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Full text of "On the immortality of the soul, or, Quaestionum tusculanarum liber I"

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Select Classics." 


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^ICEHO 


ON THE 


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IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL 



OR 



QUAESTIONUM TUSCULANARUM 



LTBER T. 



WITH NOTES AND AN APPENDIX. 



BY M. STUART, 

FrofcBsor of Sac. Literature in the Theol. Sem. at Andover. 



ANDOVER : 



rLAGG, GOULD, & NEWMAN. 
1833. 



Zo JS^. 



;/y 



1886, Jatt. 231» 

CMftor 

Sb« aein or ei €h VbUMii; 



Entered aeeording to Act of Congress, in the year 1833, by 

FLAG6, GOULD, AND NEWMAN, 

in the Clerk^s office of the District Ck)urt of Massachasetts. 



\ 



vo 



PREFACE. 



The occasion and design of publishing the little 
volumes entitled Select Classics y may be stated in a few 
words. It is customary with me, always to recommend 
to my pupils in sacred philology, the daily reading of 
some portion of a good Latin or Greek classical writer. 
This 1 do, in order that they may increase their know- 
ledge of the ancient languages, and be able to judge of 
the difference between classical idioms and those of the 
Scriptures. But this is not my only motive. Believing 
that the study of the best Latin and Greek authors is 
very important to the cultivation of an improved taste 
in literature, and to the acquisition of tact and ability 
in criticism and in writing, I feel it to be a matter of 
serious consequence, that ever^ theological student 
should devote some portion of his time to this employ- 
ment. 

But what shall he read ? Merely to repeat the read- 
ing of college books, would be unattractive to most 
students. And if they are to extend it beyond these 
limits, what shall be selected ? A question of more 
difficulty to the young student, (whose circle of ac- 
quaintance with the classics is generally somewhat 
narrow), than every one will be apt to imagine. And 
even after he has made his choice, how shall he obtain 
tiie pieoes which he desires ? They appear, more usu- 
ally, only in the large collections; which he cannot 
afiord to purchase. Or if separately printed, they are 
not published, perhaps, in our country; or if they are, 
most of them are merely copies of European editions, 
which (the school-books excepted) are principally char- 
acterized by notes on the various readings of the text ; 
in which he, who studies for profit and 4)leasure, can 
feel but little if any interest. Grammarians and crit- 
ical editors alone can profit much by these. But the 



IV PREFACE. 

great mass of readers belong to neither of these classes. 
Consequently, they need an ezegetical commentary. 
They are, and ought to be, much- more interested to 
know what the text in general means, than to know 
how a solitary word or phrase, which now and then 
occurs, is to be read. 

The Select Classics which I now publish, are intend- 
ed wholly for this latter class of readers. In particular 
are they designed for young readers in our country, 
who need to be allured and guided and encouraged, 
with respect to classical study. 

The plan which I have adopted, supersedes the ne- 
cessity of printing a continuous translation. Every 
passage, in which I have supposed that there could be 
any difficulty, the student will find translated or ex- 

Slained in the notes ; and some perhaps will even won- 
er, that I have done so much in this way, rather than 
so little. None, I would hope, will have reason to 
complain, that the meaning of the author is not made 
sufficiently evident ; so far, at least, as I am able to 
understand and explain it. That I have always under- 
stood it rightly, I would not venture to assert. I can 
only say, that I have devoted tothe study of it, as much 
time as I could possibly spare from my other duties and 
studies ; and that I indulge the hope, that I shall not 
often mislead the student. 

If it should be asked, why I have been so liberal in 
my biographical and historical notes and explanations ; 
my answer is, that I have adopted this course for sev- 
eral reasons. Most readers have not the sources at 
hand, from which I have drawn more or less of them. 
Many of these sources are in languages, which the stu- 
dents in general of our country do not understand. 
And even in cases where the reader may have access 
to these sources, and be able to draw from them, it is not 
often the case, when he sits down to spend a few leisure 
moments in reading a classic, that he feels inclined to 
load his table with biographical, geographical, chrono- 
logical, and historical works, (not to mention many 
other helps), in order that he may proceed with a due 
understanding of his author. 
It falls, moreover, within the special design of the 



PREFACE. V 

present publication, to render classical reading easy, 
and attractive, and profitable. Whatever may be said 
as'to the expediency of this, with reference to students 
who are pursuing classical studies as a daily business, 
and whose strength may sometimes be put to the trial 
by the reading of text without note or comment; such 
a principle is not applicable to the present case. I pub- 
lish these volumes for the aid of those, who wish to re- 
new their acquaintance with the classics, or to increase 
their knowledge of them, with as little expense of time 
and money as possible. To purchase all the helps, 
which I have made use of for their benefit, would be 
expensive ; to study them, would require time and 
pains which many will hardly" deem themselves able to 
spare. 

It has been my endeavour, in the notes and appendix 
to this work, to point out in what manner we should 
read the Greek and Roman writers in order truly to 
profit by them. If I have succeeded in the attempt, it 
may encourage others to rise up as editors among us, 
in the like way. 

In the text of the present volume, I have not impli- 
citly followed any one edition. I have had before me 
the editions of Ernesti, of Rath, of Nobbe, and of Carey; 
all recent editors; the three last, I believe, still living. 
In doubtful cases I have selected that which seemed to 
me the most probable reading ; and in this, I have some- 
times agreed with one, and sometimes another, of these 
editors. As we have no manuscripts in this country from 
which a new edition of the text could be formed, I hare 
done all in respect to it, that the nature of the case 
seemed to admit. From none of these editions have 
I derived any exegetical aid, which is worthy of being 
mentioned. Rath's book is a large one, and filled with 
notes ; but almost all of them are occupied with specu- 
lations concerning the state of the text. 

The punctuation, I may say, is wholly my own. I 
found none with which I was satisfied. Carey's I re- 
gard as the best; and Nobbe's stands next ; while that 
of Ernesti often and almost of necessity obscures the 
meaning of the text; at least it does so for me. By 
otreful and diligent attention to the punctuation, I 



VI PREFACE. 

woald hope that I have made the sense more evideni 
to the reader, in many passages, than it is in the com' 
mon editions. 

I was induced to engage in the present work, by the 
express wish of my pupils, during the past year. Mj^ 
earnest hope and desire are, that they, and others asso- 
oiated with them, may be profited by the study of it; af 
it is specially designed for theological students. I would 
indulge the hope, also, that others who pursue classical 
study, may take an interest in it ; for I can scareelj 
conceive of a topic more interesting, in a moral and 
religious point of view, than the knowledge of what the 
highest efforts of human reason could without revela* 
tion and of thenjselves do, in developing the doctrine oi 
the soul's immortality. 

My present design is, to publish a second volume in 
connexion with this, which is to consist of Plato*i 
PhaedOf i. e. his treatise on the immortality of the soul. 
The present volume is a specimen of the manner which 
I mean to pursue, in respect to commentary, and to thi 
critical examination of the author's arguments. 

In the present volume, I have adapted the sections 
(marked §) to the purpose of discriminating the largei 
transitions of the author's discourse. I found these sg 
discrepant from each other in my different editions, and 
oftentimes so much at variance with what seemed tc 
me the most desirable division of the text, that, aftei 
consideration, I was induced to abandon the plan of fol- 
lowing any one of them, and to mark the sections anew. 
Another object obtained by marking them, is, to fadJU' 
tmte references to the text, in the notes and elsewhere. 

I have also introduced breaks or paragraphs in many 
places of the text, where most editions make none, 
Emesti has printed an almost unbroken text ; by which 
the reader is often perplexed, and always fatigued. 

I have also ventured to go a step further than any oi 
the editions which I have seen, viz., to print the coUoqa^p 
in the manner of a dialogue. Evenr reader will, I trust, 
spontaneously give his assent to tnis. 

In those cases where I have supposed there could be 
any doubt, in the mind of the reader, with regard to 
the Ablative case of the first declension, as distingaish- 



PREFACE* VII 

fd from the Nominative, I have marked the Ablative 
in the usual way. Carey marks it always ; the German 
editors, never. It is unnecessary to mark it for the 
pmctised reader; but it is convenient for the unprac- 
tised one to have it marked in doubtful cases. I have 
marked such cases; but I.bave come, in the course of 
jprinting, and when it was too late to retrace my steps, 
to the entire conviction, that the method of Carey is 
the best. 

Here and there I have printed a whole sentence in 
mpUals. My object is, to render conspicuous to the eye, 
and easy to be found, such sentences as are eztraordi- 
nary ibr the sentiment which they contain, or as will 
serve for significant mottos in writing, or maxims in 
conversation. 

I oottld never be induced, placed in such circum- 
stances as I am at present, to give my time and attention 
to the exegesis of any heathen author, were I not con- 
vinced that the study of such authors is important to the 
interpreter of the sacred writings. It is because of the 
bearing which such study has on the interpretation of 
the Scriptures, and because of the deeply interesting 
nature of the subjects discussed in the selection whieh 
I have made, that I feel myself to be within the proper 
sphere of my duty, while engaged in this work. 

My reason for publishing my notes and strictures in 
fioglish, is the same which induces almost all the lezi- 
ccwraphera of Greek and Latin, at the present day, to 
poolish their explanations in their own vernacular 
language. He who expects to aid the young reader, 
most make it not only possible for him to understand 
his explanations, but a matter of course that they should 
be understood without much effort or study. Where is 
to be the end of interpretation, if each writer who at- 
tempts to explain, is as difficult to be understood, as 
the original on which he comments ? My object would 
be entirely defeated, by pursuing such a course. 

Should this work meet with a favourable reception, I 
would hope to see some other individual proceed farther 
in the execution of the plan now commenced. With 
the little volume from Plato, should my life be spared 
to finish it, I must bid adieu to this kind of labour. 



fKA 



t* 



^t *■ 



Vlll 



PREFACE. 



My present duties and station call for all my 
in another way ; and the guardians and frien< 
Seminary witn which I am connected, expect, 
a right to expect, that I should obey the ca 
cheerfully shall 1 do it, if it may please a kii 
dence to give me ability. Thus far, all the a1 
have bestowed on the little volumes of Select 
has been of direct and immediate advantage tc 
getical studies. I cannot, therefore, but think 
well spent; and especially so, if the undcrtakii 
meet the public approbation so as to excite soi 
scholars in our Country to publish such editio 
classics, as may be the real means of literary a 
improvement. We have been, long enough, e 
the European method. More pieces which a 
(only such should be published for the purpose 
ing), from Plato, Xenophon, and other Greek \\ 
a moral and highly interesting nature ; and 
pieces from the Latin ones ; might easily be 
To all these I could wish to see added, Selecti 
the Latin and Greek Christian Fathers ; writers 
known, except by name, to most of our studc 
deserving of more attention than our countr 
given them. How can a system of education 
Christian and liberalj which entirely excludes 

How soon the volume containing the Pha 
follow, I cannot definitely state at present. I 
editing of it to bo a serious business indeed, i 
ders a knowledge of the Platonic system absoli 
cessary, in order to give the requisite explanati 
one of all Plato's writings, partakes more of 1 
philosophy than this. 

The public will not therefore expect that thii 
should be hastily published, when they consic 
an undertaking it is, and also that I can gi^ 
ver^ small portion of my time to the work, as ] 
duties must not in any wise be neglected. Stil 
advanced nearly through the commentary on t 
do, and would hope to conclude the work, du 
winter or in the spring. 

Moses Si 
Andorer, Jan. 1833. 



M. TUI^ill CIOERONIS 

TUSCULANARUM QUAESTIONUM 

AD M. BRUTUM 

LIBER PRIMUS. 
DE CONTEMNENDA MORTE. 



^1. 

Cum defensionum laboribus senatoriisque mu- 
neribus, aut omnino, aut magna ex parte, essem 
idiquando liberatus, retuli me, Brute, te hortante 
maxime, ad ea studia, quae retenta animo, re- 
missa temporibus, longo intervallo intermissa re- 
vocavi. £t cum omnium artium, quae ad rectam 
Vivendi viam pertinerent, ratio et disciplina stu- 
dio sapientiae, quae philosophia dicitur, coo- 
tineretur ; hoc mihi Latinis litteris illustrandum 
pQtavi. Non, quia philosophia Graecis et litteris ^^ 
et doctoribus percipi non posset : sed meum sem- 
per judicium fuit, omnia nostros aut invenisse 
per se sapientius quara Graecos ; aut accepta ab 
illis fecisse meliora, quae quidem digna statuis- 
sent in quibus elaborarent. Nam mores et in- 
stitotayitae, resque domesticas ac familiares, nos 
profecto et melius tuemur et lautius ; rem vero 
publicam nostri majores certe melioribus tern- 
peraTerunt et insti^utis et legibus. Quid loquar 
de re militari ? in qua cum virtute nostri mul do 
turn valuerunt, turn plus etiam disciplined. Jam 
ilia quae naturi non litteris assecuti sunt, neque 
cum Graecia neque ulla cum gente sunt confe- 
renda. duae enim tanta gravitas, quae tanta 
constantia, magnitudo animi, probitas, fides, 

2 



14 TUSC. Q,UAEST£ONES : §§ 1,2. 

quae tam excellens in omni genere virtus i 
fuit, ut sit cum majoribus nostris compar 

§2. 

Doctrina Graecia nos et omni litteraruc 
ere superabat ; in quo erat facile vincer 
repugnantes. Nam cum apud Graecos an 
simum sit e doctis genus poetarum, siq 
Homerus fuit et Hesiodus ante Romam 
tam, Archilochus regnante Romulo; serii 
eticam uos accepimus. Annis enim fe 
10 post Romam conditam, Livius fabulara de< 
Claudio Caeci filio, M. Tuditano, consi 
anno ante natum Ennium', qui fuit majo 
quam Plautus ; et Naevius. 

Sero igitur a nostris poetae vel cogniti 
cepti. Quamquam est in Originibus, soli 
86 in epulis canere convivas ad tibicinc 
- 1 clarorum hominum virtutibus, honorem 

;^J huic generi non fuisse, declarat orutio C 

i^'ij in qua objecit lit probrum M. Nobiiiori, c 

so in provinciam poctas duxisset ; duxerat 
consul ille in Aetoliam, ut scimus, Ennium 
minus igitur honoris erat poetis, eo niino] 
dia fuerunt ; nee tamen sic qui magnis ir 
in eo genere exstiterunt, non satis Grae 
gloriae responderunt. 

An censemusysi Fabio nobilissimo bomin 
datum esset quod pingeret, non multos 
apud nos futuros Polycletos et Parrhasios i 

HONOS ALIT ARTESy OMNESQUE INCENDUNl 
30STDDIA gloria; JACEMTQUE EA SEMPER, 
APUO QUOSQUE IMPROBANTUR. 



■ "I 






TDSC. ^UAESTIONES : ^^ 3, 4. 15 

§3. 

Sammann eruditionem Graeci sitatn censebant 
in nervorum vocumque cantibus. Igitur et 
Bpaminondas (princeps, meo judicio^ Graeciae) 
Bdibus praeclare cecinisse dicitur. Themisto- 
slesque, aliquot ante annos cum in epulis recu- 
sasset lyram, habitus est indoctior. Ergo in 
Qraecia musici floruerunt, discebantque id om- 
les; nee qui nesciebat satis excultus doctrini 
patabaiur. 

In summo apud illos honore geometria fuit ; lo 
itaque nihil mathematicis illustrius. At nos 
netiendi ratiocinandique utilitate hujus artis ter- 
ninavimus modum. At contra, oratorem celer- 
iter complexi sumus ; nee eum-primo eruditura, 
aptum tamen ad dicendum ; post autem erudi- 
ttini. Nam Galbam, Africanum, Laelium, doc- 
tos fuisse traditum est ; studiosum autem eum, 
qui lis aetate anteibat, Catonem ; post vero, Le- 
pidum, Carbonem, Gracchos ; deinde ita mag- 
no8, nostram ad aetatem^ut non multum aut ni«20 
bil omnino Graecis cederetur. 

§4. 

Philosophia jacuit usque ad banc aetatem, nee 
dllom habuit lumen litterarum Latinarum ; quae 
illostranda, et excitanda nobis est, ut, si occupa* 
tr profuimus aliquid civibus nostris, prosimus 
etiam, si possumus, otiosi. In quoeo magis no- 
bis est elaborandum, quod multi jam esse Latini 
libri dicuntur scripti inconsiderate, ab optimis 
illis quidem viris, sed non satis eruditis. 

Fieri autem potest, ct recte quis sentiat, 
bt id quod sentit polite eloqui non powsit ; 



16 TUSC. QUAESTfONES : <5>^ 4, 5. I 

sed mandare quemquam litteris cogitatioDes sa« | \ 
as, qui eas nee disponere nee illustrare possit, 1 1 
uec delectatione aliqua allicere lectorem, homi* > * 
nis est intemperanter abutentis et otio et litteris. | 
Itaque suos libros ipsi legunt cum suis ; nee quis- 
qnam attingit, praeter eos qui eandem licen- 
tiam scribendi sibi permitti volunt. duare si 
aliquid orator iae laud i nostra attulimus industrii, I 
multo studiosius philosophiae fontes aperiemus, . 
'®e quibus etiam ilia manabant. ; 

§ 5. ' 

Sed ut Aristoteles, vir suratno ingenio, scien- 
tiae copia, cum motus esset Isocratis rhetoris 
gloria, docere etiam coepit adolescentes dicere^ 
et prudentiam cum eloquentia jungere ; sic no- 
bis placet, nee pristinum dicendi studium depo- 
nere, et in hac majore et uberiore arte versari. ^ 
Hanc enim perfectak fhilosophiam semper 
judicavi, quae de maximis qcaestionibus 
copiosE POSSET ORNATEQUE DiGERE ; in qnam 

^exercitationem ita nos studiose operam dedirous, 
ut jam etiam scholas, Graecorum more, habere 
auderemus ; ut nuper, tuum post discessum, in 
Tusculano, cum essent plures mecum famitiares, 
tentavi quid in eo genere possem. Ut enim an- 
tea declamitabam causas, quod nemo me diutiu 
fecit ; sic haec nunc mihi senilis est declamatio. 
Ponere jubebam de quo quis audire vellet ; ad 
id, aut sedens aut ambulans, disputabam. Itt- 
que dierum quinque scholasy ut Graeci appel- 

aolant, in totidem libros contnli. Fiebat autem ita, 
nt cum is qui audire Tellet dixisset quid sibi ri- 
deretar, tam ego contra dicerem. Haec est enim, 



1 



TUSC. qUAESTIONES : §^ 5, 6. 17 

nt scis, Tetus et Socratica ratio contra alte- 
riufl opinionem disserendi ; nam ita facillime, 
quid verisimillimuin esset, inveniri posse Socra- 
tes arbitrabatur. Sed quo coramodius disputa- 
tiones nostrae explicentur, sic eas exponam 
quasi agatur res, non quasi narretur. Ergo ita 
naacetor ex<Mrdium. 

§ 6. 

A. Malum mihi videtur esse mors. 

M. lisne qui mortui sunt, an iis quibus mo- 
riendum est ? lo 

A, Utrisque. « 

Jf. Est miserum, igitur, quoniam malum. 

A. Certe. 

M, Ergo et ii quibus evenit jam ut more- 
rentur, et ii quibus eventurum est, miseri. 

A. Mihi ita videtur. 

M, Nemo ergo nou miser. 

A, Prorsus nemo. 

M, Et quidem, si tibi constare ris, omnes 
qaieanque nati sunt eruntve, tion solum miseri, ao 
itd etiam semper miseri. Nam si solos eos di- 
eeres miseros quibus moriendum esset, neminem 
to qnidem eorum qui viverent, exciperes ; mo- 
yiendam est enim omnibus : esset tamen mise- 
tvae finis in morte. duoniam autem etiam mor- 
tal miseri sunt, in miseriam nascimur sempiter- 
Mim. Necesse est enim miseros esse eos, qui 
eeatum millibus annorum ante occiderunt, vel 
potifis omnes quicumqne nati sunt. 

A, Ita prorsus existimo. so 

Jf. Die, quaeso, num te ilia torrent, triceps 
apad inferos Cerberus, Cocyti fremitus, trans- 



18 TDSC. qUAKSTIONKS : ^ 6. 

▼eetk> Achwontis, mento sooimaiii aqaam attiiH 
gens siti enectas Tantalus? Nuiii illad, qood 

SMjphiM vvnat 

Saxom •udaiu oitMido, neqae proficit hilum t 

Fortasse etiain inexorabiles judices, Minos et 
Rhadamanthus t Apad qiios nee te L. Crassus 
defendet, nee M. Antonius ; nee, quoniam apud 
Graecos judiees res agetur, poteris adhibere De- 
mosthenem ; tibi ipsi pro te erit maximiL eoroni 
10 causa dicenda. Haee fortasse metuis, et idcirco 
mortem eenses esse sempiternum malum. 

A, Adeone me delirare eenses, ut ista esse 
credam ? 

M. An tu haee non eredis 7 

A. Minime vero. 

M, Male hcreule narras. 

A. Cur? quaeso. 

M, Quia disertus esse possera, si eontra ista 
dicerem. 
^ A. Quis enira non in ejusmodi eausa? Aut 
quid negotii est, haee poetarum et pictorum por- 
tenta eonvineere ? 

M. Atqui pleni sunt libri eontra ista ipsa 
philosophorum disserentium. 

A, Inepte sane; quis est enim tarn exoors, 
quem ista moveant? 

M, Si ergo apud inferos miseri non sunt, ne 
sunt quidem apud inferos uHi. 

A. Ita prorsus existimo. 
30 M. Vb'i ergo sunt ii quos miseros dieis, aut 
quem locum incolunt ? Si enim sunt, nusquam 
esse non possunt. 

A. Ego ?ero nusquam esse illos puto. 

Jf. Igitur ne esse quidem. 



I 



TUSC. (^UAESTIONES : § 6. 19 

A. Prorsus isto modo ; et taraea miseros ob id 
psum qiiidem, quia nulli sunt. 

M. Jam mallem Cerberum metueres, quam 
Bta tain inconsiderate diceres. 

A. duid tandem? 

M, Cluem esse negas, eundem esse dicis ; ubi 
Mi acumen tuum 1 Cum enim miserum esse di- 
iis, turn eum qui non sit dicis esse. 

A, Non sum ita hebes, ut istuc dicam. 

M, duid dicis igitur 1 lo 

A, Miserum esse (verbi causa) Marc. Cras- 
mm, qui illas fortunas morte dimiserit ; miserum 
Dn. Pompeium, qui tanta gloria sit orbatus; om- 
nes denique miseros, qui hac luce careant. 

M. Revolveris eodem ; sint enim oportet, si 
miseri sunt ; tu autem modo negabas eos esse, 
^ui mortui essent. Si igitur non sunt, nihil pos- 
soot esse ; ita ne miseri quidem sunt. 

A. Non dico fortasse etiam quod sentio ; nam 
istuc ipsum, non esse cum fueris, miserrimum so 
puto. 

Jf. Cluid ? miserius quam omnino numquam 
faisse? Ita qui nondum nati sunt, miseri jam 
Bunt quia non sunt ; et nos ipsi, si post mortem 
miseri futuri sumus, miseri fuimus antequam na* 
tL Ego autem non commemini, antequam sum 
oatos me miserum. Tu, si meliore memoria es, 
rcdim scire ecquid de te recordere. 

A. Ita jocaris quasi ego dicam, eos miseros 
qui nati non sunt, et non eos qui mortui sunt, ^o 

M. Esse ergo eos dicis. 

A, Immo, quia non sunt cum fuerint, eo mis- 
eros esse. 



20 TUfiC. qUAESTIONES : § 6. 

M, Pugnantia te loqui non vides ? duid eoim 
tain pugnat, quam non modo miserum, sed om- 
nino quidquam esse, qui non sit?.. An tu, egres- 
8US porti Capena, cum Calatini, Scipionum, 
SerTiliorum, Metellorura, sepulcra vides, niiseros 
putas illos ? 

A. Quoniam me verbo pre mis, postbac non 
ita dicam miser os esse, sed tan turn miseros, ob id 
ipsum quia non sunt. 
10 M. Non dicis, igitur, miser est M, Crassus ; 
sed tantum, miser M, Crassus, 

A. Ita plane. 

M, Quasi non necesse sit, quidquid isto modo 
pronunties, id aut esse, aut non esse. An tu di- 
alecticis ne imbutus quidem es ? In primis enim 
hoc traditur: Omne pronuntiatum, (sic enim 
mibi in praesentia obcurrit ut appellarem ol/oi/ua, 
utar post alio si invenero melius), id ergo est 
pronuntiatum, quod est ?erum aut falsum. Cum 
aodicis igitur, miser M, Crassus, aut hoc dicis, 
miser est M. Crassus, ut possit judicari venun 
id falsumne sit ; aut nihil dicis omnino. 

A, Age, jam concede non esse miseros qui 
mortui sunt ; quoniam extorsisti ut fattrer, qui 
omnino non essent, eos ne miseros quidem esse 
posse. Quid ? Qui vivimus, cum raoriendum 
sit, nonrie miseri sum us ? Quae enim potest in 
vita esse jucunditas, cum dies et noctes cogi* 
tandum sit, jam jamque esse moriendum ? 
30 M, Ecqui ergo intelligis, quantum mali do 
humana conditione dejeceris ? 

A. Quonam modo ? 

Jf. Quia, si mori etiam mortuis miserum es« 
set, infinitum quoddam et sempiternum malum 



TU8C. qUAESTIONES : ^ 6. 21 

haberemas in vita. Nunc video calcem ; ad 
qaam cum sit decursum, nihil sit praeterea 
extimescendum. Sed tu mihi videris Ephichar- 
mi, acuti nee insulsi hominis, ut Siculi, senten- 
tiam sequi. 

A, duam? non enim novi. 

M, Dicaniy si potero, Latine ; scis enim me 
Graece loqui in Latino sermone non plus soler^, 
quam in Graeco Latine. 

A. Et recte quidem ; sed quae tandem est lo 
Epicharmi ista sententia? 

M, Emori nolo; sed me esse mortuum nihil 
atstimo, 

A. Jam agnosco Graecum ; et quoniam coe- 
gisti ut concederem, qui mortui essent eos mise- 
ros non esse, perfice, si poles, ut ne moriendum 
quidem esse, raiserum putem. 

M. Jam istuc quidem nihil negotii est; sed 
etiam majora molior. 

A. duo modo hoc nihil negotii est? Autso 
qaae sunt tandem ista majora ? 

M, Qruia, quoniam si post mortem nihil est 
mail, ne mors quidem est malum ; cui proximum 
terapus est post mortem, in quo mali nihil esse 
concedis. Ita ne moriendum quidem esse, ma- 
lam est ; id est enim, perveniundum esse ad id, 
qaod non esse malum confitemur. 

A. Uberius ista, quaeso ; haec enim spinosiora 
prius (ut confitear) me cogunt, quam ut assentiar^ 
Sed quae sunt ea, quae dicis te majora moliri ? 30 

Jf. Ut doceam, si possim, non modo malum 
non esse, sed bonum etiam esse mortem. 

A. Non postulo id quidem ; aveo tamen au- 
dire : ut enim non efficias qaod ris, tamen, mors 

2* 



22 TUSC. QUAESTIONES ! §§ G, 7. 

ut malum non sit, efficiesi Sed nihil te inter- 
pellabo ; continentem orationem audire malo. 

M, Quid 1 si te rogavero aliquid, nonne res- 
pondebis ? 

A. Superbum id quidem esset ; sed, nisi quid 
necesse erit, malo ne roges. 

M, Geram tibi morem ; et ea quae vis, ut po- 
tero, explicabo ; nee tamen quasi Pythius Apol- 
lo, certa ut sint et fixa quae dixero ; sed ut ho- 
'^munculus unus e multis, probabilia conjectura 
sequens. Ultra enim quo progrediar, quam ut 
veri Tideam similia, non habeo. Certa dicent ii, 
qui et percipi ea posse dicunt, et se sapientes es- 
se profitentur. 

A, Tu, ut videtur ; nos ad audiendum parati 
sumus. 

M, Mors igitur ipsa, quae videtur notissima 
res esse, quid sit, primum est videndum. Sunt 
enim qui discessum animi a corpore putent esse 

so mortem ; sunt qui nullum censeant fieri disces- 
sum, sed animum et corpus occidere, animumqne 
cum corpore exstingui. Qui discedere animum 
censent, alii statim dissipari, alii diu permanere, 
alii semper. Quid sit porro ipse animus, aut 
ubi, aut unde, magna dissensio est. Aliis cor 
ipsum, animus videtur ; ex quo ex^cordes, ve-^or^ 
deSf coH'Cordesque dicuntur ; et Nasica iile pro- 
dens, bis consul, Corculum ; et, JEgregie eordth 
tus homo, catus Aelius Sextus. 

)i Empedocles animum esse censet cordi suflfb- 
aam sanguinem ; aliis, pars quaedam cerebri 
^iia est animi principntum tenere ; aliis, nee cor 



TDSC. qUAESTIONES : ^^ 7, 8. 23 

ipsam placet, nee cerebri quandam partem, esse 
animutn : sed alii in corde, alii in cerebro, dix- 
erunt animi esse sedem et locum. Animum au- 
tem alii animcun ; ut fere nostri. Declarat no» 
men ; nam et agere animam et efflare dicimus ; 
[et animosoSy et bene animaios, et ex cmimi sen- 
tentia] ; ipse autem animus ab anima dictus est. 
Zeuoni Stoico animus, ignis videtur. 

§8. 

Sed haec quidem quae dixi, cor, cerebrum, 
animam, ignem, vulgo ; reliqua fere singuli. ^" 
Ut multi ante veteres, proxime autem Aristoxe- 
nus, musicus idemque philosophus, ipsius corpo- 
ris intentionem quandam ; velut in cantu et fidi- 
bus quae Harmon ia dicitur, sic ex corporis toti- 
us natura et figura, varios motus cieri, tamquam 
in cantu sonos. Hie ab artificio suo non reces- 
sit ; et tamen dixit aliquid quod ipsum, quale es- 
set, erat multo ante et dictum et explanatum a 
Platone. Xenocrates animi figuram et quasi 
corpus negavit esse ; verum numerum dixit esse, ^ 
cujus vis, (ut jam antea Pythagorae visum erat), 
in natura maxima esset. Ejus doctor, Plato, 
triplicem finxit animam : cujus principatum, id 
est rationem, in capite sicut in arce posuit ; et 
duas partes parere voluit, iram et cupiditatem, 
quas locis suis, iram in pectore, cupiditatem sub- 
ter praecordia, locavit. 

Dicaearchus autem, in eo sermone (quem Co- 
rinthi habitum tribus libris exponit) doctornm 
hominum disputantium, primo libro multos lo-^ 
qnentes facit; duobus, Pherecratem quendam 
Phthioiam senem, quem ait a Deucalione ortum, 



24 TUSC. QUAESTIONES : §§ 8, 9. 

disserentem inducit, nihil esse oranino animam, 
et hoc esse nomen totum inane, frustraque mi- 
imalia et animantes appellari ; neque in bomine 
inesse animum vel animam, nee in bestia ; vim- 
que omnem earn, qua vel agamus quid vel senti- 
amus, in omnibus corporibus vi?is aequabiliter 
esse fusam^ nee separabilem a corpore esse ; 
quippe quae nulla sit, nee sit quidquam nisi cor- 
pus unum et simplex, ita figuratum ut tempera- 
10 tione naturae vigeat et sentiat. 

Aristoteles longe omnibus (Platonem semper 
excipio) praestans et ingenio et diligentia, cum 
quatuor ilia genera principiorum esset complex- 
us e quibus omnia orirentur, quintam quandam 
naturam censet esse, e qua sit mens ; cogitare 
enim, et providere, et discere, et docere, et in- 
venire aliquid, et tam multa alia, meminisse, 
amare, odisse, cupere, timere, angi, laetari — 
haec, et similia eorum, in horum quatuor gene- 

29 rum nullo inesse putat. Quintum genus adhi- 
bet, vacans nomine ; et sic ipsum animum ii^dt' 
A«^f »ay appellat, novo nomine, quasi quandam 
continuatam ^raotionem et perennem. 

Nisi quae me forte fugiunt, hae sunt fere de 
animo sententiae. Democritum enim, magnum 
quidem ilium virum, sed levibus et rotundis cor- 
pusculis efficientem animum concursu quodam 
fortuito, omittamus ; nihil est enim apud iatos, 
quod non atomorum turba conficiat. Harum 
sententiarum quae vera sit, deus aliquis viderit ; 

30 quae verisimillima, magna quaestio est. Utrum 



TUSC. qUAGSTfONES : § 9. 25 

igitur inter has sententias dijudicare malutnus, 
an ad propositum red ire ? 

A, Cuperem equidem utrumque, si posset ; 
sed est difficile confundere. Quare si, ut ista 
non disserantur, liberari mortis metu possumus, 
id agamus ; sin id non potest, nisi hac quaes- 
tione animorum explicata, nunc, si videtur, hoc ; 
illud, alias. 

M, Quod malle te intelligo, id puto esse com- 
modius ; efficiet enim ratio, ut quaecumque vera lo 
sit earum sententiarum quas exposui, mors aut 
malum non sit, aut sit bonum potius. Nam si 
cor, aut sanguis, aut cerebrum est animus, cer- 
te, quoniam est corpus, interibit cum reliquo cor- 
pore. Si anima est, fortasse dissipabitur ; si ig- 
nis, exstinguetur ; si- est Aristoxeni harmonia, 
dissolvetur. Quid de Dicaearcho dicam, qui nihil 
omnino animum dicat esse ? His sententiis om- 
nibus, nihil post mortem pertinere ad quemquam 
potest ; pariter enim cum viik sensus amittitur. 90 
Non sentientis autem, nihil est ullam in partem 
quod intersit. 

Reliquorum sententiae spem afierunt, si te 
forte hoc delectat, posse animos,cum e corpori- 
bus excesserint, in coelum quasi in domicilium 
Buum pervenire. 

A, Me vero delectat : idque primum ita esse 
Telim ; deinde, etiam si non sit, mihi tamen 
persuaderi velim. 

Jf. Quid tibi ergo opera nostra opus est? 30 
Nam eloquentia Platonem superare possumus? 
EfoWe diligenter ejus eum librum, qui est de 
animo ; amplius quod desideres, nihil erit. 

A. Feci mehercule, et quidem saepius; sed. 



26 TUSC. QUAESTIONES : §§9, 10. 

NESCIO QUO MODO, DUM LEGO, ASSENTIOR ; CUM 
POSUI LIBRUM, ET MECUM IPSE DB IMMORTALI- 
TATR ANIMORUM COEPl COGITARE, ASSBN8IO OM- 
NIS ILLA ELABITUR. 

M. Quid hoc ? Dasne, aot manere animos 
post mortem, aut morte ipsa interire ? 

A. Do vero. 

M, Quid, si maneant ? 

A. Beatos esse concedo. 
10 Jf. Si intereant? 

A. Non esse miseros ; quoniam ne sint qni- 
dem. Jam istuc, coacti a te, paullo ante conces- 
simus. 

M, Quo modo igitur, aut cur, mortem malum 
tibi videri dicis ; quae aut beatos nos efficiet, anr- 
mis manentibus; aut non miseros, sensu carentes. 

§10. 

A, Expone igitur, nisi molestum est, pri« 
mum, si poles, animos remanere post mortem ; 
tum si minus id obtinebis (est enim arduum), 

aodocebis, carere omni malo mortem. Ego enim 
istuc ipsum vereor, ne malum sit, non dico ca- 
rere sensu, sed carendum esse. 

Jf. Auctoribus quidem ad istam sententiam, 
quam vis obtineri, uti optimis possumus ; quod 
in omnibus causis et debet et solet valere pluri- 
mum; et primum quidem omni antiquitate; 
quae quo propius aberat ab ortu et divina pro- 
genie, hoc melius ea fortasse, quae erant Tera, 
cernebat. 

39 Itaque unum illud erat insitum priscis illis, 
quos Cascos appellat Ennius, esse in morte sen- 
sum, neque excessu vitae sic deleri hominem ut 



TUSC. qUAESTION£S : ^ 10. 27 

fanditus interiret Idque cum multis aliis rebus, 
turn e poQtificio jure et caeremoniis sepulcrorum, 
iutelligi licet; quas maximis iogeniis praediti 
Dec tanta cura coluissent, nee violatas tarn inex- 
piabili religione sanxissent, nisi haesisset in eo- 
rum mentibus, mortem non interitum esse omnia 
tollentem atque delentem, sed quandam quasi 
migrationem commutationemque vitae, quae in 
Claris viris et faeminis dux in caelum soleret es- 
se ; in ceteris humi retineretur, et permaneretio 
tamen. Ex hoc, et nostrorum opinione, Ro' 
mulus in caeh cum diis agit aevum, ut famae 
assentiens dixit Ennius ; et apud Graecos, in- 
deque perlapsus ad nos et usque ad Oceanum 
Hercules, tantus et tarn praesens habetur 
deus. Hinc Liber, Semela natus; eademque 
famae celebritate Tyndaridae fratres, qui non 
modo adjutores in proeliis victoriae populi Ro- 
mani, sed etiam nuntii fuisse perhibentur. 
Quid ? Ino, Cadmi filia, nonne Leucothea no- so 
roinata a Graecis, Matuta habetur a nostris? 
Quid? totum prope caelum, ne plures perse- 
quar, nonne humano genere completum est? 
Si ?ero scrutari vet^ra, et ex his ea, quae scripto- 
res Graeci prodiderunt, eruere coner ; ipsi illi, 
majorum gentium Dii qui habentur, hinc a nobis 
prefect! in caelum reperientur. Quaere, quorum 
demonstrantur sepulcra in Graecia ; reminis- 
cere, quoniam es initiatus, quae traduntur mys- 
teriis ; turn denique, quam hoc late pateat, in- 90 
telliges. 

Sed qui nonduro ea (quae multis post anuis 
tradari coepissent) physica didicissent, tantum 
libi persuaserant, quantum natura admonente 



28 * TUBC. QUAESTI0NE8 : ^ 11. 

cognoverant. Rationes et causaa rerum non 
tenebaDt. Visis quibusdam saepe moYebantar 
bisque maxime nocturnis, ut Tiderentur ii, qai 
vita excesserant, vivere. 

§ 11. 

Ut porro firmissimum afferri Tidetur, eur deoe 
esse credamus, quod nulla gens tarn fera, neoK 
omnium tarn sit immanis, cujus mentem non im< 
buerit deorum opinio. Multi de diis prava sea* 
tiunt; id enim vitioso more effici solet ; omnei 

10 tamen esse vim et naturam divinam arbitrantur 
Nee Tero id collocutio hominum aut consensot 
effecit ; non institutis opinio est coniirmata, non 
legibus. Omni autem in re, consensio omniuni 
gentium hx naturae putanda est. Quis est, igl 
tur, qui suorum mortem primum non eo lugeat 
quod eos orbatos vi'ie commodis arbitretur' 
ToUe banc opinionem, luctum sustuleris. Ne 
mo enim maeret suo incommode. Dolent for 
tasse et anguntur ; sed ilia lugubris Iamentati< 

so fletusque maerens ex eo est, quod eum quem di 
eximus Titae commodis privatum arbitramur, id 
que sentire. Atque haec ita sentimus natuW 
dtice, nulla ratione, nullaque doctrini. 

Maximum vero argumentum est, naturam ip 
sam de immortalitate animorum tacitam judi 
care, quod omnibus curae sunt, et maxime qui 
dem, quae post mortem futura sint. Serit arba 
res, quae akeri saeculo prosint, ut ait Statins ii 
Synephebis ; quid spectans, nisi etiam posten 

30 secula ad se pertinere 1 Ergo arbores seret dil 
igens agricola, quarum adspiciet baccam ipM 
nunqnam ; vir magnus legea^ instituta, rempab 



TUSC. ^UAESTIONES : ^§ 11, 12. 29 

licam noD seret? duid procreatio liberorum, 
quid propagatio nominis, quid adoptiones filio- 
rum, quid testamentorum diligentia, quid ipsa se- 
pulcrorum monumenta, quid elogia significant, 
nisi nos futura etianhcogitare? duid? illud num 
dubitas, quin specimen naturae capi debeat ex op- 
tima quaque natura ? duae est, igitur, melior in 
hominum genera natura, quam eorum qui se na- 
tos ad homines juvandos, tutandos, conservan- 
dos arbitrantur ? Abiit ad deos Hercules ; num- lo 
quam abiisset, nisi, cum inter homines esset, earn 
sibi viam munivisset. Vetera jam ista, et reli- 
gione omnium consecrata. 

§ 12. 

duid in hac republica tot tantosque viros, ob 
rempublicam interfectos, cogitasse arbitramur ? 
lisdemne ut finibus nomen suum, quibus vita, 
termiuaretur ? Nemo umquam, sine magna spe 
immortal itis, se pro patria offerret ad n^ortem. 
Licait esse otioso Themistocli; licuit Epamin- 
ondae ; licuit, ne et vetera et externa quaeram, ao 
mihi. Sed, nescio quomodo, inhaeret in 

MENTIBUS QUASI SAECULORUM QUODDAM AUGU- 

RiuM FUTURORUM ; idque in maximis ingeniis al- 
tissimisque animis et existit maxime, et apparet 
facillime. duo quidem demto, quis tarn esset 
amens, qui semper in laboribus et periculis viv- 
eret ? Loquor de principibus. 

duid poetae ? Nonne post mortem nobilitari 
Tolunt ? Unde ergo illud : 

Adtpicite o cives senis Ennii imaginis formam, 30 

Hie vettruin pinzit maxima facta patrum. 

Mercedem gloriae flagitat ab iis, quorum patrea 
afl^rat glori&. Idemque : 



30 TUSC. ^UAESTIONES : ^^ 12,13. 

Nemo m« lacrymis decorat, dm fancra fleta 
Faxit. Cor l Volito vivu* per ora virnm. 

Sed quid poetas ? Opifices post mortem no- 
bilitari volunt. duid enim Phidias sui similem 
speciem inclusit in clypeo Minervae, cum inscri- 
bere non liceret? Cluid nostri philosophi? 
Nonne in his ipsis libris, quos scribunt de coQ- 
temnenda gloria, sua nomina inscribunt ? 

Quod si omnium consensus naturae vox est ; 
loomnesque, qui ubique sunt, consentiunt esse 
aliquid quod ad eos pertineat qui viti cesserint ; 
nobis quoque idem existimandurn est. Et si, 
quorum aut ingenio aut virtute animus excellit, 
eos arbitramur (quia naturi optimd sunt) cer- 
nere naturae vim maxime ; verisimile est, cum 
optimus quisque maxime posteritati serviat, esse 
aliquid cujus is post mortem sensum sit habiturus. 

§13. 

Sed ut deos esse, natura opinamur ; qualeS' 
que sint, ratione cognoscimus : sic permanere 

so animos, arbitramur consensu nationum omnium ; 
qua in sede maneant qualesque sint, ratione dis- 
cendum est. Cujus ignoratio finxit Inferos, eas- 
que formidines quas tu contemnere non sine 
causa videbare. Tn terram enim cadeutibas 
corporibus, hisque humo tectis (e quo dictum 
est humari), sub terra censebant reliquam vitam 
agi mortuorum. Quam eorum opinionem mag- 
ni errores consecuti sunt : quos auxerunt poetae. 
Frequens enim consessus theatri, in quo sunt 

ao mulierculae et pueri, movetur audiens tam gran- 
de carmen : 

Adsum, atque advenio Acheronte, viz, via alta atqoe ardua; 
Per tpeluncas saxis structas asperis, pendentibus, 
Maxinois ; ubt rigida coiutat craisa oaligo (aferumj 



TCSC. (^UAESTIONES : ^ 13, 14. 31 

Tantumque valuit error (qai mihi quidem jam 
sublatus videtur), ut corpora cremata cum 8ci- 
rent, tamen ea fieri apud Inferos fingerent, qaae 
sine corporibus nee fieri possent nee intelligi. 
Animos enim per se ipsos viventes, non poterant 
mente complecti ; formam aliquam figuramque 
quaerebant. Inde Homeri tota vfxvia ; inde ea 
quae meus amicus Appius vexgofiaviela facie- 
bat ; inde in vicinia nostra Averni lacus, 

Unde animae excitantar, obteora umbra opertae, ostio |q 

AIti Acheron tis, fa Iso sanguine, itnagines mortaoruna. 

Has tamen imagines loqui volunt ; quod fieri nee 
sine lingua, nee sine palato, nee sine faucium la- 
terumve et pulmonum vi et figura potest. Nihil 
enim animo videre poterant ; ad oculos omnia re- 
ierebant. Magni autem est ingenii sevocare men- 
tem a sensibus, et cogitationem a consuetudine 
abducere. Itaque (credo equidem etiam alios tot 
saeculis, sed) quod litteris exstet, Pherecydes 
Syrius primum dixit, animos hominum esse sem-^o 
piternos. Antiquus sane, fiiit enim meo regnan- 
te gentili. Hanc opinionem discipulus ejus 
Pythagoras maxime confirmavit : qui, cum Su- 
perbo regnante in Italiam venisset, tenuit Mag- 
Dam illam Graeciam cum honore disciplinae 
torn etiam auctoritate : multaque saecula postea 
sic viguit Pythagoreorum nomen, ut nulli alii 
docti viderentur. 

^14. 

Sed redeo ad antiquos. Rationem illi senten- 
tiae suae non fere reddebant, nisi quid erat nu-30 
meris aut descriptionibus explicandum. Plato- 
nem ferant, ut Pythagoreos cognosceret, in Ita- 



32 TUSC. QUA.ESTIONES : § 14. 

liam venisse, et didicisse Pythagorea omnia ; pri- 
mumque de animonim aeternitate hoq soluia 
seosisse idem quod Pythagoram, sed rationem 
etiam attulisse ; quam (nisi quid dicis) praeter- 
mittamus, et banc totam spem immortalitatia 
relinquamus. 

A. An tu, cum me in summam exspectatio- 

nem adduxeris, deseris? Errare, meherculb, 

MALO CUM Platone, (quem tu quanti facias scio, 

10 et quem ex tuo ore admiror), quam cum istis 

VERA SENTIRE. 

M, Macte virtute ; ego enim ipse cum eodem 
ipso non invitus erraverim. Num igitur dubi- 
tamus, sicut pleraque, sic et hoc ? Quamquam 
hoc quidem minime ; persuadent enim matbe- 
matici, terrara in medio mundo sitam, ad univer- 
si caeli complexum quasi puncti instar obtinere, 
quod %ipTQOv illi vocant ; eam porro naturam 
esse quatuor omnia gignentium corporum, at 

90 quasi partita babeant inter se et divisa momenta. 
Terrena et bumida, suopte nutu et suo pondere, 
ad pares angnlos in terram et in mare ferantur; 
reliquae duae partes, una ignea altera animalis, 
ut illae superiores in medium locum mundi grav- 
itate ferantur et pondere, sic bae rursum rectis 
lineis in caelestem locum subvolent, sive ipsa 
natur& superiora appetente, sive quod a graviori- 
bus leviori naturi repellantut. 
Quae cum constent, perspicuum debet esse, 

doanimos, cum e corpore excesserint, sive ilii sint 
animales (id est, spirabiles), sive tones', in sub- 
lime ferri. Si vero aut numerus quidam sit ani- 
mus, quod subtiliter magis quam dilucide dici- 
tur ; aut quirUa ilia non oominata magis quam 



Tusc. ai^ASSTioNxs : § 14, 15. 33 

non intellecta natura ; multo etiam integriora ac 
pnriora sunt, ut a terra longiasime se efferant 
Homm igitur aliquid animus est, nee tam vege- 
ta mens aut in corde cerebrore, aut in £mpe« 
docleo sanguine demersa jaceat. 

§15. 

Dicaearcbum vero, cum Aristoxeno aequali et 
condiscipulo suo, doctos sane homines, omitta- 
mus ; quorum alter ne condoluisse quidem un- 
quam videtur, qui animum se habere non senti- 
at ; alter ita delectatur suis cantibus, ut eos eti- lo 
am ad haec transferre conetur. Harmoniam au- 
tem ex intervallis sonorum nosse possumus, quo> 
rum varia compositio etiam harmonfas efficit 
plures ; membrorum vero situs ct figura corpo- 
ris, racans animo,quam possit harmoniam efficere 
non video. Sed hie quidem, quamns eruditua 
sit (sicut est), haec magistro concedat Aristot- 
eli ; canere ipse doceat : bene enim. illo prover- 
bio Graecorum praecipitur, 

Quam quiaqoo norit artem, in hac M exereeat. SO 

niam vero funditus ejiciamus Individ uorum 
oorporum levium et rotundorum concursionem 
fbrtuitam ; quam tamen Democritus concale- 
fiictaro et spirabilem, id est, animalem esse vo- 
luit. Is autem animus, qui, si est horum qua- 
tuor generum ex quibus omnia constare dicun- 
tor, ex inflammata anima constat, (ut potissimym 
videri video Panaetio), sgperiora capessat ne- 
cesae est ; nihil enim habent haec duo genera 
proDi, et supera semper petont. Ita, sive di»>90 
iipuitur, procul a lerris id evenif ; aife perma- 



34 TUSC. <lUAE8TI0NEg : ^ 15, 16. 

nent et conservant habitum saum, hoc etiam 
magis necesse est ferantur ad caelum, et ab his 
perrumpatur et dividatur crassas hie et concre* 
• tus aer qui est terrae proximus : calidior est 
enira, vel potius ardentior aoimus, qaam est hie 
aer, quem modo dixi crassum atque concretam ; 
quod ex eo sciri potest, quia corpora nostra, ter- 
reno principiorum genere confecta, ardore animi 
concalescunt. 

§16. 

10 Accedit, ut eo facilius animus evadat ex hoc 
acre, quem saepe jam appello, eumque perram- 
pat, quod nihil est aoimo velocius ; nulla est 
celeritas, quae possit cum animi celeritate con- 
tendere : qui si permanet incorruptus suique 
similis, necesse est ita feratur, ut (^netret et 
dividat omne caelum hoc, in quo nubes, imbres, 
ventique coguntur, quod et humidum et caligi- 
nosum est propter exhalationes terrae. . duam 
regionem cum snperavit animus, naturamque sui 

sosimilem contigit et agnovit, junctis ex anim^ 
tenui et ex ardore solis temperate ignibus in- 
sistit, et finem altius se efferendi facit. Cum 
enim sui similem et levitatem et caiorem adep- 
tus, tamquam paribus examinatus ponderibus, 
nullam in partem roovetnr ; eaque ei demam 
naturalis est sedes, cum ad sui similem pene« 
travit, in quo nulla re egens aletnr, et sustenta- 
bitur iisdem rebus quibus astra sustentantur et 
aluntur. 

30 Cumque corporis facibus inflammari soleamas 
ad omnes fere cupiditates ; eoque magis incendi, 
quod iis aemulemur qui ea habeant quae nos 



TUSC. <^UAS9TIONS9 : ^16. 35 

habere cupiamus; profecto beati erimus, cum, 
corporibus reiictis, et cupiditatum et aemulatio- 
Dum erimus expertes. duodque nunc facimas, 
cum laxati curis sumus, ut spectare aliquid veli- 
mus et visere; id multo turn faciemus liberius, 
totosque nos in contemplandis rebus perspicien« 
disque ponemus, propterea quod et natura inest 
mentibus nostris insatiabilis quaedam cupiditas 
veri videndi : et orae ipsae locorum illorum quo 
pervenerimus, quo faciliorem nobis cognitionem ^® 
rerum caelestium, eo majorem cognoscendi cu- 
piditatenKdabunt. 

Haec enim pulchritudo, etiam in terris, patri- 
am illam et avitam (ut ait Theophrastus) philo* 
sophiam, cognitionis cupiditate incensam, exci- 
tavit. Praecipue vero fruentur ek, qui turn 
etiam, cum has terras incolentes circumfusi eraut 
caligine, tamen acie mentis dispicere cupiebant. 
Etenim si nunc aliquid assequi se putant, qui 
ostium Ponti viderunt, et eas angustias, per^ 
quas penetravit ea quae est nominata, 

Argo, quia Argivi in ea, delicti viri, 
Veeti, petebant pellem inauratam arietts ; 

aut ii, qui Oceani freta ilia viderunt, 

Enropam, Libyamque rapax ubi dividit unda ; 

quod tandem spectaculum fore putamus, cum 
totam terram contueri licebit, ejusque cum si- 
tura, formam, circumscriptionem, tum et ha- 
bitabiles regiones, et rursum omni cultu propter 
vim frigoris aut caloris vacantes ? so 

Nos enim ne nunc quidem oculis cernimas 
ea, quae videmus ; neque enim est ullus sensus 
in corpora ; sed^ (at non ^ solum physici docent^ 



36 TUSC* ^UAESTIONES : ^ 16, 17. 

Terum etiam medici qui ista aperta et pate&cta 
viderunt), viae quasi quaedam sunt ad ocnlos, 
ad aures, ad nares, a sede animi perforatae. Itft- 
que saepe aut cogitatione, aut aliqua vi morbi 
impediti, apertis atque integris et oculis et auuri* 
bus, nee videmus, nee audimus ; ut facile intel- 
ligi possit, animum et videre et audire, non eas 
partes quae quasi fenestrae sunt animi : quibua 
tamen sentire nihil queat mens, nisi id agat et 

10 adsit. 

Quid? quod eadem mente res dissiraillimas 
comprehendimus, ut colorem, saporem, calorem, 
odorem, sonum ? quae numquam quinque nnntiis 
animus cognosceret, nisi ad eum omnia referren« 
tur, et is omnium judex solus esset Atque ea 
profecto turn multo puriora et diiucidiora cer* 
nentur, cum, quo natura fert, liber animus per- 
venerit. Nam nunc quidem, quamquam forami- 
na ilia quae patent ad animum a corpore, cal- 

aolidissimo artificio natura fabricata est, tameo 
terrenis concretisque corporibus sunt intersepta 
quodammodo. Cum autem nihil erit praeter 
animum, nulla res objecta impediet, quo minus 
percipiat quale quidque sit. 

§17. 

Quamvis copiose haec diceremus, si res pos- 
tularet, quam multa, quam varia, quanta specta- 
cula animus in locis caelestibus esset habitarus. 
Quae quidem cogitans, soleo saepe mirari non- 
nullorum insolentiam philosophorum, qui naturae 
30 cognitionem admirantur, ejusque inventori et 
principi gratias exultantes agunt, eumque vene- 
rantur ut deum ; liberatos enim se per eum 



TUSC^ atTAESTIONES I §<J 17, 18. 37 

dicant gravissimis dominis, terrore sempiterno, 
et diurao ac nocturno metu. Quo terrore ? 
CIqo metu? Quae est anus tarn delira, quae 
tiroeat ista, quae vos videlicet, si physica non 
didicissetis, timeretis? 

- Aeherasia templa, alta Orci .... 
Falatia Leti, obnubila tenebria loca ! 

Non pudet pbilosopbum in eo gloriari, quod haec 
non timeat, et quod falsa esse cognoverit? ex 
quo intelligi potest, quam acuti natura sint, qui ^^ 
haec sine doctrina credituri fuerint. 

Praeclarum autem nescio quid adepti sunt, 
quod didicerunt, se, cum tempus mortis venisset, 
totos esse perituros. Quod ut ita sit (nihil enlm 
pugno), quid habet ista res aut laetabile, aut 
gloriosumi Nee tamen mihi sane quidquam 
occarrit, cur non Pytbagorae Jut et Platonis vera 
sententia ; ut enim rationem Plato nullam affer- 
rety (vide quid homini tribuam), ipsa auctoritate 
me frangeret. Tot autem rationes attulit, ut90 
velle ceteris, sibi certe persuasisse videatur. 

§18. 

Sed plurimi contra nituntur, animosquc quasi 
capite damnatos morte multant. Neque aliud est 
quidquam, cur incredibilis his animorum videa- 
tur aeternitas, nisi quod nequeunt, qualis animus 
sit vacans corpore, intelligere et cogitatione 
comprehendere. Quasi vero intelligant, qualis 
sit in ipso corpore, quae conformatio, quae 
magnitudo, qui locus ; ut, si jam possent in bom- 
ine vivo cerni omnia quae nunc tecta sunt, ca- so 
surnsne in conspectum videatur animus ; an tan- 
ta sit ejus tenuitas, ut fugiat aciem. 



38 TUSC* <^UA.ESTIONE8 : §^ 18, 19. 

Haec reputent isti, qui negant animom sioe 
corpore se iotelligere posse. Videbunty quein in 
ipso corpore intelligant. Mihi qaidem naturam 
animi intuenti, multo difficilior occurrit cogita^ 
tio multoque obscurior, qualis animus in corpo- 
re sit, tamquam alieuae domi ; quam qualis cum 
exierit et in liberuni caelum, quasi domum, 
venerit. Nisi enim, quod numquam vidimus, id 
quale sit intelligere non possumus ; certe et De- 

10 um ipsum, et divinum animum corpore libera- 
tum, cogitatione complectt possumus. 

Dicaearcbus quidem et Aristoxenus, quia di^ 
ficilis erat animi quid aut qualis esset intellig^ 
lia, nullum omnino animum esse dixerunt Est 
illud quidem vel maximum, animo ipso animum 
videre ; et nimirum banc habet vim praeceptum 
Apollinis, quo monet ut se quisque noscat Non 
enim, credo, id praecipit, ut membra nostra aut 
staturam figuramve noscamus. Neque nos cor* 

9opora sumus ; neque ego, tibi dicens boc, corpori 
tuo dico. Cum igitur noscb te dicit, hoc 
dicit : NoscE animum tuum. Nam corpus qai- 
dem quasi vas est, aut aliquod animi receptacu- 
lum. Ab animo tuo quidquid agitur, id agitar 
a te. Hunc igitur nosse, nisi divinum esset, 
non esset hoc acripris cujusdam animi praecep* 
turn, sic, ut tributum deo sit, [hoc est, se ipsuio 
posse cognoscere.] 

§ 19. 

Sed si qualis sit animus, ipse animus nesciet ; 

30 die, quaeso, ne 6556 quidem se sciet ? ne mover! 

quidem se ? Ex quo ilia ratio nata est Platonis, 

quae a Socrate est in Phaedro explicata, a mc 



TUSC. ^UAESTIONES I § lO. 39 

antem posita est in sexto libro de Republica : 
" duod semper movetur, aeternum est ; quod 
aatem motum affert alicui, quodque ipsum agita- 
tor aliunde, quando finem habet motus, vivendi 
finem habeat necesse est. Solum igitur quod se 
ipsum movet, quia numquam deseritur a se, 
numqnam ne mover! quidem desinit ; quinetiam 
ceteris quae moventur, hie fons, hoc principium 
est movendi. Principii autem nulla est origo. 
Nam e principio oriuntur omnia ; ipsum autem lo 
nulla ex re alia nasci potest ; nee enim esset 
principium, quod gigneretur aliunde. Cluod si 
numquam oritur, ne occidit quidem umquam ; 
nam principium exstinctum nee ipsum ab alio 
renascetur, nee a se aliud creabit, siquidem 
necesse est a principio oriri omnia. Ita fit, ut 
fflotus principium ex eo sit, quod ipsum a se 
fnoTetur. Id autem nee nasci potest, nee mo- 
ri ; vel concidat omne caelum omnisque terra, 
consistat necesse est, nee vim ullam nanciscatur so 
qua prime impulsa moveator. Cum pateat igi- 
tur, aeternum id esse quod se ipsum moveat, 
quis est qui banc naturam animis esse tributam 
neget ? Inanimum est enim omne, quod pulsu 
agitatnr externo; quod autem est animal, id 
motu cietur interiore et sue. Nam haec est 
propria natura animi atque vis ; quae, si est una 
ex omnibus quae se ipsa semper moveat, neque 
nata certe est, et aeterna est." 

Licet concurrant plebeii. omnes philosophi, 30 
(sic enim ii qui a Platone et Socrate et ab ea 
nmilia dissident, appellandi videntur), non mode 
nihil umquam tam eleganter explicabunt, sed ne 
hoc quidem ipsum quam aubtiliter conclusum 



> 



40 TUSC. aUAESTlONES : <^§ 19, 20. 

sit, intelligent. Sentit igitur animus se moveri ; 
quod cum sentit, illud una sentit, se vi sua non 
aliena moveri ; nee accidere posse ut ipse um- 
quam a se deseratur. E\ quo efficitur aeterni- 
tas ; nisi quid babes ad haec. 

A, Ego vero facile sum passus, ne in mentem 
quidem mihi aliquid contra venire ; ita isti finveo 
sententiae. 

§20. 

M, Quid ilia tandem ? Num leviora censes, 
10 quae declarant inesse in animis boniinum divint 
quaedam? quae si cernerem quemadmodum 
nasci possent, etiam quemadmodum interirent 
viderem. Nam sanguinem, bilem, pituitam, 
ossa, nervos, venas, omnem denique meoiborum, 
et totius corporis iiguram, videor posse dicere 
unde concreta, et quo modo facta sint ; animuni 
ipsum, si nibil esset in eo nisi id, ut per eum 
viveremus, tam natura putarem bominis vitam 
sustentari, quam vitis, quam arboris ; baec enim 
so etiam dicimus vivere. Item si nihil baberet ani- 
mus bominis, nisi ut appeteret aut refugeret, id 
quoque esset ei commune cum bestiis. 

Habet primum memoriam, et earn infinitaro, 
rerum innumerabilium. duam quidem Plato 
recordationem esse vult superioris vitae ; nam 
in illo libro, qui inscribitur Menon, pusionem 
quendam Socrates interrogat quaedam geometri- 
ca de dimensione quadrati. Ad ea sic ille re* 
spondet, ut puer ; et tamen, ita faciles interroga- 
sotionessunt, ut gradatim respondens eodem per- 
veniat quo si geometrica didicisset. Ex quo 
effici vult Socrates, ut discere nihil aliud sit nisi 



* TUSC. QUAESTIONES : § 21 . 41 

recordari. duem locum multo etiam accuratius 
explicat in eo sermone, quern habuit eo ipso die 
quo excessit e vita ; docet eniin, quemvis, qui 
omnium rerum rudis iesse videatur, bene inter- 
roganti respondentem, declarare se non turn ilia 
discere, sed reminiscendo recognoscere ; nee 
vero fieri uUo modo posse, ut, a pueris, tot re- 
rum atque tantarum insitas et quasi consignatas 
ID animis notiones (quas ivvoiag vocant) habere- 
mus, nisi animus, antequam in corpus intravis- lo 
set, in rerum cognitione viguisset. Cumque ni- 
hil esset, ut omnibus locis a Platone disseritur, 
(nihil enim ille putat esse quod oriatur et inte- 
reat, idque solum esse quod semper tale sit qua- 
lem idtav appellat ille, nos speciem), non potuit 
animus haec in corpore inclusus agnoscere ; cog- 
nita attulit. Ex quo tam multarum rerum cogni- 
tionis admiratio tollitur. Neque ea plane videt 
animus, cum tam repente in insolitum tamque 
perturbatum domicilium immigravit ; sed cum 20 
06 collegit atque recreavit, tum agnoscit ilia 
reminiscendo. Ita nihil aliud est discere^ nisi 
recordari. 

Ego autem, majore etiam quodam modo, me- 
moriam admiror. duidest enim illud, quomem- 
inimus ? Aut quam habet vim ; aut unde na- 
tam ? Non quaero, quanta memoria Simonides 
fuisse dicatur ; quanta Theodectes ; quanta is, 
qui a Pyrrho legatus ad senatum est missus, Cy- 
neas; quanta nuper Charmadas ; quanta, qui 30 
rooda fuit, Scepsius Metrodorus ; quanta noster 
Hortensius. De communi hominum memoria 
loquor, et eorum maxime qui in aliquo majore 
stodio et arte versantur ; quorum quanta mens 



42 TUSC, ^UAESTIONES : ^ 21. 

sit, difficile est existimare ; ita multa memin^ 
runt. 

§21. 

duorsum igitur haec dpectat oratio ? Cluae 
sit ilia vis, et unde, intelligendum puto. Nob 
est certe nee cordis, nee saiigainis, nee cerebri, 
nee atomorum. Anima sit animus,^ ignisre, 
nescio ; nee me pudet, ut istos, fateri nesctre 
quod nesciam. Illud, si ulla alia de re obscura 
affirmare posserti, (sive anima. sive ignis sit ani- 

iomus),eum jurarem esse divinum. Quid enim, 
obsecro te ; terrane tibi, aut hoc nebuloso et 
caliginoso coelo, aut sata aut eoncreta videtar 
tanta vis memoriae ? Si quid sit hoe non vides, 
at quale sit vides ; si ne id quidem, et qutmium 
sit profecto vides. 

Quid igitur? Utrum capaeitatem aliqaaro 
in animo putamus esse, quo, tamquam in aliqaod 
vas, ea quae meminimus infundantur? Ahsnr- 
dum id quidem ; qui enim fundus, aut quae 

90 talis animi figura, intelligi potest. Aut quae 
tanta omnino capacitas? An imprimi quasi 
ceram animum putamus, et memoriam esse 
signatarum rerum in mente vestigia? Quae 
possunt verborum, quae rerum ipsarum, esse 
vestigia ? Quae porro tam immensa magnitudo, 
quae ilia tam multa possit effingere? Qaidj? 
Ilia vis, quae tandem est quae investigat occulta, 
quae inventio atque exeogitatio dicitur ? Er 
hacne tibi terrena, mortal ique natura et cadar 

30 eoncreta ea videtur ? Aut qui primus, q 
summae sapientiae Pythagorae visum est, of 
bus rebus imposuit nomina ? Aut qui dist 



Tusc* q,nA£sTioNEs : § 32, 23* 43 

t08 homines congregavit, et ad societatem vitae 
convocavit ? Aut qui sonos vocis, qoi infiniti 
videbantur, paucis littera'rum notis terminavil t 
Aut qui errantium stellaram cursus, regressiones, 
institiones notavit? Omnes magni ; etiam su- 
periores, qui fruges, qui vestituoi, qui tecta, qui 
cultum vitae, qui praesidia contra (eras, invene- 
runt ; a quibus mansuefacti et exculti, a neces- 
sariis artificiis ad elegantiora defluximus. Nam 
^t auribus oblectatio magna parta est, inventa et iq 
temperata varietate et natura sonorum. 

Et astra suspeximus, turn ea quae sunt 
infixa certis locis, turn ilia non re sed voca- 
bulo errantia; quorum conversiones omnes- 
que motus qui animo vidit, is docuit similem ani- 
mum suum ejus esse, qui ea fabricatus esset in 
caelo. Nam cum Archimedes lunae, solis, qnin- 
que errantium, motus in sphaeram illigavit ; ef- 
fecit idem quod ille, qui in Timaeo mundum 
aedificavit, Platonis deus, ut tarditate et celeri- so 
tate dissimillimos motus una regeret conversio. 
Quod si in hoc mundo fieri sine deo non potest, 
ne in sphaera quidem eosdem motus Archimedes 
sine divino ingenio potuisset imitari. 

§22. 

Mihi vero ne haec quidem notiora et illustrio- 
ra carere vi divina videntur, ut ego aut poetam 
grave plenumque carmen sine caelesti aliquo 
mentis instinctu putem fundere ; aut eloquen- 
tiam sine quadam vi majore fluere, abundantem 
sonantibus verbis uberibusque sententiis. Philo- so 
sophia vero, omnium mater artium, quid est 
aliud, nisi (ut Plato ait) donum, (ut ego), inventum 



44 Tusc. ^UAESTiONEs : §§ 22, 23. 

deorum 1 Haec nos primum ad illorum cultum ; 
deinde ad jus homiDum, quod situm est in gen- 
eris humani societate ; turn ad modestiam mag- 
nitudlDemque animi, erudivit : eademque ab aoi- 
mo, tamquam ab oculis, caliginem dispolit^ vt 
omnia supera, infera, prima, ultima, media vide- 
remus. Prorsus haec divina mthi videtur vis, 
quae tot res efficiat et tantas. duid est enim 
memoria rerum et verborum 1 duid porro in- 

10 ventio ? Profecto id, quo nee in deo quidqufin 
majus intelligi potest. Non enim ambrosia de- 
cs, aut ncctare^ aut Juventate pocula minis- 
trante, laetari arbitror ; nee Homerum audio, 
qui Ganymedem a diis raptum ait propter for- 
mam, ut Jovi bibere ministraret. Non justa 
causa, cur Laomedonti tanta fieret injuria. 
Fingebat baec Homerus, et humana ad decs 
transferebat ; divina mallem ad nos. Cluae au- 
tem divina ? Vigere, sapere, invenire^ memin- 

Misse. Ergo animus (ut ego dico) divinus est; 
ut Euripides audet dicere, deus : et quidem 
si deus aut anima aut ignis est, idem est animus 
hominis. Nam ut ilia natura caelestis et terra 
vacat et humore ; sic utriusque harum rerum 
humanus animus est expers. Sin autem est 
quinta quaedam natura, ab Aristotele inducta ; 
primum haec et deorum est et animcMrum. 

$23. 

Hanc DOS sententiam secuti, his ipsis verbis 

in Consolatione haec expressimus : *' Animo- 

rum nulla in terris origo inveniri potest ; nihil 

30 enim est in animis mixtum atque concretum, 

aut quod ex terra natum atque fictum esse vi« 



TU8C. QUAESTIONES : ^^ 23,^24. 45 

deatur ; nihil ne aut humidum quidem, aut fla* 
bile, aut igneum. His enim in natnris nihil in- 
est, quod vim memoriae^ mentis, cogitationis 
habeat ; quod et praeterita teneat, et futura pro- 
videat, et coipplecti possit praesentia ; quae sola 
divina sunt. Nee invenietur umquam, unde ad 
hominem venire possint, nisi a.deo. Singularis 
est igitur quaedam natura atque vis animi, se 
juncta ab his asitatis notisque naturi?. Ita quid- 
quid est iliud, quod sentit, quod sapit, quod vivit, lo 
quod viget, caeleste et divinum est ; ob eamque 
rem, aeternum sit necesse est. Nee vero deus 
ipse, qui inteliigitur a nobis, alio modo intelli- 
gi potest, nisi mens soluta quaedam et libera, 
segregata ab omni concretione mortali, omuiaque 
sentiens et raovens, ipsaque praedita motu sem- 
piterno.'* Hoc e genere, atque eadem e natura, 
est humana mens. 

§24. 

Ubi igitur, aut qualis est ista mens? Ubi 
tua, aut' qualis ? Potesne dicere? An, si om- :30 
nia ad intelligendum non habeo quae habere 
vellem, ne iis quidem quae habeo mihi per te 
nti licebit? Non valet tantum animus ut se ip- 
se videat ; at, ut^ oculus, sic animus se non vi- 
dens alia cemit. Non videt autem (quod mini- 
mum est) formam suam. Fortasse ; quamquam 
id quoque ; sed relinquamus. Vim certe, sa- 
gacitatem, memoriam, motum, celeritatem videt. 
Haec magna, haec divina, haec sempiterna 
sunt. Cluae facie quidem sit, aut ubi habitet, 3u 
ne quaerendnm quidem est. Ut cum videmus 
apectem primum oandoremque caeli; deinde 

3* 



4G TUSC. QUAESTIONES : § 24. 

conversionis celeritatem tantam, quantam cogi- 
tare non possumus ; turn ?icissitudines dierum 
atque noctium, commutationesque temporum 
quadripartitaSy ad niaturitatem frugum et ad 
temperationem corpora m aptas ; eorumque om- 
nium moderatorem et ducem solem ; lunamque 

. accretione et diminutione luminis, quasi fasto- 
rum notis signantem dies ; turn in eodem orbe 
in duodecim partes distributo, quinque Stellas 

loferri eosdem cursus constantissime servantes, 
disparibus inter se motibus ; nocturnamque cae- 
11 formam undique sideribus ornatam : turn glo- 
buni terrae eminentem e mari fixum in medio 
mundi universi loco, duabus oris distantibus ha- 
bitabilem et cultum ; quarum altera, quam nos 
incolimus, 

Sub axe posita ad stellat septem, ande horrifer 
Aquilonia stridor ^elidas molitur nives ; 

altera australis, ignota nobis, quam vocant Grae- 
ji3 ci (xvilj^d^ova ; ceteras partes incultas, quod aut 
frigore rigeant aut urantur calore ; hie autem, 
ubi habitamuSy non intermittit suo tempore, 

Caelain niteseere, arborea frondescere, 
Viteg laetificae pampinis pubescere, 
Rami baccarum uberitate incurvescere, 
Segetes largiri fruses, florere omnia, 
FoDtes scatere, herbis prata cdnveatirior; 

turn muhitudinem pecudum, partim ad vescen- 
d.um, partim ad cultas agrorum, partim ad ve- 
.^^ bendum, partim ad corpora vestienda ; homi- 
nemque ipsum quasi contemplatorem caeli ac de- 
orum, ipsorumque cultorem ; atque hominis util- 
itati agros omnes et maria parentia-^haec igitur 
et alia innumerabilia cum cernimus, possumus- 
ne dubitare, quin his praesit aliquis yel Effector , 



Tusc. QUAESTioNEs : ^§ 24, 25. 47 

si haec nata sunt (ut Platoni videtur), vel si sem" 
per fuerint (ut Aristoteli placet), Moderator 
tanti operis et muneris ? Sic mentem hominis, 
quamvis earn non ?ideas, (ut deura non vides), 
tamen, ut deum agnosgis ex operibus ejus, 

SIC EX MEMORIA RERVM, ET , INVENTIONE, ET 
CELERITATE MOTUS, OMNIQUE PULCHRITUDINE 
VIRTUTIS, VIM DIVINAM BitSNTIS AGNOSCITO. 

§ 25. 

In quo igitur loco est? Credo equidem in 
capite ; et cur credam, afferre possum. Sed lo 
alias ; nunc ubi sit animus, certe quidem in te 
est. Quae est ei natural Propria, puto, et 
sua. Sed fac igneam, fac spirabilem ; nihil ad 
id de quo aginius. Illud modo videto, ut deum 
noris, etsi ignores et locum et faciem ; sic ani- 
nium tibi tuum notum esse oportere, etiam si 
ejus ignores et locum et formam. In animi au- 
tem cognitione, dubitare non possumus, nisi 
plane in physicis plumbei sumus, quin nihil sit 
animis admixtum, nihil concretum, nihil copula- ^^ 
turn, nihil coagmentatum, nihil duplex. Quod 
cum ita sit, certe nee secerni, nee dividi, nee 
discerpi, nee distrahi potest ; nee interire igitur. 
Est enim interitus quasi discessus et secretio ac 
direraptus earum partium, quae ante interitum . 
junctione aliqua tenebantur. 

His et tali bus rationibus adductus, Socrates 
nee patronum quaesivit ad judicium capitis, nee 
judicibus supplex fuit; adhibuitque liberara 
contumactam, a magnitudine animi ductam, non 30 
a superbia. Et supremo vitae die, de hoe ipso 
multa disseruit, et paueis ante diebus, cum facile 



48 TUSC. ^UAESTIONES : § 25. 

posset educi e custodia, noluit ; et cum paene 
in manu jam mortiferum iliud teneret poculura, 
locutus ita est, at non ad mortem trudi^ verum 
in caelum videretur ascendere. 

Ita enim censebat itaque disserutt : 'Duas 
esse vias duplicesque cursus animorum a corpo* 
re excedentium. Nam qui se humanis vitiis 
contaminavissent, et se totos libidinibus dedidis^ 
sent, qui bus caecati ; vel domesticis vitiis atque 
flagitiis se inquinavissent ; vel republica violanda 

20 fraudes inexpiabiles concepissent ; iis devrum 
quoddam iter esse, seclusum a concilio deorum. 
Clui autem se integros castosque servavissent ; 
quibusque fuisset minima cum corporibus conta- 
gio, seseque ab his semper sevocassent ; essent* 
que in corporibus tiumanis vitam imitati deorum; 
his ad illos a quibus essent profecti, reditum 
facilem patere.' Itaque commemorat, ut cygni 
(qui non sine causa Apollini dicati sint, sed 
quod ab eo divinationem habere videantur qua 

>iO providentes quid in morte boni sit), cum cantu 
et volnptate moriantur ; sic omnibus et bonis et 
doctis esse faciendum. Nee vero de hoc quis- 
quam dubitare posset ; nisi idem nobis accide* 
ret, dtligenter de animo cogitantibus, quod iis 
saepe usu venit, qui cum acriter oculis deficien- 
tem solem intuerentur, ut adspectum omnino 
amitterent : sic mentis acies, seipsa intuens, 
nonnumquam hebescit, ob eamque causam con- 

^^ templandi diligentiam amittimus. Itaque dubi- 
tans, circumspectans, haesitans, multa ad?ersa 
reverens, tamquam ratis in mari immenso, nos- 
tra vehitur oratio. 

Sed haec et vetera^ et a Graecis. Cato au- 



Tusc. qvACSTioNEs : ^^ 25, 26. 49 

tern sic abiit e ?ita, ut causaro rooriendi nactum 
se esse gauderet. Vetat enim dominans ille 

IN NOBIS DBUS, INJOSSU HINC N08 SUO DEMI6RA- 

RE. Cum vero causam justam deus ipse dede- 
rit, ut tunc Socrati, nunc Catoni, saepe multis ; 
nae ille, medius fidius, vir sapiens, laetus ex his 
tenebris in lucem illam excesserit ; nee tamen 
ilia vincula carceris ruperit, leges enim vetant. 
Sed tamquam a magistratu, aut ab aliqua potes- 
tate legitima, sic a deo evocatus atque emii^sus, lo 
exierit. Tota enim philosophorum vita, ut ait 
idem, commentatio mortis est. 

§26. 

Nam quid aliud agimus, cum a roluptate, id 
est a corpore ; cum a re familiari, quae est min- 
istra et famula corporis ; cum a republica ; cum 
a negotio omni^ sevocamus animum ? duid, 
inquam, turn agimus, nisi animum ad seipsum 
advocamus, secum esse cogimus, maximeque 
a corpore abducimus? Secernere autem a 
corpore animum, nee quidquam aliud est, quam 9o 
emori discere. duare hoc commentemur, mihi 
crede, disjungamusque nos a corporibus, id est, 
consaescamus mori. Hoc et, dum erimus in 
terris, erit ilii caelesti vitae simile ; et cum illuc 
ex his vinculis emissi feremur, minus tardabitur 
cursus animorum. Nam qui in compedibus cor- 
poris semper fuerunt, etiam cum soluti sunt, 
tardins ingrediuntur ; ut ii, qui ferro vincti mul- 
tosannos fuerunt. Quo cum venerimus, turn 
denique vivemus. Nam haec quidem vitaao 
mors est ; quam lamentari possem, si liberet 

A, Satis quidem tu in Gonsolatione eslamen- 



50 Tusc.^UAESTiONEs: §§26,27. 

talus ; quam cum lego, nihil malo quam has res 
relinquere ; his vero modo auditis, multo magis. 
M. Veniei tempus, et quidem celeriter, et 
sive retractabis sive properabis; ?olat enim 
aetas. Tantutn autem abest [ab eo] ut malum 
mors sit, quod tibi dud urn videbatur, ut verear 
ne homini nihil sit, non malum aliud certe, sed 
nihil bonum aliud potius : siquidemvel dii ipsi, 
vel cum diis futuri sumus. 

§27. 

10 A. duid refert? Adsunt, enim, qui haec 
non probent. 

M. Ego autem numquum ita te in hoc ser- 
mone dimittam, uUa uti ratione mors tibi videri 
malum possit. 

A. Qui potes ; cum ista cognoverim ? 

M, Qui possit, rogas? Catervae veniunt 
contra dicentium, non solum Epicureorum (quos 
equidem non despicio), sed nescio quo niodo 
doctissimus quisque contemnit ; acerrime autem 
deliciae meae, Dicaearchus, contra banc immor- 
talitatem disseruit. Is enim tres libros scripsit, 
(qui Lesbiaci vocantur, quod Mytilenis sermo 
habetur), in quibus vult efficere animos esse mor- 
tales. Stoici autem usuram nobis largiuntur, 
tamquam cornicibus : diu mansuros aiuut ani- 
mos ; semper, negant. 

Num vis igitur audire, cur, etiam si ita sit, 
mors tamen non sit in roalis ? 

A. Ut videtur ; sed me nemo de immortalita- 
30 te depellet. 

M. Laudo id quidem ; etsi nihil nimis oportet 
> Gonfidere. Movemur enim saepe aliquo acute 



TUSC. QUAESTIONES : ^^^ 27, 28. 5 1 

concluso ; labamus, mutamusque sententiam, 
clarioribus etiam in rebus ; in his est enim ali- 
qua obscuritas. Id igitur si accident, simus 
arnmti. 

A. Sane quidem ; sed ne accidat, providebo. 

M, Num quid igitur est causae, quin amicos 
nostros Stoicos dimittamus ? eos dico qui aiunt 
animos manere e corpore cum excesserint, sed 
non semper. 

A. Istos vero ; qui quod tota in hac causa lO 
difficillimum est suscipiant, posse animum 
manere' corpore vacantem ; illud autem, quod 
non modo facile ad credendum est, sed (eo con- 
cesso quod volunt) consequens — id certe non 
dant, ut cum diu permanserit ne intereat. 

M. Bene reprehendis ; ut se isto modo res 
habet. Credamus igitur Panaetio, a Platone 
8U0 disentienti? quem enim omnibus locis 
divinum, quem sapientissimum, quem sanctissi- 
mum, quem Homerum philosophornm, appellat, so 
hujus banc nnam sententiam de immortalitate 
animorum non probat. Vult enim, quod nemo 
negat, quidquid natum sit, interire ; nasci autem 
animos, quod declaret eorum similitudo qui pro- 
creantur ; quae etiam in ingeniis, non solum in 
corporibus, appareat. 

Alteram autem affert rationem ; nihil esse quod 
doleat, quin id aegrum esse quoque possit ; quod 
autem in morbum cadat, id etiam interiturum : 
dolere autem animos ; ergo etiam interire. 30 

§ 28. 

Haec refelli possunt ; sunt enim ignorantis, 
eom de aeternitate animoram dicatur, de mente 



52 Tusc. QUAESTiONES : ^ 28, 29. 

dici quae omni tarbido motu semper vacet ; non 
de partibus iis in qui bus aegritudines, irae, libi- 
dinesque rersentur : quas is, contra quern haec 
dicuntur, semotas a mente et disclusas patat 
Jam similitudo magis apparet in bestiis, quarum 
animi sunt rationis eipertes ; hominam aateni 
similitudo, in corporum figura magis ezstat. El 
ipsi animi, magni refert quali in corpore ]ocati 
sint ; multa enim e corpore existunt, quae acu- 

^0 ant mentem ; multa, quae obtundant. 

Aristoteles quidem ait, omnes ingeniosoe me* 
lancholicos esse ; ut ego me tardiorem esse non 
moleste feram. Enumerat multos ; idqae quasi 
constet, rationem cur ita fiat affert. Quod si 
tanta vis est ad habitum mentis in iis, quae gig- 
nuntur in corpore, (ea sunt autem, quaecumque 
sunt, quae similitudinera faciant) ; nihil necessi- 
tatis affert cur nascatur animi similitudo. O* 
mitto dissimilitudines. 

99 Vellem adesse posset Panaetius. Vixit cum 
Africano. Quaererem ex eo, cujus suorum sim- 
ilis fuisset Africani fratris nepos ; facie vel pa- 
tris) viti omnium perditorum, ita simiiis, at esset 
facile deierrimus. Cujus etiam simiiis F. Cras- 
si, et sapientis et eloquentis et primi hominis, 
nepos ; multorumque aliorum virorum clarorum, 
quos nihil attinet nominare, nepotes et filii 1 

§29. 

Sed quid agimus ? Oblitine sumus hoc nunc 
nobis esse propositum, cum satis de aeternitate 
30 dixissemus, ne si interirent quidem animi, quid- 
quam mali esse in raorte ? 

A. Ego rero memineram ; sed te de aetemi- 



TUSC. Q,UAESTIONES I § 29. 53 

tate dicentem aberrare a proposito facile patie- 
bar. 

M, Video te alte spectare, et velle in caelum 
migrare. 

A, Spero fore, ut contingat id nobis ; sed fac, 
ut isti volunt, animos non remanere post mor- 
tem ; video nos, si ita sit, privari spe beatiorie 
▼itae. 

If. Mali vero quid affert ista sententia ? FaC 
enim sic animum interire ut corpus ; num igitur lo 
aliquia dolor, aut omnino post mortem sensus, in 
corpore est ? Nemo id quidem dicit ; etsi De- 
inocritum insimulat Epicurus. Democritici ne- 
gant. Ne in animo quidem igitur sensus rema- 
net ; ipse enim nusquam est. Ubi igitur malum 
esty quoniam nihil tertium est? An quoniam 
ipse animi discessus a corpore non sit sine do- 
lore 1 Ut credam ita esse, quam est id exiguum ! 
Et falsum esse arbitror ; et fit plerumque sine 
sensu ; nonnumquam etiam cum voluptate. To- ao 
tumque hoc leve est, qualecumque est ; fit enim 
ad punctum temporis. lllud angit vel potius 
excruciat, discessus ab omnibus iis quae sunt 
bona in vita. Vide ne a malis dici verius possit. 

Quid ego nunclugeam vitam homipum? vere 
et jure possum. Sed quid necesse est, cum id 
agam, ne post mortem miseros nos putemus fore, 
etiam vitam efficere deplorando miseriorem ? 
Fecimus hoc in eo libro, in quo nosmetipsos 
quantum potuimus consolati sumus. A ma/tVao 
Igitur mors abducit, non a bonis, verum si quae- 
rimus. 

Hoc quidem a Cyrenaico Hegesia sic copiose 
disputatutj ut is a rege Ftolemaeo probibitus es- 



54 Tusc. ^UAESTIONES : ^ 29, 30. 

se dicatur ilia in scholis dicere ; quod malti, 
his auditis, mortem sibi i|>si consciscerent 
Callimachi qiiidem epigramma in AmbracioUm 
Cleombrotum est ; quern ait, cum nihil ei acci- 
disset adversi, e muro se in mare abjecisse, lee- 
to Platonis libro. Ejus autem (quern dixi) He- 
gesiae liber est, 'AnovtaQvigtaVy quod a vita qui- 
dam, per inediam discedens, revocatur ab ami* 
cis ; quibus respondens, vitae humanae enume- 
10 rat incommoda. Possem id facere, etsi minus 
quam ille qui omnino vivere expedire nemini 
putat. Milto alios ; etiamne nobis expedit ? qui 
et domesticis et forensibus solatiis ornamentis- 
que privati, certe, si ante occidissemus, mors 
nos a malisy uon a bonis abstraxisset. 

§30. 

Sit igitur aliquis, qui nihil mali habeat, nul- 
lum a fortuna vulnus acceperit. Metellus ille 
honoratis quatuor filiis; at quinquaginta Prii- 
mus ; e quibus septem et decern justa uxore na- 
20 tis. In utroque eandem habuit fortuna potestir 
tern ; sed usa in altero est. Metellum enim 
roulti filii, filiae, nepotes, neptes, in rogum im- 
posuerunt ; Priamum tanta progenie orbatum, 
cum in aram confugisset, hostilis manus intere^ 
mit. Hie, si vivis filiis, incolumi regno, occi- 
disset, 

Astante ope barbariea, 
Tectis caelatift, laquoatia, 

utrum tandem a bonis an a malis discessisset ? 
30 Turn profecto videretur a bonis. At certe ei 
melius evenisset ; nee tarn fiebiliter ilia caneren- 
tur, 



TUSC. qUAE3TI0N£S : ^ 30, 31. 55 

Haee omnia vidi influninari, 
Priamo vi vitam. evitari, 
Jovifl aram sanguine turpari. 

Quasi vero ista vel quidquam turn potuerit ei 
melios accidere. Cluod si ante occidisset, turn 
erentara omnino amisisset; hoc autem tem- 
pore, sensom maiorum amisit. 

Pompeio uostro familiari, cam graviter aegro- 
taaset NeapoU, melius est factum. Coronati 
Neapolitan! fuerunt; nimirum etiam Puteolaniio 
Tiilgo ex oppidis publico gratulabantur. Inep- 
tum sane negotium, et Graeculum ; sed tamen 
fortunatum. Utrum igitur, si tum esset exstinc- 
tos, a bonis rebus an a malis discessisset ? Cer- 
le a miser is ; non enim cum socero bellum ges- 
sisset ; non imparatus arma sumsisset ; non do- 
mum reliquisset ; non ex Italia fugisset ; non, 
exercitu amisso, nudus in servorum ferrum et 
man us incidisset ; non liberi defieti ; non fortu- 
nae omnes a victoribus possiderentur ; qui, si so 
mortem tum obisset, in amplissimis fortunis oc- 
ctdisset. Is, propagatione ?itae, quot, quantas, 
quam incredibiles hausit calamitates 1 Haec 
morte effugiuntur ; etiam si non evenerint, ta- 
men quia possunt evenire. Sed homines ea si- 
bi accidere posse non cogitant. Metelli sperat 
sibi quisque fortunam ; perinde quasi aut plures 
ibrtunati sint quam infelices ; aut certi quidquam 
sit in rebus humanis ; aut sperare sit prudentius 
quam timere. 

§31. 

Sed hoc ipsum concedatur, bonis rebus hom- so 
ines morte privari ; ergo etiam carere mortuos 
Yitae commodis, idque esse miserum ? ^ Certe, 



56 TUSC. QUAESTIONES: § 31. 

ita dicant, necesse est. An potest is, qui non 
est, re ulla carere ? Triste enim est nomen ip- 
8um carendi, quia subjicitur haec vis : * Habuit, 
non habet ; desiderat, requirit, indiget ;* haec, opi- 
nor, incommoda sunt carentis. Caret oculis, 
odiosa caecitas ; liberis, orbitas. Valet hoc in 
vivis; mortuorum autem, non roodo vitae com- 
modis, sed ne vita quidem ipsi, quisqnam caret 
De mortuis loquor, qui nuUi sunt. Nos qui ra- 

10 mus, num, aut si cornibus caremus, aut pennis, 
sit qui id dixerit? Certe nemo. Quid ita? 
Quia cum id non habeas, quod tibi nee usu nee 
natura sit aptum, non careas, etiam si sentias te 
uon habere. Hoc premendum etiam atque eti- 
am est argumentum, confirmato illo, de quo ( si 
mortales animi sunt ) dubitare non possumns, 
quin tantus interitus in morte sit, ut ne minima 
quidem suspicio sensus relinquatur. Hoc igitar 
probe stabilito et fixo, illud excutiendum est, ut 

dosciatur quid sit carere ; ne relinquatur aliquid er- 
roris in verbo. Carere, igitur, hoc significat: 
Egere eo quod habere veUs. Inest enim veile in 
carendo ; nisi cum sic, tamquam in febri, dicitur, 
alia quadam notione verbi. Dicitur enim alio 
modo etiam carere, cum aliquid non habeas, et 
non habere te sentias, etiam si id facile patiare. 
Carere in morte non dicitur ; nee enim esset^o* 
lendum. Dicitur illud, bono carere; quod est 
malum. Sed ne vivus quidem bono caret, si eo 

30 non indiget. Sed in vivo intelligi tamen potest, 
regno carere. Dici autem hoc in te satis subtil- 
iter non potest ; potuisset in Tarquinio, cum reg- 
no esset expulsus. At in mortuo ne intelligi 
quidem potest, carere enim seniiends est. Neo 



TUSG. QUASSTIONES : §^ 31 , 32. 57 

sensus in mortuo ; ne carer e quidem, igitur, in 
mortuo est. duamquam quid opus est in hoc 
philosophari, cum rem non magnopere philoso- 
pbia egere videamus ? 

§32. 

Quoties non modo ductores nostri, sed uni- 
versi etiam exercitus, ad non dubiam mortem 
concurrerunt ? Quae quidem si timeretur, non 
L. Brutus, arcens eum reditu tyrannum quern 
ipse expulerat, in proelio concidisset. Non cum 
Laiinis decertans pater Decius, cum Etruscisio 
filius, eum Pyrrho nepos, se hostium telis ob- 
jecissent. Non uno bello pro patria cadentes, 
Scipiones Hispania vidisset ; Paullum et Gemi- 
num, Cannae ; Venusia, Marcellum ; Latini, AI- 
binum ; Lucani, Gracchum. Num quis horum 
miser hodie ? Ne tum quidem post spiritum ex- 
tremum ; nee enim potest esse miser quisquam, 
sensu peremto. 

' At id ipsum odiosum est, sine sensu esse.' 
Odiosum, si id essiBt carere. Cum vero per- so 
spicuum sit, nihil posse in eo esse qui ipse non 
sit ; quid potest esse in eo odiosum, qui nee 
careat nee sentiat? Quamquam hoc quidem 
nimis saepe ; sed eo quod in hoc inest omnis 
aniroi contractio ex metu mortis. Qui enim 
satis ?iderit, id quod est luce clarius, animo et 
corpore consumpto, totoque animante delete, et 
facto interitu universe, illud animal quod fuerit 
factum esse nihil ; is plane perspiciet, inter Hip- 
poceataurum qui numquam fuerit, et regemso 
Agamemnonem, nihil interesse: nee pluris 
nunc facere M. Camillum hoc civile bellum. 



58 TUSC. i^UAESTIONES I §^ 32, 33. 

quam ego, illo vivo, fecerim Romam ca[>tam. 
Cur igitar et Camillas doleret, si haec post tre« 
centos et quinquaginta fere annos event ara pa- 
taret ; et ego doleam, si ad decern millia anno- 
rum gentem aliquam urbe nostra potituram pu- 
tem t Qaia tanta caritas patriae est, ut 

EAM NON SENSU NOSTRO, SED SALUTE IPSIUS 
METIAMUR. 

§33. 

Itaque non deterret sapientem mors, quae prop- 
loter incertos casus quotidie imminet, propter 
brcvitatem vitae numquam longe potest abe^se, 
quo minus in omne tempus reipublicae suisque 
consulat ; et posteritatem ipsam, cujus sensum 
habiturus non sit, ad se putet pertinere. Quare 
licet etiam mortalem esse animum, judicantem 
aeterna moliri, non gloriae cupiditate quam sen- 
surus non sis, sed virtutis, quam necessario glo- 
ria, etiam si tu id non agas, consequatur. Na- 
tura vero sic se habet, ut quo modo initinm no- 
so bis rerum omnium ortus noster afTerat, sic exi- 
tum mors ; ut nihil pertinuit ad nos ante ortaro, 
«ic nihil post mortem pertinebit. In quo, quid 
potest esse mali ? cum mors nee ad vivos perti- 
neat, nee ad mortuos. Alteri nulli sunt ; alte- 
ros non attingit. Quam qui leviorera faciunt, 
somni simillimam voluntesse; quasi vero quis- 
quam ita nonaginta annos velit vivere, ut, cum 
sexaginta confecerit, reliquos dormiat. Ne sues 
quidem idx velint, non modo ipse. Endymion 
90 vero, si fabulas audire volumus, nescio quando, 
in Latmo obdormi?it qui est mons Cariae ; non* 
dum, opinor, est experrectus. Nam igitar eum 



TUSC. Q,17AESTI0NES : <^§ 33, 34. 59 

earare censes, com Luna laboret, a qua conso- 
pitus putatur ut euin dormientem oscularetur 1 
Qoid caret autem, qui ne sentit quidem ? Ha- 
bes somnum imagioem mortis, eamque quotidie 
induis. £t dubitas quin sensus in morte null us 
sit, cum in ejus simulacro videas esse nullum 
sensum? 

§34. 

Pellantur ergo istae ineptiae'paene aniles, ante 
tempos mori miserum esse. Ciuod tandem tem- 
pos? Naturaene? At ea quidem dedit usu-w 
ram vitae, tamquam pecuniae, nulla praestituta 
die. Quid est igitur, qbod querare, si repetit 
cum vult 1 ea enim conditione accepcras. li- 
dem, si puer parvus occidit, aequo animo feren- 
dum putant ; si vero in cunis, ne querendum 
quidem. Atqui ab hoc acerbius exegit natura, 
quod dederat. Nondum gustaverat, inquiunt, 
▼itae suavitatem ; hie autem jam sperabat mag- 
na, quibus frui coeperat. At id quidem ipsum in 
Ceteris rebus melius putatur, aliquam partem^ 

Sam nullam attingere ; cur in vita secus ? 
namquam non male ait Callimachus, multo 
saepius lacrymasse Priamum quam Troilum. 
EorunI autem, qui exacta aetate moriuntur, for- 
tnna laudatur. Cur ? Nam reor nullis, si vita 
longior daretnr, posset esse jucundior. Nihil 
est enim profecto homini prudentii dulcius; 
quam, ut cetera auferat, affert certe senectus. 
QrOae yero aetas longa est? Aut quid omnino 
homini longum ? Nonne 9o 

Modo pueroi, roodo adoleseentei, in cargo | tergo inMquens, 
Nm •pinantM anecmU ttt - 



I 



60 TUSC. QUAESTrONES ! §§ 34, 35. 

senectus ? Sed quia ultra nihil habemus, ] 
longum ducimus. Omnia ista, perinde ut < 
que data sunt pro rata parte, ita, longa aut t 
via dicuntur. 

Apud Hypanim fluvium, qui ab Euro] 
parte in Pontum infinity Aristoteles ait bestic 
quasdam nasci, quae unum diem vivant 
his igitur, hora octava quae mortua est, prov 
ta aetate mortua est ; quae vero occidente sc 
lodecrepita; eo magis, si etiam solstitiali c 
Confer nostram longissimam aetatem cum 
ternitate ; in eadem propemodum brevitate, c 
illae bestiolae, reperiemur. 

§35. 

Contemnamus igitur omnes ineptias, (qi 
enim levius huic levitati nomen imponan 
totamque vim bene vivendi in animi robore 
magnitudine, et in omnium rerum humanari 
contemptione ac despicientia, et in omni virt 
ponamus. Nam -nunc quidera cogitationil 

90 mollissimis efieminamur, ut, si ante mors advi 
tet quam Chaldaeorum promissa consecuti ; 
mus, spoliati magnis quibusdam bonis, ilk 
destitutique videamur. Cluod si exspectando 
desiderando pendemus animis, cruciamuis &Q 
mur ; pro dii immortales ! quam iter iliud juci 
dum esse debet, quo cpnfecto, nulla reliqua < 
ra, nulla soUicitudo futura sit 1 

Quam me delectat Theramenes ; quam eli 
animo est I Etsi enim flemus, cum legim 

aotamen non miserabiliter vir clarus emoriU 
qui, cum conjectus in carcerem triginta jut 
tyrannorum venenum ut sitiens obduxisset, 



TUSC. qUAESTlONES : §§ 35, 36. 61 . 

Hquum sic e poculo ejecit ut id resonaret ; quo 
sonitu reddito, arridens, Propino, inquit, hoc 
pulchro "Critiaey qui in euro fuerat taeterrimus. 
Graeci enim in conviviis solcnt nominare, cui 
poculum tradituri sint. Lusit vir egregius ex- 
tremo spiritu, cum jam praecordiis conceptam * 
mortem contineret ; vereque ei, cui venenum 
praebiberat, mortem est earn auguratus quae 
brevi consecuta est. 

§36. 

Quis banc animi maximi aequitatem in ipsa io 
morte laudaret, si mortem malum judicaret 1 Va- 
dit in eundem carcerem, atque in eundem pau- 
cis postannis scyphum, Socrates ; eodem scelere 
judicum, quo tyrannorum Theramenes. Quae 
est igitur ejus oratio, qua facit eum Plato usum 
apud judices, jam morte mulctatum 1 '' Magna 
me/' inquit, '' spes tenet, Judices, bene mihi 
evenire, quod mittar ad mortem. Necesse est 
enim, sit alterum de duobus ; ut aut sensus ora- 
nino omnes mors auferat, aut in alium quendam 20 
locam ex his locis morte migretur. Ciuamob- 
reiDy sive sensus exstinguitur, morsque ei som- 
no similis est qui nonnumquam etiam sine visis 
somniorum placatissimam quietem afTert ; dii bo- 
ni, quid lucri est mori ! Aut quam multi dies 
reperiri possunt, qui tali nocti anteponantur ? 
Cui si similis futura est perpetuitas omnis con- 
sequentis temporis, quis me beatior ? Sin vera 
sunt quae dicuntur, migrationem esse mortem 
in eas oras, quas qui e vita excesserunt incolunt ; 90 
id multo jam beatius est, te, cum ab iis qui se 
jadicum numero haberi vclint evaseris, ad eo9 • 

4 



62 TUSC. QUAESTIONES I §§ 36, 37. 

venire qui vere judices appellentur, Minoem, 
Rljadamanthum, Aeacum, Triptolemum, con* 
venireque eos, qui juste et cum fide vixerint. 
Haec peregrinatio mediocris vobis videri potest! 
Ut vero colloqui cum Orpheo, Musaeo, Homero, 
Hesiodo liceat, quanti tandem aestimatis ? E- 
quidem saepe emori (si fieri posset) vellem, ut ea 
quae dico mihi liceret invenire. duanta delec- 
tatione autem afiicerer, cum Palamedem, cum 

ioAjacem,cum alios judicio iniquo circumventos, 
convenirem ? Tentarem etiam summi regis, 
qui maximas copias duxit ad Trojam, et Ulyssi, 
Sisyphique prudentiam ; nee ob eam rem, cum 
haec exquirerem sicut hie faciebam, capite dam- 
narer. Ne vos quidem, Judices, ii qui me ab- 
solvistis, mortem timueritis. Nee enim cuiquam 
bono mali quidqnam evenire potest, nee vivo, 
nee mortuo ; nee umquam ejus res a diis immor- 
talibus negligentur. Nee mihi ipsi hoc accidit 

g^fortuito; nee vero ego iis, a quibus aceusatus 
sum, aut a quibus condemnatus, habeo quod suc- 
censeam, nisi quod mihi nocere se crediderunt." 
Et haec quidem hoc modo ; nihil autem meli- 
us extremo : ** Sed tempus est," inquit, "jam 
bine abire me, ut moriar ; vos, ut vitam agatis ; 
utrum autem sit melius, dii immortales soiunt; 
bominem quidem scire arbitror neminem." 

§37. 

Nae ego baud paullo hunc animum malim, 
quam eorum omnium fortunas qui de hoc jadi* 
carerunt. Etsi, quod praeter decs negat scire- 
quemquam, id scit ipse, utrum melius sit ; nftm 
dixit ante. Sed suum illud, nihil ut affirmet^i 
tenet ad extremum. m 



TUSC. (^UAESTIONES : § 37. 63 

>s autem tcneamus, ut nihil censeamus esse 
m, quod sit a natura datum omnibus ; iniel- 
lusque, si mors malum sit, esse sempiter- 
malum. Nam vitae miserae mors finis esse 
ur ; mors si est misera, finis esse nullus po- 

d quid ego Socratem, aut Theramenem, 
itantes viros virtutis et sapientiae gloria, 
nemoro, cum Lacedaemonius quidam, cujus 
omen quidem proditum est, mortem tanto- lo 
contempserit, ut, cum ad eam duceretur, 
latus ab Ephoris, et esse^ vultu hilari atque 
. dixi^setqne ei quidam inimicus : Contem- 
leges Lycurgi ? responderit : ^' Ego ve- 
i maxfmam gratiam habeo, qui me ea poena 
taverit, quam sine mutuatione et sine versura 
m dissolvere." O virum Spart^ dignum! 
ihi quidem, qui tam magno animo fuerit, 
^ns damnatus esse videatur. 
lies innumerabiles nostra civitas tulit. Sed aa 
duces et principes nominem, cum legiones 
at Cato saepe aiacres in eum locum profec- 
inde redituras se non arbitrarentur ? Pari 
Lacedaemonii in Thermopylis occiderunt, 
OS Simonides : 

Die, hoBpeg, Spartae, not te hie ridisge jaeentM, 
Dum sanctig patriae legibaa obseqaimur. 

J ille dux Leon id as dicit ? Pergite animo 
, Lacedaemonii; hodie apud Inferos fortas* 
mabimus, Fuit haec gens fortis, dum Ly- 30 

leges vigebant] ; e quibus unus, cum 
IS ho6tis in colloquiodixisset glorians : " So- 
irae jaculoram multitadine et sagittarum 
Idebitis." In umbra, inquit, igitar pugna- 



64 Tusc. quAESTiONES : §§ 37, 38. 

Ftros commemoro ; qualis tandem Lacaena? 
quae cum filium in proelium miaisset, et intei> 
fectum audisset, '' Idcirco," inquit, ^* genueram, 
ut esset qui pro pairia mortem non dubitaret oo- 
cumbere." 

Esto; fortes et duri SpartiataC'; magnam ha- 
bet vim reipublicae disciplina. Qruid ? Cyre- 
naeum Theodorum, philosophum non ignobilem, 
noone roiramur? cui cum Lysimachus rex cru- 
i^cem minaretur, " Istis quaeso/' inquit, "ista 
horribilia minitare purpuratis tuis; Theodori 
quidem nihil ioterest/humine an sublime putres- 
cat." 

§38. 

Cujus hoc dicto admoneor, ut aliquid etiam 
de humatione et, sepultura dicendum existimem ; 
rem non difficilem, iis praesertim cognitis quae 

• (de nihil sentiendo) paullo ante dicta sunt. De 
qua Socrates quidem quid senserit, apparet in 
eo libro in quo moritur ; de quo jam tarn multa 

^diximus. Cum enim de immortalitate animo- 
rum disputavisset, et jam moriendi tempus urge- 
ret, rogatus a Critone quemadmodum sepeliri vel- 
let, " Multam vero," inquit, " operam, araici, 
frustra consumpsi. Critoni enim nostro non'per- 
suasi me hinc avolaturum, neque quidquam mei 
relicturum. Verumtamen, Crito, si me assequi 
potueris, aut sicubi nactus eris, ut tibi videbitar, 
sepelito. Sed, mihi crede, nemo me vestriim, 
cum hinc excessero, consequetur." 

30 Praeclare id quidem, qui et amico permiserit, 
et se ostenderit de hoc toto genere nihil labortr 
re. Durior Diogenes, et is idem sentiens, mi 
(ut Cynicus) asperius, projici se jasait inhanw- 



TUSC. qUAESTIONES : ^38. 65 

• 

turn. Turn amici : Volucribusne et feris ? 
Minime vero, inquit; sed bacillum propter me quo 
abigam, ponitote. dui poteris ? illi, non enim 
senties. Cluid igitur. mihi ferarum laniatus 
oberit, nihil sentienti ? 

Praeclare Anaxagoras ; qui cum Lampsaci 
moreretur, quaerentibus amicis, velletne Clazo- 
menas in patriam, si quid ei accidisset, afierri : 
Nihil necesse est, inquit ; undique enim ad Infe- 
ros tantundem viae est. lo 

Totaque de ratione humationis unum tenen- 
dum est; ad corpus illam pertinere, sive oc- 
ciderit animus sive vigeat. In corpore autem 
perspicuum est, vel exstincto animo vel elapso, 
nullum residere sensum. 

Sed plena errorum sunt omnia. Trahit Hec- 
torem^ ad currum religatum, Achilles. Lace- 
rari eum et sentire, credo, putat. Ergo hie ul- 
ciscitur, ut quidem sibi videtur. At ilia sicut acer- 
bissimam rem maeret : 20 

Vidi, videre quod me pasaa aegerrime, 
Bectorem quadrijogo curra raptarier. 

Quem Hectorera ? Aut quamdiu ille erit Hec- 
tor? Melius Accius, et aliquando sapiens 
Achilles : 

Immo enimvero corpus Priamo reddidit Bectorem abituli. 

Non igitur Hectora traxisti, sed corpus quod fu- 
erat Hectoris. 

Ecce alius exoritur e terra, qui matrem dor- 
mire non sinat : do 

llatar, te appello, ta quae coram somno suspeniam levas, 
Keqve te mei miseret ; surge, et sepeli natum. 

Haec euro pressis et flebilibus modis, qui totis 
tkeatris niaestitiam inferant^ coacinuntur \ dv& 



66 Tusc. (^UAESTioNES : §§ 38, 39. 

cile est, non eos qui iohumati sint iiiiseros jadi- 
care. 

— ^ Friiu qaam ferae, volaeraique; 

metuit, ne laceratis membris minus bene utator : 
ne combustis, non extimescit. 

Nen relliqaias sic meas siris, denodatis ossibna, 
Per terrain aaoie delibutaa foede divexarier. 

Non intelligo quid metuat, cum tarn bonos scpte- 
narios fundat ad tibiam. 
10 Tenendum est igitur, nihil curandum esse 
post mortem, cum multi inimicos etiam mortuos 
poeniantur. Execratur, luculentis sane versi- 
bus, apud Ennium Thyestes, primum ut naufra- 
gio pereat Atreus. Durum hoc sane ; talis enim 
interitus non est sine gravi sensu. Ilia inania : 

— Ipge lomniig saxis fixus asperis, eviseeratas, 

Latere pendens, aaxa aparfens tabo, sanie, et saaf uina atro. 

Non ipsa saxa magis sensu omni vacabant, 
quam ille latere pendens, cui se hie cruciatum 
90 censet optare. Quae essent dura, si sentiret, 
nulla sine sensu sunt. Illud vero perquam ina- 
ne : 

Neque gepulcrum, quo recipiatar, habeat, portom corporia, 
Ubi, remissa bumana vita, corpus requiescat a malis. 

Vides quanto haec in errore versentur ; portum 
esse corporis, et requiescere in sepulcro putat 
mortuum : magna culpa Pelopis, qui non eru- 
dierit filium nee docuerit, quatenus essetquidque 
curandum. 

5 39. 

^ Sed quid singulorum opiniones animadver- 
tam, nation um varies errores perspicere cam 
liceat? Condiunt Aegjrptii mortuos, et 



TUSC. QUAESTIONES : § 39. 67 

domi servant. Persae etiam cercl circumlitos 
condunt) ut quam maxime permaneant diuturna 
corpora. Magorum raos est, non humare corpo- 
ra suoram, nisi a feris sint ante laniata. In 
Hyrcania plebs publicos alit canes ; optimates, 
domesticos. Nobile autem genus canum illud 
scimus esse. Sed pro sua quisque facultate pa- 
rat, a quibus lanietur ; eamque optimam illi esse 
censent sepulturam. Permulta alia colligit Chry- 
sippus, ut est in omni historia curiosus ; sed ita ^^ 
taetra sunt quaedam, ut ea fugiat et reformidet 
oratio. Totus igitur hie locus est contemnen- 
dus in nobis, non negligendus in nostris ; ita 
tamen, ut mortuorurn corpora nihil sentire senti- 
amus. Quamtum autem consuetudini, fainae- 
que dandum sit, id curent vivi ; sed ita ut intel- 
ligant nihil ad mortuos pertinere. 

Sed profecto mors tum aequissimo animo op- 
petitur, cum suis se laudibus vita occidens con- 
solari potest. Nemo parum diu vixit, qui virtu- 30 
tis perfectae perfecto functus est munere. Mul- 
ta mihi ipsi ad mortem tempestiva fuerunt ; 
quaoF utinam potuissem obire. Nihil enim jam 
acquirebatur ; cumulata erant officia vitae, cum 
fortune bella restabant. Quare, si ipsa ratio 
minus periiciet ut mortem negligere possimus ; 
at vita acta perficiat, ut satis superque vixisse 
videamur. Quamquam enim sensus abierit, ta- 
men summis et propriis bonis et laudis et glo- 
riae, quam vis non sentiant, mortui non carent. 30 
Etsi enim nihil in se habeat gloria cur expeta- 
tur, tamen virtutem tamquam umbra sequitur. 
Verum multitudinis judicium de bonis, si quan- 
do est, magis laudandum est, quam illi ob ^'^tCL 
rem beati. 



68 TUSC. QUAESTIONES : § 40. 

§40. 

Non possum autem dicere^ quoquo modo hoc 
accipiatur, Lycurgum, Solonem, legum et publi* 
cae disciplinae carere gloria ; Themistoclem, 
Epaminondam, bellicae virtutis. Ante enim 
Salaminam ipsam Neptunus obruet, quam Sala- 
minii tropaei memoriam ; priusque Boeotia 
Leuctra tollentur, quam pugnae Leuctricae glo- 
ria. Multo autem tardius fama deseret Curium, 
Fabricium, Calatinum, duo Scipiones, duo Afri- 

locanos, Maximum, Marcellum, Paullum, Cato- 
nem, Laelium, innumerabiles alios ; quorum 
similitudinem aliquam qui arripuerit, non earn 
fami populari sed vera bonorum laude metiens, 
iidenti animo (si ita res fert) gradietur ad mor- 
tem : in qua aut summum bonum, aut nullum 
malum esse cognovimus. 

Secundis vero suis rebus volet etiam mori ; 
non enim tam cumulus bonorum jucundus esse 
potest, quam molest a decessio. Hanc senten- 

*>tiam significare videtur Laconis ilia vox ; qui, 
cum Rhodius Diagoras, Olympionices nobilis, 
uno die duo filios victores Olympiae vidisset, ac- 
cessit ad senem, et gratulatus, Morere, Diagora, 
inquit, non enim in caelum adscensurus es. 

Magna haec et nimium fortasse Graeci putant, 
▼el tam potius putabant ; isque, qui hoc Diago- 
rae dixit, permagnum existimans tres Olympio- 
nicas una e domo prodire, cunctari ilium dia- 
tins in vita, fortunae objectum, inutile putabat 

soipsi. Ego autem tibi quidem quod satis esset, 
paucis verbis (ut mi hi videbar), responderam ; 
concesseras enim, nullo in malo mortuos esse. 
Sed ob earn causam contendi, ut plura diceremi 



TUSC. <^UAE8TI0NES : §§ 40, 41. 69 

quod in desiderio et luctu haec est consolatio 
maxima. Nostrum enim, et nostra causS, sus* 
ceptum, dolorem, modice ferre debemus, ne 
nosmetipsos amare videamur.- Tlla suspicio in- 
tolerabili doiore cruciate si opinamur eos quibus 
orbati sumus, esse cum aliquo sensu in iis malis 
quibus vulgo opinantur. Hanc excutere opinio- 
nem mihimet volui radicitus ; eoque fui fortasse 
longior. 

A, Tu longior? Non mihi quidem ; priori© 
enim pars orationis tuae faciebat, ut mori cupe- 
rem ; posterior, ut modo non nollera, modo non 
laborarera. Omni autem oratione illud certe 
perfectum est, ut mortem non ducerem in malis. . 

§ 41. 

M. Num igiiur etiam rhetorum epilogum de- 
sideramus ? An jam hanc artem plane relinqui- 
mus? 

A, Tu vero istam ne reliqueris, quara semper 
ornasti ; et quidem jure ; ilia enim te, verum si 
loqui volumus, ornaverat. Sed quinam est iste 30 
epilogus ? Aveo enim audire, quidquid est. 

M, Deorum immortalium judicia solent in 

scholis proferre de morte, nee vero ea fingere 

ipsi, sed Herodoto auctore, aliisque pluribus. 

Primum, Argiae sacerdotis (Cleobis et Biton) 

filii praedicantur. Nota fabula est. Cum enim 

illam ad solemne et statum sacrificium curru ve- 

hi jus esset, satis longe ab oppido ad fanum, 

morarenturque jumenta ; tunc juvenes ii, quos 

modo nominavi, Teste posita, corpora oleo pe-30 

runxerunt, ad jugum accesserunt. Ita sacerdos 

advecta in faaiim, cum' Currus esset ductus ^ 

4» 



70 TUSC. QUAESTIONES : § 41. 

filiis, precata a dea dicitur, ut illis praemium da- 
ret pro pietate quod maximum homioi dari 
posset a deo. Post epulatos cum matre adoles^ 
centesy somno se dedisse ; mane inventos esse 
mortuos. 

Simili precatione Trophonius et Agamedes 
usi dicuntur : qui, cum Apollini Delphis tem- 
plum exaedificavissent, venerantes deum, petie- 
runt mercedem non parvam quidem operis et la- 

loboris sui, nihil certi sed quod esset optimum ho- 
mini. Cluibus Apollo se id daturum ostendit, 
post ejus diei diem tertium; qui, ut illuxit, 
mortui sunt reperti. Judicavisse deum dicuut ; 
et eum quidem deum, cui reliqui dii concessis- 
sent ut praeter ceteros divinaret. 

Afiertur etiam de Sileno fabella quaedam ; 
qui, cum a Mida captus esset, hoc ei muneris 
pro sua missione dedisse scribitur ; docuisse roi- 
gem, non nasci homini longe optimum esse; 

"-^proximum autem, quam primum mori. dua 
est sententia in Cresphonte usus Euripides : 

Nam no8 deoebat, coetm eelebrantef*, domam, 
Latere abi esset aliquis in lucem editus, 
Humanae vitae varia repatantes mala ; 
At, qui labores morte finisset graves, 
Uunc omni amicos laude et laetitia exequi. 

Simile quiddam est in consolatione Crantoris ; 
ait enim, Terinaeum quendam Elisium, cum 
graviter filii mortem maereret, venisse in psycho- 
30 mantium, quaerentem quae fuisset tantae cala^ 
mitatis causa. Huic in tabellis tris hujusmodi 
versiculos datos : 

bnaris h<niiiiiet in vtte BMniibnt errant: 
Eatbynotis potitur fatoriun mooere, letho. 
Bic not ntiliof finiri ipeique Ubiqne. 



TUSC. ^UAESTIONES : §§ 41, 42. 71 

His et talibus aactoribus usi, confirmant 
causam rebus a diis immortalibus jadicatam. 
Aicidamas quidam, rhetor antiquus, in primis 
nobilis, scripsit etiam Laudationem Mortis ; 
quae constat ex enumeratione humanorum ma- 
lorum ; cui rationes ese quae exquisitius a phi* 
losophis colliguntur, defuerunt, ubertas orationis 
non defuit. Clarae vero mortes pro patria oppe- 
litae, non solum gloriosae rhetoribus, sed etiam 
beatae videri solent. Repetnnt ab Erechtheo, lo 
cujus etiam filiae cupide mortem expetiverunt 
pro vita civium ; Codrum, qui se in medios 
immisit hostes veste famulari, ne posset agnosci 
si esset ornatu regio ; quod oraculum erat da- 
tum, si rex inter fectus esset, victrices Athenas 
fore. Menoeceus non praetermittitur ; qui ora- 
culo edito largitus est patriae suum sanguinem. 
Iphigenia Aulide duci se immolandam jnbet, ut 
hostium sanguis eliciatur suo. Veniunt inde ad 
propiora. Harmodius in ore, et Aristogiton ; ^ 
Lacedaemonius Leonidas, Thebanus Epami- 
nondas vigent. Nostros non norunt ; quos enu- 
merare longum est. Ita sunt multi, quibus vi- 
demus optabiles mortes fuisse cum gloria. 

§42. 

Quae cum ita sint, magna tamen eloqnentia 
est utendum, atque ita velut superiore e loco oon- 
cionandum, ut homines mortem yel optare incip* 
iant, vel certe timere desistant. Nam si supre* 
roas ille dies non extinctionem, sed commuta- 
tionem affert loci, quid optabilius ? Sin autem^o 
perimit ac delet omnino, quid melius quam in 
mediis vitae laboribus obdormiscere^ et vl^cAiOr 



72 TUSC. QUAESTIONES : §42. 

niventem somno coDsopiri sempiterno ? Quod si 
fiat, melior Ennii quam Solon is oratio. Hie 
enim noster, 

N«mo me lacrymii decoret (iaqatt) neo funera fleta 
Fazit. 

At vero sapiens ille, 

Mora mea ne careat laeryrais: linqaamus amicia 
MaerorenO} ut celebrent funera cum gemitu. 

Nos vero, si quid tale acciderit ( ut a deo de- 
^^ nuntiatum videatur ) ut exeamus e vita, laeti et 
agentes gratias pareamus ; emittique nos e custo- 
dia et levari vinculis arbitremur, ut aut in aeter- 
nam et plane in nostram domum remigremus, 
aut omni sensu molestiaque careanras. Sin au- 
tem nihil denuntiabitur, eo tamen simus animo, 
ut horribilem ilium diem aiiis, nobis faustum pu- 
temus, nihilque in malis ducamus, quod sit vel 
a diis immortalibus vel a natura parente omnium 
constitutum. Non enim temere nec fortuito 
sosati et greati sumus, sed profecto fuit 
quaedam Vis, quae generi consuleret huma- 
no ; nec id gioneret aut aleret, quod, cum 
exantlavisset omnes labores, tum incide- 
ret in mortis malum sempiternum. portum 
potius paratum nobis et perfugium putemus. 
Qmo utinam velis passis pervehi liceat ! Sin re- 
flantibus ventis rejiciemur, tamen eodem pauHo 
tardius referamur necesse est. Quod autem 
omnibus necesse est, idne miserum esse uni po- 
sotestt 

Habes epilogum, nequid praetermissum aut 
relictum putes . 

A. Ego vero ; et quidem fecit etiam iste me 
epilogOB firmiorem. 



TUSC. qUAEST10N£S : § 42. 73 

M. Optime, inquani ; sed nunc quidem vali- 
tudini tribuamus aliquid. Cras autem, et quo! 
dies erimus in Tusculano, agamus haec ; et ea 
potissimum qqae levationem habeant aegritudi- 
num, formidinum, cupiditatum : qui omni e phi- 
losophia est fructus uberrimus. 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 



OF 



CICERO. 



Marcus Tullus Cicero was bom at Arpinutn 
(now Arpino), atown belonging to the Volsci, one of 
the tribes of Latium in the neighbourhood of Rome. 
His ancestors he traced back to Servius Tullius, 
the sixth king of the Romans, and of Sabine de- 
scent His father was a Roman knight ; and his 
mother's name was Helvia. He was bom B. C. 
105, and died at the age of 63 years. The poet 
Archias was his first teacher ; and Apollouius Molo 
of Rhodes gave him his first instructions in elo- 
quence. He was taught philosophy by Piso, and 
law by Mutius Sceevola. In the Marsian war, he 
acquired, under Sylla, a knowledge of the military 
art, and a taste for it. 

He was natursJly of a feeble and delicate consti- ' 
tation. When the commotions at Rome were 
multiplied, under Sylla, he paid a visit to Greece, 
and there studied philosophy and oratory with the 
best masters at Athens. 

On his return to Rome, he soon became distin- 
guished as an orator, and was made Quaestor of 
Sicily ; where he behaved with great justice and 
moderation. After this, he passed through the 
offices of JSdile and Preetor. In the year 62 B. C. 
he was raised to the office of Consul. In ti\\& 



76 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

office he greatly distinguished himself by the sup- 
pression of Cataline's conspiracy ; for which he 
was styled, by a grateful people, Pater paJtri^B. By 
the machinations of Clodius, whom Cicero had 
strongly opposed, the latter was proscribed. He 
retired to Greece ; and not long after was recalled 
with great honour and applause. After this he 
was sent into Cilicia as Proconsul. There he ob- 
tained victory over the enemies of the Romans, 
and a triumph )fvas decreed him on his return to 
Rome ; which the factions of the city, however, 
prevented him from enjoying. 

In the civil war between Pompey and Caesar, 
which soon followed, Cicero espoused the cause of 
Pompey. After the victory won by Caesar at the 
battle of Pharsalia, Cicero met the conqueror at 
Brundusium, and was reconciled to him. From 
this time Cicero retired from public affairs to bis 
country seat, and seldom visited Rome. After the 
death of Ceesar, and when Antony came into 
power, Cicero withdrew once more to Athens ; but 
he soon returned to his country. When the tri- 
umvirate was formed by Augustus, Antony, and 
Lepidus, each agreed to sacrifice his own per- 
sonal enemies, in order to perpetuate their power. 
Al>out 260 were doomed to death ; and Cicero was 
among the number placed upon Antony's list of 
proscription. Popilius Leenas was commissioned 
by Antony to destroy Cicero ; and the latter .fled, 
in a litter, toward the sea at Caieta. He was, how- 
ever, overtaken by the assassins ; and when he put 
his head out of the litter, it was severed from his 
body by Herennius. This took place B. C. 43» 
when he was 63 years of age. The bead and 



OP CICERO. 77 

right hand of the orator were carried to Rome ; 
and there, by order of Antony, whom he had so 
often annoyed, they were hung up in the Forum. 
Fulvja, the wife of Antony, to shew her spite 
against Cicero, drew the tongue out of the mouth, 
and pierced it through with a bodkin. 

Thus perished the greatest orator, liietorician, and 
philosopher whom Rome had ever produced ; and 
whom, in some respects, all subsequent ages have 
scarcely equalled. It has been finely said of Cicero, 
as an orator, that he had the strengdi of Demosthe- 
nes, the copiousness of Plato, and the polish of Is- 
ocrates. The first of these assertions, however, I can- 
not think to be true ; the second is more than 
doubtful; the third may perhaps be conceded. 
His orations, which have come down to us, are 
fine examples of the ornate in speaking ; and some 
of them are exceedingly powerful in invective, and 
cogent in argument It is impossible to read them 
without perceiving, that there could have been but 
one feeUng and sentiment in those who originally 
beard them, viz. that of approbation and delight 

His rhetorical letters and treatises will continue 
to be read and studied, with pleasure and profit, 
so long as rhetoric and oratory continue to be a 
study among men. His letters are a perfect model 
of ease, and grace, and playfulness, and zest, and 
learning, and affectionate feeling. Nothing of the 
kind, in all antiquity, can be fairly compared with 
them. 

His phUosbphical workSy however, are those with 
which we are now immediately concerned. These 
are numerous, and consist of the following trea- 
tlBes: TUE. Academicee QsBstionea; De Finibus 



78 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

Bonorum et Malorum ; Quaestiones Tusculance; De 
Natura Deomm ; De Divinatione ; De Fato ; De 
Legibus ; De Officiis ; De Senectute ; De Amicitia ; 
Consolatio ; Faradoxa ; De Petitione Consulatus ; 
FragmeDta. These coDstitute about one fourtli 
part of his works which are still extant ; but all 
that we now have, are supposed by many to be 
but 1^ small part (not one tenth) of what he ac- 
tually wrote. His whole works that remain, have 
oflen been published collectively; and most of 
them separately. The cheapest and most correct- 
ly printed edition which I have examined, is the 
small stereotype one of Tauchnitz at Leipsic. 

Cicero lived at a period when the Roman power, 
splendour, and influence, had arrived at the high- 
est point. Grecian arts and literature were very 
generally cultivated among the higher classes at 
Rome. Philosophy, also, had begun to find its 
admirers and devotees. But from the account 
given in the first part of the preceding Treatise, it 
is clear that no very great progress had been made 
in it by the countrymen of Cicero. It was not 
unnatural, therefore, when a man of so much am- 
bition as he possessed, was driven by the stress of 
the times away fit)m public employments and hon- 
ouiB, that he should seek at once for occupation 
and honour, by cultivating a study which had 
brought so much glory to Plato, Aristotle, and 
many others of the Greeks. Early in life he had 
imbibed a taste for this study while at Athens. 
There he had learned to admire Plato ; and him 
he undertook to imitate, both in the matter and 
manner of many of his philosophical writings. 

With all bis admiration of Plato, however, one 



OF CICEBO. 79 

can hardly reckon him as belonging to the Acad- 
emy. He may rather be named an Eeleciic; for 
he read and studied all the different systems of 
philosophy within his reach, and adopted or re- 
jected what he thought proper, by exercising his 
own judgment and reasoning powers respecting 
them. He did not aim so much at going deeply 
into abstruse and difficult points, as he did at the 
popular exhibition of plainer and more practical 
principles. With him, tasteful representation, ani- 
mated description, wit, and extensive reading, were 
not secondary but primary objects in philosophi- 
zing. '^Hanc enim [says he] perfectam philoso- v) 
phiam semper judicavi, quae de maximifi quaestioni- V 
bus eopiose posset onuUeque dicert ,*" Tusc. Qujsst. ' 
I. 4. Here we see the orcdor coming in and claim- 
ing his undiminished prerogative, even over the 
empire of philosophy. 

In his fundamental principles of speculative 
reasoning, Cicero appears to have agreed, for the 
most part, with the maxims of the New Academy. 
Probability, arising out of svhjeeUve conviction, 
seems to have been the vUimaJtvm to which he ex- 
pected to arrive, in any case of a speculative na- 
ture. Qence we find him, in the preceding treatise, 
(after having cited that part of the speech of Soc- 
rates before his judges which has reference to a 
future existence, and expressing his admiration of 
it), declaring that what Socrates last of all said, 
was not inferior in point of exceUence to any thing - 
in his whole address ; and this was, that ' the gods 
only know whether it is better for a man to die 
than to live, for no man can know this.' ' In so 
sayings' adds Cicero, 'Socrates exhibits his own 



80 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

peculiarity, i. e. to cffirm nothiDg ; which he pre- 
served even to the last.' Supra § 36. In his mode of 
discussion Cicero imitated the Greek philosopher, 
even where his convictions appear to have been 
somewhat strong. 

But it was only in the speculaHve parts of phi- 
losophy, that Cicero admitted and cherished this 
half skeptical spirit In matters of duty and right, 
i. e. of morals, he came very near to the Stoics ; 
who seem to have been the most rigid moralists 
and casuists among all the ancient sects of phi- 
losophers. 

As Cicero had read and studied almost every 
tiling then extant in the Greek and Latin languages, 
on the subject of philosophy and morals ; and as 
he was exceedingly fond of imitating the dialogues 
of Plato, and of representing the different sides of 
almost all questions ; so his works contain a great 
store house of materials for the history of ancient 
philosophy, and one without which there must 
have been many more chasms than there now are. 
The general accuracy of his representations are 
not called in question ; and his iair-mindedness, for 
the most part, can not well be impeached. He 
even carries this, in one point of view, to excess. 
In his dialogues, he introduces contending parties ; 
makes them speak their sentiments and views; 
and then quits the subject without any full and de- 
cisive critique upon what they have said. Ilis 
apology would probably be, that his own mind was 
ID doubt. ^ Cicero", says Tennemann ve^ truly, 
^ was like a physician who sees the disease, but 
|j "^MMing unable to discover the cause of it, he cannot 
apply the appropriate remedy." The distinguished 



^ 



OP CICERO. 81 

Koman philosopher did indeed well know, that 
speculation and doubt, according to the fashion of 
the day, were endless ; but how to terminate many 
of the great disputes, was beyond his power to 
divine. Light from heaven was needed, to dispel A 
darkness like that in which the heathen world 
was enveloped. 

On no question agitated by philosophy, without 
the light of revelation to aid it, can a deeper in- 
terest be felt by the inquiring Christian moralist 
and theologian, than on the question. Whether the 
sovl is immortal ? The first book of the Tascvlan 
(luestiona contains a compressed and concentrated 
representation of all Cicero's views and specula- 
tions, relative to this all-important subject. How 
is it possible, that any one who has the spirit of 
inquiry within him, should not be curious to know 
what the first writer and philosopher of the an- i ; 
cient Roman nation thought and said, in relation 
to such a subject? All that can be wanting to 
create an interest in such an inquiry, as I would 
fain believe, is, that the means of prosecuting it 
in an inteltigible way, should be put within the 
power of discerning readers in general. 

The remarks which I have to make on the 
weight of Cicero's arguments, and on the state of 
mind in which they seem to have left him ; as also ' 
the comparison of his views vnth those which the 
GkMspel discloses ; I reserve to the closing part of 
the present volume. 

In the mean time, it is proper to observe here, ^^ 
that the first book of the Tusculan Questions, '^ 
contained in tlie preceding pages, is in itself a^^ 
complete treatise, and not at all dependent on the 



82 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF CICERO. 

Other four books which follow. Tliis first book is 
en^tled, De Contemnenda- Morte ; but this sub- 
ject gives way very naturally, after a little discus- 
sion at the outset, to the consideration of the per- 
petual existence of the soul. This does indeed con- 
stitute, in the writer's view, and in fact, one of the 
most important of all reasons, why death may be 
disregarded, when we are prepared to die. But it 
is the discussion of the point itself, in regard to the 
immortal nature of the sovl, which constitutes the 
great charm and interest of the whole treatise. 
When this is completed, the writer relapses again 
into the more common and ordinaiy Stoical rea- 
sons for disregai'ding death. He is very ingenious 
and striking in the production of these. But our 
chief interest lies in the particular topic just men- 
tioned. It is impossible to read what Cicero has 
said upon this, without feeling the truth of the al- 
legation, that every man has within him the best 
arguments for his own immortality ; and that the 
image of God which is enstamped upon the soul, 
can never be so obscured, but that some bright 
spot will now and then gleam through cdl the 
darkness by which it is surrounded. Cicero did 
not attain to a perspicuous and explicit statement 
of this great fact ; but he has shown, in many a 
passage of his treatise, that it was the ground of his 
feelings and convictions. 



NOTES. 



INTRODUCTION. 

§§ 1—5. 

The exordium to the Tusculan Q^uftstienit is composed with great 
skill and address. Although the study of philosophy had already 
become fashionable, to some extent, at Rome, when Cicero wrote 
this treatise, yet it could not be said to be in high repute, before 
the publication of this author^s philosophieal writings. With 
many, as Plutarch remarks in his life of Cicero (cap. 5), the terms, 
devoted to Oreek study and pedant were synonymous. On this 
account, Cicero deemed it expedient to commence the Tusculan 
Disputations with a commendation of the study of philosophy, 
and an apology for his own devotedness to this pursuit. 

In order to accomplish this object in the most effectual manner, 
he begins with the declaration, that the Romans had always excelled 
the Greeks in all those undertakings in which tliev had seriously 
engaged. In the art of government ; in military afl&irs, both as to 
discipline and valour; in steadfastness, constancy, probity, good 
faith, and magnanimity ; no nation was to be compared with the 
Romans. 

One point however remained, as to which the Roman philosopher 
felt bound to yield the palm to the Greeks, viz. learning. But here 
their superiority, he avers, is to be attributed merely to the fact, 
that the Romans had not entered into competition with them. He 
observes, that poetry had been cultivated among the Greeks, fbr 
many centuries ; but that it had come into repute among the Ro- 
mans, only quite recently. Everv branch of literature needs to be 
encouraged and honoured, in order that it may flourish. Among 
the Greeks, not only poetry, but music, and geometry or mathemat- 
ics, were much honoured ; and consequently all these sciences flour- 
ished. 

Oratory, however, bad always been applauded among the Ro- 
mans ; and hence many had excelled in it; and this in a measure 
scarcely inferior to that of the Greeks. 

Philosophy, to celebrated and ap long cherished among the Greeks, 
had found as yet but few admirers at Rome ; and even those books 
which bad there been written concerning it, displayed but little 
learoinff and aeuteness. What others had not performed, Cicero 
himselr now undertakes to do. But he does not design wholly to 
lay aside the orator, in doing this ; for to descant on questions of 
moment, copiose et onuiUy he deems the perfection of philosophy. 
He intends, therefore, to imitate the example of Aristotle, who afler 
hearinf leoerates speak, began to teach the princl^lea qC x « \ax 



84 NOTES ON § 1. 

in his own School. The method which he adopts, is the Socratic 
one, i. e. by way of dialogue, in which question and answer make 
up the discussion, and afl^rd opportunity for suggesting objections, 
and also for the solution of them. 

Buch are the contents of the first five sections, or the exordiam 
of the Tusculan duestioiis. That they are well adapted to concili- 
ate the raind of a Roman reader, and to allure him to the study of 
philosophy by flattering his pride and exciting his emulation, is so 
very plain that it scarcely needs to be remarked. The whole shews, 
moreover, that Cicero was deeply versed in the literature of his 
times, and had read and studied the entire circle of Greek and Ro> 
man authors. 

(1)* Cum .... liberatus, when at length I was en 
tirdy, or in a great measure^ freed from the labours of 
pleading causes^ and the dvties of a senator. The 
phrase defensionum lahoribus, relates to the engage- 
ments of Cicero as an advocate, to defend those 
who were brought to trial before the courts at 
Rome. His duties as a Senator, also, were very 
numerous and weighty. No member of the Ro- 
man Senate, for a long time, had as much influ- 
ence, or as urgent duties to perform, .as himselfl 

(2) Brute, i. e. Marcus Junius Brutus, lineally 
descended from L. Junius Brutus, who was the 
principal agent in expelling Tarquin the Proud 
from the throne of Rome, about 509 B. C. M. J. 
Brutus was himself the staunch defender of Ro- 
man hberty ; to save which, he assassinated Cae- 
sar in the Basilica of Pompey, after he had aspired 
to monarchical power. There appears to have 
been great intimacy and confidence between Cice- 
ro and Brutus. Hence we find him so often men- 
tioned in the works of Cicero, and in a manner 
so highly honourable. It would seem that Brutus, 
who was remarkable for his attachment both to 

* The nnmbers included id parenthefles^esisnate merelr the 
number of the note, for conTenience* sake. The place to whioli the 
note relates is designated by P. 13 etc. and by L. 1. etc., i. e. page 
13, and line 1, etc. 



NOTES ON § 1. 85 

literature and to liberty, was as much a confiden- 
tial friend of Cicero in literary studies, as in politi- 
cal life. 

Retenta animo .... interrnissa ; i. e. the remem- 
brance and love of his philosophical studies were 
cherished eorUiniuiUy in his mind; although the 
pursuit of them had been necessarily remitted on 
account of the exigencies of the times, i. e. relaxed 
ill some degree, less ardently followed ; and re- 
cently even intermitted or broken off, during a long 
intervcU, viz. by multiplied engagements in public 
business. 

(3) P. 13. /. 6. Artium . . . ratio et disciplina ; ratio 
means the grounds or fundamental principles, i. e. (as 
we say) ^ reason of any thing; and disciplina, the 
orderly and digested knowledge of it. — Ars means, 
as employed by Cicero here, and oflen elsewhere, 
any knowledge or science which is acquired by 
learning or discipline. — Graecis et Uteris et docto- 
ribus ; Uteris means here, writings, i. e. literature 
as contained in books ; doctoribus, teachers vivd 
voce. 

(4) P. 13. L 13. Per se, by themselves, i. e. indepen- 
dently of the Greeks, or of any foreign aids. — ^Fecisse 
meliora, improved, rendered better, — Quae . . . elabora- 
rent, whick they deemed objects worthy of their labours, 
— ^Nam . . . famiUares, for the customs and rules of liv- 
ings and domestic and household affairs. — ^MeUus . . lau- 
tiuB, we maintain in a better and handsomer manner, i. 
e. we establish these things on firmer ground, and in 
a neater way. — ^Institutis et legibus, regulations and 
laws ; where the first seems to refer to rules or 
regulations adopted and established by custom, 
without the jformaUty of a law having the regu- 

5 



86 NOTES ON §§ 1, 2. 

r 

lar sanction of a penality. — ^Virtute, courage, hold- 
ness, martial valowr ; like the Greek aqtir^ , — ^Dis- 
ciplina answers exactly here to our military word, 
discipline, — Jam ilia . . . conferenda ; he means to 
say, that the natural talents of the Romans surpass 
those of the Greeks, or of any other nation ; al- 
though in literature the former might yield the 
palm to the latter. — Gravitas seems here to mean^ 
firmness or steadfastness of character. — Constantia, 
constancy, i. e. uniformity and consistency of con- 
duct. — Probitas, |>ro&%, uprightness of conduct — 
Fides, faithfidness, viz. in keeping promises, trea- 
ties, etc. — ^Virtus here means what is equivalent to 
our English virtus, as a generic name for good 
qualities. — In ullis, sc. ullis populis vel gen- 
tibus. 

§2. 

(5) P. 14. /. 3. Doctrina .... superabat, in homing 
and every kind of literature, Greece surpassed us; 
where doctrina embraces the means and ways of 
teaching, and literarum means the literature which is 
the result of the efforts of learned men. — In quo, w 
which thing, viz. in every kind of literature. — Erat 
.... repugnantes, U was easy to surpass those who did 
not enter into contest.Saxa, Uke the Greek yog, a par- 
ticle which is usually causal, but which not unfre- 
quently marks a transition, and id employed when 
the writer passes on to new matter, which is design- 
ed to illustrate or confirm what he has already said. 
So here, nam, m^irewer, i. e. I may add, let me add 
that etc. — Cum (= quum or quom) is here an ad- 
verb, meaning since, in- as mush as, — Antiquissimum 
. . . poetarum, the class of poets were the most ancient 
of the learned. — ^E doctia, 0ut -qf, belonging to, of 



NOTES ON ^2. 87 

• 

the learned; like the Greek in or If, it makes 
(with the Ablative) a periphrasis for the simple 
Grenitive. — Siquidem, (often written si quidem% since, 
— Ilomerus fuit, Homer lived, where fuit has the 
same sense as vixit ; and often so. — Et Hesiodus 
[fuit], — ^Romam conditam, which, according to tra- 
dition, happened 753 years B. C, i. e. before the 
Christian era. 

(6) P. 14. L 8. Homer and Hesiod are too weU 
known to need any description. Archilochus was a 
native of Pares, one of the Grecian islands called 
Cyclades, near the mouth of the Aegean Sea. The 
ancients placed him by the side of Homer, in respect 
to genius and talent ; and they regarded him as the 
inventor of Iambic measure in poetry, which is ^ 
peculiarly adapted to satire. Only fragments of 
his works are now extant. His poems were re- 
markable for bitterness of spirit and obscenity. 
The time when he flourished, is designated by 
Cicero: ^chilochus [lived] during the reign of 
Rarmdus. 

(7) Serius .... accepimus, i. e. we Romans receiv,- 
ed it, after it had a long time been flourishing in 
Greece. — ^Annis enim fere DX., i. e. 510 ; the ex- 
act time when Claudius and Tuditanus, mentioned 
in the next clause, were Consuls, was A. U. 514 
(2S9 B. C); and Cicero, no doubt, could have 
eanly ascertained this. But observe that he says 
annis ferb DX, i. e. about 510 ^ars ; using the 
round number of ten, probably, instead of 14, 
which latter he has exactly expressed in Brwto, 
cap. 18. 

(8) P. 14. 1. 10. The Livy here mentioned, is Livius 
AndvonieiiB, the first Roman dramatic poet, who 



88 NOTES ON § 2. 

flourished about 230 — ^240 B. C, and produced his 
first play in 240. The famous historian, Titus Livius, 
flourished about the commencement of the Chris- 
tian era. Fragments of the old Livy may be 
found in the Corpus Poetarum, — Fabulam dedit, 
composed, produced or published a play, — Fabula 
(from fabulor to speak) most naturally means, any 
kind of composition which is in the form of dialogue ; 
and, of course, this name is appropriate to tragedy, 
comedy, etc. Fabula also means, fable, romance, 
fictitious story, etc. ; but in the passage before us it 
means play, i. e. tragedy. 

(9) P. 14. /. 12. Quintus Ennius was bom at Ru- 
diae in Calabria, a province at the south-east extrem- 
ity of Italy. He died B. C. 169 ; and as he is said to 
have lived to the age of 70, his birth must have 
been B. C. 239 ; and the year when Livius fabulam 
dedit must therefore have been B. C. 240. En- 
nius was in high repute, as a poet, among the Ro- 
mans, in the days of Cicero and Virgil. He 
wrote Bjoman Annals, a poem in 10 books ; an ep- 
ic poem called Sdpio ; satires, tragedies, comedies, 
etc. Of all his numerous works, only some frag- 
ments are left ; the best edition of which is that by 
F. Hessel, Amst. 1707. 4to. ' 

(10) P. 14. /. 13. Plautus (Marcus Accius), flourish- 
ed about 200 years B. C, and died about 184 B. C. 
He was bom at Sarsina, a town in the extreme north 
of Umbria, a province in the north part of Italia Pro* 
pria. He possessed a rare talent for comedy ; and A. 
Gellius reckons the number of his ploys at 130. 
Some twenty of his pieces are still extant, and 
have been often published ; e. g. by Bmnck, J. A. 
Ernest], Bothe, and others. We have seen above, 



NOTES ON § 2. 89 

that Ennius was born probably about 239 B. C. ; 
and Plautus, who flourished about 40 years after 
this, although younger than Ennius (as Cicero as- 
serts), could not have been much younger. 

(11) P. 14. 1, 13. Naevius (Cneiufe), a Latin poet, 
who lived during the first Punic war ; a poeticd ac- 
count of which he wrote, and also comedies, trage- 
dies, satires, etc. He is said to have died 203 B. C. ; 
so that we must either construe the passage here as 
I have pointed it, or else suppose Cicero to have 
probably committed an error in reckoning Ennius 
(who was bom 239 B. C.) to be older than Nae- 
vius. As I have pointed the text, the meaning is, 
that Livy composed plays about 510 U. C. (243 
B. C.) ; and that Naevius did the same, about the 
same period ; which would agree well with his 
chronology. In the like way, or to the same pur- 
pose, Nobbe points it, in his stereotype edition of 
Cicero by Tauchnitz ; putting C. Claudlo . . . Plau- 
tus, in a parenthesis. 

(12) Sero .... recepti ~ means, that the poets 
were not read, nor poetry cultivated, at Rome, un- 
til long after it had flourished in Greece. — In Ori- 
ginibus, i. e. a work of M. Porcius Cato, named 
Origines because a part of it was employed in 
tracing the origin of the several Italian cities. 
Cato was distinguished for his temperance, his 
rigid morals, his love of order, and his learning. 
He wrote history, treatises *on husbandry, oratory, 
etc. One book on husbandry is -still extant. He 
was the ancestor of the celebrated Marcus Cato 
UticensiSy a cotemporary of Cicero, who laid vio- 
lent hands upon himself, when he was about to 
fbll into the hands of Caesar at Utica. This last 



90 NOTES ON § 2. 

individual is the subject of Addison's famous plajr, 
named Caio, The historian, M. P. Cato, died 
about 150 B. C. 

(13) P. 13. 1. 15. Quamquam est . . . virtutibus, i. e* 
warUke virtues or heroic deeds were celebrated at 
feasts, by singing united with the music of the tibi- 
cen, Jlute or pipe. But although this was admitted in 
the revelry of a banquet, yet it was not considered 
respectable on other occasions; so the sequel teaches 
us. — Oratio Catonis, a speech of CaJtOy extant no 
doubt in the time of Cicero. — ^Aetoliaui Ues north 
of the Sinus Corinthiacus, and was conquered by 
the Romans in the time of Ennius. M. Nobilior 
was sent as Praefect over the conquered province, 
and took Ennius along with him, out of admiration 
for his talents and poetry. — Studia,/Mii^iaZ%, favour, 
indinaium, viz. to be devoted to poetry. — Nee ta- 
men sic etc., (for sic^ many copies read ai qai), nor 
enen thua, i. e. nor even under all these disadvantages, 
did our poets who had much genius, fail short of a 
glory like to that which the Grecian poets obtained. 

(14) P. 14. Z.28. Polycletus, a celebrated statuary, 
and also painter, of Sicyon near Corinth, fl. 232 B. C. 
Parrhasius, a famous painter, of Ephesus, flourish- 
ed about 415 B. C. — Omnesque .... gloria, all are 
excited by glory to devote themselves to any pursuit. — 
Jacentque .... improbantur, and those things are 
always neglected^ which care disapproved by any na- 
tion. 

(15) P. 15. 1, 2. Nervorum . . . cantibus, lit.'m the 
music of chords and voices, i. e. in the music of instru- 
ments accompanied by singing. — ^Fidibus. .. cecinis- 
se, have sung admirably in connection with stringed in- 
gtrumenis ; fides — ^is, Dec. III. — ^Discebantque id, 



NOTES ON §§ 3, 4. 9^ 

they learned that thing, viz. the art of music. Apud 
illot), viz. the Greeks. — ^At nos . . . modum, 6m< we 
have limited tlie hounds of this art by the utility of 
measuring and reckoning ; i. e. we assign to it mere- 
ly the honour of aiding us in the art of mensura- 
tion, and of making out an account of quantities. — 
Oratorem . . . autem eruditum, we^ on the other handy 
eagerly did honour to the orator^ aUhovgh at first he 
teas not learned, but merely eloquent ; in later times, 
however, he was also teamed. — Studiosum, devoted to 
study, a lover of study, — Catonem, i. e. the elder 
Cato or Cato Censorinus, the historian and orator. 
— ^Post, i. e. (ifter the time of Galba, etc. — Lepidus, 
etc. , viz. were studiosi, like Cato. — Gracchus, i. e. 
Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, sons of T. Sempron, 
Gracchus, famous for their eloquence and their se- 
ditious behaviour, both of whom perished by assas- 
Bitiation, about 121 B. C. — Deinde ita magnos etc., 
i.e. after Lepidus etc., there arose orators so dis- 
tinguished, down Jo our own age, that we were very 
little, or nothing at all, inferior to the Greeks, 

§4. 

(16) P, 15. 1, 22. Jacuit, was neglected, layf pros- 
trate, — Quae, i. e. philosophia. — Occupati, i. e. occu- 
pied in pleading causes, and in the labours of the 
senate-chamber. — Prosimus .. .otiosi, we may he use- 
ful to them, if in our power ^ when we are at leisure. — 
Optimis illis . . . eruditis etc.^ by those men, who mean 
wdl, but are not very learned. But who are referred 
to by mis ? Emesti prefers to read illi ; and so 
Nobbe ; and to make this pronoun refer to the books 
mentioned. But if the reading iUis be retained (as 
In the text], it must refer to some of the persons 



92 NOTES ON §§ 4, 5. 

whom Cicero had just named ; or to some other 
persons well known to the writer, and to those 
whom he addressed. — Homiuis est . . . literis, be- 
longs to a man who extravagantly abuses both leisure 
and literature. In saying this, he means to charac- 
terize the writers to whom he had just alluded ; as 
the sequel plainly shews. — Itaque etc., thertfore^ 
i. e. because they have so written, they read their 
hdoks 07ily in company with their oum friends and 
disciples ; nor does any one touch them, besides those 
who wish for the same license in writing, — Si aliquid 
• . . Industrie, if we have added any thing to orato- 
rical reputation by our industry. With Rath, I 
prefer latuii here to laudis ; which Emesti and 
Nobbe retain, but Carey has marked as suspicious. 
Oratoriae laudi means, tii^e Rojnan reputation for elo- 
quence; not merely the speaker's own personal 
fame. — Ilia, viz. those things which had been added 
to the oratorical fame of the Romans. 

§5. 

(17) P. 16. 1, 13. Docere . . . dicere, also began [like 
Isocrates] to teach young men to speak ; i. e. taught 
them the precepts of oratory, or acted the part of a 
rhetorician. In most editions dicere is in the place of 
docere, and vice versll. But as I am unable to 
make any good sense out of this, I follow the text 
of Emesti and Carey. — ^Prudentiam, knowledge, 
Bcience, i. e. philosophical science, in this case. — 
Nee prlstinum etc., not to lay a aside our former 
ttudy of oratory, and yet to become conversant with 
this mare important and wjore fruitful art, viz. phi* 
iosophy. — Scholas, disputations, conversazioni, con- 
versationa on literary topics. The word would also 



NOTES ON § 5. 93 

deagnate pvMic Udurts or rtcUaiums, — Quid • . ; 
poflsem, what I emUd do in that wcof, 

(18) P. 16. /. 26. Senilis est declamatio, ia the deC' 
lamaHon of my old age ; which shews that the Tuscu- 
Ian Questions were vmtten in the latter part of Cic- 
ero's life. Indeed, he seems to have lietaken himself 
to the study of philosophy, on account of the exigen- 
cies of the dmes ; which, during the wane of his life, 
left litde hope for a busy and ambitious politician^ 
who was attached to the popular form of govern- 
ment. The whole of the introduction to the Tus- 
culan Questions, is in fact, as has been above re- 
marked, an apology for the study of philosophy, 
and an effort to render that an object of particular 
admiration and attention, which up to the period 
when he was writing, had not been generally in 
good repute among the Romans. — Declamatio and 
declamito designate the usage of extempore speaking 
and discussion on any subject proposed, for the 
sake of practice and improvement. As Cicero had 
done this to a great extent, when young ; so he 
apologizes as it were for himself, in respect to his 
resuming the practice when he is old. His mean- 
ing isy that in what he is about to say, he resumes 
the practice of his youth, in descanting upon vari- 
ous topics. 

(19) P. 16. /. 27. Ponere jubebam, / required [some 
one] to propose something ; i. e. some subject on which 
he would wish me to speak.— Disputabam here 
means to discuss in the manner of a disputation^ viz. by 
question and answer, the proposing of objections 
.and answering them, etc — itaque, and ihen^ or 
and in this UHOf, — Scholas plainly means here the 
di§cu$aionM hekL during the five days mentioned. 

6» 



94 NOTES ON §§ ^5 6' 

So the Greek word trxo^^ is often employed. — Fie- 
hat autem ita, the tnaUer moreover was so managed. 
—Sic eas . . . narretur, / shaU so represent ikemy as 
if the thing were acted oi£t^ and not merely narrated; 
he means, that he shall represent them in the way 
of dialogue, so that the speakers or actors may in 
proprili personci (so to express it) present them- 
selves before the readers. — Exordium here means, 
the com/mencemerU of the discussion which follows. 

§6. 

This section is a true specimen of the Socratic 
method of reasoning ; in which Cicero makes the 
young man, (who had set out with the position, 
that death is an evil, and yet Jield that there is no 
existence after death), to contradict himself^ or to 
maintain what is plainly absurd. The sum of the 
argument which Cicero em|:3oys, is, that if we are 
annihilated at death, it follows of course, that we 
cannot be miserable aftier this period ; because mis- 
ery denotes the existence of feeling and suffering ; 
and these necessarily imply the actual existence of a 
sentient being. 

On the weight and force of this argument, I 
shall not make any remarks here; nor in other 
cases of the like nature ; so as to intermingle them 
with the Notes. I purposely reserve, for the most 
part, remarks of this nature, for insertion in the 
.Appendix ; in which I intend to examine, at large, 
the arguments of Cicero respecting the immortality 
of the soul, and also to suggest some considera- 
tions, relative to the arguments usually employed, in 
modem times, in discussing this subject Enough, 
for the present, that Cicero has here applied his 



NOTES ON ^ 6. 95 

dialectical skill in such a way, as absolutely to 
hedge up the path, in which his Collocutor was 
beginning to proceed. 

(50) P. 1?. L 8. — ^. Two questions may be asked in 
respect to this letter ; first, What is the meaning of 
it ? Secondly, is it a manu auctoris f .As to the first 
question ; the meaning of A, seems to be explained 
in Tusc. Qiiaest. Lib. II. 11 ; where Cicero, ad* 
dressing his Collocutor, says : "^ At tu, adolescens^^ 
etc. A, then means adoUscens, young man. But 
this should not be understood of a mere youth, as 
estimated by us at the present time. Among the 
Romans, as among the Hebrews, a person was 
cnWedyouTigj until he was some thirty years of 
age. Now as Socrates was usually surrounded by 
disciples in younger life; so Cicero represents 
himself, in the present case, as entering into dis^ 
cussion with a friend of the like age, i. e. adolea- 
eens. Indeed, the congruity of the whole thing 
requires this. Cicero is the master; they who 
question him, are his disciples or pupils. But the 
ordinary solution of w^. , is by Auditor. So Carey 
and others. — As to the other question, the manu- 
scripts exhibit the initial letters A, and also My 
which follow ; and there can scarcely be a doubt 
that they are a prima manu. 

It wiU of course be understood, afler what has 
been said, that M. stands for Marcus TSMius Cicero. 

(21) P. 17. 1. 12. Est raiserum . . . malum, it is a 
msxar, then^ since Uisan evU.' — Nemo . . . miser, aU 
then are wrdehed, orHiere is no one %oho is not miserO' 
Ue.— Si din constare vis, if you toiU be consistent with 
yowra^y you must grant, etc — ^Nam si solos etc. ; 
the sentiiiieDt which follows is this : ' If you should 



96 NOTES ON § 6. 

affinu merely that all are miserable who have yet 
to die, then indeed, you would represent ail the 
living as miserable, inasmuch as they must all die ; 
but still, should you go no further dian this, death 
would at least be the end of our woes ;' neverthdeas 
there tJDOuid be an end of misery, m death. ' But since 
you represent the dead also as miserable, you make 
us all subject to endless misery. On this ground 
we must necessarily admit, that those who died 
one hundred thousand years ago, or rather, that all 
who have been bom, are miserable.' 

(22) P. 17. L 32. Cocy tus fremitus, Uu groanings 
ofCocytua, Cocytus, according to mythology, was a 
river in Hades, flowing from the Styx, and named by 
the Greeks, Kuntviog, from xcravoi, to howl^ to shriek ; 
i.e. Cocytus means, shriek-river, — Transvectio Ache- 
rontis, the passage over Acheron; which was another 
river in Hades, into which (according to Homer in 
Odyss. X. 513) Periphlegethon and Cocytus emptied 
themselves. The Greek ""AxiQfav seems to be equiv- 
alent to o axea ^iiav, i. e. which flows with griefs, or 
the river of sorrows. 

Tantalus, well known in mythology, was a king 
of Lydia, the middle province on the western shore 
of Asia Minor, and son of Jupiter and the nymph 
Pluto ; also the father of Niobe, Pelops, etc., all 
fimious in fable. He is represented as plunged up 
to the chin into a pool of water in Hades, and as 
tormented with an insatiable thirst; but the mo- 
ment he attempts to catch at the water, it recedes 
from him. Some add to this, that a bough of de- 
licious fruit hangs above his head, which, forced 
by raging hunger, he attempts to seize, but which 
is instantly removed beyond his reach by a blast of 



NOTES ON § 6. 97 

wind. Others represent him as sitting under a 
huge stone that is suspended over his head, which 
every moment threatens to falL This dreadful 
punishment was inflicted, because he served up his 
son Pelops for a supper made to regale the gods ; 
which he did in consequence of doubts as to their 
real divinity, and in order to put their knowledge 
to the test. So Pindar ; but others say, it was be- 
cause he stole nectar and ambrosia from the table 
of the gods, and gave them to men ; and others 
assign still different causes. — Siti enectus means, 
dying m(h thirst, tortured to death unih thirst. 

Sisyphus' story may be found in all the books of 
mythology. He is represented as the son of Aeo- 
lus and Enaretta, and the founder of Ephyre, af> 
terw&rds called Corinth ; also as the most crafly 
and subtle prince of all the heroic ages. His pun- 
ishment in Hades is represented, as a continual 
effort to roll a huge stone up a steep hill, which 
no sooner reaches near the top, than it is precipi- 
tated back to the bottom, and he commences his 
work anew. The cause of this punishment is usu- 
ally represented, to be a trick which Sisyphus played 
upon Pluto. At his death, he commanded his wife 
to leave his body unburied. When he came to 
Hades, he begged indulgence of Pluto, to go back 
and punish the seeming negligence of his wife, in 
leaving his body unburied ; and having obtained 
his request, he declined returning to the infernal 
regions. Pluto then sent Mars after him ;. and 
when he was brought back by force, Pluto con- 
demned him to the punishment above stated. Oth- 
ers assign different causes. — Sudans nitendo, sweat" 
ing beeauH of strenuous exertion, — Hilum^ tn iKt, 
kastf in any degree. 



98 NOTES ON ^ 6. 

(23) P. 18. 2. 5. Minos etRhadamanthus, both (ac* 
cording to mythology) sons of Jupiter and Europa, 
and bom in Crete. For their distinguished justice 
while kings on earth, the Greeks represented them as 
severe and impartial judges in Hades. Minos hears 
the causes of the dead, and shakes the fatal urn 
by which their destiny is determined ; and Rhada- 
manthus obliges them to confess their crimes, and 
punishes them for their offences. Cicero has here 
omitted Aeacus, son of Jupiter and Aegina, and 
king of Oenopia, who is often associated with Minos 
and Rhadamanthus. — ^L. Crassus . . . M. Antonius ; 
the former a celebrated orator cotemporary with 
Cicero ; the latter, Cicero's teacher in rhetoric, at 
Rome, otherwise called Marcus Antonius Gnipho. 

(24) P. 18. L 7. Quoniam, whUst ; the sense 
seems to require quamquam,Ba Ernest! remarks; 
but qttoniam is admissible in the sense now ^ren to 
it— Graecos judices, i.e. Minos and Rhadamanthus, 
as stated above. — ^Tibi ipsi . . . dicenda, [but] the 
cause miut be pleaded for yovrself the croum being of 
the highest value. The recent translation of Cicero's 
Tusculan Questions, by W. H. Main (Lond. 1824), 
renders maxim& coron^, before a very great assewMy. 
The Latin is, no doubt,>capable of this ; because co- 
rona sometimes means the crowd which surrounds or 
encircles any one. But 1 apprehend the true force 
and point of the expression here would be lost by 
such a version. I understand Cicero, who had just 
named Demosthenes, as alluding here to the last 
and highest effort of this masterly orator, viz., the 
celebrated oration neQt <neq>arov, i. e. pro corond. 
Demosthenes, in the course of his life, had been 
twice crowned on the public stage at Athens ; once 



ROTES ON § 6. 99 

for his services in ezpelliDg the MacedoDian garri- 
son from the island of Euboea; and the secoiyl 
time, after the league made with the Thebans. In 
334 B. C, his friend Ctesiphon proposed in the 
Senate, that Demosthenes should be again crowned 
for his many public, patriotic, and disinterested 
services. Aeschines, the rival of Demosthenes, took 
ofience at this, and accused Ctesiphon of acting 
unlawfully and precipitately in this matter, and 
demanded that he should be fined fifty talents of 
gold. From various causes, the matter did not 
come to trial until eight years afterwards ; when 
Demosthenes undertook the defence of Ctesiphon ; 
and through him, the vindication of his own claims^ 
which was the real basis of the dispute. As this 
was the last, so it was the most perfect of all the 
public speeches of Demosthenes ; and indeed, it is 
the unquestionable master-piece of ancient ages. 
An allusion to these weU-known fiicts I suppose 
Cicero to make, in the phrase maxim^ coron^; 
which, on the ground that I take, means as much 
as to say: 'The crown for which you will plead, 
will be one of the highest possible value f i, e. it 
amounts to the question of eternal happiness or 
misery. The idea of a great aaaembly before which 
individuals are to plead their cause at the bar of 
the judges in Hades, is, as it seems to me, foreign 
to the dauical circle of thought ; although it is fa- 
miliar to us, because we insensibly transfer the 
scriptural account of the judgment day, to the hea- 
then judgment day. It comes, therefore, frt)m the 
Scriptureii rather than fipom the Greek or Roman 
views of our final triaL 

P, 18. 1. 16. Male, Hercule, narras, by Htrcvita^ tgou 



100 NOTES ON § 6. 

speak urduckUy. The reason follows : Quia . . . diee- 
rem, i. e. 'I might exhibit some eloquence in des- 
canting against such things,' viz. if he had not been 
prevented by his Collocutor's disclaiming any be- 
lief in them. — Quis enim non etc., who now eovJd 
rwt [be eloquent] in a matter of this kindf Con- 
vincere, refute, 

(25) P. 18. 1. 31. Nusquam . . . possunt, hterally 
theif cannot he notohere, i. e. they must be sornevrhere. 
— Quid tandem, literally why at last ? Tandem, in 
such a case, is expressive of surprise or strong feel- 
ing ; just as we should say, in English : ' Why, in all 
the world ? Why, for heaven's sake ?' — Istuc, that ; 
put for isthoc. — villas fbrtimas, those [splendid] pos- 
sessions, VIZ, such as the persons present were well 
acquainted with. — M. Crassus, i. e. Marcus Licinius 
Crassus, one of the triumvirate with Caesar and 
Pompey, who was exceedingly rich, and met with 
a violent death, B. C. 53. — Cneium Pompeium, 
Pompey the Great, as he has been called, one of 
the same triumvirate, who also came to a 'Solent 
end. — Qui . . . careant, i. e. who die. 

(06) P. 19. 1. 15. Revolveris eodem, you move 4n 
a circle, i e. you argue in one. — Etiam quod sen- 
tio, the very thing whieli, or exactly what, I iMnk, — 
'Erne . . . dicis, then you affirm that they [who are 
dead] do stiU exist — Port^ Capena, a gate of Rome 
80 named, because it led towards Capena. — Calati- 
ni, etc., heroes and patriots of former days. 

The Greek atUnfia means, in logic, whtxtever is so 
said, in a petfect sentence, that it must he either true 
or false. Pronunciatum, then, is a proposition, 
declaration, something declared. — Id' ergo . . . falsum, 
is not exactly fitted to the previous omne prommtio' 



NOTES ON §6. 101 

turn. The fact is, that the construction of the sen- 
tence is broken off by the parenthesis, and begun 
anew or resumed at %d etc. ; ihat then is an c^rma- 
tion^ which is true or false, 

(27) P. 20. L 30. Ecqui, sign of interrogation 
merely, like the word num ; do you see then, etc. ? 
— Dejeceris, you have removed or abstracted, viz., by 
granting that men are not miserable after death, the 
sum of their misery is of course greatly diminish- 
ed ; as the sequel shews. — ^Haberemus in vita, i. e. 
we should, while living, have continually before us 
endless misery. — Calcem, literally the heel; but 
here figuratively, the extremity, 

Epicharmus (fl. 440 B. C.) was a poet and Pytha- 
gorean philosopher, who introduced comedy at 
Syracu^e, under king Hiero. He was imitated by 
the Roman Plautus. He is reported to have made 
a metrical version of the maxims of Pythagoras, 
and so to have divulged the secrets of the School. 
Aristotle and Pliny make him the inventor of the 
Greek letters x and <&, — ^The phrase, acuti nee in- 
sulsi hominis, corresponds pretty exactly to our 
vulgar English expression, a shrewd sort of a man, 
and no fool of a fellow. At least, this gives the 
sense of the x)rigina], better than a more stately ex- 
presnon. 

Vt Siculi, inasmu4^ cu he is a Sicilian ; for Si- 
cilians were deemed, by the ancients, to be men of 
acute minds. — Quam, i. e. quam sententiam. — ^Me 
Graece . . . Latine, that I am not any more wont to 
introduet Greek when spenking Latin, than I am to 
inirodmee the LaHn whMe speaking Greek, — Jam ag- 
noflco Graecum, / readily discern (he Greek ; but 
does be mean the Greek man, or the Greek Ian- 



102 NOTES ON § 6, 

guage that corresponded with what Cicero had 
uttered ? The latter, Mr. Main says ; and perhaps 
correctly; for a reference to what precedes the 
quotation, would incline one so to think. Still it 
is possible, that the speaker means to say : ^ I dis- 
cern in tliis sentiment the shrewd Greek philoso- 
pher ;" but, on the whole, I cannot tJbink this to be 
the probable interpretation.' He seems to design 
to say, that although Cicero had not expressed the 
Greek, he could discern what it must be, or recal 
it to mind. The verse of Epicharmus, ^Anod-avuv 
fi tedyapah ov fioi, 8i,aq>iQu, which Sextus Empiri- 
cus (ad vers. Mathemat.) has preserved, does not 
appear to contain the sentiment which Cicero has 
here expressed in Latin. — Perfice, accomplish or 
complete your undertaking, viz., to shew, that / 
shoidd regard the not being obliged to die, as mise' 
rahle. 

(28) P. 21. L 18. Jam . . . est, that now is indeed no 
d'ifficult task, — ^Cui proximum etc., near to which 
[death], is the time after death, etc. — Id est enim etc.^ 
for that [viz. dying] is coming to that etc. — ^Uberius is- 
ta, [speak] more at large upon these things. — ^Haec . . . 
asseutiar, these thorny matters (as I confess) compel me 
before Icon yield my assent to thern, — ^Ut emm non effi- 
cias etc., aUhovgh you may not effect, etc. ; tamen etc., 
yet you tnay succeed in shewing, etc.— Continentem 
orationem, continuous or uninterrupted speech, — Su- 
perbum . . . esset, that wovid be acting haughtily or 
arrogantly ; for esset Emesti reads est, but (with 
Rath) I prefer esset, — Geram tibi morem, I yield to 
thee, or I grant your request ; mos sometimes signi- 
fies one^s own will or opinion; and gero, to manage, 
direct^ etc Hence gero tibi morem, literally / di* 



.NOTES ON §§ 6, 7. 103 

rect my wtU for you, tibi being in the Datwus com- 
modi, as grammarians say. — Homunculus unus, lit- 
erally ont Utile man, a man of an inferior cast, out 
ef the many such who may be found ; spoken in 
the way of modesty, so as not to pretend to too 
much. — Probabilla conjectudL aequeuB, seeking af" 
ter what is probable by supposition, i. e. ^hat we 
may suppose to be probable. — ^Tu, ut videtur, you 
may go on as you please ; we put ourselves in the 
attitude of listeners. 



§§7—9. 

In thtf discnssion, (as should be done in all others ^vhich are 
properly conducted), the writer aims first at the dei&nition of the 
main word or topic : What is death ? On the part oi 'some, the an- 
swer to this i«, that it is the separation of the soul and body, or the 
departure of the former from the latter. But others think that the 
Boal perishes with the body. What then is the soul ? A fundamen- 
jtal question, of course, in the whole discussion. 

In the investigation of this topic, Cicero adduces (in $ 7. $ 8) all 
the various theories respecting the soni, which had been proposed by 
different philosophers ; and on some of these he makes remarks, in 
$ 9. Of course, all those theories respecting the soul, which make 
it a part, or the whole, of the body, e. g. the heart, the brain, the 
blood, or that harmony which is the result of all the parts of the 
body ncing united, are considered as affording no ground of hope for 
imoKirtality ; because, if either of these theories be true, the soul 
must be dissolved witn the body. Other theories, e. g. such as rep- 
resent the soul to be air or ether, firo or caloric, the perennial prin- 
ciple or cause of motion and life, etc., Cicero considers as affording 
some room for hope, that the soul, when it leaves the body, may find 
a pernMiiMot place of abode in the celestial regions. 

§7. 

(29) P. 23. /. 17. Mors, etc., our first business, t%en, 
shall he, to inquire what death itself is, which seems to 
be somiHkinfr familiarly knoton. Animi, of the mind or 
soul, vovg, L e. the intelligent and rational part of man, 
in distinction fix)m his physical or bodily part. So 



104 NOTES ON §7. 

evidently animtis is used here. But this is not its 
only meaning, in the Latin language. (1) Sometimes 
it is equivalent to aniina, i. e. the animating living 
principle of our nature, as contained in the breath ; 
and this seems to be the original sense of the word, 
inasmuch as it plainly comes from the Greek aVs- 
fiog, icindf breath. (2) Animus sometimes desig- 
nates also the faculty of thinking and desiring, in 
distinction from the material nature of the body, 
which of itself cannot do this. (3) Animus denotes, 
also, the faculty of perception and feelings in distinc-' 
tion from the material nature of the body ; and in 
this last sense, as well as in its second one, it be- 
comes equivalent to mind, as designating our intel- 
lectual and rational part. Like our English word 
mind, also, animus designates the various afiections 
and exercises of the soul ; e. g. will, desire, courage, 
satisfaction, dissatisfaction, hope, manner of think- 
ing, opinion, thought, etc. That Cicero uses ani- 
mus, in his present book, for mind (in a generic 
sense), i. e. for soul, in distinction from, or in oppo- 
sition to, the body as material and mortal, is plain 
from the very nature of the case. Of course, our 
English word soul or mind, is a correct translation 
of it. 

(30) P. 22. i.21. Occidere, to faU or to perish.-— 
Alii statim, i. e. alii pensent statim ; and so in the fol- 
lowing cases of the word alii. — Semper, i. e. semper 
permahere. The reader will note these three classes 
of opinion, respecting the duration of the soul. 
Next follows a recension of the different opinions 
respecting the nature itself of the soul, — ^Nasica . . . 
Corculum, JVasica (i. e. Scipio Nasica), tJuxt shrewd 
man, tioice made consul, [was sumamed, dicebatur 
implied] corculum^ i. e. little heart. 



NOTES ON ^ 7. 105 

(31) p. ^. l. 30. EmpedocUs thinks, fhaiike soidis 
the, blood styffused around the htart. Empedocles, who 
flourished about 444 B. C, was a native of Agrigen- 
tum, a town on the south- western shore of SiclJy, a 
philosopher and poet, and one of the most distin- 
guished men in his country. He wrote a poem, in 
three books, on the JVoiiirc of Things ; which Lu- 
cretius had before him, when he wrote his poem of 
the like kind ; but which, with all the other works 
of Empedocles, has perished, excepting only a few 
fragments. The story of Empedocles plunging 
himself into the crater of mount Ema, is probably 
a fiction. The sentence of Empedocles to which 
Cicero here alludes, is this : Alfia yag av&gtaTiotg 
nsQutagdirOV i<ni vorifia, for the blood around the 
heart of man is his mind; found in Stobaeus, 
Eclog. Phys. p. 131. — Animi principatum tenere, 
to contain the principal portion, or the predominating 
portion of the soul. 

(32) P. 23. L 4. Declarat nomen, (Emesti and Nob- 
be : declarant nomen), I understand as an elliptical 
expression, equivalent to Jioc declaret nom^n, this the 
name declares, i. e. the very name which we give 
to the sovl, declares that it has been deemed the 
same thing as anima, the breath or vital principle. 
The sequel shews that such was the intention of 
the writer. — Agere animam means, the panting of 
a dying person, to pant for breath, — Animam ef- 
flare is to breath out one^s breath, to expire. — Et an- 
imosos, i. e. et dicimus animosos, i. e. we speak of 
anim^osos, ammatos, and also say, et animi sententid, 
— ^Bentley suspected the genuineness of the words, 
nam et . . . sententia ; Rath has so marked them in 
his edition ; but I prefer, with Nobbe, to mark 



1 OG NOTES ON §§ 7, 8. 

only, et animosos . . . sententia ; which I have in- 
cluded in brackets, in order to denote the probabil- 
ity that it is not genuine ; at least, it does not seem 
to be to the purpose of the author, and I can make 
no tolerable reasoning out of it. 

(33) P.23.Z.8. Zenoni Stoico^ celebrated philos- 
opher, and founder of the sect ofthe Stoics, was bom 
at Citium in the island of Cyprus, and tUed B. C. 
264, at the age of 96 years. He spent his literary 
life at Athens ; where he lectured on philosophy, 
in the portico called (ttow. Hence the name Stoicy 
given to him and his followers. Temperance, 
regularity of life, indifference to bodily appetites, 
and universal sobriety of demeanour, were virtues 
insisted on by the Stoics ; and which these philos- 
ophers, at least many of them, seem to have car- 
ried higher than any other sect of ancient Greece. 

§8. 

(34) P. 23. L 9. Sed haec . . . vulgo, hiU that these 
things which Ihave meniioned^ the heart, the hrain, the 
breathy fire, [are the soul], w commordy [said] ; that 
is, these opinions are comn>on. — ^Refiqua fere sin- 
guli, other things, for the most pari, only pariicxdar 
persons [affirm]. — Vi multi ante etc. ; with Bentley 
and Rath, I begin a new sentence here. Emesti 
puts only a comma after singuli ; but the nature of 
the sentence which foMows, with the correlates 
ante . . . proxime, shews that a different division 
should be made. — Ante, ancientty, viz. he/ore the 
time of Aristoxenus. Proxime, in later times. 

(35) P. 23./. 11. Aristoxenus, a celebrated musician, 
was bom at Tarentum of Calabria in Italy. He wrote 
453 treatises on philosophy, history, etc. He was a 



NOTPS ON § 8. 107 

disciple of Aristotle ; and three books of his on mu- 
sic, are still extant, being the most ancient that we 
have respecting this science. He flourished about 
340 B. C. 

(96) P. 23. L 13. Intentionem quandam, i. e. 
many of the ancients, and in later times, Aristoxenus, 
[have said that the soul is] a kind of straining up or 
tuning of the body itself — Velut etc., as in singing 
and instrumental music, what is called harmony, 
[arises from such a tuning} ; so from the nature 
and conformation of the whole body, its various mo- 
tions arise, like the sounds in music, — ^Hic, viz. 
Aristoxenus. — ^Artiflcio suo, his art as a musician. 
— Et tamen . . . Platone, and yet he said something 
which, whatever it might he, was long before both 
said and explained by Plato. 

(37) P. ^. L 19. Xenocrates, bom at Chalcedon 
in Bythinia, a town opposite Byzantium ; a pupil of 
Plato, who succeeded Speusippus in the school of 
Plato ; and who was much respected and admired 
for his virtues. He died B. C. 314, at the age of 82. 

(38) P. 23. 1. 21. Pythagoras, a native of Samos 
one of the Grecian islands ; a disciple of Pherecydes 
of Syros ; a famous moral and political reformer, at 
Metapontum and Crotona, cities on the Tarentine 
bay, at the south-east part of the Italian peninsula, 
usually called Magna Graeda. His doctrine of 
metempsychosis and the luirmony of the spheres, are 
well known. He applied the doctrine of even and 
odd, in numbers, to the system of the Universe ; 
and he drew from this application, the conclusion 
that this system is a system of relations, i. e. of 
num^rictd proportion ; and so, a living hannony of 
numbers, (See in Rixner's Geschichte der Philos. 



108 NOTES ON § 8. 

Vol. I., a detailed account of (he music of the Spheres^ 
in the Appendix.) 

(39) P. 23. L 20. Numerum seems to mean, Juur- 
fnanical conformity. If we ask for definite ideas, in 
respect to such philosophy as that of Pythagoras and 
his followers, with regard to this point, we may ask 
in vain. The general idea of this numerical cor^ormi- 
ty seems to have been, a kind of harmonizing anima 
mundij diffused through all its parts ; and of course 
existing in human beings. To explain it, Pytha- 
goras compared it to music, and to the harmony 
(as he named it) of even numbers. 

(40) P. 2a I. 22. Ejus doctor, i. e. the teacher of 
Xenocrates.— Cujus ... in arce, whose ruling party u e. 
reason he placed in the head, aain a kind of citadel. — 
£t duas partes . . . locavit, and two parts he made sub' 
ordmaiCf viz. irascibility and desire, which he located in 
their appropriate pUtceSy irascibility in the breast^ 
and desire under the region of the heart. For suis^ 
Emesti and others read disclusit ; with Rath and 
some of the Mss., I prefer suis. 

(41) P. 23. 2. 28. Dicaearchus, of Messene in the 
province of Messenia, belonging to the south-west- 
ern part of the Peloponnesus, was famous for his 
knowledge of philosophy, history, and mathematics. 
There are no remains of his works, at present — 
Quern . . . exponit, which, being pronounced ai Cor- 
inth, he has published in three books. — Duobus, in (he 
other two books. — ^Disserentem, who maintains. — 
Frustra que .... appellari, and that unthoui any rea- 
son, animals are also caUed aiximated beings. — ^Ne- 
que, i. e. he also maintains, that,neitheretc. — ^Animum 
vel animam, i. e. neither a rational soul, nor an ani* 
mating principle. — Quippe . . . quidquam, because 



NOTES ON §§8,9. - 1 09 

there is no 9uck [anima], nor any iking tehakveri 
unless etc. — Ita figuratum, etc., so formed, Ihat by iht 
tempering of nature it lives and thinks, 

(42) P. 24. L 13. Quatuor ilia genera principiorum, 
those four kinds of elements, i. e. the well known fbur^ 
viz, water, earth, fire, and air. — Cum .... complex- 
us, token ..,.he had comprised or represented. — Et 
tam multa alia, and also many other ffiings, viz., 
meminisse, etc.-^ EvdeXixsuxv, (so, on the wholi^, 
I think, with Rath, it should be written, and not- 
a8 Emesti writes it, irttXix^ia), means perennity^ 
continued existence in the same state, ^ErtsXixsM 
means acUtnty, action itself, or €u:tual being, Nei* 
ther the one nor the other of these Greek words 
seem fully to correspond with Cicero's explana- 
tion. On the whole, however, his emphasis seems 
to lie upon continuatam and perennem, rather than 
on motwnem; which would favour the reading 
irdeXixeiar, 

§9. 

(43) P. 24. 1, 24. Nisi .... sententiae, unless, per- 
ehancey some have escaped me, these are nearly the 
[various] opinions respecting the soul. After fere, 
the comi]pon editions insert omnium ; but the lead- 
ing Mss. omit it ; and so Rath. 

(44) P. 24. 1, 25. Democritus, of Abdera m Thrace, 
at the head of the Aegean Sea ; a disciple of Leucip- 
pus of the same place ; bom B. C. 500 ; called Iliv^ 
ta&XoSj because of his skill in logic, physics, ethics^ 
mathematics, and music. The atomic philosophy 
seems to have taken its rise from him. CioerQ 
seems hardly to represent his principles with fair- 
ness here ; for he did not maintain the fortuitous 
concourse of atoms, but that their movemeQt$ wer« 

6 



110 NOTES ON §9. 

neceasary, and yet that they were directed by the 
laws of the highest reason. See Rixner, Creech, 
der Philos. I. p. 128. 

(45) P. 24. l. 26. Levibus . . . corpusculis, smooth 
and round partidea or atoms. — ^Apud istos, i. e. among 
philosophers of that class. — Confundere, to mix them 
together^ to unite them. — ^Ut . . . disserantur, aiihough 
those matters^ viz. respecting the constituent ele- 
ments of the soul, be not discussed. — ^Nisi hac . . . 
hoc, unless this question [respecting the essence] of 
the soul be solved, now, tfyou think proper, [we will 
discuss] this. — ^lUud ali^s, otherwise [we will dis- 
cuss] that. — ^Efficiet enim roJdo, for reason unUnuxke 
it out. 

(46) P. 25. 1. 15. Si anima est, tfit is air, breath. — 
His sententiis onmibus, according to ttU these opinions. 
— Sensus, sensation, — ^Non sentientis . . . intersit, but 
to one destitute of aU sensation, there is nothing 
which can be of any consequence. 

(47) P. 25. / 31. Num etc., i. e. can we. defend the 
immortality of the soul more eloquently than Pla- 
to has done ? 

Sed nescio quo modo, etc. ; a remarkable and 
very affecting concession of an anxious and inquir- 
ing mind. All the arguments which a Plato and 
a Socrates had produced, could operate, as it would 
seem, with only a momentary and imperfect ibrce 
upon it. With Plato's Phaedo in his hand, the 
Inquiring youth could not, for the time being, gain- 
say his reasoning ; but so little of deep impression 
did it make, so little of solid satisfaction did it give, 
that at the moment when direct attention t% the sub- 
ject ceased, then conviction and satisfaction began 
to diminish and to vanish away. Cicero does not, 



NOTES ON §§ 9, 10. Ill 

indeed, say this in his own person ; but can there 
be any good ground of doubt, that he drew the 
sentiment from his own feelings ? I apprehend it 
must have been nearly or altogether so, with a 
great part of the few among the heathen, who pro- 
fessed to believe in the real immateriality and im- 
mortality of the soul. They saw through a glass 
darkly. They were groping their way by dim 
twilight. The gospel, and that only, has '* brought 
life and immortality to light,'/ in a manner that ad- 
mits no doubt nor fears as to the doctrine of a fu- 
ture state. 

Dasne, do you not concede^ either that the soul 
endures etc., or etc. — ^Do vero i. e. I grant that the 
one or the' other of these must be true. 



§ 10. 

The first argument whieh Cicero employs to show that the soal 
Borvivos the bodV) is an argumentum ad hominem ; i. e. it avails 
only for those who hold, as did the Greeks and Romans, that the 
gods now existing and immortal^ were once human beings. For aU 
such, Cicero says, the funereal rites and ceremonies that are prae- 
iiaed, will exhibit sufficient proof, that renowned men and women 
are regarded, and have from time immemorial been regarded, ca 
surviving the destruction of the body. Thus it is in respect to 
Romalos, Oastor and Pollux, Ino, and others. Nay, even the Pit 
Majores are all of the like class ; as their sepulchres in Greece, and 
their mysteries, clearly shew. We may add to these considerations, 
the x^neral persuasion respecting tlie appearanoe of ghosts or 
•pirits. 

(48) P. 26. 1. 33. Auctoribus . . . possumus, toe 
can adduct the best authorities in respect to that 
sentiment which you wish should he established. — ^Et 
primum . . . antiquitate, and especially [we can ad- 
duce] aU antiquity. — Ortu, Us first origin. 

(49) P. 2a i. 30. Insitum, implanted by na- 
ture*. — Cascos, the same in meaning as ardiquos ; 



112 NOTES ON § 10. 

but the word eascos is antiquated or obsolete, be- 
ing probably a Sabine word. — Esse in morte sen- 
sum, that there is sensation in a state of death, i. e. 
after death. — Turn . . . sepulcrorum, both from the 
ordinances of the priests and the ceremonies at 
graves, — Nee violatas . . . sanxissent, nor, when 
[these ceremonies] are violated, would they haioe 
punished with a scruptdosity which could not he ap- 
pealed, Religio, consdentiovsness, scrupulosity ; 
sancio sometimes means to apply the penalty of a 
law, i. e. to punish ; and this seems to make the 
best sense here. — ^Mortem non . . . delentem, that 
death is not such a destruction as removes and makes 
an entire end of every thing. — In ceteris . . . tamen, 
in regard to others, [this soul] is retained in the 
ground, hut stiU cordinues to exist, 

(50) P. 27. 1, 11. Ex hoc . . . opinione, accord- 
ing to this, and in the opinion of our countrymen, — 
Ennius, see Note 9. — Indeque . . . Hercules, and 
from thence Hercules, penetrating to us, and even to 
the ocean, i, e. the Atlantic. — He probably refers 
here to Grades (now Cadiz), situated anciently on 
an island in the Atlantic, some distanQjB north of 
the straits of Gibralter ; where Hercules was wor- 
shipped, and where he probably once came. The 
pillars of Hercules are usually supposed to have 
been at Calpe (Gibralter) on the Spanish coast, 
and Abyla, opposite to it on the Aincan side ; and 
it is said that these were erected, as the limits of 
the western world. But Silius Italicus call^ 
Gades the cognata limina [mundi]. Lib. III. 3 ' 
and Isidorus says : *' Hercules, cum Crodtbui 
pervenisset, columnas ibi posuit, sperans illic esse 
orbis terrarum finis, Orig. Lib. XIII. c. 15. Add 



MOTES ON ^10. 113 

to this, that Gades is on the Atlantic ocean, in ac- 
cordance with the expression of Cicero, usque ad 
Oceanum ; while Calpe (Gibralter) and Abyla are 
within the Mediterranean Sea. Gades, therefore, 
was naturally the extreme boundary of the west- 
em world, as known to the ancients. — ^Tyndaridae 
firatres, the brothers^ sons of JSfndar^ i. e. Castor and 
Pollux, reckoned as tutelar Genii by the Roman 
people. The particular story to which Cicero 
seems here to refer, is, that Castor and Pollux 
were present, in the Macedonian war, at the battle 
in which Perses the king of Macedonia was con- 
quered, near Pydna, B. C. 168 ; that they not only 
assisted the Romans to obtain this victory, but 
appeared immediately afler it at Rome, washing 
off from themselves the blood and dust of battle in 
the river Tiber, and announcing victory to the 
imperial city. The like phenomena, however, 
the mythology of the Romans often ascribed to 
the sons of Tyndar. 

(51) P. 27. /. 20. Ino, Cadmi filia, etc. ; the 
mythology is complex, and very absurd. Athe- 
mas, king of Thebes in Boeotia, married first 
Themisto, by whom he had Phryxus and Helie. 
Pretending that Themisto was subject to fits of 
insanity, he aflerwads married Ino, by whom he 
had Melarchus and Melicerta. Ino, becoming 
jealous of the first children of her husband, sought 
in various ways to destroy them. Juno, in re- 
venge for this, sent one of the Furies to the house 
of Atbamas ; who taking possession of him, in a 
fit of madness he killed Melarchus the son of Ino, 
and pursued her, in his rage, in order to destroy 
her. She, flying with Melicerta in her arms, 



114 NOTES ON § 10. 

plunged into the sea; upon wliich she was* 
changed into a sea-goddess, whom the Greeks 
called AsvxoxHa, and the Romans Matuta. Only 
free bom, married women were permitteil to enter 
her temple. The meaning of the name MfxtutOj 
seems to be morning-goddess^ i. q. Aurora ; and 
so the Greek name would not unnaturally import. 
(52) P. 27. L 22. Quid ? What more shall I 
say ? — Ne plures persequar, not to particularize 
any more individuals. — Caelum, commonly writ- 
ten codum = %oXkog^ holhw, concave, the welkin. — 
Ipsi illi . . . roperientur, those very individuals, who 
are reputed as gods of a higher kmd, wiU be found to 
have gone from us to heaven. This is a very strik- 
ing ])a88age ; and it casts great light over the 
whole field of heathen mythology. All the objects 
of Greek and Roman worship were then, afler all, 
mere men who had undergone anoO-ioaig. '' Cease 
ye from man," one might well say, with the sublime 
prophet of the Hebrews, to all the worshippers of 
such gods. But the purpose for which Cicero 
here makes such an appeal, is one of great inter- 
est. He is labouring to shew that the soul is im- 
mortal. How can this be done ? ' All antiquity,' 
says he, * believed it All that is done for the 
dead, shews that we consider them as still having 
a regard to their fame and honour. The fiict, 
that even the gods themselves (to whom we pray 
and look for help, and whom we all believe to be 
immortal) were once men, shews that the souls of 
men are immortal ; yea, these gods, even of the 
highest order, we acknowledge, were once mere 
men.' The argument is certainly ingenious ; and 
to a popular believer in the Roman godis^ was an 



NOTES ON ^10. 115 

tu^mentum ad homvMim which was inyincible* 
For usy such an argument has no further weighti 
than as it goes to shew, how deeply seated in the 
human breast is the desire or expectation of an 
immortal existence. 

(53) P. 27. 1, 26. Majorum gentium Dii, are Ju- 
piter, Neptune, Apollo, Mars, Vulcan, Merciuy; 
Juno, Minerva, Ceres, Venus, Diana, Vesta; six 
male, and six female ones. So Enntus the poet 
reckons them by name.^Q4iere . . . Graecia, cuk 
tohost sepvlckrea cure shewn in Gruct ; i. e. in so 
doing you will find what I have said to be true.— 
Initiatus, i. e. iniiiated into the mysteries of the 
heathen mythology, become a fiwnrig. — ^Mysteriis, 
the secret rites and (hdrines of the heathen my- 
thology or theology, not disclosed to the world. 
These rites, no doubt, were symbols of things 
which the reputed gods had done and said ; and 
among these, was what had been done by them 
before their transmigration to heaven. On this 
account, Cicero appeab to the mysteries as a proof 
that what he had been saying with re49pect to the 
gods having once been men, was true.— Tum . . . 
intelliges, then surely vnU ydu understandy how 
widely this extends ; viz. how widely the declara- 
tion that he had made, may be extended, how 
generally true it is. Denique is sometimes em- 
ployed, as here, as an adverb of intensity, i. e. 
serving to strengthen the affirmation. 

(54) P. 27. /. 32. Physica, naiuraL philosophy, 
physics, — ^Tantum . . . cognoverant, persuaded them" 
sdoes of only so much as they understood from the 
instructions 4^ nohire, i. e. their own internal na- 
lore* — ^Moxime noetumis; night being the time. 



1 16 NOTES ON §§ 10, 11. 

when spectres have always and every where been 
supposed usually to make their appearance. — Ut . . . 
vivere, so that those seemed to live, who had departed 
from life. 



§11. 

The Mcond argument is, that as universal belief in the ezigtenee 
of the gods seems to be a good reason for admitting the truth of 
this ; therefore the general laws of our nature, that we should be- 
lieve in the doctrine of a future state, is a good reason for believins 
it. It is in reference to this, also that we grieve over our departed 
friends ; not because of disadvantages to which we are sub^ted, 
on account of their death, but because we think them deprived of 
the pleasures of life. 

Again; that all men have an instinctive apprehension or expecta- 
tion of a continued existence, is testified by all our arrangements 
for the future; by sepulchres, eulogies of the dead, heroic deeds, de- 
Totedness to one's country, etc. Poets, artificers, philosophers, all 
develope the same trait of character, as to their expectations con- 
eerniog the future. Especially is this trait discernible, in all those, 
who attain to superior excellence in any way. It is therefore a 
law of our •ntU,%re ; and as such, its testimony must be regarded 
as true. 

This placed on its proper basis, is a fundamental argument in 
favour of a future state; as we shall see hereafter. The develop- 
aient of it, however, may be made, I think, in a more convincing 
way than is here done, but even here, are sparks of celestial firo, 
■hewing that heathenism itself could not wholly deface the image 
ofGrod, which he has given to our immortal part; at least, that it 
could not do this as to the mind of a reflecting man, such as Cicero 
was. 

(55) P. 28. /. 5. Ut . . . videtur, moreover, this 
seems to he add'wced as a very solid reason. Vi is 
frequently used with the superlative of adjectives, in 
this way. Emesti suspects the genuineness of it 
here, and thinks we should read at ; but this seems 
to be occasioned by overlooking the idiom. — 
Deorum opinio means, a belief that gods exist ; opin- 
io est means, one believes, — CoUocutio hominum 
means, men^s conferring together, i. e. in the way of 
conversatioD and discussion. Cicero means to say, 



NOTES ON § 11. 117 

that DO conferences with each other, no natural 
agreement in consequence of such conferences, no 
ordinances, no laws, have occasioned men thus to 
harmonize in their opinions about the immortal 
gods ; in other words, it all results from the teach- 
ing of nature merely ; and so it results, of course, 
Jrom a law of our naiure, — Suo incommodo, on 
account of his own [personal] inconvenience or 
suffering, — ^Dolent, i. e. [some] grieve, etc. — Fletus- 
que maerens, and weeping occasioned hy grief — 
Idque sentire, and (hat he is sensible of this, yiz. of 
being deprived, etc. — Nulla ratione . . . doctrina, 
independently of any reasoning or instntction^ i. e. 
simply as guided by nature. 

(56) P. 28. L 25. Tacitam, silently^ i. e. mthout 
any teaching or leading, as above said. — Quod . . . 
sint, that aU are solicitotts, and peculiarly so, about 
those things which are to happen after they are dead. 
He means by this, to shew that a longing after im- 
mortality is a part of our very nature ; which no 
doubt is a real, as it is a most important truth. 

(57) P. 28. 1. 28. Statins (Caeciliiis), a comic 
poet, cotemporary with Ennius, a native of Gaul, 
and originally a slave. He acquired great reputa- 
tion by his comedies, although his Latin was not 
pare. — Synephebis, a play so called, from awi<pe- 
poh young persons of the same age, — Quid . . . perti- 
nere? 7h what does he look^imless thai even tifter ages 
concern himself f — Ergo . . . non seret, shdU the indus- 
trioua ^i«6atMbftai», then, plant trees, the fruit (or berry) 
of which he wUl never see; and shall not a great 
man establish laws, institutes, the republic 9 — ^Nisi 
no8 . . . cogitare, unless we have respect also to the 

future* — ^lUud . • . natura, con you doubt it, i^tat a 

6* 



118 NOTES ON §§ 11, 12. 

specimen of tohat is reaUy natural, should be selected 
from that nature what is best in its kind 7 — Carey 
and some others read thus : Q^iid illud ? num etc. 
with Rath I prefer, Quid ? Illud num etc , as this 
construction of quid then accords with that in the 
preceding sentences. — Quam eorum, i. e. quam natu- 
ra eorum, etc. — ^Munivisset, had prepared by his fa- 
mous deeds, etc. — Et religione . . . consecrata, and 
rendered sacred by the religious feeling of all tnen. 

§12. 

(58) P. 29. 1. 16. lisdem ne . . . terminaretiir ? 
Shall we say thai their fame is terminated by the same 
bounds as their life ? — Licuit . . . Themistocli, The- 
mistocles might have enjoyed his eeufe ; where the con- 
struction is, licuit Themistocli esse otioso, esse tak- 
ing the same case after it as before it. — ^Ne et . . . 
quaeram, not to mention things ancient and foreign, — 
Quo dempto, which [expectation of the future] being 
taken away, — De principibus; concerning leading 
men or rulers. — Funera fletu faxet, nor perform 
myfunercd rites unth weeping ; faxet (by syncope) 
forfecerit, — Vivu', L e. vivus, the s being dropped 
))y apocope. 

(59) P. 30. L 3. Sed quid poetas ? But why 
[should I speak of] the poets f — Opifices, artists. 
Phidias, a celebrated statuary of Athens, who died 
B. C. 432. By request of Pericles, he made a stat- 
ue of Minenra, and on her shield, he carved his 
own Ukeness, and also that of Pericles. For this 
he was banished from Athens; and he took his 
revenge afterwards, by making a statue of Jupiter 
Olympius, which eclipsed the glory of his Minerva, 
and which was kept by the people of £lis. — ^£t si 



CONTENTS OF <J§ 13—18. 1 19 

• . . maxime, and if toe think those whose minds excel 
either in genius or virtue, to he pecidicaiy adapted to 
discern the power of nature, because they possess a 
nature best in its kind. 



§§ 13—18. 

Bot if Ihe loul 8nrviv«t the body, tokere and how does it exint f 
Thii c^uestioD gives occasion for a kind ofopisudo liero, on the met 
aphygical nature of the soul, and its final place of residence ; which 
extends through $$ 13 — 18. ^Vulgar ignorance, says Cicero, has 
formed a multitude of superstitious notions on this subject; because 
the uninformed minds of nrien were unable to contemplate any Ihin^ 
but sensible objects. Phorecydes first taught the proper eternity ot 
the soul; which was received and supported by the disciples of 
Pytbafforas ; from whom it passed to Plato. 

Matnematicittos (natural philosophers) teach, that of the four 
eloroents, two, i. e. earth and water, sink downwards ; and two, i. o. 
fire and air, mount upwards. Now if the soul be igneous or etUe- 
riaj ; and a fortiori if it be Aarntony, or that fifth something de< 
•cribed by Aristotle ; it will of course mount upwards on its depart- 
ure from Che body, and ascend to a very great distance from tho 
earth. But I do not see how harmony can arise from the disposition 
of menberi and the figure of the body destitute of a soul. It 
were better for Ariiitoxenus, who maintains this, to attend to his 
music, and leave reasoning on this subject to Aristotle his master. 
The AKtuitona eoncourse of atoms, moreover oa a cause of anima- 
ted being, we must at once reject. If then the sou^consists of any 
of tho four elements, it must necessarily bo that of fire or air ; and 
of ooarsa the soul, consisting of either of these, or of these com- 
bined, on quitting^ the body, must mount into the upper regions. 
And that the soul is of a warmer or more glowing nature than the 
concrete air, is clear from the warmth which it im^mrts to our bod- 
ies, that are formed from mere terrene materials. 

The souf, moreover, is capable of tho highest eelcrity of move- 
roeot; by which it can easily permeate the clouds and vapours and 
obscurity which onconapass the earth, and escape to that element 
in the upper regions, consisting of combined ether and solar 
warmth, which will be homogeneous with itself, and where it will 
find its own proper balance and resting place, and therefore cease 
toaseend. Here it will be nourislied as the stars are, i. e. by 
the pure and gluwin» ether of those upper resions. 

Here^ also, being (reed from all bodily desires and lusts, and loft 
to the loll and free exercise of its own proper powers, it will gratify 
its insatiable thirst for knowledge; which, moreover, will ever bo 
ineroa«ed In proportion to its gratification and its opportunities. 
£ven here, on earth, the boautv of the natural creation excites ar- 
dent desire for more extended knowledge. And if we now count 
it a freat thing to visit the extreme wettora part of tlie Mediterra- 



120 CONTENTS OF §§ 13 18. 

noan and to see tho Euxiiio Sea on the eaxt ; what will bo our rap- 
ture, when we can see all the regions of the earth, with ail their 
▼arious form* and productions ! 

Besides all this, we may consider, that at present we do not real- 
ly Me any thing, with our physical organs. Tboso are the isere 
inlets to the soul, which alone has any proper sensation. Wheo 
we come, then, to those upper regions, where wo shall no longer be 
impeded by any of oar physical organs, nothing will hinder our 
having the clearest, most extensive, and altogether satis facturv 
views of every thing that we desire to know. — Such therefore will 
be the state and condition of the soul. 

And such being tho caxe, 1 wonder at the strange conduct of the 
£pieareans, who think it a great thin? to have freed men from 
the fear of the future, by shewing that the eonl is of a mortal na- 
ture, and expires with the body. To me the sentiment of Pythugo- 
raa and Plato is much more probable and welcome. 

The objection made by many, Tiz.that they cannot understand what 
tlie nature of tho soul is, which is eternal, amounts to nothing ; for 
can tbey understand any better what the soul is, when in the bodf, 
than when out of the body ? To me it is much more difficult to see 
how the soul can dwell in a habitation so foreign to its true nature, 
and how it is to contemplate it as freed from such a habitat ion : un- 
less, indeed, we are to maintain the position, that we can understand 
nothing which we do not see with onr eyes ; and then we must dis- 
heliere the existence of the gods. Dieaearchus and Aristoxenusi, 
because they could not tell vkat the soul is, rejected the idea of 
its existence. But when the oracle of Apollo said : /Vwd> (fiau- 

tuVt it meant, that we should become acquainted with oar souk, 
whUk are our onlp yrapor selves. 

Thus it is evident that one main design of Cicero, in the whole of 
tliia apparent digression, is to remove objections against a future 
state, made from the nature and dwelling plaee of the aoul. 

(60) P. 30. {. 26. Censebant, i. e. antiqui hom- 
ines ceDScbant. — Frequens . . . theatri, the crowded 
OBiembly at ihe iheatre. — ^Audiens . . . carmen, when 
hearing so pompous a strain, Adsiim etc., lam 
present, and I come from Acheron, toith difficulty, 
through a deep and dangerous passage ; through 
canes fonned by rough rocks, ovtr-^hanging, huge ; 
where the ihick darkness ofheU is immoveable ; rigi- 
da stat is a more probable reading than rigida 
constat ; the meaning of which former is stands 
stiff, i. e. immoveable. The quotation is from the 
Hecuba of Euripides, sub. init. — Valuit, did pre- 
vaU. — Sublatus, removed; the lexicons derive this 



NOTES ON v^ 13. 131 

word from toUo^ its own proper root being ont of 
use. 

(61) P. 31. /. 5. Animos ... complect], ftay 
eovid not form cmy idea of minds living hy themsdves^ 
Le. existing independently of the body. — ^Aliquam, 
some kind of — ^Tota vatvia, aU the vexvla of Hom^r ; 
Vfxvla means sacrifices and rites instituted for the 
dead, in order to evoke the shades (umbrae) from the 
under-world or Hades. — NexgoiJtartsia, places where 
necromancy was practised, — ^Faciebat seems hardly 
to admit of a tolerable sense here. It may be ren- 
dered, procured, made, constructed, and possibly made 
^ i. e. esteemed, valued, for this is one of the senses 
of &cio, even when it governs the Accusative ; al- 
though it is seldom so used in such a connexion. 

(62) P. 31. 1. 9. Avemi lacus was near to Cu- 
mae in Campania; hence in vicinia nostra, "By 
this lake is the fabled entrance to the infernal re- 
gions, as described by Homer and Virgil. — Ostio . . . 
Acherontis, at tke mouth of the deep Acheron ; which 
(Acheron) here means a river in lower Italy that 
must have been near the lake mentioned; see 
Seheller's Lat Lex. 

(63; P. 31. L 11. Falso sanguine ; so I find it, 
in my edition of Emesti's Cicero ; but in Rath, 
Nobbe, and Carey, salso sanguine. What saU 
blood is, I am unable to imagine. Fcdse blood 
may very easily be attributed to the imagines m/or- 
tuerum, L e. mere umbrae or shadows of living be- 
ings ; so Main in his version : " No mortal blood." 
*-Ad oculos • . . referebant, i. e. they made every 
thing to be visible to the eye, in whose existence 
they believed. — £t . . . abducere, and to withdraw 
our Ountf^fiom objects with which we are familiar. 



122 NOTES ON § 11. 

(64) p. 31. L 18. Itaque ... . dixit, therefore^ 
{what in my opinion others had said for many ages, 
but, so far. as toe have it on record), Pherecydes of 
Syros first said, etc. Syrlus (Svqtoq), belonging to 
Syros, one of the Grecian idands (Cycladee) , not 
far from Delos, and at the mouth of the Aegean 
Sea. The Syrius here has been mistaken by 
some for Syrus, a Syrian. Pherecydes was bom 
about 595 B. C. and died about 535. He was 
the teacher of Pythagoras ; and with the disciples 
of Pythagoras, Plato was intimate ; so that the 
doctrine of the immortality of the sou] seems to 
have come down from Pherecydes directly to 
PJato. — Antiquus sane ; for, as the above dates 
shew, Pherecydes was bom almost 500 years be- 
fore Cicero, 

(65) P. 31. 1, SI. Meo regnante gentili, during 
(he reign of my relative, (Main renders : my name- 
sake JSillus), i. e. during the reign of Servius Tul- 
lius, which was from 578 B. C. to 534 B. C. Serv. 
TulHus was the son of Ocrisia and Tullius, who 
belonged to Comiculum, a town of the Sabines, a 
little north of the river Anio, and but a short dis- 
tance from the city of Rome. In a war between 
the Sabines and Romans, Tullius the husband of 
Ocrisia was killed, and she came into tlie hands of 
Tarquin the Eider, king of Rome, as a slave. 
Tarquin presented her to his wife ; who brought 
up her son, Servius Tullius, in the palace. After- 
wards Tarquin gave to Tullius his daughter as a 
wife; and upon the death of this king, S. TuUius, 
his son in law, was made king, and reigned 34 
years. He was the last of the ancient Roman 
kings, save one, viz. Tarquin the Proud; who is 



NOTES ON ^§ 13, 14. 123 

mentioned in the next sentence, and who married 
the daughter of S. TuUius, himseJf being the 
grandson of Tarquin the Elder. Tarquin the 
Proud began to reign 534 B. C, and 25 years af- 
terwards was expelled from the throne. Cicero 
retained the name of the family (TuUiua)^ from 
which he was descended. 

(66) P. 31. L 23. Maxime confirmavit ; Pytha- 
goras and his disciples appear to have been much 
ill earnest on the subject of the immortality of the 
souL The so called Golden Verses of Pythagoras, 
(composed probably by some of his followers), 
bear testimony to a high state of moral and reli- 
gious feeling among this sect of philosophers. 
Plato seems to have fully imbibed their ardour 
in respect to these matters, by being conversant 
with them. — Superbo, i.e. Tarquinius Superbus, 
the last of the ancient Romish kings ; as just 
stated above. — In Italiam venisset, i. e. to the 
south part of it, which was usually called Magna 
Greeia; where, particularly at Metapontum and 
Crotona on the Tarentine Bay, he effected a gre^ 
moral and political reformation. All this line of 
coast was filled, in those days, with Grecian colo- 
nies* Hence the name, Magna Greeia ; which is 
mentioned in the next clause. — ^Tenuit, lit. restram- 
edf held in; but here it seem« to mean, exercised 
itjfiuence aver. — Cum . • » auctoritate, as well by the 
(redil of his learnings as by his toeighl qf character. 

§ 14. 

(67) P. 31. 1. 29. Redeo ad antiquos here means, 
diat he reverts from the saeeula postea which he 
had just named, to those individuals whom he had 
been previously mentioning. — Non iere reddebont, 



124 NOTES ON ^ 14. 

they scarcely rendered. — ^Nisi . . . explicandum, unless 
uhat nUght be explained either hy numbers or by im- 
agery. He refers here to the Pythagorean nt*- 
merical harmony of the universe (as stated in Note 
38); and as to descriptionibus, I understand it to 
mean, the mythic stories which were told concern- 
ing the souls of men after their decease, their 
transformations, appearances, etc. — ^Nisi quid dicis, 
unless you hatfe some objections to mofte.— Et hanc 
. • . . relinquamus, and relinquish the whole of this 
topic in regard to the hope of immortality. Cicero 
seems to say this, rather for the sake of whetting 
the curioedty of his Collocutor, or for the sake of 
ascertaining whether he had succeeded so as to 
create in him an interest in the subject proposed. — 
Macte virtute, bravo! weU done! lit. elevated in 
virtue ; used by way of exclamation. Macte seems 
to be a participle, from the obsolete mago, maxi, 
mactumy to enlargCy to elevate, etc. 

(68) P. 3^ 1. 13. Num . . . hoc, shaU we then 
doubt this alsoj as we do most other things $ Quam- 
quam . . . minime etc., certainly this leeut of aU, for 
mathematicians etc Quamquam, to be sure, for- 
soothj German JreUieh, — ^Terram . . • vocant, that 
the earihj situated in the midst of the universe, in re- 
sped to tite compass of the whole heaven, acquires as 
it were the likeness of a point, which Uuy [the math- 
ematicians] call ttipTQor, the centre. Cicero seems 
plainly to refer here to the astronomical and mathe- 
matical speculations of the Pythagoreans, who fda- 
ced the earth in the centre of the universe, and made 
the planets and stars revolve around it in con- 
centric orbits, which were circumscribed at inter- 
vals fi:0m each other that corresponded, as to their 



NOTES ON § 14. 125 

respective dintances, with the tones in an octave 
of music ; the seven planets (including the moon) 
making seven of these tones, and the fixed stars 
the eighth. — Quatuor . . . corporum, i. e. vmter, 
earth, fire, and air.— Ut . . . momenta, thrU they have 
powers among themselves, separaie (as it ivere) and 
diserepainJL — Terrena . . . ferantur, that earthly and 
humid svhstances, hy their own inclinaHon and 
weighty tend, at equal angles, toward the earlh and 
sea. As he had just said that the earth was a 
point in the center of the universe, so all ponderous 
substances in the atmosphere roust converge toward 
it Hence they do not move in a perpendicular 
direction, (one absolutely so considered), but be- 
ing eowoergent, they make angles (although equal 
ones, when compared with each other), in their 
descent tov«rard the earth. If this be not the ex- 
planation, I do not understand the passage ; which, 
indeed, is quite possible ; dicat meliora, qui intelli- 

git! 

(69) P. 32. I. 23. Altera animalis, i. e. airy, at- 
mospheric ; for as anima often means air, so anima- 
lis may mean (dry ; and clearly it does so here. — 
Illae superiores, viz. the earthy and humid sub- 
stances before mentioned. — Hae, viz. fire and air. 
— ^Rectis lineis, perpendicularly, in distinction from 
the angulos above. — Sive . . . re])ellantur, either their 
nahtre it^df seeking the upper regions, or because 
those substances which hy nature are light, are repd' 
led hy those which are heavy. 

(70) P. 32. I. 31. Animates is explained here 
by the author himself^ i. e. spirabHes, lit. that which 
may he breathed^ viz. air. — JS/kimerus here refers 
to the numeriad harmony of the Pythagoreans. 



126 NOTES ON ^§ 14, 15. 

-^^-Quinta ilia, viz. that fifth principle maintained 
by Aristotle, as mentioned above (in § 8), and 
which, he there says, is va4ians nomttie. Cicero 
here means to say, that the principle is well un- 
derstood, although it is not called by a specific 
name. — Multo . . . efierant, they art much the more 
iTieorrupted and pure, so thai they mtist recede to the 
greatest possible distance from the earth* But inte^ 
riora and puriora, are of the ne:uJter gender, and se 
do not agree with animi^ in form ; the concord, there* 
fore, is made out by things implied after these adjec- 
tives, and things means souls ; just as in varium d 
miutabUe semper femina. He means, that if we allow 
the soul to be either hannony or Aristotle's ,^/Z^ prin" 
ciple^ it is still more remote from ponderous matter, 
than if we maintain it to be air or fire. — Nee . . . . ja- 
ceat, and not such a mind as vegetates in (he heart or in 
ihe hraioy or as lies merged in the blood of Empedoe- 
les^ i. e. in the blood surrounding the heart, as 
Empedocles maintained ; see § 7. 

§ 15. 

(71) P. 33. I, 8. Quorum alter . . . sentiat, the 
one of whom [Dicaearchus], who could not perceive 
that he had a soul, seems never to have been affected 
^^ S^f' Alter etc. ; see the mention of these, 
§§ 8, 9. — Q4iorum varia .... plures, whose various 
composition [viz. of intervals of sounds] may also 
constitute a variety of hcarmonies, — ^Membrorum . . . 
non video. The mere placing of the limbs^ and the 
form of the material hody^ destitute of a soul, ( [quod 
corpus] vacans anlmo), I see not how they can make 

out a HARMONT. 

Sed hie etc., L e. Aristoxenus had better yield 



NOTES ON §^ 15, 16. 127 

tlie point concemiDg the soul to Aristotle; and 
busy hihiself with teaching music rather than phi- 
losophy. — ^Praecipitur, is he admordshecL — Quatn 
puisque norit etc *, the original Greek to which 
Cicero refers^ is in Aristophanes (Vesp* 1422): 
"JEgdti xig ^y exaatog tidalrj tixvffif* — Quanri tamen . . • 
Yoluit, whick [concourse], as Democritus tootdd 
have ii, becomes warm and spirabU^ that is animate ; 
u e. Democritus supposes that warmth and bi'eath- 
ing animation result from a fortuitous concourse 
of atoms. — "Ex inflammata • . . constat, consists of 
ignited air, — Superiora . • . est, must necessarily tend 
tawcords the upper regions; i. e. it must so do, be* 
cause of its rarified state. — ^Uaec duo genera, viz. 
heat and air. — Hoc etiam, even on this a4icou7d^ viz, 
because they have the nature of heated air.— Ab 
his, i. e. warmth and air combined. — ^Aer, viz. the 
common atmosphere. — Ardentior, of a more igne- 
ous Hoture, — ^Ardore animi, unih the glowing heal of 
the soul. 

§16. 

(72) P. 34. L 19. Naturamque . . . agnovit, and 
attains to a nature like its otim, (i. e. to an element 
of the same nature), and discerns il. — Junctis . . . 
insistit, il takes its skdion among thejires, which are 
compounded of thin air and the tempered ardour of the 
sun. — Examinatus, weighed off^jmlanced. — Et susten- 
tabitur etc. i. e. it is nourished by the pure ether and 
the genial warmth of the upper regions ; which also 
feed the stars. The planets, it will be recollected, 
were looked upon by Cicero and his cotempora- 
ries as animated beings, nourished by the warmth 
and etherial fluid of the upper regions. 



128 NOTES ON § 16. 

(73) p. 34. /. 30. Facibus, lit. torches, i. e. pas- 
sions, warm desiree. — Aemulemur, we enwf. — Quo 
feciliorem . . . dabunt, in proportion as that tmil qf^ 
ford a more easy knowledge of heavenly things^ m 
the like measure wiU they impart to us stronger de- 
sires of knowing them. 

(74) P. '35. I. 13. Patriam . . . excitavit, roused 
up (hat ancient philosophy, (as Theophrastus says), 
Hndled with the desire of knowledge. Patriam et 
avitam, belonging to sire and grandrsire, i. e. ancient. 
— Friientur ek, i. e. ea cognitione. Ostium Ponti| 
the mouth of ihe [Black] Sea. — Ea, i. e. ea navis. 
Cicero adverts to the ship, in which Jason and his 
companions sailed, in order to obtain the golden 
fleece at Colchis, which lies at the east end of the 
Black Sea. — ^Europam, etc.; Europe and Lybia 
are divided by the Mediterranean Sea. The Greek 
and Roman poets often called Africa by the name 
of Lybia ; a name usually given, in later times, only 
to one province of Africa, on the confines of Egjrpi ; 
while on the other hand, Africa was often used 
only to designate Carthage. Hence rapaa: unda 
refers to the waters in the straits of Gibraltar or 
Fretum Gaditanum, which flow with great vio- 
lence ; for so the preceding ^reto ilia leads us to 
conclude. What is meant, is, to describe a remote 
country ; and this was reputed to be at the west- 
em extremity of the earth. 

Circumscriptionem, compass. — Nos enim etc., 
for now we do not discern with our [bodily] eyes, 
those things which we see. — Ullus sensus, atiy sensor 
tion, perception. — Viae quasi, etc.; he means to 
describe the conformation of the external senses, 
which are a kind of inlet or road to the internal 



NOTES ON §^ 16, 17. 129 

ones. — Itaque etc, when buried in Viought, or pre- 
vented by the power of dise^e, we neither see nor hear, 
aUhough our eyes and ears are open and in a healthy 
condUion; a remarkable fact, which shews, that 
what recent philosophy names aUention, is neces- 
sary, in order that the mind should perceive ; and 
that perception does not belong to the bodily or- 
gans alone. This whole subject, (and a deeply 
interesting one I deem it to be), is finely developed 
by Dr Abercrombie, in his recent excellent work 
on the Intellectual Powers. — Quibus . . . adsit, by 
whicky however, the mind cannot perceive any thing, 
unless it is itself present and performs the work, — 
Quinque nuntiis, i. e. the five senses. 

Cum quo . . . pervenerit, when the mind, set at 
Uberty, shaU ham come thither where its nature tends. 
— ^Intersepta, hindered, obstructed. — Quale quidque 
Bit, what every thing is. 

§17. 

(75) P. 96. L 25. Quamvis copiose etc., hmif copi- 
ously could we descant on these matters, etc. — ^Insolen- 
tiam, the strange conduct, viz of the Epicureans, to 
whom he here adverts. — ^Naturae . . . admirantur, 
uiho wonder at the knowledge of nature, which Epi- 
curus displayed. — ^Inventori et principi, i. e. to Ep- 
icurus as inventor, etc., of such advanced knowl- 
edge. — ^Ut Deum ; so Lucretius calls him, once and 
again. Lib. V. 8. — ^Te^rore etc., i. e. firom all fear 
of the future. 

Acherusia templa, the Acherusian temples, means, 
the infernal paldces or temples of Pluto, which 
stands for the domains of Pluto, i. e. Hades. Ache- 
nuia is an adjective formed fit>m the noun Ache* 



130 NOTES ON § 17. 

nisia, which is the Dame of a lake near the mouth 
of the river Acheron, a shiggish stream, with an 
unhealthy country around it. In consequence of 
this, Homer, by a somewhat natural figure, repre- 
sented the river and lake as communicating with 
Hades. Popular superstition and poetic fiv&og 
confirmed and perpetuated this fiction. The river 
Acheron, thus made the subject of fable, is on the 
north-east part of ancient Greece, and flows into 
the Ionian Sea near the promontory of Chimerium, 
in Tbesprotia, a province of the ancient Epirus, 
and a part of modem Albania. The adjective 
Acherusia means tlie same as belonging to Acheron 
(i. e. to hell), because of the connexion between 
the river Acheron and the lake Aoheriisia. 

Besides the Acheron here mentioned, there was 
another river of the same name in Campania, on 
the west side of Italy, flowing into the sea between 
Misenum and Cumae ; also a lake Acherusia in 
Egypt, near Memphis, over which the bodies of 
the dead were conveyed, in order that sentence 
might be passed on them according to the life 
which they had lived. The poetic fiction of Ho- 
mer, however, seems to have arisen from the Meh 
karia which surrounded the Grecian river Acheron, 
in its course through the lake Acherusia. 

(76) P. 37. L(k Alta Orci, ike depths ofHdl.'- 
Palatia etc. ; so I read with Nobbe. I do not see 
how the usual reading : Orci pallida . . . ohnubHa 
tenebris, etc. can agree together. — Ex quo etc. ; 
i. e. if the Epiciu'eans must be first taught by 
their divine master (as they call him), before they 
can disbelieve these things ; then we can see what 
great geniuses they must have been. Of coarse, 



NOTES ON §§ 17, 18. 131 

this is Baid ironically. — ^Adepti suDf, i. e. in their 
own view they have made some famous attain- 
ments, etc. — Quod ut ita sit, whichy aWvough it may 
be 86, or which, granting it to he so, etc. — Ut eiiim, 
for cMhough. — ^Frangeret, he v>ould make me yield, 
svhdue me. — Velle . . . videatur, he seema desirous 
((f persiuuHng others, certairdy to have persuaded him- 

§ 18. 

(77) P. 37. /. 22. Animosque . . . mulctant, and 
thus inflict the punishmevit of death upon souls, as if 
they were condemned to capital punishment, — His, 
viz. to these persons who so think concerning the 
soul. — Vacans corpore, when destitute of a body.-^^ 
Quasi vero etc., just as if they could understand 
what [the soulj is, when in the body, what Us shape, 
its magnitude, its pUuce ; an observation replete with 
good sensQy by way of reply to the skeptics in ques- 
tion ; who surely were no better acquainted with 
any of these things, than they were with the con- 
dition of the soul afler it leaves the body. — ^Ut, si 
. . . aciem, so that, in case every thing in a living 
man which is now concealed, could be subjected to in- 
spection, [they could understaud] whether the soul 
would become visible, or whether its tenuity is so 
great as to escape our sight. For vivo (according 
to Bentley and Rath), the editions in general read 
uno ; to no tolerable purpose. — ^Haec reputaut isti, 
these considerations let those weigh weU. 

(78) P. 38. L 5. Qualis ... sit, what the soul in 
the boc^ can be. — ^Tamquam domi, as in a strange 
home, i. 8. in a home which is not congenial to its 
proper nature. Domi in the Gen. ; fbr^ in the sense 



132 NOTES ON § 19. 

which here belongs to it, this is the common con- 
struction ; it is even doubtful whether it fias a Noro. 
case, in this sense. — Quam qualis, ihan [the ques- 
tion], what etc. — ^Domum here in the Ace, because 
it means to Us home. In answer to the question, 
wkiiher f domum is employed. — ^Nisi enim . . . pos- 
sumus, ^or unless we are destitute ofabUity to under- 
stand what that is, which we have never seen, surely 
etc. After complecti, most editions insert non; 
which disturbs the sense. It is omitted by Rath, 
and a number of manuscripts. — Est illud . . . vi- 
dere, this indeed is the greatest thing of aU, that ffis 
mind should he able to contemplate itself. — Et nimi- 
rum . . . Apollinis, and in fact the direction given by 
Apollo [yvwd'i, aiavTov] has the same force. — Cor- 
pora, m^e physical bodies. — ^Non esset ... sit, ^ds 
precept woidd not belong to a mmd of shrewdness so 
superior, that it would be attributed to a god. — ^Hoo 
est . . . cognoscere, probably a gloss from the mar- 
gin, and marked as suspicious in all the editions 
before me. 



§19. 

Havinff finished hii remarka on the metaphysical nature of the 
■oul, ana the place where it la finalW to dwell, Cicero retoma to 
bia main objectf viz. to shew that the aoal ia eternal. This, he 
Bays, must be allowed, when we consider the fact that it is self- 
moved; for that which is so, must have its original principles 
within itself, and can be affected by nothing extraneous. Conse- 
quently, as such is plainly the case with the soul, it must be inde- 
structible and eternal, having neither origin nor end. The aoul ia 
conacioos of the fact, in respect to ita being self-moved. 

'On this third argument of Cicero, to prove the immortal- 
ity of the soul, (which seems to be a favourite one with Plato and 
with him), I snail make some strictures in the Appendix. For the 
present I would say merely, that it seems partly to be petiUo frith 
eipti, and partly to prove too mmch. 



NOTES bN^ 19. 133 

(79) P. 38. 1. 30. Ne esse . . . sciet, can U [the 
soul] know that it does not exists Ne . . . se ? That 
it is not moved 7 — Ratio, mode of reasonings ratioci- 
nation. — Phaedro, i. e. the Phaedrus of Plato.— 
Quod autem . . . aliiibde, what communicates mo- 
tionf or wTud receives it from an external cause, — 
Viyendi finem etc., shews that the quod, at the be- 
ginDing of the sentence, relates to an anunated 
being. — Hie fons, i. e. this self-moving being is the 
source, etc. — Siquidem, since. — Ut motus . . . mo- 
vetur, that m(dion is an original principle^ inasmuch 
as it is self-movedj L e. self-created or originated.-^ 
Id autem, i. e. id principiura. 

(80) P. 39. /. 19. Vel concidat . .". . moveatur, 
should even all heaven and earth rush together, it [the 
mass] must necessarily stand stiUy nor could it acquire 
any force, impelled by which it could be moved; i. e. 
so far as these consist of inert matter, they are 
wholly destitute of this self-moving power. — ^Motu 
. . . suo, its own interior [self-moving] power. — 
Quae . . . moveat, which [moves of itself], if there 
be any one of all [the objects of nature] that always 
moves of itself. — Neque . . . est, nor is it bom, sure- 
ly; it is eternal. — Flebeiijofihe lower sort. — ^Una, at 
itesame time, or at once. — ^Nisi . . . haec, unless you 
have some objections to make to these things. 



§ 20. 

The intOToal powera and attri^ateB of the sonl shew it to be 

Grtaker ef a divine natnre. If one oould explain how such attri- 
Me orifiMtfed, be might then explain how they eould perish. Or 
if tlM aiere principle of animal life were all that ia to be aeconnted 
for, then we mif ht explain thia, by comparinf it with the prirvsiple 
of ufe in the rine or in a tree. Or if animal ap|»eteney alone were 
to be aeooanted for, then we might compare it with that of brutes. 

7 



134 NOTES ON §20. 

But it bag qualities very different from all these. It has- a mmMny, 
or a power of recoUectini^, which is boundhosa. Cluestion a child m 
nich a manner as to elicit bb powers; and he willsbew thait be 
baa in himself the elements of all knowledge. These most be ia^ 
nate, belonging to the natnre of the soul*, and depending on the 
knowledge which it acquired in a pre-oxistent state. Its connectioa 
with the body would, in itself, never render it able to exhibit soch 
powers. Nay, fbr a time this connection actually hinders the- de^ 
yelopment of those powers. To Zearn, then, is nothing moce than 
to recollect. 

• Simonides, Theodect.es, Cyneas, Cbarmadas, and others, have 
ahewn to what a prodigious extent the powers of memory may go ; 
and so they have displayed the lofty attributes of the soul. 

(81) P. 40. L 15. VJdeor posse dicere, / seem t» 
he able to tell, ADimum ipsum, [as to}^^ mind it- 
self. Tam . . . arboris, / should suppose the Ufe of 
man to be supported by nature, as well as [the life] 
of a vine, or of a tree, 

(82) P. 40. I. 23. Habet primum, [but] it [viz. 
the soul} haSyfirstofaU, etc. — Inscribitur,*w entitled. 
— Pusionem, a Ipile hoy^ — Eodem . . . didicisset, he 
comes to the sams conclusions, as he would if he had 
studied geometry. — Sed . . . recognoscere, but recog- 
nizes them by recollection. — ^A pueris, /rom chUdhood. 
— Cumque nihil esset, and since it would be noth- 
ing ; i. e. provided it had not a previous existence,^ 
it would be nothing, as the sequel shews. — Non 
potuit .... agnoscere ; the soul, pent up in the body, 
could discern none of these things, i. e. if it had 
not enjoyed a prior existence. — Cognita attulit, 
t^ [the soul] adduces things already known, i. e. 
[ergo] cognita attulit, viz. when it calls up its 
ivvolag. 

(83) P. 41. 1. 19. Cum tam etc., i, e. when it 
first comes to dwell in the body, its unwonted and 
confused habitation. — Sed cum etc. , i. e» after a 
while, when it becomes wonted to its place of abode, 
then it begins the process of recollection, etc. 



NOTES ON ^20. 1% 

These things are itigeniously said, in order to ac- 
count for it, how children, in very early years, 
manifest so little knowledge. Whether the alle- 
gations will abide the test of philosophical scrutiny, 
is another question. 

(84) P. 41. 1, 27. Simonides, a celebrated poet 
of Cos, who flourished about 538 B. C. He -com- 
posed elegies, dramas, and epic poems. He is re- 
ported to have added the letters 17, o), |, ip, to the 
Greek alphabet. He was famed, as it seems, for 
his memory. 

(85) P. 41. I. 28. Thodectes (flor. c. 340 B. C), a 
Greek- orator and poet, of Phaselis in Pamphylia, 
and a disciple of Isocrates. He was greatly re- 
nowned for an extraordinary memory, 

(86) P. 41. I 30. Cyneas, of Epirus, (flor. c. 
280 B. C), the prime minister, and ambassador to 
the Romans, of Pyrrhus the famous king of Epirus. 

(87) P. 41. I. 30. Charmadas, I do not find 
particularly described. Metrodorus, here named, 
a Mend of Mithridatesking of Pontus, and sent by 
him as an ambassador to Tigranes king of Arme- 
nia. He died about 72 B. C. He was distin- 
guished for learning, and for his moral virtues. 

(88) P. 41. Z. 32. Hortensius, a famous Roman 
orator, who left the stage of action not long after 
Cicero came upon it ; who took the place of Hor- 
tensius. The latter died B. C. 50. 



§21. 

Do tveh powenr then beloM to the brain, Uood, henrt ; to atoimi, 
or earthly aulMtance I Or has the aoul capacity, like a Tessel , 
whieh holds all these things that it treasures up t Or is it like 
wax, capable of receiviog imprMsioos { Would a power, derived 



I 



n 



■I 
J 



t 



t» . 



I " 

'■ 1 



f 



J ! 



.1 

9.-f 



J.I 



I 



136 NOTES ON §21. 



^^ . in tfaig wty^ be adequate to investigate hidden matte 

vent names lor tliinp ; to bring men into civil aocietjr ; 
literature ; to note the courses and stations of the pli 
stars ; to invent agriculture and the arts of life, to cal 
more refined arts as matters of taste and improvement i 
that can do all this, is like the mind of him who formed 
ens and the earth ; for such things cannot be dose, ezcepl 
who bear his likeness. 



(89) P. 42. I. 4. Ilia yia, I e. thai pe 
memory. — ^Anima . . . nescio, tDhether the sou 

i} or fire, I know noU — ^Nec me . . . nesciam, n 

Husky like those [philosophers], to confess m 
ranee, when 1 am ignorant. — Cofpacitatemy pi 
containing or holding, — ^Fundus, ffu ground, 
gificd substratum, 

(90) P. 43. I. 5. iDstitiones, stationary pi 
standing stUi. — Omnes magni, i. e. all wh 

^^\ done such things, are great. — Nam et etc. , 



}■■ ; ture of sounds being discovered, and their van 



joined together, great detight is afforded to 
viz. by music. 

1 ' (91) P. 43. L 12. Et astra suspeximus, 

look up to the stars.'-^'Non re . • . errantia, n 
dering in reality, but merely in name, Thii 
to the astronomical views of the Platonists, y 

'*'] the planets were guided by certain fixed; 

variable laws, in all their motions, al^oug 
were unable to tell what these laws were. 
non re.., erranticL. — Is docuit . . . caelo, he 
that his own mind is Wee that of him, who mm 
^ heavenly bodies, L e. that man, is man in 

age of God ; a truly noble sentiment, a g] 
the true doctrine of immortality ! — Nam cu 
when Archimedes reduced the movements of ih 
sun, and five planets to a circular one.-— Ut . 
versio, so that one revolution would govern 



NOTES ON ^22. 137 

very unlike in respect to sloumeas or stoiftnessJ^Si 
» • . fieri sine deo non potest, if..» nothing can be 
done without divine aid. 



§22. 

^ The higher ftigbta of poetry and oratory^, also, seem to require 
■ome divine eflloiency. Philosophy, likewise, which teaches the 
worship of the gpda and the rights of man, and modestv and mag- 
nanimity, and dispels darkness from oar eyes as to the past and 
the future, in regard to things above or below — this must bo a pow- 
er that is of a divine nature. I ^ive no eredit to the fables or the 
poet8,jsoncerning nectar, ambrosia, Ganymede, etc. iTo live, to in- 
vent, to be wise, to remember, 18 DlKl^E ; and as the soul does 
this, it must be of a nature like to that of the gods. 

(92) p. 43. L 25. Mihi vero etc., to me indeed it 
does not seem, that any of these more notable and t2- 
lustrious achievements can he wanting in a kind ofdi- 
pine power ; so thai I can scarcely imagine a poet to 
pour forth etc. The exact shape of the latter part of 
this, in Latin, is thus: can be wanting in divine 
power, so that I can imagine etc. , i. e. can be so 
wanting in divine power, that I could even imagine 
a poet to be able to pour forth his sublime strains 
without such a power, etc. It is the shape only of 
the Latin sentence which makes any difficulty. 
The sense I have given in the first version. 

Haec nos etc. ; means that philosophy first 
taught religion to men. — Juventate, Hebe, i. e. 
youth, the goddess of youth. Mythology represents 
her as the daughter of Jupiter and Juno, and the 
cup-bearer to the gods ; also as blooming in per- 
petual youth. — Nee Homerum etc. ; i. e. he does 
not regard the mythological fables of the poets, as 
things worthy of credibility. — Gknymede is com- 
monly reckoned, in mythology, as the son of Dar- 



138 CONTENTS OF §§22 24. 

danus ; but there are discrepancies of opinioi 
this point. Cicero here makes him the son of 
omedon. — Divina . . . nos, i. e. *it would have I 
more becoming, to have exalted us to a likei 
with the divinity, than to have lowered him to 
standard ;' a truly noble sentiment, a spark of 
mortal fire ! — Aut anima, either air. — Ilia nat 
SG. deus. — Primum haec . . . animorum, this hdi 
especially to the gods and to soids. 



§23. 

The soul is a simple subgtance ; not concrete or mixed, and t 
fore terrene. It is not even hnmid, or atmospheric, or i jneoai 
none of these elements can think, understand, or remember. 1 
a power peculiar to itself, and distinguished from ftll others, t 
most necessarily be divine, and therefore eternal. For of tl 
▼inity itself we predicate a mind free from all mortal compoi 
omniscient, and endowed with an eternal self-moving power, 
to this is the soul of man. 

(93) P. 44. /. 28. Consolatione, i. e. his trei 
entitled Consolaiio, written soon after the deat 
his daughter Tullia, and which contained mos 
the sentiments exhibited in this Dispuiatio, — ^! 
bile, airy, atmospTierical, — Concretion e, composu 
or materiality. — Motu sempitemo, i. e. with 
perpetual power of voluntary motion, self-mon 
i. 6. having spontaneity. 



§24. 

If yon inquire now, where the mind dwells, and of what fc 
is ; my reply is, that it matters not. If we cannot answer 
questions, still wo do know that it possesses sagacity, mei 
power of motion, and celerity. Compare our knowledge of 
with that of our own souls. When we see the splendour and 1 
ty of the sky; the changes of days and seasons ; the measurec 
oltttioas of the son ; the waxing and waning of the moon 
coorMs of the planets ; the sky adorned on all aides with • 



NOTES ON §24. 139 

the ourth with its vftriety of climates, cold «.nd hot, cultivated and 
nncuttivate^, barren and fniitfui ; the multitude of flocks and 
herds, for feedinf and clothing us, and assisting in our labours; 
man himself, comtemplating the heavens and worshipping th« 
gods ; and all the fields and seas ministering to his comfort — whea 
we see ail these and numberless other like things, can we doubt 
whether there is a Maker and Goveniour of uie Universe i ^ In 
like manner, when you see memory, invention, celeritv of motion, 
and all th^ beauty of virtae in man, you must acknowledge the di- 
vine efficiency of the mind. 

This passage reminds us forcibly of the statement made by Paul, 
in Rom. 1:30, via. that ^^the invisible things of God, from the 
creation of the world, are seen, being understood by the thinga 
that are made^ even his eternal power and Godhead.^* What bet- 
ter commentary on this could be offered, than the passage in Cice- 
ro, the contents of which 1 have just stated. 

(94) p. 45. L 22. Per te ull, to use with your 
liberty, — ^Ut se ipse videat, that it can see itself, — 
Non videt . . . suam, U does not see (what is least of 
all) its oivn form, I take to be the laDguag-e of the in- 
quirer or objector ; in aoswer to which is the se- 
quel. — ^Fortasse, it may be so, — Quamquam id quo- 
que, idthough [I might maintain] this also, viz. , 
that it does see itself. — Sed relinquamus, but let us 
pass this by, 

(95) P. 45. I, 32. Speciem . . . coeli, in the first 
place, let us look at the beatUy and splendour of the 
sky, — ^Deinde . . . non ppssumus, then the great cel- 
erity of its revolution, so great that it exceeds our 
thoughts, — Coramutationes .... quadripartitas, the 
changes of the seasons distributed irtto four, — ^Ad 
temperationem, to the appropriate condition — Qua- 
si .. . dies, designating the days as it were with cal" 
endar-marks. — Stellas, planets, as here used, i. e. 
Mercury, Venus, Mara, Jupiter, and Saturn. — In 
medio mundi miiversi, in the midst of the whole uni- 
verse; vide supra, p. 32.— Sub axe . . . septem, |)/acci 
under the axis towards the seven stars, L e. placed 
in the northern hemisphere. The seven stars 
here named, are the septem THones, as the Latins 



Ft 



^ 






il I 



1 ■ * ' 

■ :i 
■I 



5;! 

I 



140 NOTES ON §24. 



called them, which make up the constellati 
the Great Bear. The Trionea appear to re 
around the axis of the north-star; but wl: 
Cicero was acquainted with this fact, I d< 
know, w^e means here the norUi pole; s< 
8ub axe potita ad steUoi septem, is as much 
say, placed under that pole, which is in the c 
tion of the seven stars, i. e. of the Great Beai 
we suppose axe here to mean the extremi' 
lli northern part of the axis, just as north poU dc 

English, (a supposition which is altogether p 
ble), then all those, in the view of Cicero, 
under (sub) the axis, who lived in the nor 
hemisphere ; for the north pole was above t 
Or if we suppose Cicero to have had the idea 
the north stew marks the direction of the ei 
axis, then all in the northern regions live unc 
(in a literal sense), as it passes over them. 1 
ther case, we get the generic idea here aimc 
h \\ viz. , the northern [temperate] zone.— Oris, reg 

i. e. the two temperate zones. — ^ Avtlx^ova^ th 
posite or corresponding land or country. 

^Avrlx^oiv, among the Greeks, literally meaj 

inhabitant of a corresponding and opposite z 

r-l e.g. to those who Uve in the northern temp 

^;tj zone, the inhabitants of the southern one are ari 

PBg, So Tatius (cap. XXX): rohg xara duxfju 

iy ralg ofioiaig ^wvaig olxovvtagy i. e. those who 

opposite to each other in the like zones, viz. the 

temperate ones. So Pomponius Mela (c. 1) : *' 

liquae zonae [the temperate ones he now speak 

paria agunt anni tempora, verum non pariter. 

tichthones alteram, nos alteram incolimus.'' 

In a like sense Antoed (Srroutoi) is empl 



NOTES ON §24. 141 

by the ancients. But, although most of the en- 
lightened men among the Greeks and Romans 
held the earth to be roundy yet as they had a 
knowledge of only a small part of its surface as 
being habitable^ and had no proper idea of its true 
motion, they in general strenuously denied the pos- 
sibility of Antipodes, Some few only admitted it* 
In theory, according to their views^ it might be pos- 
sible ; in fact it was deemed altogether improba- 
ble. See Cellarius, Orbis Antiq. I. 7, 

Ceteras partes etc. , aa to other regumt tmculti* 
voted, because etc. ; i. e. the two frigid zones and 
the torrid one are uninhabitable ; for such was the 
Tiew of Cicero and his cotemporaries.-^Pampinis, 
wUh tendrUs, — »Conve8tirier, i. e. convestiri with 
tile antique termination. — ^Tanti opens et muneris, 
of 90 great a toork and exhibition* The public shows 
given by individuals, the Romans often called mu- 
fiero. The term as here used, alludes to these. 
Hence Moderator, in reference to muneris. The 
whole paragraph is a protracted and componte sen- 
tence, although not d^cult to be understood. The 
granmiatical and rhetorical construction of it, how- 
ever, as to accuracy, it would not be easy to vindi- 
cate. But the sentiment is exceedingly fine and 
noble. Indeed, I know of nothing which equals 
k, in the whole extent of the heathen classics, 
when considered in a religious point of view. 

7# 



142 NOTES ON ^25. 

.§25. 

Tt matters not at all, then, as to the place or form of the soul. It 
cannot be concrete, or made by a combination of diflfereDt gabstaa- 
ee«, and so it is not divisible, dissoluble, or perishable. 

Socrates, persuaded of this, sought not to avert death. He be- 
lieved that there are two ways in which the soul may depart; the 
.one for souls contamiaated with vices and crimes, a devious path, 
which leads to seclusion from the assembly of the gods ; the other 
for the upright and pure, who, having imitated the gods in this lifo, 
are associated with them in the next. The good man, therefore, 
should anticipate death with joy. Nor can he doubt that such 
abould be the case, unless, like those who look steadily at the sun 
and lose thuir sight, he should dim his mental vision by too long and 
steadily contemplating the glories of his ovm mind. But still, we 
should not so desire death, as prematurely to seek it and procure it 
for ourselves. ^ 

(96) P. 47. L 9. In quo etc., i, e. you will ask : 
In quo etc. — Alias, elaewhere, or €U another time.—^ 
Ubi sit, wherever it may be ; i. e. whether in the 
head, or heart, etc. — Quae est etc., language of the 
inquirer. — Propria . . . sua, peculiar^ I think, and 
belonging only to itself, — Sed fac etc., but suppose 
it to be either igneous, or airy, etc. — In . . . cogni- 
tione, in ojcquiring a knowledge of the sovJL, however, 
etc. — Quin,&u^ thai, — ^Nec . . . igLi\xr,consequenUy it 
cannot perish, — Liberam contumaciam, a noble dis- 
regard, 

(97) P. 48. 1, 17. Ut cygni, thjJt as swans, etc. — 
Qui providentes etc., by which [power of divina- 
tion] they foresee whai good results from death, — ^De- 
iicientem solem, the departing or setting sun. — ^In- 
jussu . . . demigrare, that^ we shouUl depart hence 
tffithout his order, — ^Nae, surely, Ille vir sapiens, 
the mmi who is wise, — Nee . . . ruperit, nor wUl he 
break off those chains of the goal, i, e. he will not try 
to escape from death. — Vt ait idem, L e. Socrates. — 
Commentatio mortis, is a reflecting upon death, L e. 
continued meditation upon this subject. 



f 

NOTES ON ^26. 143 

§26. 

Let us learn, then, by frequently abstracting and separating C&s it 
were) the mlod from the body, to prepare for death. What is thii 
practice, but a kind of dying ? If we accustom ourselves to this, 
when we are loosed from the body, we shall ascend with easier and 
more rapid flight, as we shall not be encumbered by bodily chainsi 
Should this be our happy lot, then is it easy to show, not only that 
death will be no evil, but that it will be the highest good. 

(98) P. 49. Z. 14. A re famlliari, /rom our £fome5- 
tic affairs, — Hoc commeDtemur, let us meditate on 
these things. — ^Digungamus . . . mori, and let us sep- 
arate ourselves [i. e. our souls] fiom our bodies, [viz. 
by drawing them away from the objects of sense, 
and employing them m reflection] ; that is, let us 
accustom ourselves to die. Death is the separation 
of soul and body. Now as the soul, when it is 
abstracted from attention to the bodily senses by 
reflection, is as it were separated from the body ; 
so Cicero here calls this habitude of mind, dying 4)r 
death. What was imperfectly effected by reflection, 
\. e. the abstracting of the soul from the body, is, 
according to him, only completed by what is usu- 
aUy called death ; an ingenious thought, if not a 
solid one. 

(99) P. 49. I 23. Hoc et etc., this, viz. this 
practice of meditating, and living as it were abstract- 
ed from the body. — Erit . . . simile, unU he like our 
living in the celestial regions ; i. e. it will be a state 
in which the soul lives by itself — ^Minus etc., i. e. 
the soul, disencumbered of corporeal propensities, 
will wing its way to the upper regions with more 
ease and speed ; as the next sentence shews. — ^IJt 
ii, qui etc. , refers to such as have been bound 
with chains in prison, for many years, and who, 
when first set at liberty, are unable to walk with 
any facility. — Quo, etc. when we shaU have, cotivA 



144 NOTES ON §§ 26, 27. 

thUher^ i. e. into the celestial regions. — Vivemus, 
shall reaUy and truly live, the word being emphatic 
here. — ^Haec vita, i. e. our present life on earth.^- 
Si liberet, if circumstances permUtedy or if it shovli 
be desired. 

(100) P. 50. 1, 1. Nihil . . . relinquere, I wish far 
nothing more than to quit these present scenes, i. e. 
to die. — ^Veniet... properabis, the time wHl come 
and speedily too, [viz. when you will quit them], 
and [this], whether you delay or hasten it, — Ab eo, 
after abest is unusual in Cicero, and is here mark- 
ed as suspicious. — ^Ut verear . . . potius, that I sus- 
pect there cannot happen to man, not indeed any other 
evU, but no other good which is preferable. — Siqui- 
dem . . . sumus, since we shaU either become gods, or 
be associated with them. 



§27. 

But there are many objectors to the doctrine of the aouPs immor- 
tality. Among these are the whole race of Epicureans and espe- 
oially my favourite Dicaearchos. The Stoics also allow us mere- 
Jy along life, like that of the crows. But as they allow the most 
difficult part of our problem, viZi that the soul can survire the body, 
it is not worth while to contend with themu More to our puriiose 
is it, to consider the arguments of Paoaetius, who, in other respects a 
zealous Platonist, differs from his master in regard to the soul, and 
•trenuonsly denies its immortality on two grounds, viz., (1) The 
aoul is procreated ; as is OTident from the resemblance of^ children 
to their parents, both in body and in mind: and whatever is pre 
created, is perishable. (2) The soul is affected with grief and dis- 
ease; and whatever can be thus affected, is perishable. 

(101) P. 50. 1. 10. Adsunt ehim, there are some, 
— ^Ego . . . posset, but I wiU never let you off, in this 
discussion, so that (uti) decUh can, with any shew of 
recuon, appear to you as anevU, — Qui potes, how can 
you ? — ^Acerrime . . . disseruit, most strenuously, how- 
ever, has my favourite, Dicaearchos, descanted againsi 



NOTES ON ^ 27. 145 

this imm/oHaliJty, — Leshitiei, Leshiac, i. e. belonging 
to the island of Lesbos, the capital of which was 
Mytilene, where the discourses of Dicaearchus were 
delivered. — Stoici . . . comicibus, the Stoics, moreo' 
ver concede to us an enjoyment [of life], like thai 
tohich belongs to the crows. 

(102) P. 51. 1, 1. LabamuB, toe stand in doubt, — 
Id, viz. the changing of our sentiment, or rather, 
doubting in regard to immortality. — Simus armati, 
let us he armed, i. e. prepared to repel such doubts. 
Num quid . . .dimittamus, is there any reason why 
we should not dismiss our friends, the Stoics ? i. e. 
omit any longer discussion of their sentiments. — 
Istos vero ; them surety [we may dismiss]. — Pos^ 
animum etc., viz. that the soul, when disengaged 
from the body, can continue to exist. — Ut se, inasmuch 

as etc. 

(103) P. 51. 1, 17. Panaetius, a philosopher of 
Rhodes, about 138 B. C. He taught philosophy in 
Rome; and La^lius and Scipio Afiicanus were 
among his pupils. He wrote a treatise on tl^e duties 
of man. Lempriere calls him a Stoic philosopher ; 
Cicero here makes him a Platonist, one point on- 
ly excepted. 

(104-) P. 51. I. 20. Homerum philosophorum, 
th^Homer of philosophers, i. e. of such a rank among 
philosophers, as Homer was among poets. — ^Nasci 
. . . appareat, that souls are produced, [he main- 
tains], because a likeness in those who are procreated, 
shews tiiis ; which [likeness] appears, indeed, in the 
temper of the mind, and not in their bodies only. — 
Nihil esse etc., viz. (hat there is nothing which steers 
pain etc. — Quod . . , interiturum, that which may 
be sick, may die. 



146 NOTES ON § 28. 

§28. 

The answer to the above objections, is not diffieolt. ^ (1) When 
we speak of the miod, we do not mean the seat of passions and de- 
sires and antipathies ; for these spring from the body. [So Plato; 
who expressly distineaivhes the rational soul from the animal one ; 
makinr the latter only to be the origin and seat of all such affec- 
tions.] (2) The similitude to parents, which appears in childreo, 
may be accounted for on the ground of animal or corporeal resem- 
blance only. For in the first place, the similitude is chiefly phys- 
icaL Secondly, what is not so, but apparently mental, has its 
ori|[in in the manner in which the body affects the soul, and is 
owing entirely to this influence, which in varioiis respects is great. 
We need not suppose, then, that similitude of mind arises from pro- 
creation. In fact, one might easily shew that ;the dissimilitude 
between parents and children, is even more strikinglthan the resem- 
blances ; e. g. this was the case with the nephew of Scipio Africa- 
nus, and the sons of many other famous men. 

(105) P. 51. L 31. Sunt enim . . . dicatur, for 
(hey belong to a person who does not recognize, that 
when one speaks respecting the etem4d nature of 
souls, he speaks of the mind, which is free etc. — 
Quas etc., which he [who defends the immortality 
of the soul], against whom these things are saidy 
supposes to he removed and separated from the mind, 
— Jam similitudo, the simUiiude, now, [above spoken 
of] appears etc. — Et ipsi . . . sint, and as to sovis 
themselves (Nom. independent), it is of great conse- 
quence in what body they are placed. — Multa enim . . . 
obtundaut,y(>r many things are derived from Ike body, 
which sharpen the powers of the mind; and many, 
which blunt them, 

(106) P. 52. /. 11. Ingeniosos, m^n of genius, of 
distinguished talents, — ^Ut . . . feram, so ihat I, [who 
am not melancholy], must bear unth it, to be called 
somewhat stupid, — Idque* . . . constet, and as if the 
thing might be proved, — Quod si . . . similitudo, hut 
if there is so mu^h efficacy, in regard to cast of mind, 
in those things which spring from the body, (and these 
are the very things, whatever (hey are, which make 



NOTES ON ^§ 28, 29. 147 

aimUitude), this likeness of the sotd creates no neces- 
sUy why it should be produced by birth. 

(107) P. 52. L 21. Quaererem .... nepos, / 
should like to inquire of him, lohich of his progeni- 
tors, the son of Africanus^ brother resembled. This 
brother of [Scipio] Africanus was named PauUus. 
Nothiog special is known concerning him. — ^Facie 
. . . similis, in appearance, so like his father ; in his 
manner of life, '[like] (dl prodigals, — Cujus etc., 
whom did the grand-son of Crasstis, that unse, elo- 
quent, and disHnguished man, resemhk ? 



§29. 

Having now aocomplished th« most important object of thig dis- 
eossion, viz., that of establishing the immortality of the goal, let 
wt return to the first qaestion with which our discussion commenced, 
viz., Whether death is an evil ? On the supposition, that we have 
not established our point in regard to the souPs immortality, ftnd 
granting, for the sake of discussion, that the soul perishes witn the 
body -, still, death is not an evil. On the sround now taken, there 
is 110 sensation after death. If you say, that dying is in itself an 
evil ; I reply, that this is momentary ; that it is often attended with 
little or no pain; and sometimes even with pleasure. Then again, 
if ^ou say : It is a departure from good ; m v answer would be, that 
it IS a departure from evil. Indeed, one might well weep over humaii 
life ; as Hegesias and others have shewn. Many, convinced of this, 
have voluntarily procured their own death. In my own case, de- 

E rived as I am of domestic comfort and public employment and 
ooour, would not death long since have been a deliverance from 

(108) P. 52. L 28. Hoc nunc etc., we have pro- 
posed, that when enough may have been said respect- 
ing the immortality of the soul, [we should then 
consider] whether there is any evU in death, even in 
case (he soul does not survive, Alte spectare, are 
looking upwards, — Mali . . . sententia, what evU does 
even such a sentiment bring upon us f — Insimulat, 
accuses, viz. he accuses Democritus of asserting it. 



148 NOTES ON §29. 

— Ut, although, or hoioever* — ^Et falsum etc. , lit. / 
both think this to be false, and that it takes place, 
generally, etc.; where the first and second et 
answers toourtn the first place, in the second place, 
etc. — Discessus ab etc. viz. departure, etc. — Quid 
ego etc., u>hat,lMw, if I should mourn over the life of 
num ? / could do this truly, and of good right.-^ 
Etiam . . . miseriorem, also to make l\fe iiself more 
wretched, by mourning over it* 

(109) P. 53. ;. 33. Hegesias is called a Cyre- 
naican, because be was of the Cyrenian school of 
philosophy, i. e. the school established by Aristip" 
pus of Cyrene, about 392 B. C. Hegesias was the 
pupil of the younger Aristippus, son of the one 
just named. The character of his philosophy is 
described in the sequel. 

(110) P. 54. I. 3. Callimachus, a historian and 
satirical poet of Cyrene, who lived in the age of 
Ptolemy Philadelphus. — Lecto , . . libro, viz. Plato's 
Phaedo, on the immortality of the soul. — -'^to- 
KaQtegont me^ns, one destroying himself by inanition 
or starving, — Id facere, do the same thing, i. e. re- 
count the miseries of life. — Die qui . . . putat, tthq 
thinks, that in general it is expedient for no one to 
continue in 2{/e.— Etiamne . . . expedit, unts not 
[death] desirable for us [me], who etc. — Certe . . . 
abstraxisset, death surely, if we had fallen before this, 
would have taken us from, evils, not from eryoyments; 
i. e. deprived of social and public enjoyments, as I 
have been, the evils of life, on the whole, have 
more than counterbalanced the good. 



NOTES ON <^ 30. 149 

§30. 

Now and then a lolitarv instance occurs, like that of Metellus, in 
which we may say, that death is a departure from cood. But how 
few are tltete instanoef I Look at the examples of Priam, of Pom- 
pey ; and indeed most examples are of a similar nature. 

(Ill) P. 54. L 16. Sit igitur . . . acceperit, let 
ihere he, then, some one who has no evU to endure^ 
who has received no wound from fortune, — Metellum 
etc. , i. e. a numerous progeny honoured the peace- 
ful funeral rites of Metellus. — Hie si, i. e. Pria- 
mus. — Astante . . . laqueatis, whUe barbarian wealth 
continued, the carved and wainscoted walls, — The 
term barbarica we should hardly expect ; as the 
Trojans appear to have spoken the same language 
with the Greeks. Nevertheless Homer, Ovid, Lu- 
cian, and Euripides apply the epithet ^aq^aqov to 
the Trojans; and this, because they were foreign- 
ers, and enemies to the combined body of the 
Greeks. — ^At certe . . . evenisset, but surety matters 
turned out better with him, i. e. better than is usual- 
ly suppossed or estimated. — Nee . . . canerentur, 
nor shoidd those [words] be sung in such a doltfvl 
way, viz. , Haec etc.-^Ista, i. e. isxk fortuud. ; see 
fbrtuna above, in the first sentence of this section. 
-^Tamen eventum etc., a passage which has 
greatly troubled the critics. *' Quid hoc est," says 
Elmesti, ^nemo intelligat ; quis dicit eventum omit' 
tere ?** I construe it thus : If Priam had soon- 
er died, he ujould have escaped the occurences of life 
in general ; and even at this very time, he lost aU sen- 
scUior^ of evil, 

(112) P. 55. 1. 8. Aegrotasset, had been sick, but 
was now convalescent. — Coronati, viz, in token of 
joy,— Puteolani, the inhabitatUs ofPuteoli. — Vulgo 



150 NOTES ON §§30, 31. 

ex oppidis, in crowds from the towns, — Ineptum 
etc. , a foolish bvsiness, to be surt^ and savouring 
somewhat of ih^ manners of the Greeks ; yet [one 
which is deemed] fortunate, — ^Utrum igitur etc. , had 
he died even (hen, would he have been taken away, etc. ? 
— Non liberi defleti, kis children would not have been 
moumedfor^ 



§31, 

Let us examine the accuracy of the language which is applied to 
the dead, i. e. to the dead, on the aupposition that the soul does 
not surrive the body. Many say, tnortuos vitae eommodis carere, 
that the dead are deprived of the blessings of life. But this can 
he truly and correctly said, only of those toho have sensation ; aad 
therefore it is incorrectly applied to the present case. 

(113) P. 56. 1. 3. Quia . . . vis, because this tnean- 
ing is connected with it, — Liberis, i. e. caret liberis. 
— Valet . . . vivis, this wiU apply to the living, — Qui 
nulli sunt, i. e. who, (according to the opinion 
above stated) are non-entUies, — Confirinato. , .re- 
tinquatur, thai being confirm^, from which ((^ our 
souls are mortal) we cannot dovht but (hat destruction 
in death wiU he so great j that not the least ground of 
suspecting any sensation is left, — Hoc . . . fixo, this 
then being weU established and fxed, — ^Ut sciatur, 
vi2. that it may be known, — Nisi . . . verbi, unless 
when it is employed as saying carers febri (to be 
free from fever), with a tropical sense of the word. — 
Quod est malum, which [being deprived of good] 
is an evU. — ^Non indiget, does not stand in need of it, 

(114) P. 56. L 30. Sed in vivo etc. , but in re- 
gard to a living man, it is intelligible to say, that he 
is deprived of a kingdom, — In te, in regard to you. — 
Satis subtiliter, with any good degree of accuracy, — 



NOTES ON "§§31, 32. 151 

Potuisset in Tarquinio, U might [have been said J 
in respect to Tarquin, when etc. — Carere . . . est, for 
to he in want of (carere), has respect to a sentieiU 
being. 



§32. 

In accordance with my views concerning death, have all the 
great and good men of ancient times acted, who put their lives in 
peril, or sacrificed them, for their country. If. there be no exist- 
ence after death, then surely death was no evil to them. It mat- 
ters no more to us, what will take place centuries to come, than it 
do60 what took place centuries ago. 

(115) P. 57. 1. 7, Quae, i. e. quae mors. — ^Ar- 
cens etc. , hindering thai tyrant in his return, [viz. 
Tarquin the Proud], whom he had driven away. — 
.Decius (Mus), a celebrated Roman Consul, who 
was slain in a battle with the Latins, 338 B. C. His 
son, Decius, fell in like manner, when fighting 
against the Gauls and Samnites, B. C. 296 ; Cice- 
ro says — decertans cum Etruscis. His grandson 
did the same, when fighting against Pyrrhus and 
the Tarentines, B. C. 280. 

(116) P. 57. L 20. Cum vero, hU since, — 
Quamquam . . . saepe, however, [I have already 
said] this quite too often, — Sed . . . mortis, but [I 
have done so] because in this is the very ground of 
all the pusillanimity, which arises from the fewr of 
death, — Nee pluris . . . captam, nor is M, CamiUus 
any more affected with the recent civil war, than lam 
tweeted with the capture of Rom>e, which took place 
while he was living, L. Furius Camillus (B. C. 
365) appears to be the person here designed ; for 
it was be that drove away the Gauls under Bren- 
nus, who had invested Rome, and conquered the 
country. Cicero calls him Marcus Camillus; it 
would seem by mistake. 



152 NOTES ON ^33. 

§33. 

But the brevity and uncertainty of life, and even the fact that we 
may be insensible afler death, should not deter us from doing good 
to our friends and country, nor from love to virtue. If sleep^ as 
some suppose, be an image of death ; than is death an insensibility 
to evil. 

Wb^ then should we deplore the time of our departure .' Those 
who die in youth, suffer much less then those who die in advanced 
years. Priam wept oftener than Troilus. Old aso takes awa^ 
knowledge, which is the highest good of life ; and therefore it is 
not desirable. Even the longest life, is a mere nothing, compared 
with eternity. 

(117) p. 58. Z. 12. Quo minus . .. coni^ulat, (kathe 
should exert himself less, at aU timts,Jbr the r^fmblie 
and for his friends. Quare licet . . . consequatur, 
wherefore let it he that the mind is mortal, which deter-' 
mines to strive for the attainment qf eternal things; 
not with a thirst for glory which you wHl never ev^oy, 
but [with a thirst] of virtue, which glory necessarily 
follows, even when one does not desire it, — ^Alteri, L e; 
mortui ; alteros, i.e. vivos. — Quain,i.e. quam mor- 
tem. — Ne sues . . . ipse, the very swine do not desire 
this ; not to speak of him or myself, i. e. of the quis 
quam just mentioned. Non modo ipse literaUy 
means, not he only, or not myself only and in the sense 
which I have given to it above, non modo is tre" 
quently employed by Cicero. 

(118) P. 58. LSI. Caria lies near the south- 
west extremity of Asia Minor. The fable is, that 
Endymion was loved by Diana, i. e. the moon or 
Luna, who paid him nightly visits, in order to kiss 
him while he was asleep. Some make his sleep 
to last a great number of years. The feble is mod- 
ified in a great variety of ways, among the ancients : 
and probably it had its origin in the fact that En- 
dymion, being a shepherd, cultivated astronomy, 
and spent much of his time in observing the moon ; 



NOTts ON §§ 33, 34. 153 

in doing which he would of course very frequent- 
ly fall asleep. — Nondum . . . experrectus, ha8 not^ as 
I imagine^ yet waked up ; L e. he sleeps die sleep 
of deadi. — Cum luna laboret, when the moon is in 
trovhle. •'...// 

§34. 

(119) P. 59. 1, 8. Ante tempus mori, to die htfore 
one^s time, — ^nuUa praesdtuta die, no particular day 
[of giving it up] being ficed, — Quid est etc., why 
then should you complain, etc. ? — Ab hoc, i. e. from 
the child that perishes in the cradle. — Acerbius, 
more severdyy sternly ; i. e. this is what such persons 
allege.-^Hic etc. he too [i. e. puer parvus] was just 
hoping for great things, which he was beginning to 
enjoy, — ^Aliquam . . . secus, that some part should be 
obtcnned raOier than none ; why should it be otherwise 
tH respect to life ? 

(120) P. 59. L 22. Callhnachus, see Note 110.— 
Multo saepius etc. Priam lived to a great age, and 
to endure many sorrows ; Troilus, his son, was slain 
by Achilles, in early life. — Nullis . . . jucundior, to 
none, if life should be stiU further prolonged, could 
it he more agreeable, — ^Prudentia, knowledge, science, 
—A tergo insequens, following on behind, — ^Nec 
opinantes, not at all expecting it, 

(121) Ratk parte, for his proportionate part, — ^The 
Hypanis was in Thrace (Roumelia), on the Euro- 
pean side, and is now called the Bog, and empdes 
into the Borysthenes, and with it finally into the 
Euzine or Black Sea ; which last is the meaning 
of Pontus here, as indeed it commonly is. — ^Eo ma- 
IpB, stm more would such an insect die in decrepid 
old age, if the day were solstidal, i. e. at the dme of 
the summer solstice in June, when the days are the 
longest. 



154 NOTES ON § 35. 

§§ 35—37. 

Let us then despise all fears of death, and place our chief happf* 
ness in contempt of human things and in the love of viriae. Let of 
not anxiously place our hope<« on visionary expectations of happi« 
ness in the present world. The example of Theramenes, ao loriilf 
despising death, fills me with delight. 

The plea of Socrates also, before his judges, is quite to my pur- 
pose. He maintained, that whether death is an end of all sensa- 
tion, or a migration to another place, it is a great good. In the 
first ease, it puts an end to our multiplied evils and auflferings ; in 
the second, it brings us into the society of the illustrious dead, and 
extends the circle and the means of knowledge. 

Others of the like character I might mention; e. g. the Spartan 
who treated iwith disdtiin the condemning sentence of the Epbori; 
the Lacedemonians at Thermopylae ; Tueodorus ; the woman (^ 
Sparta. 

(122) p. 60. 1. 20. Si ante . . . sumus, ifdeaJQi comes 
before toe have obtained what was promised by the 
ChaldeanSy i. e. the fortune tellers or soothsayers, 
who predicted much prosperity to us. — Pendemus 
animis, we keep our minds in a state of suspense. 
— Quam iter etc., how pleasant must be that journey^ 
which being finished, no care remains, etc. 

(123) P. 60. /. 28. Theramenes, an Athenian 
philosopher, of the a^e of Alcibiades, about 420 
B. C. He was one of the thirty tyrants (so called) 
of Athens ; but he was opposed to the views of 
his colleagues. On this account he was accused 
by Critias, one of them who was exceedingly bitter 
against him ; and he was condemned to death by 
his inexorable judges, although Socrates interceded 
for him. — Non miserabiliter, not in a manner that 
claims oitr pity. — Venenum . . . obduxisset, he had 
swallowed down the poison^ with the greediness of one 
who is thirsty. — ^Ut id resonaret, that it made an echo^ 
]. e. when striking the floor of the prison, upon 
which it was thrown. — Propino . . . Critiae, / drink 
health to the beautiful Oitias^ — ^Taeterrimus, mast 
inimical. 



NOTES ON §^ 35, 36. 155 

(124) P. 61. L 6. Extremo spiritu, unth his last 
breath. — Cum . . . coDtineret, when he already heldj 
in his howelsy death commencing, — Ei, i. e. to Critias. 

§36. 

(125) P. 61. L 13. Eodem . . . TherameneSy 
[condemned] by the same toickedness of the judges^ 
as Tharemenes by the tyrants, — ^Minoem, :i. e. ad 

. Minoem,^— He and Rhadamantbus were the sons of 
Jupiter by Europa, and were Cretans ; Aeacus 
was the son of Jupiter and Aegina, and king of 
the island Oenopia, to which he gave the name of 
his mother, Aegina. — Triptolemus, the son of Ce- 
reus king of Attica, by Neraea. He became a &« 
vourite of Ceres; taught men agriculture exten- 
sively ; and after his death was advanced to di- 
yine honours. Socrates here reckons him as a 
fourth judge in Hades» 

(125). P. 62. 1, 10. Judicio iniquo cirpumventos, 
etc. Palamedes, son of Nauplius king of Euboea, 
by Clyraene. It was he who detected the feign- 
ed madness of Ulysses ; feigned in order to avoid 
going to the Trojan war. Ulysses afterwards, at 
Troy, caused money to be buried in the tent of 
Palamedes ; forged a letter as fi*om Priam to Pal- 
amedes, requesting the latter to betray the Grecian 
army, and stating that he had stipulated to do so 
for the sake of the money. In this way PaJame* 
des came to be unjustly condemned and put to 
death, by the Grecian chiefs* He is said to have 
invented the letters &, J, Xi % of the Greek alpha- 
bet. — ^Ajax, aft:er Achilles' death, contested with 
Ulysses for the armour of the hero ; and judgment 
being unjustly rendered in favour of Ulyses, Ajax 
killed himself. 



156 NOTES ON ^ 37. 

§37. 

(Id6) P. 62. L 11. Tentarem etc., I should jnd 
to tht test ike knowledge etc. ; a thing in which 
Socrates, during his life-time, greatly delighted. — 
Summi regis, i. e. Agamemnon. — ^Ulysses is well 
known, in fable, for his skiH and cunning.*— Syai* 
phus, see Note 22. 

(127) P. 62. L 28. Nae ego . . . malim, ^rdy I 
shovld muck prefer this state qjfmind, to the toeaUk of 
dU those etc. — Etsi etc., kotoever, ets to kis denying 
that any one besides the gods can knoWy he himsdf 
does knoWj viz. which is the best. — Suum iUud, hns 
own pecuniarily. — ^Finis . . . potest, there can be no end, 
— Ephori, magistrates at Sparta, first created about 
760 B. C, by Lycurgus, resembling the trihones 
at Rome, i. e. supreme censors of all public pro- 
ceedings. — Sine versura, without lending or borrouh 
ing, — ^Ut, inasmuek as. 

(128) P. 63. I 28. Leonidas, the brave king of 
Sparta, and leader of the three hundred Lace- 
demonians who fell at the battle of Thermopylae^ 
only one of them escaping. — Vigebant ; from this 
word, back to quid, included in brackets, the text 
has been suspected by some, and condemned hy 
Bentley and others. 1 do not perceire any solid 
ground for difficulty with it. — ^Fortes et duri, rigid 
and severe. — Theodoras ofCyrene, a teacher of Plato 
in geometry. — Ista .... purpuratis tuis, threaten 
those*' drea^xd things to your effeminate courtiers, 
clothed in purple. — Humine . . . putrescat, whether 
he rots on the earth, or in the air. 



KOTES ON §38. 157 

§38. 

19) P. 64. {. 14. Cujus hoc dicto, viz. ptUres- 
-In quo moritur, i. e. in the Phaedo of Plato, 
*e his death is described. — Sicubi, i. e. si ali- 
— ^Durior, sterner, — Asperius, more roughly, — 
. . . ponitote, hvi give me a staff with which I 
go off, — Illi, {said] they, — Quid igitur, i. e. he 
3d: Quid etc. 
JO) P. 65. 1, 8. Si quid ei accidesset, {/" any 

should befal him, i. e. in case he should die. — 
a, i. e. she (Hecuba) who mourns over Hec- 
D the play. — Passa aegerrime, / have suffered 
wretchedly, — ^Accius, the ancient Roman tragic 

represents it better. — Et .... Achilles, and 
'les sometimes considerate, — Pressis . . . modis, in 
idjusted and mx)urnful modulaiions, — Ne com- 
3, non extimescit, he fears not lest his burned 
abers should be abused]. — Siris for siveris, 
dUI [not] let, — Cum . . . tibiam, when he pours 
such fine heptameter verses, ai the m<tdvlaiion 
■ pipe, 

11) P. 66, 1, 11. Cum, when, or rather here, 
ugh, — Execratur,ya2(« to uttering imprecations. 
e the story of Thyestes and Atreus in Lem- 
3. — Primum ... Atreus, specially that Atreus 
oerish by shipwreck. 



§39. 

aware that barial and the corruption of the body, are ihud- 
.t by the multitude. But in respect to these things, mine ara 
itiments and feelings of Socratea, Diugeuea, and Anaxagoras. 
lya are full of errors and lamentations, on these subjects; but 
t any good ground. How can a dead body be sensible of any 
igsf 

8 



158 NOTES ON §§39,40. 

(132) P. ^. L 3. Magorum, of the magi, — ^Hyr- 
caDia, in middle Asia, bordering on the Caspian Sea. 
— Optimates, domesticos, the nobles [^dj privaU 
domestic ones. — Cum suis . . . potest, when declining 
life is able to console itself wUh its oum praises^ — ^Ne- 
mo . . . munere, no one was ever short livedo whojvl&y 
perfotmed the duties of perfect virtue, — Parum din, 
not a very long time ; which, with nemo^ makes the 
sense above given. — Multa . . . fuenmt, many sear 
sonSf opportune seasons, for my death have occurred, 
— Quam . . . obire, which I could wish I had under- 
gone, — Nihil . . . vitae, for now nothing was to he 
gained ; the duties ofl^e ufere accumutoHng,, 

(133) P. 67. l. 32. Tamen . . . sequitur, yet it 
follows virtue, as a shadow [follows a substance]. 
— Verum'. . . beati, btU the judgment of the multitude 
concerning the good, is to be praised, rather thotn 
[that we can say] these are happy on Ms aecountj 
viz. on account of being praised. 



§40. 

The glory of the tllustrioos dead can never be taken away. IM 
va not suppose, then, that to die is to lose this good. 

(134) P. 68. L 4. Ante enim etc, fw sooner 
wiU the sea overflow Salamis itself etc. — Salaminii 
tropaei refers to the trophy of the great naval vic- 
tory at Salamis, gained by the Greek fleet over that 
of Xerxes; in which the Persian fleet was nearly 
ruined, and the whole plans of Xerxes frustrated* 
— ^Boeotia Leuctra was famous for the victory 
there achieved by Epaminondas, the celebrated 
Theban general, over the army of Cleombeotus 
king of Sparta, B. C. 371 ; in which 4000 Spartans, 



NOTES ON ^ 40. 1 59 

ith their king, were killed. This battle took from 
8 Spartans the power of ruling over Greece. 
(135) P. 68, L 17. Secundis . . . mori, in proS' 
rUy, also, lei him be willing to die. — ^Non enim . . . 
icesslo, ybr^ aecumtdaiion of good things cannot 
so agreeable, as the giving of them up wiU be 
wblesome, — ^Laconis (Gen.), of a Lacedemonian, — 
lympionices nobilis, a noUe victor in the Olym" 
an games. — Accessit ad senem, L e. ad Diago* 
m. — ^Non • . . es, for you cannot ascend to heaveth 
e. witl^out dying ; and nothing else is nowwant- 
g that you should go there. So, in substance, 
rnestL But I do not see the point of the dis- 
•urse in this way. I understand it thus : Die, 
r you can expect nothing beyond this. Heaven, 
»wever, will be no ascent for you ; i. e. you are 
ready higher than it can make you. Quod in 
. maxime, because that in distress and trials^ Hdt 
the greatest of consolaHons. - 



§41. 

riie imroortttl gods have added th«ir testimony, that death it a 
Mi, and no evil. So the cases of Cleobis and Biton, of Trophoni* 
and Agamedes, of Midas and Silenus and Terinaeus, shewr 
nslder, too, the examples of Codros, Menocaeus, etc. ; to all of 
om death appeared glorioas* 

(186) P. 69. L 23. Nee vero . . . ipei, nor are 
^ [the teachers] wont to feign these things, but 
% — Primum etc. , in the first place, Cleobis and 
\ton, sons of the Grecian priestess are meniioned^-^ 
itiB. . .jumenta, a long way from the town to the 
iq>Ie, and the beasis [which drew her] stopped,--' 
WMita . . , dicitur, is said to have asked of the god* 
9i^ — Pietate, their fiUal respect ,r-^adicai.yiaoe etc^f 



160 NOTES ON §41. 

tkey say that the god did so decide ; and even thai 
gody to whom the other gods concede that he can di- 
vine beyond the rest. 

(138) P. 70. l. 16. Silenus, according to fable, 
was the nurse and preceptor of Bacchus. Midas 
was a king of Phrygia, who shewed hun great 
hospitality. — ^Missione, dismission, liheraiion. — ^Natn 
nos etc. , for it becomes us cutsemhUng together, to 
mourn over the hmise, etc. 

(132) P. 70. L 28. Elisium, of JE3w.— Psycho- 
mantium, the place of necromancy, i. e. for consult- 
ing the Manes of the dead. — ^Euthynous, the name 
of the son who was mourned for. — Rebus . . . ju- 
dicatam, decided by things from the immortal gods, 

(139) P. 71. 1 10. Repetunt ab Erechtheo, ihey 
derive an example from Erechtheus. This person 
was, according to tradition, the sixth king of 
Athens, and died about 1347 B. C. He was the 
father of Cecrops 2nd ; and in a war against Eleu- 
sis, he sacrificed his daughter Othyania (or Chtho- 
nia), to obtain a victory which was promised by an 
oracle, on such a condition. Cicero, in using the 
plural (filiae) here, seems to imply that more than 
one of h& children were devoted to death ; and 
this, by a voluntary act on their part, cupide mor- 
tem expetiverunt, 

(140) P. 71. 1, 12. Codrum, i. e. [they appeal to] 
Codrus etc. Codrus was the 17th king of Athens, 
and died about 1070 B. C. When the Heraclidae 
attacked Athens, and an oracle declared that the 
party should be victorious whose king was killed 
in battle, they gaive strict orders to their troops to 
spare the life of Codrus. But he put on the dis- 
guise of a common soldier, and then, attacking the 



I 

NOTES ON §41. I6l 

enemj, he was slain, and Athens became victori- 
ous. 

(141) P. 71. 1. 16. Menoeceus, a son of Creon 
king of Thebes, who, when the prophet Tiresias 
ordered the Thebans to sacrifice one of those who 
sprang from the dragon^s teeth, (see the article 
Cadmus in Lempriere), in order that they might 
obtain the victory over the Argive forces, came 
forward, and voluntarily devoted himself to death ; 
and thus the victory was ensured. 

(142) P. 71. 1. 18. The story of Iphigenia, the 
dau^ter of Agamemnon is well known. The 
Greek fleet, on their way to Troy, were detained 
by contrary winds at Aulis, in the straits of Eurl- 
pus ; and on consulting the oracles, they were told 
that the sacrifice of Iphigenia was necessary, in ov- 
der that they might have a &vourable voyage. 
This accordingly took place, as some say ; and so 
Cicero here seems to consider it. But see Iphi- 
genia in Lempriere. 

(143) P. 71. L 20. Hai^odius . . . et Aristogiton, 
two intimate friends, at Athens, who delivered their 
countrymen fi*om the tyranny of the Pisistratidae, 
B. C. 510. They received the honours of immor- 
taUty fix)m the Athenians, and had statues erected 
to their memory. — Leonidas, see Note 128. — Ep- 
aminondas of Thebes is too well known to need 
description. 

(144) P. 71. L 22. Nostros non norunt, our , 
etiuntrymen ihey are not acquainted with ; i. e. they, 
the Greek philosophers, who appeal to such exam- 
ples as I have mentioned, are not acquainted with 
our countrymen. 



J 



162 NOTES ON <^42. 

§42. 

Thme things being true, we ought to use every effort to persaade 
men the rather to wish for death ; certainly not to fear it. Let 
us regard the day of our departure as a joyful day ; for we are 
not uiade by chance, bot the gods who consult the welfare of the 
lioman race, have made m; and this, net that we may endure la- 
bours and sufferings, and then come to a state of eternal wretched* 
oess. Let us believe that there is a refuge prepared for us, where 
we may be eternally happy. 

(145) P. 71. 1. 25. Quae cum ita sint, magna 
tamen etc., which things although they are thus, yet 
much eloquence mtut be emphyedy etc. — Ita conni- 
ventera, thus closing out ej^e^.— Melior . . . oratio, 
Me saying ofEnnius is better than that of Solon,— 
Noster, i. e. Emiius, who was a Roman poet— 
Sapiens ille, i. e. Solon. — ^Velis passis, xcUh satis 
mde spread; passis from pando. 

Habes epilogum, you have the epilogue, i. e. the 
concluding part of my discourse. — Optime, in- 
quam ; for the best reason, I should say, — Quot 
dies, so long as, — ^Tusculanum means, a country 
house of Cicero, in the vicinity of Tusculum. 
This latter place was about 12 miles from Rome ; 
and is reported to have been founded by Telego- 
nus, a son of Ulysses and Circe. It is now called 
Frescati ; and is famous for the magnificent vil- 
las in its neighborhood. 



APPENDIX. 

§ L Bnmaterudihf of (he souL 

In order rightly to judge of tke weight which 
«hould be allowed to the arguments of Cicero in 
favour of the immortality of the soul, it will be in 
a measure necessary, in the first place, to consider 
the real state of this subject, as it is now presented 
before the public in Christian lands. If by due 
consideration we can find ground which is solid 
and tenable, we may then proceed to the examina- 
tion of Cicero's arguments, applying to them the 
tests which have previously been established. In 
diis way, and in this only, can we learn to put a just 
estimate upon the nature and importance of the 
arguments which the Roman philosopher employ- 
ed, or upon those which are usually employed at 
tke present time, in order to establish the immor- 
tality of the souL 

Every human being, in the appropriate use of 
his faculties, is conscious of what he calls irUemtd 
and mental operations. He forms ideas or notions 
of things, he thinks, he reasons, he remembers, he 
compares, he judges, he desires, he fears, etc. ; 
and of all these and the like actions and emotions, 
he is perfectly conscious. He can no more doubt 
the reality of these mental actions and emotions, 
than he can doubt whether he exists. Indeed, 
Ihey are themselves the certain, and (to him) in- 



164 IMMATERIALITY 

dubitable evidences, that he does exist. A con- 
sciousness of them, is consciousness both of exist- 
ence and of mental action. ^ 

Most men are agreed in calling these phenome- 
na mental action or mental development ; i. e. they 
trace every thing of this nature to a cause or be- 
ing, which they name mind. If the doing of this 
be not a simple dictate of the first, spontaneous, 
and elementary principles of our nature, (and I am 
inclined to believe it is), still it is something which 
results almost of course from even a very limited 
acquaintance with external things, i. e. with the 
material world. 

We are in port composed of an element which 
we call matter. We are every where surrounded by 
this same element. To this, in consequence of the 
senses which are given us, and as a result of ex- 
amination, we assign the qualities of solidity, exten- 
sion, ponderosity, disvisibility, colour, figure, etc. 
These qualities enter essentially into our idea of 
matter ; and without them matter, in tlie proper 
sense of this word, cannot be supposed to exist. 

The qualities which we assign to matter, are of 
such a kind, that we are unable to perceive any 
necessary connection between them, and thinking, 
willing, reasoning, judging, etc. A great portion 
of the matter which we daily see, is plainly desti- 
tute even of sensation ; and a fortiori it must be 
destitute of thought and reason and ^ontancity. 

But the matter of which our bodies are compos- 
ed, is matter placed in a peculiar state ; it is high- 
ly and most skilfully organized. If matter, i. e. 
brute and common matter, such as we see in most 
of the terrestrial objects around us, cannot think 



OP THE SOUL. 165 

and reason and will ; yet may not matter, organ- 
ized with more than human skill, be susceptible of 
thinking and reasoning and willing? 

A deeply interesting question ; and one that 
leads to the very gist of our subject. In answer 
to it, I would remark, (1) That all organized bod- 
ied are not capable of thought and volition and 
spontaneous motion; at least, we have not the 
slightest evidence that such is the case ; since 
niany of them do not exhibit any of the phenomena 
which accompany developments of this nature. 
For example; trees and vegetables, i. e. every ob- 
ject which exhibits merely what we call vegeta- 
ble life, afibrd not the slightest evidence of any 
thing like thought, volition, or reason. 

(2) When we ascend one gradation higher, and 
come to a class of beings that exhibit animal but 
not rational life, it is natural to inquire, whether 
this be merely the result of the structure or pe- 
culiar organization of matter. And here we are 
at a loss. Our sources of evidence are inadequate. 
What secret properties may be in matter, which 
do not develope themselves unless in consequence 
of a peculiar organization, but which may and will 
develope themselves when such an organization 
takes place, is more than we can possibly tell. It 
lies beyond the boundaries of our present knowl- 
edge. We must either have a consciousness of the 
living power of the bi*ute animal, or must witness 
some external phenomena that would develope this 
power, in order to settle the question rejecting it 
on the real ground of knowledge. As matters 
now are, and since we can have no access to either 
of those sources of knowledge, all we can do is, to 

8* 



166 IMMATERIALITY 

judge of probabilities on the ground of anfdogy. 
And here, too, we are encompassed with no small 
difficulty. Has a brute most analogy. with vegeta- 
ble organized matter, or with human beings ? If 
a brute has thoughts, desires, fears, pleasures, 
pains, and even consciousness ; if, in a low degree, 
it may be said to reason, i. e. to deduce certain 
conclusions from certain premises, and so is wide- 
ly distinguished from the vegetable world ; still it 
is not capable of indefinite improvement in knowl- 
edge and reasoning ; it has no moral sense ; it is 
limited, and forever and irresistibly limited, to a very 
narrow circle, in all its susceptibilities, emotions, 
and powers of improvement ; while man, so far as 
can be known from his present nature, is suscepti- 
ble, in almost every respect, of improvement that 
is unlimited and endless. A difference heaven- 
wide, like this, between man and brute, seems to 
bring the latter nearer to the vegetable than to the 
rational creation. 

But we dismiss this subject, because, as I have 
already said, it is beyond the boundary of human 
knowledge. Let us come, (3) To man. Here we 
have a source of knowledge, which is out of our 
power when we strive to become acquainted with 
the nature and properties of the brutes. We are 
not only conscious that we think and will and rea- 
son and remember, but we do spontaneously feel, 
while we are conscious of these and the like 
•'thin^gs, that they are not properties or results of 
matter. We assign to them as a cause, that living 
intelligent, rational principle or essence, which we 
call mind or aoid. And this is so universally and 
spontaneously done, that I hesitate not to number 



Of THE SOUL. 167 

it, as Dr. Abercrombie in his recent and admirable 
work on the Intellectual Powers has done, among 
the first or elementary and intuitive principles of 
knowledge ; and consequently I must regard the 
fact in question, as one incapable of demonstration 
by a process of reasoning. No elementary truth is 
capable of demonstration. It has higher evidence 
in its favour. It is the spontaneous dictate of the 
very nature of our minds ; and unless they are so 
formed as to mislead and deceive us, this dictate 
must be truth. 

I cannot help feeling a conviction, that the ac- 
tions of our minds can never be traced to the mere 
organization of matter ; and this conviction is of 
the like tenor as the conviction, that the apparent ex- 
ternal objects of nature around us have a real ex- 
istence. We cannot prove this last fact. No less 
a philosopher than Berkeley, undertook to prove 
the contrary. But after all, it is a universal law of 
our nature, which determines that the real existence 
of external objects is matter of fact. Every body 
believes it ; always has believed it ; and always 
will. And so, a conviction that mind is not mat- 
ter, and vice versd^ seems to bo at least as wddely 
extended among men, as thought and reason and 
moral consciousness are. 

So much for the truth itself of the tmmaterialily 
of the soul. It is not a subject of direct demon- 
stration, because it is a truth that lies out of the 
boundaries of demonstration, and is of a higher 
and more satisfactory nature. 

The reader will observe here, that I speak now 
merely of the immateriality of the soul, and not of 
its immortality. These two things, sometimes 



168 



IHHATEBIALITT 



confounded, (aa indeed they are by both C 
and Plato), may be perfectly distinct, and inai 
ureablf diverae. We shoutd therefore cm 
them sepatately from each other. 

(4) But although I have supposed the un 
rialiitf of the soul to be a Jint priiKipk o 
knowledge, and therefore to rank higher 
demonstrative truth ; yet I am by no means 
fied, that on the score of reasoning we may i 
compelled, as it were, to concede the immatei 
of the soul. If I ask the question : Wketh 
phenomena of viind proceed from the tame cm 
the phenomtna of matter 1 I am constraint 
order to make out an answer, to take into ci 
oration a number of particulars, which see 
render the affirmative of this queatioti quil 
pfobable. 

(d) The developmetits of matter and min 
exceedingly different. Thinking, willing, rt 
ing, etc. , it must be admitted, are very d 
from solidity, extension, gravity, dlrisibility 
These last properties are the developmentB of 
ter. They are essential to our nation i 
These are effects of some cause, or at least 
ties of some substance, which, appropriately 
own nature, makes such developmeaia. 

(b) All our knowledge of matter comes th: 
the medium of the senses ; all our knowlet 
mind comes only by consciousness. The «oui 
knowledge, then, ere exceadingly diverse, i 
respective cases under consideration. 

It is very natural now to ask : Must nc 
tovTces of mental and material phenomena I 
ferent, when the phenomena themselves e 



OF THE SOUL. 169 

widely different, and when our means of becom- 
mg acquainted with them are so very diverse ? I 
see not how we can well avoid the conclusion, 
that the causes of each set of phenomena, must be 
different in themselves. 

{c) DivinbUity is an invariable quality of matter, 
in all its modifications of which we have, or can 
at present have, any conception. But how am 1 to 
divide thought, will, consciousness ? If you say, 
that these are only phenomena of the mind, and 
not the mind itself; and that some of the phenom- 
ena of matter are equally indivisible, e. g. solidity ; 
my reply is, that of all the acts of the mind divisi- 
bility is an impossible predicate. You may increase 
or diminish the intensity of thought or afiection. 
Other^changes the nature of these things does not 
admit. But we can divide a solid piece of matter ; 
we can separate its form, i. e. divide it into several 
forms of the like kind, or of different kinds, etc. 
And although quality, in the abstrady cannot be 
divided, the matter which possesses it may be 
modified, so that this quality, as belonging to it, 
may receive changes of a nature very different 
from that of greater or less intensity. The phe- 
omena of matter in this respect, therefore, are 
very different from those of mind; and conse- 
quently, as we may infer with probability, they 
proceed from a different cause. 

(d) All our sensations are dependent on exter- 
nal causes for their origin or continuance. For 
example ; we could not see without light, let our 
physical organs of vision, or our minds, be in 
ever so perfect a state. We could not hear with- 
out a vibration of the atmosphere, or of some other 



170 IMMATERIALITY 

body which is capable of percussion. And when 
we had once seen and heard, we should cease to 
do so, provided these external causes were never 
more to influence us. 

On the other hand ; what the mind has onee 
received, it can continue, by the aid of memory, 
ever to use and appropriate. It recals ; reflects ; 
makes new combinations of its own thoughts ; and 
produces new results. It can, when once furnish- 
ed with a store of ideas, so combine and arrange 
them, as to invent or imagine new ideas, such as 
correspond to no actual existences. In this state, 
if all the external universe were shut out from it, 
or absolutely annihilated, it could, for aught we 
can see, go on with these mental processes unem- 
barrassed, or at least without bemg obliged to cease 
from them. 

Can that be material, then, which is so indepen- 
dent of matter, in a multitude of its operations ? 

(e) On the supposition that the soul is mattridy 
how can we account for consciousness of identity, 
or memory of the past ? Nothing is more certain, 
than that every part of our material bodies, all 
their organic structures, are changing, and chang- 
ing every hour and moment, from the cradle to the 
grave. All the organic matter in my bodily frame 
has been completely shifted, a great many times, 
since my pb^^sical being commenced. One and 
all of the physiologists agree in the absolute cer- 
tainty of this. How then can identity have been 
transmitted ? If I am matter merely, or skilfully 
organized matter merely, and this is all that I am ; 
then it is certain that there never has been any 
two moments in my whole life, in which personal 



OF THE SOUL. 171 

identity could with truth be asserted ; for there 
never has been any two moments, in which entire 
material identity existed. 

How, moreover, can a consciousness of such an 
identity be transmitted, provided we are wholly 
material ? In the first place, it would be a con- 
sciousness of what is not true ; and how can this 
be allowed ? And secondly, I see not how to ac- 
count for it, that with the full knowledge, that no 
material particle now in me is what once belonged 
to me, I yet can, in no way possible, resist the con- 
viction, that I am the very same being that I was 
forty years ago. Shall we resort to the old atomic 
philosophy and say, that the movements of our 
atomic particles are all intelligent ; and that while 
some of the worn out particles of our bodies are 
moving off by means of the blood, and others com- 
ing in by the same medium, the former communi- 
cate to the new comers a consciousness that they 
are the same as the old residents ? This would be 
to make the atoms of Democritus a pseudologous 
race ; of which character that philosopher never 
suspected them to be. 

We come by a kind of necessity to the conclu- 
sion, then, that a nature different from a material one 
exists witliin us ; one which remains unchanged as 
to its essential or constitutional being, through all 
the different stages of our existence, and which, by 
the aid of consciousness and memory, spontane- 
ously decides upon its own identity. The fact it- 
self^ that it does so decide, is known to every human 
being, and needs no proof; and this decision is 
plainly to be classed among the elementary or 
intuitive principles of the knowledge of our own 
nature. 



172 1MMATERIAL1TT 

For these reasons, now, we may justly regard it 
as highly probable, that our minds cannot be the 
result of any organized combination of matter. 
But after all, I apprehend that the full persuasioD 
of this truth, as 1 before said, is one of the intuitive 
jMindples to which our very nature leads us. How- 
erer, we may justly, perhaps, regard the thing itself 
as the more certain, if other considerations, as 
above stated, all combine to render it probable. 

Thus far, then, we seem to have found our way 
clear ; the soul is not nuiteriat. But this propoei' 
tion, it will be remembered, is merely negfolipe. 
We have not said what the soul is ; but what it is 
not. What I have said goe» to shew, that thinking, 
willing, reasoning, and other mental phenomena, 
proceed from a cause different from matter, how- 
ever ingeniously or skilfUIly this may be organized* 
Even this was felt by some ancient philosophers, 
who lived in the depth of heathen night. Arls- 
toxenus represented the soul as a species of kar-' 
mony ; Xenocrates and Pythagoras ascribed a 'kind 
of numerosity (nuraerus) or mdody to it ; while 
Plato and Cicero are most clear and strenuous, on 
the point of its absolute immateriality. 

I may now venture to add, (5) That the certainty 
of the existence of the mind, is as great as we 
have, or can have, of any fact or truth whatever. 
So say Stewart and Abercrombie ; men who are ex- 
ceedingly well qualified to judge of the force of ar- 
gument. The former adds, that ** even the system of 
Berkeley, concerning the non-existence of matter, 
is far more conceivable, than that nothing but mat- 
ter exists in the universe." Why must not this be 
true? The man Kflio thinks, and reasons, and 



OF THE SOUI.. ] 73 

wUIb, does by these very acts create the most per- 
fect and irresistible coDviction of which he is sus- 
ceptible, that his mind exists and acts. lie has a 
perfect conviction, that the matter of which his 
body is composed, and which is every moment 
changing, cannot love and hate, suffer and enjoy, 
hope and fear, reason and investigate, explore the 
heavens and measure the earth, as he does. He 
knows that when he loses an arm, or a leg, or 
both, and other parts also of his body, his men- 
tal powers may remain, and usually do remain, 
in undiminished vigour. How can he feel, then, 
that matter is his only self? He cannot. In the 
madness of sensual intoxication, he may affirm 
this. From the love of paradox, he may dispute in 
favour of it ; but to feel an abiding conviction that 
Lis mind and body are one and the same substance, 
is what cannot well be imagined to be within the 
power of any rational being, who is in any tolerable 
degree enlightened. 

§2. Immortality or endless duratiorh of the mind or 

sold. 

This is a question of higher moment and deeper 
interest to us, than any other, I had well nigh 
said, than all others, which can be raised. Of 
what great consequence can it be, that we can 
think and reason and will, that we can survey aiid 
measure the heavens and the earth, and that all 
our mental powers are capable of indefinite im- 
provement, if, after a few days or years, the exis- 
tence of all these splendid attributes is to come to 
a final end ? To inanimate matter, and to the 
vegetable and brute creation, has a lot fallen, which 



174 IMMOBTALITT 

is enviable compared with our own, in ease that 
death ia the end of our beiug. All the inferior cre- 
ation suffer comparativeiy little, and hope for or ' 
expect nothing. We suffer much, and hope for ■ 
every thing ; and if we must endure the one, and 
the li^t of the other be forever quenched, then 1 
is the lot of the inferior creation greatly prefera- < 
hie to ours. I 

Even the question, whether there is a God, al- 
diough of deeper interest to the universe in gener- 
al, is one of less interest to us individually, than 
the question whether we are to live forever. For 
if there is a God, and yet death is the end of our 
being, of what consequence will it be to us, at 
last, who or what exists? It follows, therefore, 
that we have a deeper interest in the question con- 
cerning the perpetuity of our own being, than in 
any other. 

But how shall tliis be solved ? Can the proof, 
or the entire conviction, that the soul is immateri- 
al, i. e. that it is not matter, satisfy us that it is also 
immortal ? I am unable to see how this conse- 
quence necessaiily follows. I am speaking now 
of investigation independently of the Scriptures. 
On this ground, I cannot see what binders, that 
the origin of the being or action of our mental 
powers, may not be an invariable concomitant of the 
organization of our bodies ; for thus it appears to 
be : and so, it is like a multitude of other concomi- 
tant existences and powers in the kingdom of na- 
ture. And if our mental stntcture (sit venia verfoo) 
first arose cotemporaneously with our bodily one, 
L e. when the latter was so joined together as to 



OP THE SOUL. 175 

!nake a human frame, why may it Dot cease to be 
ul organized mental strueture, when the body dies ? 

I know of no process of reasoning, which can 
tlisproye this. The argument of Plato and Cicero, 
diat because the mind is immaterial, it is there- 
fore immutable and immortal, I acknowledge is 
striking and specious ; and it has been adopted by 
a multitude of reasoners on the subject of the soul's 
immortality. But Plato and Cicero, who were 
both very sensible to the force of argument, having 
once reasoned in such a way on this point, felt 
themselves obliged to be consistent, and to go the 
whole length to which the. argument would natur- 
ally carry them. If the soul is immutable and 
eternal in itself, said they, it must have existed 
from eternity a parte ante, as truly as it will exist 
in eternity, a parte post. Consequently (for so they 
concluded) all human souls must be absolutely exist- 
ent, 1. e. they have always existed. Of course, as 
vre must now see, the number of them, according to 
this, is incapable of increase or d imin ution . Trans- 
migration naturally comes along in the train of such 
ratiocination, in order to answer the question, 
where has the soul hitherto been ? And this, Pla- 
to, with his teachers the Pythagoreans, fully em- 
braced ; Cicero, hesitatingly and with apparent re- 
luctance, for he generally keeps it out of sight. 

I need not stop here to refute the doctrine of trans- 
migration, or the anterior existence of human souls ; 
although the latter is, at the present time, strenuous- 
ly affirmed by Beneke of Heidelburg, a living and 
recent commentator on the Epistle to the Romans. 
But allowing that souls came into being as souls, 
cotemporaneously with the organization of matter 



1 76 IMMORTALITY 

into a buraan body ; what is there to prove that, tf 
souls, i. e. as possessed of their present powers and 
attributes, they may not perish, or undergo an en- 
tire change at death, like to that which we see in 
the body? I know of no direct proof of this, ii- 
dependently of revelation, and in the way of ratio- 
cination. I do not see how we are to get at mate- 
rials, out of which we may construct an argument . 
No one comes back from the invisible world to tell 
us what the soul is there ; so that we cannot de- 
rive any knowledge of this kmd from direct tesd- 
mony. And as to knowledge from experience ; we 
ourselves have never been in a state of death ; we 
have had no experience. Whence, then, is our 
proof to come ? 

A truly difficult question, independently of Scrip- 
ture and our moral sense. Yet some Uiings may 
perhaps be said on this subject, which will serve 
to render it probable, that the substance which we 
call mindy does not perish by the death of the body. 

But we can reason on this point, only from anal- 
ogy ; because, as 1 have already hinted, the state 
of tlie soul after death is neither a matter of con- 
sciousness, nor of experiment, nor of observation, 
nor of testimony. Of course, I lay the Scriptures 
out of the question, for the present. How then 
stands the matter of analogy, according to the light 
of nature ? 

The body, when death occurs, loses its organized 
state ; and consequently the physical powers that 
were connected with, and dependent on, this state, 
are also destroyed. But in regard to the existence 
of the matter itself which composes the body, con- 
sidered simply as matter, this surely does not cease 



OF THE SOUL. 177 

to exist after death. Every physiologist and chem- 
ist well knows, indeed, that matter may be end- 
lessly modified and diversified in its combinations ; 
but he knows equally well, that there is not one 
particle more or less of matter now, than there was 
on the day that the creation was finished. Matter 
is indestructible by any power, save that which 
called it into being. 

By analogical reasoning, then, we must of course 
be led to say, that the substance or essence of the 
mind or soul, whatever this may be, can never be 
at all affected in the way of annihilation, by the 
dissolution of the body. We may easily believe, 
that the actions and affections, i. e. the phenomena 
of the soul as connected with the body, may be 
modified, in some degree, by the dissolution of the 
material organs of sense, through the medium of 
which the soul obtained all its sensitive ideas. But 
such a modification merely, not annihilation, is all 
which can in any degree be rendered probable, in 
the way of argument fi'om analogy. In no other 
way can any argument be made to bear upon the 
subject. 

But does the substance ndndf retain, after the 
death of the body, those powers which it exercised 
independently of the senses ? As the disorganization 
of the body has destroyed its active physical pow- 
ers ; and as the soul came into being cotemporone- 
ously with the organized body, and in connection 
with it began the development of its powers — may 
not this development cease, when the organized 
body is destroyed? JSTodus vindice dignus — who 
can solve it ? 

When we are told with the strongest confidence 



178 IMMORTALITY 

by Plato and Cicero, and have been told by nUfti- 
tildes of others, that spontaneity of aetion in the 
Boul necessarily proves the eternity of it, can wb 
consistently receive this as sound and legitunats 
argument ? For myself I must *8ay that I caiHiot 
perceive why, so far as arguments of this nature 
can go, we may not as well render'it probable, that 
souls may cease to act, or (so to express myself) be 
disorganized, as that they begin to act. The latter 
we fully believe, because we cannot adopt the 
theory of a pre-existent state, and a metempsycho- 
sis. And the subject of possibihty in the nature of 
things, as known to us without the light of revela- 
tion, being the only one whfch we now have 'm 
view ; who is able to produce any solid argument 
in this way to shew, why the disorganizatimi ol 
the mind or soul may not take place simultaneousiy 
with physical dissolution ; or at least, why it may 
not speedily and certainly follow it? How can 
spontaneity of action in the soul, (which Plato cailff 
itlvTi<Tig, and Cicero motus)^ be a certain evidence ef 
eternal existence ? Can it be shewn that Qod^ or 
(if you will) Nature, can not form a human being 
with powers of spontaneous action ? When it can, 
then of course it must be proved, that the souls of 
men have never been formed at any period^ but 
have existed from all eternity ; and consequently 
that neither God nor Nature is their Maker. This 
Plato does maintain, when he i» urging the argti* 
ment for immortality; although he contradicts it 
elsewhere. And the like is implied in what Cicero 
says, although he seems i^rfui of the consequences 
that will result from pressing this argument. 
1 see no way then in which^ by the simple light 



OF THE SOUL. 179 

of Batnre and ratiocination, we can prove the im- 
mortality of the soul. The two great sources of 
knowledge respecting a future state, consciousness 
or experience, and testimony (independently of 
Revelation), are wholly wanting^ or are at least 
inaccessible. Consequently the materiel for argu- 
ment, (if I may be allowed the expression), cannot 
be supplied ; and therefore an argument cannot be 
constructed. 

The utmost, indeed, which can be done in this 
way, is to shew that the dissolution of the body 
cannot be supposed to annihilate the substance of 
the mind ; since it does not at all annihilate the 
substance of even the fk>dy itself. But still we are 
obliged to admit, that the dissolution of the body 
must modify the actions atid afiections of the soul, 
in some degree ; because, when all our bodily or- 
gans are dissolved, one great inlet of ideas to the 
soul is dissolved. That class of mental phenom- 
ena which are strictly denominated sensations^ must 
of course cease. 

But the purely mental phenomena — ^what of 
these ? They may cease, or may not ; who can 
assure us the one or the other ? It is indeed as 
clear as noon-day, that the most inveterate skeptic 
never can bring a single argument to prove that 
these phenomena do cease, when the body is dis- 
solved. This is utterly beyond his power. If 
there is any probability on this subject, it is in fa- 
vour of the other side of the question ; inasmuch 
as the purely mental phenomena seem to be very 
little connected with the body, and in a manner to 
be independent of it ; as we have seen under § 1 
above. 



180 IMMORTALITY 

Here then, as it seems to me, must unassisted 
reason, or rather, ratiocination^ leave the subjeet 
Demonstrative or argumentative power is not suf- 
ficient, of itself, to remove the obstacles which im- 
pede our vision into futurity; and the simple 
ground of this is, that demonstrative arguments 
cannot be constructed, for want of materials. 

How then did Socrates, Plato, Cicero, and many 
others of the most eminent heathen philosophen^ 
persuade themselves that the soul is immortal? 
I answer, that it was not, I apprehend, merely by 
the force of the arguments which they employed ; 
for on a critical examination of them, it will be 
found that few of these will abide the test ; but it 
was because a moral feeling or nature within them 
gave to their apparent arguments most, if not all, 
of their real weight. To this principle I must now 
advert, in order to complete what 1 have to say on 
the doctrine of the souPs immortality. 

My own apprehension relative to this great sub- 
ject, is, that the evidence which satisfies us of t 
future state, is derived from the moral constitutioa 
of our nature. It is like the feeUng, that there is 
a right and a wrong in morals. This last sensa- 
tion brings along with it an apprehension of ac- 
countability ; and this connects itself with a fii- 
ture state. If you say, that multitudes of the hea« 
then have no clear views of this point ; this will 
prove nothing. The tendency of all the systems 
of heathen religion notoriously is, to support the 
notion of an existence in a future state. A future 
state, a reward for those who please the gods, 
and punishment for those who do not, seem to 
be interwoven, in some form or other, with th6 



OF THE SOUL. 181 

very nature and essence of all religion. What is 
this bnt a development of that very principle in 
our nature, to which I have just been adverting ? 

If I should affirm, that men are rational beings ; 
and an opponent should reply, that multitudes act in 
a manner which gives little or no evidence of their 
possessing reason ; should I be satisfied, even if I 
admitted this, that men are not rational beings ? 
No ; I might concede the full truth of his allega- 
tion, and reply merely, that men, being free agents, 
eould and did abuse tiieir reason, and pervert and 
extinguish it 

And so in the case before us. Be it that multi- 
tudes of the heathen have little «r no belief in a 
Aiture state, or little or no knowledge of it ; then 
we may say of them, that they have perverted their 
moral nature ; they have extinguished the light 
which Heaven had kindled in their breasts ; just 
as the apostle charges them with having done, in 
respect to a knowledge of the eternal power and 
goilhead of the Creator. But perverted or ex- 
tinguished moral feelings can never prove that 
such feelings have no existence, i. e. no well 
grounded basis, in our moral nature. 

I cannot hope to do better justice to this part 
of my subject, than Dr. Abercrombie has already 
done, in his excellent book to which I have mors 
than once referred. I must beg the liberty, there- 
fore, of making a quotation from him. This t 
shall do, merely remarking, that I know not bow 
my own sentiments could be more exactly express- 
ed, than in his words. 

** Our speculations respecting the immateriality 
of the rational human soul have no influence on 

9 



182 IMMORTALITY 

imr belief of its immortality. This momentoos 
truth rests on a species of evidence altogether dif- 
ferent, which addresses itself to the moral censti- 
lution of man. It is found in those principles of 
his nature by which he feels upon his spirit the I 
awe of a Grod, and looks forward to the future with | 
anxiety or with hope ; by which he knows how to 
distinguish truth from &lsehood and evil from 
good, and has forced upon him the conviction that 
he is a moral and responsible being. This is the 
power of conscience, that monitor Tinthiny which 
raises its voice in the breast of every man, a wit- 
BOSS for his Creator. He who resigns himself to 
its guidance, and he who repels its warnings, are 
both compelled to acknowledge its power ; and, 
whether the good man rejmces in the prospect of 
knmortality, or the victim of remorse withers be- 
neath an influence unseen by human eye, and 
shrinks from the anticipation of a reckoning to 
come, each has forced upon him a conviction, such 
as argument never gave, that t^ being which is es- 
sentially himself is distinct from any fiinctiim of 
the body, and will survive in undiminished vigour 
when the body shall have fallen into decay. 

^ When, indeed, we take into the inquiry the hi^ 
principles of moral obligation, and the monl gov- 
ernment of the Deity, this important truth is en- 
tirely independent of all our feeble speculations on 
^e essence of mind. For though we were to sup- 
pose, with the materialist, that the rational soul of 
man is a mere chemical combination, which, by the 
dissolution of its elements, is dissipated to the four 
winds of heaven, where is the improbability that 
|be Power which framed the wondrous compounfl 



or THE S017L. 163 

may. collect these elements again, and combine 
them anew, for the great purposes of his moral 
administration. In our speculations on such a 
momentous subject, we are too apt to be influenced 
by our conceptions of the powers and properties of 
physical things; but there is a point where this 
principle must be abandoned, and where the sound- 
est philosophy requires that we take along with us 
a full recognizance of the power of Grod. 

*' There is thus, in the consciousness of every 
man, a deep impression of continued existence. 
The casuist ntay reason against it, till he bewilder 
himself in his own sophistries ; but a voice within 
gives the lie to his vain speculations, and pleads 
with authority for a life which is to come. The 
sincere and humble inquirer cherishes the impree- 
siott, while he seeks for further light on a subject 
so momentous ; and he thus receives, with absolute 
conviction, the truth which beams upon him from 
the revelation of God, — that the mysterious part of 
his being, which thinks, and wills, and reasons, 
shall indeed survive the wreck of its mortal tene- 
ment, and is destined for immortality." 

1 have only to add, that a conviction, of such a 
nature appears to be deeper, more uniform, more 
operative, than any which could possibly be pro- 
duced on untutored men by nicely refined argu- 
ments, or indeed by any arguments. Qod^ by giv- 
ing us a constitutional feeling that there is a judg- 
ment to come, has implanted in our very souls a 
fundamental knowledge of the first great law of 
moral restraint, viz. that we are accountable for all 
oar actions ; and what of the account is not adjusted 
liere^ we may aatarally apprehend^ will be adjusted 



184 IMMORTALITY 

in a future state. Tbe skeptic and the scoffer msj 
as well destroy the very being of the soul, as de- 
stroy this apprehension. It will return, after it 
has been driven oft*. It will come back with aw- 
ful power, when they are upon a dying bed. k 
will cling to them forever and ever, in that world 
the existence of which they have denied, bat 
which ere long will open upon them with all iti 
dread realities. 

It will be acknowledged by all, that there are 
fo'H truths of a purely intellectual nature; and 
there wcefint truths of a moral nature. On these 
all processes of ratiocination, both intellectual and 
moral, are built. My view of the doctrine of the 
soul's immortality, as established by the light of 
nature, is, that it is one of those first iruthsj which 
are impressed on our moral constitution by its 
Maker. It was the feeling that springs £rom this, 
which gave weight and power to the arguments 
employed by Plato and Cicero, in order to estab- 
lish the doctrine of a future state. More time and 
more improvement in moral and religious philoso- 
phy were needed, before this could be fully de- 
veloped ; and so these philosophers have given us 
but an imperfect development of it. Still, we shall 
see in the sequel, that Cicero did not overlook so 
important a consideration ; although his develop- 
ment of it is in a way somewhat indirect. 

It is important to keep these remarks in view, 
when we come to examine the arguments whioh 
Cicero has adduced in favour of the soul's immor- 
tality. We shall be able, then, to account for it, 
that some of them appear to have had more weight 
in his mind, than we can well allow them to Ime^ 
considered simply as arguments. 



or THE SOUL. 185 

■ We come now, in the concluding part of this 
dissertation, to adrert to the Scriptures, as having 
taught us fully and explicitly the doctrine of a fu- 
ture state. This lies so upon the face of the whole 
New Testamant, that to prove it by quotations, 
would be quite superfluous. But plain and expli- 
cit and often repeated as the declarations of the 
sacred writers are, in regard to this subject, it is 
remarkable that they have no where once attempt- 
ed to establish the doctrine of the soul's immortal- 
ity by ratiocination or argument. They seem 
every where to take it for granted ; in other words, 
they do plainly regard it as one of the indisputable 
trudis, which lie in the elements of our moral na- 
tmre. If any one doubts or denies this statement, 
let him produce a single passage from sacred writ, 
which contains a demonstrative argument in favour 
of the souPs immortality. 

' Paul asserts that (ke gospd has hnrnght lift and 
immortcdity, i. e. immortal life, to light. Is not this 
true ? Will it be said, that I have already admitted 
this truth to be one of the dictates of our moral 
nature ? I have so. But this does not hinder a 
fiill recognition of the fact (which is equally plain), 
that men, by their evil passions and pursuits, have 
perverted and darkened this truth ; just as they 
have that, which respects the eternal power and 
godhead of the Creator. It was reserved for the 
gospel to scatter the darkness which evil passions 
and sensuality had spread over the moral world. 
This it has fully done. The testimony that the 
gospel is true, cannot be resisted by a candid mind ; 
and if so, then the credibility of all which it asserts 
respecting a future state, is established. And e»- 



186 IMMORTALITY 

pecially may we admit this, when it fidls in with 
the current of bur moral nature. 

Moreover, what the light of nature could not do 
effectually, the gospel has done. B has given au« 
THORiTT and AWFUL SANCTioiT to the doctrine of a 
future state ; such as never could exist without it 
Who that duly considers this, will not lo<^ up to 
the great and glorious Author of the gospel, with 
unfeigned gratitude and thankfulness ? The mere 
child in Christian lands, now knows more fully, 
and believes with more assurance, that the soul is 
immortal, than Socrates, Plato, or Cicero did. 
Hear what Cicero makes his respondent say, in his 
first book of Tusculan Questions. The Roman 
philosopher had referred his CollocutCHr to the 
Phaedo of Plato, as containing arguments sufficient 
to establish the existence of the soul after the 
death of the body. The Collocutor rephes : I know 
not how it iSf but so it is, that while I read, I give my 
assent ; hut when I have laid aside the hook^ and be- 
gin to reflect tipon the immortaliiy of the sovd by my- 
stiff aU my assent glides away. So, no doubt, it 
was with most of the minds of the heathen. They 
had variable, indistinct, unimpressive notions of a 
future state. They saw it by twilights Tbey 
looked to ratiocination to establish it; but they 
could find none which did not, at least sometimes, 
seem capable of being contradicted. Consequently 
their convictions were not, in general, of a solid 
and lasting nature. It is afler all, then, ^tfae glo- 
rious gospel of the blessed God," which '^has 
brought life and immortaUty fiilly to light.** 



OF THE SOUL. 187 

§ 3. Examination of Cicero's arguments for the un* 

mwioiity ofQie soul. 

The way is now prepared for a review of Cice- 
ro's ratiocination. It will be necessary, in general, 
to make only a brief statement ; for I may now 
refer to what has already been said, as the test by 
which I should desire the weight of his arguments 
to be examined. 

1. His first argument is, that the gods, both su- 
perior and inferior, were once human beings or 
men ; and as all allow their present existence, they 
must of course allow the continued existence of 
the soul afler death ; § 1^ 

It is unnecessary to make any remark on this 
argumoit, except merely, tbat it could avail, of 
course, only as an argumentum ad kominem. Those 
who believed in the inunortal existence of the gods, 
that once were men, could not reject the conclu- 
fiion, that the soul exists after death. 

But wbile we may admit the ingenuity of this 
appeal, how can we help deplonng that moral 
state, in such a man as Cicero, which could admit 
the idea of a plurality of gods; and of gods, who 
in their origin yrere merdif human ? 

2. It is a law of our nature to believe in, or to 
anticipate, a future state ; §§11, 12. 

Here the very essence of the evidence in regard 
to a future state, is in some measure developed by 
the Roman philosopher. But observe how much 
in the twilight he is, with respect to it. He illus- 
trates it by sayings that when we grieve for the 
dead, we grieve at their deprivation of the comforts 
of life ; and that when men engage in great and 



188 CIC£R0'S ARGUMENTS 

glorious undertakingPy it is with reference to future 
ftme, and implies some sensation of it after death. 
And this is all : not a word of the judgment to 
come; of accountability ; of heaven or hell. The 
goflpel must needs throw light on these things, in 
order that they should be fully developed. But 
still, who does not feel himself delighted, that some 
■parks of immortal fire are here emitted ? The 
image of God within the human breast does here 
exhibit, although in a manner indistinctly, some of 
its true features. It is a lovely image, even in 
<»b8curity. 

3. Self-motion, i. e. spontaneous action, is the 
third argument of Cicero, in favour of his position^ 
The powerof self-motion^he says, cannot be traced 
to any external cause. It exists in and of itself; 
and therefore it)nust have always existed, and will 
always exist ; § 19. 

But this proves a great deal too much. It 
proves, that souls were not created, but are self- 
existent and eternal ; a thing which, on other oc- 
casions, neither Cicero admits, nor Plato, from 
whom he has directly t|uoted the whole argument. 
It never can be shewn, that Grod cannot create a 
fi^e-agent, i. e. a being which possesses spontaneity 
of action. 

4. The powers of the soul, its native knowledge, 
its capacity for improvement, its memory, its fkculty 
of invention and unlimited acquisition and investi* 
gation, shew that it is like the gods in its origin 
and nature. What it executes in art, poetry, ora- 
tory, philosophy, and the like, helps to confirm this 
same truth ; §§ 20—22. 

It cannot be denied, that there is some weight 



EXAMTNtlD. 189 

in all this. All nature discloses benevolent design, 
on the part of its Creator. For what purpose has 
the Divinity given such exalted powers to man ? 
The beasts reach the highest point of which their 
limited nature is capable. Man only begins to de- 
velope himself^ in the present world. Is he then 
the most imperfect of all created things, in regard 
to the full development of his powers ? It is diffi- 
cult to believe this, and yet to maintain the doctrine 
of benevolent design. It would seem, that there 
must be another state of being, where this develop- 
ment can be more fully completed. 

5. The soul is a simple, unmixed substance ; not 
concrete ; consequently it is not material, and not 
subject to dissolution ; § 23. 

But this is a petUio principiu The substance of 
the soul, it may be satisfactorily shewn, is not ma- 
terial. But to prove that it is simple and unmixed — 
bow can this be done, unless we become experi- 
mentally acquainted with the nature and properties 
of spiritual substance or essence ? As this is im- 
possible, so such an acquaintance is out of question. 

And even if we could establish the position, that 
the soul is of simple element ; how could we prove 
that a simple element may not undergo some 
change,' analogous to the death or dissolution of 
the body ? 

It is manifest, therefore, that this whole argu- 
ment is a peiiiio prindpiu 

6. From the works of creation and providence 
we argue the existence of the gods, as immortal 
beings ; from similar works, then, we may concludcf 
that man, as to his nature, is like to them ; § 34, seq. 

There is something so attractive and delif^tfui 

9* 



190 Cicero's arguments 

m what Cicero says upon this point, that I caDDot 
forbear asking the reader to turn to the passage 
and reperuse it. I know not, in the whole com- 
pass of heatlien writings, a passage so noble on the 
subject of the Godhead, as the one which the Ro- 
man philosopher here exhibits. What an admira- 
ble proof of the correctness of that which Paul has 
alleged, in the sublime and beautifld passage in 
Rom. I. 19, 20 ! 

But after all, the argument, merely as argument, 
is liable to exception. That our works are like 
those of the Divinity, does indeed prove resem- 
blance. But how will our present resemblance, in 
this respect, prove that our existence will be eter- 
nal ? I see no certain ground to conclude, that a 
being, which is in some respects like the Divinity 
at present, may not exist, and yet this existence be 
temporary. The probability is, indeed, highly in 
favour of his continued existence ; as may be seen 
by adverting to the fourth argument above exhib- 
ited. But the certainty we can hardly think to be 
capable of adequate proofs by considerations of this 
nature. 

. Such are the principal considerations urged by 
Cicero, in favour of our continued existence after 
the death of the body. It is a remarkable circum- 
stance, and a most deplorable one too, that through- 
out his whole dissertation, the Roman philosopher 
scarcely adverts to the distinction in a future state, 
between the righteous and the wicked. The apos- 
tle states such a belief as one of the 6rst principles 
of religion, and as standing by the side of the great 
truth, that there is a God : " He that cometh to 
God, must believe that he is, and that he is the re- 



EXAMINED. 191 

warder of those tpho diligently seek ^tm." And who 
are the diligent seekers ? The righteous, surely. 
But what is to become of the wicked, then, i. e. 
those who do not seek him? The implication 
necessarily is^ that they are to receive punishment. 

Indeed this must be regarded as one of the ele- 
mentary principles of all religion. Men may differ 
about the time, and manner, and measure of retri- 
bution to the wicked ; but the fact itself, none but 
atheists can consistently deny. 

Yet plain and important as the doctrine of retri- 
bution in a future state is, when the existence of 
the soul is once granted, Cicero does not appear 
to have directed many of his thoughts toward it. 
My impression from a frequent perusal of his whols 
treatise on the soul, is, that he took it for granted, 
that all men of a tolerably decent character will 
be happy in another world. Now and then he 
adverts to the punishment of the wicked ; but 1m 
seems to mean, by them, only persons of a most 
profligate and debased character. 

Near the commencement of his dissertation, ho 
holds the following conversation with his Collocu- 
tor : '* M. Quid, si [animae] maneant ? A. Beatos 
esse, concedo.** And what Cicero makes his re- 
spondent here say, viz., that if the soul does survive 
the body, it will be happy, this author seems, in all 
parts of his treatise, to have taken for granted. 

One passage, however, shews, that when he thus 
speaks, he has such characters in view as have 
been, on the whole, what he deems to be virtuous. 
The passage to which I refer is in § 25. p. 48, seq. 
The substance of it is, * that Socrates taught the 
doctrine, that there are two ways in which souls 



192 Cicero's abguments 

l^o, when they depart from the body. Those '^ qui 
se humanis vitiis contaiuinaviasent, et se totos libir 
dinibus dedidissent, quibus caecati ; yel domesticis 
vitiis atque flagitiis se inquioavissent ; vel repub- 
lica fraudes ioexpiabiles concepiaBent ; to these 
there is a devious path to be trodden, and one 
which leads away from the council of the gods. 
But to those who had been upright and chaste ; to 
such as had contracted the least possible contagion 
from their bodies, and had always been prone to 
abstract as it were the soul from them ; to those 
who, during their physical life, had studiously imi- 
tated the gods ; to all such an easy return would 
be granted to that upper world from which they 
originally came.' 

To this sentiment of Socrates and Plato, the 
Roman philosopher seems to yield his entire ap- 
probation; ''nee vero de hoc quisquam dubitare 
potest" Yet all important as such a sentiment is, 
in the hght of moral retribution ; and infinitely in- 
teresting as this retribution is to every individual ; 
it seems to have had but httle practical influence 
or interest in the mind of Cicero. Once only, in 
his whole dissertation, has he distinctly brought it 
to view, as above stated. Every where else he 
seems to go upon the ground, that if we exist at all 
after death, we shall of course be happy. Yet I 
doubt not, that justice requires us to consider him 
as speaking, in all such cases, of those whom he. 
deems to be reputable and virtuous. 

How immeasurably different all this is from the 
tenor of the gospel, must be evident even to the 
most superficial reader. There, a judgment to 
come ; a reward of every man according to the 



EXAMINED. 193 

deeds done in the body ; a heayoD and a hell ; are 
the all-absorbing, all-important topics. " Knowing 
the terrors of the Lord," the Christian preachers 
were led " to persuade men.^ But the philosopher 
at the head of heathen Rome, scarcely makes any 
of these matters a subject of thought ; certainly not 
of serious interest. How true the exclamation of 
the Psalmist: "The entrance of thy word giveth 
hght ; it giveth understanding to the simple !" And 
equally true, the asseveration of Paul : " The world 
by wisdom knew not God." 

Cicero, afler the brief account of Socrates' views 
given above, quits ^he subject, without once ad- 
verting to the surprising, and (I think we may 
truly say) revolting, fivd-og, which Socrates, or 
rather Plato, introduces near the close of the 
Pbaedo, in order to shew the future condition of 
tke soul. We can scarcely doubt, that Cicero 
considered the whole of it as a mere play of the 
imagination. There is one passage, however, in 
which he has disclosed to us what kind of a heaven^ 
for the soul he did suppose to exist ; und it is a 
deeply interesting matter to learn, how the mind of 
an enlightened and philosophizing heathen could 
and did think on such a subject. 

The sum of his views may be found in § 16, and 
is as follows : ' Whether we allow the soul to be 
fire, or air, or melody, or thejifth principle of Aris- 
totle, it is obvious that it is lighter and more buoy- 
ant than the moist atmosphere which surrounds 
the earth. On the death of the body, it must of 
course mount upwards, until it reaches the etherial 
regions, which are tempered like itself; and there,, 
as in cquiiUniOj ix stops, ^d dwells in the upper 



194 Cicero's arguments 

sphere among the stars, aiid is nourished by the 
same etherial aliment which supports them.' 

Such is the provision for the fiiture abode of the 
soul, and its continued existence; an evident ad- 
vance, and a great one, upon th^ fiv&og of Socraten 
and Plato, as exhibited in the Phaedo. But what 
are its state, its occupations, its enjoyments ? They 
may be summed up in two things; (1) Freedom 
from corporeal appetites and passions. (2) The 
boundless and endless pursuit and attainment of 
knowledge. 

The first of these considerations, in Cicero's 
mind, sprung, no doubt, fi*om the moral principle 
which belongs to the soul, and which longs after 
something that will raise it above carnal and phys- 
ical appetites and pleasures. In this, we recognize 
an irradiation fi'ora the eternal light that beams 
above. The second consideration originated from 
the unquenchable thirst which Cicero felt, and 
every kindred soul must feel, for pursuing the 
acquisition of knowledge, through ages that have 
no end. '*If the gods," said Lessing, i' should 
make me the offer of the actual knowledge of all 
things, I must decline the boon ; should they profier 
me the eternal and successful pursuit of it, I would 
accept it with the highest gratitude." In this sen- 
timent we may discern the same feelings, which led 
Cicero to represent his heaven as consisting mainly 
in the pursuit of knowledge. The society of the 
great and virtuous he does indeed reckon as one 
ingredient in the cup of future blessedness; but 
the enjoyment of even this, consists principally in 
receiving and communicating knowledge. 

How many a Christian face should be covered 



EXAMINED. 195 

with blushes, to see a heathen outstrip most persons 
in such noble desires ! Paul could say : ** Now we 
know in part . . . but then shall we see and know, 
even as we are seen and known." And the He- 
brew prophet could say : " Then shall we know, if 
we follow on to know the Lord." And while Paul 
and this prophet, and all others enlightened as 
they wiere, expected the joys of heaven to be some- 
thing more and higher than those which consist in 
the acquisition of knowledge ; yet they by no means 
underrate the pursuit of this. It was doubtless 
viewed by them, as it in fact is, as one of the means 
by which we approximate to a greater likeness 
with the omniscient Author of our being. 

To be freed from sin — all sin, either of thought, 
word, or deed — to be holy, to be like God, to love 
him, and serve him, and praise him, and thank 
him, forever and ever, is, after all, the most essen- 
tial part of the Christian's heaven. But here Cicero 
did not sympathize with the Christian. He had no 
knowledge, such as the Bible gives, of the only 
living and true God. The gods whom he wor- 
shipped, had once been men ; or if we may suppose 
him to have risen above this, in his speculations, 
(as he sometimes appears to do), stiU holiness as 
developed in the Scriptures, was not an object of 
his contemplation. The gods with whom he hoped 
to reside, were of a mixed, I might say of an atro- 
cious, character. Hence he does not once think of 
heaven, as a place where moral resemblance to them 
is tlie grand point of happiness. Truly, we may 
say once more : ** Life and immortality are brought 
to light in the gospel !" 

We have now seen what kind of a heaven the 



196 Cicero's arguments 

highest speculations of reason, without a Revela- 
tion, will form. It will scarcely be pretended, that 
Cicero is not as favourable an example of this na- 
ture, as can be selected from the whole heathen 
world. He has evidently improved upon the spec- 
ulations of Plato and Socrates. And afler all; 
what is there in his Elysium, which will bear any 
comparison at all with the heaven which the Bible 
discloses ? 

We come next to the objections against the doc- 
trine of immortality, which Cicero discusses and 
answers. 

In §§ 13 — 18, he introduces and descants upon 
the objection, which is raised by asking the ques- 
tion: *How and where does the soul exist?' As 
to the place of its existence, what has already been 
said, discloses his views. In regard to the ques- 
tion, Haw do souls exist in a future state ? he says, 
very rightly, that this can serve the objector no 
good pui7)ose ; for if the question be asked : How 
do souls exist in our present state, in union with 
the body ? it is just as difficult to answer this, as it 
would be to answer the objector's question ; nay 
even more so, inasmuch as the body is a kind of 
heterogeneous tenement for them, alien from their 
real nature. 

Then again, he suggests, i/^e may just as well 
ask how the gods exist ; whom all do allow to exist. 

More to the purpose are the objections raised by 
Panaetius, §27, seq. These are, (1) The soul is 
procreated ; therefore it may be destroyed. The 
evidence that it is procreated, lieS in the resem- 
blance of children to their parents. (2) The soul 
can be affected with grief and pain ; and that 



XXAMINED. 197 

wbich can thus be affected, must be periahable in 
its nature. 

To the first of these objections he replies, that 
most of the similitude arises from mere physical 
conformity ; and even where there is a Uke dispo- 
sition of mind, it springs, in a great degree, fix>m 
similar external circumstances and fh>m physical 
similitude. Then again, there are multiphed cases 
of entire dissimilUwle of disposition, between pa- 
rents and children, which would afford equal proof 
of the contrary proposition. 

The second objection he answers, by stating that 
all the passions of grief^ vexation, fear, anger, etc., 
must be predicated merely of the body and the 
animal soul ; but not of the intellectual and rational 
soul, which is wholly free from all such emotions ; 
§28. 

On this we may remark, that it is clearly a pe- 
tUio principii, borrowed from the speculations of 
Plato, respecting the transcendental and immuta- 
ble nature of the soul. That this cannot be estab- 
lished by argument or proved by a priori consid- 
erations, we have already seen. 

Such then is the treatise of Cicero, on the im- 
mortality of the soul. Such is the highest point, 
to which reason (unenlightened by revelation) did 
attain, in the heathen world. '^ The world by wis- 
dom knew not €rod ;" it is equally true, that they 
did not know themselves. 

The rest of Cicero's dissertation, from § 27 to the 
end, consists of various considerations, designed to 
shew that we ought not to fear death. * It is effem- 
inate to cherish such fears; the great and good 
have always despised it | it is a deliverance from 



198 Cicero's arguments 

innumerable and intolerable evils ; it introduces us 
to the society of the great and good ; it frees va 
from fleshly passions and infirmities ; it is a small 
thing in itself, and has been rendered terrible only 
by the exaggerations of the poets ; and finally, if it 
is the extinction of being, it is no evil, because it 
delivers us from all suffering ; if it be not an ex- 
tinction, it must be a great good.' 

Such are the considerations, by which one of 
the greatest men who ever adorned the heathen 
world, labours to cheer himself and his friendsi 
when looking forward to the hour of dissolutkm. 
Are they props on which we can lean ? Are most 
of them any thing more than the result of a Sto* 
icism, which appears in a higher measure stilly 
among the Aborigines of our western wilds? God 
be thanked, that the Christian, while walking 
through the dark valley of the e^adow of death, 
bas a rod and a staff to lean upon, which will hold 
him up in a very different manner! Who can 
bring the example of a moral triumph in a dying 
hour, on the part of a heathen? The death of 
Socrates comes the nearest to it, of any thing I 
have ever read or heard. Yet this fells inmieasur- 
ably short of such a triumph as the humblest 
Christian may enjoy. All the darkness of the 
heathen system seems to be concentrated about 
&e dying bed of a heathen ; while all the glories 
of the upper world are opened upon the dying 
Christian. 

One question more remains of de^ and affect- 
ing interest To what height of assurance or con- 
fidence, did the hope of a heathen that he should 
exist and be forever happy beyond the grave, ever 
ajrise? 



EXAMINED. 199 

loteresdng lis this question is, the manner in 
which Cicero philosophizes, makes it difficult to 
arriye at a satisfiictory conclusion, in respect to bis 
real subjective conyiction. The Athenian schools 
of philosophy, as is well known, became, in several 
of their branches, quite inclined to skepticism. 
The Epicureans and Acatalepties, in particular, 
were of this character ; and generally, the later 
Platonists were inclined to admit only subjective 
certainty, as the result of inquiry and argument, 
without undertaking to decide that any thing was 
objectively certain. This skeptical position of mind 
they honoured with the names of modesty and c^- 
denee ; and they held that any thing aside from 
tiiis^ savoured of dogmatism and arrogance, and 
was unworthy the name and office of a' philosopher. 

Cicero takes great pains to confine himself^ as to 
the general tone of his discussions, within the 
boundaries which the later Platonists had pre- 
0eribed to themselves ; and which, indeed, Socrates 
himself seems to have not unfi^quently commend- 
ed by his example. Thus, near the commence- 
ment of his discussion (in § 1), Cicero, in reply to 
his CoDocutor, who requests him to shew that 
death is not an evil, says: ^I will unfold this mat- 
ter, according to ^e best of my ability ; yet not 
Mke the Pythian Apollo, so that what I may utter, 
will be certain and established ; but like a man of 
imall capacity, one of the multitude, seeking out 
by conjecture the things that are probable." This 
we might well put merely to the score of modesty, 
and regard the writer as designing simply not to 
raise great expectation in the reader, provided the 
passage were the only one of its kind. But this is 
not the case. 



200 Cicero's arguments 

In § 4, after recounting Tarioas opinions re9pec^ 
ing the soul, he says : " Which of all these opin- 
ions is the true one, let some god determine ; whieh 
is the most probable, is a great question." So then 
probMUhf was all he expected to arrive at, by hii 
inquiries. Understood in one way, this might in- 
deed be all that we need to ask for, on the ground 
o£ satisfactory assurance ; but construed in another 
and philosophic way, it would seem to amouDt 
merely to a subjective conviction or balance of the 
mind, on the whole, in favour of the doctrine that 
the soul is immortal. 

That Cicero alternated between the first and sec- 
ond of these states of mind, is altogether probable. 
In § 9, he makes his Collocutor request him to 
prove, that the soul survives the death of the body. 
Cicero replies, that Plato has already done this in 
such a way as admits of no improvement. The 
respondent then says (as before quoted), that 'he 
knows not how it is; yet such is the fact, that 
whenever he is reading Plato [the Phaedo], be 
gives his assent ; but when he lays it aside, and 
begins to meditate on the immortality of the soul, 
the arguments seem to glide away from him.' Was 
not this Cicero's own case? And does he not 
make known to us a very common state of his own 
mind, in developing that of his Collocutor? I 
cannot doubt that such is the &cL In the midsl 
of the perpetual hurry and confusion of business, 
in which Cicero was nearly all his life engaged, he 
could think but very little of Plato's Pha^o, or of 
any other arguments of the like nature. But when 
he was exiled from the forum and the Senate, and 
dared not mingle with the distinguished citizeiis of 



EXAMINED. 201 

the capita], in order to enjoy their society, then he 
turned inwards upon himself, and began seriously 
to consider what he was, and whither he was go- 
ing; The result of this consideration he has set 
before us, in the delightful treatise which has giv- 
en occasion to these remarks. 
' Once more, let us see how the fashion of the 
times wrought upon his mind, in regard to the 
expression of his convictions. In § 36, he gives us 
a long extract from the speech of Socrates to the 
judges, who had condemned him to death. In this 
speech Socrates says, that * whether death be the 
end of our being, or not, it is deliverance from 
great evil, and ahogether desirable.' Afler giving 
such a turn to his discourse as to show, that his 
predominant belief was in a continued existence, 
the Athenian philosopher subjoins : " But it is time 
for me to go hence, in order that I may die ; for 
you, that you may live : yet which of these is best, 
the immortal gods know, but no man can well de- 
cide." "Nothing," says Cicero, "in his whole 
speech, is better than this." This same writer 
afterwards subjoins, however, a hint in what man- 
ner we are to understand declarations of this na- 
ture, by such men as Socrates and Cicero. " As 
to what he [Socrates] says," adds Cicero, " viz. 
- that no one besides the gods knows which would 
be best, this same thing he himself does know ; for 
be had already affirmed it Nevertheless he abides 
by his own maxim even to the last, which was, to 
make no categorical assertions." 

Such, I would hope, was the case with Cicero ; 
in particular, during the latter part of his life. My 
meaning is, that I woidd hope his belief was more 



202 Cicero's arguicents 

firm and abiding, than his expreflsiona at timet 
would seem to indicate. The noble passage at the 
close of the present treatise, would seem to develope 
a state of mind like to that which he ascribes to 
Socrates; although, like this philosopher, he is 
careful to avoid all categorical assertions. Tbo 
passage is in § 42, and runs thus : We did not come 
into being unthoui some purpose ; we did not spring 
from chance ; hut ikere was some Power^ who exer* 
eised an oversight respecting the human race, JVor 
would such a Power bring that into beings or cotilittuf 
to support it, which, when it had endured so fiMBqf 
labours, should sink doum in everlasting death. JVs ; 

THERE IS SOME HA. YEN OF REST, SOME ASYLUM 
PREPAEEiy FOR US. 

It is delightful to think, that there were timen^ 
when the mind of Cicero could rise to such an ap- 
parent degree of assurance as this. That such was 
really the fact, would seem probable, from his occa- 
sional declarations in regard to the sufficiency and 
strength of the argument to prove the immateriality 
and immortality of the soul ; for he united these 
indissolubly together. In § 25 he sajrs : ^ Whether 
the soul is igneous, or aerial, matters nothing as to 
the object now in view. At present you must 
simply consider, that as you know the existence of 
\ a God to be certain, although you are ignorant of 
his dwelling-place and of his appearance ; so the 
existence of your own soul ought to be considered 
as a matter of certainty, although you know nothing 
of its dwelling-place or its form." He th^i goes 
on to say, that " unless we are absolutely leaden in 
physics, we must acknowledge that there is in the 
aoul nothing n^xed, ooncareie, copulate^ augmoBledi 



EXAMINEB* 203 

er duplicate ; and eoDsequently, that the soul can 
neither be separated, divided, cut in pieces, nor 
torn asunder ; and therefore it cannot perish." 

It matters not, whether the argument will abide 
the test of philosophy at the present day. Plain- 
ly it will not ; as there can be no proof a prir 
mij that a simple substance may not be temporary , 
as well as a compound one ; nor can we prove in 
the way of ratiocination simply, that the soul may 
not die as well as the body, although in entirely a 
dif^rent way. Enough that Cicero expresses 
himself without any doubt, in regard to the point 
in question. A man must be, in his estimation, 
absolutely a leaden-headed fellow (plumbeus), to 
believe that the soul is otherwise than immaterial 
and imperishable. 

So in § 19 ; afler producing the argument of 
Plato respecting the spontaneous motion of the 
soul, as establishing its eternity, he says, that 'al- 
though all the plebeian philosophers, (for so he may 
call all those who differ from Socrates and Plato), 
should join together, they could never produce any 
thing so elegant and so acute as this.' Hence he 
concludes, that 'as the mind is self-moved, it is 
never deserted by itself. Hence too, it follows 
that it is eternal.' 

Once more ; in § 24, afler that most noble pas- 
sage which argues, from the works of creation and 
providence, the existence of a Creator and Govern- 
or of all things, Cicero subjoins: ''So the soul of 
man, although you do not see it, (and in like man- 
ner you do not see God), yet, as you acknowledge 
the being of a. God, from the consideration of his 
wockfl^ so you should acknowledge the divine en- 



204 Cicero's arguments 

ergy of the soul, from its memory, iDTentioi], celer- 
ity of motion, and every kind of virtue adorned 
with beauty." 

After considering these and the like passages, in 
Cicero's works, we cannot doubt, that in the hour 
of cool reflection and sober argument, he had an 
overwhelming conviction of the reality of a future 
existence; although in his sportive or skeptical 
hours he might act, and probably did act, the part 
which he assigns to his Collocutor. That he ex- 
presses himself occasionally in a manner somewhat 
partaking of mtitpig, may, on the whole, be fidrly 
put to the same account, as that to which he as- 
signs the seemingly skeptical expressions of So- 
crates. 

See now, as a confirma:tion of this, the manner 
in which he expresses himself^ when, looking away 
from philosophical argument, his mind was filled 
with other views and other sympathies. In hit 
Cato Major or De Senedute, where he endeavours 
to defend old age against the objections made to 
it, he labours, near the close of the treatise, to shew 
that the certain nearness of death is no valid objeo- 
tion. His reason is, that death is no evil ; for the 
soul is immortal, and will survive the body, and be 
happy. When speaking of the various powers 
and capacities of the soul, he says, in the conclu- 
sion : '' It is not possible that what contains such 
divine powers, should be mortal." After recapitu- 
lating, very briefly, a great part of the arguments 
used in the first book of the Tusculan Questions, 
in favour of the immortality of the soul, he thus 
exclaims in view of a future state : - " O praeclarum 
diem, cum ad illud divinum animorum concilium 



XXAMINEO. 205 

coetumque proflciscar, cumque ox hac turba et col- 
luvione discedam ! Proficiscar, enim, non ad eos 
solum viros, de quibus ante dixi ; set etiam ad Ca- 
tonem meum, quo nemo yir melior natus est, nemo 
pietate praestantior." 

He means, that he shall, after death, be with 
Cato Major, whose body he had burned, but whose 
soul was gone to the world of spirits. This Cato, 
whom Cicero so highly valued, lived to a very old 
age ; retained the full vigour of his faculties, so as 
to study Greek at the age of eighty ; and was a 
remarkable example of cheerfulness and happiness, 
in the decline of life. On this account, Cicero 
gives his treatise on old age the title of Caio Major. 

Thus we see, that ''God has not left himself 
without witness." Even among the heathen, he 
has enstamped his own image upon our nature. But 
while we cheerfully and gratefully recognize this 
truth, it is equally plain, on the other hand, that 
perverse as men are, and estranged from God, this 
image has been distinctly discerned by very few, 
who were not enlightened by revelation. Even 
those who have seen it most clearly, have not been 
able to free themselves from doubts and fears. It 
must be so. More light is needed, to afford an 
overwhelming conviction to minds darkened like 
ours. Simple, unperverted, unadulterated reason, 
might be well satisfied that the soul is immortal ; 
but where is such reason to be found among the 
heathen ? A revelation, therefore, was needed, in 
order to confirm and impress this great truth. 

We rise, then, from the perusal of Cicero's au' 
reus libeUus, with gratitude to God, that he has so 
made human minds, as to emit, in every condition, 

10 



206 CICERO^S ARGUVKNTSnCXAinirED. 

some Bpartu of tfaie eelestial film of wliich they are 
composed. We thank hun that the henthen were 
prompted to look upwards^ and to long and sigh 
after komortality. But our souls should overflow 
with still higher gratitude, so often as we call lo 
mind that the path of hapfnuess k now made plain ; 
that light from heaven is beaming with full radiance 
upcknit; that life akd immortality are brought 

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