UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.
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TACTICS AND ORGANIZATION.
By the Same Author :
The Invasion and Defence of England.
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"Ably written, and full of suggestive matter
of the highest importance to the security of the
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o TST
^
TACTICS AND ORGANIZ
ENGLISH MILITARY INSTITJ^O^AND THE
CONTINENTAI
BY
CAPT. F. N. MAUDE, E.E.
W. THACKER & CO., 87, NEWGATE STREET.
CALCUTTA— THACKER, SPINK & CO.
BOMBAY— THACKER & CO., LTD.
1888.
HKIVERSIT7
CONTENTS.
Page.
Preface ........ 1
England's Danger ....... 12
The Cost of Conscription ... - - 25
The Next Franco -German War ... - 32
The German Officer ..... - 52
The German Cavalry - - - 88
Lessons from the Austrian Cavalry - - - - 97
Cavalry in War ....... 106
Cavalry versus Infantry - - - 115
A day with the German Cavalry - - - 120
Frederic the Great's Cavalry - - - * 152
Long Distance Rides - - - - - -167
German Cavalry Manoeuvres, 1886 - - - 177
The German Field Artillery ..... 185
The Tactics of Field Artillery ..... 196
Attack Formation for Infantry - - - 215
German Equipment - - - - - -257
German Musketry- ...... 268
Losses in Battle ....... 277
Discipline and the Breechloader - - - - 289
Tactics of the American War .... 299
German Opinion on the Delhi Manoeuvres - - 313
Spirit of the Russian Army - - - - -331
Russian Infantry Tactics - - - - 341
Russian Mounted Infantry ----- 348
Russian Commissariat ...... 355
The Austrian Infantry ...... 362
Tactics in India ------- 376
Entrance Examination for Army - 386
The Training of Officers ..... 398
Professional Ignorance in the Army - - - 411
Letters on Strategy - - - - - -421
On Inspections - - - - - - -434
The Secret of Success in War - - - - 443
European and Asiatic Warfare - - - - 454
Cavalry versus Infantry at Lawrencepore - - 463
Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp - ... 476
Cavalry on the Battle-Field ..... 503
PREFACE.
IN the present days when both armies
and wars have ceased to be dynastic and
have everywhere, except in England, be-
come national, it is becoming daily of in-
creasing importance that the nature of
modern war, the sacrifices it entails, and
the principles on which it is conducted,
should be brought prominently before the
notice of the civilian public. More so
in England where we have no. strictly
speaking, national army, but where a Ci-
vilian House of Commons interferes so
largely, and a non-militaire press criti-
cises so freely, details and movements
which it requires a certain degree of mi-
litary education to grasp. Not a very
large degree certainly, but as far as it
goes, it should be based on accurate prin-
ciples. There is nothing recondite in
these principles, they are usually founded
VI PREFACE.
on pure common sense, and as the great
German military author Von der Goltz re-
marks, since they deal with the simplest
things such as men, guns, horses, roads,
there is no reason why they should not be
treated of in simple language. But the
trouble in this case is to reach the readers.
A book with a purely military title is read
only by purely military men, and it
seemed, therefore, to the writer that the
best way to get at the readers he wanted,
was through the columns of the daily
press, which also forms a way of ap-
proach to the minds of the non-book-read-
ing class of soldier, who, though he will
shy at a book in a red cover, will wade
comfortably through a military leader in
a newspaper whilst discussing his break-
fast. Though most of the articles were
written for the moment only, yet, as a rule,
they are based on principles whose im-
portance is more than ephemeral, and
since as a body they appear to have been
well received by the officers of the army,
PREFACE. Vll
it lias seemed well to republisli them in
book form.
The writer's object throughout has been
to present or discuss English military
institutions and forms, from the point of
view and in the spirit of modern warfare
as understood in Germany, and also to
familiarise his readers with the great
principles which in their application con-
stitute the backbone of German military
efficiency. He is no blind copyist of
foreign military forms, and is certainly
not inclined to underrate the courage or
warlike capacity of his countrymen, but
wishes only to see those principles, not
forms, introduced into our service, which
seem most in harmony with, and best
suited to develop, the full fighting value
of the race.
These are but few: Discipline, " Die
Offensive Geist" or spirit of attack, and
delegation of responsibility to the junior
grades. These three, if once introduced
in full force, would, in his opinion, more
Vlll PREFACE.
than double the fightiqg power of the army
and that without a(f<3?ng one farthing to
the estimates.
To all wrhose susceptibilities he may
have wounded, by his perhaps too vigour-
ous language, he offers sincere apologies,
and onlv be°;s that it mav be taken into
*/ o »/
consideration, that a man who feels strong-
ly cannot but write strongly, and that every
line has been dictated by a wish to serve
the cause of his Queen and country to
the best of his ability.
LETTERS ON
TACTICS AND ORGANIZATION.
ENGLAND'S DANGER.
fllHE surprise created by Prince Bis-
JL mark's changed policy, has, perhaps,
rarely been equalled in diplomatic circles,
and it must also have been a serious shock
to his numerous followers in his own
country. But a short time ago, it was
a fixed idea in every German officer's
mind, that any further interference by
Russia in Bulgaria meant war. On
every side one was assured that the under-
standing between Austria and Germany
was perfect, and that the time had come
to put an end, once and for all, to the
aggressive tendencies of the Slav. A
recent study of the probable theatre of
war in that event, signed by the pseu-
donym of " Sarmaticus " (a most able
M., L. 1
2 England's Danger.
work by the way ), was received with more
than usual enthusiasm by the military
press. One heard it discussed at almost
every mess table, and both, in Germany
and Austria the idea of a loyal co-oper-
ation was looked forward to with universal
pleasure. The possible alliance between
France and Russia certainly had no terrors
for the army, as they very cogently point-
ed out that their defences on both eastern
and western frontiers had specially been
based on the idea of this coalition, and
with Austria's assistance, a few weeks
would suffice to inflict such a check on
France, that it would be possible to trans-
fer the bulk of the troops engaged with
her to the other frontier, which, by means
of their perfect system of strategic lines,
could be carried out within ten days.
Considering the results obtained in thirty
days in 1870, and that the French Army
is by jio means as efficient as a fighting
engine now-a-days as it was then, — this
at least is the opinion of those who fought
England's Danger. 3
against it during that campaign, and have
watched with the closest attention its
development ever since, — it appears quite
probable that the German officers may be
right ; and within six weeks — in less time,
in fact, than the unwieldy Colossus of the
North can really mobilise her army — her
ally may be crushed and bleeding, before
she herself can have struck a blow.
Granted that this view of the case is
correct, and that Prince Bismark is, as
the Germans love to believe him, an
honest man, it is indeed hard to account
for his action ; but there is another view
of the Prince's character, not altogether
new to those who have studied his career.
In politics, Prince Bismark is, and has
always been, a thorough Jesuit, and holds
firmly to the principle, that the end justi-
fies the means. Witness the secret history
of the Benedetti treaty ; and is it not possi-
ble that he is playing the same game now ?
The chief problem he has now to con-
tend with at home, is to provide an outlet
4 England's Danger.
for his surplus population, every year
becoming larger, and at the same time to
seize on some of the trade, which he and
every other foreigner believes to have been
won from him by us, by our having taken
a mean advantage of their disasters at
the commencement of the century. It is
useless to expect either a Frenchman or
German to believe that we owe our present
commerical prosperity to the superior busi-
ness qualifications of our merchants. With
natural and pardonable national vanity,
they refuse to believe anything of the sort.
The Frenchman attributes it to Napoleon's
fatal continental blockade, and to the ruin of
the French navy caused by the inconsi-
derate action of the Terrorists of the
Revolution. Unquestionably, had it not
been for these latter, who decapitated the
very flower of their naval commanders,
our naval supremacy would not have been
so easily acquired. The Germans point-
to the ruin to Germany's industries caused
by their fatal defeat in 1806, and how
England's Danger. 5
very real a ruin it was, few who have not
lived amongst them, can realise. Almost
every family of any repute gave up during
those terrible years every vestige of jewellery
or plate they possessed? and still shew as
their proudest possession, the iron ring
given them by the king as an acknowledg-
ment of their sacrifices. Both countries
join in believing that, if only a violent
shock can be given to the present course
of trade, they will easily regain what they
hold to be their fair share of it. There
can be no doubt, too, that, though the
army of Germany is full of fight, the
voting part of the nation, that part repre-
sented by the Reichsrath, desire peace
most ardently ; and it is this very Reichs-
rath that has always been a thorn in the
side to the Prince.
Now, if Prince Bismark can manage to
keep the country out of war, whilst all
the rest of Europe are embroiled in it, the
advantages he will derive are manifest.
In the first place, the Reichsrath will be
6 England's Danger.
satisfied ; in the second, the opportunity
will be given to German commerce ; and, in
the third, he will be able to step in, when the
time comes, as general peacemaker, making
a sufficient demonstration with his army to
appease their martial appetites.
Let us look at the cards he holds.
Having assured Russia for the second time
that all Bulgaria is not worth the bones of
a single Pomeranian grenadier to Germany,
it will be easy to obtain her good offices
with France ; and a little judicious flattery
to the latter will suffice to inflame them
with the idea that, England being now
engaged in a life and death struggle with
Russia, the time has arrived to make good
her claim to Egypt. Whether that claim
is good or bad matters little to the French
nation ; it is, at any rate, considerably
better now than it was wrhen they fought
us for it in 1800 ; and being quite the
most ignorant population, politically, in
Europe, a very little will suffice to heat
their passions to flashing point. There
England's Danger. 7
is, and has been for the last ten years, a
growing anti-English party in France,
who have lost no opportunity of preaching
a crusade against la perfide Albion ; and
it requires only a few incendiary articles
in the Parisian press, holding forth their
grievances and the booty to be obtained, to
more than quadruple its number and vio-
lence. To those who doubt this, we would
recommend a study of the secret history of
the retirement of the French fleet from
Alexandria in 1882. The question how it
managed to pass Gibraltar in the night
without being signalled, has as yet remained
unanswered ; but, if it did nothing else, it
showed, once and for all, how very easy it
would be for France to obtain a crushing
numerical superiority in the Channel.
There is reason, amounting to almost cer-
tainty, to believe that at that moment the
French could have brought nearly thirty
ironclads of first and second class against
our Channel squadron, consisting at the
time of only five second-rate vessels.
8 England's Danger.
If France chose to quarrel with, us about
Egypt or the New Hebrides, it would not
be in either of those out-of-the-way places
she would seek for a decision. After the
reminder the Germans gave them in 1870,
it is not likely they will again forget
Napoleon's first and leading principle of
war, viz., direct your stroke at that portion
of the enemy's line which promises the
greatest consequences with the least risk,
and given a sufficient superiority in the
" narrow seas, " an occupation of London
promises far the greatest results, with in-
finitely less risk than that incurred by a
distant expedition to Egypt. Besides,
whereas the whole mobilization scheme of
France is liable to be practically destroyed,
as has been recently proved, by such a com--
paratively trifling effort as the campaign
in Tonkin, the mobilization of the five
northern corps would create no disturbance
whatever ; indeed, four of these five corps
were mobilized in 1882 without exciting
any comment on either side of the Channel*
England's Danger. 9
As for the risks such a descent on our coast
would entail, it must be remembered that
the French look at it from quite a different
point of view to ours. Man for man, they
consider themselves at least as good, and
as far as their military history goes, there
is no reason why they should not ; not
one Frenchman in a thousand ever heard of
the battles of Vittoria, Salamanca, or the
storming of Cuidad Rodrigo and Badajos.
Bugeaud's immortal description of the
British line is quite as unknown to them
as it was to us, till Colonel Hume, R.E.,
rescued it from oblivion and enshrined it
in the best English work on tactics of the
century. Their ideas of Waterloo are
either taken from Thiers or Victor Hugo,
and two more miserable salves to national
vanity have never been published. And
assuming the equality of the troops, a very
casual study of a railway map, in conjunction
with the mobilization scheme — (which is a
very real and important part of our national
defences, being the only document on
10 England's Danger.
which they are based)— and Viscount
Wolseley's pocket-book are sufficient to
prove that the occupation of London by
the evening of the fourth day after the
landing, is not only no visionary scheme,
but one perfectly feasible from a military
point of view. And what results does not
such an occupation promise — not only the
absolute derangement of our trade, but the
rape of our colonies, and the surrender of
our fleet.
But would such a complete catastrophe
ever be tolerated ? No, at the very climax
of the scene, the deus ex macliina. Prince
von Bismarck would step in, and like a
second Canute, only more effectually, would
command, " thus far shall thou go and no
further, " with the threat of armed inter-
vention to back him.
All Europe being sick with fighting, he
would then be able to pose as peacemaker.
Whatever he chose to insist on, he could
assuredly obtain. With his still intact
army, he would be in the position of the
England's Danger. 11
Cavalry leader with the last closed squad-
rons in hand, i.e., master of the field. His
army and his Reichsrath. contented, he
could afford to be generous, and would
probably allow France undisputed posses-
sion of such of our colonies as she chose
to demand, certain that, even if she got
them, she could not keep them, and be-
lieving that the national commercial genius
of his countryman, in which he, naturally,
like every other German, believes, would
suffice in the new condition of affairs, to
win for them against our competition.
Would not such a result be better worth
playing for than merely satisfying Austria
for the wounds inflicted at Sadowa ? Nor
need Austria be forgotten, for, after the
almost certain defeat of Russia, she might
be allowed to carve up ,the possessions of *
the Sultan in her own way, — whilst Italy
might be given a sop, in return for renounc-
ing her irredenta theories, in .Dalmatia,
the Ionian Isles, and, perhaps, Cyprus.
THE COST OF CONSCRIPTION.
LORD Randolph Churchill's recent speech
at Wolverhampton has been severely
pulled to pieces by his critics, because, in
comparing the actual amount of money
spent by the different nations of Europe
on their armaments, he made no mention
of the actual loss sustained by these na-
tions through the action of their conscrip-
tion laws. But none of his detractors
have been good enough to furnish us with
even a rough estimate of what the cost of
conscription really is. They have been
content to make a mere assumption, on the
hope that it will be blindly swallowed by
their readers. Probably they themselves
had not the vaguest idea of what they
were asserting as they wrote ; it is a com-
monplace expression in every one's mouth,
and nobody seems inclined to look at it
from a business point of view. But we
propose to go even further than that, and
The Cost of Conscription. 13
to consider it from a socialist point of view
— not necessarily the same thing ; though
the adherents of that school of thought
would willingly have us believe it. We
may summarize the creed of this school
briefly in three propositions. Free educa-
tion, national workshops, down with large
fortunes, or, in other words, a sliding scale
of taxation directed against the large land-
owners and capitalists.
Now, in the first case, what is meant
by the expression " free education ? " What
is the actual meaning of the word " educa-
tion" by itself? Even the Socialist knows —
though he will not always admit it — that
the mere power of reading and writing
does not cover the whole meaning of the
term. Certainly the heads of the society,
men like Lasalle, Carl Marx, even the lead-
ers of the " Commune/7 knew very well
that it took more than mere book-learning
to make them the men they actually were ;
for, let us not deceive ourselves, those men
were real leaders though in what we consi-
14 The Cost of Conscription.
der a misguided movement, and they only
attained their position through self-sacri-
fice, discipline (in the sense of the Roman
Church) and self - abnegation. Twenty
years ago, when national education first
became a popular cry, men were deputed
from England to visit and examine into the
system of free education in vogue in Ger-
many. They went, returned and reported,
but they misled entirely what every Ger-
man knows to be the keystone of their
educational edifice, and that was the Army,
or the national University ; for, in fact,
the army in Germany performs the same
function to all who are found physically
able to stand the strain, as the Universities
do in England for the upper classes. A
boy in England goes to the University as
the hero of a Grammar School, or even of
a public school, but the contact with many
other heroes of many other schools soon
brings him to his proper level. If he
avoids the University and goes into business,
the struggle for existence soon teaches him
The Cost of Conscription. 15
the same. The more adventurous boys
emigrate and there, wherever it may hap-
pen to be, soon learn in the rough school
of life, their actual relative position in so-
ciety. The three years' service in the
ranks exercise just the same effect on those
called on to undergo it : it is the practicable
application of the old saying, " through
obedience learn to command. " They are
taught to obey, and hence,, each according
to his actual value as a man, learns to com-
mand ; and even in civil life no man can
succeed till he has learnt that first and
greatest secret. But it may be argued
(we are writing of the German Army),
that this obedience is enforced in an un-
necessarily brutal and inconsiderate way.
We can only meet that statement by an
almost direct contradiction. It is true that
German officers and non-commissioned offi-
cers cannot enforce obedience with the
same gentleness that, as a rule, English-
men can. But the fault is not one belong-
ing to the army specially, but to the whole
16 The Cost of Conscription.
race ; and we are perfectly assured that,
compared to the way in which the ordinary
German tradesman enforces obedience
amongst his own employes, the apparent
hardness of discipline in the German Army
compares just as favourably as our own
army discipline with that of our " trade'7
discipline. The truth is that — it lies in
human nature — a man will naturally en-
force his power against another whose mis-
conduct touches his pocket, much more
severely than against one whose bad be-
haviour does not influence his daily-bread
side of the question in the smallest degree.
We have only to look at the way in which
drunkenness on duty is punished in the
army and in civil life. A man in the latter,
drunk in a position where sobriety is essen-
tial, will lose his employment without
doubt, and is then turned out into the
market to find a place as best he can. A
soldier drunk on guard mounting parade,
would get, well, three years ago, 56 days7
hard labour. Now, probably 28 days7 C.
The Cost of Conscription. 17
B. would be thought sufficient ; and the
latter punishment is administered by five
officers who literally do hear the evidence
without partiality, favour, or affection ; but
the former, by a man almost incapable of
impartiality, because his pocket has been
touched.
But we cannot dismiss the free educa-
tion point of view without alluding to the
advantages the soldier receives in return
for his three years7 submission to disci-
pline. There is no profession in the world
open to the poorest and least skilled work-
men in which, relatively to the standard
of comfort of the country, a man gets
better fed, lodged, or clothed than in his
army. And what an incalculable boon
must it not be to them, with regard to
their physical development, to have their
constitutions built up and strengthened by
three years of active out-of-door life. If
here and there a man breaks down in the
struggle, match that against the numbers
who succumb to overcrowding, unhealthy
M., L. 2
18 Hie Cost of Conscription.
occupations, and their own weaknesses.
We are too fond of legislating only for the
existing population, and forget that the
young men of the present generation are
the prospective fathers of the next. Is it
nothing to prevent some fifty per cent, of
the male population from contracting mar-
riages till they are fall grown men, instead
of, as they otherwise would do, as half-
grown boys ? Let any one who thinks
so make a short tour through the manu-
facturing districts of the north of England.
Now, with regard to national workshops :
it must be borne in mind that, practically,
in every country in Europe, every farthing
spent on clothing, equipment, food, and
even arms (excepting in a few cases guns),
is laid out in the country itself. Approxi-
mately the clothing and equipment of the
German Army costs about £2,000,000 per
annum, and all this, or the material for
it, is supplied by German firms, who
would certainly not tender for the contract
unless they saw their way to a remunera-
The Cost of Conscription. 19
tive return on their capital. If the 450,000
men of the army were disbanded to-mor-
row, they would prefer to clothe them-
selves in the cheapest market, and, as Eng-
lish shoddy can undersell almost anything
iii Germany , most of their money would
go across the Channel. The armament of
the infantry is almost entirely manufac-
tured in State workshops, and supplied at
cost prices. This is even a closer approx-
imation to the Socialist workshops theory,
and accounts for probably somewhere
about £50,000,000 of Government Paper
borrowed at 4^ per cent, on an average,
and we may be sure that this money is
not expended at a loss.
The Artillery of the German Army is
practically entirely supplied by Krupp, and
we may be quite sure he does not work
his mills at a loss. At any rate over
10,000 workmen are employed in his shops
at Essen alone. The men of the German
Army would, as a body, be satisfied with
far simpler rations than they actually get
20 The Cost of Conscription.
whilst serving. The advantage the butch-
ers derive from them, we can hardly bring
to account, but we fancy it is consider-
able. Finally, we come to the forage of
the horses, some 100,000 of which are
permanently kept on hand in the ranks,
over and above the agricultural wants of
the community ; and calculating from the
ordinary German ration, of 8 Ibs. oats,
10 Ibs. hay, and 10 Ibs. straw, the actual
acreage of land required for their food is
somewhere about 250,000 acres. Now,
since revenue in Germany is derived prin-
cipally from land-income and indirect taxa-
tion, it obviously hits the wealthier sec-
tion of the community much harder than
the poorer ; and, therefore, through the
agency of the army, not only are 450,000
able-bodied men per annum taken off the
already over-crowded labour market, and
maintained by the community — a strictly
socialistic idea — but all the workmen, farm-
labourers and tenant-farmers, in number
probably another 100,000, are employed
The Cost of Conscription. 21
from the same source. It may, indeed, be
argued that the country is the poorer by
the whole of the earnings of the 550,000
thus employed in unproductive labour, but
what would be the gain to it if these same
half million and more were thrown on the
already over-stocked labour market to-mor-
row. Obviously the result would be only to
still further increase the struggle for exis-
tence, and thereby to lower the rate of wages
which is already low enough, or to increase
the emigration by a corresponding contin-
gent annually. The third point, viz., the
diminution of large fortunes — in our opinion
the worst feature of the whole, though not
from the communistic point of view — is a
direct consequence of all the best blood of
the country being absorbed by the officers
of the army. This is a tax far more felt
by the Germans, and, for the matter of that,
by all foreigners than by ourselves ; for
the proportion of the upper classes serv-
ing in these enormous armies is far larger
than it is in our own. But these are just
22 The Cost of Conscription.
the men who, starting with the better edu-
cation and the advantages of position ,
would naturally succeed in civil life, and
since there is only room for a limited num-
ber of successful ones, an equal number of
weaker ones would have to go to the wall.
The German Army is not a money-making
profession any more than our own, and the
officer's pay is a very poor return for the
industry and perseverance they display in
their duties, which are certainly enough to
command success in any walk of life. From
our point of view, the only set-off against
their loss to the commercial prosperity of the
country, we can find, lies in the value of
the example of duty for duty's sake they
set to the rest of the community, an ex-
ample which more than counterbalances the
monetary loss; for history abundantly proves
that in a country in which the sense of
duty to the State is lost is already far gone
on the road to ruin.
One word as to the "blood-tax" aspect
of the question. The statistics of the Ger-
The Cost of Conscription. 23
man Army for he last 70 years or so,
shows that this accusation is practically
unfounded. It would be just as reason-
able to talk of the blood-tax inflicted on
England by the railway companies, whose
annual percentage of victims amongst
their servants stands actually higher, while
the relative advantages secured by the
army stands far higher of the two. Most
of us would be glad to put up with a less
perfect system of rail-road communication,
if we could be certain thereby of securing
for our women and children practical im-
munity from the danger of ever being at
the mercy of the French soldiery. At
least that is the feeling along the Rhine
where the memory of French brutality
still exist.
Finally, let us look at the matter simply
from the point of a business investment.
Taking the loss to the country of the
wage-earning power of half a million men
per annum, each supposed capable of
making £50 a year and adding £10,000,000
24 Tlie Cost of Conscription.
more for the expense of maintaining these
men over and above what it would cost
merely to feed and clothe them as civilians,
we get a total annual expenditure of
£35,000,000 a year. Now the wealth of
Germany has practically trebled in the last
20 years, and if, as Professor Levi calculates,
the wealth of the United Kingdom capi-
talised, is over 10,000 million sterling, we
cannot estimate that of Germany, with its
larger population and greater area, at less
than 6,000 millions. Let us assume it only
to have doubled since 1870. Then, for an
expenditure of £35,000,000 per annum,
and (including the losses in 1870), 2 per
thousand of the population in the 26 years,
they can shew a return of £3,000,000,000
or a profit in money of over £2,000,000,000;
and against that could anybody furnish us
with an estimate of what the cost of defeat
would have been.
IMPERIAL INSURANCE.
mHOUGH the question of Imperial Fe-
J- deration has now been under discussion
for some time, as yet nothing in the shape of
a workable scheme has been put before the
public. It is true that the Australian Colo-
nies have agreed to pay an annual contribu-
tion to the Imperial Navy, but this contri-
bution is of an entirely voluntary nature,
and is, practically, dependent on the tenure
of power of particular Colonial Ministries.
If war were to break out on any one of the
questions which the Colonies in their wis-
dom do not see fit to class as an Imperial
interest — such, for instance, as the mainten-
ance of our influence in Turkey — it is a
moral certainty that the contribution would
be withdrawn. The chance of raising a
storm against whatever Ministries might
happen to be in power in the Colonies at
the time, on the cry of " the money of the
Colonies being lavished to maintain a
2 6 Imperial Insurance.
bloody war, entered into by a Parliament in
which the Colonies had no representation,"
would be altogether too good an opportunity
to be missed. It succeeded once before, and
history is known to repeat itself.
But to concede to the Colonies representa-
tion in the Imperial Parliament, seems to
be altogether beyond practical politics ; to
form an Imperial Assemblage, almost equal-
ly so, for the House of Commons keeps
the purse, and an Imperial Assemblage
without money to spend would be a mere
shadow at the mercy of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer and the British tax-payer.
If this Imperial Assemblage is to be any-
thing more than a dummy, it is absolutely ne-
cessary that it must have at its disposal money ,
which could not be interfered with by any
outside power ; and the question, therefore,
is — how is that money to be obtained ? The
answer to this is simpler than might be sup-
posed. We are all familiar with the expres-
sion, " National Insurance," though up to
the present day, no working scheme of the
Imperial Insurance. 27
kind has been submitted. The fact is, taken
in its widest meaning, it is an extremely
complicated subject to deal with ; but if we
subdivide it, portions admit of ready and
easy treatment, and when we are once fami-
liarised with it by practice, the remainder
will probably yield readily to treatment.
The one point on which, up to date,
there is an unanimous consensus of opinion,
is that it is essential to secure our trade
from interruption in time of war. Let us,
therefore, devote our attention to this
point first. This trade is already protected
against all ordinary sea risks, such as tire
and storm, by the private agency of In-
surance Companies. Let us, therefore, go a
step further, and form a Government In-
surance Company against war risks, and
let an Imperial Conference or Board become
its Directors. The recent action of many
shipowners, in complying with the Admir-
alty demands, so as to have their vessels
available for service in time of war, proves
fully that the owners are alive to the neces-
28 Imperial Insurance.
sity of preparing for the stormy time ahead;
and we believe that if such an Insurance
Company was formed. on a purely voluntary
basis, it would be certain to succeed. The
rate of premium would be a matter for the
consideration of experts. When once in
working order, it is obvious that it might
be exceedingly small, for had Government
started such a business the year after
Waterloo, we believe that, up to date, not
a single pound's worth of compensation
would have had to be paid. Unfortunately
it did not do so ; hence it falls on us to
make the start. The annual value of out
ocean-borne trade already exceeds slightly
1,000 million1 pounds a year. One half-
penny in the pound on that enormous sum
would give about five millions a year to
begin on. With such a sum as revenue,
money enough to supply us with a fleet of
cruisers such as the world has never seen,
could be borrowed. This fleet should be
distributed on the various trade routes in
proportions determined by the Directors of
Imperial Insurance. 29
the Company. It should be manned by
officers and men of the Royal Navy, super-
numerary to the ordinary establishment,
but paid for by the Company, or Imperial
Board, just as India pays for her army.
Further, a Sinking Fund would have to be
formed to provide for depreciation, and also
to meet the war risks, which, if properly
managed, would soon set us in such a
position, that our trade might defy the
efforts of the navies of all Europe. Now
the advantages we should derive nationally
from such an arrangement, are briefly these:
In the first place, the danger of breaking
up the union by a war connected with some
question with which the Colonies were not
agreed, would be reduced to a minimum ;
for practically it would not signify to them
whether we were or were not at war.
Trade would have no insurance against
war risks to pay, whilst our enormous fleet
of cruisers would practically keep the sea
so safe, that even passenger traffic would
hardly be interfered with. Again, all dan-
30 Imperial Insurance.
ger to our food supplies,, having been re-
moved, the whole of our fighting fleet could
be devoted to its proper task, viz., the an-
nihilation of the enemy's ironclads and har-
bours, and thus the danger to the Colonial
harbours also would be reduced to almost
nothing ; for they are or will be soon
sufficiently defended to have nothing to
fear from anything except an ironclad of
greater power than our cruisers ; and our ac-
tual numerical superiority in ironclads, if we
can concentrate them all on one object, is
great enough to render the chance of escape
for an enemy's battle ship too small to be
taken into serious account.
That the charge of one-half per cent,
approximately, which we mention above,
would handicap our trade, is not to be
thought of. For our shipping owners are
already spending far larger sums in meet-
ing the Admiralty requirements for cruisers ;
and besides, this sum would only be requir-
ed to commence with. If, thanks to our
readiness for war, peace was not broken, or
Imperial Insurance. 31
if broken, our enemies so readily repressed
at sea as to reduce our losses to a rjiere
trifle, in a few years a far lower percentage
would suffice : till the tax become practi-
cally nominal, as already pointed out above.
One great point in its favour is that, no
elaborate machinery would need to be creat-
ed for the collection of these dues, for they
could readily be paid to the Customs7
officials together with the ordinary duties,
or an arrangement could be made with the
Under- writers at Lloyds, just as bankers
collect the income-tax.
Finally, such a fund and such a Board
would be absolutely beyond the reach of
Vestry politicians and economists. Mr.
Healy, Mr. Sexton, and others might con-
tinue to obstruct the Lower House till the
Day of Judgment, but their noise could
not reach, or disturb the members of the
Imperial Board of Defence, who, themselves
having no constituents to fear, might do
their duty according to their consciences
and the best of their understanding.
THE NEXT FRANCO-GERMAN
WAR.
A FTER the news that has been coming
jLjL to us from the Continent during the
last few days5 the thoughts of a great
many people, and of military men in parti-
cular, must be engaged with the likelihood
of another great struggle between the armies
of Germany and France. Many books
and pamphlets have been published of late,
betraying the nervous anxiety that is uni-
versal in either country, which attempt
to forecast the character and the issues of
the felt-to-be-inevitable campaign. Such,
for instance; are the two French brochures,
Avant la Bataille and La Guerre Prochaine,
and such is the work of Colonel V. Koets-
chan, which was published last autumn, ap-
parently in answer to these, and of which
a notice appeared some time ago in these
columns. It created, as we know, a con-
The next Franco- German War. 33
siderable sensation in France ; but its con-
tents differ so markedly from the ideas at
present current in the German Army, and
also are so indifferently adapted to meet
the circumstances of the case, that it looks
more as if the gallant officer had been
detailed to throw dust in the eyes of the
enemy than to instruct his own army in
their probable role.
The writer proposes, therefore, to give
a general outline of the probable course of
events, as derived both from the leading
German writers and from the conversation
current amongst the officers last summer.
In the first place, taking the contingency
that Germany would have to meet not France
alone, but the allied forces of France and
Russia, it is opposed to all the traditional
policy and previous plans of campaign to
attack Russia before dealing with France.
The fundamental principle of Prussian
strategy is to make the nearest field army
its objective and to destroy that thoroughly
first. Now, the mobilization and deploy-
M, L. 3
34 The next Franco -German War.
ment of the French Army is calculated to
be completed in 14 days, whereas that of
Russia on paper takes nearly six weeks ;
and those who have studied the latter
country in detail, and who are acquainted
with the friction which has to be overcome
in getting the mobilization gear into run-
ning order, particularly wThere it is being
worked, practically for the first time (the
mobilization in 1878 was only partial, and
furnishes no criterion of the difficulties
which would attend a complete mobili-
zation against Germany), are of opinion
that, owing to the scarcity of roads and
railways and the inefficiency of the person-
nel of the latter, no formed body of Russian
troops, capable of seriously threatening the
security of Prussia's eastern frontier, could
be got together under six months. But
in six months in all probability the cam-
paign against France would be decided ;
six weeks sufficed in 1870 to destroy prac-
tically every organised force in the country,
and though a prolonged resistance was
The next Franco-German War. 35
afterwards made by newly-raised levies,
yet it is not probable such a state of things
would recur again. Not only is the German
Army prepared to deliver far more rapid
and crushing blows on the next occasion,
but there is also a very large peace party
in France, who, though they may be goad-
ed into a fury by the prospects the Press
hold out to them of a rapid war of revenge,
would very soon come down to their nor-
mal temperature when they found the re-
venge going all the other way. Even if
the resistance were to be prolonged, the
eastern frontier of Germany is so strongly
fortified that months would elapse before
a serious impression could be made on it by
the tardy forces of the Czar.
The same argument might be used with
regard to the French line of fortifications.
But three points must be borne in mind :
in the first place, there are certain inherent
defects in the profile, flank defence and
situation of these forts which do not exist
in the east Prussian ones ; secondly, they
36 The next Franco- German War.
will have a much shorter time for prepara-
tion owing to their proximity to the frontier
than have the German ones ; and thirdly,
the difference of the training and discipline
of their garrisons must be taken into ac-
count.
This latter point cannot be overlooked :
it is the almost universal opinion of those
Englishmen who fought side by side with
the French in the Crimea, and have since
watched their career of defeat, that even the
Field Army cannot bear comparison with
the old Imperial Army ; and that, owing to
the spread of democratic ideas and their
results, the condition of the territorial army
is altogether worse. There is this essen-
tial difference between the systems of the
two countries, though on paper they ap-
pear to be identical. The German system
does not make a man a discontented radi-
cal, but, on the contrary, a staunch upholder
of authority ; the action of the French sys->
tern is precisely the reverse. The reason
is not far to seek, and is too important as
The next Franco - German War. 3 7
bearing on the whole question to be passed
over. The German officers are socially
gentlemen; the French, as a class, are not.
The German soldier not only does not con-
sider himself the equal of his officer, but
it is demonstrated to him practically that
he is not. The German knows his officer
as the man who teaches him everything
(not as the one who cuts his pay and inter-
rupts him at his meals), and who watches
over and protects him against the tyranny
of the non-commissioned officer, which is
at times a great trouble in Germany. In
fact, the officers as a body have so com-
pletely won the respect of the nation by
their courage in action, their devotion to
their duty, and their high sense of honour,
that, on the whole, a most willing obedience
is rendered to them ; and they are enabled
to keep up the most rigid discipline in
Europe with perhaps the smallest amount
of punishment. Hence, when at the close of
his service, a rnan passes to the Reserve, it
is generally with a cordial feeling towards
38 The next Franco- German War.
his vorgesetzter (leader) which renders him
all the more amenable in case he is.
called out again. It cannot be too often
insisted on that the German military sys-
tem is not, as is frequently supposed, a
manufactory of discontent and socialism,
but is rather a gigantic finishing school in
which the priggishness born of book-learn-
ing is knocked out of a man, and his char-
acter developed and strengthened by the
habit of obedience and lessons of endurance.
But in France all this is different : discip-
line and republicanism are two opposing
forces which it is impossible to bring toge-
ther as the history of the Revolutionary
armies and the Napoleonic dynasty suffi-
ciently proves.
The German plan of campaign is based
on a rapid offensive. The only way to
neutralise the French line of forts is to take
advantage of their comparative state of
unreadiness : a condition which must al-
ways obtain more or less in modern en-
trenched camps, and rush them as soon
The next Franco- German War. 39
after the outbreak of hostilities as possible.
With this view every effort has been made
to enable the troops on the Rhine to move
off immediately on the declaration of war.
The Cavalry divisions are always ready to
take the field at 12 hours' notice, and the
Army Corps nearest the frontier will, in all
probability, move off within 48 hours,
without waiting for the whole of their Re-
serves to come in. It must not be forgot-
ten that, in the relatively densely-populated
valleys of the Rhein, Saar, and Moselle, the
Reserves are much more easily drawn in
than in the sparsely-populated eastern dis-
tricts.
The whole of these troops are provided,
or will be shortly, with double lines of rail
to the frontier, and though the German
writers still maintain that the former rate
of 24 troop trains per day on a double line
cannot be exceeded, yet from remarks I
have heard from time to time, I believe
that very important additions to this num-
ber have been made. It cannot have
40 The next Franco- German War.
escaped the Germans that many of their
through lines already accommodate a far
larger number of trains than this at vary-
ing rates of speed : and that, therefore, if
attention is directed to preparing the re-
quisite sidings for the entraining and de-
training of troops, no difficulty whatever
exist in forwarding three times this number
of trains.
In England, our traffic managers are
prepared to forward over any main line
180 troop trains per diem, and many are
prepared to send more ; and there seems
no reason why the Germans should not
approximate, at any rate, to the same number.
To support the troops thus set in motion
in their attack on the forts, light siege
trains are kept ready in all the frontier
fortresses to take the field at the shortest
possible notice ; and, though I am unable
to state the exact details for horsing them ,
yet the fact that the steady persistent
attention of the authorities has been direct-
ed to this subject for the last ten years, is a
The next Franco- German War. 41
guarantee that this branch will not be
found much behind the other arms in point
of efficiency.
The object with which the French line
of frontier fortresses has been construct-
ed, is to provide a screen behind which
the Field Army can be mobilized, and
hence it is essential to the Germans to
secure the possession of a sufficient num-
ber of these to permit of the deployment
of their army beyond them at the very
outset of the campaign. Their chances
of success depend chiefly, as already point-
ed out, on the defective profile, defects of
site, and on the difficulty of placing them
rapidly in a state of defence. This latter
defect is the chief point. Owing to finan-
cial considerations, it is utterly impossible
for any nation to keep its frontier forts
always ready for war. Within the range
of existing weapons, houses, buildings, and
even woods, must be left standing till the last
moment, and the work of destroying and
clearing them away swells to an enormous
42 The next Franco- German War.
total. The mere matter of organising the
labour is in itself a task not to be disposed of
in a day, and this has to be done at a time
when the whole market is disorganised by
the excitement of coming events and by
the bulk of the labouring population being
called in to the flag. The work to be done
before many of the French fortresses is
exceptionally arduo,us; the ground does
not slope in easy undulations, but is very
complicated ; and, in addition to this, large
stretches of forest have not been cleared
away. The difficulty of adapting forti-
fications to such a site is almost insur-
mountable. Even before Paris we could
point out places where it would be possible
to mass 15,000 men out of sight and
within 500 yards of some of the new forts,
and on the frontier matters are even worse.
And, it must be remembered, that every
detail of this nature can be studied in peace
time by the enemy. Besides, engineers
generally have presumed too much on the
power of the weapons at present in use,
The next Franco- German War. 43
and have forgotten to take the factor of
human nature into account. Everywhere,
not only in France, they have built works
at such a distance apart that the slightest
accident of a morning mist, or a storm, or
rain may be sufficient to destroy their
powers of mutual support. They build
works which can be defended by steady
resolute troops, but forget that, by the
very nature of the case, these will be the
last to whom the defence is intrusted.
Every efficient man will find employment
in the Field Army, and practically the
least reliable will be left behind.
The multiplication of posts is also a
danger, for it is impossible to find com-
manders of equal capacity for all, and the
strength of a chain is only equal to that
of its weakest point.
Again, it is not necessary for the Ger-
mans to attack in the first instance the
large fortified camps ; these can be dealt
with at leisure. All they require is the
possession of a certain number of the
44 The next Franco- German War.
isolated so-called barrier forts : these do not
support each other mutually, and can
therefore be completely surrounded. They
will be attacked by batteries of a couple
of hundred field guns, supported by the
light siege trains, the latter firing the new
gelatine shells. (The secret of these shells
has been well kept, and the precise nature
of their detonating bursters is not known —
it is said to be some form of blasting
gelatine.) It is difficult to picture the
condition of such a fort after a few hours7
exposure to this fire. The earthworks will
probably not be much damaged, but the
storm of shell and also of Infantry bullets
(for this is just one of the occasions on
which long - range Infantry fire can be
advantageously employed) will certainly
prevent the appearance of any man on the
ramparts. And since, owing to the con-
siderable command of these ramparts, the
Artillery fire can be continued up to the
very moment of assault, there is not much
danger to be apprehended till the assault-
Tke next Franco- German War. 45
ing columns are actually in the ditch.
Then the defects of profile and deficiency
of flank defence corne into play. As a
rule — and the Germans are perfectly aware
where the rule is broken — the profile con-
sists of a detached wall, a very narrow
ditch, and an altogether inadequate height
of counterscarp, in some instances not
exceeding 15 feet, down which resolute
men will readily drop. The fire of the
light siege howitzers will have completely
ruined the wall, which is merely a 2 -feet
brick or masonry one, of about the same
height as the counterscarp ; and the only
difficulty to be overcome in crossing the
ditch will be the fire of the caponniers,
which will presumably have also suffered
considerably. Even if they have not, they
mount so few guns, generally only two
breech-loading smooth-bore carronades, on
non-recoil carriages, which certainly fire
faster than the old muzzle-loader, though
' c5
only in the proportion of three to two ;
and the time during which the assaulting
46 The next Franco- German War.
troops are under their fire is of so short
duration that it is hardly possible they
will succeed in stopping the advance alto-
gether. If in the days of the Peninsula
14 guns firing on the breach at Badajos
did not suffice to stop the rush of the
British troops, though, owing to the ob-
stacles on the breach, they were exposed to
this fire for about half-an-hour, we see no
reason why German troops should be
stopped by, say, one-quarter of the fire,
lasting only a few seconds. Besides, it
must not be forgotten that there are ways
of silencing the fire of guns from a confined
casemate now-a-days, which were utterly
impossible to the attacking troops at
Badajos : for instance, a two-pound cake of
dynamite, fused and attached to the end
of a long bamboo, can be thrust into a
loophole, where the carbonic oxide caused
by its explosion would poison all the de-
fenders, or, may be laid against the pro-
jecting muzzle of a gun, which its deto-
nation would bend or fracture. Similarly
The next Franco- German War. 47
musketry loopholes may be masked by
bales of cotton or in a dozen other ways.
Once inside the detached wall, the storm -
ers are in comparative safety and can
get their breath for the final rush, whilst
Artillery brought up to case-shot ranges
and firing parties of Infantry sweep the
crest of the parapet and prevent the enemy
showing their heads. As soon as a suffi-
cient number of men are collected, the
last rush can be made, and it is not likely
to meet with any very serious resistance.
There remains then only the casemated
barrack or interior reduit : but against
its fire the attacking party will find suffi-
cient shelter in the shell craters on the
parapet and behind the parapet itself.
From this position they will be able to
bring, as a rule, the fire of ten rifles on
every loophole, so that, however well
maintained the fire through these may be,
it is not likely to be very accurate. If
the defender still holds out, the reduit
must be breached, and this may be effected
48 The next Franco- German War.
in various ways — for choice perhaps the roll-
ing of an enormous sap-roller of pressed
cotton, filled with half-a-ton of dynamite,
is as good as any — and then the only course
left for the defender is to surrender or be
blown up with his whole barrack ; in
either case the enemy has gained the re-
quired point. From defensive mines the
assailant has not much to fear. To begin
with, it is not likely that at this early date
in the campaign they will be loaded. This
perhaps looks like assuming too much,
but it must not be forgotten that the whole
German plan is based on the known un-
readiness of their enemy. Had they known
him in 1870 as they do now, they would
have followed up their success on the 19th
September before Paris and have stormed
the city itself; and it is now admitted by
the French themselves that such an attempt
would probably have succeeded, though
they had been at work on the fortifications
day and night for six weeks. Even if the
mines were loaded, their explosion would not
The next Franco- German War. 49
suffice to check good troops. The gigantic
mine before Petersburg in 1864 did not
check Grant and his .Northerners ; and
though Germans are not Americans, yet
they possess a dogged devotion to duty,
quite as high and better under control than
the personal determination which in the
latter period of the Civil War distinguished
both parties ; and the German leaders have
shown themselves as reckless of life and as
determined in the prosecution of their
object as ever did Grant or Sherman.
Besides, mines when fired make large
craters, which form ready-made trenches
for the assailants, and it is therefore un-
likely that a determined commander, rely-
ing on his power of beating off the assault,
would fire them at the right moment. To
do so, and then to repel the assault, would
be to give the attack the very cover it
would otherwise be compelled to earn by
days and nights of sap and trench work.
The whole idea is not in accordance with
the spirit of war as inculcated in English
M., L. 4
50 The next Franco- German War.
text-books ; but then the two nations start
from utterly different premises. To us
men are everything; money is nothing.
In Germany their value is reversed. An
English General, especially at the outset of
a campaign, cannot afford to risk his army,
for he does not see his way to replacing it.
How this feeling hampers an English
leader is obvious from the history of the
Crimea. Had our commanders possessed
the necessary determination to attack the
Star fort, two days after the battle of the
Alma, it is certain now that the storrn
would have succeeded ; and even had it
cost us 10,000 men, and half would pro-
bably have sufficed, what would that have
been to the sacrifices the siege eventually
cost us ? It is worthy of remark that our
system is precisely identical with that
destroyed by Napoleon wherever it opposed
him in person. The Austrians and Prus-
sians, by trying to gain by manoeuvre what
could only be gained by fighting, were
defeated everywhere till they began to learn
The next Franco- German War. 51
the lesson themselves. This lesson, though
certainly written in characters of blood
all over Europe, has been pretty generally
forgotten by all except the Germans — most
of all by the French.
It was the Napoleonic system, worked
by German heads, that crushed the latter,
and it will be by the same system that they
will again be defeated in the coming cam-
paign, for there is no sign as yet that, as a
nation, they have learnt the lesson.
THE GERMAN OFFICER.
rflHERE is, perhaps, no question morefre-
JL quently addressed to a man supposed
to have a personal knowledge of the German
Army than : " What do you think of the
German officers? " This is a question easier
to ask than to answer ; for there are many
kinds of German officers — not only Infan-
try, Cavalry and Artillery, but Prussians,
Hannoverians, Hessians, &c., who all pos-
sess more or less their own individuality.
It may, therefore, be not without interest
to the readers of this paper to lay before
them as fall and fair a description as
space will permit.
The first point to notice is the method by
which officers are elected to regiments in
the first instance. Passing an examination
irives a German no claim to a commission
s
any more than any number of examinations
would give one a claim to a military club. He
must be an acceptable person to his brother
The German Officer. 53
officers, as well as to the Civil Service Com-
missioners ; and we cannot help thinking
that many of our own regiments would be
pleasantertoliveinifthisrule obtained with
us. His fate is not settled without due in-
quiry and the lapse of sufficient time to
enable his brother officers to judge of him.
First, he must be accepted by the Colonel,
who, owing to the territorial system, is
usually sufficiently acquainted with the
county to which the regiment belongs, to
be able to judge whether his social position
is good enough. The Germans in this res-
pect are still the most particular in Europe ;
far more, indeed, than we are, and so far at
any rate they have had no cause to regret it.
The Colonel having agreed to accept the
candidate, he is then posted to the regiment
as an Avantageur : he is allowed, and indeed
obliged, to live at the mess, but drills as a
recruit, precisely as our own young officers
do. At the end of a year, if he is satisfac-
tory from the Drill Instructor's point of
view, the officers of the regiment are
54 The German Officer.
assembled and called upon to decide whether
they will have him or not. It is needless
to say that, in an army as strictly disci-
plined as the German one, no frivolous ob-
jections of the kind so frequently made the
excuse for hunting a wretched man out of
the Service, by the exercise of the most
cowardly species of bullying, on a par with
what, when called "rattening" at Sheffield
amongst knife-grinders, entails penal ser-
vitude on the delinquents when detected,
are for one moment allowed ; the objections,
if any, must be. stated in writing and for-
warded for the inspection of the Corps
Commander, who, in case he thought them
frivolous or malicious, would report to the
Emperor, and the consequences would be
sharp and severe.
We cannot help dwelling a little on this
point ; for it is one of immense importance
to every officer in the Army, considering
the terms on which they have to live to-
gether in a regiment and the vital necessity
there is, that on service they may pull well
The German Officer. 55
together : it is not fair on them to pitchfork
any successful candidate at an examination
into their ranks. When it occurs, as it
sometimes does, it inevitably, and from
motives of self-defence, leads to the indivi-
dual being bullied out, and that in a man-
ner, too, which is usually disgraceful to all
concerned. These things cannot in the
long run be kept hid ; and when the
accounts filter across to other armies, they
produce an impression far from favourable
to our cloth. We remember hearing some
years ago a German officer of some stand-
ing and well acquainted with the British
Army, discussing the disappearance of
Lieutenant Tribe (the general impression
in the German Army, by the way, is that
he was murdered by his brother officers),
and his words, though spoken temperately,
would have made any Englishman blush for
his country. We were talking about duel-
ling in the German Army, and he pointed
out how such a scandal could not have
arisen in a Prussian regiment. The aggrieved
56 The German Officer.
officer would have called out one of his
persecutors, and the matter would then
have been laid before a court of honour,
composed of officers of other regiments,
who would have decided whether there was
a case for fighting or not : /if the one found
by the court to be in the wrpnfg refused to
apologise, he would have been made to fight
or go. If he fdugEt^and killed or wounded
his antagonist, he would first of all have
been tried by a civil court and sentenced to
a considerable term of imprisonment in a
fortress, and on the expiration of that term,
his name would have been cut out of the
Army List by the Emperor. If, on the
other hand, the aggrieved man had killed
his antagonist, he too would have had to
stand his trial : but the Emperor would
have pardoned him next day. " I will
stand no bully in iny Army," the Kaiser
said on one occasion ; " but also I will not
keep a man in my Army who is not pre-
pared to defend his honour :" and it would
be a good thing for us if the same sentiment
The German Officer. 57
obtained in our own ; we would be saved
many a scandal which now furnishes food
to its detractors in the Radical Press..
But to return to the young officer: Hav-
ing been duly elected to his regiment, he is
next put in charge of one of the older
sections of his company, and generally has
the senior subaltern to look after him ; but
not till he has been three or four years in
the Service is he entrusted with the re-
sponsibility of a squad of recruits. On the
way he acquits himself of this task his
future for several years to come depends ;
and the man, who at the end of the recruits'
training is considered to have done best in
the regiment, may be considered a marked
man.
This giving of full responsibility to a
young officer is the keynote of the whole
German system, and is undoubtedly the
point to which they owe the excellence of
their officers as a body. The Captain is
responsible for every detail of his company,
the only condition being that, at the com-
58 The German Officer.
pletion of the training, it must attain a
certain standard of excellence which is laid
down by order. But the method of bring-
ing it to this standard is left entirely in his
hands. In practice, of course, certain me-
thods have approved themselves by long
experience, and hence there is a certain ap-
pearance of routine about the training ; but
the Captain is in no way bound to adhere
to that routine, and no Colonel or Major,
still less an Adjutant, would dare to inter-
fere with him, except, perhaps, by a few
words of friendly counsel. He delegates
his responsibility similarly amongst his
Subalterns, having due regard to their age
and experience ; and within those limits
the Subaltern is practically as independent
as his Captain. The consequence is, that a
body of officers is formed, all of whom are
trained from the day of their joining to act
on their own judgment ; and it is only
through this quality, constantly cultivated
through a long series of years, that the
leading of the monster armies of the
The German Officer. 59
present day has been rendered possible.
It may be granted that, at the outset of a
campaign, such a readiness to assume re-
sponsibility may have its drawbacks, as in-
deed it had at Spicheren and Borny ; but,
on the other hand, its universality through-
out the whole Service robbed it of half
its danger : whereas it is hardly possible to
conceive armies of these dimensions man-
oeuvred on the principles of the great Duke.
It is in this, and in the uniformity of train-
ing received at the military schools and
also in the regiment, based on general prin-
ciples and never on details, that the Ger-
man superiority over all other armies rests.
A German Staff Officer in drafting an order
knows that it is sufficient merely to indi-
cate the object aimed at to ensure its exe-
cution. Things may not be done with the
pedantic uniformity once so dear to them
(and to us perhaps still) ; but the orders
will be interpreted in the spirit, and by a
method adapted to the actual circumstances
of the case on the ground, which can never
60 The German Officer.
be exactly the same as they appeared to the
writer of the order at a distance. By this
means the "friction" of moving large mass-
es is reduced to a minimum. Let any one
interested in the matter look up the Corps
Orders issued at various times during the
1870 campaign and printed in the Prussian
Official — any one will do, and consider how
far they would have carried on English
corps in the movement. Why, from the
divisional commanders downwards, every-
one would have been sending in to know
how he was to carry them out.
An English Staff Officer has to carry in
his head the peculiar idiosyncracy of every
man under his Chief, and frame his orders
accordingly. General A perhaps does not
believe in Artillery, and requires to be in-
structed in the elementary principles of its
action on the eve of battle. General B
thinks Infantry can trot ; or General C
thinks that Cavalry are a useless hindrance,
and does not know what to do with them ;
and so on through the scale.
The German Officer. 61
The German officer is not, as a rule, a
very highly-read man, nor is he the accom-
plished linguist we are sometimes invited
to believe him to be. The truth is, he is
altogether too much taken up with the
practical duties of imparting instruction to
have time for the study of either contem-
porary military literature or languages ;
and besides, with regard to the former,
feeling his knowledge to be firmly ground-
ed on general principles which never change
(to be found in their drill book but alas !
not in ours), he does not feel any particular
necessity for study, whilst, with regard to
languages, if he can make an average
Frenchman understand him, it is about all
he requires.
Taking the ordinary summer months, a
Subaltern or a Captain rarely gets more
than time enough for his meals between
sunrise and sunset, and the mere physical
labour of the drills is very severe. We
have known many a Lieutenant who has
daily had to cover from 25 to 30 miles on
62 The German Officer.
foot, and under a pretty powerful sun too.
No wonder that they do not appear to be
devoted to the manly sports of cricket and
lawn- tennis (the latter, by the way, has
been specifically prohibited by the Emperor)
but, en revanche, they are generally good
gymnasts and swordsmen.
But the truth is that, were it not for
their incessant occupation, the life of a
German officer would be almost unendur-
able, and their leisure a torment. It is
hardly possible to realise the terrible dul-
ness of a small German cantonment. The
hot weather in the plains here is bad enough,
but still it is preferable, for we all know
that sooner or later a change will come.
But with them there is practically no pro-
spect of release . Even if they are on a
railway, trains are so slow and the places
they lead to so uninteresting that there is
not much object in going away : besides,
travelling costs money, and money is very
scarce in the German Army. To make
matters worse, Germans do not seem able
The German Officer. 63
to get on together as well as Englishmen :
four English Subalterns huddled together
in a troopship manage to shake down with-
out much trouble, but four Germans would
not, even if they all came from the same
country ; but where, as in a regiment, Nas-
sauers, Hessians, Prussians, &c., are all
mixed together, agreement is scarcely pos-
sible. For though the general principle of
the Army is territorial, yet the absorption
by the Prussians of the armies of the
smaller States has necessitated a consider-
able departure from the system. In order
to obtain uniformity of drill and also of
promotion, the south was deluged with
Prussian Officers, who, not being the meek-
est of men, and having been only recently
opposed to the others in the field, did not
assimilate with the others very readily ;
and those officers, transplanted from south
to north, found themselves isolated amongst
unsympathetic comrades, and had even a
worse time than the others. All this hap-
pened sixteen years ago, but amalgamation
64 The German Officer.
is as far off as ever ; nor need we wonder
at it, when we consider the opposition
shown to the old members of the Bengal
o
Army when, after the Mutiny, it was
absorbed by the Royal Army : why, the
feeling is by no means dead yet, though in
this case there was neither difference of
nationality, nor had the two been fighting
against each other, but shoulder to shoulder.
From time to time spasmodic efforts have
been made to render the wearing of uniform
in the English Army compulsory, in imita-
tion of the custom prevailing in Germany ;
but, as is usual with the authorities when
they attempt a copy of anything German,
they overlook two or three very impor-
tant points. The first of these is, that if the
Queen's or the Emperor's uniform is to be
worn at all times and in all places, it must
be protected by law against any possibility
of insult ; and since no such an attempt on
it is likely to be made in places where
guardians of the peace are on the spot to
prevent it, the execution of the law must
The German Officer. 65
be cohfided to the wearer of the uniform
in person. This is done in Germany by
empowering, or rather compelling, the offi-
cer never to appear in public without his
sword, and to defend himself or punish
any treasonable or disloyal insult to the
Crown uttered within his hearing with it
and with no other weapon. Now, in a
country where Socialism or Radicalism is
rife, such a privilege would be, and indeed
is, a very awkward one to bear, as the
following example will show. A German
officer a few years ago entered a cafe in
one of the Rhine cities, and finding him-
self alone, took off his sword and hung it
up before sitting down. It happened that
his seat was at some distance from the pegs
where he had hung up his weapon. Pre-
sently a couple of " demagogues7' (" vessels
filled with beer or other liquors according
to Mark Twain'7) entered and sat down
opposite to the officer, and quickly noticing
that he was unarmed, began to abuse the
Emperor and the army. The officer warn-
M., L. 5
66 The German Officer.
ed them twice that if they did not desist,
he would have to put a stop to it, but was
only jeered at. So he rose, went to where
his sword was hanging, drew it and, return-
ing, ran one of the Socialists through the
body. The Court of Honour assembled to
investigate his conduct, acquitted him of
all blame in having killed the man, but
cashiered him for disobedience of orders in
having removed his sword, for, had he not
done so, they said, the provocation would
not in ail probability have been given. It
must be noticed, too, that in these and
similar cases the right to draw the sword is
not merely permissive, but compulsory —
failure to do so would entail cashiering,
even if the officer managed to defend him-
self with his fists. Instances of attacks on
isolated officers are by no means unusual
in the large cities, particularly those which,
like Leipzig, are centres of Socialism. At
present in England, particularly in the
south, the Queen's uniform, when worn
by an isolated individual, is still too rare
The German Officer. 67
to excite anything but the best feelings of
the civilians who encounter it ; but we
fancy that, at times, in the northern towns
the obligation laid upon the German officer
woukj. be found rather trying to bear. But it
is obvious that, if officers are to be obliged
to wear their uniform, some such power
must be conferred upon them ; for the
result of any such attempt to assault the
wearer must be independent of any ques-
tion of the physical strength of the latter.
There must be no question of punching of
heads or knocking down, for the issue of
that sort of contest depends practically on
the physical superiority of one over the
other ; and, allowing all we can for the
" blood will tell " theory, circumstances of-
ten occur when " blood " alone can have no
chance, particularly in an army whose ser-
vice is as trying to the constitution as ours.
What chance, for instance, would a wretch-
ed young subaltern, sent home to the dep6t
more dead than alive with fever, but pluck-
ily sticking to his duty, have in a row
68 The German Officer.
with a burly north country mechanic as
hard as nails and certainly not deficient in
pluck?
Secondly, the mere physically strain on
a man of being compelled to wear the same
hot stifling dress at all times and in
all seasons must be taken into account.
The heat in Germany in summer is at
times terribly trying, and many a man is
broken down by the additional unnecessary
fatigue imposed upon him who would other-
wise have pulled through the season without
injury. When one of these really hot
spells come, the German certainly has to
undergo tremendous hardship, for there is
simply no place except his own quarters —
not generally very luxurious or airy —
where he can get away from his incubus.
For choice I would rather spend May and
June in some central plain station, such as
Agra, or Muttra, than a summer at Stras-
burg or Mayence in a German uniform.
- The question of expense has also appar-
ently escaped the attention of pur would-
The German Officer. 69
be Germanisers, which, considering their
anxiety to curtail the " boundless extrava-
gance " of an ordinary subaltern's mess bill,
ought not to be the case. Uniform in it-
self is invariably more expensive than plain
clothes. Whilst being the outward visible
sign of a caste, so to speak, it is incumbent
on the wearer to keep it up with to a degree
of smartness altogether unnecessary in plain
clothes. Provided a man looks like a gen-
tleman, his plain clothes may be as simple
as he pleases ; but in uniform he is obliged
to keep up to a certain standard, fixed
without any reference to his pocket what-
ever. Now, in a regiment a man's means
are more or less well known : so, as long
as he turns out for his duty with clean,
spurs, gloves, sword, &c., no one thinks of
being down on a man if his tunic or jacket
is a shade old and, perhaps, white at the
seams ; but in the streets it is different.
For the honour of the regiment he must
turn out smartly, as people have not time
to enquire into the merits of the case.
70 The German Officer.
This, at any rate, is the way in which the
system works in Germany, Austria and
Italy (whether it is that the British sol-
dier's eye can never get accustomed to the
cut of the French uniform or not I cannot
say ; but the feeling does not seem to ex-
ist to an appreciable extent in France) ;
and since human nature is pretty much the
same everywhere, I fancy it would work in
the same way in England, and the young
subaltern would find himself plunged into
a sea of debt to which his regimental sub-
scriptions would be mere child's play. I
remember once discussing this question
with a German officer, and after allowing
for the different wear and tear of our gold
lace to their silver lace (ours lasts much
longer), we came to the conclusion that, to
keep up to the same standard of smartness
as that which is simply compulsory in the
German Army, it would cost an infantry
subaltern between £70 and £80 a year, and
in the cavalry probably double. I need
only mention one point to show how parti-
The German Officer. 71
cular they are : It is considered absolutely
essential that for the Emperor's Inspection
every officer as well as every man should
turn out brand new — tunic and all — I re-
member a Hussar bitterly lamenting to me
that in five years he had had three Imperial
Inspections and had had to get three jackets,
each of which cost him, by the way, about
£18 even in Germany. Now the British
officer possesses quite as much personal
vanity relative to society — which practically
means women — as any other soldier, and
the prospect to those careful guardians who
are always preaching against the reckless
extravagance of the wicked regimental mess
looks gloomy, indeed, if the wearing of
uniform should ever be rendered compul-
sory.
Whilst on the subject of messes, it may
be as well to mention that the most strenu-
ous efforts have been made of late years
to provide every regiment with a mess on
the English lines ; and at this date almost
every one, except some of those in Alsace-
72 The German Officer.
Loraine and others on the eastern frontier,
is provided with them : and since the head-
quarters of German regiments are practi-
cally stationary, they have, as a rule, attain-
ed a very fair degree of comfort, even of
luxury, from a German point of view,
which point, however, differs somewhat
widely from our own. It has been found,
too, as might have been expected, that
the result has been decidedly in favour of
economy ; for whereas the former custom
was for officers to dine at table d'h6tes at
the principal hotels, they now dine better
and much more cheaply at their messes.
Thus the charge for a mess dinner at most
of the messes with which I am acquainted
varied from Is. 6d. to 2s. The charge at
the hotels was rarely less than 3s. — a consi-
derable difference. But the spirit of mess-
room life is a plant of slow growth, and
owing to the causes to which I referred
in the previous article, viz., difference of
nationality, &c., and German mess-room is
far from being as comfortable a home as
The German Officer. 73
an English one. Besides, the wearing of
uniform, the inate officialism of the Ger-
man race forms a bar to the pleasant fami-
liarity of our English regimental life. A
German can never lay aside his rank, and
has also a much greater desire to assert
it than an Englishman, hence there is a
tendency to split into cliques more or less
according to rank, and to seek freedom
from formality in the " bier kniepe " in
preference to the mess. Thus every officer
has his special beer club to which he
resorts in the evenings. Usually a cer-
tain table or room is reserved for the offi-
cers at the principal beer " Localen" and
round or in it the particular clique gathers
every evening and drinks. To an English-
man, after the novelty of the thing has
once worn off, the monotony of these re-
unions is simply appalling : leading a help-
lessly localised sort of life, there is little
or nothing for them to talk about. Shoot-
ing, hunting, or cricket being almost un-
known, are not touched upon. Racing
74 The German Officer.
rarely, except with the cavalry. Tactics
after the war certainly were liberally
handled, but of late there is such uniformity
of opinion on all points practically that
one learns very little about them ; there
is really nothing left for them but garrison
"guP>" commonplace details of common-
place lives — and anything more tedious can
scarcely be imagined. But, though often
admitting himself to be terribly bored by
it, the victim gravitates there by sheer
force of habit. The amount of beer con-
sumed during these evenings is something
appalling. An average man will generally
manage his six pints a night : some as
many as eighteen ; and whilst putting this
away, he will smoke from four to eight
Hamburg cigars. The smoke and smell in
these dens is indescribable, and were it not
for the walking exercise, they are compell-
ed, in the course of their duty, to take, it
is difficult to understand how men could
survive it.
Here is a type of a German officer's day
The German Officer. 75
in the early summer. Parade, five or half-
past five : having been called late, and feel-
ing, perhaps, a little " gummy/7 he has no
time or inclination for chota hazree, but hur-
ries out to his work, which we will suppose
to be for the day " Feld dienst Uebung"
(say, minor tactics). The distance to the
drill ground (I have a particular town in
view) is six miles, the last mile over a
heavy kutcha track : the drillground itself
is deep sand — deeper by far than the worst
of the Long Valley, cut up in places by
low ridges and copses of stone pine, the
only shade within miles, and the name of
this place of torment is " The Great Sand."
Having doubled about over or rather
through this desert till about 10 A.M. with
only very occasional stand easy's, the
march home commences, and the company
swings in at something over four miles an
hour, generally singing as they go. They
get back to barracks about 11-30, and then
the officer has a moment to rush off and
get some breakfast ; but his dinner hour
76 The German Officer.
being at one and orderly room at 12-30,
he cuts that meal very short — generally
some bread and cheese or an anchovy toast
with two to three pints of beer — and then
rushes off to change for orderly room, which,
owing to the very low average of crime in
the army, generally lasts only a few min-
utes, and he then has time to look at the
papers before dinner. Dinner lasts about
an hour, and at about half-past two or three
the companies fall in for squad drill or
musketry, as the case may be, if they do
not go to the range that afternoon. At
four or half-past four they change to gym-
nastics, or twice a week to bathing parade,
which may entail a couple of miles more
down to the water. At six o'clock they
are dismissed, and from this time forward
all the rest of the day is the officer's own,
to do what he likes with. He generally
goes for a stroll with a u Herr Kamerrade"
the objective of which is invariably a
" bierhaus" of some sort, and having slak-
ed hi& thirst, strolls back again to get up
The German Officer. 77
another thirst for tlie " kneipe" where he
arrives about 8 P.M. and sits down to a
frugal supper. As to food, though not as
to: beer, it is a matter of taste more than
necessity, and the average officer thinks a
Welsh rarebit or half-a-dozen anchovies on
toast amply sufficient animal food with
which to settle his half-dozen pints of beer.
The remainder of the evening I have de-
scribed above. It usually ends about 10
or 11, and then the party breaks up to
seek a few hours7 rest before beginning the
same weary monotonous round over again.
Fortunately, as few of them have ever
known any other existence, they are per-
fectly well satisfied with it.
Promotion in the German Army is rapid-
ly approaching that condition of stagn^-
tion which it attained before the campaigns
of 1866 and 1870, when, it is said, sometimes
father, son, and grandson might be found
in the same company. In fact, hitherto it
has practically only been maintained at all
by the large augmentations the army has
78 The German Officer.
from time to time received, and the recent
increase just voted by the Reichstag will
be hailed with delight by many a grey-
headed old captain. There are no such
things in the German Army as five-year
commands : a man gets his command and
holds on to it as long as he is physically
fit or till promotion. To all applications
from general officers for permission to retire,
the Emperor points to his own age and
requests them to stay, and to such an
appeal there can be but one answer. The
general system for promotion in the regi-
mental ranks is seniority tempered by re-
jection ; for higher commands, selection
with a leaning towards seniority. Under
such a system it is evident that, unless the
rejection is carried out with considerable
rigour, a complete block must soon result.
But it must not be supposed that rejection
is in any way dependent on success or failure
in a written examination : once a German
officer has had his commission confirmed,
he is safe from all further paper troubles. He
The German Officer. 79
is judged entirely by his regimental superi-
ors, who, to prevent any marked piece of
tyranny being practised by any sour-temper-
ed martinet, are in turn watched by a con-
fidential and absolutely secret board of
officers, chosen by the Emperor himself,
which travels about either singly or collec-
tively, and makes itself acquainted with their
personal characters of regimental or batta-
lion commanders. The idea of this secret
board appears at first sight very objection-
able to our English notion ; but after all
it does not compare so unfavourably with
our own plan of confidential reports, with
the evils of which, when employed by an
unscrupulous man, our army is unfortunate-
ly too well acquainted. Any way, it must
be admitted, that some such check as
this is absolutely indispensable to prevent
the large power with which commanding
officers are entrusted from degenerating at
times into the most atrocious tyranny. The
German subaltern or captain need have no
fear of being judged without fair and pro-
80 The German Officer.
longed trial. The large amount of respon-
sibility with which, as pointed out previ*
ously, he is entrusted from the very com-
mencement of his career, gives his seniors
ample opportunity of judging of his fitness
to be entrusted with more ; and their opin-
ion will be the result of observations ex-
tending over a term of years, and not the
hasty impression derived from a hasty
perusal of some paper matter by an examin-
er who is totally unacquainted with the
character of the writer. Of course the
value of this method depends entirely on the
responsibility granted to the young officer :
without that the whole scheme breaks
down, and it is therefore, unfortunately,
entirely inapplicable in our own Service at
present. Such a system cannot be worked
without friction, and occasionally hard
cases are certain to occur ; but, on the
whole, there is no doubt that the Ger-
man officers are well contented under it.
This may be held to be entirely due to the
absolute confidence the army feels in its
The German Officer. 81
Commander-in-Chief and his Chief of the
Staff : with such men as these there can be
no suspicion of favouritism or any other
unfair influence. What other army can
feel equal confidence in its leaders ?
It is amongst the company and squad-
ron leaders that the chief weeding out takes
place, and more generally on account of
physical incapacity than for any other
reasons. As may be gathered from our
previous description of a German officer's
daily life, it is a somewhat trying one, and
a good many men break down under it :
it must be borne in mind, too, that, as a
rule, Germans age quicker than English-
men, and have a much greater tendency to
run to fat, On the other hand, they suffer
under none of the disadvantages of climate
to which we are exposed, and thence their
actual percentages of invaliding and death-
rate are below ours. Financial embarrass-
ments also remove a certain percentage,
particularly in the Cavalry ; and since
there is but little of that intense feeling of
M., L. 6
82 The German Officer.
camaradie which is so notable with us,
there are men who are only too ready to
seize hold of any such handle against a man
to get him removed as a disgrace to the
honour of the cloth. Perhaps it is owing
to the humdrum monotony of their existence,
or the intensity of the competition for sur-
vival ; but at any rate there seems to
be a woeful lack of that loyal friendship that
exists in our own regiments, and which,
though it may sometimes act prejudicially
to the interests of the Service, is, on the
whole, a benefit rather than the reverse.
Still, all these means taken together do not
suffice to keep promotion from stagnation ;
and hence, since it is absolutely essential to
secure a certain proportion of younger
blood in the higher ranks, a way is opened
for men of special ability through the
Kriegs Academie or Staff College. Candi-
dates for this institution are first selected
by the corps commanders, and have then
to undergo a qualifying, not competitive,
examination in military subjects. The
The Gerrn.au Officer. 83
course of study is two years, after which
they are attached for two more years to the
Head-quarter Staff at Berlin, under the im-
mediate eye of the Chief of the Staff him-
self. During these two years, besides the
routine of the sections to which they be-
long, they are called on to solve tactical
problems on the map, which, till lately,
were set and examined by Moltke himself.
One feature of these exercises was that only
a limited time was allowed for their solu-
tion, and no books of reference or inter-
communication between the students ad-
mitted. In fact, it was a species of weekly
or bi-weekly examination. Afterwards the
class was collected, and Von Moltke -de-
livered a verbal critique, always based on
the simplest rules of common sense and
first principles ; and by this method that
wonderful uniformity of ideas and execu-
tion, on which the whole secret of the Prus-
sian leading is based, has been attained.
On the conclusion of this two-year term,
the officers return to regimental duty, not
84 The German Officer.
to their own regiments but to others, gen-
erally of another branch, in which they are
given promotion to the next rank. If con-
sidered fit for farther employment, they
are recalled again to Berlin on the occur-
rence of a suitable vacancy. The appoint-
ments are generally for a term of five years,
at the expiration of which the officer goes
back to another regiment again with a step
in rank.
If, on the whole, promotion appears to be
slow in the German Army, it must be re-
membered that when it does come, it is
worth having. Rank has not been cheapen-
ed to the same extent by giving honorary
and relative rank to the non-combatant
branches of the Service, and the responsi-
bilities attaching to each grade are much
higher than in England. A captain enjoys
far greater independence with them than
a major with us, and is also a mounted
officer. A major commands a battalion,
and does it, too, without the assistance of a
lieutenant-colonel second-in-command. The
T/ie German Officer. 85
difference in the pay of the ranks is also
strongly marked. Thus, a 1st Lieutenant
of Infantry draws £54 a year regimental
pay which, with allowances for quarters and
lights, &c., will be increased to about £80.
A captain draws £180, or, with allowances,
about £220 ; and a field officer command-
ing a battalion, £270 regimental pay, and
about £45 allowances in addition. Con-
sidering the difference in the value of
money and the more economical style of
life usual in all Germany, it will be seen
that above the rank of subalterns the
officers are not badly paid.
One thing will, I hope, be apparent from
this and former articles, and, that is, that
the keystone of the efficiency lies entirely
in the integrity and ability of the Emperor
and his Chief of the Staff, and in the ab-
sence of all cliques, whether political or per-
sonal, in the army. Were it not for the
absolute confidence placed by the officers in
their Commander - in - Chief, the system
could only work with great friction and
86 The German Officer.
loss of efficiency. But such confidence can
only be felt in tried leaders placed socially
above party interests or personal ambitions,
and such men are only to be found in
Royal families. Look at France, and ask
whether any man could feel the same trust
in the present head of the army in that
unfortunate country : Republicanism and
military efficiency are two hopelessly irre-
concilable terms.
It will be seen, too, that, just as in the
case of short service, the conditions with
which we have to deal are so totally differ-
ent from those of the German Army, that
an exact copy of their system would not
be practicable, even if we had the men to
work it. But there is one point, and that
of the greatest importance, which is easily
and readily adaptable to our circumstances,
and that is the delegation of responsibility
on a larger scale to our junior ranks. This
system has, indeed, been in force for years
in the Royal Artillery, and no one can feel
inclined to quarrel with the result ; for as
The German Officer. 87
regimental officers, the subalterns of the
" Royal Regiment " are second to none.
In conclusion I wish, as far as lies in
my power, to clear the German officers
from the charge one so often hears against
them of ill-treating their men. During the
whole of my experience I have never once
seen a German soldier struck by his officer,
and I am convinced that in this respect
the men are as well off as our own. It is
utterly contrary to the whole feeling which
prevails in Germany on the subject of the
honor of being the wearer of the Emper-
or's uniform, which, be it remembered, is
treated with too much respect — far more
respect than, I grieve to say, is shown to
Her Majesty's — for such a thing to occur
without the offender being immediately
dismissed the Service.
THE GERMAN CAVALRY.
fjlHERE is, perhaps, no branch of the
JL German Army from which we have
more to learn than from their cavalry.
Taking into consideration the enormous
difficulties they have to contend with, the
results they achieve are little short of mar-
vellous. The first and greatest difficulty
lies in the shortness of their service, which
is the same as that of their Infantry, name-
ly, three years ; the second lies in the diffi-
culty of securing suitable recruits. The
Germans are not naturally a race of horse-
men, and the cavalry officers complain bit-
terly of the little care which is taken in as-
signing to them a suitable class of recruits,
only those men being told off to them whose
physical conformation renders it unlikely
that they will make good marchers ; and
in except a few favoured regiments, which
get a fair proportion of four-year volun-
teers, no particular attention is paid to the
The German Cavalry. 89
previous associations or wishes of the men
themselves. These four-year volunteers
are men who volunteer to serve for four
years with the colours, on condition of be-
ing excused Service in the Reserve ; they
are only allowed in the Cavalry, and have,
I believe, the option of choosing their own
regiments. With these exceptions, the
mass of recruits are by no means promising
material to convert into horsemen, for in
spite of compulsory education, general in-
telligence and quickness are by no means
the prevailing impression derived from their
features ; nor are the long bodies, short
legs, and round thighs which procured them
exemption from Infantry duties, particular-
ly adapted to give them a firm seat and
light hands on horseback ; nor does the
high and clumsy-looking Hungarian saddle,
raising the man six inches unnecessarily
above his horse's back, render the matter
any easier. In addition to all this, it must
be remembered that the squadron officer has
neither riding-master nor adjutant to help
90 The German Cavalry.
him to drill his recruits or train his horses ;
he has to do all that work himself, and the
time at his disposal in which to perform the
first part of his task (viz., recruit- train ing)
is barely six months, in two or even three
of which (especially in the Eastern districts),
the weather is too bad to permit of any out-
door work whatever. But as a set-off to
these disadvantages, the quality of the
horses and the wise arrangements with re-
gard to the supply of remounts must be
taken into account. The horses for medium
and light regiments are supplied almost
entirely from Government studs, and are
the produce of stallions bought by Govern-
ment, whose services are available for any
farmers in the country keeping suitable
brood mares. As is well known, large
quantities of Arab stallions have been im-
ported ; and these, with East Prussian
mares, have produced a capital stock of
small well-bred and hardy horses, parti-
cularly docile and temperate. The Hunga-
rian horses tried in England a few years
The German Cavalry. 91
ago, though they were by no means the
•best of their class, still gave most favour-
able results as regards endurance in South
Africa and Egypt ; but I was told by an
Englishman formerly in the Ziethen Hus-
sars, and quartered on the Hungarian fron-
tier, that the best Hungarians were not
equal in endurance to the East Prussians,
on which his own regiment were mounted.
The patient and sensible method pursued in
training these horses as remounts is really
the foundation of the whole structure ; the
course of preparation lasts two years, during
the whole of which they are only ridden by
picked men, and not till the end of the
second year are they required to work in
their full kits, and then are still spared and
saved as much as possible, particularly in
the manoeuvres. It has been found by ex-
perience that any attempt to get more work
out of them before their growth has been
fully completed, only leads to their rapid
destruction ; whereas horses that are well
on in their sixth year before put to hard
92 The German Cavalry.
work, will last for years ; and I have seen
many a horse of 19 and even 20 years of
age still doing his full share of duty. Be-
sides this, the two years of steady training
have so formed the animal's paces and
taught him his work, that even the clum-
siest recruit can hardly make him unsteady,
and the result is seen in the extraordinary
precision in which the squadrons work
when at drill. I have seen squadron
after squadron go past at a trot without a
single horse in the ranks breaking, and
the trot is a real eight- miles-an-hour one,
and not the shambling crawl one too
often hears dignified by that name. The
horses look small, and hardly up to the
weight they have to carry. Taking the
average of the hussar and dragoon regi-
ments I have seen, they are certainly
smaller than the run of native cavalry, but
their endurance is incontestable. The whole
of the time they are on the drill ground,
they are almost incessantly at the trot or
gallop. The only time I can remember
The German Cavalry. 93
having seen them at a walk (except, of
course, in a march past) is when they
break-up after a charge to represent the
melee. Take for instance, the ordinary de-
mands made on every squadron at the in-
spections in May ; and in the brigade
and divisional manoeuvres they are still
higher. " Every squadron must be
prepared to cover 2,000 yards at a trot,
600 at a gallop, and 120 about at the
charge ; then break-up into the melee,
and on the trumpet sound, ' Appelle ! '
rally to the front at a gallop, and charge
again in pursuit without remembering or
telling-off." And this has all to be done
in marching order. The pace of the charge
is, as a rule, good in the manoeuvres over
heavy ground, &c. It may at times appear
to us to be slow ; but on the drill-ground
at Darmstadt, the other day, there certainly
was no fault to be found with it on that
score ; in fact, it was difficult to believe
that such pace could be got out of such
little horses. The chief action of cavalry
94 The German Cavalry.
in the future will undoubtedly be charging
the enemy's Cavalry ; without for one mo-
ment admitting that its day on the battle-
field against infantry has passed, still, in
all probability the Cavalry combats, which
must necessarily precede every general
action, will afford every regiment at least
six times as many opportunities for attack-
ing as the battle itself. In these combats,
precision of manoeuvres and a boot-to-boot
charge will be the chief factors of success,
and in both of these the Germans stand far
above us. To gain the flank of the enemy
is always the leading idea, and for this pur-
pose all such manoeuvres as breaking into
columns (or half-columns), riding across
the front of the enemy, then re-wheeling
into line, executing a partial change of
front, and delivering the charge, are con-
stantly practised ; and it is perfectly aston-
ishing to see the sections wheel up into
line again after a gallop of 200 or 300 yards,
without leaving day-light between the files,
and yet without overcrowding. I saw
The German Cavalry. 95
squadron after squadron do this the other
day again and again, with a precision I had
not believed to be possible. Besides riding
boot to boot in the charge, the ranks
should be kept separate and distinct, no
rushing forward of horses in the rear rank
into the front one, and in both respects the
charges left nothing to be desired. I have
heard it too often said by English Cavalry
officers, that it is impossible to ride boot to
boot without overcrowding. I do not know
why it should be impossible to us, for it
certainly is not so to the Germans ; but I
will admit that our antediluvian system of
giving a base in line movements, and not
teaching our men to keep their dressing by
riding the time without turning their heads
to the directing flank, renders it very
difficult to prevent it. But, if so, why not
abolish these antiquated ideas and try
new ones ? We are not too proud to copy
Prussian helmets, shoulder-straps, &c. ;
why not, then, copy something useful for a
change ? One other point is particularly
96 The German Cavalry.
worthy of notice, and that is the practice
of invariably charging at a moving object,
and of never delivering a charge in the
direction of the line of advance, but in a
more or less oblique line to it, for this
will generally be the case in action. We
are not likely ever to meet cavalry again
who will halt conveniently for us to attack
them (though I have seen it done some few
years ago in the Long Valley), and it is
one of the things requiring most practice
and experience on the part of the squadron
leader to wait for the completion of the
wheel quietly before sounding the charge,
instead of, as is too often the case, sounding
before half the troops have got into the new
alignment, the result being a straggling,
loose-jointed attack, more like a flight of
wild ducks across the sky than the living
wall it should be.
LESSONS FROM THE AUSTRIAN
CAVALRY.
SIGNS are not wanting that the Austrian
Cavalry are beginning to shake off
the lethargy into which the events of 1866
— disastrous indeed for the army as a
whole, but assuredly not for the Cavalry
alone — threw them ; and that in the next
war we shall see them ready again to assert
their position on the battle-field, we trust,
with the same and even greater success
than that which attended them in 1849,
1859, and 1866. It is difficult to under-
stand how it happened that their con-
fidence was so thoroughly shaken by the
experience of the latter campaign ; for,
actually, they but seldom came under the
action of breech-loading fire, and then
generally under conditions which would
have entailed their failure against any of
the other arms that have been in use since
the invention of gunpowder. Cavalry
M., L. 7
98 Lessons from the Austrian Cavalry.
charging brave unshaken Infantry, favoured
by the ground, or sacrificing themselves to
cover the retreat of a broken army, have
generally been severely handled. There
was nothing in the fact that history here
repeated itself to justify them in almost
entirely resigning their position on the
battle-field. All that was necessary was
to devote such care to the preparation of
their leaders, that they would be no longer
exposed to certain destruction, from the
choice, by the latter, of wrong opportunities;
and to train the army as a whole, so that
the task of the cavalry on the next battle-
field might be to pursue the retreat of the
enemy, not to cover that of their own.
The task set before them at Konigratz was
one certain to lead to their destruction.
Their own army being already in full
retreat, they were called on to attack the
victorious Prussian Infantry and Artillery
who crowned the ridges up which they had
to ride. Across nearly 2,000 yards of
open, uniformly sloping ground, sodden
Lessons from the Austrian Cavalry. 99
by the continuous rain of 24 hours, these
gallant horsemen rode forward, and suc-
ceeded in penetrating at places amongst the
Prussian Infantry and Artillery, both of
whom were morally in the best possible
position for receiving them, for both were
u on the win" and the six hours' previous
fighting had weeded the ranks of the former
of every man who did not " want " to be
in at the death. The woods and copses
down towards the Bistritz and northwards
of Chlum had acted as filters. The excite-
ment and novelty of the first fire had worn
off, and the men were as cool as veterans,
and their fire proportionately deadly. But
still the Austrians came dangerously close
to them, and would have come closer, had
not every formed body of Prussian Cavalry
within reach ridden up spontaneously and
attacked. The fight then degenerated into
a gigantic cavalry duel which gave time
for the Austrians to withdraw almost
unmolested. Surely, here we find no cause
to justify the discredit into which Cav-
100 Lessons from the Austrian Cavalry.
airy has fallen, but rather the contrary.
Reverse the slope of the hill and fire, and
give the Austrians five minutes' start,
then the Prussian Cavalry would have
been too late ; and it seems probable from
what actually was accomplished that the
first lines of Prussian Infantry would have
been very seriously dealt with indeed.
Had the Austrians only turned to the
other theatre of the war, they would have
found ample cause to alter their opinions.
There, against the muzzle-loading rifle,
their services were most brilliant, but
because it was against the muzzle-loader,
no further notice was taken of it. We,
wish to ask, once for all, of what possible
consequence it can be to either horse or
rider whether the bullet that stops him
came from a breach or a muzzle-loader ?
The weight, striking velocity, and number
of bullets that have to be encountered in
any given interval of time, are the factors
that signify, except in so far as increased
rapidity of firing diminishes accuracy : the
Lessons from, the Austrian Cavalry. 101
question of the weapon itself is immaterial.
As we have frequently pointed out, the
greater density in which troops stood to
receive cavalry in those days more than
compensated for the increased rapidity of
fire even of the modern rifle. Let us apply
this reasoning to the following incident,
viz., the charge of Edelsheim's brigade at
Custozza, which deserves to rank with the
finest exploits of the arm in any age. At
7 A.M, an Austrian Division, some 2,000
sabres, attacked two divisions of Italian
Infantry, about 20,000 strong, and drawn
up in two lines of battalion squares, cover-
ing each others' intervals. They broke
several of these squares, and carried con-
fusion right to the rear of the army, and
then came back again between the remain-
ing squares, receiving, of course, their fire
again as they went back. But in spite of
their losses they were not at all broken,
but quickly rallied and re-formed out of
range, watching the Italians, whom they
held firmly rooted to the ground, for it was
102 Lessons from the Austrian Cavalry.
felt that, the moment they moved, the
terrible Cavalry would be on them again ;
and hence the services of the two divisions,
though urgently required at another and
decisive portion of the field, were lost to
the Italians for the whole day. At five in
the evening the Cavalry attacked again, and
fairly swept the field of the enemy, captur-
ing more than double their numbers of
prisoners and many guns. The Cavalry
losses during the day did not exceed 30
per cent., — not an excessive price to pay for
victory. Even allowing the breech-loader
to be equal to five muzzle-loaders, which
is a great deal more than it actually is,
still the Cavalry would have neutralised,
and eventually have annihilated, nearly
double their numbers, at a cost of some
600 men and horses. How many Infantry
would be required to effect the same, and
what would their losses be ?
It is not likely that the troops the
Austrians will have to meet in the coming
campaign will be superior in discipline or
Lessons from the Austrian Cavalry. 103
courage to the Italians and, besides, they
will have to be encountered in extended
orders, not in close, — a formation least of
all adapted to their gregarious instincts.
Nor is it probable that they possess the
requisite moral development to utilize to
the full the power of the breech-loader — a
fact of which they seem to be fully aware
themselves, and which, to our mind, stands
out most distinctly from .the accounts of
the last Russo-Turkish War. And hence
we draw from the order recently issued,
about charging unshaken Infantry, the
most hopeful augury for the success of the
Austrians in the coming campaign ; which,
even if postponed this year, must come
sooner or later. The weakest point in the
present Austrian Army we consider to
lie in the " Tactics of Timidity/7 in which
for the last 20 years they have been
trained, and which resemble only too
closely our own. Both contracts most un-
favourably with the resolute, offensive
spirit inculcated in the Russian Infantry by
104 Lessons from the Austrian Cavalry.
Skobeleff, and, since the war, by Drago-
mirow, to meet which either their Infantry
tactics (and our own too) must be diame-
trically altered, or the Cavalry must be
called on for sacrifices beyond anything
we are accustomed to think off, — a call to
which we feel certain the horsemen of
both nations will most loyally respond, for,
after all, what better right has a foot-soldier
to die for his Emperor or Queen than
another. As to their probable success or
failure, it appears to depend on the follow-
ing simple consideration : the bulk of the
infantry fire in action is inevitably un-
aimed, hence the chances of being hit,
depend on the length of time during
which one is exposed, and the size of the
target. The Cavalry target is one-third
larger, but, on the other hand, moves
over, say, 1,500 yards in one-sixth of the
time. Its losses during the charge will,
therefore, probably be roughly one quarter
of those of an equal body of Infantry, It
will not, therefore, be liable to serious loss
Lessons from the Austrian Cavalry. 105
till after the actual shock ; and the amount
of these losses can only be modified by
the prompt advances of Infantry, above
all of Artillery, to support it at case shot
ranges. Loud then will be the cries for
Horse Artillery, and bitterly will its
absence be regretted by those whose mis-
fortune it may happen to be to pay with
their blood and reputation for the short-
sighted economy of their rulers. The
economy in horses to feed after such an
engagement will probably be amply suffi-
cient to satisfy even the mind of the
anonymous " General who has command-
ed an Army in the Field."
CAVALRY IN WAR.
THE publication of the statistics of losses
in the German Army in 1870, by the
Red Cross Society explodes one of the
many fallacies on which English tactical
ideas have been of late years based, viz.,
that the sword and lance counted for no-
thing in the Franco-German War. The
origin of this fallacy appears to have been
a statement by DR. ENGEL, a German
Medical Statistician, that, after Sedan, out
of 72,000 German horsemen in France,
only six met their death from the arme
blanche, a statement probably true enough ;
for after Sedan the Germans never again
encountered formed cavalry in the charge.
But unfortunately our would-be reformers
omitted to notice the words "after Sedan"
and persuaded themselves that the absolute
total loss suffered by the German Army,
not Cavalry only, but by the whole Ger-
man Army, from the above-mentioned
Cavalry in War. 107
weapons, only amounted to the ridiculous
total of six men placed hors de combat. It
seems absurd that such a ridiculous state-
ment could have received credit for one
single moment ; yet we can vouch for it,
that it was actually believed by a large
number of Infantry officers, and has also
appeared in many military papers. Only a
few months ago, DK. W. H. RUSSELL con-
sidered it worth his while to state, in con-
tradiction of it, in the columns of the Army
and Navy Gazette^ that with his own eyes he
had seen more than treble the number of
German corpses, carrying unmistakable
marks of lance and sword lying on the
plateau of " Floing," on which the celebrated
charges of GALLIFET brigades of the French
Cavalry took place the morning after Sedan.
But we have it now, on good authority,
that the Germans alone lost during the
course of the war no less than 1,163 men
killed and wounded by lance and sword,
though they were successful in every single
charge against French Cavalry, and the
108 Cavalry in War.
latter only succeeded in breaking off the
angle of a small company square, formed
by some pioneers in front of Morsbrunn on
the 6th August at Woerth, and in riding-
down a few skirmishers at Vionville, Beau-
mont, and Sedan. What the French losses
from the same weapons were, we are unable
to say ; for up to date the latter have given
us no statistics, but we can arrive at an
approximation to them from the following
facts.
Whenever the German and French Caval-
ries crossed swords, the former were victori-
ous, and therefore, presumably, disabled
more of their opponents. The attack
of FORTON'S Division on the debris of
BREDOW'S Brigade, after the latter were
blown and disorganised by their success-
ful charge on infantry and guns, may be
fairly set against the losses inflicted under
similar circumstances by Prussian Hussars
on the debris of MICHEL'S Brigade at
Woerth. Then as a clear gain to the
Germans we can register the losses they
Cavalry in War. 109
inflicted on French Infantry and Artillery
at Vionville, where besides the well-known
charge of BREDOW'S brigade, referred to
above, the llth Hussars captured a battery
of guns, nearly secured BAZAINE himself,
and cut up some parties of Infantry ; and
the 1st Garde Dragoner rode into and
destroyed the French Infantry who, in the
full flush of victory, were driving before
them the remains of WEDELL'S Infantry
brigade. Nor should we leave out of con-
sideration the number of fugitives ridden
down after Woerth, or the gangs of Mobiles
dispersed and annihilated in the latter por-
tion of the war.
And it must not be forgotten that, at the
commencement of the war, the German
Cavalry knew nothing practically, of the
employment of Cavalry en masse. There
was not a single Cavalry officer in the
army who had ever manoeuvred a Division
together, and the Divisional commands
were only formed on the 29th July for
the first time. Their old traditions had
110 Cavalry in War.
been entirely lost. For years past they had
been taught to believe the accepted axiom
of the Umpire Staff that " Cavalry cannot
charge unshaken Infantry/7 Even BREDOW
is said to have returned that answer to the
officer who first took him the summons
to attack and extricate the Infantry, and
finally, they all wore blunt swords in steel
scabbards. The latter may appear only a
trivial detail, but it is far from being so.
SIR CHARLES NAPIER said of the steel scab-
bard in Scinde : "It is noisy, which is bad ;
it is heavy, which is worse ; and it blunts
the swords, which is worst of all." Our
own experience in the Sikh war should have
impressed this on our memory. Let us
only quote one example out of many. At
Chillianwalla UNETT'S squadron of the 3rd
Light Dragoons (now the 3rd Hussars), 70
strong, charged more than double their
number of Sikh horsemen, the latter being
wretchedly mounted, but armed with cast
light dragoon swords, sharpened to a razor
edge, and carried either without scabbards at
Cavalry in War. Ill
all, or in wooden ones. Though our horse-
men drove their enemy from the field, 45
out of the 70 were killed or wounded, and
most of the wounded died before help reached
them, and it may also be well to call to mind
that after the Sikh wars, chain bridles, steel
gauntlets, and a curbchain sewn into the lin-
ing of the sleeve, were recommended to be
worn in the Indian Cavalry ; of all of which
recommendations, only the steel chain worn
by Infantry Field officers, and usually sup-
posed to be a picketting chain, though
really a chain bridle, remains in the service.
Taking it all in all, we can hardly believe
the losses inflicted on the French Army by
the German Cavalry, at less than five times
those suffered by the latter, and had the
swords been sharp, and every blow struck
home had carried death with it, as it should
have done, we should be inclined to multi-
ply the last figure again by three, which
would give us the respectable total of about
15,000 ; and as the total loss of the French
is not generally supposed to have exceeded
112 Cavalry in War.
the total loss of the Germans, on the battle-
field, it would appear that the cavalry of
the latter actually inflicted, or ought to have
inflicted — given sharp swords — a heavier
loss on the French, than the French Artil-
lery actually inflicted on the Germans, or
15 per cent., against about 9 per cent.
But in the next war all this should be
still farther improved in favour of the
Cavalry. Steel scabbards, it is true, still
remain, but the German Cavalry officer is
fully alive to the advantage of a sharp
blade, and may be trusted to do his utmost
to secure it. Their leaders too have been
accustomed to handle large bodies of men,
and both men and officers have been
thoroughly indoctrinated with the old prin-
ciples of ZIETHEN and SIEDLITZ. Their
regulations, too, no longer leave them in any
doubt as to unshaken Infantry. " Cavalry
must on occasion be prepared to charge
even unshaken Infantry for," to quote
PRINCE HOHENLOHE, " who can tell whe-
ther the Infantry are shaken or not, till
Cavalry in War. 113
the attempt has been actually made/7 And
no umpire now would dare to repeat the
old and hated formula, " Cavalry cannot
charge, etc./7 without carefully weighing
the conditions under which the charge was
supposed to be delivered. Leaving the
Russian Mounted Infantry out of consider-
ation for the moment, the first act of every
campaign must open with a series of
gigantic Cavalry charges, in which the
Germans, at any rate, will be prepared to
handle bodies of 60 squadrons at a time ;
and if they learn to keep the edges of their
swords keen, the losses of the last war
may, judging by our own experience of the
Sikhs, be safely multiplied by ten. Imagine
the terribly depressing effect the rumour of
such slaughter would spread in the ranks
•of the defeated enemy ; we doubt whether
its Infantry then, however intact materially,
could be considered morally unshaken
when face to face with a charging division.
Even repeaters will make little difference ;
for as long as men possess human hearts,
M., L. 8
114 Cavalry in War.
nerves, and minds, opportunities will cer-
tainly be given to a well-trained Cavalry
leader ; and we have ourselves seen German
Infantry armed with repeaters, fairly ridden
into, on the manoeuvre ground, without
their having time to fire more than a single
round.
Experiments in France, Sweden and
Russia have all shewn that the increased
rapidity of fire of the repeater does not
necessarily imply an increased number of
hits, and common sense alone is enough
to demonstrate that the reduction of calibre
now so popular in Europe, will not give
greater deadliness. We would recommend
to a few of the small-bore enthusiasts a
course of practical experiment on foot in
the jungle against charging tigers, and
then let them apply the result of their
experience, if they survive, to the case of
a galloping horse maddened by the excite-
ment of the charge*
CAVALRY VERSUS INFANTRY.
WE make no apologies for returning to
this subject. The indignation some
of our previous articles appear to have
excited in the martial bosoms of numerous
Infantry officers, in itself, would be excuse
enough for our doing so ; but the important
bearing of this question on the tactics of
future wars and the necessity which exists
that the two arms, when occasion requires it,
should play into each other's hands, is our
principal justification for pursuing it.
The main point of our contention does
not appear to have been grasped by our In-
fantry critics, and, moreover, we have been
held personally responsible for what is really
the statement of two such highly re-
sponsible and qualified authorities as the
Austrian and German General Staff. It is
they, not the Civil and Military Gazette,
which first asserted it as a principle of
modern battle tactics, that " Cavalry must
116 Cavalry versus Infantry.
on occasion, be prepared to charge even
unshaken Infantry. " We acknowledge
the implied compliment gratefully ; whilst,
at the same time, we disclaim the respon-
sibility of the authorship of the paragraph
which called for it. Let us proceed to
throw a little light on the matter. Both
Germans and Austrians only wrote for
their own Cavalry against any Infantry
they were respectively likely to meet.
Similarly we, in enlarging upon their text,
only wrote for our Cavalry against any
Infantry we are likely to meet. It is less
than probable that under any circumstances
British Infantry will be called upon to face
either Austrian or German Cavalry, and it
is absolutely impossible that they will ever
have to face the shock of our own squadrons.
Hence our remarks implied no disparage-
ment of our own Infantry. Further, when-
ever the topic of Infantry versus Cavalry
is broached, the Infantryman always ima-
gines Cavalry charging down on squares
equal in steadiness to those of the old
Cavalry versus Infantry. 117
Peninsula Army, and perfectly justly
reasons that with such men and modern
arms Cavalry would have no chance at all.
But, in the first case, squares will probably
never be seen on a modern battlefield
again ; and, secondly, Infantry of such
quality as those of the old Peninsula Army,
are certainly not to be found in the ranks
of any of our possible enemies. It would
be well for us to realise more distinctly
what manner of men these were who fought
for us and won from even the most virulent
of our enemies, viz^ NAPOLEON himself, the
admission that " the British Infantry was
the finest in the world, and it was fortu-
nate there were so few of them. " It is
true that, morally, they were of a very low
class, and even physically hardly up to
the standard of to-day, but they were
under an iron discipline ; and discipline did
what Hythe and the Musketry Book have
hitherto failed to do, viz., it enabled them to
destroy with a couple of volleys, the finest In-
fantry the Continent of Europe could show.
118 Cavalry versus Infantry.
Such Infantry, even with their old arma-
ment could probably stop any Cavalry in
the world ; but where now-a-days are we
to look for their equals in the conscript
armies of the continent ; certainly not in
the ranks of France and Russia, the only
continental forces with which we are ever
likely to cross bayonets. The truth is the
conditions under which the two arms met
have varied enormously : the whole fea-
tures of the struggle have changed. The
shock of Cavalry used formerly to be
delivered against Infantry drawn up in
close order under thorough discipline, and
with the very strong reason of self-preser-
vation to induce them to husband, not to
squander, their ammunition, for once their
fire was drawn, they were practically de-
fenceless. It is true that now-a-days the
individual man possesses the power of fir-
ing off an indefinitely larger number of
rounds than his predecessor ; but his mor-
al development has not kept pace with the
development of his weapon. The increas-
Cavalry versus Infantry. 119
ed deadliness of the breech-loader, with
the necessity it entails of adopting looser
formations, and the excitement produced
by the mere noise of the heavier firiug,
has withdrawn troops from the hands of
their leaders to a degree which would have
appeared impossible to our forefathers.
Can we imagine the DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S
expression if he were asked to believe that
Infantry once engaged within effective
range of the breech-loader passed so abso-
lutely out of the control of their com-
manders, that it is impossible to move
them either to the right or left, and fre-
quently even impossible to make them ad-
vance at all except by the impetus of fresh
reserves from the rear. Yet these are the
fundamental ideas on which the general
principles for the German decisive attack, by
far the most thrusting in Europe, are based.
Is it possible to conceive the picture this
conveys without seeing opportunities to be
seized by a bold and resolute Cavalry leader ?
But to turn to the Cavalry and take
120 Cavalry versus Infantry.
their side of the question, though to do so
we have to go back to Ancient History.
During the Seven Years' War, given open
ground practicable at all for manoeuvring,
and Cavalry became the arbiter of the
battlefield. At Rossbach 5,000 horsemen,
led by SEIDLITZ, and aided only by a few
rounds from some field-guns, broke and
routed the whole French Army over
100,000 strong. At Hohenfriedberg the
Baireuth Dragoons, six squadrons in all,
broke 69 battalions of infantry, capturing
all their colours : and we might fill several
columns with similar examples. And the
Infantry they broke were by no means con-
temptible ; as far as armament was con-
cerned, they were as well equipped as the
Russians in the Crimea, and in point of
discipline, probably far superior. What
then led to the comparative failure of
Cavalry during the Napoleonic era, for ex-
cept our own, none came really well out of
that ordeal. The failure of the French is
easily accounted for. The Revolution not
Cavalry versus Infantry. 121
only destroyed their horse-supply — never
a good one — but it also cut off all the
heads of the leaders, and it took years to
supply their places ; and when at length
men like EXCELMANS, DESAIX, MILHAUD,
began to come to the front, the supply of
men and horses both failed them. This is
no exaggeration, for official returns prove
that the bulk of LATOUR MAUBURG'S cele-
brated dragoons were mounted on 14-hand
tats, and letters of English eye-witnesses
assert that the cuirrasiers were for the
most part mounted on second-rate diligence
screws and light cart-horses. As for rid-
ing it could hardly have been worse.
What can we think of Cavalry which could
not be trusted to charge at a better pace
than a trot. Yet such was absolutely the
case : the testimony of NAPOLEON himself
and JOMINI proves it. That even with
such Cavalry brilliant results were obtain-
ed cannot be denied, but it was not till
NAPOLEON had practically destroyed all the
good Infantry in Europe, and their place
122 Cavalry versus Infantry.
had to be supplied with raw levies suffer-
ing under the impression of previous de-
feat. As regards the decay of the Prussian
Cavalry the impoverishment of the country,
after the Seven Years7 War, appears to
have been in a large measure to blame for
this ; and the fatal mistake of splitting up
their Cavalry into small bodies of Division-
al Cavalry had also much to say to it.
Nevertheless, their conduct at Jena and
Auerstadt was far from inglorious, and it
must be remembered that the Infantry they
encountered was then at the very height of
its prestige. Yet it fared no better than
others before our own horsemen. Sala-
manca, Vittoria, Waterloo, all prove it.
Where could steadier Infantry have been
found than NAPOLEON'S Old Guard at
Waterloo, yet they went down before the
rush of VIVIAN'S and VANDELEUR'S squa-
drons like standing corn before a hurricane.
After the peace, a night of great dark-
ness settled down over the Cavalry ; in
Prussia they were discredited, and in France
Cavalry versus Infantry. 123
they went to sleep over their laurels, con-
tent to believe that they had done all that
could be expected of them, and that the
sole cause of their defeat had been trea-
chery. Only in Austria did they still keep
up their reputation ; but, though many an
Englishman served in their ranks, only one
came back to shew us the way to victory,
and that was NOLAN, who fell at Balaclava,
and whose book, now rarely to be met
with, should be in every Cavalry mess in
the service. Of our own performances in
India, we at Home appear to have thought
but little, yet no arm of the Service did
more for us on the battlefield ; and though
our enemies7 faces were black, yet we
doubt whether Cavalry ever had a tougher
nut to crack than the squares of the old
Khalsa Army. Certainly no modern con-
script army would oppose such a desperate
resistance to horsemen, inside the square, as
these brave Sikhs did with their side arms.
Meanwhile, the armament of Infantry
had been making rapid progress, and with
124 Cavalry versus Infantry.
each fresh invention it was prophesied that
the days of Cavalry on the battlefield
were at an end. Rifled arms shot three
times as far, and five times as accurately as
old Brown Bess. Hence, if good Infantry
with the old arms could stop Cavalry,
what could hope to live against them with
the new. Cavalry officers in vain pointed
out that, though the rifle might shoot more
accurately if held straight, it would not
do a bit better than the smooth-bore, and
indeed not as well if held crooked ; that
though it was true it shot further, yet it
had the disadvantage of sights which had
to be regulated : the invention theories
triumphed on the parade ground, but broke
to pieces on the battlefield. The Austrian
Infantry, though of long service, and cele-
brated for their steady fire with the smooth-
bore, went all to pieces in 1859, when their
rifles were first put in their hands. Even
the French Infantry were able to attack
and beat them with the bayonet, without
waiting for their own Cavalry, which, by
Cavalry versus Infantry. 125
the way, was badly-handled throughout,
1866 was also a bad year for the Cavalry,
though not as bad as is usually imagined :
the truth being that the Austrians were
usually obliged to attack under conditions
which rendered success impossible; yet even
then they frequently came within an ace of
obtaining glorious results, but the storm
of opinion had fairly set in against them,
and by 1870 it blew a perfect hurricane.
On every field day, in every paper, the
Cavalry were told that their sun had set
for ever, and what wonder, under the cir-
cumstances, that they came to believe it.
But again the battlefield upset all the
theories. BREDOW'S brigade and the 1st
Garde Dragoners shewed clearly what
Cavalry could do even under the most un-
favourable circumstances and against un-
shaken Infantry. The French Cavalry,
too, were by no means as unsuccessful as
is generally supposed : where the ground
gave them a chance, the Prussian Infantry
ran a very close risk of what must have
126 Cavalry versus Infantry.
been a crushing disaster. It took years of
labour though, on the part of such men as
PRINCE FREDERIC CHARLES, GENERALS
KAEHLER and V. SCHMIDT to get a fair
hearing, but they at last succeeded, and
their work lives after them. Space does not
permit of our going closely into the contro-
versy which raged in the German Military
Press, but one by one the opponents were
won over to admit that Cavalry trained and
handled on the lines laid down by FREDERIC
THE GREAT would still, in spite of breech-
loaders and repeaters, find ample opportu-
nity of reaping as brilliant a harvest as their
forefathers. The great fact has been borne
in upon them, that human nerves are not
susceptible of as rapid improvement as fire-
arms require for their successful employ-
ment. And that the very intensity of the
struggle creates moments of crisis in which
all control over the men is impossible, and
the bravest Infantry, if attacked at the right
moment, must be ridden over like a flock of
sheep. It lies with the Cavalry to seize the
Cavalry versus Infantry. 127
momentj and this their increased mobility
enables them to do.
Cavalry is the one arm of the service in
which we have both the men and material
to achieve a complete superiority over any
other nation in the world. It is the one
arm in which individual superiority of man,
horse, and leader can counterbalance mere
numbers, and therefore it is of the utmost
importance to us to develop its capacity to
the highest degree. And obviously, allow-
ing umpires to put them out of action in-
variably, wherever they shew themselves
even for a few moments, is not the way to
encourage that spirit of keen daring which
is essential to their success.
Six hundred horsemen astonished Europe
by breaking somewhere about half of the
Russian Army, Horse, Foot and Artillery,
and driving them in rout over the Tcher-
naya. But no umpires had ever taught
them to retire. Perhaps the opportunity
for a similar rush may come sooner than
we expect. Let us hope we may be ready.
A DAY WITH THE GERMAN
CAVALRY.
AS the cold weather is approaching,
bringing with it the usual course of
squadron trainings, route marching and
Cavalry manoeuvres, the following account
of a visit to a German Cavalry Regiment
may prove of interest : —
On my way back from India last hot
weather, I stopped at D to pay a
visit to an old friend, an Englishman by
birth, and an officer in the Prussian Cavalry.
He had only recentty been promoted to
the rank of Captain or " Rittmeister," as
the Captains in the Cavalry are called, and
had been transferred on promotion from
a north country regiment to the one in
which I now found him, viz,, the red
"Garde Dragoner" (Hessians) which was
hardly up to the standard of the old Prus-
sian Hussar regiment, " Ziethen," from
which he came, but still it was a fair type
A Day with the German Cavalry. 129
on which to found an opinion as to the
average efficiency of the whole of the
72,000 horsemen the Germans can put in
the field.
The evening of my arrival we inspected
the stables, which formed the ground floor
of the men's quarters, each squadron stand-
ing in a block by itself : they were long,
fairly lofty buildings, well ventilated, but
hardly sufficiently lighted. Each horse
stood in a stall by itself, which is unusual,
for, as a rule, they are separated merely by
bails, as in our own stables. The horses had
just been bedded down, and the bedding was
clean and sufficient : much of this, I fancy,
was due to my friend's English notions. I
have generally seen Prussian Cavalry stand-
ing in heaps of what we should call ma-
nure, but the Germans call mattrases, the
bedding being put down en masse about
once a quarter, and only freshened up now
and then by a few handfuls of straw to
keep the upper surface clean. They say,
it keeps the stables warmer, and so it does ;
M., L. 9
130 A Day with the German Cavalry.
but the amount of free ammonia present
in the air of one of these stables makes
one7s eyes stream. In this case there was,
however, no fault to find, nor with the
way in which the harness was hung up and
cleaned, and the steel work was not so ab-
solutely ignorant of the burnisher, as I have
sometimes seen.
Next morning, mounted on one of my
host's chargers, a very good-looking East
Prussian stud-bred, about 15-3 in height, and
whose paces and training were both excep-
tionally good, I rode out about 6-30 with the
squadron to the drill ground, distant about
four miles. The first mile lay through the
suburbs, but once outside them we got on
a capital riding path through some rolling
woodland, and immediately broke into a
trot. In Prussia they waste no time, and
this daily march was thoroughly utilised
to accustom the men and horses in main-
taining a perfectly regular pace of eight
miles an hour approximately, as they say
this is a thing on which the efficiency of
A Day with the German Cavalry. 131
large bodies mainly depends, both on the
road and in the field, and can only be
acquired by practice. An English squadron
would have trotted up one hill and walked
down the next, but they kept up the same
unvarying pace, because when in a long
column of two or three regiments, it is im-
possible to allow each squadron to choose
its own pace, or even for the leading one
to do so, as the alteration would run
through the whole from beginning to end
and cause a lengthening of the column,
which might amount to three times its
normal length, in which case its deploy-
ment would also take three times as long ;
and even within the limits of the squadron
the value of this practice was most notice-
able, for I have seldom seen one on the
march with its distances more perfectly
kept, and in marked contrast to what one
usually sees at home. Presently we came
to the end of the woodland and in sight
of the parade ground, and the walk was
sounded : the leader looked at his watch
132 A Day with the German Cavalry.
and assured himself that their time had been
accurately kept, and we walked quietly
down to the drill field. The other regi-
ment in garrison was already there, and
its squadrons moving about independently.
There is something very inspiriting and
lively in watching German Cavalry at a
distance ; the movements are so rapid, the
order so perfectly kept, and the whole goes
with so much swing that one's interest
never flags. I wish I could say the same
of our own, but my memory goes back to
a certain heavy Cavalry Regiment we used
to watch from the windows of our mess
hut at the Curragh, which used to crawl
slowly round the finest Cavalry drill ground
in Europe, rarely went out of a walk, and
which, during six months nearly, was
never seen to charge. And other visions,
too, rise up before me of another medium
regiment at Aldershot, which could never
keep up with the two light Cavalry Corps
with which it was brigaded, and which was
captured and put out of action regularly
A Day with the German Cavalry. 138
every field day — and sometimes in the first
half-hour. Why, it was such a certain
thing that lady spectators used always to ask
to betaken "to see the — (I won't mention
it by name) regiment captured/'
But to return to the Germans. We had
the band with us this morning— it goes
out in turn one day a week, with each
squadron — so we commenced with a march-
past to one of the finest Cavalry trumpet
marches ever written. " Die Torgauer."
The walk-past was excellent, the steadiness
of the horses and the position of their
heads all showed their careful training ;
but the trot-past was better still, the steady
swinging pace, total absence of all jostling
and breaking, and the way the distance
between the ranks was kept being all that
man could desire. I could not help ex-
pressing my admiration to my friend, who
said: "Ah ! it's the horses that do it: wait
till you see the riders." He then broke
up the squadron into divisions, separating
out first the second year remounts and
134 A Day with the German Cavalry.
then the recruits ; the remainder then rode
off independently to practise in different
parts of the field. One went off to a
little fir copse where it dismounted and
proceeded to skirmish : another took one
side of the ground where elementary heads
and posts were arranged ; a third took
another side, along which distances were
marked off, and proceeded to regulate their
paces by the watch ; and the fourth broke
up altogether, and each rider rode his horse
about individually, in and out just where
he pleased.
We first directed our attention to the
backward recruits, about 20 in number.
There should have been no recruits proper-
ly speaking, as the squadron inspections
were over, and all the men should have
been in the ranks. These men, or rather
boys, were not mounted on the oldest
horses in the squadron, but on ones still
in their full prime, for according to their
ideas nothing is more hopeless than to
attempt to train a horseman on an old horse,
A Day with the German Cavalry. 135
who has lost all the life out of his pace,
and knows the drill so well that he cannot
go wrong. The men were a most dis-
appointing lot — long-bodied, short-legged,
round-thighed : they would have broken
the heart of any riding-master ; as for the
high intellectual culture conferred by com-
pulsory education on all alike in Germany,
and which, according to some people, had
more to do with the winning of Sadowa
and Sedan than the superior leading, there
was not a trace of it — a stupider-looking
lot it would be hard to find anywhere. Of
course these were not the shining lights
of the regiment. They were distinctly
below the average, but even in the average
one looks in vain for any indication of
special intellectual gifts superior to what
we meet with in our own soldiers. I have
seen many hundred recruits of all arms in
Germany, and a considerable number of
our own, and I say it without hesitation
that the average of our Cavalry is far supe-
rior, both in intellect and physique (under
136 A Day with the German Cavalry.
the latter head it is impossible to compare
the two), and that in all the other arms
we more than hold our own. That we do
not know how to develop and make the
most of the excellent material we get I fully
admit ; but we have got it, and we deserve
nothing but shame and disgrace for not
understanding how to make the best of it.
But it must not be overlooked in judging
the individual Prussian horseman that the
saddle in use with them gives him an
ugly seat, quite opposed to any of our own
ideas. Excepting in the Cuirassiers, the
saddle is everywhere the Hungarian, too
well-known to need description. In itself
it is an excellent saddle, but it is raised
unnecessarily high above the horse's back,
and hence gives the rider a top heavy
appearance, and the central web on which
the shape of the seat depends is too much
laced down in front to the fans, thus throw-
ing the rider forward on his fork : but it
has one great advantage from the recruit's
point of view, and that is, it is almost
A Day with the German Cavalry. 137
impossible to fall out of it. Though the
riding in this squad was bad, yet I was
struck by the excellence of the system of
instruction ; it was individual instead of
collective, and there was none of that mono-
tonous repetition of the same words in
the same order — the curse of our own
schools.
From the recruits we went to the re-
mounts, a nice-looking lot, about 20 in
number, and looking like well-bred coun-
try-breds with a dash of English blood
in them. But for Dragoons they appeared
very small — certainly some were barely
14-1. Taking the regiment as a whole, it
was not so well mounted as the more north-
ern regiments, and would not compare
favourably with a good regiment of Bengal
Cavalry. But they possess one great ad-
vantage, and that is, the horses are incom-
parably more docile, temperate and plucky ;
there is none of that kicking, fighting and
squeaking and general untrustworthiness
about them which makes an average
138 A Day with the German Cavalry.
country-bred about the most disagreeable
mount in creation. If Prussian riders were
put on country-bred horses to-morrow, there
would be considerable work for the coroner
by the evening. And fortunate, indeed, it
is for the Germans that they have such ex-
cellent material, for the difficulties they
have to contend with in breaking and
training them, owing to the want of suitable
riders, is enormous. A German regiment
has no rough-riders and no riding-master.
Everything has to be done within the squa-
dron itself, and, excepting a very few re-
engaged non-commissioned officers, entirely
by young soldiers of, at the outside, three
years' service, or, say, 23 years of age.
Now at that age not one man in a hundred,
even if he possesses the peculiar talent for
dealing with horses, has experience or
temper enough to be successful with them.
It is a gift which really only comes to those
who combine both the talent and the ex-
perience, and it is hopeless to look for it
in a short service force ; hence a tremendous
A Day with the German Cavalry. 139
degree of responsibility is thrown on the
squadron leader and his elder subalterns.
They know how much depends on it, for
correct breaking in is the secret of success-
ful Cavalry drill ; and hence they strive
by every means in their power, by study
of books and practice in the field and the
school, to fit themselves for it, and hence
one finds that the knowledge of equitation,
its object, methods, and means possessed
by the average German Cavalry officer is
of a much higher order than that met with
in our own.
Having seen as much of the recruits
and remounts as I desired, we then rode
on to the division which had dispersed, and
in which each man was riding his horse in-
dependently— " tummelen " is the German
expression for it, and it is an exercise on
which the new school of German " Cavaler-
isten " lay the greatest stress. But it is
only a revival of their old practice under
Frederic the Great's generals, when indivi-
dual horsemanship was a far more general
140 A Day with the German Cavalry.
accomplishment than it is now-a-days.
The object of it is to accustom every horse
to leave the ranks and every rider to control
his horse. Each man does exactly what
he likes with his mount, and his officer and
instructors look on, and from time to time
fall out a man to correct any fault they
may have noticed, or to direct him to ride
straight on a given point, as if he was
carrying a message to a superior officer.
The control of the men over their mounts
left little to be desired ; they left their
squadron readily and galloped straight, and
the absence of temper both amongst the
riders and horses struck me very much.
It is curious how it is that such a violent
tempered race as the Germans should al-
ways treat their animals with such kind-
ness, but as far back as in the Peninsula,
the contrast in this respect between the
men of King's German Legion and our
own soldiers was notorious.
From here we went on to the posts and
heads, or rather to what did duty for them.
A Day with the German Cavalry. 141
The arrangements were very rough : first
came a log of wood about as big as a sand
bag, raised about 2 ft. 6 in. above the
ground ; then a gibbet with a stuffed sack
suspended to it ; then another sack on the
ground, and finally a straw cone like a
bottle casing, on a stick about 4 ft. high,
to point at. One by one the men filed by
at a trot, canter and extended gallop.
The practice was distinctly inferior. I
doubt whether two men in the batch would
have got two out of three times, and not
once in ten times did one hear the edge of
the sword lead ; but nearly every man
reached the ground with his cut at the can-
ter, though the efforts to do so when ex-
tended were feeble. The swords are light-
er and far better balanced than our old
ones. The grip, too, is flat and tapers off
for the smaller fingers towards the pommel;
the hilt is basket- shaped and covers the
hand well, but the men, as a body, are
decidedly inferior swordsmen, and compare
very unfavourably with our own. The
142 A Day with the German Cavalry.
horizontal point ( No. 1 ) is delivered with
the back of the hand down, not up, as with
us : it is certainly much easier to deliver and
has the advantage that the blade can be
more readily withdrawn from an oppo-
nent's body. The same battle between the
edge and point, of course, goes on in
their service as in ours, but the supporters
of the edge appear to be in the majority.
All agree that for a finished swordsman,
fighting a duel with ample room to move
about, the point has the superiority ; but
their men are not finished swordsmen, and
in the usual circumstances under which
they cross swords, viz., in the charge and
subsequent mMee, there is no room to use
anything but the edge or the pommel, and
it is better that each man should be intent
on killing his enemy by violent attack
rather than be thinking of protecting him-
self by guarding — a view in which there is
much soundness.
By this time it was about half-past eight,
and the squads all dismounted for a few
A Day with the German Cavalry. 143
minutes' rest before being formed up for
squadron drill. So far the impression pro-
duced had not been markedly favourable,
and I was congratulating myself by think-
ing that, with the exception of the indivi-
dual riding and leaving the ranks, we could
do most things a good deal better than
anything I had seen ; but I soon had to
change my opinion. For the first few
movements in squadron, the senior subal-
tern took command whilst my host remain-
ed with me ; these were all of a simple
description, changes from squadron column
into line, by front forming or wheeling,
but they were executed in perfect order
and at a smart swinging pace that left
nothing to be desired. After a bit they
cantered down in line towards the side
where the practice jumps (about the same
as our own) were situated, and then
breaking into column, still at the canter,
took the whole in succession, without the
smallest check, like hounds streaming
over a stone wall : it was one of the pret-
144 A Day with the German Cavalry.
tiest things I have ever seen. Then after
a few minutes7 halt, my friend having fallen
out a non-commissioned officer with a flag
and directed him to ride with me, as a target,
fell in himself and took the squadron down
to the farthest end of the ground, from
whence he purposed to attack me. My
pace was to be limited to a trot, but I
was free to move in any direction I pleased.
The squadron commenced its advance in
column at a trot ; not to diminish the dis-
tance too much I remained halted, till,
when about 800 yards distance, the front
formed line, when I moved off half left at
a trot ; but in a moment the centre of the
line was on me again and following me
round as I moved. When the distance had
diminished to about 500 yards, I turned
towards them, and almost immediately the
leader sounded the gallop, and I halted
to watch their approach. They came on
like a wall, with no crowding or confusion
perceptible ; but my time for observation
was short, as I had no intention of being
A Day with the German Cavalry. 145
ridden over, so I cleared off to a flank and
watched them sweep past at the charge,
which again was all one could wish — the
horses thoroughly extended the ranks kept
distinct, and the cheer and attitude of the
men at the moment of supposed shock
producing an excellent moral effect. After
the contact they broke up into a melee.
The ranks loosened and each man rode his
horse round and round through the - others
at a walk, going through the motions of
cutting and guarding : this lasted about
a minute ; and then the squadron leader
separating himself from the men, and
trotting half right of the direction, the
charge had been delivered in, sounded the
"rally," and in a second the men formed
up behind him and, without a moment's
delay, delivered a second charge and broke
up in pursuit at full speed, recalling the
rush down the ground in a fast polo tour-
nament. Then the walk was sounded, and
presently the halt and dismount for a fe\v
minutes7 rest,
M,L. 10
146 A Day with the German Cavalry.
I expected the captain would by this
time have thought his men had had enough
for the day, and on asking him if he was
going home, I was surprised at his reply ;
" Oh, no ! We have only just begun ; we
will show you lots more yet/7 He then
sent for the non-commissioned officer with
the flag and directed him to move off
down the ground and manoeuvre much as
before. I was to ride behind or on the
flanks to see things better, and he would
lead the squadron by sign and without
word of command or trumpet sound except
the charge. We had halted near a little
fir copse free from undergrowth, and into
this he sent the squadron, directing the
men to break off. Presently, when the
flag had reached the further limit of the
ground, he raised his sword, and the men
mounted and formed up behind him,
telling off in a whisper. Then he moved
off at a trot and wheeled them half left
and half right by a wave of the sword,
which was obeyed as readily as a com-
A Day with the German Cavalry. 147
mand ; and then lie began the advance
against the marked enemy and delivered
the attack as before, and in my better
position for observation, I could find noth-
ing to alter my previous impression.
The third and last charge was delivered
under the supposition that the squadron
was the flank one of a regiment advancing
in line, and that the outer squadron was
to seek to gain the enemy's flank by a
wheel outwards into column, wheeling into
line, a slight change of direction to bring
them obliquely on the enemy, and then a
charge home. At about 500 yards from
the enemy he sounded the gallop, and then
*' take ground to the right in column of
Eugs" (half troops). The line swung into
column with admirable precision and
changed direction about half left ; when
the enemy was about 300 yards distant,
they wheeled into line without day-light
showing between the files, and then,
without overcrowding, wheeled inwards
yet a little more and delivered their charge
148 A Day with the German Cavalry.
home with a rush and roar that must have
swept anything before it. I had never
seen anything to equal it, and was com-
pelled to admit in my heart that the opin-
ion I had heard stated by one of our
best cavalry officers, who had thoroughly
studied the Germans, was correct, and that
was that, squadron for squadron or regi-
ment for regiment, we could " not compete
with them." Before their perfectly wall-
like shock our better riders and bigger
horses would have gone down like stand-
ing corn before a whirlwind.
An Indian cavalry officer has recently
published a work in which he asserts that
cavalry cannot deliver a boot-to-boot
charge. I wish he had been with me to
see it : the truth is we have forgotten how
to teach them to do it, but if we are ever
to face a European enemy again, we had
better relearn the secret, for, as Prince
Hohenlohe in his recent " Conversations
about Cavalry ," points out ; the moral
effect of this onset "like a wall" is so
A Day with the German Cavalry. 149
irresistible that nothing in loose order can
be got to face it, and that this is the real
explanation of the fact that, in the old
days of Seidlitz cavalry did not often cross
swords for the simple reason that nothing
could be got to face this " wall-like " rush.
It was only when during the Napoleonic
era cavalry became mere men on cart-
horses, and when the traditions of the old
time were forgotten, that charges were
delivered in such loose order that an inter-
penetration of the ranks became possible.
Before riding off the ground the men
again dismounted, and we carefully inspect-
ed the horses which, as a body, showed
no signs of distress in spite of the fast
work they had been doing. We got back
about 10-30 — it was perhaps rather later
— having been out four hours and having
covered at the least 26 miles in marching
order and on a pretty hot day : and this
was in the quiet season, and nothing to
what was -expected of them sometimes in
the brigade and divisional cavalry manceu-
150 A Day with the' German Cavalrt/:
vres. The afternoon was taken up by
a farewell banquet to a departing briga-
dier : it was a most terrible ordeal, and one
not to be faced with impunity by a novice,
ignorant of the virtue of the magic nut
"kola." It began at 2 P.M. punctually,
and it was eight in the evening when we
broke up. The drink was exclusively
"bowle," a species of cup made by mix-
ing champagne and hook in equal quan-
tities, flavoured with crushed wood straw-
berries and cooled with ice. Certainly,
if the proverb in vino verita» is to be
trusted, the feeling between the German
and English armies is of the most friendly
nature, and the interest taken in all our
exploits very warm indeed. I must say
that, apart from after dinner utterances,
I have always found a most cordial feeling
to exist towards us, and have heard and
read far fairer judgments of our doings
from German officers than frequently from
our own. Everywhere they have been
most ready to show me anything whicU
A Day with the German Cavalry. 151
they were allowed to, and even where
permission could not be granted to ine,
hints enough were given to enable me to
pic* up what I required, I only trust that
whenever any of their representatives may
straggle over to this country, they may
always be offered as cordial a hospitality
as it has invariably been my good fortune
to enjoy at their hands.
FREDERIC THE GREAT'S
CAVALRY.
WE have already, on several occasions,
pointed out the tendency in the
German cavalry, and we may add in their
infantry too, to go back to the traditions
and practices of their great King's time ;
a review, therefore, of what those tradi-
tions and practices were, may prove of
interest to military readers, more especi-
ally as it brings to light many strong
points in our own system of training
which seem to be in danger of being
forgotten. Our authority for the following
lines is Prince Hohenlohe's Conversations
about Cavalry, a new book not to be con-
founded with his Letters about Cavalry,
but which originated from the discussion
produced by the publication of the latter.
Unfortunately the former has not been,
and is not likely to be, translated, as it is
of such a strictly technical character that
Frederic the Great's Cavalry. 153
it would hardly prove remunerative to
any publisher, but it is a work which
might well be undertaken by the Intelli-
gence Department either here or at home,
as a supplement to Von Verdy's book
recently brought out : the latter book
treating of the employment of cavalry
when trained, the former of how to train
them for the employment. The book is
so important that we feel justified in
devoting a few more lines to describe its
genesis. The leaders of thought in the
German cavalry held that Prince Hohen-
lohe's views, as expressed in the above-
mentioned letters, were decidedly too
couleur de rose, as in their opinion (and in
ours too) their performances in 1870 fell
far short of what one has a right to expect
from 70,000 horsemen if properly handled.
They said, and with considerable truth,
that not only was the superior leading,
i.e., above the regimental unit, far below
what it should be, but the individual
training of men and horses left very much
154 Frederic the Great's Cavalry.
to be desired, and that it was a mistake
to let such optimistic views get about, as
it had a tendency to slacken the pursuit
of perfection. In consequence the Prince
held numerous conversations with one
of the principal cavalry experts of the day,
n Saxon officer of high rank, in which
they went into every point connected with
the training of men, horses and officers
most minutely, and the information thus
obtained, he has given us in the form of
the book now before us. The first chapter
is devoted to discussing the views Prince
Hohenlohe advanced about the employ-
ment of cavalry in the last war : as these
have already appeared in these columns,
the Saxon officer's critique on them will
not be without interest, so we venture to
give the conversation in extenso : —
H. — You will at least grant me that
whenever the cavalry actually charged they
behaved splendidly ?
S. — As far as they knew how to, cer-
tainly ; but what could be expected from
Frederic the Great's Cavalry. 155
the few loosely ridden charges at Vionville
which you characterised as "normal:"
what would not properly closed attacks
have effected !
H. — But permit me to remind you that
formerly we were taught that, out of ten
charges of cavalry versus cavalry, in nine
one side or the other turned tail before
the shock. Both in 1866 and 1870 this
never happened : every time the two
cavalries rode into each other and fought
it out with the sword. We surely cannot
therefore be held inferior to former caval-
ries in dash.
S. — That is the very point I was aiming
at ; this riding into each other is the very
thing which discloses the weakness of the
modern cavalry. I admit that in point of
personal courage we are at least as good
as formerly, but the reason why in those
days cavalry did not inter-penetrate lies
in this, that they rode so well closed up
that they could not find room to do so,
but could only crash together. Frederic
156 Frederic the Great's Cavalry.
always denounced loose charges, because
out of them a melee arose, and said, " I
will have no melees. Cavalry must charge
en muraille : before this wall-like attack the
weaker side gave way. But the cavalry
of to-day are not able to deliver these wall-
like attacks, because their horses are in-
sufficiently trained.
H. — But you will at least admit that at
Vionville the cavalry was employed in
considerable " masses."
S. — Masses, that is to say, numbers,
certainly were used, but not in " mass "
but in driblets. First one regiment became
engaged, and then whatever could be laid
hands on, regiment or squadron was brought
up and hurled at the enerny without any
predetermined plan.
# •% * % * *
The reason for all this was that we had
too few leaders who could trust themselves
to handle a large cavalry mass systemati-
cally and lead it intact against the enemy.
.... It is not the leaders I would blame
Frederic the Great's Cavalry. 157
for this, but the system which failed to
educate them up to the mark.
H. — I hardly understand you ?
8. — Do you fancy that Seidlitz, Ziethen,
Driesen, &c., all came into the world as
finished cavalry leaders ? They were the
product of the conditions under which
they lived. Seidlitz was a genius, Driesen
was not, but both were able to attain high
results with cavalry masses.
H. — But now-a-days we hear and read
amongst our " Cavalleriests " nothing but
the necessity of following the principles
of Frederic.
S. — Theoretically, yes, but not quite in
practice ; in his general tactical rules, yes,
but in their application not always ; in
the demands to be made on them, yes, but
in their execution not altogether ; in the
object with which these masses should be
employed, yes, but in the way how they
are to be fitted for this employment noth-
ing at all. Least of all do we read how
the individual atoms of which they are
158 Frederic the Great's Cavalry.
composed are to be fitted for their task —
I mean about the individual detail training
of man and horse.
H.— But surely a mass of men, even if
the units are indifferently trained, can, if
handled on Frederic's system, achieve a
great deal.
S.— I doubt it.
H. — Well, how about Murat ? His horse*
men were certainly individually below medi-
ocrity, and yet —
S. — Murat certainly never led his cavalry
according to Frederic's rules. He formed
great deep columns and set these masses in
motion in a fixed direction ; not one rider
in them could have given his horse another
direction had he wanted to do so ; and
besides he attacked only at a trot : certainly
that was not in accordance with Frederic's
ideas.
H. — That the riders had no power over
their horses was certainly the case. My
own uncle, who was bringing up a brigade
against Murat' s great attack at Liebert-
Frederic the Great's Cavalry. 159
wolkwitz (Leipsic), told me that liis own
horse on that occasion bolted with him
and dashed past Murat's mass at about ten
paces distance. The enemy's horsemen
cursed and swore at him, but not one
had power enough over his mount to ap-
proach him, and the whole crowd hurried
past in a wild confused " mass " in the
direction they had been started in. Hence
it seems that even if Murat started them
at a trot, they soon, whether intentionally
or otherwise, broke into a gallop. Closed
in an orderly fashion they certainly were
not : my uncle described them as a disor-
ganised "rabble."
S. — And what was the result of this at-
tack with wild run-away horses ? They rode
down one or two Russian batteries, and then
were driven back by the onslaught of a few
regiments of the allies, in spite of their
numbers Cavalry like this
which breaks out of control and literally
" bolts, " though towards instead of away
from the enemy, is of no sort of use.
160 Frederic the Great's Cavalry.
H. — But surely things are better with
us now-a-days ?
S. — Not very much. I could give you
examples to prove it : I almost fancy with
such troops it is a pure chance in which
direction it bolts. Why, I remember a
case in which a cavalry division of six
regiments was to be relieved by a fresh
one of the same strength, but through a
misunderstanding the former galloped down
en debandade on the latter and tore it away
in flight with it.
H. — I confess I cannot recall the in-
stance from my stock of military history.
S. — Probably not, for it happened on
the manoeuvre ground ; but it might just
as well have happened in war. Such an
accident may at any moment happen to
cavalry men who cannot control their
horses, however brave they may be. Have
I not some grounds for believing it to be
a pure matter of chance in which direction
it may bolt ?
H. — Certainly ; but is it possible to
Frederic the Great's Cavalry. 161
train men and horses to such an extent
as to prevent such an accident happening ?
S. — Why not ? If Frederic's men could
do it, then why not ours ?
H. — Still I do not yet understand why
you attribute the deficiencies of our leaders
to our method of training.
S. — Our riding education keeps our
horses during the whole of the winter on
the level ground of the riding school and
manege, from the 1st October to the 1st
April. Then follows the squadron train-
ing and regimental drills, also on level
parade grounds. Only during the short
period of the detachment exercises and
manoeuvres^ which last only four weeks,
is it necessary for cavalry to ride straight
across whatever comes first. Is it possible
that the soldier can feel full confidence
that his horse will carry him safely as long
as he sits close — doesn't jag at the bit ?
Is it to be expected that he can keep his
eyes on the enemy and his squadron
leader : is it not much more likely that
162 Frederic the Greats Cavalry.
he will be anxiously looking down at
every stone and furrow on the ground,
and at the same time keep worrying his
horse's mouth and thereby destroying the
order of the formation ? But a leader,
who has grown up in this groove, how
can he feel confidence in their ability to
reach the enemy closed up, when he knows
that every potato - field and every ridge
and furrow loosens their order ? Besides,
between the ages of 40 and 50 the passion
for riding is apt to die out, and with our
system the leaders are able to do most of
this work on foot, or halted quietly on
the middle of the parade ground.
H. — But the divisional commander's
place is with his reserve : he is hardly
required to ride at the head of his division
in the charge.
S. — If the cavalry cannot rally quickly,
certainly he requires a reserve and his
place is with it ; but in the days of the
great King when rallying quickly was a
main point in the training, you will find
Frederic the Great's Cavalry. 163
no instruction for the formation of a
reserve, because as soon as the " rally "
sounded a closed reserve was speedily
formed. These are the King's instructions
as to the way in which large bodies of
cavalry were to form for attack. The
first treffen closed in line ; on both flanks
i*/ '
overlapping, and a couple of hundred
paces in rear, from five to ten squadrons
of hussars to surround the enemy in flank
rear ; and to pursue as also to cover the
flanks ; and then a second treffen, usually
straight behind the first : and in this order
bodies of cavalry of double and even
treble the strength of our present divisions
were expected to attack over any kind of
ground that came in their way, and the
King took care that they did it too.
Here we will leave the conversation for the
present, and add cne or two remarks in
explanation of the above, leaving it to
another letter to develop in detail the
principles of the King's training.
It is a great pity that none of the
164 Frederic the Greafs Cavalry.
English officers who served in the old
Austrian Army have recorded their expe-
riences in print, for there was much that
we might learn with advantage from them.
From all we can gather they appear to
have been far superior to the Prussians,
both better horsemen and more accustomed
to work in large bodies. They were the
only cavalry definitely trained to manoeu-
vre in large masses, and it was no un-
usual sight to see 20 and even 30 squad-
rons charging in line across the exercise
ground at Milan, and the ground they
frequently fought over in Lombardy was
of exceptional difficulty. The Saxon offi-
cer's description gives one rather an un-
favourable idea of the German cavahy and
must not be taken quite au pied de lettre.
We have repeatedly seen their cavalry
divisions manoeuvring with a swing-and-
go above praise, over both potato and
turnip fields interspersed with open drains
not big enough to be considered obstacles,
but just the thing to throw careless horses
Frederic the Great's Cavalry. 165
down, but we never saw anything of the
kind happen. Indeed, though individually
our men would get over ground far and
away better than the Germans, in forma-
tion we would give the preference to the
latter. In our last letter we described a
squadron in column sweeping over a line
of practice jumps without opening out or
checking, and we will add one or two more
examples to it. For instance, we have
frequently seen a wing of a squadron
when manoeuvring deliberately made to
charge, so that part of the front had to
cross one of these jumps (which, by the
way, never have wing walls), and we
hardly remember ever seeing an accident.
On another occasion a cavalry division
with three regiments in first line charged
across a gully, at the bottom of which
was a nasty blind drain and a cartroad
with very deep ruts, yet not a single man
fell in the whole division, though they
were galloping hard when they came
across it. We have seen terrible grief in
166 Frederic the Great" s Cavalry.
a far less serious obstacle on the Fox hills ;
and as for the practice jumps down by the
Eed Church at Aldershot, we should like
to repeat the Duke's remarks one day
when, on his way home from a fiasco in
the Long Valley, he ordered one regiment
over them : but since in print they would
have to be given in a series of —
, we may as well spare
ourselves and the printer the trouble.
LONG DISTANCE RIDES.
WE have received for review, a small
pamphlet by Colonel Bengough, A. A.
G. for Bangalore, on Cavalry Long Distance
1 iides, a subject which is at last beginning to
attract some, at any rate, of the attention it
deserves. The pamphlet consists of trans-
lations from the Militair Wochenblatt and
Revue Militaire de la Etrangere, of accounts
of different exercises of this nature carried
out in Russia during the past two years,
and a few notes on celebrated marches of
our own army. We have only one fault to
find with it, and that is, it is too short ;
particularly the portion which comes from
the Colonel's pen direct. His remarks in
his preface are so true, that we venture to
reproduce them verbatim. " There is, I
think, an innate prejudice amongst English-
men against the practice of exercises in
peace time as a preparation for war, and
this is, I think, especially the case amongst
168 Long Distance Rides.
English Cavalry officers. Relying on the
superior fitness for warfare of Englishmen
and horses, we are apt to ignore the neces-
sity of special training/7 Thus, in this
instance no doubt, Cavalry officers may
object to " knocking their horses about " by
practising such distance rides, and will
point to the feats performed by Lord Lake,
General Gilbert, Colonel Barrow and others,
as examples of what British Cavalry can do
when required. But putting aside the
point that leaders, such as these, are not al-
ways to be found when wanted (vide Chil-
lianwallah), it is surely well for an officer
to know, from personal experience, what
his horses can, and cannot do.
It is true that Lord Lake and others did
perform extraordinary feats according to
European standards, but with how much
greater ease and efficiency might they not
have been accomplished, had both men and
officers and horses been trained to them.
But Lord Lake unfortunately has found
but few imitators ; and probably, even at
Long Distance Rides. 169
the time, his officers objected to " knocking
their horses about," and were only too glad
to relapse into their ordinary condition of
somnolence when their old leader left them.
At any rate, the tradition had died a
natural death before the days of the Mutiny,
and there was no one at hand to resusticate
it. But he had found out the secret of
success in Asiatic warfare, a secret which is
as true now as it was then ; and that is,
that you must not only be able to fight,
but to pursue after you have fought, and
that, ot catch runaway natives, calls for
the utmost exertion of both man and
horse.
Troops trained on his system and led by
such leaders, would have crushed the
Mutiny at its very outset ; for a single
Cavalry Regiment from Umballa, distant
from Meerut 90 miles, would have prevent-
ed the mutineers reaching Dehli. But no !
the idea of Cavalry riding 90 miles in a
day was so unusual, that it never appears
to have occurred to any one. Each defeat
170 Long Distance Sides.
of the enemy would have been turned into
a rout, had the Cavalry only understood
what it was to " move.'7 And history
notoriously repeats itself. Let us hope if it
does, that this time, thanks to the exertions
of such officers as Colonel Bengough and
General Luck, the idea of a 100 miles'
march may be as familiar to every subal-
tern, as the detail of a guard-mounting
parade. What is most wanted, is that men
should realise more fully the capabilities of
their horses than they at present do. The
conventional idea of a pony or horse in
this country, is an animal that can hardly
be ridden or driven 10 miles a day without
cruelty, though the miserable ekka pony,
under-sized and half-starved though he is,
is a standing example of the contrary.
"War and the preparation for war, are nei-
ther of them to be looked on as an amuse-
ment, and though it may be quite wrong,
from a human point of view, to overwork
nn animal in the pursuit of sport or any
other amusement, it is sentimental non-
Long Distance Rides. 171
sense to refuse to call on either man or
horse at times to do their utmost, not only
during war, but at times even during the
preparation for war.
No Cavalry soldier or mounted officer is
really efficient till he knows the utmost he
can get, both out of himself and his horse.
To under-estimate his powers and, there-
fore, not to undertake a service, is as bad
as to over-estimate them and break down
on the way. Either may lead to a general
disaster. But these things cannot be learnt
without practice, and if officers will not
practise these things on their own initiative,
it must be rendered compulsory by regula-
tion. Indirectly a great advantage would
be derived from it. By this course, for
instance, we should get rid of all who
were not physically fit for their work. It
may be hard on the individual, but it is
better for the State that a man should break
down in peace, than that his place should
become vacant just when he is most requir-
ed, in war. There can be little doubt that,
172 Long Distance Rides.
by careful attention to this question, the
capacity of our horses, also, might be much
increased.
There is no reason why horses of English
blood, such as Walers and stud-breds, or
Arab crossed country - breds, should not,
with proper training, rival the performances
of the Turkoman horse. Colonel Valentine
Baker is probably as good an authority on
horse-flesh as we have had in the Army,
and the distances he gives as having been
repeatedly covered by Turkomans, after a
raid, may be taken on the word of such an
expert. Heavily laden with rider and loot,
and dragging their captives after them, they
think nothing of distances to which we
have never attained. It is a pity that Colo-
nel Bengough has not amplified his pam-
phlet by some hundred pages, and told us
also what has been done in this direction in
the German, Austrian and Italian services.
In the former country, it has for some time
been the custom for officers to ride long dis-
tance races against time ; the condition of
Long Distance Rides. 173
the horse, on finishing, being considered a
principal factor in awarding the prize.
It requires at least as much judgment,
endurance and knowledge of horse-flesh, to
make the most of your horse, over a hun-
dred mile course, as over a two-mile one,
and for this reason it ought to appeal to
our national instincts just as forcibly ; and
on the score of humanity, it is certainly
preferable to breaking a horse's back over
that murderous " ditch towards you" jump
in the N. Hunt course. In one single meet-
ing at Crewkerne in 1883, nine horses
broke their backs over this one obstacle,
and in the many accounts of long-distance
races we have studied, we cannot recall a
single case of a horse having been perma-
nently disabled. The long distances one
often covers in the hunting field, hardly
serve the same purpose as the race, for the
exertion of the run itself is out of all pro-
portion to the distance covered, but still
the experience so gained is not to be under-
valued.
174 Long Distance Rides.
Here are some of the figures which Colo-
nel Bengough gives us. A detachment
from the officers' school at Kresnoje rode
149 miles in 40^ hours. Two Sotnias of
Don Cossacks covered 210 miles in 72
hours, under the exceptionally severe con-
ditions of frozen roads and heavy snow.
Lord Lake's march was 70 miles in 24
hours in November. General Morgan
Stewart did 90 miles in 35 hours. Coming
again to the Russians, we find a detach-
ment of Dragoons marching 216 miles in
77 hours.
We trust when a second issue of this
interesting pamphlet is published, it will
contain full accounts of General Luck's
splendid march in Scinde, and also of the
ride recently executed by a detachment of
the 4th Madras Cavalry, and a division of
V-l Royal Cavalry, both of which seem to
head the record, as will be seen by compar-
ing them with the figures above, for which
purpose, we give the distances again, viz.,
5th Cavalry 123 miles in 35 hours, and 4th
Long Distance Rides.
Madras Cavalry 315 miles in 134 hours.
But though we have proved ourselves equal,
it will be unlike Englishmen, if we do not
strive to make ourselves unapproachably
superior ; and we believe that if proper
attention is directed to the matter, the
improvement will be astonishing.
We have not space to go into the details
of the pamphlet now before us, but it does
not appear that in any of the marches there-
in described, the expedient of alternately
leading and riding was tried. The relief
this gives to the horse is well - known,
though, judging by the average perform-
ance of Cavalry on field days, it is too
often forgotten. There are other expedients
for maintaining the strength of the animal
on the march, such as tying raw meat round
the bit, a favourite practice with hard riding
farmers in Yorkshire. Western's custom in
his long distance walk might also be tried
of giving both men and horses coca leaves to
chew. For the former it would be clean-
lier than tobacco, and the latter would not
176 Long Distance Rides.
notice it if mixed with their feed. In
conclusion, we can only hope that Colonel
Bengough's pamphlet may be soon sold out,
and that he may then see his way to giving
us a considerably amplified second edition.
THE GERMAN CAVALRY
MANCEUVRES, 1886.
IT will be within the memory of our
readers that a considerable amount of
political capital was made by the French
papers out of the fact that the German
Government refused to invite any foreign
officers to the manoeuvres of their Cavalry
in Alsace this autumn. The more belli-
cose French papers wished to make a casus
belli out of it, and even the moderate ones
considered the situation serious. In reality
there was nothing political in the matter at
all. As a general rule it is impossible to
find in the vicinity of the open and com-
paratively uncultivated district desirable
for Cavalry work, adequate accommodation
for the Emperor's guests ; and the scene of
this year's manoeuvres formed no exception
to this rule. What, however, gave special
importance to these manoeuvres was, that it
was the first occasion on which the new
Cavalry regulations were practically tested.
178 German Cavalry Manoeuvres, 786.
The special point in which these regula-
tions differ from preceding ones, is in the
increased prominence given to the role of
Cavalry on the battle - field. " Cavalry
must be prepared to charge even unshaken
Infantry ; for till the attempt has been
made who can tell whether the Infantry
deserve to be considered unshaken or not ??y
The Germans, at any rate, do not believe
that breech-loaders have driven their horse-
men off the field as yet.
Full reports of thes-e manoeuvres are now
available, and they contain many points
of interest to all branches of the service. The
regiments employed were by no means the
pick of the German Cavalry, but with the
exception of the Hessians, were drawn from
parts of the Empire — viz. the Rhine, Wur-
temberg and Baden— least noted in this
way. These countries hardly possess the
stamp of horses, nor as yet the traditional
system of horse management that the Prus-
sians and Hanover have had for years ; and
hence we are not surprised to hear that, in
German Cavalry Manoeuvres, '86. 179
point of endurance, there has been much
wanting. The object of the experiment,
however, was really to discover how far
these countries had got in the assimilation
of the Prussian system. The regimental
management of horse flesh cannot be learnt
in a few days, not even in years; and since
uniformity of system is absolutely indis-
pensable to the successful manoeuvring of
large bodies, it was desirable to see how far
this had been attained. The divisions were,
therefore, rather scratch packs ; and hence
the complaints, which appeared in the
papers at the time, must not be taken as
generally applicable.
After four days of Brigade drill, the
Divisional drills began with an attack on
Infantry, represented by detachments of
fortress artillery, only a skeleton enemy.
The Division was formed in three lines. In
the first, three regiments of Dragoons ; 200
yards in rear two regiments of Lancers ;
and about the same distance on the right
rear a third regiment of Lancers, The
180 German Cavalry Manoeuvres, 786.
trot was sounded at 4,400 yards' distance,
and the gallop at about 1,000. Next came
an attack on Artillery, in the same forma-
tion ; but with the first line at open files.
The trot was again sounded at 4,400 yards,
but the gallop already at 1,400.
Next day, the Division manoeuvred to
represent the action of Cavalry against all
three arms during a battle. It was sup-
posed to be itself acting in combination
with an Army Corps. At 7-30 A.M., it
rendezvoused to the south-east of the village
of Weitbruch, hidden in a roll of the ground,
and with difficult country in front of it.
The general idea pre-suppbsed the whole
of the Corps of Artillery in action. The
two horse batteries, attached to the Cavalry,
marked the end of the Artillery line, and
their combined fire was assumed to be
checking the advance of the enemy's Infan-
try : his Cavalry was not yet in sight-
The Division moved off at a trot ; and
availing themselves of a slight undulation,
fell right on the flank of the Infantry, in
German Cavalry Manoeuvres, '86. 181
three lines each of two regiments. This
attack was considered successful, and the
regiments were still broken up in the melee,
when suddenly the enemy's Cavalry, hither-
to concealed by copses, came down on them.
We come now to one of the principal
points of the new regulation. Formerly,
after a charge, the " halt " was sounded ;
but as this left the troops still compara-
tively in hand, and in no way represented
the actual confusion incident on an attack,
the halt has been abolished, and instead,
the troops engaged disperse and form the
melee. It was in the hope of profiting by
this confusion that the other side attacked-
Only part of the third line still retained a
degree of order : but nevertheless, the re-
mainder rallied so rapidly, and charged so
promptly, that they were held to have been
successful.
The last day shewed the Cavalry at their
best. The ground was exceptionally steep
and difficult, but the manoeuvres went off
to eveiy - one's satisfaction. Throughout
182 German Cavalry Manoeuvres, '86.
the proceedings, the principle of always
retaining a closed body in hand was well
observed, and the enemy's horsemen never
got a chance ; and it must be remembered
that, in peace, the fight against a skeleton
enemy, owing to the greater ease with
which its small bodies can be handled,
renders the task of the opposing force more
difficult than it would normally be. All
this is a curious commentary on the lessons
of our text-books and the decisions of our
Umpires, who ever since the introduction
of rifled firearms, have foretold the downfall
of the Cavalry as an arm on the battle-field.
As our German critic pointed out the
other day, the Germans themselves believ-
ed in this doctrine, till a happy inspira-
tion on the part of a young subaltern
caused Bredow's Brigade to be launched on
what appeared to be the half of the French
army (it actually amounted to some
12,000 infantry and 30 guns) ; and to the
surprise of all spectators rode it down like
a pack of sheep,, in spite of the 1,200 yards
German Cavalry Manoeuvres, '86. 183
of open, fire - swept country they had to
cross. Even then, it was some years before
the prejudice could be overcome ; and it
is chiefly owing to the opinion of Prince
Frederic Charles, and the eloquent writings
of Generals Von Schmidt and Von Kaehler,
that such a complete change of opinion has
been brought out.
The repeating rifle will not alter mat-
ters much. Opportunities for surprise will
occur as frequently as ever ; and even where
the ground does not favour the Cavalry,
they can take heart. For it is a fact,
established by experiment in peace time, and
hence more likely to be correct under the
conditions of the battle-field, that increased
noise does not imply increased deadliness of
fire.
Against the enemies which our Indian
army will probably meet, this latter point
deserves especially to be borne in mind.
They none of them belong to the races
whose nerves are* steadied by danger and
excitement combined ; and if only we find
184 Gwman Cavalry Man&uvres, '86.
the leader, our Cavalry will soon prove that
they are not a mere auxiliary arm, to be
trotted home as soon as the firing begins.
Only let them give the leader the weapon
ready to his hand, by studying in peace
time the secret of success, which is " uni-
formity."
THE GERMAN FIELD ARTILLERY.
IMMEDIATELY after the campaign of
1870, the Germans set about rearming
their field artillery : about the end of 1873 the
new gun was definitely approved, and in
less than two years the whole of their
artillery had received the new equipment.
When we consider that this rearmament
implied the construction of about 2,000
field-guns with their limbers, waggons, &c.,
and the manufacture of new projectiles, &c.,
we, who are acquainted with the annual
capacity of Woolwich Arsenal, may well
blush for our country, the greatest manu-
facturing country in the world. The im-
provements then introduced were briefly
these — between 300 and 400 feet a second
increased initial velocity, a reliable time-
fuze for shrapnel, the double - wall shell
(analogous to our old segment shell, but
without its defect of diminishing unduly
186 The German Field Artillery.
the bursting charge), and the introduction
of steel carriages and limber boxes. The
enormous increase in power which these
changes brought with them does not seem
to have been sufficiently taken into consi-
deration by those writers and attack-sys-
tem-mongers, who still base their ideas on
the well - known but much disputed .and
somewhat irrelevant statement, that artillery
fire in 1870 only accounted for a bare 4
per cent, of the total loss ; which may
indeed be true, but which by no means
affords a measure of the actual material
results obtained by the gunners when they
concentrated their fire against suitable ob-
jects. What these results actually were
may be found in the pages of Prince
Hohenlohe's letters about artillery, the
most practical and readable book on the
subject that has ever appeared ; summa-
rised, they amount to about this, that the
front of a line of guns was practically un -
approachable by even good infantry, unless
favoured by the ground. But these above-
The German Field Artillery. 187
mentioned improvements have fully trebled
the power of the guns, whilst the means
and method of employing them have also
progressed in almost the same ratio. The
chief of these has been the formation and
development of schools of gunnery for both
officers and men, and the provision of
suitable ranges for the practice of field-
firing, many corps possessing ranges large
enough for the development of eight batteries
at once. Before 1870 only a school sup-
ported by the voluntary subscriptions of
the officers themselves existed, for the
Parliament refused to grant the necessary
funds, but the Artillery had felt so bitterly
their own failures in 1866, and saw so clear-
ly that it was no good having accurate
guns if they did not know how to use them,
that a school was voluntarily formed in
1867, which even in three years bore fruit
on the battle-fields of France. The chief
object of instruction appears to be getting
the range by trial shots (for to this day
they are without a rangefinder), and this is
188 The German Field Artillery.
developed to such perfection that they claim
to be able to guarantee their third round hit-
ting. Next in importance comes the con-
trolling of the fire of long lines of guns firing
shotted cartridges, and it is obvious that here
the difficulties are enormously increased,
compared with those under which a single
battery conducts its fire. It is difficult to
tell where one's own shells actually do
strike when some thirty or forty are all
bursting in and around the same object.
The dense smoke produced by full charges
comes drifting down across the front of the
other guns, or clings to the damp ground
like a dense fog, and finally the increased
noise unsteadies the men; but though
practice can never altogether remove these
difficulties, it enables both men and officers
to deal with them more readily and with
greater coolness. With regard now to the
manoeuvring capabilities of the batteries,
there are many points worthy of our atten-
tion, for we still stick too much to the old
galloping style of the smooth-bore era. The
The German Field Artillery. 189
Austrian campaign fully opened the eyes of
the Germans to the changes which the rifled
guns entailed ; and in 1870 the formation of
large batteries from the very commencement
of the actions was, perhaps, the leading
feature, but still much remained to be done,
though the direction adopted was the right
one. and it can hardly be open to question
that the progress made in the last fourteen
years must be much more considerable than
in the three years before 1870. But this is a
point almost impossible to judge of in peace,
and here we touch almost the weakest point
in the whole German organisation, viz., the
maintenance of only four guns horsed for
battery in peace. In the first place, the
march to a field-day with only four guns
and no second line of waggons forms a
poor preparation for the same operation on
a war - footing (six guns), and similarly
manoeuvring four without, instead of six
guns with appendages, is a far simpler
operation. But a still greater defect in the
present organisation is, that it altogether
190 The German Field Artillery.
prevents the proper training of the horses
to fulfil the conditions required of them.
Few seem to realise how great these exer-
tions are; the distance from the advance
guard to the corps artillery can rarely be
less than five miles, and this five miles has
to be passed over, generally across country,
at a trot ; very often it is far greater. Let
me quote a few examples :— The Guard
Corps Artillery going into action at Villers
Cernay (battle of Sedan) did 10 miles on
end in a single trot; the Corps Artillery of
the 7th Corps were lying in bivouac at Ot-
tweiler, after a 5-mile march on August 6,
1870, when they suddenly received the order
to march to the battle-field of Saarbruck,
distant 22 miles. It was a good chausse, but
terribly hilly; nevertheless, they reached
the battle-field in three hours. " The drag
shoes could not be used, it would have
delayed us too much/' says General Dresky
in his report, and after this the guns
went into action, and the exhausted horses
had to toil some 2,000 yards through the
77*6? German Field Artillery. 191
saturated fields. To prepare for these
new conditions, it has become the custom
of inspecting officers to order the batteries
to parade, ready to inarch off on their pri-
vate parades, at a given hour, and then
send orders to rendezvous at a point some
five to six miles distant as soon as possi-
ble. In this way, at any rate, both officers
and men get some idea of the difficulties
of covering long distances at a rapid
rate, a thing which with a long column
is by no means as easy as it sounds ; to
keep up the same steady trot with the
head of the column up and down hill,
without losing distance, is a thing which
cannot be done without long practice and
experience. But no matter how thoroughly
trained the peace establishment of horses
may be, those brought in to complete the
war establishment are necessarily in a very
different condition; called in suddenly from
their work in the fields, &c., and accus-
tomed generally only to slow work, it is
hardly possible to call on them suddenly
192 The German Field Artillery.
for such great exertions, and with the rail-
way concentrations of to - day, there is
frequently no opportunity of getting them
into condition before the day of battle.
The Cavalry, on the other hand, owing to
their larger establishment of horses and
the fifth squadron, can take the field
within a few hours, with all their mounts
in thorough training, fit to march 30 miles
a day for three or four days running. With
regard to the driving drill, the same prin-
ciples which enable the Cavalry to manoeu-
vre in large masses with certainty, obtain
also in the Artillery, each battery follows
its commander just as each squadron fol-
lows its leader ; dressing is maintained
by strict attention to time, and not by
turning the head towards the directing
flank. The battery commander gives the
direction of the advance, naming some
clearly visible object as far to the front as
possible, and the men ride straight for it,
with only an occasional glance of the eye
to correct the dressing. That dressing
TJie German Field Artillery. 193
should be kept by only an occasional glance
is laid down distinctly in our own book,
but practically it is not much attended to :
if any one doubts this, let him take up
his position on Long Hill some day and
watch an advance in review order across
the Long Valley. He will probably see
something like this, — every head turned
anxiously to the directing flank, and turn-
ing the head inevitably brings every outer
leg on and the guns begin to converge;
presently, the drivers begin to notice that
they are getting too close, and commence
to diverge ; they overdo it a little, the
error increasing as you get further to the
flanks, and then they begin to swing in
again, repeating the movement da capo
till halted. Without exaggeration, the
track of the outer gun is frequently almost
as sinuous as a snake's track over sand.
With regard to the change of position
of large bodies of artillery in line, the
Germans always work by groups of four
batteries, each group working practically
M., L. 13
194 The German Field Artillery.
independently, thus localising errors as
they arise. In other points of drill there is
little, if anything, for us to learn ; in point
of turn-out and men there is no compari-
son possible. Even with regard to the
horses, the superiority of ours to the eye is
enormous, but I fear it is chiefly to the eye,
for I doubt if we possess many batteries
at the present moment which could do
22 miles in three hours, without the loss
of half of their horses. Their manoeuvring
power over rough ground I should not be
inclined to put very high; the country,
as a rule, is so open that one seldom en-
counters an obstacle worth talking of, even
in the manoeuvres ; but I remember at
one of these, seeing a whole horse artillery
battery stopped by a little ditch full of
water barely two feet across ; the banks
were a little soft, it is true, but the gun
wheels had not sunk enough to cause
trouble till after they had been standing
for some minutes, whilst they were trying
to coax or drag the horses over. The
The German Field Artillery. 195
Crown Princess of Prussia and her suite
(many ladies amongst them) galloped up
and took the ditch in their stride, casting
a look of compassion back on the poor gun-
ners as they rode on up the slope. ^
THE TACTICS OF FIELD
ARTILLERY.
fTlHE recent action of the Secretary of
A State for War in reducing the most
mobile portion of our field artillery has
brought the question of the employment of
this arm of the service more prominently be-
fore us than usual, and much has been written
and spoken on both sides. But it is cu-
rious how weak, on the whole, has been
the defence made by the partisans of the
Royal Horse, and it says little for the
technical training of their officers that a
stronger case has not been made out, not
merely for the maintenance of this most
essential branch of the service, but for
its large increase. As for the other side
of the question — the arguments used show
such an ignorance of the first principles of
present tactics that they are almost beneath
criticism. To arrive at a right understand-
ing of the question, we must obviously
The Tactics of Field Artillery. 197
first realise clearly what it is that horse
and field artillery will have to do ; and
to this end nothing will serve us better
than to consider the part allotted by the
leading German tacticians to the artillery
arm on the battle-field. It may be urged
that Continental battles will be fought out
between armies numbering as many hun-
dreds as we shall have tens of thousands ;
but no one will refuse to consider it de-
sirable as an abstract proposition that we
should equal our enemies man for man
and gun for gun. Cavalry indeed appear
to be the only arm of the service in which
superior training of men and horses can
compensate for marked inferiority of num-
bers ; with the other arms, equal weapons
and a more or less uniform method of
training render it improbable that even
the best troops will win against odds of
two to one. A translation of Von der
Goltz's Zufalls Schlacht, published in a
recent number of this paper, will have giv-
en those who read it a lively idea of what
198 The Tactics of Field Artillery.
fighting in these latter days is like. This
author points out that pitched battles tend
yearly to become less likely, and that the
decisive struggles will spring from unfore-
seen encounters of separate columns, the
fractions of large armies, both manoeu-
vring with the object of outwitting each
other. Two such columns, which we will
assume to be Army Corps, whether on the
English or German model does not signify,
come into contact, and instantly all the
neighbouring ones bend off in the direction
of the fight. The first object in this, as
in every other engagement, will be to es-
tablish a crushing artillery superiority,
for the side which fails in this will be com-
pelled to adopt the defensive and that, too,
on an unprepared field. It is unfortunate-
ly the fashion with us to lay an undue
value on this form of action, connecting it
in our minds with invulnerable entrench-
ments, lined with steady well-armed troops,,
and with due notice given the field may
no doubt be thus prepared. But the ac-
The Tactics of Field: Artillery. 199
tual course of events will rarely be so
obliging. Encounters will come on by
chance ; the circumstances of the moment
control the employment of the first troops
to arrive, and it is difficult to imagine that
they will be allowed to entrench them-
selves either in front or rear of the enor-
mous artillery lines which will be the first
to be formed. Individual detachments may,
indeed, make use of their shovels to good
effect, but it will be impossible to make a
combined whole of their local endeavours.
Let us now see what the essential condi-
tions of securing this initial preponderance
of artillery fire are : is it a matter of num-
bers or of individual power of the guns
themselves ? The relative weights of the
projectiles of the field battery and horse
artillery guns are fixed on principles which
practically admit of no change, and hence
it may be assumed that even when our
new armament is issued, there will be no
essential difference between them. At
present the shrapnel of the former contains
200 The Tactics of Field Artillery.
about 20 per cent, more bullets than that
of the latter. Will that exercise a decisive
effect ? So very much the greater propor-
tion of the bullets of shells of whatever
calibre find their way to the ground, that
if the horse gunners aim equally straight
and burst their shells equally well — and
there is no inherent reason in the nature
of things why they should not — it would
seem that gun for gun they have an equal
chance of holding their own. Hence
superiority can only be obtained by bring-
ing a larger number of guns into action.
Now here comes in the value of superior
mobility. Taking the ordinary distan-
ces kept on the line of march and plac-
ing the corps artillery between the two
leading divisions (assuming the English
corps of three divisions), it appears that
when the two advance guards come into
action, the corps artillery will not be far
off five miles in rear. If the troops are
marching in perfect order and on a decent-
ly broad road, there will be little, if any,
The Tactics of Field Artillery. 201
difficulty in their making way for the
guns. Often, however, the roads will be
narrow and enclosed, and then the guns
will have to go across country. Let any
one picture to himself what this means,
even in the autumn over stubble fields, and
then imagine a similar advance through
high standing crops and sodden ground, as
it was at Sadowa, when the corn wound
itself like brakes round the wheels, and
horses dropped dead in their traces up the
last hill. Over such a course horse artillery
could give field batteries twenty minutes
and a beating ; but once the range accu-
rately found, and 20 minutes may mean
extinction. Now take the case of the
neighbouring columns It will be singu-
larly good luck if a sufficient number of
accurately parallel roads not more than five
miles apart can be found for all the march-
ing corps ; if not, the distances between
them at any given moment may be enor-
mous. History has proved this on many
occasions. At Sadowa and Vionville, for
202 The Tactics of Field Artillery.
instance, the corps artillery was upwards
of fifteen miles from the spot on which
they actually unlimbered when the firing
was first heard, and on both occasions the
distance had to be covered across country.
Similarly for the other corps it is hardly
conceivable that their guns can be less than
20 miles away from the point on which
they are required, and again the distance
must be measured across country. Now,
judging from the German artillery, the rela-
tive speed of horse and field batteries may
be taken as four to three» Thus horse
batteries would cover the 20 miles under
favourable circumstances, i.e., open rolling
ground and good going in three hours, field
guns in four, and as the ground became
more unfavourable the lighter arm would
show to still greater advantage. Applying
these rates of movement to the case of two
armies, each of five corps meeting in a
chance battle and assuming the corps artil-
lery of the one army to be all horse (as
Prince Hohenlohe recommends), and those
TJie Tactics of Field Artillery. 203
of the others to be all field (on the plan of
the English " General who has commanded
an army in the field "), we find that the
first army would have the corps artillery of
the first corps in action at least 15 minutes
before the others — those of the two next
corps on the flanks (assuming them to be
10 miles distant from the point on which
they are required) 30 minutes before the
others, and those of the most distant at
least one hour sooner than the latter ; but
the addition of from six to eight batteries
at a critical moment would most probably
be decisive : in any case the slower side
runs the risk of being crushed in detail.
But there is yet another serious factor to
be taken into account, and that is the
supply of ammunition to these guns. Each
horse battery carries at present 148 rounds,
whilst the heavy batteries only carry 132,
and probably much about the same pro-
portions will be adhered to in any future
equipment. Hence the lighter guns can
remain in action longer, or can afford to
204 The Tactics of Field Artillery.
fire more rapidly than the heavier ones. Of
course this inequality might be got over by
a better organisation of the ammunition
columns, but this is a service of the greatest
difficulty, far greater indeed than that of
the supply of cartridges to the infantry.
Good infantry properly handled can fight
out an action with 100 rounds, for they
should never be in action long enough to
exhaust so much without being reinforced
by fresh troops from the rear. But guns
must be always in action, and seeing that
the average rate of fire of one round in
every two minutes, with a couple of spells
of rapid fire at about double that rate, will
empty their waggons in a little over four
hours, it is very evident that their re-supply
is imperative. But the difficulties which
lie in the way are almost insuperable, for
they are in the nature of things. Columns
are not as well horsed as the guns, and
therefore not as mobile. They must be
further to the rear and hence have more
troops to get past, and German experience
The Tactics of Field Artillery. 205
is that infantry will make way for guns,
but not for columns. Then the enormous
extent of ground they require has to be
considered, and the difficulty of finding
even the brigades to which they belong. It
is a serious reflection that, whereas the
supply of ammunition to the infantry is
considered to present no special difficulty
in Germany, the other question is still felt
to be practically insoluble.
Approaching this subject in view of
the recent reduction in the Horse Ar-
tillery, and the reasons alleged for and
against that measure, we pointed out in a
previous article, first, the importance of
securing a numerical superiority of guns
from the very commencement of the action,
since the side which fails in this is ipso
facto compelled to assume the defensive, a
proceeding which ninety-nine times out of
a hundred spells defeat ; and, secondly, how
all important a high degree of mobility was
to the attainment of this predominance ;
and that therein lay the chief argument for
206 The Tactics of Field Artillery.
the multiplication rather than the reduction
of the horse artillery. We now proceed to
examine the tactics of the arm when actu*
ally on the battle field.
The keynote of these tactics is undoubt-
edly the formation of large massed batter-
ies ; but though on paper this sounds easy
enough, practically it is a very different
matter. The conduct of the fire of these
masses is beset with practical difficulties
from the very outset. One has only to re-
flect on the way in which the smoke hangs
according to the dampness of the ground,
the set of the wind, and a dozen other con-
siderations, to see that it is not quite as
plain sailing as might be imagined. It is
usual to speak of long lines of artillery, and
the idea conveyed by this expression is that
of a hundred or more guns, accurately
dressed in line, but, except where a ridge
of the ground or a favourable set of the
wind actually dictates this formation, such
a line will rarely, if ever, be formed. Speak*
ing now of the long rolling slopes which
The Tactics of Field Artillery. 207
characterise the greater portion of the
ground, on which the great Continental
wars of the future will probably be fought
out, and taking the brigade of three or four
batteries, it is more probable that each
brigade will be formed in echelon at some
200 yards distant, either from a flank or
from the centre. This seems the most
practical method of dealing with the smoke
difficulty and also of puzzling the enemies7
aim. At a couple of thousand yards dis-
tance, in ground of the nature premised,
it is hardly possible to detect that the guns
are not actually in the same alignment.
The next question that arises is, how can
the fire of this line or line of groups be best
combined upon the enemy ? And on this
point volumes literally have been written
in both France, Germany, and Austria du-
ring the past few years. It is obvious that
the more guns that can be brought to bear
on a single battery, the sooner will that
battery be put out of action ; but meanwhile
its fellows have a comparatively passive
208 The Tactics of Field Artillery.
target to aim at, and may succeed in doing
irreparable damage ; besides, the difficulty
of communicating orders to a large number
of batteries has also to be taken into ac-
count. The most practicable solution of
the difficulty, as far as regards the initial
artillery duel with approximately equal
numbers on each side, is to tell off battery
against battery, but to combine the fire of
each half battery on the flank and centre
gun of the enemies' battery. In this way
three guns are brought to bear on one, and
the remaining four of the enemies' battery
are sufficiently near the line of the bursting
shells, not to be entirely uninfluenced by
them ; besides, the control of the fire with-
in the battery is very much simplified, and
there is less risk of mistaking the bursting
of the shells of a neighbouring one for those
of your own. All this seems painfully simple
on paper, but in the field when met with for
the first time, these difficulties are very real
indeed — it is indeed only another instance
of the truth of Clausewitz's saying : —
The Tactics of Field Artillery. 209
" In war everything is simple, but to se-
cure simplicity is hard." What is speci-
ally needed, even when accurate range
finders are employed, is a body of officers
specially trained by practice in the field as
observers, and in conjunction with the
above a number of orderlies trained to de-
liver verbal messages accurately. The first
point is of particular importance ; for when
a number of guns are all firing on the same
object which itself is wrapped in smoke of
its own making, it becomes next to im-
possible to distinguish any one individual-
shell. And to get over this difficulty it is pro-
posed in Germany that in getting the range,
battery salvoes, each gun laid on the same
point, and with a difference of 100 yards'
elevation should be employed, the line of
bursting shells thus formed being compara-
tively easy of identification. The second
point is of equal importance ; for, if the re-
sult of the observations is incorrectly re-
ported, the gain is entirely of a negative
description. Now, an ordinary man, even
M., L. 14
210 Tlie Tactics of Field Artillery.
if not particularly excited, will, unless he
has been specially trained for the purpose,
almost invariably repeat an order in exactly
the opposite terms in which it was given,
and nothing but a thorough training will pre-
vent him. This may seem absurd, but we
recommend any officer who doubts it to try
the experiment.
In normal ground (i.e., gently rolling) ;
the artillery fight may be divided into four
phases : first, the preparatory stage, at
ranges between 2,500 and 1,500 yards ;
the decisive stage, against the enemies ar-
tillery, between 1,500 and 1,000 yards ;
the preparation of the attack at the same
distance and the final advance to case shot
ranges, whether to confirm the decision or to
pursue. One thing here must be specially
dwelt upon, and that is, that it will no
longer suffice to quote the experiences of
the last war as to the effect, and therefore
as to the duration, of each of these stages.
The improvement in artillery has been so
great during the past sixteen years that
The Tactics of Field Artillery. 211
previous data can be no longer accepted as
guides. Not only has the range and accuracy
of fire been doubled, but every nation in Eu-
rope is now provided with shrapnell and a
reliable time fuse. In 1870 the French
shrapnell could only be burst at ranges of
about 1,000 and 2,000 yards ; and the Ger-
mans, well aware of the fact, always chose
their positions between these limits, so that
the French shells proved wholly ineffec-
tive. They themselves bad no shrapnell at
all for field guns, but now they possess one
with a fuse that can be regulated to ten
yards of range, more than can be said for
our own. Except ourselves, every nation
also possesses the double- walled shell, some-
what on the principle of the old Armstrong
segment shell, the idea being that every
shell should burst into an equal number of
fragments, none of which should be un-
necessarily large or unnecessarily small.
This alone doubles the power of each pro-
jectile. Hence it is probable that both the
artillery duel and the subsequent prepara-
212 The Tactics of Field Artillery.
tion will be decided considerably more
rapidly than formerly, and hence, again, the
necessity for increased rapidity of move-
ment, for the original fundamental prin-
ciple, that " artillery is useless when lim-
bered up," must never be forgotten. This
probability of the decision being more
rapidly arrived at must never be lost sight
of by the Staff. As it will no longer be
possible to count on the infantry having
time to form up in rendezvous formation
from their long trailing columns of route,
and hence we shall probably find a tendency
to recur to the old Napoleonic and Fredri-
cian system of marching on a broad front
straight across country, so that it may be
certain that the troops may be ready on
the ground when the time comes for them
to attack.
With regard to movements under effec-
tive infantry fire, it will appear blasphemy
to infantry officers if we say it, but actually
the artillery trouble themselves very little
about their possible losses. They say that.
The Tactics of Field Artillery. 213
to begin with, they have just as good a ri^ht
to die for their country, if necessary, as any
other branch of the Service, and they are
not afraid to take the risk. They maintain
that, no matter how perfect the infantry
weapon may be made in itself, its accuracy
depends entirely on the nerves of the man
who holds it, and they will take uncom-
monly good care to shake that man's nerves
thoroughly before giving him his opportu-
nity. The argument does not cut both
ways, for their gun has no nerves and can-
not shake. But even if the danger were
far greater than it actually is, the moral
effect, both in raising the spirit of one's
own side and depressing those of the other, of
the advance of artillery to case shot ranges is
so great that it must be carried out at all costs.
The advance of even a couple of guns to
case shot range has again and again turned
the scale even against most crushing odds.
And since the cause of it lies deep in hu-
man nature, it can be relied on to do so
again. There is, perhaps, no arm in the
214 The Tactics of Field Artillery.
service less in want of theoretical instruc-
tion than the Koyal Artillery, but on the
other hand none require practical teaching
more, for their tactics cannot be studied or
worked out on the drill ground ; but oppor-
tunities on the practice ground can only
be found by a liberal expenditure on the
part of the State. Seeing the vital impor-
tance of the arm on the battle field, it is to
be hoped that our Government in India
will not be behindhand, but may see their
way during the coming cold weather to
bring together a sufficient number of batter-
ies and to furnish them with a sufficient
amount of ammunition, to enable them to
acquire some practical experience before
the inevitable storm shall break.
THE ATTACK FORMATION FOR
INFANTRY.
TiUFTEEN years have elapsed since the
JL first encounter between troops armed
on both sides with breech-loaders took
place, and proved conclusively for those
engaged, that the days for column and line
formations in the fighting line were past
for ever and that wide and far reaching
changes in the drill-books were immediately
necessary, on pain of certain defeat in the
next campaign to those who neglected the
warning.
Such changes were at once made in all
continental armies, and for some years past
every nation has had a system, more or
less workable, for the employment of its
infantry in battle.
But in the year 1886, and almost on the
brink of a renewal of the Eastern Question,
which may involve our interference on
land, we stand alone of all the Powers, as
216 Attack Formation for Infantry.
unprovided with a plan of attack for our
infantry as we were in 1870.
It is not for want of change. Of that we
have had enough and to spare. But the
changes have been introduced without suffi-
cient regard to the conditions they were
intended to meet. In fact, the Field Exer-
cises since 1870 have never prescribed any
formation for a combat exceeding the limits
of a skirmish or partial engagement ; ap-
plied in a battle, they would hardly have
carried us beyond the limit of effective in-
fantry fire, say 700 yards. But it is only
within this limit that the whole strain is
felt, and where the want of a system to
remedy the terrible confusion of battle is
most apparent.
The drill formation for the attack should
be drawn up with reference to the most diffi-
cult conditions with which it will have
to deal. If it will satisfy these, it will
easily adapt itself to less severe ones, but
the converse does not follow.
Unquestionably the most difficult task
A ttack Formation for Infantry. 217
troops can be called on to execute, is the
frontal attack of a selected position held
by men approximately equal to them in
quality and in armament. To fix clearly
the nature of the task, let us see how the
writers of the present day picture the
course of a modern decisive attack on an
enemy in a position of his own choosing,
strengthened presumably by hasty entrench-
ments. Such a position may be assumed
to consist of a long undulation of ground
with open gentle slopes, no continuous ob-
stacle in front, and a fair field of fire over
the surrounding country, up to about 2,000
yards, at which distance a corresponding
and approximately parallel ridge hides the
movement of troops beyond from the eyes
of the defender.
Let us further assume that the operations
of the previous day have ended in the with-
drawal of the defenders' cavalry divisions,
and the discovery by the attacking cavalry
of the limits and general outline of the
enemy's position.
218 Attack Formation for Infantry.
The army itself has advanced to within
a distance of some four or five miles of the
opposing force, and bivouacs for the night,
covered by outposts. We will confine our-
selves to the infantry only of the army
corps to which the execution of the de-
cisive blow has been allotted, only refer-
ring to the action of the other arms when
absolutely necessary.
The first step in the conduct of an ac-
tion is to form a line of guns to crush the
enemy's artillery fire, and, secondly, to
prepare the way for the infantry. The
time required to carry these two operations
out, it is impossible accurately to deter-
mine, but experience shows that it may
probably be measured by hours.
The troops on both sides being consider-
ed equal in quality, it will not be safe to
attempt to form this first line of guns un-
der cover only of the cavalry, as was so
frequently done during the campaign of
1870 (not always with impunity even then,
as witness the attack by Zouaves on the
Attack Formation for Infantry. 219
batteries of Manstein's Corps (IXth) in
front of Amanvilliers, at the commencement
of the battle of St. Privat— Gravelotte).
It will be necessary, therefore, to send out
in front of the artillery a covering force of
infantry, whose duty it will be to prevent
the enemy's establishing bodies of infantry
near enough to seriously annoy the gunners
by long-range fire, say within 1,500 yards.
Now at this stage of the action it cannot
be to the interest of the defender to at-
tempt a serious attack against the batteries,
the loss to be faced is very heavy, and
the result very uncertain ; nor will it pay
the covering party to get too close, for it
would be impossible to maintain their ex-
posed position for long within the range of
aimed fire. They will, therefore, probably
content themselves with getting within
about 800 yards of the enemy's infantry,
whose position, again, is fixed by the ne-
cessity of being at least 500 yards in front
of their artillery in order to avoid danger
from premature bursting of shells.
220 Attack Formation for Infantry.
The attacking artillery will, in suitable
ground, have chosen their first position at
about 2,000 yards, which leaves them about
700 yards behind the covering party ; and
since the supports cannot lie out in the open
between the firing line and the guns, both on
account of their exposure to the enemy's fire,
and also of the danger of prematures men-
tioned above, and since, also, they cannot be
drawn up immediately behind them, on pain
of becoming the stopbutt for the enemy's
overs, they (i.e., the covering party and its
support) will be separated from each other
by a distance of at least 1,000 yards.
Hence it is necessary to give consider-
able strength to the covering party, as its
position must be held at all costs, and its
reinforcement is obviously attended with
great difficulty. To complete the prepara-
tion for the attack, it is necessary to bring
up a sufficient number of rifles to a range
at which their aimed fire begins to acquire
an actual power.
The fire of the covering-parties alone is
Attack Formation for Infantry. 221
not sufficient to accomplish this purpose,
nor will they, in all probability, possess in
themselves sufficient momentum to advance
to a shorter range after prolonged expo-
sure to a heavy fire. Fresh troops, there-
fore, must be brought to their support
through the line of batteries, whose fire,
ceasing for a moment to allow them to pass,
must be then resumed with greater inten-
sity to cover their further advance. If this
advance be made rapidly and unexpectedly,
it will probably bring with it sufficient
momentum to carry on the covering-parties
some 150 yards nearer their object, a reduc-
tion of range which will not fail to have its
due effect on the accuracy of the shooting.
Under cover of this fire the remainder
of the troops allotted to the preparation
of the attack approach ; these troops con-
sist of those units of the first line * not
* Scherff divides the field of attack into two zones : —
Zone of preparation from 700 to 300 yards about.
„ of decision „ 300 to 0 „ ,,
300 yards is, therefore, about decisive range.
222 Attack Formation for Infantry.
already engaged, and it is their duty to carry
on (by successive reinforcement) the shoot-
ing-line to within decisive range of the
enemy's position.
The intervals of time at which these suc-
cessive reinforcements will be required are
deduced from the practical experience that,
as the range decreases and the losses in-
crease, a point is reached beyond which no
troops can remain halted on the same
ground for more than about five minutes.
They must either advance or retire ; if they
do not possess in themselves the requisite
momentum to carry them forward before
the expiration of these five minutes, they
will retreat unless support reaches them.
A reinforcement should, therefore, always
be at hand, able to reach the shooting-line
in time to prevent its retreat ; and a dis-
tance of about 400 yards practically satisfies
this condition.
It is not necessary that the front of the
reinforcement shoud be co-extensive with
the front of the shooting-line, for the im-
Attack Formation for Infantry. 223
pulse to advance will make itself felt to a
considerable distance to either flank of the
advancing body. In this manner the fight-
ing-line advances till it reaches a distance
at which the effect of the fire becomes
overwhelming, say about 300 yards. And
it now becomes the duty of the second line
(or " Haupt-treffen ") to give the final im-
pulse for storming the enemy's position,
clearing him out of it, and occupying its
further boundary, leaving pursuit to the
third line.
If the resistance is desperate, the second
line may be called on to furnish supports
to the shooting line before the limit of the
zone of decision is reached, and may in-
deed be completely expended in the effort
to gain it ; in that case, the duty of the
second line devolves on the third line, and
that of the third line on the reserve.
But, in any case, the assault once started
must on no account be checked till the
further limit of the position is reached (i.e.,
a point from which the enemy can be pur-
224 Attack Formation for Infantry.
sued by fire). Here it must be stopped,
and at any cost ; for this is just the mo-
ment when offensive returns promise the
greatest chance of success, and when even
against the best troops a dashing charge of
a couple of troops of lancers may, in the
absence of closed detachments of fresh in-
fantry, turn the scale.
It is the special province of the third
line to meet this danger, or, failing the
third line, the reserve, which must there-
fore have followed the attack sufficiently
closely to be at hand when wanted. But
if the reserve itself has been necessarily
retained by the leader for employment at
some moment, or on some spot outside
the sphere of the attack itself, e.g., to
cover the outer flank of the advancing
lines against a counter attack, the rapid
advance of artillery and of cavalry into
the captured position becomes imperatively
necessary.
This completes the picture of the attack^
as drawn by the leading German author-
Attack Formation for Infantry. 225
rities,* and we have now to apply our drill
regulations to it, and to see in what man-
ner they may be best adapted to the exe-
cution of the task before us.
The first and most salient points to notice
is the entire silence of the regulations as to
the duties, relative strength, and formation
of the second and third lines.
From a study of the " Field Exercises/'
one would rise with the conclusion that a
single battalion possessed in itself (when
extended for attack) sufficient strength and
depth to carry a position held by an equal-
ly well-armed enemy ; and all the sugges-
tions hitherto made for their improvement
appear to be based on the same assumption.
But that such an assumption is untenable
can be shown from history ; to give all the
examples on which this opinion is based,
would be, to reproduce about one-third of
the Prussian official account of the 1870
campaign, and a similar fraction of the
* Scherff's Kriegiihrung . Meckel's Taktik, Cardinal v.
Widdern's Hadbuch der Truppen Fuhriing, &c.
M., L. 15
226 Attack Formation for Infantry.
best histories of the Kusso-Turkish War of
1877.
The following quotation from Meckel's
Taktik (p. 209), while it does not explain
why it should be so, will at least place it
beyond doubt that in the opinion of ex-
perienced men, depth is essential to success
in the attack : —
" One is inclined to underestimate the
consumption of men in the fight. It is
difficult to grasp the idea that for a portion
of the front on which only one man can
fight at a time, it is necessary to have ten
men in readiness, and to explain the matter
and theoretically to show the necessity for
so doing would be difficult ; here history
alone can help us/7
Let us see, then, how far to the front our
present authorised attack formation will
take us, and how it may most conveniently
be adapted to fill a place in any complete
scheme.
The necessity for an adequate covering
force for the first artillery position has been
Attack Formation for Infantry. 227
already pointed out. This covering force,
as shown above, must be strong enough to
resist any rush on the guns, by its own
fire, both on account of its distance from its
support, and also because bringing them up
would entail a cessation of the fire from
the batteries at the very moment when it
can least be spared (i.e., when it is necessary
to distract the enemy's attention from the
advancing infantry).
If we take one man to two paces of front,
then allowing for losses in taking up posi-
tion (necessarily heavier than when lying
down firing under cover), two companies
will be sufficient to cover each group of
three batteries. That guns must fire over
infantry, and infantry be posted behind
guns, is now-a-days unavoidable ; for it is
necessary, in order to maintain an effective
fire on the enemy, to bring them as close to
his line of defence as possible without incur-
ring too high a percentage of loss, say with-
in 1,500 yards ; and hence, if the guns
were placed on the flank of the attack, the
228 Attack Formation for Infantry.
range to that portion of the enemy's line
opposite to the central line of advance
would be unduly increased.
The question now arises, from what
troops is this covering party to be taken ?
Shall we break up a single battalion to
cover the front of the batteries ? or shall
they be the leading companies of the batta-
lions of the first line drawn up in the rear
of the guns, and waiting for the moment
to advance ? The first alternative must
be rejected, at any rate, in a pitched battle,
though it may not be possible to avoid it
in a battle developed from column of route ;
because, since it is impossible to withdraw
them, or to close them to a flank, when the
attack itself advances, each of the battalions
will be thrown into confusion from the
very outset by the inter- mixture of men of
another regiment, and at a time when an
absence of confusion is specially important,
in order that a thorough control of the firing
(by using volleys) may be maintained.
That the position of these companies is
Attack Formation for Infantry. 229
much exposed is admitted, and also that
great difficulty may be experienced in
bringing up the battalions, each in rear of
his respective company, but it is submitted
that the possibility of preserving the units
intact exists, whilst in the first case it is
entirely lost.
The next step will be to commence the
infantry preparation for the attack. This
must be effected by reinforcing the covering
party in such a manner that the fresh
troops bring with them momentum enough
to carry the previously engaged line forward
to the distance to which the fire of dense
lines of skirmishers becomes thoroughly
effective, say between 600 to 700 yards.
To reduce the loss whilst passing through
the batteries, and to bring along the
requisite momentum, the advance must
be made in extended order, and simulta-
neously.
It is undoubtedly difficult to take an ex-
tended line down a fire-swept glacis and to
prevent them firing into the backs of the
230 Attack Formation for Infantry.
men in front of them, but there is practi-
cally no better way of doing it. Even the
Prussians have been forced to admit that
the company column can no longer come
within 2,000 yards of artillery fire, and to
attempt at this state of the action, when
the defender's attention is not yet riveted
on the firing-line, to bring troops up in line
through the guns would only lead to an
involuntary formation of loose (as opposed
to individual) order, with all the disadvant-
ages which necessarily result when men
take the law into their own hands.
At a subsequent period of the engage-
ment, when the enemy's attention is
thoroughly held by the volleys of the now
reinforced covering party at effective range,
line and even small columns may be brought
up, but it will scarcely be advisable to count
on even the third reinforcement being able
to get to the front, except in extended order.
The duration of the fire fight, which will
now ensue, will depend on the extent arid
thoroughness with which the gunners have
Attack Formation for Infantry. 231
done their work.* Except where a road or
ditch running parallel with the enemy's
front gives cover, ten to fifteen minutes
must suffice, for the losses will rapidly in-
crease as the enemy gets the range, and the
desire to advance will evaporate rapidly,
till perhaps the advance of even strong
reinforcements will not be sufficient to over-
come the inertia of the firing-line.
But the preparation once completed, the
advance to the decisive range of about 300
yards must be pushed on with all possible
speed, in echelons, one echelon covering the
* It is generally laid down that the artillery, after having
subdued the fire of the opposing guns, should advance to
effective range of the enemy's infantry. But, actually,
such an advance could rarely take place, nor is it indeed
necessary. In undulating country there will generally be
but little latitude in choice of positions. The first will
obviously be as near to the crest of the ridge as possible, so
as to derive the advantages of concealment and command,
and an advance down the slope of the hill towards the
enemy would render the conditions for observing the effect
of the fire, and for maintaining it to the last, over the heads
af the assaulting troops, so unfavourable that it would be
better not to make the change.
232 Attack Formation for Infanfry.
advance of the other by its fire. The
characteristics of this phase of the action
are rapidly-increasing losses, frequent change
of command, and growing confusion, as
companies and even regiments begin to mix.
As already mentioned, those who have had
to face it say that within about 500 yards
of the enemy's position the fire becomes so
terrible that no troops can stand on their
own ground against it for more than five
minutes ; if support does not reach them
they will retire.
This condition regulates the distances to
be kept between the successive lines of the
attack. A support must always be within
such a distance of each echelon that it can
reach it within the limit of time, say about
400 yards.
If the artillery fire has taken good effect ,
and the moment for the advance from the
limit of effective fire (700) has been well
chosen, it is probable that the shooting-
line will press on to about 500 37ards with-
out reinforcement, but from 500 to 300 the
Attack Formation for Infantry. 233
impulse for the advance will have to be
given from behind.
The number of such impulses required
will depend on the number of halts which
have to be made, and these, again, on the
length of the rushes, which should be long
enough to allow the lying-down echelon to
fire from two to three rounds, but not long
enough for the enemy to change his aim
from one echelon to the other ; twenty to
thirty seconds satisfies both these condi-
tions, approximately, and corresponds to a
distance of 75 to 100 yards in marching
order, or 100 to 150 if the packs have been
taken off.
Short rushes of thirty yards must be
absolutely condemned, since the number
of reinforcements required will be practically
proportional to the number of advances
which have to be made from the halt.
Taking 100 yards as the limit of the rush
and the conditions generally favourable to
the attack, the troops of the first line will
suffice to reach the point at which the de-
234 Attack Formation for Infantry.
cision commences, and their distribution
will have been as follows : —
1st double company, covering the guns.
2nd double company, carrying on the 1st
to the limit of effective fire.
3rd double company, to give the first
impulse forward in the advance to decisive
distance.
4th double company, to carry on the
shooting-line from 500 to 300 yards.
At the moment the advance from the
limit of effective fire commences, the sup-
porting lines should be following each other
at distances of 400 yards respectively, and
should advance in quick time without halt
or check, reinforcing at the double when
such reinforcement is necessary.
Should, however, the resistance be obsti-
nate, the forces of the first line will not of
themselves suffice, and the second line will
have to be drawn on. But this line should
be brought up as far as psssible intact, and
in line ; it would not, therefore, answer to
form it in two or more groups, as this would
Attack Formation for Infantry. 235
detract too much from its momentum in
the rush ; hence, if it is called on for rein-
forcements, these will have to be sent for-
ward at the double. As the rapidity of the
advance will have been checked by the
obstinate resistance that has occasioned this
call, and as the second line is supposed
to maintain uninterruptedly its movement
in quick time, the distance between the two
lines will have probably been considerably
diminished, and there will be no difficulty
for the reinforcements to overtake the fight-
ing line.
The third line follows the second in line,
and at a similar interval, prepared to take
the place of the second, if necessary, while
the reserve accompanies the movement
either on the exposed flank or in rear of
the centre.
The main points to be insisted on are :
(1) the rapid advance of the shooting-
line from 700 to 300 yards ; and (2nd) that
neither check nor halt is allowed to occur
amongst the troops in rear. With regard
236 Attack Formation for Infantry.
to both points, it is obvious that the
amount of loss suffered is proportionate
to the time under fire ; and if it were not
for the absolute necessity for distracting
the enemy's attention by the fire of the
echelons during the advance, and also for
the necessity of bringing the men up to
decisive range as fresh as possible, it would
be better to cross the whole intervening
space without firing at all, but that
being practically out of the question, we
can only reduce the time occupied in
crossing it as much as possible. The
fire of the echelons in this stage of
the attack is principally useful as a means
of distracting the enemy's attention ; the
conditions are altogether unfavourable to
accurate shooting, and the only chance to
reach, as rapidly as possible, a distance
within the point-blank range of the rifle,
from which to pour in a fire which makes
up by quantity for absence of quality.
Hitherto we have only considered the
front of a single battalion, and we have
Attack Formation for Infantry. 237
now to combine the battalions of a divi-
sion, which is practically the unit of
attack in battle. It is true that the front
of a British division formed for attack is
in itself too narrow, being only about 800
yards, but two divisions attacking along-
side of each other act each for itself, in-
dependently of the other.
We require three lines and a reserve.
The usual proportions observed between
these lines in Germany is, one-fourth of
the whole for " Vortreffen," one -half for
" Haupt-treffen," one-fourth for " Zweiter-
linie " (our third line), and for reserve a
detail from another command.
Our division of a brigade into three
parts renders a corresponding grouping
impossible, since it is unadvisable to split
up the battalions. We are, therefore, com-
pelled to make our lines all equal, i.e., each
of one battalion, and form the reserve out
of one or more divisional battalions. The
most convenient formation therefore for
rendezvous will be a mass of brigades
238 Attack Formation for Infantry.
alongside of each other, the columns
deploying as they get within artillery
range.
The size of the echelon is the next point
to be determined.
It should be a fundamental principal to
make these as large, and consequently as
few in number as possible. Prince Hohen-
lohe, in his pamphlet Ueber Infanterie
(p. 94) says : " I have seen even more
complicated advances by rushes practised.
The fighting line was divided into three
sections, of which each in turn ran forward.
This goes against the grain of good troops,
for when one section has gained ground
towards the enemy and has opened fire,
then honour and comradeship both demand
that the remainder should hurry up to
share the danger, shoulder to shoulder.
The moment, too, in which the first
echelon opens fire, is just the most
favourable for the others to advance, for
the enemy will have turned all his rifles
on the men that ran forward first. Still
Attack Formation for Infantry. 239
less practical is the experiment I have
seen tried, of dividing the fighting line
into more echelons, of which first the odd,
and then the even numbers ran forward.
The centre sections of the line, that
remain lying down, have their field of
fire so narrowed that they can do but
little. For this reason I have never per-
mitted, within my command, a fighting
line to advance in more than two echelons.
The front of each brigade should, there*
fore, form a single echelon, and as it is
only equal to the front of two companies
extended at four paces, which is practically
the same thing as a single German
company at war strength, it will not prove
unduly difficult to handle.
But in any case the difficulty must be
faced, for it is far out-weighed by the
advantages of unity of command in the
fighting line, and consequently the greater
ease with which the direction of advance
can be maintained.
This last point must not be overlooked ;
240 Attack Formation for Infantry.
it is the natural tendency of troops, when
fired upon, to move in the direction from
which they supposed the fire to proceed,
and a careful study of the early battles of
the Franco-German War* will show many
instances in which the companies of batta-
lions brought into action as -units in line
of company columns, were, at the conclu-
sion of the action, found fighting many
hundred yards apart. Such disposition is
obviously much less likely to occur in an
advance composed only of two echelons,
than in a line of similar length advancing
in numerous smaller fractions.
It will be seen, therefore, that though
the existing regulations fall far short of
the actual requirements, their general
principles may be easily adapted to
form part of the larger scheme ; let us
now see how the recently proposed plan of
attacking from double company columns
* Vide storming- of the Vionvilie ridge at the battle of
Vionville by the 20th Regiment infantry, 16th August
1870, Pr. Off. pp. 560-561, vol i. of original.
Attack Formation for Infantry. 241
on the two centre half companies will
answer.
It is obvious that it can only be applied
to the battalions of the first line, and hence
it would have little real influence in pre-
venting the mixture of different battalions,
which indeed no scheme, in practice, can
ever prevent.
But, even applied to the first line, it
presents numerous and grave difficulties.
In the first place, the covering party for
the artillery will be formed by a line of sec-
tions under the command of subalterns and
sergeants ; for it is evident that the captain
cannot leave three quarters of his company,
in order to take command of the remaining
fraction ; and as an alternative, grouping
four sections under one captain, would only
be anticipating the subsequent unavoidable
confusion.
Advancing another step : when the re-
mainder of the half companies to which the
sections in front belong, move forward to
reinforce, how are they, as they emerge
M., L. 16
242 Attack Formation for Infantry.
from the smoke of the batteries (whose fire
is maintained as long as possible, to cover
the movement from the enemy) to recog-
nise the sections to which they belong,
some 600 yards in front of them. Pic-
ture, for a moment, the position of a young
subaltern in command of some twenty men,
half on one side, half on the other, of a
gun-carriage, in front of him a veil of dense
smoke clinging to the damp ground ; a
shell bursting just to one side causes him
and his men to turn their heads for a
moment in its direction, and, when they
resume their advance the next moment,
what reasonable possibility exists that it
will be in exactly the same line as that in
which they started in '? but the least deflec-
tion will be fatal to their chance of hitting
off the precise fifty yards of front into
which they ought to fit.
It is, of course, true that similar confusion
will arise in the case of any troops passing
through the guns ; but the longer the line,
the more difficult will it be to turn it out
Attack Formation for Infantry. 243
of its true course. Even where, as in the
case of smaller forces, the guns are posted
on the flank, the disadvantages of a divided
command will be felt.
The shooting line consists of a number
of sections (or half- companies) of different
companies, the support is of similar com-
position ; if one captain takes two units in
the former, and another two units in the
latter, both labour under the disadvantage
of commanding a force, only half of which
is made up by their own men.
If both captains stay behind with the
supports, the leading of the fighting line
is in the hands of the subalterns, a duty for
which they are obviously not as fit as the
captains, or if the places are again reversed,
the subalterns have the still more difficult
task of keeping the supports in hand, and
preventing them from joining the fighting
line on their own account.
Even in Germany, where few captains
get their companies under twenty years7
service, this difficulty has been so much
244 Attack Formation for Infantry.
felt, that the extension of a whole company
(200 rifles) in spite of the length of front,
is preferred by many writers as an alter-
native. Our small companies just meet
the case, provided their numbers are well
kept up. If a German captain can com-
mand a company of from 200 to 250
rifles, when extended, there is no apparent
reason why an Englishman should not
command one of half the strength, especi-
ally when we take into account the larger
proportion of subalterns, and non-commis-
sioned officers, which he has to help him.
Whether the men are English or foreigners,
the difficulty to be overcome in leading
them will depend on the thoroughness of
their previous training ; if our system
of company training is so very inferior as
to render the control of an extended line of
forty to fifty rifles impossible, the sooner
we alter our system the better, for it is in
that possibility that the only advantage of
our eight-company battalions over those of
continental armies lies ; and more real good
Attack Formation for Infantry. 245
will be derived from making the most of
our own strong points, than by blindly
copying the form, not the spirit, of the
Prussian Army.
The size of the Prussian company was
due to economic considerations, and to the
difficulty of supplying a larger number of
officers, of the social rank from which they
alone were drawn. It has grown into their
system, and they wisely make the best of
it, but, like most human institutions, it has
defects, which they frankly acknowledge.
These defects are the same, practically,
which have been enumerated above, as be-
longing to the proposed double-company
column, viz., the company, when extended,
is too large for one man, and, if to reduce
its front, half is extended, and half follows
in support, the captain, to really command
his company, must be in two places at the
same time. Even then the front of the
half company is equal to that of our whole
company, but there are no complaints of its
being unmanageable. The fact was dis-
246 Attack Formation for Infantry.
tinctly noticed, that in action, when both
support and fighting line belonged to the
same company, it was very difficult to pre-
vent the former from joining the latter
without word of command, an important
point to remember when the conduct of the
support has to be left in the hands of a
more or less inexperienced subalternt
Now these defects, which in themselves
are not as great in the German system as
they are in the scheme we are consider-
ing (viz., double - company column on
the two centre half-companies), on ac-
count of the longer service and better
training of the German subalterns, are all
avoided in the old attack formation, in
which each company is kept unbroken in
the hands of its captain ; both support and
fighting line being each in the charge of
an experienced man, as long as they remain
distinct. It is true that when reinforcement
takes place, the two become intermixed, and
on the parade ground, the senior captain
takes command, but the chance of the two
Attack Formation for Infantry. 247
captains being both unwounded at this stage
of the action are too remote for considera-
tion. Moreover, the conduct of the firing
of the covering party, in the preliminary
stage of the action, renders it particularly
desirable that whole companies, and not
fractions, should be employed ; for this
is the one stage of the action in which
a systematic employment of long-range
volley-firing is possible, promises most
results, and enables the expenditure of
ammunition to be still controlled.
But to obtain favourable effects from
this style of firing, it is essential that the
fire of a large number of rifles should be
brought to bear on the object (see Pruss.
Mus, Eegs. of October 1875), and our com-
pany is practically the most convenient
body we can employ.*
* I have not a corrected copy of our own regulations
at hand to refer to, but till 1883 volleys by half -sections
were recommended. It is difficult to understand how
half-sections came to be considered as the fittest number
of rifles for the purpose, for at that time there had been
248 Attack Formation for Infantry.
In working by companies we still do
not absolutely forfeit the chance of keep-
ing the commands distinct, after the arri-
val of the first reinforcement. Generally
the covering party will be able to obtain
some cover, such as a bank, ditch, or
hedge, behind which it can be closed to
a flank to make room for the first support.
Such closing to a flank is, of course, al-
ways possible under cover, though not out
in the open. Even if the ground affords
no cover, the positions the covering forces
are to occupy will have been determined be-
forehand, and they will have entrenched
themselves in them under cover of dark-
ness or the morning mist ; and in many
no regular experimental inquiry into the subject, nor had
the officers then connected with the Musketry Department
any experience of modern European war. On the other
hand, after three years of experiment and the most recent
experience of war, the Germans decided on a company as
being the smallest number of rifles to fire volleys at long
range, and laid it down as a general principle that "a
large number of rifles should be brought to bear," &c.
Which opinion is most likely to have been well founded,
the reader may judge for himself.
Attack Formation for Infantry. 249
cases covered approaches for the supports
may also have been arranged.
Once within the 7 00 -yard limit, all
power of controlling the fire ceases, and
the personal influence of officers over men
comes to an end. This is inevitably the
case, for even supposing the men to
be all heroes, their attention is fixed on the
enemy in front, and it is impossible for
them to keep themselves informed of the
progress of the casualty roll in rear ; the
man who commands them one minute is
struck down the next, and there is nothing
left for them to do but to join on to the
first rush, from either flank, whose impulse
reaches them, or to follow the first officer
who will lead them.
In moments of intense excitements and
danger, the mass of mankind, whether
civilians or soldiers, recognise a leader by
instinct, whether they have ever seen him
before or not ; and, up to a certain point,
as long as an officer is willing to lead,
he may rely on the men following him,
250 Attack Formation for Infantry.
no matter what company he may be-
long to.
Let us now examine the bearing of the
above on the tactical training of the men
in peace. It will be necessary to make a
clear and marked distinction between the
skirmishing attack of an advance guard or
demonstrating body, and the decisive as-
sault by which a battle is to be won. For
the former, good shooting and skill in
taking advantage of cover are the chief
essentials ; for the latter, rigid discipline,
a discipline strong enough to enable troops
to face the unavoidable heavy loss, with-
out thought of cover on the part of the
individual.
The idea of drilling men like machines
can no longer be entertained ; neither can
we meet the difficulty by reverting to the
old distinctions between troops of the line
and light infantry. We can only succeed
by teaching the men in the school-room
the conditions on which success depends,
and then by impressing it on them by
Attack Formation for Infantry. 251
making a sharp distinction on the parade-
ground between the two methods. It is
in this point that our drill regulations
principally fail.
The attempt to adapt the old skirmish-
ing drill of the peninsula to the modern
attack formation necessarily failed, for it
was an effort to reconcile two totally oppo-
site conditions, and it struck at discipline
precisely where it was most important. The
object in view in drilling men is not
merely to ensure the execution of certain
formal movements on parade under favour-
able conditions, but to give them true
discipline, i.e., the spirit to face heavy loss
without flinching — the one thing, in fact,
which constitutes the superiorty of a body
of soldiers over an armed rabble.
But our practice in peace practically ig-
nores this, for it sanctions the relaxation of
discipline at the very moment when, on the
battlefield, the necessity of it is most felt.
On the caution to extend for attack, the offi-
cers return swords, the men stand at ease
252 Attack Formation for Infantry.
without word of command, and henceforth
the movements are made without attention
to either step, dressing (or even silence some-
times) ; in fact, the whole thing bears the
stamp of slackness upon it.
In Germany, on the other hand, the prac-
tice is exactly reversed ; when the signal
to advance to the attack is given, all troops
behind the fighting-line are called to
attention, and the advance is made " in
Parade Schritt," with drums beating and
colours flying.*
This may be considered as going too far
* Till quite recently, with fixed bayonets as well ; but I
believe that order has since been cancelled, though it still
has many supporters. The fixed bayonet was the outward
visible sign of the inward determination to come to close
quarters. It is true that it interfered with the accuracy of
the shooting ; but as that was always out of the question
in the excitement of the decision, the loss was not serious.
But if the bayonet was fixed on the rifle in the sensible
manner adopted by the Turks, viz., under, not on one side
of the barrel, the shooting would be absolutely improved,
for the weight of the bayonet corrects the tendency of
excited men to fire high. In fact, the Turkish rifle with
fixed bayonet comes up to the shoulder so readily that one
might snap shoot with it just as well as with a shot gun.
Attack Formation for Infantry. 253
in the opposite direction ; but the principle
is undeniably sound, viz., of fixing the
men's attention by compelling them to
attempt a difficult thing, so that their
minds are not so open to receive other
impression ; it is by no means an unheard-
of expedient for steadying wavering
troops, to halt them under fire and put
them through the manual ; and the idea,
in both cases, is the same.
There is, in fact, a close analogy between
drill and mesmerism ; in both cases the
patients resign their wills into the hand of
the operator, and in both cases, ultimately,
the will of the operator or commander
becomes stronger that the natural disincli-
nation of the subjects to do what is
required of them.
This explains why men will always drill
better under an officer whom they feel is
in earnest, than for one whom they know
to be taking no interest in it.
A horse is, in fact, even more susceptible
of discipline than a man ; for, though
254 Attack Formation for Infantry.
naturally far more timid than man, when
once thoroughly trained, even when de-
prived of his rider, he will keep his place
in the ranks, in spite of the dangers which
surround him.
It is this that renders steady drill all im-
portant, as it enables us to overcome the na-
tural instinct of self-preservation, and makes
it easier for men to obey the will of another
than to make up their minds to run away.
The necessity of such drill is greater
now, perhaps, than at any former time ;
for the mental strain occasioned by a
breech-loading fire is far heavier and of
longer duration than that produced by the
muzzle-loader.
At this point the opinion of those officers,
whether French, German, Austrian, or
Russian, who have fought against both is
unanimous ; and since we ourselves have
never had to fight a battle against well-
trained troops armed with breech-loaders,
we must of necessity be guided in this
matter by those who have.
Attack Formation for Infantry. 255
If, then, in the days of Brown Bess, the
utmost discipline was considered necessary
to enable a line to advance through a zone
of fire barely 150 paces in depth, how
much more, therefore, is it now required,
when the new arms have multiplied this
zone of danger by ten !
Troops no longer fight in line, it is true ;
but, to bring them up to the shooting line
they must all pass over a fire-swept space,
either in line or in a formation in which
the maintenance of discipline is even more
requisite, and at the same time more diffi-
cult.
The changes we require are simple.
Drill must cease to be looked on merely as
a means of securing a good march past ; *
but it must be fully recognised as the
method by which men are enabled to
conquer their natural aversion to danger ;
and to mark this idea the utmost smartness
should be insisted on in the attack.
* But a good march past will be the inevitable result
of steady drill.
256 Attack Formation for Infantry.
Hardly more than a word requires to be
altered in the drill-book, though the spirit
in which it is interpreted must be changed.
But to grasp the spirit is just the difficulty,
for it is entirely opposed to the tactical
teaching which the bulk of the army has
been compelled to absorb in the struggle
of its members for promotion.
We have been examined in minor tactics
till our intellects appear to have become
dwarfed and our judgment distorted.
"We cannot see the wood for the trees. "
No doubt the knowledge we have thus
acquired may prove most useful when
applied in its proper place ; but its proper
place is not the battle-field, and it is only
on battle-fields that the fate of an Empire
can be decided.
GERMAN EQUIPMENT.
Darmstadt, May 30, 1886.
CONSERVATISM is unquestionably a
\J good thing in itself, but it is possible
to have even a little too much of it, and
this is certainly the case in matters military.
It will no doubt be still in the memory of
most of your readers that about two years
ago the German Government offered prizes
for new patterns of infantry equipment, new
boots, new knapsacks, new helmets, &c.
These new patterns are now in course of
being tried, a company of infantry in each
corps being furnished with them, and these
companies are now executing trial marches
through all the large garrisons. I have not
myself had the good fortune to meet one
yet, but have picked up some information
concerning them from officers I have met.
To begin with the boots, it is well known
that the German infantry boot is, aud has
*., L, 17
258 German Equipment.
been for centuries almost, a loose-fitting
Wellington boot, so loose, in fact, that one
can see the man's foot working about in it
as he marches, and it is almost impossible
to understand how he gets about in it at
all. In the Eastern corps, a greased linen
rag is worn, twisted round the foot instead •
of a sock ; but in the Western and Southern
ones an ordinary woollen sock is used. It
is said, though with what degree of
accuracy I do not know, that this boot sent
42,000 men into hospital in 1870 with sore
heels, and yet in the new equipment it is to
be retained, with only slight alteration. It
appears that they have tried our lace boot
and gaiters, but do not consider it practical ;
yet I have never heard a word against it
in our own service, and it has surely had
trial enough in the field during the last
10 years. The new knapsack, too, is still to
be carried on the shoulders, the chief altera-
tion having been to divide into it two por-
tions horizontally, the upper half containing
absolute necessaries and the remainder
German Equipment. 259
of the ammunition not carried in the ball-
pouches ; and the lower, things which can
be dispensed with for a day or two, so
that on going into action it can be left
behind to be brought on with the company
waggons. In the new equipment 120 rounds
per man will be carried, 30 in each of the
two ball-pouches worn in front on the belt,
and 60 more in two packets fastened one
on each side of the knapsack in a more
easily accessible position than formerly.
The great-coat will still be worn en
bandouliere, though that arrangement hin-
ders the man in the use of the rifle, and
renders his position when lying down far
from comfortable. Entrenching tools will
be carried as at present by 25 per cent, of
the men only, an inconvenient plan, for, in
the first place, when it is necessary to
entrench there is work for more than that
proportion of the men ; and, secondly, you
cannot rely on the enemies' bullets ob-
serving the proportions sufficiently accurate-
ly, hence after every engagement, a re-
260 German Equipment.
distribution of the tools must take place ;
and since, when fighting is taking place
almost daily, it is almost impossible to keep
written lists showing the exact distribution
of tools to the men, you soon lose all check
over them, and can no longer prevent a
man throwing his shovel or pick away if
he finds it inconvenient, for it is almost
impossible to prove whether he ever had
it or not. There is another point about
the ball-pouch worthy of note. It is a
black pouch fitted to take 30 cartridges,
each kept tight in its place by a leather
division. Instead of opening upwards,
like ours, the lid falls downwards ; hence,
when standing or kneeling, if it is neces-
sary to get off a number of rounds quick-
ly as is the case when receiving cavalry,
for instance, the cartridges are all ready to
the man's hand, and he can fire almost as
quickly as with the quick-loader. Every-
body knows what happens with our own
pouches. The lid being pretty stiff snaps
back immediately one takes a cartridge
German Equipment. 261
out. The cartridges being all loose gener-
ally shake down (as soon as there is room)
to the very bottom of the pouch, where,
without very long fingers, they are difficult
to get at. It is almost impossible to see
into the case, so that, when a little excited
a man is as apt to fish out a jag, or a snap-
cap, or something of the kind instead of
a cartridge ; in fact, taking it all round,
it is as bad an invention as the ingenuity
of man could devise. The battalion quar-
tered here is one of those served out with
the new magazine-rifle, which it has now
had about two years. Of course, the fiction
of secrecy has to be observed. I call it
fiction, for since a Frenchman in Berlin
stole one of these rifles out of the arm-rack
of a guard-house, and sent it to Paris, all
hope of keeping its construction secret
terminated. In outward appearance it is
very similar to the Mauser ; it can be used
either for single shots or as a magazine*
rifle. How long it takes to reload the
magazine I have been unable to learn. The
262 German Equipment.
magazine is said to lie under the barrel, an
objectionable arrangement for two reasons ;
for, in the first place, the balance of the
weapon is altered with every shot ; and in
the second, the intense heating and concus-
sion due to rapid firing are apt to cause
unpleasant chemical disturbances in the
detonating compounds used in the cap,
and a few accidents would soon disturb
the confidence of the troops in their weapon.
A new bayonet is also being tried with this
rifle. It is not more than 11 in. long,
and is, in fact, exactly like the ordinary
hunting-knife, made with a socket to fit on
to the barrel, and is in every way a more
sensible arrangement than the long skewer-
like affair we carry, too weak to stand the
strain of running a man through. Few
men are deeper through the body than 10
in., and it is unnecessary to burden every
man in the army with a needlessly heavy
weapon in order to deal with the few cases
of exceptional waist measurement we some-
times come across. The length of the
German Equipment. 263
bayonet has really little to do with the
matter, for once the thurst parried, the
shortest sword can get in ; but it is curious
that, while they were about the question,
the Turkish method of fixing it underneath,
instead of to one side of the barrel, did not
strike them. The only reason why the
bayonet should be fixed to one side, and
not below the barrel, is because, in the
old muzzle-loading days, the latter position
would have interfered with the use of the
ramrod, an implement which is never re-
quired (except for cleaning purposes), un-
less the breech action, like ours, is liable to
jam, and there is no reason now-a-days
why any nation should be content with one
that does, for there are at least half-a-dozen
which cannot do so. But the advantages
of having the bayonet underneath the bar-
rel are obvious. In the first place, the rifle
has no tendency to turn sideways when
brought to the shoulder ; and in the second,
the additional weight counteracts the incli-
nation a man feels to shoot in the air when
264 German Equipment.
excited. Indeed, the extra preponderance
given by the bayonet makes the rifle come
up to the shoulder almost like a shot-gun.
It may be said that the bayonet is of so
little importance at present, that it is quite
immaterial how it is fixed ; but this has by
no means been our own experience in the
Cape or Afghanistan, nor that of the Ger-
mans either. In nearly every village or
redoubt that is carried a few desperate men
always hold out and since in the excite-
ment of the attack the men generally forget
to fix them, the butt is invariably used.
After the assault of the Diippel entrench-
ments in 1864 there was hardly an un-
broken rifle left in those regiments of the
Prussian Guard that took part in the as-
sault, all the butts nearly were broken. I
find a strong feeling amongst Prussian
officers that bayonets should be fixed before
the advance from the preparatory range in
the attack, say 600 yards, commences, for the
fixed bayonet appeals to the moral of the
troops ; it is, in fact, the outward visible sign
German Equipment. 265
of the inward determination to close with the
enemy ; as for the objection that its vibra-
tion interferes with the shooting-, it is too
trivial for notice almost, for owing to the
excitement produced by danger, and the
unsteadiness due to the physical exertion
of the running forward by rushes, the exe-
cution done by the advancing echelons in
covering the 300 or 400 yards between the
limits of the zone of preparation and that
of decision, is too small to be worth consi-
deration, the real object of advancing by
rushes at all is to prevent the enemy show-
ing their heads out of cover by filling the
air with bullets, to unsettle his aim by dis-
tracting his attention first to one body,
then to the other, and to encourage your
own troops by the noise of their own fir-
ing. One word more about the physical
endurance of the German troops; in spite
of all the disadvantages of bad boots, heavy
knapsack, and heavy clothing, they manage
to get through an amount of work really
astonishing to an Englishman ; at Mainz
266 German Equipment.
the " Grosser Sand," as the drill-ground
is called, is nearly five miles from the
quarters of some of the regiments ; they
parade about 5-30 A.M., almost always in
inarching order, reach the drill -ground in
about an hour and three-quarters, and drill
steadily in deep, heavy sand, far worse than
the sand of the Long Valley, for a couple
of hours, and then march back again, reach-
ing their barracks about 11. They dine at
12, and then spend the afternoon either on
the range or at gymnastics, and rarely get
done with their work till 6 o'clock ; and
then in the evening they are to be seen
about the streets, looking as fresh as our
own men who have done about half the
work. The natural consequence is that
they look very healthy ; none but sound
men could stand the work ; and thinking
that though the men on parade looked sound
enough, the hospitals might tell a different
tale, I inquired what was the percentage
of sick on an average, and was astonished
to find that it barely reached 2 per cent.,
German Equipment. 267
though Mainz was an exceptionally un-
favourable quarter to take, since the men
overheated themselves so much on the drill-
ground, and were consequently more liable
to chills when marching back in the teeth
of the north-easters, which draw through
the gap between the Taunus and the hills
on the right bank of the Maine with excep-
tional violence.
GERMAN MUSKETRY.
A RECENT article in a contemporary,
•£*- entitled" the Science of Musketry/'
displays such a complete misapprehension of
the principles taught in the German Army,
that we think it in the interests of the ser-
vice to show the true points of difference
which exist between our own and the Ger-
man system. Briefly stated, the position
taken in the article in question was as
follows. The Germans, remembering the
heavy losses sustained by their own and
the Russian troops in recent campaigns
from unaimed fire at long ranges, now go
in for quantity not quality of fire. We, on
the contrary, try to make up by quality
what we should lose in quantity from want
of numbers. The actual fact is, however,
that the Germans in spite of their admitted-
ly heavy losses from the above mentioned
causes, believe less in long range " quan-
tity'7 fire, than any other nation in Europe,
German Musketry. 269
ourselves included. Their fundamental
principle is, that battles are won by the
steadily delivered fire of the masses at de-
cisive ranges a very different thing from
the mere quantity fire of our writer. They
point out that, though long range fire un-
doubtedly has, on occasion, inflicted severe
loss, yet the loss has never been decisive ;
it has occurred more or less gradually, and
even then has been out of all comparison
to the number of rounds expended : where-
as, even in the old smooth bore days, fire
withheld till the last moment, say 50 to 60
yards, has frequently proved instantaneous-
ly decisive ; having destroyed, in fact,
two-thirds of the opposing force. Our own
Peninsula experience exactly tallies with
that of the Germans. If space permitted,
we could give a dozen examples, both from
our own and German experience, in which
a single volley, at point blank range, has
resulted in almost the complete destruc-
tion of the attacking enemy ; and we
would specially direct the attention of those
270 German Musketry.
officers who may be exposed to the rushes
of Afghans or Arabs to this fact.
But against a foe armed with breech-
loaders, such a retention of fire becomes
practically an impossibility. The enemy's
aim must be shaken by our own bullets
whistling overhead ; and besides, up to date,
it has been found that human nerves are
too weak for men to advance against the
leaden hail of the breech-loader, unless en-
couraged to do so by the sound of their own
firing. If the right to fire is not conceded
to the men, they will take the law into
their own hands, and return the fire with-
out orders. We use the words "leaden
hail " advisedly, for they are those instinc-
tively used by all who have faced it. Thus
an eye-witness of the charge of Bonnemain's
Cuirassiers at Woerth said he could de-
scribe the sound of the bullets striking
the cuirasses, as like nothing else except
the sound' of hail on a window pane.
Another officer of the Prussian Guard used
similar words, to describe the rattle of the
German Musketry. 271
bullets on the hard ground in front. The
dust thrown up formed a dense cloud
through which they could not see fifty
yards ahead. Hence the Germans are com-
pelled to admit the use of long range fire
in return, but they regard it as an evil, and
restrict its employment by strict conditions,
so as to reserve as much as possible their
true massed fire for the shorter and de-
cisive ranges. It is to these latter that
the chief care of the instructors is reserved.
The regulations point out that, though
every man cannot be taught to shoot at
long distances, every man who passes the
physical test for admission into the army,
can be taught to shoot fairly well at short
ones ; and hence no man should be allowed
to attempt long ranges till he can shoot
well up to about 2 — 300 yards, i.e., the
point blank range of the rifle. Discipline and
drill will habituate him to bring up his rifle
horizontally, and if he can get direction,
the flat trajectory will do the rest for him.
This is the origin of their being taught al-
272 German Musketry.
ways to aim at the lowest point of the
enemy visible — the universal practice up
till April last year, when it was partially
altered and brought more in conformity
with our own method.
The next great point of difference be-
tween our system and theirs is, that they
consider accurate shooting in the field more
a question of morale than of practice. They
maintain that imminent danger will un-
settle the nerves of the most accurate shot,
unless those nerves are steadied by the
controlling influence of discipline. Our
recent experiences against badly armed
savage troops has caused us to under-rate,
far too much, the unsteadying effect of a
well aimed fire, at least in this particu-
lar connection. In regard to tactical for-
mations, we over-rate it far too much. With
the Grerman, the idea of discipline is that
of a controlling moral force stronger than
the natural fear of danger inherent in man.
To steady their men Avhen shaken, Ger-
man officers would halt and put them
German Musketry. 273
through the Manual under fire. Thus, at
Vionville, when Rauch's Cavalry Brigade,
in advancing to charge French Infantry,
lost their intervals owing to the pressure of
other troops on the right, the late Gene-
ral Von Schmidt halted the Brigade under
severe infantry and artillery fire, and made
them correct their intervals by closing,
then went " threes about/7 and walked his
command back under cover. We believe
that such a feat could not possibly have
been executed by any body of individually
brave men uncemented by discipline, and
no mere- barrack room discipline would
have done it either. The word, in fact, has
almost lost its meaning in England ; and
yet it is not eighty years ago since this
very discipline made our thin red line the
terror of the French column of attack.
In Germany, discipline and drill go hand
in hand, for both are taught by the same
instructor, viz., the company commander.
Germany never suffered from Musketry In-
structors, for every Captain was made fit
M., L. 18
274 German Musketry.
to train his own men ; and if he could
not or would not learn, then the so-called
"blue letter7' politely requested him to
make room for somebody who would. It
is true that great results did not immediate-
ly flow from the abolition of Musketry
Instructors in our own service : but this
has simply been due to the fact that you
cannot, by the mere stroke of a pen, change
habits of long growth, and military habits
form no exception to the general rule.
The German musketry system is far more
perfect to-day than it was in 1870 ; yet the
results obtained, even then, on the battle-
field have perhaps rarely been surpassed.
We give only one example from Prince
Hohenlohe's work,* but one which shows
especially the ideas on fire tactics current
in the German army : —
" We were in position to the east of Gar-
enne, fronting west. In front of Haybes
lay two companies of the Kaiser Franz
* NOTE. — Briefe uber infant! ve by Priuxa, Kraft v.
Hohenlobe myelfiugen.
German Musketry. 275
Regiment, extended in a single skirmish-
ing line. The enemy's artillery fire was
practically silenced. Suddenly out of the
hollow which runs from the southern edge
of the Bois de la Grarenne, a dense infantry
mass appeared, bearing down on the above-
mentioned two companies at a run. I esti-
mated it about 5,000 to 6,000 men. This
dense mass came on firing as it ran, from
the rifles held horizontally at the hip. Al-
though I at once turned the full fire of my
90 guns on to it, I felt extremely anxious
for the two companies ; for if the enemy
succeeded in getting within 200 yards of
them, the fire on the head of the mass would
be masked. And though the bursting shells
created an appalling havoc, it still came
on with the fury of despair. Presently I
had to cease firing at the head of the col-
umn, which broke away from the main
body and bore down on the two companies.
I turned my telescope on to them ; and in
contrast to the dense smoke of the French,
I saw only here and there puffs of smoke
276 German Musketry.
from our line, the whole of which was ly-
ing flat on the ground, rifles at the present.
Only the Captain walked slowly up and
down the line, warning his men to shoot
steadily and slowly. But every shot drop-
ped its man, and the number of the advanc-
ing foes became sensibly smaller. Individu-
als succeeded in reaching our line, only to
fall at the muzzles of the rifles ; and the
attack, so desperately carried out, burnt
itself out. Only a few survivors turned to
run, and these were soon bowled over by our
pursuing fire j in ten minutes, the whole
mass was destroyed. Assuming that half
of the column was destroyed by artillery,
yet the odds were still nearly as ten to one/'
Can England parallel the above, with an
instance from our recent wars ? We fear
not ; and if not, then, since our arms are far
superior to the needle gun, and our men
and officers at least as good, if not consider-
ably better, it follows necessarily that our
system is inferior to theirs.
LOSSES IN BATTLE.
IN military science, just as in other sciences
accurate data are essential to the for-
mation of sound opinions ; yet perhaps
nowhere is this necessity more frequently
disregarded. Regularly every year half a
dozen new schemes of attack make their
appearance in print, and practically every
one of them commences, or at any rate
alludes to the celebrated attack of the
Prussian Guard at St. Privat, in some such
terras as the following, " the unprecedented-
ly heavy loss of 6,000 men out of 18,000 in
ten minutes, proved, once and for all, the
impossibility of approaching an enemy's
position in anything but extended order ;"
or words to this effect. The writer pro-
bably remembers having heard the expres-
sion used in some lecture on tactics at
Sandhurst or Woolwich, and is quite con-
tented to take it as a gospel truth, and on
the strength of it to propose the abolition
278 Losses in Battle.
of whatever does not happen to suit his
doctrine. It was on evidence such as this,
that the good old British line was con-
demned, and in its stead the present hy-
brid skirmishing attack, the laughing-stock
of half Europe, was introduced. But a re-
ference to the official account of the battle,
and the lists of killed and wounded therein,
would have shewn our writers, that the
statement is actually incorrect, and the con-
clusion drawn from it at least equally so.
The story of the battle, according to the
Prussian official record, is briefly this.
About 5 o'clock in the afternoon, the IXth
corps (next on the right of the Guards)
was being hardly pressed, and to relieve
this pressure, Prince August von Wurtem-
berg ordered, after seeking the concur-
rence of the Commander-in- Chief, the two
divisional commanders to attack the enemy.
The troops had hardly moved off, when it
was pointed out to the Prince that the
greater portion of the Saxons were not in
sight, and that the artillery had not been
Losses in Battle. 279
allowed time enough for preparation ; but
the troops being in motion, the orders pre-
viously given were adhered to. The first
troops to commence the attack were the
4th Griiard Brigade, consisting of, in all,
26 companies, or about 5,500 men, " de-
ployed in two lines with skirmishers in ad-
vance." Even during its deployment at
St. Ail, it was overwhelmed by a shower
of bullets ; and almost immediately after-
wards it broke into skirmishers and advanc-
ed by rushes. The attack came to a stand-
still about 600 paces from the enemy ; but
the men held their ground and did not
retire. They lay out in the open till the
final advance, which took place some two
hours later, repulsing with the aid of the
Artillery fire, the counter attack of the ene-
my's masses, when the final attack took place,
they accompanied it, and continued fight-
ing till far on into the night. Meanwhile
the 1st Guard Brigade (about 5,000 strong)
had advanced from its position, south-west
of St. Marie aux Chenes, still preserving
280 Losses in Battle.
its rendezvous formation, viz., three lines
of company columns, about 120 yards
apart, and proceeded to change direction
to the left under a perfect rain of chassepot
bullets. It then crossed the high road,
and continued to gain ground to the left ;
but the fire proved more than it could bear,
the rear of the column pressed on the front,
and its change of front to the right does
not appear to have been made as on parade.
The attack, so disastrously begun, was
pushed on with great courage, till within
some six hundred yards of the enemy,
where its momentum died out ; and like
the 4th Brigade on its right, it lay down
and held its own till the subsequent rush
carried it on some two hours later. From
the commencement of the movement, till
the advance died out, about half-an-hour
had elapsed. Now, referring to the talk of
losses, we find that the 1st Guard Brigade
lost altogether, during the whole day's
fighting, 72 officers and 2,100 men ; the
4th Brigade almost exactly the same nuin-
Losses in Battle. 281
ber; or a fraction over 30 per cent, of
their respective strengths, in an action
which lasted at least three, hours-and-a-half.
Even if we assume half of the whole loss
to have been suffered in the first half hour,
"the 6,000 out of 18,000 in ten minutes"
is reduced to 2,000 out of 10,000 in half
an hour ; a very different state of things.
It is doubtful whether a single rule can
be deduced from this experience, which was
not perfectly well known before. The
fact that troops in column could not be
moved to a flank under effective infantry
fire, had been demonstrated many and
many a year before, even when infantry
were still armed with Brown Besses, the
fate of the French Imperial Guard, under
the fire of the 52nd at Waterloo is a case
in point. There is no difference in the two
cases, except in the range, and it was in
not realising how greatly that range had
increased, that the Prussians made the mis-
take. That unshaken Infantry could not
be attacked in front without the support of
282 Losses in Battle.
Artillery, was also perfectly well known in
Frederic the Great's day. The fact is re-
peatedly referred . to in his writings ; but
here, as so often is the case on a battle field,
circumstances were stronger than rules.
The Guards had to advance to relieve the
pressure . on their comrades of the IXth
Corps, and since the German rifles only
carried about 500 yards, they could only do
this by attacking. If Generals will insist,
or are compelled to attack under such dis-
advantageous circumstances, their failure
is a matter of certainty ; but this proves
nothing against the chances of success of
any other form of attack. Yet it was on
such evidence as this that the " thin red
line " was condemned. We wonder whe-
ther it ever occurred to any of our system-
mongers to examine the statistics of some
of our old battles of the Peninsula, e.g.,
Albuera, where " 1,800 unwounded men,
the remnant of 6,000 unconquerable British
soldiers, stood triumphant on the fatal hill,"
or the losses individual Regiments suffered
Losses in Battle. 283
at Quatre Bras or Waterloo. The battles
of the Seven Years' War all tell the same
tale, and even at Jena the Prussians stood
their ground under losses double and treble
c5
that of the Guard. And it must be remem-
bered that, as a rule, these losses were
suffered suddenly, in the manner most
try ing to the " morale" of the troops ; for
when the fire was only effective at about 200
yards, the assailants were obviously expos-
ed to it for a less time than now, when it is
killing at even 2,000.
But if it is objected that all this happen-
ed a very long time ago, we will take more
recent examples from the American war,
where the accuracy of the shooting more
than compensated for the want of rapidity.
Indeed, to our mind, there has been no
fighting of late years more instructive to
us Englishmen than this little-understood
struggle, for the men on both sides were of
our own flesh and blood. The celebrated
charge of Pickett's Division at Gettysburg is
a magnificent example of what losses Anglo-
284 Losses in Battle.
Saxon troops, and not long-service or
highly disciplined troops, can bear. It is
true that it failed ; but the reasons for the
failure were exactly the same as at St.
Privat, viz., want of adequate artillery pre-
paration, and ignorance of the mechanism
of the attack.
Let us assume, for the sake of argument,
troops of the same quality, formed up for
the attack, well out of effective range and
sent into the assault of St. Privat after
adequate artillery preparation. Let us fur-
ther assume them formed in three lines at
about 500 yards interval, with a reserve in
rear of all, and imagine them advancing
and firing by echelons in the old-fashioned
style, then since they would have covered
the whole distance up to the walls of the
village, in 15 minutes, it is not conceivable
that they would have suffered the same loss
as the Prussians actually did in a three
hours7 engagement ; more especially taking
into account the well-known fact, that
owing to the French forgetting to put
Losses in Battle. 285
down their sights, as the range decreased,
this fire was actually more deadly at long,
than at short ranges. Yet even had the
losses been equal, they would not have
sufficed to have stopped troops of the old
Peninsula stamp ; and, looking at the com-
position of those troops, both morally and
physically, our present material is at least
equally good, if not better. The facts re-
lating to the recruiting of our army in
those days, as far as the men's character is
concerned, are too well known to require
further reference. Never since the Penin-
sula have we been compelled to empty our
civil prisons into the ranks ; and it may
not be so generally known, but it is never-
theless equally true, that our standards of
height, age, and chest measurement were
even lower then, than it is now.
So far from the experiences of St. Privat
having led to the abolition of line attacks
in the German Army, they have had a pre-
cisely opposite result. The basis of the
modern German attack is the line forma-
286 Losses in Battle.
tion pure and simple only " sublimated "
as a German Officer once said to us. It is
true the fighting line no longer advances
with faultless dressing and at 75 paces a
minute, but it is practically a line for all
that for its early reinforcements bring it up
to nearly two men to the pace. It is a line
with loose feeling, the men having just
room enough to handle their arms with
effect. Instead of the advance by echelons
with volley firing, we have the advance by
rushes with independent firing. No volley
firing is ever practised in the Grerman attack.
Behind the fighting line, except under un-
usual circumstances, no company columns,
— which by the way we have been so anxi-
ous to copy, — are ever seen ; the advance
is made in line, with the strictest attention
to step and dressing. The full force of
discipline is brought to bear on the men,
in what is the most trying moment of their
duty, viz., the advance under fire without
being able to reply to it. Had we waited
till the actual facts were before us, we too
Losses in Battle. 287
might have preserved the advantages of our
old traditions, but instead of that we tried to
graft a new system on to our old Light In-
fantry drill, which was the best for its pur-
pose in the world ; but its purpose was not
the delivery of the decisive attack on the
battle field. The changes we should have
required, would have been few and simple,
and if our infantry leaders had been made to
understand the true power of artillery fire,
would have given us a form on which we
might have confidently relied. The first
line, formed at elbow distance, to advance
at a run, by echelons of half battalions,
then to lie down and fire, to cover the ad-
vance of the second half battalion ; on a
large front, the echelons to consist of whole
battalions. The second line to maintain a
uniform quick step, never halting or lying
down, but closing on the first, to give the
momentum necessary for a rush. The
third and fourth lines, or more if necessary
to advance in the same way. The difficul-
ties about intermixture of companies, etc.,
288 Losses in Battle.
are only peace-time matters. What does
it matter to an officer, who commands
his men, when he is lying with a bullet
through the head. And as for the men, in
such moments of supreme excitement, they
will follow any man who is brave enough
to lead. And we may bear this in mind
for our consolation, that the experience of
both our own army and that of the
Americans proves, that troops with British
blood in them require less leading in an
attack than those of any other race.
DISCIPLINE AND THE BREECH-
LOADER.
IT is now a little over twenty years ago
that the breech-loader first made its
appearance on the battle-field ; and a suffi-
cient mass of data is now at hand to enable
us to form some opinion as to the conditions
for its best and most effective employment.
In the first place, it is interesting to note
that almost all the predictions made on
its behalf by its supporters have been
falsified by events. We were told — and
though able and experienced soldiers pro-
tested against these ideas — that the
power of the defence would be enormously
increased ; that the weapon would place
the youngest soldiers on an equality with
the highest-disciplined, and therefore that
superiority of numbers would be the decisive
factor of success ; that cavalry would be
banished from the battle-field; that in savage
warfare one man with the breech-loader
M,, L, 19
290 Discipline and the Breech-loader.
would be worth ten with the muzzle-loader ;
and many other prophecies more wild and
far-fetched have been and indeed are still
being hazarded. But how have these
opinions borne the test of the battle-field ?
To begin with, the force which took the
offensive has almost invariably won. Bel-
fort, Plevna and Baker's fight in the Balkans,
on the last day of the year 1877, are
almost the only triumphs scored by the
defensive ; and in each instance the condi-
tions were of a too exceptional nature to
admit of their being brought into the
argument. Belfort was fought by highly
disciplined Germans against half - starved
Mobiles. The attacks on the redoubts at
Plevna failed for want of combination of
numbers against the decisive point owing
to the incompetence of the Eussian leaders;
and in the last-quoted instance victory was
due to the magnificent fighting instinct of
the Turk and the determination of his
General, a born leader, if ever there was one.
The battles of Vionville, and those which
Discipline and the Breech-loader. 291
took place in the latter portion of the war
after Sedan, proved conclusively that real
discipline was still more than a match for
numbers, even when the numbers had the
advantage of a far superior weapon ; and
the new cavalry regulations of Austria and
Germany shew that, in the opinion of the
most experienced soldiers of the day, the
glory has not yet departed from the mount-
ed forces. But finally — and this is the
most important point for us to consider —
events have not shown that, against savages,
one man with a breech-loader is equal to
ten with the muzzle-loader. We may
search the records of our last twenty years
as closely as we please, and yet we can find
no single instance of a British regiment
achieving such results by its fire as the 22nd
(Cheshire) Regiment at Meannee and Duba,
or, to go further back, as the 52nd at
Waterloo, though the latter case, of course,
was against Europeans.
To reconcile the apparent contradictions
in the above statements, seems at first sight
292 Discipline and the Breech-loader.
almost hopeless. The key-note of breech-
loading tactics is the increased individuality
of the man. Hence we should naturally
expect to find that the race possessing the
highest degree of individual fighting in-
stinct should obtain the best results from
it. But, actually, the facts are against us.
The French possess a greater amount of
individuality than the Germans, and the
English than either, yet neither have suc-
ceeded to the same extent as the Germans.
The latter cannot equal our range-shooting
even now, and they have improved vastly
since 1870 : yet actually on the battle-
fields of that year, they attained a decidedly
higher average of results, even against a
superior weapon, and when exposed to the
more demoralizing influence of heavy
artillery fire than we have since obtained
against half-armed savages. To prove this
point in the limit of our space is impossible.
We can only refer to a case we quoted some
time ago of the shooting of a company of
the Prussian Guard against the last des-
Discipline and the Breech-loader. 293
perate effort by the French to break through
at Sedan. The company, certainly not
more than 200 strong, fairly shot to pieces
a French attack made by some 3,000 des-
perate men, and that too, to within the limits
of about 500 yards of their muzzles. The
charges of the French cavalry, most gallant-
ly executed, all broke down before the
steady file-fire of the Germans, though on
several occasions it must be admitted they
went within an inch of succeeding. But,
in the absence of special fighting instinct,
individual intelligence and skill in the use
of their weapons, to what can we attribute
their extraordinary success?
We believe there is only one answer to
be given to this, and that is contained in
the single word " discipline. " We reject
altogether the new-fangled expression " fire
discipline, " a word which we have coined
to mark the fact that the actual meaning of
the original word has escaped our memories.
Formerly it meant with us, what it still
means in Germany, — the power which
294 Discipline and the Breech-loader.
enables men, in presence of danger and
death, to overcome the instinct of self-
preservation, which makes it easier in fact
for a man to face certain destruction than
to make up his mind individually to run
away : now-a-days, it is taken to be synony-
mous with clean defaulter- sheets and an
absence of courts-martial — a very different
state of things. In its true sense discipline
hardly exists in our army, though in the
navy it is, perhaps, higher than it ever
was : this is not a result of short service,
though it is often asserted to be so. We
have only to look at the Austrians, Germans,
and Swedes to see that it is quite possible
to attain a higher standard than our own
even with half the service. In all these
three armies, troops move quicker, more
accurately, and handle their arms with
greater smartness, than we are accustomed
to see. The special difficulties with which
we have to contend, such as weak companies,
etc., will not suffice to account for it, for
other armies have their difficulties too.
Discipline and the Breech-loader. 295
Besides, it must not be forgotten that we
do not claim to be merely the equals of
these other races, but we are all more or
less convinced that we are decidedly their
superiors, and the history of our race proves
it. The truth is we set about our troop -
training from a diametrically opposite point
of view. The continental system is more
a moral than a physical one, though there
is a good deal of the latter too. Its object is
to accustom the soldier to fatigue and priva-
tion, to train his will, in fact, and make a
man of him. It is not so much to develop
his muscles, that the long marches of the
manoeuvres are intended, for they soon
lose their tone when he reverts to civil life,
but the knowledge of what has been
accomplished remains with him as an abid-
ing fact, and he feels capable of doing the
same again when called on. The iron drill
of the barrack yard is maintained as a
check on the over-development of the
individual instincts ; and renders it possible
to keep the men under control, even under
296 Discipline and the Breech-loader.
the disentegrating conditions of the battle-
field. Musketry is taught to give the man
confidence in his weapon, but neither he
nor his officer is allowed to x egard it as the
be-all and end-all of a soldier's existence.
With us all this is different. Drill is
sacrificed to musketry, and the moral part
of the training is altogether neglected.
Could anything be more demoralising than
the enforced idleness of our infantry in this
country ? Can it be expected that a man
who has been trained to believe that he
will die if exposed to the sun between the
hours of eight A. M. and six P. M., and that he
is not physically capable of marching round
his cantonment with arms in his hands for
six months in every year, be expected to
face the hardships of a campaign ? He
does it, though, in spite of his training,
and because he is at heart an Englishman.
And is all this caution necessary ? We
believe not, for men of the same class are
employed on our public works pretty well
without regard to temperature, and we do
Discipline and the Breech-loader. 297
not know that their death-rate is so very
much, if at all higher, than that of the
infantry. Our mounted troops are not
nearly as much coddled as the others, and
their average of health is, we believe,
decidedly higher. Even if it were not so,
it does not do to make a man regard his
life as an absolutely inviolable possession —
certainly not, if you want him to risk it
freely. Even if a few of the weaklier ones
died, the gain morally to the survivors
would be worth the cost. No man is worth
his salt till his will and endurance have
been tried ; and even an outbreak of cholera
is not without its value to the survivors.
Why not take a lesson for ordinary use
from our practice when such an outbreak
occurs. We do not know that the general
health of the men is impaired by going
under canvas ; and why should they not
do it oftener.
We would not recommend a return to
the German barrack- square system ; for
the class of men we have to deal with is
298 Discipline and the Breech-loader.
essentially different, being more intelligent
and possessing more innate fighting in-
stinct ; but we should like to see something
approximating more to the naval system,
which develops to the utmost the alertness
and intelligence of the men, without
wasting one moment in pedantic accuracy
of movement, which does not add to fighting
efficiency. How this can be done we can-
not, within the limits of this article, pre-
tend to say ; but of this we feel assured,
that not until our training is directed to
developing the morale of our men, will we
be able to derive the full advantages of our
present, and still more, of our future
armament.
THE TACTICS OF THE AMERICAN
WAR.
IT is curious to note how little attention
has been devoted to the study of the
fighting of this most bloody of modern
wars ; and yet it would seem that the
records of these campaigns fought out to
the bitter end by men of our own Anglo-
Saxon races, would be a far more likely
source of information, from which to
deduce the theory of an attack formation
specially designed to meet our needs, than
the histories of struggles between French
and Germans or Russians and Turks. Von
Moltke is reported to have said that,
" nothing was to be learnt from the struggle
of two armed mobs." If that is really the
case, which we venture to doubt exceeding-
ly, the great strategist must ere this have
been sorry he ever spoke, for armed mobs
or not, both Southern and Northern troops
bore, and bore victoriously, a percentage of
300 Tactics of the American War.
loss, before which even the best disciplined
troops in Germany, the Prussian Guard
Corps failed to make headway. It is of no
relevence to the argument, to say that
the breech-loader was not then in use.
When a man is hard hit himself or sees
his comrade rolled over, it never enters his
head to consider whether the hit was
scored by muzzle-loader or breech-loader;
the fact itself, that he or the other man is
down, is the only one he concerns himself
with, and when the percentage of hits in
a given time rises high enough, the attack
collapses equally, no matter against what
weapon it may be delivered.
Actually though the armament was
inferior, the percentage of hits was fre-
quently far higher than in breech-loading
campaigns. There is no action on record
during recent years in which the losses
rose so high, and in so short a time, as
in the American fights. At Frederisburg,
Meagher's Irish Brigade, 1,200 strong, lost
963 men in the attack of the Stone fence
Tactics of the American War. 301
below St. Marye's heights. The confeder-
ates, standing six deep under cover reserved
their fire till the attack came within 120
yards. And in a few moments it was simply
destroyed. At Gettysburg, Pickett's divi-
sion, some 4,000 strong, attacking in line
penetrated into the heart of the federal posi-
tion but only with some few hundred men,
(about 300 to the best of our recollection,)
the remainder having fallen on the way,
the survivors held on and did not run, but
being unsupported, they eventually surren-
dered themselves prisoners. Surely, Moltke
never spoke of such gallant soldiers as an
armed mob, seeing that they succeeded
in driving an attack home against four
times the percentage of loss that stopped
the Prussian guard at St. Privat, that f^t"1
event to which we owe the loss of what
was best in our drill-book, the thin red
line. And assuming for the moment, that
the saying attributed to him is really true,
we cannot help fancying that he must have
often bitterly regretted it, when watching
302 Tactics of the American War.
his own men in the manoeuvres of late
years, attacking in what is really, practi-
cally the same formation which the armed
mobs worked out for themselves.
The points of contrast between ourselves
and the American are far too numerous
to be dismissed without comment. They
began the war with a drill-book and system
modelled on our own, and they carried it
out to its conclusion, with only a few
modifications of detail but none of princi-
ple. The normal prescribed idea of an
attack appears to have been as follows : A
line of scouts, thickened to skirmishers
according to the requirements of the
ground ; from 2 to 300 paces in rear, the
1st line, two deep precisely like our own,
then in rear a 2nd line and reserve. Of
course their lines did not advance with the
steady precision of our old peninsula batta-
lions. Their level of instruction was alto-
gether too low, and besides the extent of
fire swept ground had greatly increased.
Eye-witnesses say, that after the first few
Tactics of the American War. 303
yards, the line practically dissolved itself
into a dense line of skirmishers, which
threw itself forward generally at a run as
far as their momentum would carry them.
Sometimes if the distance was short carry-
ing the position at the first rush, but more
generally the heavy losses brought them to
a halt and a standing fire fight ensued.
They knew nothing of ScherfFs great prin-
ciple on which the " Treffen Abstande," or
distances between the lines are based, but
they generally worked it out in practice
pretty successfully. The second line came
up in the best order they could and carried
the wreck of the first on with it ; if they
were stopped, the reserve did the same for
them, and either broke too or succeeded.
The principle that every attack should be
prepared by artillery fire, though known,
was yet imperfectly understood, and the
want of artillery and still more the diffi-
culty of the ground frequently led to its
being disregarded, but the neglect was
dearly paid for as a rule. Of course, things
304 Tactics of the American War.
did not always work out in practice as they
were intended to. Hot-headed Brigadiers
and inexperienced Staff Officers frequently
caused single lines to bo sent to certain
destruction ; others were responsible for
losses of distance and time which left the
front line unsupported at the critical
moment ; but as the war went on, the
necessity of putting in men in greater
numbers, viz., providing by successive lines,
6, 8 and even 10 men per yard of front
made itself more and more felt, and at last
whole corps were sent to the attack on a
front of over 3,000 yards and in five succes-
sive lines. There was nothing in the
Franco- German war to compare to these
monster attacks; in that campaign, attack-
ing corps generally resolved themselves into
three or four isolated advances not exceed-
ing a brigade (6,000 men) in strength, and
want of combination in time-and direction
frequently made itse1'* most detrimentally
felt, mistakes not liable to occur again, the
lesson was too bloody. We do not advo-
Tactics of the American War. 305
cate these monster attacks, for there is a limit
of front in attacking (about 2,200 yards)
which cannot be usefully exceeded, and for
this a strength of two British or one Con-
tinental Brigade will usually suffice ; greater
extension only leads to an unnecessary ex-
penditure of men.
Another point also was established by
experience, viz., that once an advance is
commenced, any stopping to fire is to be
deprecated, the impulse forward is lost and
can only be recommunicated by the pres-
sure of fresh troops from the rear. Besides,
it leads to an enormous increase in the
losses. In a general action the bulk of
the firing is necessarily excessively inaccu-
rate, for, on the one side,the defender's nerves
have been shaken by artillery fire, and, on
the other, excitement and the exertion of
running forward unsteadies both hand and
eye to such a degree that very little result
is to be hoped for from the attacking fire
against targets the size of those exposed
by troops well posted on the defensive.
M., L. 20
306 Tactics of the American War.
The best Wimbledon marksmen would make
very poor percentages against targets the
size of a loophole in a log fence, under
battle conditions at 400 yards or even at
200 when exposed to the full intensity of
the defender's fire, and, of course, with the
muzzle-loader, it was impossible to send in
the absolute storm of bullets the breech-
loader can deliver, which more than balances
the want of quantity by its quality. But
whether breech-loaders or muzzle-loaders the
argument is the same, the numbers of hits
on a given target will vary directly with
the time the target is exposed to fire, and
hence one point to be considered in every
attack, is to reduce the time required to
pass the dangerous zone to the minimum
compatible with other conditions. These
other conditions are both physical and
moral. Physically it is practically impos-
sible for men fresh off the road and carrying
heavy kits to run 1,000 to 1,500 yards, or
even half that distance, and morally it has
been found impracticable to make infantry
Tactics of the American War. 307
advance under fire without the encourage-
ment of the sound of their own firing.
In fact, the distance men will march under
fire without returning it, varies directly
with the quality of their discipline and
courage, a fact of great importance in apply-
ing the American experience to our own use.
In Germany, since the war, a compromise
between the various conditions has been
arrived at in the following way: — The
artillery preparation having been complet-
ed, the infantry advance in a dense skir-
mishing line, each man having only just
room enough to use his rifle with effect,
firing must not be commenced one moment
before it can be avoided, but it is the duty
of the officers commanding the fighting
line to judge when that moment has arrived
and to anticipate by his order, the men's
taking the law into their own hands and
firing without word of command. From
this moment, the advance is continued
by echelons, though never more than two
echelons should be employed and the fire
308 Tactics of the American War.
only continued long enough to cover the
movement of the advancing echelon. The
first support move up according to the judg-
ment of the officers on the spot, but when
once the zone of severe loss is entered,
the lines in the rear close on the fighting
line mechanically. Now comes in ScherfFs
principle to which we referred above.
"Within the zone of heavy loss (say be-
tween 600 and 300 yards), no troops can
stand their ground for more than five
minutes, therefore the supporting line must
never be at a greater distance from the fight-
ing one, than it can cover inside of this five
minutes, or say 500 yards.
From this moment the attack advances
by a succession of waves ; line after line is
thrown into the struggle, which with
each reinforcement gains ground some hun-
dred yards or so to the front; when at
last the limit at which decisive fire really
commences, is reached, the fire is raised ta
its utmost intensity for a few moments, and
then either obeying its own impulse or
Tactics of the American War. 309
the impetus of fresh troops from the rear,
the whole rushes forward and clears the
enemies' position to its further limit, when
it throws itself down and pursues by fire
only ; the duty of further advance being
undertaken by a fresh body of troops, usual-
ly the reserve, if it has not itself been pre-
viously expended.
It will be seen that except in its being
more scientifically put together, this Ger-
man attack is practically, precisely similar
to that employed by the Americans, with
the sole difference that the breech-loader has
conferred on the assailants the advantage
of being able to make a more extended
use of their weapons, and has reduced to a
certain extent the disadvantage of having
to halt. It has not compensated the defend-
ers to the same extent, for by the use of
entrenchments, it was always possible to
them to increase the intensity of fire by
placing a large number of successive ranks
under cover. Thus in the case of the
stone fence mentioned above, the confeder-
310 Tactics of the American War.
ates stood six deep, and their fire was there-
fore nearly as intense as that which could
be delivered by a single rank with breech-
loaders. Had we in 1871 been thoroughly
well-informed as to the methods employed
across the Atlantic, we should have seen
at once that the new weapons did not
necessarily entail any alteration in princi-
ple in our drill-book, and with a little
alteration in detail, have attained at one
bound to a point of efficiency not reached
even in Germany till several years after
the war. Instead of that, we allowed our-
selves to be frightened, by the pamphlets
of a number of junior officers, for the most
part hastily written and based on imper-
fect information, into abolishing at one
stroke all that was best in our traditions
of the past, and substituting in its stead
a something which was neither line nor
skirmishing, the principal object of which
appears to be to teach both our men and
officers to shirk the losses inseparable
from decisive action on the field of battle ;
Tactics of the American War. 311
had an equivalent number of Americans,
or of British infantry stood opposite the
French at St. Privat on that fatal 18th of
August, we believe they would have carried
the place in line and at the first rush ;
had even the Prussians omitted their fatal
error of bringing heavy columns within
reach of the breech - loader and attempting
to manoeuvre in them, they would have done
so too, for the bulk of their losses fell on
them before they extended, and the French
fire was so wild that the nearer they got
to them the safer they became. Our losses
would have been serious, no doubt, but
seeing that the Prussians only lost 30 per
cent, in a fight which lasted from early
evening till late into the night, it is not
reasonable to suppose that, deducting the
losses due to the mistake of the heavy
columns, we could have lost even as high
a percentage in an attack which at the out-
side should not have been under fire more
than twenty minutes. For the garrison of
St. Privat were not of a class to stand the
312 Tactics of the American War.
threat of cold steel. But the evil has been
done, and will require a long time to undo,
for 15 years the tactics of timidity have
been dinned into our ears, and month after
month our officers have been condemned
to pass examinations in books compiled
from others which have long since found
a resting place in the dusty cellars of
German publishers, and the doctrine of
self-preservation as the first law has got
such a grip of us, that it will require all
the energy of a great leader to knock it out
of us. It is not for want of telling, for
our foreign visitors both here and at home
have been good enough to point it out to
us, but yet every year the drill grounds
witness the same old farce, we were going
to write, but in view of what it may mean
to us in a not far distant future, the word
tragedy seems to be nearer the mark.
Napoleon's favourite saying was : — " II
faut casser des ceufs pour faire des ome-
lettes. " Let us bear it in mind.
GERMAN OPINION ON THE DELHI
MANCEUVRES.
A LECTURE on the lessons of the Delhi
JLjL Camp of Exercise has been delivered
by a German officer in Berlin. Thanks to
the Pioneer, which has obtained a summary
of the lecture: the officers of all arms in the
service can now see themselves as others see
them. The German critic says : —
First, with regard to the infantry. The
men show considerable aptitude for skir-
mishing, and are excellent for all light in-
fantry duties, but the officers, as a body,
seem never to have properly appreciated the
difference between an advance guard, skir-
mishing fight, and the decisive attack on
a field of battle. The instructions for the
attack were evidently drawn up by men
entirely unacquainted with the European
battle-fields of to-day. The attempt to
avoid doubling up of different companies
(eindcntbliten) in the fighting line by mak-
314 German Opinion on
ing each little company find its own support
and reserve, is thoroughly impractical, for
it would be impossible in actual warfare
to ensure each little detachment coining up
precisely in rear of the little section of the
front to which it belongs ; it has the further
defect of destroying, at the very commence-
ment of the action, and unnecessarily, the
Captain's control over his company. A man
can command the extent of front required by
the small English companies, but he cannot
possibly keep in hand three separate bodies
some 400 yards apart. As a consequence
there is no unity of direction in the fighting
line, and fire discipline is almost impossible
to maintain.
" Besides,, the English authorities do not
appear to realise the losses inseparable from
a general action, and that to carry a front
of some 800 to a 1 ,000 yards, it is necessary
to put in a whole division. Battalions must
be intermixed, before even a distance of 700
yards from the enemy has been reached, and
by the time the zone of decision (nbout 300
the Delhi Manoeuvres. 315
yards) has been attained, whole regiments
will be required. This danger can only be
guarded against by accustoming the men in
peace to act under the orders of the officer
nearest to them, and on the part of the offi-
cers by re-dividing amongst themselves the
commands as each fresh reinforcement comes
into line. This is the universal practice in
Germany at present. The advance is alto-
gether too slow : the fact that losses increase
in proportion to the length of time during
which the target is exposed appears not to
have occurred to thern."^
" The advance of the fighting line by suc-
cessive small fractions and by short rushes
of 35 yards, we consider altogether imprac-
tical— the small fractions mask each other's
fire and the short rushes unnecessarily tire
the men. Nor are these short rushes
* In the German attack, from the moment the signal for
the advance is given, all troops in rear of the fighting line
move off in quick time and never halt ; if the fighting line is
checked, they close on it, and carry it on with them. The
usual distance between successive lines is about 400 yards.
316 German Opinion on
long enough to carry them out of the
average cone of dispersion of the shots aim-
ed at them, and it is easier for the defender
to keep on them than it is where each range
has to be re - estimated and the sights re-
adjusted.
" But most striking of all we consider to
be the want of any true conception of the
value of discipline in the fight. In camp
and quarters the discipline of the English
Army has always been very high, and for-
merly, when they fought in line, it was the
admiration of all Europe. The writings of
Generals Foy and Bugeaud, their defeated
enemies, are well - known in all German
schools, and our own countrymen, who
fought shoulder-to-shoulder with them in
1815, agree in the same high testimony :
yet it does not appear to have occurred to
the modern school of English leaders that
it was to this high discipline that they
owed their successes, and that, if that degree
of drill was necessary to ensure the success
of an advance against smooth-bore muskets
the Delhi Manoeuvres. 317
whose fire was hardly effective at 200 yards,
how much more, therefore, is it necessary,
when the troops behind the fighting
line have all to cross a fire-swept zone
of some 1,500 yards in depth, without fir-
ing a shot in return. The innate love of
fighting which may be expected in a volun-
teer army, and which none who have read
the records of the Peninsular and Cri-
mean wars and of their campaigns in India
will deny them, renders an iron discipline
all the more essential if the troops in rear
are to be prevented from taking the law into
their own hands and joining the fighting line
without orders. This was exactly what
the Prussian Guard Corps did at St.
Privat.
" In Germany we look upon discipline as
the main sheet anchor on which we rely to
overcome man's inherent fear of death and
danger and tighten up its bands all the more
when the critical moment arrives. In the
English Army, on the contrary, exactly the
reverse course is followed, and when the
318 German Opinion on
attack commences all the outward forms of
discipline are abandoned.
" Turning now to the cavalry. The mate-
rial leaves nothing to be desired ; such men
and such horses as the British Cavalry regi-
ments in India have, are not to be seen in any
other country in the world. The English-
man is a born rider, and sits his horse with
an ease and confidence our men can rarely
attain to. The Native Cavalry also ride
well, and even their horses are quite up to the
averages of our Hussar regiments. With
such advantages, it is extraordinary that the
cavalry is not better than it is. But here,
again, the want of experience in handling
large bodies of cavalry, the fatal fallacies
which the breech-loader brought in its train,
have all borne fruit. The general ideas
on cavalry taught in the English schools
and the strong prejudice against them
existing in the minds of the Umpire Staff,
who almost invariably order them out of
action if they attack either infantry or guns,
have acted most prejudicially on all con-
the Delhi Manoeuvres. 319
cerned. We ourselves knew what it was to
suffer similarly — before the glorious day of
Vionville, and can sympathise with our
gallant comrades in arms ; but they labour
also under the disadvantage of a defective
system of drill and elementary training
of men and horses. Absolute uniformity of
time and pace are the very essentials of com-
bined action in cavalry tactics ; but little
attention is paid to either.
" The independence of the squadron and
the use of the squadron column are two other
points ; but neither is as yet properly appre-
ciated. Owing to the defective training of
the young horses, and to the fact that the
men are not taught to ride straight to their
front (keeping their dressing by time and
an occasional glance of the eye instead of by
turning the head to the directing flank), the
long advances in line are not well made, and
the charge, though delivered at a high rate
of speed, is wanting in cohesion, the files
opening out and the ranks not being kept
sufficiently distinct. The melee and pursuit
320 German Opinion on
are not enough practised. Finally, the sys-
tematic training of the horses to cover long
distances at speed has been hitherto ignored.
Great inequality also exists between the dif-
ferent regiments, both of the Native and
British Cavalry. It is almost impossible to
compare the two ends of the scale in either
case, and this re-acts very prejudicially on
their enployment in brigade.
" The Native Cavalry also suffer from the
disadvantage of drawing their young officers-
largely from the ranks of the infantry, and
who, having been trained for some years in
the latter arm, fail to acquire that complete
confidence in their new one which every
cavalryman should have. Further, never
having been grounded in the principles of
military equitation, they do not possess the
necessary routine knowledge, nor a sense of
its important bearing on efficiency.
" The efficiency of artillery depends to
such a large extent on accurate shooting that
it is impossible to form an opinion of it in
manoeuvres. As with the other arms, the
the Delhi Manoeuvres. 321
men and horses are of the first class and their
discipline good ; but want of experience in
the handling of large masses on the part of
superior officers is apparent, and they were,
moreover, much bumpered by the provisional
instructions published for the guidance of
the higher commands during the manoeu-
vres. The principle that Artillery should
not fire over Infantry shows an extraordi-
nary inability to grasp the conditions of a
modern battle and practically deprives the
Infantry of the co-operation which is so
essential to success. Even in a fight of one
corps against another it would be impossible
for the Artillery to prepare the attack from
a position on its flank, because, taking
2,000 yards as the distance between the
two fronts, the outer battery of the line
would be some 4,000 yards distant from
the point of attack, and where several corps
are fighting alongside of each other, the idea
is perfectly impracticable. It is a poor
compliment to pay their Infantry to say
they cannot stand what every other army
M.,L. 21
322 German opinion on
in Europe stands willingly enough. The
truth is the different arms of the Service in
the English Army are not sufficiently closely
united : there is too much caste spirit, they
fail to perceive that each only exists for the
other, and that the efficiency of an army is
measured by the product, not the sum, of the
efficiency of each arm."
The above has been reprinted by permis-
sion, in order to serve as a contrast to an
English officer's opinion on the German
system of attack.
" One cannot make omelettes without
breaking eggs, and no loss must be shirked
to win a battle. All the petty dodges by
which other armies strive to avoid the heavy
losses which every attack must cost, and
which usually defeat their own object, by
either retarding the advance or by weakening
the spirit of the troops themselves, are sternly
rejected by the Germans. Their object is to
win. There is a considerable reaction against
the ideas published by so many writers after
the war, that losses are to be avoided instead
the Delhi Manoeuvres. 323
of faced. Meckel, in his c Taktik/ points
out that the losses in the Seven Years' War
were far heavier in proportion than those in-
curred in 1870 ; yet he says there is no
record that after the battles of Zorndorf,
Hochstadt, or Leuthen, the officers of Fre-
deric's army employed their spare time in
trying to discover systems by which battles
might be fought without bloodshed. And
as it was then, so it is now — great results
can only be obtained with proportionate sacri-
fice. In fact, the bottom has been knocked
out of all the universal nostrums for victory
by practice and common-sense. Even out-
flanking tactics are considerably discredited
now, for it has been discovered that unless
the enemy is altogether incapable of manoeu-
vring, every flank attack must at last
result in a local front attack, besides which,
when troops are acting in large masses, each
battalion is rigidly limited as to its front by
the presence of the other bodies on either
hand. Hence direct attacks must not be
shirked, and it is only by the intelligent
324 German opinion on
co-operation of the artillery that the terrible
sacrifices they entail can be reduced." This,
indeed, seems to be the main difference be-
tween the German practice and that of other
nations, notably our own. Of course, all
systems refer to this co-operation, but where
they fail for the most part is in the intelli-
gence to work together properly. This is
particularly the case in the English service.
In reading the innumerable discussions and
letters on the subject with which we are de-
luged by infantry officers, one notices the
almost universal failure to appreciate pro-
perly the part played by the artillery. The
tendency is to rely too exclusively on the
infantry fire of the attack to render its
approach possible, and this causes a
slowness and drag to the advance which
would probably entail double the loss,
because the target is exposed for double
the time. This loss is by no means
compensated by the increased losses in-
flicted on the defender, for when once the
advance by rushes across the zone of aimed
the Delhi Manoeuvres. 325
fire commences, the fire of the stationary de-
fender from behind cover is relatively much
more accurate than that of the assailant, ex-
hausted and excited as the latter must be by
the advance itself. The German idea is rather
to take full advantage of the power of the
artillery, supported, as far as possible, by
infantry fire, and then to push rapidly on
by rushes, only halting and firing enough to
let the men get their wind, and to distract
the enemy's attention by giving him a chang-
ing target, till they get so close that every
rifle discharged horizontally should " bag "
its man. After four or five minutes of con-
centrated fire, the main body comes up in
line, and gives the impetus for the assault
itself. But the Germans also recognise that
against good infantry the shooting-line will
not be able to reach this distance without
frequent and strong reinforcement. Indeed,
one often hears it said amongst the older
officers — and, of course, sees it in print too —
that within the zone of aimed fire, . troops
once halted can only be got to advance by
326 German opinion on
bringing up fresh troops into the fighting-
line. We think, too, that though Von Scherff
has many opponents in the service, the prin-
ciple on which he bases-the distances between
supporting lines on the battle-field — viz.,
"that no man can stand halted for five
minutes in effective range of the breech-
loader, and hence that fresh support must be at
hand to reinforce before that five minutes is
over " — meets with very general acceptance.
The rapidity with which an attack conduct-
ed on these ideas comes on, is scarcely credi-
ble, and when one stands on the defenders'
side and sees behind the fighting-line, line
upon line of support all pressing forward at
the same steady pace — for, from the mo-
ment the attack proper is begun, the main
body and troops behind never interrupt their
advance, but come on " in parade order/7 with
bands playing, colours flying, and the
strictest attention to dressing, &c., — the
moral effect is not to be mistaken, The
actual time occupied, assuming the advance
to commence at 700 yards from the enemy,
the Delhi Manoeuvres. 327
may usually be estimated at from twelve
to fifteen minutes. The advance of the
Guards' Brigade at the last Queen's re-
view at Aldershot took about half-an-hour,
and was then 300 yards distant from the
object of the attack. As regards fire disci-
pline : — During the period of preparation
before the advance by rushes begins, the
units of a German battalion are practically
intact in the hands of their own officers,
and volleys, fire pauses, &c., can all be con-
trolled. Once the advance begins, indepen-
dent firing can alone be relied on. The
intermixture of the companies, &c., which
we seek to avoid by the ingenious but im-
practicable scheme of Colonel Macdonald,
the Germans grasp boldly. It is, after all,
a peace-time difficulty only. It is annoy-
ing in peace, certainly, to see one's company
taken out of one's hands by the senior
Captain coming up with his fresh one from
behind ; but in war-time it is extremely
tmlikely that both Captains would be still
unhurt at this period of the action. It is
328 German opinion on
utterly unavoidable to prevent the mixture
of regiments, sometimes even of brigades, in
a general action, and the only way to mini-
mise the evil is to adopt the system in use in
Germany, of dividing up the fighting-line
into fresh commands as reinforcements come
up, and thus accustoming officers and non-
commissioned officers to rapidly assume com-
mand of the men nearest to them. A step
in advance, and a practical one, would be for
the battalion commander to fall-out officers
from time to time during the progress of the
attack to mark the casualties. It is only the
same principle as gun-drill with reduced
detachments. As far as the mere form of
attack- drill goes, there is but little to choose
between those one sees in Germany and the
one in our own field exercises ; but the
point in which the Germans have a real
superiority over us is the spirit in which
the form is interpreted. Put in the briefest
way, the spirit amounts to this. There are
two dangers against which the attack has to
contend, — the first is numerical loss ; the
the Delhi Manoeuvres. 329
second, the weakening of the resolution of
the men entailed by the first. The for-
mer can only be reduced by intelligent
co-operation between the artillery and
infantry in the preparatory stage, and by
rapidity of movement when once the execu-
tion begins. But against the latter, only
the discipline and training of the troops can
guard. Men must be trained to face, not
to shirk losses ; troops taught to be over-
cautious in the attack — like the Austrians,
French, and our own — are already more
than half-beaten before the action begins, so
the Germans say. Here, indeed, is some-
thing worth copying, and something which
would add immeasurably more to our effi-
ciency than all the brown belts, spiked
helmets, &c., with which our tailors' bills
have been increased and our tempers
upset during the last twenty years. Let
us have some settled system of musketry
instruction and tactics, and cease to harass
officers and men by a never-ending fire
of circulars from the Adjutant - General's
330 German opinion on Delhi Manoeuvres.
office. Let us learn to regard the art of war
from as practical a point of view as possi-
ble, and leave trifles such as buttons and
lace to be looked after by trifling minds.
THE SPIRIT OF THE RUSSIAN
ARMY.
"nnHE letter killeth, the spirit giveth life, "
JL is as true a saying when applied to
military as to spiritual matters. Only
those who have learnt by experience, can
realise to what an extent the most profound
study of official forms and statistics can
mislead a man in his estimate of the fight-
ing value of a foreign army, and in none is
this more the case than in the Russian
army. From a paper point of view, the
impression conveyed is undoubtedly highly
favourable ; organisation and tactics are all
founded on the latest and most approved
principles, copied, in fact, generally from
those of the German army ; and materials
for forming this opinion are abundant
enough.
But a study of the spirit reveals a totally
different state of things, and owing to the
332 Spirit of the Eussian Army.
lethargy of our Intelligence Department,
the materials available are both scanty and
inaccurate.
Yet it is of infinitely greater consequence
that our Staff and regimental officers
should be imbued with a knowledge of the
morale of the army, which they are most
likely to be engaged with, than that they
should have at their finger ends the masses
of figures and forms with which our books
are flooded ; and it is our object to supply,
as far as possible, this admitted want.
But at the outset one is met with the
difficulty presented by the enormous area
of the Russian Empire, and the different
characteristics of its inhabitants. Practi-
cally we may disregard the idiosyncrasies of
the inhabitants of Nova Zembla and other
remote parts, and confine ourselves to those
troops most likely to be opposed to us in
India.
From the map of the distribution of the
army of ^Russia in peace, it appears most
likely that these will be drawn chiefly from
Spirit of the Russian Army. 333
the central provinces of Russia, i.e., from
around Moscow and Nijni Novgorod, both
because she would hardly dare to denude
her western frontiers of troops ; and also
because her best line of communications
lies by the Petersburg -Orenburg Railway
and down the Volga, from thence across
the Caspian in Nobel's new petroleum fleet
to Tchekislar, the northern terminus of the
railway to Askabad. Even in 1854, when
she was assured of the benevolent neutrality
of both Prussia and Austria, it was consi-
dered dangerous to move troops from those
frontiers for the Crimea ; and now, when
for the former a united Germany has been
substituted, burning with hatred against her,
when, in fact, it is openly said in the German
army that the maintenance of peace depends
almost altogether on the life of one man,
it is not probable that she will care to risk
more than she did on the former occasion.
The army of the Caucasus is also not likely
to be available for operations against Indian
troops, as they will probably find occupa-
334 Spirit of the Russian Army.
tion enough looking after the Turks, sup-
ported, let us hope, by English battalions
and money.
Throughout the central provinces of
Russia, owing to the similarity of the
country, climate, and occupation of the
inhabitants, there is a singular uniformity
in their character. The difference in in-
telligence between the town and country-
man is probably less than in any other
kingdom in Europe, and the country-people
form five- sixths of the total population ;
hence the proportion of townsmen in a line
battalion is less than in any other army ;
but it is the townsman who, by his greater
intelligence, adopts the characteristics of
modern fighting most readily. The Russian
" Moujik, " with his dull half- animal orga-
nisation, has been sufficiently often de-
scribed ; but the bearing of his idiosyn-
crasies on military matters has not been
sufficiently taken into account. Perfect
discipline, coupled with a high degree of
individual initiative in all ranks, are, it will
Spirit of the Eussian Army. 335
be admitted, the two most essential factors
of success on the battle-field ; but though
in the former requisite the Russian army
is well found, in the latter it is almost
entirely deficient. Probably in no army in
the world are the men less fitted to fight
in extended order. Their sheep-like ten-
dency to run into flocks when under fire,
has been noted by every author who has
written of them, and it appears just as
strongly in the accounts of the Seven Years'
"War as in those of the Crimea and Bulgaria.
In no other language can we find a saying
analogous to this : — " It is pleasanter to
die in company, and old mother Russia
has sons enough. " Rather a contrast to
the " Come on, Bill : bio wed if there ain't
thousands of them/7 of the escaped guard-
room prisoner to his chum as they were
running out on the morning of Inkerman to
have " a pot at the Russians." Huddled
together, they have stood over and over
again to be shot down, till at last the
instinct of self-preservation has seized the
336 Spirit of the Russian Army.
whole mass, and they have turned and run
in perfect panic. When they did run in
Turke)?-, every conceivable impediment to
their progress was recklessly thrown aside,
and not only arms and accoutrements,
but even their paper roubles, which could
not have weighed much, were cast aside.
But it is said that during the latter portion
of the war, those battalions which had
provided themselves with entrenching tools,
sacrificed everything else, but stuck to
their shovels.
Panic, however, has not often seized
them, and on many occasions they have
borne almost incredible losses without
giving way, — witness the battles of Zorn-
dorf, Friedland, Borodino, and the storming
of Ismail. Further, it must be remembered
that this very stolidity renders them pecu-
liarly susceptible to the mesmerism of a
real leader, such as Souvaroff or Skobeleff.
Probably no troops could have been rallied
and brought on again and again over the
same ground, in the way the latter sue-
Spirit of the Russian Army. 337
ceeded in doing against the Green Hill
redoubts at Plevna. And again, though
the absence of intelligence makes it parti-
cularly difficult to teach them musketry as
a fine art, it renders them less liable to
give way to the tendency so fatal in the
Latin races to fire fast and without aiming.
And what of the officers who command
these men ? Socially these have changed
very much since the days of the Crimea.
The enormous numerical increase in the
army, together with the almost complete
ruin which has overtaken the landed
proprietors since the emancipation of the
serfs, has rendered it utterly impossible to
obtain a sufficient supply of educated
gentlemen to fill these positions. Of course
in the picked regiments of the Guard, or
in those divisions brought together for the
Emperor's inspections at Tsarkoe-Selo, men
as good as in any other army are to be
met with ; but in the distant garrisons, life
is so wearisome and monotonous, that very
soon what little education they ever had is
M., L. 22
338 Spirit of the Russian Army.
forgotten, and they relapse into a state of
semi-somnolence, modified by vodki. Those
amongst them who think — horrified and
disgusted by the things they see around
them, and particularly by the police duties
they have to perform, — inevitably become
Nihilists ; and frequently both active and
dangerous ones. Hence there arises in
regiments a feeling of distrust and suspicion,
which condemns each to almost perpetual
solitude. Let us see what a well-known
German authority (Sarmaticus) says of
them in describing Warsaw : " Numbers of
officers in uniform are seen in the streets,
but they are the very opposite of those we
are accustomed to in our own towns.
Kussia is no soil for the growth of those
smart young soldiers of the Unter den
Linden type. Here there is none of that
careless half swaggering manner, willingly
forgiven, because we know that behind it
there is breeding and honour not unmixed
with heroism. The Russian officer is, as
far as concerns his exterior, the very personi-
Spirit of the Russian Army. 339
fication of monotony and heaviness — for
he is never seen except wrapped in his
grey Russian overcoat of coarse thick cloth
which gives ungainliness to every figure.
The coat has to protect the wearer, both
against the cold of winter and the burning
heat of summer. This simplicity may have
something practical to recommend it, but
a stranger can hardly conceal his astonish-
ment, when he is himself clad in the lightest
possible garments at seeing these heavily
cloaked figures wandering about with the
thermometer at 80° in the shade. The
Russian officer is further characterised by
his unsociable, generally solitary appear-
ance. One seldom sees a group of them ;
never one made up of the different arms,
or commands. They take no notice of
each other. The mutual salute is unknown
to them. Society takes no notice of them,
particularly in Warsaw. When they enter
public rooms, such as cafes, etc., no special
places are reserved for them ; but they slink
shyly into a corner, as if wishing to escape
340 Spirit of the Russian Army.
observation ;" and more to the same effect.
It is a pity that we have not a description
of the English officer by the same author,
in order to make a comparison ; but the
usual opinion in Germany of the English-
man as a leader is very favourable, not to
say flattering ; and there is no reason to
suppose that this author would have
regarded us less favourably than the others.
So far, therefore, as the individual quality
of officers and men alike, in the Russian
army is concerned, we would seem to have
much better ground than mere patriotism
for asserting that the English soldier is
distinctly superior. Nor have we any
ground for supposing that our troops, in
steadiness and discipline in mass, are
inferior to any of the world. Granting
these two premises, the conclusion that
whenever, in a hard-fought campaign, it
should be our lot to meet the Russians on
anything like equal terms, we should be
victorious, does not seem open to doubt.
RUSSIAN INFANTRY TACTICS.
IN continuation of our previous article on
this subject, the following notes from
General Dragomirow's writings will not be
without interest, and will enable the reader
to form some idea of the ruling tendency
in Russian tactics. We must begin by
stating, that, though the General writes
very forcibly, yet he is continually preach-
ing the necessity of moderation in all
things ; shooting must not be sacrificed
to discipline, nor discipline be allowed to
hamper the dash and spirit of an attack ;
but that the proper balance should through-
out be maintained. It must be borne in
mind, too, that he is writing, for Russians,
and not for Englishmen. He is writing,
that is to say, for troops that are second to
none in the world for stolidity in the mass ;
but whose powers of individual action,
having been always suppressed in training,
are probably less than those of any other
soldiers of Europe.
342 Russian Infantry Tactics.
General Dragomirow begins by stating
the obvious, but frequently forgotten fact,
that the soldier must be taught in peace,
only that which will be of use to him in war ;
before the enemy a man does not think
logically, but only does what he has learnt
to do. To counteract the tendency to
purely mechanical obedience, inculcated in
close order drill, great stress must be laid
on his mental or moral training ; he must
be taught to think logically and carry his
conclusions out rapidly ; the feeling of
responsibility should also be developed ;
u garrison duty and guard-mounting are the
best means for those ends." The endu-
rance of the soldier should be cultivated by
gymnastics (but not too much of them),
and by always drilling and marching in
full marching order ; Suvarow's maxim
should never be forgotten, " light at drill,
heavy on the march ; heavy at drill, light
on the march. " With regard to shooting,
he says — "If too much weight is given to
good shooting, we get a man who shoots
Russian Infantry Tactics. 343
more or less well at long ranges, but who
is not particularly anxious to go in with,
the bayonet : and eventually too much im-
portance cornes to be attached to the use
of the ground as cover/7
The General disapproves altogether of
teaching men to take advantage • of the
ground as cover. He is of opinion that it
destroys the dash of the men, and is, more-
over, a waste of time, " as every five-year
old child can play at hide and seek/7 The
expression of these views in this uncom-
promising manner, drew down on him the
pens of General Todleben? Seddeler, Kou-
roupatkine and Kaulbars, but their voices
have been raised in vain, and the idea that it
is deleterious to insist too much on the use
of cover in the attack, has gained ground
both in Russia and Germany. These two
countries, it must be remembered, have both
recently emerged from a victorious war, and
have both enormous armies. Hence it is
not unnatural that they should favour a
form of attack which brings the greatest
344 Russian Infantry Tactics.
possible force to bear on the position to be
taken in the shortest possible time.
With regard to the use of the bayonet
and charges in close order, Dragornirow
speaks up very warmly. In 1876, writing
in answer to a pamphlet by a General Sku-
garewiski, proposing a wholesale copy of
the ideas of Boguslawski, Wedmar and
other Prussian authors, he said, " if many
Prussian writers maintain that it is impos-
sible to keep up close order formations
under the Infantry fire of to-day, then
from their point of view, it is quite con-
sistent— for to confess its possibility, and
yet to admit that they themselves failed to
do so, is more than one can expect from
human nature ; but victory crowned their
efforts, consequently they are all heroes ;
and what heroes failed to do, nobody else
can succeed in doing/7
It is a pity some of our own authorities
did not take the same view of the matter,
for the above-mentioned Prussian authors
only stated their private views, which were
Russian Infantry Tactics. 345
deduced entirely from their personal experi-
ence as company leaders, and never received
the sanction of the superior commands.
In fact, the chief of the General Staff, Colonel
Bronsart von Schellendorf was authorised
to write a reply on the subject, the gist of
which was, that though the fighting line no
longer could work in close order, yet all the
successive lines behind it must do so, and
that, to carry a position by assault, such a
mass of men must be brought to bear on it,
that the fighting line becomes a close order
formation in all but name, and these con-
tinue to be the guiding ideas in Germany
to this day. Quite recently we ourselves
saw the final assault delivered by a line of
men ten deep and 1,000 yards of front.
On the subject of entrenchments and in-
struction in their formation during peace,
the opinions of the General will be, no
doubt, most acceptable to the hard-worked
British subaltern if to nobody else. " What
is the good," he writes, " of throwing up
entrenchments which nobody is going to
346 Russian Infantry Tactics.
attack." To the objection, that without
this training, men and officers would re-
main unacquainted with the form and trace
of the works, he replies " what does that
matter ? Are there not specialists available
for superintendence, and, besides, in most
minds the knowledge of these forms arid
rules only destroys the sound common sense
view of the matter." One cannot help
wondering, however, what SkobelefFs men
on the green hills before Plevna would have
said on this subject, when, having carried
the Turkish redoubts overnight on that
famous 27th of August, neither specialists
nor tools were to be found, and they labour-
ed with bare hands, swords, bayonets, and
canteens to get some sort of cover against
the hailstorm of Turkish bullets. But the
opposition of Todleben and others have in
this case proved too strong, and the Russians
are now all supplied with portable shovels
and practised in their use.
To field firing he attaches great impor-
tance, both on account of the practice it
Russian Infantry Tactics. 347
gives to the men in shooting, and also
because it shews what formations for attack
are useful, and what are not. Complicated
forms disappear, and the constant craving
for innovations with them. The com-
manders learn to command from the posi-
tion they would actually have to occupy
in war ; and the men become accustomed
to this method of leading. Every one's
attention being directed on the target, there
is none to spare for such trifles as faultless
dressing, etc. ; " and further on he proposes
that trenches or cover should be constructed
in which troops should be stationed during
the fire, to accustom them to the sound of
the bullets flying over head. This is prac-
tical with a vengeance, but he has been out-
done in this direction by a Prussian General
of distinction, who, some ten years ago,
proposed in all seriousness that on one day
in each of the manoeuvres, ball cartridges,
in the proportion of one to ten blank ones,
should be issued to the troops.
RUSSIAN MOUNTED INFANTRY.
WRITING of the Russian Army, we
have already pointed out how wide
the distinction is in that service, between
the letter of their regulations and the spirit
in which these are interpreted. Some ob-
servations made by Colonel Baikov, of
the Russian General Staff, in a pamphlet
published recently, will serve to throw fur-
ther light on this distinction ; and coming
from the pen of a Russian officer, will be
free from any suspicion of national pre-
judice.
The most recent Russian regulation for
the instruction of Cavalry in dismounted
duties, dated 1884, lays down clearly that
the charge (mounted) is the prime raison
d'etre of Cavalry, and that a dismounted
combat is only to be undertaken when the
nature of the ground and circumstances ren-
der its adoption the only plan by which the
mission of Cavalry can be fulfilled. This
Russian Mounted Infantry. 349
principle, interpreted liberally, as it would
be in a country where the nature and duties
of Cavalry are well understood, would leave
nothing to be desired ; but, according to
the Russian Colonel, the true character of
the arm is so little understood that the
slightest inequality of the ground, or the
existence of anything which can be made
out to be " unfavourable circumstances,'7
causes the Cavalry at once to draw rein and
have recourse to their carbines.
We must point out that Colonel Baikov
himself belongs by no means to the ad-
vanced German school of Cavalry tacticians.
His writings nowhere imply a belief in the
power of Cavalry to decide a general action
by its use in masses ; and hence his re-
marks on the utter want of dash and con-
fidence displayed by his countrymen, de-
serve greater attention than, perhaps, they
would otherwise be entitled to. Thus,
writing of the German Cavalry divisions in
1870, he roundly asserts that they proved
themselves helpless even against the In-
350 Russian Mounted Infantry.
fantry of the Grard Mobile, which was far
from being the case. In the advance on
Sedan, when the Imperial army was still
in existence, on more than one occasion
the German Hussars, finding themselves
opposed by Infantry in villages, deliberate-
ly dismounted, and having no firearms,
stormed and carried these villages with the
sword ; and in the campaigns on the Loire,
where the wooded nature of the ground
prevented their getting at the enemy, they
successfully manoeuvred him out into the
open, and then charged and destroyed him.
In more than one regimental history may
the account of such an action be read with
the ominous words after it — "no pris-
oners were taken.77
But Colonel Baikov's views were gener-
ally accepted in his country, and the
Russian Cavalry started for the Balkans,
holding, as an axiom, " that, in the face of
the breech-loader, Cavalry is helpless : "
ignoring the truth of the maxim so stead-
fastly held by Souvaroff — "the arm itself
Eussian Mounted Infantry. 351
is nothing, it is the man who stands be-
hind it ; " a principle, by the way, that we,
of all nations, should take most to heart.
Starting with this fixed idea, it was only
natural that the record of the Russian horse
during this campaign should be one of con-
tinual failure : and it is equally natural
that, from such a failure, additional argu-
ments in favour of this mistaken notion
should be drawn. With regard to this, let
us quote the Colonel's own words — " masses
of magnificent ( ?) Cavalry, sent to com-
plete the blockade of Plevna, did not even
succeed in stopping the march of the con-
voys ; they only retarded it.'7
Here is another characteristic illustra-
tion: "A reconnoissance, composed of
picked men, all good shots, was despatched
against the enemy's rear, in command of
an officer noted for his audacity. Starting
in the evening, after a short march, it dis-
mounted and sent back its horses ; then,
after having marched about three miles, it
met with a party of armed villagers, and
352 Russian Mounted Infantry.
giving up its mission, it returned to its
quarters, firmly convinced that it had done
all that it ought to have done."
Since the war, matters have not improved.
It has become, in fact, quite the excep-
tion in the manoeuvres to see two bodies
of Cavalry charge. The regulations them-
selves are much to blame for this state of
things ; for though, as above-mentioned,
they recognised the importance of the
charge, so little attention has been paid to
the proper meaning of the terms used, that
" a too literal interpretation may be made
of them, particularly by men whose minds
are void of all critical sense, little accus-
tomed to serious study, and possessing
only a trace of historical knowledge of their
arm." This last sentence, by the way,
throws a good deal of light on the average
capacity of the Russian officer.
The guiding idea, in fact, of these in-
structions, is that a dismounted Cavalry
man becomes, ipso facto, an Infantry man,
and is expected to attack in the same
Russian Mounted Infantry. 353
manner, and to hold his own with the same
determination. According to Colonel Bai-
kov, this is utterly impracticable ; and the
attempt to make them do this can only
lead to an unnecessary waste of men and
horses. In the defence of a position against
Infantry to the last, the complete destruc-
tion of the led horses becomes a matter of
certainty. Our authority is himself of opin-
ion that the action should be broken off
before the enemy comes within some 300
paces of the line. In fact, he wishes to see
Cavalry employed on the defensive, only as
a feint, to induce a premature deployment
of the enemy's forces, but not to wait and
become seriously engaged.
As to mounted Infantry attacking In-
fantry proper, Colonel Baikov points out
the extreme extravagance in material en-
tailed by such a course. A whole mount-
ed Infantry division can hardly put in line
as many rifles as a couple of battalions ;
and in executing an attack, . must be pre-
pared to lose at least thirty per cent.
M->L. 23
354 Russian Mounted Infantry*
of their strength, even if successful. But
to empoly a whole division of mounted men to
destroy a couple of battalions only, is hardly
an economical method of making war. It
may be stated, in conclusion, that Colonel
Baikov's views on the dismounted action
of Cavalry are practically identical with
those held by the leading German author-
ities, and derive their chief importance for
us from the side-lights they throw on the
interior condition of the Russian Army.
From this point of view, they deserve the
attentive study of all English officers.
THE RUSSIAN COMMISSARIAT.
IN the event of war in the coming
Spring, the most serious difficulty
with which the Russian Army will have to
contend, will not be the enemy in its front,
but its own Commissariat in rear. The
supply of troops in war is based, in Russia,
on a system of contracts, which are given
out to large firms, to deliver food, clothing,
etc., at the terminal stations of the lines of
supply, where the goods are inspected and
passed' by the Intendance, and forwarded
to the front. In all times and places, Army
contractors have enjoyed a more or less
unenviable reputation. Even in our own
comparatively uncorrupt service, there
have been rumours, the reverse of flatter-
ing to this class, as regards their honesty.
The Committee of Enquiry appointed, after
the Egyptian war of 1883, and generally
known as Dr. Cameron's Committee, dis-
closed some extremely awkward facts ; but
356 The Russian Commissariat.
even the greatest American adept in the
Civil War must confess himself outdone
before the evidence brought out by the
enquiries in Russia after the campaign
against Turkey. At its commencement,
the Russian papers were jubilant over the
progress the army had made since the
Crimea ; but news from the theatre of war
very soon made it evident, that the progress
of the supply departments had certainly
been great, but entirely in the wrong
direction. A Petersburg journal published
early in the campaign, the following com-
plaint : — " c We are dying of famine ' is
the cry of the whole army ; 4 the preserved
meat distributed to us is in such an ad-
vanced state of decomposition, that not
only is it unfit for food ; but to avoid an
epidemic, we have been compelled to bury
tons of it.'"
That this was no growl of professional
grumblers, such as exist in every service,
is proved by the following extract from the
official report of a Committee composed of
The Russian Commissariat. 357
the Professors of the University of Kieff,
assembled to report on some army biscuit,
" Out of 100 parts of this biscuit, we have
found that 30 parts consist of ingredients
devoid of nutrition, such as corn-husks,,
straw, sand and dirt. The water era-
ployed in their manufacture was, properly-
speaking, not water at all, but a reddish
brown fluid, resembling cocoa in appearance,
and swarming with living organisms,
which, by keeping it in incessant move-
ment, prevented the deposit of inorganic
matter. The manufactory where these
biscuits were produced, was low and damp ;
and from motives of economy, the kilns in
which they were dried, were only raised to
a temperature of 70° C. instead of 1203
C. — the minimum necessary to destroy such
germs. The consequence has been, that
each of the biscuits has become a hot-bed
for the propagation of these bacteria, which
have spread to the outside, and formed a
coating of greenish brown mould."
The Commission absolutely declined to
358 77*0 Russian Commissariat.
experiment with these articles of so-called
food on dogs, still less on human beings.
But thousands of tons of these same biscuits
were issued to the armies • who, having
nothing else, were compelled to eat them
or starve. The other articles supplied to
the army were no better. Their clothing-
was shoddy, and their shoe-soles brown
paper ; but in that respect they were
probably no worse off than our own men
in the Crimea.
We could fill page after page with ex-
tracts of the same character from Russian
papers ; and if we take into account the
rigour of the Russian Press censorship, we
may be sure that only a tithe of the total
ever saw the light. For a proof of their
truth, we have only to look at the epidemic
of disease that fell on the army after the
treaty of San Stephano. Of course the
filthy habits of the Russian soldiers had
much to say to the outbreak of disease, but
hardships and privation unquestionably
aggravated the evil. The cause of all this
The Russian Commissariat. 359
is directly traceable to the corruption
which pervades every grade of Russian
Society, If ever the Russians get India,
the Bengali Baboo will have met his match ;
and what between backshish and the un-
pronounceable Russian equivalent, this
country will be anything but an earthly
paradise. The contractor has to bribe at
both ends ; first, the heads of departments
to get his tender accepted, and next the
officers who pass the goods on delivery.
The amount of the former class of bribes
is almost incredible. Thus in one of the
numerous enquiries held after the war, it
appeared that a contractor, named Rykoff
— -besides paying several hundred thousand
roubles to various dignitaries in St. Peters-
burg—had to give one million to a General
Bernard (not a Russian name by the way)
in order to get his tenders passed ; and at
the beginning of the campaign it was
rumoured all over the town, that a
Mademoiselle Tchisloon, an actress, had
received a present of one million, in ex-
360 The Russian Commissariat.
change for her influence with the Grand
Duke Nicholas the elder, from the firm of
Gorvitz and Kohan, one of the most noto-
rious of the gang of fraudulent contractors.
In the above-mentioned enquiry into the
case of Rykoff, who was also the director
of a bank, it was shewn that the deposits
in this bank increased enormously during
the year 1877 j and that the greater por-
tion of these came from the officers of the
Intendance at the theatre of war.
Nevertheless, it does not appear to be
the fault of any one set of individuals, that
this state of things exists. It is rather due
to the universal corruption of the whole
race. Even well wishers of their country
such as Stepniak, admit as much. In his
extremely interesting work, Le Tsar et
Tsarisnor, he gives sketches of individuals,
who, from time to time, have striven to
fight against the tide, but who, as usual,
were swept down by it. Thus a great
contractor said at the close of the war : —
" I assure you, it would not only be more
The Russian Commissariat. 361
agreeable to us, but even more profitable,
to supply good articles, than to squander
our money in bribery, to secure our con-
tracts. But what can we do ; for the
Commandants and receivers insist on being
bribed to pass our goods, whatever their
quality.'7
Stepniak concludes his exposition of the
mischief in these words : — " I leave it to
the reader to decide which are the most
to blame, the contractors, speculators by
profession, or the Generals, Colonels, etc., to
whom the State has entrusted its honor,
and who are responsible for the lives and
welfare of their men/7 It is not an army
supplied on these principles which will
cross the desert from Herat to Candahar.
THE AUSTRIAN INFANTRY.
AT the present moment, when there is still
every reasonable prospect of a collision
between the Austrians and Russians taking
place, the following remarks on the Austrian
Infantry may not be altogether without
interest.
As in the case of other armies, a mere
study of the drill book enables us to form
but an imperfect idea of the tactical effici-
ency of an army : that depends entirely in
the spirit in which the instructions in the
book are carried out. Looked at from the
German point of view, the Austrian In-
fantry Field Exercise leaves little to be
desired, though it may perhaps be consi-
dered to be too much a handbook of tactics
instead of a drill book ; but the method in
which the evolutions contained in it are
executed on the manoeuvre ground shows
that, to this day, the demoralisation caused
by the Prussian breech-loading fire in 1866,
has not yet run its course.
The Austrian Infantry. 363
It will be in the memory of most of our
readers how, after 1859, the Austrians
abandoned all their time-honoured tradi-
tions and hastily copied the French system
of bayonet attack, from which they had
suffered so severely, only to meet a second
and worse series of disasters from the steady
aimed fire of the Prussians, whose strength
lay, then, as it does now, more in the
excellence of their fire discipline than in
the perfection of their armament ; and since
1866 the Austrians have fallen into the
same error, only in the opposite direction.
Instead of recognising the truth of that
fundamental axiom of German tactics, that
steady Infantry are unassailable in their
front and that, therefore, to be attacked
successfully they must be made into un-
steady Infantry first (a task which can only
be performed by the concentrated fire of
Artillery, which, if sufficiently powerful and
long continued, will reduce the steadiest of
Infantry to any degree of unsteadiness de-
sired), they have given up, to a great extent,
364 The Austrian Infantry.
their offensive tendency, and gone in for
entrenchment combined with offensive re-
turns, undertaken by special reserves. In
fact, there is a strong tendency to that most
attractive but dangerous method of the offen-
sive-defensive— feasible enough with such
men and the comparatively limited numbers.
Wellington was accustomed to command,
but, with the vast armies of conscript boys
armed with breech-loaders, whose mere noise
creates a difficulty in leading unknown in
former days, the most dangerous trap into
which a modern leader can fall.
To say a word against hasty entrench-
ments at the present moment will be
considered heresy, perhaps, after the experi-
ences of the Turkish war ; but though in
that campaign they no doubt enabled the
Turks successfully to resist being beaten
by their adversaries, only on one occasion
did they enable the former to beat the
latter, and the qualities of the individual
Turkish soldier, together with the small
numbers on that day aod the personal
The Austrian Infantry. 365
influence Baker Pasha exerted over his men,
will account for this solitary successful
deviation from the rule. The indifferent
success achieved by the French in 1870,
by the same method, might well have at-
tracted the notice of the authorities, but
unfortunately it did nothing of the sort ;
the chief deduction they drew from this
campaign was that the use of entrench-
ments materially reduced the French losses,
and not that it did not prevent them being
beaten, which appears to us to be the
important point in the matter. It is true
they have managed to avoid the pitfall into
which the unfortunate French fell, namely,
the system of local counter-attacks made
with the bayonet and direct to the
front. The idea here was, that the losses
inflicted on the assailants in his advance
(losses which, thanks to the shelter-trench
the defender did not share) would perform
the same part as that performed by the
Artillery in the stage of preparation ; but,
unfortunately for them, losses inflicted on
366 The Austrian Infantry.
advancing troops are not as severely felt
as those inflicted on stationary ones, and
hence these counter-attacks, though the
Prussian official bears testimony to the
great gallantry with which they were made,
were invariably beaten off with such loss
that, when the retreating force reached its
previous position, it could not be halted,
and the trench fell into the hands of the
pursuing Prussians. This fault, as we say,
the Austrians have avoided, the regulation
laying particular emphasis on the use cf
fire only, both in defence and in the pursuit
of the enemy.
But it is in the attack itself that their
chief weakness shows itself. Instead of
relying on the Artillery to reduce the
enemy to the requisite degree of unsteadi-
ness (as we pointed out above), they sought
to find shelter from the enemy's bullets in
the nature of the ground, and to approach
the enemy by showing as small a target as
possible : in fact, to have recourse to
skirmishing, instead of attacking. Of course
The Austrian Infantry. 367
we do not mean to imply that skirmishing
is not a very excellent thing in its proper
place, but we submit that the decision of
a great battle has not and never will be
decided by skirmishes. Setting aside the
fact that it is rarely possible to choose the
ground over which one must attack (that,
generally, depending on larger strategic
considerations and the fact that when
200,000 or 300,000 men stand facing each
other, each battalion is limited in its choice
of ground to the strip immediately in its
front), the practice of teaching men to run
forward in a crouching doubled-up position
singly or by twos and threes, to rally on
a spot of cover or roll in the ground in
front, all tend to delay the rapidity of the
advance and to inspire an exaggerated fear
of the enemy's bullets in the men. Now,
since no attack should be commenced until
the enemy is too shaken to deliver a steady
aimed fire, it follows that the longer one
is exposed to the unaimed fire, the more
likely one is to get hit. Obviously a man
368 The Austrian Infantry.
gets more thoroughly wet by exposure
to half-an-hour's steady rain than by two
minutes only of it. The moral effect of it
can only be most depressing. To see,
even in peace time, half-a-dozen men trying
to get behind a single shrub that would not
have stopped a charge of shot, and not to
see any officer checking them for so doing,
is not calculated to give one a high idea of
the offensive value of such troops. Again,
to see a company moving up to a roll of
the ground some 30 yards in their front,
by groups of twos and threes creeping up
to it, and taking perhaps 10 minutes before
the whole movement was completed, is
scarcely more satisfactory ; yet that may
be seen morning after morning going on
in the fields near the Prater in Vienna.
We had long looked upon our own attack
as the slowest in the universe, but we are
glad to be able to state that the Austrian
attacks are slower, and it may well be
doubted whether such an excess of caution
is necessary even against breech-loaders.
The Austrian Infantry. 369
The heaviest percentage of loss suffered
by a single regiment or battalion which we
know of, in breech-loading days, was that of
the "Garde Schiitien Battaillon" at St. Privat
— about 60 per cent, in the whole action; and
if we assume that 5 -6th of that loss was
actually suffered before their advance was
stopped (it could hardly have been more),
still it only amounted to 50 per cent, in
one regiment in one day. Now, as we pointed
out in a previous letter, in the Seven Years'
War, on more than one occasion both sides
lost almost 50 per cent, and in the case of
Hochkirch, at least, neither side ran, but
simply mutually left off fighting out of
sheer weariness. Then it is on record that
a single volley from steady troops armed
with the Brown Bess, and both from British
and German troops has stretched between
60 and 70 per cent, of the attacking force
dead in their tracks. Surely this sudden
loss is considerably more striking and demo-
ralising than 50 per cent, in thirty minutes ;
and yet, to quote Meckel again : — " We
M., L. 24
370 The Austrian Infantry.
do not hear that Frederic's officers spent
their winter evenings in discussing papers
on how to avoid the recent heavy losses
experienced in the past campaigns. "
Now, it must be remembered that the
spirit of the Russian Army is at present
even more markedly offensive than even
in the Prussian Army : for the past few
years, indeed, there seems to have been
almost a crusade in favour of SuvarofFs
views and the bayonet. Some writers have
gone even so far as to advocate no firing
whatever in the attack, on the ground that
it only delays the advance. They are,
in fact, reasoning too exclusively from their
own experience, just as the Austrians have
done in the other direction from theirs.
The Russians were exposed to the unaim-
ed rain of Turkish bullets, and naturally
found that the longer they stayed out in it,
the wetter they got. The Austrians suffered
from aimed fire, and hence seek to diminish
the area of the target ; and as the Prussians
never went in for long range fire, the time-
The Austrian Infantry. 371
of-exposure view of the question has not
struck them in the same way : in connection
with this .we may note the similar difference
between the French and German tactics.
Were the fight to be between the two
Infantries only, we should be inclined to
back the Russians heavily ; but, fortunately
there are yet two other arms to be taken
into account, viz., the Cavalry and Artillery;
and as far as our information goes, the
Russians are far behind the Austrians in
their knowledge of how to manoeuvre
either the one or the other on the battle-
field. If they attempt these offensive
tactics against troops possessing the degree
of discipline, and musketry instruction the
Austrians certainly possess without ade-
quate support from their Artillery, they are
assuredly doomed to failure. They suc-
ceeded only against the Turks (and that
by no means always), because the latter had
somewhat hazy ideas as to the object of the
sights on their rifles, most of them believing
with the British sailor in the Crimea, who
372 The Austrian Infantry.
being asked by his comrade : " What shall
I gie ?im, Bill ?" replied : " Gie 'im the
whole blooming ladder, Jim7' — evidently
supposing that the action of raising the
sights increased the muzzle velocity of the
bullet.
With reference to the Cavalry, it is true
the Austrians can no longer boast of being
the best in Europe as they could in 1859 :
that boast belongs now to the Prussians,
pace Sir Charles Dilke ; but they are far
from being mere Mounted Infantrymen, and
hence there is every probability that the
Austrians Staff will always be better in-
formed than their opponents ; for, to gain
information, it is necessary not merely to
screen your own side, but to pierce the veil
of the other. Now, though the defensive
power of Mounted Infantry is great, their
offensive power against Cavalry is small,
for to attack they must dismount, and there-
by their rapidity of moving is at once
reduced to the rate of ordinary Infantry.
In fairly open ground the result of an
The Austrian Infantry. 373
engagement in which the Mounted Infantry
dismount must in the end inevitably be
that they will be driven at last into a
hollow square with their led horses in the
middle, when the whole will form an easy
prey to the Horse Artillery on the side of
the Cavalry. Their own Horse Artillery
is tied to their skirts, for it evidently
cannot risk itself far away from its dis-
mounted escort. Obviously if the Infantry
mount they are at the mercy of the trained
horsemen. The immense superiority of the
Austrians, and particularly of the Hunga-
rians, over the Russians as a race of
Horsemen, together with the far superior
level of intelligence in their ranks and
amongst their officers, must also be taken
into account. It requires more than
patriotism and religious enthusiasm to
make an efficient Cavalry scout, and a very
elementary acquaintance with the recent
history of the Russian Cavalry will suffice
to prove the truth of this statement.
Finally, reverting to the Infantry, we
374 The Austrian Infantry.
have still to notice that, in spite of their
not going in for the same degree of pre-
cision and rigid steadiness under arms
that characterises the Germans, their move-
ments in close order are executed with
great rapidity and a sufficient degree of
accuracy. The Prussians maintain that
nothing but discipline founded on drill
will stand the strain of actual service ; the
Austrians look more to military education,
and there has been a hot fight between the
partisans of the two systems in their
respective military publications. Though
we entirely agree with the Germans, yet
we must confess to having been agreeably
surprised by the drill of the Austrians.
Their alignments were always taken up
with precision and rapidity in spite of the
absence of markers ; and when they doubled
they really got over the, ground — which
is not always the case. Were it not for the
absence of energy and go in the attack, we
should be inclined to back them at long
odds in the coming struggle ; and though
The Austrian Infantry. 375
on paper numbers appear heavily against
them if pitted against Russia single-handed,
yet we believe that in the field the prover-
bial corruption and peculation in the supply
departments of the latter will make her
strength far less formidable than it appears
to be.
TACTICS IN INDIA.
FUDGING by the tactics practised by
ll the British Army on Indian parade
grounds, there appears to be an idea in
the minds of our Military authorities that
one and the same form is equally appli-
cable to all the various conditions with
which we may have to contend. But a
little reflection will show that this is very
far from being the case. To cut your coat
according to your cloth, or, in other words,
to adapt your means to your end, is as
necessary a rule in tactics as in any other
undertaking ; and the attempt to make
one form of attack fit all cases, and that
form, too, one of which extended order is
the basis, shows that the conditions we
shall have to encounter in this country
have neither been studied nor understood.
It seems to have been forgotten that for-
mations in extended order are not in them-
selves the strongest form, but have been
Tactics in India. 377
rendered compulsory in European armies
by the universal adoption of breech-loaders,
whose fire, in the hands of really trained
troops, renders any other method impos*
sible.
Again tactics depend in a great measure
on the ground, and it by no means follows
that a system which has given good re-
sults in the undulating country in which
the last three great campaigns in Europe
have been fought out will give equally good
results in the level plains of India. For
instance, long range fire from a command-
ing position, from which the strike of the
bullets (or shells) can be readily observed,
will give very different results over a dead
level plain covered with scrub and brush-
wood. Fighting across a rolling valley
some 2,000 yards or more across, every
body of troops must be seen as it advances
down the slope ; hence the point on which
the brunt of the attack will fall can be re-
cognised and reinforced by troops at least
equally distant. But standing on the level,
378 Tactics in India.
unless a convenient mirage happens to
throw the ground up, the advance of the
first line (i.e., fighting line) support and
main body effectually hides the advance of
the .second, third and fourth line — or more
— which may be directed on the decisive
point. Behind the screen of smoke and
dust formed by the fighting line, Artillery
and Cavalry might move without being ob-
served till within some 600 yards of the
enemy's position, when their sudden ap-
pearance, so totally at variance with any-
thing to be found in the book, might have
a disquieting effect on the defender, to say
the least. It may be granted that sooner
or later we must expect to cross swords
with European troops in India ; but before
this happens, we may have many and many
a tussle with native armies, and perhaps not
always in the hills. At any rate our pri-
mary purpose in India is to put down at
once any rising or rebellion in the country
itself. The reason why we are always
supposed to be on a war footing, and why
Tactics in India. 379
transport for flying columns is kept up
(on paper) at various centres, is evidently
not because the Russians are expected to
appear at any odd moment on the scene ;
and for this reason we think it might be
better not to give up entirely the practice
of those methods we ought to employ
against anon-European foe. It is no good
saying that when the time comes, we shall
adapt our tactics to circumstances. Ex-
perience proves that we shall not : neither
generals nor soldiers can at once on the
first battle - field emancipate themselves
from the chains of custom. If ever there
was an occasion for the employment of the
good old British plan of attack, that was
Maiwand ; but our commander proved him-
self incapable of taking the responsibility
of casting the drill book overboard.
Besides extended order, the breech-loaders
have developed the tendency to outflank-
ing ; but outflanking tactically is only pos-
sible when the assailant possesses a nume-
rical superiority, a condition which can
380 Tactics in India.
rarely occur in our case. They have fur-
ther caused us to rely more on fire than on
shock, and thence robbed our advance of
the moral power of its rapidity. We say
" our " advisedly and with regret, for it
has not done so in all countries. The ad-
vance of the German column of attack (for
it is really a column, with distances of 400
to 500 yards instead of 600 yards) is at
least as rapid and carries with it a greater
moral effect than that of the old line for-
mation, but to apply it slavishly to our
own condition would be like using a steam
hammer to break a nut. Now, it is uni-
versally admitted that the Oriental mind is
much more impressed by the moral effect
of a rapid resolute advance than by gra-
dual extermination at a distance, and, in-
deed, in this they are not singular. Only
breech-loaders in European hands renders
such a rapid resolute advance impossible,
whereas Tower muskets, old Enfields with
a proportion of Jezails do not. We do not
wish to be understood as advocating blood-
Tactics in India. 381
less victories — far from it : we wish to kill
and destroy as resolutely as Clausewitz ;
but we wish to see the killing done at
short ranges, with the minimum expendi-
ture of ammunition possible. On the score
of safety to ourselves we have also a word
to say in favour of the old line formation
being still practised. We have had numer-
ous experiences of late years showing
what desperate men, armed only with sword
and spear, can do against even European
troops and first rate native regiments arm-
ed with the Snider, the best weapon to
stop a rush with at present in use. Is it
safe to count on ordinary native regiments
armed with a less efficient stopping weapon
as they soon will be, doing so too ? The
fate of one regiment in the Soudan does
not promise well.
With regard to our native troops, we are
counting altogether too much on the na-
ture of the arm and too little on that of
the man. All experience proves that the
weapon must be adapted to the man and
382 Tactics in India.
not vice versa. Even in Europe the breech-
loader has not proved itself quite the uni-
versal aid to victory it was prophesied to
be. The most enthusiastic believer in
Native Infantry will hardly maintain that
they are steadier or better adapted to the
breech-loader than the Infantry of the old
French Imperial Army ; yet some 8,000 of
these, supported by Artillery and armed
themselves with a very fair weapon, were
ridden over by the rush of 700 Prussian
horse, of whom not more than 40 at the
outside were bowled over before the actual
shock, and this though the Prussians had
some 1,500 yards of open to cross. Since
the introduction of the breech-loader, we
ourselves have not been called on to face
Cavalry on the battle-field, but if we ever
have, is it likely that Native Infantry will
do better than the French ? We are not
so conservative as to wish to see our native
troops rearmed with the " Brown Bess/7
but we wish to see more attention paid to
training them to overcome the difficulties
Tactics in India. 383
inseparable from the new arm. These diffi-
culties are all summed up in the expression
" fire discipline, " and we would begin
by teaching them true fire discipline in
close order before troubling about open —
teaching them to walk in fact before asking
them to run. But to do this the close
order drill of the British Army would have
to be altered thoroughly in spirit, though
not in letter.
Instead of the aimless changes from co-
lumn to line and line to column round the
sides of a barrack square, changes of front
on a line of markers, &c., we would sub-
stitute something more in accordance with
the company column close order drill of
the Austrian and German armies. With
the conditions they fight under it seems
out of date, and their young officer fre-
quently make fun of it, but the higher
authorities see in it a means to an end, and
insist on its execution as rigidly as ever.
But it would suit our requirements excep-
tionally well, for our probable enemies, as
384 Tactics in India.
already stated, are not likely to compel us
to adopt extended order. Briefly, the
changes would consist in (1) the abolition
of markers (except for parade) ; (2) for-
mations of line from column at oblique
angles ; (3) the habit of covering all such
formations by the volley fire of the first
company up ; (4) advance across country
in echelon of half battalions on a distinct
objective, the halted wing covering the ad-
vance of the others by volleys, and con-
cluding with a bayonet charge ; (5) the
practice of long advances in line, observing
the utmost discipline. It is not a long
list, but troops which could execute these
movements with the steadiness and preci-
sion with which either of the above-men-
tioned armies do, would be capable of
smashing any non-European army what-
ever. The class of attack we should pro-
pose against such an enemy would rely for
success on its rapidity, boldness, and the
infliction of crushing loss in the minimum
space of time. Where the ground admit-
Tactics in India. 385
ted, we would place the Infantry in the
centre in two lines with a reserve, with the
Artillery and Cavalry on the flanks. The
Artillery would accompany the Infantry
on the flanks precisely as in the old days
up to case shot fire, and not till the ad-
vance began to mask their fire would the
latter open theirs. Six aimed volleys a
minute, which can certainly be delivered
by steady troops with a breech-loader (Fre-
deric the Great's Grenadiers fired five)
should at this range be sufficient to break
anything. And troops trained to do this
would be already on the high road to suc-
cess in European war. It is not so many
years ago that we could do it, and our
German critics are never tired of asking us
why we retraced our steps. " The basis of
all modern Infantry tactics, ever since the
days of Frederic, has been the line ; the
tactics of to-day are the purest line tactics,
except only that in the fighting line the
enemy's fire renders dressing and the touch
impossible, and that where Frederic found
M, L,, 25
386 Tactics in India.
two lines and a reserve sufficient, it is now
necessary to put in four or five. Whereas
the dangerous zone was formerly about 200
yards, it is now 2,000 ; and if the disci-
pline of Frederic the Great was necessary
to make man face the losses of those days,
how much more is it necessary now ? "
Many of our own writers appear to
imagine that it was merely " cussedness "
on the part of the old leaders, and espe-
cially of the Iron Duke, to lay such stress
on discipline; but the Germans know other-
wise : they know from experience that
nothing can be done without it, and the
only way to teach it is to begin at the
beginning and not at the end. When the
time for extension comes disciplined men
can be trusted to themselves, undisciplined
ones would disband half-way.
THE ENTRANCE EXAMINATION
FOR THE ARMY.
THE present system of open competition
for the army has now been in exis-
tence for a sufficient period to form some
opinion as to its working, and to see how
far the gloomy predictions with which it
was first greeted have been falsified, or
the re verse. Certainly, ,it cannot now be
maintained that, hitherto, it has given us
socially an inferior class of men ; the aver-
age of the names represented in the Army
List is very much what it was before. The
sons of rich plutocrats, who it was feared
would deluge the army, have shown even
less anxiety to face the entrance competi-
tion, and the subsequent, comparatively
speaking, hard work and dangers of army
life, than they did when a position above
their own in society was to be had by the
mere payment of a sum of money ; and
the financial prospects of the young Bri-
388 Entrance Examination for Army.
tish officer have hitherto not proved tempt-
ing enough to attract that class of popu-
lation to whom money is a primary consi-
deration. The bulk of our young officers
are now, as formerly, the sons of officers
or country-gentlemen, to whom the honor-
able nature of the career, with its risks,
hardships at times, and the chances of
distinction, are still the chief inducements ;
and the remainder, those who come from
a lower stratum, are also animated by the
same ideas, and as a rule make excellent
officers. It cannot be denied that, so far,
the results are most satisfactory ; it would
have been and will be little short of a na-
tional disaster, if the career of an officer
ever becomes commercially sufficiently
lucrative to tempt men to enter it, purely
for the sake of gain. An army to be effi-
cient must be officered by a class actuated
more by a sense of duty and honour than
by financial motives ; and, so far, the abo-
lition of purchase has had a good effect,
in removing what, at times, must have
Entrance Examination for Army. 389
been a terrible temptation to a poor man,
with others dependent on him, to shirk
his duty — we allude to the loss of his pur-
chase money in case of death. To the
credit of the old army, it must be said
that but few instances of men yielding to
it did occur, but anyone who reads jour-
nals and diaries of past wars will be able
to recall occasional remarks which shew
that the temptation was frequently felt.
A Colonel of a regiment, in those days,
going into action, risked, besides his life,
say £10,000, less the capitalised value of
his widow's pension, in addition to his
life ; and the knowledge of the fact could
hardly have encouraged him in the perform-
ance of his duty, where that led him into
unusual danger. Theoretically, of course,
no such idea should have entered his head ;
but, practically, it is impossible but that,
at times, it must have done so.
It was chiefly, however, the physical
deterioration of the officers as a body that
the critics prophesied. We were told that
390 Entrance Examination for Army.
instead of fine sturdy young fellows, we
should be inundated with shoals of narrow-
chested, short-sighted, prematurely-aged
bookworms ; but, up to date, we must
confess that we see no falling off in this
respect, but rather the contrary, and the
reasons for this are not far to seek. Just
as the career offered by the army proves
unattractive to those whose sole desire is
to make money, so also it fails to attract
those deficient in health, energy, and grit,
to stand its hardships and risks, which at
times are severe enough, as we who are
serving our country in India know to our
cost. At the same time it is not, and
never has been the case, that intellectual
gifts have ever been the exclusive property
of the physically misshapen ones. With
the exception of a few geniuses, whose
brains have grown at the expense of their
bodies, bodily energy and skill in all games
usually go with sharp wits. Every pub-
lic-school man will remember that it was
not the big idle fellows in the lower forms,
Entrance Examination for Army. 391
but as a rule the boys in the sixth form,
on whom the credit of the school in games
and athletics rested. Even in football,
where weight and numbers told tremen-
dously (in the Rugby game), it was gener-
ally the sixth that thrashed the school, and
in cricket, racquets, ete., it was indeed rare
not to find some of the best men in the
highest form.
Not long ago when it was proposed in
the papers to give marks in the Army
Entrance Examination for proficiency in
athletic sports, we were bidden, in nu-
merous letters from despairing parents, to
contemplate the hard fate of a fine active
youth, who was a good cricketer, rider,
and shot, but who never could master the
terrible ordeal of an examination. But
we have devoted, first and last, a good
deal of observation to this particular style
of youth, and have come to the conclusion
that he is on the whole very rare, and
generally by no means the class of man we
want in the army. The fact that he can-
392 Entrance Examination for Army.
not bend his mind to master the subjects
required of him, points to an incurable
tendency to idleness and a want of pur-
pose— in other words, to want of character.
At the early age at which these examina-
tions are held, this is almost the only way
in which we can test his character, and it
Is character, determination, and persever-
ance, above all, that we require in an offi-
cer. Let any one review the list of his
old school-fellows, and follow the history
of the boys who answered the above de-
scription, and he will be surprised to see
how few of them have ever come to any
good. Some of them out in the Colonies,
who have been thrown on their own legs
have done well, but of those who stayed
at home a good many will be found to be
serving Her Majesty in the ranks, and not
doing that over and above well. But the
proof of the truth of what the defenders of
the competition system urged was in exis-
tence all the time, though we do not re-
member to have seen it noticed. Wool-
Entrance Examination for Army. 393
wich has for long been conducted on a
competitive basis alone, whereas Sandhurst
formerly was not ; the two institutions
competed annually in every form of sport,
for some thirteen years, until, in fact, the
system at Sandhurst was altered ; but
though the latter school had nearly half
as many again to choose from as the for-
mer, the challenge- shield for athletics
never once left the hall of the R. M. A.,
nor was it ever beaten at football and
very seldom at cricket. Now, in those
days the competition for Woolwich was
at its highest, whilst Sandhurst was recruit-
ed almost entirely by nomination. But
now that the system has changed, and
that whilst the competition for Woolwich
has materially diminished, and that for the
Army has increased, Woolwich no longer
occupies her former proud position, and
the difference in age between the two es-
tablishments is not in itself sufficient to
account for its loss, for the best men at
Woolwich were by no means always to be
394 Entrance Examination for Army.
found amongst the seniors in age. Simi-
larly, going a step further, we find that,
at the time the competition for Woolwich
was at its hottest, the corps of Royal
Engineers stood much higher in the athletic
world than it does now. The Association
Football Cup has not been held at Cha-
tham for a good many years, nor have we
seen monster scores at cricket made in
those years repeated. To the best of our
belief, that made in 1875, of 756 runs, for
7 wickets only, against a strong team of
the I. Zingari, has never yet been beaten
anywhere. But a still stronger proof of
the position we advance may be found in
the comparatively low death-rate from sick-
ness, which rules in both the scientific
corps. It is noticeable in the Artillery,
who are quartered in much the same places
and lead the same lives as the rest of the
army ; but it is much more so in the
case of the Engineers, of whom a far lar-
ger proportion in civil employment are
exposed to infinitely worse climatic condi-
Entrance Examination for Army. 395
tions than any other branch of the service.
There is no comparison between the ex-
posures to be faced in the Survey Depart-
ment, in irrigation work, or on Frontier
railways, with that usually undergone in
cantonments ; and then again, the very
small allowance of leave allowed to the
corps, and which keeps many a man year
after year in the plains, must be taken in-
to account. Now, pushing our investiga-
tion a step further, we will consider the
men who of all others in the army would
be most likely to shew the effects of over-
examination — viz., those who pass first of
their class out of Woolwich, probably the
most examined men in the world — taking
the Army List, as a rule, we find that
there is not much difference between them
and at any rate the first half of their
class ; but there are a number of excep-
tions, viz., men who have specially distin-
guished themselves ; and nearly every
one of these is conspicuous for physical
stamina. Surely then, if the educational
396 Entrance Examination for Army.
screw, applied with its utmost pressure,
has not succeeded in turning out a physical
monstrosity, there is no reasonable cause
for anxiety for the result of a lesser strain.
Whether the greatly increased sobriety
of living, and general diminution of extra-
vagance is to be attributed to the change
of men, or is merely due to the improve-
ment in this respect which has been going
on throughout society, we are not prepar-
ed to say, though we should be inclined
to favour the former idea ; for the same
qualities which induce a boy to stick to
his work and persevere, are of course those
which will best help him against the temp-
tation to display. It would be interesting
to see tables of the number of officers who
retired "broke" from Her Majesty's Ser-
vice since the present regime, and during
an equal period of the old one. We fancy
the younger generation would shew up
very favourably.
In conclusion, we think that fifteen years
of the new system have proved conclusive-
Entrance Examination for Army. 397
ly that the reformers were right, in this
case at any rate ; and we have no fear
that, in point of physique, we shall ever
run short of the stuff leaders are made of.
The country at least gives good material
to the army, and it is the duty of the
army to manufacture the finished article
out of the raw stuff.
THE TRAINING OF OFFICERS.
THE authorities have wisely laid down
that all officers should, before joining,
go through a course of instruction on the
general principle on which the three arms
are handled, and on which modern war is
conducted. Whether the text-books in
these sciences, or the method in which the
examinations are conducted, are equally
wisely chosen, is a question we do not here
intend to investigate : we only propose to
deal with the stock objection usually urged
against them at the mess table — "What
" possible use is it to the average regiment-
" al officer to know how to lead an army
" corps or conduct a campaign ? " It ap-
pears to be altogether lost sight of, that
the conduct of a campaign or the leading
of an army corps depends entirely upon
the reports of the outposts, which have to
be furnished almost exclusively by junior
regimental officers. Even an Infantry offi-
The Training of Officers. 399
cer's outpost reports may prove of the
greatest service to his country, or the re-
verse. Apart also from this, almost every
officer possesses some ambition to distin-
guish himself in some way ; and in the
majority of instances their ambition takes
the form of a desire to get on some Gen-
eral's Staff or another. This they generally
hope to achieve by the influence of a remote
relationship between themselves and the
General Commanding ; or, where even this
fails them, they trust to the chapter of acci-
dents, to be detailed some day as Orderly
Officer to some Commanding Officer or
other. But if they are utterly unacquaint-
ed with the broad principle of tactics, how
can they hope to distinguish themselves in
this very responsible position ?
Let us take a few instances in which the
fate of battles, even of nations, has depend-
ed on the action of these very humble
subordinates. First let us take the gal-
lopers. On the night of the 14th June 1815,
a young French aide-de-camp was given a
400 The Training of Officers.
most important order to convey from
NAPOLEON'S head-quarters to the leading
corps of the central column (VANDAMME'S),
to move off at daybreak and cross the
Sambre into Belgium. Probably a good
deal of the blame which fell on him was
deserved by the Chief of the Staff himself,
for not sending the order in duplicate ; but
the young officer himself cannot be held
blameless, for had he been thoroughly up
in his work, he would have taken with him
his servant at least ; but as it was he went
alone, his horse fell in a ditch, he himself
was stunned, and the order never reached
VANDAMME at all. The result was a delay
of over four hours to the general advance.
That delay practically lost NAPOLEON his
campaign. Next day, the 15th, another
aide-de-camp, not sufficiently acquainted
with the general plan of campaign, took upon
himself to deflect the march of D'ERLON'S
column, from Quatrebras on Ligny. The
result was that 25,000 men wandered
about all day between the two battle-fields
The Training of Officers. 401
and came into action on neither, though on
both their presence would have been deci-
sive. What trouble his aides-de-camp were
to WELLINGTON, the " despatches " prove
abundantly. In one of the originals he de-
scribes all of them as being d — d bad, but
in the printed edition the expression has
been euphemised a little.
But to come to more recent times, and
we will avoid mentioning any of the in-
stances in our own service where the delivery
of an order to the wrong man, or a want of
grasp or situation nearly led, and — in civi-
lized warfare — would have led to most dis-
astrous results, but will confine ourselves
to examples from the Franco-German War,
by which no English officer's feelings can
be hurt. At the battle of Woerth, it was
the mistake of an Orderly Officer who took
an order to the wrong corps which caused
what should have been merely a skirmish
of outposts to develop into a desperate
fight, which might have proved disastrous
to the Germans, had it not been for the
M.,L. 26
402 The Training of Officers.
wonderful elasticity of their system, and
their fundamental principle always to march
towards the sound of the guns. With an
army trained to absolute obedience of
orders, not one corps would have moved
towards the field without definite order ;
and the result would have been defeat in
detail to the whole probably.
It was the report of an outpost which led
to the battle of Borny (14th August) before
Metz. The charge of BREDOW'S Brigade5
which practically saved the Prussian 3rd
Corps from a crushing defeat at Vionville
on the 16th of August, was due to the sug-
gestion of a young Infantry officer of six
years7 service, detailed as galloper for the
day to the Staff of a General of Division.
But the importance of this kind of general
knowledge is even more striking in the
case of the Cavalry, and there is no more
royal road to distinction than the sending in
of a clear and accurate outpost report. It is
enough merely to turn over the pages of the
Prussian official account of the campaign
The Training of Officers. 403
to see this ; everywhere we find the names
of Captains and subalterns whose informa-
tion led to the most important results. The
flank march to Sedan was undertaken on
the strength of such a report. It happened
to be a Major who made it, but the chance
might equally have fallen to a junior. We
might multiply these instances almost ad
infinitum, but we think we have said enough
to shew that the requirements which our
authorities seek to enforce, and against
which so many of our young officers kick,
are by no means as unreasonable as is
usually imagined.
As a nation, we do not excel as copyists.
Even in such trivial matters as French
fashions and French plays, our efforts are
hardly satisfactory : and in military mat-
ters we succeed even worse. If we fail
in such trifles, as helmetspikes, badges of
rank, etc., we can hardly wonder our at-
tempts at apeing the educational system
of Continental nations are far from satis-
factory.
404 The Training of Officers.
The Germans do not now-a-days ex-
amine their officers for promotion on paper,
as many Englishmen appear to imagine.
They did once — before the battle of Jena —
hold such examinations ; since then, they
have abandoned them.
After a young officer has completed his
course at the military school, it seems that
he is not required to submit another paper
examination, unless he aspires to their Staff
College. Their system is first to ground a
man well in the general principles of war,
and then to perfect him to teach others,
under a due sense of his own responsibility.
Intelligent, not pedantic uniformity, is what
they seek to secure ; for the working of
their vast armies of to-day is only render-
ed possible by the intelligent co-operation
of every unit in it. The slightest indica-
tion of the end aimed at, should be suffi-
cient to secure its execution, not according
to prescribed form, but by the sensible
application of the given means.
This system was not built in a day, but,
The Training of Officers. 405
on the contrary, they have been working at
it ever since 1 807, and thanks to this steady
perseverance, they are now able to work
with an absence of friction,to which probab-
ly no other army in the world can equal.
Let anyone try to picture to himself the
confusion which would arise, if at the pre-
sent moment, after our system of examina-
tions for promotion has been in full swing
for some years, an English commander were
to attempt to direct an army, with orders
as terse and simple as those of Prince Fre-
deric Charles, for the advance on Le Mans,
or those of the King for the change of
front on Sedan. To carry out such opera-
tions, we should require detailed instruc-
tions sufficient to fill a Blue Book ; though
we must admit that the Indian army would
probably do with one-third the number of
pages that the Home army would require.
The German system, briefly stated, is to
give the young officer a vivid picture of the
difficultes to be met with and overcome in
war. He is made acquainted, in almost
406 The Training of Officers.
dramatic writing, with the aspect and course
of a modern battle ; he is warned against
the fatal lethargy which overcomes even
the most determined men, after the fatigues
of long marching, and the nervous tension
of a hard-fought action. He is taught to
picture the long columns of route toiling
on through rain and mud or sun and dust,
and to remember that at such times only the
simplest duties can be performed correctly.
Clause witz's saying, " In war everything
is simple, but to secure simplicity is the
difficulty " is constantly brought before him.
Our system is almost the exact opposite
of the above. The subject, whatever it
may be, whether outpost-duty or strategy,
is stripped of all flesh and blood till noth-
ing but the dry bones of form remain, and
the study of it becomes correspondingly
uninteresting. The contemplation of the
human form divine, especially of the oppo-
site sex, is fascinating enough ; but few
ever see beauty in a skeleton.
Compare the two systems in Clausewitz
The Training of Officers. 407
and Hamley ; — the former without weary-
ing the reader with detailed studies of
campaigns, gives a living speaking picture
of the conditions of actual war, and shows
where the difficulty of forming a decision,
between two such apparently simple alter-
natives, as turning a flank, or breaking the
enemy's centre, really lies. The latter
gives a dry (and generally inaccurate)
history of a campaign, in which the true
picture of war never occurs. This is what
makes the study of a subject, which is
usually so attractive to all minds, so
painfully tedious and repugnant to the un-
fortunate victim of the examination mania.
Let us take a look at the genesis of the
modern text-books. They were written
suddenly to supply a want felt by the then
officiating garrison instructors. Having
for the most part no actual experience of
war, and being bitten with the Prussian
mania, they bought up the books in use
before the war, or those hastily written
immediately after it, and did the best they
408 The Training of Officers.
could with them. But the war itself was
the fire which purified the Prussian sys-
tem from the dross of form with which a
long peace had covered it. It simplified
their ideas of outpost and advanced guard
duties and the details of minor tactics to a
surprising extent. It taught them that it
was better to march twenty miles a day,
and take their chance of an occasional shot
from an ambush, than to wear the men's
strength out in a minute attention to ad-
vance-guard duties; that it was better to
sleep soundly on ninety-nine nights, and
run the risk of the loss of a few men on
the hundredth, than to wear out thou-
sands by overcautious attention to outpost
schemes. It taught them, in fine, to adapt
means to an end, and not to suppose that
any absolutely perfect normal form existed,
applicable to all conditions. "With riper
years and better judgment, the authors
who so hastily scribbled their views on
battles generally, have reconsidered the
matter, and come to quite a different set of
The Training of Officers. 409
conclusions ; but their later books have
remained untranslated, and hence are al-
most unknown to the bulk of English
readers and students, who still plod on
amidst details of company columns and
other matters as obsolete on the battle-
field as the tactics of Marathon. Only the
other day we had to give up our brand
new outpost scheme, for that of the old
Peninsula days ; and we certainly owe the
two most crushing disasters of our recent
wars, Maiwand and Isandlhana to an at-
tempt to fight an Asiatic battle with Alder-
shot tactics. Recently we heard a German
officer of long experience give the follow-
ing opinion, — " Had you Englishmen not
been bound by the letter of your drill-book,
but had understood its spirit, you would
have saved yourselves a world of unneces-
sary change. " Since 1870 the whole
tendency of our tactics has been to go back
to the old line formations. The dense line
of skirmishers in front, is only the line
without its touch — its spirit, not its letter
410 The Training of Officers.
— and the formations in rear of it, by which
we bring our weight to bear on the point
of attack are lines with the same rigid
discipline as those with which Frederic
carried the Austrian batteries at Leuthen ;
and indeed the discipline is all the more
essential, for, whereas the old line had only
some two hundred paces to cross under
fire, and had a difficulty in re-loading its
muskets when once discharged, the modern
line may have 1,500 yards of open to cover,
and the men must be restrained from fir-
ing their rifles into the backs of the fight-
ing line.
PROFESSIONAL IGNORANCE IN
THE ARMY.
THE article which appears under the
above heading in the current number
of the Nineteenth Century, deserves the
particular attention, both of soldiers and
civilians, not only because of the explana-
tion it affords of the fact that, in spite of
the high degree of military instinct possess-
ed by our officers as a body, their know-
ledge of the practical part of their profes-
sion still leaves much to be desired ; but
also on account of the experience and
knowledge of the writer, COLONEL LONS-
DALE HALE, R. E., who has spent the last
twenty years in instructing officers of every
rank and branch of the service, and can
therefore write with a grasp of his subject
second to none.
The root of the present evil, COLONEL
HALE finds in the work of the Commission
on Military Education, assembled shortly
412 Professional Ignorance in the Army.
before the war of 1870. This Commission
had taken evidence, and, more or less su-
perficially, studied the German system.
The war and its result convinced them, as it
convinced nearly everybody else, that every-
thing German must be good ; and hence
they set to work to make a blind copy of it,
and, as is always the case, when we try to
copy another nation, left out the principal
point altogether. That point was that in the
Oerman Army the drill instructors were also
the tactical instructors of the army : the two
went inseparably hand in hand. Hence in
the schools, which were only auxiliaries to
the troops, it was only necessary to teach
auxiliary subjects such as military topo-
graphy and fortification. But in our own
service the idea of officers teaching anything
except drill had long since vanished. Hence
it followed, when the German system was
blindly applied to us, that we presented the
ridiculous appearance of an army instructed
in everything except in the one thing for
which it existed, viz., for fighting.
Professional Ignorance in the Army. 413
Certainly the difficulties which then front-
ed the authorities were no small ones : and
perhaps the way they took to circumvent
them was as good as could be expected
under the circumstances. To make the
senior officers as a body suddenly responsi-
ble for the instruction of their men in sub-
jects which they themselves had never had
an opportunity of learning could only have
ended, even with all the good-will in the
world, in hopeless confusion. Uniformity
of system is the fundamental necessity in
all tactics ; and how was it possible to se-
cure that when every one studied or read
what seemed good in his own eyes ? It
was therefore better to set about forming
a class of instructors in one uniform school
at the Staff College, and through them
spreading instruction downwards by means
of garrison classes. Of course the garrison
instructors can only teach theory, not
practice; but it would have been impos-
sible to step in one jump from the old sys-
tem to the new and make Commanding
414 Professional Ignorance in the Army.
Officers responsible both for the drill and
fighting efficiency of their men. The truth
is, both COLONEL HALE and the authority
who penned the " professional ignorance
circular " of last Autumn, both seem in
rather too much of a hurry. They point
to the German system and expect to see
the same results arrived at inside of twenty
years, and without the pressure of a great
national calamity ; which it took the Prus-
sians fifty years and Jena to effect. We
might add twenty years more, for fully
that length of time, before the fatal disas-
ters of 1806, men like SCHARNHORST, CLAU-
SEWITZ, KLEIST and others had been pre-
paring the way for the revolution which
followed the war.
The parallel between the Prussian Army
before Jena and our own at the present
moment, or, better, fifteen years ago, is
closer than might be imagined. The old
Prussian officers were, as ours still are,
responsible solely for the drill-efficiency of
their commands, and did not attempt to
Professional Ignorance in the Army. 415
teach their men tactics. There were not
wanting, just as in our own service, men
who had studied the fighting of the armies
of the revolution, to warn them of the com-
ing danger and to write voluminous essays
on how to meet it, in many of which the
ground-work of all modern tactical ideas
are to be traced ; and also there were com-
mittees assembled to discuss these proposals
and to adapt them to the needs of the
army. But, as is always the case, com-
mittees are like councils of war and never
fight — in other words — never come to a
decision ; and hence when the fatal hour
struck, the Prussians, in spite of their
splendid gallantry, which they probably
never exceeded, were beaten through an
ignorance of the very first principles of
tactical training. No one can read with-
out emotion the description of these splen-
didly drilled battalions advancing with
faultlessly dressed lines, in slow time (75
paces to the minute), and with bands play-
ing and colours flying, — and then brought
416 Professional Ignorance in the Army.
to a halt by numerically inferior forces
hidden away in villages, hedgerows and
ditches, simply because the drill book had
not taught them how to attack either one
or the other. In FREDERIC'S days this had
been the duty of the old free battalions or
light troops ; but these had been disbanded
on the close of the Seven Years7 War, and
though repeated proposals had been made
to supply their places by the regular for-
mation of light companies, the committees
had come to no decision ; and the army took
the field without them. The discipline and
devotion of the Prussian troops on the field
of Jena has perhaps never been exceeded.
They went into action with the precision of
a review, and suffered heavier losses without
quitting their ground than perhaps any
other troops, except the Confederates, in
history ; but just on that account the lesson
they teach is the more valuable, and it is to
be hoped we may take it to heart in time.
In another aspect too we have been even
less fortunate than the Prussians, They
Professional Ignorance in the Army. 417
had still a large number of the veterans
of the Seven Years' War amongst them,
men who had felt the responsibility of
command and who, though too old for the
field (only one of them was as old as VON
MOLTKE in 1870), were yet not too old for
work in council. They had been engaged
in a two-year campaign against the French
only fourteen years before, and, moreover,
fighting had been going on so continuously
around them that, as a body, their officers
were far more imbued with a knowledge
of the psychical aspect of war than our
own were at the commencement of our re-
formation. Hence their writings were of a
far more practical stamp than the average
of our own. Even before Jena, SCHAKN-
HORST and others like him tried to teach
war as it really is, a struggle in which
human nature is the essential factor, but
with which our own text-books, as a rule,
decline to reckon ; but just as with us he
was a professor, not a leader. Hence his
teaching could not bear fruit till disaster
M., L. 27
418 Professional Ignorance in the Army.
had forced the necessity of a change on the
army. In our case not more than some
half dozen men had seen modern European
war and they had seen it as spectators
without responsibility ; and though most
of them were men of great ability, and de-
voted themselves heart and soul to the
spread of the true gospel, they were not
able to upset the other school in a moment.
Hence for years our officers have not, in
spite of examinations, had a real oppor-
tunity of learning, and the progress has
not been as great as it should be. But,
pace COLONEL HALE and last year's autumn
circular, an immense degree of good has
been done. Officers without number have
been induced by the pressure of examina-
tions to devote their minds to study and
have found the study far from as dry and
monotonous as they expected. They have
been led to think for themselves, and by
degrees the common-sense of the majority
is making itself felt, and men and future
leaders with sound tactical judgment are
Professional Ignorance in the Army. 419
being formed. And now the time is coming
when the steps suggested in COLONEL
H ALE'S paper may be taken in hand, viz.,
the extension of responsibility and the mak-
ing of every officer the tactical, as well as
the disciplinary, leader of his men. Now,
too, the screw may be put on those amongst
the seniors who refuse to accept the new
order of things. They must be distinctly
told that they must either learn to lead their
own men or go. Warnings have not been
wanting to show the direction in which
things have been tending, and if they have
not chosen to heed the warnings, they have
no one to blame but themselves.
The last few pages of COLONEL BALE'S
paper are particularly interesting, as he
there describes in full the working of the
German system and thfc method in which
the senior officers are continually engaged
in tactically instructing their juniors. He
shews us a General of a Cavalry Division
utilizing his own spare time in taking out
a party of young officers and instructing
420 Professional Ignorance in the Army.
them during a ten days7 trip in reconnois-
sance and skeleton manoeuvres — precisely
the same lines we suggested in a recent
article on the training of officers. As the
General in question was himself an English-
man, it at least shews that there is no
innate impossibility of an English General
following his example.
LETTERS ON STRATEGY.
PRINCE HOHENLOHE, whose letters
about Cavalry, Infantry and Artillery
are already well known to the reading por-
tion of Her Majesty's Army, has recently
given a new work to the public, whose title
is above quoted. It is written in the same
easy, readable style as his other books, and
is rather, as he himself says, an attempt
to clothe the dry, hard skeleton of strate-
gical fact with the flesh and blood of ex-
perience, and to point out to his readers
the way of improvement by private study.
It contains a detailed investigation of
the three Campaigns of Jena, Solferino,
and the first portion of the Franco-German
War, based on the official histories and
also on the writings of Clausewitz, Blum£
and Bronsart von Schellendorf, the former
and latter of which have both been trans-
lated into English, but Blum4 as yet is
only accessible in French or German.
422 Letters on Strategy.
That the book is readable it is almost un-
necessary to state : everything the Prince
writes is eminently so ; but our particular
reason for noticing it at length is that no-
where else in our studies have we come
across a book in which the distinction
between the modern or Grerman school of
thought, and the old-fashioned or English
school is so sharply drawn, or the superi-
ority of the former more clearly shown.
Modern Grerman strategy in fact is simply
the outcome of a prolonged and thorough
study of the Napoleonic methods ; it is a
case in which the vanquished understood
far better than the victor how to profit by
the lessons he received. The French never
appear really to have grasped the true
secret of Napoleon's successes, but have
tried to estimate his method by applying
to them the ideas of a former generation.
Unfortunately we followed the latter instead
of the former, and the consequence is that
we are brought up, on ideas which were once
and for all exploded on the field of Jena,
Letters on Strategy. 423
if not, indeed, sooner. The passage in
which Hohenlohe contrasts the ideas cur-
rent in the two armies at the commence-
ment of this campaign is well worthy of
study, particularly by those who only
know of the campaign from the writings of
General Hamley. He contrasts the bold
confident advance of Napoleon straight on
to the capital, and formed in one gigantic
battalion square of 400,000 fighting men,
ready to form front at once in any direc-
tion, with the refined strategical cobwebs
the Prussians endeavoured to weave about
him. It is all very well for Hamley to
laugh the Prussian efforts to scorn,
but unfortunately the Prussian plan was
based precisely on the very ideas that the
whole of the rest; of his book is written to
demonstrate. It was, in fact, an attempt
to compensate by manoeuvres for the want
of numerical fighting strength, and though
ruined by weakness of execution, was
really as skilful an attempt as could well be
made, and in the hands of a resolute leader
424 Letters on Strategy.
who understood how to seize his oppor-
tunities would, in all probability, have
led to the Emperor's complete destruction.
These opportunities were given by Napo-
leon's deliberately departing from two of
the most important of his usual ideas, viz.,
instead of sending his Cavalry boldly in
advance to hunt up the Prussian Army,
he kept them too close in, and hence failed
to discover where the latter actually was ;
and, secondly, as a consequence of the first,
being in ignorance of the enemies7 where-
abouts, he determined to choose the capital
for his objective, instead of the field army,
trusting that anxiety for the safety of the
former would induce the latter to attempt
to bar his path. But the Prussians did
not fall into the trap : instead of doing so
they laid a very pretty one for Napoleon,
by taking up a position of great strength on
his flank which he was compelled to attack,
and for 24 hours the fate of his army hung
in the balance, though, knowing the school
in which his adversaries had been educated,
Letters on Strategy. 425
the fact does not appear to have caused
him the least anxiety.
And he was right. The Prussians could
not move without orders, and before the
orders arrived the time had gone by. Had
the present Prince Hohenlohe stood in his
namesake's place, the morning of the 14th
October would have seen the greater part
of the French Army struggling in the Saale
for dear life. The Prince does not say so,
but we feel sure he would have done it.
Unfortunately it was not the fashion in
those days to march " zum kanonen
donner, " and the saying : " Meine stiefeln
und die Korps Artillerie " was then un-
known. But what is particularly pleasing
in the Prince's style is that though he
points out where faults and omissions
occurred, he only does so to find out why
they happened ; whereas the ordinary
military critic roundly calls the leader a
fool for making an obvious mistake, and
implies that he himself would have done
much better. Hohenlohe goes in to find
426 Letters on Strategy.
out the reason, and usually succeeds in
finding a very good one. We may men-
tion here that this is also a characteristic
of Clausewitz in his histories of campaigns,
and it tends to show up much more dis-
tinctly wherein the actual difficulty of
command consists.
The failure of the Prussians in 1806 he
shews to have been due not only to too
great a belief in the power of manoeuvre
(or strategy) alone as opposed to the power
of the sword (or battle), but also — and this
is particularly important for us to note —
to the too rigid ideas about discipline
which was the characteristic of Frederic's
small armies, and of our own great Duke's.
The failure of the Austrians he also attri-
butes to the same reason : of the accusation
of treason, so freely lavished on the Aus-
trian leaders by their disappointed country-
men, he will know nothing, but points out
how inevitably each step in their career of
defeat depended on the want of initiative
entrusted to the subordinate leaders.
Letters on Strategy. 427
But it is in his third study, on the cam-
paign of 1870, that the chief interest of
the work lies. In this all comes out : the
steady way in which, working up from the
Clausewitz's explanation of the reasons for
Napoleon's successes, the German " General
Stab " had perfected a system for working
the gigantic armies of modern days, every
step can be read, and the contrast between
our own method becomes more apparent.
Everywhere the guiding principle appears
to have been, Clausewitz's famous saying :
u Im Kriege is alles einfach, aber das
einfache ist schwer " (in war everything is
simple, but to secure simplicity is difficult).
Read in the pages of Hamley, and with his
comments the war of 1870 appears alto-
gether destitute of strategical interest, and
this not because his information is ridicu-
lously inaccurate, but because, according
to his method, the difficulty to be sur-
mounted in the moving of these enormous
masses does not " spring in one's eyes, "
to use a continental idiom. His idea appears
428 Letters on Strategy.
to be to strip war of all that constitutes
war and degrade it to the level of a game
of chess, or, indeed, lower, for the combi-
nations of a chessboard are many thousand
times greater than those of a campaign,
in which, after all, there are practically
only three alternatives to be faced, namely,
to fight defensively or offensively, to turn
the right flank or the left, or to pierce the
centre. Stated this way nothing could be
simpler, and the youngest subaltern may
feel himself justified in calling Napoleon or
Moltke a fool ; but looked at from Clause-
witz's standpoint, which after all Hohen-
lohe only develops, and the game assumes
a totally distinct aspect.
In their school we are taught the mean-
ings of the words responsibility, danger
and friction — words which are familiar
enough to every man who has seen service.
Time and space, too, are matters which
Hamley usually leaves out of account when
it suits his purpose : but the Germans never
do so. In fact, one may summarise the
Letters on Strategy. 429
whole matter in these words : — The
text-book in which every aspirant for Staff
employment in the British Army (theore-
tically) must pass his examination, bears on
every page the stamp of an amateur : those
of the German Army equally evidently the
stamp of a trained professional expert.
The remarks on the circulation of orders
in the Prince's book are specially worthy
of consideration, for they bring forward,
in a particularly striking manner, the
difficulties which have to be overcome, and
the extraordinary degree of initiative left
to subordinate leaders ; and in this connec-
tion also we would refer to Cardinal von
Widdern's " Hand Buch fur Truppen
fiihrung," a work which has been translat-
ed into French and largely drawn on
in our own " Staff College Lectures.77
But to attempt to apply the rules and
regulations contained in these two works,
cut and dried, to an English Army trained
on its present lines, would only be to court
disaster. Any such attempt should be
430 Letters on Strategy.
preceded by the most careful previous
preparation of our officers to assume res-
ponsibility, and also to insure in them a
uniformity of military opinion which at
the present moment we are far from
possessing. It is not that our race is in
any degree inferior either in readiness to
assume such responsibility or in ordinary
military instinct : the history of our Navy
abundantly proves the contrary ; but it is
simply owing to the system under which
we are trained, and though one may grate-
fully acknowledge the progress made in
this direction of late years, yet it must be
much more thorough before any good can
really come of it.
In the limits of our space it is utterly
impossible to exhaust the subject, but we
trust we have written enough to stimulate
the curiosity of all those who are interested
in their duty. The number of these is far
larger than is generally supposed : they read
and discuss everything they can lay hands
on ; but the sound common-sense of the
Letters on Strategy. 431
average Englishman revolts at the illogical
nonsense they are compelled to swallow,
and in despair they revert to the idea that
their own common-sense is a better guide
than the books : and so it would be if it
was first properly trained. Nobody who
lietens to the military conversation in messes
and clubs can fail to notice this. Good sense
is never wanting, but what is wanting is a
grasp of all the conditions of the problem
under discussion. But it is just there that
they fail — they are not sufficiently grounded.
The three arms do not mutually under-
stand each other, and the regimental officer
does not understand the Staff, and vice
versd. Nothing in this respect is more
instructive than to listen to the remarks of
the subalterns after a company training or
a manoeuvre. They are intensely keen and
interested, but some umpire or Staff Officer
has ridden up and ordered them out of
action, and they are indignant. If, instead
of a blunt order, the umpire or Staff Officer
had explained the matter briefly, all the
432 Letters on Strategy.
ruffled feathers would have been smoothed
and a lesson readily learnt. As it is the
man's esprit de company has been hurt,
and he swears never to take any interest
in the matter again — and if he wasn't after
all an Englishman, full of a love of fight-
ing and sport, probably he would keep his
word. It is particularly the Cavalry who
suffer in this way, and just because, as a
rule, the Cavalry Officer really does take
a keener interest in his work than the
• Infantry man (the writer, be it said,
belongs to neither). This species of snub is
•pll the more bitterly felt, and some umpires
at home would be astonished at the depth
of feeling and flow of profanity their
decisions had awakened if they were to
overhear the conversations at dinner at the
Naval and Military, or in the carriages of
the 1-40 up to town.
We dwell particularly on this point, for
to develop the cheerful readiness to assume
responsibility one must begin very low
down. It is a plant of tender growth and
Letters on Strategy. 433
requires careful handling. Either it
withers up altogether or it deteriorates
into a rank weed more dangerous still, for
it grows into eccentric shapes, and there is
no counting on the direction it may take
when at last given its head.
., L. 28
ON INSPECTIONS.
/CONSIDERING the amount of inspect-
\J ing that goes on annually in the
British Army, it is curious to note how
little the spirit of the inspection is grasped
even amongst the keenest soldiers. Indeed,
it is amongst this very class, as a rule, that
this institution is most vigorously denounc-
ed. Hardly a magazine article or letter to
a paper on tactical changes or improve-
ments in musketry training, appears, with-
out somehow or other a sneer at marching
past and parade drill being dragged into it
somewhere. But yet our forefathers who
instituted the system were practical sol-
diers, and by no means the empty-headed
fools it is now-a-days the custom to consider
them ; and if we take the trouble to go
carefully into the object they had in view
in introducing inspections, we shall see
that they by no means deserve the discredit
into which they have now fallen. The
On Inspections. 435
truth is that the soldiers of the beginning
of the century had, as a body, far more
practical acquaintance with European war,
than any of our present leaders can boast
of, and their experience convinced them of
the fact that success in battle depends far
more on the spirit of the troops than on
the efficiency of their armament : a fact
which the intelligent study of the history
of the campaign of 1870 proves beyond
shadow of a doubt. It was not the arma-
ment of the Germans in that war which
carried them to victory ; for the French
armament was far superior to theirs, inas-
far as concerns the Infantry; but it was
the magnificent spirit which animated the
Germans which led them to shirk no loss
in the execution of their orders.
Now, it is the main object of inspections
to afford the superior leaders a means by
which they can estimate the spirit by which
the troops are animated. All the other ob-
jects are merely subsidiary. But, to ensure
true results from an inspection, it is neces-
436 On Inspections.
sary that the inspecting officer should un-
derstand precisely what he wishes ito arrive
at ; and not be misled by a show of spuri-
ous efficiency, attained by too exclusive
attention to mere parade work. To an
experienced eye this presents no difficulty.
There are hundreds of indications that be-
tray at once the regiment which attempts
to deceive by bar rack -square drill alone.
The barrack-square alone will never give
the stamp of real efficiency, which the
General who knows his work wishes to see.
It is in itself intensely monotonous. The
men feel it to be so ; and in a short time
the want of living interest in their work
dulls the intelligence of men and officers,
and leaves an unmistakable impression on
their faces. It is felt in the very atmos-
phere of the mess and barracks. A sensi-
ble course of real fighting training, such
as that carried out in the Prussian Army,
leads to an exactly opposite result. The
minds and perceptions of the men having
been quickened and their interest kept
On Inspections. 437
thoroughly alive in their work, their faces
reflect the fact in a way which cannot be
misunderstood ; and one feels as one rides
down their ranks or sees their battalions
Hweep by, the same feeling of conscious
superiority which animates the men them-
selves.
To those who have tried to study the
action of mind upon mind, there will be
nothing extraordinary in this statement.
History has again and again proved how
overwhelming the force of thousands of
minds all concentrated on the same idea,
whether a mistaken one or not, can be,
How else indeed can the extraordinary out-
breaks of mob violence which from time
to time frighten the world, be accounted
for ? Similarly, it is impossible for the
individual mind of a reviewing officer to
be altogether unaffected by the dominant
thought of the thousands whom he may be
inspecting. Where that thought is merely
to get through the work in hand as quick-
ly, with as little trouble as possible ; and
438 On Inspections.
where neither men or officers take a mutual
pride in each other,, the resultant thought
which reaches the inspecting officer is one,
which no amount of clean accoutrements
or mechanical perfection of movements,
obtained by a system of harassing punish-
ment, can conceal. Of course the mind of
the reviewing officer must, to borrow a
musical simile, be in itself capable of vi-
brating in harmony with the dominant
chord, just as a glass may be made ta
vibrate in harmony to a given note, or may
be broken by a discordant one. It may so
happen that, during a prolonged period of
peace time, in which true military instinct
has become obliterated by too great an
attention to pedantic details, both men and
officers may mistake the false chord for the
true one ; and there is no doubt that this
state of things has at times been arrived
at, and that the outcry against inspections
and marches past is merely the reaction
from a former false and overstrained state
of affairs. But it would be a mistake to
On Inspections. 439
blind ourselves to the fact that the other
condition can and does exist in countries
and regiments, where the perception for
military truth is clearer. Let those who
doubt it, go to Germany and see for them-
selves. We have known many English
officers who went there determined not to
be convinced, but who returned as enthusi-
astic as others ; and there is no other ex-
planation possible, for there is nothing
otherwise about a German march past parti-
cularly adapted to catch the military eye.
As a show it is far less attractive than one
of our own, the heavy dull-blue uniform,
clumsy boots and accoutrements compare
most unfavourably with our own brighter
turn-out ; yet as the column sweeps by,
with almost faultless precision and dress-
ing, one is irresistibly carried away by the
feeling of soldierly pride, the conviction of
concentrated effort to excel. One experi-
ences the same feeling in watching one of
our own battalions that has been trained
on an intelligent system. But with us it
440 On Inspections.
is the exception, not the rule ; and one
never feels it with a regiment which has
been drilled solely for marching past.
Let us compare the feeling produced on
the inspecting officer by a regiment of each
class. In the latter, as one rides down the
ranks, men and officers alike appear bored;
they may hold themselves up and handle
their arms smartly, but it is by compulsion
and not through personal pride in them-
selves and their regiment. In the former
all look alert and confident, and even where,
as with the Volunteers for example, the
same precision of movement cannot be ex-
pected, the effect produced on the review-
ing officer is the same. English soldiers
possess, perhaps, a larger share of innate
military instinct than those of any other
nation, and they are quick to recognise
whether their training really gives them a
fighting superiority over others or not. It
is only necessary to watch them in manoeu-
vres or to listen to their conversation dur-
ing them to be convinced of this. The
On Inspections. 441
intense earnestness they then show some-
times becomes dangerous. For instance,
we remember on one occasion seeing a gal-
lant infantry regiment charged and put
out of action by the Blues. The men fixed
bayonets without word of command and
implored their officers to "let them go
in at the Tin-bellies " as they irreverently
called them. On another, we recall an old
and most respectable veteran drownir^ his
sorrow in the flowing bowl, because on
three consecutive days his regiment had
been taken prisoners and put out of action.
It is too much the custom of our officers
to speak of the men as a totally distinct
race from the rest of the world, thinking
only of idleness, beer, and the canteen.
They are nothing of the kind, but have a
keener instinct for sport, emulation and war
— even imitation war — than any continent-
al race whatever. Only it is absolutely
necessary to give them the opportunity of
showing it. Comparing the manoeuvre
work of other nations and our own, both
442 On Inspections.
in the big manoeuvres, the company train-
ing and in siege works — in the last of which
the work is carried on by reliefs night and
day, and the conditions approximate in
their disagreeableness far more nearly to
those of actual war than in the others —
and we can positively assert the superiority
of our own men's intelligence and interest
in their duties. As for their military feel-
ing in war, it has never been questioned.
Even our enemies have always testified to
it ; and only the other day, the German
Military Attache with the Tel-el-Kebir
force wrote in the Militiar Wochenblatt that,
as the York and Lancaster regiment went
past him to join in the fight of Kassasin,
he never saw troops go into action with
a better spirit than they showed. Let us
only seek, by the adoption of a more
rational system for giving play to this
feeling to develop and foster it ; and we
shall soon hear no more about the depress-
ing influence of the inspection and march
past.
THE SECRET OF SUCCESS
IN WAR.
WHEN the Ashantis observed the ad-
vancing forces of Great Britain en-
gaged in running a wire from tree to tree to
keep up communication with the base, they
at once concluded that this was in honour of
some " fetish " whose aid the British forces
had thus acquired ; and therefore to propi-
' tiate him, or her, as the case might be, to
favour their own side, they proceeded to
tie strings from tree to tree, in a similar
manner. They had got the form, but did
not understand the spirit. Similarly, when
England saw with astonishment, first the
six weeks7 campaign of Sadowa, and then
the almost equally rapid destruction of the
French Imperial Army, she looked about
to find the German "fetish" which had
done it ; and for the moment found it in
spiked helmets, black ball pouches, and
similar unessential details. Other nations
444 The Secret of Success in War.
went a little farther. They did not adopt
spiked helmets, but they sought salvation
in minor changes of organisation, such as
four companies to a battalion instead of six,
and similar copies of the form only and not
the spirit, not much more intelligent than
the string of the Ashantis,
To obtain any real result, our analysis
must be pushed much deeper, right down
into the soul of things. " The Genius of
" the Prussian Army dwells in the hearts
" of its officers, " said Riichel, one of those
who commenced the work of army regener-
ation in Prussia even before the great
catastrophe of Jena ; and it is indeed amongst
the officers that we must seek for it. But
it is so deeply ingrained in their very flesh
and blood that it does not exactly " spring
" in the eyes " of the casual observer. Pro-
bably many a German himself is hardly
conscious how far-reaching are the conse-
quences of that delegation of responsibility
to which he owes his authority. But when
once properly focussed, it is seen that it is
The Secret of Success in War. 445
this very delegation of responsibility which
gives to that army its extraordinary power
and efficiency ; which enables it to manoeu-
vre in defiance of all formerly-recognised
strategy and yet invariably to win.
Let us try to trace its development.
The armies of FREDERIC THE GREAT'S day
were simply dead machines, no part of which
could move without orders received through
the proper channel ; and for an order to
filter through that channel entailed a waste
of time which often proved fatal. It did not
suit FREDERIC'S own method of conducting
a war to emancipate his army from this
control, otherwise we may be sure he would
have done it — indeed he did emancipate
his cavalry from it completely ; — but as he
did not, and as in those days every other
army was only a blind copy of the Prussian,
much as they are to-day, it is natural that
we should find them, at the close of a long
period of peace, even more rigid in their
movements than before ; for centralisation
of authority is just as certain a product of
446 The Secret of Success in War.
peace-time as decentralisation is of war.
The French Revolutionary armies were an
exceptional product of an exceptional era,
and NAPOLEON had the wit to utilise their
good points to the utmost. He took them
where he found them ; and certainly there
is no evidence in his writings to show that
he was conscious of the power thus con-
ferred on him. But the disasters of Jena
forced the Germans to look into the matter,
and CLAUSEWITZ, SCHARNHORST and others
were not slow in perceiving the advantages
which their enemy derived from the fact
that his junior officers were always ready
to act on their own responsibility, accord-
ino* as circumstances dictated. In most
o
armies, even in the French as soon as
NAPOLEON was gone, this was looked upon
as an irregularity to be suppressed, instead
of a force of enormous power, when duly
controlled in its proper channel. Even our
own IRON DUKE would have none of it,
when at Waterloo MERCER'S troop of
Royal Horse Artillery saved the day by
The Secret of Success in War. 447
deliberate disobedience of orders. MERCER
received no thanks for it ; on the contrary,
the DUKE expressed his intense displeasure.
In Austria and Russia it was the same.
Indeed, in the Russian Army which fought
us in the Crimea the troops had become
almost too automatic to run away when
they were beaten. We ourselves were so
bad that it was possible for one brigade of
cavalry to fight against fearful odds in
full view of the other, without its occurring
to the leader of the other one to go to its
assistance. The French still kept a little
of the old spirit in 1859, and thereby
succeeded in defeating an Army in every
other respect decidedly its superior.
Meanwhile the Germans had been system-
atically training this new force, and the
result would have quickly attracted notice
in 1866, had not the attention of the
lookerson been drawn off to subsidiary
points, such as the breech-loader, or the
supposed high average of general intelli-
gence in the ranks. Taken alone, both
448 The Secret of Success in War.
those factors would have been powerless.
In the war with Austria let us reverse the
roles and put the Prussian staff and army
in the position of the Austrians. They
would have pounced on the isolated columns
as they issued from the mountains, and
rolled them up in detail. The Germans
knew that they ran this risk, but they
seemed also to know that, owing to the
innate viciousness of the Austrian system,
the latter would be unable to avail them-
selves of their advantage. One can hardly
suppress a smile at the self-complaisance
of critics of the HAMLEY school, who point
out gravely the violation of all strategical
principles on the part of the Germans.
Can they really suppose that a man of
MOLTKE'S capacity acted in ignorance of
the A. B. C. of his art ? Have they never
heard of his favourite motto "Erst, wagen,
dann wag en, " — First ponder, then risk ?
But it was in 1870 that the full power
of this latent force was really shown. The
wheels of the machine had been greased
The Secret of Success in War. 449
with the oil of experience, and the army
worked more like a sentient organism than
an automaton. When the feelers and
tentacles of an octopus come in contact
with its prey, they close in spontaneously
without waiting for orders from the rudi-
mentary brainless just so, when the outpost
of the German Army came in contact with
the French, they closed in on them and
crushed them. Woerth, Spicheren, Borny,
Vionville, were all fought on the same
plan. No sooner was the first sound of the
guns heard, than instinctively every limb
of the army closed in on the victim, and
before night-fall a sufficient numerical supe-
riority to ensure victory had been achieved.
Safe in the knowledge that his comrades
within sound of his guns would come to
his assistance on their own initiative, each
leader was ready to engage on his own
responsibility, no matter what the odds
against him appeared to be. There was
no waiting for orders while a comrade was
being destroyed ; but every man within
M., L. 29
450 The Secret of Success in War.
call streamed into the decisive point.
Hence, again, the Prussian staff were able
to set the principles of the old strategists
at defiance. At Gravelotte, they fought
with their faces turned homewards, in
the same position that proved so fatal
to the Austrians at Marengo. In the
investment of Metz they dared to establish
themselves along the circumference of a
circle some 42 miles in extent in face of
an army concentrated in the centre and
able to attack on any point along the radius
of only seven miles in length. But this
daring was successful ; for they knew
that no sooner were the sounds of the
coming action heard, than everybody of
troops within reach would stream into the
decisive point, without waiting for special
orders.
Perhaps the system did not work always
perfectly ; for nothing human every does.
In the next war it will probably do better
still, but the nett result was successful
beyond expectation, and we will go so far
The Secret of Success in War. 451
as to maintain that in no other way could
such a result have been attained. But
what reason can there be why we should
not in turn set to work and develop the
same force. Surely a readiness to assume
responsibility is not a special gift belonging
to the German race ; the capacity exists
just as much and probably more in our
own. Delegation of responsibilty is the
key-note of our success in commerce, in
manufactures, and specially in the manage-
ment of our railways and great lines of
ocean steamers ; and why should not the
same system applied to the army obtain
the same results. And it will not be so
difficult to adopt it as might be supposed,
though it would be absurd to hope for
immediate results. It is a plant of slow
growth, and needs a considerable amount
of fostering. But when once it begins to
be understood among the regimental officers
that each in his separate station will be
held individually responsible for the fighting
efficiency of his men, then emulation will
452 The Secret of Success in War.
be excited, and the very elements which
at present seem to block the way will
become its firmest support. It is the
tenacity of power once conferred that
makes the higher leaders so averse to con-
ceding anything to their subordinates ; and
it is the feeling of being denied their
proper share of responsibility that makes
the younger ones restless and inclined to
kick. No man will do as good work for
another as he will for himself — it is not in
human nature that he should. But make
him feel that his career is really at stake
on the quality of work he does, and he
will stick to it like a slave. A man worth
having must have an outlet for his energies
somewhere, and if he cannot find it in his
work, he will seek it on the race course or
cricket-field, or wherever else his special
idiosyncracy leads him. But train that
energy its the proper direction, and it will
be all clear gain to the efficiency of the
army. English officers are not essentially
different from those of other armies, for
The Secret of Success in War. 453
human nature is pretty uniform all the
world over. If there is a difference, it lies
indeed in the direction of superior keenness
on our part ; for wherever an Englishman
serves side by side with a foreigner, he
nearly invariably distinguishes himself
above his fellow ; and the histories of those
Englishmen who served either in the
Austrian or the German Army is proof
enough of the truth of this. Give us the
same system, and we have not a shadow of
doubt that, in a few years7 time, our officers
will be as far superior to those of other
countries as our civilians are in everything
in which their individuality is allowed full
play.
EUROPEAN AND ASIATIC
WARFARE.
seems to be, amongst the numer-
JL ous would-be reformers of our army,
a considerable numbers of individuals who
apparently have not realised the fact that
making war in India or beyond the Sulei-
man Mountains, is a very different affair
from fighting the French in France or the
Netherlands. One hears it said that foreign
armies can move about without tents and
followers ; why should not ours do so too ?
It seems to be entirely overlooked that
modern European campaigns are fought
with national armies ; whilst we are still
compelled to fight with a standing one, and
whatever we may eventually decide to do
with the Home Army, the Indian one can
never be anything else than what it is now.
But the difference this makes in the con-
duct of a war is far greater than is usually
imagined. Whereas the European leader,
European and Asiatic Warfare. 455
confident in his numbers, can boldly adopt
the Napoleonic system, the Indian General
is compelled to fall back on the methods
which proved so fatal to all the nations of
Europe when opposed to the former. It
was NAPOLEON who first discovered that the
fighting power of a nation depended on the
product of its inhabitants and its wealth.
A country too impoverished to maintain
and equip properly a standing army, could
yet, by a reckless expenditure of men, suc-
ceed in defeating its enemy ; whilst a
country with great wealth but numerically
small forces — or which comes to the same
thing — which was willing to spend its all
on its army could, by maintaining that
army at a maximum of efficiency, success-
fully hold the field against numerical superi-
ority. But a country which did neither
was certain to go to the wall.
The first case was proved over and over
again against the Austrians in Italy : their
standing army, splendidly drilled and well-
equipped, was opposed to the half-clad
456 European and Asiatic Warfare.
starving soldiers of France. But Austria
was a country not rich enough to replace
such an army if it was sacrificed, and there-
fore her Generals dare not risk it on a bold
stroke, but, after the manner of second-rate
leaders of all times, they proposed to make
war by manoeuvring and not by fighting.
NAPOLEON knowing that the resources
behind him in men were practically inex-
haustible, and being also a great leader,
risked all to win all, and succeeded. But
there was another point against the Aus-
trian— for the matter of that against all
the old armies — and unfortunately the
drawback exists still in our own. Each
individual soldier costs so much time and
money to train that he was far too valu-
able to be lightly expended : hence he
could not be called on for rapid marches,
or to face the exposure to the weather in
bivouac ; the losses entailed by three days7
forced marching, and three nights' bivouac
are nearly equal to those of a general ac-
tion ; hence he could only move slowly,
European and Asiatic Warfare. 457
and had to be provided with luxuries in
the shape of tents, and in course of time
became so accustomed to these things, that
his leaders felt he could not do without
them. NAPOLEON was hampered by none
of these things ; if it was necessary to
expose his men to hardship and to the toil
of unheard-of marches, he never hesitated,
even if he left one-third of his strength
on the road ; and herein lay the secret of
his extraordinary mobility. Of course
these drawbacks in a standing army are to
be overcome by the force of character of
great leaders, and FREDERIC THE G-REAT and
WELLINGTON both proved that it could be
done, but the disadvantage necessarily
exists, and tells on all except men of their
stamp, who never have been numerous in
any army. The Germans were the first to
realise the new order of things, and with
characteristic thoroughness prepared to meet
it. In spite of the poverty-stricken state
of the country after 1807, they set about
raising men in greater numbers in propor-
458 European and Asiatic Warfare.
tion to population than has ever been done
before or since, and though their armies were
almost destitute of equipment, in a few years'
time they were able to turn the tables on their
adversary, by the use of the same means —
a reckless expenditure of men. When the
war was over, she alone of the Allies saw
that in a continuation of this method lay
the true secret of success in modern war j
the rest all went back to the standing army
and in a short time the old faults cropped
up again, as the wars of 1859, 1866 and
1870, conclusively proved. But Germany
alone saw that a poor country financially
could succeed against a far richer one, if
she was prepared, to hurl masses of men
on the decisive point before her enemy, and
to shirk no losses, either in battle, on the
road, or in bivouac — to win the first fight ;
and therein lay her strength against her far
richer neighbours, Austria and France.
Now she has set the fashion; every country
in Europe is compelled to conform to it,
and if we were wise in England, we should
European and Asiatic Warfare.
do the same, for, if our country is ever
invaded, our riches will not avail.
But out here things are on a perfectly
different footing. We are here as a stand-
ing army on a war footing, and our bus-
iness must be to save every man for the
fighting line, by every means in our power ;
and, therefore, if it conduces to the effi-
ciency of our man, to save than a great
portion of the labour of grooming their
horses, cooking their food, and so on, we
are wise to do so, provided always that,
when the time comes for fighting, we can
clear for action and rough it if necessary.
The difficulty is to keep this proviso al-
ways before both men and officers. As
sure as a regiment gets accustomed to its
little luxuries, it is inclined to think it is
needlessly harassed if called on to do with-
out them. Colonels hate to see their men
frittered away on working parties or duties,
which at first sight look as if they might
be done by native labour instead ; but it
is impossible to take them all into the
460 European and Asiatic Warfare.
General's confidence, and shew them why
it cannot be avoided, though there may be
a thousand reasons for it. Certain it is
that it lays an increased load on the should-
ers of the leader, but it only renders it
more incumbent on him to win the confi-
dence and affection of those he leads,
which, if he cannot do, he is not fit to
command. But, it will be urged, look
how you diminish the mobility of your
troops, by dragging after them a train of
camp-followers and impedimenta ; how will
you compete with the Cossacks, who roam
the primeval desert without any bandobast
at all. We believe we shall compete with
them very well indeed ; for an Englishman
can stand just as much hardship and priva-
tion, when put to it, as any Russian ; and
since the latter will have more than double
if not treble the distance of land transport
behind him that we shall have, we should
expect under equal conditions to leave only
one man behind for every two or three of
theirs, and by reasonable precautions for
European and Asiatic Warfare. 461
their health to reduce that proportion by
half. As for the slowness of movement
which our impedimenta entail, the way to
correct that is, by better organisation, to
render them more mobile, so that they may
be able to keep up as nearly as possible
under all circumstances. Of course, we do
not propose to drag useless lumber about
the desert, but we wish to protest only
against ultra-extreme notions of copying
the Russians, Germans or any one else's
arrangements for a totally different climate,
and state of affairs. Our strength at the
outbreak of a war lies in our wealth, our
weakness in our paucity of numbers ; and
therefore our object must be not to spare a
lakh if, by spending it, we can put an addi-
tional hundred rifles into the fighting
line. As for saving them when once they
are there, by the adoption of timid tactics,
instead of decisive ones, that is another
matter. Once on the battle-field, to win is
every thing ; for no one can count the
cost of defeat, especially in such an army
462 European and Asiatic Warfare.
as ours. GOD help us if ever we fall into
the hands of a leader who seeks to find
safety in the choice of a position, or to
avoid loss by burrowing in the earth like
a mole. It is true that in this he may
avoid being beaten, but avoiding a beating
and winning a victory, are too very oppo-
site things. Nothing is of worse omen for
us in the coming struggle than the talk
one constantly hears of shelter trenches,
cover, and defensive position, as if these
were all that a campaign requires.
CAVALRY v. INFANTRY AT
LAWRENCEPORE.
THE close of the Cavalry Divisional ma-
noeuvres at Lawrencepore was marked
by a sharp action between Cavalry and
Infantry, which seems worthy of special
study in detail.
The opposing forces consisted of the 1st
and 3rd Brigades, with one battery R. H.
A., under General Luck on one side, and
the 2nd Brigade, with one battery R. H. A.,
and four companies of the Highland Light
Infantry, under Colonel Palmer, on the
other. The former had, during the course
of the morning, succeeded in establishing
its superiority over the latter in a couple
of dashing charges in the open, and it
may, therefore, be presumed that the beaten
force had suffered considerably in its moral
cohesion ; in actual war of course the victor
would have availed himself to the utmost
of his advantage, and pressing close on the
464 Cavalry versus Infantry.
heels of the vanquished, would have driven
them before him towards Attock "to the
last breath of man and horse." But this
phase of war cannot of course be depicted
on the manoeuvre ground. Accordingly,
when the decision as to the result of the
last charge had been given, Colonel Palmer's
Brigade was allowed to withdraw unmolest-
ed, whilst his assailants dismounted and
looked round their horses, or should have
done so. These, in spite of their bivouac
and the hard work they had already gone
through in the previous operations of the
morning and on preceding days, were on
the whole in highly creditable condition,
particularly in the K. D. G/s, and when
time was called, were as fit to undertake
the work before them, as horses ever would
be in the field itself.
About half past two the contact squad-
rons were thrown out, and immediately
afterwards the division itself moved off in
two lines in echelon from the right, each
in line of squadron columns. We may
at Lawrencepore. 465
here make Von Moltke's almost invariable
remark on these occasions. " Gentlemen,
there are too many scouts, one man in open
ground can see as much as twenty/'
Considering that the ground they were
now moving over was a very gently
undulating plain, in which, except to the
left front, concealment was scarcely possible,
and that it is a first principle when two
forces are within striking distance of each
other to keep every man and horse in hand
for employment in the decisive shock, it
might perhaps have been better to have
scouted the front and right of the Division
by officers7 patrols alone, a proceeding
which would have economised a whole
squadron of the King's Dragoon Guards,
whose presence as a last closed reserve at
the decisive point would, as matters turned
out, have been of the greatest assistance.
Meanwhile the Division continued its
advance at the trot and walk, dense dust
clouds drifting over the columns and
suffocating both men and horses. Viewed
M, L. 30
466 Cavalry versus Infantry
from behind, it resembled a travelling mass
of London fog, which betrayed every
movement for miles round. But this was
one of the conditions of the country, and
fortunately the defenders were in no con-
dition to take advantage of the information
thus derived. After toiling through this
heavy sand for a long two miles, the
whereabouts of the enemy began to be
made out, and the battery of Royal Horse
Artillery which had been corning gallantly
along in spite of the ground, and had
shown no particular difficulty in keeping
pace with the Cavalry, notwithstanding
it had to move on a longer arc than the
latter, came into action on a slight rise of
the ground, and opened fire at about 2,200
yards on the enemy's guns. The first
round drew the fire of the Infantry, which
was now discovered to be posted, some on
the bridge crossing the Chiel River, and
others, (the greater part,) lining the ditch
at the foot of the embankment of the road.
Next on their left came the guns, and
at Lawrencepore. 467
again beyond these stood the enemy's
squadrons, halted in the open. The distance
was very great, and against the dark back-
ground of trees which here border the road
they were almost invisible. We cannot
pass by this premature opening of fire on
the part of the Infantry without remark ;
with the exception of a dismounted patrol
of Native Cavalry under cover behind some
low walls, and at a distance of fully 1,200
yards from the Infantry, there was no other
object except the guns in sight, and we,
therefore, presume they were the object
tired at, for it would be too ridiculous to
waste half-a-dozen company volleys on a
detachment whose presence or absence on
the field, was a matter of complete indiffer-
ence to everybody.
But to open fire at 2,000 yards, and
more with rifles only sighted to 1,400
yards, and at a target as unsatisfactory
as a battery of Artillery, and for the sake
of the shadowy chance of killing a couple
of horses or men, which would not inter-
468 Cavalry versus Infantry
fere with the fire efficiency of the battery
in the least, to renounce the palpable
advantage of concealment and ambuscade ;
is pushing the doctrine of long range firing
beyond the limits of sober reason ; and we
trust that such ideas are the exceptions and
not the rule in the British Infantry..
But to return to the Cavalry. The
problem now before the leader was an
extremely difficult one. His enemy, safe
behind a broad river bed, which, though
fordable pretty nearly everywhere, was
sure to disorder the attacking squadrons
considerably, and with his flank resting
on the bridge, which might be expected to
be held by the Infantry in force, declined
to risk himself out in the open. His only
chance lay, therefore, in a turning move-
ment executed without detection, which
should take the Infantry in rear, whilst at
the same time he attacked it in front ; and
for this purpose the nature of the ground
on his left flank was fortunately favourable.
Accordingly the three squadrons of the
at Lawrencepore. 469
King's Dragoon Guards and two of the
5th Bengal Cavalry, were ordered to move
round under cover of a village and some
topes of trees, and to attack the road in
rear after making a complete circuit round
the enemy's flank. The flanking party
under Colonel Cooke trotted off, the centre
halted under cover, and the artillery duel
went on. It seemed an age to wait, for by
this time the excitement of mimic war, very
keen in its way, was thoroughly aroused,
and as we watched the heavy dust cloud
which marked the movement, it seemed
impossible but that the secret should be
betrayed. But no, the fire of the guns still
continued, backed up by the purposeless
volleys of the Infantry. At last the moment
to advance came, the central portion of the
attack, some 12 squadrons in all, moved off
in a single line of squadron columns at
deploying intervals, trotting : as they crossed
the wave in the ground which had hitherto
hid them they frontformed and the next
moment broke into a gallop with 1,500
470 Cavalry versus Infantry
yards over heavy sandy ground to cross
under fire before the shock. No sooner
were they seen, than the Infantry fired and
the guns blazed up all they knew, and
instinctively the Cavalry quickened their
pace. About half the distance was covered,
on the left the pillar of dust was closing
rapidly on the enemy's flank, but still their
frontal fire did not slacken. The enemy's
squadrons were seen to be advancing. It
was now a race for the river, to get across
and re-form before the enemy could come
up. The horses now were nearly racing,
it was a tremendous effort they were called
on to make ; and, after such a long day's
work, we doubt whether any Cavalry in
the world could have responded better.
Only 300 yards more to go now, when
suddenly the Infantry fire slackened, and
we saw men doubling to the rear and
scrambling up the embankment, and the
next moment firing broke out on the further
side of the road. Now the Cavalry were
plunging down into the bed of the river
at Lawrencepore. 471
and emerging on its further side, but the
18th Bengal Lancers were already too
close ; and, had the action been in earnest, the
left wing must infallibly have been thrown
headlong down into the nullah again: and
now for a couple of closed squadrons, but,
alas ! they were not at hand. The next
moment the dust cloud drifted over all, and
every thing vanished from sight. The
cease fire was sounding as we galloped
across to learn the fate of Colonel Cooke's
attempt. A glance round reassured us ;
in the roadside ditch lay a line of about
100 Infantry, on the bridge, stood a couple
of dozen more, two guns were unlimbered
and still smoking from the last discharge.
The Cavalry were halted about 100 yards
in front of them. The surprise appeared
to have been almost complete, the Cavalry
approach had not been detected till they
were almost within charging distance, then
two companies of Infantry had been hurried
across the road and a couple of guns. The
Infantry in their excitement had instinct-
472 Cavalry versus Infanfry
ively adopted the practice of the drill
ground, and had thrown themselves into
the ditch for protection, and in so doing
had sacrificed their field of fire. The
guns had hardly had time to fire a single
round. Actually, the attack would have
swept over them, crossed the road and
come down on the rear of the remaining
Infantry and guns, but just too late to
save their friends of the centre. A lively
discussion was going on all round as to
the effect of the charge, and we regret to
state that there was a good deal of the
" Oh, but Cavalry can't charge unshaken
Infantry " kind of idea in the air.
But let us go into the question a little
closer, and try to see the picture it would
have presented in real war. For more
than half- an -hour the defender's guns and
Infantry had been under a heavy shell fire,
which could not have failed to have had a
decidedly unsteadying effect on the nerves
of the latter. Whilst the central attack
covered nearly 1,000 yards, volley after
at Lawrencepore. 473
volley had been poured into them without
any visible result in checking their pace.
We stick to this assertion, for we abso-
lutely refuse to believe that, if 700 Prus-
sian Cavalry could not be stopped by
8,000 rifles and 5 batteries pouring shell
and bullets into them for 1,500 yards
over hard ground, Indian Cavalry could
be stopped by the fire of six guns and
four hundred rifles over 8,000 yards of
soft ground. No doubt, allowing for the
superior coolness of our own Infantry
over that of the French, a good number
of casualties would have been caused ; but
these would have been hidden by the dust,
and would have had no appreciable result
in checking the momentum of the mass.
It is not in human nature to witness the
approach of a thousand galloping horses
without a certain amount of trepidation,
and now, just when excitement is at its
height, comes the cry, " we are surround-
ed/' If those men, even in peace, were too
excited to see that they sacrificed all the
474 Cavalry versus Infantry
advantages of a clear field of fire by getting
in the ditch, is it likely they would have
shown more intelligence in war ? As it
was, the Cavalry were within 300 yards
before fire was opened on them ; 300 yards
at charging pace, even on blown horses,
would be covered in 20 seconds. Even
allowing the Infantry to get off three
rounds in the time, and that one in three
brought down its man, there would still
have been about 250 left, to dash over the
Infantry and cross the road. In all pro-
bability not one bullet in fifty would have
dropped its man or horse, and the two
rounds of case might have accounted for 20
between them ; so that the total loss to be
anticipated would have been under 30 men,
and even against repeaters it would pro-
bably have not exceeded 36. But, is a loss
of 36 men going to stop a British Cavalry
regiment like the King's Dragoon Guards ?
The question needs only to be put in this
form to show its absurdity. The proper
position for the Infantry to have occupied
at Lawrencepore. 475
would have been the bridge itself. From
there they would have commanded the
whole field of attack, have taken the Cavalry
in flank, and have been themselves practi-
cally unassailable. Instead of that, only
about 20 men were there, and these were
so excited by the combat, that they formed
rallying square and fixed bayonets, thus
sacrificing their fire at the very moment it
was most required. A more instructive
day we have seldom witnessed, but of its
lessons, other than this one, we must speak
another time.
LESSONS OF THE LAWRENCE-
PORE CAMP.
riENERAL LUCK deserves the most sin-
vl cere thanks of his countrymen for the
energy he has displayed in organising and
carrying out the manoeuvres at the Law-
rencepore Camp. It must not be supposed
that concentrations of troops on this scale
for peace manoeuvres can be carried out
in this or indeed any other country, except,
perhaps, Russia, even by a Commander-in-
Chief, by the mere stroke of a pen.
Civilians are too apt to imagine that armies
only exist for the purpose of spending
their hardly collected revenues, and forget
that if it was not for the existence and
fighting efficiency of the army there would
soon be no revenue to collect at all. Trans-
port and Commissariat officers, too, can
hardly be expected to show the same keen-
ness in undertaking extra severe work,
the glory of which they do not share to
Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp. 477
the same extent as the combatant officers.
Even these latter possess a certain amount
of inertia which requires to be overcome ;
and to reconcile all these conflicting in-
terests, and to induce them to work harmo-
niously, is a task which calls for all the
qualifications of a leader which a man may
possess.
It is no small thing to be called on to
carry out for the first time a concentra-
tion on such a scale, and the consciousness
of having made a brilliant success of it
will not be the least of the GeneraPs re-
wards. But though the meeting has been
undoubtedly successful, we shall fail to
derive the full benefit therefrom, unless the
authorities see their way to publishing for
the information of all the army a careful
and thorough critique of the operations
themselves and of the lessons to be derived
therefrom. This is unquestionably a
Government duty, for no one else, except
those acquainted with the official details of
events, can be in a position to do the
478 Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp.
subject justice. In manoeuvres, it is always
the case that, owing to considerations of
supply, &c., unrealities are liable to occur,
which may mislead the outside critic into
dealing undeserved censure to both leaders
and troops concerned. But to dispense
with criticism altogether would be wilfully
to limit the usefulness of the work done to
the individual regiments and staff who took
part in it, instead of enabling the army to
derive profit from it as a whole. But pend-
ing the appearance of such an official cri-
tique, we purpose to consider a few of the
points in the detail training of the men
and horses engaged, which require no spe-
cial knowledge of the motives of the lea-
ders to understand.
Let us begin with the very rudiments
of the whole thing. " The efficiency of
Cavalry depends in the first place, funda-
mentally, on the control of the individual
rider over his horse." That is a principle
as old as the time of Scipio, who was one
of the most distinguished Cavalry leaders
Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp. 479
of any age, and it is as true now as when
first formulated. But in the manoeuvres
recently brought to an end it was apparent,
even to the casual observer, that in this
respect very much indeed was wanting,
particularly in the Native Cavalry regiments.
Neither men nor officers appeared to realise
the intense importance of each man being
absolute master of his horse's movements
and paces.
Some regiments would have three-quar-
ters of their horses galloping when they
should have been trotting, and there was
an enormous amount of jostling and
unsteadiness in the ranks, which would
all be preventible if the men really con-
trolled their horses. In this respect the
British regiment set an example which
deserves to be copied by all the rest.
There are, unfortunately, a number of
Native Cavalry officers who seem to look
upon this unsteadiness as something " swag-
gering " in itself — a sort of expression
of the fearless, wild, irregular spirit, too
480 Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp.
brave to require the trammels of disci-
pline, which gave the old irregular regi-
ments their superiority over regular regi-
ments of Hindustan. There could be no
greater mistake — the old regiments were
only irregular in the sense of their being
raised on a different plan ; their superi-
ority was due to their being composed of
better and braver individual horsemen, who
preserved their control over their horses
by means of the cruel but effective native
bits and standing martingales. What
other irregularity there was about them
was in itself a defect, and one which would
have had bad results, had it not been for
the personal gallantry of their leaders and
the inefficiency of their enemies. It can-
not too often be insisted on that steadi-
ness in the ranks is the first object to strive
for ; every case of bumping, jostling, &c.,
is a worse than useless expenditure of ener-
gy, and eventually inevitably detracts
from the cohesion of the ultimate shock.
If half-a-dozen horses have worn them-
Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp. 481
selves out prematurely by fretting they will
lag behind in the advance, and the squad-
ron will fail to deliver the boot to boot, wall-
like charge, before which no enemy has ever
been known to stand. It may indeed dash
boldly in on its enemy, and then a melee
will ensue, the issue of which will depend
on the last close squadron in reserve ; but
if the charge had been properly delivered,
there would have been no melee, and con*
seqently no reserve would have been re-
quired. It is unquestionable a matter of
very great difficulty to obtain this stea-
diness of manoeuvre with the material at
our disposal. Country-bred horses are
proverbial for their bitting, kicking, and
squealing manners, but very much more
might be done than at present by stricter
attention to a few points of detail, too fre-
quently overlooked. We allude, first, es-
pecially to the bitting. There is nothing,
it is well known, that makes an animal
more restive than a badly fitted bit, and
yet there is no reason why a native regi-
M.,L. 31
482 Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp.
ment that buys its own equipment should
not have every horse as carefully bitted
as in the German and Austrian services.
Even with existing bits much might be
done, by attention to the position of the
bit in the mouth ; it should be so placed
that when the curb rein is taken up, the
chain should rest in the chin-groove. It
is a simple rule of universal application,
yet in fully 70 per cent, of the cases that
came under our immediate observation, the
chain was some two inches too high, and
riding right on the sharp ridges which
form the lower outline of the animal's
jaw. Secondly, we would call attention
to the seat of the riders : far too many of
these were in the position known as the
cc extreme chair seat," that is to say, with
their knees almost on a level with their
horses7 withers, and the lower part of the
legs pressing against the horse's shoulders,
in such a position that it was impossible
for the rider to control the lateral move-
ments of his mount. We know that
Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp. 483
this seat is extremely fashionable in India,
and also in certain hunting circles at home
where we have seen it cause more " volun-
taries77 with refusing horses than we could
count. Of course in the hunting field,
if a man likes to adopt a seat which gives
him no control over his horse, he is at
liberty to do so ; but in the ranks of a
cavalry regiment, he is not. Only that
seat can be tolerated which enables the
horseman to collect his mount between
his hands and legs in such a manner that
the latter simply cannot do otherwise
than conform to his rider's wishes. We
do not by any means advocate the
other extreme, or "tongs across a wall'
style, which used, many years ago, to be
in vogue in some Cavalry regiments, but
we simply want to see every man in
Native Cavalry regiment sitting his horse
in the way laid down in the Cavalry
regulations, which is almost precisely the
same seat as that adopted by most of our
best steeplechase riders in England. The
484 Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp.
same irregularity is not permitted in a
British regiment, and it was only neces-
sary to compare the superior steadiness
of the latter with the others, to see the
advantage of strict adherence to the regu-
lation system. Now that every young
officer on joining a Native Cavalry corps
is compelled to go through a course of
equitation in a British regiment, we hope,
before long, to notice a marked improve-
ment in the horsemanship of the Native
Army, only it will require close attention
on the part of officers commanding to
prevent the three months' course degene-
rating into a mere waste of time. A
great deal indeed requires yet to be done
in British Cavalry schools before the latter
are perfect. Equitation is taught too
much as a matter of drill and by rule of
thumb, than as a science ; a man requires,
not only to know when to apply a given
aid, but he should also understand why
he should do so, and this kind of know-
ledge is not acquired by listening to a
Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp. 485
riding-master's formula of " left rein and
right leg, take them into the corners/'
Of all arts in the world, horsemanship
is perhaps the hardest to acquire ; to
some men, it is absolutely impossible ;
it cannot be found in books, neither can
it be attained by practice alone. A man
with natural aptitude for the work may
improve himself immensely by reading,
but an ordinary individual can only be
taught by the example and viva voce in-
struction of one who is not only himself
an adept, but is able to explain why he
is so, and the talent of being able to
explain oneself is not usually found in
the average capacity we have a right to
expect from the ranks. It is an officer's
position, and one that can only be proper-
ly filled by a man whose whole heart
and soul is in his work. It is with the
greatest regret that we notice the gradual
decadence of true soldierly sports in the
Indian Army, — sports which required
a man to acquire a full control of his
486 Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp.
horse, such as mounted combats of sword
v. sword and lance v. sword. The aver-
age swordsmanship of British officers is
of a very low order ; except amongst the
riding masters, it is rare to find a man
capable of defending himself at all in
single combat. Most men when asked how
they propose to do so in case of war,
say at once that they would have recourse
to their revolvers ; but they forget that
it requires practice, and a considerable
degree of practice too, to make sure of
hitting a man from the saddle, and that
the result of hitting him is by no means
always sudden death. Whereas a well
delivered cut or point with a sharp sword
should be absolutely certain to disable
him. It was not always thus in the Indian
Army. In the Mahratta War, we had officers
who, as swordsmen, were certain of killing
their man, and who never hesitated to
accept the challenges of the enemy's picked
swordsmen ; and in the Sikh war and the
mutiny, there were many others. Where are
Lessons of Lawrencepore Camp. 487
their successors we should like to know ?
It will be urged that now-a-days we have
polo, pig sticking, paper chases, &c. ; but
good as these undoubtedly are in the their
way, they are by no means the same thing.
In all it is the management of the horse
at speed which is the main thing ; in
swordsmanship, it is the controlling of
an animal which usually wants to get away
at speed. Let any one try the difference
between letting his horse extend himself
after a pig and collecting him when in the
same state of excitement to a quiet canter
and making him turn, half passage, and
change just as the rider pleases. We fancy
he will find the latter by far the more
difficult task of the two.
LESSONS FROM LAWRENCE-
PORE.
II.
IN our last letter we confined ourselves
almost entirely to the two rudimentary
points of bits and seats, and in this we
propose to restrict ourselves equally to simi-
lar elementary matters, for it is precisely
in these simple things that we find a distinct
inferiority on our side relatively to the
Germans. But, again, it is on these very
points that the efficiency of the whole mass
depends. Given uniformity of pace and
straight riding, and there seems no limit to
the number of squadrons which can be
worked together ; given the reverse condi-
tions, and a limit, and a very low one too,
is soon reached. The first point we have
to notice is this : riding down the front of
well- trained regiments one is struck by the
fact that every horse is standing square to
the alignment, and that every rider has taken
Lessons from Lawrencepore. 489
up his reins and has his horse in hand ready
to move off simultaneously with the others
at the last sound of the word. But out
here this sort of thing is very rarely seen :
horses are standing in all sorts of positions
at all sorts of angles to the front, and even
when supposed to be at attention, the men
are not ready to move off together as they
should be. The consequence is, that when
the word to advance is given, particularly if
at a trot, horse A jostles horse B. B passes
it on to (7, who probably resents it by a
kick. D gets restive and breaks into a
canter, and, if the horses are fresh, the line
degenerates into a surging, plunging mass,
whose cohesion is already destroyed before
half the advance is completed. As a rule,
the blame for this condition of things is
laid on the backs of the horses. It is said,
and rightly, that our animals are more
restive, younger, and, consequently, less
trained than those of continental cavalries ;
but we contend that this is beginning at the
wrong end of things. We are quite pre-
490 Lessons from Lawrencepore.
pared to admit that the horses are more
difficult to manage, but we maintain that
if the rider of horse A had been sitting in a
proper cavalry seat he would have had his
horse square in the ranks, and, therefore
would not have jostled horse B; and that
had not C already been worried out of
temper with an awkard bit, he would not
have let out and frightened D into a canter.
According to our own view of the matter,
the individual riding of our men, both
O '
Native and European, is so far superior to
that of the Germans, that we ought to be
able to sacrifice the primary advantage of
the better, because longer, training of the
horse, and yet shew a marked superiority
over them.
But this we are far from being able to
do. A few years ago we were able to make
the comparison between some of the best
squadrons of British Cavalry and some Ger-
man ones, which bore by no means the
reputation of being the crack regiments of
their own Army. The former went by
Lessons from Lawrencepore. 491
about half as fast again as the regulation
permitted, in a plunging, jostling forma*
tion, similar to that known as a " Kudel "
in the Austrian service, i.e., an organised
rabble. The latter swept by with an even-
ness of motion, conveying the idea of a
maximum of power with a minimum ex-
penditure of energy, the very reverse of the
other. The individual riding of the former
was far superior to that of the latter ;
but a mere change in the horses would not
have enabled our men to do much better
than before, a complete change of system is
required to effect that.
But it is not only the individual troopers
who require to be taught to ride straight to
their front — that certainly is the first con-
dition of success ; but the second one is
that their officers should be taught to lead
them straight. This sounds very simple,
but is not half as easy as it looks. It would
astonish many a first-rate rider to find how
very different it is to ride a bee line in a
given direction by himself, and, with the
492 Lessons from Lawrencepore.
full sense of the responsibility of having
a whole regiment depending on him on
his shoulders. A perfect knowledge of pace
and absolute confidence in one's self are
the first requisites, and the two qualifica-
tions are by no means common. The
importance of good troop -leaders seems
hardly to be appreciated in Native Cavalry
regiments ; absolute confidence in self is
not one of the native race characteristics,
and, therefore, it is all the more important
that the difficulty of this duty should not
be enhanced by giving the native troop-
leader a showy young horse to manage,
whose paces he can hardly control. In this
respect the British regiment was a model
to all at the camps ; the base troop-leaders
keeping their line with a steadiness and
precision worthy of all praise.
So far all the points we have referred to
are within the scope of the existing regu-
lations ; but if we are really determined
to secure efficiency, it will be necessary to
go a step further and attack the sacred
Lessons from Lawrencepore. 493
regulations themselves, and that too, some-
what more thoroughly than has hitherto
been done. We have indeed adopted forma-
tions and ideas relative to the employment
of cavalry masses in a pretty wholesale
manner from the Germans, but this appears
to us to be again beginning at the wrong
end ; for instance, it is premature rather
to adopt a formation of attack for division
which is based on the assumption that the
charge will be delivered boot to boot. Ca-
valry that can do that, can indeed afford
to dispense with keeping two-thirds of their
force behind the first line ; but we doubt
whether we have yet attained to such a
pitch of excellence as will enable us to dis-
pense, to the same extent, with reserves as
the Germans do. It must be remembered
that the latter themselves have only thought
fit to sanction the reintroduction of the old
Frederician system after many years of con-
sistent hard work, and in this hard work
they have been assisted by the perfection
to which this squadron system had already
494 Lessons from Lawrencepore.
reached before the new path was entered
on. But the keynote of this squadron
efficiency is felt in Germany to be the squad-
ron column. It is true that we have adopt-
ed the name in recent regulations, but
adopting a name is a very different and far
simpler thing than assimilating the spirit
of it. The German squadron is the ultimate
tactical unit, as distinct and independent
as a battery of Artillery. A German
Cavalry regiment is composed of four prac-
tically independent units, each of which
merely follows its leader ; and the four
leaders, in their turn, look only to the
regimental leader. With us it is different ;
our squadrons are all tied to the base
squadron, and hence the efficiency of the
whole hangs, in the first instance, on the
two men who may be giving the base.
But these two may be, and generally will
be, young officers, and though, after what
we saw and heard the other day, we will
not say that no young officers are capable
of filling the posts ; yet, as a general rule,
Lessons from Lawrencepore. 495
it is not wise to place the whole of the
responsibility for the regiment's efficiency
on two of the junior officers. In the German
regiment the resposibility for direction and
intervals lies on the four picked men who
hold the captain's rank, who, it must be re-
membered, represent the survival of the
fittest out of a number of subalterns —
a very different state of things it will
be allowed. Besides, with the adoption
of the German system, the necessity for
the base itself would disappear altogether,
and with it a whole host of other evils.
Next to the defects above alluded to, we
believe the base system to be answerable
for more overcrowding and jostling in the
ranks than anything else, and it is difficult
to see how it can be otherwise. In striving
to keep their dressing by it, men turn their
heads inward, and unconsciously, in so
doing, apply the outer leg, causing their
horses to close inwards ; presently they
find themselves getting too close and try
to turn outwards, but the next files are
496 Lessons from Lawrencepore.
upon them, and they cannon up against
them. The disturbance, once started, un-
dulates through the whole front of the line,
getting more and more violent the longer
and faster the advance, till, when at last
the charge is sounded, the men instinctively
open out to avoid the intensity of its
effects, and the shock is delivered in open
files. What would Frederic the Great
have said to them all. His language on
even less provocation used to be more for-
cible than polite. The base system, indeed
is as obsolete as are the markers in the
Infantry, and probably originated about
the same century. No other nation in
Europe considers it necessary to use either,
even with their short service armies ; and
why on earth should we, with men who
ought to be double as well drilled as any
of them, — seeing that we have more than
double the time to do it in, — be compelled
to adhere to this fossil remnant of a paleo-
zoic age. It may be said that the book dis-
tinctly says that the head is not to be turned
Lessons from Lawrencepore. 497
to the directing flank, but that the dress-
ing is to be kept by an occasional glance of
the eye only ; but this is asking altogether
too much from human nature. The scope of
an ordinary man's vision is only about 120°,
and unless he is absolutely taught to squint,
which would form a new and interesting
section in the drill-book, we do not see how
he can be expected to enlarge the sphere of
his vision 30 degrees on either side of his
front. As long as the base is there, men
will look to it ; suppress it, and teach them
thoroughly Schmidt's favourite axiom that
" Tempo ist Richtung, " and they will soon
learn to get along as well as the old Austrian
Cavalry used to do, when there were not only
no bases, but not even a squadron leader —
for every officer rode in the ranks, and in the
Uhlans carried a lance as well. It may, and
probably will, be asked, why, if we admit
the superiority of our individual riders, our
own Cavalry should not be as good as that
of the Germans ? Our answer is that it is
the fault of our system. In Germany every
*>*• 32
498 Lessons from Lawrencepore.
officer's credit, as an officer, and his future
chance of promotion depend entirely on his
success in bringing his men up to a given
standard ; practically he may within wide
limits adopt any system he pleases to bring
about the result ; and hence, as the compe-
tition is intensely keen, by degrees they
have learnt how to confine their attention to
what are the absolute essentials of success
only. One by one each fad has been tested
and thrown aside, and at last only some
three or four fundamental truths stand out,
viz., that the horseman should have complete
control over the horse ; that the horse itself
should be thoroughly broken ; that men
should be taught to ride straight to their
front ; and, finally, that " Tempo 1st Rlch-
tung," i. e.j that if the time is rigidly adhered
to, the dressing will manage itself. Thanks
to this system, they are able, with a mate-
rial which, in our opinion, is far inferior
to our own, to attain a precision of manoeu-
vre which is still far ahead of the best we
have seen either in this country or at home.
Lessons from Lawrencepore. 499
III.
THE premature break-up of the Lawrence-
pore camp appears to have been due to
the serious losses in horse flesh suffered
by the 17th Bengal Cavalry on the last
field day. This regiment, it will be re-
membered, has been only recently raised,
and, consequently, has an abnormal per-
centage of young horses in the ranks.
Under these circumstances, of course, no
blame can fairly be laid to the charge of
the officers of the regiment, and my only
object in alluding to it is to call attention
to the moral to be deduced therefrom.
Young or immature horses are not as
capable of doing fast work under heavy
weights as those whose frames and sinews
are thoroughly set. Hence, if Cavalry are to
be really efficient for the field, it is essential
that the strength of the horses should be in-
creased to such an extent as will enable the
squadrons to move out on a full war foot-
ing with every man mounted on a fully
developed horse. English horses appear to
500 Lessons from Lawrencepore.
mature more rapidly than country-bredsy
Walers, or Arabs, and hence we should
fix the limit for the latter at not less than
6^ years. This would entail an augmen-
tation of between 20 and 25 horses per
squadron, which would on mobilisation be
united to form a depot squadron. Though
at first the system would necessitate a con-
«/
siderable grant from Government to enable
the requisite number to be purchased, yet
after a time the economy effected by the
avoidance of the losses which now annually
occur from overworking the young un-
developed horses would more than repay the
outlay. This is the system in vogue in the
German Army, which is without doubt the
most economically managed force in the
world, and I strongly recommend its adop-
tion in our own.
In Germany it has been recognised for
the last forty years, that to put an un-
developed horse in the ranks is simply to
cause his break-down in less than half the
time that he would otherwise serve. Their
Lessons from Lawrencepore. 501
remounts reach the regiments as four-year
olds, and do not take part in the regular
heavy work of the regiments, with full
marching order weights up, till they are
rising seven. They will then continue to
do the fast work required of them, and to
stand the hardships of the manoeuvres, —
which are, if anything, greater than those
of war — sometimes till the age of 24, but
generally till 20. Had they been worked
young, they would have broken down
between 12 and 15, and more than double
the annual number of remounts would be
required to keep up the strength of the
squadron.
The two years' training is a systematic
gymnastic education of each individual
horse, with special reference to the weak
points of his muscular development. The
squadron commander is hampered by no
regulation, but he can take each horse in
turn and develop him as he pleases. In
this way by the time their education is
completed, the horses have acquired a
502 Lessons from Lawrencepore.
uniformity of pace and endurance, which
at once does away with the principal diffi-
culty we have to contend with in trying to
get our squadrons thoroughly in hand.
We believe it would pay both regiments
and the Government if the latter were to
advance the money requisite for the pur-
chase of the horses at a low rate of interest,
and for the regiments to repay the loan by
means of an annual sinking fund, some-
thing on the lines proposed for the pur-
chase of land by tenants in Ireland. Sure-
ly if it is worth while stretching a point to
conciliate the discontented and seditious
tenant farmer of Hibernia, the loyal zemin-
dars of Hindustan, who furnish the back-
bone of Native Cavalry, deserve equal con-
sideration.
CAVALRY ON THE BATTLE-FIELD.
THE efficiency of an Army may be looked
upon not as the sum of the efficiency
of the three arms but as their product ;
where, therefore, there is a tendency to
underrate the efficiency of one arm, the
Army as a whole must suffer.
The battle-field is the place on which
the Army is put to its most severe test,
and if it fails there, it is but a poor satisfac-
tion to reflect on the excellent service any
one particular arm might have been capable
of rendering under other conditions.
It is not intended in any way to under-
rate the importance of good Cavalry in
advance of the Army: the Cavalry actions,
which will necessarily precede any pitched
battle, may be considered as part of the
battle itself, and here Cavalry meets Ca-
valry, and is led by its own leaders ; but
on the battle-field, in commands of the
three arms, it is still under the general
504 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
direction of leaders, almost invariably (in
England), belonging to other branches of
the service, to whom its qualifications are
not as well-known. It has always been a
fault in the British Army, that its officers
have been too much specialists, not merely
of their arm, but of the branch of that
arm to which they belong. The horse
gunner (though his position is only tem-
porary) differentiates himself, from his
comrade in the field batteries, and the field
battery man from the garrison gunner ;
the light Cavalry from the heavier and the
light Infantry from the line ; " and yet
there are not three artilleries but one artil-
lery ; " so likewise the Heavy is " horse/7
the Lancer " horse/' the Hussar "horse/7
and yet there are not three " horses " but
one " horse " ; and so we might continue to
paraphrase the artillery man's creed that
appeared a few months ago in the Army
and Navy Gazette.
To what extreme length this feeling
may go, the example of Lord Cardigan,
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 505
looking on at the charge of the heavy
brigade at Balaclava, shews us ; and there
can be no question that the efficiency of
the Army does not profit by it.
Bringing together large bodies of the
three arms in large garrisons, or camps
of exercise, does much to break down
these caste barriers, but even here a great
deal is lost if one arm of the service con-
stantly finds itself sacrificed at field days
to gratify the amour-propre of another.
That this is frequently the case, a few
months at Aldershot will satisfy any un-
prejudiced observer.
No sooner does the Infantry fire com-
mence than the Cavalry are hurried out of
the way, and often remain for an hour spec-
tators of a fight, where opportunities to teach
them their actual importance on the battle-
field (from which, too, the Infantry might
learn how invaluable their support may be
in time of need) are of constant occurrence.
Even when they do charge, no matter
how favourable the circumstances may be.
506 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
they are almost invariably ordered back by
the umpire, and frequently with a want of
tact that is keenly felt.
Again and again in the course of a drill
season cases may be noted, where Cavalry
have favoured by the ground, the smoke,
and the dust, charged so suddenly that the
Infantry have not had time to fire more
than a single shot before the horses were
halted over their rifles, and yet the umpires
have ordered them back.
The Cavalry are themselves very much
to blame for this state of things, for many
have allowed themselves to be convinced
of their incompetence by biassed critics of
other arms ; others have gone after strange
gods and worshipped the mongrel deity
known as the Mounted Infantry man ;
whose efficiency under peculiar circum-
stances cannot be denied, but who under
more normal conditions cannot be com-
pared to the horse soldier proper. Of
those who still believe in their own service,
but few have taken the trouble to write on
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 507
the subject, and even the limited number
of books and papers produced have been
but sparingly read.
There is a great difficulty in the way of
those officers, who not being linguist, are
confined to English sources of information,
for hardly a single pamphlet on Cavalry
(from the successful side) has been trans-
lated into our language.
Out of the hundreds of translations
from the German with which we were de-
luged immediately after the war, four-fifths
at least were written by junior officers,
with the impression produced by the appa-
rently fruitless charges they themselves
had assisted to repulse, still fresh in their
minds. They did not attempt to account
for the reason of the failure, why should
they ? The Cavalry were led by their own
leaders presumably in the formations these
leaders considered best fitted for the task
before them, and how was an Infantry man
to criticise them in the execution of their
own special work.
508 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
Their subsequent writings are still inac-
cessible except to the reader of German,
and here we often find considerable modi-
fications of opinion.
There remains, it is true, the official his-
tory of the campaign, but the official his-
tory gives merely a record of facts with-
out comment, and to supply the comment
requires not only considerable labour, but
an accurate acquaintance with the ground
from personal observation.
Besides, either a Cavalry officer or an
Infantry officer writing about the action
of his own arm against the other, is always
open to the charge of professional bias ;
and hence, an excuse may be found for the
attempt on the part of one belonging to
neither branch of the service, to view the
matter without partiality, favour or affec-
tion for either.
A want of national pride is not, as a
rule, a characteristic of the average Eng-
lishman, least of all, in anything relating
to horse flesh, yet curiously enough, in
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 509
military matters, we have shewn an almost
invariable readiness to be guided by the
experience of other races in preference to
those of our own.
Yet in adapting a system of tactics to a
nation, no worse error can be made, for
history conclusively proves that, whenever
the attempt has been made to treat the
individuals of an Army, without reference
to their national idiosyncrasies, the result
has almost invariably been disastrous, our
line tactics copied from the Prussians being
about the only exception.
We can understand the Germans, and
Austrians, beaten and crushed by Napoleon,
attaching undue weight to the methods
and means by which he defeated them, but
we, as comparatively disinterested specta-
tors, and with in many cases diametrically
opposite experiences to go on, ought to
have known better than to have followed
their example.
In the seven years7 war, the Prussian
Cavalry were practically the arbiters of the
510 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
battle-field at Zorndorf, Seidlitz's squad-
rons destroyed half the Russian Army at
Rossbach, the same leader annihilated the
French, and at Hohen Friedberg, the Bair-
euth Dragoons (six strong squadrons),
broke 21 battalions of Infantry, took 4,000
prisoners, 66 stand of colours, and 5
pieces of artillery, yet fifty years after-
wards we find it accepted almost as an
article of faith all over the continent, that
Cavalry cannot face the bayonets of a square.
Now in the fifty years which had elapsed,
no essential change whatever had been
made in the armament of Infantry, and so
far from its drill and discipline having
improved, there is every reason to suppose
that it had gone quite the other way ; the
Prussian Infantry, who fought at Mollwitz
were trained to deliver five volleys per
minute, and we may be sure that every
effort was made by their enemies to approxi-
mate to the same rapidity.
But when the long service armies of the
continent had practically ceased to exist,
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 511
this rate of fire, demanding as it did, the
most constant exercise and extraordinary
discipline could no longer be maintained,
and we doubt whether in 1808 there was
a single battalion in all Europe capable of
firing even three rounds in the minute,
hence, the conclusion is obvious, that if
such Infantry as the above could, as a
general rule, stop Cavalry, the fault must
have lain with the Cavalry themselves.
Let us look more closely into the nature of
the tasks performed by Frederic's horsemen.
In the seven years7 war, the Infantry
universally carried a smooth-bore flint lock,
firing a heavy powder charge and a 12 to
14-bore spherical bullet, the discipline was
everywhere of a high order, and there being
no particular inducement to open fire at long
ranges, but, on the contrary, the strongest
possible one for reserving it, we may assume
that it generally was so withheld till the
enemy were within about 100 yards.
How the importance of these facts have
generally been overlooked, and, considering
512 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
what a race of sportsmen we are, it is diffi-
cult to understand how this has come about.
No officer with Indian experience needs
to be told, that if you want to stop a
charging tiger, a Martini- Henry rifle (mili-
tary cartridge) is not the thing to do it
with, but where the distance is too short
to make accuracy a factor of much import-
ance, a 12-bore smooth-bore is much better.
To the best of our recollection, the initial
velocity of the old Brown Bess (a 12-
bore) as determined by Hutton's pendulum
experiments at Woolwich, about 1770, was
rather over 2,000 feet a second, which is
practically the same as that of the shorter
12-bore of to-day with a 5 -dram charge,
and hence its effect in stopping a charg-
ing animal must have been just as much
greater than that of the Martini, as we
know that of the latter to be.
Further, the normal square formation of
those days on the continent, gave a depth
of six ranks, and therefore the front of a
square in which the men were drilled to fire
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 513
even three rounds a minute, could deliver
in the last 20 seconds of the attack, i.e.,
the last 200 yards of the rush, at least as
many rounds as a two deep square of to-
day (taking its rate of fire at 9 rounds
a minute, which is three more than the
number of aimed volleys that the best drilled
Infantry in Europe can get off), and with
far greater stopping effect.
Yet in spite of this, Zeithen and Seidlitz
practically broke everything they rode at ;
at Zorndorf, indeed, the Russian Infantry
actually stood sixteen deep, and we may
be pretty certain that every man managed
to let off his piece somehow ; but Seidlitz's
men fairly hewed their way through them.
But though as we have seen above, the
conditions of the fight changed but little,
and that little in favour of the Cavalry,
yet no such achievements can be credited to
the French Cavalry of the Napoleonic era.
The truth is, that, as a whole, the Cavalry
of France were of an extremely inferior
description. Of all the arms of the service,
*•> L- 33
514 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
it suffered most from the destruction of
the aristocracy ; and the utter exhaustion
of the country districts produced by the
reign of terror, rendered the supply of
horses of the requisite stamp a practical
impossibility, and though subsequently,
Napoleon mounted almost the whole of his
horsemen, at the expenses of the countries
he conquered, it was not till 1807 that
he reached the sources from whence the
best continental remounts are drawn (viz.,
East Prussia and Hungary). At the same
time, as the original volunteers of the
Revolution began to be replaced by the
conscripts of the empire, the dash and
courage of the Cavalry declined still fur-
ther, till, as we mentioned above, it began
to be accepted as an axiom, that the horses
would not face the bayonets of a square,
that Cavalry had done its duty, when it
had driven Infantry into square, and had
drawn its fire, and finally that the proper
pace of Cavalry for the charge was the
trot ! Could Cavalry fall lower than that ?
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 515
How thoroughly this spirit had pene-
trated the French cuirassiers, their con-
duct at Waterloo shows ; who, after reading
Mercer's or Kennedy's account of their
charges that day on our squares, can
doubt that had they ridden home, some, at
least of our squares, must have gone down ?
Let us take another instance, showing
what they achieved against raw troops.
In the pursuit of Bliicher's Silesian Army
from Vauchamps in February 3814, the
French Cuirassiers had succeeded in getting
right across the Russians line of retreat.
" A hostile regiment of cuirassiers formed
to make an attack on three Russian batta-
lions at our head. These happened to be
the newly-formed battalions just arrived.
Their commanding officers halted and
made ready ; they allowed the enemy to
advance to sixty paces before they gave
the word * Fire. '
Instead of the 1st and 2nd ranks of the
leading columns only giving fire, the whole
three battalions fired at once, and exhibited
516 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
the spectacle of three c pote a few. T —
Nothing hindered the cuirassiers from
breaking into the closed battalions (not
squares), for not a horse or a man had
fallen, but they had turned about/7 ^Note.
b. Miifflings Aus Meinem Leben, Part 1,
Section II, page 134.) But though all this
time, our own experiences were directly
opposed to those of the French, our writers
continued to impress on us even then the
comparative uselessness of the arm. Surely
the horsemen who broke the French squares
at Salamanca and Waterloo, deserved a bet-
ter recognition of their services, than to be
classed with the cuirassiers of Vauchamps ?
The breaking of the Imperial Guard
squares at Waterloo deserves more atten-
tion than has usually been granted to it ;
for there can be no doubt of the extremely
high quality of those troops. Not quite
a case of the survival of the fittest perhaps,
for both bullet and bayonet have a habit
of seeking their billets in the bodies of the
bravest ; but still, war- seasoned to a degree,
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 517
we can now-a-days hardly realise ; these
were not the class of troops to be shaken
by the mere noise of galloping horses, yet
before the charge of Vivian's squadrons,
they went down like standing corn before
the rush of an earthquake wave.
Then during the long peace on the conti*
nent, we were reaping constant experience
in India.
We are inclined, as a rule, to under-esti-
mate our eastern successes, presumably
owing to the colour of our enemies, but
surely, no one will deny that the Sikhs,
born soldiers every man of them, were at
least as hard a foe to conquer as any army
of European conscripts.
Moving with a precision equal to that of
our best Infantry, then, probably the best
drilled in the world, they were also re-
markable for the rapidity of their fire, arid
when broken by our horsemen, they were
just as expert in defending themselves with
their short sharp swords, as our Arab foes
proved to be in the Soudan ; yet they were
518 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
practically invariably ridden down by our
Cavalry, no matter in what formation they
stood to receive us. At Sobraon their
entrenchments even proved no protection,
for a regiment of native horse, having ridden
over the first two lines, absolutely jumped
their horses into the bridgehead itself.
Though the mutineers were not equal in
individual courage and discipline to the
Sikhs, still they were by no means a foe to
be despised, and, as a rule, received our
charges with steadily delivered volleys, but
with even less success than the latter.
But in both these campaigns, the fire-
arm in use was still the old smooth-bore ;
let us take a few instances in which the
Infantry carried the muzzle-loading rifle,
which possessed almost equal accuracy and
considerably greater stopping power than
the present breech-loader, and on whose
qualities just as exaggerated expectations
were founded, as have recently been pro-
phesied of the breech-loader.
The greater importance of the struggle
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 519
on the Bohemian theatre of war in 1866,
has caused too little attention to be paid to
the battles which took place on the Italian
side ; but the successes of the Austrian
Cavalry at Custozza deserve more than
passing mention.
Prince Hohenloke in his "Briefe uber
Cavallerie" (page 35), gives the following
summary of its action taken from the
Austrian official accounts : —
" At the commencement of the battle of
Custozza, the two Austrian Brigades Pulz
and Brigonowitch, together fifteen squad-
rons (average strength of squadrons accord-
ing to morning states, 150 to 160 horses) ;
hence, at the outside, 2,400 men attacked
the Italian Infantry Divisions, Humbert
and Bixio in front ; they rode down the
skirmishers, broke several squares, and
carried terror and confusion into the most
distant line. In the highly cultivated
Italian fields, most of the Infantry batta-
lions found cover behind the rows of trees
and opened a deadly fire on the Cavalry
520 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
as they retired. But the result of this
attack TV as to disable 36 battalions for the
whole day.
" But the Cavalry was neither destroyed
nor even lamed for the whole day (the
first attack took place at 7 A. M.), they held
these divisions in check, by their confident
bearing, thus preventing them going to the
help of the rest of the Army, and at 5 o'clock
in the afternoon, they attacked a second
time, and spread such terror amongst the
Infantry that whole battalions came for-
ward to lay down their arms to them.
Thus, these 2,400 Cavalry held in check all
day upwards of 25,000 Infantry, and even-
tually made more prisoners than the whole
of their strength.
"At another point on the battle-field,
3 divisions (Ziige) * of Sicilian Lancers,
by a timely attack, broke and destroyed
four out of five battalions of Infantry ;
true, their losses were heavy, but 2 officers,
* The Austrian Ziige would be about 40 strong.
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 521
84 men and 79 horses, is not a prohibitive
price to pay for the destruction of four
battalions, and for the panic spread amongst
the remainder, by which the enemy was
prevented from establishing himself in a
position, whose loss would have entailed
the loss of the whole battle ?
" These results were obtained in perhaps
the most difficult country in the world,
enclosed by walls, gardens, vineyards, &c.,
which frequently restricted the Cavalry to
the roads. "
From the battle of Koeniggratz, he also
quotes an example, which came under his
personal observation and which we repro-
duce here, for it is precisely one of those
cases of Cavalry, seizing their opportunity
so promptly, as to give the Infantry no
time whatever to make use of their arms,
and hence even had the charge been against
repeaters, the result would have been the
same. An Austrian battalion, which had
pierced the whole of the Prussian line in the
"Swiep Wald," came out into the open on
522 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
its northern border ; a single squadron of the
10th Hussars (not more than 100 strong)
charged it, and took the whole battalion,
viz., 16 officers, 665 men prisoners, and
that too without suffering any loss at all,
the attack was so sudden.
Now, though these successes were obtain-
ed against the muzzle-loading rifle, yet for
several reasons they are worthy of our
attention.
It must not be forgotten that, on its first
introduction, its partisans were so satisfied
with it, that they prophesied destruction
to everything that ventured within 800 or
1,000 yards, just as confidently as those of
the new rifles do now. But both parties
reason on insufficient data, they ignore
almost entirely the nervous constitution of
the men who have to do the shooting, it
seems almost superfluous to point out that
the conditions of the battle-field are not
those of the practice ground, but actually
it is not so, for the tendency of our modern
English tacticians is to neglect this dis-
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 523
tinction, and to devote more and more
of the time which should be spent in
disciplining the men to fruitless efforts, to
attain a degree of accuracy in individual
fire on the range which is utterly unobtain-
able in action.
It is impossible to hope, with European
armies, to emulate the accuracy of fire in
the field, of races like the Boers, was for the
most part depend for their living on their
rifles, with them the judging of distance,
&c., is done just as instinctively as the
slingers and stone throwers of antiquity
used to do it ; but to attain this instinct in
the short service armies of to-day, is utterly
and entirely impossible. Even if distance
and trajectories had nothing to do with
the matter, there are the hearts and nerves,
of the human beings to be reckoned with
to hit an individual man at 600 yards, one's
sights must be as correctly aligned as the
cross hairs of a theodolite in levelling or
traversing, but we wonder what the value of
a surveyor's observations would be, if made
524 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
under the conditions under which an In-
fantry soldier is expected to aim at Cavalry.
Discipline and discipline only, is the one
thing on which any reliance can be placed ;
not the fiction which we call discipline
now-a-days, but the iron discipline of the
Peninsula and Waterloo, which enabled
the thin red line to await in perfect silence
and with shouldered armies, the onset of the
terrible French column of attack, whose
mere appearance was frequently enough
to frighten other Continental troops off the
ground.
But with short service, the adoption of
extended order formations, and worst of
all, the spread of democratic ideas, this
class of discipline is daily becoming more
and more rare.
It is worthy of remark that in 1859, the
officers of the Austrian Army in Italy
were struck by the difference between the
steadily delivered volleys of the smooth-
bore days, and the hasty, ill-regulated fire
which the same troops delivered as soon as
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 525
the long range rifle was issued to them.
Yet all that time the Austrian Infantry
were in point of discipline and length
of service about the best on the Continent.
The cause of this unsteadiness is not
hard to find, it was merely the alarm fell
by the men, when they found that the
exaggerated results they had been led to
expect were not realised in practice.
If the mere increase of range, entailing
as it necessarily did, the addition to the
rifle of sights to be fumbled with, caused
such a marked fall in the fire discipline of
the army, it is obvious that the difficulty
to be overcome now-a-days with both sights
and increased rapidity of firing to be con-
trolled, is much greater.
Finally, in estimating the value of results
obtained against the muzzle-loading rifle,
we have yet to take into account the fact
that, all these charges were delivered against
closed formation, on squares six deep,
hence if we take the killing power of the
bullets to have been only equal instead of
526 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
as they actually were, superior to those
of the breech-loader, and if we allow that
the breech-loader fired six times as fast as
the muzzle-loader and with equal accuracy,
then it follows that one- sixth the number
of Infantry given in the examples above
would have poured out the same number
of bullets as were actually delivered, and
presumably with no better result.
Instead of 2,400 Cavalry, shattering
25,000 Infantry, they would only have
shattered about 4,000, yet still the game
would have been worth the candle.
But the comparison is still most unfair
on the Cavalry, for horses can be got to
gallop at a line of skirmishers lying down
far more readily than at the bayonets of a
square, and it must be admitted that the
controlled volleys of a six deep square
must necessarily be more deadly to face
than that of a single line delivered six times
as fast.
Besides, it is now an ascertained fact on
the range that when a certain very moderate
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 527
rate of fire, depending on the discipline
of the troops concerned, is exceeded, the
proportion of hits begin to vary inversely
with the number of rounds fired.
(This rate with the best trained troops
does not exceed six rounds a minute, only
one round a minute more than Frederic the
Great's Infantry fired with their old
muzzle-loaders.)
Turning now to the question of the
actual results obtained by Cavalry against
the breech-loaders, we admit that the results
of the encounters between the Austrian
and the Prussian needle gun were far from
encouraging for the former.
The accounts given by the two opposing
armies differ so widely that it is almost
impossible to bring them together, yet it ap-
pears that where the Austrians failed, it was
principally due to want of proper prepara-
tion of the attack, and to accidents of the
ground which was not sufficiently recon-
noitred. On the other hand, we attribute
the success of the Prussian Infantry to the
528 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
intrinsic value of the men, and not to the
technical qualities of the arm they carried,
for the needle gun had neither long range,
accuracy, or stopping power.
Thus in the great Cavalry charges at
Sadowa, the circumstances were all against
the Austrian horse, for the attacks had to
be delivered uphill (slope about 2°) over
heavily sodden ground, and on horses not
exactly in galloping condition, for hard-
ship and short rations had told severely on
them.
Instead of a shaken foe, they had to ride
at the steadiest of Continental Infantry
flushed with a hitherto victorious advance,
and who were not in the least taken by
surprise.
Nor must the fact be overlooked that
the Prussians had been undergoing, during
the preceding six hours of fighting a ri-
gorous process of selection. Of course, the
bullets had chosen their victims with their
usual impartiality, but in the long ad-
vance up the hill from the valley of the
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 529
Bistritz. Ample opportunity had been
afforded to everyone whose heart was not
in the right place, to withdraw from the
fight for the remainder of the day, and we
can be pretty certain that there was not
a man on the ridge that did not wish to be
there, besides the excitement and novelty
of the situation had worn off, and the fire
was actually delivered (according to the
testimony of eye-witnesses) with unusual
precision and coolness.
The actual amount of damage that under
these conditions they succeeded in inflict-
ing on the Prussians, it is impossible to
decide on the contradictory evidence 5 one
thing, at any rate, they proved, and that is,
that there is still work for Cavalry to be
done on the battle-field, which no other
arm can do as well ; for even their enemies
admit that their action saved the Austrian
Army from what would otherwise have been
almost as crushing a calamity as Sedan.
But it is from the Franco-German War in
particular, that our principal lessons are to
M., L. 34
530 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
be learnt, here the evidence is much clearer
and the condition of armament practically
similar to those of the present day.
The opponents of the Cavalry arm have
generally fastened on the French failures
against German Infantry, and ignored the
German successes against French Infantry,
notwithstanding that the latter were armed
with a far superior weapon.
As they usually base their arguments on
the nature of the weapon and not on that
of the man who holds it, this appears to us
rather an unfortunate line to take.
Let us begin with the French first.
Their Cavalry was, it is well known, far
from first class ; it was indifferently mount-
ed, insufficiently trained, and unaccustomed
to act together in masses, or in combina-
tion with other arms, and was at least as
deeply bitten by the terror of the new arm
as all the other Cavalries in Europe.
Let us take the charges in order —
The first took place at the battle of
Woerth (6th August), and was delivered
Cavalry on the Battle- Field. 531
by MichelFs Brigade, which in common
with the rest of the Cavalry of MacMahon's
Army, had been suffering from want of
forage for some days and was far from
being in condition to face a 1,200 yard
gallop over sodden clayey ground (for just
as before Sadowa, exceptionally heavy rain
had fallen on the preceding night).
The Prussians (Xlth Corps) had just
succeeded in carrying the farm of Albrechts-
haiiser and the village of Morsbrunn, and
were in the act of changing front half
right; before them, the French were re-
tiring in considerable disorder, when sud-
denly Michell's Brigade appeared on the
scene. What followed had better be given
in the words of the Prussian official,
which can hardly be suspected of undue
bias towards the French Cavalry : " The
field of attack, which had apparently not
been previously reconnoitred by the Cavalry
was, for them, extremely unfavourable,
because single lines of trees, felled close
above the ground, and deep ditches, hin-
532 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
dered the movement of closed masses, whilst
the Infantry had a clear field of fire over
the otherwise open and gently sloping
ridges."
" In first line came the 8th Cuirassiers
in Squadron Columns, followed on the
right by 3 Squadrons of the 9th Cuiras-
siers in line, the 4th Squadron in Column
of Divisions behind ; still further to the
right rear were the 6th Lancers/7
" At first, with no enemy in sight, this
mass of over 1,000 horsemen moved for-
ward at random towards Morsbrunn, bear-
ing heroically the Infantry fire directed on
their left flank from the Albrechtshauser,
whilst seeking to gain the enemy, still
occupied in the act of forming at Mors-
brunn."
" The latter were preparing to advance
with the 32nd Regiment in front, the 94th
in second line, the 2nd and 4th Companies
of the former regiment were on the heights
north-west of Morsbrunn, the 1st and 3rd
Companies were still in the streets of the
Cavalry on the Battle- Field. 533
village. The 2nd Battalions of both regi-
ments had already debouched on the left
of the place, the 32nd in two half battalions
in line at close intervals, the latter in com-
pany columns ; the 3rd Pioneer Company
was likewise present. The Fusilier Batta-
lions of these regiments were still to the
south of Morsbrunn, the companies of the
80th Regiment coming from the " Bruch "
mill were only approaching the northern
entrance of the village."
" When the first line of troops appeared
on the heights, they were received by so
violent a musketry fire from the copses,
south-east of Eberbach, that their further
progress was impeded for the time being.
They were then charged by the hostile
masses of horse.7'
" The Infantry might have found shelter
in the contiguous vineyards and hop plan-
tations, and some trees in front also offered
immediate cover."
" They received the venturesome attack,
however, just as they stood, and without
534 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
forming either battalion or rallying squares
in those formations which permitted of the
greatest effect being obtained from their
fire. The 8th Cuirassiers delivered their
first charge upon the Infantry which had
jtist debouched from the village. Here the
Cuirassiers came under the simultaneous
fire of the two companies and of the two
half battalions of the 32nd Regiment, which
latter had deployed and changed front half
right."
"In a few moments the Cuirassiers
suffered fearful losses ; the remainder charg-
ing past the right and left of the Infantry
and partly breaking through the skirmish-
ers of the 2nd Company, endeavoured
to gain the open ground through the village
or round its northern side, but fell foul of
the two companies in the village streets
and the skirmishers of the 80th Regiment
on the northern side/1
" The 9th Cuirassiers fared no better."
" They were received at a distance of 300
paces by a well-aimed fire from the Pioneer
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 535
Company, which was posted in a broad
group on the left of the Infantry. One
angle of the group was broken by the
Cavalry as it charged by :—
" The Lancers forming the last line of
attack struck the left wing of the Prussian
Infantry. The 8th Company, 32nd Regi-
ment, wheeled to the left, and deploying
into line delivered a volley, followed by an
effective c Schnell feuer ' upon the charging
Cavalry ; those who passed scatheless, press-
ed forward past Morsbrunn."
" This chivalrous advance of the Cavalry
had enabled the French Infantry of the
extreme right wing to withdraw un-
molested.7'
The advantage purchased, therefore, by
the loss of some 750 men, was the relief of
the retiring French Infantry from pursuit,
and the gain of time enough to enable the
latter to establish themselves in a fresh
position, from which they were afterwards
able to renew their offensive against the
Albrechtehauser which they retook, causing
536 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
a retograde movement along the whole of
the Prussian left wing. Then, however,
under the pressure of a renewed advance,
the French finally gave way, and the
Prussians, at last, established themselves
in the Niederwald.
In all we may take it that the Cavalry
postponed the decision of the day for three
full hours (for it must be remembered, it
was the advance of the Prussian left that
decided the battle), and if we estimate
what those three additional hours cost the
Germans, or what it saved the French in
the pursuit, for had the Germans had three
hours' more daylight, the number of prison-
ers would have been far greater than it
actually was, we think it will be admitted
that the price paid for it was not too high.
And yet this charge was made under
such unfavourable conditions that success
could hardly have been hoped for. In ad-
dition to the difficulties of the ground al-
ready mentioned and its saturated condi-
tion, there lay a hollow road right across
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 537
the line of their advance. The distance
too was considerable, namely, 1,500 yards,
and was covered " at the most rapid pace "
and under a flanking fire from the Al-
brechtshaiiser. As two out of the three
regiments appear to have been in column,
in this part of the action at any rate, this
fire must have seriously loosened their
order.
Finally, it appears that the charge itself
was delivered in column ; at least, in the
official account no mention is made of the
8th Cuirassiers and 6th Lancers deploy-
ing, and if this actually was the case, then
the elements of a disaster were all present.
Let us assume, on the contrary, an equal
body of well mounted, first rate Cavalry
under an experienced and resolute leader,
allowed proper latitude by his Commander-
in-Chief. To begin with, he would not
have formed up behind the corner of a
wood, within range of the enemies' shells
(which occasioned severe loss to Michell's
Brigade) and from which he could not
538 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
escape except over ground cut up with
deep trenches, &c., but would have chosen
a position under cover, from whence he
could have delivered an effective blow on
the enemies' flank.
Such a position might have been found
in the valley of the Eberbach, near where
the road from Gunstett to Laubach crosses
the streams, and an outpost on the steeple
of the village of Forstheim could have
kept him informed as to the progress of the
attack.
It is scarcely necessary to remark that
he would have previously reconnoitred the
ground, but even had he failed to do so,
the ground is so much clearer than to the
northward that the consequence of neg-
lect would not have been so fatal.
From this position the Prussian line
could have been approached under cover
to within about 150 paces, from its right
flank, and had the charge been delivered,
with the Lancers in first line at open files,
the 8th Cuirassiers in second and the
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 539
remaining regiment in third, the results
obtained would probably have satisfied any
Cavalry leader.
The charge of Bounemain's Cuirassiers
hardly deserves discussion, for had the
Prussian only been armed with slings and
bows, the Cavalry would have been equally
powerless against them in the vineyards
and orchards in which they were posted.
But even here time was gained by the
French to organise another Infantry coun-
ter-attack, which must certainly have caused
considerable loss to the enemy.
The battle of Spicheren-Forbach on the
same day offered no opportunity to the
French Cavalry ; with the exception of a
couple of squadrons on the left, who, acting
as mounted Infantry, did good service,
no other chance presented itself ; but their
action on the 16th August at Vionville,
though unsuccessful, deserves the closest
study.
Their first charge on that day took place
about 11-30 o'clock, and its object was to
540 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
cover the left flank of Frossard's (2nd)
Corps which was beginning to retire.
The following account is taken from the
late Colonel Koehler's pamphlet " Die Rei-
terei in Der Schacht — Vionville — Mars la
Tour" (page 15).
" At this time, there stood between Re-
zonville and Villiers au Bois the following
regiments of French Cavalry: — The 3rd Lan-
cers and 3 Divisions,* each of two Brigades
or 1 Lancer Regiment, 4 Regiment of Chas-
seurs, 4 of Dragoons and 4 Cuirassiers,
in all 13 regiments, counting (inclusive of
previous losses) about 5,000 horse."
"On receiving General Frossard's order to
charge " Des que 1'occasion se presertera "
General Desvaux (Commanding the Cavalry
Division of the Guard) ordered General
Du Preuil (3rd Brigade one Regiment of
Cuirassiers, one of Carabineers) to take
his Cuirassiers and move up in support
of the 3rd Lancers to the south of the
* The Cavalry Division of the Imperial Guard— The
Division " Forton " and the Division " Valebregue."
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 541
Chaussee. The movement was executed,
and the regiment drawn up parallel to the
ridge and a little behind it, under cover
from the enemies' fire."
"About 11-30, according to the French
accounts the fire which had hitherto been
very lively, moderated ; and one saw the
French skirmishers, who were retreating
at a run and without order, appear on the
ridge. They were closely followed by the
Prussian batteries, which immediately
crowned the ridge and opened fire on the
French squadrons. Two squadrons of the
3rd Lancers advanced, but having had no
definite objective assigned to them, they
presently retired."
" General Du Prenil reported to General
Desvaux everything was in retreat, and the
game moment he received orders to attack. "
" His troops were so far from the Prus-
sian Infantry line (2,500 paces) that failure
was certain, unless their attack was pre-
pared by artillery fire. This objection was
raised, but General Frossard replied —
542 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
6 Attack at once, or we are all lost.7 "
" Accordingly General Du Prenil moved
off the first echelon at the gallop and fol-
lowed with the 2nd at 150 yards distance,
but as its pace appeared too great, he order-
ed them to reduce it and rode with his
staff on one of its wings. Meanwhile the
first echelon still moving at full speed had
left the second far behind it. The Prussian
skirmishers formed rallying squares/'
" The attack had got well within range
of the Infantry when suddenly its course
was checked by the debris of De Fortors7
camp, biscuit boxes, baggage waggons, etc.,
which had been abandoned in the morn-
ing scare. Thus hindered in its advance,
the first echelon was compelled to give
ground to the left, and the more they went
on, the worse became the pressure result-
ing from this deviation, till the two squad-
rons were thrown into disorder. When,
therefore, they were received at 30 yards'
range by a terrible fire, the whole line
broke and poured into the defiles between
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 543
the Prussian squares. The Colonel and his
Adjutant broke into one square, but the
remainder receiving fire from all sides were
compelled to retire and were destroyed. "
This unmasked the second Echelon ; it
was received at 300 yards with independ-
ent fire, which emptied a few saddles, but
continued its advance in good order, as the
firing checked for a moment, " but at 100
yards the Prussians answered the command
charge ! with such a terrible rain of bullets
that half the line was dismounted. The
remainder came in collision with obstruc-
tion, or fell into a ditch 10 paces in front
of the squares." So far the French ac-
count (see Colonel Bonie's pamphlet, page
45, Eng. Translation.) The Prussians give
the following story —
" This charge struck in first line on the
companies of the 10th Infantry Brigade
who were pressing forward east of Fla-
vigny. The 2nd Battalion of the 52nd
Eegiment under Captain Hildebrandt, stood
prepared to receive it in line with
544 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
shouldered arms ; at 250 paces they opened
with independent fire, before which the
enemies' charge broke powerless. The leader
of the 52nd, Captain Hildebrandt, is killed ;
to the left and right other bodies of the
enemies7 horse rushed by — the rear rank
turned about and fired after them. The
Fusilier companies of the 12th Regiment
on one side and the companies of the 6th
Infantry Division, between Flavigny and
the Chaussee on the other, received them
with an equally accurate and steady fire,
and only a small remnant of tho Cuiras-
siers escaped by flight/7
The chief point to be noticed in the
above is, that the Prussian account ac-
tually enhances the performance of the
Cavalry, for, instead of attacking rallying
squares, in which the nerve of the men is
sure to have been shaken by the hurry
and also by the admission of their own
weakness, which is implied by its being
considered necessary for them to run into
groups for mutual support, they were
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 545
actually charging intact Infantry in line, a
far more difficult task.
It is true that the Prussians do not ad-
mit that their line was penetrated by a
single individual, but the fact that their
commander was killed, shews that the
Cavalry at least got pretty close.
Their failure under the circumstance to
break perfectly unshaken Infantry, sup-
ported by Artillery and protected in the
front by obstacles and not taken by sur-
prise, proves nothing in favour of the
breech-loader, for the result would have
been the same, and indeed was the same
(the 28th at Quatrebras) in the days of old
Brown Bess. But to continue the narrative.
" To cover the retreat of the horsemen,
Marshal Bazaine ordered up a battery of
the guard, and himself accompanied it.
Some 20 men of the 17th Prussian Hussars
who were pursuing the defeated French-
men, suddenly turned on the battery, and
in spite of the last volley from the latter
at 80 paces, penetrated into it, and cut
».. *• 35
546 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
down almost the whole of the detachments,
in spite of their desperate resistance. The
Marshal and his staff were even compelled
to draw their swords in self-defence."
To have captured Bazaine, would, indeed,
have been perhaps the most unfortunate
thing they could have done, but under
normal circumstances to capture the Com-
mander-in- Chief of an army in this man-
ner, literally to tear out its heart from its
midst, would be an achievement of the
highest merit to the Cavalry concerned.
"The llth Hussars, delayed in their ad-
vance by the swampy ground east of
Fravigny, did not succeed in taking part in
the pursuit, but riding up the slope ,of
the ridge (311) south of Rezonville, they
fell upon and rode down and dispersed,
swarms of French Infantry and Cavalry."
This, however, was in itself no mean per-
formance, and since in the whole fight the
regiment only lost 1 man and 8 horses
killed, and 1 Officer, 18 men and 5 horses
wounded ; was obtained with very little loss.
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 547
" Heavy flanking fire from the Chauss^e,
Rezonville, Vionville, and the retreat of the
17th Hussars compelled their retirement/7
Shortly after 12 o'clock, when the 2nd
French Corps was retreating, partially in
considerable disorder, the 6th Cavalry Divi-
sion received orders from the General Com-
manding the 3rd Army Corps (v. Alvensle-
ben) " to advance towards Rezonville as the
enemies7 Infantry were retiring in confusion/7
But before the division could be brought
up, a change in the situation took place.
The French strongly reinforced, resumed
their advance, and hence it was not to
pursue beaten troops, but to parry a threat-
ened thrust that the Divisional Com-
mander decided to bring up both Brigades
and to direct them on the dense masses of
the enemy advancing from Rezonville.
The advance was made in the following
order —
14th BRIGADE. 15th BRIGADE.
15th Lancers 3rd Hussars.
6th Cuirassiers 3rd Lancers 16th Hussars.
548 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
On the right the 15th Brigade with the
3rd Hussars on the right and the 16th
Hussars a little held back to the left as a
kind of second line. On the left the 14th
Brigade with the 15th Lancers in front,
two squadrons of the 3rd Lancers on their
right rear, three squadrons of the 6th
Cuirassiers on their left rear. The advance
was made in squadron columns at deploy-
ing intervals.
The 15th Brigade did not succeed in
attacking, they only advanced at the trot
and did not even deploy, because, owing to
the pressure from the right, the intervals
were lost, and the Brigade became a dense
mass of squadron columns at close in-
terval. Received in this highly unfavour-
able formation by heavy rifle fire from thick
lines of skirmishers, Colonel v. Schmidt
(on whom the command had devolved
owing to General v. Rauch having been
wounded) seeing no prospect of success
sounded the halt, and having re-established
the intervals by closing to the flanks, after
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 549
a few moments' pause, wheeled about by
divisions (Ziigs) and retired at a walk.
Under continuous and most violent In-
fantry and Artillery fire, full intervals
were taken, still at the walk and only when
this movement had been satisfactorily com-
pleted, was the trot sounded.
The 3rd Hussars lost 80 men and 100
horses. The 16th not quite so many.
The 14th Brigade also failed to attack.
The 15th Lancers were thrown into dis-
order by portions of the retreating men
of the 17th Hussars who were being pur-
sued by a squadron of French Hussars.
The disorder was promptly remedied,
and to steady the young soldiers, they
were first formed up with the same steadi-
ness and precision as on the drill ground,
though in effective range of the enemies'
Infantry.
The 6th Cuirassiers failed to find an ob-
ject to attack, as the enemy had renounced
his offensive and his advanced parties, ran
and threw themselves into the ditches of
550 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
the Chaussees where they were practically
inaccessible.
The whole movement, however, had not
been without considerable influence on the
course of the battle. The enemies7 Infan-
try renounced their offensive and retired to
their shelter trenches and did not reappear
again, their batteries also retired, and the
5th and 6th Infantry Divisions were relieved
from their seriously threatened situation.
We would only notice here, 1st, that the
German Cavalry were in those days not
nearly so highly trained to manoeuvre in
masses as they are to-day, and that, there-
fore, the probabilities of the confusion evi-
dent in the above manoeuvre recurring in the
future are proportionally reduced, and, 2nd-
ly, the very trifling losses* actually suffered,
in spite of the length of time to which the
Brigade was exposed, both to Infantry and
Artillery fire. The rest speaks for itself.
* The Division suffered throughout the day from shell
fire and charged again at nightfall, yet its total loss only
amounted to 300 horse, or about 10 per. cent.
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 551
We now come to the great event of the
day, viz., v. Bredow's celebrated attack ;
though often described, there are still some
point about it which have escaped atten-
tion. The following account of this charge
was kindly communicated to the writer by
the officer who suggested, and afterwards
carried the order for it ; it is specially in-
teresting as shewing how the course of a
great action may be influenced, by the
judgment of even a junior officer and as
the officer in question belonged to the In-
fantry, and is a firm believer in his own
arm of the service, it cannot be questioned
on the score of partiality to the Cavalry.
On the day of the battle, this officer,
then a Subaltern of about 8 years7 service,
was detailed as galloper to the General
Commanding the 6th Division ; somewhere
between 1 and 2 o'clock, he and his chief
took up a position on the high ground
west of Vionville where they were under
a heavy shell fire ; he was the only officer
remaining with the General, the remainder
552 Caralry on the Batde-Fidd.
of the staff having been despatched with
orders, etc., to different parts of the field.
In front of them just in advance of
Vionville, lay the remnants of the 24th Re-
giment of Infantry, extending in a single
line of skirmishers from the Chaussee to the
Roman Road, they were without support
or reserve of any kind, and had no hope
of receiving either for many hours, their
ammunition was running low, and the men
were completely exhausted ; (it will be
remembered that the heat this day was in-
tense and the ground hard and dry).
Opposite them and some 1,000 yards dis-
tant lay the French third Division drawn
up in two lines and deployed ; and sup-
ported by the whole of the Corps Artillery
of Canrobert, in all 9 Batteries and 15
Battalions ; of course, at the time he and
his General were unaware of the exact
strength of the French, but the appearance
the latter presented was that of an almost
continuous double line of deployed Batta-
lions backed by Artillery.
Cavalry on the Batfle-Field.
Suddenly the General turned to his aid
and said, " I am so tired, I am going to
sleep ; call me if you notice anything," and
dropping his reins on his horse's neck, he
fell fast asleep.
Shortly after, his galloper saw a large
body of French Cavalry which he estimat-
ed at, at least, a division, ride up and take
post in the angle between the Roman Road
and the country road leading from Rezon-
ville to Tillers aux Bois ; and feeling that
if they realised the condition of the Prus-
sian Infantry and charged, the latter were
in no position to stop them ; he woke his
chief, and having pointed out the new ar-
rivals, he proposed that he should go at
once and call on the nearest Cavalry to
charge first, and thus anticipate them.
The General at first objected that to
charge unshaken Infantry was impossible,
but soon realising the state of affairs, he
said, ;% Well, go and find the nearest
Cavalry and call on them to assist us."
The galloper accordingly rode off, and on
554 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
his way was met and stopped by the chief
of the Staff of the Army Corps who ask-
ed him where he was going, etc. On be-
ing told, he also expressed his opinion about
Cavalry and unshaken Infantry, but on the
absolutely helpless condition of the 24th
Regiment being pointed out to him, he
agreed that something must be done, and
pointing out the position of Bredow's
Brigade, said, " Go and call on them to
attack, and if they require a positive order
before doing so, I will be back in a few
minutes with one from the Corps Com-
mander/7
It was an awkward position for a young
Infantry Subaltern, to have to ride up and
call on the most distinguished German
Cavalry leader of the day almost (Bredow
had made his name in 1866) to perform an
almost impossible task, but there was no
help for it, so he rode on and delivered his
message, which was received with gentle
incredulity, and the usual " Cavalry can't
charge unshaken Infantry ; " but whilst
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 555
he was trying to explain the urgency
of the situation, the chief of the staff
returned with the definite order to charge,
upon which Bredow drew his sword, and
turning to his trumpeter ordered him to
sound the trot. The brigade (only six
squadrons) moved off, took ground to the
left under cover of the little valley running
northward from Vionville, wheeled into
line, trotted up the slope, and, having sighted
the French, dashed at them at full gallop
practically in one line without second
or third ones.
The galloper riding back to his General,
saw the whole sweep by him, and to his
intense astonishment he saw that up to
the moment of actual contact, though the
whole French line blazed at them all they
knew, both in front, and in flank from the
wood along the Roman Road, not more
than fifty horses at the outside went down.
As is well known they dashed over
both lines of Infantry and through the
batteries, part of them stayed behind
556 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
slaughtering the gunners, but the greater
part went right on at the French Cavalry
which now attacked them, outnumbering
them nearly five to one and with fresh
horses. What followed we quote from the
Prussian official (page 388, English transla-
tion, VoL I.)
" General v. Bredow sounds the recall.
Breathless from the long ride, thinned by
the enemies' bullets, without reserves and
hemmed in by hostile horsemen, they once
more cut their way through the previously
over-ridden lines of Artillery and Infantry ;
harassed by a thick rain of rifle bullets
and with the foe in rear, the remnant of
the two regiments of Prussian Cavalry
hastens back to Flavigay. The victims of
this charge, courageous unto death, had
not fallen in vain. The advance of the
6th Corps was checked, and was now, it is
stated by order of Marshal Bazaine — en-
tirely abandoned, at any rate, the French
made no fresh advance from the direction
of Kezonville this day."
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 557
The first point in their account which
will probably strike the reader, is the tri-
fling loss with which the primary object
of the charge, viz., the breaking of the
enemies' Infantry was executed, yet a little
reflection will show that this was not
under-estimated by the observer, for the time
which the Cavalry took to gallop the 1,500
yards or so which separated them from the
Infantry, can hardly have exceeded five
minutes, while their subsequent advance,
their melee with the enemies' horse and
eventual retreat occupied at least five times
as long, hence if the loss was equally dis-
tributed over the whole time (which is not
Kkely to have been the case, for in the
melee and retreat it must have been more
rapid), the proportion of the total loss of
450 horses falling to the first five minutes
would only be ^th of the whole, or about
75, and of which a considerable number
must have been due to Artillery fire.
Assuming that the gunners fired no
better than the Austrian Artillery at
558 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
Tobitschau in 1866 when Bredow's Regi-
ment attacked 18 Austrian guns across 1,500
yards of open ground, and captured them
with a loss of only 13 men, then three
times this number or 39 would represent
the loss due to Artillery fire leaving only
33 accounted for by the Infantry.* The
total number of rifles bearing on the Cavalry
(taking the position of troops shown on
the Prussian Official Map of Vionville PI,
5. A.) can hardly have been less than 8,000,
and the men, who held them shewed at St.
Prisat two days afterwards that they were
by no means deficient in courage, yet a
body of Cavalry of less than a tenth of their
strength succeeded in reducing the whole
of them to a state of absolute inaction for
the remainder of the day. It will be
noticed too what a hold, the Umpires Dog-
ma of " Cavalry can't charge unshaken
* My friend's statement, that the loss of the Cavalry in
the actual charge was comparatively trifling-, was also
corroborated by the evidence of two other eye-witnesses.
Officers of Artillery belonging to the batteries on the
flank round which the attack took place.
Cavalry on the Battle- Field. 559
Infantry " had taken in the minds of the
German leaders ; even Bredow appears to
have considered his case too hopeless to
make it worth while to form a reserve or
second line ; yet the event proved that
the Infantry was not quite so unshaken
as had been imagined.
That the above was no isolated case the
subsequent charge of the 1st Guard Dra-
goons, sufficiently proves.
After the delivery of Bredow's charge,
a lull occurred along the front of the
French, but about two hours later, the 4th
French Corps having completed its turning
movement, commenced to advance in great
force on Mars la Tour, at this time the
Xth Corps was rapidly approaching the
battle-field ; the 38th Infantry Brigade had
arrived and was at once sent to check the
French. Moving past Mars la Tour to the
east they struck the 2nd Division (Grenier)
of the 4th French Corps just behind the
ravine that run from St. Marcel westward
into the valley of the Yrou (Ulsonbach).
560 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
After a desperate fight they were driven
back by numbers, with a loss of 57 per
cent.
* " The 1st Dragoon Guards, standing
south-east of Mars la Tour received orders
from General v. Voigts Rhetz to cover
the retreat of the 38th Brigade, and at any
cost to stop the advance of the enemy.
" It was about 5 o'clock in the afternoon
when this order arrived, the regiment was in
squadron column at deploying intervals
right in front. The Adjutant was sent
out to reconnoitre the ground and position
of the enemy, and, on his return, reported
dense masses of the enemies' Infantry pres-
sing on in pursuit of the 38th Brigade,
and that the ground east of the village
was intersected by hedges and ditches and
most unfavourable for the proposed move-
ment. But in spite of this discouraging
intelligence, the Colonel lost not a move-
ment in the execution of his order/7
* Kochlers Kecterrie bei Viomtrille, p, 41.
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 561
" Headed by the 5th Squadron, then the
3rd and 1st with the 4th in reserve the
regiment trotted in column of divisions
(Ziigs) in a N.-E. direction past Mars
la Tour ; under the enemies7 fire which
soon began to tell, they had to diminish
their front to column of threes and then
again deploy into divisions (Ziigs) in
order to overcome the difficulties of the
ground, and in doing so, slight disorder
arose/7
" The leading division was detached to
attack the enemies7 right flank.77
" The rear division had to gallop the
whole way in order not to lose distance.7'
" Meanwhile the 13th Regiment of the
line (French) had crossed the steep ravine
in which the Ulzonbach flows and were
advancing on the plateau in front — with
the 43rd of the line on their left rear.77
" The 1st Guard Dragoons received heavy
fire from the former throughout the above
indicated movement.77
" The losses increased with every mo-
M., L, g
562 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
ment ; the Colonel therefore decided to
attack at once without waiting for the 1st
Squadron following in rear."
" He accordingly right wheeled into line ;
the 1st Squadron as soon as it had room,
right formed and joined the others as a
right echelon. This brought the regi-
ment into their proper order of battle, the
1st Squadron on the right, but the squad-
rons themselves in inversion. Soon after
the wheel into line, the gallop sounded and
immediately afterwards, the charge. "
" The Brigade Commander and his staff
joined the attack on the right wing."
"The enemies' skirmishers ran into
groups and received the Dragoons with a
terrible fire. A Mittrailleur Battery from
across the ravine poured round after round
into them ; but they broke into the enemies7
groups, and a desperate struggle ensued
round the French Eagle."
" But the enemies' career was stopped and
the pressure on the retreating Prussians
relieved."
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 563
" The regiment lost about one- third of
its effective."
Now in this case we have not only un-
shaken Infantry ridden at and broken, but
troops advancing in the full flush of victory,
besides the Cavalry had to cope with the
difficulties of the ground and actually exe-
cuted a series of manoeuvres at the trot
under both Artillery and Infantry fire be-
fore delivering their charge.
The fighting round Sedan afforded several
opportunities to the French Cavalry which,
although unsuccessful, still deserve con-
sideration.
The charge of the 5th (French) Cuiras-
siers on the 27th Prussian Infantry at
Beaumont failed, owing to the steadiness
and discipline of the latter, but still the
commander of the company on which the
brunt of the attack fell had to guard him-
self with his sword against a non-com-
missioned officer of Cuirassier and some
of the Fusiliers were thrown to the ground
by the horses.
564 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
The French loss was upwards of 100
men and 10 officers, the enormous percen-
tage of officers points rather to the French
having hung back, and had they been as
ready to follow their leader as the Germans
at Vionville, the result might have been
greater.
The following account of the charge of
Margueritte's (French) Brigade, we extract
in spite of its length verbatim from the
Prussian Official (Vol. II, p. 373).
Overwhelmed by the shells of the Prus-
sian Batteries and more and more closely
pent in by the Infantry pressing forward
from the west and north, the left wing of
the 7th French Corps now also began to
fall off in its power of resistance. As
General Douay had been obliged to de-
spatch his Infantry reserves to other parts
of the battle-field, the Cavalry in a self-
sacrificing spirit once more threw itself
into the struggle. From the Bois de la
Garenne appeared General Margueritte
with his five light regiments, which
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 565
were joined by Savaress's Lancer Brigade
of the 12th Corps and several Cuirassier
squadrons of Bonnemain's Cavalry Divi-
sion.
Whilst these bodies of Cavalry com-
menced to move across the plateau in a
westerly direction, General Margueritte,
who had ridden forward in person to re-
connoitre, was mortally hit by a musket
bullet before the commencement of the
charge. General Gallifet assumed the com-
mand, placed himself at the head of the
Division, and led it against the Prussian
Infantry, part of which had at this time
reached the crest of the heights in skir-
mishing lines, while the remainder was still
making its way up the steep slopes.
The vigorous flanking fire of the Prus-
sian Batteries and the very unfavourable
character of the ground in places loosened
from the commencement of the charge, the
coherence of the French horse. Broken
and with thinned ranks, yet undismayed,
the squadrons delivered their charge home
566 Cavalry on the Battle- Field.
against those detachments of Infantry which
were in their path. These latter received
the impetuous onset with a firm bearing,
and mostly in a broad front behind protec-
tive hedges and ditches. Only where there
was no cover whatever or where the hos-
tile Cavalry attacked simultaneously from
several directions, did the skirmishing lines
form into knots for defences.
" On the whole the Cavalry charge might
be divided into three consecutive attacks,
of which the first apparently fell foul more
particularly of the 43rd Brigade, the second
of the troops coming from Floing. The
wild confusion in which the struggle now
surged backwards and forwards for half an
hour at the western edges and slopes of the
plateau defies any faithful description in de-
tail ; a few collisions alone stand out more
conspicuously from the general picture/7
" French Squadrons broke forward from
Cazal against the 43rd Brigade, and in
spite of the effective case fire directed upon
them, reached the line of the eight guns
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 567
in action at the edge of the heights south
of Floing. The gunners were compelled
to defend themselves with their sponge
staves and side arms, and Major V. Uslar,
Commanding the Division, had a personal
contest with several troopers. But the 5th
Company 94th Regiment under Captain V.
Schnellenbiihle succeeded in repulsing the
enemy by a vigorous fire, the company
also successfully repulsed an attack made
by French Cuirassiers on its rear.
The skirmishing lines of the 43rd Bri-
gade and of the detachments which had
accompanied them on the right wing were
attacked simultaneously by Hussars, cui-
rassiers and chasseurs d'Afrique and broken
through in places. The file fire of the
supporting companies, however, scattered
the hostile Cavalry in all directions, causing
even some of them to plunge down the steep
slope of the ridge. Two squadrons of the
1st Cuirassiers succeeded in forcing their
way through the Prussian Infantry to
Gaulier, and in breaking out suddenly from
568 Cavalry on the Batik-Field.
the northern issue of the village on the
two squadrons of the 13th Hussars posted
in front of it. At first Major V. Griesham
merely launched two divisions against the
enemy, the other he took some distance in
the rear, and after forming up led them
forward in echelon from the right wing,
whilst at the same time the pioneer com-
pany posted in the valley of the Meuse,
and the nearest detachments of Infantry
concentrated their fire upon the French
Cuirassiers. These now bent aside to-
wards Floing ; still many were overtaken
by the Hussars and made prisoners, while
others were shot down, a small number,
breaking through to the northward reached
the neighbourhood of St. Albert, causing
consternation among the advancing regi-
mental wagons and a field hospital, but
their careers was shortly terminated by the
Infantry which met them.
The 12th and parts of the 1st and 2nd
Companies, 83rd Eegiment, were attacked
by lancers which rode over a skirmishing
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 569
division in open order. The remainder
of the men found protection behind a
hedge, and allowing the enemy to approach
within thirty paces received them with a
withering volley. The remainder of the
French band of horse careering past Floing
fell into the hands of other advancing de-
tachments.
On the left wing of the Prussian Infantry
the Musketeer Battalions, 46th Regiment
had ascended about half way up the slope
when they were attacked by French Lancers.
This attack was, however, repulsed by the
fire of the 3rd, 5th, and 7th Companies,
the 8th successfully co-operating from the
cemetery. The hostile Cavalry bending
away northward threw themselves into
Floing, but there came under the fire of
the 2nd Company 5th Rifle Battalion, which
hurried up from a side street, and to which
they, for the most part, succumbed. Leav-
ing the 4th Company temporarily as reserve
in the village, this Battalion, mingled with
detachments of Hessian Regiments, and, in
570 Cavalry on the Battle- Field.
general, on the right of the 46th, then like-
wise scaled the steep slope. Advancing
from edge to edge, the rifles had just
established themselves in a shelter trench
abandoned by the enemy on the upper
border of the plateau, when a fresh Cavalry
charge took place. Two squadrons of
cuirassiers mounted on grey horses first
charged the 5th, 3rd, and 2nd Companies,
46th Regiment, whose left wing was espe-
cially hard pressed. But after an effective
shower of bullets had also warded off this
attack, the repulsed horseman fell under
the flanking fire of a body of stragglers
rapidly assembled by 1st Lieutenant Bende-
mann, and had some difficulty in escaping
entire annihilation. Some squadrons of
chasseurs which had followed on the left
flank of the cuirassiers, fell in with the
three companies of the 5th Rifle Battalion,
the skirmishers of which they partly rode
down. The fire, however, of the closed
supports compelled the hostile horsemen to
bear away to the right : a volley from the
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 571
2nd Company, which had formed a knot
on the left wing, completely dispersed them.
Some French Hussars which charged the 3rd
Kifle Company immediately afterwards, but
were driven off by the file fire of this and
of the 46th in support, likewise bending
away to the right succeeded in reaching
the rear of the other two Rifle Companies.
The supports and also the skirmishers of
the latter on higher ground at once faced
about ; an annihilating fire received the
Hussars, who now took refuge in an hollow
of the ground in front. The skirmishers
of the 1st and 2nd Rifle Companies had
been obliged meanwhile to face to their
original front in order to protect them-
selves from other hostile Cavalry ; they
were, however, successful in also com-
pelling the new adversary to retire. The
attack of the French Cavalry which had
been executed with the greatest impetuosity
and self-sacrifice, had thus come to a close
on this wing, and had also failed in a
similar manner at other points of the battle-
572 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
field. At some places, indeed, their lines
of skirmishers had been suddenly broken
through at the first onset ; but the fire of
the supports had in all cases destroyed the
force of the fierce charge. The subsequent
attacks met with still greater resistance, as
the Prussian Infantry had now reached the
edge of the plateau in considerable force,
and found the means of ensconcing itself
under cover of the ground. More and
more annihilating waxed their fire against
the already scattered squadrons, which were
speedily thrown into complete disorder.
Dead and wounded riders and horses lay in
heaps on the height : many who survived
the bullet were precipitated headlong into
the Gaulier quarries and there found their
last resting place. Besides General Mar-
gueritte, Generals Girard and Tilliard had
fallen, General d'Salignac Fenelon was
wounded, the regiments which had taken
part in the charge had on an average lost
half their men.
' The Prussian Infantry had suffered but
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 573
inconsiderable loss ; yet a comparatively
large number of men, more especially
riflemen, had been wounded in single
combat by the cut and point of the enemy's
Cavalry. The remnant of the latter sought
refuge in the ravines of the Bois de la
Garenne."
" Although success was denied to the
attack of these gallant bands of horse, and
their self-sacrificing advance could no
longer avert the already sealed fate of the
French Army, yet the latter looks back
with justifiable pride upon the fields of
Floing and Cazal, where, on the day of
Sedan, their Cavalry honourably succumbed
to the victorious adversary.77
Now in this case, there was no attempt
at surprise, for the Cavalry was seen the
moment they left the shelter of the woods
and every available gun was turned on
them.
The ground was intersected by banks and
ditches and was decidedly unfavourable for
Cavalry. The distance to be crossed was
574 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
at least 1,000 yards. The Cavalry them-
selves had already suffered severely, and
finally the German were anything but
demoralised. Yet for half-an-hour, it is
admitted, the course of the struggle " defied
description," that no advantage of this half
hour's grace was taken by the rest of the
Army was no fault of the Cavalry. But
had this charge been made to form the
screen for an organised attempt to break
out, and had the attempt succeeded, the
Cavalry attack could hardly have been
spoken of disparagingly as a failure, but
would rather have gone down to posterity
as one of the finest examples of its employ-
ment in history.
This finishes the list of charges delivered
during the Franco-German war.
Taking the nett results obtained by the
Prussian Cavalry, we find that in spite of
the increase of range and rapidity of fire of
the new arm, Cavalry can still manoeuvre
under their fire, when held by troops at
least as steady and well drilled as any of
Cavalry on the Battle- Field. 575
the Latin races are likely to put in the
field, and by proper choice of ground and
opportunity can ride them down with
comparatively trifling loss. Even when
these troops are good enough to render an
attack by Infantry difficult, if not impos-
sible.
There was no perceptible difference in
composition between Gremier's Division
which defeated the 38th Brigade, and the
troops of Canrobert Corps which went
down before Bredow, but the latter suc-
ceeded with a loss of 450 horses about in
reaching and breaking the French lines ;
the former failed with a loss of over
3,000. Yet though the former has been
christened " Todten Rott " Cheveauchade
de mort " death ride/7 etc., no such epithet
has been applied to the latter.
If the nature of the ground over which
Von Wedell's (38th) Brigade attacked is
urged in defence of their failure, we will
instead compare Bredow's success with the
failure of the Guard Corps, unquestionably
576 Cavalry on the Battle- Field.
the finest Infantry on the continent, against
the same corps (Canroberts) two days later
at St. Privat. This attack was beaten off
by Infantry fire alone, the Artillery had
run out of ammunition (vide General H.
Brackenburg's account in Les Mareschaux
de France given as a note to page 112 in the
Wellington Prize Essay), and was made
over the same glacis like ground that
Bredow galloped over.
As for the French charges, they were
doomed to failure from the first, owing
chiefly to the difficulties of the ground
which they encountered and to their
omission to reconnoitre it previously, their
Cavalry were inferior in mounting, horse-
manship, and discipline, and the foe they
attacked, proved themselves under perfect
control, reserving their fire for short ranges,
whilst so far from being demoralised, they
were invariably in full career of victory,
when the attacks fell on them.
Now, even in the palmiest days of Cavalry,
it has never been maintained that such
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 577
Infantry could be attacked with certainty
of success under such conditions.
Theories based on practice ground condi-
tions are not, as a rule, of much value in
war, but here the result of theory agrees
so closely with practice that we venture to
give one.
Coeteris paribus the number of hits on a
target will depend, 1st, on its size ; 2nd, on
length of time during which it is exposed
to tire.
Now, in the Infantry attack, the foot
soldier will be lying down or kneeling
during at least one half the time of its
duration, therefore we can take the mean
height of the target he exposes at half a
man's height.
The horseman, erect in his saddle the
whole time, exposes approximately three
times the surface (actually considerably less,
for the legs of a horse do not present much
surface and might practically be neglected).
The mean density of the Infantry, even
according to our own drill book, commenc-
*•> *• 37
578 Cavalry on the Battle- Field.
ing with an extension of one file to every
four paces and finishing with a double line,
gives at least a man to the pace, and in the
Prussian attack where the final rush is often
made 6 to 10 men deep, it is much greater.
But if Cavalry attack Infantry armed
with the breech-loader, the same reasoning
which has compelled the latter to adopt
extended order, is applicable to the former,
and hence they should attack at open files
(say 1 horse length interval) in successive
lines.
Hence, whereas the height of the Cavalry
target, compared with the Infantry target,
is as 3 to 1, its density is only as about
1 to 4, or, in other words, the Infantry offer
a larger mark in the proportion of 4 to 3.
Now, taking the Prussian Infantry attack
as the fastest at present in use, at least
16 minutes are required to traverse the
800 yards, from which distance the attack
proper may be said to commence (allowing
sufficient time for the firing 1 minute at each
of 5 halts and 5 minutes at decisive range).
Cavalry on the Battle- Field. 579
But Cavalry cover the same distance
in less than two minutes, for they would
certainly travel faster than 15 miles an
hour.
Hence the time of exposure is only ^th
of that of Infantry, so that combining the
two, we find that in attacking over
800 yards of open, Infantry would receive
rather more than 10 times as many hits as
Cavalry.
That is to say, supposing the ground
equally suitable for both arms, Cavalry
would attain the same temporary result for
300 horses and men hit, as Infantry would
with a loss of over 3,000; and the permanent
retention of the advantage gained would,
in both cases, depend on the support of
Artillery, and reserves, only in the case of
the Cavalry, the support would have to be
brought up with greater promptitude.
But there are yet three factors with
which we have to reckon : 1st. — The moral
effect of the advancing horseman on the
defenders which will vary with the quality
580 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
and discipline of his troops and the diffi-
culty of adjusting the sights to the rapidity
varying ranges and of restraining the fire
which may all be included under the head
of moral effect.
2ndly. — It takes more bullets to put a
man on horseback out of action than a
man on foot. A man may be most severely
hit and yet retain strength enough to stick
in his saddle for the last 100 yards; whereas,
a man on foot with a broken leg or a bullet
through his lungs must drop ; the tenacity
of life in the horse is well known, and we
do not believe that any Military Rifle
in Europe (excluding the Snider) will stop
a horse at full gallop under a couple of
hundred yards, unless the bone of the legs
is broken or the heart or brain pierced.
And, thirdly, the moral effect on the
Cavalry themselves of their rapid motion.
Horses indeed may be tired and done,
though they are fully as susceptible of
excitement as human beings, but the man
on his back will be barely conscious of it,
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 581
whereas no matter how wild for blood a
foot-soldier may be, the exhaustion of his
physical power caused by a long and trying
inarch must tell ; and in addition under the
same head we must include the discipline
of the horse itself, Discipline may be
defined as the tyranny of habit, which
makes it easier for a terrified man to do
that which he does not want to do than to
make up his mind to break through the
bonds of teaching and runaway, and in this
sense horses are more susceptible to disci-
pline than conscript soldiers, riderless horses
almost invariably stick to their squadrons
and for the purpose of aiding the first
stock, it is almost immaterial whether they
have a man on them or not.
The limit of 800 yards is not an arbitrary
one ; but is approximately the limit at which
.the preparatory fire fight changes into the
definite advance to the attack.
The choice of this limit is indeed un-
favourable to the Cavalry, for no con-
sideration is taken of the losses which the
582 Cavalry on the Battle- Field.
Infantry must necessarily suffer in working
up to that distance and remaining there,
often for hours, while the Artillery prepare
the attack and the masses of Infantry on
whom the actual assault devolves are being
collected. Whereas, even if the ground
is most unfavourable and no cover from
sight offers itself, the Cavalry may often
approach comparatively unharmed to the
enemies' line, under cover of the smoke and
confusion of the fight.
It is all very well for umpires having
nothing else to do but to look out, to take
notice of such an approach in peace time,
but the assumption that this approach
would have been noticed in actual war by
the troops threatened is not well founded.
Even if a special officer is told off in each
Battalion, merely to watch the course of
the action and report it, every one's atten-
tion is so necessarily concentrated, on that
particular portion of the enemy, which at
that moment appears to be injuring him
most, that it would only be with the
Cavalry on the Battle- Field. 583
greatest difficulty that the men could be
brought to fire in the direction indicated
by the look-out officer.
But even when the Cavalry are unfor-
tunate enough to be seen at the very com-
mencement of their advance, say, at 2,000
yards, they have still their rapidity of
movement to rely on, and probably most
experienced Cavalry officers would prefer
that the Infantry should open on them at
that extreme range, relying on the almost
moral certainty, that the latter would for-
get to put their sights down, as the range
decreased.
The conclusion we would draw from the
whole of the above, is by no means that
Cavalry will under all and every circum-
stances ride down Infantry ; on the con-
trary, we believe fully in the axiom laid
down in the German Infantry drill book
that steady Infantry, as long as it preserves
its discipline and controls its fire is un-
approachable in front ; but we maintain
that in the armies either we or the Germans
584 Cavalry on the Battle-Field.
are likely to have to deal with ; such In-
fantry will rarely be met with, and then
only at the commencement of the action.
Breech-loaders have introduced a new
factor to the battle-field, and that is " noise "
and the excitement resulting therefrom
which will have to be reckoned with in
future.
The precise degree to which troops will
be affected by it will depend to a large ex-
tent, if not entirely, on national tempera-
ment.
The introduction of the breech-loader
sounded the death knell of the Latin Races,
and we are inclined to believe it will be
equally disadvantageous to all semi-civilized
races including the hordes of Russians, we
may some day have to meet.
Wherever the attack has been properly
prepared and the nature of the ground
permits, both of the covered approach of
Cavalry to the enemies' position and the
delivery of the charge, we believe that the
actual shock which should drive the ene-
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 585
mies' Infantry out of his position (unless
he is heavily entrenched) can be delivered
by Cavalry with less loss than by Infantry,
but its rapid support by Artillery followed
up by foot soldiers will be essential to
hold the ground then won.
These conditions will not, indeed cannot,
occur so frequently, as to rob the Infantry
of their share in the decision, but when
they do occur, they may be confidently
seized.
The attacks should be carried out by
advance of the Cavalry round the flanks,
riot through the lines of the Infantry, for
as pointed out by Prince Hohenlohe, the
cessation of the Infantry fire even for a
few moments is such a relief to the nerves
of the defender, that it immediately as it
were, steadies him afresh.
This alone, will reduce the numbers of
such opportunities, for, on a crowded battle-
field, it will be hard to find room for the
advance of any body larger than a squad-
ron, except round the outer flanks of the
586 Cavalry on the Battle- Field.
whole army, in which case we may expect
it to be met by a corresponding movement
on the part of the enemies' squadrons.
Space prevents further investigation of
the actual employment of the arm on the
battle-field in detail ; but in conclusion we
would ask, whether any Cavalry man can
ask for a better opportunity for his arm,
than that presented, by the flank of the
attack in its last stage, when supports and
reserves; have long been absorbed into one
dense line, when the attention of all is
rivetted on the enemy in front, the firing
has reached its maximum degree of inten-
sity, and neither voice nor signal can make
itself heard or seen. Is it conceivable that
at such a moment the few who may have
become aware of the approach of the ene-
mies' horse, can make their influence felt
sufficiently, in the heterogeneous mass
of different regiments, brigades and divi-
sions under them, to turn their attention
on the new assailant ? We believe not,
and the Cavalry which first learns to
Cavalry on the Battle-Field. 587
seize such opportunities, will go far to
re-establishing the balance between quality
and numbers and will demonstrate the
truth of our opening sentence, that, " the
efficiency of an army varies with the pro-
duct not the sum of the efficiencies of the
three arms/7
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pathic Review.
" Former editions of this entertaining book having been received with
great favour by the public and by the press, a new edition has been issued
in elegant type and binding. The Author, although assuming a nom de
plume, is recognised as a distinguished cavalry officer, possessed of a vivid
imagination and a sense of humour amounting sometimes to rollicking and
contagious fun." — Capital and Labour.
W. Thacker & Co., London.
Riding : On the Flat and Across Country. A Guide
to Practical Horsemanship. By Capt. M. H. HAYES.
Illustrated by Sturgess. Second Edition. Revised and
Enlarged. Imperial 16mo. Bs. 7 (10s. 6d.)
" The book is one that no man who has ever sat in a saddle can fail to
read with interest." — Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News.
" An excellent book on riding." — Truth.
"Mr. Hayes has supplemented his own experience on race-riding by
resorting to Tom Cannon, Fordham, and other well-known jockeys for
illustration. ' The Guide ' is, on the whole, thoroughly reliable ; and both
the illustrations and the printing do credit to the publishers." — Field.
11 It has, however, been reserved for Captain Hayes to write what in our
opinion will be generally accepted as the most comprehensive, enlightened,
and * all round ' work on riding, bringing to bear as he does not only his
own great experience, but the advice and practice of many of the best
recognised horsemen of the period." — Sporting Life.
" Captain Hayes is not only a master of his subject, but he knows
how to aid others in gaining such a mastery as may be obtained by the
study of a book." — The Standard.
Riding for Ladies, 'with Hints on the Stable.
A Lady's Horse Book. By Mrs. POWER ODoNOGHUE,
Author of " A Beggar on Horseback," " Ladies on Horse-
back," " Unfairly Won," &c. With 91 Illustrations, by
A. CHANTREY CORBOULD, and portrait of the Author.
Elegantly printed and bound. Imperial 16mo. Rs. 10.
(12s. 6d.)
xin. — A Lesson in Leaping.
xiv. — Managing Refusers,
xv. — Falling.
xvi. — Hunting Outfit Considered.
xvn. — Economy in Riding Dress,
xvin. — Hacks and Hunters.
xix. — In the Hunting Field.
xx. — Shoeing, xxi. — Feeding.
XXIL— Stabling, xxin. — Doctoring
xxiv.— Breeding. xxv.— " Tips."
I.— Ought Children to Ride ?
II. — " For Mothers and Children."
in. — First Hints to a Learner,
iv. — Selecting a Mount.
v., VI. — The Lady's Dress.
VII. — Bitting, vin. — Saddling.
ix. — Sit, Walk, Canter, and Trot.
x. — Reins, Voice, and Whip.
XL — Riding on the Road.
XII. — Paces, Vices, and Faults.
"Mrs. Power O'Donoghue (more power to her — not that she wants it)
shows no sign of 'falling off.' Indeed, she shows her readers how to
become riders, and to stick on gracefully. She sketches her pupils 'in
their habits as they ride, ' and gives them a bit of her mind about bits, and
tells them about spurs on the spur of a moment." — Punch.
"Mrs. O'Donoghue is -great on the subject of a lady's riding dress, and
lays down some useful information which should not be forgotten. . . .
From fii st to last she never errs on the side of anything approaching to
bad taste, which is more than can be said for some equestriennes." — Field.
" It is characteristic of her book, as of all books of any value, that it has
a distinctive character. Sound common sense, and a thoroughly practical
way of communicating instruction, are its leading traits." — Daily News.
vi Thacker, Spink $ Co., Calcutta.
Splendidly Illustrated book of Sport. In Demy 4to ; Rs. 25 ; elegantly
bound. (£2 2s.)
Large Game Shooting in Thibet, the Hima-
layas, and Northern India. By Colonel ALEXANDER A. KIN-
LOCH. Containing descriptions of the country and of the
various animals to be found ; together with extracts from a
journal of several years' standing. With thirty illustrations
and map of the district.
"An attractive volume, full of sporting adventures in the valleys and
forest hills extending along the foot of the Himalayas. Its pages are also
interesting for the graphic description they give of the beasts of the field,
the cunning instinct which they show in guarding their safety, the places
which they choose for their lair, and the way in which they show their
anger when at bay, Colonel Kinloch writes on all these subjects in a
genuine and straightforward style aiming at giving a complete description
of the habits and movements of the game." — British Mail.
11 If Carlyle had ever condescended to notice sport and sportsmen he might
probably have invented some curious and expressive phrase for the author
of this book. It is the work of a genuine shikari . . . The heads have
been admirably reproduced by the photograph. The spiral or curved horns,
the silky hair, the fierce glance, the massive jaws, the thick neck of deer,
antelope, yak or bison, are realistic and superior to anything that we can
remember in any bookshelf full of Indian sport." — Saturday Review.
"The splendidly illustrated record of sport. The photo-gravures, es-
pecially the heads of the various antelopes, are lifelike ; and the letterpress
is very pleasant reading." — Graphic.
Denizens of the Jungles ; a series of Sketches of Wild
Animals, illustrating their form and natural attitude. With
letterpress description of each plate. By R. A. STERNDALE,
F.K.G.S., F.Z.S. Author of " Natural History of the Mam-
malia of India," " Seonee," &c. Oblong folio. Rs. 10. (16s.)
T. — Denizens of the Jungles.
Aborigines — Deer — Mon-
keys.
ii.—" On the Watch." Tiger,
in. — "Not so Fast Asleep as he
Looks." Panther — Mon-
keys.
!V. — " Waiting for Father." Black
Bears of the Plains,
v. — " Rival Monarchs." Tiger
and Elephant.
VI. — "Hors de Combat." Indian
vii.— "A Race for Life." Blue
Bull and Wild Dogs,
vni. — "Meaning Mischief." The
Graur — Indian Bison.
ix.— "More than His Match.
Buffalo and Rhinoceros.
x. — "A Critical Moment.'
Spotted Deer and Leo-
pard.
xi.—" Hard Hit.' The Sambur.
xii. — "Mountain Monarchs."
Marco Polo's Sheep.
Wild Boar and Tiger.
Useful Hints to Young Shikaris on the Gun and
Rifle. By "THE LITTLE OLD BEAR." Reprinted from
the Asian. Crown 8vo. Es. 2-8.
W. ThacJcer $ Co., London. vii
IN THE PRESS.
Fourth Edition, revised, with additional Illustrations.
Veterinary Notes for Horse-Owners. — An everyday
Horse Book. By Captain M. HORACE HAYES, M.RC.Y.S.
" The work is written in a clear and practical way." — Saturday Review.
" Of the many popular veterinary books which have come under our
notice, this is certainly one of the most scientific and reliable. . . .
Some notice is accorded to nearly all the diseases which are common to
horses in this country, and the writer takes advantage of his Indian experi-
ence to touch upon several maladies of horses in that country, where
veterinary surgeons are few and far between. The description of symptoms
and the directions for the application of remedies are given in perfectly
plain terms, which the tyro will find no difficulty in comprehending : and,
for the purpose of further smoothing his path, a chapter is given on veterin-
ary medicines, their actions, uses, and doses." — The Field.
"Simplicity is one of the most commendable features in the book.
What Captain Hayes has to say he says in plain terms, and the book is a
very useful one for everybody who is concerned with horses." — Illustrated
Sporting and Dramatic News.
" We heartily welcome the second edition of this exceedingly useful
book. The first edition was brought out about two years since* but the
work now under notice is fully double the size of its predecessor, and, as a
matter of course, contains more information. Captain Hayes, the author,
is not only a practical man in all things connected with the horse, but has
also studied his subject from a scientific point of view." — The Sportiny Life.
" Captain Hayes, in the new edition of ' Veterinary Notes,' has added
considerably to its value by including matter which was omitted in the
former editions, and rendered the book, if larger, at any rate more useful
to those non-professional people who may be inclined or compelled to treat
their own horses when sick or injured. So far as we are able to judge, the
book leaves nothing to be desired on the score of lucidity and comprehen-
siveness."— Veterinary Journal.
" Captain Hayes has succeeded in disposing of two editions of his manual
since it was issued in 1877 — a sufficient proof of its usefulness to horse-
owners. The present edition is nearly double the size of the first one, and
the additional articles are well and clearly written, and much increase the
value of the work. We do not think that horse-owners in general are
likely to find a more reliable and useful book for guidance in an emergency."
— The Field.
Training and Horse Management in India. By
Captain M. HORACE HAYES, author of " Veterinary Notes
for Horse Owners," " Hiding," &c. Third Edition. Crown
8vo. Rs. 5. (8s. 6d.)
" No better guide could be placed in the hands of either amateur horse
man or veterinary surgeon." — The Veterinary Journal.
" A useful guide in regard to horses anywhere Concise,
practical, and portable." — Saturday Review.
ThacJcer, SynnJc $* Co., Calcutta,
Indian Notes about Dogs : their Diseases and Treat-
ment. By Major C . Third Edition, Ee vised. Fcap.
8vo., cloth. lie. 1-8.
Indian Racing Reminiscences. Being Entertaining
Narratives a] id Anecdotes of Men, Horses, and Sport.
By Captain M. HORACE HAYES, Author of " Veterinary
Notes," "Training and Horse Management," <fec. Illustrated
with 22 Portraits and 20 Engravings. Imperial 16rno.
Ks. 5-12. (8s. Gd.)
" Captain Hayes has done wisely in publishing these lively sketches of
life in India. The book is full of racy anecdote." — Bell's Life.
"All sportsmen who can appreciate a book on racing, written in a
cho.tty style, and full of anecdote, will like Captain Hayes's latest work."—
Field.
'' It is a safe prediction that this work is certain to have a wide circle
of readers." — Broad Arrow.
" The book is valuable from the fact that many hints on the treatment of
horses are included, and the accuracy and extent of Captain Hayes's veter-
inary skill and knowledge are well known to experts." — Illustrated Sporting
and Dramatic News.
" Many a racing anecdote and many a curious character our readers will
find in the book, which is very well got up, and embellished with many
portraits. " — Bailys Magazine.
Hindu Mythology : Vedic and Puranic. By Rev.
W. J. WILKINS, of the London Missionary Society, Cal-
cutta. Illustrated by very numerous Engravings from
Drawings by Xative Artists. Uniform with " Lays of
Ind," "Biding," &c. Es. 7. (10s. 6d.)
"His aim has been to give a faithful account of the Hindu deities such
as an intelligent native would himself give, and he has endeavoured, in
order to achieve his purpose, to keep his mind free from prejudice or
th( sological bias. To help to completeness he has included a number of
drawings of the principal deities, executed by native artists. The author
-has attempted a work of no little ambition and has succeeded in his
attempt, the volume being one of great interest and usefulness; and not
the less so because he has strictly refrained from diluting his facts with
. comments of his own. It has numerous illustrations." — Home News.
" Mr. Wilkins has done his work well, with an honest desire to state
facts apart from all theological prepossession, and his volume is likely to
be a useful book of reference." — Guardian.
" In Mr. Wilkins's book we have an illustrated manual, the study of
which will lay a solid foundation for more advanced knowledge, while it
-will furnish those who may have the desire without having the time or
-opportunity to go further into the subject, with a really extensive stock of
accurate information." — Indian Daily News.
W. Thacl-er $ Co., London. ix
Echoes from Old Calcutta : being chiefly Reminiscences
of the days of Warren Hastings, Francis, and Impey. By
H. E. BUSTEED. Second Edition. Considerably Enlarged
and Illustrated. Es. 6. (8s. 6d.)
" Dr. Busteed has made an eminently readable, entertaining, and by no
means uninstructive volume ; there is not a dull page in the whole book."
— Saturday Review.
" The book will be read by all interested in India." — Army and Navy
Magazine.
"The papers deal with some of the most interesting episodes in the
political and social history of Calcutta, and while some fresh light is
thrown on all of them, more than one of them are placed in an entirely
new aspect." — Calcutta Review.
" The story of that frail East Indian beauty, who became Princess of
Benevento, has never been told in detail before, and Dr. Busteed could
scarcely have found a livelier or more picturesque subject to illustrate
Anglo-Indian life a hundred years ago." — Times of India.
" Not only can no one who reads these papers fail to appreciate either
their interest or their literary merit, but it is only necessary to compare
them with what has been previously published on the same subjects, to see
that they form a contribution of no mean value to the history of the times
with which they deal." — The Englishman.
" There are a thousand fresh facts related, and a spirit of narrative
displayed by the author, which gives to these incidents the freshness
of a first-telling. The history of the Grand incident is particularly well
done." — Pioneer.
Indian Horse Notes : an Epitome of useful Information
arranged for ready reference on Emergencies, and specially
adapted for Officers and Mofussil Residents. All Technical
Terms explained and Simplest Remedies selected. By
Major C , Author of " Indian Notes about Dogs."
Second Edition, Revised and considerably Enlarged. Fcap.
8vo., cloth. Rs. 2.
Horse Breeding in India: being a Second Edition of
" The Steeple Chase Horse ; how to select, train, and ride
him, with Notes on Accidents, Diseases, and their Treat-
ment." By Major J. HUMFREY. Crown 8vo. Rs. 3-8.
Amateur Gardener in the Hills. Hints from various
Authorities, adapted to the Hills. By AN AMATEUR.
Crown 8vo. Rs. 2-8.
Thacker, Spinlc $ Co., Calcutta.
Eighth Edition. Crown 8vo. Rs. 7. (10s. 6d.)
The Management and Medical Treatment of
Children in India. By EDWARD A. BIRCH, M.D., Surgeon
Major Bengal Establishment. Second Edition, Revised.
Being the Eighth Edition of "Goodeve's Hints for the
Management of Children in India. "
Dr. Goodeve. — "I have no hesitation in saying that the present edition
is for many reasons superior to its predecessors. It is written very care-
fully, and with much knowledge and experience on the author's part,
whilst it possesses the great advantage of bringing up the subject to the
present level of Medical Science."
The Medical Times and Gazette, in an article upon this work and
Moore's "Family Medicine for India," says: — The two works before
us are in themselves probably about the best examples of medical
works written for non-professional readers. The style of each is simple,
and as free as possib'e from technical expressions. ^The modes of treat-
ment recommended are generally those most likely to yield good results in
the hands of laymen ; and throughout each volume the important fact is
kept constantly before the mind of the reader, that the volume he is using
is but a poor substitute for personal professional advice, for which it
must be discarded whenever there is the opportunity.
A Tea Planter's Life in Assam. By GEORGE M,
BARKER. With Seventy-five Illustrations by the Author.
Crown 8vo. Rs. 5. (7s. 6d.)
" Mr. Barker has supplied us with a very good and readable description,
accompanied by numerous illustrations drawn by himself. What may be
called the business parts of the book are of most value." — Contemporary
Review*
"Cheery, well-written little book." — Graphic.
" A very interesting and amusing book, artistically illustrated from
sketches drawn by the Author." — Mark Lane Express.
A Complete List of Indian Tea Gardens, Indigo
Concerns, Silk Filatures, Sugar Factories, Cinchona
Concerns, and Coffee Estates. With their Capital,
Directors, Proprietors, Agents, Managers, Assistants, &c.,
and their Factory Marks by which the chests may be
identified in the market. 5s.
" The strong point of the book is the reproduction of the factory marks,
which are presented side by side with the letterpress. To buyers of tea
and other Indian products on this side, the work needs no recommenda-
tion."— British Trade Journal.
The Tea Estates of Ceylon, their Acreage and
Proprietors. Is. 6d., or with the "Indian Tea
Gardens," 6s.
W. ThacJicr fy Co., London.
Merces' Indian and English Exchange Tables
from Is. 4d. to Is. 8d. per hupee. Xew Edition. In this
Edition the rate rises by 32nds of a penny, to meet the
requirements of Financiers. The progression of the numbers
is by units ; thus, in most instances, saving a line of
calculation. Accuracy, facility of reference, and perfectly
clear printing, render it the most perfect work in existence.
Demy 8vo. Ks. 10. (15s.)
Supplement containing 1/5 to 1/5M. Rs. 3-8. (5s.)
ditto 1/4 to 1/4|. Rs. 3-8. (5s.)
" In this new edition of Mr. Merces' useful work, the calculations have
been extended to thirty-seconds of a penny, and all sums from £1 to £100,
and from 1 to 100 rupees, are made to advance by units." — Economist.
" We heartily recommend these tables, both for their reliability and
for the great saving in time that will be gained by their employment."—
Financier.
Our Administration of India : being a complete
Account of the Revenue and Collectorate Administration
in all Departments, with special reference to the Work
and Duties of a District Officer in Bengal. By H. A. D.
PHILLIPS. Rs. 4-4. (6s.)
" In eleven chapters Mr. Phillips gives a complete epitome of the civil,
in distinction from the criminal, duties of an Indian Collector. The
information is all derived from personal experience. A polemical interest
runs through the book, but this does not detract from the value of the
very complete collections of facts and statistics given." — London Quarterly
Review.
" It contains much information in a convenient form for English readers
who wish to study the working of our system in the country districts of
India." — Westminster Review.
" A very handy and useful book of information upon a very momentous
subject, about which Englishmen know very little." — Pall Mall Gazette.
The Eeconnoitrer's Guide and Field Book,
adapted for India. By Lieut. -Col. M. J. KING-HARMAN,
B.S.C. Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged. In roan.
Rs. 3.
It contains all that is required for the guidance of the Military
Reconnoitrer in India : it can be used as an ordinary Pocket Note
Book, or as a Field Message Book; the pages are ruled as a
Field Book, and in sections, for written description or
sketch.
" To officers serving in India this guide will be invaluable." — Broad
Arrow.
TJ i acker, Spink $" Co., Calcutta.
Tlie Culture and Manufacture of Indigo, with a
Description of a Planter's Life and Resources. By WALTER
MACLAGAN REID. Crown 8vo. With nineteen full-page
Illustrations. Rs. 5. (7s. 6d.)
" It is proposed in the following Sketches of Indigo Life in Tirhoot and
Lower Bengal to give those who have never witnessed the manufacture of
Indigo, or seen an Indigo Factory in this country, an idea of how the finished
marketable article is produced : together with other phases and incidents
of an Indigo Planter's life, such as may be interesting and amusing to
friends at home." — Introduction.
Tales from Indian History : being the Annals of
India retold in Narratives. By J. TALBOYS WHEELER.
Crown Svo., cloth gilt. Rs. 3-4. (5s.)
" No young reader who revolts at the ordinary history presented to him
in his school books will hesitate to take up this. No one can read a volume
such as this without being deeply interested." — Scotsman.
" While the work has been written for them (natives), it has also been
written for the people of England, who will find in the volume, perhaps for
the first time, the history of our great dependency made extremely attractive
reading." — Saturday Revieiv.
The Student's Manual of Tactics. By Capt. M.
HORACE HAYES. Specially written for the use of candidates
preparing for the Militia, Military Competitive Examina-
tions, and for promotion. Crown Svo. Rs. 4-4. (6s.)
Definitions.
I. Composition of an Army.
II. Infantry,
in. Artillery,
iv. Cavalry.
v. Formations : Time and Space,
vi. Outposts,
vn. Screening and Reconnoitring.
vin. Advanced Guards.
ix. Rear Guards.
x. Marches.
xi. The Attack,
xn. The Defence,
xin. Villages,
xiv. Woods.
xv. Machine Guns.
" There is no better Manual on Tactics than the one which Captain
Hayes has written." — Naval and Military Gazette.
" ' The Student's Manual of Tactics ' is an excellent book. Principles are
reasoned out, and details explained in such a way that the student cannot
fail to get a good grasp of the subject. Having served in both the artillery
and infantry, and being a practical writer, as well as * a coach,' the author
of this manual had exceptional qualifications for the task he has accom-
plished."— Broad Arroiv.
W. Thaclter 9* Co., London. xni
UNDER PATRONAGE OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE.
In Royal Svo. Ks. 22. (31s. 6d.)
Statistics of Hydraulic Works, and Hydrology
of England, Canada, Egypt, and India. Collected and
reduced by Lowis D'A. JACKSON, C.E., Author of "Canal
and Culvert Tables," " Hydraulic Manual," " Aid to
Engineering Solution," &c.
"... Though apparently compiled primarily for the benefit of the
India Public Works' Department, the book contains much information.
which is not generally known in England evtn amongst engineers,
especially as regards the gigantic scale on which hydraulic works are
carried out in foreign countries." — The Builder.
Game, Shore, and Water Birds of India. By Col.
A. LE MESSURIER, E.E., with 111 Illustrations. A vade
mecum for Sportsmen. Embracing all the Birds at all
likely to be met with in a Shooting Excursion. Svo. Fold-
ing lengthways for the Pocket. Es. 10. (15s.)
'* To the man who cares for bird shooting, and the excellent sport which
is almost illimitable on the lakes or ' * tanks " in the Carnatic or the
Deccan, Colonel Le Messurier's present work will be a source of great
delight, as every ornithologic detail is given, in conjunction with the most
artistic and exquisite drawings. . . . No sportsman's outfit for Upper
India can be considered complete without this admirable work of reference."
— Broad Arrow.
A Manual of Surveying for India, detailing the
mode of operations on the Trigonometrical, Topographical
and Eevenue Surveys of India. Compiled by Sir H. L.
THUILLIER, K.C.S.L, and Lieut. -Col. E. SMYTH. Prepared
for the use of the Survey Department, and published under
the authority of the Government of India. Eoyal 8vo.
Es. 16. (30s.)
The Hindoos as they are : a description of the Manners.
Customs, and Inner Life of Hindoo Society. Bengal.
By SHIB CHUNDER BOSE. Second Edition. Eevised.
Crown Svo. Es. 5.
"Lifts the veil from the inner domestic life of his countrymen." — West-
minster Review.
A Memoir of the late Justice Onoocool Chunder
Mookerjee. By M. MOOKERJEE. Third Edition. 12mo.
Ee. 1. (2s. 6d.)
The Biography of a Native Judge, by a native, forming a most
interesting and amusing illustration of Indian English.
" The reader is earnestly advised to procure the life of this gentleman,
written by his nephew, and read it." — The Tribes on my Frontier.
Iliacker, Spink $ Co., Calcutta.
Hints on the Study of English. By E. J. EOWE?
M.A., and W. T. WEBB,, M.A., Professors of English Litera-
ture, Presidency College, Calcutta. New Edition, Revised,
Crown Svo., cloth. Rs. 2-8. [1887.
This Edition has been carefully revised throughout, and contains
a large amount of new matter, specially adapted to the requirements
of Native Students and Candidates for University Examination.
" Messrs. Howe and Webb have thoroughly grasped not only the rela-
tions between the English tongue and other tongues, but the fact that
there is an English tongue. . . . We are thoroughly glad to see native
Indian students of English taught the history and nature of our language
in a way in which, only a few years back, no one would have been taught
at home." — Saturday Review.
"In the work before us, Messrs. Howe and Webb have produced what,
for the special purpose for which it is intended, viz. — the instruction of
native and Eurasian students — is by far the best manual of the English
language we have yet seen." — Englishman.
" So far as it goes, this is one of the most satisfactory books of the kind
that we have seen. No point touched upon is slurred over ; a great deal
of matter is condensed into a small compass, and at the same time expresse
in a simple, easy style. . . . Taking it as a whole, this is a scholarly little
work ; and, as such, its usefulness will not be limited to one small class of
students." — Times of India.
" I wish to say that the book shows wonderful toil and care, and is above
the average even for purely English readers : for the particular purpose, it
is, I should suppose, admirable." — Extract from a letter from the Rev. W. W.
Skeat, M.A., Professor of Anglo-Saxon in the University of Cambridge.
A Companion Reader to "Hints on the Study of English."
(Eighteenth Thousand.) Demy 8vo. Price Ks. 1-4.
" The passages selected are, in most cases, admirably adapted for the
purpose in view, and the notes generally give the student neither less than
he ought to expect, nor more than he ought to get." — Englishman.
" We have no hesitation in saying that Messrs. Howe and Webb have
rendered excellent service to the cause of education in their selections and
their method of treatingthem forthe purpose intended." — Indian Daily News.
" The authors of the ' Hints ' have rendered an additional service to the
cause of English education, by supplying a ' Companion Header,' of whose
merits it would not be easy to speak too highly. ... It is not merely a
Reader, but a most suggestive and judicious guide to teachers and students."
— Friend of India.
Indian Lyrics. By W. . TREGO WEBB, M.A., Bengal
Education Service. Square 8vo., cloth gilt. Es. 4 (7s. 6d.)
" He presents the various sorts and conditions of humanity that comprise
the round of life in Bengal in a series of vivid vignettes He
writes with scholarly directness and finish." — Saturday Review.
"A pleasant book to read." — Suffolk Chronicle.
"The style is pretty pleasant, and the verses run smooth and melodious." —
Indian Mail.
IF. Thack(?r $ Co., London. xv
Landholding ; and the Relation of Landlord and
Tenant in Various Countries of the "World. By C. D.
FIELD, M.A., LL.D. 8vo., cloth. Ks. 17-12, (36s.)
"The latter half of this bulky volume is devoted to an exhaustive de-
scription and examination of the variovs systems of Land Tenure that have
existed or which now exist in British India. . . . We may take it
that as regards Indian laws arid customs Mr Field shows himself to be
at once an able and skilled authority. In order, however, to render his
work more complete, he has compiled, chiefly from Blue-books and similar
public sources, a mass of information having reference to the land laws of
most European countries, of the United States of America, and our
Australasian colonies. . . . The points of comparison between the
systems of land tenure' existing up till recently in Ireland, and the system
of land tenure introduced into India by the English under a mistaken
impression as tothe relative position of ryots and zemindars, are well brought
out by Mr. Field. He indicates clearly the imminence of a Land Question
of immense magnitude in India, and indicates pretty plainly his belief that
a system of tenancy based on contract is unsuited to the habits of the
Indian population, and that it must be abolished in favour of a system the
main features of which would be fixty of tenure and judicial rents." — Field.
" A work such as this was urgently required at the present junction of
discussion upon the landowning question. Mr. Justice Field has treated
his subject with judicial impartiality, and his style of writing is power-
ful and perspicuous." — Notes and Queries.
" Mr. Justice Field's new work on ' LANDHOLDING, AND THE KELATION
OF LANDLORD AND TENANT IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES,' supplies a want
much felt by the leading public men in Bengal. ... He gives
a complete account of the agrarian question in Ireland up to the present
day, which is the best thing on the subject we have hitherto
seen. Then he has chapters as to the Horn an law, the Feudal
system, English law, Prussian, French, German, Belgium, Dutch, Danish,
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The Law relating to the Hindu Widow. By
TRAILOKYANATII MITTRA, M.A., D.L. Ks. 10, (1879.)
The Principles of the Hindu Law of Inheritance.
By RAJCOOMAR SARVADHICARI, B.L. Ks. 16. (1880.)
The Law of Trusts in British India. By W. F.
AGNEW, Esq. Ks. 12. (1881).
The Law of Limitation and Prescription in
British India. By OPENDRA NATH MITTER. (1882.)
The Hindu Law of Inheritance, Partition, and
Adoption, according to the Smritis. By Dr. JULIUS JOLLY
(1883.) Rs. 10.
The Law relating to Gifts, Trusts, and Testa-
mentary Dispositions among the Mahomedans. By SYED
AMEER ALL (1884.) Rs. 12.
Thacker, Spink fy Co., Calcutta.
THE INDIAN MEDICAL GAZETTE.
A Eecord of Medicine, Surgery, and Public Health, and of
General Medical Intelligence, Indian and European. Edited
by K. MoLEOD, M.D.
Published Monthly. Subscriptions Us. 18 per Annum, in-
cluding Postage.
The Indian Medical Gazette has for more than twenty years
earned for itself a growing and world-wide reputation by its
solid contributions to Tropical Medicine and Surgery. It is the
Sole representative medium for recording the work and ex-
perience of the Medical Profession in India; and its very
numerous Exchanges with all the leading Medical Journals
in Great Britain and America enable it not only to diffuse this
information broadcast throughout the world, but also to cull for
its Indian readers, from an unusual variety of sources, all in-
formation which has any practical bearing on medical works in
India.
The Indian Medical Gazette is indispensable to every Member
of the Medical Profession in India who wishes to keep himself
abreast of medical progress, for it brings together and fixes the
very special knowledge which is only to be obtained by long
experience and close observation in India. In this way it con-
stitutes itself a record of permanent value for reference, and a
journal which ought to be in the library of every medical man
in India or connected with that country.
The Gazette covers altogether different ground from The
Lancet and British Medical Journal, and in no way competes
with these for general information, although it chronicles the
most important items of European Medical Intelligence. The
whole aim of the Gazette is to make itself of special use and
value to Medical Officers in India, and to assist and support
them in the performance of their difficult duties.
It is specially devoted to the best interests of The Medical
Services, and its long-established reputation and authority
enable it to command serious attention in the advocacy of any
desirable reform or substantial grievance.
The Contributors to The Indian Medical Gazette com-
prise the most eminent and representative men in the profession,
and the contents form a storehouse 'of information on tropical
diseases which would otherwise be lost to the world.
W. Thacker $ Co., London.
XXIX
INDEX TO LAW BOOKS.
PAGE
Bengal Code, Regulations Field 24
Bengal Local Self-Government Collier 23
Criminal Jurisprudence, Comparative... ... Phillips... ... 26
Criminal Law ... ... ... ... ... do. ... ... 25
Criminal Procedure and Penal Codes ("The
Pocket") ("Pocket") ... 24
Civil Procedure, Evidence, &c. ("The Pocket ") do. ... 24
Civil Procedure ... ... ... ... ... O'Kinealy ... 25
Contract Act ... ., Cunningham and Shephard 24
Criminal Procedure ... ... ... ... Agnew and Henderson 25
Courts and Legislative Authorities ... ... Cowell ... ... 27
Chaukidari Manual .. Toynbee ... 22
Emigration Act, Inland 23
Evidence, Law in British India Field 24
Examination Manual Currie 26
Gifts, Trusts and Testamentary, Mahomedan . . . Ameer Ali ... 27
Hindu Law Cowell 27
Hindu Widows ... Mittra 27
Inheritance, &c., Hindu ... ... ... Siromani ... 22
Inheritance, &c. „ ... ... .. ... Jolly ... .. 23
Inheritance, &c. „ ... ... ... ... Sarvadhicari ... 27
Intestate and Succession ... ... ... Henderson ... 25
Income Tax Manual Grimley ... 23
Land Tenures, Bengal ... ... ... Phillips ... 27
Legislative Acts ... "Annual" ... 24
Limitation and Prescription Mitter 27
Limitation Act Alexander ... 24
Limitation Bivaz 22
Municipal Act, Bengal Collier 26
Mahomedan Law ... ... ... ... Sircar ... ... 27
Minors Trevelyan ... 27
Marriage and Stridhana Banerjee .., 27
Mortgage ... ... ... ... ... Ghose ... ... 26
Negotiable Instruments... ... ... ... Chalmers ... 22
Penal Code (" The Pocket ") "Pocket" ... 24
Penal Code O'Kinealy ... 24
Rent Act (N.W.P.) Reynolds ... 23
Revenue and Collectorate Law Phillips 22
Revenue Sale and Certificate Grimley ... 23
Stamp Law Donogh 25
Small Cause Court Act, Presidency .. McEwen ... 24
Specific Relief Collett 25
Tenancy Act, Bengal Finucane and Rampini 23
Torts Alexander ... 24
Trusts Agnew 27
Tagore Law Lectures Various ... 27
xxx Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta.
INDEX TO GENERAL PUBLICATIONS.
PAGE
All, Critical Exposition of "Jihad" ... ... ... ... ... 16
Aliph Cheem, Lays of Ind 4
Anderson, Mandalay to Momien ... ... ... ... .. 16
Barker, Tea Planter's Life in Assam ... 10
Beddome, Ferns of India, Ceylon, &c. ... .... ... ... ... 3
Bell, Laws of Wealth 18
Beveridge, Trial of Nanda Kumar 19
Bignold, Leviora .. ... ... ... ... ... ... 21
Birch, Management of Children in India ... ... ... ... 10
Bonavia, Date Palm in India ... ... ... ... ... ... 16
Bose, The Hindoos as they are 13
Boutflower, Statics and Dynamics ... ... ... ... ... 18
Busteed, Echoes from old Calcutta ... ... ... . ... 9
C , Major, Indian Horse Notes ... ... ... ... ... 9
C , Major, Indian Notes about Dogs 8
Ceylon Tea Estates 10
City of Palaces to Ultima Thule 20
Cunningham, Indian Eras 17
Duke, Banting in India 15
Duke, Queries at a Mess Table 15
Dutt, Greece Chunder, Cherry Blossoms ... ... ... ... 19
Eha, Tribes on my Frontier ... ... . . ... ... ... 2
English Etiquette for Indian Gentlemen 21
"Field, Landholding ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 15
Firminger, Gardening for India ... ... ... ... ... 21
Fletcher, Major Capel 21
Fletcher, Poppied Sleep 17
Forbes, British Burma 16
Gordon's City of Palaces ... 17
Gregg, Text-Book of Indian Botany ... ... ... ... ... 16
Harris, Bengal Medical Service 17
Hayes, Riding on the Flat and Across Country ... ... ... 5
Hayes, Veterinary Notes for Horse Owners ... ... ... ... 7
Hayes, Indian Racing Reminiscences ... ... ... ... ... 8
Hayes, Training and Horse Management 7
Hayes, On Tactics 12
Hayes, Soundness in Horses ... ... ... ... ... ... 19
Hayes, Points of the Horse 21
Hayes, On Horse Breaking 21
How Will it End ? 20
Hum frey, Horse Breeding in India ... ... ... ... ... 9
Ince, Guide to Kashmir ... ... ... ... ... ... 21
Indian Tea Gardens, &c., A Complete List 10
Jackson, Statistics of Hydraulic Works, &c 18
Keene, Handbook to Agra 18
Keene, Handbook to Allahabad ... ... ... ... ... 18
Keene, Handbook to Delhi ... ... ... ... ... ... 18
Kepling, Departmental Ditties ... ... ... ... ... ... 18
Kepling, Plain Tales from the Hills 20
Kinloch, Large Game Shooting... ... ... ... ... .. 6
Kuropatkin, (Gowan) Kashgaria ... ... ... ... ,.. 16
IF. Thaclcer & Co., London. xxxi
Index to General Publications— continued.
PAGE
Lays of Ind, by Aliph Cheem ... ... ... ... ... ... 4
Le Messurier, Game, Shore and Water Birds of India 13
Map of Civil Divisions of India ... ... ... ... ... 11
McCrindle, Ancient India ... ... ... ... ... ... 17
Merces, Indian and English Exchange Tables ... ... ... 11
Military Hand Book, Drill in Extended Order 21
Articles of War ... ... Hudson 20
Musketry Instruction. „ ... Dumoulin ... ... 21
Musketry Made Easy ... Taylor 20
Sepoy Officers' Manual ... Barrow ... .. 'JO
Reconnoitrer's Guide ... King-Harman... ... 11
Letters on Tactics and Organization ... 21
't\ Tactics Hayrs 12
Mookerjee, Memoir of Onoocool Chunder Mookerjee ... ... 13
Murray-Aynsley, Hills beyond Simla ... ... ... ... ... 18
Norman, Calcutta to Liverpool... ... ... ... ... ... 18
North am, Guide to Masuri, &c... ... ... ... ... ... 18
O'Connell, Ague 17
O'Donoghue, Hiding for Ladies 5
Phillips, Our Administration of India ... , . , ... ... ... 11
Pogson, Agriculture for India ... ... ... ... ... ... 16
Pollard, Indian Tribute and the Loss by Exchange 19
Pollard, Gold and Silver weighed in the Balance ... ... ... 19
Pool, Queen Victoria 1 7
Protestant Missions ... ... ... ... ... ... .., 17
E-eid, Indigo Culture and Manufacture ... ... ... ... 12
Reminiscences of Behar ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 20
Richards, Landmarks of Snake Poison Literature ... 19
Rowe, Key to Entrance Course, 1888 19
Rowe and Webb, Hints on the Study of English ... ... ... 14
Rowe and Webb, Companion Reader to the Study of English ... 14
Roxburgh's Flora Indica ... ... ... ... ... ... 16
Sedgwick, Life 18
Son Gruel 18
Sterndale, Mammalia of India ... ... ... ... ... ... 3
Sterndale, Denizens of the Jungles ... ... ... ... . . 6
Sterndale, Seonee... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 19
Sterndale, Calcutta Collectorate 18
Thacker's Indian Directory ... ... ... ... ... . 32
Thuillier, Manual of Surveying for India ... .. ... ... 13
Tribes on my Frontier 2
Tsaya (Powell) Myam-Ma 16
Underwood, Indian-English and Indian character ... ... .. 19
Useful Hints to Young Shikaris 6
Webb, English Etiquette for Indian Gentlemen 21
Webb, Indian Lyrics ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 14
Wheeler, Tales from Indian History 12
Wilkins, Hindu Mythology 8
Wilkins, Modern Hinduism ... ... ... .. ... ... 20
Wyvern, Culinary Jottings 15
Thacker, Spink $ Co., Calcutta.
PUBLISHED IN CALCUTTA ANNUALLY.
. Super Royal 8vo. Leather backs, 865.
TRACKER'S INDIAN DIRECTORY,
Embracing the whole Empire governed by the . Viceroy of
India and also the Native States; with complete and detailed
information of the Cities of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras.
With Almanac, Army List, and general information.
" There is no occasion to apologize for classing ' Thacker's Indian
Directory ' with books for review. It represents more labour and thought
than many a solid contribution to literature, and although it is merely a
compilation, no small degree of industry and method have been bestowed
upon it. Every year sees the Directory grow in size, and advance in
utility. This year we have a portly volume which suggests the possibility
of its shortly emulating its unwieldy prototype, Kelly's London Directory.
Before everything, the volume before us is in reality what it professes to
be — a Directory for India. Besides an enormous mass of information of
the purely Directory kind, which must have taken a world of labour to
collect and collate, the volume comprises complete Army Lists for Bengal,
Madras, and Bombay, including the volunteers ; lists of officers in the
various Government Departments ; lists of the Tea, Indigo, Coffee, and
other estates in the country ; and much valuable information regarding
the Telegraphs, Postal Rules, Law Courts, Charities, and a host of other sub-
jects. Nothing more strikingly represents the change that has come over
India in recent years than this great Directory. Here is seen at a glance
the vast development of our industries, the growth of the white population,
the increased pressure of competition, and all the manifold interests which
go to make up the complex fabric of Anglo-Indian life in these days." —
Englishman, Calcutta.
" The work now ' includes in the Mof ussil Directory an account of every
district and principal town in British and Foreign India and every native
State,' thus forming a complete guide to the whole of our possessions in the
East. The value of such a work, if it is accurate and trustworthy, is
obvious and almost goes without saying ; and, after putting its pages to the
test of a careful scrutiny where our personal experience enables us to do so,
we are able to pronounce it apparently deserving of all commendation. . . .
The alphabetical list of residents throughout India in the three great
provinces, with their addresses, must be of great service to those who have
business with our Eastern Empire." — The Times (London).
"Aims at being a directory to the whole of India. It contains separate
classified and street directories of each of the cities of Calcutta, Bombay,
and Madras, a remarkably comprehensive and detailed Mofussil directory,
and a vast amount of general information relating to India, its government,
commerce, postal arrangements, festivals, and official establishments. . . .
The expansion of the work will be welcomed as a response to the growing
requirements of commerce with India." — Manchester Guardiar.
W. I. Richardson, Printer, 4 and 5, Great Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, W.C.
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