eo tamen simus animo,
ut horribilem ilium diem aiiis, nobis faustum pu-
temus, nihilque in malis ducamus, quod sit vel
a diis immortalibus vel a natura parente omnium
constitutum. Non enim temere nec fortuito
sosati et greati sumus, sed profecto fuit
quaedam Vis, quae generi consuleret huma-
no ; nec id gioneret aut aleret, quod, cum
exantlavisset omnes labores, tum incide-
ret in mortis malum sempiternum. portum
potius paratum nobis et perfugium putemus.
Qmo utinam velis passis pervehi liceat ! Sin re-
flantibus ventis rejiciemur, tamen eodem pauHo
tardius referamur necesse est. Quod autem
omnibus necesse est, idne miserum esse uni po-
sotestt
Habes epilogum, nequid praetermissum aut
relictum putes .
A. Ego vero ; et quidem fecit etiam iste me
epilogOB firmiorem.
TUSC. qUAEST10N£S : § 42. 73
M. Optime, inquani ; sed nunc quidem vali-
tudini tribuamus aliquid. Cras autem, et quo!
dies erimus in Tusculano, agamus haec ; et ea
potissimum qqae levationem habeant aegritudi-
num, formidinum, cupiditatum : qui omni e phi-
losophia est fructus uberrimus.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
OF
CICERO.
Marcus Tullus Cicero was bom at Arpinutn
(now Arpino), atown belonging to the Volsci, one of
the tribes of Latium in the neighbourhood of Rome.
His ancestors he traced back to Servius Tullius,
the sixth king of the Romans, and of Sabine de-
scent His father was a Roman knight ; and his
mother's name was Helvia. He was bom B. C.
105, and died at the age of 63 years. The poet
Archias was his first teacher ; and Apollouius Molo
of Rhodes gave him his first instructions in elo-
quence. He was taught philosophy by Piso, and
law by Mutius Sceevola. In the Marsian war, he
acquired, under Sylla, a knowledge of the military
art, and a taste for it.
He was natursJly of a feeble and delicate consti- '
tation. When the commotions at Rome were
multiplied, under Sylla, he paid a visit to Greece,
and there studied philosophy and oratory with the
best masters at Athens.
On his return to Rome, he soon became distin-
guished as an orator, and was made Quaestor of
Sicily ; where he behaved with great justice and
moderation. After this, he passed through the
offices of JSdile and Preetor. In the year 62 B. C.
he was raised to the office of Consul. In ti\\&
76 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
office he greatly distinguished himself by the sup-
pression of Cataline's conspiracy ; for which he
was styled, by a grateful people, Pater paJtri^B. By
the machinations of Clodius, whom Cicero had
strongly opposed, the latter was proscribed. He
retired to Greece ; and not long after was recalled
with great honour and applause. After this he
was sent into Cilicia as Proconsul. There he ob-
tained victory over the enemies of the Romans,
and a triumph )fvas decreed him on his return to
Rome ; which the factions of the city, however,
prevented him from enjoying.
In the civil war between Pompey and Caesar,
which soon followed, Cicero espoused the cause of
Pompey. After the victory won by Caesar at the
battle of Pharsalia, Cicero met the conqueror at
Brundusium, and was reconciled to him. From
this time Cicero retired from public affairs to bis
country seat, and seldom visited Rome. After the
death of Ceesar, and when Antony came into
power, Cicero withdrew once more to Athens ; but
he soon returned to his country. When the tri-
umvirate was formed by Augustus, Antony, and
Lepidus, each agreed to sacrifice his own per-
sonal enemies, in order to perpetuate their power.
Al>out 260 were doomed to death ; and Cicero was
among the number placed upon Antony's list of
proscription. Popilius Leenas was commissioned
by Antony to destroy Cicero ; and the latter .fled,
in a litter, toward the sea at Caieta. He was, how-
ever, overtaken by the assassins ; and when he put
his head out of the litter, it was severed from his
body by Herennius. This took place B. C. 43»
when he was 63 years of age. The bead and
OP CICERO. 77
right hand of the orator were carried to Rome ;
and there, by order of Antony, whom he had so
often annoyed, they were hung up in the Forum.
Fulvja, the wife of Antony, to shew her spite
against Cicero, drew the tongue out of the mouth,
and pierced it through with a bodkin.
Thus perished the greatest orator, liietorician, and
philosopher whom Rome had ever produced ; and
whom, in some respects, all subsequent ages have
scarcely equalled. It has been finely said of Cicero,
as an orator, that he had the strengdi of Demosthe-
nes, the copiousness of Plato, and the polish of Is-
ocrates. The first of these assertions, however, I can-
not think to be true ; the second is more than
doubtful; the third may perhaps be conceded.
His orations, which have come down to us, are
fine examples of the ornate in speaking ; and some
of them are exceedingly powerful in invective, and
cogent in argument It is impossible to read them
without perceiving, that there could have been but
one feeUng and sentiment in those who originally
beard them, viz. that of approbation and delight
His rhetorical letters and treatises will continue
to be read and studied, with pleasure and profit,
so long as rhetoric and oratory continue to be a
study among men. His letters are a perfect model
of ease, and grace, and playfulness, and zest, and
learning, and affectionate feeling. Nothing of the
kind, in all antiquity, can be fairly compared with
them.
His phUosbphical workSy however, are those with
which we are now immediately concerned. These
are numerous, and consist of the following trea-
tlBes: TUE. Academicee QsBstionea; De Finibus
78 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Bonorum et Malorum ; Quaestiones Tusculance; De
Natura Deomm ; De Divinatione ; De Fato ; De
Legibus ; De Officiis ; De Senectute ; De Amicitia ;
Consolatio ; Faradoxa ; De Petitione Consulatus ;
FragmeDta. These coDstitute about one fourtli
part of his works which are still extant ; but all
that we now have, are supposed by many to be
but 1^ small part (not one tenth) of what he ac-
tually wrote. His whole works that remain, have
oflen been published collectively; and most of
them separately. The cheapest and most correct-
ly printed edition which I have examined, is the
small stereotype one of Tauchnitz at Leipsic.
Cicero lived at a period when the Roman power,
splendour, and influence, had arrived at the high-
est point. Grecian arts and literature were very
generally cultivated among the higher classes at
Rome. Philosophy, also, had begun to find its
admirers and devotees. But from the account
given in the first part of the preceding Treatise, it
is clear that no very great progress had been made
in it by the countrymen of Cicero. It was not
unnatural, therefore, when a man of so much am-
bition as he possessed, was driven by the stress of
the times away fit)m public employments and hon-
ouiB, that he should seek at once for occupation
and honour, by cultivating a study which had
brought so much glory to Plato, Aristotle, and
many others of the Greeks. Early in life he had
imbibed a taste for this study while at Athens.
There he had learned to admire Plato ; and him
he undertook to imitate, both in the matter and
manner of many of his philosophical writings.
With all bis admiration of Plato, however, one
OF CICEBO. 79
can hardly reckon him as belonging to the Acad-
emy. He may rather be named an Eeleciic; for
he read and studied all the different systems of
philosophy within his reach, and adopted or re-
jected what he thought proper, by exercising his
own judgment and reasoning powers respecting
them. He did not aim so much at going deeply
into abstruse and difficult points, as he did at the
popular exhibition of plainer and more practical
principles. With him, tasteful representation, ani-
mated description, wit, and extensive reading, were
not secondary but primary objects in philosophi-
zing. '^Hanc enim [says he] perfectam philoso- v)
phiam semper judicavi, quae de maximifi quaestioni- V
bus eopiose posset onuUeque dicert ,*" Tusc. Qujsst. '
I. 4. Here we see the orcdor coming in and claim-
ing his undiminished prerogative, even over the
empire of philosophy.
In his fundamental principles of speculative
reasoning, Cicero appears to have agreed, for the
most part, with the maxims of the New Academy.
Probability, arising out of svhjeeUve conviction,
seems to have been the vUimaJtvm to which he ex-
pected to arrive, in any case of a speculative na-
ture. Qence we find him, in the preceding treatise,
(after having cited that part of the speech of Soc-
rates before his judges which has reference to a
future existence, and expressing his admiration of
it), declaring that what Socrates last of all said,
was not inferior in point of exceUence to any thing -
in his whole address ; and this was, that ' the gods
only know whether it is better for a man to die
than to live, for no man can know this.' ' In so
sayings' adds Cicero, 'Socrates exhibits his own
80 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
peculiarity, i. e. to cffirm nothiDg ; which he pre-
served even to the last.' Supra § 36. In his mode of
discussion Cicero imitated the Greek philosopher,
even where his convictions appear to have been
somewhat strong.
But it was only in the speculaHve parts of phi-
losophy, that Cicero admitted and cherished this
half skeptical spirit In matters of duty and right,
i. e. of morals, he came very near to the Stoics ;
who seem to have been the most rigid moralists
and casuists among all the ancient sects of phi-
losophers.
As Cicero had read and studied almost every
tiling then extant in the Greek and Latin languages,
on the subject of philosophy and morals ; and as
he was exceedingly fond of imitating the dialogues
of Plato, and of representing the different sides of
almost all questions ; so his works contain a great
store house of materials for the history of ancient
philosophy, and one without which there must
have been many more chasms than there now are.
The general accuracy of his representations are
not called in question ; and his iair-mindedness, for
the most part, can not well be impeached. He
even carries this, in one point of view, to excess.
In his dialogues, he introduces contending parties ;
makes them speak their sentiments and views;
and then quits the subject without any full and de-
cisive critique upon what they have said. Ilis
apology would probably be, that his own mind was
ID doubt. ^ Cicero", says Tennemann ve^ truly,
^ was like a physician who sees the disease, but
|j "^MMing unable to discover the cause of it, he cannot
apply the appropriate remedy." The distinguished
^
OP CICERO. 81
Koman philosopher did indeed well know, that
speculation and doubt, according to the fashion of
the day, were endless ; but how to terminate many
of the great disputes, was beyond his power to
divine. Light from heaven was needed, to dispel A
darkness like that in which the heathen world
was enveloped.
On no question agitated by philosophy, without
the light of revelation to aid it, can a deeper in-
terest be felt by the inquiring Christian moralist
and theologian, than on the question. Whether the
sovl is immortal ? The first book of the Tascvlan
(luestiona contains a compressed and concentrated
representation of all Cicero's views and specula-
tions, relative to this all-important subject. How
is it possible, that any one who has the spirit of
inquiry within him, should not be curious to know
what the first writer and philosopher of the an- i ;
cient Roman nation thought and said, in relation
to such a subject? All that can be wanting to
create an interest in such an inquiry, as I would
fain believe, is, that the means of prosecuting it
in an inteltigible way, should be put within the
power of discerning readers in general.
The remarks which I have to make on the
weight of Cicero's arguments, and on the state of
mind in which they seem to have left him ; as also '
the comparison of his views vnth those which the
GkMspel discloses ; I reserve to the closing part of
the present volume.
In the mean time, it is proper to observe here, ^^
that the first book of the Tusculan Questions, '^
contained in tlie preceding pages, is in itself a^^
complete treatise, and not at all dependent on the
82 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF CICERO.
Other four books which follow. Tliis first book is
en^tled, De Contemnenda- Morte ; but this sub-
ject gives way very naturally, after a little discus-
sion at the outset, to the consideration of the per-
petual existence of the soul. This does indeed con-
stitute, in the writer's view, and in fact, one of the
most important of all reasons, why death may be
disregarded, when we are prepared to die. But it
is the discussion of the point itself, in regard to the
immortal nature of the sovl, which constitutes the
great charm and interest of the whole treatise.
When this is completed, the writer relapses again
into the more common and ordinaiy Stoical rea-
sons for disregai'ding death. He is very ingenious
and striking in the production of these. But our
chief interest lies in the particular topic just men-
tioned. It is impossible to read what Cicero has
said upon this, without feeling the truth of the al-
legation, that every man has within him the best
arguments for his own immortality ; and that the
image of God which is enstamped upon the soul,
can never be so obscured, but that some bright
spot will now and then gleam through cdl the
darkness by which it is surrounded. Cicero did
not attain to a perspicuous and explicit statement
of this great fact ; but he has shown, in many a
passage of his treatise, that it was the ground of his
feelings and convictions.
NOTES.
INTRODUCTION.
§§ 1—5.
The exordium to the Tusculan Q^uftstienit is composed with great
skill and address. Although the study of philosophy had already
become fashionable, to some extent, at Rome, when Cicero wrote
this treatise, yet it could not be said to be in high repute, before
the publication of this author^s philosophieal writings. With
many, as Plutarch remarks in his life of Cicero (cap. 5), the terms,
devoted to Oreek study and pedant were synonymous. On this
account, Cicero deemed it expedient to commence the Tusculan
Disputations with a commendation of the study of philosophy,
and an apology for his own devotedness to this pursuit.
In order to accomplish this object in the most effectual manner,
he begins with the declaration, that the Romans had always excelled
the Greeks in all those undertakings in which tliev had seriously
engaged. In the art of government ; in military afl&irs, both as to
discipline and valour; in steadfastness, constancy, probity, good
faith, and magnanimity ; no nation was to be compared with the
Romans.
One point however remained, as to which the Roman philosopher
felt bound to yield the palm to the Greeks, viz. learning. But here
their superiority, he avers, is to be attributed merely to the fact,
that the Romans had not entered into competition with them. He
observes, that poetry had been cultivated among the Greeks, fbr
many centuries ; but that it had come into repute among the Ro-
mans, only quite recently. Everv branch of literature needs to be
encouraged and honoured, in order that it may flourish. Among
the Greeks, not only poetry, but music, and geometry or mathemat-
ics, were much honoured ; and consequently all these sciences flour-
ished.
Oratory, however, bad always been applauded among the Ro-
mans ; and hence many had excelled in it; and this in a measure
scarcely inferior to that of the Greeks.
Philosophy, to celebrated and ap long cherished among the Greeks,
had found as yet but few admirers at Rome ; and even those books
which bad there been written concerning it, displayed but little
learoinff and aeuteness. What others had not performed, Cicero
himselr now undertakes to do. But he does not design wholly to
lay aside the orator, in doing this ; for to descant on questions of
moment, copiose et onuiUy he deems the perfection of philosophy.
He intends, therefore, to imitate the example of Aristotle, who afler
hearinf leoerates speak, began to teach the princl^lea qC x « \ax
84 NOTES ON § 1.
in his own School. The method which he adopts, is the Socratic
one, i. e. by way of dialogue, in which question and answer make
up the discussion, and afl^rd opportunity for suggesting objections,
and also for the solution of them.
Buch are the contents of the first five sections, or the exordiam
of the Tusculan duestioiis. That they are well adapted to concili-
ate the raind of a Roman reader, and to allure him to the study of
philosophy by flattering his pride and exciting his emulation, is so
very plain that it scarcely needs to be remarked. The whole shews,
moreover, that Cicero was deeply versed in the literature of his
times, and had read and studied the entire circle of Greek and Ro>
man authors.
(1)* Cum .... liberatus, when at length I was en
tirdy, or in a great measure^ freed from the labours of
pleading causes^ and the dvties of a senator. The
phrase defensionum lahoribus, relates to the engage-
ments of Cicero as an advocate, to defend those
who were brought to trial before the courts at
Rome. His duties as a Senator, also, were very
numerous and weighty. No member of the Ro-
man Senate, for a long time, had as much influ-
ence, or as urgent duties to perform, .as himselfl
(2) Brute, i. e. Marcus Junius Brutus, lineally
descended from L. Junius Brutus, who was the
principal agent in expelling Tarquin the Proud
from the throne of Rome, about 509 B. C. M. J.
Brutus was himself the staunch defender of Ro-
man hberty ; to save which, he assassinated Cae-
sar in the Basilica of Pompey, after he had aspired
to monarchical power. There appears to have
been great intimacy and confidence between Cice-
ro and Brutus. Hence we find him so often men-
tioned in the works of Cicero, and in a manner
so highly honourable. It would seem that Brutus,
who was remarkable for his attachment both to
* The nnmbers included id parenthefles^esisnate merelr the
number of the note, for conTenience* sake. The place to whioli the
note relates is designated by P. 13 etc. and by L. 1. etc., i. e. page
13, and line 1, etc.
NOTES ON § 1. 85
literature and to liberty, was as much a confiden-
tial friend of Cicero in literary studies, as in politi-
cal life.
Retenta animo .... interrnissa ; i. e. the remem-
brance and love of his philosophical studies were
cherished eorUiniuiUy in his mind; although the
pursuit of them had been necessarily remitted on
account of the exigencies of the times, i. e. relaxed
ill some degree, less ardently followed ; and re-
cently even intermitted or broken off, during a long
intervcU, viz. by multiplied engagements in public
business.
(3) P. 13. /. 6. Artium . . . ratio et disciplina ; ratio
means the grounds or fundamental principles, i. e. (as
we say) ^ reason of any thing; and disciplina, the
orderly and digested knowledge of it. — Ars means,
as employed by Cicero here, and oflen elsewhere,
any knowledge or science which is acquired by
learning or discipline. — Graecis et Uteris et docto-
ribus ; Uteris means here, writings, i. e. literature
as contained in books ; doctoribus, teachers vivd
voce.
(4) P. 13. L 13. Per se, by themselves, i. e. indepen-
dently of the Greeks, or of any foreign aids. — ^Fecisse
meliora, improved, rendered better, — Quae . . . elabora-
rent, whick they deemed objects worthy of their labours,
— ^Nam . . . famiUares, for the customs and rules of liv-
ings and domestic and household affairs. — ^MeUus . . lau-
tiuB, we maintain in a better and handsomer manner, i.
e. we establish these things on firmer ground, and in
a neater way. — ^Institutis et legibus, regulations and
laws ; where the first seems to refer to rules or
regulations adopted and established by custom,
without the jformaUty of a law having the regu-
5
86 NOTES ON §§ 1, 2.
r
lar sanction of a penality. — ^Virtute, courage, hold-
ness, martial valowr ; like the Greek aqtir^ , — ^Dis-
ciplina answers exactly here to our military word,
discipline, — Jam ilia . . . conferenda ; he means to
say, that the natural talents of the Romans surpass
those of the Greeks, or of any other nation ; al-
though in literature the former might yield the
palm to the latter. — Gravitas seems here to mean^
firmness or steadfastness of character. — Constantia,
constancy, i. e. uniformity and consistency of con-
duct. — Probitas, |>ro&%, uprightness of conduct —
Fides, faithfidness, viz. in keeping promises, trea-
ties, etc. — ^Virtus here means what is equivalent to
our English virtus, as a generic name for good
qualities. — In ullis, sc. ullis populis vel gen-
tibus.
§2.
(5) P. 14. /. 3. Doctrina .... superabat, in homing
and every kind of literature, Greece surpassed us;
where doctrina embraces the means and ways of
teaching, and literarum means the literature which is
the result of the efforts of learned men. — In quo, w
which thing, viz. in every kind of literature. — Erat
.... repugnantes, U was easy to surpass those who did
not enter into contest.Saxa, Uke the Greek yog, a par-
ticle which is usually causal, but which not unfre-
quently marks a transition, and id employed when
the writer passes on to new matter, which is design-
ed to illustrate or confirm what he has already said.
So here, nam, m^irewer, i. e. I may add, let me add
that etc. — Cum (= quum or quom) is here an ad-
verb, meaning since, in- as mush as, — Antiquissimum
. . . poetarum, the class of poets were the most ancient
of the learned. — ^E doctia, 0ut -qf, belonging to, of
NOTES ON ^2. 87
•
the learned; like the Greek in or If, it makes
(with the Ablative) a periphrasis for the simple
Grenitive. — Siquidem, (often written si quidem% since,
— Ilomerus fuit, Homer lived, where fuit has the
same sense as vixit ; and often so. — Et Hesiodus
[fuit], — ^Romam conditam, which, according to tra-
dition, happened 753 years B. C, i. e. before the
Christian era.
(6) P. 14. L 8. Homer and Hesiod are too weU
known to need any description. Archilochus was a
native of Pares, one of the Grecian islands called
Cyclades, near the mouth of the Aegean Sea. The
ancients placed him by the side of Homer, in respect
to genius and talent ; and they regarded him as the
inventor of Iambic measure in poetry, which is ^
peculiarly adapted to satire. Only fragments of
his works are now extant. His poems were re-
markable for bitterness of spirit and obscenity.
The time when he flourished, is designated by
Cicero: ^chilochus [lived] during the reign of
Rarmdus.
(7) Serius .... accepimus, i. e. we Romans receiv,-
ed it, after it had a long time been flourishing in
Greece. — ^Annis enim fere DX., i. e. 510 ; the ex-
act time when Claudius and Tuditanus, mentioned
in the next clause, were Consuls, was A. U. 514
(2S9 B. C); and Cicero, no doubt, could have
eanly ascertained this. But observe that he says
annis ferb DX, i. e. about 510 ^ars ; using the
round number of ten, probably, instead of 14,
which latter he has exactly expressed in Brwto,
cap. 18.
(8) P. 14. 1. 10. The Livy here mentioned, is Livius
AndvonieiiB, the first Roman dramatic poet, who
88 NOTES ON § 2.
flourished about 230 — ^240 B. C, and produced his
first play in 240. The famous historian, Titus Livius,
flourished about the commencement of the Chris-
tian era. Fragments of the old Livy may be
found in the Corpus Poetarum, — Fabulam dedit,
composed, produced or published a play, — Fabula
(from fabulor to speak) most naturally means, any
kind of composition which is in the form of dialogue ;
and, of course, this name is appropriate to tragedy,
comedy, etc. Fabula also means, fable, romance,
fictitious story, etc. ; but in the passage before us it
means play, i. e. tragedy.
(9) P. 14. /. 12. Quintus Ennius was bom at Ru-
diae in Calabria, a province at the south-east extrem-
ity of Italy. He died B. C. 169 ; and as he is said to
have lived to the age of 70, his birth must have
been B. C. 239 ; and the year when Livius fabulam
dedit must therefore have been B. C. 240. En-
nius was in high repute, as a poet, among the Ro-
mans, in the days of Cicero and Virgil. He
wrote Bjoman Annals, a poem in 10 books ; an ep-
ic poem called Sdpio ; satires, tragedies, comedies,
etc. Of all his numerous works, only some frag-
ments are left ; the best edition of which is that by
F. Hessel, Amst. 1707. 4to. '
(10) P. 14. /. 13. Plautus (Marcus Accius), flourish-
ed about 200 years B. C, and died about 184 B. C.
He was bom at Sarsina, a town in the extreme north
of Umbria, a province in the north part of Italia Pro*
pria. He possessed a rare talent for comedy ; and A.
Gellius reckons the number of his ploys at 130.
Some twenty of his pieces are still extant, and
have been often published ; e. g. by Bmnck, J. A.
Ernest], Bothe, and others. We have seen above,
NOTES ON § 2. 89
that Ennius was born probably about 239 B. C. ;
and Plautus, who flourished about 40 years after
this, although younger than Ennius (as Cicero as-
serts), could not have been much younger.
(11) P. 14. 1, 13. Naevius (Cneiufe), a Latin poet,
who lived during the first Punic war ; a poeticd ac-
count of which he wrote, and also comedies, trage-
dies, satires, etc. He is said to have died 203 B. C. ;
so that we must either construe the passage here as
I have pointed it, or else suppose Cicero to have
probably committed an error in reckoning Ennius
(who was bom 239 B. C.) to be older than Nae-
vius. As I have pointed the text, the meaning is,
that Livy composed plays about 510 U. C. (243
B. C.) ; and that Naevius did the same, about the
same period ; which would agree well with his
chronology. In the like way, or to the same pur-
pose, Nobbe points it, in his stereotype edition of
Cicero by Tauchnitz ; putting C. Claudlo . . . Plau-
tus, in a parenthesis.
(12) Sero .... recepti ~ means, that the poets
were not read, nor poetry cultivated, at Rome, un-
til long after it had flourished in Greece. — In Ori-
ginibus, i. e. a work of M. Porcius Cato, named
Origines because a part of it was employed in
tracing the origin of the several Italian cities.
Cato was distinguished for his temperance, his
rigid morals, his love of order, and his learning.
He wrote history, treatises *on husbandry, oratory,
etc. One book on husbandry is -still extant. He
was the ancestor of the celebrated Marcus Cato
UticensiSy a cotemporary of Cicero, who laid vio-
lent hands upon himself, when he was about to
fbll into the hands of Caesar at Utica. This last
90 NOTES ON § 2.
individual is the subject of Addison's famous plajr,
named Caio, The historian, M. P. Cato, died
about 150 B. C.
(13) P. 13. 1. 15. Quamquam est . . . virtutibus, i. e*
warUke virtues or heroic deeds were celebrated at
feasts, by singing united with the music of the tibi-
cen, Jlute or pipe. But although this was admitted in
the revelry of a banquet, yet it was not considered
respectable on other occasions; so the sequel teaches
us. — Oratio Catonis, a speech of CaJtOy extant no
doubt in the time of Cicero. — ^Aetoliaui Ues north
of the Sinus Corinthiacus, and was conquered by
the Romans in the time of Ennius. M. Nobilior
was sent as Praefect over the conquered province,
and took Ennius along with him, out of admiration
for his talents and poetry. — Studia,/Mii^iaZ%, favour,
indinaium, viz. to be devoted to poetry. — Nee ta-
men sic etc., (for sic^ many copies read ai qai), nor
enen thua, i. e. nor even under all these disadvantages,
did our poets who had much genius, fail short of a
glory like to that which the Grecian poets obtained.
(14) P. 14. Z.28. Polycletus, a celebrated statuary,
and also painter, of Sicyon near Corinth, fl. 232 B. C.
Parrhasius, a famous painter, of Ephesus, flourish-
ed about 415 B. C. — Omnesque .... gloria, all are
excited by glory to devote themselves to any pursuit. —
Jacentque .... improbantur, and those things are
always neglected^ which care disapproved by any na-
tion.
(15) P. 15. 1, 2. Nervorum . . . cantibus, lit.'m the
music of chords and voices, i. e. in the music of instru-
ments accompanied by singing. — ^Fidibus. .. cecinis-
se, have sung admirably in connection with stringed in-
gtrumenis ; fides — ^is, Dec. III. — ^Discebantque id,
NOTES ON §§ 3, 4. 9^
they learned that thing, viz. the art of music. Apud
illot), viz. the Greeks. — ^At nos . . . modum, 6m< we
have limited tlie hounds of this art by the utility of
measuring and reckoning ; i. e. we assign to it mere-
ly the honour of aiding us in the art of mensura-
tion, and of making out an account of quantities. —
Oratorem . . . autem eruditum, we^ on the other handy
eagerly did honour to the orator^ aUhovgh at first he
teas not learned, but merely eloquent ; in later times,
however, he was also teamed. — Studiosum, devoted to
study, a lover of study, — Catonem, i. e. the elder
Cato or Cato Censorinus, the historian and orator.
— ^Post, i. e. (ifter the time of Galba, etc. — Lepidus,
etc. , viz. were studiosi, like Cato. — Gracchus, i. e.
Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, sons of T. Sempron,
Gracchus, famous for their eloquence and their se-
ditious behaviour, both of whom perished by assas-
Bitiation, about 121 B. C. — Deinde ita magnos etc.,
i.e. after Lepidus etc., there arose orators so dis-
tinguished, down Jo our own age, that we were very
little, or nothing at all, inferior to the Greeks,
§4.
(16) P, 15. 1, 22. Jacuit, was neglected, layf pros-
trate, — Quae, i. e. philosophia. — Occupati, i. e. occu-
pied in pleading causes, and in the labours of the
senate-chamber. — Prosimus .. .otiosi, we may he use-
ful to them, if in our power ^ when we are at leisure. —
Optimis illis . . . eruditis etc.^ by those men, who mean
wdl, but are not very learned. But who are referred
to by mis ? Emesti prefers to read illi ; and so
Nobbe ; and to make this pronoun refer to the books
mentioned. But if the reading iUis be retained (as
In the text], it must refer to some of the persons
92 NOTES ON §§ 4, 5.
whom Cicero had just named ; or to some other
persons well known to the writer, and to those
whom he addressed. — Homiuis est . . . literis, be-
longs to a man who extravagantly abuses both leisure
and literature. In saying this, he means to charac-
terize the writers to whom he had just alluded ; as
the sequel plainly shews. — Itaque etc., thertfore^
i. e. because they have so written, they read their
hdoks 07ily in company with their oum friends and
disciples ; nor does any one touch them, besides those
who wish for the same license in writing, — Si aliquid
• . . Industrie, if we have added any thing to orato-
rical reputation by our industry. With Rath, I
prefer latuii here to laudis ; which Emesti and
Nobbe retain, but Carey has marked as suspicious.
Oratoriae laudi means, tii^e Rojnan reputation for elo-
quence; not merely the speaker's own personal
fame. — Ilia, viz. those things which had been added
to the oratorical fame of the Romans.
§5.
(17) P. 16. 1, 13. Docere . . . dicere, also began [like
Isocrates] to teach young men to speak ; i. e. taught
them the precepts of oratory, or acted the part of a
rhetorician. In most editions dicere is in the place of
docere, and vice versll. But as I am unable to
make any good sense out of this, I follow the text
of Emesti and Carey. — ^Prudentiam, knowledge,
Bcience, i. e. philosophical science, in this case. —
Nee prlstinum etc., not to lay a aside our former
ttudy of oratory, and yet to become conversant with
this mare important and wjore fruitful art, viz. phi*
iosophy. — Scholas, disputations, conversazioni, con-
versationa on literary topics. The word would also
NOTES ON § 5. 93
deagnate pvMic Udurts or rtcUaiums, — Quid • . ;
poflsem, what I emUd do in that wcof,
(18) P. 16. /. 26. Senilis est declamatio, ia the deC'
lamaHon of my old age ; which shews that the Tuscu-
Ian Questions were vmtten in the latter part of Cic-
ero's life. Indeed, he seems to have lietaken himself
to the study of philosophy, on account of the exigen-
cies of the dmes ; which, during the wane of his life,
left litde hope for a busy and ambitious politician^
who was attached to the popular form of govern-
ment. The whole of the introduction to the Tus-
culan Questions, is in fact, as has been above re-
marked, an apology for the study of philosophy,
and an effort to render that an object of particular
admiration and attention, which up to the period
when he was writing, had not been generally in
good repute among the Romans. — Declamatio and
declamito designate the usage of extempore speaking
and discussion on any subject proposed, for the
sake of practice and improvement. As Cicero had
done this to a great extent, when young ; so he
apologizes as it were for himself, in respect to his
resuming the practice when he is old. His mean-
ing isy that in what he is about to say, he resumes
the practice of his youth, in descanting upon vari-
ous topics.
(19) P. 16. /. 27. Ponere jubebam, / required [some
one] to propose something ; i. e. some subject on which
he would wish me to speak.— Disputabam here
means to discuss in the manner of a disputation^ viz. by
question and answer, the proposing of objections
.and answering them, etc — itaque, and ihen^ or
and in this UHOf, — Scholas plainly means here the
di§cu$aionM hekL during the five days mentioned.
6»
94 NOTES ON §§ ^5 6'
So the Greek word trxo^^ is often employed. — Fie-
hat autem ita, the tnaUer moreover was so managed.
—Sic eas . . . narretur, / shaU so represent ikemy as
if the thing were acted oi£t^ and not merely narrated;
he means, that he shall represent them in the way
of dialogue, so that the speakers or actors may in
proprili personci (so to express it) present them-
selves before the readers. — Exordium here means,
the com/mencemerU of the discussion which follows.
§6.
This section is a true specimen of the Socratic
method of reasoning ; in which Cicero makes the
young man, (who had set out with the position,
that death is an evil, and yet Jield that there is no
existence after death), to contradict himself^ or to
maintain what is plainly absurd. The sum of the
argument which Cicero em|:3oys, is, that if we are
annihilated at death, it follows of course, that we
cannot be miserable aftier this period ; because mis-
ery denotes the existence of feeling and suffering ;
and these necessarily imply the actual existence of a
sentient being.
On the weight and force of this argument, I
shall not make any remarks here; nor in other
cases of the like nature ; so as to intermingle them
with the Notes. I purposely reserve, for the most
part, remarks of this nature, for insertion in the
.Appendix ; in which I intend to examine, at large,
the arguments of Cicero respecting the immortality
of the soul, and also to suggest some considera-
tions, relative to the arguments usually employed, in
modem times, in discussing this subject Enough,
for the present, that Cicero has here applied his
NOTES ON ^ 6. 95
dialectical skill in such a way, as absolutely to
hedge up the path, in which his Collocutor was
beginning to proceed.
(50) P. 1?. L 8. — ^. Two questions may be asked in
respect to this letter ; first, What is the meaning of
it ? Secondly, is it a manu auctoris f .As to the first
question ; the meaning of A, seems to be explained
in Tusc. Qiiaest. Lib. II. 11 ; where Cicero, ad*
dressing his Collocutor, says : "^ At tu, adolescens^^
etc. A, then means adoUscens, young man. But
this should not be understood of a mere youth, as
estimated by us at the present time. Among the
Romans, as among the Hebrews, a person was
cnWedyouTigj until he was some thirty years of
age. Now as Socrates was usually surrounded by
disciples in younger life; so Cicero represents
himself, in the present case, as entering into dis^
cussion with a friend of the like age, i. e. adolea-
eens. Indeed, the congruity of the whole thing
requires this. Cicero is the master; they who
question him, are his disciples or pupils. But the
ordinary solution of w^. , is by Auditor. So Carey
and others. — As to the other question, the manu-
scripts exhibit the initial letters A, and also My
which follow ; and there can scarcely be a doubt
that they are a prima manu.
It wiU of course be understood, afler what has
been said, that M. stands for Marcus TSMius Cicero.
(21) P. 17. 1. 12. Est raiserum . . . malum, it is a
msxar, then^ since Uisan evU.' — Nemo . . . miser, aU
then are wrdehed, orHiere is no one %oho is not miserO'
Ue.— Si din constare vis, if you toiU be consistent with
yowra^y you must grant, etc — ^Nam si solos etc. ;
the sentiiiieDt which follows is this : ' If you should
96 NOTES ON § 6.
affinu merely that all are miserable who have yet
to die, then indeed, you would represent ail the
living as miserable, inasmuch as they must all die ;
but still, should you go no further dian this, death
would at least be the end of our woes ;' neverthdeas
there tJDOuid be an end of misery, m death. ' But since
you represent the dead also as miserable, you make
us all subject to endless misery. On this ground
we must necessarily admit, that those who died
one hundred thousand years ago, or rather, that all
who have been bom, are miserable.'
(22) P. 17. L 32. Cocy tus fremitus, Uu groanings
ofCocytua, Cocytus, according to mythology, was a
river in Hades, flowing from the Styx, and named by
the Greeks, Kuntviog, from xcravoi, to howl^ to shriek ;
i.e. Cocytus means, shriek-river, — Transvectio Ache-
rontis, the passage over Acheron; which was another
river in Hades, into which (according to Homer in
Odyss. X. 513) Periphlegethon and Cocytus emptied
themselves. The Greek ""AxiQfav seems to be equiv-
alent to o axea ^iiav, i. e. which flows with griefs, or
the river of sorrows.
Tantalus, well known in mythology, was a king
of Lydia, the middle province on the western shore
of Asia Minor, and son of Jupiter and the nymph
Pluto ; also the father of Niobe, Pelops, etc., all
fimious in fable. He is represented as plunged up
to the chin into a pool of water in Hades, and as
tormented with an insatiable thirst; but the mo-
ment he attempts to catch at the water, it recedes
from him. Some add to this, that a bough of de-
licious fruit hangs above his head, which, forced
by raging hunger, he attempts to seize, but which
is instantly removed beyond his reach by a blast of
NOTES ON § 6. 97
wind. Others represent him as sitting under a
huge stone that is suspended over his head, which
every moment threatens to falL This dreadful
punishment was inflicted, because he served up his
son Pelops for a supper made to regale the gods ;
which he did in consequence of doubts as to their
real divinity, and in order to put their knowledge
to the test. So Pindar ; but others say, it was be-
cause he stole nectar and ambrosia from the table
of the gods, and gave them to men ; and others
assign still different causes. — Siti enectus means,
dying m(h thirst, tortured to death unih thirst.
Sisyphus' story may be found in all the books of
mythology. He is represented as the son of Aeo-
lus and Enaretta, and the founder of Ephyre, af>
terw&rds called Corinth ; also as the most crafly
and subtle prince of all the heroic ages. His pun-
ishment in Hades is represented, as a continual
effort to roll a huge stone up a steep hill, which
no sooner reaches near the top, than it is precipi-
tated back to the bottom, and he commences his
work anew. The cause of this punishment is usu-
ally represented, to be a trick which Sisyphus played
upon Pluto. At his death, he commanded his wife
to leave his body unburied. When he came to
Hades, he begged indulgence of Pluto, to go back
and punish the seeming negligence of his wife, in
leaving his body unburied ; and having obtained
his request, he declined returning to the infernal
regions. Pluto then sent Mars after him ;. and
when he was brought back by force, Pluto con-
demned him to the punishment above stated. Oth-
ers assign different causes. — Sudans nitendo, sweat"
ing beeauH of strenuous exertion, — Hilum^ tn iKt,
kastf in any degree.
98 NOTES ON ^ 6.
(23) P. 18. 2. 5. Minos etRhadamanthus, both (ac*
cording to mythology) sons of Jupiter and Europa,
and bom in Crete. For their distinguished justice
while kings on earth, the Greeks represented them as
severe and impartial judges in Hades. Minos hears
the causes of the dead, and shakes the fatal urn
by which their destiny is determined ; and Rhada-
manthus obliges them to confess their crimes, and
punishes them for their offences. Cicero has here
omitted Aeacus, son of Jupiter and Aegina, and
king of Oenopia, who is often associated with Minos
and Rhadamanthus. — ^L. Crassus . . . M. Antonius ;
the former a celebrated orator cotemporary with
Cicero ; the latter, Cicero's teacher in rhetoric, at
Rome, otherwise called Marcus Antonius Gnipho.
(24) P. 18. L 7. Quoniam, whUst ; the sense
seems to require quamquam,Ba Ernest! remarks;
but qttoniam is admissible in the sense now ^ren to
it— Graecos judices, i.e. Minos and Rhadamanthus,
as stated above. — ^Tibi ipsi . . . dicenda, [but] the
cause miut be pleaded for yovrself the croum being of
the highest value. The recent translation of Cicero's
Tusculan Questions, by W. H. Main (Lond. 1824),
renders maxim& coron^, before a very great assewMy.
The Latin is, no doubt,>capable of this ; because co-
rona sometimes means the crowd which surrounds or
encircles any one. But 1 apprehend the true force
and point of the expression here would be lost by
such a version. I understand Cicero, who had just
named Demosthenes, as alluding here to the last
and highest effort of this masterly orator, viz., the
celebrated oration neQt <neq>arov, i. e. pro corond.
Demosthenes, in the course of his life, had been
twice crowned on the public stage at Athens ; once
ROTES ON § 6. 99
for his services in ezpelliDg the MacedoDian garri-
son from the island of Euboea; and the secoiyl
time, after the league made with the Thebans. In
334 B. C, his friend Ctesiphon proposed in the
Senate, that Demosthenes should be again crowned
for his many public, patriotic, and disinterested
services. Aeschines, the rival of Demosthenes, took
ofience at this, and accused Ctesiphon of acting
unlawfully and precipitately in this matter, and
demanded that he should be fined fifty talents of
gold. From various causes, the matter did not
come to trial until eight years afterwards ; when
Demosthenes undertook the defence of Ctesiphon ;
and through him, the vindication of his own claims^
which was the real basis of the dispute. As this
was the last, so it was the most perfect of all the
public speeches of Demosthenes ; and indeed, it is
the unquestionable master-piece of ancient ages.
An allusion to these weU-known fiicts I suppose
Cicero to make, in the phrase maxim^ coron^;
which, on the ground that I take, means as much
as to say: 'The crown for which you will plead,
will be one of the highest possible value f i, e. it
amounts to the question of eternal happiness or
misery. The idea of a great aaaembly before which
individuals are to plead their cause at the bar of
the judges in Hades, is, as it seems to me, foreign
to the dauical circle of thought ; although it is fa-
miliar to us, because we insensibly transfer the
scriptural account of the judgment day, to the hea-
then judgment day. It comes, therefore, frt)m the
Scriptureii rather than fipom the Greek or Roman
views of our final triaL
P, 18. 1. 16. Male, Hercule, narras, by Htrcvita^ tgou
100 NOTES ON § 6.
speak urduckUy. The reason follows : Quia . . . diee-
rem, i. e. 'I might exhibit some eloquence in des-
canting against such things,' viz. if he had not been
prevented by his Collocutor's disclaiming any be-
lief in them. — Quis enim non etc., who now eovJd
rwt [be eloquent] in a matter of this kindf Con-
vincere, refute,
(25) P. 18. 1. 31. Nusquam . . . possunt, hterally
theif cannot he notohere, i. e. they must be sornevrhere.
— Quid tandem, literally why at last ? Tandem, in
such a case, is expressive of surprise or strong feel-
ing ; just as we should say, in English : ' Why, in all
the world ? Why, for heaven's sake ?' — Istuc, that ;
put for isthoc. — villas fbrtimas, those [splendid] pos-
sessions, VIZ, such as the persons present were well
acquainted with. — M. Crassus, i. e. Marcus Licinius
Crassus, one of the triumvirate with Caesar and
Pompey, who was exceedingly rich, and met with
a violent death, B. C. 53. — Cneium Pompeium,
Pompey the Great, as he has been called, one of
the same triumvirate, who also came to a 'Solent
end. — Qui . . . careant, i. e. who die.
(06) P. 19. 1. 15. Revolveris eodem, you move 4n
a circle, i e. you argue in one. — Etiam quod sen-
tio, the very thing whieli, or exactly what, I iMnk, —
'Erne . . . dicis, then you affirm that they [who are
dead] do stiU exist — Port^ Capena, a gate of Rome
80 named, because it led towards Capena. — Calati-
ni, etc., heroes and patriots of former days.
The Greek atUnfia means, in logic, whtxtever is so
said, in a petfect sentence, that it must he either true
or false. Pronunciatum, then, is a proposition,
declaration, something declared. — Id' ergo . . . falsum,
is not exactly fitted to the previous omne prommtio'
NOTES ON §6. 101
turn. The fact is, that the construction of the sen-
tence is broken off by the parenthesis, and begun
anew or resumed at %d etc. ; ihat then is an c^rma-
tion^ which is true or false,
(27) P. 20. L 30. Ecqui, sign of interrogation
merely, like the word num ; do you see then, etc. ?
— Dejeceris, you have removed or abstracted, viz., by
granting that men are not miserable after death, the
sum of their misery is of course greatly diminish-
ed ; as the sequel shews. — ^Haberemus in vita, i. e.
we should, while living, have continually before us
endless misery. — Calcem, literally the heel; but
here figuratively, the extremity,
Epicharmus (fl. 440 B. C.) was a poet and Pytha-
gorean philosopher, who introduced comedy at
Syracu^e, under king Hiero. He was imitated by
the Roman Plautus. He is reported to have made
a metrical version of the maxims of Pythagoras,
and so to have divulged the secrets of the School.
Aristotle and Pliny make him the inventor of the
Greek letters x and <&, — ^The phrase, acuti nee in-
sulsi hominis, corresponds pretty exactly to our
vulgar English expression, a shrewd sort of a man,
and no fool of a fellow. At least, this gives the
sense of the x)rigina], better than a more stately ex-
presnon.
Vt Siculi, inasmu4^ cu he is a Sicilian ; for Si-
cilians were deemed, by the ancients, to be men of
acute minds. — Quam, i. e. quam sententiam. — ^Me
Graece . . . Latine, that I am not any more wont to
introduet Greek when spenking Latin, than I am to
inirodmee the LaHn whMe speaking Greek, — Jam ag-
noflco Graecum, / readily discern (he Greek ; but
does be mean the Greek man, or the Greek Ian-
102 NOTES ON § 6,
guage that corresponded with what Cicero had
uttered ? The latter, Mr. Main says ; and perhaps
correctly; for a reference to what precedes the
quotation, would incline one so to think. Still it
is possible, that the speaker means to say : ^ I dis-
cern in tliis sentiment the shrewd Greek philoso-
pher ;" but, on the whole, I cannot tJbink this to be
the probable interpretation.' He seems to design
to say, that although Cicero had not expressed the
Greek, he could discern what it must be, or recal
it to mind. The verse of Epicharmus, ^Anod-avuv
fi tedyapah ov fioi, 8i,aq>iQu, which Sextus Empiri-
cus (ad vers. Mathemat.) has preserved, does not
appear to contain the sentiment which Cicero has
here expressed in Latin. — Perfice, accomplish or
complete your undertaking, viz., to shew, that /
shoidd regard the not being obliged to die, as mise'
rahle.
(28) P. 21. L 18. Jam . . . est, that now is indeed no
d'ifficult task, — ^Cui proximum etc., near to which
[death], is the time after death, etc. — Id est enim etc.^
for that [viz. dying] is coming to that etc. — ^Uberius is-
ta, [speak] more at large upon these things. — ^Haec . . .
asseutiar, these thorny matters (as I confess) compel me
before Icon yield my assent to thern, — ^Ut emm non effi-
cias etc., aUhovgh you may not effect, etc. ; tamen etc.,
yet you tnay succeed in shewing, etc.— Continentem
orationem, continuous or uninterrupted speech, — Su-
perbum . . . esset, that wovid be acting haughtily or
arrogantly ; for esset Emesti reads est, but (with
Rath) I prefer esset, — Geram tibi morem, I yield to
thee, or I grant your request ; mos sometimes signi-
fies one^s own will or opinion; and gero, to manage,
direct^ etc Hence gero tibi morem, literally / di*
.NOTES ON §§ 6, 7. 103
rect my wtU for you, tibi being in the Datwus com-
modi, as grammarians say. — Homunculus unus, lit-
erally ont Utile man, a man of an inferior cast, out
ef the many such who may be found ; spoken in
the way of modesty, so as not to pretend to too
much. — Probabilla conjectudL aequeuB, seeking af"
ter what is probable by supposition, i. e. ^hat we
may suppose to be probable. — ^Tu, ut videtur, you
may go on as you please ; we put ourselves in the
attitude of listeners.
§§7—9.
In thtf discnssion, (as should be done in all others ^vhich are
properly conducted), the writer aims first at the dei&nition of the
main word or topic : What is death ? On the part oi 'some, the an-
swer to this i«, that it is the separation of the soul and body, or the
departure of the former from the latter. But others think that the
Boal perishes with the body. What then is the soul ? A fundamen-
jtal question, of course, in the whole discussion.
In the investigation of this topic, Cicero adduces (in $ 7. $ 8) all
the various theories respecting the soni, which had been proposed by
different philosophers ; and on some of these he makes remarks, in
$ 9. Of course, all those theories respecting the soul, which make
it a part, or the whole, of the body, e. g. the heart, the brain, the
blood, or that harmony which is the result of all the parts of the
body ncing united, are considered as affording no ground of hope for
imoKirtality ; because, if either of these theories be true, the soul
must be dissolved witn the body. Other theories, e. g. such as rep-
resent the soul to be air or ether, firo or caloric, the perennial prin-
ciple or cause of motion and life, etc., Cicero considers as affording
some room for hope, that the soul, when it leaves the body, may find
a pernMiiMot place of abode in the celestial regions.
§7.
(29) P. 23. /. 17. Mors, etc., our first business, t%en,
shall he, to inquire what death itself is, which seems to
be somiHkinfr familiarly knoton. Animi, of the mind or
soul, vovg, L e. the intelligent and rational part of man,
in distinction fix)m his physical or bodily part. So
104 NOTES ON §7.
evidently animtis is used here. But this is not its
only meaning, in the Latin language. (1) Sometimes
it is equivalent to aniina, i. e. the animating living
principle of our nature, as contained in the breath ;
and this seems to be the original sense of the word,
inasmuch as it plainly comes from the Greek aVs-
fiog, icindf breath. (2) Animus sometimes desig-
nates also the faculty of thinking and desiring, in
distinction from the material nature of the body,
which of itself cannot do this. (3) Animus denotes,
also, the faculty of perception and feelings in distinc-'
tion from the material nature of the body ; and in
this last sense, as well as in its second one, it be-
comes equivalent to mind, as designating our intel-
lectual and rational part. Like our English word
mind, also, animus designates the various afiections
and exercises of the soul ; e. g. will, desire, courage,
satisfaction, dissatisfaction, hope, manner of think-
ing, opinion, thought, etc. That Cicero uses ani-
mus, in his present book, for mind (in a generic
sense), i. e. for soul, in distinction from, or in oppo-
sition to, the body as material and mortal, is plain
from the very nature of the case. Of course, our
English word soul or mind, is a correct translation
of it.
(30) P. 22. i.21. Occidere, to faU or to perish.-—
Alii statim, i. e. alii pensent statim ; and so in the fol-
lowing cases of the word alii. — Semper, i. e. semper
permahere. The reader will note these three classes
of opinion, respecting the duration of the soul.
Next follows a recension of the different opinions
respecting the nature itself of the soul, — ^Nasica . . .
Corculum, JVasica (i. e. Scipio Nasica), tJuxt shrewd
man, tioice made consul, [was sumamed, dicebatur
implied] corculum^ i. e. little heart.
NOTES ON ^ 7. 105
(31) p. ^. l. 30. EmpedocUs thinks, fhaiike soidis
the, blood styffused around the htart. Empedocles, who
flourished about 444 B. C, was a native of Agrigen-
tum, a town on the south- western shore of SiclJy, a
philosopher and poet, and one of the most distin-
guished men in his country. He wrote a poem, in
three books, on the JVoiiirc of Things ; which Lu-
cretius had before him, when he wrote his poem of
the like kind ; but which, with all the other works
of Empedocles, has perished, excepting only a few
fragments. The story of Empedocles plunging
himself into the crater of mount Ema, is probably
a fiction. The sentence of Empedocles to which
Cicero here alludes, is this : Alfia yag av>aTiotg
nsQutagdirOV i<ni vorifia, for the blood around the
heart of man is his mind; found in Stobaeus,
Eclog. Phys. p. 131. — Animi principatum tenere,
to contain the principal portion, or the predominating
portion of the soul.
(32) P. 23. L 4. Declarat nomen, (Emesti and Nob-
be : declarant nomen), I understand as an elliptical
expression, equivalent to Jioc declaret nom^n, this the
name declares, i. e. the very name which we give
to the sovl, declares that it has been deemed the
same thing as anima, the breath or vital principle.
The sequel shews that such was the intention of
the writer. — Agere animam means, the panting of
a dying person, to pant for breath, — Animam ef-
flare is to breath out one^s breath, to expire. — Et an-
imosos, i. e. et dicimus animosos, i. e. we speak of
anim^osos, ammatos, and also say, et animi sententid,
— ^Bentley suspected the genuineness of the words,
nam et . . . sententia ; Rath has so marked them in
his edition ; but I prefer, with Nobbe, to mark
1 OG NOTES ON §§ 7, 8.
only, et animosos . . . sententia ; which I have in-
cluded in brackets, in order to denote the probabil-
ity that it is not genuine ; at least, it does not seem
to be to the purpose of the author, and I can make
no tolerable reasoning out of it.
(33) P.23.Z.8. Zenoni Stoico^ celebrated philos-
opher, and founder of the sect ofthe Stoics, was bom
at Citium in the island of Cyprus, and tUed B. C.
264, at the age of 96 years. He spent his literary
life at Athens ; where he lectured on philosophy,
in the portico called (ttow. Hence the name Stoicy
given to him and his followers. Temperance,
regularity of life, indifference to bodily appetites,
and universal sobriety of demeanour, were virtues
insisted on by the Stoics ; and which these philos-
ophers, at least many of them, seem to have car-
ried higher than any other sect of ancient Greece.
§8.
(34) P. 23. L 9. Sed haec . . . vulgo, hiU that these
things which Ihave meniioned^ the heart, the hrain, the
breathy fire, [are the soul], w commordy [said] ; that
is, these opinions are comn>on. — ^Refiqua fere sin-
guli, other things, for the most pari, only pariicxdar
persons [affirm]. — Vi multi ante etc. ; with Bentley
and Rath, I begin a new sentence here. Emesti
puts only a comma after singuli ; but the nature of
the sentence which foMows, with the correlates
ante . . . proxime, shews that a different division
should be made. — Ante, ancientty, viz. he/ore the
time of Aristoxenus. Proxime, in later times.
(35) P. 23./. 11. Aristoxenus, a celebrated musician,
was bom at Tarentum of Calabria in Italy. He wrote
453 treatises on philosophy, history, etc. He was a
NOTPS ON § 8. 107
disciple of Aristotle ; and three books of his on mu-
sic, are still extant, being the most ancient that we
have respecting this science. He flourished about
340 B. C.
(96) P. 23. L 13. Intentionem quandam, i. e.
many of the ancients, and in later times, Aristoxenus,
[have said that the soul is] a kind of straining up or
tuning of the body itself — Velut etc., as in singing
and instrumental music, what is called harmony,
[arises from such a tuning} ; so from the nature
and conformation of the whole body, its various mo-
tions arise, like the sounds in music, — ^Hic, viz.
Aristoxenus. — ^Artiflcio suo, his art as a musician.
— Et tamen . . . Platone, and yet he said something
which, whatever it might he, was long before both
said and explained by Plato.
(37) P. ^. L 19. Xenocrates, bom at Chalcedon
in Bythinia, a town opposite Byzantium ; a pupil of
Plato, who succeeded Speusippus in the school of
Plato ; and who was much respected and admired
for his virtues. He died B. C. 314, at the age of 82.
(38) P. 23. 1. 21. Pythagoras, a native of Samos
one of the Grecian islands ; a disciple of Pherecydes
of Syros ; a famous moral and political reformer, at
Metapontum and Crotona, cities on the Tarentine
bay, at the south-east part of the Italian peninsula,
usually called Magna Graeda. His doctrine of
metempsychosis and the luirmony of the spheres, are
well known. He applied the doctrine of even and
odd, in numbers, to the system of the Universe ;
and he drew from this application, the conclusion
that this system is a system of relations, i. e. of
num^rictd proportion ; and so, a living hannony of
numbers, (See in Rixner's Geschichte der Philos.
108 NOTES ON § 8.
Vol. I., a detailed account of (he music of the Spheres^
in the Appendix.)
(39) P. 23. L 20. Numerum seems to mean, Juur-
fnanical conformity. If we ask for definite ideas, in
respect to such philosophy as that of Pythagoras and
his followers, with regard to this point, we may ask
in vain. The general idea of this numerical cor^ormi-
ty seems to have been, a kind of harmonizing anima
mundij diffused through all its parts ; and of course
existing in human beings. To explain it, Pytha-
goras compared it to music, and to the harmony
(as he named it) of even numbers.
(40) P. 2a I. 22. Ejus doctor, i. e. the teacher of
Xenocrates.— Cujus ... in arce, whose ruling party u e.
reason he placed in the head, aain a kind of citadel. —
£t duas partes . . . locavit, and two parts he made sub'
ordmaiCf viz. irascibility and desire, which he located in
their appropriate pUtceSy irascibility in the breast^
and desire under the region of the heart. For suis^
Emesti and others read disclusit ; with Rath and
some of the Mss., I prefer suis.
(41) P. 23. 2. 28. Dicaearchus, of Messene in the
province of Messenia, belonging to the south-west-
ern part of the Peloponnesus, was famous for his
knowledge of philosophy, history, and mathematics.
There are no remains of his works, at present —
Quern . . . exponit, which, being pronounced ai Cor-
inth, he has published in three books. — Duobus, in (he
other two books. — ^Disserentem, who maintains. —
Frustra que .... appellari, and that unthoui any rea-
son, animals are also caUed aiximated beings. — ^Ne-
que, i. e. he also maintains, that,neitheretc. — ^Animum
vel animam, i. e. neither a rational soul, nor an ani*
mating principle. — Quippe . . . quidquam, because
NOTES ON §§8,9. - 1 09
there is no 9uck [anima], nor any iking tehakveri
unless etc. — Ita figuratum, etc., so formed, Ihat by iht
tempering of nature it lives and thinks,
(42) P. 24. L 13. Quatuor ilia genera principiorum,
those four kinds of elements, i. e. the well known fbur^
viz, water, earth, fire, and air. — Cum .... complex-
us, token ..,.he had comprised or represented. — Et
tam multa alia, and also many other ffiings, viz.,
meminisse, etc.-^ EvdeXixsuxv, (so, on the wholi^,
I think, with Rath, it should be written, and not-
a8 Emesti writes it, irttXix^ia), means perennity^
continued existence in the same state, ^ErtsXixsM
means acUtnty, action itself, or €u:tual being, Nei*
ther the one nor the other of these Greek words
seem fully to correspond with Cicero's explana-
tion. On the whole, however, his emphasis seems
to lie upon continuatam and perennem, rather than
on motwnem; which would favour the reading
irdeXixeiar,
§9.
(43) P. 24. 1, 24. Nisi .... sententiae, unless, per-
ehancey some have escaped me, these are nearly the
[various] opinions respecting the soul. After fere,
the comi]pon editions insert omnium ; but the lead-
ing Mss. omit it ; and so Rath.
(44) P. 24. 1, 25. Democritus, of Abdera m Thrace,
at the head of the Aegean Sea ; a disciple of Leucip-
pus of the same place ; bom B. C. 500 ; called Iliv^
ta&XoSj because of his skill in logic, physics, ethics^
mathematics, and music. The atomic philosophy
seems to have taken its rise from him. CioerQ
seems hardly to represent his principles with fair-
ness here ; for he did not maintain the fortuitous
concourse of atoms, but that their movemeQt$ wer«
6
110 NOTES ON §9.
neceasary, and yet that they were directed by the
laws of the highest reason. See Rixner, Creech,
der Philos. I. p. 128.
(45) P. 24. l. 26. Levibus . . . corpusculis, smooth
and round partidea or atoms. — ^Apud istos, i. e. among
philosophers of that class. — Confundere, to mix them
together^ to unite them. — ^Ut . . . disserantur, aiihough
those matters^ viz. respecting the constituent ele-
ments of the soul, be not discussed. — ^Nisi hac . . .
hoc, unless this question [respecting the essence] of
the soul be solved, now, tfyou think proper, [we will
discuss] this. — ^lUud ali^s, otherwise [we will dis-
cuss] that. — ^Efficiet enim roJdo, for reason unUnuxke
it out.
(46) P. 25. 1. 15. Si anima est, tfit is air, breath. —
His sententiis onmibus, according to ttU these opinions.
— Sensus, sensation, — ^Non sentientis . . . intersit, but
to one destitute of aU sensation, there is nothing
which can be of any consequence.
(47) P. 25. / 31. Num etc., i. e. can we. defend the
immortality of the soul more eloquently than Pla-
to has done ?
Sed nescio quo modo, etc. ; a remarkable and
very affecting concession of an anxious and inquir-
ing mind. All the arguments which a Plato and
a Socrates had produced, could operate, as it would
seem, with only a momentary and imperfect ibrce
upon it. With Plato's Phaedo in his hand, the
Inquiring youth could not, for the time being, gain-
say his reasoning ; but so little of deep impression
did it make, so little of solid satisfaction did it give,
that at the moment when direct attention t% the sub-
ject ceased, then conviction and satisfaction began
to diminish and to vanish away. Cicero does not,
NOTES ON §§ 9, 10. Ill
indeed, say this in his own person ; but can there
be any good ground of doubt, that he drew the
sentiment from his own feelings ? I apprehend it
must have been nearly or altogether so, with a
great part of the few among the heathen, who pro-
fessed to believe in the real immateriality and im-
mortality of the soul. They saw through a glass
darkly. They were groping their way by dim
twilight. The gospel, and that only, has '* brought
life and immortality to light,'/ in a manner that ad-
mits no doubt nor fears as to the doctrine of a fu-
ture state.
Dasne, do you not concede^ either that the soul
endures etc., or etc. — ^Do vero i. e. I grant that the
one or the' other of these must be true.
§ 10.
The first argument whieh Cicero employs to show that the soal
Borvivos the bodV) is an argumentum ad hominem ; i. e. it avails
only for those who hold, as did the Greeks and Romans, that the
gods now existing and immortal^ were once human beings. For aU
such, Cicero says, the funereal rites and ceremonies that are prae-
iiaed, will exhibit sufficient proof, that renowned men and women
are regarded, and have from time immemorial been regarded, ca
surviving the destruction of the body. Thus it is in respect to
Romalos, Oastor and Pollux, Ino, and others. Nay, even the Pit
Majores are all of the like class ; as their sepulchres in Greece, and
their mysteries, clearly shew. We may add to these considerations,
the x^neral persuasion respecting tlie appearanoe of ghosts or
•pirits.
(48) P. 26. 1. 33. Auctoribus . . . possumus, toe
can adduct the best authorities in respect to that
sentiment which you wish should he established. — ^Et
primum . . . antiquitate, and especially [we can ad-
duce] aU antiquity. — Ortu, Us first origin.
(49) P. 2a i. 30. Insitum, implanted by na-
ture*. — Cascos, the same in meaning as ardiquos ;
112 NOTES ON § 10.
but the word eascos is antiquated or obsolete, be-
ing probably a Sabine word. — Esse in morte sen-
sum, that there is sensation in a state of death, i. e.
after death. — Turn . . . sepulcrorum, both from the
ordinances of the priests and the ceremonies at
graves, — Nee violatas . . . sanxissent, nor, when
[these ceremonies] are violated, would they haioe
punished with a scruptdosity which could not he ap-
pealed, Religio, consdentiovsness, scrupulosity ;
sancio sometimes means to apply the penalty of a
law, i. e. to punish ; and this seems to make the
best sense here. — ^Mortem non . . . delentem, that
death is not such a destruction as removes and makes
an entire end of every thing. — In ceteris . . . tamen,
in regard to others, [this soul] is retained in the
ground, hut stiU cordinues to exist,
(50) P. 27. 1, 11. Ex hoc . . . opinione, accord-
ing to this, and in the opinion of our countrymen, —
Ennius, see Note 9. — Indeque . . . Hercules, and
from thence Hercules, penetrating to us, and even to
the ocean, i, e. the Atlantic. — He probably refers
here to Grades (now Cadiz), situated anciently on
an island in the Atlantic, some distanQjB north of
the straits of Gibralter ; where Hercules was wor-
shipped, and where he probably once came. The
pillars of Hercules are usually supposed to have
been at Calpe (Gibralter) on the Spanish coast,
and Abyla, opposite to it on the Aincan side ; and
it is said that these were erected, as the limits of
the western world. But Silius Italicus call^
Gades the cognata limina [mundi]. Lib. III. 3 '
and Isidorus says : *' Hercules, cum Crodtbui
pervenisset, columnas ibi posuit, sperans illic esse
orbis terrarum finis, Orig. Lib. XIII. c. 15. Add
MOTES ON ^10. 113
to this, that Gades is on the Atlantic ocean, in ac-
cordance with the expression of Cicero, usque ad
Oceanum ; while Calpe (Gibralter) and Abyla are
within the Mediterranean Sea. Gades, therefore,
was naturally the extreme boundary of the west-
em world, as known to the ancients. — ^Tyndaridae
firatres, the brothers^ sons of JSfndar^ i. e. Castor and
Pollux, reckoned as tutelar Genii by the Roman
people. The particular story to which Cicero
seems here to refer, is, that Castor and Pollux
were present, in the Macedonian war, at the battle
in which Perses the king of Macedonia was con-
quered, near Pydna, B. C. 168 ; that they not only
assisted the Romans to obtain this victory, but
appeared immediately afler it at Rome, washing
off from themselves the blood and dust of battle in
the river Tiber, and announcing victory to the
imperial city. The like phenomena, however,
the mythology of the Romans often ascribed to
the sons of Tyndar.
(51) P. 27. /. 20. Ino, Cadmi filia, etc. ; the
mythology is complex, and very absurd. Athe-
mas, king of Thebes in Boeotia, married first
Themisto, by whom he had Phryxus and Helie.
Pretending that Themisto was subject to fits of
insanity, he aflerwads married Ino, by whom he
had Melarchus and Melicerta. Ino, becoming
jealous of the first children of her husband, sought
in various ways to destroy them. Juno, in re-
venge for this, sent one of the Furies to the house
of Atbamas ; who taking possession of him, in a
fit of madness he killed Melarchus the son of Ino,
and pursued her, in his rage, in order to destroy
her. She, flying with Melicerta in her arms,
114 NOTES ON § 10.
plunged into the sea; upon wliich she was*
changed into a sea-goddess, whom the Greeks
called AsvxoxHa, and the Romans Matuta. Only
free bom, married women were permitteil to enter
her temple. The meaning of the name MfxtutOj
seems to be morning-goddess^ i. q. Aurora ; and
so the Greek name would not unnaturally import.
(52) P. 27. L 22. Quid ? What more shall I
say ? — Ne plures persequar, not to particularize
any more individuals. — Caelum, commonly writ-
ten codum = %oXkog^ holhw, concave, the welkin. —
Ipsi illi . . . roperientur, those very individuals, who
are reputed as gods of a higher kmd, wiU be found to
have gone from us to heaven. This is a very strik-
ing ])a88age ; and it casts great light over the
whole field of heathen mythology. All the objects
of Greek and Roman worship were then, afler all,
mere men who had undergone anoO-ioaig. '' Cease
ye from man," one might well say, with the sublime
prophet of the Hebrews, to all the worshippers of
such gods. But the purpose for which Cicero
here makes such an appeal, is one of great inter-
est. He is labouring to shew that the soul is im-
mortal. How can this be done ? ' All antiquity,'
says he, * believed it All that is done for the
dead, shews that we consider them as still having
a regard to their fame and honour. The fiict,
that even the gods themselves (to whom we pray
and look for help, and whom we all believe to be
immortal) were once men, shews that the souls of
men are immortal ; yea, these gods, even of the
highest order, we acknowledge, were once mere
men.' The argument is certainly ingenious ; and
to a popular believer in the Roman godis^ was an
NOTES ON ^10. 115
tu^mentum ad homvMim which was inyincible*
For usy such an argument has no further weighti
than as it goes to shew, how deeply seated in the
human breast is the desire or expectation of an
immortal existence.
(53) P. 27. 1, 26. Majorum gentium Dii, are Ju-
piter, Neptune, Apollo, Mars, Vulcan, Merciuy;
Juno, Minerva, Ceres, Venus, Diana, Vesta; six
male, and six female ones. So Enntus the poet
reckons them by name.^Q4iere . . . Graecia, cuk
tohost sepvlckrea cure shewn in Gruct ; i. e. in so
doing you will find what I have said to be true.—
Initiatus, i. e. iniiiated into the mysteries of the
heathen mythology, become a fiwnrig. — ^Mysteriis,
the secret rites and (hdrines of the heathen my-
thology or theology, not disclosed to the world.
These rites, no doubt, were symbols of things
which the reputed gods had done and said ; and
among these, was what had been done by them
before their transmigration to heaven. On this
account, Cicero appeab to the mysteries as a proof
that what he had been saying with re49pect to the
gods having once been men, was true.— Tum . . .
intelliges, then surely vnU ydu understandy how
widely this extends ; viz. how widely the declara-
tion that he had made, may be extended, how
generally true it is. Denique is sometimes em-
ployed, as here, as an adverb of intensity, i. e.
serving to strengthen the affirmation.
(54) P. 27. /. 32. Physica, naiuraL philosophy,
physics, — ^Tantum . . . cognoverant, persuaded them"
sdoes of only so much as they understood from the
instructions 4^ nohire, i. e. their own internal na-
lore* — ^Moxime noetumis; night being the time.
1 16 NOTES ON §§ 10, 11.
when spectres have always and every where been
supposed usually to make their appearance. — Ut . . .
vivere, so that those seemed to live, who had departed
from life.
§11.
The Mcond argument is, that as universal belief in the ezigtenee
of the gods seems to be a good reason for admitting the truth of
this ; therefore the general laws of our nature, that we should be-
lieve in the doctrine of a future state, is a good reason for believins
it. It is in reference to this, also that we grieve over our departed
friends ; not because of disadvantages to which we are sub^ted,
on account of their death, but because we think them deprived of
the pleasures of life.
Again; that all men have an instinctive apprehension or expecta-
tion of a continued existence, is testified by all our arrangements
for the future; by sepulchres, eulogies of the dead, heroic deeds, de-
Totedness to one's country, etc. Poets, artificers, philosophers, all
develope the same trait of character, as to their expectations con-
eerniog the future. Especially is this trait discernible, in all those,
who attain to superior excellence in any way. It is therefore a
law of our •ntU,%re ; and as such, its testimony must be regarded
as true.
This placed on its proper basis, is a fundamental argument in
favour of a future state; as we shall see hereafter. The develop-
aient of it, however, may be made, I think, in a more convincing
way than is here done, but even here, are sparks of celestial firo,
■hewing that heathenism itself could not wholly deface the image
ofGrod, which he has given to our immortal part; at least, that it
could not do this as to the mind of a reflecting man, such as Cicero
was.
(55) P. 28. /. 5. Ut . . . videtur, moreover, this
seems to he add'wced as a very solid reason. Vi is
frequently used with the superlative of adjectives, in
this way. Emesti suspects the genuineness of it
here, and thinks we should read at ; but this seems
to be occasioned by overlooking the idiom. —
Deorum opinio means, a belief that gods exist ; opin-
io est means, one believes, — CoUocutio hominum
means, men^s conferring together, i. e. in the way of
conversatioD and discussion. Cicero means to say,
NOTES ON § 11. 117
that DO conferences with each other, no natural
agreement in consequence of such conferences, no
ordinances, no laws, have occasioned men thus to
harmonize in their opinions about the immortal
gods ; in other words, it all results from the teach-
ing of nature merely ; and so it results, of course,
Jrom a law of our naiure, — Suo incommodo, on
account of his own [personal] inconvenience or
suffering, — ^Dolent, i. e. [some] grieve, etc. — Fletus-
que maerens, and weeping occasioned hy grief —
Idque sentire, and (hat he is sensible of this, yiz. of
being deprived, etc. — Nulla ratione . . . doctrina,
independently of any reasoning or instntction^ i. e.
simply as guided by nature.
(56) P. 28. L 25. Tacitam, silently^ i. e. mthout
any teaching or leading, as above said. — Quod . . .
sint, that aU are solicitotts, and peculiarly so, about
those things which are to happen after they are dead.
He means by this, to shew that a longing after im-
mortality is a part of our very nature ; which no
doubt is a real, as it is a most important truth.
(57) P. 28. 1. 28. Statins (Caeciliiis), a comic
poet, cotemporary with Ennius, a native of Gaul,
and originally a slave. He acquired great reputa-
tion by his comedies, although his Latin was not
pare. — Synephebis, a play so called, from awi<pe-
poh young persons of the same age, — Quid . . . perti-
nere? 7h what does he look^imless thai even tifter ages
concern himself f — Ergo . . . non seret, shdU the indus-
trioua ^i«6atMbftai», then, plant trees, the fruit (or berry)
of which he wUl never see; and shall not a great
man establish laws, institutes, the republic 9 — ^Nisi
no8 . . . cogitare, unless we have respect also to the
future* — ^lUud . • . natura, con you doubt it, i^tat a
6*
118 NOTES ON §§ 11, 12.
specimen of tohat is reaUy natural, should be selected
from that nature what is best in its kind 7 — Carey
and some others read thus : Q^iid illud ? num etc.
with Rath I prefer, Quid ? Illud num etc , as this
construction of quid then accords with that in the
preceding sentences. — Quam eorum, i. e. quam natu-
ra eorum, etc. — ^Munivisset, had prepared by his fa-
mous deeds, etc. — Et religione . . . consecrata, and
rendered sacred by the religious feeling of all tnen.
§12.
(58) P. 29. 1. 16. lisdem ne . . . terminaretiir ?
Shall we say thai their fame is terminated by the same
bounds as their life ? — Licuit . . . Themistocli, The-
mistocles might have enjoyed his eeufe ; where the con-
struction is, licuit Themistocli esse otioso, esse tak-
ing the same case after it as before it. — ^Ne et . . .
quaeram, not to mention things ancient and foreign, —
Quo dempto, which [expectation of the future] being
taken away, — De principibus; concerning leading
men or rulers. — Funera fletu faxet, nor perform
myfunercd rites unth weeping ; faxet (by syncope)
forfecerit, — Vivu', L e. vivus, the s being dropped
))y apocope.
(59) P. 30. L 3. Sed quid poetas ? But why
[should I speak of] the poets f — Opifices, artists.
Phidias, a celebrated statuary of Athens, who died
B. C. 432. By request of Pericles, he made a stat-
ue of Minenra, and on her shield, he carved his
own Ukeness, and also that of Pericles. For this
he was banished from Athens; and he took his
revenge afterwards, by making a statue of Jupiter
Olympius, which eclipsed the glory of his Minerva,
and which was kept by the people of £lis. — ^£t si
CONTENTS OF <J§ 13—18. 1 19
• . . maxime, and if toe think those whose minds excel
either in genius or virtue, to he pecidicaiy adapted to
discern the power of nature, because they possess a
nature best in its kind.
§§ 13—18.
Bot if Ihe loul 8nrviv«t the body, tokere and how does it exint f
Thii c^uestioD gives occasion for a kind ofopisudo liero, on the met
aphygical nature of the soul, and its final place of residence ; which
extends through $$ 13 — 18. ^Vulgar ignorance, says Cicero, has
formed a multitude of superstitious notions on this subject; because
the uninformed minds of nrien were unable to contemplate any Ihin^
but sensible objects. Phorecydes first taught the proper eternity ot
the soul; which was received and supported by the disciples of
Pytbafforas ; from whom it passed to Plato.
Matnematicittos (natural philosophers) teach, that of the four
eloroents, two, i. e. earth and water, sink downwards ; and two, i. o.
fire and air, mount upwards. Now if the soul be igneous or etUe-
riaj ; and a fortiori if it be Aarntony, or that fifth something de<
•cribed by Aristotle ; it will of course mount upwards on its depart-
ure from Che body, and ascend to a very great distance from tho
earth. But I do not see how harmony can arise from the disposition
of menberi and the figure of the body destitute of a soul. It
were better for Ariiitoxenus, who maintains this, to attend to his
music, and leave reasoning on this subject to Aristotle his master.
The AKtuitona eoncourse of atoms, moreover oa a cause of anima-
ted being, we must at once reject. If then the sou^consists of any
of tho four elements, it must necessarily bo that of fire or air ; and
of ooarsa the soul, consisting of either of these, or of these com-
bined, on quitting^ the body, must mount into the upper regions.
And that the soul is of a warmer or more glowing nature than the
concrete air, is clear from the warmth which it im^mrts to our bod-
ies, that are formed from mere terrene materials.
The souf, moreover, is capable of tho highest eelcrity of move-
roeot; by which it can easily permeate the clouds and vapours and
obscurity which onconapass the earth, and escape to that element
in the upper regions, consisting of combined ether and solar
warmth, which will be homogeneous with itself, and where it will
find its own proper balance and resting place, and therefore cease
toaseend. Here it will be nourislied as the stars are, i. e. by
the pure and gluwin» ether of those upper resions.
Here^ also, being (reed from all bodily desires and lusts, and loft
to the loll and free exercise of its own proper powers, it will gratify
its insatiable thirst for knowledge; which, moreover, will ever bo
ineroa«ed In proportion to its gratification and its opportunities.
£ven here, on earth, the boautv of the natural creation excites ar-
dent desire for more extended knowledge. And if we now count
it a freat thing to visit the extreme wettora part of tlie Mediterra-
120 CONTENTS OF §§ 13 18.
noan and to see tho Euxiiio Sea on the eaxt ; what will bo our rap-
ture, when we can see all the regions of the earth, with ail their
▼arious form* and productions !
Besides all this, we may consider, that at present we do not real-
ly Me any thing, with our physical organs. Tboso are the isere
inlets to the soul, which alone has any proper sensation. Wheo
we come, then, to those upper regions, where wo shall no longer be
impeded by any of oar physical organs, nothing will hinder our
having the clearest, most extensive, and altogether satis facturv
views of every thing that we desire to know. — Such therefore will
be the state and condition of the soul.
And such being tho caxe, 1 wonder at the strange conduct of the
£pieareans, who think it a great thin? to have freed men from
the fear of the future, by shewing that the eonl is of a mortal na-
ture, and expires with the body. To me the sentiment of Pythugo-
raa and Plato is much more probable and welcome.
The objection made by many, Tiz.that they cannot understand what
tlie nature of tho soul is, which is eternal, amounts to nothing ; for
can tbey understand any better what the soul is, when in the bodf,
than when out of the body ? To me it is much more difficult to see
how the soul can dwell in a habitation so foreign to its true nature,
and how it is to contemplate it as freed from such a habitat ion : un-
less, indeed, we are to maintain the position, that we can understand
nothing which we do not see with onr eyes ; and then we must dis-
heliere the existence of the gods. Dieaearchus and Aristoxenusi,
because they could not tell vkat the soul is, rejected the idea of
its existence. But when the oracle of Apollo said : /Vwd> (fiau-
tuVt it meant, that we should become acquainted with oar souk,
whUk are our onlp yrapor selves.
Thus it is evident that one main design of Cicero, in the whole of
tliia apparent digression, is to remove objections against a future
state, made from the nature and dwelling plaee of the aoul.
(60) P. 30. {. 26. Censebant, i. e. antiqui hom-
ines ceDScbant. — Frequens . . . theatri, the crowded
OBiembly at ihe iheatre. — ^Audiens . . . carmen, when
hearing so pompous a strain, Adsiim etc., lam
present, and I come from Acheron, toith difficulty,
through a deep and dangerous passage ; through
canes fonned by rough rocks, ovtr-^hanging, huge ;
where the ihick darkness ofheU is immoveable ; rigi-
da stat is a more probable reading than rigida
constat ; the meaning of which former is stands
stiff, i. e. immoveable. The quotation is from the
Hecuba of Euripides, sub. init. — Valuit, did pre-
vaU. — Sublatus, removed; the lexicons derive this
NOTES ON v^ 13. 131
word from toUo^ its own proper root being ont of
use.
(61) P. 31. /. 5. Animos ... complect], ftay
eovid not form cmy idea of minds living hy themsdves^
Le. existing independently of the body. — ^Aliquam,
some kind of — ^Tota vatvia, aU the vexvla of Hom^r ;
Vfxvla means sacrifices and rites instituted for the
dead, in order to evoke the shades (umbrae) from the
under-world or Hades. — NexgoiJtartsia, places where
necromancy was practised, — ^Faciebat seems hardly
to admit of a tolerable sense here. It may be ren-
dered, procured, made, constructed, and possibly made
^ i. e. esteemed, valued, for this is one of the senses
of &cio, even when it governs the Accusative ; al-
though it is seldom so used in such a connexion.
(62) P. 31. 1. 9. Avemi lacus was near to Cu-
mae in Campania; hence in vicinia nostra, "By
this lake is the fabled entrance to the infernal re-
gions, as described by Homer and Virgil. — Ostio . . .
Acherontis, at tke mouth of the deep Acheron ; which
(Acheron) here means a river in lower Italy that
must have been near the lake mentioned; see
Seheller's Lat Lex.
(63; P. 31. L 11. Falso sanguine ; so I find it,
in my edition of Emesti's Cicero ; but in Rath,
Nobbe, and Carey, salso sanguine. What saU
blood is, I am unable to imagine. Fcdse blood
may very easily be attributed to the imagines m/or-
tuerum, L e. mere umbrae or shadows of living be-
ings ; so Main in his version : " No mortal blood."
*-Ad oculos • . . referebant, i. e. they made every
thing to be visible to the eye, in whose existence
they believed. — £t . . . abducere, and to withdraw
our Ountf^fiom objects with which we are familiar.
122 NOTES ON § 11.
(64) p. 31. L 18. Itaque ... . dixit, therefore^
{what in my opinion others had said for many ages,
but, so far. as toe have it on record), Pherecydes of
Syros first said, etc. Syrlus (Svqtoq), belonging to
Syros, one of the Grecian idands (Cycladee) , not
far from Delos, and at the mouth of the Aegean
Sea. The Syrius here has been mistaken by
some for Syrus, a Syrian. Pherecydes was bom
about 595 B. C. and died about 535. He was
the teacher of Pythagoras ; and with the disciples
of Pythagoras, Plato was intimate ; so that the
doctrine of the immortality of the sou] seems to
have come down from Pherecydes directly to
PJato. — Antiquus sane ; for, as the above dates
shew, Pherecydes was bom almost 500 years be-
fore Cicero,
(65) P. 31. 1, SI. Meo regnante gentili, during
(he reign of my relative, (Main renders : my name-
sake JSillus), i. e. during the reign of Servius Tul-
lius, which was from 578 B. C. to 534 B. C. Serv.
TulHus was the son of Ocrisia and Tullius, who
belonged to Comiculum, a town of the Sabines, a
little north of the river Anio, and but a short dis-
tance from the city of Rome. In a war between
the Sabines and Romans, Tullius the husband of
Ocrisia was killed, and she came into tlie hands of
Tarquin the Eider, king of Rome, as a slave.
Tarquin presented her to his wife ; who brought
up her son, Servius Tullius, in the palace. After-
wards Tarquin gave to Tullius his daughter as a
wife; and upon the death of this king, S. TuUius,
his son in law, was made king, and reigned 34
years. He was the last of the ancient Roman
kings, save one, viz. Tarquin the Proud; who is
NOTES ON ^§ 13, 14. 123
mentioned in the next sentence, and who married
the daughter of S. TuUius, himseJf being the
grandson of Tarquin the Elder. Tarquin the
Proud began to reign 534 B. C, and 25 years af-
terwards was expelled from the throne. Cicero
retained the name of the family (TuUiua)^ from
which he was descended.
(66) P. 31. L 23. Maxime confirmavit ; Pytha-
goras and his disciples appear to have been much
ill earnest on the subject of the immortality of the
souL The so called Golden Verses of Pythagoras,
(composed probably by some of his followers),
bear testimony to a high state of moral and reli-
gious feeling among this sect of philosophers.
Plato seems to have fully imbibed their ardour
in respect to these matters, by being conversant
with them. — Superbo, i.e. Tarquinius Superbus,
the last of the ancient Romish kings ; as just
stated above. — In Italiam venisset, i. e. to the
south part of it, which was usually called Magna
Greeia; where, particularly at Metapontum and
Crotona on the Tarentine Bay, he effected a gre^
moral and political reformation. All this line of
coast was filled, in those days, with Grecian colo-
nies* Hence the name, Magna Greeia ; which is
mentioned in the next clause. — ^Tenuit, lit. restram-
edf held in; but here it seem« to mean, exercised
itjfiuence aver. — Cum . • » auctoritate, as well by the
(redil of his learnings as by his toeighl qf character.
§ 14.
(67) P. 31. 1. 29. Redeo ad antiquos here means,
diat he reverts from the saeeula postea which he
had just named, to those individuals whom he had
been previously mentioning. — Non iere reddebont,
124 NOTES ON ^ 14.
they scarcely rendered. — ^Nisi . . . explicandum, unless
uhat nUght be explained either hy numbers or by im-
agery. He refers here to the Pythagorean nt*-
merical harmony of the universe (as stated in Note
38); and as to descriptionibus, I understand it to
mean, the mythic stories which were told concern-
ing the souls of men after their decease, their
transformations, appearances, etc. — ^Nisi quid dicis,
unless you hatfe some objections to mofte.— Et hanc
. • . . relinquamus, and relinquish the whole of this
topic in regard to the hope of immortality. Cicero
seems to say this, rather for the sake of whetting
the curioedty of his Collocutor, or for the sake of
ascertaining whether he had succeeded so as to
create in him an interest in the subject proposed. —
Macte virtute, bravo! weU done! lit. elevated in
virtue ; used by way of exclamation. Macte seems
to be a participle, from the obsolete mago, maxi,
mactumy to enlargCy to elevate, etc.
(68) P. 3^ 1. 13. Num . . . hoc, shaU we then
doubt this alsoj as we do most other things $ Quam-
quam . . . minime etc., certainly this leeut of aU, for
mathematicians etc Quamquam, to be sure, for-
soothj German JreUieh, — ^Terram . . • vocant, that
the earihj situated in the midst of the universe, in re-
sped to tite compass of the whole heaven, acquires as
it were the likeness of a point, which Uuy [the math-
ematicians] call ttipTQor, the centre. Cicero seems
plainly to refer here to the astronomical and mathe-
matical speculations of the Pythagoreans, who fda-
ced the earth in the centre of the universe, and made
the planets and stars revolve around it in con-
centric orbits, which were circumscribed at inter-
vals fi:0m each other that corresponded, as to their
NOTES ON § 14. 125
respective dintances, with the tones in an octave
of music ; the seven planets (including the moon)
making seven of these tones, and the fixed stars
the eighth. — Quatuor . . . corporum, i. e. vmter,
earth, fire, and air.— Ut . . . momenta, thrU they have
powers among themselves, separaie (as it ivere) and
diserepainJL — Terrena . . . ferantur, that earthly and
humid svhstances, hy their own inclinaHon and
weighty tend, at equal angles, toward the earlh and
sea. As he had just said that the earth was a
point in the center of the universe, so all ponderous
substances in the atmosphere roust converge toward
it Hence they do not move in a perpendicular
direction, (one absolutely so considered), but be-
ing eowoergent, they make angles (although equal
ones, when compared with each other), in their
descent tov«rard the earth. If this be not the ex-
planation, I do not understand the passage ; which,
indeed, is quite possible ; dicat meliora, qui intelli-
git!
(69) P. 32. I. 23. Altera animalis, i. e. airy, at-
mospheric ; for as anima often means air, so anima-
lis may mean (dry ; and clearly it does so here. —
Illae superiores, viz. the earthy and humid sub-
stances before mentioned. — Hae, viz. fire and air.
— ^Rectis lineis, perpendicularly, in distinction from
the angulos above. — Sive . . . re])ellantur, either their
nahtre it^df seeking the upper regions, or because
those substances which hy nature are light, are repd'
led hy those which are heavy.
(70) P. 32. I. 31. Animates is explained here
by the author himself^ i. e. spirabHes, lit. that which
may he breathed^ viz. air. — JS/kimerus here refers
to the numeriad harmony of the Pythagoreans.
126 NOTES ON ^§ 14, 15.
-^^-Quinta ilia, viz. that fifth principle maintained
by Aristotle, as mentioned above (in § 8), and
which, he there says, is va4ians nomttie. Cicero
here means to say, that the principle is well un-
derstood, although it is not called by a specific
name. — Multo . . . efierant, they art much the more
iTieorrupted and pure, so thai they mtist recede to the
greatest possible distance from the earth* But inte^
riora and puriora, are of the ne:uJter gender, and se
do not agree with animi^ in form ; the concord, there*
fore, is made out by things implied after these adjec-
tives, and things means souls ; just as in varium d
miutabUe semper femina. He means, that if we allow
the soul to be either hannony or Aristotle's ,^/Z^ prin"
ciple^ it is still more remote from ponderous matter,
than if we maintain it to be air or fire. — Nee . . . . ja-
ceat, and not such a mind as vegetates in (he heart or in
ihe hraioy or as lies merged in the blood of Empedoe-
les^ i. e. in the blood surrounding the heart, as
Empedocles maintained ; see § 7.
§ 15.
(71) P. 33. I, 8. Quorum alter . . . sentiat, the
one of whom [Dicaearchus], who could not perceive
that he had a soul, seems never to have been affected
^^ S^f' Alter etc. ; see the mention of these,
§§ 8, 9. — Q4iorum varia .... plures, whose various
composition [viz. of intervals of sounds] may also
constitute a variety of hcarmonies, — ^Membrorum . . .
non video. The mere placing of the limbs^ and the
form of the material hody^ destitute of a soul, ( [quod
corpus] vacans anlmo), I see not how they can make
out a HARMONT.
Sed hie etc., L e. Aristoxenus had better yield
NOTES ON §^ 15, 16. 127
tlie point concemiDg the soul to Aristotle; and
busy hihiself with teaching music rather than phi-
losophy. — ^Praecipitur, is he admordshecL — Quatn
puisque norit etc *, the original Greek to which
Cicero refers^ is in Aristophanes (Vesp* 1422):
"JEgdti xig ^y exaatog tidalrj tixvffif* — Quanri tamen . . •
Yoluit, whick [concourse], as Democritus tootdd
have ii, becomes warm and spirabU^ that is animate ;
u e. Democritus supposes that warmth and bi'eath-
ing animation result from a fortuitous concourse
of atoms. — "Ex inflammata • . . constat, consists of
ignited air, — Superiora . • . est, must necessarily tend
tawcords the upper regions; i. e. it must so do, be*
cause of its rarified state. — ^Uaec duo genera, viz.
heat and air. — Hoc etiam, even on this a4icou7d^ viz,
because they have the nature of heated air.— Ab
his, i. e. warmth and air combined. — ^Aer, viz. the
common atmosphere. — Ardentior, of a more igne-
ous Hoture, — ^Ardore animi, unih the glowing heal of
the soul.
§16.
(72) P. 34. L 19. Naturamque . . . agnovit, and
attains to a nature like its otim, (i. e. to an element
of the same nature), and discerns il. — Junctis . . .
insistit, il takes its skdion among thejires, which are
compounded of thin air and the tempered ardour of the
sun. — Examinatus, weighed off^jmlanced. — Et susten-
tabitur etc. i. e. it is nourished by the pure ether and
the genial warmth of the upper regions ; which also
feed the stars. The planets, it will be recollected,
were looked upon by Cicero and his cotempora-
ries as animated beings, nourished by the warmth
and etherial fluid of the upper regions.
128 NOTES ON § 16.
(73) p. 34. /. 30. Facibus, lit. torches, i. e. pas-
sions, warm desiree. — Aemulemur, we enwf. — Quo
feciliorem . . . dabunt, in proportion as that tmil qf^
ford a more easy knowledge of heavenly things^ m
the like measure wiU they impart to us stronger de-
sires of knowing them.
(74) P. '35. I. 13. Patriam . . . excitavit, roused
up (hat ancient philosophy, (as Theophrastus says),
Hndled with the desire of knowledge. Patriam et
avitam, belonging to sire and grandrsire, i. e. ancient.
— Friientur ek, i. e. ea cognitione. Ostium Ponti|
the mouth of ihe [Black] Sea. — Ea, i. e. ea navis.
Cicero adverts to the ship, in which Jason and his
companions sailed, in order to obtain the golden
fleece at Colchis, which lies at the east end of the
Black Sea. — ^Europam, etc.; Europe and Lybia
are divided by the Mediterranean Sea. The Greek
and Roman poets often called Africa by the name
of Lybia ; a name usually given, in later times, only
to one province of Africa, on the confines of Egjrpi ;
while on the other hand, Africa was often used
only to designate Carthage. Hence rapaa: unda
refers to the waters in the straits of Gibraltar or
Fretum Gaditanum, which flow with great vio-
lence ; for so the preceding ^reto ilia leads us to
conclude. What is meant, is, to describe a remote
country ; and this was reputed to be at the west-
em extremity of the earth.
Circumscriptionem, compass. — Nos enim etc.,
for now we do not discern with our [bodily] eyes,
those things which we see. — Ullus sensus, atiy sensor
tion, perception. — Viae quasi, etc.; he means to
describe the conformation of the external senses,
which are a kind of inlet or road to the internal
NOTES ON §^ 16, 17. 129
ones. — Itaque etc, when buried in Viought, or pre-
vented by the power of dise^e, we neither see nor hear,
aUhough our eyes and ears are open and in a healthy
condUion; a remarkable fact, which shews, that
what recent philosophy names aUention, is neces-
sary, in order that the mind should perceive ; and
that perception does not belong to the bodily or-
gans alone. This whole subject, (and a deeply
interesting one I deem it to be), is finely developed
by Dr Abercrombie, in his recent excellent work
on the Intellectual Powers. — Quibus . . . adsit, by
whicky however, the mind cannot perceive any thing,
unless it is itself present and performs the work, —
Quinque nuntiis, i. e. the five senses.
Cum quo . . . pervenerit, when the mind, set at
Uberty, shaU ham come thither where its nature tends.
— ^Intersepta, hindered, obstructed. — Quale quidque
Bit, what every thing is.
§17.
(75) P. 96. L 25. Quamvis copiose etc., hmif copi-
ously could we descant on these matters, etc. — ^Insolen-
tiam, the strange conduct, viz of the Epicureans, to
whom he here adverts. — ^Naturae . . . admirantur,
uiho wonder at the knowledge of nature, which Epi-
curus displayed. — ^Inventori et principi, i. e. to Ep-
icurus as inventor, etc., of such advanced knowl-
edge. — ^Ut Deum ; so Lucretius calls him, once and
again. Lib. V. 8. — ^Te^rore etc., i. e. firom all fear
of the future.
Acherusia templa, the Acherusian temples, means,
the infernal paldces or temples of Pluto, which
stands for the domains of Pluto, i. e. Hades. Ache-
nuia is an adjective formed fit>m the noun Ache*
130 NOTES ON § 17.
nisia, which is the Dame of a lake near the mouth
of the river Acheron, a shiggish stream, with an
unhealthy country around it. In consequence of
this, Homer, by a somewhat natural figure, repre-
sented the river and lake as communicating with
Hades. Popular superstition and poetic fiv&og
confirmed and perpetuated this fiction. The river
Acheron, thus made the subject of fable, is on the
north-east part of ancient Greece, and flows into
the Ionian Sea near the promontory of Chimerium,
in Tbesprotia, a province of the ancient Epirus,
and a part of modem Albania. The adjective
Acherusia means tlie same as belonging to Acheron
(i. e. to hell), because of the connexion between
the river Acheron and the lake Aoheriisia.
Besides the Acheron here mentioned, there was
another river of the same name in Campania, on
the west side of Italy, flowing into the sea between
Misenum and Cumae ; also a lake Acherusia in
Egypt, near Memphis, over which the bodies of
the dead were conveyed, in order that sentence
might be passed on them according to the life
which they had lived. The poetic fiction of Ho-
mer, however, seems to have arisen from the Meh
karia which surrounded the Grecian river Acheron,
in its course through the lake Acherusia.
(76) P. 37. L(k Alta Orci, ike depths ofHdl.'-
Palatia etc. ; so I read with Nobbe. I do not see
how the usual reading : Orci pallida . . . ohnubHa
tenebris, etc. can agree together. — Ex quo etc. ;
i. e. if the Epiciu'eans must be first taught by
their divine master (as they call him), before they
can disbelieve these things ; then we can see what
great geniuses they must have been. Of coarse,
NOTES ON §§ 17, 18. 131
this is Baid ironically. — ^Adepti suDf, i. e. in their
own view they have made some famous attain-
ments, etc. — Quod ut ita sit, whichy aWvough it may
be 86, or which, granting it to he so, etc. — Ut eiiim,
for cMhough. — ^Frangeret, he v>ould make me yield,
svhdue me. — Velle . . . videatur, he seema desirous
((f persiuuHng others, certairdy to have persuaded him-
§ 18.
(77) P. 37. /. 22. Animosque . . . mulctant, and
thus inflict the punishmevit of death upon souls, as if
they were condemned to capital punishment, — His,
viz. to these persons who so think concerning the
soul. — Vacans corpore, when destitute of a body.-^^
Quasi vero etc., just as if they could understand
what [the soulj is, when in the body, what Us shape,
its magnitude, its pUuce ; an observation replete with
good sensQy by way of reply to the skeptics in ques-
tion ; who surely were no better acquainted with
any of these things, than they were with the con-
dition of the soul afler it leaves the body. — ^Ut, si
. . . aciem, so that, in case every thing in a living
man which is now concealed, could be subjected to in-
spection, [they could understaud] whether the soul
would become visible, or whether its tenuity is so
great as to escape our sight. For vivo (according
to Bentley and Rath), the editions in general read
uno ; to no tolerable purpose. — ^Haec reputaut isti,
these considerations let those weigh weU.
(78) P. 38. L 5. Qualis ... sit, what the soul in
the boc^ can be. — ^Tamquam domi, as in a strange
home, i. 8. in a home which is not congenial to its
proper nature. Domi in the Gen. ; fbr^ in the sense
132 NOTES ON § 19.
which here belongs to it, this is the common con-
struction ; it is even doubtful whether it fias a Noro.
case, in this sense. — Quam qualis, ihan [the ques-
tion], what etc. — ^Domum here in the Ace, because
it means to Us home. In answer to the question,
wkiiher f domum is employed. — ^Nisi enim . . . pos-
sumus, ^or unless we are destitute ofabUity to under-
stand what that is, which we have never seen, surely
etc. After complecti, most editions insert non;
which disturbs the sense. It is omitted by Rath,
and a number of manuscripts. — Est illud . . . vi-
dere, this indeed is the greatest thing of aU, that ffis
mind should he able to contemplate itself. — Et nimi-
rum . . . Apollinis, and in fact the direction given by
Apollo [yvwd'i, aiavTov] has the same force. — Cor-
pora, m^e physical bodies. — ^Non esset ... sit, ^ds
precept woidd not belong to a mmd of shrewdness so
superior, that it would be attributed to a god. — ^Hoo
est . . . cognoscere, probably a gloss from the mar-
gin, and marked as suspicious in all the editions
before me.
§19.
Havinff finished hii remarka on the metaphysical nature of the
■oul, ana the place where it la finalW to dwell, Cicero retoma to
bia main objectf viz. to shew that the aoal ia eternal. This, he
Bays, must be allowed, when we consider the fact that it is self-
moved; for that which is so, must have its original principles
within itself, and can be affected by nothing extraneous. Conse-
quently, as such is plainly the case with the soul, it must be inde-
structible and eternal, having neither origin nor end. The aoul ia
conacioos of the fact, in respect to ita being self-moved.
'On this third argument of Cicero, to prove the immortal-
ity of the soul, (which seems to be a favourite one with Plato and
with him), I snail make some strictures in the Appendix. For the
present I would say merely, that it seems partly to be petiUo frith
eipti, and partly to prove too mmch.
NOTES bN^ 19. 133
(79) P. 38. 1. 30. Ne esse . . . sciet, can U [the
soul] know that it does not exists Ne . . . se ? That
it is not moved 7 — Ratio, mode of reasonings ratioci-
nation. — Phaedro, i. e. the Phaedrus of Plato.—
Quod autem . . . aliiibde, what communicates mo-
tionf or wTud receives it from an external cause, —
Viyendi finem etc., shews that the quod, at the be-
ginDing of the sentence, relates to an anunated
being. — Hie fons, i. e. this self-moving being is the
source, etc. — Siquidem, since. — Ut motus . . . mo-
vetur, that m(dion is an original principle^ inasmuch
as it is self-movedj L e. self-created or originated.-^
Id autem, i. e. id principiura.
(80) P. 39. /. 19. Vel concidat . .". . moveatur,
should even all heaven and earth rush together, it [the
mass] must necessarily stand stiUy nor could it acquire
any force, impelled by which it could be moved; i. e.
so far as these consist of inert matter, they are
wholly destitute of this self-moving power. — ^Motu
. . . suo, its own interior [self-moving] power. —
Quae . . . moveat, which [moves of itself], if there
be any one of all [the objects of nature] that always
moves of itself. — Neque . . . est, nor is it bom, sure-
ly; it is eternal. — Flebeiijofihe lower sort. — ^Una, at
itesame time, or at once. — ^Nisi . . . haec, unless you
have some objections to make to these things.
§ 20.
The intOToal powera and attri^ateB of the sonl shew it to be
Grtaker ef a divine natnre. If one oould explain how such attri-
Me orifiMtfed, be might then explain how they eould perish. Or
if tlM aiere principle of animal life were all that ia to be aeconnted
for, then we mif ht explain thia, by comparinf it with the prirvsiple
of ufe in the rine or in a tree. Or if animal ap|»eteney alone were
to be aeooanted for, then we might compare it with that of brutes.
7
134 NOTES ON §20.
But it bag qualities very different from all these. It has- a mmMny,
or a power of recoUectini^, which is boundhosa. Cluestion a child m
nich a manner as to elicit bb powers; and he willsbew thait be
baa in himself the elements of all knowledge. These most be ia^
nate, belonging to the natnre of the soul*, and depending on the
knowledge which it acquired in a pre-oxistent state. Its connectioa
with the body would, in itself, never render it able to exhibit soch
powers. Nay, fbr a time this connection actually hinders the- de^
yelopment of those powers. To Zearn, then, is nothing moce than
to recollect.
• Simonides, Theodect.es, Cyneas, Cbarmadas, and others, have
ahewn to what a prodigious extent the powers of memory may go ;
and so they have displayed the lofty attributes of the soul.
(81) P. 40. L 15. VJdeor posse dicere, / seem t»
he able to tell, ADimum ipsum, [as to}^^ mind it-
self. Tam . . . arboris, / should suppose the Ufe of
man to be supported by nature, as well as [the life]
of a vine, or of a tree,
(82) P. 40. I. 23. Habet primum, [but] it [viz.
the soul} haSyfirstofaU, etc. — Inscribitur,*w entitled.
— Pusionem, a Ipile hoy^ — Eodem . . . didicisset, he
comes to the sams conclusions, as he would if he had
studied geometry. — Sed . . . recognoscere, but recog-
nizes them by recollection. — ^A pueris, /rom chUdhood.
— Cumque nihil esset, and since it would be noth-
ing ; i. e. provided it had not a previous existence,^
it would be nothing, as the sequel shews. — Non
potuit .... agnoscere ; the soul, pent up in the body,
could discern none of these things, i. e. if it had
not enjoyed a prior existence. — Cognita attulit,
t^ [the soul] adduces things already known, i. e.
[ergo] cognita attulit, viz. when it calls up its
ivvolag.
(83) P. 41. 1. 19. Cum tam etc., i, e. when it
first comes to dwell in the body, its unwonted and
confused habitation. — Sed cum etc. , i. e» after a
while, when it becomes wonted to its place of abode,
then it begins the process of recollection, etc.
NOTES ON ^20. 1%
These things are itigeniously said, in order to ac-
count for it, how children, in very early years,
manifest so little knowledge. Whether the alle-
gations will abide the test of philosophical scrutiny,
is another question.
(84) P. 41. 1, 27. Simonides, a celebrated poet
of Cos, who flourished about 538 B. C. He -com-
posed elegies, dramas, and epic poems. He is re-
ported to have added the letters 17, o), |, ip, to the
Greek alphabet. He was famed, as it seems, for
his memory.
(85) P. 41. I. 28. Thodectes (flor. c. 340 B. C), a
Greek- orator and poet, of Phaselis in Pamphylia,
and a disciple of Isocrates. He was greatly re-
nowned for an extraordinary memory,
(86) P. 41. I 30. Cyneas, of Epirus, (flor. c.
280 B. C), the prime minister, and ambassador to
the Romans, of Pyrrhus the famous king of Epirus.
(87) P. 41. I. 30. Charmadas, I do not find
particularly described. Metrodorus, here named,
a Mend of Mithridatesking of Pontus, and sent by
him as an ambassador to Tigranes king of Arme-
nia. He died about 72 B. C. He was distin-
guished for learning, and for his moral virtues.
(88) P. 41. Z. 32. Hortensius, a famous Roman
orator, who left the stage of action not long after
Cicero came upon it ; who took the place of Hor-
tensius. The latter died B. C. 50.
§21.
Do tveh powenr then beloM to the brain, Uood, henrt ; to atoimi,
or earthly aulMtance I Or has the aoul capacity, like a Tessel ,
whieh holds all these things that it treasures up t Or is it like
wax, capable of receiviog imprMsioos { Would a power, derived
I
n
■I
J
t
t» .
I "
'■ 1
f
J !
.1
9.-f
J.I
I
136 NOTES ON §21.
^^ . in tfaig wty^ be adequate to investigate hidden matte
vent names lor tliinp ; to bring men into civil aocietjr ;
literature ; to note the courses and stations of the pli
stars ; to invent agriculture and the arts of life, to cal
more refined arts as matters of taste and improvement i
that can do all this, is like the mind of him who formed
ens and the earth ; for such things cannot be dose, ezcepl
who bear his likeness.
(89) P. 42. I. 4. Ilia yia, I e. thai pe
memory. — ^Anima . . . nescio, tDhether the sou
i} or fire, I know noU — ^Nec me . . . nesciam, n
Husky like those [philosophers], to confess m
ranee, when 1 am ignorant. — Cofpacitatemy pi
containing or holding, — ^Fundus, ffu ground,
gificd substratum,
(90) P. 43. I. 5. iDstitiones, stationary pi
standing stUi. — Omnes magni, i. e. all wh
^^\ done such things, are great. — Nam et etc. ,
}■■ ; ture of sounds being discovered, and their van
joined together, great detight is afforded to
viz. by music.
1 ' (91) P. 43. L 12. Et astra suspeximus,
look up to the stars.'-^'Non re . • . errantia, n
dering in reality, but merely in name, Thii
to the astronomical views of the Platonists, y
'*'] the planets were guided by certain fixed;
variable laws, in all their motions, al^oug
were unable to tell what these laws were.
non re.., erranticL. — Is docuit . . . caelo, he
that his own mind is Wee that of him, who mm
^ heavenly bodies, L e. that man, is man in
age of God ; a truly noble sentiment, a g]
the true doctrine of immortality ! — Nam cu
when Archimedes reduced the movements of ih
sun, and five planets to a circular one.-— Ut .
versio, so that one revolution would govern
NOTES ON ^22. 137
very unlike in respect to sloumeas or stoiftnessJ^Si
» • . fieri sine deo non potest, if..» nothing can be
done without divine aid.
§22.
^ The higher ftigbta of poetry and oratory^, also, seem to require
■ome divine eflloiency. Philosophy, likewise, which teaches the
worship of the gpda and the rights of man, and modestv and mag-
nanimity, and dispels darkness from oar eyes as to the past and
the future, in regard to things above or below — this must bo a pow-
er that is of a divine nature. I ^ive no eredit to the fables or the
poet8,jsoncerning nectar, ambrosia, Ganymede, etc. iTo live, to in-
vent, to be wise, to remember, 18 DlKl^E ; and as the soul does
this, it must be of a nature like to that of the gods.
(92) p. 43. L 25. Mihi vero etc., to me indeed it
does not seem, that any of these more notable and t2-
lustrious achievements can he wanting in a kind ofdi-
pine power ; so thai I can scarcely imagine a poet to
pour forth etc. The exact shape of the latter part of
this, in Latin, is thus: can be wanting in divine
power, so that I can imagine etc. , i. e. can be so
wanting in divine power, that I could even imagine
a poet to be able to pour forth his sublime strains
without such a power, etc. It is the shape only of
the Latin sentence which makes any difficulty.
The sense I have given in the first version.
Haec nos etc. ; means that philosophy first
taught religion to men. — Juventate, Hebe, i. e.
youth, the goddess of youth. Mythology represents
her as the daughter of Jupiter and Juno, and the
cup-bearer to the gods ; also as blooming in per-
petual youth. — Nee Homerum etc. ; i. e. he does
not regard the mythological fables of the poets, as
things worthy of credibility. — Gknymede is com-
monly reckoned, in mythology, as the son of Dar-
138 CONTENTS OF §§22 24.
danus ; but there are discrepancies of opinioi
this point. Cicero here makes him the son of
omedon. — Divina . . . nos, i. e. *it would have I
more becoming, to have exalted us to a likei
with the divinity, than to have lowered him to
standard ;' a truly noble sentiment, a spark of
mortal fire ! — Aut anima, either air. — Ilia nat
SG. deus. — Primum haec . . . animorum, this hdi
especially to the gods and to soids.
§23.
The soul is a simple subgtance ; not concrete or mixed, and t
fore terrene. It is not even hnmid, or atmospheric, or i jneoai
none of these elements can think, understand, or remember. 1
a power peculiar to itself, and distinguished from ftll others, t
most necessarily be divine, and therefore eternal. For of tl
▼inity itself we predicate a mind free from all mortal compoi
omniscient, and endowed with an eternal self-moving power,
to this is the soul of man.
(93) P. 44. /. 28. Consolatione, i. e. his trei
entitled Consolaiio, written soon after the deat
his daughter Tullia, and which contained mos
the sentiments exhibited in this Dispuiatio, — ^!
bile, airy, atmospTierical, — Concretion e, composu
or materiality. — Motu sempitemo, i. e. with
perpetual power of voluntary motion, self-mon
i. 6. having spontaneity.
§24.
If yon inquire now, where the mind dwells, and of what fc
is ; my reply is, that it matters not. If we cannot answer
questions, still wo do know that it possesses sagacity, mei
power of motion, and celerity. Compare our knowledge of
with that of our own souls. When we see the splendour and 1
ty of the sky; the changes of days and seasons ; the measurec
oltttioas of the son ; the waxing and waning of the moon
coorMs of the planets ; the sky adorned on all aides with •
NOTES ON §24. 139
the ourth with its vftriety of climates, cold «.nd hot, cultivated and
nncuttivate^, barren and fniitfui ; the multitude of flocks and
herds, for feedinf and clothing us, and assisting in our labours;
man himself, comtemplating the heavens and worshipping th«
gods ; and all the fields and seas ministering to his comfort — whea
we see ail these and numberless other like things, can we doubt
whether there is a Maker and Goveniour of uie Universe i ^ In
like manner, when you see memory, invention, celeritv of motion,
and all th^ beauty of virtae in man, you must acknowledge the di-
vine efficiency of the mind.
This passage reminds us forcibly of the statement made by Paul,
in Rom. 1:30, via. that ^^the invisible things of God, from the
creation of the world, are seen, being understood by the thinga
that are made^ even his eternal power and Godhead.^* What bet-
ter commentary on this could be offered, than the passage in Cice-
ro, the contents of which 1 have just stated.
(94) p. 45. L 22. Per te ull, to use with your
liberty, — ^Ut se ipse videat, that it can see itself, —
Non videt . . . suam, U does not see (what is least of
all) its oivn form, I take to be the laDguag-e of the in-
quirer or objector ; in aoswer to which is the se-
quel. — ^Fortasse, it may be so, — Quamquam id quo-
que, idthough [I might maintain] this also, viz. ,
that it does see itself. — Sed relinquamus, but let us
pass this by,
(95) P. 45. I, 32. Speciem . . . coeli, in the first
place, let us look at the beatUy and splendour of the
sky, — ^Deinde . . . non ppssumus, then the great cel-
erity of its revolution, so great that it exceeds our
thoughts, — Coramutationes .... quadripartitas, the
changes of the seasons distributed irtto four, — ^Ad
temperationem, to the appropriate condition — Qua-
si .. . dies, designating the days as it were with cal"
endar-marks. — Stellas, planets, as here used, i. e.
Mercury, Venus, Mara, Jupiter, and Saturn. — In
medio mundi miiversi, in the midst of the whole uni-
verse; vide supra, p. 32.— Sub axe . . . septem, |)/acci
under the axis towards the seven stars, L e. placed
in the northern hemisphere. The seven stars
here named, are the septem THones, as the Latins
Ft
^
il I
1 ■ * '
■ :i
■I
5;!
I
140 NOTES ON §24.
called them, which make up the constellati
the Great Bear. The Trionea appear to re
around the axis of the north-star; but wl:
Cicero was acquainted with this fact, I d<
know, w^e means here the norUi pole; s<
8ub axe potita ad steUoi septem, is as much
say, placed under that pole, which is in the c
tion of the seven stars, i. e. of the Great Beai
we suppose axe here to mean the extremi'
lli northern part of the axis, just as north poU dc
English, (a supposition which is altogether p
ble), then all those, in the view of Cicero,
under (sub) the axis, who lived in the nor
hemisphere ; for the north pole was above t
Or if we suppose Cicero to have had the idea
the north stew marks the direction of the ei
axis, then all in the northern regions live unc
(in a literal sense), as it passes over them. 1
ther case, we get the generic idea here aimc
h \\ viz. , the northern [temperate] zone.— Oris, reg
i. e. the two temperate zones. — ^ Avtlx^ova^ th
posite or corresponding land or country.
^Avrlx^oiv, among the Greeks, literally meaj
inhabitant of a corresponding and opposite z
r-l e.g. to those who Uve in the northern temp
^;tj zone, the inhabitants of the southern one are ari
PBg, So Tatius (cap. XXX): rohg xara duxfju
iy ralg ofioiaig ^wvaig olxovvtagy i. e. those who
opposite to each other in the like zones, viz. the
temperate ones. So Pomponius Mela (c. 1) : *'
liquae zonae [the temperate ones he now speak
paria agunt anni tempora, verum non pariter.
tichthones alteram, nos alteram incolimus.''
In a like sense Antoed (Srroutoi) is empl
NOTES ON §24. 141
by the ancients. But, although most of the en-
lightened men among the Greeks and Romans
held the earth to be roundy yet as they had a
knowledge of only a small part of its surface as
being habitable^ and had no proper idea of its true
motion, they in general strenuously denied the pos-
sibility of Antipodes, Some few only admitted it*
In theory, according to their views^ it might be pos-
sible ; in fact it was deemed altogether improba-
ble. See Cellarius, Orbis Antiq. I. 7,
Ceteras partes etc. , aa to other regumt tmculti*
voted, because etc. ; i. e. the two frigid zones and
the torrid one are uninhabitable ; for such was the
Tiew of Cicero and his cotemporaries.-^Pampinis,
wUh tendrUs, — »Conve8tirier, i. e. convestiri with
tile antique termination. — ^Tanti opens et muneris,
of 90 great a toork and exhibition* The public shows
given by individuals, the Romans often called mu-
fiero. The term as here used, alludes to these.
Hence Moderator, in reference to muneris. The
whole paragraph is a protracted and componte sen-
tence, although not d^cult to be understood. The
granmiatical and rhetorical construction of it, how-
ever, as to accuracy, it would not be easy to vindi-
cate. But the sentiment is exceedingly fine and
noble. Indeed, I know of nothing which equals
k, in the whole extent of the heathen classics,
when considered in a religious point of view.
7#
142 NOTES ON ^25.
.§25.
Tt matters not at all, then, as to the place or form of the soul. It
cannot be concrete, or made by a combination of diflfereDt gabstaa-
ee«, and so it is not divisible, dissoluble, or perishable.
Socrates, persuaded of this, sought not to avert death. He be-
lieved that there are two ways in which the soul may depart; the
.one for souls contamiaated with vices and crimes, a devious path,
which leads to seclusion from the assembly of the gods ; the other
for the upright and pure, who, having imitated the gods in this lifo,
are associated with them in the next. The good man, therefore,
should anticipate death with joy. Nor can he doubt that such
abould be the case, unless, like those who look steadily at the sun
and lose thuir sight, he should dim his mental vision by too long and
steadily contemplating the glories of his ovm mind. But still, we
should not so desire death, as prematurely to seek it and procure it
for ourselves. ^
(96) P. 47. L 9. In quo etc., i, e. you will ask :
In quo etc. — Alias, elaewhere, or €U another time.—^
Ubi sit, wherever it may be ; i. e. whether in the
head, or heart, etc. — Quae est etc., language of the
inquirer. — Propria . . . sua, peculiar^ I think, and
belonging only to itself, — Sed fac etc., but suppose
it to be either igneous, or airy, etc. — In . . . cogni-
tione, in ojcquiring a knowledge of the sovJL, however,
etc. — Quin,&u^ thai, — ^Nec . . . igLi\xr,consequenUy it
cannot perish, — Liberam contumaciam, a noble dis-
regard,
(97) P. 48. 1, 17. Ut cygni, thjJt as swans, etc. —
Qui providentes etc., by which [power of divina-
tion] they foresee whai good results from death, — ^De-
iicientem solem, the departing or setting sun. — ^In-
jussu . . . demigrare, that^ we shouUl depart hence
tffithout his order, — ^Nae, surely, Ille vir sapiens,
the mmi who is wise, — Nee . . . ruperit, nor wUl he
break off those chains of the goal, i, e. he will not try
to escape from death. — Vt ait idem, L e. Socrates. —
Commentatio mortis, is a reflecting upon death, L e.
continued meditation upon this subject.
f
NOTES ON ^26. 143
§26.
Let us learn, then, by frequently abstracting and separating C&s it
were) the mlod from the body, to prepare for death. What is thii
practice, but a kind of dying ? If we accustom ourselves to this,
when we are loosed from the body, we shall ascend with easier and
more rapid flight, as we shall not be encumbered by bodily chainsi
Should this be our happy lot, then is it easy to show, not only that
death will be no evil, but that it will be the highest good.
(98) P. 49. Z. 14. A re famlliari, /rom our £fome5-
tic affairs, — Hoc commeDtemur, let us meditate on
these things. — ^Digungamus . . . mori, and let us sep-
arate ourselves [i. e. our souls] fiom our bodies, [viz.
by drawing them away from the objects of sense,
and employing them m reflection] ; that is, let us
accustom ourselves to die. Death is the separation
of soul and body. Now as the soul, when it is
abstracted from attention to the bodily senses by
reflection, is as it were separated from the body ;
so Cicero here calls this habitude of mind, dying 4)r
death. What was imperfectly effected by reflection,
\. e. the abstracting of the soul from the body, is,
according to him, only completed by what is usu-
aUy called death ; an ingenious thought, if not a
solid one.
(99) P. 49. I 23. Hoc et etc., this, viz. this
practice of meditating, and living as it were abstract-
ed from the body. — Erit . . . simile, unU he like our
living in the celestial regions ; i. e. it will be a state
in which the soul lives by itself — ^Minus etc., i. e.
the soul, disencumbered of corporeal propensities,
will wing its way to the upper regions with more
ease and speed ; as the next sentence shews. — ^IJt
ii, qui etc. , refers to such as have been bound
with chains in prison, for many years, and who,
when first set at liberty, are unable to walk with
any facility. — Quo, etc. when we shaU have, cotivA
144 NOTES ON §§ 26, 27.
thUher^ i. e. into the celestial regions. — Vivemus,
shall reaUy and truly live, the word being emphatic
here. — ^Haec vita, i. e. our present life on earth.^-
Si liberet, if circumstances permUtedy or if it shovli
be desired.
(100) P. 50. 1, 1. Nihil . . . relinquere, I wish far
nothing more than to quit these present scenes, i. e.
to die. — ^Veniet... properabis, the time wHl come
and speedily too, [viz. when you will quit them],
and [this], whether you delay or hasten it, — Ab eo,
after abest is unusual in Cicero, and is here mark-
ed as suspicious. — ^Ut verear . . . potius, that I sus-
pect there cannot happen to man, not indeed any other
evU, but no other good which is preferable. — Siqui-
dem . . . sumus, since we shaU either become gods, or
be associated with them.
§27.
But there are many objectors to the doctrine of the aouPs immor-
tality. Among these are the whole race of Epicureans and espe-
oially my favourite Dicaearchos. The Stoics also allow us mere-
Jy along life, like that of the crows. But as they allow the most
difficult part of our problem, viZi that the soul can survire the body,
it is not worth while to contend with themu More to our puriiose
is it, to consider the arguments of Paoaetius, who, in other respects a
zealous Platonist, differs from his master in regard to the soul, and
•trenuonsly denies its immortality on two grounds, viz., (1) The
aoul is procreated ; as is OTident from the resemblance of^ children
to their parents, both in body and in mind: and whatever is pre
created, is perishable. (2) The soul is affected with grief and dis-
ease; and whatever can be thus affected, is perishable.
(101) P. 50. 1. 10. Adsunt ehim, there are some,
— ^Ego . . . posset, but I wiU never let you off, in this
discussion, so that (uti) decUh can, with any shew of
recuon, appear to you as anevU, — Qui potes, how can
you ? — ^Acerrime . . . disseruit, most strenuously, how-
ever, has my favourite, Dicaearchos, descanted againsi
NOTES ON ^ 27. 145
this imm/oHaliJty, — Leshitiei, Leshiac, i. e. belonging
to the island of Lesbos, the capital of which was
Mytilene, where the discourses of Dicaearchus were
delivered. — Stoici . . . comicibus, the Stoics, moreo'
ver concede to us an enjoyment [of life], like thai
tohich belongs to the crows.
(102) P. 51. 1, 1. LabamuB, toe stand in doubt, —
Id, viz. the changing of our sentiment, or rather,
doubting in regard to immortality. — Simus armati,
let us he armed, i. e. prepared to repel such doubts.
Num quid . . .dimittamus, is there any reason why
we should not dismiss our friends, the Stoics ? i. e.
omit any longer discussion of their sentiments. —
Istos vero ; them surety [we may dismiss]. — Pos^
animum etc., viz. that the soul, when disengaged
from the body, can continue to exist. — Ut se, inasmuch
as etc.
(103) P. 51. 1, 17. Panaetius, a philosopher of
Rhodes, about 138 B. C. He taught philosophy in
Rome; and La^lius and Scipio Afiicanus were
among his pupils. He wrote a treatise on tl^e duties
of man. Lempriere calls him a Stoic philosopher ;
Cicero here makes him a Platonist, one point on-
ly excepted.
(104-) P. 51. I. 20. Homerum philosophorum,
th^Homer of philosophers, i. e. of such a rank among
philosophers, as Homer was among poets. — ^Nasci
. . . appareat, that souls are produced, [he main-
tains], because a likeness in those who are procreated,
shews tiiis ; which [likeness] appears, indeed, in the
temper of the mind, and not in their bodies only. —
Nihil esse etc., viz. (hat there is nothing which steers
pain etc. — Quod . . , interiturum, that which may
be sick, may die.
146 NOTES ON § 28.
§28.
The answer to the above objections, is not diffieolt. ^ (1) When
we speak of the miod, we do not mean the seat of passions and de-
sires and antipathies ; for these spring from the body. [So Plato;
who expressly distineaivhes the rational soul from the animal one ;
makinr the latter only to be the origin and seat of all such affec-
tions.] (2) The similitude to parents, which appears in childreo,
may be accounted for on the ground of animal or corporeal resem-
blance only. For in the first place, the similitude is chiefly phys-
icaL Secondly, what is not so, but apparently mental, has its
ori|[in in the manner in which the body affects the soul, and is
owing entirely to this influence, which in varioiis respects is great.
We need not suppose, then, that similitude of mind arises from pro-
creation. In fact, one might easily shew that ;the dissimilitude
between parents and children, is even more strikinglthan the resem-
blances ; e. g. this was the case with the nephew of Scipio Africa-
nus, and the sons of many other famous men.
(105) P. 51. L 31. Sunt enim . . . dicatur, for
(hey belong to a person who does not recognize, that
when one speaks respecting the etem4d nature of
souls, he speaks of the mind, which is free etc. —
Quas etc., which he [who defends the immortality
of the soul], against whom these things are saidy
supposes to he removed and separated from the mind,
— Jam similitudo, the simUiiude, now, [above spoken
of] appears etc. — Et ipsi . . . sint, and as to sovis
themselves (Nom. independent), it is of great conse-
quence in what body they are placed. — Multa enim . . .
obtundaut,y(>r many things are derived from Ike body,
which sharpen the powers of the mind; and many,
which blunt them,
(106) P. 52. /. 11. Ingeniosos, m^n of genius, of
distinguished talents, — ^Ut . . . feram, so ihat I, [who
am not melancholy], must bear unth it, to be called
somewhat stupid, — Idque* . . . constet, and as if the
thing might be proved, — Quod si . . . similitudo, hut
if there is so mu^h efficacy, in regard to cast of mind,
in those things which spring from the body, (and these
are the very things, whatever (hey are, which make
NOTES ON ^§ 28, 29. 147
aimUitude), this likeness of the sotd creates no neces-
sUy why it should be produced by birth.
(107) P. 52. L 21. Quaererem .... nepos, /
should like to inquire of him, lohich of his progeni-
tors, the son of Africanus^ brother resembled. This
brother of [Scipio] Africanus was named PauUus.
Nothiog special is known concerning him. — ^Facie
. . . similis, in appearance, so like his father ; in his
manner of life, '[like] (dl prodigals, — Cujus etc.,
whom did the grand-son of Crasstis, that unse, elo-
quent, and disHnguished man, resemhk ?
§29.
Having now aocomplished th« most important object of thig dis-
eossion, viz., that of establishing the immortality of the goal, let
wt return to the first qaestion with which our discussion commenced,
viz., Whether death is an evil ? On the supposition, that we have
not established our point in regard to the souPs immortality, ftnd
granting, for the sake of discussion, that the soul perishes witn the
body -, still, death is not an evil. On the sround now taken, there
is 110 sensation after death. If you say, that dying is in itself an
evil ; I reply, that this is momentary ; that it is often attended with
little or no pain; and sometimes even with pleasure. Then again,
if ^ou say : It is a departure from good ; m v answer would be, that
it IS a departure from evil. Indeed, one might well weep over humaii
life ; as Hegesias and others have shewn. Many, convinced of this,
have voluntarily procured their own death. In my own case, de-
E rived as I am of domestic comfort and public employment and
ooour, would not death long since have been a deliverance from
(108) P. 52. L 28. Hoc nunc etc., we have pro-
posed, that when enough may have been said respect-
ing the immortality of the soul, [we should then
consider] whether there is any evU in death, even in
case (he soul does not survive, Alte spectare, are
looking upwards, — Mali . . . sententia, what evU does
even such a sentiment bring upon us f — Insimulat,
accuses, viz. he accuses Democritus of asserting it.
148 NOTES ON §29.
— Ut, although, or hoioever* — ^Et falsum etc. , lit. /
both think this to be false, and that it takes place,
generally, etc.; where the first and second et
answers toourtn the first place, in the second place,
etc. — Discessus ab etc. viz. departure, etc. — Quid
ego etc., u>hat,lMw, if I should mourn over the life of
num ? / could do this truly, and of good right.-^
Etiam . . . miseriorem, also to make l\fe iiself more
wretched, by mourning over it*
(109) P. 53. ;. 33. Hegesias is called a Cyre-
naican, because be was of the Cyrenian school of
philosophy, i. e. the school established by Aristip"
pus of Cyrene, about 392 B. C. Hegesias was the
pupil of the younger Aristippus, son of the one
just named. The character of his philosophy is
described in the sequel.
(110) P. 54. I. 3. Callimachus, a historian and
satirical poet of Cyrene, who lived in the age of
Ptolemy Philadelphus. — Lecto , . . libro, viz. Plato's
Phaedo, on the immortality of the soul. — -'^to-
KaQtegont me^ns, one destroying himself by inanition
or starving, — Id facere, do the same thing, i. e. re-
count the miseries of life. — Die qui . . . putat, tthq
thinks, that in general it is expedient for no one to
continue in 2{/e.— Etiamne . . . expedit, unts not
[death] desirable for us [me], who etc. — Certe . . .
abstraxisset, death surely, if we had fallen before this,
would have taken us from, evils, not from eryoyments;
i. e. deprived of social and public enjoyments, as I
have been, the evils of life, on the whole, have
more than counterbalanced the good.
NOTES ON <^ 30. 149
§30.
Now and then a lolitarv instance occurs, like that of Metellus, in
which we may say, that death is a departure from cood. But how
few are tltete instanoef I Look at the examples of Priam, of Pom-
pey ; and indeed most examples are of a similar nature.
(Ill) P. 54. L 16. Sit igitur . . . acceperit, let
ihere he, then, some one who has no evU to endure^
who has received no wound from fortune, — Metellum
etc. , i. e. a numerous progeny honoured the peace-
ful funeral rites of Metellus. — Hie si, i. e. Pria-
mus. — Astante . . . laqueatis, whUe barbarian wealth
continued, the carved and wainscoted walls, — The
term barbarica we should hardly expect ; as the
Trojans appear to have spoken the same language
with the Greeks. Nevertheless Homer, Ovid, Lu-
cian, and Euripides apply the epithet ^aq^aqov to
the Trojans; and this, because they were foreign-
ers, and enemies to the combined body of the
Greeks. — ^At certe . . . evenisset, but surety matters
turned out better with him, i. e. better than is usual-
ly suppossed or estimated. — Nee . . . canerentur,
nor shoidd those [words] be sung in such a doltfvl
way, viz. , Haec etc.-^Ista, i. e. isxk fortuud. ; see
fbrtuna above, in the first sentence of this section.
-^Tamen eventum etc., a passage which has
greatly troubled the critics. *' Quid hoc est," says
Elmesti, ^nemo intelligat ; quis dicit eventum omit'
tere ?** I construe it thus : If Priam had soon-
er died, he ujould have escaped the occurences of life
in general ; and even at this very time, he lost aU sen-
scUior^ of evil,
(112) P. 55. 1. 8. Aegrotasset, had been sick, but
was now convalescent. — Coronati, viz, in token of
joy,— Puteolani, the inhabitatUs ofPuteoli. — Vulgo
150 NOTES ON §§30, 31.
ex oppidis, in crowds from the towns, — Ineptum
etc. , a foolish bvsiness, to be surt^ and savouring
somewhat of ih^ manners of the Greeks ; yet [one
which is deemed] fortunate, — ^Utrum igitur etc. , had
he died even (hen, would he have been taken away, etc. ?
— Non liberi defleti, kis children would not have been
moumedfor^
§31,
Let us examine the accuracy of the language which is applied to
the dead, i. e. to the dead, on the aupposition that the soul does
not surrive the body. Many say, tnortuos vitae eommodis carere,
that the dead are deprived of the blessings of life. But this can
he truly and correctly said, only of those toho have sensation ; aad
therefore it is incorrectly applied to the present case.
(113) P. 56. 1. 3. Quia . . . vis, because this tnean-
ing is connected with it, — Liberis, i. e. caret liberis.
— Valet . . . vivis, this wiU apply to the living, — Qui
nulli sunt, i. e. who, (according to the opinion
above stated) are non-entUies, — Confirinato. , .re-
tinquatur, thai being confirm^, from which ((^ our
souls are mortal) we cannot dovht but (hat destruction
in death wiU he so great j that not the least ground of
suspecting any sensation is left, — Hoc . . . fixo, this
then being weU established and fxed, — ^Ut sciatur,
vi2. that it may be known, — Nisi . . . verbi, unless
when it is employed as saying carers febri (to be
free from fever), with a tropical sense of the word. —
Quod est malum, which [being deprived of good]
is an evU. — ^Non indiget, does not stand in need of it,
(114) P. 56. L 30. Sed in vivo etc. , but in re-
gard to a living man, it is intelligible to say, that he
is deprived of a kingdom, — In te, in regard to you. —
Satis subtiliter, with any good degree of accuracy, —
NOTES ON "§§31, 32. 151
Potuisset in Tarquinio, U might [have been said J
in respect to Tarquin, when etc. — Carere . . . est, for
to he in want of (carere), has respect to a sentieiU
being.
§32.
In accordance with my views concerning death, have all the
great and good men of ancient times acted, who put their lives in
peril, or sacrificed them, for their country. If. there be no exist-
ence after death, then surely death was no evil to them. It mat-
ters no more to us, what will take place centuries to come, than it
do60 what took place centuries ago.
(115) P. 57. 1. 7, Quae, i. e. quae mors. — ^Ar-
cens etc. , hindering thai tyrant in his return, [viz.
Tarquin the Proud], whom he had driven away. —
.Decius (Mus), a celebrated Roman Consul, who
was slain in a battle with the Latins, 338 B. C. His
son, Decius, fell in like manner, when fighting
against the Gauls and Samnites, B. C. 296 ; Cice-
ro says — decertans cum Etruscis. His grandson
did the same, when fighting against Pyrrhus and
the Tarentines, B. C. 280.
(116) P. 57. L 20. Cum vero, hU since, —
Quamquam . . . saepe, however, [I have already
said] this quite too often, — Sed . . . mortis, but [I
have done so] because in this is the very ground of
all the pusillanimity, which arises from the fewr of
death, — Nee pluris . . . captam, nor is M, CamiUus
any more affected with the recent civil war, than lam
tweeted with the capture of Rom>e, which took place
while he was living, L. Furius Camillus (B. C.
365) appears to be the person here designed ; for
it was be that drove away the Gauls under Bren-
nus, who had invested Rome, and conquered the
country. Cicero calls him Marcus Camillus; it
would seem by mistake.
152 NOTES ON ^33.
§33.
But the brevity and uncertainty of life, and even the fact that we
may be insensible afler death, should not deter us from doing good
to our friends and country, nor from love to virtue. If sleep^ as
some suppose, be an image of death ; than is death an insensibility
to evil.
Wb^ then should we deplore the time of our departure .' Those
who die in youth, suffer much less then those who die in advanced
years. Priam wept oftener than Troilus. Old aso takes awa^
knowledge, which is the highest good of life ; and therefore it is
not desirable. Even the longest life, is a mere nothing, compared
with eternity.
(117) p. 58. Z. 12. Quo minus . .. coni^ulat, (kathe
should exert himself less, at aU timts,Jbr the r^fmblie
and for his friends. Quare licet . . . consequatur,
wherefore let it he that the mind is mortal, which deter-'
mines to strive for the attainment qf eternal things;
not with a thirst for glory which you wHl never ev^oy,
but [with a thirst] of virtue, which glory necessarily
follows, even when one does not desire it, — ^Alteri, L e;
mortui ; alteros, i.e. vivos. — Quain,i.e. quam mor-
tem. — Ne sues . . . ipse, the very swine do not desire
this ; not to speak of him or myself, i. e. of the quis
quam just mentioned. Non modo ipse literaUy
means, not he only, or not myself only and in the sense
which I have given to it above, non modo is tre"
quently employed by Cicero.
(118) P. 58. LSI. Caria lies near the south-
west extremity of Asia Minor. The fable is, that
Endymion was loved by Diana, i. e. the moon or
Luna, who paid him nightly visits, in order to kiss
him while he was asleep. Some make his sleep
to last a great number of years. The feble is mod-
ified in a great variety of ways, among the ancients :
and probably it had its origin in the fact that En-
dymion, being a shepherd, cultivated astronomy,
and spent much of his time in observing the moon ;
NOTts ON §§ 33, 34. 153
in doing which he would of course very frequent-
ly fall asleep. — Nondum . . . experrectus, ha8 not^ as
I imagine^ yet waked up ; L e. he sleeps die sleep
of deadi. — Cum luna laboret, when the moon is in
trovhle. •'...//
§34.
(119) P. 59. 1, 8. Ante tempus mori, to die htfore
one^s time, — ^nuUa praesdtuta die, no particular day
[of giving it up] being ficed, — Quid est etc., why
then should you complain, etc. ? — Ab hoc, i. e. from
the child that perishes in the cradle. — Acerbius,
more severdyy sternly ; i. e. this is what such persons
allege.-^Hic etc. he too [i. e. puer parvus] was just
hoping for great things, which he was beginning to
enjoy, — ^Aliquam . . . secus, that some part should be
obtcnned raOier than none ; why should it be otherwise
tH respect to life ?
(120) P. 59. L 22. Callhnachus, see Note 110.—
Multo saepius etc. Priam lived to a great age, and
to endure many sorrows ; Troilus, his son, was slain
by Achilles, in early life. — Nullis . . . jucundior, to
none, if life should be stiU further prolonged, could
it he more agreeable, — ^Prudentia, knowledge, science,
—A tergo insequens, following on behind, — ^Nec
opinantes, not at all expecting it,
(121) Ratk parte, for his proportionate part, — ^The
Hypanis was in Thrace (Roumelia), on the Euro-
pean side, and is now called the Bog, and empdes
into the Borysthenes, and with it finally into the
Euzine or Black Sea ; which last is the meaning
of Pontus here, as indeed it commonly is. — ^Eo ma-
IpB, stm more would such an insect die in decrepid
old age, if the day were solstidal, i. e. at the dme of
the summer solstice in June, when the days are the
longest.
154 NOTES ON § 35.
§§ 35—37.
Let us then despise all fears of death, and place our chief happf*
ness in contempt of human things and in the love of viriae. Let of
not anxiously place our hope<« on visionary expectations of happi«
ness in the present world. The example of Theramenes, ao loriilf
despising death, fills me with delight.
The plea of Socrates also, before his judges, is quite to my pur-
pose. He maintained, that whether death is an end of all sensa-
tion, or a migration to another place, it is a great good. In the
first ease, it puts an end to our multiplied evils and auflferings ; in
the second, it brings us into the society of the illustrious dead, and
extends the circle and the means of knowledge.
Others of the like character I might mention; e. g. the Spartan
who treated iwith disdtiin the condemning sentence of the Epbori;
the Lacedemonians at Thermopylae ; Tueodorus ; the woman (^
Sparta.
(122) p. 60. 1. 20. Si ante . . . sumus, ifdeaJQi comes
before toe have obtained what was promised by the
ChaldeanSy i. e. the fortune tellers or soothsayers,
who predicted much prosperity to us. — Pendemus
animis, we keep our minds in a state of suspense.
— Quam iter etc., how pleasant must be that journey^
which being finished, no care remains, etc.
(123) P. 60. /. 28. Theramenes, an Athenian
philosopher, of the a^e of Alcibiades, about 420
B. C. He was one of the thirty tyrants (so called)
of Athens ; but he was opposed to the views of
his colleagues. On this account he was accused
by Critias, one of them who was exceedingly bitter
against him ; and he was condemned to death by
his inexorable judges, although Socrates interceded
for him. — Non miserabiliter, not in a manner that
claims oitr pity. — Venenum . . . obduxisset, he had
swallowed down the poison^ with the greediness of one
who is thirsty. — ^Ut id resonaret, that it made an echo^
]. e. when striking the floor of the prison, upon
which it was thrown. — Propino . . . Critiae, / drink
health to the beautiful Oitias^ — ^Taeterrimus, mast
inimical.
NOTES ON §^ 35, 36. 155
(124) P. 61. L 6. Extremo spiritu, unth his last
breath. — Cum . . . coDtineret, when he already heldj
in his howelsy death commencing, — Ei, i. e. to Critias.
§36.
(125) P. 61. L 13. Eodem . . . TherameneSy
[condemned] by the same toickedness of the judges^
as Tharemenes by the tyrants, — ^Minoem, :i. e. ad
. Minoem,^— He and Rhadamantbus were the sons of
Jupiter by Europa, and were Cretans ; Aeacus
was the son of Jupiter and Aegina, and king of
the island Oenopia, to which he gave the name of
his mother, Aegina. — Triptolemus, the son of Ce-
reus king of Attica, by Neraea. He became a &«
vourite of Ceres; taught men agriculture exten-
sively ; and after his death was advanced to di-
yine honours. Socrates here reckons him as a
fourth judge in Hades»
(125). P. 62. 1, 10. Judicio iniquo cirpumventos,
etc. Palamedes, son of Nauplius king of Euboea,
by Clyraene. It was he who detected the feign-
ed madness of Ulysses ; feigned in order to avoid
going to the Trojan war. Ulysses afterwards, at
Troy, caused money to be buried in the tent of
Palamedes ; forged a letter as fi*om Priam to Pal-
amedes, requesting the latter to betray the Grecian
army, and stating that he had stipulated to do so
for the sake of the money. In this way PaJame*
des came to be unjustly condemned and put to
death, by the Grecian chiefs* He is said to have
invented the letters &, J, Xi % of the Greek alpha-
bet. — ^Ajax, aft:er Achilles' death, contested with
Ulysses for the armour of the hero ; and judgment
being unjustly rendered in favour of Ulyses, Ajax
killed himself.
156 NOTES ON ^ 37.
§37.
(Id6) P. 62. L 11. Tentarem etc., I should jnd
to tht test ike knowledge etc. ; a thing in which
Socrates, during his life-time, greatly delighted. —
Summi regis, i. e. Agamemnon. — ^Ulysses is well
known, in fable, for his skiH and cunning.*— Syai*
phus, see Note 22.
(127) P. 62. L 28. Nae ego . . . malim, ^rdy I
shovld muck prefer this state qjfmind, to the toeaUk of
dU those etc. — Etsi etc., kotoever, ets to kis denying
that any one besides the gods can knoWy he himsdf
does knoWj viz. which is the best. — Suum iUud, hns
own pecuniarily. — ^Finis . . . potest, there can be no end,
— Ephori, magistrates at Sparta, first created about
760 B. C, by Lycurgus, resembling the trihones
at Rome, i. e. supreme censors of all public pro-
ceedings. — Sine versura, without lending or borrouh
ing, — ^Ut, inasmuek as.
(128) P. 63. I 28. Leonidas, the brave king of
Sparta, and leader of the three hundred Lace-
demonians who fell at the battle of Thermopylae^
only one of them escaping. — Vigebant ; from this
word, back to quid, included in brackets, the text
has been suspected by some, and condemned hy
Bentley and others. 1 do not perceire any solid
ground for difficulty with it. — ^Fortes et duri, rigid
and severe. — Theodoras ofCyrene, a teacher of Plato
in geometry. — Ista .... purpuratis tuis, threaten
those*' drea^xd things to your effeminate courtiers,
clothed in purple. — Humine . . . putrescat, whether
he rots on the earth, or in the air.
KOTES ON §38. 157
§38.
19) P. 64. {. 14. Cujus hoc dicto, viz. ptUres-
-In quo moritur, i. e. in the Phaedo of Plato,
*e his death is described. — Sicubi, i. e. si ali-
— ^Durior, sterner, — Asperius, more roughly, —
. . . ponitote, hvi give me a staff with which I
go off, — Illi, {said] they, — Quid igitur, i. e. he
3d: Quid etc.
JO) P. 65. 1, 8. Si quid ei accidesset, {/" any
should befal him, i. e. in case he should die. —
a, i. e. she (Hecuba) who mourns over Hec-
D the play. — Passa aegerrime, / have suffered
wretchedly, — ^Accius, the ancient Roman tragic
represents it better. — Et .... Achilles, and
'les sometimes considerate, — Pressis . . . modis, in
idjusted and mx)urnful modulaiions, — Ne com-
3, non extimescit, he fears not lest his burned
abers should be abused]. — Siris for siveris,
dUI [not] let, — Cum . . . tibiam, when he pours
such fine heptameter verses, ai the m<tdvlaiion
■ pipe,
11) P. 66, 1, 11. Cum, when, or rather here,
ugh, — Execratur,ya2(« to uttering imprecations.
e the story of Thyestes and Atreus in Lem-
3. — Primum ... Atreus, specially that Atreus
oerish by shipwreck.
§39.
aware that barial and the corruption of the body, are ihud-
.t by the multitude. But in respect to these things, mine ara
itiments and feelings of Socratea, Diugeuea, and Anaxagoras.
lya are full of errors and lamentations, on these subjects; but
t any good ground. How can a dead body be sensible of any
igsf
8
158 NOTES ON §§39,40.
(132) P. ^. L 3. Magorum, of the magi, — ^Hyr-
caDia, in middle Asia, bordering on the Caspian Sea.
— Optimates, domesticos, the nobles [^dj privaU
domestic ones. — Cum suis . . . potest, when declining
life is able to console itself wUh its oum praises^ — ^Ne-
mo . . . munere, no one was ever short livedo whojvl&y
perfotmed the duties of perfect virtue, — Parum din,
not a very long time ; which, with nemo^ makes the
sense above given. — Multa . . . fuenmt, many sear
sonSf opportune seasons, for my death have occurred,
— Quam . . . obire, which I could wish I had under-
gone, — Nihil . . . vitae, for now nothing was to he
gained ; the duties ofl^e ufere accumutoHng,,
(133) P. 67. l. 32. Tamen . . . sequitur, yet it
follows virtue, as a shadow [follows a substance].
— Verum'. . . beati, btU the judgment of the multitude
concerning the good, is to be praised, rather thotn
[that we can say] these are happy on Ms aecountj
viz. on account of being praised.
§40.
The glory of the tllustrioos dead can never be taken away. IM
va not suppose, then, that to die is to lose this good.
(134) P. 68. L 4. Ante enim etc, fw sooner
wiU the sea overflow Salamis itself etc. — Salaminii
tropaei refers to the trophy of the great naval vic-
tory at Salamis, gained by the Greek fleet over that
of Xerxes; in which the Persian fleet was nearly
ruined, and the whole plans of Xerxes frustrated*
— ^Boeotia Leuctra was famous for the victory
there achieved by Epaminondas, the celebrated
Theban general, over the army of Cleombeotus
king of Sparta, B. C. 371 ; in which 4000 Spartans,
NOTES ON ^ 40. 1 59
ith their king, were killed. This battle took from
8 Spartans the power of ruling over Greece.
(135) P. 68, L 17. Secundis . . . mori, in proS'
rUy, also, lei him be willing to die. — ^Non enim . . .
icesslo, ybr^ aecumtdaiion of good things cannot
so agreeable, as the giving of them up wiU be
wblesome, — ^Laconis (Gen.), of a Lacedemonian, —
lympionices nobilis, a noUe victor in the Olym"
an games. — Accessit ad senem, L e. ad Diago*
m. — ^Non • . . es, for you cannot ascend to heaveth
e. witl^out dying ; and nothing else is nowwant-
g that you should go there. So, in substance,
rnestL But I do not see the point of the dis-
•urse in this way. I understand it thus : Die,
r you can expect nothing beyond this. Heaven,
»wever, will be no ascent for you ; i. e. you are
ready higher than it can make you. Quod in
. maxime, because that in distress and trials^ Hdt
the greatest of consolaHons. -
§41.
riie imroortttl gods have added th«ir testimony, that death it a
Mi, and no evil. So the cases of Cleobis and Biton, of Trophoni*
and Agamedes, of Midas and Silenus and Terinaeus, shewr
nslder, too, the examples of Codros, Menocaeus, etc. ; to all of
om death appeared glorioas*
(186) P. 69. L 23. Nee vero . . . ipei, nor are
^ [the teachers] wont to feign these things, but
% — Primum etc. , in the first place, Cleobis and
\ton, sons of the Grecian priestess are meniioned^-^
itiB. . .jumenta, a long way from the town to the
iq>Ie, and the beasis [which drew her] stopped,--'
WMita . . , dicitur, is said to have asked of the god*
9i^ — Pietate, their fiUal respect ,r-^adicai.yiaoe etc^f
160 NOTES ON §41.
tkey say that the god did so decide ; and even thai
gody to whom the other gods concede that he can di-
vine beyond the rest.
(138) P. 70. l. 16. Silenus, according to fable,
was the nurse and preceptor of Bacchus. Midas
was a king of Phrygia, who shewed hun great
hospitality. — ^Missione, dismission, liheraiion. — ^Natn
nos etc. , for it becomes us cutsemhUng together, to
mourn over the hmise, etc.
(132) P. 70. L 28. Elisium, of JE3w.— Psycho-
mantium, the place of necromancy, i. e. for consult-
ing the Manes of the dead. — ^Euthynous, the name
of the son who was mourned for. — Rebus . . . ju-
dicatam, decided by things from the immortal gods,
(139) P. 71. 1 10. Repetunt ab Erechtheo, ihey
derive an example from Erechtheus. This person
was, according to tradition, the sixth king of
Athens, and died about 1347 B. C. He was the
father of Cecrops 2nd ; and in a war against Eleu-
sis, he sacrificed his daughter Othyania (or Chtho-
nia), to obtain a victory which was promised by an
oracle, on such a condition. Cicero, in using the
plural (filiae) here, seems to imply that more than
one of h& children were devoted to death ; and
this, by a voluntary act on their part, cupide mor-
tem expetiverunt,
(140) P. 71. 1, 12. Codrum, i. e. [they appeal to]
Codrus etc. Codrus was the 17th king of Athens,
and died about 1070 B. C. When the Heraclidae
attacked Athens, and an oracle declared that the
party should be victorious whose king was killed
in battle, they gaive strict orders to their troops to
spare the life of Codrus. But he put on the dis-
guise of a common soldier, and then, attacking the
I
NOTES ON §41. I6l
enemj, he was slain, and Athens became victori-
ous.
(141) P. 71. 1. 16. Menoeceus, a son of Creon
king of Thebes, who, when the prophet Tiresias
ordered the Thebans to sacrifice one of those who
sprang from the dragon^s teeth, (see the article
Cadmus in Lempriere), in order that they might
obtain the victory over the Argive forces, came
forward, and voluntarily devoted himself to death ;
and thus the victory was ensured.
(142) P. 71. 1. 18. The story of Iphigenia, the
dau^ter of Agamemnon is well known. The
Greek fleet, on their way to Troy, were detained
by contrary winds at Aulis, in the straits of Eurl-
pus ; and on consulting the oracles, they were told
that the sacrifice of Iphigenia was necessary, in ov-
der that they might have a &vourable voyage.
This accordingly took place, as some say ; and so
Cicero here seems to consider it. But see Iphi-
genia in Lempriere.
(143) P. 71. L 20. Hai^odius . . . et Aristogiton,
two intimate friends, at Athens, who delivered their
countrymen fi*om the tyranny of the Pisistratidae,
B. C. 510. They received the honours of immor-
taUty fix)m the Athenians, and had statues erected
to their memory. — Leonidas, see Note 128. — Ep-
aminondas of Thebes is too well known to need
description.
(144) P. 71. L 22. Nostros non norunt, our ,
etiuntrymen ihey are not acquainted with ; i. e. they,
the Greek philosophers, who appeal to such exam-
ples as I have mentioned, are not acquainted with
our countrymen.
J
162 NOTES ON <^42.
§42.
Thme things being true, we ought to use every effort to persaade
men the rather to wish for death ; certainly not to fear it. Let
us regard the day of our departure as a joyful day ; for we are
not uiade by chance, bot the gods who consult the welfare of the
lioman race, have made m; and this, net that we may endure la-
bours and sufferings, and then come to a state of eternal wretched*
oess. Let us believe that there is a refuge prepared for us, where
we may be eternally happy.
(145) P. 71. 1. 25. Quae cum ita sint, magna
tamen etc., which things although they are thus, yet
much eloquence mtut be emphyedy etc. — Ita conni-
ventera, thus closing out ej^e^.— Melior . . . oratio,
Me saying ofEnnius is better than that of Solon,—
Noster, i. e. Emiius, who was a Roman poet—
Sapiens ille, i. e. Solon. — ^Velis passis, xcUh satis
mde spread; passis from pando.
Habes epilogum, you have the epilogue, i. e. the
concluding part of my discourse. — Optime, in-
quam ; for the best reason, I should say, — Quot
dies, so long as, — ^Tusculanum means, a country
house of Cicero, in the vicinity of Tusculum.
This latter place was about 12 miles from Rome ;
and is reported to have been founded by Telego-
nus, a son of Ulysses and Circe. It is now called
Frescati ; and is famous for the magnificent vil-
las in its neighborhood.
APPENDIX.
§ L Bnmaterudihf of (he souL
In order rightly to judge of tke weight which
«hould be allowed to the arguments of Cicero in
favour of the immortality of the soul, it will be in
a measure necessary, in the first place, to consider
the real state of this subject, as it is now presented
before the public in Christian lands. If by due
consideration we can find ground which is solid
and tenable, we may then proceed to the examina-
tion of Cicero's arguments, applying to them the
tests which have previously been established. In
diis way, and in this only, can we learn to put a just
estimate upon the nature and importance of the
arguments which the Roman philosopher employ-
ed, or upon those which are usually employed at
tke present time, in order to establish the immor-
tality of the souL
Every human being, in the appropriate use of
his faculties, is conscious of what he calls irUemtd
and mental operations. He forms ideas or notions
of things, he thinks, he reasons, he remembers, he
compares, he judges, he desires, he fears, etc. ;
and of all these and the like actions and emotions,
he is perfectly conscious. He can no more doubt
the reality of these mental actions and emotions,
than he can doubt whether he exists. Indeed,
Ihey are themselves the certain, and (to him) in-
164 IMMATERIALITY
dubitable evidences, that he does exist. A con-
sciousness of them, is consciousness both of exist-
ence and of mental action. ^
Most men are agreed in calling these phenome-
na mental action or mental development ; i. e. they
trace every thing of this nature to a cause or be-
ing, which they name mind. If the doing of this
be not a simple dictate of the first, spontaneous,
and elementary principles of our nature, (and I am
inclined to believe it is), still it is something which
results almost of course from even a very limited
acquaintance with external things, i. e. with the
material world.
We are in port composed of an element which
we call matter. We are every where surrounded by
this same element. To this, in consequence of the
senses which are given us, and as a result of ex-
amination, we assign the qualities of solidity, exten-
sion, ponderosity, disvisibility, colour, figure, etc.
These qualities enter essentially into our idea of
matter ; and without them matter, in tlie proper
sense of this word, cannot be supposed to exist.
The qualities which we assign to matter, are of
such a kind, that we are unable to perceive any
necessary connection between them, and thinking,
willing, reasoning, judging, etc. A great portion
of the matter which we daily see, is plainly desti-
tute even of sensation ; and a fortiori it must be
destitute of thought and reason and ^ontancity.
But the matter of which our bodies are compos-
ed, is matter placed in a peculiar state ; it is high-
ly and most skilfully organized. If matter, i. e.
brute and common matter, such as we see in most
of the terrestrial objects around us, cannot think
OP THE SOUL. 165
and reason and will ; yet may not matter, organ-
ized with more than human skill, be susceptible of
thinking and reasoning and willing?
A deeply interesting question ; and one that
leads to the very gist of our subject. In answer
to it, I would remark, (1) That all organized bod-
ied are not capable of thought and volition and
spontaneous motion; at least, we have not the
slightest evidence that such is the case ; since
niany of them do not exhibit any of the phenomena
which accompany developments of this nature.
For example; trees and vegetables, i. e. every ob-
ject which exhibits merely what we call vegeta-
ble life, afibrd not the slightest evidence of any
thing like thought, volition, or reason.
(2) When we ascend one gradation higher, and
come to a class of beings that exhibit animal but
not rational life, it is natural to inquire, whether
this be merely the result of the structure or pe-
culiar organization of matter. And here we are
at a loss. Our sources of evidence are inadequate.
What secret properties may be in matter, which
do not develope themselves unless in consequence
of a peculiar organization, but which may and will
develope themselves when such an organization
takes place, is more than we can possibly tell. It
lies beyond the boundaries of our present knowl-
edge. We must either have a consciousness of the
living power of the bi*ute animal, or must witness
some external phenomena that would develope this
power, in order to settle the question rejecting it
on the real ground of knowledge. As matters
now are, and since we can have no access to either
of those sources of knowledge, all we can do is, to
8*
166 IMMATERIALITY
judge of probabilities on the ground of anfdogy.
And here, too, we are encompassed with no small
difficulty. Has a brute most analogy. with vegeta-
ble organized matter, or with human beings ? If
a brute has thoughts, desires, fears, pleasures,
pains, and even consciousness ; if, in a low degree,
it may be said to reason, i. e. to deduce certain
conclusions from certain premises, and so is wide-
ly distinguished from the vegetable world ; still it
is not capable of indefinite improvement in knowl-
edge and reasoning ; it has no moral sense ; it is
limited, and forever and irresistibly limited, to a very
narrow circle, in all its susceptibilities, emotions,
and powers of improvement ; while man, so far as
can be known from his present nature, is suscepti-
ble, in almost every respect, of improvement that
is unlimited and endless. A difference heaven-
wide, like this, between man and brute, seems to
bring the latter nearer to the vegetable than to the
rational creation.
But we dismiss this subject, because, as I have
already said, it is beyond the boundary of human
knowledge. Let us come, (3) To man. Here we
have a source of knowledge, which is out of our
power when we strive to become acquainted with
the nature and properties of the brutes. We are
not only conscious that we think and will and rea-
son and remember, but we do spontaneously feel,
while we are conscious of these and the like
•'thin^gs, that they are not properties or results of
matter. We assign to them as a cause, that living
intelligent, rational principle or essence, which we
call mind or aoid. And this is so universally and
spontaneously done, that I hesitate not to number
Of THE SOUL. 167
it, as Dr. Abercrombie in his recent and admirable
work on the Intellectual Powers has done, among
the first or elementary and intuitive principles of
knowledge ; and consequently I must regard the
fact in question, as one incapable of demonstration
by a process of reasoning. No elementary truth is
capable of demonstration. It has higher evidence
in its favour. It is the spontaneous dictate of the
very nature of our minds ; and unless they are so
formed as to mislead and deceive us, this dictate
must be truth.
I cannot help feeling a conviction, that the ac-
tions of our minds can never be traced to the mere
organization of matter ; and this conviction is of
the like tenor as the conviction, that the apparent ex-
ternal objects of nature around us have a real ex-
istence. We cannot prove this last fact. No less
a philosopher than Berkeley, undertook to prove
the contrary. But after all, it is a universal law of
our nature, which determines that the real existence
of external objects is matter of fact. Every body
believes it ; always has believed it ; and always
will. And so, a conviction that mind is not mat-
ter, and vice versd^ seems to bo at least as wddely
extended among men, as thought and reason and
moral consciousness are.
So much for the truth itself of the tmmaterialily
of the soul. It is not a subject of direct demon-
stration, because it is a truth that lies out of the
boundaries of demonstration, and is of a higher
and more satisfactory nature.
The reader will observe here, that I speak now
merely of the immateriality of the soul, and not of
its immortality. These two things, sometimes
168
IHHATEBIALITT
confounded, (aa indeed they are by both C
and Plato), may be perfectly distinct, and inai
ureablf diverae. We shoutd therefore cm
them sepatately from each other.
(4) But although I have supposed the un
rialiitf of the soul to be a Jint priiKipk o
knowledge, and therefore to rank higher
demonstrative truth ; yet I am by no means
fied, that on the score of reasoning we may i
compelled, as it were, to concede the immatei
of the soul. If I ask the question : Wketh
phenomena of viind proceed from the tame cm
the phenomtna of matter 1 I am constraint
order to make out an answer, to take into ci
oration a number of particulars, which see
render the affirmative of this queatioti quil
pfobable.
(d) The developmetits of matter and min
exceedingly different. Thinking, willing, rt
ing, etc. , it must be admitted, are very d
from solidity, extension, gravity, dlrisibility
These last properties are the developmentB of
ter. They are essential to our nation i
These are effects of some cause, or at least
ties of some substance, which, appropriately
own nature, makes such developmeaia.
(b) All our knowledge of matter comes th:
the medium of the senses ; all our knowlet
mind comes only by consciousness. The «oui
knowledge, then, ere exceadingly diverse, i
respective cases under consideration.
It is very natural now to ask : Must nc
tovTces of mental and material phenomena I
ferent, when the phenomena themselves e
OF THE SOUL. 169
widely different, and when our means of becom-
mg acquainted with them are so very diverse ? I
see not how we can well avoid the conclusion,
that the causes of each set of phenomena, must be
different in themselves.
{c) DivinbUity is an invariable quality of matter,
in all its modifications of which we have, or can
at present have, any conception. But how am 1 to
divide thought, will, consciousness ? If you say,
that these are only phenomena of the mind, and
not the mind itself; and that some of the phenom-
ena of matter are equally indivisible, e. g. solidity ;
my reply is, that of all the acts of the mind divisi-
bility is an impossible predicate. You may increase
or diminish the intensity of thought or afiection.
Other^changes the nature of these things does not
admit. But we can divide a solid piece of matter ;
we can separate its form, i. e. divide it into several
forms of the like kind, or of different kinds, etc.
And although quality, in the abstrady cannot be
divided, the matter which possesses it may be
modified, so that this quality, as belonging to it,
may receive changes of a nature very different
from that of greater or less intensity. The phe-
omena of matter in this respect, therefore, are
very different from those of mind; and conse-
quently, as we may infer with probability, they
proceed from a different cause.
(d) All our sensations are dependent on exter-
nal causes for their origin or continuance. For
example ; we could not see without light, let our
physical organs of vision, or our minds, be in
ever so perfect a state. We could not hear with-
out a vibration of the atmosphere, or of some other
170 IMMATERIALITY
body which is capable of percussion. And when
we had once seen and heard, we should cease to
do so, provided these external causes were never
more to influence us.
On the other hand ; what the mind has onee
received, it can continue, by the aid of memory,
ever to use and appropriate. It recals ; reflects ;
makes new combinations of its own thoughts ; and
produces new results. It can, when once furnish-
ed with a store of ideas, so combine and arrange
them, as to invent or imagine new ideas, such as
correspond to no actual existences. In this state,
if all the external universe were shut out from it,
or absolutely annihilated, it could, for aught we
can see, go on with these mental processes unem-
barrassed, or at least without bemg obliged to cease
from them.
Can that be material, then, which is so indepen-
dent of matter, in a multitude of its operations ?
(e) On the supposition that the soul is mattridy
how can we account for consciousness of identity,
or memory of the past ? Nothing is more certain,
than that every part of our material bodies, all
their organic structures, are changing, and chang-
ing every hour and moment, from the cradle to the
grave. All the organic matter in my bodily frame
has been completely shifted, a great many times,
since my pb^^sical being commenced. One and
all of the physiologists agree in the absolute cer-
tainty of this. How then can identity have been
transmitted ? If I am matter merely, or skilfully
organized matter merely, and this is all that I am ;
then it is certain that there never has been any
two moments in my whole life, in which personal
OF THE SOUL. 171
identity could with truth be asserted ; for there
never has been any two moments, in which entire
material identity existed.
How, moreover, can a consciousness of such an
identity be transmitted, provided we are wholly
material ? In the first place, it would be a con-
sciousness of what is not true ; and how can this
be allowed ? And secondly, I see not how to ac-
count for it, that with the full knowledge, that no
material particle now in me is what once belonged
to me, I yet can, in no way possible, resist the con-
viction, that I am the very same being that I was
forty years ago. Shall we resort to the old atomic
philosophy and say, that the movements of our
atomic particles are all intelligent ; and that while
some of the worn out particles of our bodies are
moving off by means of the blood, and others com-
ing in by the same medium, the former communi-
cate to the new comers a consciousness that they
are the same as the old residents ? This would be
to make the atoms of Democritus a pseudologous
race ; of which character that philosopher never
suspected them to be.
We come by a kind of necessity to the conclu-
sion, then, that a nature different from a material one
exists witliin us ; one which remains unchanged as
to its essential or constitutional being, through all
the different stages of our existence, and which, by
the aid of consciousness and memory, spontane-
ously decides upon its own identity. The fact it-
self^ that it does so decide, is known to every human
being, and needs no proof; and this decision is
plainly to be classed among the elementary or
intuitive principles of the knowledge of our own
nature.
172 1MMATERIAL1TT
For these reasons, now, we may justly regard it
as highly probable, that our minds cannot be the
result of any organized combination of matter.
But after all, I apprehend that the full persuasioD
of this truth, as 1 before said, is one of the intuitive
jMindples to which our very nature leads us. How-
erer, we may justly, perhaps, regard the thing itself
as the more certain, if other considerations, as
above stated, all combine to render it probable.
Thus far, then, we seem to have found our way
clear ; the soul is not nuiteriat. But this propoei'
tion, it will be remembered, is merely negfolipe.
We have not said what the soul is ; but what it is
not. What I have said goe» to shew, that thinking,
willing, reasoning, and other mental phenomena,
proceed from a cause different from matter, how-
ever ingeniously or skilfUIly this may be organized*
Even this was felt by some ancient philosophers,
who lived in the depth of heathen night. Arls-
toxenus represented the soul as a species of kar-'
mony ; Xenocrates and Pythagoras ascribed a 'kind
of numerosity (nuraerus) or mdody to it ; while
Plato and Cicero are most clear and strenuous, on
the point of its absolute immateriality.
I may now venture to add, (5) That the certainty
of the existence of the mind, is as great as we
have, or can have, of any fact or truth whatever.
So say Stewart and Abercrombie ; men who are ex-
ceedingly well qualified to judge of the force of ar-
gument. The former adds, that ** even the system of
Berkeley, concerning the non-existence of matter,
is far more conceivable, than that nothing but mat-
ter exists in the universe." Why must not this be
true? The man Kflio thinks, and reasons, and
OF THE SOUI.. ] 73
wUIb, does by these very acts create the most per-
fect and irresistible coDviction of which he is sus-
ceptible, that his mind exists and acts. lie has a
perfect conviction, that the matter of which his
body is composed, and which is every moment
changing, cannot love and hate, suffer and enjoy,
hope and fear, reason and investigate, explore the
heavens and measure the earth, as he does. He
knows that when he loses an arm, or a leg, or
both, and other parts also of his body, his men-
tal powers may remain, and usually do remain,
in undiminished vigour. How can he feel, then,
that matter is his only self? He cannot. In the
madness of sensual intoxication, he may affirm
this. From the love of paradox, he may dispute in
favour of it ; but to feel an abiding conviction that
Lis mind and body are one and the same substance,
is what cannot well be imagined to be within the
power of any rational being, who is in any tolerable
degree enlightened.
§2. Immortality or endless duratiorh of the mind or
sold.
This is a question of higher moment and deeper
interest to us, than any other, I had well nigh
said, than all others, which can be raised. Of
what great consequence can it be, that we can
think and reason and will, that we can survey aiid
measure the heavens and the earth, and that all
our mental powers are capable of indefinite im-
provement, if, after a few days or years, the exis-
tence of all these splendid attributes is to come to
a final end ? To inanimate matter, and to the
vegetable and brute creation, has a lot fallen, which
174 IMMOBTALITT
is enviable compared with our own, in ease that
death ia the end of our beiug. All the inferior cre-
ation suffer comparativeiy little, and hope for or '
expect nothing. We suffer much, and hope for ■
every thing ; and if we must endure the one, and
the li^t of the other be forever quenched, then 1
is the lot of the inferior creation greatly prefera- <
hie to ours. I
Even the question, whether there is a God, al-
diough of deeper interest to the universe in gener-
al, is one of less interest to us individually, than
the question whether we are to live forever. For
if there is a God, and yet death is the end of our
being, of what consequence will it be to us, at
last, who or what exists? It follows, therefore,
that we have a deeper interest in the question con-
cerning the perpetuity of our own being, than in
any other.
But how shall tliis be solved ? Can the proof,
or the entire conviction, that the soul is immateri-
al, i. e. that it is not matter, satisfy us that it is also
immortal ? I am unable to see how this conse-
quence necessaiily follows. I am speaking now
of investigation independently of the Scriptures.
On this ground, I cannot see what binders, that
the origin of the being or action of our mental
powers, may not be an invariable concomitant of the
organization of our bodies ; for thus it appears to
be : and so, it is like a multitude of other concomi-
tant existences and powers in the kingdom of na-
ture. And if our mental stntcture (sit venia verfoo)
first arose cotemporaneously with our bodily one,
L e. when the latter was so joined together as to
OP THE SOUL. 175
!nake a human frame, why may it Dot cease to be
ul organized mental strueture, when the body dies ?
I know of no process of reasoning, which can
tlisproye this. The argument of Plato and Cicero,
diat because the mind is immaterial, it is there-
fore immutable and immortal, I acknowledge is
striking and specious ; and it has been adopted by
a multitude of reasoners on the subject of the soul's
immortality. But Plato and Cicero, who were
both very sensible to the force of argument, having
once reasoned in such a way on this point, felt
themselves obliged to be consistent, and to go the
whole length to which the. argument would natur-
ally carry them. If the soul is immutable and
eternal in itself, said they, it must have existed
from eternity a parte ante, as truly as it will exist
in eternity, a parte post. Consequently (for so they
concluded) all human souls must be absolutely exist-
ent, 1. e. they have always existed. Of course, as
vre must now see, the number of them, according to
this, is incapable of increase or d imin ution . Trans-
migration naturally comes along in the train of such
ratiocination, in order to answer the question,
where has the soul hitherto been ? And this, Pla-
to, with his teachers the Pythagoreans, fully em-
braced ; Cicero, hesitatingly and with apparent re-
luctance, for he generally keeps it out of sight.
I need not stop here to refute the doctrine of trans-
migration, or the anterior existence of human souls ;
although the latter is, at the present time, strenuous-
ly affirmed by Beneke of Heidelburg, a living and
recent commentator on the Epistle to the Romans.
But allowing that souls came into being as souls,
cotemporaneously with the organization of matter
1 76 IMMORTALITY
into a buraan body ; what is there to prove that, tf
souls, i. e. as possessed of their present powers and
attributes, they may not perish, or undergo an en-
tire change at death, like to that which we see in
the body? I know of no direct proof of this, ii-
dependently of revelation, and in the way of ratio-
cination. I do not see how we are to get at mate-
rials, out of which we may construct an argument .
No one comes back from the invisible world to tell
us what the soul is there ; so that we cannot de-
rive any knowledge of this kmd from direct tesd-
mony. And as to knowledge from experience ; we
ourselves have never been in a state of death ; we
have had no experience. Whence, then, is our
proof to come ?
A truly difficult question, independently of Scrip-
ture and our moral sense. Yet some Uiings may
perhaps be said on this subject, which will serve
to render it probable, that the substance which we
call mindy does not perish by the death of the body.
But we can reason on this point, only from anal-
ogy ; because, as 1 have already hinted, the state
of tlie soul after death is neither a matter of con-
sciousness, nor of experiment, nor of observation,
nor of testimony. Of course, I lay the Scriptures
out of the question, for the present. How then
stands the matter of analogy, according to the light
of nature ?
The body, when death occurs, loses its organized
state ; and consequently the physical powers that
were connected with, and dependent on, this state,
are also destroyed. But in regard to the existence
of the matter itself which composes the body, con-
sidered simply as matter, this surely does not cease
OF THE SOUL. 177
to exist after death. Every physiologist and chem-
ist well knows, indeed, that matter may be end-
lessly modified and diversified in its combinations ;
but he knows equally well, that there is not one
particle more or less of matter now, than there was
on the day that the creation was finished. Matter
is indestructible by any power, save that which
called it into being.
By analogical reasoning, then, we must of course
be led to say, that the substance or essence of the
mind or soul, whatever this may be, can never be
at all affected in the way of annihilation, by the
dissolution of the body. We may easily believe,
that the actions and affections, i. e. the phenomena
of the soul as connected with the body, may be
modified, in some degree, by the dissolution of the
material organs of sense, through the medium of
which the soul obtained all its sensitive ideas. But
such a modification merely, not annihilation, is all
which can in any degree be rendered probable, in
the way of argument fi'om analogy. In no other
way can any argument be made to bear upon the
subject.
But does the substance ndndf retain, after the
death of the body, those powers which it exercised
independently of the senses ? As the disorganization
of the body has destroyed its active physical pow-
ers ; and as the soul came into being cotemporone-
ously with the organized body, and in connection
with it began the development of its powers — may
not this development cease, when the organized
body is destroyed? JSTodus vindice dignus — who
can solve it ?
When we are told with the strongest confidence
178 IMMORTALITY
by Plato and Cicero, and have been told by nUfti-
tildes of others, that spontaneity of aetion in the
Boul necessarily proves the eternity of it, can wb
consistently receive this as sound and legitunats
argument ? For myself I must *8ay that I caiHiot
perceive why, so far as arguments of this nature
can go, we may not as well render'it probable, that
souls may cease to act, or (so to express myself) be
disorganized, as that they begin to act. The latter
we fully believe, because we cannot adopt the
theory of a pre-existent state, and a metempsycho-
sis. And the subject of possibihty in the nature of
things, as known to us without the light of revela-
tion, being the only one whfch we now have 'm
view ; who is able to produce any solid argument
in this way to shew, why the disorganizatimi ol
the mind or soul may not take place simultaneousiy
with physical dissolution ; or at least, why it may
not speedily and certainly follow it? How can
spontaneity of action in the soul, (which Plato cailff
itlvTi<Tig, and Cicero motus)^ be a certain evidence ef
eternal existence ? Can it be shewn that Qod^ or
(if you will) Nature, can not form a human being
with powers of spontaneous action ? When it can,
then of course it must be proved, that the souls of
men have never been formed at any period^ but
have existed from all eternity ; and consequently
that neither God nor Nature is their Maker. This
Plato does maintain, when he i» urging the argti*
ment for immortality; although he contradicts it
elsewhere. And the like is implied in what Cicero
says, although he seems i^rfui of the consequences
that will result from pressing this argument.
1 see no way then in which^ by the simple light
OF THE SOUL. 179
of Batnre and ratiocination, we can prove the im-
mortality of the soul. The two great sources of
knowledge respecting a future state, consciousness
or experience, and testimony (independently of
Revelation), are wholly wanting^ or are at least
inaccessible. Consequently the materiel for argu-
ment, (if I may be allowed the expression), cannot
be supplied ; and therefore an argument cannot be
constructed.
The utmost, indeed, which can be done in this
way, is to shew that the dissolution of the body
cannot be supposed to annihilate the substance of
the mind ; since it does not at all annihilate the
substance of even the fk>dy itself. But still we are
obliged to admit, that the dissolution of the body
must modify the actions atid afiections of the soul,
in some degree ; because, when all our bodily or-
gans are dissolved, one great inlet of ideas to the
soul is dissolved. That class of mental phenom-
ena which are strictly denominated sensations^ must
of course cease.
But the purely mental phenomena — ^what of
these ? They may cease, or may not ; who can
assure us the one or the other ? It is indeed as
clear as noon-day, that the most inveterate skeptic
never can bring a single argument to prove that
these phenomena do cease, when the body is dis-
solved. This is utterly beyond his power. If
there is any probability on this subject, it is in fa-
vour of the other side of the question ; inasmuch
as the purely mental phenomena seem to be very
little connected with the body, and in a manner to
be independent of it ; as we have seen under § 1
above.
180 IMMORTALITY
Here then, as it seems to me, must unassisted
reason, or rather, ratiocination^ leave the subjeet
Demonstrative or argumentative power is not suf-
ficient, of itself, to remove the obstacles which im-
pede our vision into futurity; and the simple
ground of this is, that demonstrative arguments
cannot be constructed, for want of materials.
How then did Socrates, Plato, Cicero, and many
others of the most eminent heathen philosophen^
persuade themselves that the soul is immortal?
I answer, that it was not, I apprehend, merely by
the force of the arguments which they employed ;
for on a critical examination of them, it will be
found that few of these will abide the test ; but it
was because a moral feeling or nature within them
gave to their apparent arguments most, if not all,
of their real weight. To this principle I must now
advert, in order to complete what 1 have to say on
the doctrine of the souPs immortality.
My own apprehension relative to this great sub-
ject, is, that the evidence which satisfies us of t
future state, is derived from the moral constitutioa
of our nature. It is like the feeUng, that there is
a right and a wrong in morals. This last sensa-
tion brings along with it an apprehension of ac-
countability ; and this connects itself with a fii-
ture state. If you say, that multitudes of the hea«
then have no clear views of this point ; this will
prove nothing. The tendency of all the systems
of heathen religion notoriously is, to support the
notion of an existence in a future state. A future
state, a reward for those who please the gods,
and punishment for those who do not, seem to
be interwoven, in some form or other, with th6
OF THE SOUL. 181
very nature and essence of all religion. What is
this bnt a development of that very principle in
our nature, to which I have just been adverting ?
If I should affirm, that men are rational beings ;
and an opponent should reply, that multitudes act in
a manner which gives little or no evidence of their
possessing reason ; should I be satisfied, even if I
admitted this, that men are not rational beings ?
No ; I might concede the full truth of his allega-
tion, and reply merely, that men, being free agents,
eould and did abuse tiieir reason, and pervert and
extinguish it
And so in the case before us. Be it that multi-
tudes of the heathen have little «r no belief in a
Aiture state, or little or no knowledge of it ; then
we may say of them, that they have perverted their
moral nature ; they have extinguished the light
which Heaven had kindled in their breasts ; just
as the apostle charges them with having done, in
respect to a knowledge of the eternal power and
goilhead of the Creator. But perverted or ex-
tinguished moral feelings can never prove that
such feelings have no existence, i. e. no well
grounded basis, in our moral nature.
I cannot hope to do better justice to this part
of my subject, than Dr. Abercrombie has already
done, in his excellent book to which I have mors
than once referred. I must beg the liberty, there-
fore, of making a quotation from him. This t
shall do, merely remarking, that I know not bow
my own sentiments could be more exactly express-
ed, than in his words.
** Our speculations respecting the immateriality
of the rational human soul have no influence on
9
182 IMMORTALITY
imr belief of its immortality. This momentoos
truth rests on a species of evidence altogether dif-
ferent, which addresses itself to the moral censti-
lution of man. It is found in those principles of
his nature by which he feels upon his spirit the I
awe of a Grod, and looks forward to the future with |
anxiety or with hope ; by which he knows how to
distinguish truth from &lsehood and evil from
good, and has forced upon him the conviction that
he is a moral and responsible being. This is the
power of conscience, that monitor Tinthiny which
raises its voice in the breast of every man, a wit-
BOSS for his Creator. He who resigns himself to
its guidance, and he who repels its warnings, are
both compelled to acknowledge its power ; and,
whether the good man rejmces in the prospect of
knmortality, or the victim of remorse withers be-
neath an influence unseen by human eye, and
shrinks from the anticipation of a reckoning to
come, each has forced upon him a conviction, such
as argument never gave, that t^ being which is es-
sentially himself is distinct from any fiinctiim of
the body, and will survive in undiminished vigour
when the body shall have fallen into decay.
^ When, indeed, we take into the inquiry the hi^
principles of moral obligation, and the monl gov-
ernment of the Deity, this important truth is en-
tirely independent of all our feeble speculations on
^e essence of mind. For though we were to sup-
pose, with the materialist, that the rational soul of
man is a mere chemical combination, which, by the
dissolution of its elements, is dissipated to the four
winds of heaven, where is the improbability that
|be Power which framed the wondrous compounfl
or THE S017L. 163
may. collect these elements again, and combine
them anew, for the great purposes of his moral
administration. In our speculations on such a
momentous subject, we are too apt to be influenced
by our conceptions of the powers and properties of
physical things; but there is a point where this
principle must be abandoned, and where the sound-
est philosophy requires that we take along with us
a full recognizance of the power of Grod.
*' There is thus, in the consciousness of every
man, a deep impression of continued existence.
The casuist ntay reason against it, till he bewilder
himself in his own sophistries ; but a voice within
gives the lie to his vain speculations, and pleads
with authority for a life which is to come. The
sincere and humble inquirer cherishes the impree-
siott, while he seeks for further light on a subject
so momentous ; and he thus receives, with absolute
conviction, the truth which beams upon him from
the revelation of God, — that the mysterious part of
his being, which thinks, and wills, and reasons,
shall indeed survive the wreck of its mortal tene-
ment, and is destined for immortality."
1 have only to add, that a conviction, of such a
nature appears to be deeper, more uniform, more
operative, than any which could possibly be pro-
duced on untutored men by nicely refined argu-
ments, or indeed by any arguments. Qod^ by giv-
ing us a constitutional feeling that there is a judg-
ment to come, has implanted in our very souls a
fundamental knowledge of the first great law of
moral restraint, viz. that we are accountable for all
oar actions ; and what of the account is not adjusted
liere^ we may aatarally apprehend^ will be adjusted
184 IMMORTALITY
in a future state. Tbe skeptic and the scoffer msj
as well destroy the very being of the soul, as de-
stroy this apprehension. It will return, after it
has been driven oft*. It will come back with aw-
ful power, when they are upon a dying bed. k
will cling to them forever and ever, in that world
the existence of which they have denied, bat
which ere long will open upon them with all iti
dread realities.
It will be acknowledged by all, that there are
fo'H truths of a purely intellectual nature; and
there wcefint truths of a moral nature. On these
all processes of ratiocination, both intellectual and
moral, are built. My view of the doctrine of the
soul's immortality, as established by the light of
nature, is, that it is one of those first iruthsj which
are impressed on our moral constitution by its
Maker. It was the feeling that springs £rom this,
which gave weight and power to the arguments
employed by Plato and Cicero, in order to estab-
lish the doctrine of a future state. More time and
more improvement in moral and religious philoso-
phy were needed, before this could be fully de-
veloped ; and so these philosophers have given us
but an imperfect development of it. Still, we shall
see in the sequel, that Cicero did not overlook so
important a consideration ; although his develop-
ment of it is in a way somewhat indirect.
It is important to keep these remarks in view,
when we come to examine the arguments whioh
Cicero has adduced in favour of the soul's immor-
tality. We shall be able, then, to account for it,
that some of them appear to have had more weight
in his mind, than we can well allow them to Ime^
considered simply as arguments.
or THE SOUL. 185
■ We come now, in the concluding part of this
dissertation, to adrert to the Scriptures, as having
taught us fully and explicitly the doctrine of a fu-
ture state. This lies so upon the face of the whole
New Testamant, that to prove it by quotations,
would be quite superfluous. But plain and expli-
cit and often repeated as the declarations of the
sacred writers are, in regard to this subject, it is
remarkable that they have no where once attempt-
ed to establish the doctrine of the soul's immortal-
ity by ratiocination or argument. They seem
every where to take it for granted ; in other words,
they do plainly regard it as one of the indisputable
trudis, which lie in the elements of our moral na-
tmre. If any one doubts or denies this statement,
let him produce a single passage from sacred writ,
which contains a demonstrative argument in favour
of the souPs immortality.
' Paul asserts that (ke gospd has hnrnght lift and
immortcdity, i. e. immortal life, to light. Is not this
true ? Will it be said, that I have already admitted
this truth to be one of the dictates of our moral
nature ? I have so. But this does not hinder a
fiill recognition of the fact (which is equally plain),
that men, by their evil passions and pursuits, have
perverted and darkened this truth ; just as they
have that, which respects the eternal power and
godhead of the Creator. It was reserved for the
gospel to scatter the darkness which evil passions
and sensuality had spread over the moral world.
This it has fully done. The testimony that the
gospel is true, cannot be resisted by a candid mind ;
and if so, then the credibility of all which it asserts
respecting a future state, is established. And e»-
186 IMMORTALITY
pecially may we admit this, when it fidls in with
the current of bur moral nature.
Moreover, what the light of nature could not do
effectually, the gospel has done. B has given au«
THORiTT and AWFUL SANCTioiT to the doctrine of a
future state ; such as never could exist without it
Who that duly considers this, will not lo<^ up to
the great and glorious Author of the gospel, with
unfeigned gratitude and thankfulness ? The mere
child in Christian lands, now knows more fully,
and believes with more assurance, that the soul is
immortal, than Socrates, Plato, or Cicero did.
Hear what Cicero makes his respondent say, in his
first book of Tusculan Questions. The Roman
philosopher had referred his CollocutCHr to the
Phaedo of Plato, as containing arguments sufficient
to establish the existence of the soul after the
death of the body. The Collocutor rephes : I know
not how it iSf but so it is, that while I read, I give my
assent ; hut when I have laid aside the hook^ and be-
gin to reflect tipon the immortaliiy of the sovd by my-
stiff aU my assent glides away. So, no doubt, it
was with most of the minds of the heathen. They
had variable, indistinct, unimpressive notions of a
future state. They saw it by twilights Tbey
looked to ratiocination to establish it; but they
could find none which did not, at least sometimes,
seem capable of being contradicted. Consequently
their convictions were not, in general, of a solid
and lasting nature. It is afler all, then, ^tfae glo-
rious gospel of the blessed God," which '^has
brought life and immortaUty fiilly to light.**
OF THE SOUL. 187
§ 3. Examination of Cicero's arguments for the un*
mwioiity ofQie soul.
The way is now prepared for a review of Cice-
ro's ratiocination. It will be necessary, in general,
to make only a brief statement ; for I may now
refer to what has already been said, as the test by
which I should desire the weight of his arguments
to be examined.
1. His first argument is, that the gods, both su-
perior and inferior, were once human beings or
men ; and as all allow their present existence, they
must of course allow the continued existence of
the soul afler death ; § 1^
It is unnecessary to make any remark on this
argumoit, except merely, tbat it could avail, of
course, only as an argumentum ad kominem. Those
who believed in the inunortal existence of the gods,
that once were men, could not reject the conclu-
fiion, that the soul exists after death.
But wbile we may admit the ingenuity of this
appeal, how can we help deplonng that moral
state, in such a man as Cicero, which could admit
the idea of a plurality of gods; and of gods, who
in their origin yrere merdif human ?
2. It is a law of our nature to believe in, or to
anticipate, a future state ; §§11, 12.
Here the very essence of the evidence in regard
to a future state, is in some measure developed by
the Roman philosopher. But observe how much
in the twilight he is, with respect to it. He illus-
trates it by sayings that when we grieve for the
dead, we grieve at their deprivation of the comforts
of life ; and that when men engage in great and
188 CIC£R0'S ARGUMENTS
glorious undertakingPy it is with reference to future
ftme, and implies some sensation of it after death.
And this is all : not a word of the judgment to
come; of accountability ; of heaven or hell. The
goflpel must needs throw light on these things, in
order that they should be fully developed. But
still, who does not feel himself delighted, that some
■parks of immortal fire are here emitted ? The
image of God within the human breast does here
exhibit, although in a manner indistinctly, some of
its true features. It is a lovely image, even in
<»b8curity.
3. Self-motion, i. e. spontaneous action, is the
third argument of Cicero, in favour of his position^
The powerof self-motion^he says, cannot be traced
to any external cause. It exists in and of itself;
and therefore it)nust have always existed, and will
always exist ; § 19.
But this proves a great deal too much. It
proves, that souls were not created, but are self-
existent and eternal ; a thing which, on other oc-
casions, neither Cicero admits, nor Plato, from
whom he has directly t|uoted the whole argument.
It never can be shewn, that Grod cannot create a
fi^e-agent, i. e. a being which possesses spontaneity
of action.
4. The powers of the soul, its native knowledge,
its capacity for improvement, its memory, its fkculty
of invention and unlimited acquisition and investi*
gation, shew that it is like the gods in its origin
and nature. What it executes in art, poetry, ora-
tory, philosophy, and the like, helps to confirm this
same truth ; §§ 20—22.
It cannot be denied, that there is some weight
EXAMTNtlD. 189
in all this. All nature discloses benevolent design,
on the part of its Creator. For what purpose has
the Divinity given such exalted powers to man ?
The beasts reach the highest point of which their
limited nature is capable. Man only begins to de-
velope himself^ in the present world. Is he then
the most imperfect of all created things, in regard
to the full development of his powers ? It is diffi-
cult to believe this, and yet to maintain the doctrine
of benevolent design. It would seem, that there
must be another state of being, where this develop-
ment can be more fully completed.
5. The soul is a simple, unmixed substance ; not
concrete ; consequently it is not material, and not
subject to dissolution ; § 23.
But this is a petUio principiu The substance of
the soul, it may be satisfactorily shewn, is not ma-
terial. But to prove that it is simple and unmixed —
bow can this be done, unless we become experi-
mentally acquainted with the nature and properties
of spiritual substance or essence ? As this is im-
possible, so such an acquaintance is out of question.
And even if we could establish the position, that
the soul is of simple element ; how could we prove
that a simple element may not undergo some
change,' analogous to the death or dissolution of
the body ?
It is manifest, therefore, that this whole argu-
ment is a peiiiio prindpiu
6. From the works of creation and providence
we argue the existence of the gods, as immortal
beings ; from similar works, then, we may concludcf
that man, as to his nature, is like to them ; § 34, seq.
There is something so attractive and delif^tfui
9*
190 Cicero's arguments
m what Cicero says upon this point, that I caDDot
forbear asking the reader to turn to the passage
and reperuse it. I know not, in the whole com-
pass of heatlien writings, a passage so noble on the
subject of the Godhead, as the one which the Ro-
man philosopher here exhibits. What an admira-
ble proof of the correctness of that which Paul has
alleged, in the sublime and beautifld passage in
Rom. I. 19, 20 !
But after all, the argument, merely as argument,
is liable to exception. That our works are like
those of the Divinity, does indeed prove resem-
blance. But how will our present resemblance, in
this respect, prove that our existence will be eter-
nal ? I see no certain ground to conclude, that a
being, which is in some respects like the Divinity
at present, may not exist, and yet this existence be
temporary. The probability is, indeed, highly in
favour of his continued existence ; as may be seen
by adverting to the fourth argument above exhib-
ited. But the certainty we can hardly think to be
capable of adequate proofs by considerations of this
nature.
. Such are the principal considerations urged by
Cicero, in favour of our continued existence after
the death of the body. It is a remarkable circum-
stance, and a most deplorable one too, that through-
out his whole dissertation, the Roman philosopher
scarcely adverts to the distinction in a future state,
between the righteous and the wicked. The apos-
tle states such a belief as one of the 6rst principles
of religion, and as standing by the side of the great
truth, that there is a God : " He that cometh to
God, must believe that he is, and that he is the re-
EXAMINED. 191
warder of those tpho diligently seek ^tm." And who
are the diligent seekers ? The righteous, surely.
But what is to become of the wicked, then, i. e.
those who do not seek him? The implication
necessarily is^ that they are to receive punishment.
Indeed this must be regarded as one of the ele-
mentary principles of all religion. Men may differ
about the time, and manner, and measure of retri-
bution to the wicked ; but the fact itself, none but
atheists can consistently deny.
Yet plain and important as the doctrine of retri-
bution in a future state is, when the existence of
the soul is once granted, Cicero does not appear
to have directed many of his thoughts toward it.
My impression from a frequent perusal of his whols
treatise on the soul, is, that he took it for granted,
that all men of a tolerably decent character will
be happy in another world. Now and then he
adverts to the punishment of the wicked ; but 1m
seems to mean, by them, only persons of a most
profligate and debased character.
Near the commencement of his dissertation, ho
holds the following conversation with his Collocu-
tor : '* M. Quid, si [animae] maneant ? A. Beatos
esse, concedo.** And what Cicero makes his re-
spondent here say, viz., that if the soul does survive
the body, it will be happy, this author seems, in all
parts of his treatise, to have taken for granted.
One passage, however, shews, that when he thus
speaks, he has such characters in view as have
been, on the whole, what he deems to be virtuous.
The passage to which I refer is in § 25. p. 48, seq.
The substance of it is, * that Socrates taught the
doctrine, that there are two ways in which souls
192 Cicero's abguments
l^o, when they depart from the body. Those '^ qui
se humanis vitiis contaiuinaviasent, et se totos libir
dinibus dedidissent, quibus caecati ; yel domesticis
vitiis atque flagitiis se inquioavissent ; vel repub-
lica fraudes ioexpiabiles concepiaBent ; to these
there is a devious path to be trodden, and one
which leads away from the council of the gods.
But to those who had been upright and chaste ; to
such as had contracted the least possible contagion
from their bodies, and had always been prone to
abstract as it were the soul from them ; to those
who, during their physical life, had studiously imi-
tated the gods ; to all such an easy return would
be granted to that upper world from which they
originally came.'
To this sentiment of Socrates and Plato, the
Roman philosopher seems to yield his entire ap-
probation; ''nee vero de hoc quisquam dubitare
potest" Yet all important as such a sentiment is,
in the hght of moral retribution ; and infinitely in-
teresting as this retribution is to every individual ;
it seems to have had but httle practical influence
or interest in the mind of Cicero. Once only, in
his whole dissertation, has he distinctly brought it
to view, as above stated. Every where else he
seems to go upon the ground, that if we exist at all
after death, we shall of course be happy. Yet I
doubt not, that justice requires us to consider him
as speaking, in all such cases, of those whom he.
deems to be reputable and virtuous.
How immeasurably different all this is from the
tenor of the gospel, must be evident even to the
most superficial reader. There, a judgment to
come ; a reward of every man according to the
EXAMINED. 193
deeds done in the body ; a heayoD and a hell ; are
the all-absorbing, all-important topics. " Knowing
the terrors of the Lord," the Christian preachers
were led " to persuade men.^ But the philosopher
at the head of heathen Rome, scarcely makes any
of these matters a subject of thought ; certainly not
of serious interest. How true the exclamation of
the Psalmist: "The entrance of thy word giveth
hght ; it giveth understanding to the simple !" And
equally true, the asseveration of Paul : " The world
by wisdom knew not God."
Cicero, afler the brief account of Socrates' views
given above, quits ^he subject, without once ad-
verting to the surprising, and (I think we may
truly say) revolting, fivd-og, which Socrates, or
rather Plato, introduces near the close of the
Pbaedo, in order to shew the future condition of
tke soul. We can scarcely doubt, that Cicero
considered the whole of it as a mere play of the
imagination. There is one passage, however, in
which he has disclosed to us what kind of a heaven^
for the soul he did suppose to exist ; und it is a
deeply interesting matter to learn, how the mind of
an enlightened and philosophizing heathen could
and did think on such a subject.
The sum of his views may be found in § 16, and
is as follows : ' Whether we allow the soul to be
fire, or air, or melody, or thejifth principle of Aris-
totle, it is obvious that it is lighter and more buoy-
ant than the moist atmosphere which surrounds
the earth. On the death of the body, it must of
course mount upwards, until it reaches the etherial
regions, which are tempered like itself; and there,,
as in cquiiUniOj ix stops, ^d dwells in the upper
194 Cicero's arguments
sphere among the stars, aiid is nourished by the
same etherial aliment which supports them.'
Such is the provision for the fiiture abode of the
soul, and its continued existence; an evident ad-
vance, and a great one, upon th^ fiv&og of Socraten
and Plato, as exhibited in the Phaedo. But what
are its state, its occupations, its enjoyments ? They
may be summed up in two things; (1) Freedom
from corporeal appetites and passions. (2) The
boundless and endless pursuit and attainment of
knowledge.
The first of these considerations, in Cicero's
mind, sprung, no doubt, fi*om the moral principle
which belongs to the soul, and which longs after
something that will raise it above carnal and phys-
ical appetites and pleasures. In this, we recognize
an irradiation fi'ora the eternal light that beams
above. The second consideration originated from
the unquenchable thirst which Cicero felt, and
every kindred soul must feel, for pursuing the
acquisition of knowledge, through ages that have
no end. '*If the gods," said Lessing, i' should
make me the offer of the actual knowledge of all
things, I must decline the boon ; should they profier
me the eternal and successful pursuit of it, I would
accept it with the highest gratitude." In this sen-
timent we may discern the same feelings, which led
Cicero to represent his heaven as consisting mainly
in the pursuit of knowledge. The society of the
great and virtuous he does indeed reckon as one
ingredient in the cup of future blessedness; but
the enjoyment of even this, consists principally in
receiving and communicating knowledge.
How many a Christian face should be covered
EXAMINED. 195
with blushes, to see a heathen outstrip most persons
in such noble desires ! Paul could say : ** Now we
know in part . . . but then shall we see and know,
even as we are seen and known." And the He-
brew prophet could say : " Then shall we know, if
we follow on to know the Lord." And while Paul
and this prophet, and all others enlightened as
they wiere, expected the joys of heaven to be some-
thing more and higher than those which consist in
the acquisition of knowledge ; yet they by no means
underrate the pursuit of this. It was doubtless
viewed by them, as it in fact is, as one of the means
by which we approximate to a greater likeness
with the omniscient Author of our being.
To be freed from sin — all sin, either of thought,
word, or deed — to be holy, to be like God, to love
him, and serve him, and praise him, and thank
him, forever and ever, is, after all, the most essen-
tial part of the Christian's heaven. But here Cicero
did not sympathize with the Christian. He had no
knowledge, such as the Bible gives, of the only
living and true God. The gods whom he wor-
shipped, had once been men ; or if we may suppose
him to have risen above this, in his speculations,
(as he sometimes appears to do), stiU holiness as
developed in the Scriptures, was not an object of
his contemplation. The gods with whom he hoped
to reside, were of a mixed, I might say of an atro-
cious, character. Hence he does not once think of
heaven, as a place where moral resemblance to them
is tlie grand point of happiness. Truly, we may
say once more : ** Life and immortality are brought
to light in the gospel !"
We have now seen what kind of a heaven the
196 Cicero's arguments
highest speculations of reason, without a Revela-
tion, will form. It will scarcely be pretended, that
Cicero is not as favourable an example of this na-
ture, as can be selected from the whole heathen
world. He has evidently improved upon the spec-
ulations of Plato and Socrates. And afler all;
what is there in his Elysium, which will bear any
comparison at all with the heaven which the Bible
discloses ?
We come next to the objections against the doc-
trine of immortality, which Cicero discusses and
answers.
In §§ 13 — 18, he introduces and descants upon
the objection, which is raised by asking the ques-
tion: *How and where does the soul exist?' As
to the place of its existence, what has already been
said, discloses his views. In regard to the ques-
tion, Haw do souls exist in a future state ? he says,
very rightly, that this can serve the objector no
good pui7)ose ; for if the question be asked : How
do souls exist in our present state, in union with
the body ? it is just as difficult to answer this, as it
would be to answer the objector's question ; nay
even more so, inasmuch as the body is a kind of
heterogeneous tenement for them, alien from their
real nature.
Then again, he suggests, i/^e may just as well
ask how the gods exist ; whom all do allow to exist.
More to the purpose are the objections raised by
Panaetius, §27, seq. These are, (1) The soul is
procreated ; therefore it may be destroyed. The
evidence that it is procreated, lieS in the resem-
blance of children to their parents. (2) The soul
can be affected with grief and pain ; and that
XXAMINED. 197
wbich can thus be affected, must be periahable in
its nature.
To the first of these objections he replies, that
most of the similitude arises from mere physical
conformity ; and even where there is a Uke dispo-
sition of mind, it springs, in a great degree, fix>m
similar external circumstances and fh>m physical
similitude. Then again, there are multiphed cases
of entire dissimilUwle of disposition, between pa-
rents and children, which would afford equal proof
of the contrary proposition.
The second objection he answers, by stating that
all the passions of grief^ vexation, fear, anger, etc.,
must be predicated merely of the body and the
animal soul ; but not of the intellectual and rational
soul, which is wholly free from all such emotions ;
§28.
On this we may remark, that it is clearly a pe-
tUio principii, borrowed from the speculations of
Plato, respecting the transcendental and immuta-
ble nature of the soul. That this cannot be estab-
lished by argument or proved by a priori consid-
erations, we have already seen.
Such then is the treatise of Cicero, on the im-
mortality of the soul. Such is the highest point,
to which reason (unenlightened by revelation) did
attain, in the heathen world. '^ The world by wis-
dom knew not €rod ;" it is equally true, that they
did not know themselves.
The rest of Cicero's dissertation, from § 27 to the
end, consists of various considerations, designed to
shew that we ought not to fear death. * It is effem-
inate to cherish such fears; the great and good
have always despised it | it is a deliverance from
198 Cicero's arguments
innumerable and intolerable evils ; it introduces us
to the society of the great and good ; it frees va
from fleshly passions and infirmities ; it is a small
thing in itself, and has been rendered terrible only
by the exaggerations of the poets ; and finally, if it
is the extinction of being, it is no evil, because it
delivers us from all suffering ; if it be not an ex-
tinction, it must be a great good.'
Such are the considerations, by which one of
the greatest men who ever adorned the heathen
world, labours to cheer himself and his friendsi
when looking forward to the hour of dissolutkm.
Are they props on which we can lean ? Are most
of them any thing more than the result of a Sto*
icism, which appears in a higher measure stilly
among the Aborigines of our western wilds? God
be thanked, that the Christian, while walking
through the dark valley of the e^adow of death,
bas a rod and a staff to lean upon, which will hold
him up in a very different manner! Who can
bring the example of a moral triumph in a dying
hour, on the part of a heathen? The death of
Socrates comes the nearest to it, of any thing I
have ever read or heard. Yet this fells inmieasur-
ably short of such a triumph as the humblest
Christian may enjoy. All the darkness of the
heathen system seems to be concentrated about
&e dying bed of a heathen ; while all the glories
of the upper world are opened upon the dying
Christian.
One question more remains of de^ and affect-
ing interest To what height of assurance or con-
fidence, did the hope of a heathen that he should
exist and be forever happy beyond the grave, ever
ajrise?
EXAMINED. 199
loteresdng lis this question is, the manner in
which Cicero philosophizes, makes it difficult to
arriye at a satisfiictory conclusion, in respect to bis
real subjective conyiction. The Athenian schools
of philosophy, as is well known, became, in several
of their branches, quite inclined to skepticism.
The Epicureans and Acatalepties, in particular,
were of this character ; and generally, the later
Platonists were inclined to admit only subjective
certainty, as the result of inquiry and argument,
without undertaking to decide that any thing was
objectively certain. This skeptical position of mind
they honoured with the names of modesty and c^-
denee ; and they held that any thing aside from
tiiis^ savoured of dogmatism and arrogance, and
was unworthy the name and office of a' philosopher.
Cicero takes great pains to confine himself^ as to
the general tone of his discussions, within the
boundaries which the later Platonists had pre-
0eribed to themselves ; and which, indeed, Socrates
himself seems to have not unfi^quently commend-
ed by his example. Thus, near the commence-
ment of his discussion (in § 1), Cicero, in reply to
his CoDocutor, who requests him to shew that
death is not an evil, says: ^I will unfold this mat-
ter, according to ^e best of my ability ; yet not
Mke the Pythian Apollo, so that what I may utter,
will be certain and established ; but like a man of
imall capacity, one of the multitude, seeking out
by conjecture the things that are probable." This
we might well put merely to the score of modesty,
and regard the writer as designing simply not to
raise great expectation in the reader, provided the
passage were the only one of its kind. But this is
not the case.
200 Cicero's arguments
In § 4, after recounting Tarioas opinions re9pec^
ing the soul, he says : " Which of all these opin-
ions is the true one, let some god determine ; whieh
is the most probable, is a great question." So then
probMUhf was all he expected to arrive at, by hii
inquiries. Understood in one way, this might in-
deed be all that we need to ask for, on the ground
o£ satisfactory assurance ; but construed in another
and philosophic way, it would seem to amouDt
merely to a subjective conviction or balance of the
mind, on the whole, in favour of the doctrine that
the soul is immortal.
That Cicero alternated between the first and sec-
ond of these states of mind, is altogether probable.
In § 9, he makes his Collocutor request him to
prove, that the soul survives the death of the body.
Cicero replies, that Plato has already done this in
such a way as admits of no improvement. The
respondent then says (as before quoted), that 'he
knows not how it is; yet such is the fact, that
whenever he is reading Plato [the Phaedo], be
gives his assent ; but when he lays it aside, and
begins to meditate on the immortality of the soul,
the arguments seem to glide away from him.' Was
not this Cicero's own case? And does he not
make known to us a very common state of his own
mind, in developing that of his Collocutor? I
cannot doubt that such is the &cL In the midsl
of the perpetual hurry and confusion of business,
in which Cicero was nearly all his life engaged, he
could think but very little of Plato's Pha^o, or of
any other arguments of the like nature. But when
he was exiled from the forum and the Senate, and
dared not mingle with the distinguished citizeiis of
EXAMINED. 201
the capita], in order to enjoy their society, then he
turned inwards upon himself, and began seriously
to consider what he was, and whither he was go-
ing; The result of this consideration he has set
before us, in the delightful treatise which has giv-
en occasion to these remarks.
' Once more, let us see how the fashion of the
times wrought upon his mind, in regard to the
expression of his convictions. In § 36, he gives us
a long extract from the speech of Socrates to the
judges, who had condemned him to death. In this
speech Socrates says, that * whether death be the
end of our being, or not, it is deliverance from
great evil, and ahogether desirable.' Afler giving
such a turn to his discourse as to show, that his
predominant belief was in a continued existence,
the Athenian philosopher subjoins : " But it is time
for me to go hence, in order that I may die ; for
you, that you may live : yet which of these is best,
the immortal gods know, but no man can well de-
cide." "Nothing," says Cicero, "in his whole
speech, is better than this." This same writer
afterwards subjoins, however, a hint in what man-
ner we are to understand declarations of this na-
ture, by such men as Socrates and Cicero. " As
to what he [Socrates] says," adds Cicero, " viz.
- that no one besides the gods knows which would
be best, this same thing he himself does know ; for
be had already affirmed it Nevertheless he abides
by his own maxim even to the last, which was, to
make no categorical assertions."
Such, I would hope, was the case with Cicero ;
in particular, during the latter part of his life. My
meaning is, that I woidd hope his belief was more
202 Cicero's arguicents
firm and abiding, than his expreflsiona at timet
would seem to indicate. The noble passage at the
close of the present treatise, would seem to develope
a state of mind like to that which he ascribes to
Socrates; although, like this philosopher, he is
careful to avoid all categorical assertions. Tbo
passage is in § 42, and runs thus : We did not come
into being unthoui some purpose ; we did not spring
from chance ; hut ikere was some Power^ who exer*
eised an oversight respecting the human race, JVor
would such a Power bring that into beings or cotilittuf
to support it, which, when it had endured so fiMBqf
labours, should sink doum in everlasting death. JVs ;
THERE IS SOME HA. YEN OF REST, SOME ASYLUM
PREPAEEiy FOR US.
It is delightful to think, that there were timen^
when the mind of Cicero could rise to such an ap-
parent degree of assurance as this. That such was
really the fact, would seem probable, from his occa-
sional declarations in regard to the sufficiency and
strength of the argument to prove the immateriality
and immortality of the soul ; for he united these
indissolubly together. In § 25 he sajrs : ^ Whether
the soul is igneous, or aerial, matters nothing as to
the object now in view. At present you must
simply consider, that as you know the existence of
\ a God to be certain, although you are ignorant of
his dwelling-place and of his appearance ; so the
existence of your own soul ought to be considered
as a matter of certainty, although you know nothing
of its dwelling-place or its form." He th^i goes
on to say, that " unless we are absolutely leaden in
physics, we must acknowledge that there is in the
aoul nothing n^xed, ooncareie, copulate^ augmoBledi
EXAMINEB* 203
er duplicate ; and eoDsequently, that the soul can
neither be separated, divided, cut in pieces, nor
torn asunder ; and therefore it cannot perish."
It matters not, whether the argument will abide
the test of philosophy at the present day. Plain-
ly it will not ; as there can be no proof a prir
mij that a simple substance may not be temporary ,
as well as a compound one ; nor can we prove in
the way of ratiocination simply, that the soul may
not die as well as the body, although in entirely a
dif^rent way. Enough that Cicero expresses
himself without any doubt, in regard to the point
in question. A man must be, in his estimation,
absolutely a leaden-headed fellow (plumbeus), to
believe that the soul is otherwise than immaterial
and imperishable.
So in § 19 ; afler producing the argument of
Plato respecting the spontaneous motion of the
soul, as establishing its eternity, he says, that 'al-
though all the plebeian philosophers, (for so he may
call all those who differ from Socrates and Plato),
should join together, they could never produce any
thing so elegant and so acute as this.' Hence he
concludes, that 'as the mind is self-moved, it is
never deserted by itself. Hence too, it follows
that it is eternal.'
Once more ; in § 24, afler that most noble pas-
sage which argues, from the works of creation and
providence, the existence of a Creator and Govern-
or of all things, Cicero subjoins: ''So the soul of
man, although you do not see it, (and in like man-
ner you do not see God), yet, as you acknowledge
the being of a. God, from the consideration of his
wockfl^ so you should acknowledge the divine en-
204 Cicero's arguments
ergy of the soul, from its memory, iDTentioi], celer-
ity of motion, and every kind of virtue adorned
with beauty."
After considering these and the like passages, in
Cicero's works, we cannot doubt, that in the hour
of cool reflection and sober argument, he had an
overwhelming conviction of the reality of a future
existence; although in his sportive or skeptical
hours he might act, and probably did act, the part
which he assigns to his Collocutor. That he ex-
presses himself occasionally in a manner somewhat
partaking of mtitpig, may, on the whole, be fidrly
put to the same account, as that to which he as-
signs the seemingly skeptical expressions of So-
crates.
See now, as a confirma:tion of this, the manner
in which he expresses himself^ when, looking away
from philosophical argument, his mind was filled
with other views and other sympathies. In hit
Cato Major or De Senedute, where he endeavours
to defend old age against the objections made to
it, he labours, near the close of the treatise, to shew
that the certain nearness of death is no valid objeo-
tion. His reason is, that death is no evil ; for the
soul is immortal, and will survive the body, and be
happy. When speaking of the various powers
and capacities of the soul, he says, in the conclu-
sion : '' It is not possible that what contains such
divine powers, should be mortal." After recapitu-
lating, very briefly, a great part of the arguments
used in the first book of the Tusculan Questions,
in favour of the immortality of the soul, he thus
exclaims in view of a future state : - " O praeclarum
diem, cum ad illud divinum animorum concilium
XXAMINEO. 205
coetumque proflciscar, cumque ox hac turba et col-
luvione discedam ! Proficiscar, enim, non ad eos
solum viros, de quibus ante dixi ; set etiam ad Ca-
tonem meum, quo nemo yir melior natus est, nemo
pietate praestantior."
He means, that he shall, after death, be with
Cato Major, whose body he had burned, but whose
soul was gone to the world of spirits. This Cato,
whom Cicero so highly valued, lived to a very old
age ; retained the full vigour of his faculties, so as
to study Greek at the age of eighty ; and was a
remarkable example of cheerfulness and happiness,
in the decline of life. On this account, Cicero
gives his treatise on old age the title of Caio Major.
Thus we see, that ''God has not left himself
without witness." Even among the heathen, he
has enstamped his own image upon our nature. But
while we cheerfully and gratefully recognize this
truth, it is equally plain, on the other hand, that
perverse as men are, and estranged from God, this
image has been distinctly discerned by very few,
who were not enlightened by revelation. Even
those who have seen it most clearly, have not been
able to free themselves from doubts and fears. It
must be so. More light is needed, to afford an
overwhelming conviction to minds darkened like
ours. Simple, unperverted, unadulterated reason,
might be well satisfied that the soul is immortal ;
but where is such reason to be found among the
heathen ? A revelation, therefore, was needed, in
order to confirm and impress this great truth.
We rise, then, from the perusal of Cicero's au'
reus libeUus, with gratitude to God, that he has so
made human minds, as to emit, in every condition,
10
206 CICERO^S ARGUVKNTSnCXAinirED.
some Bpartu of tfaie eelestial film of wliich they are
composed. We thank hun that the henthen were
prompted to look upwards^ and to long and sigh
after komortality. But our souls should overflow
with still higher gratitude, so often as we call lo
mind that the path of hapfnuess k now made plain ;
that light from heaven is beaming with full radiance
upcknit; that life akd immortality are brought
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